Dictionary
of th(
Apostolic Church
/
^'
Dictionary
of the
Apostolic Church
EDITED BY
JAMES HASTINGS, D.D.
WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF
JOHN A. SELBIE, D.D.
AND
JOHN C. LAMBERT, D.D.
VOLUME I
AARON-LYSTRA
New York: CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
Edinburgh: T. & T. CLARK
1916
Copyright, 191G, by
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
The above copyright notice is for the protection of articles copyrighted in the United States.
Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, have the sole right of publication of this
Dictionary of the Apostolic Church in the United States and Canada.
ci
c
o
PREFACE
It has often been said that the Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels is of more
practical value than a Dictionary of the Bible. From all parts of the world has
come the request that what that Dictionary has done for the Gospels another
should do for the rest of the Xew Testament. The Dictionary of the Apostolic
Church is the answer. It carries the history of the Church as far as the end of
the j&rst century. Together with the Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels, it forms a
complete and independent Dictionary of the New Testament.
The Editor desires to take the opportunity of thanking the distinguished New
OD Testament scholars who have co-operated with him in this important work.
30S202
AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME
Allen (Willoughby Charles), M.A.
Archdeacon of Manchester ; Principal of
Egerton Hall, Manchester ; author of ' The
Gospel according to St. Matthew' in The
International Critical Commentary.
Anointing, Children of God, Gospels,
Kingdom of God.
Allworthy (Thomas Bateson), M.A. (Camb.),
B.D. (Dublin).
Perpetual Curate of Martin-by-Timberland,
Lincoln ; Founder and First Warden of S.
Anselm's Hostel, Manchester.
Ampliatus, Andronicus, Apelles, Aristo-
bulus, Asyncritus, Epaenetus, and other
proper names.
Banks (John S.), D.D.
Emeritus Professor of Theology in the
Wesleyan Methodist College, Headingley,
Leeds ; author of A Manual of Christian
Doctrine.
Christian, Contentment.
Batiffol (Pierre), Litt.D.
Pretre catholique et prelat de la Maison du
Pape, Paris ; auteur de Tractatus Origenis
de libris scripturarum (1900), Les Odes de
Salomon [\^\\), La Paix constantinienne et
le Catholicisme (1914).
Ignatius.
Beckwith (Clarence Augustine), A.B., A.M.,
S.T.D.
Professor of Systematic Theology in Chicago
Theological Seminary ; author of Realities
of Christian Theology ; departmental editor
of the Neio Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of
Religious Knowledge.
Beast, Blindness, Blood, Dysentery,
Fever, Gangrene, Lamb, Lion.
Bernard (John Henry), D.D. (Dublin), Hon.
D.D. (Aberd.), Hon. D.C.L. (Durham).
Bishop of Ossory, Ferns, and Leighlin ; some-
time Archbishop King's Professor of
Divinity, Dublin, and Dean of St. Patrick's
Cathedral.
Descent into Hades.
Boyd (William Falconer), M.A., B.D. (Aberd.),
D.Phil. (Tiibingen).
Minister of the United Free Church of Scot-
land at Methlick.
Alexander, Crown, Desert, Gog and
Magog, Israel, Jew, Jewess, and other
articles.
Brooke (Alan England), D.D.
Fellow, Dean, and Lecturer in Divinity at
King's College, Cambridge ; Examining
Chaplain to the Bishop of S. Alban's ;
author of A Critical and Exegetical Com-
mentary on the Johannine Epistles.
James and John, the Sons of Zebedee,
John (Epistles of).
BuLCOCK (Harry), B.A., B.D.
Minister of the Congregational Church at
Droylsden, Manchester.
Anger, Care, Cheerfulness, Comfort,
Commendation, Fool, Grief, and other
articles.
BuRKiTT (Francis Crawford), M.A., F.B.A.,
Hon. D.D. (Edin., Dublin, St. And.), D.
Theol. h.c. (Breslau).
Norrisian Professor of Divinity in the Univer-
sity of Cambridge ; author of The Gospel
History and its Transmission.
Baruch (Apocalypse of).
Burn (Andrew E.), D.D.
Vicar of Halifax and Prebendary of Lichfield ;
author of The Apostles' Creed (1906), The
Nicene Creed (1909), The Athanasian Creed
(1912).
Confession, Hallelujah, Hymns, Inter-
cession.
Carlyle (Alexander James), M.A., D.Litt.,
F.R. Hist. Soc.
Lecturer in Economics and Politics at Univer-
sity College, Oxford.
Alms, Community of Goods.
Case (Shirley Jackson), M.A., B.D., Ph.D.
Professor of New Testament Interpretation in
the University of Chicago ; author of The
Historicity of Jesus, The Evolution of Early
Christianity ; managing editor of The
American Journal of Theology.
Allegory, Interpretation.
Clark (P. A. Gordon).
Minister of the United Free Church at Perth.
Divination, Exorcism, Lots.
Clayton (Geoffrey Hare), M.A.
Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge.
Corinthians (Epistles to the), Eucharist,
Love-Feast.
VUl
AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME
Clemens (John Samuel), B.A., Hon. D.D. (St.
And.).
Governor of the United Methodist College at
Ranmoor, Sheffield.
Bondage, Constraint, Liberty, Lord's
Day.
Cobb (William Frederick), D.D.
Rector of the Church of St. Ethelburga the
Virgin, London ; author of Origines
Judaicm, The Book of Psalms, Mysticism
and the Creed.
Antipas, Balaam, Euphrates, Hymenaeus,
Jannes and Jambres, Jezebel, and other
articles.
Cooke (Arthur William), M.A.
Minister of the Wesleyan Methodist Church
at Wallasey, Cheshire ; author of Palestine
in Geograjjfiy and in History.
Elamites, Galilee.
Cowan (Henry), M.A. (Edin.), D.D. (Aberd.),
D.Th. (Gen.), D.C.L. (Dunelm).
Professor of Church History in the University
of Aberdeen ; Senior Preacher of the Uni-
versity Chapel ; author of The Influence of
the Scottish Church in Christendom, John
Knox, Landmarks of Church History.
Apphia, Archippus, Epaphras, Epaphro-
ditus.
Cruickshank (William), M.A., B.D.
Minister of the Church of Scotland at Kinneff,
Bervie ; author of The Bible in the Light of
Antiquity.
Arts, Clothes, Games, Jerusalem, Key,
Lamp, and other articles.
Davies (Arthur Llywelyn), M.A.
Simcox Research Student, Queen's College.
Oxford.
Ascension of Isaiah, Assumption of
Moses, Enoch (Book of).
Dewick (Edward Chisholm), M.A. (Camb.).
Tutor and Dean of St. Aidan's College,
Birkenhead ; Teacher of Ecclesiastical
History in the University of Liverpool ;
author of Primitive Christian Eschatology.
Eschatology.
DiMONT (Charles Tunnacliff), B.D. (Oxon.).
Principal of Salisbury Theological College;
Prebendary of Salisbury; Chaplain to the
Bishop of Salisbury.
Business, Labour.
VON DoBSCHUTZ (Ernst), D.Theol.
Professor of New Testament Exegesis in the
University of Breslau.
Communion, Fellowship, Hellenism,
Josephus,
Donald (James), M.A., D.D. (Aberd.).
Minister of the Church of Scotland at Keith-
hall and Kinkell, Aberdeenshire.
Dispersion, Gentiles, Heathen, Libertines.
Duncan (James AValker), M.A.
Minister of tiie United Free Church at Lass-
odie, Dumfriesshire.
Canaan, Haran.
DuNDAS (William Harloe), B.D.
Rector of Magheragall, near Lisbum.
Authority, Dominion.
Faulkner (John Alfred), B.A., B.D., M.A..
D.D.
Professor of Historical Theology in Drew
Theological Seminary, Madison, N.J.
Benediction, Doxology.
Feltoe (Charles Lett), D.D.
Rector of Ripple, near Dover ; sometime
Fellow of Clare College, Cambridge ; author
of Sacramentarium Leonianuin, The Letters
and other Remains of Dionysixis of Alex-
andria.
Akeldama, Candace, Chamberlain,
Ethiopians, Ethiopian Eunuch, Judas
Iscariot.
Fletcher (M. Scott), M.A., B.D., B.Litt.
Master of King's College, University of
Queensland, Brisbane, Australia ; author of
The Psychology of the Aew Testament.
Edification, Enlightenment, Exhortation.
Frew (David), D.D.
Minister of the Church of Scotland at Urr.
Barnabas, Esdras (The Second Book of),
Herod.
Garvie (Alfred Ernest), M.A. (Oxford), D.D.
(Glas.).
Principal of New College, London ; author of
The Ritschlian Theology, Studies in the
Inner Life of Jesus, Studies of Paul and his
Gospel.
Evil, Fall, Good.
Gordon (Alexander Reid), D.Litt., D.D.
Professor of Hebrew in 31'Gill University, and
of Old Testament Literature and Exegesis
in the Presbyterian College, Montreal ;
author of The Poets of the Old Tcs-tainent.
Judgment-Hall, Judgment-Seat, Justice,
Lawyer,
Gould (George Pearce), M.A., D.D.
Principal of Regent's Park College, London ;
Ex-President of the Baptist Union of Great
Britain and Ireland.
Berenice, Drusilla, Felix, Festus, Lysias.
Grant (William Milne), M.A.
Minister of the United Free Church at
Drumoak, Aberdeenshire ; author of The
Religion and Life of the Patriarchal Age,
The Founders of Israel.
Assembly, Building, Day-Star, Founda-
tion, Genealogies, Gospel, and other
articles.
Grensted (Laurence William), M.A., B.D.
Vice-Principal of Egerton Hall, Manchester ;
joint-author of Introduction to the Books of
the Neio Testament.
Colossians (Epistle to the), Ephesians
(Epistle to the).
Grieve (Alexander James), M.A., D.D.
Professor of New Testament Studies and
Christian Sociology in tiie Yorkshire United
Independent College, Bradford.
Form, Friendship, Fruit, Image.
Griffith-Jones (Ebenezer), B.A. (Lond.), D.D.
(Edin.).
Principal, and Professor of Dogmatics, Homi-
letics, and Practical Theology, Yorkshire
United Independent College, Bradford ;
autiior of The Ascent through Christ, Types
of Christian Life, The Economics of Jesus,
The Master and His Method, Faith and
Verif cation.
Abiding, Abounding, Acceptance, Access,
Account, Ansvyer.
AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME
Hamilton (Harold Francis), M.A., D.D.
Ottawa, Canada ; formerly Professor in the
University of Bishoj)'s College, Lennox ville,
Quebec.
Barnabas (Epistle of).
Handcock (P.S.P.), M.A.
Member of the Inner Temple, Barrister-at-
Law ; Lecturer of the Palestine Exiiloration
Fund ; formerly of the Department of
Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities in the
British Museum ; author of Mesopotamian
Archceology, Latest Light on Bible Lands.
Dog, Eagle, Goat, Hospitality, Locust,
and otiier articles.
HooKE (Samuel Henry), M.A. (Oxon.), B.D.
(Lond.).
Professor of Oriental Languages and Litera-
ture in Victoria College, Toronto.
Heaven, Immortality, Lake of Fire.
James (John George), M.A., D.Lit.
Author of Problems of Personaliti/, Problems
of Prayer, The Coming Age nf Faith, The
Prayer- Life.
Cross, Crucifixion, Custom, Dream.
Jordan (Hermann), Ph.D.
Professor of Church History and Patristics in
the University of Erlangen.
Catholic Epistles, Epistle, Letter.
Lake (Kirsopp), M.A. (Oxford), D.D. (St. And.).
Professor of Early Christian Literature in
Harvard University ; author of The Earlier
Epistles of St. Paul.
Acts of the Apostles, Acts of the Apostles
(Apocryphal), Luke.
Lambert (John C), M.A., D.D.
Fenwick, Kilmarnock ; author of The Sacra-
meiits in the New Testament.
Antichrist, Body, Conscience, Flesh, Life
and Death, Light and Darkness, and
other articles.
Law (Robert), D.D. (Edin.).
Professor of New Testament Literature in
Knox College, Toronto ; author of The Tests
of Life : A Study of the First Epistle of St.
John.
Covetousness, Formalism, Fulness,
Generation, Glory, Hour.
LiGHTLEY (John William), M.A., B.D.
Professor of Old Testament Language and
Literature and Philosophy in the Wesleyan
College, Headingley, Leeds.
Epicureans.
Lofthouse (William F.), M.A.
Professor of Philosophy and Old Testament
Language and Literature in the Wesleyan
College, Handsworth, Birmingham ; author
of Ethics and Atonement, Ethics and the
Family.
Conversion, Creation, Forgiveness, Free-
dom of the Will.
Mackenzie (Donald), M.A.
Minister of the United Free Church at Oban ;
Assistant Professor of Logic and Meta-
physics in the University of Aberdeen,
1906-1909.
Abstinence, Feasting, Fornication,
Harlot, Lust, and other articles.
Maclean (Arthur John), D.D. (Camb.), Hon.
D.D. (Glas.).
Bishop of Moray, Ross, and Caithness ; author
of Dictionary of Vernacular Syriac ; editor
of East Syrian Liturgies.
Adoption, Angels, Ascension, Baptism,
Demon, Family, and other articles.
Main (Archibald), M.A. (Glas.), B.A. (Oxon.),
D.Litt. (Glas.).
Minister of the Church of Scotland at Old
Kilpatrick ; examiner in Modern and Ecclesi-
astical History and in Political Economy in
St. Andrews University; meuiber of the
Examining Board of the Church of Scot-
land.
Cymbal, First-Fruit, Harp.
Marsh (Fred. Shipley), M.A.
Sub-Warden of King's College Theological
Hostel and Lecturer in Theology, King's
College, London ; formerly Tyrwhitt and
Crosse Scholar in the University of Cam-
bridge.
Clement of Rome (Epistle of), Galatians
(Epistle to the), Hebrews (Epistle to
the).
Martin (A. Stuart), M.A., B.D.
Formerly Pitt Scholar and Examiner in
Divinity in Edinburgh University and
Minister of the Churcli of Scotland at
Aberdeen ; author of The Books of the Neio
Testament.
Grace, Justification.
Martin (G. Currie), M.A., B.D.
Lecturer in connexion with the National
Council of Adult School Unions ; formerly
Professor of New Testament at the York-
shire United College and Lancashire College.
Hell.
Mathews (Shailer), A.M., D.D. (Colby,
Oberlin, Brown).
Dean of the Divinity School, and Professor of
Historical Theology, in the University of
Chicago ; President of the Federal Council
of the Churches of Christ in America;
author of The Messianic Hope in the Neio
Testament.
Assassins, Judas the Galilaean.
Maude (Joseph Hooper), M.A.
Rector of Hilgay, Downham Market ;
formerly Fellow and Dean of Hertford
College, Oxford ; author of The History of
the Book of Common Prayer.
Ethics.
Mitchell (Anthony), D.D.
Bishop of Aberdeen and Orkney ; formerly
Principal and Pantonian Professor of
Theology in the Theological College of the
Episcopal Church in Scotland.
Hermas (Shepherd of).
MoE (Olaf Edvard), Dr. Theol.
Professor of Theology in the University of
Christiania.
Commandment, Law.
Moffatt (James), D.Litt., Hon. D.D. (St.
And.), Hon. M.A. (Oxford).
Professor of Church History in the United
Free Church, Glasgow ; author of The
Historical New Testament, The New Testa^
inent : A Neio Translation.
Gospels (Uncanonical).
AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME
Montgomery (William), M.A. (Cantab.), B.D.
(London).
Lecturer in Divinity in the University of
Cambridge ; author of St. Augustine.
Book of Life, Book with the Seven Seals,
James the Lord's Brother, James
(Epistle of).
Montgomery (W. S.), B.D.
INIinister of the Presbyterian Church in
Ireland at BallacoUa, Queen's County.
Beating, Buffet, Chain, Fire, Jailor.
Morgan (William), M.A., D.D. (Aberd.).
Professor of Systematic Theology and Apolo-
getics in Queen's Theological College, King-
ston, Ontario ; Kerr Lecturer for 1914.
Judgment.
Moss (Richard Waddy), D.D.
Principal, and Tutor in Systematic Theology,
Didsbury College, Manchester ; author of
The Range of Christian Exjwrience.
Aaron, Aaron's Rod, Anathema, Condem-
nation, Curse, Levite.
MouLTON (Wilfrid J.), M.A. (Cantab.).
Professor of Systematic Theology in the
Wesleyan College, Headingley, Leeds;
author of The Witness of Israel.
Covenant.
MuiRHEAD (Lewis A.), D.D.
Minister of the United Free Church at
Broughty - Ferry ; author of The Terms
Life and Death in the Old and New Testa-
ments, The Eschatology of Jesus.
Apocalypse.
NicoL (Thomas), D.D.
Professor of Biblical Criticism in the Univer-
sity of Aberdeen ; Moderator of the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 1914.
Assurance, Education, Election, Fore-
knowledge, and other articles.
NiVEN (William Dickie), M.A.
Minister of the United Free Church at Blair-
gowrie ; co-examiner in Mental Philosophy
in the University of Aberdeen.
Cerinthus, Doctor, Ebionism, Emperor-
Worship, Essenes, Gnosticism.
Peake (Arthur Samuel), M.A., D.D.
Rylands Professor of Biblical Exegesis in the
University of Manchester and Tutor in the
Hartley Primitive Methodist College ; some-
time Fellow of Merton College and Lecturer
in Mansfield College, Oxford ; author of
The Problem of Suffering in the Old Testa-
ment, A Critical Introduction to the New
Testament, Christianity : its Nature and its
Truth.
Cainites, Jude the Lord's Brother, Jude
(Epistle of).
Platt (Frederic), M.A., B.D.
Professor of Systematic and Pastoral Theology
in the Wesleyan College, Handsworth, Bir-
mingham ; author of Miracles: An Outline
of the Christian View.
Atonement.
Plummer (Alfred), M.A., D.D,
Late Master of University College, Durham ;
formerly Fellow and Senior Tutor of Trinity
College, Oxford ; author of ' The Gospel
according to S. Luke ' in The International
Critical Commentary, and otiier works.
Apostle, Bishop, Church, Deacon, Evan-
gelist, and other articles.
Pope (R. Martin), M.A. (Cantab, and Man-
chester).
Minister of the Wesleyan Methodist Church
at Keswick ; autlior of Expository Notes on
St. Paul's Epistles to Timothy and Titus,
and other works.
Abba, Christian Life, Conversation,
Gifts, Judging.
Reid (John), M.A.
Minister of the United Free Church at Inver-
ness ; autlior of Jesus and Nicodemus, The
First Things of Jesus, The Uplifting of Life ;
editor of Effectual Words.
.zEon, Age, Aged, Honour.
Roberts (John Edward), M.A. (London), B.D.
(St. Andrews).
Minister of the Baptist Church at Manchester;
author of Christian Baptism, Private
Prayers ccnd Devotions.
Apollos, Aquila and Priscilla, Bar-Jesus,
Gallio, and other articles.
Roberts (Robert), B.A. (Wales), Ph.D. (Leipzig).
Rhuallt, St. Asaph.
Expediency.
Robertson (Archibald Thomas), M.A., D.D.,
LL.D.
Professor of Interpretation of the New Testa-
ment in the Southern Baptist Theological
Seminary, Louisville, Ky. ; author of A
Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the
Light of Historical Research, and other
works.
Bond, Debt, Deliverer, Destruction.
Robinson (George L.), Ph.D., D.D., LL.D.
Professor of Biblical Literature and English
Bible in M'Cormick Theological Seminary,
Chicago.
Csesarea.
Robinson (Henry Wheeler), M.A. (Oxon. and
Edin. ).
Professor of Church History and of the
Philosophy of Religion in the Baptist
College, Rawdon ; sometime Senior Kenni-
cott Sciiolar in the University of Oxford ;
author of 'Helu-ew Psychology in Relation
to Pauline Anthropology' in Mansfield
College Essays, The Christian Doctriyie of
Man, The Religious Ideas of the Old Testa-
ment.
Adorning, Ear, Eye, Feet, Hair, Hand,
Head.
Sanday (William), D.D., LL.D., Litt.D., F.B.A.
Ladj'' Margaret Professor of Divinity, and
Canon of Christ Church, Oxford ; Chaplain
in Ordinary to H.M. the King.
Inspiration and Revelation.
VON Schlatter (Adolf).
Professor of New Testament Introduction and
Exegesis in the University of Tubingen.
Holy Spirit.
Scott (Charles Anderson), M.A., D.D.
Professor of the Language, Literature, and
Theology of the New Testament in West-
minster College, Cambridge; author of The
Making of a Christian, and other works.
Christ, Christology.
SiDNELL (Henry Cariss Jones), B.A., B.D.
(London).
Minister of the Wesleyan Methodist Church
at Ilkley.
Admonition, Chastisement, Discipline,
Excommunication.
AUTHOES OF ARTICLES 11^ THIS VOLUME
Smith (Sherwin), M.A., B.D.
Minister of the Wesleyan Methodist Church
at Burnley.
Abomination, Clean and Unclean.
SOUTER (Alexander), M.A., D.Litt.
Regius Professor of Humanity and Lecturer
in Mediaeval Palaeography in the University
of Aberdeen ; formerly Professor of New
Testament Greek and Exegesis in Mansfield
College, Oxford ; author of A Study of
Ambrosiaster, The Text and Canon of the
New Testament.
Augustus, Caesar, Caligula, Citizenship,
Diana, Domitian, and other articles.
Spooner (William Archibald), D.D.
Warden of New College, Oxford ; Hon. Canon
of Ciirist Church, Oxford ; Examining
Chaplain to the Bishop of Peterborough.
Lucius.
Stevenson (Morley), M.A.
Principal of Warrington Training College ;
Hon. Canon of Liverpool ; author of Hand-
book to the Gospel according to St. Luke, and
other works.
Author and Finisher, Circumcision,
Divisions, Foreruimer, Heresy, Judaiz-
ing.
Stewart (George Wauchope), M.A., B.D.
Minister of the Church of Scotland at Hadding-
ton (First Charge) ; author of Music in the
Church.
King, King of Kings and Lord of Lords,
Lord.
Stewart (Robert William), M.A,, B.Sc, B.D.
Minister of the United Free Church at Duthil
(Carr Bridge).
Apostolic Constitutions.
Strachan (Robert Harvey), M.A. (Aberd.),
B.A. (Cantab.).
Minister of the Presbyterian Church of
England at Cambridge.
Consecration, Fast (The), Holiness, Holy
Day.
Strahan (James), M.A., D.D.
Professor of Hebrew and Biblical Criticism in
the M'Crea Magee Presbyterian College,
Londonderry ; Cunningham Lecturer ; author
of Hebrew Ideals, The Book of Job, The
Captivity and Pastoral Epistles.
Abraham, Colours, Elements, Galatia,
Hypocrisy, and other articles.
Thumb (Albert).
Professor of Comparative Philology in the
University of IStrassburg ; author of Hand-
book of tlte Modern Greek Vernacular.
Hellenistic and Biblical Greek.
Tod (David Macrae), M.A., B.D. (Edin.).
Minister of the Presbyterian Church of
England at Hudderstield ; formerly Hebrew
Tutor and Cunningham Fellow, New College,
Edinburgh.
Faith, Faithfulness, Ignorance, Know-
ledge.
Vos (Geerhardus), Ph.D., D.D.
Charles Haley Professor of Biblical Theology
in the Theological Seminary of the Presby-
terian Church at Princeton, N.J.
Brotherly Love, Goodness, Joy, Kind-
ness, Longsuffering, Love.
Watkins (Charles H.), D.Th.
Minister of the Baptist Church at Liverpool ;
Lecturer in the Midland Baptist College
and University College, Nottingham ; author
of St. Paul's Fight for Galatia.
Ambassador, Blessedness, Brethren,
Conspiracy.
Watt (Hugh), B.D.
Minister of the United Free Church of Scotland
at Bearsden ; Examiner for the Church
History Scholarships of the United Free
Church of Scotland.
Didache.
Wells (Leonard St. Alban), M.A. (Oxon.).
Vicar of St. Aidan's, South Shields ; sub-
editor of the Oxford Apocrypha and Pseud-
epigrapha.
Alpha and Omega, Amen.
Willis (John Roth well), B.D.
Canon of St. Aidans, Ferns, and Rector of
Preban and Moyne.
Angels of the Seven Churches, Collec-
tion, Contribution.
WoRSLEY (Frederick William), M.A., B.D.
Subwarden of St. Michael's College, LlandafF;
author of The Apocalypse of Jesus.
Areopagite, Baal, Babbler, Calf, Damaris,
Dioscuri, Idolatry, Jupiter.
Zenos (Andrew C), D.D., LL.D.
Professor of Historical Theology in the
M'Cormick Theological Seminary, Chicago.
Dates.
ZWAAN (J. DE), D.D. (Leiden).
Professor of New Testament Exegesis in the
University of Groningen.
' Acts of Thomas ' in Acts of the Apostles
(Apocryphal),
LIST OF ABBEEVIATIONS
I. General
/Vpp. = Appendix.
Arab. = Arabic.
art., artt. = article, articles.
A.S. = Anglo-Saxon.
Assyr. = Assyrian.
AT = Altes Testament.
AV = Authorized Version.
AVm = Authorized Version margin.
Bab. = Babylonian.
c. —circa, about.
of. = compare.
ct.= contrast.
ed. = edited, edition.
Eng. = English.
Eth. = Ethiopic.
EV, EVV = English Version, Versions.
f. =and following verse or page.
ff. = and following verses or pages.
fol. = folio.
fr. = fragment, from.
Fr. = French.
Germ. = German.
Gr. = Greek.
Heb. = Hebrew.
Lat. = Latin.
lit. = literalljs literature.
LXX = Septuagint.
m., niarg. = margin.
MS, MSS = manuscript, manuscripts.
n. =note.
NT = New Testament, Neues Testament.
N.S. =new series.
OT = OId Testament.
pi. = plural.
q.v., qq.v. = quod vide, qiice vide, which see.
Rliem. = Rhemish New Testament.
rt. = root.
RV = Revised Version.
RVm = Revised Version margin.
Sem. = Semitic.
sing. = singular.
Skr. = Sanskrit.
Syr. = Syriac.
Targ. = Targum.
tr. = translated, translation.
TR = Textus Receptus, Received Text.
V. = verse.
v.l. =varia lectio, variant reading.
VS, VSS = Version, Versions.
Vulg. , Vg.= Vulgate.
II. Books of the Bible
Old Testament.
Gn = Genesis.
Ex = Exodus.
Lv = Leviticus.
Nu = Numbers.
Dt = Deuteronomy.
Jos = Joshua.
Jg = Judges.
Ru = Ruth.
1 S, 2S = 1 and 2 Samuel.
1 K, 2 K = l and2King.s.
1 Ch, 2 Ch = l and 2
Chronicles.
Ezr = Ezra.
Neh = Nehemiah.
Est = Esther.
Job.
Ps = Psalms.
Pr = Proverbs.
Ec = Ecclesiastes.
Ca = Canticles.
Is — Isaiah.
Jer = Jeremiah.
La = Lamentations.
Ezk = Ezekiel.
Dn = Daniel.
Hos = Hosea.
Jl = Joel.
Am = Amos.
Ob = Obadiah.
Jon = Jonah.
Mic = Micah.
Nah = Nahum.
IIab = Habakkuk.
Zeph = Zephaniah.
Hag = Haggai.
Zec = Zechariah.
Mal = Malachi.
Apocrypha.
1 Es, 2Es=l and 2
Esdras.
To = To bit.
Jth = Judith.
Ad. Est = Additions to Sus = Susanna.
Esther.
Wis = Wisdom.
Sir = Sirach or Ecclesi-
asticus.
Bar = Baruch.
Three = Song of the Three
Children.
Bel = Bel and the
Dragon.
Pr. iSIan = Prayer of
Manasses.
1 Mac, 2 Mac = l and 2
Maccabees.
Mt = :Matthew.
Mk = Mark.
Lk = Luke.
Jn = John.
Ac = Acts.
Ro = Romans.
1 Co, 2 Co = 1
Corinthians.
Gal = Galatians.
Eph = Ephesians.
Ph — Philippians.
Col = Colossians.
New Testament.
1 Th, 2 Th = l and 2
Thessalonians.
1 Ti, 2 Ti = l and 2
Timothy.
Tit = Titus.
Pliilem = Philemon,
and 2 He = Hebrews.
Ja= James.
1 P, 2P=1 and 2 Peter.
1 Jn, 2 Jn, 3 Jn = l, 2,
and 3 John.
Jude.
Rev — Revelation.
LIST OF ABBKEVIATIONS
III. Bibliography
^GG=Abhandlungen der Gottinger Gesellschaft
der Wissenschaften.
^JPA = American Journal of Philology.
^J"rA = American Journal of Theology.
^jBIF=Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft.
^5= Acta Sanctorum (BoUandus).
JBJ"=Bellum Judaicum (Josephus).
5i = Banipton Lecture.
5 j;r= Biblical World.
CjE = Catholic Encyclopedia.
CIA = Corpus Inscrip. Atticanim.
C/G = Corpus Inscrip. Grsecaruin.
C/i = Corpus Inscrip. Latinarum.
(775= Corpus Inscrip. Semiticarum.
C^i2= Church Quarterly Review.
C^= Contemporary Review.
C<S'£'i = Corpus Script. Eccles. Latinorum.
Z>5 = Dict. of the Bible.
DCA = T>ic\,. of Christian Antiquities.
Z)C£ = Diet, of Christian Biography.
Z)C(? = Diet, of Christ and the Gospels.
DGRA = I>'ict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities.
DGBB — 'Diet, of Greek and Roman Biography.
DGEG=:T)ict. of Greek and Roman Geography.
^i?i = Encyclopaedia Biblica.
EBr = Encyclopajdia Britannica.
£Gr= Expositor's Greek Testament.
^i2£' = Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.
Sxp = Expositor.
ExpT= Expository Times.
(?^P=Geographie des alten Palastina (Buhl).
G5= Golden Bough (J. G. Frazer).
GGA =:Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen.
(r(?iV=: Nachrichten der konigl. Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu Gottingen.
GJ'F'=Geschichte des jlidischen Volkes (Schiirer).
Grimm-Thayer = Grimm's Gr.-Eng. Lexicon of the
NT, tr. Thayer.
^Z>5 = Hastings' Diet, of the Bible (5 vols.).
ff£'=Historia Ecclesiastica (Eusebius, etc.).
5^G^Z = Historical Geography of the Holy Land
(G. A. Smith).
5"/= History of Israel (Ewald).
5/=Hibbert Journal.
^JP= History of the Jewish People (Eng. tr. of
GJV).
HL = Hibbert Lecture.
^iV"= Historia Naturalis (Pliny).
/CC= International Critical Commentary.
//S'5= International Science Series.
J A = Journal Asiatique.
J"i?Z, = Journal of Biblical Literature.
JE = Jewish. Encj'clopedia.
J"^.S'= Journal of Hellenic Studies.
J'P/i = Journal of Philology.
J'PrA = Jahrbiicher fiir protestantische Theologie.
J'<?P — Jewish Quarterly Review.
c7P5' = Journal of Roman Studies.
J'TA5'< = Journal of Theological Studies.
iir.4T2 = Keilinscliriften und das Alte Testament'
(Schrader, 1883).
.K'.4Z'^ = Zimnierii-Winckler's ed. of the preceding
(a totally distinct work), 1902-03.
.K'/P= Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek.
Z(7P^= Literarisches Central blatt.
jLAr=Introd. to Literature of the New Testament
(Moffatt).
LT = Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah
(Edersheim).
MG WJ= Monatsschrift fiir Geschichte und Wissen-
schaft des Judentums.
iV(?G = Nachrichten der konigl. Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu Gottingen.
iVii'Z=Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift.
iV^TZ(r = Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte (Holtz-
mann and others).
OJS'Z' = Oxford English Dictionary.
OrjC=01d Testament in the Jewish Church (W.
R. Smith).
Pauly-Wissowa = Pauly-Wissowa's Realencyklo-
padie.
PP = Polychrome Bible.
PC= Primitive Culture (E. B. Tylor).
P^P= Palestine Exploration Fund.
PEFSt = Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly
Statement.
PP£' = Realencyklopadie fiir protestantische Theo-
logie und Kirche.
P/SP^ = Proceedings of the Society of Biblical
Archfeology.
BA = Revue Archdologique.
PP = Revue Biblique.
EEG = Revue des fitudes Grecques.
PGG' = Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart.
P^P = Revue de I'Histoire des Religions.
Roscher=:Roscher's Ausfiilirliches Lexikon der
griech. und rora. Mythologie.
BS = Religion of the Semites (W. Robertson
Smith).
iSB^ pr=Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie
der Wissenschaften.
5'P^ = Sacred Books of the East.
Schaff-Herzog=The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclo-
pedia (Eng. tr. of PEE).
^iJP^ Hastings' Single-vol. Dictionary of the
Bible.
^^P=; Memoirs of Survey of Eastern Palestine.
(S/v =Studien und Kritiken.
5' JFP = Memoirs of Survey of Western Palestine.
TAZ.Z'— Theologische Litteraturzeitung.
ThT =Theo\. Tijdschrift.
r.S'^ Texts and Studies.
TU=Texte und Untersuchungen.
Wetzer-Welte = Wetzer-Welte's Kirchenlexikon.
WH = Westcott-Hort's Greek Testament.
ZATW = Zeitschrift fiir die alttest. Wissen-
schaft.
ZDMG - Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenland-
ischen Gesellschaft.
ir^(T = Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte.
ZA'H^X = Zeitschrift fiir kirchl. Wissenschaft und
kirchl. Leben.
ZNTW = Zeitschrift fiir die neatest. Wissen-
schaft.
ZT^= Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche.
ZJ'Fr= Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Theologie.
DICTIONARY
OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH
AARON. — By name Aaron is mentioned in the
NT only by St. Luke (Lk P, Ac 7^) and by the
writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews (5* 7" 9^),
and in his personal history very little interest is
taken. OfBcially, he was represented to be the
first of a long line of high priests, specifically
appointed such (Ex 28"-) in confirmation of the
status already allowed him in Arabic usage
(Ex 4") ; and, though his successors were prob-
ably not all in the direct line of descent, they
found it convenient to claim relationship with
him (Ezr 2^'^-), and gradually the conceptions in-
volved in high-priesthood were identified with the
name of Aaron. That continued to be the case
in the apostolic period ; and it became a familiar
thought that the high priest was a type of Christ,
who was viewed as the antitype of all true sacer-
dotal persons and ministries.
In this typical relation between Aaron as the
embodiment of priestly ideas and Christ as their
final expression, an attempt was made to trace
differences as well as correspondences. Christ was
thought of, not as identical with His prototype,
but as invested with higher qualities, of which
only the germ and promise are to be found in
Aaron.
1. In regard to vocation, both were appointed
by God (He S'*) ; yet to the priesthood of Christ no
Aaronic (7"), or Levitical (7"), or legal (9^) measure
may be put. He was a man like Aaron (2^^'-)>
capable of sympathy both by nature and from
experience (4^'') ; yet His priesthood is distinctly
of a higher and eternal order (5*), limited neither
to an earthly sanctuary (9^), nor to the necessity
of repeating the one great sacrifice (9^*), nor in
efiiciency to the treatment of offences that were
chiefly ceremonial or ritual (9^* ").
2. In the consecration of the high priest the
supreme act was anointing with oil (Lv 8^^), from
which, indeed, the designation Messiah ('anointed
one') arose. Yet such was the lofty position of
Jesus, and such was His consciousness, that He
could say, ' I consecrate myself ' ( Jn 17^^), on the
very eve of His priestly sacrifice.
3. In function Aaron stood between God and
the congregation, representing each to the other.
On the one hand, not only were the priests
gathered together into an embodied unity in him,
but in his annual approach to God he brought a
sacrifice even for the 'ignorances' of the people
VOL. I. — I
(He 9'), and purified the sanctuary itself from any
possible defilements contracted through the sina
of its frequenters (9^^*^- ; cf. Lv 16^^). As the repre-
sentative of God, he wore the sacred Urim and
Thummim in the pouch of judgment upon his
heart (Ex 28^**), indicating his qualification to com-
municate God's decision on matters that tran-
scended human wit ; and through him and his order
the blessing of God was invoked. In the Chris-
tian thought of the apostolic age all these functions
pass over to Jesus Christ, with modifications em-
phasizing their ethical efiect and the intrinsically
spiritual benefit that follows. One of the most
general statements is He 2", wliere the phrase
' things pertaining to God ' covers both sides of the
relations between God and man, though promin-
ence is given, as in the passages that speak of
Christ as our Advocate with God, to the work
done by Him as representing men. Much the
same is the case with the great passage on medi-
atorship (1 Ti 2^). As He is the Saviour, so He is
the High Priest, of all men, ' specially of them
that believe' (1 Ti 4'"). In virtue of His imma-
nence as God, as well as of His priestly rank and
sympathy. He fitly represents all men before God,
while for those who have put themselves into a
right attitude towards Him He acts as Paraciete
(1 Jn 2^), promoting their interests and completing
their deliverance from sin. On the other hand,
as representative of God, He bestows gifts upon
men (Eph 4^), communicating to them the will of
God and enriching them with every spiritual bless-
ing. He is not only the Eevealer of the Father ;
but, just as He offers His sacrifice to God in the
stead of man, so He represents to man what God
is in relation to human sin, and what God has
devised and does with a view to human redemption.
Between God and man He stands continuously,
the medium of access on either side, the channel
of Divine grace and of human prayer and praise.
See, further, art. Melchizedek.
Literature. — See art. ' Aaron ' in EDB, DCG and JE, and
Comm. on Hebrews, esp. those of A. B. Davidson and B. F.
Westcott, A. S. Peake {Century Bible), E. C. Wickham
(Westminster Com.) ; also Phillips Brooks, Sermons in English
Churches, 1883, p. 43 ; J. Wesley, Works, vii. [London, 1872]
273. R. W. Moss.
AARON'S ROD. — Aaron's rod is mentioned only
in He 9*, which locates the rod in the ark. An
earlier tradition (Nu 17^** ; cf. 1 K 8^) preserves it
ABADDON
AEBA
' before ' the ark, on the spot on which it had
budded (see HDB i. S*"). In either case the object
■was to secure a standing witness to the validity of
the claims of the Aaronic priesthood (so Clement,
1 Cor. § 43). The rod has sometimes been identi-
fied as a branch of the almond tree ; and both
Jewish and Christian fancy has been busy with it.
For early legends associating it symbolically with
the cross, or literally with the transverse beam of
the cross, see W. W. Seymour, The Cross in Tradi-
tion, History, Art, 1898, p. 83. R. W, Moss.
ABADDON.— The word is found in the NT only
in Rev 9^^. In the OT text 'dbhaddun occurs six
times (onlj' in the Wisdom literature), AV in each
case rendering 'destruction,' while RV gives ' De-
struction' in Job 28" 3V-, Ps 8S'i, but 'Abaddon'
in Job 26®, Pr 15^^ 27-", on the ground, as stated by
the Revisers in their Preface, that ' a proper name
appears to be required for giving vividness and
point.' Etymologically the word is an abstract
term meaning ' destruction,' and it is employed in
this sense in Job 31'-. Its use, however, in paral-
lelism with Sheol in Job 26", Pr 15" 27-» and with
' the grave ' in Ps 88" shows that even in the OT
it had passed beyond this general meaning and
had become a specialized term for the abode of the
dead. In Job 28--, again, it is' personified side by
side with Death, just as Hades is personified in
Rev 6^. So far as the OT is concerned, and not-
withstanding the evident suggestions of its deriva-
tion (from Heb. 'dbhadh, 'to perish'), the connota-_
tion of the word does not appear to advance be-
yond that of the parallel word Sheol in its older
meaning of the general dwelling-place of all the
dead. In later Heb. literature, however, when
Sheol had come to be recognized as a sphere of
moral distinctions and consequent retribution,
Abaddon is represented as one of the lower divi-
sions of Sheol and as being the abode of the wicked
and a place of punishment. At first it was distin-
guished from Gehenna, as a place of loss and de-
privation rather than of the positive suffering
assigned to the latter. But in the Rabbinic teach-
ing of a later time it becomes the very house of
perdition (Targ. on Job 26''), the lowest part of
Gehenna, the deepest deep of hell (Emek Ham-
melcch, 15.3).
In Rev 9" Abaddon is not merely personified in
the free jjoetic manner of Job 28--, but is used
as the personal designation in Hebrew of a fallen
angel described as the king of the locusts and ' the
angel of the abyss,' whose name in the Greek
tongue is said to be Apollyon. In the LXX
'cibhaddon is regularly rendered by dirdbXeia ; and
the personification of the Heb. word by the writer
of Rev. apparently led him to form from the
corresponding Gr. verb (dvoWvw, later form of
d7r6XXi//aO a Gr. name with the personal ending uv.
Outside of the Apocalj-pse the name Abaddon has
hardlj^ any place in English literature, while
Apollyon, on the contrary, has become familiar
through the use made of it in the Pilrjrini's Pro-
gress by Bunyan, whose conception of Apollyon,
however, is entirely Iiis own. Abaddon or Apoll-
yon was often identified with Asmoditjus, ' the evil
spirit ' of To 3® ; but this identification is now
known to be a mistake.
LiTERATiRE.— Theartt. s.vv. in HDB andEBi; art. 'Abyss'
in EUE ; ExpT xx. [1908-09] 234 f. J. C. LAMBERT.
ABBA. — Abba is the emphatic form of the Aram,
word for 'father' (see Dalman, Aram. Gram. p.
98, for ax and its various forms ; also Maclean, in
DCG, S.V.). It is found only in three passages in
the NT, viz. Mk U^\ Ro 8'S Gal 4« ; in each case
6 irar-qp is subjoined to 'A/3^a, the whole expres-
sion being a title of address. [The use of 6 naTr^p,
nominative with the article, as a vocative, is not a
Hebraism, as Lightfoot thought, but an emphatic
vocative not unknown to classical Greek and com-
mon in the NT : ' nearly sixty examples of it are
found in NT ' ; see Moulton, Gram, of NT Greek,
Edinburgh, 1906, p. 70.]
Lightfoot on Gal 4'' argues that the bilingual
expression is a liturgical formula originating with
Hellenistic Jews, who, while clinging to the original
word which was consecrated by long usage, added
to it the Greek equivalent ; but he supports an
alternative theorj- that it took its rise among Jews
of Palestine after they had become acquainted with
the Greek language, and is simply an expression
of importunate entreaty, and an examjile of that
verbal usage whereby the same idea is conveyed
in ditierent forms for the sake of emphasis. As
illustrations of this repetition, he quotes Rev 9'^
('AttoXXi/wj', 'A/3a55a)j') 12''^ 20^ CZaravas, AtdjSoXos).
Thayer, in HDB [s.v.], points out that, though de-
votional intensit.y belongs to repetition of the same
term {e.g. Kvpie, Kvpie), it is also expressed by such
phrases as I'at dpi-qv, ' Hallelujah, Praise the Lord,'
where the terms are ditt'erent. The context of each
passage where 'Abba, Father' is found appears to
prove that the Greek addition is not merely the
explanation of the Aramaic word, such as, e.g.,
St. Peter might have added in his preaching — a
custom to be perpetuated bj^ the Evangelists, as
suggested by the passage in Mk. ; but is rather an
original formula, the genesis of which is to be
souglit further back, perhaps in the actual words
used by our Lord Himself. Thus Sanday-Headlam
on Ro 815 (/(7(7^ 19Q2) remark :
' It seems better to suppose that our Lord Himself, using-
familiarly both lan^ua^es, and concentrating into this word of
all vvords such a depth of meaning, found Himself impelled
spontaneously to repeat the word, and that some among His
disciples caught and transmitted the same habit. It is signifi-
cant however of the limited extent of strictly Jewish Christi-
anity that we find no other original examples of the use than
these three.'
Thus, the double form is due to the fact that the
early Christians were a bilingual people ; and the
duplication, while conveying intensity to the ex-
pression, ' would only be natural where the speaker
was using in botli cases his familiar tongue.' F. H.
Chase (TS I. iii. 23) suggests that the phrase is due
to the shorter or Lucan form of the Lord's Prayer,
and that the early Christians repeated the first
word in the intensity of their devotion, coupling a
Hellenistic rendering with the Aramaic Abba. He
argues that the absence of such a phrase as 6 icrnv,
or eoTt fj.edeppL-rivevonei'ov, in Mk 14^^ is due to the
familiarity of the formula ; and that, while the
Pauline passages do not recall Gethsemane, they
suggest the Lord's Prayer as current in the shorter
form. Moulton (op. cit. p. 10), combating Zahn's
theory that Aramaic was the language of St. Paul's
prayers — a theory based on the Apostle's 'Abba,
Father ' — remarks that ' the peculiar sacredness of
association belonging to the first word of the Lord's
Prayer in its original tongue supplies a far more
probable account of its liturgical use among Gen-
tile Christians.' He mentions the analogy (see
footnote, loc. cit.) of the Roman Catholic 'saying
Paternoster,' but adds that ' Paul will not allow
even one word of prayer in a foreign tongue with-
out adding an instant translation ' ; and further
refers to the Welsh use of Pader as a name for the
Lord's Prayer.
It seems probable (1) that the phrase, 'Abba,
Father,' is a liturgical formula ; (2) that the duality
of tlie form is not due to a Hebraistic repetition
for the sake of emphasis, but to the fact that the
early Christians, even of non- Jewish descent, were
familiar with both Aramaic and Greek ; (3) that
Abba, being the first word of the Lord's Prayer,
was held in special veneration, and was quoted
ABEL
ABOMIXATION
^vith the Greek equivalent attached to it, as a
familiar devotional phrase (like Maran atha [1 Co
16'-^], -which would be quite intelligible to Chris-
tians of Gentile origin, though its Greek transla-
tion, 6 Ki'ptos iyyds [Ph 4'], was also used ; of. Did.
10^, where ' Maran atha' and ' Amen ' close a public
prayer) ; and (4) that our Lord Himself, though
this cannot be said to be established beyond doubt,
used the double form in pronouncing the sacred
Name, which was invoked in His prayer.
In conclusion, it should be noted that, while the
phrase is associated with the specially solemn occa-
sion of the Gethseinane agony, where our Lord is
reported by St. Mark to have used it, both ex-
amples of its use in the Pauline writings convey a
similar impression of solemnity as connected with
the Christian believer's assurance of sonship — and
sonship (let it be noted) not in the general sense
in which all humanity may be described as children
of God, but in the intimate and spiritual connota-
tion belonging to vloOecrLa, or ' adoption,' into the
family of God.
Literature. — See art. ' Abba ' in HDB, DCG, and JE, an art.
in ExpTxx. [1909] 356, and the authorities cited above.
R. Martin Pope.
ABELc — Abel ('A|8eX) has the first place in the
roll of ' the elders ' (ol irpea^&repoi, He 11-), or men
of past generations, who by their faith pleased
God and had witness borne to them. It is recorded
of him that he offered unto God a more excellent
sacrifice (irXelova dvo-iav) than his elder brother
(He 11^). In the original story (Gn 4^"'') his offer-
ing was probably regarded as more pleasing on
account of the material of his sacrifice. It was in
accordance with primitive Semitic ideas that the
occupation of a keeper of sheep was more pleasing
to God than that of a tiller of the ground, and
accordingly that a firstling of the flock was a
more acceptable offering than the fruit of the
ground. The ancient writer of the story (J)
evidently wished to teach that animal sacrifice
alone was pleasing to God (Gunkel, Genesis, 38 ;
Skinner, 105). The author of Hebrews gives the
story a different turn. The greater excellence of
Abel's sacrifice consisted in the disposition with
which it was offered. The spirit of the worshipper
rather than the substance of the offering is now
considered the essential element. Abel's sacrifice
was the offering of a man whose heart was right.
Through his faith he won God's approval of his
gifts, and through his faith his blood continued to
speak for him after his death. In a later passage
of Heb. (122'*) that blood is contrasted -with 'the
blood of sprinkling,' by which the new covenant
is confinned. The blood of Abel cried out from
the ground for vengeance (cf. Job 16^*, Is 26^',
2 K 9^ ; also Rev 6''* '") ; it was such a cry as is
sounded in Milton's sonnet, ' Avenge, O Lord, thy
slaughtered saints ' ; but the blood of the eternal
covenant intercedes for mercy.
St. John (1 Jn 3'^) uses the murder of Abel by
his brother to illustrate the absence of that spirit
of love which is the essence of goodness. The
writer indicates that the new commandment, or
message (d77eX^a), which has been heard from the
beginning of the Christian era, was also the funda-
mental laAV of the moral life from the beginning of
human history. Cain was of the evil one (iK toO
TTovrjpod), and slaughtered {^acpa^ev) his brother.
LiTERATTjRE. — Besides the artt. in the Bible Dictionaries, see
W. G. Elmslle, Expository Lectures and Sermons, lb92, p. 164 ;
J. Hastings, Greater Men and Women of the Bible, vol. i.
[1913] p. 53 ; G. Matheson, The Representative Men of the
Bible, i. [1902] 45 ; A. P. Peabody, King's Chapel Sermons,
1891, p. 817 ; A. Whyte, Bible Characters, i. [1896] 44.
James Strahan.
ABIDING. — As in the Gospels, so in Acts and
Ephesians we find both the local and the ethical
connotations of this word, which in almost every
case is used to render /xivu or one of its numerous
compounds (eiri-, Kara-, irapa-, irpos-, inro-). With
the purely local usages we have here no concern ;
but there is a small class of transitional meanings
which lead the way to those ethical connotations
which are the distinctive property of the word.
Among these may be mentioned the several places
in 1 Co 7, where St. Paul, dealing with marriage
and allied questions (? in view of the Parousia),
speaks of abiding in this state or calling. In the
same Epistle note also S'^* 'If any man's yvork abide,'
and 13'^ ' And now abide faith, hope, love.' * Simi-
larly we are told of the persistence (a) of Mel-
chizedek's priesthood (He 7^), (b) of the Divine
fidelity' even in face of human faithlessness (2 Ti
213), and (c) of the word of God (1 P l^^).
It is, however, in the 1st Ep. of John, as in the
Fourth Gospel, that we get the ethical use of
abiding most fully developed and most amply pre-
sented. But, while in the Gospel the emphasis is
laid on the Son's abiding in the Father and Christ's
abiding in the Church, in 1 Jn 2-''- -' the stress is
rather on the mutual abiding of the believer and
God (Father and Son). Note the following ex-
perimental aspects of the relation in question.
1. The belieYer as the place of the abiding. —
A somewhat peculiar expression is found in 1 Jn
2^, where we read : ' The anointing . . . abideth
in you.' By xpto-/ia is meant the gift of the Holy
Spirit (cf. 2 Co l^^), whose presence in the heart
gives the believer an independent power of testing
whatever teaching he receives (cf. ' He shall take
of mine and shall show it unto you,' Jn 16'°).t In
1 Jn 2^* it is said that the word of God abideth in
'young men'; but it is also the meaning in v.^;
while in S-'* Christ is mentioned as abiding in them
' by the Spirit.' In each passage we have a subtle
instance of the perfectly natural way in which the
operation of the risen Christ on the heart is identi-
fied with that of the Spirit. The believer's soul
is thus mystically thought of as the matrix in
which the Divine energy of salvation, conceived
of in its various aspects, is operative as a cleansing,
saving, and conserving power, safeguarding it from
error, sin, and unfaithfulness.
2. The abiding place of the believer. — In 1 Jn
2^ we have the promise that ' if the [word] heard
from the beginning' remains in the believer's
heart, he shall ' continue in the Son ' and in the
Father (cf. 3^). This reciprocal relation between
the implanted word and the human environment
in which it energizes is peculiarly Johannine.
Secondary forms of the same idea are found in 2^^
('he that loveth his brother abideth in the light'),
and in 3^^ ( ' he that hateth his brother abideth in
death'). In 2^ we have the fact that the believer
abides in Christ made the ground for a practical
appeal for consistency of life, and in v.^ the reward
of such living is that the believer * abideth for ever,'
i.e. has eternal life. As a general principle, in the
use of this word we find a striking union of the mys-
tical and the ethical aspects of the Christian faith.
Literature.— G. G. Findlay, The Things Above, 1901, p. 237 ;
G. H. Knight, Divine Upliftings, 1906, p. 85 ; F. von Hiigel,
Eternal Life, 1912, p. 365 f.; and also the art. 'Abiding' in
DCG, and the literature there cited.
E. Gbiffith-Jones.
ABOMINATION (/SSAiO'/ia). — Like the word
' taste ' — originally a physical, then a mental term,
— ' abomination ' denotes that for which God and
His people have a violent distaste. It refers in
the OT to the feeling of repulsion against pro-
hibited foods (Lv 11^°, Dt 14^), then to everything
* Popular opinion, based on a well-known hjTnn (Par. 49i3f),
very erroneously makes faith and hope pass away, only love
abiding-.
t As indicated in HDB i. 101b, the words of 1 Jn227 gave rise
to the practice of anointing with oil at baptism.
ABOUNDIN-G
ABKAHAM
connected with idolatry (Dt 7-^ Ko 2-- [Gr.]).*
Thence it acquires a moral meaning, and together
with fornication stigmatizes all the immoralities
of heathendom (Rev IT'^ ^). Its intensest use is
reserved for hypocrisy, the last otience against
religion (Lk 16'*, Tit l'«. Rev 21-'^).
Sherwix Smith.
ABOUNDING.— The English word 'abound' in
the Epistles of the NT is the translation of the Gr.
words irXeovdi'u} and wepLa-crevu}. There is nothing of
special interest in these terms ; perhaps the former
has the less lofty sense, its primary connotation being
that of superfluity. As used by St. Paul, however,
there seems little to choose between them, although
it is worth noting that, where he speaks (Ro 5-")
of the 'otience' and 'sin' abounding, he uses
TrXeovdi'eiv. Yet he employs the same term in Ro
6' of the ' abounding of grace,' and in Ph 4^^ of the
fruit of Christian giving. His favourite term,
however, is Trepiaaevu} (in one case virepTrepiffffevw,
'overflow,' Ro 5^), whether he is speaking of the
grace of God (Ro 5"), the sufferings of Christ (2 Co
1'), or the Christian spirit that finds expression in
liberality (2 Co 8^ 9«), contentment (Ph 4^-- 1«), hope
(Roo'*), service (1 Co 15^). This list of references
is not exhaustive, but it is representative. These
words and the way in which they are used give us
a suggestive glimpse into —
1. The religious temperament of the Apostle. —
His was a rich and overflowing nature, close-packed
with vivid, ever-active qualities of mind and heart.
His conception of the gospel would be naturally in
accordance with the wealth of his psychic and
moral nature ; he would inevitably fasten on such
aspects of it as most thoroughly satisfied his own
soul ; and he would put its resources to the full
test of his spiritual needs and capacities. It is
fortunate that Christianity found at its inception
such a man ready to hand as its chief exponent to
the primitive churches, and that his letters remain
as a record of the marvellous way in which he
opened his heart to its appeal, and of the manifold
response he was able to make to that appeal. In
all ages our faith has been conditioned by the
human medium in which it has had to work. The
ages of barrenness in Christian experience have
been those Mhich have lacked richly-endowed per-
sonalities for its embodiment and exposition ; and
vice versa, when such personalities have arisen
and have given themselves wholeheartedly to the
Divine Spirit, there has been a ^^dde-spread efflor-
escence of religious experience in the Church at
large. Ordinary men and women are pensioners
religiouslj', to a peculiar degree, of the great souls
in the community. St. Paul, Origen, Augustine,
Bernard, Luther, Wesley, etc., have been the focal
points tlirough which the forces of the gospel have
radiated into the world at large, and lifted its life
to higher levels.
2. The superabundant wealth of the gospel as
a medium of the Divine energies of redemption.
— The Christian faith is full of spiritual resources
on which the soul may draw to the utmost of its
needs. In the teaching of our Lord, the prodigality
of His illustrations, their varied character, and the
frequency with which He likens the Kingdom to a
' feast,' with all its suggestions of a large welcome
and an overflowing abundance of good things, are
very characteristic of His own attitude towards
the gospel He preached ; and St. Paul is pre-
eminent among NT writers for the way in which
he has grasped the same idea, and caught the
spirit of the Master in his exposition of spiritual
realities. (Cf. ' How many hired servants of my
father's have bread enough and to spare ' [Lk 15'^]
• Cf. the well-known expression, 'abomination of desolation,'
applied to a heathen altar (Dn 12ii ; cf. 1 Mac I-m, Mt 24i6,
Mk ISi'*). See art. ' Abomination of Desolation ' in IIDB.
with ' the grace of God, which is by one man, Jesus
Christ, liatli abounded unto many' [Ro 5'*; also
17. 19. -'0. :;i
-"•-'], and many other passages.)
3. The call for an adequate response on the
part of believers to the varied and abundant
resources of the gospel. — Here, again, St. Paul
exhausts the power of language in urging his con-
verts to allow the Divine energies of salvation to
have their way with them. The normal type of
Christian is not reached till his nature is flooded
with the grace of God, and he in turn is lifted into
a condition which is characterized by an abounding
increase of hope, grace, love, good works, and fruit-
fulness of character. ' Therefore, as ye abound in
(everything), see that ye abound in this grace also '
(2 Co 8'') expresses one of his favourite forms of
appeal. He was not satistied to see men raised to
a slightly higher plane by their faith in Christ ;
they were to be ' transformed in the spirit of their
minds' (Ro 12-) ; they were always to 'abound in
the work of the Lord ' (1 Co IS^s ; cf. 2 Co 9^) ; and,
as ' they had received ' of him how thej^ might walk
and ' to please God,' they were exhorted to ' abound
more and more' (1 Th 4^), and that especially
because they knew what commandments ' had been
given them by the Lord Jesus ' ( 1 Th 4^). It was
a subject for joyfulness to him when he found his
converts thus responding to the poAver of God (see
2 Co 8"-)- As regards his realization of this Divine
abundance in his own experience, we find him
breaking out into an ecstasy of thanksgiving at
the thought of what God has done for him, and
of the sense of inward spiritual abundance which
he consequently enjoys, so that he feels quite in-
dependent of all outMard conditions, however hard
they may be (cf. Ph 4""'^). This is the language
of a man who enjoys all the resources of the God-
head in his inner life, and who can, therefore, be
careless of poverty, misfortune, sickness, and even
the prospect of an untimely end.
Literature. — See Sanday-Headlam, and Lightfoot (especi-
ally Notes on Ejiistlen of St. Paul), on the passaj^es referred to,
also Phillips Brooks, The Light of t fie World, 1S91, p. HO, and
ExpT viii. [1897] 514a. E. GrIFFITH-JoXES.
ABRAHAM ('A^paA/x). — Addressing a Jewish
crowd in the precincts of the Temple, St. Peter
emphasizes the connexion between the Hebrew and
the Christian religion by proclaiming that ' the God
of Abraham . . . hath glorified his servant (iralda ;
cf. RVm) Jesus ' (Ac S'^). This Divine title, which
is similarly used in St. Stephen's speech (7^^), was
full of significance. All through the OT and the
NT the foundation of the true religion is ascribed
neither to the Prophets nor to Moses, but to
Abraham. Isaac (Gn 26^^) and Jacob (SH-) wor-
shipped the God of Abraham, but Abraham did
not worship the Elohim whom his fathers served
beyond the River (Jos 24^ ^^ "). He was the head
of the great family that accepted Jahweh as their
God. Jews, Muslims, and Christians are all in
some sense his seed, as having either his blood in
their veins or his faith in their souls. To the Jews
he is ' our father Abraham ' (Ac 7*, Ro 4^^, Ja 2-'),
'our forefather {rbv tr poirdropa) according to th6
flesh' (Ro 4^). To the Muhammadans he is the
'model of religion' {imam, or priest) and the first
person 'resigned {mitslim) unto God' (Qur'an, ii.
115, 125). To the Christians he is 'the father of
all them that believe' (Ro 4^'), 'the fatlier of us
air (4'^). Taking the word Abraham to mean
(according to tlie popular word-play, Ro4" || Gn 17*)
' a fatlier of many nations,' St. Paul regards it as
indicating that Abraham is the spiritual ancestor
of the whole Christian Church.
1. In the Epistles of St. Paul. — As Abraham
was the renowned founder of the Jewish nation
and faith, it was crucially important to decide
ABRAHAM
ABEAHA^I
whether the Jews or the Christians could claim
his support in their great controversy on justifica-
tion. The ordinary Jews regarded Abraham as a
model legalist, whose faith in God (Gn 15^*-) con-
sisted in the fultiliiient of the Law, which he knew
by a kind of intuition. According to the Jewish
tradition [Berenhith Rahh. 44, Wiinsche), Abraham
saw the whole history of his descendants in the
mysterious vision recorded in Gn IS^"^-. Thus he
is said to have 'rejoiced with the joy of the Law '
(Westcott, M. John [in Speaker's Com.], 140). In
the philosophical school of Alexandria there was
a much higlier conception of faith, which was re-
garded as ' the most perfect of virtues,' ' the queen
of virtues,' 'the only sure and infallible good, the
solace of life, the fulfilment of worthy hopes, . . .
the inheritance of hai)piness, the entire ameliora-
tion of the soul, which leans for support on Him
who is the cause of all things, who is able to do
all things, and willeth to do those which are most
excellent' (Philo, Quis rer. div. her. i. 485, de
Abr. ii. 39). In these passages faith, in so far as
it expresses a spiritual attitude towards God, does
not ditier much from Christian faith. Nor could
anything be finer than the Rabbinic Mechilta on
Ex 14^^ : ' Great is faith, whereby Israel believed
on Him that spake and the world was. ... In
like manner thou findest that Abraham our father
inherited this world and the world to come solely
by the merit of faith whereby he believed in the
Lord ; for it is said, and he believed in the Lord,
and He counted it to him for righteousness' (Light-
foot, Galatians, 162). But the ordinarj^ tendency
of Judaism was to give Abraham's life a pre-
dominantly legal colour, as in 1 Mac 2^" ' \Yas not
Abraham found faithful in temptation, and it w-as
reckoned unto him for righteousness ?'
To St. Paul faith is the motive power of the
whole life, and in two expositions of his doctrine
— Ro 4, Gal 3 — he affirms the essential identity of
Abraham's faith with that of every Christian. He
does not, indeed, think (like Jesus Himself in
Jn 8^) of Abraham as directly foreseeing the day
of Christ, but he maintains that Abraham's faith
in God as then partially revealed was essentially
the same as the Christian's faith in God as now
fully made known in Christ. Abraham had faith
when he was still in uncircumcision (Ro 4"), faith
in God's power to do things apparently impossible
(417-19)^ faith by which he both strengthened his
own manhood and gave glory to God (4^).
Abraham believed ' the gospel ' which was preached
to him beforehand, the gospel which designated
him as the medium of blessing to all the nations
(Gal 3^). And as his faith, apart from his works,
was counted to him for righteousness, he became
the representative believer, in whom all other
believers, without distinction, may recognize their
spiritual father. It is not Abraham's blood but
his spirit that is to be coveted (3-) ; those who are
of faith [ol iK irlaTews) are ' sons of Abraham,' are
'blessed with the faithful Abraham' (3^-"); upon
the Gentiles has come ' the blessing of Abraham '
{2,^*) ; all who are Christ's, without any kind of
distinction, are 'Abraham's sons,' fulfilling, like
him, the conditions of Divine acceptance, and in-
heriting with him the Divine promises.
St. Paul uses the narratives of Genesis as he finds them.
Before the dawn of criticism the theologian did not raise the
question whether the patriarchal portraits were real or ideal.
To St. Paul Abraham is a historical person who lived 430 years
before Moses (Gal 3i'0, and who was not inferior to the great
prophets of Israel in purity of religious insight and strength of
inward piety. It is now almost universally believed that the
faith ascribed to the patriarchs was itself the result of a long
historical evolution. But, while the maturer conceptions of a
later age are carried back to Abraham, the patriarch is not dis-
solved into a creation of the religious fancy. ' The ethical and
spiritual idea of God which is at the foundation of the reUgion
of Israel could only enter the world through a personal organ
of divine revelation ; and nothing forbids us to see in Abraham
the first of that long series of prophets through whom God has
communicated to mankind a saving knowledge of Himself
(Skinner, Genesis [ICC, 1910], p. xxvii).
2. In the Epistle of St. James.— St. James (2*1-23)
uses the example of Abraham to establish the
thesis, not that ' a man is justified by faith apart
from the works of the law ' (Ro 3^), but that ' by
works a man is justified, and not only bj- faith'
( Ja 2^^). While the two apostles agree that
Christianity is infinitely more than a creed, being
nothing if not a life, they difier in their conception
of faith. The meaning which St. James attaches
to the word is indicated by his suggestion of
believing demons and dead faith (2^^- ^o). St. Paul
would have regarded both of these phrases as con-
tradictions in terms, since all believers are con-
verted and all faith is living. Asked if faith must
not prove or justify itself by works, he would
have regarded the question as superfluous, for a
faith that means self-abandonment in passionate
adoring love to the risen Christ inevitablj- makes
the believer Christlike. St. James says in efi'ect :
' Abraham believed God, proving his faith by
works, and it was counted to him for righteous-
ness.' With St. Paul righteousness comes between
faith and works ; with St. James works come
between faith and righteousness. Had St. James
been attacking either Galatians or Romans, and
in particular correcting St. Paul's misuse of the
example of Abraham, his polemic would have been
singularly lame. Such a theory does injustice to
his intelligence. But, if he was sounding a note
of warning against popular perversions of evangeli-
cal doctrine, St. Paul, who was often 'slanderously
reported ' (Ro3^), must have been profoundly grate-
ful to him. See, further, art. James, Epistle of.
It is interesting to note that Clement of Rome co-ordinates
the doctrines of the two apostles. Taking the tj-pical example
of Abraham, he asks, ' Wherefore was our father Abraham
blessed ? ' and answers, ' Was it not because he wrought right-
eousness and truth through faith ? ' (Sp. ad Cor. | 31). If the
two types of doctrine could be regarded as complementary sets
of truths, justice was done to both apostles. But the difference
assumed a dangerous form in the hard dogmatic distinction of
the Schoolmen between fides infonnis and fi.d€s fonnata crim
caritate, the latter of which (along with the ' epistle of straw '
on which it seemed to be based) Luther so vehemently re-
pudiated.
3. In the Epistle to the Hebrews. — The writer
of Hebrews bases on the incident of Abraham's
meeting with Melchizedek (He 7; cf. Gn 14) an
argument for a priesthood higher than the Aaronic
order (v."ff-). To the king -priest of Salem
Abraham gave tithes, and from him received a
blessing, thereby owning his inferiority to that
majestic figure. As Abraham was the ancestor
of the tribe of Levi, the Aaronic priesthood itself
may be said to have been overshadowed in that
hour and ever afterwards by the mysterious order
of Melchizedek. This is the conception of the
writer of Ps 110, who identifies God's vicegerent,
seated on the throne of Zion, not with the Aaronic
order, but with the roj-al priesthood of Melchizedek.
When the Maccabees displaced the house of Aaron,
and concentrated in their own persons the kingly
and priestly functions, they found their justifica-
tion in the priestly dignity of Melchizedek, and
called themselves, in his style, ' priests of the
Most High ' (Charles, Book of Jubilees, 1902, pp.
lix and 191). Finally, when Christ had given a
Messianic interpretation of Ps 110, it was natural
that tlie writer of Hebrews should see the Aaronic
priesthood superseded by an eternal King-Priest
after the ancient consecrated order of Melchizedek.
For divergent critical views of the Abraham-Melchizedek
pericope of Gn 14 see Wellhausen, Comp.'^, 1SS9, p. 211 f. ;
Gunkel, Genesis, 253; Skinner, Genesis, 269 f. Against
Wellhausen's theory that the story is a post-exilic attempt to
glorify the priesthood in Jerusalem, Gunkel and Skinner argu<
for an antique traditional basis.
ABSTIN"ENCE
ABSTINENCE
The writer of Hebrews illustrates his definition
of faith (11') by three events in the life of Abraham.
— (1) The patriarch left his home and kindred,
and ' went out not knowing whither he went '
(He IP). His faith was a sense of the unseen and
remote, as akin to the spiritual and eternal. In
obedience to a Divine impulse he ventured forth
on the unknown, confident that his speculative
peradventure would be changed into a realized
ideal. The doubting heart says, ' Forward, though
I cannot see, I guess and fear ' ; the believing
spirit, ' Look up, trust, be not afraid.' — (2) Abraham
remained all his life a sojourner (irdpoLKos Kal
TrapeirlSr]fjLos=2t'm nj, Gn 23'') in the Land of Promise
(He 11^). He left his home in Chaldsea, and never
found another. Wherever he went he built an
altar to God, but never a home for himself. He
was encamped in many places, but naturalized in
none. His pilgrim spirit is related to his hope of
an eternal city — a beautiful conception transferred
to Genesis from the literature of the Maccabtean
period (En. 9028-29, Apoc. Bar. 323-4 etc.).— (3) gy
faith Abraham offered up Isaac, ' accounting that
God is able to raise up, even from the dead '
(He 11'^). Here again the belief of a later age
becomes the motive of the patriarch's act of
renunciation. The narrative in Gn 22 contains
no indication that the thought of a resurrection
flashed through his agonized mind.
Literature.— F. W. Weber, Syst. der altsyn. palastin.
Theol. ausTarqum, Midrasch, u. Talmud, ISSO, ch. xix. ; J. B.
Lig-htfoot, Galatians, 1865, p. 158 ff. ; Sanday-Headlam,
Romam^, 1902, p. 102 ff. ; W. Beyschlag-, NT Theology,
1894-96, i. 364 fif. ; A. B. Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Christi-
anity, 1896, p. 116 f. ; G. B. Stevens, Theology of the NT,
1901, p. 289; B. Weiss, Biblical Theology of the NT, 1882-83, i.
437 flf. James Strahan.
ABSTIVET^CE. — Introduction. — The whole of
morality on its negative side may be included
under Abstinence. Christian moral progress
(sanctification) includes a holding fast {Karix^a-Oai)
of the good, and an abstaining from (dir^x^cOai)
every form of evil (1 Th S^'*-). "While Christianity
has general laws to distinguish the good from the
bad, yet for each individual Christian these laws
are focused in the conscience, and the function of
the latter is to discriminate between the good and
the bad — it cannot devolve this duty on out-
ward rules. With it the ultimate decision rests,
and on it also lies the responsibility (Ro 14"*, He 5").
The lists of vices and virtues,* of 'works of the
flesh' and 'fruits of the spirit,' given in the NT
are not meant to be exhaustive, but typical ; nor
are they given to make needless the exercise of
Christian discernment. The NT is not afraid to
place in the Christian conscience the decision of
what is to be abstained from and what is not,
because it believes in the indwelling of the Holy
Spirit, and because it exalts personal responsibility.
It is necessary to make this clear, because, as we
shall see, the ultimate tribunal of appeal in mat-
ters of abstinence in the ordinary sense (i.e. in
the sphere of things indifferent) is the Christian
conscience. The ideal of Christian conduct is
sometimes said to be self-realization, not self-
suppression; consecration, not renunciation. These
antitheses are apt to be misleading. In the self
with which Christianity deals there are sinful ele-
ments that have to be extirpated. Christian sanc-
tification takes place not in innocent men, but in
sinners who have to be cleansed from all filthiness
of the flesh and spirit (2 Co 7'). To purify oneself
( I Jn 3') is not simply to realize oneself ; it is to
do no sin.
In all moral conduct there is suppression ; in
Christian conduct there is extirpation. This nega-
• See Dobschiitz, Christian Life in the Primitive Church,
Eng. tr., 1904, p. 406 S., for lists.
tive side of Christian conduct is abstinence. It is
the crucifying of the flesh — death unto sin — and
it is the correlative of 'living to righteousness,'
' being risen with Christ,' etc. Abstinence in this
sense is an essential and ever-present moment in
the Christian life.
More narrowly interpreted, abstinence is a re-
fraining from certain outward actions — as eating,
drinking, worldly business, maiTiage, etc. It is
thus applied to outward conduct, while continence
(eyKpareia) is used of inward self-restraint. Cicero
makes this distinction, though, from the nature of
the case, he cannot always consistently apply it
(see Lewis and Short, Lat, Vict., s. v. ' Abstinentia').
We may look first at the outward side of absti-
nence, and then try to And out what the Christian
principles are (as these are unfolded in the apos-
tolic writings) that determine its nature and its
limits.
I. Ascetic practices.—!. Fasting.— (a) Fast-
ing, or abstinence from food and drink, may be un-
avoidable or involuntary (e.g. Ac 27-'' 22, 1 Co 4",
2 Co 6^* U'"',* Ph 412). Such fastings have a re-
ligious value only indirectly. They may overtake
the apostate as well as the apostle. If they are
caused by devotion to Christian service, they are, like
all other privations so caused, badges of fidelity ;
and they may be referred to with reasonable pride
by Christ's ministers (2 Co G'"- 1123). xhey ought
to silence criticism (cf. Gal 6''', where St. Paul
speaks of his bruises as (XTlyfxaTa tou 'l-qcrov), and
they enforce Christian exhortation (Col 4'^ Eph 4').
On the principle that he who chooses the end
chooses the means, such fastings are real proofs of
fidelity to Christ. They are like the scars of the
true soldier.
(b) An absorbing pre-occupation with any pursuit
may be the cause of fasting. The artist or the
scientist may forget to take food, in the intensity
of his application to his Avork ; or any great emo-
tion like sorrow may make one ' forget to take
bread.' Such a fast we have in Ac 9^, where St.
Paul, we are told, was witliout food for three days
after his conversion. As Jesus fasted in the wU
derness (Mt 4'""), or at the well forgot His hungei
(Jn 43''- )> so the ferment of the new life acted on
St. Paul thus also. Fasting is not the cause of
such pre-occupation, but the effect ; and so its value
depends on the nature of the emotion causing it.f
Such involuntary privations, however, are not fast-
ing in the proper sense. In themselves they are
morally indiflerent, as they may overtake any one
irrespective of moral conditions ; but, when borne
bravely and contentedly in the line of Christian
duty, they are not only indications of true faith,
but in turn they strengthen that faith (Ro 5^"^,
Ph 4").
(c) Real fasting is purposive and voluntary. It
is a total or partial abstinence from food for an
unusual period, or from certain foods always or at
certain times, for a moral or religious end. Such
a fast is mentioned in Ac 13'-- * 14-'^ in connexion
with ordination. It is associated with prayer.
Some hold that it was the form to ' be permanently
observed ' in such cases (Ramsay, St. Paul, 1895,
p. 122). There is no mention, however, of fasting
at the appointment of Matthias (Ac P^), or of the
seven (G"). We cannot, therefore, take it as inher-
ently binding on Christian Churches at such .solem-
nities. It is rather the survival of ancient religious
practices (like the fasting on the Day of Atone-
ment), which on the occasions referred to were
adopted through the force of custom, and served
• These are sometimes explained as voluntary fasts — to use
Hooker's expression (Ecc. Pol. v. 72. 8) — but the contexts seem
decisive against that view.
t This Vk'as probably what Jesus had in view in the saying in
Mt 915.
ABSTmENCE
ABSTINENCE
to solemnize the proceedings. The Atonement fast
(Ac 27*) is mentioned only as a time limit after
which navigation was dangerous. It is not said
that St. Paul fasted on that day, though prohably
he did.
These Jewish survivals were conserved without
investigation by the Palestinian Church, though,
after what Jesus had said on fasting, we may be-
lieve that the spiritual condition of the believer,
rather than the performance of the outward rite,
would be the essential element. Pharisiaism, how-
ever, follows so closely on the heels of ritual that
in some quarters it very early influenced Christi-
anity (cf. Did. i. 3 : ' P'ast for those who persecute
you' ; and Epiph. H(er. Ixx. II : 'When they \i.e.
the Jews] feast, ye sliall fast and mourn for them ' ;
cf. also Polycarp, vii. 2 ; Hernias, Vis. iii. 10. 6 ;
and, in the same connexion, the interpolations in
the NT [Mt 17^1, Mk 9-», Ac 10=*", 1 Co 7^]). Even
the Pharisaic custom of fasting twice a week
(Monday and Thursday) was adopted in some
quarters, though these days were changed to Wed-
nesday and P'riday (Did. viii. 1). These are the
later dies stationum or crrdaeis (cf. Clem. Alex.
Strom, vii. 12, p. 877). See EBE v. 844^
To evaluate the practice of fasting, we must look
to the end aimed at and the efficacy of this means
to attain that end. (1) In many cases it would be
mainly a nuitter of tradition. On any eventful
occasion men might practise fasting, to ratify a
decision or induce solemnity, as those Jews did
who vowed to kill St. Paul (Ac 23^^). Under such a
category would fall the Paschal and pre-baptismal
fasts. Though not mentioned in the NT, they
were early practised in the Christian Church (Eus.
BE V. 24 ; Did. vii. ; Justin Martyr, Apol. i. 61).
Tliere can be no doubt that ordination and bap-
tismal and Paschal fasts may serve to solemnize
tliese events, yet there is no warrant for making
them an ecclesiastical rule. In such traditional
fasting there is often, conscious! j^ or unconsciously,
implicated the feeling that God is thereby pleased
and merit acquired, and the result in such cases
is Pharisaic complacency and externalism. Jesus,
following the great prophets (Is 58^"'', Zee 8^*), had
relegated outward rites to a secondary place. He
demanded secrecy, sincerity, and simplicity in all
tliese matters, and the Apostolic Church never
wiioUy lost sight of His guidance. St. James,
while emphasizing the value of prayer (5^"^°),
says nothing of fasting, and he makes real ritual
consist in works of mercy and blameless conduct
(P^). Even when fasting was enjoined, the danger
of externalism was recognized ( Hermas, Sim. v. 1 ;
Barn. ii. 10 ; Justin Martyr, Dial. 15). St. Paul
had to prove that such fastings could not be re-
demptively of any value, that they were not bind-
ing, that they did not place the observer of them
on a higher spiritual plane than the non-observer,
that even as means of discipline they were of
doubtful value, and that they were perpetually
liable to abuse (Col 2-»ff).
(2) Fastings were used in certain cases to induce
ecstatic conditions. This is a well-known feature
in apocalyptic writings. Perhaps the Colossi an
heretics did this (cf. & eSpaKcv ifx^arevwu, Col 2'^).
St. John and the other Apostles with him are said
to have fasted three days before writing tlie Fourth
Gospel (Muratorian fragment). The Apocalypse,
however, though a opacrts (vision), is lacking in
the usual accompaniments of a vision, viz. prayer
and fasting (contrast Hermas, Sim. v. 1). St.
Peter's vision (Ac lO^'i") was preceded by hunger,
but it was not a voluntary fast ; nor is there any
reference to fasting in the case of St. Paul's visions
(Ac 16* IB'-'f-, 2 Co 12"-), and the reference in the
case of Cornelius (Ac 10^") is a later interpolation.
It was more when direct prophetic inspiration be-
came a memory rather than when it was a reality
that men resorted to fasting in order to superin-
duce it.
(3) Fasting was resorted to also that alms might
be given out of the savings.
' If there is among them a man that is poor and needy, and
they have not an abundance of necessaries, they fast for two or
three days, that they may supplj' the needy with necessary
food ' (Aristides, Apology, xv.). Cf. also Hermas, Sim. v. 3. 7 :
' Beckon up on this day what thy meal would otherwise have
cost thee, and give the amount to some poor widow or orphan,
or to the poor.'
Origen (hom. in Levit. x.) quotes an apostolic
saying which supports this practice :
' We have found in a certain booklet an apostolic saying,
" Blessed is also he who fasts that he may feed the poor " '
(' Invenimus in quodam lihello ab apostolis dictum— Beatus est
qui etiam jejunat pro eo ut alat pauperem ').
This saying might legitimately be deduced from
such passages as Eph 4-^ and Ja 2"*, but the prac-
tice easily associated itself with the idea of fasting
as a work of merit.
' More powerful than prayer is fasting, and more than both
alms.' 'Alms abolish sins' (2 Clem. xvi. 4 ; cf. Hermas, Sim.
V. 3).
Fasting done out of Christian love to the brethren
is noble ; but, when done to gain salvation, it be-
comes not only profitless but dangerous. ' Though
I give all my goods to feed the poor and have not
love, it protiteth me nothing' (1 Co 13^).
(4) Again, fasting may have been viewed as
giving power over demons (cf. Clem. Hom. ix. 9 ;
Tertullian, de Jejuniis, 8 : ' Docuit etiam adversus
diriora demonia jejuniis praeliandum ' ; cf. Mt 17^S
Mk 9-^). Some find this view in the narrative of
the Temptation (see EBi, art. ' Temptation '). This
view of fasting, grotesque as it appears to us, is
akin to the truth that surfeiting of the body dulls
the spiritual vision, and that the spiritual life is a
rigorous discipline (cf. 1 Co 9^'-'').
What strikes one in the apostolic writings gener-
ally, as contrasted with later ecclesiastical litera-
ture, is the scarcity of references to fasting as
an outward observance. Nowhere is the tradi-
tional Church ascetic held up to imitation in the
NT, as Eusebius ( HE ii. 23) holds up St. James, or
Clement of Alexandria (Pferf. ii. 1) St. Matthew, or
the Clem. Ho?n. (xii. 6, xv. 7) St. Peter, or Epiph-
anius (Hcer. Ixxviii. 13) the sons of Zebedee.
In the NT the references to fasting are almost
all incidental, and apologetic or hostile. It is
regarded as due to weakness of faith, or positive
perversion. Neither St. John, St. James, St.
Jude, nor St. Peter once mentions it as a means
of grace. This silence, it is true, ought not to be
unduly pressed ; yet it is surely a proof that they
considered fasting as of no essential importance.
Its revival in the Christian Church was due to
traditionalism and legalism on the one hand, and
to ascetic dualism (Orphic, Platonic, Essenic) on
the other. In the NT the latter influence is
strenuously opposed (Colossians and Pastorals),
and the former is as vigorously rejected when it
makes itself necessary to salvation, although it is
tenderly treated when it is only a weak leaning
towards old associations. The whole spirit of
apostolic Christianity regards fasting as of little
or no importance, and the experience of the
Christian Church seems to be that any value it
may have is infinitesimal compared with the evils
and perversions that seem so inseparably associ-
ated with it. According to Eusebius (HE v. 18),
Montanus was the first to give laws to the Church
on fasting. The NT is altogether opposed to such
ecclesiastical laws. The matter is one for the indi-
vidual Christian intelligence to determine (Ro 14^).
St. Paul's language in 1 Co 9"^^- has been ad-
duced in support of self-torture of all kinds ; but,
while we must not minimize the reality of Christian
ABSTINENCE
ABSTINENCE
discipline, nothing can be legitimately deduced
from this passage or any other in favour of fasting
or flagellation as a general means of sanctification,
nor is the Apostle's view based on a dualism Avliich
looks on matter and the human body as inherently
evil. It may be said that interpolations like
1 Co 7« (cf. Ac 103", Mt lT-\ Mk 9^9) reveal the
beginnings of that ascetic resurgence which
reached its climax in monastic austerities, and
that there is at least a tinge of ascetic dualism in
certain Pauline passages (e.g. Ro 8", 1 Co 5^ 7^"®
9"-^, 2 Co 41"- ", Col 3^) ; but even those who hold
this view of these Pauline passages admit 'that there
is very little asceticism, in the ordinary sense, in
St. Paul's Epistles, while there is much that makes
in the opposite direction ' (McGiffert, Apostol. Age,
1897, p. 136). We shall see, however, when we
come to deal with the principles of abstinence as
unfolded by St. Paul, that even this minimum
residuum has to be dropped.
We may conclude, then, that, according to the
NT, fasting is not enjoined or even recommended
as a spiritual help. The ideal is life with the Risen
Christ, which involves not only total renunciation
of all sinful actions but self-restraint in all conduct.
When the individual Christian finds fasting to be a
part of this self-restraint, then it is useful ; but one
fails to find any proof in the NT that fasting is
necessarilj' an element of self-restraint. When it
is an etiect of an absorbing spiritual emotion, or
when practised to aid the poor, or involuntarily
undergone in the straits of Christian duty, then it
is highly commendable.
2. The use of wine. — While drunkenness as
well as gluttony is sternly condemned, nowhere is
total abstinence, in our sense, enforced. In one
passage it has even been contended that St. Paul
indirectly opposes it (1 Ti 5^), but his words in our
time would be simply equivalent to medical advice
to the ett'ect that total abstinence as a principle
must be subordinated to bodily health. Thus, while
total abstinence is in itself not an obligatory duty,
it may become so on the principle that we ought
not to do anything by which our brother stumbles,
or is ottended, or is made weak (1 Co 8^*). This
principle, which is equally applicable to fasting,
must be considered in deciding the Christian at-
titude towards all outward observances. While
Christianity recognizes the indifferent nature of
these customs, while its liberty frees Christians
from their observance, yet cases may arise when
this liberty has to be subordinated to love and the
interests of Christian unity. In 1 Co 8 the Apostle
is dealing wdth the conditions of his own time ; our
conditions did not engage his attention. Christian
abstainers can find an adequate defence for their
position in the degrading associations of strong
drink in our modern life. On the other hand, total
abstinence from strong drink is no more a univer-
sally binding duty than fasting is, nor are ecclesi-
astical rules called for in the one case more than in
the other.* Both these customs fall within the
sphere of things indifferent, and are to be deter-
mined by the individual in the light of the nature
of the Christian life, which is 'neither meat nor
drink, but righteousness, peace, and joy in the
Holy Ghost' (Ro 14").
3. Marriage and celibacy. — We are not here
concerned with the NT doctrine of marriage (q.v.)
in its totalitj', but Mith the question as to whether
celibacy is commanded as a superior grade of living,
and as to whether this is based on a dualistic view
which regards the sexual functions as in their very
nature evil. To begin with, marriage is viewed Vjy
St. Paul as being in general a human necessity, as
•The 'water-folk' found in the Eastern Church in the 3rd
cent (who objected to wine at the Lord's Supper), cannot
appeal to XT principles for a justification of their actions.
indeed a preventive against incontinency. It is a
' part of his greatness that, in spite of his own
somew^iat ascetic temperament, he was not blind
to social and physiological facts' (Drummond,
quoted in EGT on 1 Th 4'*). He recommends those
who can to remain single as he is himself. In view
of the approaching world-end in which he believed,
marriage meant the multiplication of troubles that
would make fidelity to Christ more difficult ; and
perhaps in this light also the propagation of the
race was undesirable. It is possible also that he
may have been here influenced unconsciously by
his Rabbinical training, and that he interpreted
his own case as too generally applicable. He was
a celibate for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake (Mt
1910-12^^ and he may have made the mistake of de-
siring to universalize his own exceptional case.
Yet there is no ground for the view that celibacy
in itself is a superior form of life. * St. Paul does
not say that it can produce that life or is necessary
to it, but when it is a consequence of it, then it is
of value. It is the supremacy of single-hearted
devotion to Christ that he holds out as an ideal,
and his view is that in some cases marriage en-
dangers this. Again, marriage is not to him
simply a preventive against uncleanness (see art.
Soberness). It is also the object of sanctification,
and its relations have their own honour (1 Th 4*;
see Marriage, Virginity). He uses it as an
illustration of the highest relationship ; he opposes
those who prohibit it (I Ti 4^) owing to a false
asceticism. It is true he does not there give
reasons, as he does in the case of abstinence from
food, because the same principle applies to both
cases. While, then, we may admit that on this ques-
tion his view was narrow, we may say with Sabatier
(The Apostle Paul, Eng. tr., 1891, p. 164) that ' this
narrowness, for which he has been so greatly
blamed, does not arise from a dualistic asceticism.
There is no dualism to be found in Paul's doctrine.'
4. World-flight is not encouraged in the NT.
Slaves even are warned to abide in their situations,
knowing that they are God's freemen (see art.
Abuse). The necessity of labour is unfolded in
the Thessalonian Epistles, against the practice of
those who had given up work under eschatological
influences. World-flight is not conquering the
world, but rather giving up the idea of conquering
it, abandoning the battlefield, and, as such, is
contrary to the apostolic view. St. Paul did not,
it is true, expatiate after the manner of modern
moralists on the dignity of labour, t but he did
insist on ' the divineness of those obligations and
ties which constitute man's social life. . . .' The
institutions of society — 'marriage, the state, the
rights of possession — are of Divine appointment,
and must be upheld and honoured, however short
the time before the order to which they belong
shall pass away forever ' (Stevens, Theol. of NT,
1899, p. 454).
II. Ascetic principles. — Abstinence is wider
than fasting or outward observances ; it implies
principles by which these external actions are
determined, and it keeps in view also the inner
reality of which they are the expression. It in-
cludes character as well as conduct. Indeed, it is
this inward reality which is mainly of value in the
Christian ideal of abstinence.
1. The verb do-Ktiv occurs only once in the NT
(Ac 24^®), in this sense of a life whose activities are
explained, in the way both of omission and com-
mission, by an inner principle. St. Paul was
accused of deliberately ott'ending Jewish legal sus-
* Harnack (on Did. xi. 8) thinks Eph 532 recommends
celibacy as a higher life for the Christian. See, however,
Schaff, The Oldest Church Manual, 1885, p. 202.
t See Ilarnack's What is Christianity i (Eng. tr., 1904, p
123 ff.) for remarks qualifying the idea underlying the phrase,
' the dignity of labour.'
ABSTINENCE
ABSTINENCE
ceptibilities. He denies the charge. AYhile he
adheres to the heresy of 'the Way,' he does so
without intentionally coming into collision with
the customs or prejudices of others. Not only so,
Vjut his plan is a studied attempt to conform to
all customs of Jew and Gentile, of ' weak ' and
'strong,' consistently with his faithfulness to God
and his being under law to Christ. This is his
&<TKr]aLs for the gospel's sake (1 Co 9*^"^*). His
whole life is an illustration of this. He yielded to
Jewish susceptibilities (Ac 16^ 18'^ 21^^), and bore
with Gentile immaturity (1 Th 2"-i2). This con-
duct was not due to fickleness or guile (1 Co 2'®,
1 Th 2»), but to love (2 Co 5^^^-), and it Avas done
in simplicity and godly sincerity of conscience
(2 Co V'-, Ac 24"*). It was ditt'erent from the love-
less superior liberty of Corinthian liberalism, and
from the servile man-pleasing of weak Judaism
(Gal 1. 2). It was, in short, a reproduction of that
Kivuxxis of self (so different from seltish human ac-
quisitiveness) which was the great feature of the
life of Christ (Ph 28).
To St. Paul this involved very real asceticism.
In striking language he figures himself as in the
course of his Christian race undergoing privations,
abstinences, and self-discipline as great as any
runner for tlie Isthmian prize or as any pugilist.
It is not simply that this asceticism involved
abstinence from sin — Christianity demands that
from all ; it involved also the giving up of privi-
leges and rights, and the denial to self of anything
that would hinder his being sure of the prize or
that would weaken others or cause them to stumble.
It is a warning to Christian liberalism in Corinth
not to degenerate into licence and so to fall.
Christian asceticism is the remedy against this.
We are not to infer that St. Paul practised bodily
torture, that he went, as it were, out of his way to
invent austerities, self-imposed fastings, or flagella-
tions. ^Yhat he refers to here is the effect on his
whole life of his absorbing passion for men's salva-
tion. That was the expulsive power which made
him an ascetic in this sense, which made him
abnegate his rights of maintenance at Thessalonica
and Corinth, which made him work at night though
preaching through the day, which overcame his
bodily weaknesses, which brought him into dangers
by land and sea without being deterred by the fear
of pain or privation.
Nor was this daK-rja-is of his a superior form of life
which was binding only on a few choice souls. St.
Paul has no double moralitj\ No one can empty
himself too much for Christ or endure too much
for Him. In tliis way must we explain the mani-
fold passages where the Christian life is compared
to a race, to an athletic contest, to military life and
warfare. Just as these involve abstinence, so also
does Christianity. This asceticism is, however, not
arbitrarily imposed or cunningly invented ; it is
the consequence of fidelity to Christ's cause. It
arises out of the very nature of the Christian life.
Its outward manifestation is accidental. What is
essential is the presence of the self-denying spirit,
which spends and is spent willingly out of love to
Christ. It is a complete perversion to suppose that
outward austerities can create this spirit. Out-
ward hardships of any sort must be effects, not
causes. This Christian asceticism is not due to
any disparagement of the body or undervaluation
of earthly relationships or a false view of matter.
The asceticism born of tliese is at best only a
(Tu/xaTiKTi yvfxvaaia* (1 Ti 4^''), while Christian as-
ceticism is one whose end is piety. The one is of
little proht, the other of eternal worth. This
gymnastic for holiness arises out of the provi-
* This crioftaTiioj yvixvacrta. is not athletics in our sense ; it is a
bodily discipline dictated by a philosophico-religious view of
the body — a dualistic view of things (cf. 1 Ti 43).
dential disciplines furnished copiously by a strict
adherence to the line of Cliristian duty. It is the
kottlSlv /cat oveLdl'^ecdai, the exhaustive labouring, and
the abuse (or earnest conflict [dyuivV^«j6aL\) of the
man who sets his hope on the living God (1 Ti 4^"),
2. What, then, are the principles that determine
the nature and limits of Christian abstinence?
We may learn these by considering the general
word for 'abstinence' [awex^adai.) in the NT
(Ac 15-'»- 29, 1 Th 43 5--, 1 Ti 4^ 1 P 2"). These
principles did not disengage themselves all at once
in the Church's consciousness. The first real
attempt at such a disengagement is found in the
so-called Apostolic Decree (Ac 15). This was
nothing more than a working compromise to ease
the existing situation. Attempts have been made
often and early to moralize it and so hnd in it a
valid basis for Christian abstinence. Thus ' blood '
was explained as ' homicide,' and ' things strangled '
were omitted, as in Codex D ; but such attempts
are beside the point as surely as the attempts to
judaize the document completely by making ' forni-
cation ' mean ' man-iage within the prohibited
degrees.' For our purpose the Decree is valuable
historically rather than morally. It is a land-mark
in the liberating of Christianity from ceremonial
Judaism, similar to the evangelizing of Samaria
by Philip and his baptizing of the eunuch, or the
dealing of St. Peter with Cornelius. It does not,
however, supplj' a logical or lasting basis for
abstinence. Such a basis is furnished by St. Paul
(1 Th 4'-8, 1 Co 6'--"^ Gal 5^8 etc. ; cf. 1 P 2'i).
The ground of Cliristian abstinence is found in the
nature of the Christian life, which is a holy calling
— a fellowship with the Holy One — whose animat-
ing principle is the Holy Spirit. The Christian
man — body, soul, and spirit — is in union with
Christ. Hence the very nature of the Christian
life gives a positive princijjle of abstinence. Every-
thing carnal is excluded. ' The carnal mind is
enmity against God, it is not subject to the law of
God, neither indeed can be' (Ro 8''). This deter-
mines positively what is of necessity to be avoided,
and lists of these sins are given in the NT (see
above. Introduction). These are ' the works of the
flesh.' At the very lowest foundation of the
Christian life there must be personal purity.
ayiaff/jLos is wholly opposed to aKadapaia (1 Th 4").
Some have maintained that St. Paul tends to
regard sanctihcation as mainly absence from
sensual sin (Wernle, Beginnings of Christianity,
Eng. tr., 1904, ii. 334), and others that he, possibly
from his own bitter experience of this sin, empha-
sized this aspect of sanctihcation (A. B. Bruce,
.S'^. PuuVs Conception of Christianity, 1894, p. 264).
But St. Paul's view of sanctihcation includes the
whole personality. He was keenlj' alive to the
' inconceivable evil of sensuality,' although he
himself had the charism of continence (1 Co V).
The reason for his emphasis on personal purity is
found in the immoral state of Grecian cities — ' the
bottomless sexual depravity of the heathen world '
(Schaff, op. cit. p 202) — and in the sensual bias of
human nature. Christians had to learn this grace
of purity (1 Th 4-').
The Christian life, then, is a positive life— a life
that is being sanctihed ; and this includes all along
a negative element, for Christianity does not deal
witii innocent men, but with sinners. Hence the
crucifying of the flesh, with its attections and lusts,
and the mortifying of the bodily members are just
the negative side of advance in holiness.
It is sometimes held that at hrst St. Paul's
teaching on this point was tinged Avith dualism,
and that he tended to regard the body itself as
essentially evil, and that it was only later on, when
the full consequences of his early views Avere carried
into effect, as in Colossians and the Pastoral^
10
ABSTINE]S"GE
ABSTINENCE
L
that he came to repudiate this dualistic asceticism
(Baring Gould, A Study of St. Paul, 1897 [see
Index, under ' Asceticism ']), or it is maintained
that his attitude towards the flesh changes — that
at times lie views it as something to be extirpated,
while at other times and oftener ' his exhortations
to his Christian readers have reference commonly
not to the Christian's attitude towards his fleshly
nature, but to his relation to Christ or the Divine
Spirit within him' (McGifl'ert, Apostol. Age, p.
137 f. ). The truth is that the change was not in
St. Paul's principle, but in the circumstances and
conditions with which he happened to be at any
time dealing, and that this opposition between a
negative and a positive attitude is not a contra-
diction, but only exhibits the opposite sides of the
one Christian principle of sanctihcation. Abstain-
ing and retaining, pruning and growth, are not
contradictories but complements. Even McGifl'ert,
as we have seen, admits that 'there is very little
asceticism, in the ordinary sense, in Paul's epistles,
while there is much that makes in the opposite
direction ' (op. cit. p. 136). These distinctions,
however, are largely irrelevant. To St. Paul the
Christian life was a life of sanctification, and. this
included both aspects.
This positive principle, then, of Christian abstin-
ence is found in the very nature of the Christian
life, which includes the affirmation of all the per-
sonality and its relationships as instruments of
the spirit, and also the negation of the flesh and the
world, or of personality and its relationships as
alienated from the Spirit of God.
This principle, just because it contained these
two moments, was ajjt to be misunderstood. Its
twofold unity was apt to be disrupted, and we may
well believe that the later Gnostic dualism and
licentious libertinism may both have appealed to
the authority of St. Paul. The Apostle, however,
had a second principle of abstinence which helps us
to correct this antagonism. He clearly distin-
guished between those things that in their very
nature were hostile to the Christian life and those
things that were indifferent. The neglect or abuse
of this principle is apt to confuse the whole ques-
tion of abstinence. The difficulty is intensified by
the fact that in this region of the indiflerent we are
dealing with the application of a universal principle
to changing conditions, so that, to use logical
language, while the major premiss is the same,
the minor premiss varies, ana thus the right con-
clusion has to be discovered from the nature of the
conditions with which we are for the moment deal-
ing. Thus we find that the conditions at liome
and Corinth were not the conditions present in
Colossians or the Pastorals, and accordingly St.
Paul deals with each according to its merits. His
general principle in regard to indiff"erent things is,
'All things are lawful.' This is universally ap-
plicable only inside this universe of discourse. It
is not applicable to our relation to tliose things
that by their very nature are inimical to tlie
Christian life. To apply the principle to the
latter sphere is to degenerate into libertinism such
as St. John, St. Jude, and St. Peter had to face.
While St. Jude and St. Peter are content with
combating this libertinism mainly by denunciation
and exhortations to Christians, St. John applies
St. Paul's i)ositive principle of abstinence to refute
it. He points out the inadmissibility of sin (1 Jn
2^'-)- By this neither he nor St. Paul means i)er-
fectionisni, nor yet are they speaking ideally of the
Christian life. It is not true, as the Gnostics say,
that the gold of Christianity is not injured by the
mud of impurity (Irenreus, c. Hcbt. i. 6. 2). Some
so explained the saying ascribed to Nicliolas (cf.
Rev 2"- ^'), SeZv Trapaxpvcrdai ttj (rapKi (' the flesh must
be abused '). According to Clem. Alex. {Strom.
ii. 20), ' abandoning themselves like goats to
pleasure, as if insulting the body, they lead a life
of self-indulgence.' It is this that St. John is con-
futing in these perfectionist passages, just as St.
Paul confutes ascetic severity towards the body in
Colossians, by pointing to the nature of the new
life the Christian has in Christ.
This Christian principle of abstinence, then,
•All things are laAvful,' does not apply to sin. It
has further limitations. These are unfolded in
1 Cor. and Romans. The abstainers in both these
cases were in the minority. They did not base
their views on a material dualism. They were
under the influence of an atmosphere rather than
a system, and they were apt to be treated in a
high-handed fashion. They were not endangering
the very basis of Christianity as a free service of
God, as the Galatians were. Hence they had to
be defended rather than condemned. St. Paul
says all he can in their favour, although he ranges
himself in principle on the other side. He tells
the advocates of liberty that love is superior to the
Christian's freedom towards things indiflerent, that
it makes liberty look as much on the weakness of
others as on its own strength. The interests of
brotherly love and Christian unity make liberty
impose restraints on itself. This restraint is a
noble asceticism. 'The liberty of faith is found
in the bondage of love ' (Sabatier, Paul, p. 163).
He warns the advocates of liberty also that they
may apply this principle to matters that are
essential and not indiflerent. This warning was
necessary, because idolatry was so identified with
all social functions that it was difficult to escape it.
Why not — to advert to the coming conditions —
adore the image of the Emperor ? Why not throw
incense into the fire ? Just because by so doing
the fii'st and major principle of Christian abstin-
ence was destroyed, viz. that it was a holy life in
fellowship with the risen Christ ; and its second
principle of freedom in things indiflerent did not
consequently apply.
Yet this second principle was distinctly valuable.
It was a great step in advance to have it clearly
enunciated. For the weak brother, as in Galatia,
might become intolerant ; he might become the
victim of false views, which would look on the ob-
servance of indiflerent rites as a necessary quali-
fication of full salvation and Christian privilege.
Then Christian liberty in its fullness must be
maintained (Gal 5^). This liberty — rightly under-
stood — contains in itself the real principle of ab-
stinence from what is sinful. Nowhere have we
fuller lists of the works of the flesh given than in
the Galatian Epistle.
Or, again, as in Colossians and the Pastorals,
a false asceticism might be present which re-
garded matter and body as evil, in which case
both principles would be used to destroy such a
view.
(a) In regard to indifferent matters like food
and drink God has given freedom. The argument
is the same as that used by Jesus when He purified
all meats (Mk 7'"). These minutiae of fasting are
human inventions, not Divine commands ; and to
respect them casuistically is to blur the distinction
between the essential and the indifferent. We get
what God meant us to get from perishable meats
when we joyfully use them with a thankful spirit
towards God. They, like the bodily appetites
which they satisfy, do not belong to the eternal
world, but to the natural. Yet the natural world
and its relations to us, our bodies and their re-
quirements, are of God and can all be used to His
glory. Our bodies, souls, and spirits are His. It
is not ]>y using severity towards the body or by
abstaining from marriage or leaving our earthly
callings that we can gain further sanctific-atiou. In
ABUSE, ABUSEES
ABYSS
11
fact, St. Paul says that this d<pei5ia criii/xaTos —
severity towards the body — is of little practical
value (Col 2-*). Its aim is to destroy the body, not
to fit it for God's service. Logically carried to its
issue, this false asceticism would not only enfeeble
the soul by debasing the body, but would destroy
the body and matter altogether. But God's ideal
for the body is different (cf. Ph 3^^), so that what
is to be aimed at by the Christian is the destruc-
tion of the flesh (a-dp^), not of the body as such
((TtD/xa).
But (6) the Apostle uses the primary principle of
Christian abstinence to refute this dualistic asceti-
cism. He shows that Christianity is not a matter
of prohibitions, but of a renewed life — a walking in
the Spirit. Asceticism at its best leaves the house
empty. It is doubtful from history and physiology
if it can even do that, but the new life in Christ
has an expulsive power against sin and a construc-
tive power of holiness.
These, then, are the principles that govern Chris-
tian abstinence: (1) The Christian life as a 'holy
calling ' demands abstinence from all sin. This pro-
hibits not only sinful actions but sinful thoughts.
This is what may be called essential abstinence.
(2) Besides this, there may be abstinence in in-
different matters, but it rests with the individual
conscience to determine when this is necessary
for the furtherance of the new life in Christ.
This sphere by its very nature is not subject to
obligatory ecclesiastical rules, nor must sucii ab-
stinence be made the basis of salvation or of a
higher moral platform, nor must it be based on a
false view of matter or of the human body or of
human relationships.
See also artt. SELF-DENIAL and Temperance.
LrrERATURE. — Consult the books referred to in the article and
the various Commentaries. See also J. B. Lightfoot, C'olos-
sians'\ 1879, p. b97 tf. ; C. E. Luthardt, Christian Ethics
before the Reformation, tr. Hastie, Edinburgh, 18S9 ; O.
Zbckler, Eritische Gesch. der A><k<'f<e, Frankfurt am M., 1897;
A. Harnack, History of Dogma, Eng. tr., 1894-99 ; H. J.
Holtzmann, -iV2' Theulogie, Tiibingen, 1911, bk. iv. ch. vii.;
A. B. D. Alexander, The Ethics of St. Paul, Glasgow, 1910 ;
A. Ritschl, Entstehung der altkaihol. Kirche, Bonn, 1857, p.
173 ff.; E. Hatch, The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages
upon the Christian Church (Hibbert Lecture, 18S8), London,
1890, Lecture vi. DONALD MACKENZIE.
ABUSE, ABUSERS.— The Latin abator means
either (1) ' use badly,' ' misuse,' or (2) ' use to the
full.' In this second sense Cicero uses the word
of spending one's whole leisure time with a friend
(see Lewis and Short, Latin Diet., s.v. ' Abator ').
The Greek verb Karaxpo-ofiai had both these mean-
ings. Thus in Plato (Menex. 247 A) it means
' use wrongly ' ; and Clem. Alex. PcbcL i. (p. 142,
Potter) speaks of ' using fully every device of wis-
dom.' In older English the verb had both mean-
ings, Cranmer's Bible has ' abuse ' = ' use to the
full ' in Col 22'-. In both 1 Co 7^^ and 9'^ Karaxpaofiai
means ' use to the full.' The RV translates it so in
9^^ and marginally so in 7^^
(a) 1 Co 7^^ — The connexions {e.g. marriage),
circumstances {e.g. sorrow and joy), and concerns
{e.g. business and wealth) of life have in Christianity
an emotional interest. Stoicism would expel these
emotions and leave the soul empty. Christianity
determines them eschatologically (cf. 1 Co 7-'''* '*^'^).
To avoid abuse of the world is to use it sub specie
finis. Abuse here borders on our meaning of
misuse (cf. French abuser — on abuse celui qui se
laisse captiver ; and Mark Pattison's note on Pope's
Essay on Man, ii. 14) ; and that perhaps is why
RV retains 'abuse.' Texts like this apply in
their original freshness and strength to times of
crisis (cf. Luther's hymn, ' Gut, Ehre, Kind, und
Weib . . . lass fahren dahin'), when the dissolu-
tion of society seems imminent, but in essence they
are applicable to all time, as human life is always
uncertain. They do not, however, encourage aloof-
ness from or slackness in social duties (cf. St. Paul's
attitude towards the non-workers in Thessalonica,
2 Th 3i"«-).
(6) 1 Co 9^^ — One phase of St. Paul's accommodat-
ing conduct ((TU7/caTd;3a(r:s) for the gospel's sake
was the voluntary abridgment of his rights of
maintenance by the Corinthians ( 1 Co 9'-", 2 Co 11^).
This accommodation must be distinguished from
men-pleasing (cf. Gal 1'°). As the height of right
may be the height of injury [summum ius sunuua
iniuria), so conversely the abnegation of Christian
rights for the gospel's sake enhances the power of
both Evangelist and Evangel (cf. Mk 10-'*'').
Summary. — A lawful use of the world (I Co 7^^)
or even of Christian rights (9'^) becomes harmful
when dissociated from eternal issues, or pursued
without regard to others. The lower planes of life
gain signihcance in subordination to the highest.
Rights legally due may, if pressed without regard
to love, become injurious.
(c) In 1 Co 6" and 1 Ti l^'' dpa-evoKo'iTai is translated
' abusers of themselves with mankind ' (cf. Ro 1"''
written from Corinth). This unnatural vice is that
known in Greek literature as iraidepaaTla. In St.
Paul's view sins of uncleanness were the inevitable
Divine penalty of forgetfulness of God — a view
strengthened by the association between unclean-
ness and the worship of Aphrodite in places like
Corinth.
Literature. — Grimm-Thayer, s.v, Karaxpaofxat ; EDB,
vol. i. art. ' Abuse ' ; the Comm. on above passages, e.g.
Edwards in EGT and Hand-Corn. ; cf. also C. J. Vaughan,
Lessons of Life and Godliness, London, 1870, Sermon xix. ;
F. W. Robertson, Sermons, vol. iii. sermon xiv. ; W. G.
Blaikie, Present Day Tracts, no. 4, 'Christianity and the
Life that now is.' On TratSepaorca consult W. A. Becker,
Charikles, 3 vols., Berlin, 1877-78, vol. ii. p. 252 ff.
Donald Mackenzie.
ABYSS.— This is the RV rendering of the word
d^vaaos which occurs in Lk S^S Ro 10^ Rev 9'- ^- "
11" 17*'20^-^ InLk. and Rom., A V translates 'deep';
in Rev., ' bottomless pit ' — no distinction, however,
being made between rd ^piap rrjs d^vaa-ov in 9^- ^
(RV ' the pit of the abyss') and tj a^vacros simply
in the remaining passages (RV 'the abyss').
dj3vacToi (from a intens. and ^vaa-os. Ion. for ^vd6s,
'the depth') occurs in classical Greek as an adj.
meaning ' bottomless,' but in biblical and ecclesi-
astical Greek almost invariably as a substantive
denoting ' the bottomless place,' 'the abyss.' The
word is found frequently in the LXX, usually
as a rendering of the Heb, i^hdm, and primarily
denotes the water-deeps which at first covered the
earth (Gn P, Ps 103 (104)") and were conceived of
as shut up afterwards in subterranean storehouses
(32 (33)^). In Job 38i6*- the abyss in the sense of
the depths of the sea is used as a parallel to
Hades ; and in 41^ (LXX) the sea-monster regards
the Tartarus of the abyss as his captive. In Ps
70 (71)-" ' the abyss' is applied to the depths of the
earth, and is here evidently a figurative equiva-
lent for Sheol, though it is nowhere used in the
LXX to render the Heb. word. In the later Jewish
eschatology, where Sheol has passed from its OT
meaning of a shadowy under world in which there
are no recognized distinctions between the good
and the bad, the wicked and the weary (cf. Job 3",
Ec 9'), and has become a sphere of definite moral
retribution, the conception of the abyss has also
undergone a moral transformation. The Ethiopian
Book of Enoch is especially suggestive for the
development of the eschatological conceptions that
appear in pre-Christian Judaism ; and in the earliest
part of that book the fallen angels and demons are
represented as cast after the final judgment into
a gulf (xdos) of fire (lO'^-"), while in 21'' the chasm
(8iaKoirrj) filled with fire (cf. rb (pp^ap in Rev 9^- ^) is
described as bordered by the abyss. Apparently
12
ACCEPTANCE
ACCEPTANCE
the abyss was conceived of as the proper home of
the devil and his angels, in the centre of which
was a lake of tire reserved as the place of their
final punislnnent.
The previous history of the word explains its use
in the NT. In Ko 10", where he is referring to Dt
30^^, St. Paul uses it simply as the abode of the dead,
Sheol or Hades— a sense equivalent to that of Ps 70
(11)-^'. In Lk 8^' the penal aspect of the abyss comes
clearly into view ; it is a place of confinement for
demons. In Rev. we are in the midst of the visions
and images of apocalyptic eschatology. In 9^* ^
• the pit of the abyss' sends forth a smoke like the
smoke of a great furnace. The abyss has an angel
of its own whose name is Abaddon (q.v.) or Apoll-
yon (v."). From it 'the beast' issues (IF 17^),
and into it ' the old serpent which is the Devil and
Satan ' is cast for a thousand years (20^"^).
Literature. — The Commentaries and Bible Dictionaries ; art
'Abyss' in EHE. J. C. LAMBERT.
ACCEPTANCE.— The noun itself is not found in
the AV of the NT, though we come very near it in
■acceptation' (clttoooxv), 1 Ti P^ 4*. Instances of
the verb and adjective are frequent, and are mostly
equivalents of oexo/j-ai and its derivatives, as the
following list shows: S^xo^ai, 2 Co 6> 8'^ 11^;
oeKTds, Pli 4^* ; dTroSeKTos, 1 Ti 2^ 5'^ ; ■n-poaS^xoiJi.o.L,
He 1P5 . ei/7rp6(r5eKros, Ro \b^^- ^i, 2 Co 6'^ 8^2, 1 P 2^.
We also hnd Xafx^dvo:, Gal 2" ; evapearos,* Ro 12'" -
14'8, 2 Co 5^ Eph 5'«, Fh 4'^ Col 3-», Tit 2^, He IS^i,
and (vapiarws.* He 12-'* ; x'^P'^i 1 P 2-" ; and x^f'-'^^'^y
Eph l*". It should be noticed that in the RV the
adjective ' well-jileasing ' often takes the place of
the AV ' acceptable ' ; and that in Eph P the
familiar expression ' (his grace) wherein he hath
made us accepted in the Beloved ' gives place to
the more correct ' which he freely bestowed upon
us,' etc. See the conmientaries of Westcott and
Arniitage Robinson, in loc.
2 Co 8" (Titus 'accepted the exhortation') and
He IP^ ('not accepting deliverance') do not call
for comment. With 2 Co IP on the non-accept-
ance of another gospel than that of Paul, compare
1 Ti P and 4^, 2 Ti P^ 4i» ; see also for the ' accepted
time' (the day of opportunity for accepting the
Divine message) 2 Co 6'-"'^ (cf. Lk 4^«). In Ro lo^i
St. Paul hopes that the collection for the Jerusalem
poor may be acceptable to the saints ; and, refer-
ring to the same project in 2 Co 8^^, lays down tlie
principle that contributions are acceptable in pro-
portion to the willingness with which they are given.
We are now left with the passages which speak
of God's acceptance of man. Christians are ' child-
ren of light,' are to ' prove what is acceptable (or
well-pleasing) to the Lord' (Eph 5'» ; cf. Col 3'-"), to
test and discern the Lord's will (Ro 12^). They are
' to make it their aim,' whether living or dying,
' to be well-pleasing to him ' (2 Co 5®).
What then are the principles and practices that
ensure tliis hap[)y consummation ? We may Hrst
notice the familiar negative projiosition set forth
in Gal 2'' and Ac lO^'* ' God accepteth no man's
person ' (i.e. the mere outward state and presence) ;
and over against it the comprehensive declaration
of Ac 10^' ' In every nation he that feareth God
■ md workcth righteousness is acceptable to him.'
This furni-hes a starting-point for a detailed enum-
eration of tiie courses which are 'well-pleasing' to
God, and which may be set forth as follows: the
ottering of our bodies as a living sacrifice (Ro 1'2'-) ;
the serving of Ciirist by not putting stumbling-
blocks before weaker brethren (14'*) ; missionary
work — the ' ottering up " of the Gentiles ( 15"*) ; the
gift of the Philippian Church to St. Paul in prison
* On the use of these words in inscriptions see A. Deissmann,
liible Slndieg, 21if. The use of apeo-rov, 'pleasing,' and the
verb apiuKui in the NT should also be noted.
(Ph 4'8 ; cf. Mt 2531-^s) ; filial aff"ection to a widowed
mother (1 Ti 5'') ; supplication and intercession for
all men (1 Ti 2=*) ; undeserved suttering patiently
endured (1 P 2'-"). All these may be looked upon
as examples of the 'spiritual sacrifices' (1 P 2^),
the offering of ' service with reverence and awe '
(He Fi-** ; cf. 13'''), which are 'acceptable' to God.
He it is who ' works in us that which is well-pleas-
ing in his sight through Jesus Christ ' (He 13-').
It is interesting and instructive to comiiare the
grounds of ' acceptance ' in the circle of OT thought
with those in the NT. In the former these grounds
are partly ceremonial (Lv 22-'*), and partly ethical
(Is I'-'i", Jer 6'-'* etc.), though here and there a
higher note is struck (cf. Pr''2P, Mic 6^, Dt 10-*) ;
in the latter the ceremonial association has entirely
vanished except in a metaphorical sense, and be-
come purely ethico-spiritual, as the above references
prove. It was largely due to the prophets that the
old ceremonial ground was gradually ethicized ;
and, though it never died out under the earlier
' dispensation ' (which, indeed, reached its most
rigid and mechanical development in the degener-
ate Pharisaic cult of NF times), the way was
ertectually prepared for the full proclamation of
the spiritual message of the gospel by Jesus, who
was Himself the perfect embodiment of ali thiit was
acceptable and well-pleasing to God (cf. Mk P^,
Mt 17^ JnS^^etc).
There is a theological problem of importance
raised by these passages — What is it that consti-
tutes the ground of our acceptance with God ? The
full treatment of this problem must be sought
under the art. JUSTIFICATION, but the following
considerations may be properly adduced here.
Unquestionably the Christian religion is a religion
of Grace, as contra-distinguished from Judaism and
other faiths, which are religions of Law. Salvation,
according to the NT throughout (explicitly in the
writings of St. Paul, more or less implicitly else-
where), is of God, and not of man ; not our own
doings, but willingness to accept ivhat He has done
for us, and what He is ready to do in us, is the
condition of initial inclusion within the Kingdom
of Divine love and life. This is the watershed
which determines the direction and flow of all
subsequent doctrinal developments in Christian
theology ; it is what settles the question whether
our thoughts and practice are distinctively Christian
or not. There are, however, two alternative perils
to be carefully avoided — antinomianism, on the
one hand, which assumes our continued accei)tance
with God irrespective of our moral conduct after-
wards ; and the doctrine of salvation by works, on
the other, which makes moral conduct the condi-
tion of acceptance, thus surreptitiously introduc-
ing the legal view of religion once more. This
' Either — Or ' is, however, a false antithesis, from
which we are saved by the recognition of the
' mystical union ' of the l)eliever with God in Christ.
By that act of faith, in virtue of which the sinner
' accepts ' Christ and ajipropriates all that He is
and has done, he passes from a state of condemna-
tion into a state of grace (Ro 8'), and is henceforth
' in Christ ' — organically united to Him as the
member is to the body (1 Co 12'-'-), as the branch is
to tiie vine (Jn 15'"'*). This 'justifying faith' is,
however, not an isolated act ; it is an act that
brings us into a [lermanent relation witli the source
of spiritual life. Now, 'good works' in the
Cliristian sense are a necessary proof and outcome
of this relation, and as such are well-pleasing or
' acce])table' to God, because (a) they are a mani-
festation of the spirit of Christ in us (Gal 2-" ; cf.
V.-'); and (6) a demonstration of the continuance
of the believer 'in Christ' (Jn 15« ; cf. Mt 5'8, Ph
P"'-)- The relation of the believer to Christ, in
other words, while it is religious in its root, ia
ACCESS
ACCESS
13
ethical in its fruit, and the quality and abundance
of the latter naturally show the quality and potency
of the faith-life of ■which it is the expression and
outcome. Thus our ' works ' do not constitute our
claim for acceptance with God after entering the
Kingdom of Grace any more than before ; but they
determine our place vjithin tlie Kingdom. There
is an aristocracy of the spiritual as well as of the
natural life ; the saved are one in the fact of salva-
tion, but not in the magnitude of their attainments
or the quality of their influence ; and they are more
or less acceptable to God according to the entireness
of their consecration and the value of their service.
There is thus an adequate motive presented to us
for perpetual striving after perfection, and St.
Paul's spiritual attitude — ' not as though I had
already attained, but I follow after' (Ph 3^-) — is
the normal attitude of every true believer (cf. Col
po-'-, 1 Th 41-^ 1 Jn 3-'2). It was given only to One
to be altogether well-pleasing to God ; but it is the
unfading ideal, and tiie constant endeavour of His
true diisciples to follow in His steps, and in all
things to become more and more like Him, as well
as 'well-pleasing' to Him.
See, further, artt. JUSTIFICATION, etc., and Litera-
ture there specified. E. Griffith- J ONES.
ACCESS.— This word in the Epistles of the NT
is the translation of the Greek word irpoa-ayooyTj
(Ro 5-, Eph 2's 3'- ; cf. 1 P 3'», where the verb is
used actively). It has been treated very thoroughly
in DCG {s.v. ). Here we shall conhne ourselves to —
1. The connotation of the word. — In classical
Greek, the term Trpoaayuyevs was used primarily
for ' one who brings to,' ' introduces to another as
an intermediary,' mainly in a derogatory sense (cf.
TTpocraywyevs Xrj/jL/jidTwv, one wlio liunts for another's
licnefit — a jackal [Dem. 750. 21 ; cf. Aristid. ii.
369, 395] ; the spies of the Sicilian kings were
called Trpo(Tayo}-/€h, ' tale-bearers ' [Plut. ii. 522 D]).
It was, however, used later in a technical sense,
the court wpoaayuyevs being a functionary whose
business it was to bring visitors or suppliants into
the king's presence. Trpocrayoryrj came thus to mean
access to the royal presence and favour. It is
from this association of ideas that the word derives
its religious connotation in the NT. God is con-
ceived in the kingly relation (as frequently in the
OT), as one who.se favour is sought and found,
and Christ as the irpoaay^jiyevs who introduces the
sinner into the Divine presence. It is thus a form
of words representing Him in the light of a Mediator
between God and man ; and it throws light on the
relation of the three parties in the transaction.
2. The light thrown on the character and
attitude of God towards man. — The kingly con-
cept represents God as supreme, one to whom all
allegiance is due, and who has the power of life
and death over all His subjects. In the OT,
Jahweh, especially in the Psalms, is often repre-
sented as the King of His people Israel (cf. Ps 10^®
24S-1U 444 472 68J4 etc.). It is noticeable, however,
that in most of these passages the Oriental awe in
which all potentates were habitually held is suffused
with a sense of joy and pride in God as Israel's
King ; His power, favour, and victorious character
are mainly dwelt on. The idea which lies behind
the NT references, however, is rather that of the
difficulty of approach to the King's presence, not
merely on account of His loftiness and majesty,
but of His alienation, which demands a process of
reconciliation. It suggests tliat the normal relation
of the King and His subjects has been disturbed
by rebellion or wrong-doing. The Divine dignity
has been outraged, and His claim to obedience set
at defiance. There is thus no longer a right of
admittance to the Divine presence, unless the wrong
is righted and the lost favour restored ; and, till
that has been secured, the protection and kindly
attitude of God can no longer be relied on.
3. The light thrown on the condition and
attitude of man towards Gcd. — The suggestion is
that man is conscious of Ijeing alienated from God
by sin ; that he has no contidence in approaching
God in consequence, being uncertain of his recej)-
tion ; that he knows of nothing which he can do
to restore the lost relation ; and that he is deeply
sensible of the shame and peril of his condition.
Tlie conception of the effects of evil-doing as
separating God and man is one that runs through
the priestly ritual of Judaism (cf. also the pro-
phetic declaration in Is 59^ 'your iniquities have
separated between you and your God'), and corre-
sponds to a fact in the consciousness of pil awakened
sinners. In the earlier experience of ... Paul this
feeling was evidently poignantly emphasized ; and
the sense of deliverance that came to him through
the gospel may be taken as the measure of the
pain and sorrow from which he had been delivered.
i. The function fulfilled by Christ as the One
through whom the renewal of the lost relation
between God and man was accomplished. —
The word Trpoaaywyrj is insufficient to represent this
function. In itself it stands for the work of a
functionary whose role is to act as a merely official
link between the two parties, having no active
part in the process of reconciliation, and having
therefore no claim to the gratitude of the bene-
ficiary in the process. On the other hand, the
apostolic use of the word in its reference to the
person and work of Christ includes the suggestion
that the ' access ' to God refen-ed to has been
accomplished by Christ Himself, and an over-
whelming sense of gratitude is awakened by this
fact. This appears in the four passages in which
the word is used, especially in the last (1 P 3'^).
According to this, the bringing of man to God is
effected through the work of Christ in His Passion ;
'because Christ also suffered for sins once (a-n-a^,
meaning here 'once for all' = a fact accomplished),
the righteous for the unrighteous, that He might
bring us (Trpoaaydyrj) to God,' i.e. restore us to
His favour, and lead us to the benefits of the
Divine reconciliation. In Ro 5-, again, the ' access '
receives its meaning and privilege through its
consummation in and bj- Christ, ' through whom
we have also (/cat, ' copulat et auget' [Toletus],
' answering almost to our " as might be expected " '
[Alford]) got [i(xxhKa.p.iv) our {t7}v) access (introduc-
tion) by our {rfi) faith, into this grace wherein we
stand ' (see DCG i. 13*). Here tlie Person of the
TTpoaaywyevs is chiefly thought of (' this has come to
us through Him ') ; and the resulting beneflt is urged
as a reason for holy exultation, since it means
justification as a ground for ' rejoicing in the hope
of glory.' In Eph 2'* a slightly different emphasis
is suggested : 'for through Him we both {i.e. Jew
and Gentile) have our access in one spirit unto the
Father.' Here that revelation of God, not as uni-
versal King but as the All-Father, which came
through Jesus Christ, is included in the benefit
secured by Him for mankind at large, and the
reconciliation of humanity at variance with itself
as well as with God is brought into the circle of
mediation (cf. v.''* 'for he is our peace [i.e. He
is the peace-maker, the TrpoTaywyevs between us,
Jew and Gentile, who were once far oft" from each
other] who hath made lx)th one' by His blood
[v.13]). Through this word we are thus led into the
deep places of tlie gospel as the reconciling agency
of God to man, man to God, and man to man.
LrrERATCRB. — To the literature in the DCG add John Foster,
Lectures, 1853, ii. 69 ; R. W. Dale, The Jewish Temple and
the ChrisUan Church, 1877, p. 205 ; A. J. Gordon, The Tu-o/old
Life, 18S6, p. 175 ; W. M. Macgregor, Jesus Christ the Smi oj
God, 1907, p. 175. E. GRIFFITH-JoNES.
14
ACCOUNT
ACHAICUS
ACCOUNT. — It will be sufficient merely to
mention the use of the verb 'account' (\oylfofj.ai)
in the sense of ' reckon,' ' deem,' ' consider' (Ro 8***,
1 Co 41, He ll'^ 2 P 3'5). Simple uses of the noun
are found in Ac 19^", when the 'town-clerk' {q.v.)
of Ephesus warns his fellow-citizens of the difficulty
of giving ' account (\6yos) of this concourse ' ; and in
Ph 4'" ' the fruit that increaseth to your account.'
The only significant passages where the word is
found are those dealing with the Judgment.
Tlie declaration in Ro W^, 'Each one of us
shall give account of himself to God,' must be
studied in the light of the paragraph (vv.'^-i^) of
which it is the conclusion. Those who are them-
selves liable to judgment must not set themselves
up as judges of one another, either to make light
of sincere scruples or to reprove laxity. For one
man to judge another is to usurp the prerogative
of God, to whom alone (as universal sovereign and
object of worship) man is answerable. The passage
should be compared with 2 Co 5^", where the ' judg-
ment-seat ' is called Christ's ; see also 1 Co 4^. St.
Paul applies this doctrine, which is found in the
Synoptic Gospels and was an integral part of
primitive Christian teaching, to Jew and Gentile,
to himself and his converts, to those who have
died before the Parousia and those who are alive
at it. The life in the body provides the oppor-
tunity for moral action, and by the use they have
made of it men are sentenced (cf. Gal 6**). A.
Menzies {Com. on 2 Cor.) calls attention {a) to this
aspect of the Judgment in contrast with that which
represents the saints as judging the world and
angels (1 Co 6-^- ; cf. Mt 19-») ; (6) to the incon-
sistency between the doctrine of justification by
faith alone, and the doctrine of final judgment of
men according to their actions. There is, however,
in the present writer's opinion, no inconsistency
here. The NT generally represents the saved as
judged as well as the unsaved. The judgment of
the latter, however, is retributory and involves
rejection ; that of the former is for a place, higher
or lower, within the heavenly Kingdom ; and this
place is in accordance with the faithfulness and
quality of their service while in the body. St.
Paul, as the above references prove, is emphatic as
to the fact and nature of this judgment (cf. 1
Co 3'^''^), and shows that, however true it is that
salvation is by grace, there will be gradations in
standing and in reward in the after-life. This is
in harmony with the teaching of our Lord in the
Synoptics, especially in the parables of service and
reward (Lk 19i8-2» etc. ; cf. Mk 10^»). Cf. also, as
to the fact of the saints having to give an account
of their earthly stewardship, He 13''', 1 P 4^ : ' [evil-
doers and slanderers of Christians] shall give
account to him that is ready to judge tlie quick
and the dead ' (in 1" to the Father, in V^ and 5^
to Christ). These may be regarded as special
instances of the General Judgment already referred
to. The expression dnodLOovai \6yov generally im-
plies that defence is not easy.
LiTRRATURE.— See lit. on art. Judgment ; the Comm. in loce. ;
W. N. Clarke, An Outline of Christian Theol., 1898, p. 459 ff.
E. Griffith-Jones.
ACCURSED.— See Anathema.
ACCUSATION.— See Trial-at-Law.
ACELDAMA.— See Akeldama.
ACHAIA. — Achaia {'Axa'ta) was, in the classical
period, merely a strij) of fertile coast-land stretch-
ing along the soutli of the Gulf of Corinth, from the
river Larisus, which separated it from FAia, to tlie
Sythas, which divided it from Sicyonia, while
tne higher mountains of Arcadia bounded it on the
south. Its whole length was about 65 miles, its
breadth from 12 to 20 miles, and its area about
650 sq. miles.
The Achseans were probably the remnant of a Pelasgian race
once distributed over the whole Peloponnesus. Though they
were celebrated in the heroic age, they rarely figured in the
great Hellenic period, keeping themselves as far as possible
aloof from the conflicts between the Ionian and Doric States,
happy in their own almost uninterrupted prosperity. It is not
till the last struggle for Hellenic independence that they
appear on the stage of history.
The cities which formed the famous Achaean
League became the most powerful political body in
Greece ; and, when the Romans subdued the country
(146 B.C.), they at once honoured the brave con-
federation and spared the feelings of all the Hellenes
by calling the new province not Greece but Achaia.
As constituted by Augustus in 27 B.C., the province
included Thessaly, ^tolia, Acharnania, and part
of Epirus (Strabo, XVII. iii. 25), being thus almost
co-extensive with the modern kingdom of Greece.
As a senatorial province Achaia was governed by
a proconsul, who was an ex-prajtor. In A.D. 15
Tiberius took it from the Senate, adding it to
Macedonia to form an Imperial province under the
government of a legatus ; but in 44 Claudius re-
stored it to the Senate. ' Proconsul ' (avBdiraros,
Ac 18^^) was therefore the governor's correct official
title at the time of St. Paul's residence in Corinth.
Nero, as 'a born Philhellene,' wished to make
Greece absolutely free.
' In gratitude for the recognition which his artistic contribu-
tions had met with in the native land of the Muses . . . [he]
declared the Greeks collectively to be rid of Roman govern-
ment, free from tribute, and, like the Itahans, subject to no
governor. At once there arose throughout Greece movements,
which would have been civil wars, if these people could have
achieved anything more than brawling ; and after a few months
Vespasian re-established the provincial constitution, so far as it
went, with the dry remark that the Greeks had unlearned the
art of being free ' (Mommsen, Provinces, i. 26'2).
To the end of the empire Achaia remained a
senatorial province. The administrative centre was
Corinth [q.v.), where the governor had his official
residence. During a prolonged mission in that
city, St. Paul was brought into contact with the
proconsul Gallio [q.v.], the brother of Seneca.
The rapid progi'ess of the gospel in Achaia is partlj^
explained by the fact that Judaism had already
for centuries been working as a leaven in many of
the cities of Greece. Sjjarta and Sicj^on are named
among the numerous free States to which the
Romans sent letters on behalf of the Jews about
139 B.C. (1 Mac 15-^), and VhWo's Legatio ad Gaium
(§ 36) testifies to the presence of Jews in Boeotia,
yEtolia, Attica, Argos, and Corinth. Only three
Achpean cities are mentioned in the NT — Athens,
Corinth, and CenchrciC — but the address of 2 Cor.
to ' all the saints who are in the whole of Achaia,'
and the liberality of 'the regions of Achaia' (2 Co
9^ 11'°), prove that there must have beeo many other
unnamed centres of Christian faith and life in the
province. While 1 Co 16'^ refers to the house of
Stephanas as 'the firstfruits of Achaia,' Ac 17^
rather indicates that the Apostle's brief visit to
Athens had already borne some fruit, ' Dionysius,
Damaris, and others with them ' being Achjean
believers. Athens (q.v.) was either reckoned by
itself or else entirely overlooked.
Literature. — The Histories of Polybius and Livy ; A. Holm,
Hititory of Greece, Eng. tr. London, 1894-98, vol. iv. ; T. Momm-
sen, The Provinces of the Roman Empire-, Eng. tr., Lmidiui,
19119, i. 260 ff. ; J. Marquardt, Rom. Stnatsverwaltmir), tievveil.,
Leipzig, 18S5, i. 321 f. ; C. v. Weizsacker, Apostolic A<je, Eug.
tr. i.- [London, 1897] p. 303 If. ; A. C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age,
Edinburgh, 1897, p. 2.'i6ff. JaMK.S STRAHAN.
ACHAICUS. — One of many worthies whose
character adorned the early Church, and whose
service edified it, but whom we know only by a
casual reference in the NT. In I Co 16" St. Paul
rejoices ' at the coming of Stephanas and Fortu-
natus and Achaicus.' Probably they formed a
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
15
deputation from the Corinthian Church ; they
may have been bearers of the letter of inquiry
which St. Paul answers in ch. 7 tl'. His language
suggests that their coming somewhat reassured
him after the disquieting news brought by Chloe's
household, and other ugly rumours (1 Co 5^).
Perhaps they represented the parties in Corinth ;
yet they must have been trusted by the Church
and must also have shown themselves loyal to the
Apostle. Achaicus is such a rare name that some
authorities call it 'Greek,' others 'Roman.' The
suggestion that Achaicus was a slave — either of
Stephanas or of Chloe — does not comport either
with his position as a delegate or with St. Paul's
appeal to the Church to 'acknowledge such,' i.e.
to recognize the quality of their service and to
treat them with becoming deference.
Literature. — Artt. in HDB on 'Achaicus,' and 'I. Corinth-
ians,' i. 487a ; Comm. on 1 Cor. by Findlay {EOT), 950, and by
Godet, ii. 467 ; C. v. Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, i.2 [London,
1897] pp. 113, 305, 319, ii. [do. 1895] p. 320 ; Expositor, 8th ser.
L [1911] 341 f. J. E. KOBEETS.
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.—
1. Text—
1. Greek MSS.
2. The Latin Versions.
3. The Syriao Versions.
4. The Eg3ptian Versiont.
5. Secondary Versions,
6. Early Quotations.
7. Textual theories : Westcott and Hort, Rendel Harris,
Chase, Blass, von Soden.
IL Tradition as to authorship —
1. In favour of Luean authorship.
2. Against the tradition.
in. The date of Acts and reception in the Canon—
1. The date of the Lucan Gospel.
2. The abrupt termination of Acts.
3. Knowledge of Josephus in Acta.
4. Reception in the Canon.
IV. The composition of Acts —
1. The obvious facts.
2. The purpose of the whole narrative.
8. The sources used in Acts.
(1) The we-clauses.
(2) The earlier chapters.
(a) The Antiochene tradition.
(b) The Jerusalem tradition.
V. Historical value of the various traditions—
1. The Gospel of Luke and Ac 1.
2. The Jerusalem and Galilaean traditions.
VI. Chronology of Acts —
1. The death of Herod Agrippa.
2. The famine in Judaea.
8. Gallio's proconsulate.
4. The expulsion of the Jevrs from Rome.
6. The arrival of Festus in Judaea.
VII. The theology of Acts—
1. Christology.
2. Eschatology.
3. The OT and Jewish Law.
4. The Spirit.
6. Baptism.
I. Text. —The text of the Acts is preserved in
Greek MSS, in Latin, Syriac, Sahidic, Bohairic,
Armenian, and other secondary Versions, and
quoted extensively, though not nearly so fully as
the Gospels, by the early Fathers.
1. Greek MSS. — The most complete study of the
whole mass of Greek MSS is that of von Soden
in his Schriften des Neuen Testaments (Berlin,
1902-10). As his grouping of the MSS is almost
entirely independent of his theories as to tlie
early history of the text, and represents facts
which cannot be overlooked, it is best to give the
main outlines of his classification, dividing the
MSS into H, K, and /recensions, and following his
numeration ; in the brackets are given the numbers
of these MSS in Gregory's Prolegomena to Tischen-
dorf's Editio Major octava. It has not seemed
necessary to give also Gregory's new numeration,
as this is not any better known than von Soden's,
and does not belong (and apparently will not
belong in the immediate future) to a full critical
edition.
(1) fl.— This is represented by 61 (B), 62 (N), 63 (C), 64 (A), 66
(i//), 648 (13), 74 (389), 1008 (Pap. Amh. 8. saiC. v.-vi.), 103 (25),
162 (61), 257 (33). Of these MSS 61 and 62 represent a common
archetype 51-2, which is much the best authority for H. 61 is
better than 62, which is, however, somewhat better in Acts, apart
from scribal errors, than it is in the Gospels. 74 and 162 are
specially good representatives of H, but no single witness is
free from K or 1 contamination. There is a special nexus be-
tween 648 and 257, but 648 is considerably the better of the two.
(2) K. — It is impossible to give here the full list of K MSS ;
roughly speaking, 90 per cent of the later MSS belong to this
type. Two groups may be distinguished from the purer K
MSS : — K', a mediaeval revision of K for lectionary purposes,
critically quite valueless ; and K'', a text with enough sporadic
/ readings to raise the question whether it be not an 1 text
which has been almost wholly corrected to a, K standard ; it is
called A'l; because MSS of this type seem to be represented in
the Complutensian edition.
(3) I. — The / recension is found in three forms : /» 1^ I". !<>■
Is best represented bj- 55 (D = Codex Bezae*), 1001 (E = Codex
Laudianus t) ; by three pairs of connected MSS, 7 (Apl. 261)-264
(233), 200 (83)-382 (231), 70 (505>-101 (40) ; and by a few other
MSS which have suffered more or less severely from E con-
tamination. It is also well represented in the text of the com-
mentary of Andreas (A'^P). /b is found in two branches, /bi
and /b2. The best representatives of /w are 62 (498), 6602 (200),
365 (214 = as<='")and a few other minuscules ; the best representa-
tives of ib2 are the pair 78 ('von der Goltz's MS') and 171 (7)
which are almost doublets, and 157 (29). I'^ is also found in two
branches 7=1 and /c2. The best representatives of 7 i^i are 208 (307),
370 (353), 116(-), 551 (216) ; the best representatives of Vc^ are
364 (137) X and a series of other MSS contaminated in varying
degrees by K.
2. The Latin Versions. — The Old Latin or ante-
Hieronymian text is not well represented. As in
the Gospels, it may be divided into two main
branches, African and European.
(1) The African is represented by Codex Floriacensis (h), now
at Paris, formerly at Fleury, containing a text which is almost
identical with that of Cyprian ; it is in a very fragmentary
condition, but fortunately the quotations of Cyprian and
Augustine (who uses an African text in Acts, though he
follows the Vulgate in the Gospels) enable much of the
text to be reconstructed. (The best edition of h is by E. S.
Buchanan, Old Latin Biblical Texts, v. [Oxford, 1907].) Accord-
ing to Wordsworth and White, a later form of the African text
can be found in the pseudo-Augustinian de Divinis Scripturis sive
Speculum (CSEL xii. 287-700), but the character of this text
is still somewhat doubtful.
(2) The European text is best represented by g (Gigas) at
Stockholm, which can be supplemented and corrected by the
quotations in Ambrosiaster and Lucifer of Cagliari (see esp.
A. Souter, ' A Study of Ambrosiaster,' ?'&' vii. 4 [1905]). A branch
of the European text of a Spanish or Provengal type is found
in p, a I'aris MS from Perpignan, and in w, a Bohemian MS
now in Wernigerode, but in both MSS there is much Vulgate
contamination. Other primarily European mixed MSS are 8, a
Bobbio palimpsest (saec. v.-vi.) at Vienna, x in Oxford, and g2 in
Milan.
A Spanish lectionary of perhaps the 7th cent, known as the
Liber Comious, which has many early readings, has been edited
by G. Morin from a Paris MS of the 11th cent, and is quoted
by Wordsworth and White as t.
(3) Besides these purely Latin MSS, we have the Latin sides
of the Gr»co-Latin MS 85 (D) or d (Codex Bezae), and of the
Latino-Greek MS 1001 (E) or e. The latter of these agrees in
the main with the European text as established b3' g-Ambro-
siaster-Lucifer, but the text of d is in many ways unique, and
may possibly have been made for the private use of the owner
of 65, or perhaps of the archetype of 65.
(4) The Vulgate. — It is impossible here to enumerate the
hundreds of Vulgate MSS of the Acts. Their study is a special
branch of investigation, which has little bearing on the Acts,
and for all purposes, except that of tracing the history of the
Vulgate, the edition of Wordsworth and White may be regarded
as sufficient.
3. The Syriac Versions. — It is probable from
the quotations in Aphraates and Ephraim that
there existed originally an Old-Syriac Version of
Acts, corresponding to the Evnngelion da-MepJiar-
reshe represented by the Curetonian and Sinaitic
MSS ; but no MS of this type has survived.
• This MS is adequately described by F. G. Kenyon {Handbook
to the Textual Criticism of the NT^, 88 ff.) or in other well-
known handbooks.
t Besides the details noted in the handbooks, it should be
observed that this MS, after being- used by Bede in North-
umbria, passed to Germany, whence it was probably obtained by
Laud, who gave it to the Bodleian Library.
{ As an instance of the advance in knowledge which von
Soden's labours have produced, it should be noted that this MS
used to be regarded as one of the principal authorities for the
' Western ' text, and was at one time deemed worthy of a
separate edition.
16
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
(l)The oldest Svriac Version of the Acts is therefore the
Peshitta, probably made by Rabbula, Bishop of Edessa (411-
435) (see F. C. Burkitt, 'S. Ephraim's Quotations from the
Gospel,' TS vii. 2 [IDUl] p. 57 f.). {X.B.—The Peshitta is quoted
by Tischendorf as Syrsch.) „ , , , ^
(2) Besides the Peshitta we have the Earklean made by
Thomas of Heraclea. This was based on an earlier Syriac
text, made in 506 bv Polycarp for Philoxenus, Bishop of
Mabug (Hierapolis, the modern Membij on the Euphrates),
which is no longer extant for Acts. Thomas of Heraclea
revised the Philoxenian with the help of Greek MSS in the
Library of the Enaton at Alexandria, and enriched his edition
with a number of critical notes giviny: the variants of these
Greek MSS which often have a most remarkable text agreeing
more closely with Codex Bezs than with any other known
Greek MS. {N.B.— It is quoted by Tischendorf as Syrp.)
(3) There is also a lectionary of the so-called ' Palestinian '
type, which was probably in use about the 7th cent, in the
neighbourhood of Antioch. (On the nature of the ' Palestinian '
Syriac literature see F. C. Burkitt, JThSt ii. [1901] 174-185.)
i. The Egyptian Versions.— The two Versions,
Bohaiiic and Sahidic, which are extant for the
Gospels, exist also for Acts, and there are a few
fi-agments of Versions in other dialects. The re-
lative date of these Versions has not been finally
settled, but the opinion of Coptic scholars seems
to be increasingly in favour of regarding the Sahidic
as the older form. The Bohairic agrees in the
main witii the H text, but the Sahidic has many
/ readings (see E. A. W. Budge, Coptic Biblical
Texts, London, 1912, for the best Sahidic text).
5. Secondary Versions. — Versions of Acts are
also found in Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic,
Georgian, Persian, and other languages ; but none
of them is of primary importance for the text.
6. Quotations in early writers. — The earliest
quotations long enough to have any value for de-
termining the text are in Irenseus, Tertullian, and
Clement of Alexandria, who may be regarded as
representing the text of the end of the 2nd cent, in
Gaul, Africa, and Alexandria. For the 3rd cent,
we have Origen and Didymus, representing the
Alexandrian school ; Cyprian for Africa, and No-
vatian for Italy. For the 4th cent. Athanasius
and Cyril represent the later development of the
Alexandria text ; Lucifer, Jerome, and Ambrosi-
aster represent the text of Rome and Italy ;
Augustine, that of Africa ; Eusebius and Cyril of
Jerusalem the Palestinian text, which according to
von Soden is I; the later Church writers mostly
use the K text, though they sometimes show traces
of probably local contamination with H and /.
7. Textual theories. — As soon as textual criticism
began to be based on any complete view of the
evidence, it became obvious that the chief feature
to be accounted for in the text of Acts was the
existence of a series of additions in the text in the
Latin Versions and Fathers, usually supported by
the two great bilingual MSS 55 and 1001 (D and E),
frequently by the marginal readings in Syr"arci^
and sporadically by a few minuscules ; opposed to
this interpolated text stood the Alexandrian text
of 51, 52 (B S), and their allies; while between the
two was the text of the mass of MSS agreeing
sometimes with one, sometimes with the other,
and sometimes combining both readings.
(1) The first really plausible theory to meet even
part of the facts was Westcott and Hort's {The
New Te/itament in Greek, vol. ii. [Cambridge,
1882]), who suggested that the later text {K) was
a recension based on the two earlier types. They
regarded 55 (Codex Bezse) as representing the
'Western' text, and 51 and 52 as representing as
nearly as possible the original text. The weak
point in their theory was that they could not
explain the existence of the Western text.
(2) Founded mainly on the basis of their work, two
theories were suggested to supply this deficiency.
(a) Rendel Harris (' A Study of Codex Bezte in
TS ii. 1 [1891], and Foiir Lectures on the Western
Text, Cambridge, 1894) and F. H. Chase (The Old
Syriac Element in the Text of Codex Bezce, London,
1893) thought that retranslation from Latin and
Syriac would solve the problem ; but no amount
of retranslation will account for the relatively
long Bezan additions.
(6) F. ^Mdiss, [Acta Apostolorum secundum formam
quce videtur JRomanam, Leipzig, 1897, and also in
his commentary, Acta Apostolorum, Gottingen,
1895) thought that Luke issued the Acts in two
forms : one to Theophilus (the Alexandrian text),
and the other for Rome (the Western text); but
his reconstruction of the Roman text is scarcely
satisfactory, and the style of the additions is not
sufficiently Lucan.
(3) More recently von Soden [Die Schriften des
Neuen Testaments, 1902-1910, p. 1834 fi'.), using
the new facts as to the MSS summarized above,
has revived Blass's theory in so far that he thinks
that the interpolated text witnessed to by 55 and
the Latin Versions and Fathers really goes back
to a single original ; but, instead of assigning this
original to Luke, he attributes it to Tatian, who,
he thinks, added a new recension of Acts to his
Diatessaron. The weak point in this theory is
that the only evidence that Tatian edited the Acts
is a passage in Eusebius * which states that he
emended 'the Apostle.' This may refer to Acts,
but more probably refers to the Ej)istles. Accord-
ing to von Soden, the / text did not contain all
the interpolations, K contained still fewer, and H
contained none. He thinks that in the 2nd cent,
there existed side by side the Tatianic text and a
non-interpolated text which he calls I-H-K. From
these two texts there arose the Latin Version —
predominantly Tatianic — and most of the early
Fathers were influenced by Tatian. Later on, in
the 4th cent., three revisions were made : (a) H, by
Hesychius in Alexandria, wiiich preserved in the
main the text of I-H-K without the Tatianic ad-
ditions, but with a few other corruptions ; (b) K,
by Lucian, in Antioch, which had many Tatianic
corruptions, as well as some of its own ; (c) /, in
Palestine, possibly in Jerusalem, which preserved
many Tatianic additions, though in a few cases
keeping the I-H-K text against H. 55 (D) is the
best example of this text, but has suffered from
the addition of a much greater degree of Tatianic
corruption than really belongs to the / text, owing
to Latin influence.
The general relations of the various forms of the
text, according to von Soden, can be shown roughly
in the following diagram :
lU-K
H
I
/b
/c KT
Obviously this complicated theory cannot be
dismissed without much more attention than it
has yet received. It may prove that the ' text
with additions ' is not Tatianic but is nevertheless
a single text in origin. It is also very desirable
to investigate how far it is possible to prove that
there was an / text, derived from I-H-K, which
• TOv S' anoa-ToKov (fmcri To\iJifj<TaC Tivas avrhv fiLera4>pa.(rai tjytovat
(US tniSiopdovixevov ai/riav rriv Trjs 4>pd(Teois trvvra^iv (Eus. HE iv.
29. 6). This scarcely sounds as though a series of interpolations
was intended.
AUTtt OF THE APUiSTLES
ACTS or THE APOSTLES
17
nevertheless did not possess, in its oi-iginal state,
all the ' Bezan ' interpolations.* If it were possible
to say that the interpolations were a connected
series (whether Tatianic or not is of minor im-
portance), the text in which they are imbedded
would become extremely valuable, and we should
have no right to argue, as is now often done, that,
because the interpolations are clearly wrong, there-
fore the text in which they are found is to be
condemned. For instance, in Ac 15^^ the Latin
text interpolates the Golden Eule into the Apos-
tolic decrees. That is no doubt wrong. Bat it
does not follow that the text omitting ttviktov, in
which this interpolation is placed, is not original.
Literature. — The general textual question can be studied
in H. von Soden, Die Schriften des NT, Berlin, 1902-1910, esp.
pp. 1649-1840 ; F. G. Kenyon, Handbook to the Textital Criti-
cism, of the XT"^, London, 1912 ; E. Nestle, Einfilhrung in das
griech. NT'-i, Gottingen, 1909 (the Eng. tr. is' from an older
edition of the period before von Soden) ; K. Lake, The Text oj
the AT6, London, 1911. Important for the study of the Latin
are von Soden, ' Das lat. NT in Afrika zur Zeit Cyprians,' TU
xxxiii. [Leipzig, 1909]; and Wordsworth-White, A'ow. Test.
Dom. nost. les. Christi secundum edit. S. Hieronymi, vol. ii.
pt. i. [Oxford, 1905] which also gives a clear statement of the
best editions of the separate MSS of the Old Latin and the
Vulgate (pp. v-xv).
II. Tradition as to Authorship.— So far
back as tradition goes, the Acts is ascribed to St.
Luke, the author of the Third Gospel, and com-
panion of St. Paul (see, further, Luke). This
tradition can be traced back to the end of the 2nd
cent. (Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 12; Tertull. de Jejuniis,
10; Iren. adv. Hcer. I. xxiii. 1, in. xii. 12 fl".,
IV. XV. 1 ; and the Canon of Muratori). If the
connexion with the Third Gospel be accepted, as
it certainly ouglit to be, the fact that Marcion
used the Gosjiel is evidence for the existence of
Acts, unless it be thought that the Gospel was
written by a contemporary of Marcion who had
not yet written Acts. Farther back tradition does
not take us : there are no clear proofs of the use
of Acts in the Apostolic Fathers (see The New Testa-
ynent in the Apostolic Fathers, Oxford, 1905) or in
the early Apologists. (For the later traditions
concerning Luke and his writings see Luke.)
Tiie value of this tradition must necessarily de-
pend on the internal evidence of the book itself.
The arguments can best be arranged under the
two heads of favourable and unfavourable to the
tradition.
1. In favoar of the tradition of Lake's author-
ship is the evidence of the ' Ave-sections,' or pass-
ages in which the writer speaks in the first person.
These are Ac 16'"-" 20^ 2^8 27' 28i«. They form
together an apparent extract from a diary, which
begins in Troas and breaks oft' in Philippi, on St.
Paul's second journey ; begins again in Philippi,
on his last journey to Jerusalem ; and continues
(with only the apparent break of the episode of St.
Paul and the Ephesian elders [20^®"^^] which is told
in the third person) until Jerusalem is reached and
St. Paul goes to see James ; then breaks oft" again
during St. Paul's imprisonment in Jerusalem and
Caesarea ; begins again when St. Paul leaves
Caesarea ; and continues until the arrival in Kome,
when it finally ceases.
It is, of course, theoretically possible that these
sections are merely a literary fiction, but this
possibility is excluded by the facts (a) that there
is no conceivable reason why the writer should
adopt this form of writing at these points, and
these only, in his narrative ; (6) that by the
general consent of critics these passages have all
the signs of having really been composed by an
eye-witness of the events described. It is, there-
* The de Rebaptismate has not yet been sufficiently studied
from this point of view. A monograph analyzing its evidence
on the lines of F. C. Burkitt's Old Latin and the Itala might
be valuable.
VOL. I. — 2
fore, only necessary to consider the other possi-
bilities : (1) that we have here from the writer of
the whole work the descri|)tion of incidents which
he had himself seen ; (2) that the writer is here
using an extract from the writing of an eye-wit-
ness and has preserved the original idiom.
The only way of deciding between these two
possibilities is to make use of literary criteria, and
this has been done in recent years with especial
thoroughness by Harnack in Germany and Hawkins
in England. For any full statement of tiie case
reference must be made to their books ; the prin-
ciple, however, and the main results can be
summarized.
If the writer of Acts is merely using the first
person in order to show that he is claiming to
have been an eye-witness, the writer of the ' we-
clauses' is identical with the redactor of the
Gospel and Acts. Now, in the Gospel we know
that he was using Mark in many places, and, by
noting the redactorial changes in the Marcan sec-
tions of Luke, we can establish his preference for
certain idioms. If these idioms constantly recur
in the ' we-clauses,' it must be either because the
' we-clauses ' were written by the redactor, or be-
cause the redactor also revised the 'we-clauses,'
but without changing the idiom. As a fact we
find that the ' we-clauses ' are more marked by the
characteristic phraseology of the redactor than
any other part of the Gospel or Acts. We are,
therefore, apparently reduced to a choice between
the theory that the redactor of the Gospel and Acts
wrote the ' we-clauses,' and the theory that he
redacted them with more care than any other part
of his compilation, except that he allowed the first
person to stand. The former view certainly seems
the more probable, but not sufficient attention has
been paid to the observation of E. Sclmrer (2'hLZ,
1906, col. 405) that the facts would also be ex-
plained if the writer of the ' we-clauses ' and the
redactor of Acts came from the same Bildungs-
sphdre. It would be well if some later analyst
would eliminate from both sides the idioms which
are common to all writers of good Greek at the
period, for undoubtedly an element of exaggera-
tion is introduced by the fact that in the Marcan
source there were many vulgarisms which all re-
dactors would have altered, and mostly in the same
way. It should also be noted that there are a
few ' Lucanisms ' which are not to be found in the
'we-clauses.'
The details on which this argument is based will be found
best in J. C. Hawkins, HorcB Synopticce^, Oxford, 1909, pp. 174-
193; A. Harnack, Lukas der Arzt, Leipzig, 1906, pp. 19-85.
There is also a good r6sum6 in J. Moffatt, LNT, p. 294 £f.
2. Against the tradition it is urged ( 1 ) that the
presentment of St. Paul is quite different from
that in the Pauline Epistles, (2) that on definite
facts of history the Acts and Epistles contradict
each other ; and it is said in each case that these
facts exclude the possibility that the writer of
Acts was Luke the companion of St. Paul.
(1) The "presentment of St. Paul in the Epistles
and in Acts. — It has been urged as a proof that
the writer of Acts could not have been a companion
of St. Paul, that whereas St. Paul in the Epistles
is completely emancipated from Jewish thought
and practice, he is represented in the Acts as still
loyal to the Law himself, and enjoining its observ-
ance on Jews. The points which are really crucial
in this argument are (a) St. Paul's circumcision of
Timothy (Ac 16^), as contrasted with his teaching
as to circumcision in the Epistles ; (/3) his accept-
ance of Jewish practice while he was in Jerusalem
(Ac 2121^- )) as contrasted with his Epistles, espe-
cially Galatians and Romans ; (7) the absence of
' Pauline ' doctrine in the speeches in Acts ; (5) St.
Paul's acceptance of a compromise at the Apostolic
18
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Council (Ac 15), as contrasted with the complete
silence of the Epistles as to this agreement.
If these four propositions were sound, they would
certainly be strong evidence against the Lucan
authorship of Acts. But there is much to be said
against each of them on the following lines.
(a) In Ac 16^ St. Paul circumcises Timothy, but
the reason given is that he was partly Jewish.
There is no evidence in the Epistles that the
Apostle would ever have refused circumcision to a
Jew : it was part of the Law, and the Law was
valid for Jews. The argument in the Epistles is
that it is not valid for Gentiles ; and, though
logic ought perhaps to have led St. Paul to argue
that Jews also ought to abandon it, there is no
proof that he ever did so. It is also claimed that
the incident of Titus in Gal 2^ shows St. Paul's
strong objection to circumcision ; but in the first
place it is emphatically stated that Titus was not
a Jew, and in tlie second place it is quite doubtful
whether Gal 2'* means that Titus, being a Greek,
was not compelled to be circumcised, or that,
being a Greek, he was not compelled to be circum-
cised, though as an act of grace he actually was
circumcised. (^) It is quite true that in Ac 2P^^-
St. Paul accepts Jewish custom : what is untrue is
that it can be shown from his own writings that
he was likely to refuse. (7) There certainly is an
absence of ' Pauline ' doctrine in the speeches in
the Acts, if we accept the reconstructions which
are based on the view that in the Epistles we have
a complete exposition of St. Paul's teaching. But,
if we realize that the Epistles represent his treat-
ment by letter of points which he had failed to
bring home to his converts while he was with
them, or of special controversies due to the arrival
of other teachers, there is really nothing to be
said against the picture given in the Acts. (5) If
the exegesis and text of Acts be adopted which
regard the Apostolic decrees as a compromise
based on food-laws, it is certainly very strange
that St. Paul should have said nothing about it in
Galatians or Corinthians, and this undoubtedly
affords a reasonable argument for thinking that
the account in Ac 15 is unhistorical, and that it
cannot have been the work of Luke. But it must
be remembered that there is serious reason for
doubting (i.) that the text and exegesis of Ac 15^
point either to a food-law or to a compromise,
(ii. ) that Galatians was written after the Council
(see G. Resch, 'Das Aposteldecret,' TU xxviii.
[1905] 3 ; J. Wellhausen, ' Noten zur Apostel-
geschichte,' in GGN, Gottingen, 1907; A. Harnack,
Apostelge.ichichte, Leipzig, 1908, p. 188 ff. ; K. Lake,
Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, London, 1911, pp.
29ff.,48ff.).
(2) Rather more serious are the objections raised
to the accuracy of certain definite statements, in the
light of contrasting statements in the Epistles, and
the conclusion suggested that the writer of Acts
cannot have been a companion of St. Paul. Many
objections of this kind have been made, but tlie
majority are trivial, and the serious ones are really
only the following : (a) the description of glossolalia
in Ac 2 as compared with 1 Co 12 tl. ; (b) the
account of St. Paul's visits to Jerusalem in Acts
as compared with Gal 2 ; (c) the movements of St.
Paul's companions in Macedonia and Achaia in
Ac 17'» 18' as compared with 1 Th 3"-8.
(a) The account given of glossolalia in 1 Co 14
shows that it was in the main unintelligible to
ordinary jjersons. • He that speaketh in a tongue
edifieth himself, but he that prophesieth edifieth
the congregation ' (1 Co 14'' ; cf. vv.*- "• ^) ; 'If any
man speaketh in a tongue let one interjnet'
(1 Co 14^"). On the other hand, the narrative in
Ac 2 describes the glossolalia of the disciples as a
miraculous gift of speech that was simultaneously
intelligible to foreigners of various nations, each
of whom thought that he was listening to his own
language. It is argued that this latter glossolalia
is as unknown to the historian of psychology as
the glossolalia described in 1 Cor. is well known ;
and it is suggested that Luke or his source has
given a wrong account of the matter. In support
of this it must be noted that the immediate judg-
ment of the crowd, on first hearing the glossolalia
of the disciples, was that they were drunk, and
Peter's speech was directed against this imputa-
tion. It is not probable that any foreigner ever
accused any one of being drunk because he could
understand him, and so far the account in Acts may
be regarded as carrjnng its own conviction, and
showing that behind the actual text there is an
earlier tradition which described a glossolalia of
the same kind as that in 1 Co 12-14. But, if so,
is it probable that a companion of St. Paul would
have put forward so ' un-Pauline ' a description of
glossolalia ? There is certainly some weight in this
argument ; but it is to a large extent discounted
by the following considerations. (a) It is not
known that Luke was ever with St. Paul at any
exhibition of glossolalia. Certainly there is no-
thing in Acts to suggest that he was in Corinth.
(/3) In all probability we have to deal with a tra-
dition which the writer of Acts found in existence
in Jerusalem more than twenty years after the
events described. Let any one try to find out, by
asking surviving witnesses, exactly what happened
at an excited revivalist meeting twenty years ago,
and he will see that there is room for considerable
inaccuracy. (7) To us glossolalia of the Pauline
type is a known phenomenon and probable for that
reason ; it is a purely physical and almost patho-
logical result of religious emotion, while glossolalia
of the ' foreign language ' type as described in Acts
is improbable. But to a Christian of the 1st cent,
both were wonderful manifestations of the Spirit,
and neither was more probable than the other.
The whole question of glossolalia can be studied in H. Gun-
kel, Die Wirkimgen des heiligen Geistes, Gottingen, 1899 ; H.
Lietzmann's Commentary on 1 Cor. in his Handbuch zum NT,
iii. 2, Tiibingen, 1909 ; J. Weiss, ' 1 Cor." in Meyer's Krit.-Exeg.
Kommentar, Gottingen, 1910 (9th ed. of '1 Cor.').
(b) The accounts given in Acts and Galatians of
St. PauVs visits to Jerusalem. — The points of
divergence, which are serious, are concerned with
(a) St. Paul's actions immediately after the con-
version ; (/3) his first visit to Jerusalem ; (7) his
second visit to Jerusalem.
(a) St. PauVs actions immediately after the con-
version. — The two accounts of this complex of in-
cidents are Ac 9i"-3" and Gal l^^'^K The main
points in the two narratives may be arranged thus
in parallel columns : —
Acts.
Galatiaks.
1. Visit to Damascus immedi- 1. Visit to Arabia immediately
ately after the conversion. after the conversion.
2. Escape from Damascus and 2. A ' return ' to Damascus.
journey to Jerusalem.
3. Retreat from Jerusalem to 3. A visit to Jerusalem ' after
Tarsus in Cilicia. three years.'
4. Departure to the ' districts
of Syria and Cilicia."
The difference between these accounts is obvious,
and it is hard to avoid the conclusion that Acts is
here inaccurate. It should be noted, however
that the inaccuracy apparently consists in tele
scoping togetlier two visits to Damascus and omit
ting the Arabian journey which came between them
St. Paul, by speaking of his ' return ' to Damascus,
implies that the conversion had been in that city
and in 2 Co 11*^'* ('in Damascus the ethnarch of
Aretas the king guarded the city of the Damas-
cenes to take me, and I was let down in a basket
through a window') we have a corroboration of the
ACTS OP THE APOSTLES
ACTS OP THE APOSTLES
19
escape mentioned in Acts, though it clearly must
come after the visit (probably of a missionary
character) to Arabia, in order to account for the
hostility of Aretas. Thus, so far as the enumera-
tion of events is concerned, the inaccuracy of Acts
resolves itself into the omission of the Arabian
visit, and the consequent telescoping together of
two visits to Damascus along with a proportion-
ate shortening of the chronology.
(/3) St. Paul's first visit to Jerusalem. — The de-
tails of this visit are a more serious matter, and
Acts and Galatians cannot fully be reconciled, as
is plain when the narratives are arranged in
parallel columns.
Ac 928-30.
' And when he was come to
Jerusalem, he assayed to join
himself to the disciples : and
they were all afraid of him,
not helieving that he was a
disciple. But Barnabas took
him, and brought him to the
apostles, and declared unto
them how he had seen the
Lord in the way, and that he
had spoken to him, and how
at Damascus he had preached
boldly in the name of Jesus.
And he was with them g'oing
in and coming out at Jeru-
salem, and he spake and dis-
puted against the Hellenists ;
but they went about to kill
him.'
OAL 118-23.
• After three years I went up
to Jerusalem to become ac-
quainted with Cephas, and
tarried with him fifteen days.
But other of the apostles saw
I none, save James the Lord's
brother. Now touching the
things which I write to you,
before God, I lie not. Then I
came into the districts of Sy ria
and Cilicia. And I was still
unknown by face unto the
churches of Judsa which were
in Christ : but they only heard
say. He that persecuted us
once now preachelh the faith
of which be once made havoc'
No argument can alter the fact that Acts speaks
of a period of preaching in Jerusalem which
attracted sufficient attention to endanger St.
Paul's life, Mhile Galatians describes an essentially
private visit to Peter ; probably both documents
refer to the same visit, as they place it between
•St. Paul's departure from Damascus and his
arrival in Cilicia, but they give divergent accounts
of it.
(7) St. Paul's second visit to Jerusalem. — It is
possible that the difficulties here are due to a mis-
taken exegesis rather than to any real divergence
between Acts and Galatians. If we start from the
facts, it is clear that St. Paul describes in Gal 2''"
his second visit to Jerusalem. In the course of this
he held a private interview with the apostles in
Jerusalem, in consequence of which he was free
to continue his preaching to the Gentiles without
hindrance. It is also clear from Ac 11-^^- 12^ that
St. Paul's second visit to Jerusalem was during
the time of the famine. If Ave accept the identi-
fication of the second visit according to Acts with
the second visit according to Galatians, there is no
difficulty beyond the fact that Acts does not state
that St. Paul and the other apostles discussed their
respective missions when they met in Jerusalem ;
but, since this discussion altered nothing — the
Gentile mission had already begun — tliere was no
special reason why Luke should have mentioned
it. Usuallj^ however, critics have assumed that
the visit to Jerusalem mentioned in Gal 2^"'" is not
the second but the third visit referred to in Acts,
so that the interview with the ajjostles described in
Gal 2 is identified with the ' Ajiostolic Council' in
Ac 15. Great difficulties then arise : it is obviously
essential to St. Paul's argument that he should
not omit any of his visits to Jerusalem, and it is
not easy to understand why, if he is writing after
the Apostolic Council, he does not mention tlie
decrees. There would seem to have been a party
in Galatia which urged that circumcision was
necessary for all Christians ; this point had been
settled at the Apostolic Council. If the Council
had taken place, why did St. Paul not say at once
that the judaizing attitude had been condemned
by the heads of the Jerusalem Church ?
These difficulties have been met in England since
the time of Lightfoot by assuming that the Apos-
tolic decrees had only a local and e[/hemeral import-
ance, in which case it does not seem obvious why
they are given so prominent a place in Acts. In
Germany this difficulty has been more fully ap-
preciated, and either the account in Ac 15 — identi-
fied with Gal 2 — has been abandoned as wholly
unhistorical, or the suggestion has been made that
the account in Gal 2 is really a more accurate
statement of what happened during St. Paul's
interview with the ajio>tles, wliich probably
took place during the famine, while the ' decrees '
mentioned in Acts really belong to a later period
— perhaps St. Paul's last visit to Jerusalem — and
have been misplaced by Luke.
All these suggestions (and a difierent combination
is given by almost every editor) agree in giving
up the accuracy of Ac 15. On the other hand, if
the view be taken that Gal 2 refers to an interview
between St. Paul and the Jerusalem apostles
during the time of the famine, and that it settled
not the question of circumcision, but that of
continuing the mission to the Gentiles which had
been begun in Antioch, there is no further difii-
culty in thinking that Ac 15 represents the dis-
cussion of the question of circumcision whicli
inevitably arose as soon as the Gentile mission
expanded. It is, therefore, desirable to ask
whether the reasons for identifying Gal 2 and
Ac 15 are decisive. The classical statement in Eng-
lish is that of Lightfoot (Epistle to the Galatians,
p. 123ff. ), who formulates it by saying that there
is an identity of geography, persons, subject of
dispute, character of the conference, and result.
Of these identities only the first is fully accurate ;
and it applies equally well to the visit to Jerusalem
in the time of the famine. The persons are not
quite the same, for Titus and John are not
mentioned in Acts. The subject is not the same
at all, for in Galatians the question of the Law
is not discussed (and was apparently raised only
by St. Peter's conduct later on in Antioch), bttt
merely whether the mission to the uncircumcised
should be continued,* while in Acts the circum-
cision of the Gentiles is the main point. The
character of the conference is not the same at
all, for in Galatians it is a private discussion,
in Acts a full meeting of the Church ; and the
result is not the same, for tiie one led up to the
Apostolic decrees, while the otiier apparently did
not do so. Lightfoot to some extent weakens
these objections by suggesting that St. Paul de-
scribes a private conference before the Coimcil,
but in so doing he weakens his own case still more,
for he can give no satisfactory reason whj- St.
Paul should carefullj' describe a private conference,
but omit the public meeting and official result tu
which it was preliminary.
Thus, if the identification of Gal 2 and Ac 15
be abandoned, the objections which are raised
against the account in Acts fall to the ground,
and the resultant arguments against the identi-
fication of the writer of Acts with Luke are
proportionately weakened.
The question may be studied in detail in C. Clemen, Paulus,
GJessen, 1904 ; A. C. McGiffert, A History nf Christianity in
the Apostolic Age, Edinburgh, 1S97 ; A. Harnack, Apostel-
gesch., Leipzig, 1908; J. B. Lig-htfoot, Galatians, Canibridge,
1865 ; K. Lake, Earlier EpistUs of St. Paul, London, 1911 ; C.
W. Emmet, Galatiaiis, London, 1912.
(c) The movements of St. PauVs companions in
Macedonia and Achnia in Ac 17^^ 18^ compared
ivith 1 Th 5"-^.— The ditterence between these
narratives is concerned with the movements of
Timothy and Silas. According to Acts, when St.
* From the context it is clear that to evayye\iov T19S aKpofivarCai
. . . TTJ! TrepiTo^ris means the gospel for the Uncircumcision (i.e.
the Gentiles) and the Circumcision {i.e. the Jews).
20
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Paul ■went to Athens he left Timothy and Silas in
Beroea, and sent a message to them either from
Athens or from some intermediate point, asking
them to rejoin him as soon as possible, but they
did not actually join him until he readied Corinth
(Ac 18^). This arrival of Timothy at Corinth is
mentioned in 1 Th S**, but, according to the im-
plication of 1 Th 3"-, Timothy (and Silas ?) had
already reached Athens and been sent away again
with a message to Thessalonica. In this case Acts
omits the whole episode of Timothy's arrival at
and departure from Athens, and telescopes together
two incidents in much the same way as seems to
have been done with regard to St. Paul's visits to
Damascus immediately after the conversion. This
is the simplest solution of the question, though it
is possible to find other conceivable theories, such
as von Dobschiitz'a suggestion that 1 Tli 3^ need
not mean that Timothy came to Athens, as the
facts would be equally covered if a message from
St. Paul had intercepted him on his way from
Beroea to Athens and sent him to Thessalonica.
The best account of various ways of dealing- with the question
is given by E. von Dobschiitz, ' Die Thessalonicherbriefe,' in
Meyer's Krit.-Excget. EommentarT, Gottingen, 1909.
Summary. — The general result of a consideration
of these divergences between Acts and the Epistles
suggests that the author was sometimes inaccurate,
and not always well informed, but it is hard to
see that he makes mistakes which would be im-
possible to one who had, indeed, been with St.
Paul at times but not during the greater part of
his career, and had collected information from the
Apostle and others as opportunity had served. On
the other hand, the argument from literary affini-
ties between the ' we-clauses ' and the rest of Acts
remains at present unshaken ; and, until some
further analysis succeeds in showing why it should
be thought that the ' we-clauses ' have been taken
from a source not written by the redactor himself,
the traditional view that Luke, the companion of
St. Paul, was the editor of the whole book is the
most reasonable one.
III. Date of Acts and Reception in the
Canon. — The evidence for the date is very meagre.
If the Lucan authorship be accepted, any date after
the last events chronicled, i.e. a short time before
A.D. 60 to c. A.D. 100, is possible. The arguments
which have been used for fixing on a more definite
point are : ( 1 ) the date of the Lucan Gospel, which
by the evidence of Ac 1^ is earlier ; (2) the abrupt
termination of Acts ; (3) tiie possibility that the
writer knew the Antiquities of Josephus, which
cannot be earlier than A.D. 90.
1. The date of the Lucan Gospel. — It has usually
been assumed that this must be posterior to the
fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70, but it is doubtful
whether there are really any satisfactory proofs
that this was the case. The only argument of
importance is that in the apocalyptic section of
Mark (ch. 13) expressions which might be supposed
to refer to the fall of Jerusalem have been altered
to correspond with the real facts of the siege.
Actually, however, the most striking change is
merely that the vague Marcan reference to Daniel's
' abominat ion of desolation ' has been replaced by
a description of Jerusalem surrounded by armies.
Of course, if we knew that Luke was later than
the fall of Jerusalem, it would be a rational
assumption to think that the change was due to
the influence of the facts on the writer ; but the
force of the argument is not so great if we reverse
the proposition, for to explain ' the abomination of
desolation ' as a prophecy of a siege is not specially
difficult. The most, tiierefore, that can })e said is
that this argument raises a slight presumption in
favour of a date later than A.D. 70.
2. The abrupt termination of Acts. — Acts ends
apparently in the middle of the trial of St. Paul :
he has been sent to Lome, and has spent two
years in some sort of modified imprisonment, but
no verdict has been passed. From this Harnack
has argued {Neiie Vntcrnuchungen zur Apostel-
geschichfe, p. 6511.) that the Acts must have
been written before the end of the trial was
known.
This argument would be important if it were the
only explanation of the facts. But two other
possibilities have to be considered. In the lirst
place, it is possible, though perhaps not very
probable, that Luke wrote, or intended to write, a
third book beginning with the account of St. Paul's
trial in Rome. In the second place, it is possible
that the end of Acts was not so abrupt to the ears
of contemporaries as it is to us, for the two years
may be the recognized period during which a trial
must be heard, and after which, if the prosecution
failed to appear, the case collapsed. The case of
St. Paul had been originally a prosecution by the
Jews, and probably it still kept this character,
even though the venue was changed to Rome.
But the Jews, as Luke says in Ac 28-\ did not put
in an appearance, and therefore the case must
have collapsed for lack of a prosecution, after a
statutory period of waiting. What this period
was we do not know, but a passage in Philo's in
Flaccum points to the probability that it was two
years. According to this, a certain Lambon was
accused of treason in Alexandria, and the Roman
judge, knowing that he was dangerous, but that
the evidence was insufficient to justify a condem-
nation, kept him in prison for two years (Steriav),
Avhich Philo describes as the ' longest period ' (t6v
fjLrjKiaTov xp^vov). If this be so, Luke's termination
of Acts is not really so abrupt as it seems, but
implies that St. Paul was released after the end
of the two years, because no Jews came forward
to prosecute ; it is easy to understand that, as
this was not a definite acquittal, Luke had no
interest in emphasizing the fact.
3. The knowledge of Josephus shown in Acts.—
The evidence for this is found in the case of
Theudas. The facts are as follows. In Ac 5^^
Gamaliel is made to refer to two revolts which
failed— first, that of Theudas, and after him that
of Judas the Galilsean in the days of the Census
(i.e. A.D. 6). Both these revolts are well known,
and are described by Josephus ; but the difficulty
is that Judas really preceded Theudas, whose re-
volt took place in the procuratorship of Fadus (c.
A.D. 43-47).
The revolt of Theudas was thus most probably
later than the speech of Gamaliel, and the refer-
ence to it must be a literary device on the part of
Luke, who no doubt used the speeches which he
puts into the mouths of the persons in his nariative
with the same freedom as was customary among
writers of that period. But the remarkable point
is that Josephus in Ant. XX. also mentions Judas
of Galilee after speaking of Theudas ; * and the
suggestion is that Luke had seen this and was led
into the not unnatural mistake of confusing the
dates. He apparently knew the correct date of
Judas, and remembered only that Josephus had
spoken of him after Theudas, and was thus led
into the mistake of thinking that Theudas must
have been earlier than Judas.
If the case of Theudas be admitted, it is also
possible that in the descrii)tion of the death of
Ilerod Agrippa some details have been taken by
Luke from the description of the death of Herod the
* After describing Theudas' revolt, Josephus continues :_7rpbs
T0UT019 5c KoX ol TraiSe? 'loiv^a ToO TaKiKaiov ai'T)xOi)(Ta>', ToC Tov
Ka'av O.TTO 'Pai/Jiaiiuv d7roa-n)(rarT05 KvpifCov tt)? 'Iou6aias TifiiJTe-
voi'T05, tu? cu TOt? npo TOVToji' t8ii}\ui{TafX€Vf *Ia»caj/3o? kol ^t^u>v oi)f
OLVaaTavphMTai. 7Tpo<T(Ta^ev 6 'AAefavSpos (Ant. XX. V. 2).
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
21
Great as given by Josephus. But the evidence is
here much less striking, and, if Tlieudas be not
conceded, has no real strength. The case of
Theudas is, however, very remarkable ; it falls
short of demonstration, but not so far short as the
other arguments for dating tlie Acts.
So far it has been assumed that Luke was the
writer of Acts ; and in this case the probable
length of his life gives the terminus ad quern for
dating his writings, i.e. c, A.D. 100. If his author-
ship be disputed, the terminus ad quern is the
earliest known use of the book or of its companion
Gospel. This is to be found in the fact that
Marcion (c. A.D. 140) used the Gospel of Luke. It
is, of course, possible that some of the isolated
Evangelical quotations in the Apostolic Fathers
may be from Luke ; but no proof of this can be
given. As, however, Marcion's text is a redaction
of the canonical text, and Luke's Gospel was
taken into the Four-Gospel Canon not long after-
wards, it must have been in existence some time
previously, so that, even if the Lucan authorship
be doubted, A.D. 130 is the latest date that can
reasonably be suggested. Even this appears to be
very improbable if attention be paid to some of
the characteristics of Acts. For instance, Acts
never uses the triadic formula : baptism is always
in the name 'of the Lord,' or 'of Jesus' ; there is
no trace of the developed Docetic controversy of
the Johannine Epistles or of Ignatius ; xp'O'^^s is
habitually used predicatively, and not as a proper
name, and in this respect Acts is more primitive
than St. Paul.
On the other hand, the weakening of the eschato-
logical element, and the interest in the Church, as
an institution in a world which is not immediately
to disappear, point away from the very early date
advocated by Harnack and others. The decennium
90-100 seems, on the whole, the most probable
date, but demonstrative proof is lacking, and it
may have been written thirty years earlier, or
(but only if the Lucan authorship be abandoned)
thirty years later.
4. Reception in the Canon. — There is no trace
of any collection of Christian sacred books which
included the Four-Gospel Canon, but omitted the
Acts. That is to say, througliout the Catholic
Church within the Roman Empire, Acts was uni-
versally received as the authoritative and inspired
continuation of the Gospel story.
It appears also probable that in the Church of
Edessa Acts was used from the earliest time as the
continuation of the Diatessaron, for the Doctrine of
Added specifies as the sacred books 'the Law and
the Prophets and the Gospel . . . and the Epistles
of Paul . . . and the Acts of the Twelve Apostles,'
of which the last item probably means the canon-
ical Acts (see F. C. Burkitt, Early Eastern Chris-
tianity, London, 1904, p. 59).
Moreover, the Marcionites and other Gnostic
Christians do not appear to have ever used the
Acts. Later on the Manichseans seem to have
used a corpus of the five Acts of Paul, Peter, John,
Andrew, and Thomas, as a substitute for the
canonical Acts ; and the Priscillianists in Spain so
far adopted this usage as to accept this corpus as
an adjunct to the canonical Acts. (For the more
detailed consideration of these Acts, both as a
corpus and as separate documents, see ACTS OF
THE Apostles [Apocryphal]. )
IV. The Composition of Acts.— The ques-
tion of the composition of this or any other book
is one partly of fact, partly of theory. In the
sense of determining the arrangement of the sec-
tions, and the relations which they bear to one
another, it is a question of fact and observation ;
but, when the question is raised why the sections
are so arranged, and how far they represent older
sources used by the writer, it becomes a question
of theory and criticism.
1. The obYious facts. — The first point, there-
fore, is the establishment of the facts, and in the
main these admit of little discussion. Acts falls
immediately into two chief parts — the Pauline,
and the non-Pauline parts — with a short inter-
mediate section in which St. Paul appears at in-
tervals. The Pauline section, again, falls into the
natural divisions afforded by his two (or three)
great journeys ; and a cross-division can also be
made by noting that the author sometimes uses
the first person plural, sometimes writes exclu-
sively in the third person. The earlier sections
in the same way can be divided — though the
division is here much less clear — into those in
which the centre of activity is Jerusalem, and
those in which it is Antioch, while a further series
of subdivisions can be made according as the chief
actor is Peter, Philip, or Stephen. Finally, still
smaller subdivisions can be made by dividing the
narrative into the series of incidents which com-
pose it.
The table on p. 22 serves to give a general
conspectus of the facts ; a somewhat more minute
system of subdivision has been adopted in the
earlier chapters, which are especially afi'ected by
the question of sources, than in the — from this
point of view — more straightforward later chap-
ters. This analysis is sufficient to show that the
Avriter must have been drawing on various sources
or traditions for his information, and we have to
face three problems : What was the purpose with
which the writer put togetlier this narrative ? How
far is it possible to distinguish the sources, written
or oral, which he used ? What is the relative value
of the sources which he used ?
2. The purpose with which the whole narrative
was composed. — It is, of course, clear that the
^\Titer has not attempted to give a colourless story
of as many events as possible, but is using history
to commend his own interpretation of the facts.
This is corroborated by his own account at the
beginning of the Gospel, in which he defines his
purpose as that of convincing Theophilus of the
certainty of the ' narratives in which he liad been
instructed ' (iVa eTnyv<^s irepl Siv KarrjxridTjs X6ywv ttjv
dacpaXeiav [Lk !■*]). In other words, he wishes to
tell the story of the early days of Christianity in
order to prove the Christian teaching.
If we consider the narrative from this point of
view, we can see several motives underlying it.
(a) The desire to show that the Christian Church
was the result of the presence of the Spirit (irvevfj-a,
rb TTvev/jLa, rb ayiov irveu/j.a are the usual expressions,
but TTvevfia Kvpiov in 5^ 8^^ [the text is doubtful],
rb TTVfv/jLa 'Irjaov in 16''), which is the fulfilment of
the promise of Jesus to send it to His disciples
(Ac ptf- ; cf. Lk 3'6 •24-»8f). The Spirit manifested
itself in glossolalia, in the working of miracles of
healing, and in the surprising growth of Christi-
anity. This is perhaps the main object of Luke's
writings, and to it is subordinated, both in the
Gospel and in Acts, the eschatological expectation
which is most characteristic of Mark and Matthew ;
though many traces of this still remain.— (6) The
desh-e to show the unreasonableness and wicked-
ness of Jewish opposition is also clearly marked,
and is contrasted with the attitude of Konian
officials. It is, therefore, not impossible that the
writer desired to dissociate Christianity from
Judaism, and to defend Christians from the im-
putation of belonging to a sect forbidden by the
State. If we knew the time when Christianity
was, as such, first forbidden and persecuted, this
might be a valuable indication of date, but at
present all that is kno'v\Ti \vith certainty is that
(cf. Pliny's correspondence with Trajan) it was
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
forbidden by the beginning of the 2nd cent., and
that in 64 it was probably (but not certainly) not
forbidden, as the Neronic persecution was not of
the Christians as such, but of Christians as
suspected of certain definite crimes. It is, how-
ever, in any case clear that this feature of Acts
supports the view that one purpose cherished by
the writer was the desire to protest against the
view that Christians had always been, or could
ever be, regarded as a danger to the Empire. —
(c) As a means towards the accomplishment of his
other purposes, the writer is desirous of showing
how Christianity had spread from Jerusalem to
the surrounding districts, from there to Antioch,
and from Antioch through the provinces to Rome.
He also explains in what way the Christians came
Church, and the early history of the Church in
Jerusalem. In discussing them it is simplest to
begin with the most marked feature — the ' we-
clauses ' — and then work back to the earlier
chapters.
(1) The ' we-clauses.' — As was shown above, the
balance of evidence seems at present to be strongly
in favour of the view that the writer of these
sections intended to claim that he had been a
companion of St. Paul, and that he was himself
the editor of the whole book. If this be so, we
have for the rest of the ' Paul ' narrative a source
ready to our hand — the personal information
obtained by Luke from St. Paul himself, or from
other companions of St. Paul whom he met in his
society. This may cover as much as Ac 9^"*" 1127-30
Beferencb.
Place.
General Dkscriptios.
Chief Actors.
1111.
Jerusalem.
The Ascension and promise of the Spirit.
Jesus and the Twelve.
112-28.
"
Choice of Matthias.
Speech of Peter.
Peter and the Twelve.
21-47.
"
Gift of the Spirit.
Glossolalia.
Speech of Peter.
Peter and the Twelve.
31-28.
ti
Healing miracle by Peter and John.
Speech of Peter.
Peter [and John].
41-22
>•
Imprisonment of Peter and John.
Speech of Peter.
Peter [and John].
422-31.
"
Their release.
Meeting of the Church.
Gift of the Spirit.
Peter [and John].
482-518.
"
Communism in the Church.
Peter, Barnabas [Ana-
nias, Sapphira] .
617-42.
••
Imprisonment of Peter and John.
Speech of Gamaliel.
Peter [and John].
61-7.
It
Appointment of the Seven.
The apostles.
68-16.
Preaching of Stephen.
His arrest.
Stephen.
7I-S8.
"
Speech of Stephen.
His death.
Stephen.
84-25.
Samaria.
Philip's preaching.
Philip, Peter [and John].
Simon llagus.
Simon Magus.
828-40.
The road to Gaza.
Philip's conversion of the Ethiopian.
Philip.
91-31.
The road to Damascus.
Conversion of Saul, and extension of
the Church.
Paul.
932.1048.
Lydda, Joppa, Ossarea.
Peter's journey through Lydda, Joppa,
Caesarea.
Conversion of Cornelius.
Peter.
Speech of Peter.
111-18.
Jerusalem.
Peter's speech on Cornelius' conversion.
Peter.
1119-28.
Antioch.
Foundation of Gentile Christianity.
Hellenistic Jews, Barna-
bas, Paul.
1127-80.
Collection for Jerusalem.
Barnabas, Paul.
121-24.
Jerusalem.
Herod's persecution.
Peter's imprisonment.
Death of Herod.
Peter.
1225.
Return of Barnabas and Saul to
Antioch.
Barnabas, PauL
131-1428.
Journey.
First missionary journey.
Paul.
151-35.
Jerusalem.
Apostolic Council.
Peter, James, Paul.
1536-1822.
Journey.
Second missionary journey.
Paul.
1823-2116.
„
Third missionar.v journej'.
Paul.
2117-2311.
Jerusalem*
Paul's deal ings with James. His arrest.
Speech to Sanhedrin.
PauL
2312-2632.
Caesarea.
Paul's imprisonment in Csesarea. Felix.
Festus. Agrippa.
Paul.
271-2816.
Journey.
Journey to Rome.
PauL
2817-31.
Rome.
Paul and Jews in Rome.
Paul.
to preach to Gentiles without insisting on the
Jewish Law, and how this had been perceived to be
the work of the Spirit by the Jewish apostles who
recognized the revelation to this efiect to St. Paul
and to St. Peter (Ac Q'^*^- 2221 ^ib i5iff.)_
3. The sources used in Acts. — The most super-
ficial examination of Acts shows that it is divided
most obviously into a ' Peter ' part and a ' Paul '
part ; it is, therefore, not strange that the critics
of the beginning of the 19th cent, thought of
dividing Acts into narratives derived from a
hypothetical ' Acts of Peter ' and a hypothetical
'Acts of Paul.' But further investigation has
gone behind this division : it has been seen that
important questions are involved in the relation
of the ' we-clauses ' to the rest of the narrative
relating to St. Paul, the story of the Antiochene
1223-81 Qj. even more. There is nothing in these
sections which cannot have come from St. Paul
or his entourage, and the inaccuracies in the
narrative, as compared with the Epistles, do not
seem to point to any greater fallibility on the part
of the writer than that to be found in other
historical writers who are in the possession of
good sources. At the same time, this does not
mean tliat the assignment of these chapters to a
' Paul ' source is final or exclusive of others. Some
sections within these limits (e.g. Ac 15) may come
from some other Jerusalem or Antiochene source,
and some sections outside them (e.g. the story of
Stephen's death) may have come from the 'Paul'
source.
If, on the other hand, it should ultimatel.'y
appear that the evidence from style has been
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
23
exaggerated or misrepresented, it will be necessary
to regard the ' we-sections ' as representing a
separate source, and consider the question whether
the rest of the chapters mentioned above came
from one or several sources. At present, however,
no one has shown any serious ground for thinking
that we can distinguish any signs of change of
style, or of doublets in the narrative, to point in
this direction.
(2) The problems presented by the earlier
chapters are much more complicated. The chief
Eoint which attracts attention is that in the first
alf of these chapters the centre of interest is
Jerusalem, or Jerusalem and the neighbourhood,
while in the second half it is Antioch. Here again
it is easier to begin by taking the later chapters
first, and to discuss the probable limits of the
Antiochene tradition, together with the possibility
that it may have lain before the writer of Acts as
a document, before considering the Jerusalem
tradition of the opening cliapters.
(a) The Antiochene tradition. — The exact limits
of this tradition are difficult to fix. It is clear
that to it the section describing the foundation of
the church at Antioch and its early history
(Ac IP^^") must be attributed ; but difficulties
arise as soon as an attempt is made to work either
backwards or forwards from this centre, as the
later sections, which can fairly be attributed to
Antiochene tradition, can also be attributed to the
Pauline source, while the earlier sections of the
same kind might be attributed to the Jerusalem
tradition. It is obvious that the ol fxev odv
Siaairapivrei of Ac 11'" picks up the narrative of
S'"*. In S^-'* the story of Stephen's death is brought
to a close by tlie statement that iyivero 8i iv iKeiv-Q
ry Tifiipq. diajy/xos fiiyas eTrl t7]v iKKXrjcriav t7]v iv
'lepoaoKvfJiOLr iravTe^ Sk diecnrdprjaav /card rds x'^P"-^
. . . ol ij.ku odv 8La<nrap&r€i diiiXBov evaYye\(-^o/j.€voi
rbv \6yov. Tlien the writer gives two instances of
this evangelization by Philip and Peter in Samaria,
and by Philip alone on the road to Gaza. Next
he explains how the conversion of St. Paul put
an end to the persecution, and how the conversion
of Cornelius led to the recognition of preaching to
Gentiles by the Jerusalem community. Finally, he
returns to where he started from, and picks up his
story as to the Christians who were dispersed after
the death of Stephen, with the same formula —
ol fiev oCv Siaa-irapivTes in 11'".
Thus there is an organic unity between S'* and
ll'». But 8^ is the end of the story of the
Hellenistic Jews, their seven representatives, and
the persecution which befell them ; and the begin-
ning of this story is in 6^. Between 6" and S'* there
is no break — unless it be thought that the whole
speech of Stephen is the composition of the editor,
as may very well be the case. Is, then, 6^-8^ to
be regarded as belonging to the Antiochene tradi-
tion ? Harnack thinks so, and it is very probable.
But it is also true that B^-S'* might have come
either from Jerusalem or fi'om St. Paul himself,
and it is hard to see convincing reasons why the
Antiochene source which Harnack postulates should
not have come from the ' Paul ' source.
The same sort of result is reached by considering
the sections following 11'"'^. Is ir^5-3o * Pauline'
or 'Antiochene'? The following section, 12'"^,
is clearly part of the Jerusalem tradition, but
what follows, 12-5-13^, might again be either
Pauline or Antiochene, and the same is true of
15'"^, in which the account of the Council might
be Antiochene or Pauline, but is less likely to
represent Jerusalem tradition. These exhaust
the number of the passages which are ever likely to
be attributed to the Antiochene source. To the
present writer it seems that, unless it prove
possible (so far it has not been done) to find some
literary criterion for distinguishing between the
' Pauline ' and ' Antiochene ' sources, it will remain
permanently impossible to draw any line of de-
marcation between what Luke may have heard
about the early history of Antioch from St. Paul
and what he may have learnt from other Antiochene
persons. It also seems quite impossible to say
whether he was using written sources. This, of
course, does not deny that the so-called ' Antiochene
source ' represents Antiochene tradition. All that
is said is that this Antiochene tradition may have
come from St. Paul quite as well as from any one
else. On the merits of the case we can go no
further (for the possibility that Luke was himself
an Antiochene see Luke).
(6) The Jerusalem, tradition.-^— \t is obvious that
Ac l'-5''" represents in some sense a Jerusalem
tradition, and it is scarcely less clear that 8"'""* 9^'-
2118 12'"^ represent a tradition which is divided
in its interests between Jerusalem and Ciesarea.
It is, therefore, necessary to deal first with the
purely Jerusalem sections, and afterwards with the
Jerusalem-Coesarean narrative, before considering
whether they are really one or more than one in
origin.
(a) The purely Jerusalem sections. — The most
important feature of Ac l'-5*^ is that 2'"*'' seems to
contain doublets of 3'-4^^, and that the suggestion
of a multiplicity of sources is supported by some
linguistic peculiarities.
21-13 xhe gift of the Spirit, accompanied by the shak- 4S1
lug of the house in which the Apostles were.
214-36 A speech of Peter. 31-28
237-41 The result of this speech is an extraordinarily 44
large number of converts (5000, 3000).
24247 The communism of the Early Church. 4S4. SB
Of this series of doublets the twice-told story of
the early ' communism ' of the first Christians and
the repetition of the shaking of the house at the
outpouring of the Spirit are the most striking, but
the cumulative effect is certainly to justify the
view that we have two accounts, slightly varying,
of the same series of events.
This result finds remarkable corroboration in
certain linguistic peculiarities of Ac 3 f. as com-
pared with ch. 2. In the former the word dfao-TTjo-aj
is used in the sense ' raised up to preach ' (3-® ; cf.
3"), and ijyetpe is used of the Resurrection, but in
the latter dvaarTjcras is used of the Kesunection.
In Ac 3f. Jesus is described as a irah deoO (3i3-26
427. 3oj^ \^^^ jjj qI^ 2 as dfSpa dirodedeLy/jL^vov dwb roxi
deoO. In Ac 3 f . Peter is almost always accompanied
by John (3'- ^•*- '^ 4'"), but in ch. 2 he appears alone
or 'with the other apostles.'
That Ac 2 and 3 f. are doublets is thus probable ;
moreover, as the linguistic characteristics of 3 f . are
peculiar and not Lucan, it is more probable here
than anywhere else in Acts that we are dealing
with traces of a written Greek document under-
lying Acts in the same way as Mark and Q underlie
the Lucan Gospel. To this branch of the Jerusalem
tradition Harnack has given the name of ' source
A,' and to Ac 2 the name of ' source B.' According
to him, the continuation of A can be found in 5'"'^,
and he also identifies it with the Jerusalem-
Cresarean source (see below). B is continued in
5i7-42_ j^Q I more probably, he thinks, belongs to
B than to A, but may have a separate origin.
If A be followed, we get a clear and probable
narrative of the history of the Jerusalem Church,
but it begins in the middle. According to it, Peter
and John went iip to the Temple and liealed a lame
man ; in connexion with the sensation caused by
this wonder Peter explained that he wrought the
cure in the name of Jesus, whom he announced as
the predestined Messiah. As the result of this
missionarj^ speech a great number of converts were
made (about 5000 [4*]). Peter and John were
arrested, but later on released after a speech by
24
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Peter, and a practical defiance of the command of
the authorities not to preacli in tiie name of Jesus.
Then follows a description of the joy of the Church
at the release of Peter and John, and an account of
their prayer — dos rois 8ov\ols <tov /xera, irapprjcrLas Trdcrrjs
\a\eiv Toy \6yov aov. In answer to their prayer, the
Spirit was outpoured amid the shaking of the room
in which they were, after which they were able,
as they had asked, to speak the word /xera irapprjaias.
Finally, a picture is drawn of the prosperity of the
Church, and of the voluntary communism which
prevailed.
The narrative gives an intelligible picture of the
events which led to the growth of the Jerusalem
Church and of an organization of charitable dis-
tribution that ultimately led to the development
described in Ac 6. Moreover, it has several marks
of individuality, and an early type which suggests
that we have here to do with a source used by Luke,
probably in documentary form, rather than a Lucan
composition. This applies especially to Peter's
speech, which is in some ways one of the most
archaic passages in the NT. Peter does not
describe Jesus as having been the Messiah, but
as a irais 6eov (more probably ' Servant of God ' than
' Child of God,' and perhaps with a side reference
to the ' Servant of Jahweh ' in Is 53, etc.) — a phrase
peculiar to source A, 1 Clement, the Martyrdom
of Polycarp, and the Didache. He then goes on
to announce that God has glorified this irais by the
Resurrection, and that He is the predestined
Messiah {rbv Trpoa-KexeipifffJ.^i'ov XpiffrSv), who will
remain in the Heavens until the 'restoration of
all things.' Recent research in the field of eschato-
logy and Messianic doctrine has brought out clearly
the primitive character of this speech. The same
can also be said of the prayer of the Church in
i^*^-, in which the phrase rd;/ dyiov iraWd <rov 'Iriffodu,
5v ^xP'O'as ( ' made Christ ' ?) is very remarkable.
Thus source A commends itself as an early and
good tradition, but it begins in the middle and tells
us nothing about the events previous to the visit of
Peter and John to the Temple. Apparently it was to
till up this gap that Luke turned to source B, which
seems to relate some of the same events, but in a
different order ; and, though Harnack doubts this,
it seems, on the whole, probable that Ac 1, or at
least vv.®"^^, ought to be regarded as belonging
to it. According to this narrative, the disciples
received the Spirit on the Day of Pentecost amid
the shaking of the room, after which Peter made
a speech, in many points resembling that in Ac 3,
but without the characteristic phraseology of A,
and with the addition of many more ' testimonia '
as to the Resurrection. A great number of converts
(about 3000) were made ; and, in the enthusiasm
which prevailed, a sj^irit of voluntary communism
flourished, and an organization of charitable dis-
tribution came into being.
This narrative does not seem so convincing as
that of source A. But if Ac 1 be regarded as
belonging to it, it has the advantage of connecting
the story of the Church at Jerusalem directly with
the events that followed the Crucifixion — a period
on which A is silent. Now, it is tolerably clear
that A was a written Greek source used by Luke,
just as he used Mark in the Gospel ; for, although
it has been ' Lucanized,' it still retains its own
<!haracteristic expressions. Presumably, therefore,
a copy of this document came into Luke's possession,
and he supplemented it at the beginning with B ;
but, whether B was a written source or oral tradi-
tion, it is impossible to say. The question presents
in this respect a remarkable parallel to the state of
things in the last chapters of the Gospel of Luke.
Here also the writer made use of a Greek document
— Mark — and supplemented it with a Jerusalem
tradition — whether written or oral it is impossible
to say— -either because the Marcan narrative broke
off', as it breaks oti' in the existent text of Mark, or
because he desired to correct the Marcan tradition.
It is, moreover, plain that this Jerusalem tradition
at the end of Luke is the same as that in source B
of the Acts. The question then suggests itself
whether source A — the written source of Acts —
may not belong to the same document as ' Mark '
— the written source of the Gospel. If we suppose
that the original Mark contained a continuation of
the Gospel story down to the foundation of the
Church in Jerusalem, and either that Luke dis-
liked the section referring to the events after the
Crucifixion, or perhaps that his copy had been
mutilated, the composition of this part of Acts
becomes plain ; * but it also becomes a question
whether the John who accompanies Peter in source
A (and nowhere else) is not John Mark, rather
than John the son of Zebedee.
All this, however, is hypothetical. The actual
existence of the source A in ch. 3f. and of the
supplementary source B in ch. 2 is a point for
which comparative certainty may be claimed.
The problem then arises, how far these sources
can be traced in the following chapters of Acts.
Harnack is inclined to see in 5^'"^^ a doublet of
4^-'^^, and to assign the latter to A, the former to
B. This is not improbable, but it is not so certain
as the previous results. It is, for instance, by no
means improbable that the apostles were twice
arrested, and, as the story is told, 5^'' seems a not
unnatural continuation of ch. 4. It is, however,
true that the characteristic ' Peter and John ' is
not found in 5'''^- ; but, on the other hand, the
rather curious phrase apxriyiv is applied to Jesus
in 318 and 5^^ (elsewhere in NT only in He 2^" 12^),
which militates somewhat against the view that
these chapters belong to different sources. In the
same way the story of Ananias and Sapphira in
Ac 5^"^' would fit quite as well on to B as on to A,
with which Harnack connects it. Linguistically
there is no clear evidence, but it may be noted
that 0d/3os is a characteristic of the Christian com-
munity in B in 2^*, and is repeated in 5^* ". It is
not found in A, though from the circumstances of
the case not much weight can be attached to this.
It therefore must remain uncertain whether Ac 5
ought to be regarded as wholly A, wholly B, or be
divided between the two sources.
(^) The Jerusalem-Ccesarean sections. — These are
Ac 8«-« 931-III8 121-^, which describe Philip's evan-
gelization of Samaria, followed by the mission of
Peter and John, Philip's conversion of the Ethiopian
on the road to Gaza, and his arrival in Ca?sarea,
Peter's mission to Lydda, Joppa, and Cajsarea,
and return to Jerusalem, Peter's arrest, imprison-
ment, and escape in Jerusalem, and Herod's death
in Csesarea. Harnack thinks that all these pas-
sages represent a Jerusalem-Caisarean tradition,
which he identifies with source A. It is certainly
probable that S^*"-^ belongs to A, owing to the
characteristic combination of Peter and John, and
it may be regarded as reasonable to think that
this also covers the rest of the section, so that
S^'*" may be attributed to A. It is more doubtful
when we come to the two other sections. If, how-
ever, any weight be attached to the suggestion
that A is connected with Mark, it is noteworthy
that 12^"23 is also very clearly connected with the
house of Mark and his m(>ther.
The section 9^'-ll'8 remains. This is much more
clearly Caisarean than either of the others, and
might possibly be separated from them and as-
• See Burkitt, Earliest Sources of the Gospels, London, 1911,
p. 79 f., where the suggestion is made that the early part of
Acts may represent a Marcan tradition, though the bearing
on this theory of the double source A and B in Acts is not
mentioned.
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
25
cribed to a distinct Cesarean source. If so, the
suggestion of Harnack and others that the source
miglit be identified with the family, of Philip,
which was settled in Csesarea, is not impossible ;
from 21^ (a ' we-clause') we know that Luke came
into contact with him there. It is also obvious
that the information given by Philip might be the
source of much more of that which has been ten-
tatively attributed to source A, or on the other
hand might conceivably be identified with source
B ; the truth is, of course, that we here reach the
limit of legitimate hypothesis, and pass into the
open country of uncontrolled guessing.
The result, therefore, of an inquiry into the
sources of the Jerusalem tradition is to establish
the existence of a written Greek source, A, in
Ac 3f., with a parallel narrative B — apparently
the continuation of the Lucan Jerusalem narrative
in the Gospel ; and these two sources, or one of
them, are continued in ch. 5. In 8^"*" is a further
narrative which has points of connexion with A.
Ac9^'-lP^isa Caesarean narrative, probably con-
nected with Philip, and this raises difficulties in
relation to A, for H^-'^ has also points of connexion
with Philip. Finally 12i-23is a Jerusalem narrative
connected with Peter and Mark ; but here also the
possibility of a connexion with Caesarea remains
open.
V. Historical Value of the Various Tra-
ditions. — So far as the ' we-clauses ' and the prob-
ably Pauline tradition are concerned, this question
has already been discussed. While there are traces
of probable inaccuracy, there is no reason to doubt
the general trustworthiness of the narrative. The
Antiochene narrative and the Jerusalem-Csesarean
narrative (the ' Philip ' clauses) can be judged with
more difficulty, as we have no means of comparing
the narratives with any other contemporary state-
ments. Here, however, we have another criterion.
It is probable that Luke is dealing with traditions,
and, at least in the case of A, with a document.
We cannot say how far he alters his sources, for
we have no other information as to their original
form, but we can use the analogy of his observed
practice in the case of the Gospel. Here we know
that he made use of Mark ; and we can control his
methods, because we possess his source. In this way
we can obtain some idea of what he is likely to
have done with his sources in Acts. On the whole,
it cannot be said that the application of this
criterion raises the value of Acts. In the Gospel,
Luke, though in the main constant to his source
Mark, was by no means disinclined to change the
meaning of the story as well as the words, if he
thought right. It is possible that he was justified
in doing so, but that is not the question. The
point is that he did not hesitate to alter his source
in the Gospel ; it is therefore probable that he
did not hesitate to do so in the Acts.
Besides this, on grounds of general probability,
various small points give rise to doubt, or seem to
belong to the world of legend rather than to that
of history — for instance, the removal of Philip by
the Spirit (or angel ?) from the side of the Ethiopian
to Azotus ; but the main narrative otters no real
reason for rejection. The best statement of all
the points open to suspicion is still that of Zeller-
Overbeck {The Acts of the Apostles, Eng. tr., Lon-
don, 1875-76), but the conclusions which Zeller
draws are often untenable. He did not realize
that in any narrative there is a combination of
really observed fact and of hypotheses to explain
the fact. The hypotheses of a writer or narrator
of the 1st cent, were frequently of a kind that we
should now never think of suggesting. But that
is no reason why the narrative as a whole should
not be regarded as a statement of fact. The exist-
ence, in any given narrative, of improbable ex-
planations as to how events happened is not an argu-
ment against its early date and general trust-
worthiness, unless it can be shown that the ex-
planation involves improbability not only in fact
but also in thought — it must not only be improb-
able that the event really happened in the manner
suggested, but it must be improbable that a narra-
tor of that age would have thought that it so hap-
pened. Judged by this standard, the Antiochene
and Jerusalem-Csesarean traditions seem to deserve
credence as good and early sources.
The same thing can be said of source A in the
purely Jerusalem tradition. But the problem
raised by source B is more difficult. If it be as-
sumed that Ac 1 does not belong to it, it can only
be compared with source A. To this it seems in
ferior, but on the whole it narrates the same events,
and it would certainly be rash to regard B as
valueless. No doubt it is true that, if the events
happened in the order given in A, they cannot
have happened in the order given in B, but it is
quite possible that many details in B may be cor-
rect in spite of the fact that they are told other-
wise or not told at all in A.
If, on the other hand, Ac 1 be assigned to B,
the question is more complicated. According to
Ac 1, the Ascension took place near Jerusalem
forty days after the Resurrection, and the infer-
ence is suggested that the disciples, including
Peter, never left Jerusalem after the Crucifixion.
That this was Luke's own view is made quite plain
from the Gospel, except that there does not appear
to be any room in the Gospel narrative for the forty
days between the Resurrection and the Ascension.
The problems which arise are therefore: (1) How
far can the Gospel of Luke and Acts 1 be recon-
ciled? (2) Is it more probable that the disciples
stayed in Jerusalem or went to Galilee ?
1. How far can the Gospel of Luke and Acts 1
be reconciled ? — Various attempts have been made
to find room in the Gospel for the ' forty days.'
They have not, however, been successful, as the
connecting links in the Gospel narrative are quite
clear from the morning of the Resurrection to the
moment of the Ascension, which is plainly intended
to be regarded as taking place on the evening of
the same day. According to Lk 24^^-, the sequence
of the events was the following. Early on Sunday
morning certain women went to the tomb, and to
them two men appeared who announced the Resur-
rection ; the women believed, but failed to con-
vince the disciples. Later on in the same day (iv
avry ry rj/jLipg.) two disciples saw the risen Lord on
the way to Emmaus, and at once returned to Jeru-
salem to tell the news {dvaardi'Tes avTrj ry (bpq.).
While they were narrating their experience the
Lord appeared, led them out to Bethany, and was
taken up to heaven. The only place where there
is any possibility of a break in the narrative is v.*^
(elirev 54), but this possibility (in any case contrary
to the general impression given by the passage) is
excluded by the facts that etTrei' 5^ is a peculiarly
Lucan phrase (59 times in Luke, 15 times in Acts,
only once elsewhere in the NT), and that it never
implies that a narrative is not continuous, and
usually the reverse. Moreover, that Lk 24^^, what-
ever text be taken, refers to the Ascension is
rendered certain by the reference in Ac P. Thus,
there is no doubt that the Gospel places the Ascen-
sion on the evening or night of the third day after
the Crucifixion. It is equally clear that Acts
places the Ascension forty days later, if the text
of 1* (5i 7]ixepCiv TeaaapaKovra) is correct ; and, though
there is, it is true, some confusion in the text at
this point, it is not enough to justify the omission
of ' forty days ' (see esp. F. Blass, Acta Apostolorum
secundum formam quae videtur Romanam, Leipzig,
1896, p. xxiii). The only possible suggestion.
26
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
therefore, is that the writer found some reason to
modify his opinions in the interval between writ-
ing the Gospel and the Acts. Whether he was
right to do so depends on the judgment passed on
various factors, which cannot be discussed here,
but may be summed up in the question wliether
the eviileiice of the Pauline Epistles does not sug-
gest that the earliest Christian view was that
Ascension and Resurrection were but two ways of
describing the same fact, and whether this is not
also implied in the speeches of Peter in Ac 2 and
3 * (cf. especially Ro 8^, Ph 1^3, Ac 2^3 Sif-'S), The
evidence is not sufficient to settle the point, but it
shows that the problem is not imaginary.
2. Is it more probable that the disciples stayed
in Jerusalem or went to Galilee?— The evidence
tliat the disciples went to Galilee is found in
Mark.f The end of Mark is, of course, missing, but
there are in the existing text two indications that
the appearances of the risen Christ were in Galilee,
and therefore that the disciples must have returned
there after the Crucihxion. (a) Mk H^''-, « All ye
shall be offended ; for it is written, I will smite the
shepherd, and the sheep shall be scattered. But
after I am risen, I will go before you into Galilee.'
This seems intended to prepare the way for the
flight of the disciples after the arrest in Geth-
semane ; the meaning of the second part, ' I will
go before you into Galilee,' is obscure, but in any
case it implies a return to Galilee. (6) Mk 16^ (tlie
message of the young man at the tomb), ' Go, tell
his disciples and Peter that he is going before you
into Galilee, there shall you see him.' Here it
is quite clearly stated that the first appearance of
the risen Christ to the disciples is to be in Galilee,
and once more it must be urged that this implies
that the disciples went there.
On the other hand, the evidence of Luke and
the Acts is that the disciples did not leave Jeru-
salem, and that, so far from the risen Lord announ-
cing His future appearance to the disciples in Galilee,
He actually told them to remain in Jerusalem.
That the two traditions thus exist cannot be
questioned, nor can they be reconciled without
violence. If, however, we have to choose between
them, the Galilsean tradition seems to deserve the
preference. It is in itself much more probable
that the disciples fled to Galilee when they left
Jesus to be arrested by Himself, than that they
went into Jerusalem. If they were, as the narra-
tive says, panic-stricken, Jerusalem was the last
place to which those who were not inhabitants of
that city would go. Moreover, it is not diflicult
to see that the tendency of Christian history would
have naturally emphasized Jerusalem and omitted
Galilee, for it is certainly a fact that from the be-
ginning the Christian Church found its centre in
Jerusalem and not in Galilee. Why this was so
is obscure, and there is a link missing in the
history of the chain of events. This must be
recognized, but what either source B or Luke
himself (if Ac 1 be not part of source B) has done
is to connect up the links of the chain as if the
Galihean link had never existed. So far as this goes,
it is a reason for not accepting Ac 1 as an accurate
account of history ; and this judgment perhaps
reflects on source B and certainly in some measure
on Luke. It must, however, be noted that it ought
not seriously to attect our judgment on Luke's
account of later events. The period between the
Crucifixion and the growth of the Jerusalem
community was naturally the most obscure point
in the history of Christianity ; and, even if Luke
• Of course, if this be so, there is a contradiction between
Ac 1 and 2, and it becomes more probaVjle (a) that Ac 1 is from
a separate tradition from source 15 ; {b) tiiat source B, like A,
was a written document wVien used by Luke.
t Secondary evidence is to be found in Mt 28, Jn 21, and the
' Gospel of Peter,' but Mark is the primary evidence.
went wrong in his attempt to find out the facts at
this point, that is no special reason for rejecting
his evidence for later events when he really was in
a position to obtain sound information. All that
is really shown is that, unlike Mark, he was never
in close contact with one of the original Galila;an
disciples.
VI. Chronology of Acts. — There are no
definite chronological statements in the Acts,
such as those in Lk 3^ But at five points syn-
chronisms with known events can be establishetl
and used as the basis of a chronological system.
These are the death of Herod Agrippa I. (Ac 12^^^) ;
the famine in Judfea (II-'"^ 12-^); Gallio's pro-
consulate in Corinth (18^^) ; the decree of Claudius
banishing all Jews from Rome (18-) ; and the
arrival of Festus in Judjea (25^).
1. The death of Herod Agrippa. — Agrippa I.,
according to the evidence of coins * (if these be
genuine), reigned nine years. The beginning of
his reign was immediately after the accession of
Caligula, who became Emperor on 16 March, A.D.
37, and within a few days appointed Agrippa, who
was then in Rome, to the tetrarchy of Philip, with
the title of king ; to this in 39-40 the tetrarchy of
Antipas was added. Later on, Claudius added
Judaea, Samaria, and Galilee. The ditticulty is that
Josephus says that Agrippa died in the seventh year
of his reign. This would be between the sjjring of
43 and that of 44, but it does not agree with the
evidence of the coinage, unless it be supposed that
Agrippa dated his accession from the death of Philip
rather than from his appointment by Caligula.
2. The famine in Judaea.— Our information for
the date of this event is found in Josephus and
Orosius. Josephus (Ant. XX. v.) says that the
famine took place during the procuratorship of
Alexander. Alexander's term of ottice ended in
A.D. 48, and this is therefore the terminus ad qitcm
for the date of the famine. His terra of ottice
began after that of Fadus. It is not known when
Fadus retired, but he was sent to Judtea after the
death of Herod Agrippa I. in A.D. 44, so that
Alexander's term cannot have begun before 45,
and more probably not before 46. Thus Josephus
fixes the famine within a margin of less than two
years on eitlier side of 47.
Orosius (vil. vi.), a writer of the 5th cent., is
more definite, and fixes the famine in the fourth
year of Claudius, which, on his system of reckon-
ing (see Ramsay, Was Christ born at Bethlehem ?
London, 1898, p. 223, which supplements and
corrects the statement in St. Paul the Traveller
and the Roman Citizen, do. 1895, p. 68 f. ), was prob-
ably from Sept. 44 to Sept. 45, or jjossibly from Jan.
45 to Jan. 46. This statement has, of course, only
the value which may be attributed to the sources
of Orosius, which are unknown ; but it supports
Josephus fairly well, and it is not probable that
Orosius was acquainted with the Antiquities, so
that his statement has independent value.
3. Gallio's proconsulate. — This date has recently
been fixed with considerable definiteness by the
discovery of .a fragment of an inscription at Delphi t
which contains a reference to Gallio as proconsul
(which must be proconsul of Acliaia), and bears
the date of the 26th ' acclamation ' of tlie Emperor
Claudius. This acclamation was before 1 Aug.
A.D. 52 [CIL vi. r25b), as an inscription of that
date refers to the 27th acclamation, and after 25
Jan. 51, as his 24th acclamation came in his 11th
tribunician year (i.e. 25 Jan. 51-24 Jan. 52). More-
over, it must have been some considerable time after
25 Jan. 51, as the 22nd, 23rd, and 24th acclamations
* See F. W. Madden, Coins of the Jews, London, 1881, p. 130.
t First published by A. Nikitsky in Russian, in Epigraphical
Studies at Delphi, Odessa, 189S, and now most accessible in
Deissmann's Paulua, Tubingen, 191L
AUTiS OF THE APUSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
27
all came in the 11th tiibunician year, and the
25th acclamation has not yet been found, so that
really the end of 51 is the earliest probable date
for the 26th acclamation. Thus the Delphi in-
scription must be placed between the end of 51
and 1 Aug. 52. At this time Gallio was in office.
The proconsul usually entered on his office in the
middle of the summer (cf. Mommsen, Rom. Staats-
reclit^, ii. [Leipzig, 1888] 256), and normally held it
for one year only, though sometimes he continued
in it for another term. According to this, Gallio
must have come to Corinth in July 51. Twelve
months later is not absolutely impossible, though it
is improVjable, for we do not know whether Claudius
had been acclaimed for a long or a short time before
1 Aug. 52, merely that by then his 27th acclamation
had taken place. According to Ac 18'-, St. Paul's
trial took place VaWiwvos 5k oLvdvirdrov 6vtos, and
this is usually taken to mean ' as soon as Gallio
became proconsul.' Probably this is correct exe-
gesis, though scarcely an accurate translation ;
and, if so, St. Paul's trial must have been in the
summer of 51, or, with later date for Gallio, in the
summer of 52.
i. The expulsion of the Jews from Rome. — Ac-
cording to Ac IS-, the Emperor Claudius banished
all Jews from Kome. The same fact is mentioned
by Suetonius {Claudius, 25), who says: ' ludseos,
impulsore Chresto, assidue tumultuantes Roma
expulit,' but no date is given. Tacitus does not
mention the fact ; nor does Josephus. Orosius
(VII. vi. 15) states that it was in the ninth year of
Claudius, which probably means Sept. 49-Sept. 50.
He states that this date is derived from Josephus,
which is clearly a mistake, unless he is referring
to some other writer of that name (cf. Deissmann,
Paidus), but the date agrees very well with that of
Gallic's proconsulate ; for, if the trial before
Gallio was in Aug. 51, and St. Paul had been in
Corinth 18 months (Ac 18'^), the Apostle must
have reached Corinth in April 50, at which time
Aquila had just arrived in consequence of the
decree of Claudius.
5. The arrival of Festus in Judaea. — This date
is unfortunately surrounded by great difficulties.
The facts are as follows : Eusebius, in his Chroni-
con, places the arrival of Festus in the second year
of Nero, which probably means not Oct. 55-Oct. 56
— the true second year of his reign — but, accord-
ing to the Eusebian plan of reckoning, Sept. 56-
Sept. 57. Josephus states that Felix, whom Festus
replaced, was prosecuted on his return to Rome,
but escaped owing to the influence of Pallas his
brother. But Pallas was dismissed, according to
Tacitus, before the death of Britannicus, and
Britannicus was, also according to Tacitus, just
14 years old. Britannicus was born in Feb. 41,
so that Festus must have entered on his office,
according to this reckoning, before A.D. 55.
Nevertheless, Josephus appears to place the
gi'eater part of the events under Felix in Nero's
reign, and this can hardly be the case if he retired
before Nero had reigned for three months. It is
thought, therefore, either that Tacitus made a
mistake as to the age of Britannicus, or that
Pallas retained considerable influence even after
his fall. Various other arguments have been used,
but none is based on exact statements or has any
real value. Thus, in view of the fact that the
combination of statements in Josephus and Taci-
tus seems to give no firm basis for argument, we
have only Eusebius and general probability to use.
General probability really means in this case con-
sidering whether the Eusebian date fits in with
the date of St. Paul's trial by Gallio, and has,
therefore, most of the faults of circular reason-
ing. Still, the Eusebian date comes out of this
test fairly well. St. Paul was tried by Gallio in
Aug. A.D. 51. We may then reconstruct as
follows : —
Trial by Gallio— Aug. 51.
Corinth to Antioch— end of 51.
Arrival at Ephesus — summer of 52.
Departure from Ephesus and arrival at Corinth — autumn of 54.
Arrival at Jerusalem and arrest — summer of 55.
Two years' imprisonment — 65 to summer 57.
Trial before Festus — summer 57.
In view of the evidence as to Gallio, this is the
earliest possible chronology, unless we suppose
that two years in prison means June 55-summer
56, which is, indeed, part of two years, though it
is doubtful Avhether it could have been described
as SieTias irXrjpwdeiffTjs — the phrase used in Ac 24-''.
Summary. — These are the only data in Acts for
which any high degree of probability can be
claimed. The date of Gallio is by far the most
certain. If we combine with them the further
data in Galatians, we obtain a reasonably good
chronology as far back as the conversion of
St. Paul. The second visit to Jerusalem in
Galatians is identical either with the time of the
famine or with that of the Council. If the
former, it can be placed in +46, if the latter, in
+ 48 ; and the conversion was either 14 or 17 years
before this, according to the exegesis adopted for
the statements in Galatians ; though, owing to
the ancient method of reckoning, 14 may mean a
few months more than 12, and 17 a few months
more than 15. Thus the earliest date for the
conversion would be A.D. 31, the latest 36.
It should, however, be remembered that the
period of 14 years reckoned between the first and
second visits of St. Paul to Jerusalem depends
entirely on the reading AIMAGTCON in Gal 2^,
which might easily have been a corruption for
AIAAGTCjON ( = ' after 4 years'), and that the 14
years in question are always a difficulty, as events
seem to have moved rapidly before and after that
period, but during it to have stood relatively still.
The possibility ought not to be neglected that the
conversion was 10 years later than the dates
suggested, i.e. in 41 or 46. This is especially
important, in view of the fact that the evidence
of Josephus as to the marriage of Herod and
Herodias suggests that the death of John the
Baptist, and therefore the Crucifixion, were later
than has usually been thought (see K. Lake, ' Date
of Herod's Marriage with Herodias and the Chron-
ology of the Gospels,' in Expositor, 8th ser. iv.
[1912] 462).
LiTERATiTRB. — For literature on the subject see A. Harnack,
Chronolociie, Leipzig, 1897-1904, i. 233-9; the art. in HDB on
'Chronology' by C. H. Turner (older statements are almost
entirely based on K. Wieseler's Chronol. des apost. Zeitalters,
Hamburg, 1848) ; C. Clemen, Paulus, Giessen, 1904.
VII. The Theology of Acts.— The theology
of Acts is, on the whole, simple and early, showing
no traces of Johannine, and surprisingly few of
Pauline, influence. In common with all other
canonical writings, it regards the God of the
Christians as the one true God, who had revealed
Himself in time past to His chosen people the
Jews ; and it identifies Jesus wdth the promised
Messiah, who will come from heaven to judge the
world, and to inaugurate the Kingdom of God
on the earth. There is, however, just as in the
Third Gospel, a noticeably smaller degree of
interest in the Messianic kingdom than in Mk.
and Mt. , and a proportionately increased interest
in the Spirit. This may probably be explained
as due to the fact that the writer belonged to a
more Gentile circle than those in which Mk. and
Mt. were written. It is strange that in some
respects Acts is less ' Gentile ' or ' Greek ' than the
Epistles. This is partially explained by the fact
that much of so-called Faulinismus has been read
into the Epistles ; but, even when an allowance
28
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
has been made for this fact, the difficulty re-
mains. The points on •which the theology of Acts
requires discussion in detail are its christology,
eschatology, attitude to the OT and Jewish
Law, doctrine of the Spirit, and doctrine of
baptism.
1. Christology. — In Acts Jesus is recognized as
the Christ, but the Christology belongs to an early
type. There is no suggestion of the Logos-Christ-
ology of the Fourth Gospel, or even of the Epistles
of the Captivity. ' The Christ ' appears to have
the quite primitive meaning of ' the king of
the kingdom of God, who is appointed by God to
judge the world ' (cf. ^<xrr}aev rjfjApav ev 17 fxiWei
KpLveiv Tr)v olKovfiiprjV ev 5i.Ka,i.o(Tvvrj ev di'dpi <^ iopiaev,
TricTTiv Trapaffxi^v irdffLV dvaffrrjaas avrbv in veKpuiv, 17'*^).
At what point Jesus became Christ, according to
Acts, is not quite clear. Harnack (Neue Unter-
suchungen zur Apostelgesch. , p. 75 ff. ) thinks that
Luke regarded the Resurrection as the moment,
in agreement with one interpretation of Ro 1^
In favour of this view can be cited Ac 13^-'* (St.
Paul's speech at Antioch in Pisidia), ravTi^v [i.e.
iirayyeXiav] 6 debs eKireirX-qpuiKev rois t^kvois r}fiQ>v
dvacTTrjcras 'Itjctovv, wj Kal iv ry xj/aKfii^ y^ypairrai ry
deirripcfi- vios fiov elcrv, iyw (TT]fj.epov yeyevvrjKd ere, wliich,
strictly interpreted, must mean that Jesus became
God's Son at the Resurrection, for in the context
dvaarrjo-as can be given no other translation. On
the other hand, it must be remembered that many
critics think that this same quotation from Ps 2
is connected with the Baptism in Lk 3-,* in which
case the further quotation in Lk 4^*, irvevpLa Kvpiov
iir' ifxe, oD e'iveKev ixp'-'^^" M^i kt\., acquires increased
force, for the connexion of exptcev with Xpiaros is
obvious. This, again, reflects light on Ac 10^ (ojs
^XP'O'"' o-vrbv 6 Oebs irvevfiaTi. dyiui /cat Swd/iet) and the
similar phrase in 4'-". It must remain a problem
for critics how far this difi'erence between Ac IS^^*-
and 10^ and 4-'' is accidental (or merely apparent),
and how far it is justifiable to connect it with the
fact that Ac 13 (which agrees with Ro 1^) belongs
to the Pauline source, while Ac 4 and 10 belong to
the Jerusalem source A and the closely connected
or identical Jerusalem-Caesarean source (which
agree with at all events one interpretation of the
meaning of the Baptism in Mk 1).
The possible difi'erence must, however, in any
case not be exaggerated. The whole of early
Christian literature outside Johannine influence
is full of appai'ent inconsistencies, because XpiarSs
sometimes means ' the person who is by nature
and predestination the appointed Messiah,' some-
times more narrowly ' the actual Messiah reigning
in the Kingdom of God.' In the former sense it
was possible to say eXvai rbv Xpia-Tbv'lrja-ovv f (Ac 18^),
or that i5ei wadeiv rbv Xpiurdv (17^). In the latter
sense it was possible to speak of Jesus as top wpo-
Kexeipi.ff/j.ii'ov vfjitv Xpiffrbv (3'-"), where, in the light
of the whole passage, the Tbv irpoKex^'-P'-'^l^ivov iifitv
mo.st probably has reference to the Resurrection,
though other interpretations are possible ; or to
say KvpLov avrbv Kai Xpiffrbv iirolTjcrev 6 debs tovtov rbv
'l7);jovv (2"'), which with less doubt may be referred
to the Resurrection. The point seems to be that,
on the (jue hand, Luke wishes to say that Jesus is
the Christ, and that, on the other, he does not
* The text is doubtful : the editors usually give £ru el 6 vJds ixot
6 ayaTTTfTo?, ev (roi ijv£6io)<ra with N B L 33 fani 1, fani 13, and the
mass of MSS (i.e. the // and A' texts, and at least two im-
portant hranches of / [J and H']), but Harnack prefers to read
the quotation from Ps 2 with D a b c ff al. Aug. CIema'«i- (thus
possibly the text of /» and certainly of a text coeval with I-E-K
[if such a text existed]) ; probably he Is right.
t This must mean that the Messiah (of whom all men know)
is Jesus (of whom they had previously not heard) ; and em-
phasizes the fact that, whereas Christology means to most
people of this generation an attempt to give an adequate
doctrinal statement of Jesus, it meant for the earliest genera-
tion an attempt to show that Jesus adequately fulfilled an
already existing doctrinal definition of the Messiah.
wish to say that the life of Jesus was the Messianic
Parousia or ' Coming,' and does wish to say that
by the Resurrection Jesus became the heavenly,
glorious Being who would come shortly to judge
the world.
It should be noted, as an especially archaic
characteristic, that in Acts 'It/o-oDs XpLcrbs is not
used as a name except in the phrase rb ovofia 'ItjitoO
Xpiarov (2^8 3« 4\» S^^ 10« 15-6 le'^*) ; elsewhere X/)<(rr6s
is always predicative. In this respect Acts seems
to be more archaic than the Pauline Epistles.
The death of the Christ has in Acts but little
theological importance. In one place only (20-'*
T7}v iKK\T]<Tiav Tov Kvplov [but deov X B vg, a few other
authorities, and the TR] iiv wepieTroL-rjaaTo did rod
aifxaros tov Idiov) is there anything which approaches
the Pauline doctrine, and it is noticeable that this
passage is from the speech of Paul to the Ephesian
elders. In the speeches of Peter and Stephen, the
death of the Christ is regarded as a wicked act of
the Jews rather than as a necessary part of a plan
of salvation. The most important passage is 3'^^- :
Kal vvv, d5e\(pol, olda on Kara dyvoiav ewpd^are, (bairep
Kal ol dpxovres vp-uiv. 6 be debs & irpoKaT-qyyeCKev did
ffrb/j.aTos irdvrwv twv Trpo(p7]T<I>v TraOeiv tov Xpiarbv avrov
iir\-qpwaev ovTuis. iieTavo-qaaTe odv, Kal ewLa-Tpexpare,
wpbs rb e^aXeKpdijvai v/xQv rds d/xaprias, Sttws dv ^Xdwai
Kaipol dvaypv^ews dwb irpo(T(hirov rod Kvpiov Kal dirocrre'iXy]
rbv ir poKexei-pi-(y t^-^vov v/jliv Xpiarbv 'Irjffovv, 5p del ovpavbv
fj.kv de^affOai &XP'- Xpo^'^" diroKaracrdcTews irdvTUiv, Kr\.
Here there is a verbal connexion between the suffer-
ing of the Christ and the blotting out of sins, but
no suggestion of any causal connexion. The writer
says that the Jews put the Messiah to death, as
had been foretold, but they did it in ignorance ;
and, if they repent, this and other sins will be
blotted out, and Jesus will come as the predestined
Messiah. The cause of the blotting out of sins is
here, as in the OT prophets, repentance and change
of conduct {iin(jrp€\l/are) ; nothing is said to suggest
that this would not have been effective without
the suffering of the Messiah.
2. Eschatology. — There is comparatively little
in Acts which throws light on the eschatological
expectation of the writer. As compared with
Mark or St. Paul, he seems to be less eschato-
logical, but traces of the primitive expectation are
not wanting. In P^ the Parousia of the Messiah
is still expected : ' This Jesus who has been taken
up into Heaven shall so come as ye have seen him
go into Heaven ' ; and, though it is not here stated
that the witnesses of the Ascension shall also live
to see the Parousia, this seems to be implied. The
same sort of comment can be made on S-"'* and 17^^ ;
but otherwise there is little in Acts to bear on the
eschatological expectation. This was, indeed, to
be expected in a book written by Luke, who in
his Gospel gi-eatly lessened the eschatological
elements found in Mark and Q.
3. The OT and Jewish Law. — For the Avriter of
Acts the OT was the written source of all revela-
tion. The sufficient proof of any argument or
exjilanation of any historical event was to be found
in the fact tliat it had been prophesied. Like all
Greek-writing Christians, he uses the LXX and
does not stop to ask whether it is textually
accurate.
But a distinction must be made between the
OT as prophecy and the OT as Law. In the latter
sense the position taken up in Acts is that the Law
of the OT is binding in every detail on Jewish
Chri-stians, but not binding at all on GentUe
Cliristians. The most remarkable example of
this is the picture given in ch. 25 of St. Paul's
acceptance of the Law in Jerusalem, and the cir-
cumcision of Timothy'. Whether this can be re-
conciled with the Apostle's own position is a point
for students of the Ejiistles to settle ; the present
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS (APOCR\TK\L)
29
writer believes that in this respect Acts gives
a faithful representation of St. Paul's own view
(see the admirable discussion in Harnack, Apostel-
gesch., pp. 8 and 211-217). The reason for thinking
that the Law was still binding on Jews but not on
Gentiles must be sought in a distinction between
the Law as source of salvation — it was not this for
any one — and the Law as command of God — this
it was for the Jew, but not for the Gentile.
As prophecies, the OT books are accepted without
question, and there is no trace of the Jewish con-
troversy which raised the dispute aa to the correct
exegesis of the OT. This controversy can be traced
in the Epistle of Barnabas, and found its extreme
result in the attitude of Marcion, but in Acts it
cannot be found, and apparently this is because
the dispute had not yet arisen. (For the best
summary of this question see Harnack, Apostel-
gesch., p. 8 n.)
i. The Spirit. — It is not quite clear whether
Acts rejrards all Christians as inspired by the Holy
Spirit, but it is at least certain that it regards this
as true of all the leaders, and of all who were fuUy
Christians. It would appear possible, however,
from such episodes as that of the Christians in
Ephesus who had been baptized only in John's
baptism, that a kind of imperfect Christianity was
recognized ; these Ephesians are described asfrndrp-ds,
even before they had been baptized. On the other
hand, the inadequacy of their baptism was dis-
covered by St. Paul because they had not received
the Spirit, so that even from this passage it would
seem that Cliristians were regarded normally as
inspired by the Holy Spirit. This Holy Spirit is
usually referred to as rb irvtvua Tb iL-yiov or rb dyiov
irvevna (21 times), or as rb TTvevfia (9 times), or as
TTvevfxa dywv (16 times), once as irvevna Kvplov, once
as Tb irvev/xa Kvplov, and once as rb irveO/xa 'Itj<tov,
A problem which has as yet scarcely received the
attention which it deserves is, whether the Spirit
was regarded as one or many (or, in other words,
what is the difference between rb irveC/jia and
wvfdfj.a). The exact meaning of the very import-
ant phrase rb irvev/Mi ''IrjaoO is also obscure. Was
it the Spirit which had been in Jesus, with which
God had anointed (exP'^''^'') Him ? Or was it the
Spirit-Jesus, as He had become after the Resur-
rection, in agreement with the PauHne phrase
'The Lord is the Spirit' (2 Co S^") ? In any case
it is clear that the gift of the Spirit was regarded
as in some sense the work of the exalted Jesus
(Ac 2^3 ; cf . Lk 24") but ultimately derived from
God.
A further development is found in Acts — that
the gift of the Spirit can be ensured either by
baptism (see § 5) or, more probably, by the ' lading
on of hands' of the Apostles {i-n-ldecns x^i-P^"', cf.
giTff. gi- ;|^96)^ though this power, if one may judge
from 8^'^-, was not shared by all other Christians.
This developed doctrine of the Spirit is the
most marked featm-e of Acts, and the Lucan
Gospel is clearly intended to lead up to it. The
Christians were inspired by the Holy Spirit, and
the Resurrection and Ascension of the Christ are
related to this fact, rather than, as seems to be the
case in Mark, to the coming of the Messianic
kingdom. It is true that in Ac 2 the gift of the
Spirit and the consequent glossolaha are explained
as a sign that the last days are at hand, but the
whole tendency of the Acts is to look on the
possession of the Spirit as the characteristic of the
Church, rather than of an eschatological kingdom,
and the work of Christ is already regarded as the
foundation of this inspired Church in the world,
rather than as the inauguration of the Kngdom
of God instead of the world. In some respects
Luke is more archaic than St. Paul, but not in
this. ** Copyright, 1916, by
5. Baptism — There is no doiibt that the writer
of Acts regarded baptism as the normal means of
entry into the Christian Church. There is also no
doubt that he represents an early stage of Christian
practice in which baptism was 'in the name of
the Lord Jesus' (or 'of Jesus Christ'), not in the
triadic formula (Ac 2^5 S^^ 10*» 19=). This agrees
with the practice of St. Paul so far as it can be
discovered (Ro 6^ Gal 3-'; cf. 1 Co V'^-), with
Didache 8 (but not 7), Hermas, Sim. ix. 17. 4, and
the Eusebian text (if that refer, as is probable,
to baptism) of Mt 281^ (but not with the usual text
of this passage, or with the later Christian practice).
Difficulty is, however, raised by the question
whether the writer (or his sources) makes the
gift of the Spirit depend on baptism or on the
lajTng on of hands, either invariably or as a general
rule. It is, on the whole, most probable that he
regards baptism as a necessary preliminary to the
gift of the Spirit, but not as the direct means by
which the Spirit was given, whereas the 'laying on
of hands' was the direct means of imparting this
gift ; though, under some exceptional circum-
stances, the gift was directly conferred by God
without any ministerial interposition.
The passages which seem at first to identify
baptism with the gift of the Spirit are especially
Ac 238 and 192-«- In 2^8 St. Peter says: 'Repent
and be baptized . . . and ye shall receive the gift
of the Spirit.' This seems decisive, but in the con-
text we are not told that those baptized received
the Spirit — only that they were added to the
Church. Was this the same thing for the writer?
Or did he mean that after reception into the
Church they would receive it? In the same way
in Ac 19-'® St. Paul asks the Ephesians whether
they have not received the Spirit ; and, hearing
that this is not so, he inquires further into their
baptism. Nevertheless, in the end, the gift of
the Spirit in their case is directly connected with
the 'lapng on of hands.' This conclusion is, of
course, supported by the other passages in which
baptism and the gift of the Spirit are distinguished :
of these 8^-^" and 10^' are the most important. (A
full discussion will be found in ERE ii. 382 ff.)
LrrERATUHE. — See at the end of the various sections and
throughout the article. KiRSOPP LaKE.
**ACTS OF THE APOSTLES (Apocryphal).—
I. lyTRODCCTORY.— The most important of the
Apocryphal Acts are the five (Peter, Paul, John,
Andrew, Thomas) which sometimes are referred to
as 'the Leucian Acts,' because they are supposed
to have been composed by a certain Leucius. Before
they can be discussed separately, it is therefore
necessary to deal with the problem of the Leucian
corpus, and inquire whether such a collection ex-
isted in early times, what was its nature, and how
far the name of 'Leucian' may be applied to it.
The direct source of the later tradition that there
was a Leucian corpus is no doubt a statement of
Photius {Bibliotheca, cod. 114) :
aveyvwcrOj] jSt^At'oi', at \€y6fj.€vai tujv a.iro<TT6\ti>v nepioSoi, ev
aiy ireptet'xorro 7rpa^€is UeVpou, 'lojai'vov, 'AvSpe'ou, 0a)fjta, navAov
ypd(^ei Se avras, ws Sr]Kol to aiiTO ^tfiKiov, AeuKios Xapi^'os.
From this it is plain that Photius had seen a
corpus of Acts, and interpreted some passage in
the text to mean that the five Acts were all written
by Leucius Charinus. It is therefore desirable to
examine earUer hterature for (1) mention of Leucius,
(2) mention of the five Acts of Peter, John, Andrew,
Thomas, and Paul, either as a corpus or as separate
writings.
1. References to Lencius. — i. Ix the East. —
Epiphaniirs (Fanar. li. 6), when speaking of the
Alogi, mentions as famous heretics Cerinthus and
Ebion, Merinthus and Cleobius or Cleobulus,
Claudius, Demas, and Hermogenes, and says they
Charles Scribner's Sons.
30
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
were controverted by St. John Kal tQiv dfj.<pl avT6v,
AcvKiov Kcd d\\u)i> TroWu}i>. Presumably, therefore,
Epiphaniua was acquainted with some book in
which Leucius appeared as a companion of St.
John, but it will be noted that he does not suggest
that Leucius was in any way heretical, but rather
that he controverted heretics. Apart from this
sohtary mention there is no trace of Leucius in
Greek Christian \\Titings until Photius.
ii. In the West. — It is quite different in the
West ; here there is a series of witnesses to Leucius.
(1) Pacian (f c. 390), bishop of Barcelona. — In Ep.
iii. 3 Pacian wT-ites to Semp. Novatianus concerning
the Proclan party of the Montanists, * who claimed
some connexion with Leucius, which Pacian denied;
and the natural interpretation of his words seems
to be that he regarded Leucius as an orthodox
Christian to whom the Montanists tried to attach
their origin ; but the passage is obscure :
'Et primum hi plurimis utuntur auctoribus; nam puto et
Graecus Blastus ipsorum est. Theodotus quoque et Praxeas
vestros aliquando docuere : ipsi illi Phryges [i.e. Montanists]
nobiliores, qui se animatos mentiuntur a Leucio, se institutes a
Proculo gloriantur.'
(2) Aiigustine. — In the contra Felicem, ii. 6,
written earlier in the 5th cent., Augustine says :
'H.abetis etiam hoc in scripturis apocryphis, quas canon
quidem catholicus non admittit, vobis autem [i.e. the Mani-
chseans] tanto graviorea sunt, quanto a catholico canone
seeluduntur ... in actibus scriptis a Leucio (codd. 'Leutio')
quos tamquam actus apostolorum scribit, habes ita positum :
"etenim speciosa figmenta et ostentatio simulata et coactio
visibilium nee quidem ex propria natura procedunt, sed ex eo
hominequiperseipsum deterior factus est per seductionem." '
As is shown later, Augustine was acquainted
with the Apocryphal Acts of Peter, Andrew,
Thomas, John, and Paul, of which the first four
were accepted only by Manichaeans, the last (Paul)
probably by Catholics also. There is nothing,
however, to show from which he is quoting here,
and the passage is not in any of the extant frag-
ments. Thomas is excluded, as we probably have
the complete text, and the passage is unlike what
we possess of the Acts of Peter or Paul. It is there-
fore probable, as Schmidt argues {Alte Petrusakten,
p. 50), that he is referring to Andrew or John — the
two Acts for which the Leucian authorship is other-
wise most probable. But the point is not certain,
and the possibility remains that he is referring to a
Manichsean corpus of Acts, collected by Leucius.
(3) Euodius of Uzala. — In the de Fide contra
Manichaeos, ch. 38 (printed in Augustine's works [ed.
Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. xlii.]), written by
Euodius, the contemporary of Augustine, the Acts
of Andrew is attributed to Leucius. The full quota-
tion is given by Schmidt (p. 53), who thinks that it
probably, though not certainly, impUes that Euodius
also regarded Leucius as the author of a corpus of
Acts, but argues that this opinion was probably
based only on an interpretation of the passage of
Augustine quoted above. However this may be,
it remains clear that Euodius regarded the Acts of
Andrew as IVIanichaean and the work of Leucius.
(4) Innocent I. — In a rescript of 405 to E.xsuperius,
bishop of Toulouse, Innocent says :
'Cetera autem quae vel sub nomine Matthiae vel sub nomine
lacobi minoris, vol sub nomine Petri et Johannis quae aquodam
Leucio scripta sunt (vel sub nomine Andreae quae a Nexo-
charide et Leonida philosophis), vel s>ib nomine Thomae et si
qua sunt alia {r.l. talia), non solum repudianda verum etiam
noveris damnanda.'
The words enclosed in brackets are probably an
interpolation (see Zahn, Acta Joannis, 209), and
Nexocharides and Leonidas the philosophers are
otherwise unknown persons. The text is certainly
not quite in order, but Leucius is clearly indicated
as the author of the Acts of Peter and of John.
* From pseudo-Tertullian, Tfcfut. omn. fleer, viii. 19, x. 26,
it appears that some Montanists were Kara. UpoKAov, others
Kara Ai(7\ivrjv (see Th. Zahn, Acta Joannis, p. Ixvi, n. 1).
(5) The Decretum Gelasianum (6th cent.), — After
rejecting as apocryphal the Acts of Andrew,
Thomas, Peter, and Philip, the ^vTiter goes on to
give a hst of Apocryphal Gospels, and then con-
tinues : 'Libri omnes quos fecit Leucius discipulus
diaboli, apocryphi.' _ As there follow several Mani-
cha?an writings, it is tolerably certain that here,
as elsewhere, 'disciple of the devil' means 'Mani-
chsean,' but it is not clear to which books reference
is made. There is a slight presumption that the
books made by Leucius are not identical with any
ah-eady mentioned, and this would suggest either
the Acts of John, which are not otherwise men-
tioned, or possibly the Acts of Pilate, which in the
Latin version are connected with the name of
Leucius Charinus. Schmidt, however, while think-
ing that the Acts of John are certainly intended,
is inclined to beheve that the writer may have
meant the whole Manichaean collection.
(6) Turribius of Astorga (c. 450). — In a corre-
spondence with his fellow-bishops, Idacius and
Creponius, Turribius discusses the Hterature of
the Manichaeans and Priscillianists. Among
these he mentions 'Actus illos qui vocantur S.
Andreae, vel illos qui appellantur S. loannis, quos
sacrilego Leucius ore conscripsit, vel illos qui
dicuntur S. Thomae et his similia, etc' Here
clearly Leucius is regarded as the author of the
Acts of John, and presumably not of the others —
though, if a certain laxity of syntax be conceded,
the Acts of Andrew might be added — certainly not
of the Acts of Thomas.
(7) Mellitus. — The writer of a late Catholic
version -of the Acts, who took to himself the name
of Mellitus, probably intending to identify himself
withMeUto of Sardis (c. 160-190), says: 'Volo
solhcitam esse fraternitatem vestram de Leucio
quodam qui scripsit apostolorum actus, loannis
evangelistae et sancti Andreae vel Thomae apostoK,
etc' ; so that he must have regarded Leucius as
the author of these three Acts, but there is no
suggestion of the full corpus of five. Schmidt
thinks that he probably derived his knowledge
from the letter of Turribius and a list of heretical
writings, which was once annexed to it, though
it has now disappeared ; the letter was probably
taken up into the works of Leo, with whom Turri-
bius corresponded (see Schmidt, p. 61). It does
not appear probable from internal evidence that
Mellitus had any first-hand knowledge of the
Apocryphal Acts.
(8) Further traces of Leucius, under the corrupt
form of Seleucus, can perhaps be traced in pseudo-
Hieronymus, Ep. ad Chromatium et Heliodorum,
and in hterature dependent upon it (see Schmidt,
p. 62) ; but no importance can be attached to this
late and inferior composition.
It would appear from these data that (a) the
earliest traditions connected Leucius with St. John,
and did not regard him as heretical. (6) A quite
late tradition regarded him as the author of the
corpus of five Acts — Paul, Peter, John, Andrew,
and Thomas — which the Manichaeans used as a
substitute for the canonical Acts, and the Priscil-
lianists in addition to the canonical Acts, (c) E.x-
ternal evidence suggests that Leucius was probably
the author of the Acts of John, and, with less
clearness, of Andrew, but not of Peter, Paul, or
Thomas ; and this conclusion is supported by in-
ternal evidence.
2. The evidence for the Acts as a collection. —
i. In the West.— (1) Fhila.strius of Brescia (.38.3-
391). — In his Liber de Hairesibus, 88, we have the
earliest evidence for a corpus of Apocyrphal Acts.
He begins by referring to those who use ' apocryfa,
id est sccreta,' instead of the canonical OT and NT,
and mentions as the chief of those who do this the
'Manichaei, Gnostici, Nicolaitae, Valentiniani et
ACTS (APOCR\THAL)
ACTS (APOCR\THAL)
31
alii quam plurimi qui apocryfa prophetarum et
apostolorum, id est Actus separates habentes,
canonicas legere scripturas contemnunt.' Later
on he gives more details in a passage where the
text is unfortunately clearly corrupt :
'Nam Manichaei apocrj'fa beati Andreae apostoli, id est
Actus quos fecit veniens de Ponto in Greciam [quos] conscrip-
serunt tunc discipuli sequentes beatum apostolum, unde et
habent Manichaei et alii tales Andreae beati et Joannis actus
evangelistae beati et Petri similiter beatissimi apostoli et Pauli
pariter beati apostoli : in quibus quia signa fecerunt magna
et prodigia, etc'
TMiatever may be the true text of this passage,
it clearly implies (a) that the IManichaeans used a
corpus of ApocrA'phal Acts in place of the canonical
Acts of the Apostles ; (h) that this corpus contained
the Acts of Andrew, John, Peter, and Paul ; (c) the
Acts of Thomas is not mentioned (Schmidt [p. 44]
thinks that this is merely accidental) ; {d) Leucius
is not mentioned.
(2) Augustine. — In the controversial WTitings of
Augustine against the Manichseans there are manj^
allusions to the Apocryphal Acts. Reference may
especially be made to (a) the de Sermone Domini
in Monte (i. 20, 6.5), in which allusions can be traced
to the Acts of Thomas ; (6) the contra Adimayitum,
17, where allusions to the Acts of Thomas and
Acts of Peter can be identified ; (c) the contra
Faustum Manicheum (Ub. xiv. and xxx.) ; (d)
the contra Felicem ; and (e) the de Civitate Dei.
Schmidt (44 ff.) has shown, from the consideration
of these passages, that the Manichaeans used the
five Acts of John, Andrew, Peter, Thomas, and
Paul, while the Cathohcs rejected the first four,
but accepted the Acts of Paul. The crucial pass-
age for this conclusion is c. Faustum, xxx. 4, in
which Faustus the ISIanichee says :
' Mitto enim ceteros eiusdem domini nostri apostolos, Petrum
et Andream, Thomam et ilium inexpertum veneris inter ceteros
beatum Joharmem . . . sed hos quidem, ut dixi, praetereo,
quia eos vos [i.e. the Catholics] exclusistis ex canone, facUeque
mente sacrilega vestra daemoniorum his potestis importare
doctrinas. Num igitur et de Christo eadem dicere poteritis aut
deapostolo Paulo, quemsimiliterubique const at etverbo semper
practulisse nuptis innuptas et id opera qaoque ostendisse erga
sanctissimam Theclam ? quodsi haec daemoniorum doctrina non
fuit, quam et Theclae Paulus et ceteri ceteris adnuntiaverunt
apostoli, cui credi iam poterit hoc ab ipso memoratum, tam-
quam sit daemoniorum voluntas et doctrina etiam persuasio
eanctimonii ? '
As Schmidt says, it is clear that Faustus gava up
the use of the Acts of Andrew, John, Peter, and
Thomas, because his opponents refused to recognize
their authority, but rehed on a Pauhne document
relating to Thekla. Before the discovery of the
Acts of Paul it was possible to think that this might
be the so-called Acts of Paul and Thekla. It is
now, however, fairly certain that this latter docu-
ment in its present form is merely an extract from
the older Acts of Paul ; there is no reason, there-
fore, to doubt that Augustine and Faustus both
recognized the Acts of Paul, which had not yet
been entirely deposed from the Canon.
(3) Innocent I. and Exsuperius. — A correspond-
ence (in A. D. 405) between Innocent i. and Exsup-
erius, bishop of Toulouse (see the quotation above),
shows that the Apocr^-phal Acts were used in Spain
not only by IManichaeans but also by Priscillian-
ists. . It is not quite clear to which Acts Innocent
refers. Besides mentioning the Acts of Peter and
John (of which certainly the latter and probably
the former also are ascribed to Leucius), he refers
to Acts of Matthias and of James the less, which
do not elsewhere appear in the Manichaean corpus,
as well as to those of Andrew, which in some texts
(see Zahn, Gesch. des A'T Kanons, Leipzig, 1888-
92, ii. 244 ff .) are ascribed to Nexocharide (v.l.
Xenocharide) and Leonidas ; Fabricius (Codex
Apocryphns, ii. 707) thinks that these names are a
corruption of Charinus and Leucius.
(4) Leo the Great and Turribius (440-461) . — Forty
years after the time of Innocent, the correspond-
ence between Leo and Turribius, bishop of Astorga
in Spain, throws more hght on the use of the
Apocrj'phal Acts by the PrisciUianists. Leo com-
plains that the PrisciUianists 'scripturas veraa
adulterant ' and ' falsas inducunt.' Turribius found
that the PrisciUianists and Manichseans were mak-
ing great progress in Spain, and for this reason had
elicited a letter of condemnation from Leo. He
also expressed himself further in his letters to
Idacius and Creponius, and apparently annexed a
selection of heretical passages from the Apocryphal
Acts to justify his disapproval. This selection is,
however, unfortunately no longer extant, but it is
plain that he was acquainted with the Acts of
Thomas, Andrew, and John (for text see above,
1. (6)). He also refers to a Memoria Apostolorum,
'inquo admagnam perversitatissuae auctoritatem doctrinam
domini mentiuntur, qui totam destruit legem veteris Testa-
menti ct omnia quae S. Moysi de diversis creaturae factorisque
divinitus revelata sunt, praeter reliquaa eiusdem libri blas-
phemias quaa referre pertaesum est.'
This Memoria Apostolorum is also mentioned by
Orosius (ConsuJtatio ad Augustinum, in Patr. Lat.
xUi. 667), and Schmidt (p. 50) thinks that it is the
source of a quotation from a Manichaean writing
which Augustine could not trace :
' Sed Apostolis dominus noster interrogantibus de Judaeorum
prophetis quid sentiri deberet, qui de adventu eius aliquid
cecinisse in praeteritum putabantur, commotus talia eos etiam
nunc sentire respondit "Demisistis vivum qui ante vos est et
de mortuia fabulamini."'
ii. In the East. — (1) Eusebius. — In HE iii. 25. 6
the Acts of John and Andrew are mentioned to-
gether with 'those of the other apostles,' and are
regarded as books used by heretics. In iii. 3. 2 the
Acts of Peter are mentioned, and in iii. 3. 5 and
iii. 25. 4 the Acts of Paul. The Acts of Thomas are
not quoted, nor is any reference made to Leucius.
(2) EphraimSyrus (c. 360). — In his commentary'
Ephraim says that the apocr^-phal correspondence
between Paul and the Corinthians was ■RTitten by
the followers of Bardesanes, 'in order that under
cover of the signs and wonders of the Apostle,
which they described, they might ascribe to the
name of the Apostle their own godlessness, against
which the Apostle had striven.' This apocryphal
correspondence was contained in the Acts of Paul,
but it also circulated in some SjTiac and Armenian
NT MSS ; no doubt it was an excerpt from the
Acts, but it is not clear whether Ephraim knew
the Acts or the excerpt. It is, however, much
more probable that Ephraim is here referring to
the Acts, as the correspondence alone does not
seem ever to have been regarded by the SjTiac
Church as heretical.
(3) Epiphanius. — In the Panarion Epiphanius
mentions the Acts of Thomas, Andrew, and John
in connexion with the Encratites {Pan. xlvii. 1), the
ApostoUci {ib. Lxi. 1), and other heretics (cf. xxx.
16, bdii. 2). But there is no sign of any con-
sciousness that there was a Manichsean corpus, or
that there was any connexion with Leucius. At
the same time a note in Photius (Bibl. cod. 179)
states that Agapius used the Acts of Andrew, so
that the Eastern Manichseans must have used at
least some of the Acts.
(4) Amphilochius of Iconium (c. 374). — At the
Second Council of Nicsea (787) a quotation was
read from Amphilochius' lost book -n-epl tQv \pevS-
eiriypdcpuiv rQv wapa aiperiKoTs, in which he proposed
Sei^opiev 5^ rd /3i/3Xta ravra . & Trpocpepovcriviju'ti' ol dirbffra-
rai Trjs iKKXrjcrlas, ovx^ tCov a.iro(TT6\(i}v irpd^eis dXXd
5ai)j.bvwv (rvyypdp.paTa. It also appears from the
Acts of the CouncU that the Acts of John was
quoted and condemned. It was resolved that no
more copies were to be made and those already
existing were to be burnt.
32
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
ACTS (APOCRITHAL)
(5) John of Thcssalonica (c. 6S0). — In the preface
to his recension of the reXelcoais Mapias (M. Bonnet,
ZWT, ISSO, p. 239 ff.), Jehn explains that the
Acts of Peter, Paul, Andrew, and John were hereti-
cal productions, but seems to argue that they made
use of genuine material, just as had been the case
with the reXetwo-is.
From this evidence, which is given with a full
and clear discussion in his Alie Petrusakten (cf.
also his Acta Pauli, 112 f.), C. Schmidt draws the
following conclusion : (a) The Manichseans had
formed a corpus of the five Acts, but were not them-
selves the authors of any of them. They used
this corpus instead of the canonical Acts, and the
Priscilhanists used it in addition to the Canon.
(b) In the course of the struggle between the Mani-
chseans and the Church the view was adopted that
the corpus was the work of a certain heretical
Leucius. (c) The name of Leucius originally be-
longed to the Acts of John alone, and was errone-
ously attributed to the other books, (d) In this
way the Acts of Paul, which was originally recog-
nized as orthodox if not canonical, came to be
regarded as heretical.
On the evidence as we have it no serious objec-
tion can be made to these propositions ; it might,
however, be a matter for investigation whether the
corpus of the Manichaeans was also used by the
Eastern Manichseans, or was the peculiar possession
of the Western branch.
II. The I X dividual Acts.—I. The Acts of
Paul. — By far the most important discovery con-
cerning the Apocryphal Gospels in recent years
was the Coptic text of the Acts of Paul found by
C. Schmidt in the Heidelberg Pap>TUS 1, and pub-
hshed by him in his Acta Pauli, Leipzig, 1903 (and
in a cheaper form without the facsimile of the text,
in 1905). This is not indeed complete, and there
are still minor problems connected with the order
of the incidents, but the main facts are now plain ;
and the general contents of the Acts may be re-
garded as roughly established, with the exception
of certain rather serious lacunse, especially at the
beginning and in the middle. The contents, as we
have them, can be divided most conveniently as
follows :
(1) /re Antioch. — Paul is in the house of a Jew
named Anchares and his wife Phila, whose son is
dead. Paul restores the boy to hfe, and makes
many converts ; but he is suspected of magic, and
a riot ensues in which he is ill-treated and stoned.
He then goes to Iconium.
(2) In Iconium {the Thekla-story) . — Here the
well-known story of Thekla is placed, and on the
way to Iconium we are introduced to Demas and
Hermogenes, who are represented as Gnostics with
a pecuhar doctrine of an dvdffTaffis not of the flesh.
In Iconium Paul was entertained by Onesiphorus,
and preached in his house on dvdcrTa<ris and ijKpd-
Teia, with the result that Thekla, the daughter of
Theokleia, abandoned her betrothal to Thamyris
and vowed herseK to a life of virginity. Theokleia
and Tham>Tis therefore raised persecution against
Paul and Thekla. Paul was scourged and banished
from the town ; Thekla was condemned to be
burnt. From the flames she was miraculously
preserved, and went to Antioch, where she found
Paul. In Antioch her beauty attracted the atten-
tion of Alexander, a prominent Antiochian, and
her refusal to consent to his wishes led to her con-
demnation to the wild beasts. A lioness protected
her, but ultimately, after a series of miraculous
rescues, she was forced to jump into a pond full of
seals and committed herself to the water with the
baptismal formula. Ultimately the protection of
Queen Tryph^na and the sympathy of the women
of Antioch secured her pardon. She returned to
the house of Tryphaena and converted her and her
servants, and then followed Paul in man's clothing
to Myrrha. Then she returned to Iconium, and
finally died in Seleucia. The text of this whole
story is very defective in Coptic, but it is preserved
separately in Greek, and enough remains in the
Coptic to show that the Greek has kept fairly well
to the original storv.
(3) In Myrr/^a.— Thekla left Paul in M>Trha.
Here he healed of the dropsy a man named Hermo-
krates, who was baptized. But Hermippus the
elder son of Hermokrates was opposed to Paul,
and the younger son, Dion, died. The text is here
full of lacunse, but apparently Paul raised up Dion,
and punished Hermippus with bUndness, but after-
wards healed and converted him. He then went
on to Sidon.
(4) In Sidon. — On the road to Sidon there is an
incident connected with a heathen altar, and the
power of Christians over the demons or heathen
gods, but there is unfortunately a large lacuna in
the text. In Sidon there is an incident which
apparently is concerned with unnatural vice, and
Paul and other Christians were shut up in the
temple of Apollo. At the prayer of Paul the
temple was destroyed, but Paul was taken into
the amphitheatre. The text is defective, and the
manner of his rescue is not clear, but apparently
he made a speech and gained many converts, and
then went to T>Te.
(5) In Tyre. — Only the beginning of the story
is extant, but apparently the central feature is
the exorcism of demons and the curing of a dumb
child. After this there is a great lacuna, in which
Schmidt places various fragments deahng with the
question of the Jewish law ; and it appears possible
that the scene is moved to Jerusalem and that
Peter is also present.
(6) Paul in prison in the mines. — In this incident
Paul appears as one of those condemned to work
in the mines (? in Macedonia), and he restores to
life a certain Phrontina. Presumably he ultimately
escaped from his imprisonment, but the text is
incomplete.
(7) In Philippi. — The most important incident
connected with Philippi is a correspondence with
the Corinthians, dealing with certain heretical
views, of which the main tenets are (a) a denial
of the resurrection of the flesh ; (6) the human
body is not the creation of God ; (c) the world is
not the creation of God ; (d) the government of
the universe is not in the hands of God ; (e) the
crucifixion was not that of Christ, but of a docetic
phantasm ; (/) Christ was not born of Mary, nor
was he of the seed of David.
(8) A farewell scene. — The place in which this
scene is laid cannot be discerned from the frag-
ments which remain, but it contains a prophecy of
Paul's work in Rome, placed in the mouth of a
certain Cleobius.
(9) The martyrdom, of Paul. — The last episode
gives an account of the martyrdom of Paul, and
the text of this is also preserved as a separate docu-
ment in Greek. According to it, Paul preached
without any hindrance, and there is no suggestion
that he was a prisoner. On one occasion, while he
was preaching, Patroclus, a servant of Nero, fell
from a window and was killed. Paul restored him,
and he was converted. When Nero heard of this
miracle, Patroclus acknowledged that he was the
soldier of the /3a(ri\€i>s l-qcrovs XpiarSs. Nero caused
him and other Christians to be arrested, condemned
Paul to be beheaded, and the other Christians to
be burnt. In prison Paul converted the prefect
Longinus and the centurion Cestus, and pro-
phesied to them hfe after death. Longinus and
Cestus were told to go to his grave on the next
day, when they would be baptized by Titus and
Luke. At hia execution milk spurted from his
ACTS (APOCR\THAL)
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
33
neck instead of blood, and afterwards he appeared
to Nero, who was so impressed that he ended the
persecution. The narrative ends with the baptism
of Longinus and Cestus at the grave of Paul.
The testimony of early writers to the Acts of
Paul. — Since the discovery of the Coptic Acts,
which show that the 'Acts of Paul and Thekla'
is an extract from the Acts of Paul, there is no
justification for doubting that Tertullian refers to
the Acts of Paul in de Baptistno, 17 :
'Quoflsi qui Pauli perperam inscripta le^funt, exemplum
Theclae ad lieentiaiu niulienmi docendi tinguendique defendunt,
sciant in Asia presbyteruin, qui earn scripturani construxit
quasi titulo Pauli de suo cumulans, convictum atque confessum
se id amore Pauli fecisse loco decessisse.'
This statement is extremely valuable, because it
gives us clear evidence as to the provenance of the
Acts, proves that it is not later than the 2nd
cent., and shows that it was composed in the
great Chm-ch, not in any heretical or Gnostic
sect. _
Origen quotes the Acts in de Principiis, i. 2, 3,
and in in Johannem, xx. 12. In both cases he
gives the Acts of Paul definitely as the source of
his quotation, but neither passage is found in the
extant texts. He apparently regards the Acts as
only shghtly inferior to the Canonical Scriptures.
Eusebius in HE iii. 25 ranks the Acts of Paul,
with the Shepherd of Hermas, Ep. of Barnabas,
the Apoc. of Peter, the Didache, and possibly the
Johannine Apocalypse, as among the v6da. But
he does not appear to place it with the Acts of
Andi-ew and John and 'the other apostl6s' (per-
haps the Acts of Peter and Thomas) which are
AroTra iravT-rj Kal Sva-ffe^rj. Hence he probably did
not regard the Acts of Paul as heretical.
In the Claromontane hst of books of the OT
and NT the Acts of Paul comes at the end in the
company of ' Barnabae epistula, Johannis revelatio,
Actus Apostolorum, Pastor, Actus PauH, Revela-
tio Petri,' which suggests somewhat the same judg-
ment as that of Eusebius.
From the Commentary of Hippolytus on Dn 3'^
it seems clear that he regarded the Acts of Paul
as definitely historical and trustworthy. Com-
bating those who doubted the truth of the story of
Daniel in the hons' den, he says :
et yap TriKTrevofifv on IIauA.ov eij S-qpCa KaraKpiGevTOi aifieSeis
CTT* avToi' 6 \euju et? tou? 7r66as ai'aTreo'aji' 7r(pU\€LX^v auTor, ttws
ovx' '"'' '"^^ ToO AauiiqK yti-dju.ei'a vriixTeiicrOjU.ej';
This incident is not extant in the Coptic texts,
but a full account, stated to be taken from the
Ueplodoi UaiXov, is given by Nicephorus CaUistus
(cf . Zahn, Gesch. d. NT Kanons, ii. 2. p. 880 ff.), and
there is therefore no doubt but that Hippolytus re-
garded the Acts of Paul as httle less than canonical.
Finally, the passage quoted above from Augus-
tine, c. Faust. XXX., makes it clear that in the
Chm-ch of Africa, as late as the time of Augustine,
the Acts of Paul was accepted as authoritative
and orthodox, even if not canonical.
The date of the Ads of Paul. — The testimony of
early wi-iters furnishes a safe terminus ad quern.
The Acts must be earlier than TertulUan's de
Baptismo. The precise date of this tractate is
uncertain, but at the latest it is only a few years
later than a.d. 200, so that the Acts must at all
events belong to the 2nd centtuy. The question
is whether it is a great deal or a very little
earlier. Schmidt is influenced by the frequent use
of the canonical Acts and the Pastoral Epistles to
choose a date not much earher than 180 ; on the
other hand, Harnack thinks that the complete
silence as to the Montanist movement, or anything
which could be construed as anti-Montanist po-
lemics, points to a date earlier than 170. Between
these two positions a choice is difficult : probably
we cannot really say more than that between 160
VOL. I. — T,
and 200 is the most hkely period for the compo-
sition of the Acts of Paul. (See especially C.
Schmidt, Ada Paidi, 176 ff., where the whole
question is thoroughly discussed, and reference
made to the hterature bearing on the subject.)
The theology of the Ads of Paul. — From the theo-
logical point of view the Acts of Paul has excep-
tional value as giving a presentment of the ordinary
Christianity of Asia at the end of the 2nd cent.,
undisturbed by polemical or other special aims.
So far as the doctrine of God is concerned, the
teaching of the Acts is quite simple— it is that
'there is one God, and his Son, Jesus Christ,'
which is sometimes condensed into the statement
that there is no other God save Jesus Christ alone.
It is thus in no sense Arian or Ebionite, but at
the same time distinctly not Nicene. It is also
definitely not Gnostic, for the Supreme God is also
the Creator, and the instigator if not the agent of
redemption. The general view which is implied is
that the world_ was created good, and man was
given the especial favour of being the son of God.
This sonship was broken by the Fall, instigated
by the serpent. From that moment history be-
came a struggle between God, who was repairing
the evil of the Fall, through His chosen people
Israel and through the prophets, and the prince
of this world, who resisted His efforts, had pro-
claimed himself to be God (in this way heathen re-
ligion was explained), and had bound all humanity
to him by the lusts of the flesh. The result of
this process was the existence of ayvwala. and ir\6,vri
followed by (pdopd, aKadapala, ridovf), and ddvaros, and
the need of an ultimate judgment of God, which
would destroy all that was contaminated. But
in His mercy God had sent His Holy Spirit into
Mary, in order in this way, by becoming flesh, to
destroy the dominion of evil over flesh. This Holy
Spirit was_ (as in Justin MartjT) identical with the
spirit which had spoken through the Jewish
prophets, so that the Christian faith rested through-
out on the Spirit, which had given the prophets to
the Jews and later on had been incarnate in the
Christ who had given the gospel. It should be
noted that there is no attempt to distinguish be-
tween the Logos and the Spirit. 'Father, Son,
and Spirit' is a formula which seems to mean
Father, Spirit or Logos, and the Son or Incarnate
Spirit. It is clear that this is the popular theology
out of which the SabeUian and Arian controversies
can best be explained. For the reconstruction of
late 2nd cent. Christology in popular circles the
Acts of Paul is of unique value. There is also
a marked survival of primitive eschatological
interest : the expectation of the coming of Christ,
and the estabUshment of a glorious kingdom in
which Christians will share, is almost central.
The means whereby Christians ensure this result
are asceticism and baptism. The latter is prob-
ably the necessary moment, and is habituaUy
called the <T<ppayl%; but asceticism is equally
necessary, and involves an absolute abstinence
from ail sexual relations, even in marriage.
There is no trace of any institution of repentance
for sin after baptism; for this reason, baptism
appears usually to be postponed, and in these re-
spects the Acts of Paul agrees more closely with
TertulHan than with Hermas. The Eucharist is
primarily a meal of the community, and the theol-
ogy underlying it is not clearly expressed ; the
most remarkable feature is that here, as in all the
other Apocryphal Acts, water takes the place of
wine. This feature used to be regarded as Gnostic,
but in view of more extended knowledge of the
Acts as a whole this opinion is untenable.
Far the best statement of the theology of the Acts is in C.
Schmidt's Acta Pauli, 1 83 ff . This also gives full references to
earlier literature.
34
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
2. The Acts of Peter. — The Acts of Peter is
no longer extant in a complete form. " But, apart
from late paraphrastic recensions, which re-edit
older material in a form more agreeable to Catholic
taste, three documents exist, two of them in a
fragmentary form, which probably represent por-
tions of the original Acts. These are (1) a Coptic
text of a Upd^eis Uirpov, (2) the Codex Vercellensis,
or Actus Petri cum Simone, and (3) a Greek text of
the Mortyrium Petri.
(1) The Coptic Upd^eis IHrpov. — This fragment
was found by C. Schmidt at the end of the Gnostic
Papyrus P. 8502 in the Egyptian Museum at
Berlin (Sitzu7igsber. d. K. Preuss. Akad. xxxvi.
[1S96] 839 ff.), and published by him in Die alten
Petrusakten, Leipzig, 1903. This relates the story
of Peter's paralyzed daughter. At the beginning
of the incident, Peter, who had been twitted with
the paralysis of his daughter in spite of his powers
of miraculous healing, cured her for a short time,
and then restored her paralytic condition. Having
thus shown his power, he explained that she had
originally been paralyzed in answer to his own
prayer, in order to preserve her virginity, which
was threatened by a certain Ptolemseus. By this
miracle Ptolemseus had been converted to Christi-
anity, and dying soon afterwards left land to
Peter's daughter, which Peter sold, giving the
proceeds of it to the poor.
(2) The Codex Vercellensis (Bibliothec. capitul.
Vercellensis, cviii. 1). — This MS contains either an
extract from or a recension of the last part of the
Acts. It begins by describing Paul's departure from
Rome to Spain, and the arrival of Simon Magus,
who makes Aricia his headquarters. Meanwhile,
however, Peter, who had finished 'the twelve years
which the Lord had enjoined on him' (on this
legend see esp. Harnack's Expansion of Christian-
ity, i. [1904] 48 n.), was directed to go to Rome to
oppose Simon. Simon, who was first in Rome,
perverted Marcellus, a convert of Paul ; and, as
soon as Peter arrived, a contest was waged for his
faith on the question of the respective powers of
Simon and Peter to raise the dead. In this con-
test, which is long drawn out, Peter was successful,
and Simon retreated. Later on, the latter made
an effort to restore his reputation by flying in the
air, but the prayer of Peter caused him to fall and
break his thigh. He was carried to Aricia and
thence to Terracina, where he died.
The story then relates the events which led up
to the martjTdom of Peter. The main reason was
the decision of the converted concubines of Agrippa
the prefect to refuse any further intercourse with
him, and the similar conduct of Xanthippe the
wife of Albinus, a friend of Nero, and of many
other wives who all left their husbands. Peter
was warned of the anger of Agrippa, and at first
was persuaded by the Christians to leave Rome.
At this point the Codex Vercellensis is defective,
but the missing incidents can be restored from the
Mnrtyrium Petri, which overlaps the Codex Ver-
cellensis. From this it appears that Peter on his
departure from Rome was arrested by a vision of
Christ going to Rome and saying, ' I am going to
Home to be crucified.' Peter therefore applied
tliis vision to himself, and went back to Rome,
where he was crucified by the orders of the prefect
Agrippa. Here the Codex Vercellensis is again
extant, and runs parallel with the Martyriwn to
the end. Peter at his own request was crucified
head downwards, in order to fulfil the saying of
the Lord, 'Si non feceritis dextram tamquam
sinistram, et sinistram ut dcx-tram, et quae sunt
sursum tamquam deorsum, et quae retro sunt tam-
quam ab ante, non intrabitis in regna coelorum'
— a saying which is also found in the Gospel of
the Egyptians. After Peter's death Marcellus rook
down his body and buried it in his own tomb, after
costly embalming. But Peter appeared to him in
a vision and rebuked him for not having obeyed the
precept 'Let the dead bury their dead.' Finally,
the narrative explains that Nero was angry with
Agrippa because he wished to have inflicted worse
tortures on Peter, but, while he was planning
further persecution of the Christians, he was de-
terred by a vision of an angel, so that Peter was
the last martyr of that persecution. The Codex
ends with the obviously corrupt Une 'actus Petri
apostoli explicuerunt cum pace et Simonis amen.'
Lipsius {Acta Apocrypha, p. 103) suggests with
great probabiHty that 'et Simonis' is a misplaced
gloss. In this case the 'actus P. apostoU expUcu-
erunt. Amen,' would be the conclusion of the
original Acts of Peter, of which the Codex Ver-
cellensis is an extract, giving the Roman episode
and martyrdom.
(3) The Martyrium Petri. — The text of this early
extract from the Acts of Peter is preserved in two
MSS. (a) Cod. Patmiensis 48 (9th cent.). This
was copied by C. Krumbacher in 1885 and published
by Lipsius in 1886 in the Jahrbiicher fur Protest,
fheologie, pp. 86-106.— (5) Cod. Athous Vatoped.
79 (lOth-llth cent.). This was copied by Ph.
Meyer and published by Lipsius in his Acta
Apocrypha. There are also Slavonic and Coptic
(Sahidic) versions, the latter preserved directly in
three fragments and indirectly in Arabic and
Ethiopic translations (see further Lipsius, Act.
Apocr. hv f.). Lipsius thinks that the Patmos
MS is the best. The contents of the Martyrium
are the same as the second part of the Codex
Vercellensis, beginning with Simon's flight in the
air, and from the comparison of the Codex with
the Greek Martyrium it is possible that the
original form of this part of the ancient Acta can
be reconstructed with some probabihty.
The place of origin of the Acts of Peter. — There
is no unanimity among critics as to the community
in which the Acts of Peter was first produced.
There is of course a natural tendency to consider
in the first place the possibility that the document
is Roman. In favoiu: of this view the most com-
plete statement is that of Erbes ('Petrus nicht in
Rom, sondern in Jerusalem gestorben,' ZKG xxii.
1, pp. 1-47 and 2, pp. 161-231). He lays special
emphasis on the fact that the writer is acquainted
with the entrance to Rome both from the sea and
by road, and knows that the paved way from
Puteoli to Rome is bad to walk upon and jars the
pilgrims who use it. He also emphasizes the
correctness of the narrative in placing the contest
between Peter and Simon Magus in the Forum
Julium, on the ground that, according to Appian
(de Bello Civili, ii. 102), this forum was especially
reserved for disputes and closed to commerce. He
makes other points of a similar natm-e, but not of
so striking a character.
Against this it is urged by Harnack (Altchristl.
Litteraturgesch. ii. 559) and Zahn {Gcsch. des NT
Kanons, ii. 841) that the local references to Rome
are really very small, and do not give more know-
ledge than was easily accessible to any one in the
2nd or 3rd century. For instance, that Ai-icia and
Terracina are towns not far from Rome is a fact
which must have been quite generally known.
Other argiurionts seem to point to Asia rather
than Rome for the composition of the Acts. Apart
from the OT and NT, the books which clearly
were made use of by the redactor of the Acts of
Peter are the Acts of Paul and the Acts of John.
Now we know with tolerable certainty that the
Acts of Paul was written in Asia, and it is usually
thought that the Acts of John came from Ei)hesus
or the neighbourhood. It is, therefore, not im-
probable that the Acts of IVtor came from the
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
35
same district. Other possibilities are Antioch or
Jerusalem, laut there is less to be said in favour of
these than either Rome or Asia.
The date of the Acts of Peter. — The terminus ad
quern is some time earlier than Commodian the
African Chi-istian poet, who was clearly acquainted
with both the Acts of Paul and the Acts of Peter,
probably in a Latin version, and appears to have
regarded them as undoubted history (of. esp.
Commodian, Carmen Apologeticum, 623 S.). _ Com-
modian is generally supposed to have written c.
A.D. 250, so that some years earherthan this (to
allow for the spread of the Acts, their translation,
and the growth of their prestige) la the earhest
possible date. The terminus a quo is more diffi-
cult to find. It is generally conceded that the
date ± 165 adopted by Lipsius {Apokr. Apostel-
gesch., ii. 1, p. 275) is too early, and opinion usually
fixes on the decennium either side of the year 200
as the most probable for the WTiting of the Acts.
Harnack thinks that early in the 3rd cent, is the
most probable time {Altchr. Lit., ii. 553 ff .)» but
Erbes and C. Schmidt inchne rather to the end of
the 2nd century. The most important argument
is concerned with the compassionate attitude to-
wards the lapsi, which is very marked in the
Acts. Harnack thinks that this is not intelhgible
until 230, while Erbes and Schmidt maintain that
in the hght of the Shepherd of Hermas a much
earher date ia possible. Obviously this sort of
reasoning is somewhat tentative, and it is ap-
parently not possible at present to say more than
that 180-230 seems to be the half-centm-y within
which the composition ought probably to be placed.
The sources used by the Ads of Peter. — Apart
from the OT and NT, both of which the WTiter
uses freely and accepts as equally inspired, the
use can clearly be traced of the following books,
(a) The Acts of Paul. Apart from various smaller
points of contact, the whole account of the mart jt-
dom of Peter is clearly based on the martjTdom
of Paul. The whole subject is worked out in
full detail by C. Schmidt in his Peiru^akten
(p. 82 ff.) ; but it should be added that there is per-
haps still room for doubt whether that portion
of the Codex Vercellensis which deals \\ath Paul
really belongs to the Acts of Peter, and is not an
addition made by the redactor who formed the
excerpt, rather than by the author of the Acts
itseK. The fullest statement of this possibiUty is
given by Harnack {TU xx. 2 [1900], p. 103 ff.),
and a discussion tending to negative his conclu-
sions is to be found in Schmidt's Petrusakten, 82 f .
— (6) The Acts of John. The frequent verbal
dependence of the Acts of Peter on the Acts of
John is demonstrated by the long hst of parallel
passages given by M. R. James in Apocrypha
Anecdota, ii. p. xxiv ff. James, however, thought
at that time that this Ust proved the identity of
authorship of the two books; but Schmidt has
shown conclusively that the facts must be ex-
plained as due to dependence rather than to
identity of authorship. His most teUing argument
is the large use of the OT and NT made by the
Acts of Peter as contrasted with their very limited
use in the Acts of John. — (c) Schmidt also argues
that the Acts used the Kvpvyfia lierpov. Probably
he is right, but our knowledge of the KripvyfMis
too small to enable the question to be satisfactorily
settled.
The theology of the Acts of Peter. — In general
the account given above of the theology of the
Acts of Paul will serve also for the Acts of Peter.
But in some passages which depend on the Acts of
John there is an appearance of a pronounced
Modahsm or almost of Docetism. Lipsius and
others, who beUeved, with Zahn and James, that
the Acts of Peter was ^vTitten by the author of
the Acts of John, used to tliink that these passages
pointed to a heretical and Gnostic origin. But
Harnack (Altchr. Lit. ii. 660 ff.) and Schmidt
(Petrusakten, p. Ill ff.) have argued very forcibly
that this is not the case, and that the Acts of
Peter represents the popular Christianity of the
end of the 2nd cent, rather than any Gnostic
sect.
No complete edition of the text exists : the Codex Vercellensis
and the Greek text of the Martyrium are critically edited by
R. A. Lipsius in Acta Apocrypha, i. [Leipzig, 1891] ; the Coptic
npa|ei; IleTpou by C. Schmidt, Die alien Petrusakten {TU xxiv.
1), Leipzig, 1903. Very important is the treatment of Harnack
in his Chronologic, 1897, i. 559 ff., and the article of Erbes in
ZKG xxii. 1, p. 1 ff. and 2, p. 161 ff. under the title 'Petrus
nicht in Rom, sondern in Jerusalem gestorben.'
3. The Acts of John. — Recent research has
added much to our knowledge of the Acts of John ;
and, though the text is fragmentary and uncertain,
it is now possible to reconstruct the greater part
of the original. No single IMS is complete, but,
from the comparison of many, the following inci-
dents can be arranged :
(1) In Ephesus. — John comes from Miletus to
Ephesus and meets Lykomedes, with whom he
lodges. Here Cleopatra, the wife of Lykomedes,
dies, and her husband also falls dead from grief,
but John raises both to life. Lykomedes obtains
a picture of the Apostle, and worships it in his
room until John discovers it and shows him his
mistake. The next episode at Ephesus is in the
theatre, where John makes a long speech and
heals many sick. John is then summoned to
Sm>Tna, but determines first to strengthen the
Ephesian community. On the feast day of Artemis
he goes to the Temple, and after a speech inflicts
death on the priest. He then encounters a young
man who has killed his father because he had
accused him of adulterj\ John raises the father,
and converts both father and son ; he then goes to
SmjTua.
(2) Second visit to Ephesus. — John returns to
Ephesus to the house of Andronicus, who had
been converted during his first visit. Drusiana,
the wife of Andronicus, dies from the annoyance
caused her by a yoimg man KaUimachus, but
after her burial John goes to the tomb and sees
Christ appear as a young man ; he is instructed to
raise up Drusiana and also a young man, Fortun-
atus, who has been buried in the same place.
Fortunatus is, however, not converted, and soon
dies again.
(3) The most important fragment of the Acts is
that which seems to follow upon the episode of
Drusiana, as she remains one of the chief persons.
This was discovered in 1886 by M. R. James in
Cod. Vind. 63 (written in 1324) and pubh.shed in
1897 in TS V. 1. It gives a long and extremely
Docetic account of the Passion of Christ, and of a
revelation which the true Christ made to the
disciples while the phantasmal Christ was being
crucified, and includes a hymn which was used,
among others, by the Priscilhanists (Augustine,
Ep. 237 [253]).
(4) The death of John. — During the Sunday
worship John makes a speech, and partakes with
the brethren of the Eucharist. He then orders his
grave to be dug, and after prayer, and emphasis
on his virgin hfe, hes do^-n in the grave and either
dies or passes into a permanent trance.
The testimony of early writers, and the date of
the Acts of John. — The earhest writer to use the
Acts of John is Clement of Alexandria. In the
Adumbrationes to 1 Jn 1^ (ed. Potter, p. 1009) he
says :
'Fatur ergo in traditionibus quoniam Johannes ipsum corpus
quod erat extrinsecus tangens manum suam in profunda
misisse et ei duritiam carnis nullo modo reluctatam esse sed
locum manui tribuisse disciouU.'
36
ACTS (APOCR\THAL)
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
This is a certain reference to the Acts of John (ed.
Bonnet, 195 f.), and these Latin ' adumbration es '
are generally recognized as derived from the
Hypotyposes. A similar reference, but less cer-
tain, is in Strom, vi. 9. 71 :
aXX' IvX fxev ToC trcoTTJpos rb crUofiia airaiTe'v co? <rwfi<i ra.'S av
ayKaia^ VTrrjpecrCa'; ei? Sa<.fjLOvr]v yeKw^ av eit), iifiayev yap ov Sia to
<rwMct, SvfdfjL^L <Tvi'e\6^i:i'ov a-yta, aAA' tus ^xr} Tou? o'vi'OfTa^ oAAco?
TTtpt auToi) (^poveLV vn-eicreA^ot, wCTrep ajLte'Aet ro'Tepoi' SoKritrci Tii't?
auTor 7re<iai'epaja"6aL VTrtAa^o^, avTos 6e a7ra^a7rAu»5 ajra^i)? jji' ets
ov ov&iv TrapeiaSi/eTai Kivrnxa naS'qTi.KOv, ktA.
Perhaps later than Clement, but probably early
in the 3rd cent., is the writer of the Monarchian
Prologues, in which the statement as to John,
'qui virgo electus a Deo est quem de nuptiis
volentem nubere vocavit Deus,' clearly refers to
the Acts of John (ed. Bonnet), p. 212 : 6 OiXovrl jxoi
iv v€6tt]T(, yrj/xat ivLcpavels Kal elp7}Kihs fj.oi^ Xpiffw (rou,
"'liad.vvT]. It is noteworthy that neither Clement
nor the author of the Prologues seems to have any
consciousness that he has used a somxe of doubtful
orthodoxy.
Later on, Augustine and other writers against
the Manichseans make tolerably frequent mention
of the Acts ; a full collection of all the quotations
is given by Lipsius, Apokr. Apostelgesch. i. 83 ff.
Here, of course, there is no longer any doubt as to
the heterodoxy of the book, which is condemned
together •Rath the other Acts, with the sole excep-
tion of the Acts of Paul.
The evidence of Clement is the chief, if not the
only, testimony as to the date of the Acts of John.
It iproves that it belongs to the 2nd cent., but
there is really no evidence to say how much earher
than Clement it may be. Twenty years either
side of 160 seem to represent the hmits.
The provenance of the Ads of John. — This
remains quite uncertain. The only evidence is
that the centre of the Acts is Ephesus, and this
points to Asia as the place of origin. _ Nor is there
any serious argument against this view, for there
is certainly no connexion between the destruction
of the temple of Artemis by the Goths in 282 and
the attack on this temple attributed to John and
his friends in the Acts. Probably, therefore,
Ephesus, or more generally Asia, may be taken as
the place of composition, but not much should be
built on this view.
The theology and character of the Acts. — The
theology of the Acts appears to be markedly
Docetic and Gnostic. It represents Jesus as
possessing a body which varied from day to day
in appearance, and was capable even of appearing
to two observers at the same time in quite different
forms. His feet left no mark on the ground.
This certainly seems Docetic, but it is curious that
Clement of Alexandria quotes part of this passage
as historical without any hesitation in accepting
it, and Clement was not a Docete. The fact that
at the moment of the Crucifixion Jesus appears to
John on the Mount of Ohves is also prima facie
Docetic, but it is hard to say where mysticism
ends and Docetism begins.
The Gnosticism of the document is chiefly
supported by the reference in the great hymn to
an Ogdoad and a Dodecad, but it is not certain
that this is really a reference to a Gnostic system.
The Ogdoad is sun, moon, and planets, and the
Dodecad is the signs of the zodiac. The distinc-
tion between Gnosticism and Catholicism was not
that one believed in an Ogdoad and the other did
not, but in the view wliich they took of it. In
just the same way the Valentinians and others
explained that the Demiurge had made seven
heavens above the earth, and while Irena^us re-
sisted this teaching, he never denied the existence
of the seven heavens, as is shown by his 'Apostolic
Preaching.'
The best statement of the case aaainst the Gnostic theory is
inC. Schmidt, Petrusakt en, 119 ff. The case for a Gnostic origin
is best given, though very shortly, by M. R. James in Apocrypha
Anecdota, ii. (TS v. 1), Cambridge, 1897, p. xviii ff., and for a
definitely Valentinian origin, by Zahn (NKZ x. 211 ff.).
Apart from the suspicion of Docetism and
Gnosticism, the theology of the Acts is not unlike
that of the Acts of Paul. Especially noticeable is
the ascetic objection to marriage ; in this respect
the Acts of John is quite as stern as the Acts of
Paul or of Thomas. But in other respects the Acts
of John seems to come from a far higher mj-stical
reHgion, and is altogether finer hterature than
the Acts of Paul. Some of the mystical passages
reach a magnificent level, and may be ranked
with the best products of 2nd cent, rehgion.
The Acts of John may be studied best in Lipsius and Bonnet,
Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, ii. 1 , Leipzig, 1898. This is the
only complete text of all the known fragments. See also M. R.
James, Apocrypha Anecdota, ii. {TS v. 1) ; Th. Zahn, Acta
Joannis, Erlangen, 1880, and E. Hennecke, Nei/fcst. Apok-
ryphen, Tubingen, 1904, and Handhuch zu den Nentest.
Apokr., do. 190i. Especially important is the section on the
Acts of John in C. Schmidt, Die alten, Petrusakten (.TU
xxiv. 1), Leipzig, 1903, p. 120 fif.
4. The Acts of Andrew.— No MS is extant which
gives even as good a representation of the original
Acts as is found in the other early Acts. We
possess in quotations of Enodius of Uzala (end of
the 4th cent.) some valuable fragments, of which
traces are also found in Augustine ; from these,
and on the gi-ounds of general resemblance to the
Acts of John, it appears probable that a fragment
in Cod. Vatican. Gr. 808 (lOth-llth cent.), deal-
ing with Andrew in prison, belongs to the early
Acts ; and from a variety of som-ccs it is also
possible to reconstruct with some accui'acy the
story of the martyrdom of Andrew.
The text of the fragment in Cod. Vat. 808 begins
in the middle of a speech of Andrew, who is in
prison in Patras. The general situation is that
the Apostle is being prosecuted by a certain
iEgeates — which is perhaps 'an inhabitant of
.(Egea' rather than a personal name — because he
perverted his wife MaximiUa by Encratitic doctrine
against married Hfe. A prominent part is also
played by Patrocles the brother of ^geates but
a friend of the Apostle. The fragment ends, as it
begins, abruptly in the middle of a speech by
Andrew.
The death of Andrew was by crucifixion, but
the legend ascribing an unusual shape to the cross
used seems to be of later origin. For tln-ee days
and three nights he remained on the cross exhort-
ing the multitude ; at the end of this time a crowd
of 20,000 men went to the proconsul to demand
that Andrew should be released. -^Egeates was
obliged to comply, but Andrew refused, and prayed
that having once been joined to the cross he might
not be separated from it. He then died, and was
bm-ied by Stratolles and MaximiUa.
The date and provenance of the Acts of Andrew.
— These points depend largely on the view taken
of the authorship of the Acts. If, as is usually
thought, the Acts of Andrew is really Leucian,
i.e. written by the same author as the Acts of
John, Asia is the most probable place for its
origin, and the end of the 2nd cent, the most
probable date. If this view be given up, Greece,
in which the scene of the Acts is laid, becomes
the most probable place, and the date must be
decided by internal evidence, for the Acts
appears not to be quoted before the time of Origen
(Eus. HE iii. 1). At present the Leucian hypothesis
perhaps holds the field (see esp. James, Apocrypha
Anecdota, ii. pp. xxixfif.), but it is not at all
certain.
The theology of the Acts. — So far as the frag-
ments preserved enable us to discover, the theology
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
37
of the Acts of Andrew resembles most closely that
of the Acts of John, and thus supports the Leucian
theory. There is the same emphasis on asceticism
even in marriage, and the cross also plays a large
part.
The text is given in Lipsius and Bonnet, Acta Apocrypha,
ii. 1, and valuable discussions are given in Harnaok, Chronol. ii.
175, and by ISI. R. James in Apocrypha Anecdota, ii. p. xxix ff.
Somewhat out of date, but still valuable in some respects, is
R A. Lipsius, Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten, Brunswick,
1883-87, i. 543 ff.
5. The Acts of Thomas. — (1) Contents. — Judas
Thomas is sold by Jesus to the messenger of an
Indian prince. At the Avedding-feast of the
daughter of the king of Andrapolis he is dis-
covered to be an inspired person and forced by
the king to pray over the bride and bridegroom.
On entering the inner room Jesus is found sitting
with the bride. He explains to the bridegroom
that He is not Thomas, and converts the couple
to a complete abstinence from sexual relations
(Act i.). Thomas is ordered by his master, Iving
Gundaphorus, to build a palace.^ Spending the
money on alms, he erects a palace in heaven which
is shown to the disembodied soul of the king's
deceased brother, who is afterwards restored to
life and receives the Eucharist with his brother,
both being 'sealed' with oil by the Apostle. On
this occasion the Lord appears as a youth bearing
a lamp. Having preached to the people, Thomas
is ordered by the Lord to depart (ii.). Thornas
finds a youth killed by a dragon, which forthwith
appears, acknowledging Thomas as 'twin of the
Christ,' and professes to be the serpent from para-
dise. The dragon is summoned to suck the venom
again out of the body, after doing which it
perishes. The youth is restored to Ufe, and saj^s
that he saw Thomas as a double person :_ one
exactly hke him standing by and telling him to
resuscitate the body (iii . ) . While this happens, the
colt of an ass addresses the Apostle as the 'twin
of the Christ,' and invites him to ride on its back
to the town (iv.). A woman is deUvered from a
demon that had been doing violence to her for five
years. To protect her for the future, she is
'sealed' and partakes of the Eucharist (v.). At
this moment a young man's hands are withered in
the act of taking the Eucharistic bread. He con-
fesses that he has murdered a woman for repudiat-
ing him after her conversion by Thomas. Restored
to hfe, she recounts horrible visions from the lower
world. After a general conversion, Thomas's final
words culminate in an exhortation to abstinence
from marriage and in emphasis on the permanence
of spiritual possession (vi.). All India being evan-
gehzed, a general of king Misda?us visits Thomas
and prays him to deliver his wife and daughter
from a cruel pair of demons (vii.). On the road
the Apostle asks the general to command some
wild asses to draw his carriage. One of these is
afterwards ordered by the Apostle to summon the
demons from the house. In the courtyard this
same ass preaches a sermon to the multitude, and
exhorts the Apostle to give the bodies of the
women back to life, since they had died as the
demons were leaving them (viii.). Mygdonia, a
relative of the royal family, comes to hear Thomas
preaching. The same night her husband Charisius
has a dream which contains a foreboding of the
consequences of this preaching for the married
hfe. On the next day and night this comes true.
His wife flees from his embraces. In the morning
Thomas is arrested, and while in prison sings the
'Hymn of the Soul.' At home, however, Charisius
finds his fervent suppUcations again scorned. His
wife escapes to receive the 'seal,' and encounters
Thomas on her way proceeding as a prince with
many hghts (ix. ) . Thomas follows her and returns
to prison, having administered the sacraments
to her and her foster-mother. That morning
Mygdonia preaches a sermon to her husband on
Jesus as the heavenly bridegroom. Thomas is
now ordered by the king and besought by Charisius
to make Mygdonia alter her conduct ; but his
feeble commands are refuted by her from his own
teaching (x.). Tertia the queen pays a visit to
Mygdonia and returns convinced (xi . ) . Thomas is
again imprisoned, and converts Vazanes the king's
son. An attempted torture being miraculously
frustrated, he is conducted back and speaks a long
prayer (xii.) . Jesus, mostly in the form of Thomas,
leads the converts and with them Mnesara, the
wife of Vazanes, to the prison. They enter
Vazanes' house, where they are 'sealed' and
baptized by Thomas. After the Eucharistic meal,
Thomas returns to the prison {Martyrium). The
Apostle, followed by a multitude, is taken to
a mountain and there pierced with swords. On
the mountain Sifor the general and Vazanes
receive orders as presbyter and deacon (xiii.).
(2) Original langv/ige. — After Schroter {ZDMG,
1871, p. 327 ff.), Noldeke {ib. 670-679 and in Lipsius,
Apokr. Apostelgesch. ii.^ [1884] 423-425), and
Macke (Th. Quartalschr., 1874, pp. 3-70), Burkitt
has settled the question (JThSt i. [1900] 280-290).
The existence of a Syriac original is proved by a
series of errors in the Greek arising from Syriac
idioms or 'm-iting.
(3) Text.~(,a)TheSyriac(ed.WTight,Apocr.Acts,Lond. 1871,
i. 172-333, text ; ii. 146 ff., translation) is preserved in Br. Mus.
Syr. Add 14645 (a.d. 936). Another MS is at Berlin : Sachau
222, a double of this at Cambridge (P. Bedjan, Act. Mart, and
Snnct. iii. Paris, 1892, gives variants from the Berlin MS).
Fragments from the 6th cent, in a Sinai palimpsest, Syr. Sin. 30,
have been published by Bur kitt(S<ud.6'ire., Cambridge, 1900, vol.
i X. app. 7) . Search should be made in the East for M SS of this
text and its Oriental and Greek versions. Our present text is
not always superior to the Greek version. On the text of the
hvmns (in Acts i. andix.), cf. A. A. Bevan, 'The Hvmn of the
Soul," TS V. 3 [1897] ; Hoffmann, ZNTW, 1903, pp. 273-309 ;
E. Preuschen, Zivei gno^t. Hymnen, Giessen, 1904 ; but see
Burkitt, r/i r.Leyden, 1905, pp. 270-282 ; Duncan Jones, ,/r;i6'«
vi. [1905] 448-451.
(6) The Greek version (ed. Bonnet, Acta Apost. Apocr., ii. 2,
Leipzig, 1903). The 13 'Acts' + the Martyrium exist as
a whole in two MSS. The best text is Cod. U (Rome,
VallicelL B 35, llthcent.). Thisis the only Greek MS of the
' Hymn of the Soul" (Actix.chs. 108-113). On the text of this
Hymnin Nicetas of Salonica,cf. Bonnet, Preface, p. xxiii. The
other complete MSis P (Paris, grsc. 1510, 12th or 13th cent.).
The (19) other MSS give but selections. We must, therefore,
revaewseparately the MSSforpart (A) = Acts i.ii., part (B) =
Actsiii.-xii., part (C) = Act xiii. + Martyrium. Besides UP, 15
copies preserve (A) , of which CXBHTG have no trace of (B) or
(C), while V gives here only the exordium of (A) ; 9 copies
preserve (B), of which VYRD have no selections beyond Act
viii., w'hile SFQZL give here no more than the 'prayers ' of Act
xii., which, against the order of these MSS and P, Bonnet has
inserted here, following U + Syr. ; 11 copies preserve (C), of
which KOM omit (A) and (B) altogether, while Q gives here
only the exordium of Act xiii. Identical selections : FRCX
(pp. 99-146» Bonnet), BH (99-1452^), SFZL (251 "'-258™, see
Pref. p. xxii), SFZ (275"'-288). The genealogy is still obscure.
In part (A) Bonnet distinguishes two types of text : r and A.
The r text=GHZ and B (1st half). The A text = A (Paris.
_gr»c. 881, 10th cent.) + fam. * ( = the rest of the MSS, U andP
i ncluded) . Both types have several unimportant variationsin
common, which mast derive from a not very distant ancestor.
But, as they more often differ on serious points, the tradition
of the Greek text appears to be not very reliable. In part (C)
again two types occur, viz. A4- fam. f2 ( =KORUV) and P +
fam.2( =FLSZ). All these MSS belonged to the A textin part
(A), Z only excepted (Petersb. imp. 94, 12th cent.) ; cf. 'identi-
cal selections' above. In part(B) theMSSaregroupedontheir
textual merits and in a descending order : LTVYR, P, D. On the
MSS neglected by Bonnet cf. Pref. p. xxiv ff. A Brussels MS
(ii. 2047) might be of some interest. Several MSS are still
hidden in Smyrna, Jerusalem, Athos (the catalogues of the
most important libraries, Lavra and Vatopedi, are still un-
published). Bonnet's text might beimproved. Only from pp.
197-250 could due influence be allowed to the Syriac and its
ally. Cod. U, Burkitt having then con\'inced the editor that
the Greek was but the version of a Syriac original (Pref. p. xxi) .
(c) The Armenian version should be better known. A MS exists
atParis (Bibl. nat.fonds arm. 46III), which Vetteris expected
to publish in the Or. Christ. The ' Hymn of the Soul ' is not in it.
Preuschen (Hennecke, Neutest. Apokr. ii. 563) was impressed
by its variations, not by the quality of its text. In Conybeare's
opinion the Arm. version derives from the Syriac (op.cit.i. 475).
30S203
38
ACTS (APOCR\THAL)
ACTS (APOCRITHAL)
(d) Of other versiona, the Ethiopic is wholly, the Latin not
entirely, useless (cf. Fabricius, Cod. apncr. NT'-, Hamburg, 1903,
ii. 687 f. ; Bonnet, Ada ThomcB, 1883, p. 96 ff.).
(4) Provenance and date. — For the history of
opinion, cf. Harnack, Altchr. Lit., ii. 1 (1897), 545-
549 with ii. 2 (1904), 175-176. Early Gnostics and
Eastern Christianity have appeared to differ less
in vocabulary than in other regards. Moreover,
several coincidences with Gnostic phraseology have
been intensified in the Greek, or are even due to
wrong translation. Tlie intellectual pursuits of
the Gnostic mind are absent, while the rigoristic
ethics have close parallels in early Syriac Christi-
anity. All this exactly suits Bardesanes (a.d.
154^222) and his school (see Burkitt, Early Eastern
Christianity, London, 1904, pp. 170 n., 199, 205 ff.,
and Nau, Diet. Theol. Cath., Paris, 1907, ii. 391-
401, artt. 'Bardesane' and * Bardesanites ' ; also
Kriiger, GGA, 1905, p. 718, and Noldeke, ib.p. 82).
The language (with the proper names) points to
Syria, the figure of Thomas to Edessa, the char-
acter and style ('Acts' ixf., the 'Hymn of the
Soul' in thia 'Act') to the literary capacities
of Bardesanes' environment. R. Reitzenstein
(Hellenist. Wundererzdhlungen, Leipzig, 1906, p.
104 ff .) raises the question whether the material of
the story was created in Edessa or imported. He
points out that miracle-stories {' aretalogies') were
a Mterary genre, spread by several petites religions
from Egypt on the waves of universal S5mcretism.
The pagan theology of Hermetic monotheism has
left its traces among the mediaeval Sabians of
Carrhae (near Edessa). It seems, however, that
he is over-stating the importance of the existing
analogies.
The date of the Acts is fixed by Lipsius {LCBl,
1888, no. 44, p. 1508, Apokr. Apostelgesch., ii. 2,
p. 418 note [on 1. p. 225 f .]) as the time of the
translation of the relics of Thomas to Edessa (a.d
232), It is impossible to clench this argument,
but it is certain that one of the component parts
of Act ix., the 'Hymn of the Soul,' was composed
before the rise of the Sasanid power in a.d. 226,
since 'Parthian kings' are mentioned in 1. 38 (ed.
Bevan, TS v. 3). Therefore we must not go much
beyond that time, and may reserve the middle
quarters of the 3rd cent, as the latest probable
date for the whole.
(5) Integrity. — Suspicions are raised by the fact
that most MSS of the Greek version give but
selections. If this should occur also in the Oriental
tradition, our collection of 13 Acts might seem the
result of a process of agglomeration. Noldeke
{GGA, 1905, p. 82) suspects interpolations and
detects a nucleus in Acts i. and ii. (except the
Andrapolis episode) . He supposes a rather intricate
genesis for our collection. Following this line of
Uterary criticism, the vigorous style of Acts ix.-xii.
causes them to stand out as another unit. Acts
iii.-viii. and the remaining parts might come in as
later accretions. It seems, however, unsafe to in-
dulge much in literary criticism before a more ade-
quate knowledge of the original text is available.
Reitzenstein has emphasized {op. cit.) the proba-
bihty of hterary sources. One author may have
composed the whole by adapting pagan stories to
Thomas's name. In this case the different shades
of style may be due to close adherence to or fn^e
expansion of such sources. Future criticism may
even see its way to combine this point of view
with the first. Possible sources certainly de-
serve serious consideration (cf. Gutschmid, Kleine
Schriften, ii. [Leipzig, _ 1890] 332 ff.,_ advocating
Buddhism ; Prcuschen in Hennecke, i. 477, Parsi-
ism; Hilgenfeld, ZWT, 1904, p. 240, Persian
influences).
(6) //7/mns.— The Bridal 'Ode' (ch. 7, 1st Act)
18 in our Syriac a mystic song of the Church. It
is not safe to abandon this ancient exegesis, since
its Gnostic astrology and scenery do not differ in
degi'ee from the rest of the Acts. It does not even
go much beyond the Apocalypse or the Patristic
comments on the Song of Songs. Excision from
its context is impossible without leaving scars.
The 'Hymn of the Soul' (Greek, 'Psalm') in chs.
108-113 (and also a long doxology after ch. 113;
only SjTiac and for the largest part omitted by
Sachau 222 ; cf. Hennecke, i. 692-594) is omitted
in most MSS. It is a document of the religious
life, not of the metaphysics of Gnosticism (Bevan,
p. 7). An orthodox bishop of Salonica, Nicetas,
explained it in the 11th cent, without any suspicion
(cf. above (3) and Burkitt, Early East. Christianity,
p. 227). This proves that its character is not
obtrusively Gnostic. Preuschen {op. cit., but cf.
recensions in ThT and JThSt, quoted under (3))
defines the character of both hymns as Ophite or
Sethian. Apart from this should be considered
his exegesis of the 'psalm' of chs. 108-113 as a
'Hymn of the Christ.' Reitzenstein supports his
views (for the Bridal Ode with less decision : op.
cit. 142). He explains its curious implications —
Christ cheated by demons, defiled by communion
with them, serving the Lord of this world, plunged
in a sleepy forgetfulness of His heavenly origin
and supreme task — by assuming a ' fast ratselhaf t '
strong influence of pagan literature {op. cit. 122).
On the 'sleepy forgetfulness' cf. Conybeare, JThSt
vi. 609-610. Identification of the soul and Christ
is present in the Odes of Solomon. Hilgenfeld
{ZWT, 1904, pp. 229-241) advocates a Greek
original ('the Son of the King and the Pearl')
sprung from a pagan Gnostic movement in the
new Sasanid empire.
AU critics with this last exception, but Preu-
schen included (cf., however, his art. in Hennecke,
i. 479), agree in ascribing the 'Hymn of the Soul'
to Bardesanes or to his school. Bevan {op. cit. p.
5 f.) has shown that it contains just those ' heresies'
for which Bardesanes, according to Ephraim, was
excluded by the Edessene Church. With regard
to its inclusion in the Acts, Burkitt remarks {Early
Eastern Christianity, p. 212 note) :
' I cannot help expressing a private opinion that the Hymn
was inserted by the author himself, just as he used the Lord's
Prayer in a later prayer of Judas Thomas. That the Hymn
itself is independent of the Acts is certain, but it is not so
clear that the Acts is independent of the Hymn. It may, in
fact, have become a part of the recognised teaching of the sect
to which the author of the Acts belonged (cf. Ephraim's Com-
mentary on 3 Corinthians, p. 119).'
(7) Theology of the Acts. — The Acts presupposes
the universal acceptance of a theology counting
only the supernatural world as real, and individual
salvation as the chief end of man. Asceticism,
especially abstinence from sexual relations even in
marriage, is urged as self-evident. Even before
meeting the Apostle, Vazanes had seen this (Act
xiii.). Mygdonia shows a firmer gi-asp of the
implications of his doctrine than Thomas himself
(Act X.). The supernatm-al world is not described :
the Gnostic cosmogonies and esoteric doctrines are
absent. Against this fact coincidences in plu-ase-
ology seem to carry little weight. Perhaps it is
only its reckless Puritanism which separates the
Acts of Thomas from the B'nai Q'yama, Aphi-a-
ates, and other leaders of early Syi-iac Christianity
(cf. Burkitt, Early East. Christianity, pp. 118-154;
Schwen, Afrahat, BcrUn, 1907, pp. 96-99, 130-132).
The Church and its dignitaries are practically
absent (cf. Acts v. vi. and the Martyriuni). The
sacraments are much in evidence as the only means
of attaining to the fife among the inhabitants of
the world of fight (chs. 121, 132, 15S)._ Baptism
immediately followed by the Eucharist is the rule.
It occurs in the story of the woman in Act v. (ch.
40), Mygdonia, Act x. (ch. 121), Siphor, Act x.
ACTS (APOCRYPHAL)
ADAM
39
(ch. 132), Vazanes, Act xiii. (chs. 153-158). In
the story of Gundaphorus and Gad, Act ii. (chs.
25-27), the Greek and SjTiac differ ; both omit the
Eucharist.
(8) Ritual. — (a) Instruction (132) ; (b) prayer (25,
156) ; (c) consecration of the oil (157) ; (d) imposi-
tion of hands (49) ; (e) outpouring of oil on the
head (27 Gr. et rcll.) ; (/) u7}ction (27 Gr. 157) ;
(g) prayer over the unction (27 Gr. 121, 157) ; (//)
iynmersion (27 Syr. 121, 132, 157) ; (i) chrism (27
Syr.); (/) prayer over the chrism (27 Syr.); {k)
prayer for the Eucharist (49, 121, 132, 158) ; (0
allocution before partaking (49, [121], 132, 158) ;
{m) partaking of the bread (49, 121, 132, 158) ; {n)
of the cup (121, 158). A response from heaven
occurs in ch. 121, and a Christophany in chs. 27,
153. The fullest* account is that of chs. 153-158.
The whole act of unction and immersion is called
'sealing' (121), therefore in chs. 49 and 27 (Gr.)
the immersion may have been omitted. Outpour-
ing and unction constitute a double act (157).
Unction may have extended to more parts of the
body for exorcistic purposes (cf. ch. 5 and JThSt,
i. 71 ; F. E. Brightman, The Sacramentary of
Serapion of Thmuis, p. 251 ; Hennecke, Neutest.
Apokr. ii. 565). While the Greek in 27 has a
double unction {JThSt i. 251) or, perhaps, unction
and chrism, the Syriac has baptism followed by
chrism. Elsewhere the Eucharist seems always to
occupy the place of the last part of later baptismal
ritual, viz. the confirmation and 'sealing' by the
chrism. Renunciation in a formal way is absent,
renunciation from sexual intercourse is understood
(promised, 152). Consecration of the water is not
found, though running water is but once used
(121). Trinitarian formulre and Logos-terminology
are used rather indiscriminately. Gnostic phrase-
ology occiurs side by side with it. The baptismal
formula is always Trinitarian. Ordinary bread
and water appear as Eucharistic elements. The
bread seems to be more essential (body and blood
in ch. 1.58).
(9) The most impressive element in the Acts is
Thojnas's character as a twin of tJie Christ (see
above (1)). W. Bauer (Das Leben Jesu iin Zeitaller
der neutest. Apokr., Tubingen, 1909, p. 445, note 3)
takes this as proof that the Acts wishes to reduce
the Vu-gin birth ad absurdum, and quotes ch. 2 :
'I, Jesus, son of Joseph the carpenter.' This
would be quite a solitary cloud of scepticism in an
atmosphere saturated with syncretistic thought.
Reitzenstein seems to open a field where Rendel
Harris (The Dioscuri in the Christian Legends,
London, 1903, and Cult of the Heavenly Twins,
Cambr., 1906) had already found a way. That, in
fact, Dioscm-ic attainments are ascribed to Thomas
is evident, and just here a parallel between Bar-
desanian literature and our Acts comes in (cf.
Burkitt, 170 note and 199). The name Thomas =
'twin' has been the point de depart, the cult of
Aziz (the morning star) a presupposition. Prob-
ably it was this Dioscuric god, whose month of
free-markets (cf. Harris, Cult of the Heavejily
T'wins, p. 158) and whose place as a patron of
Edessa Thomas was honoured with (cf . Jn 11^^ 20-'' ;
Pauly-Wissowa, i. 2644 [Cumont] ; R. Duval, His-
toire politique, relig. et litt. d Edesse, Paris, 1892,
p. 74 ff.). The ways and by-paths of syncretistic
monotheism are still obscure to us, but research
in this field is certainly destined to cast light on
the dark places of the Acts of Thomas.
Besides the works already quoted, see F. Cumont, Die or.
Rel. im rom. Heidentiim, Lieipzig, 1910; P. Wendland, Die
hellenistisch-romische Kuhur, Tubingen, 1907 ; R. Reitzenstein,
Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen, Leipzig, 1910, also
Poimandres Stud, z, griech.-dgypt. u. fruhchristl. Lit., do.
* The sacramental usage in the Acts is not fixed: the 14 points
occur in various combinations.
1904; F. J. Dolger, Sphraqis, eine altchr. Tdufbezeichnung in
ihren Beziehungen zur prof, und relig. Kultur des AUertums,
Paderborn, 1911; F. Haase, Zur bardesanischen Gnosis,
Leipzig, 1910.
6. Later Acts. — Besides the five Apocryphal
Acts which have been discussed, there are several
others of later date, but they are comparatively
unimportant. The most valuable is the 'Acts
of Phihp,' which is edited by Bonnet in Acta
Apocrypha, ii. 2. It describes the adventures of
Phihp in Phrygia, Asia, Samaria, etc., in the
company of his sister Mariamne. It may be as
early as the 3rd cent., and belongs either to a
mildly Gnostic sect or to the same Modahstic
Christia,nity as the Acts of Peter. It is discussed
by Lipsius in Die apok. Apostelgeschichten, Supple-
naent, pp. 65-70, and by Zahn, Forschungen,
vi. 18-24. Besides this a series of Acts, growing
ever shorter and less valuable, can be found
attached to the name of every Apostle or Teacher
in NT times in the Ada Sanctorum, arranged
under the date assigned in the calendar to the saint
in question.
7. Catholic recensions. — In the course of the
Manichcean controversy the view was adopted
that the miracles in the 'Leucian' Acts were
prenuine, but that the doctrine connected with
them was heretical. This view finds its clearest
expression in the Prologue of pseudo-MeUitus :
' Volo sqllicitam esse fraternit atem vestram de Leucio quodam
qui scripsit Apostolorum actus, loannis evangelistae et sancti
Andreae vel Thomae apostoli qui de virtutibus quidem quae
per eos dominus fecit, plurima vera dixit, de doctrina vero
multa mentitus est.'
The result was a series of Catholic recensions
which left out, speaking generally, the speeches,
and preserved or even added to all the mu-acles.
Of these Cathohc recensions, which are very
nurnerous, the most famous are the 'Prochorus'
edition of the Acts of John (the text is best given
by Zahn, Acta Joannis, Erlangen, 1880), and the
so-called 'Abdias' collection. The disentangle-
ment of various recensions of the separate Acts is
very difficult, and not very profitable.
The materials for a more detailed statement of the Catholic
recensions can be found in Harnack, Ge.?chichte der altchrist-
lichen Litteratur, Leipzig, i. (1893) p. 12.3 ff., and in R. A. Lipsius,
Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten, 1883-87.
KiRSOPP Lake and J. de Zwaan.*
ADAM ('A5d/x). — Adam was the tirst man (□■ix =
man) and the parent of the human race. — 1. When
the writer of Jude (v.") thinks it worth noting
that Enoch (q.v.) was 'the seventh from Adam'
(e/35o/xos airb 'A8dfx), he probably has in mind the
sacredness of the number seven. It seems to him
an interesting point that God, who rested from
His work on the seventh day, found a man to
walk in holy fellowship with Him in the seventh
generation.
2. In 1 Co ll^f- and 1 Ti 2"f- the doctrine of the
headship of man and the complete subjection (wda-a
virorayrj) of Woman is based upon the story of
creation. Man was not created for woman, but
woman for man ; Adam was created first and
sinned second. Eve was created second and sinned
first ; therefore let woman ever remember that she
is morally as well as physically weaker than man,
and let her never attempt either to teach or to
have dominion over him (avdevreiv dvdp6s). With
the premisses of this argument one may compare
the words of Sirach (25-'') : ' From a woman was
the beginning of sin (d-n-d ywaiKds dpxv d/j,apTias),
and because of her we all die.' St. Paul did not
take pleasure in this quaint philosophy of history,
as many of the Rabbis did ; but, with all his
reverence for womanhood, he felt that the accepted
* The section on the Acts of Thomas is from the pen of
de Zwaan ; the rest of the art. ia by Kirsopp Lake.
40
ADAM
ADAM
belief in ■woman's creation after and her fall before
man's clearly established her inferiority. It was
not a personal and empirical, but a traditional and
dogmatic, judgment.
3. St. Paul had, and knew that many others
had, a religious experience so vivid and intense
that ordinary terms seemed inadequate to do it
justice. It was the result of a Divine creative act.
If any man was in Christ, there was ' a new crea-
tion ' (KaLVT) KTiais) ; old things were passed awsA^ ;
behold, they were become new (2 Co 5'''). Not
legalism or its absence, but 'a new creation'
(Gal 6^^) was of avail. Reflexion on this profound
spiritual change and all tiiat it involved convinced
the Apostle that Christ was the Head and Founder
of a new humanity ; that His life and death,
followed by the gift of His Spirit, not merely
marked a new epoch in history, introducing a new
society, philosophy, ethics, and literature, but
created a new world. ' Bliss was it in that dawn
to be alive.' As St. Paul brooded on the stupen-
dous series of events of which Christ was the cause,
on the immeasurable ditierence which His brief
presence made in the life of mankind, there inevi-
tably took shape in his mind a grand antithesis be-
tween the first and the second creation, between the
first and the last representative Man, between the
intrusion of sin and death into the world and
the Divine gift of righteousness and life, between
the ravages of one man's disobedience and the
redemptive power of one Man's perfect obedience
(Ro 5|-^-2').
It is to be noted that the Apostle does not
advance any new theory of the first creation. He
knew only what every student of Scripture could
learn on that subject. He had no new revelation
which enabled him either to confirm or to correct
the account of the beginning of things which had
come down from a remote antiquity. He no doubt
regarded as literal history the account of the origin
of man, sin, and death which is found in Gn 2-3.
He did not imagine, like Philo, that he was read-
ing a pure allegory ; he believed, like Luther, that
Moses 'meldet geschehene Dinge.' It is remark-
able, however, with what unerring judgment he
seizes upon and retains the vital, enduring sub-
stance of the legend, while he leaves out the
drapery woven by the old time-spirit. He says
nothing of a garden of Eden, a miraculous tree of
life, a talkinj,' serpent, an anthropomorphic Deity.
But he linds in the antique human document these
facts : the Divine origin and organic unity of the
human race ; man's aflinity with, and capacity for,
the Divine ; his destiny for fellowship with God
as an ideal to be realized in obedience to Divine
law ; his conscious freedom and responsibility ; the
mysterious physical basis of his transmitted moral
characteristics ; his universally inherited tendency
to sin ; his consciousness that sin is not a meie
inborn weakness of nature or strength of appetite,
but a disregard of the known distinction between
right and wrong ; the entail of death, not as the
law obeyed by all created organisms, but as the
wages of his sin. The narrative which blends
these elements in a form that appealed to the
imagination of primitive peoples has a ' depth of
moral and religious insight unsurpassed in the OT '
(Skinner, Genesis [ICC, 1910] 52).
The teaching of St. Paul with regard to sin and
death does not materially differ from that of liis
Je^yish contemporaries and of the Talmud, in
which the same sense of a fatal heredity is con-
i"oined with a consciousness of individual responsi-
(ility. *0 Adam, what hast thou done? For if
thou hast sinned, thy fall has not merely been
thine own, but ours who are descended from thee'
(2 Es 7^). Yet ' Adam is not the cause of sin
except in his own soul ; but each of us has become
the Adam of his own soul' (Bar 54'^), According
to the Talmud, ' there is such a thing as trans-
mission of guilt, but not such a thing as transmis-
sion of sin' (Weber, System d. altsyn. paldstin.
Theol., Leipzig, 1880, p. 216).
The ' immortal allegory ' of Genesis cannot now
be regarded as literal history. ' The plain truth,
and we have no reason to hide it, is that we do
not know the beginnings of man's life, of his
history, of his sin ; we do not know them histori-
cally, on historical evidence ; and we should be
content to let them remain in the dark till science
throws what light it can upon them' (Denney,
Studies in Theol., London, 1894, p. 79). Science
knows nothing of a man who came directly from
the hand of God, and it cannot accept the pedigree
of Adam as given by Moses or by Matthew. Its
working hypothesis is that man is 'a scion of a
Simian stock,' and it is convinced that man did
not make society but that society made man. Be-
yond this it has not yet done much to enlighten
theology. ' We do not know how Man arose, or
whence he came, or when he began, or where his
first home was ; in short we are in a deplorable state
of ignorance on the whole subject ' (J. A. Thomson,
The Bible of Nature, Edinburgh, 1908, p. 191).
4. Art has made it difficult to think of our first
parents without adorning them with all graces and
perfections. ' But when we get away from poetry
and picture-painting, we find that men have drawn
largely from their imaginations, without the war-
rant of one syllable of Scripture to corroborate the
truth of the colouring' (F. W. Robertson, Coi--
inthians, 242). To St. Paul (1 Co 15^5-49j ^he
primitive man was of the earth, earthy (xoCKb%), a
natural as opposed to a spiritual man, crude and
rudimentary, with the innocence and inexperience
of a child. ' The life of the spirit is substantially
identical with holiness ; it could not therefore
have been given immediately to man at the time
of his creation ; for holiness is not a thing imposed,
it is essentially a product of liberty, the freewill
offering of the individual. God therefore required
to begin with an inferior state, the characteristic
of which was simply freedom, the power in man to
give or withhold himself (Godet, Corinthians, ii.
424). St. Paul's conception is that, while ' the
first man Adam,' as akin to God, was capable of
immortality — potuit non mori — his sin made him
subject to death, wliich has reigned over all his
descendants. Cf. 2 Es 3'': 'And unto him (Adam)
thou gavest thy one commandment : which he
transgressed, and immediately thou appointedst
death for him and in his generations.' Formally
as a deduction from the story of Adam, but really
as his own spiritual intuition, the Apostle thus
teaches the unnaturalness of human death. This
is apparently opposed to the doctrine of science,
that death is for all organisms a natural law,
which reigned in the world long before the ascent
of man and the beginning of sin — a debt which, as
it cannot be cancelled, man should pay as cheer-
fully as possible. And yet his sense of two things
— his own gi'eatness and God's goodness — convinces
him that it is radically contra rei-tun naturam.
' He thinks he was not made to die,
And Thou hast made him, Thou art just '
(Tennyson, In Memoriam).
Christianity confirms his instinctive feeling that
death is in his case a dark shadow that should
never have been cast upon his life. Acknowledg-
ing that it is not the mere natural fate of a
physical organism, but the wages of sin, the
Cliristian believes that it is finally to be abolished.
' In Christ shall all be made alive.' ' The last
Adam,' having vanquished death, 'became a life-
giving spirit' (I Co 15^^-'"). See also artt. LiFB
AND Death, Sin.
ADJURE
ADOPTIOX
41
Literature.— B. Weiss, Biblical Theology of the NT, 1882-83,
i. 331ff.,4n9flf. ; W. Beyschlagr, NT Theology, ISi^i-Wi, ii. 48ff.;
C. V. Weizsacker, Apostolic Aqe, 1894-95, i. 149 if.; G. B.
Stevens, The Pauline Theology, 1906, p. 122 ff., Theology of the
Nl\ 1901, p. 349 ff.; A. B. Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of
Christianity, 1S96, p. 125 fl. ; D. Somerville. St. Paul's Concep-
tion of Christ, 1S97, p. Stiff. ; Sanday-Headlam, Romans^, 1902,
p. 136 ff. ; A. Deissmann, St. Paul, 1912, pp. 59, 107, 155 ff. ; H.
Wheeler Robinson, The Christian Doctrine of Man, 1911, p.
112 ff. James Strahan.
ADJURE.— See Oath.
ADMINISTRATION.— The word occurs in the
AV in two places, 1 Co 125 ^nd 2 Co 9^2, in both
of which the RV has substituted ' ministration,'
just as in 2 Co 8^^^' ' administer ' (AV) has given
place to 'minister' (RV ; Gr diaKoviu). In 1 Co
12-^ and 2 Co 9'"^ the word is the tr. of Gr. diaKovia,
whicli originally means ' the service (or duty)
rendered by a BidKovos,' i.e. a servant, particularly
a waiter at table (Lat. minister), who pours out
wine to the guests individually. In 1 Co 12' the
aspect alluded to is especially that of practical
service rendered to a master [including that of
' deacon ' rendered to our ' Lord '], whereas in
2 Co 9'^ it is particularly the concrete form of that
service which is intended, in its Godward and man-
ward aspects.
The administration of the Roman Empire is
never directly referred to in the NT, and is best
considered under its various aspects (CJi:SAR,
Proconsul, etc.). A. Souter.
ADMONITION. — Obedience to God's law and
submission to His will are essential for progressive
spiritual life. Human nature being what it is,
there is need for constant admonition (2 P P'''^').
In the NT reference is made to this subject in its
family, professional, and Divine aspects.
1. vovQtrio} and vovBteria (a later form for vov6i-
TTjffis) are not found in the NT outside the Pauline
Epp., except in St. Paul's speech, Ac 20^^ For
the former see Ro \o'\ 1 Co 4'*, Col 1^8 3i«,
1 Th 5'"", 2 Th 315 ; for the latter 1 Co 10", Eph 6^
Tit 310 ; cf. Is 8i« 30«ff-, Hab 2'^-, Dt W^^^-. The
terms are used in classical Greek (e.g. Aristoph.
Ranee, 1009). but are more common in later Greek
(Philo, Josephus). The root idea is ' to put in mind '
(iv r(2 uui Tidivai), to train by word, always with
the added suggestion of sternness, reproof, remon-
strance, blame (cf. .^sch. Prom. 264 ; Aristoph.
Vesp. 254 ; Plato, Gorg. 479A). The implication is
'a monitory appeal to the vods rather than a direct
rebuke or censure' (Ellicott). To admonish is the
duty of a father or parent (Eph G'* ; cf. ^yis ll'",
Pss.-Sol. 13«), or brother (2 Th Z'^% The object
and reason of such admonition must be realized if
it is to be a means of moral discipline. The ad-
monition and teaching of Col 1^ correspond to the
' repent and believe ' of the gospel message.
2. -jrapaivew signifies 'recommend,' 'exhort,' 'ad-
monish ' (Ac 27''- 22 ; cf. 2 Mac 7-'- -^ 3 Mac 5" 7^^ a).
This M'ord is common in classical Greek, and is also
found in the Apocrypha. St. Luke would be familiar
with it as a term used for the advice of a physician.
Its presence in a ' We ' section is suggestive. St.
Paul as a person of position and an experienced
traveller gives advice in an emergency, as a skilled
doctor would admonish a patient in a serious ill-
ness (see Hawkins, Horce Sjinrjptiixe, 1899, p. 153).
3. \pf\\i.a.r'\.'^(ii in the active signifies 'transact
business ' (xpfifia), ' give a Divine response to one
consulting an oracle,' 'give Divine admonition'
(cf. Jer 25^'* 31-, Job 40*). The passive is used of
the admonition given (Lk 2-^ ; cf. xPV.^-o.rLaiJ.ds,
Ro 11*, 2 Mac 2^), and of the person thus admon-
ished (Mt 21----, Ac 1022; cf. 1126 ^nd Ro 7=* where
'called' is the translation; He 8* IP; cf. 122^).
This meaning of ' Divine oracle ' is found chiefly
in the NT, with the underlying idea that the mind
and heart must be suitably prepared for its re-
ception. For private and public exhortation by
preachers, teachers, and communities, see Gal 2^^^,
1 Th 22, 1 Ti 413, 2 Ti 42. See also Chastlsement
and Discipline. H. Cariss J. Sidnell.
ADOPTION — 1. The term. — The custom oi
adopting children is explicitly alluded to by St.
Paul alone of biblical writers ; he uses the word
'adoption' [vlodeffia, Vulg. adoptio Jiliorum, Syr.
usually simath b^naya) five times: Ro S^'- 23 9-*,
Gal 45, Eph P. This Greek word is not found in
classical writers (though ^eros vios is used for ' an
adopted son ' by Pindar and Herodotus), and it
Mas at one time supposed to have been coined by
St. Paul ; but it is common in Greek inscriptions of
the Hellenistic period, and is formed in the same
manner as vo/jLodeaia, 'giving of the law,' 'legisla-
tion' (Ro 9*; also in Plato, etc.), and bpodeala,
'bounds,' lit. 'fixing of bounds' (Ac 172^). It is
translated 'adoption' in Rom., but 'adoption of
sons ' in Gal., ' adoption as sons ' (RV ; AV ' adop-
tion of children ') in Ephesians. The classical Greek-
word for ' to adopt ' is eidTvoieladai, Avhence eiavolriCLS,
' adoption.'
2. The custom. — St. Paul in these passages is
alluding to a Greek and Roman rather than to a
Hebrew custom. Its object, at any rate in its
earliest stages, was to prevent the dying out of a
family, by the adopting into it of one who did not
by nature belong to it, so that he became in all
respects its representative and carried on the race.
But, though the preventing of the extinction of a
family was thought important by the Israelites,
and though adoption was a legal custom among
the Babylonians (Box, in ERE i. 114), it was not
in use among the Hebrews. With them childless-
ness was to some extent met by the levirate, or in
the patriarchal period by polygamy (cf. Gn 16'^-),
or at a later date by divorce. The few instances of
adoption in tlie OT (e.g. Moses by Pharaoh's daughter,
Esther by Mordecai) exhibit a different reason for
the act from that stated above, and are the result
of foreign surroundings and influence. On the
other hand, the custom was very common among
both Greeks and Romans. It was at first largely
connected with the desire that the family worship
of dead ancestors should not cease — a cultus which
could be continued only through males (Wood-
house, in EBE i. 107 and 111). In Greece it dates
from the Sth cent. B.C. It was afterwards used as
a form of will-making. If a man had a legitimate
son, he could not make a will ; but, if he had no
legitimate son, he often adopted one that he might
secure the inheritance to him rather than to rela-
tives, who Avould otherwise be heirs. The adopted
son at once left his own family and became a mem-
ber of that of his adopter, losing all rights as his
father's son. If he was adopted while his adopter
was still living, and sons were afterwards born to the
latter, he ranked equally with them ; he could not be
disinherited against his will. Roman adoption was
founded on the same general ideas ; it was called arro-
gatio if the person adopted was sui Juris, but aduptio
if he was under his own father's potestas (Wood-
house, loc. cit. ). In the latter case he came under the
adopter's po<esto5 as if he were his son by nature.
It appears, then, that St. Paul in the five pass-
ages named above is taking up an entirely non-
Jewish position ; so much so that some have
doubted whether a Jew, even after he had become
a Christian, could have written Epistles which con-
tained such statements (cf. Ramsay, Galatians, p.
342). This, however, is one of the manj'^ instances
of the influence of Greek and Roman ideas on St.
Paul. W. M. Ramsay has endeavoured to show
that, in so far as these differed from one anothei
42
ADOPTION
ADOPTION
in the matter under discussion, it is to Greek
custom rather than to ' the Roman law of adoption
in its original and primitive form ' that the Apostle
refers in dealing with Gal S"^-, but that he uses a
metaphor dependent on Roman law when writing
to the Romans in Ro 4^^ {ib. pp. 339, 343 ; see also
art. Heir). But this has been disputed.
3. St. Paul's metaphor of adoption. — The Apostle
applies the metaphor to the relation of both Jews
and Christians to the Father, {a) Somewhat em-
phatically he applies it to the Jews in Ro 9*. Tlie
adoption, the glory [the visible presence of God],
the covenants [often repeated], the giving of the
Law, the service [of the Temple], the promises, the
fathers, all belonged to the Israelites, ' my kinsmen
according to the tiesh,' of whom is Christ concern-
ing the flesh — a passage showing the intense Jew-
ish feeling of St. Paul, combined with the broader
outlook due to his Graeco-Roman surroundings
(see above, § 2). Here the sonship of Israel, for
which see Ex 4-^ (' Israel, my son, my first-born'),
Dt 141 32«. i9f., Ps 685 l03l^ Jer 3P, Hos IP,
Mai 2^°, etc., is described as 'adoption.' It is
noteworthy that the adoption is before the Incar-
nation, although it could only be ' in Christ.'
Lightfoot (on Gal 4') observes that before Christ's
coming men were potentially sons, though actually
they were only slaves (v.^). Athanasius argues
that, since before the Incarnation the Jews were
sons [by adoption], and since no one could be a son
except through our Lord [cf. Jn 14*, Gal 3-^,
Eph F, and see below, § 5], therefore He was a Son
before He became incarnate (Orat. c. Avian, i. 39,
iv. 23, 29).
(b) But more frequently St. Paul applies the
metaphor of adoption to Christians. ' Sonship in
the completest sense could not be proclaimed be-
fore the manifestation of the Divine Son in the
flesh' (Robinson, Eph., -p. 27 f.). We Christians
' received the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry,
Abba, Father,' for 'we are children of God'
(Ro 815'- )• It was not till the fullness (rb irX-ffpwfia —
for the word see Robinson, pp. 42, 255) of tlie time
came that God sent forth His Son that we might
receive adoption (Gal 4^'-). In its highest sense
adoption could not be received under the Law, but
only under the Gospel. The context in these
passages shows that the Spirit leads us to the
Father by making us realize our sonship ; He
teaches us how to pray, and puts into our mouth
the words ' Abba, Father ' (cf. Kpa^ov Gal 4* with
Kpd^o/xev Ro 8^5). We notice that St. Paul, though
addressing those who were not by any means all
Jewish Christians, but many of whom, being
Gentiles, had come directly into the Church, yet
seems at first sight to speak as if Christ's coming-
was only to give adoption to those whom, being
under the Law, He redeemed. But, as Lightfoot
remarks {Com. in loc), the phrase used is toi>s virb
vbfiov, not iiwb rbv vo/xov ; the reference is not only
to those who were under the Mosaic Law, but to
all subject to any system of positive ordinances
(so perhaps in 1 Co 9^"). The phrase 'redeem . . .'
is thouglit to reflect the Roman idea that the
adopter purchased a son from the father by nature ;
adoption was efi'ected before a praetor and five
witnesses, by a simulated sale.
(c) Just as the adoption of Jews was inferior to
that of Christians, so that of Christians is not yet
fully realized. Adoption is spoken of in Ro 8-^ as
something in the future. It is the redemption
{aTroXvTpuicris) of our body, and we are still waiting
for it; it can be completely attained only at the
general resurrection. The thought closely re-
sembles that of 1 Jn 3^ ; we are noiv the children
of God, but ' if he shall be manifested, we sliall be
like him ' ; the sonship will then be {)erfected.
4. Equivalents in other parts of NT.— Although
no NT writer but St. Paul uses the word ' adop-
tion,' the idea is found elsewhere, even if expressed
diUerently. Thus in Jn l'^*- those who 'receive'
the Word and believe on His name are said to be
given by Him the right to become children of God.
On this passage Athanasius remarks (Orat. c.
Arian. ii. 59) that the word ' become ' shows an
adoptive, not a natural, sonship ; we are first said
to be made (Gn P®), and afterwards, on receiving
the grace of the Spirit, to be begotten. As West-
cott observes [Corn., in loc), 'this right is not in-
herent in man, but "given" by God to him. A
shadow of it existed in the relation of Israel to
God.' This passage is closely parallel to Gal 3^*',
where we are said to be all sons of God, through
faith, in Christ Jesus. So in 1 Jn 3\ it is a mark
of the love bestowed upon us by the Father that
we should be called children of God [the name
bestowed by a definite act— KX-qduifiev, aorist] ; and
(the Apostle adds) 'such we are.' The promise
of Rev 21'' to ' him that overcometh ' equally im-
plies adoption, not natural sonship : * I will be his
God, and he shall be my son ' ; and so (but less
explicitly) do the sayings in He 2"* 12* that Jesus
'brings many sons unto glory' (see below, § 5),
and that God deals with us ' as with sons.' The
figure of adoption appears as a ' re-begetting ' in
1 P 1'- 23 . yfQ are begotten again unto a living
hope by 'the God and Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ' by means of the resurrection of Jesus (see
below, § 5), and therefore call on Him as Father
(v,"). And, indeed, our Lord's teaching implies
adoption, inasmuch as, while He revealed God as
Father of all men. He yet uniformly (see next
section) diti'erentiates His own Sonship from that
of all others.
5. A Son by nature implied by the metaphor. —
The use by St. Paul of the figure of adoption in
the case of Jews and Christians leads us by a
natural consequence to the doctrine that our Lord
is the Son of God by nature. In the same con-
text the Apostle speaks of Jesus as God's 'own
Son' {rbv eavroO vldv), sent in the likeness of sinful
flesh, therefore pre-existent (Ro 8* ; cf. v.^^ tov
Idiov vlov). In Gal 4*'' he says that God sent forth
His Son {rbv vlbv aiiroO) . . . that we might receive
adoption ; Jesus did not receive it, because He
was God's own Son. And so our Lord explicitly
in Jn 20^'' makes a clear distinction between His
own sonship (by nature) and our sonship (by adop-
tion, by grace): 'my Father and your Father,'
' my God and your God.' He never speaks of God
as 'our Father,' though He taught His disciples
to do so. Athanasius cites the ordinary usage of
our Lord in speaking of ' My Father ' [it is so very
frequently in all the Gospels, and in Rev 2-'' 3^ ;
cf. also Mk 8^^] as a proof that He is ' Son, or
rather that Son, by reason of whom the rest are
made sons' (Orat. c. Arian. iv. 21 f.). The same
thing follows from the language of those NT
writers who use phrases equivalent to those of St.
Paul. If Christians become children of God (Jn 1'^ ;
see § i above), Christ is the Only-begotten Son of
God, who was sent into the world that we might
be saved, or live, through Him (Jn 3'^"'^ 1 Jn 4^).
If we are the sons brought to glory by Jesus
(He 2'"), He is emphatically ' a Son over [God's]
house' (He 3" RVm ; cf. Nu 12''). St. Peter speaks
of God as the Father of Jesus in the very verse in
which he speaks of our being begotten again by
Him (1 P P, see § 4 above). It is this distinction
between an adoptive and a natural sonship which
gives point to the title ' Only-begotten ' (q.v.) ; had
Jesus been only one out of many sons, sons in the
same sense, this title would be meaningless (for
endeavours to evacuate its significance see Pearson,
On the Crced^, art. ii. notes 52, 53). The distinc-
tion of Jn 20''' is maintained throughout the NT.
ADORNLN-G
ADEIA
43
As Augustine says (Exp. Ep. ad Gal. [4'] § 30,
ed. Ben. iii. pt. 2, col. 960), St. Paul 'speaks of
adoption, that we may clearly understand the
only-begotten (unicum) Son of God." For we are
sons of God by His lovingkindness and the favour
[dignitate) oi His mercy; He is Son by nature who
is one with the Father [qui hoc est quod Pater).''
6. Adoption and baptism. — We may in conclu-
sion consider at what period of our lives we are
adopted by God as His sons. In one sense it was
an act of God in eternity ; we were foreordained
unto adoption (Eph 1^). But in another sense St.
Paul speaks of it as a definite act at some definite
moment of our lives : ' Ye received (iXd^ere : aorist,
not perfect) the spirit of adoption ' (Ro 8^^). This
points to the adoption being given on the admis-
sion of the person to the Christian body, in his
baptism. And so Sanday - Headlam paraphrase
v.'* thus : 'When you were first baptized, and the
communication of the Holy Spirit sealed your ad-
mission into the Christian fold,' etc. We may
compare Ac 10- RV : 'Did ye receive (Ad/3ere) the
Holy Ghost when ye believed (mcxTevffavTes)^.' — a
passage in which the tenses 'describe neither a
gradual process nor a reception at some interval
after believing, but a definite gift at a definite
moment' (Rackhani, Com., in loc. ; cf. Swete, Holy
Spirit in NT, 1909, pp. 204, 342). The aorists can
mean nothing else. In the case of the ' potential '
adoption of the Jews (to borrow Lightfoot's
phrase), it is the expression of the covenant be-
tween God and His people, and therefore must be
ascribed to the moment of entering into the cove-
nant at circumcision, the analogue of baptism.
Yet in neither case is the adoption fully realized
till the future (above, § 3 (c)). In view of what
has been said, we can understand how ' adoption '
came in later times to be an equivalent term for
'baptism.' Thus Payne Smith (Thesaur. Syr.,
Oxford, 1879-1901, ii. 2564) quotes a Syriac phrase
to the efl'ect that ' the baj>tism of John was of
water unto repentance, but the baptism of our
Lord [i.e. that ordained by Him] is of water and
fire unto adoption.' And in the later Christian
writers vlodeaLa became a synonym for ' baptism '
(Suicer, Thes.^, 1846, s.t;.).
LiTERATORE. — Athanasius, Orationes contra Arianos, passim
(the general subject of this magnificent work is the Sonship of
Christ) ; J. Pearson, On the Creed (ed. Burton, Oxford, 18lj4),
art. i. p. 49, art. ii. note 57, p. 250 ; W. M. Ramsay, Hist.
Com. on the Galatians, London, 1899, § xxxi. ; G. H. Box, in
ERE, art. 'Adoption (Semitic)'; W. J. Woodhouse, ib., artt.
' Adoption (Greek) ' and 'Adoption (Roman)*; J. S. Candlish,
in HDB, art. 'Adoption'; H. G. Wood, in SDB, art. 'Adop-
tion.' See also J. B. Lightfoot, Com. on Galatians (1st ed.,
1865, many subsequent edd.) ; Sanday-Headlam, Com,, on
Romans (1st ed., 1895); J. Armitage Robinson, Com. on
Ephesians (1st ed., 1903). A. J. MACLEAN.
ADORNING. — Simplicity of personal attire has
been no infrequent accompaniment of moral and
religious earnestness, even when not matter of pre-
scription. Two passages of the NT (1 Ti 2^-'^'',
1 P 3^- *) warn Christian women against excessive
display in dress, fashion of the hair (see the art.
Hair), and useof ornaments, and contrast it with the
superior adornment of the Christian virtues. At
the end of the 2nd cent, both Clement Alex. (PcbcI.
ii. 10 f. [Eng. tr. 11 f.]) and Tertuilian (de CuHu
Feminarum) found it necessary to protest in much
detail against the luxurious attire, etc., prevalent
even amongst Christians of their day. The better
adornment is frequently named in the intervening
literature. The righteous, like their Lord, are
adorned with good works (1 Clem, xxxiii. 7), and
with a virtuous and honourable life (ii. 8). Ignatius
contrasts the adornment of obedience to Christ with
that of a festal procession to some heathen shrine
(Eph. ix.).
The reference to the subject in 1 P 3*- * has some
psychological interest. The adornment which is
praised is that of 'the hidden man of the heart,'
the meek and quiet spirit which is precious in God's
sight, and incorruptible. This use of ' man ' in the
sense of personality suggests the well-known Pauline
contrast between the inner and the outer man (2 Co
4i« ; cf. Ro T\ Eph 3>6), and may be a further
example of that dependence of 1 Peter on Pauline
writings which is now generally recognized ( Moffatt,
LNT'^, p. 330). It has often been maintained (e.g.
by Holtzmann, Lehrbuch der NT Theol. ii. 14, 15)
that this contrast is a product of Hellenistic dualism.
But it can be adequately explained from that Heb-
rew psychology which is the real basis of the Pauline
and Petrine ideas of personality. The heart (or,
in Pauline terminology, the ' mind ' [Ro 7-^]) is the
inner personality, as the apparelled members are
the outer personality. Both are necessary, accord-
ing to Hebrew thought, to make the unity of the
whole man. See further on this point the article
Man. H. Wheeler Robinson.
ADRAMYTTIDM (' Mpaiiimov ; in the NT only
the adjective ' A5pa/j,vTT7]v6s [Ac 27^] is found ; WH
'A5panvvT7iv6i). — This flourishing seaport of Mysia
was situated at the head of the Adramyttian Gulf,
opposite the island of Lesbos, in the shelter of the
southern side of Mt. Ida, after which the Gulf was
also called the ' Idsean.'
Its name and origin were probably Phcenician, but Strabo
describes it as ' a city founded by a colony of Athenians, with
a harbour and roadstead ' (xiii. 1. 51). Rising to importance
under the Attalids, it became the metropolis of the N.W.
district of the Roman province of Asia, and the head of a
conventus juridiciis. Through it passed the coast-road which
connected Ephesus with Troy and the Hellespont, while an
inland highway linked it with Pergamos.
It was in ' a ship of Adramyttium ' — larger than
a mere coasting vessel — probably making for her own
port, that St. Paul and St. Luke sailed from Ciesarea
by Sidon and under the lee (to the east) of Cyprus
to Myra in Lycia, where they joined a corn-sliip
of Alexandria bound for Italy (Ac 27^"''). The
modern town of Edremid, which inherits the name
and much of the prosperity of Adramyttium, is 5
miles from the coast.
Literature.— Conybeare-Howson, St. Paul, 1877, ii. 381 f. ;
J. Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul*, 1880, p. 62 fT. ;
W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
Citizen, 1895, p. 316. JaMES StRAHAN.
ADRIA (6 'ASpla^ [WH 'Adplas], ' the Adrias,' RV
' the [sea of] Adria'). — The name was derived from
the important Tuscan town of Atria, near the
mouths of the Padus, and was originally (Herod,
vi. 127, vii. 20, ix. 92) confined to the northern
part of the gulf now called the Adriatic, the lower
part of which was known as the ' Ionian Sea.' In
later times the name ' Adria ' was applied to the
whole basin between Italy and Illyria, while the
' Ionian Sea ' came to mean the outer basin, south
of the Strait of Otranto. Strabo, in the beginning
of our era, says : ' The mouth (strait) is common
to both ; but this difi'erence is to be observed, that
the name " Ionian" is applied to the first part of
the gulf only, and " Adriatic " to the interior sea
up to the farthest end' (VII. v. 9). Strabo, how-
ever, indicates a wider extension of the meaning
by adding that ' the name " Adrias " is now applied
to the whole sea,' so that, as he says elsewhere,
' the Ionian Gulf forms part of what we now call
"Adrias"' (II. v. 20). Finally, in popular usage,
which is followed by St. Luke (Ac 27^), the term
'Adria 'was still further extended to signify the
whole expanse between Crete and Sicily.
This is confirmed by Ptolemy, who wrote about the middle of
the 2nd cent. a.d. 'With the accuracy of a geographer, he
distinguishes the Gulf of Adria from the Sea of Adria ; thus, in
enumerating the boundaries of Italy, he tells us that it is
44
ADULTERY
JE(JN
bounded on one side bj' the shores of the Gulf of Adria, and
on the south by the shores of the Adria (iii. 1) ; and that Sicily
is bounded on the east by the Sea of Adria (4). He further
informs us that Italy is bounded on the south by the Adriatic
Sea (14), that the Peloponnesus is bounded on the west and
south by the Adriatic Sea (16), and that Crete is bounded on the
west bv the Adriatic Sea (17)' (Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck oj
St. Paul*, 163 f.).
The usage current in the tirst and second
centuries is similarly reflected by Pausanias, -who
speaks of Alpheus flowing under Adria from
Greece to Ortygia in Syracuse (viii. 54. 2), and of
the Straits of .Messina as communicating with the
Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian Sea (v. 25. 3). Pro-
copius (Bel. Vand. i. 14) makes the islands of
Gaulos and Melita (Gozo and Malta) tlie boundary
between the Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian Sea.
The meaning of the term 'Adria' was the debat-
able point of the once famous controversy as to
whether St. Paul suffered shipwreck on the Illyrian
or the Sicilian Melita, i.e. on Meleda or Malta
(see Melita). His ship was ' driven through
Adria' (5ia(pepo/j.^i'wi' ij/j.wi' iv ti} 'ASpLg., Ac 27^);
perhaps not ' driven to and fro in the sea of Adria '
(RV) (unless St. Luke made a landsman's mistake),
but slowly carried forward in one direction, for
probably ' she had storm sails set, and was on the
starboard tack, which was the only course by
which she could avoid falling into the Syrtis '
(Smith, op. cit. 114). An interesting parallel to St.
Paul's experience is found in the life of Josephus,
who relates that his ship foundered in the midst
of the vSame sea (/card fxecrov rbv 'Adpiau), and that
he and some companions, saving themselves by
swimming, were picked up by a vessel sailing
from Gyrene to Puteoli ( Vit. 3).
Literature. — J. Smith, The Voyage and Shipioreck of St.
Paul-i, 1880, p. 16-2 ff. ; W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller
and the Roman Citizen, 1895, p. 334.
James Strahan.
ADULTERY.— See Marriage.
ADVENT.— See Parousia.
ADVERSARY.— This renders three Greek words
in the NT : 1. avrCSiKos, propei'ly an adversary in
a lawsuit, and used of an earthly adversary in
Mt 5^, Lk 125S 183— all these witii a legal reference.
It is used of an enemy of God in 1 S 2'" (LXX),
and in 1 P 5^ of ' the enemy,' Satan ; in this last
l>assage 8idi3o\os is anarthrous, as a proper name,
while avridiKos has the article (see Devil and
Satan).
2. avTiKciftevos, used in Lk 13" of our Lord's
Jewish opponents, and in 21'^ of all adversaries of
the disciples, is employed by St. Paul to denote
those who oppose the Christian religion, probably
in all cases with the suggestion that the devil is
working througii them. Such are the ' adversaries '
..f 1 Co 16", Ph r^8 ; in 1 Ti 5" Chrysostom takes
tlie ' adversary ' to be Satan, the ' reviler ' (cf. v.i^),
or he may be the human enemy as prompted by
Satan. In 2 Th 2-» ' he that opjioseth ' (6 avTiKtlfxevos)
is Anticlirist (q.v.), whose parousia is according to
tlie working of Satan (v.") ; and it is interesting to
note tliat the letter of the Churches of Vienne and
Lyons (Eiiseb. HE V. i. 5) uses this expression
.ibsolutely of Satan, or of Antichrist, working
ihrougli the persecutors, and ' giving us a foretaste
uf his unbridled activity at his future coming.'
3. iirevavTios is used in He 10^^ of the advei--
saries of God, apostates from Christ, probably with
reference to Is 26'S where the LXX has the same
word. A similar phrase in Tit 2^ is ' he that is of
tlie contrary part,' an opponent, 6 i^ ivavrias. In
Col 2'* the word virevavrlos is used of an inanimate
object: 'the bond . . . which was contrary to us.'
A. J. Maclean.
ADVOCATE.— See Paraclete.
£NEAS (AiVeas). — The name occurs only once in
the NT (Ac 9^^-^). The person so called was a
dweller in Lydda or Lod, a town on tiie plain of
Sharon about ten miles south of Joppa, to which
many of the Christians had fled after the persecu-
tion which dispersed the apostles and the church
of Jerusalem. On a visit of St. Peter to tVe place,
^'Eneas, who had for eigiit years been conhned to
bed as a paralytic, was healed by the Apostle.
The cure seems to have had a very remarkable
influence in the district, causing many of the
dwellers in Sharon and Lydda to accept Christi-
anity. Nothing further is known of the man.
Probably he became a Ciiristian at the date of his
cure. W. F. BoYD.
iSION (aliLv, alQpes, 'age,' 'ages'). — There is
some uncertainty as to the derivation of the word
aiu)v. Some relate it with dvp-i-, ' to breathe,' but
modern opinion connects it with del, aiei (=alFo}v),
and flnds as other derivatives the Latin cevinn
and the English 'aye.' In the LXX aluv is used
to translate u)\]i in various forms, as c'jiyc, Gn 6'^ ;
a)\v ^y, 1 K pi'; d^ij? "jn, Gn 2\^'^ ; nViyri, Ec3". It is
of frequent occurrence in the NT. The instances
number 125 in TK, and 120 in critical editions.
Following these, it is noteworthy that in the
Gospels and Acts, where it occurs 34 times, it is
only once used in the iilural (Lk P^). In tlie rest
of the NT the use of the plural predominates (54
out of 86 instances). In Rev. the word occurs with
great frequency (26 times). In every case it is
used in the plural, and, except in two places, in the
intensive formula els revs alQvas twv aicbvcov — a form
which is never found in the Gospels or Acts, aluv
is variously translated as ' age,' ' for ever,' ' world,'
'course,' 'eternal.' It expresses a time-concept,
and under all uses of the word that concept remains
in a more or less dehnite degree.
1. It expresses the idea of long or indefinite past
time, d7r' aiuivos, 'since the world began' (EV ; Lk 1™,
Ac 3'-'' 15'* ; cf. dViv?, Gn 6*, Is 64^, iK roO aiQvos, Jn
9-*^). In these instances, the j^hrases express what
we mean Avhen, speaking generally and indefinitely
of time past, we say ' from of old ' or ' from the
most ancient time.'
2. The common classical use of alwv for ' lifetime'
is not found in the NT ; but there are instances
where the phrase eZs t6v ai(I>va seems to have that
significance ; e.g. ' The servant abideth not in the
house for life, but the son abideth /or life,' Jn 8^'
(also Mt 21'«, Jn 13*, 1 Co S'^).
3. Tlie plirase eh rhv alQva or tovs alQvas is
frequently found in the NT as a time-concept for
a period or 'age' of indefinite futurity, and may
be translated 'for ever.' Strictly speaking, in
accordance with the root idea of aiuv, the phriise
indicates futurity or continuance as long as the
' age ' lasts to which the matter referred to belongs.
The use of the intensive form eJs tovs alJivas tQv
aicbvoiv (Gal P, Epli 3'-', He 13-', and liev. passim)
indicates the eftbrt of Ciiristian faith to give
expression to its larger conception of the ' ages ' as
extending to the limits of human thought, by
duplicating and reduplicating the original word.
The larger vision gave the larger meaning; but it
cannot be said that the fundamental idea of 'age,'
as an epoch or dispensation with an end, is lost.
In the Fourth Gospel the phrase is sometimes
employed as a synonym for ' eternal life ' (Jn 6^'* '*).
4. The plural alCives expresses the time-idea as
consisting of or embracing many ages — ajons,
periods of vast extent — ' from all ages' (RV, Eph
3"), ' the ages to come ' ( EpIi 2'', etc. ). Some of these
' ages ' are regarded as having come to an end — ' but
now once in the end of the world (' at the end of the
ages' RV) hath he appeared to put away sin' (He
9-*). Tlie idea of one age succeeding another as
.^o:s
AGAEUS
•iS
under ordered rule is provided for in the suggestive
title 'the king eternal' (EV ' the king of the ages')
(1 Ti 1" ; cf. nVii- >x, Gn 2133). j^ He P ' through
whom also he made the worlds' (ages), and He IP
'the worlds (ages) were made by the word of God,'
we have the striking conception of the 'ages' as 'in-
cluding all that is manifested in and through them'
(Westcott, Com. inloc. ). ( In Wis 13^ there is a curious
instance of aiuv as referring to the actual world,
' For if they were able to know so much that they
could aim at the world [ffToxdaaadai rbv aidiva], how
did tbey not sooner find out the Lord thereof?')
5. There is also attached to the word the signifi-
cance of ' age ' as indicating a period or dispensa-
tion of a definite character — the present order of
' world-life ' viewed as a whole and as possessing
certain moral characteristics. It is unfortunate
that there is no word in English which exactly
expresses this meaning. The general translation
in AV and RV is 'world,' though 'age' appears
always in KVm and in the text at He 6^. There is
undoubtedly at times a close similarity of connota-
tion between aitliv and Kdcrfios as indicating a moral
order. In the Gospel and Epp. of John aldif is
never used in this sense, but Koafxo^ is employed
instead : e.ff. ' Now is the judgment of this world ;
now shall the prince of this world be cast out '
(Jn 12", also 15^" etc.), 'If any man love the
world' (1 Jn 2'' etc.). They are almost, if not
altogether, synonymous in ' Where is the disputer
of this world ('age,' ald}v)t Hath not God made
foolish the wisdom of this world (k6(fij.os] ? ' ( 1 Co 1'-").
That St. Paul recognized a distinction between
them is evident from the phrase Kara rbv aiCjva tov
Kbcrjxov ToiTov, which is translated both in AV and
in RV ' according to the course of this world '
(Eph 2-). Plainly alibv describes some quality of
tlie KdcrpLov. We have no term to express it exactly,
but our plirase ' the spirit of the age' comes very
near to what is required.
6. This ' world ' or ' age ' as a moral order includes
the current epoch of the world's life. It is an
epoch in which the visil)le and the transitory have
vast power over the souls of men, and may become
the only objects of hope and desire. It is described
simply as alibv, 'the world' (Mt 13--, Mk 4"*), and
its eiid is emphatically affirmed (Mt 13''>- '><'• ■^^ 24^
28-"). But more frequently it is referred to as in
contrast to a coming age. It is described as 6 aiiliv
ouTos, ' this world ' (Mt 12^2, Lk IQ\ Ro 122, i Co
1-", etc.) ; as 6 vvv aiwv (1 Ti 6''', etc.) ; as 6 aio:v 6
ivecTTihs, 'the present . . . world' (Gal V). The
future age is described as 6 aluv fj.4XXuiv, ' the world
to come' (Mt 12^-, He 6^); 6 epxb/J-evos, 'the world
to come' (]Mk 10^", etc.) ; and as 6 aiwv iKelvos, ' that
world' (Lk 20^5). The present 'age' has its God
(2 Co 4''), its rulers and its wisdom (1 Co2'*-*), its
sons (Lk 16*), its fashion (Ro 12^), and its cares
(Mt 13"). Men may be rich in it (1 Ti 6^^), and
love it (2 Ti 4'"). It is an evil age (Gal V), yet it
is possible to live soberly, righteously, and godly
in it (Tit 2^% and it has an end (Mt 13^"). In the
future 'age' there is 'eternal life' (Mk lO^", Lk
IS'"). Those who are counted worthy of it ' neither
marry nor are given in marriage, neither can they
die any more' (Lk 20^''-)- It has 'powers' that
may be ' tasted' in the present age (He 6^).
The contrast is regarded as that which is de-
scribed in JeAvish writings as njr^ D^iy and Kin dVij;,
'this age' and 'the age that is to come.' These
are identified with the age before and after the
coming of the Messiah. There is much uncertainty
as to the time when this contrast first arose.
Dalman says that ' in pre-Christian products of
Jewish literature there is as yet no trace of these
ideas to be found' {The Words of Jesus, p. 148).
It is difficult to believe that a nation which ex-
pected so much from the advent of the Messiah did
not form some idea, at a date before the days of
Jesus Christ, of the vast changes which would be
produced when He did come, and look upon the
age which was so marked as one to be contrasted
with the age in which they were living. We can-
not follow Dalman when he says : ' It is not un-
likely that in the time of Jesus the idea of "the
future age," being the product of the schools of
the scribes, was not yet familiar to those He
addressed ' (ib. p. 135). Dalman apparently doubts
whether Jesus used the term Himself, but says :
' The currency of the expressions " this age," " the
future age," is at all events established by the end
of the first Christian century.' He makes the
reservation that ' for that period the expressions
characterised the language of the learned rather
than that of the people' [ib. p. 151).
7. Among the Gnostics (see Gnosticism) the
iEons were emanations from the Divine. But this
meaning of the word belongs to a time when the
Gnostic ideas and terminology w'ere more fully
developed than in the first century of the Christian
era. It is enough to quote the opinion of Hort in
his Judaistic Christianity, ' There is not the faint-
est sign that such words as . . . aidiv . . . have
any reference [in the NT] to what we call Gnostic
terms ' (p. 133, also p. 146).
Literature. — G. Dalman, The Words of Jesus, Eng. tr.
Edinburgh, 1902, pp. 147ff., 162 ff. ; fJDB, art. 'World';
Westcott, Corn, on the Epistle to the [lebrews, in locis ; F. Ken-
dall, Expositor, 3rd ser., vii. [ISSS] 2ti(>-27S ; WUke-Grimm,
Clacis Xovi Testamenti, s.v. ; ERE, artt. ' .Eons ' and ' Ages of
the World'; F. J. A. Hort, Judaistic Christianity, Cambridge
and London, 1894, pp. 133, 146 ; H. B. Swete, Gospel according
to St. .Mark, London, 1902, pp. 65, 217 ; J. T. Marshall, ExpT,
X. [1S9S-99] 323 ; Lightfoot, Com. on Colossians and Philemon^,
London, 1879, p. 73 ff.; C. Geikie, Li/e and Words of Christ,
do. 1877, p. 625 ; J. Agar Beet, Last Things, do. 1913, pp. 70 f.,
132 f. ; Sanday-Headlam, nomanso (ICC, 1902).
John Reid.
AFFLICTION.- See Suffering.
AOABUS {'Aya^os, a Avord of uncertain deriva-
tion). — The bearer of this name is mentioned on
two separate occasions in the Acts (il-"-™ 21"*-^M
and also by Eusebius {HE ii. 3). He is described
as a prophet who resided in Jerusalem, and we
find him in A.D. 44 at Antioch, where he predicted
that a great famine (q-.v.) would take place 'over
all the world,' i.e. over all the Roman Empire.
The immediate efi'ect of this prediction was to call
forth the liberality of the Christians of Antioch
and lead them to send help to the poor Inethren
of Judrea (Ac IP^). The writer of the Acts tells
us that this famine took place in the reign of
Claudius. Roman historians speak of wide-spread
and repeated famines in this reign (Sueton.
Claudius, xviii. ; Dion Cass. Ix. ; Tac. Ann. xii.
43), and Josephus testifies to the severity of the
famine in Palestine and refers to measures adopted
for its relief (Ant. in. xv. 3, XX. ii. 5, v. 2).
Though Syria and the East may have sufi'ered
most on this occasion, the whole Enii)ire could not
fail to be more or less afi'ected, and it is hyper-
critical to accuse the author of the Acts of
' unhistorical generalization ' for speaking of a
famine ' over all the world,' as is done by Schiirer
{GJV* i. [1901] 543, 567 ; cf. Ramsay, 'St. Paul,
1895, p. 48 f., and Was Christ born at Bethlehem?,
1898, p. 251 f.).
Again in A.D. 59 we hear of Agabus at Csesarea,
where he met St. Paul on his return from his
third missionary journey. Taking the Apostle's
girdle, he bound his OAvn hands and feet, and in
the symbolic manner of the ancient Hebrew
prophets predicted that so the Jews would bind
the owner of the girdle and hand him over to the
Gentiles (Ac 211"'"). The prophecy failed to move
St. Paul from his resolve. There is no means of
ascertaining whether Agabus was a prophet in the
higher NT sense — a preacher or forth-teller of the
Word ; or whether he was merely a successful
soothsayer. It is difficult to see what good end
could be served by the second of his recorded
predictions. Tradition makes him one of the
' seventy ' and a martyr at Antioch.
W. F. Boyd.
AGE. — The general significance of ' age ' is a
period of time, or a measure of life. Specially, it
expresses the idea of advancement in life, or of
oldness. Several Greek words are employed in
NT for 'age.' (\) aiwv (see .^ON). (2) yevea, 'a
generation,' loosely measured as extending from
30 to 33 years. In Eph S^-^i RV riglitly puts
' generations ' for ' ages.' (3) rfKeios, ' full-grown '
or ' perfect. ' In He 5" for A V ' to them that are
of full age ' the RV substitutes ' fullgrown ' in the
text, and 'perfect' in the margin (cf. I Co 2**,
where the RV has * perfect ' in the text, and ' full-
grown ' in the margin). (4) r]XtKla is the most
exact Greek term for ' age,' and especially for full
age as applied to human life. It includes also the
ideas of maturity or fitness, and of stature, as
when a person has attained to full development of
growth. In Eph 4'* 'the measure of the stature
of the fulness of Christ' (EV) is somewhat diffi-
cult to interpret. The phrase is co-ordinate with
the words 'a perfect (or fullgrown, r^Xeios) man,'
which precede it in the text. Both phrases
describe the ultimate height of spiritual develop-
ment which the Church as the body of Christ is to
reach. The latter phrase explains what the former
implies. The general line of interpretation is that
the whole Church as the body of Christ is to grow
into ' a fullgrown or perfect man,' and the standard
or height of the perfect man is the stature of Christ
in His fullness (see Comm. of Meyer, Eadie, Ellicott,
171 loc. ; Field, Notes on the Tr. of the NT, 1899, p.
6 ; Expositor, 7th ser., ii. [1906] 441 fi" ). In Gal P^
where the compound awriXiKidsTas is used, the word
has its primary meaning of ' age ' { = ' equals in
age').
The question of age was of importance as regards
fitness for holding office in the Church (see NoviCE).
In later times the canonical age varied, but in
general it was fixed at thirty (see Cathol. Encyc.
art. ' Age '). It was also considered in relation to
the dispensing of the charity of the Church, at
least in the case of widows. In 1 Ti 5^ it is said :
' Let none be enrolled as a widow under threescore
years old.' The question naturally arises. Were
only widows of advanced years eligible for assist-
ance ? It is possible that younger widows might
be in greater need of help. Because of this it is
supposed by some (Schleiermacher, etc.) that the
reference is to an order of deaconesses — a supposi-
tion that becomes an argument for a late and un-
Pauline date for the Epistle. Others think that
the reference is to an order of widows who had
duties which somewhat resembled those of the
presbyters (Huther, Ellicott, Alford). De Wette
believes that probably there were women who
vowed themselves to perpetual widowhood, and
performed certain functions in the Churcli ; but
evidences of such an order belong to a later date in
the Church's history. On the whole, and especially
if the Epistle belongs to an early date, it is best to
regard the instruction as a direction about widows
who were entirely dependent on the charity of the
Church. Younger widows would receive help
according to their need, but were not enrolled like
the older widows as regular recipients of the
Church's charity. The age limit for an old age
Sension is not a new idea. It is impossible to
etermine if the widows who were enrolled Mere
bound to give some service in return for tiie
assistance which they received. The probability
is that they were not, assuming, of course, the early
date of the Epistle (see H. R. Reynolds, in Expos.,
1st sen, iii. [1880] 382-390; HDB, art. 'Widows').
The dispensing of charity to widows was a great
and grave problem in the early Church. The rule
about enrolment only when the threescore years had
been reached was evidently intended to restrict
the number of those who were entitled to receive
regular help. Nestle calls attention to ' the
punning observation in the Didasealia ( = Const.
Apost. iii. 6) about itinerant widows who were so
ready to receive that they were not so much x'7pa'
as TTTJpai.' (Deissmann, Light from the Ancient
East, p. 109, note). The pun may be rendered in
English as ' not so much " widows "as " wallets." '
In l_Ti 51 and 1 P 5' 'elders' (Trpeff^vrepoi) has
the primitive signification of ' men of advanced
age.' Cf. also the following article.
John Reid.
AGED. — In Philem * the writer speaks of himself
as llavXos irpeff^&rris (AV and RV ' Paul the aged,'
RVm 'ambassador'). In strictness the transla-
tion 'ambassador' requires vpeapevr-qs, a word
which does not occur in the NT. The two forms
may have been confused in transcription or in
common use. The translation 'ambassador' is
more fitting because Philemon, as father of Archip-
pus, who was old enough to hold some 'ministry'
in the Church (Col 4'^), must have been the equal,
or nearly the equal, of St. Paul in age ; and there
would be little or no ground for an appeal based
on considerations of age. It is also to be noticed
that the phrase ' ambassador and . . . prisoner of
Jesus Christ' is practically repeated in Eph 6^",
'an am.bassador in bonds.' Taking the word as
meaning 'ambassador,' the appeal would have in
it a note of authority. It is not a relevant objec-
tion to say that St. Paul is beseeching Philemon
'for love's sake' (v.^). It is the peculiarity of
the Christian ambassador that he beseeches those
whom he addresses. Love and authority are com-
mingled in his mission, as in 2 Co 5'^' ^**. The
likelihood of 'ambassador' being the right trans-
lation is strengthened by the fact that here as
elsewhere (2 Co 5-», Eph 6-") St. Paul uses a verbal
and not a noun form to express his position as an
ambassador. See J. B. Lightfoot, Com. on Col. and
Philemon^, 1879, in loc. ; and cf. art. Ambassador.
John Reid.
AGRIPPA.— See Herod.
AIR. — The apostles, like other Jews of their
time, regarded the air as a region between earth
and the higher heavens, inhabited by spirits,
especially evil spirits. In Eph 2^ the air is the
abode of Satan (see below) ; in Eph 6^^ ' the
heavenlies' (rot iirovpavia) — a vague phrase used
also in Eph P- 20 2« 3'» to denote the heavenly or
spiritual sphere, the unseen universe* — is where
the wrestling of the Christian against the spiritual
hosts of wickedness takes place, and is apparently
in this case equivalent to 'this darkness' (cf.
Lk 22^*, Col 1'^ 'power of darkness,' i.e. tyranny
of evil). In Rev 12'' the war between Michael and
the dragon is in 'heaven.' This can hardly refer
to the first rebellion of Satan, nor yet can we with
Bede interpret ' heaven ' as the Church ; but rather
the fighting is in the heavens, a struggle of Satan
to regain his lost place, ended by his final expul-
sion. ' As the Incarnation called forth a counter-
manifestation of diabolic power on earth, so after
the Ascension the attack is supposed to be carried
into heaven' (Swete, Com. in loc). But the con-
ception is not unlike that of St. Paul as noted
above.
There are several parallels to these passages in
that class of literature which is thought to be a
• The Peshitta renders it * in heaven,' except in 61* where it
siprniflcantly has ' under heaven.'
AKELDAMA
ALEXAisDRIA
47
Christian rehandling of Jewish apocalyptic writ-
ings. In the Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs
(q.v.)vfQ read of the ' aerial spirit Beliar ' (Benj. 3).
In the Ascension of Isaiah (q.v.) there is described
an ascent ' into the firmament,' where were
Sammael and his powers, and there was a great
fight (vii. 9) ; Christ descends from the lowest
heaven to the firmament where was continual war-
fare, and takes the form of the angels of the air
(x. 29). In the Slavonic Secrets of Enoch the
apostate angels are suspended in the second heaven
awaiting the Last Judgment (§ 7 ; see Thackeray,
Relation of St. Paul to Contemp. Jewish Thought,
London, 1900, p. 176 f.). These works in their
present form probably date from the latter part
of the 1st or the beginning of the 2nd cent. A.D.
The ideas seem to have had much currency among
Christians, for we find Atlianasius {de Incarn. 25)
speaking of the devil having fallen from heaven
and wandering about 'our lower atmosphere,'
'there bearing rule over his fellow-spirits . . .,'
'while the Lord came to cast down the devil, and
clear the air and prepare the way for us up into
heaven.'
The prince of the power of the air (Eph 2^) is
Satan. That he had authority over the evil spirits
whose abode is in the air was the general Jewish
belief, except among the Sadducees, St. Paul
does not, however, here say ' powers of the air,'
i.e. evil spirits, but the ' air-power ' or ' air-tyranny '
(for this meaning of i^ovaia see Lightfoot's note on
Col V^). Satan is the arch-tyrant whose abode is
in the air.
LiTERATURB. — See art. Dbmon. A. J. MACLEAN.
AKELDAMA (kKeXSan&x WH, 'AKeXSafid TR).—
Akeldama is said to be equivalent to xwpi'oi' a'i/xaros
in Ac 1'^, and to dypbs aifiaros in ISIt 27*: in that
case the word represents Aram, not hpn and the
final X (which is retained also in the best Vulg.
text, acheldemach) transliterates n (which is only
rarely so found). It has, therefore, been suggested
as possible that the second part of the word repre-
sents Aram. '^Q'^^ = Koifj.rjTTjpiov, 'cemetery,' which
accords better with St. Matthew's explanation,
though not with St. Luke's. It is difficult to
avoid the conclusion that we have here an instance
of the occasional discrepancies and inaccuracies
which have from an early period crept into the
text of the NT. It would certainly seem as if the
explanation of the title 'field of blood' given in
Mt 27* is radically diflerent from that suggested
in Ac V^, and that the former is more in accord-
ance with the facts, though still an incorrect trans-
lation of the Aram, title, while it is probable that
the whole section vv.^*- ^* (-svith or without v.-") of
the latter passage is not part of St. Peter's speech,
but a comment or gloss either by the author of
the book (St. Luke) himself or even by some later
editor or transcriber, who has incorporated a less
trustworthy tradition in the text.
The site of Akeldama is the modern Hakk ed-
Diimm, on the south side of the Valley of Hinnom.
See, further, art. s.v. in HDB and DCG.
C. L. Feltoe.
ALEXANDER {'k\^avSpo%, 'helper of men').—
This name is found in the NT in five diflerent
connexions, and possibly designates as many
diflerent individuals.
1. The son of Simon of Cyrene, who bore the
cross to Calvary (Mk 15^^), and the brother of
Rufus. In all probability Alexander and his brother
were well-knoAvn and honoured men in the Church
of Rome (cf. Ro 16^* and art. RUFUS), to which
the Gospel of Mark was addressed, as St. Mark
identifies the father by a reference to the sons.
We may regard the allosion as an interesting in-
stance of the sons being blessed for the father's sake.
2. A leader of the priestly party in Jerusalem
at the period subsequent to the death of Christ.
After the healing of tlie impotent man we are told
that Alexander Avas present at a meeting of the
Jewish authorities along witli Annas, Caiaphas,
and John, and ' as many as were of the kindred of
the high priest' (Ac 4«). It is probable, though
not quite certain, that this indicates that Alex-
ander belonged to the high-priestly class ; and it is
impossible to identify him with Alexander the
' alabarch ' of Alexandria and brother of PhUo.
3. A leading member of the Jewish community
at Ephesus (Ac 19^^), who was put forward by the
Jews at the time of the Ephesian riot to clear
themselves of any complicity with St. Paul or his
teaching, but whom the mob refused to hear. He
may have been one of the ' craftsmen,' though en
the whole it is unlikely that a Jew would have
any connexion with the production of the symbols
of idolatry. There are, however, slight variations
in the MSS of Ac 19^^ and diflerent views have
been taken with regard to Alexander and the in-
tention of the Jews. Meyer holds that Alexander
was a JeAvish Christian who was put forward
maliciously by the Jews in the hope that he might
be sacrificed (cf. Com. in loco). The omission of
rts, ' a certain,' before his name has been regarded
as an indication that Alexander was a well-known
man in Ephesus at the time.
4. A Christian convert and teacher, who along
Avith Hymenseus (q.v.) and others apostatized from
the faith, and was excommunicated by the Apostle
Paul(lTili«-2«).
5. Alexander the coppersmith, who did St. Paul
much evil and whom the Apostle desires to be
rewarded according to his works (2 Ti 4'*"^*). This
Alexander has been identified with both 3 and 4.
We are able to gather certain facts regarding him
which would seem to connect him with 3. — (1) His
trade was that of a smith (see Coppersmith), a
worker in metal, originally brass, but subsequently
any other metal, which might associate him with
the craftsmen of Ephesus. (2) The statement re-
garding him was addressed to Timothy, who was
settled in Ephesus. On the other hand, we are
told that Alexander greatly withstood St. Paul's
words — a reference which seems to indicate a bitter
personal hostility between the two men, as well as
controversial disputes on matters of doctrine which
might rather connect him with 4, the associate of
Hymenaeus. It is possible that 3, 4, and 5 may
be the same person, but Alexander was a very
common name, and the data are insuflicient to
allow of any certain identification. Those who
hold the Epistles to Timothy to be non-Pauline
regard the statement in Ac 19^ as the basis of the
references in the Epistles, but the only thing in
common is the name, while there is no indication in
Acts that Alexander had any personal connexion
with St. Paul.
LiTERATURF,.— R. J. KnowUng-, EGT, 'Acts,' 1900; Comm. of
Meyer, Zeller, Holtzraann ; 'W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul, 1895,
p. 279 ; artt. in HDB and ££i. W. F. BOYD.
ALEXANDRIA ('AXefd;/5/)ia).— The city of Alex-
andria almost realized Alexander the Great's dream
of ' a city surpassing anything previously exist-
ing' (Plutarch, Alex. xxvi.). Planned by Dino-
crates under the king's supervision, and built on a
neck of land two miles wide interposed between
the Mediterranean Sea and Lake Mareotis (Mariut),
about 14 miles from the Canopic mouth of the
Nile, it became successively the capital of Hellenic,
Roman, and Christian Egypt, ' the greatest mart
in the world ' (/i^yurTov i/Miropiov ttjs olKovfuevijs, Strabo,
XVII. i. 13), and next to Rome the most splendid
city in the Empire. About 4 miles long from E.
to W., nearly a mile wide, and about 15 miles in
48
ALEXA^^DRIA
ALEXANDRIA
circumference, it was quartered — like so many of
the Hellenic cities of the period — by two colon-
naded thoroughfares crossing each other at a great
central square, terminating in tlie four principal
gates, and determining the line of the other streets,
so that the whole city was laid out in parallelo-
grams. The three regions into which it was divided
— the Begio Judceorum, Brucheium, and Rhacvtis
— corresponded generally with the three classes of
the population — Jews, Greeks, and Egyptians —
while representatives of nearly all other nations
commingled in its streets (Dio Chrys. Orat. 32).
Diodorus Siculus, who visited it about 58 B.C.,
estimates (xvii. 52) its free citizens at 300,000, and
it probably had at least an equal number of slaves.
' Its fine air,' says Strabo, ' is worthy of remark : this results
from the city being on two sides surrounded by water, and
from the favourable effects of the rise of the Nile,' one canal
joining the great river to the lake, and another the lake to the
sea. 'The Nile, being full, fills the lake also, and leaves no
marshy matter which is likely to cause exhalations ' (xvii. L 7).
The name of the city does not occur in the NT,
but ' Alexandrian,' as noun and adj. ('AXe|a^5pei/s,
' A\e^av5piv6s), is found 4 times in Acts. There
was a synagogue of Alexandrians in Jerusalem
(6''), fanatical defenders of the Mosaic faith, roused
to indignation by the heresies of Stephen. Apollos
was ' an Alexandrian by race, a learned man (dv7]p
\&yios ; AV and RVm, 'eloquent'), mighty in the
scriptures' (18^). In one Alexandrian ship St.
Paul was wrecked at Melita (27"), and in another
he continued his voyage to Puteoli (28^1). Here
are references to the three most striking aspects of
the life of Alexandria — her religion, culture, and
commerce. We invert the order.
1. Commerce. — Alexandria was built on a site
uniquely adapted for maritime trade. Served on
her northern side by the Great Harbour and the
Haven of Happy Return * (eiivoaTos), which were
formed by a mole seven stadia in length — the Hepta-
stadium — flung across to the island of Pharos,! and
on her southern side by the wharves of Mareotis,
Alexandria entered into the heritage of both Tyre
and Carthage, and drew to herself the commerce
of three continents. Under the Ptolemys Egypt
largely took the place of the lands around the
Euxine as a grain -producing country, and ' com in
Egypt ' became as proverbial as it had been in the
da^'s of the Piiaraohs.
'The corn which was sent from thence to Italy was con-
veyed in ships of very ^reat size. From the dimensions ^ven
of one of them by Lucian, they appear to have been quite as
large as the largest class of merchant ships of modern times '
(Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul-*, 1880, p. 71 f. ).
The cruisers and coasters of Alexandria traded
with every part of the Mediterranean, and it was
an ordinary occurrence to find vessels bound for
Italy in the harbours of Myra and Malta (Ac 27^
28"). Seneca gives a vivid picture of the arrival
of the Alexandrian fleet of merchantmen at Puteoli
{Ep. 77). The trade which came to Lake Mareotis
from the Nile and the Red Sea was equally im-
portant.
' Large fleets,' says Strabo (xvii. L 13), ' are dispatched as
far as India and the extremities of Ethiopia, from which places
the most valuable freights are brought to Egypt, and are thence
exported to other places, so that a double amount of custom is
collected, arising from imports on the one hand, and from ex-
ports on the other.'
2. Culture. — It was the great ambition of the
Ptolemys to make their capital not only the com-
mercial but the intellectual centre of the world.
Alexandria really succeeded in winning for herself
the crown of science, and was for centuries the
foster-mother of an international Hellenic culture.
• Its inner basin, Eibotos, p-eatly enlarged, forms the modern
harbour.
t On the eastern point of the island was the famous Light-
house, one of the ' Seven Wonders ' of the world.
The proofs of her devotion to letters were seen in
the Brucheium, or central quarter of the city, which
contained not only the mausoleum* of Alexander,
the palaces of the Egyptian kings, the Temple of
Poseidon, and, at a later date, the Csesarium f in
which divine honours were paid to the Roman
emperors, but the Museum, which in many ways
resembled a modern university, with lecture halls
and State-paid professors, and the Library, in
which were accumulated the books of Greece, Rome,
Egypt, and India, to the number (according to
Josephus, Ant. Xll. ii. 1) of more than half a
million. In this home of endowed research the
exact sciences flourished ; Alexandria had on her
roll of fame the names of Euclid in geometry,
Hipjiarchus in astronomy, Eratosthenes in geo-
graphy ; and her physicians were the most cele-
brated in the world. For literature her savants
did a noble Avork in collecting, revising, and classify-
ing the records of the past. On tlie whole, how-
ever, her literary school was imitative rather than
creative ; her poets trusted more to learning than
to imagination, and the muses rarely visited the
Museum. The artificial atmosphere of literary
criticism, which was the breath of life to gram-
marians, philologists, and dialecticians, cliilled
rather than fostered original genius. Alexandria's
most brilliant scholars, detached from the realities
of life, immured in academic cloisters, were con-
noisseurs, not writers, of classics.
In the Roman period ' numerous and respectable labours of
erudition, particularly philological and physical, proceeded from
the circle of the savants "of the Museum," as they entitled
themselves, like the Parisians "of the Institute" ; but ... it
was here very clearly apparent that the main matter was not
pensions and rewards, but the contact ... of great political
and g^eat scientific work ' (Mommsen, Provinces^, ii. 271 f.).
3. Religion. — While the eclecticism of Alex-
andrian religion was represented in its pagan
aspect by the cultus of the Serapeum, the most
famous of the city's temples, in which the attempt
was made to blend the creeds of Greece and Egypt,
the grafting of Judaism on Hellenism flowered into
a system which had far more influence upon the
permanent thought of the world. The migration
of the Jews to Egypt, which began at the time of
the downfall of Jerusalem (Jer 42^'*), increased
rapidly under the Ptolemys, who welcomed them
as colonists, giving them equal civic rights with
the Macedonians and Greeks — rights wliich both
Julius Caesar and Augustus confirmed to them.
Occupying their own quarter of the city — the
north-eastern — and forming, under their ethnarch
or ' alabarch,' a community within a community,
they were yet profoundly influenced by their en-
vironment, and developed not only a genius for trade
but a passion for learning. In the beginning of
our era they amounted to an eighth part of the
population, and nowhere else was the scattered
race so wealthy, so cultured, or so influential.
Alexandria became the greatest of Jewish cities,
the centre of Semitism as well as of Hellenism {q.v. ).
Naturalized in a foreign city and inevitably breath-
ing its spirit, the Jews showed themselves at once
pliant and stubborn. Glorying in the retention of
their monotheistic faith, they yet dropped their
sacred Hebrew language. Their Scriptures, trans-
lated into Greek J for their own use, came into tlie
hands of their Hellenic neighbours, who gave them
* Near the centre of the city, perhaps represented by the
present mosque ^^ebi Daniel.
t Near it were 'Cleopatra's Needles,' one of which is now in
London, and the other in New York.
X Tlie legend of the composition of the Septuatfint, contained
in the Letter of Aristeux, is probably based on facts. The ini-
tiative seems to have been taken by Ptolemy Philadelphus, who
doubtless wished to promote the use of Greek among the Jewish
population of the city. The Law was translated in the 3rd
cent. K.C., the Prophets (probably) in the 2nd, and most of the
' Writings ' in the 1st, while Ecclesiastes and Daniel were not
translated till the 2nd cent. a.d.
mKIAiSS
ALIENS
49
in exchange the classics of Athens. Alexandria
thus became the meeting-place of Eastern and
Western ideals. Both races were sensitive to im-
pressions : while the Jews felt the subtle influence
of a rich civilization and a lofty philosophy, the
Greeks were attracted by a strange note of assur-
ance regarding God. In an eclectic age and citj^,
the endeavour was consequently made to harmonize
the religion of Moses with that of Plato. Mommsen
remarks that they were the clearest heads and the
most gifted thinkers who sought admission either
as Hellenes into the Jewish, or as Jews into the
Hellenic, system (Provinces", ii. 167). With perfect
sincerity, if by faulty exegesis, the Jewish men of
culture made their Scriptures yield up the doctrines
of the Academy and the Stoa. The literary ex-
ponent of this spiritual rapprochement is Philo(g'.'y. ),
who probably did little more than give expression
to the current opinions of his countrymen in the
time of our Lord. While not a little of his Neo-
Judaism must, on account of his persistent allegor-
izing, be regarded as pseudo-Judaism, he had the
supreme merit of combining the highest Eastern
with the highest Western view of the universe ; of
identifying the Hebrew ' wisdom ' with the Greek
' reason ' ; of developing Plato's conception of the
world as the 6eiov ■yevv7]T6v, the elKwv rod iroirp-ov, the
/novoyev-qs (the Divine Child, the Image of its Maker,
the Only- begotten) into that of the Kdafio^ vorjrds or
\6yos, which is the Invisible God's irpurdyovos or
vpuTdTOKos, His diravyaa/jLa or xapa/cTTj/) ; and of thus
facilitating that fusion of Hellenism and Hebraism
out of which so much Christian theology has
sprung. Alexandrian thought provided the' cate-
gories — in themselves cold and speculative — into
which Christianity, as represented by the writers
of Colossians, Hebrews, and the Fourth Gospel,
poured the warm life-blood of a historic and
humane faith. And if the Alexandrian exegetical
method was often unscientific — as when it made
Moses identify Abraham with understanding,
Sarah with virtue, Noah with righteousness, the
four streams of Paradise with the four cardinal
virtues — yet the writer of Hebrews could scarcely
have built a bridge between Judaism and Christi-
anity unless he had been trained in a school which
taught its disciples to pass from symbols to ultimate
realities. Apollos iq.v.), the learned and eloquent
(Kdyios, dwaros iv toll's ypa<pah), was a true Alex-
andrian, not impossibly ' of the Museum ' ; and
Luther was happily inspired in suggesting that he
may have been the writer who used the Hebrew-
Hellenic theology of Egypt to interpret the manger
of Bethlehem. See also the following article.
LiTERATrRB.— Art. 'Alexandria' in HDB, SDB, EBi, and in
Pauly-Wissowa ; H. Kiepert, Zur Topog. des alten Alex-
andria, Berlin, 1872; J. P. Mahafify, AUxandefs Empire,
London, ISSS, and The Silver Age of the Greek World, do.
1006 ; T. Mommsen, Prov. of Rom. Emp.^, 2 vols., do. 1909 ; J.
Drummond, Philo-Judceus, 2 vols., do. 1S88 ; cf. also
W. M. Ramsay's art. 'Roads and Travel (in XT)' in HDB,
\. 375ff. jAilES STRAHAN.
ALEXANDRIANS. — Among the active opponents
of St. Stephen were ' certain of them that were
of the synagogue called the synagogue ... of the
Alexandrians ' (' AXe^avdpiuv, Ac 6^).
Grammatically the sentence is not in good form, and admits
of a variety of interpretations. Some exearetes (Calvin, Bengel,
O. Holtzmann, Rendall) assume that the Libertines, Cyrenians,
Alexandrians, Cilicians, and Asiatics residing in Jerusalem all
worshipped in one sj-nagoane. Others (Wendt, Zockler, Sanday,
Knowhng, Winer-Moulton) think that the first three classes of
Jews had one synagogue and the last two another — an idea
favoured by the tuc . . . tuiv after rives. T. E. Page groups
the Libertines in one place of worship, the men of Alexandria
and Cyrene in a second, and those of Cilicia and Asia in a third.
Hnally, some scholars (Schiirer, Meyer, Weiss, Hackett) be-
lieve that each of the five classes had its own distinctive syna-
gogue in the holy city. A sj-nagogue of the Alexandrians in
Jerusalem is mentioned in Jems. Me.gilla, 73d, where it is also
said that there were in all no fewer than 425 synagogues in the
VOL. I. — 4
city— a statement which Schiirer {HJP ii. ii. 73) dismisses as an
insipid Talniudic legend, but which Renan (The Apostles, Eng.
tr., 113) is disposed to accept as 'by no means improbable.'
The Jews of Alexandria {q.v.) were in a very
ditterent position from the people of any modern
Ghetto. They were amongst the most opulent and
influential citizens. They formed a distinct muni-
cipal community, and possessed extensive political
privileges. At the foundation of the city Alexander
gave them equal rights with the Greeks (e'5w/ce to
fj.€TotKeiv Kara ttjv ttoXlv e| laoTifxlas wpbs "'E\\7}va's), and
the Diadochoi permitted them to style themselves
Macedonians (Jos. BJ II. xviii. 7). Of the five
quarters (iioipai.) of the city, named after the first
five letters of the alphabet, two were called
'Jewish' (lovoaiKal Xiyoi'Tai [Philo, in Flac. §8]).
While one quarter, known as Delta, was entirely
peopled by Jews [BJ ii. xviii. 8), many more of the
race were scattered over all the other parts (^j* raZs
dWais ovK 6\lyoi (nropddes [Philo, loc. cit.}}, and none
of them were without their house of prayer (Philo,
Leg. ad Gaitcm, § 20). The special Eegio Judceorum
lay in the N.E. of the city, beyond the promontory
of Lochias, in the neighbourhood of the royal palace.
Till the time of Augustus the Jews were presided
over by an ethnarch, who, according to Strabo
(quoted by Josephus, Ant. XIV. vii. 2), ' governs the
people and administers justice among them, and
sees that they fulfil their obligations and obey
orders, just like the archon of an independent city.'
Augustus instituted a council or senate {yepovala),
which was entrusted with the management of
Jewish aflairs, and over which a certain number
of dpxovTes presided. The reign of Caligula was
marked by the first rude interruption of the policy
of toleration. The governor Flaccus issued an
edict in which he termed the Jews of Alexandria
' strangers,' thus depriving them of the rights of
citizenship which they had enjoyed for centuries.
He ordered 38 archons to be scourged in the
theatre, and turned the Jewish quarters into
scenes of daily carnage (Philo, in Flac. §§ 6-10).
But one of the first acts of Claudius was to re-afSrm
the earlier edicts, and Josephus states that in his
owTQ day (c. A.D. 90) one could still see standing in
Alexandria 'the pillar containing the privileges
which the great Csesar (Julius) bestowed upon the
Jews ' {ttjv cTT-ljkriv . . . TO. 8iKaLiifj.aTa irepiixovaav &
'Kalaap 6 fidya^ Toh 'louSat'ots ^dwKev [c. Apio7i. ii. 4 ;
cf. Ant. xrv. X. 1]). Some Alexandrian Jews held
responsible positions as ministers of the Ptolemys,
and others were in the service of the Roman
Emperors (c. Apion. ii. 5). PhUo's brother Alex-
ander and others filled the oflBce of ' alabarch' (see
Schurer, HJP ll. ii. 280).
For a time the 'Alexandrians' were doubtless
bilingual, but ultimately thej^ forgot their Hebrew
or Aramaic, and adopted Greek as the language of
the home and the synagogue as well as of the
market. Living in a gieat university town, many
of them became highly educated ; the school of
Philo in particular assimilated many elements of
Greek philosophy ; and the Judaism of Egypt was
gradually difl'erentiated from that of Palestine.
Even before becoming a Christian, the Alexandrian
Apollos had doubtless a breadth of sympathy, as
well as a richness of culture, which could not have
been attained among the Rabbis of Jerusalem.
Yet in the great mass of the 'Alexandrians,' as
throughout the Dispersion generally, the Jewish
element predominated, and it need occasion no
surprise that those of them who chose to reside in
the Holy City were as zealous for the Mosaic
traditions, and as strenuously opposed to innova-
tions, as any Hebrew of the Hebrews.
LiTERATURK. — See list appended to preceding article.
James Steahan.
ALIEN.— See Stranger.
50
ALLEGORY
ALPHA AND O^LEGA
ALLEGORY. — The word is derived from the
Greek dXXrjyopia, used of a mode of speech which
implies more than is expressed by the ordinary
meaning of the language. This method of inter-
preting literature was practised at an early date
and among diiierent peoples. When ideas of a
primitive age were no longer tenable, respect for
the ancient literature which embodied these ideas
was maintained by disregarding the ordinary im-
port of the language in favour of a hidden meaning
more in liarmony with contemporary notions. The
word ' allegory ' has come to be used more particu-
larly of a certain type of Scripture interpretation
iq.v.) current in both Jewish and Christian circles.
Its fundamental characteristic is the distinction
between the apparent meaning of Scripture and a
hidden meaning to be discovered by the skill of the
interpreter. In allegory proper, when distinguished
from metaphor, parable, type, etc., the veiled
meaning is the more important, if not indeed the
only true one, and is supposed to have been
primary in the intention of the writer, or of God who
inspired the writer. Jewish interpreters, particu-
larly in the Diaspora, employed this means of
making the OT acceptable to Gentiles. They
aimed especially at showing that the Jews' sacred
books, when properly interpreted, contained all
the wisdom of Greek philosophy. This interest
flourisiied chiefly in Alexandria, and found its
foremost representative in Philo (g.v.), who wrote
early in the 1st cent. A.D. His Allegories of the
Sacred Laws is one of his chief work's, though all
his writings are dominated by this method of
interpretation. Similarly Josephus (g-.i;.), a half-
century or so later, says that Moses taught many
things ' under a decent allegory' (Ant. Prooem. 4).
Allegory was used freely also by Palestinian inter-
preters, though less for apologetic than for liomi-
letic purposes. They were less ready than Philo to
abandon the primary meaning of Scripture, but
they freely employed allegorical devices, particu-
larly^ in the Haggadic miclrdshim.
When Christians in the Apostolic Age began to
interpret Scripture, it was inevitable that they
should follow the allegorical tendencies so prevalent
at the time. Yet the use of this method is far less
common in the NT than in some later Christian
literature, e.g. the Epistle of Bar-nabas (q.v.). St.
Paul claims to be allegorizing when he finds the two
covenants not only prefigured, but the validity of his
idea of two covenants proved, in the story of Ha<^ar
(q.v.) and Sarah (Gal 42'«-30). Allegorical colouring
is also discernible in his reference to the muzzling
of the ox (1 Co 93'-), the following rock (1(H), and
the veil of Moses (2 Co S'^ff-). The Epistle to the
Hebrews is especially rich in these features, which
are much more Alexandrian in type than the
writings of St. Paul (e.g. S^-"* 9^ 10^ IP-* I2-'"-)-
Certain Gospel passages also show allegorical traits,
where in some instances the allegorical element
may have come from the framers of tradition in
tlie Apostolic Age (e.g. Mk 4i»-2»=Mt 1.3'»-25 = Lk
8"-i5; Mk 12'-i2=Mt2li«-'«=Lk20»-^9- MtlS^^-^o- 36-43
Jn 10i-'« 15'-»).
Literature.— See list appended to art. Interpretation.
S. J. Case.
ALMIGHTY.— See GoD.
ALMS. — The duty of kindliness to and provision
for the poor is constantly tauglit in the OT ;
in the later Jewish literature, and especially in
Sirach and Tobit, it is even more emphatically
asserted. It is clear that our Lord and the Apos-
tolic Church taught this as a religious obligation
with equal force. In the Sermon on the Mount,
almsgiving is assumed to be one of the duties of
the religious life (e.g. Mt 6i-»), and in several places
the principle is expressed directly. Our Lord says
to the rich young ruler, ' Sell whatsoever thou hast,
and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure
in heaven ' (Mk lO^i) ; in the parable of the Judg-
ment, the place of men is decided on the ground
that they have or have not helped and relieved the
Lord's brethren (Mt 253^-^''), and in St. Luke our
Lord is reported as saying: 'Sell that ye have,
and give alms ; make for yourselves purses which
wax not old, a treasure in the heavens that faileth
not'(Lk 1233).
We find the same principles assumed in the
literature of the Apostolic Church. In the Acts
we read of the Church of Jerusalem: 'All that
believed were together, and had all things common ;
and they sold their possessions and goods, and
parted them to all, according as any man had
need ' (Ac 2«- *^ ; cf. 43^- ^- ^). What relation this
may have to the community of goods is considered
elsewhere (see art. Community of Goods) ; but it
is at least clear that the Church in Jerusalem
recognized the paramount obligation of the main-
tenance of the poor brethren, and it is worthy of
notice that the first officers of tiie Christian com-
munity of whose appointment we have direct
mention are the Seven who were appointed to
carry out the ministrations of the Church to the
poor widows of the community (Ac 6^"^).
In the letters of St. Paul we have frequent refer-
ences to the obligation of helping the poor (e.g.
Ro 1213, £pii 428^ I xi 618), and in certain letters we
find him specially occupied with the collections
which were being made for the poor Christians in
Jerusalem (Gal 2i», Ro IS^s- ^\ 1 Co 16i- 2, 2 Co 8
and 9). The writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews
speaks of such deeds of charity as being sacrifices
well-pleasing to God (He IS^S). It is in the First
Epistle of St. John, however, that the principle of
the responsibility of Christian men for the main-
tenance of their brethren is most emphatically
expressed : ' Whoso hath this world's goods, and
beholdeth his brother in need, and shutteth up his
compassion from him, how doth the love of God
abide in him ?' (1 Jn 3'^). For St. John the notion
that any man can love God without loving his
brother is a falsehood (1 Jn 4-").
The Christian literature of the end of the 1st
cent, carries on the same principles. The Teach-
ing of the Twelve Apostles (iv. 8) says : ' Thou
shalt not turn away from him that is in need, but
shalt share all things with thy brother, and shalt
not say that thej' are thine own : for if ye are
sharers in that which is immortal, how much more
in those things which are mortal.' The Epistle
of Barnabas contains almost exactly the same
phrases. We have thus in the NT and the sub-
apostolic literature the clearest enunciation of the
principle whose etfect and practical applications
we have to study in the history of the Early
Church and of Christian civilization. There can
be no doubt that our Lord and the writers of the
NT looked upon the maintenance of the poor as a
primary obligation of the Christian life.
Literature. — Art. 'Almsgiving' in UDB; 'Alms' in EBi
and Smith's Z)B2 ; 'Charity, Almsgiving (Christian)' in ERE;
G. Uhlhorn, Christian Charity in the Ancient Church, Eng. tr.,'
Edinburgh, 1S83; A. Harnack, Expansion of Christ ianitij^',
London, 190S, i. 147; A. F. W. Ingram, Banners of the
Christian Faith, London, 1899 ; W. C. E. Newbolt. Counsels
of Faith and Practice, do. 1894; B. F. Westcott, The Incar-
nation and Common Life, do. 1S93; J. L. Davies, Social
Questione, do. 1886. A. J. CaRLYLE.
ALPHA AND OMEGA.— These are the first and
last letters of the Gr. alphabet ; cf. Heb. 'Aleph to
Tau'; Eng. 'A to Z.' The title is applied to God
the Father in Rev P 21«, and to Christ in Rev 22i=»
(cf. 2*). The ancient Heb. name for God, rr\n\ has
been very variously derived, but its most probable
meaning is the ' Eternal' One—' I am that I am*
ALTAR
ALTAR
51
(Ex 3'^). This idea of Llie Deity, further emphasized
in Is 41* 43'" 44'*, is expressed in the language of the
Apocalypse by the Greek phrase 'A and f2,' which
corresponds to a common Heb. expression 'Alcph
to Tau,' of which the Talmud and other Rabbinic
writings furnish many examples. 11. H. Charles
adduces similar phrases in Latin (Martial, v. 26)
and Greek (Theodoret, ME iv. 8) to express com-
pleteness. To those who believe in a Jewish
original for the NT Apocalypse, its presence there
will cause no surprise, and its application to Christ
will constitute an instance of the Christian re-
modelling wiiich that book has undergone. More-
over, Jewish writers (e.g. Kohler) have given
another explanation of its use as a title for God,
calling it the hellenized form of a well-known
saying, ' The Seal of God is Emeth (ncN = ' truth'),
a word containing first, middle, and last letters of
the Heb. alpiiabet (cf. Gen. Bab. Ixxxi. ; Jerus.
Sank. i. 18« ; Sank. 64a ; Yoma 69b). Josephus
(c. Apion.) probably refers to this saying (cf. also
Dn 10-' nc^ nnp?, ' the writing of truth'). Similar
is the use of Justin (Address to Greeks, xxv.).
Whatever may be the origin of the phrase, its
chief significance for Christians lies in its constant
application to Christ, of which this passage in the
Apocalyjise supplies the first of countless instances.
Charles and JSliiller agree that Patristic comment-
ators invariably referred all these passages to the
Son, and in so doing they plainly claimed the
Divine privilege of eternity for the Person of the
Lord Jesus Christ, and established the claim set
forth in the later creeds that ' the Word of God
w.as equal with God.'
Not only was this the universal opinion of the
earliest commentators, as of the Christian author
or editor of the Apocalypse ; it was an opinion
deeply rooted in the convictions of the Christian
congregations. We hear of no attempt to dispute
it ; and, relying on this as an established fact, the
Gnostic teachers sought to deduce by various means
and numerical quibbles the essential identity
of all the Persons of the Trinity (cf. Iren. adv.
Hcer. I. xiv. 6, xv. 1). Among others, Tertullian
(Monog. v.), Cyprian [Testimon. ii. 1, 6), Clem.
Alex. (Strom, iv. 25, vi. 16), Ambrose(£'a;;j. inseptem
Vis. i. 8), emphasized this view of the matter ; and,
before tlie last persecution of Diocletian was over,
many inscriptions had been put up on tombstones,
walls of catacombs, etc., in which these two letters
stood for the name of Christ. At a subsequent
period the practice became universal all over the
Christian world, and countless examples are still
extant to prove the general popularity of this
custom.
In most cases the letters are accompanied by
other symbols and titles of the Master, e.g.
^k' ; in a few examples they stand alone as a
reverent way of representing the presence of the
Redeemer. Most numerous in the period from
A.D. 300-500, they decline in number and import-
ance during the early Middle Ages, and are rare, at
least in the W^est, after the 7th and 8th centuries.
It is significant to note that in none of those
hundreds of examples do the letters (often rudely
scrawled by poor peasants) refer to any one but
Jesus Christ. It is hard to conceive of any fact
more suited to emphasize the deep-rooted belief of
the early Christians in the true Divinity of their
Lord and Master, who had created the world,
existed from the beginning, and was still alive and
veady to succour His faithful followers.
Literature.— R. H. Charles, art. in HDB ; B. W. Bacon,
art. in DCQ ; K. Kohler, art. in JE ; W. MuUer in PRE^
(full account of extant inscriptions); C. Schoettg'en, Hor. Heb.,
Leipzig-, 1733. L. St. AlBAN WeLLS.
ALTAR.— In the NT, as in the LXX, the usual
term for ' altar ' is dvaiaaT-fipLov — a v/ord otherwise
confined to Philo, Josephus, and ecclesiastical
writers — while jScafj-ds, as contrasted with a Jewish
place of sacrifice, is a heathen altar. The most
striking example of the antithesis is found in 1 Mac
p4-5a_ Antiochus Epiphanes erected a small altar
to Jupiter — ' the abomination of desolation ' (v.*^)
— upon the Ovaiaarripiov of the temple, and ' on the
twentj'-fifth day of the month they sacrificed upon
the idol-altar (/Swyttos) which was upon the altar
of God (dvaiaaTTjpiov).' The NT contains only a
single distinct reference to a pagan altar — the
j3u}/ii6s which St. Paul observed in Athens bearing
the inscription ' Ayvuxmi) Qei^ (Ac 17-'*).
1. The altar on which sacrifices were presented
to God was indispensable to OT religion. Alike in
the simple cultus of patriarchal times and the ela-
borate ritual of fully developed Judaism, its posi-
tion was central. The altar was the place of
meeting between God and man, and the ritual of
blood — the supposed seat of life — was the essence
of the offering. Whatever details might be added,
the rite of sprinkling or dashing the blood against
the altar, or allowing it to flow on the ground at
its base, could never be omitted. The Levitical
cultus was continued in Jerusalem till the destruc-
tion of the Temple by the Romans in A.D. 70, and
the attitude and practice of the early Jewish-
Christian Church in reference to it form an interest-
ing and ditlicult problem. It has been generally
assumed that, when our Lord instituted the New
Covenant in His own blood (Mk 14^^ Lk 222"), He
implicitly abrogated the Levitical law, and that,
when His sacrifice was completed, the disciples
must at once have perceived that it made every altar
obsolete. But there is not wanting evidence that
enlightenment came slowly ; that the practice of
the Jewish-Christian Church was not altered sud-
denly, but gradually and with not a little misgiving.
Hort observes that ' respecting the continued ad-
herence to Jewish observances, nothing is said
which implies either its presence or its absence'
(Judaistic Christianity, 42). But there are many
clear indications that the first Christians remained
Jews — McGitl'ert (Apostol. Age, 65) even suggests
tiiat they were ' more devout and earnest Jews
than they had ever been ' — continuing to worship
God at the altar in the Temple like all their
countrymen. ' They had no desire to be renegades,
nor was it possible to regard them as such. Even
if they did not maintain and observe the whole
cultus, yet this did not endanger their allegiance.
. . . The Christians did not lay themselves open to
the charge of violating the law' ( Weizsacker,^pci5^o^.
Age, i. 46). They went up to the Temple at the
hour of prayer (Ac 3'), which was the hour of sacri-
fice ; they took upon themselves vows, and offered
sacrifices for release (2P"- -'') ; and even St. Paul,
the champion of spiritual freedom, brought sacri-
fices (wpocrtpopas) to lay on the altar in the Holy City
(24''). The inference that the New Covenant left no
place for any altar or Mosaic sacrifice is first expli-
citlj- drawn by the w^riter of Hebrews (see TEMPLE).
2. Apart from a passing allusion to the altars
which were thrown down in Elijah's time (Ro IP),
St. Paul makes two uses of the 6vaiaaT7]piov in the
Temple. (1) In vindicating the right of ministers of
the gospel to live at the charge of the Christian
community, he instances the well-known Levitical
practice : ' those who wait upon the altar have their
portion with (av/^fiepi^ovTai.) the altar ' (1 Co 9'^), part
of the ottering being burnt in the altar fire, and part
reserved for the priests, to whom the law gives the
privilege ' altaris esse socios in dividenda victima'
(Beza). Schmiedel (m ^c.) thinks that the refer-
ence may be to priests who serve ' am Tempel der
Heiden wie der Juden,' but probably for St. Paul
the only Ovaiaa-ri^piopv/a.s the altar on which sacrifice
52
AMBASSADOE
AMEK
was offered to the God of Israel. (2) In arguing
againsc the possibility of partaking of the Eucharist
and joining in idolatrous festivals, St. Paul appeals
to the ethical significance of sacrifice, regarded not
as an atonement but as a sacred meal between God
and man. The altar being His table and the sacri-
fice His feast, the hospitality of table-comnuinion
is the pledge of friendship between Him and His
worshippers. All who join in the sacrifice are par-
takers with the altar (kolvoovoI toO dvaiaarrjplov), one
might almost say commensals with God. ' Accord-
ing to antique ideas, those who eat and drink together
are by the very act tied to one another by a bond
of friendship and mutual obligation ' ( W. R. Smith,
Rel. Sern.^, 247). How revolting it is, then, to pass
from the altar of God or, by parity of reasoning,
from the rpkire'^a tov Kvplov, to the orgies of pagan
gods, the Tpajre^a, daip-ovluv.
3. The writer of Hebrews refers to the old Jewish
altar and to a new Christian one. (1) Reasoning
somewhat in the manner of Philo, he notes the
emergence of a mysterious priest from a tribe which
has given none of its sons to minister at the altar,
and on this circumstance bases an ingenious argu-
ment for the imperfection of the Levitical priest-
hood, and so of the whole Mosaic system (He 7'^).
(2) Against those Christians who occupy themselves
with (sacrificial) meats the writer says : ' We have
an altar, wliereof they have no right to eat who
serve the tabernacle ' (13'"). Few sentences have
given rise to so much misunderstanding. ^"'EixoiJ.ev
can only denote Christians, and what is said of them
must be allegorically intended, for they have no rg
ffKTjvr} XarpevovTes, and no dvcnacrri^piov in the proper
sense of the word ' (von Soden). The point which
the writer seeks to make is that in connexion with
the great Christian sacrifice there is nothing corre-
sponding to the feasts of ordinary Jewish (or of
heathen) sacrifices. Its ti^ttos is the sacrifice of the
Day of Atonement, no part of which was eaten by
priest or worshipper, the mind alone receiving the
benefit of the offering. So we Christians serve an
altar from which we obtain a purely spiritual ad-
vantage. ^Yhethe^ the writer actually visualized
the Cross of Christ as the altar at which all His
followers minister, like XeirovpyoL in the Tabernacle,
— as many have supposed — is doubtful. Figurative
language must not be unduly pressed.
The writer of Rev., whose heaven is a replica of
the earthly Temple and its solemn ritual, sees
underneath the altar the souls of martyrs— the
blood poured out as an oblation (cf. Ph 2^^ 2 Ti 4'')
representing the life or i/'uxiy— and hears them cry-
ing, like the blood of Abel, for vengeance (Rev
6«- '» ; cf. En. 22^). In 8^ and 9^3 the dvatacrrripwi' is
not the altar of burnt-offering but that of incense
(see Incense). In 14'* the prophet sees an angel
come out from the altar, the spirit or genius of fire,
an Iranian conception ; and in 16'' he personifies
the altar itself and makes it proclaim the truth and
justice of God.
Literature. — I. Benzinger, Heb. Arch., Freiburg, 1894, p.
378 f.; VJ. Nowack, Heb. Arch., Freiburfr, 1894, ii. 17 f.;
A. Edersheim, The Temple, Us Ministry and Services, London,
1874; Schurer, HJP, ii. i. 207 f. ; W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem.-\
London, 1894 ; J. Welliiausen, Reste arab. Heidenthums,
Berlin, 1887, p. 101 f. ; A. C. McGiffert, Apostol. Age, Edinb.
1897, p. 36 f.; C. v. Weizsacker, Apostol. Age, 2 vols., London,
1894-95, i. 43 ff. J AMES STRAHAN.
AMBASSADOR. — Although this word occurs
twice (2 Co 520 and Eph G^") in the EV of the NT,
the corresponding Greek noun {wpea-^evTris) occurs
nowhere. Instead, we find the verb irpea^eiju, ' to
be an ambassador,' while the cognate collective
noun (RV 'ambassage') is used in Lk U^'^ 19'*.*
* irpetrPevoi and Trpecr/Sewr^s were the recognized terras in the
Greek East for the Legate of the Roman Empire (Ueissraann,
Light from the Ancient East-, 1911, p. 379). I
In the OT the idea behind the words translated
'ambassador' (generally ?«aZ'aM) is that of going
or being sent, and of this the etymological
equivalent in the NT is not ' ambassador ' but
'apostle' (dirdffToXos, 'one sent forth'); but both
the OT terms and the NT dTrScTToXos have to be
understood in the light of use and context rather
than of derivation. In this way they acquire a
richer content, of which the chief component ideas
are the bearing of a message, the dealing, in a re-
presentative character, with those to whom one is
sent, and the solemn investiture, before starting
out, with a delegated authority sufficient for the
task (cf. Gal P^-n).
The representative character of ambassadorship
is emphasized by the repeated vv^p, ' on behalf of,'
in 2 Co 5^", with the added ' as though God were
intreating by us.' The same preposition (iirep)
occurs in Eph 6-" ; thus irpea^edta is never found
in the NT without it. So also in Lk 14^2 191^ the
context shows that the irpea^eia is representative.
There is no very marked difference between
'ambassador' and 'apostle.' irpea^e^u}, having
vp^a^vs (' aged ') as its stem, does suggest a certain
special dignity and gravity, based on the ancient
idea of the vastly superior wisdom brought by
ripeness of years. Probably, however, St. Paul
was not thinking of age at all, for Trpecr/SetJw had
lived a life of its own long enough to be independ-
ent of its antecedents. His tone of dignity and of
Sride springs not so much from his metaphor as
irect from his vividly realized relation to God :
vTrip is more emphatic than irpea^evo). It is in
exactly the same tone that he claims the title
' aposfle ' (see, e.g.. Gal 1\ 1 Co 9^ 159"") ; cf. Gal
psf.^ where his ' separation to preach ' expresses the
same thought in yet another form. Nevertheless,
his is a humble pride, for only grace has put him
in his lofty position (cf. 1 Co 15*'). Moreover, his
commission is not to lord it over others, but to
' beseech ' them ; nay, God Himself only ' intreats '
(2 Co 5^"). It is He who seeks ' arrangements for
peace' with men (cf. Lk 14^^). On the Trpea-^vrris
of Philem9 (AV and RV 'the aged,' RVm 'an am-
bassador') see art. Aged. C. H. "Watkins.
AMEN. — The lack of a common language has
always been a barrier to the mutual knowledge and
intercourse of the great nations of mankind, all the
more that the days when the educated men of
all European nations were wont to converse in
Latin have long since passed away. To a certain
extent the gulf has been bridged for men of science
by a newly-invented vocabulary of their own, and
a general use of Latin and Greek names for all the
objects of their study. In the world of religion
it still remains a great obstacle to all attempts to
realize a truly catholic and universal Church. The
Latin of the Roman Catholic missal, which seems
so unintelligible to the mass of the worshippers that
a sign language (of ritual) is largely the medium
by which they follow the services when not ab-
sorbed in the reading of devotional manuals in
their own mother tongue, is but a caricature of
such a general medium of interpretative forms of
worship. It is, therefore, a matter of great interest
to study the use of those few words of ancient
origin which have taken root in the religious lan-
guage of so many great Christian nations, and
have come to convey, in all the services where they
are used, the same or a similar meaning. Of these,
perliaps the most familiar are the words 'Amen'
and ' Hallelujah.' Thei^e old Heb. phrases were
taken, of course, from the Bible, where, save in
the case of Luther's edition and the LXX version
of tlie earlier books of the OT, no af tempt has been
made to replace them by foreign equivalents.
They have a deep interest for Christians, not
AMEN
AMEif
merely as a reminder of their essential unity and
their ancient history, and as a recollection of the
debt which we owe to a race so often despised, but
as a reminiscence of the very words which came
from our Lord's own mouth, in the days when He
was sowing the seed of which we are reaping the
fruits.
A brief examination of the history of the word
' Amen ' will be sufficient to prove the meaning
which it had, tlie way in which it acquired this
meaning, and the certainty that it was one of the
very words which fell from the Master and had
for Him a message of rare and unusual signifi-
cance. The original use of the word (derived from
a Heb. root jon, meaning ' steadfast,' and a verb,
' to prop,' akin to Heb. nc^f, ' truth,' Assyr. temenu,
'foundation,' and Eth. amena, 'trust' [Arab, ami-
nun— '^ secure ']) was intended to express certainty.
In the mouth of Benaiah (1 K V^) and Jeremiah
(Jer 28^) it appears as first word in the sentence,
as a strong form of assent to a previous statement.
It was not till after the Exile that it assumed its
far commoner place as the answer, or almost the re-
frain in chorus, to the words of a previous speaker,
and as such took its natural position at the close
of the five divisions of the Psalms. It is uncertain
how far this formed part of the people's response
in the ritual of the Temple, but it is certain that
it acquired a fixed place in the services of the syna-
gogues, where it still forms a common response of
the congregation. This was sometimes altered
later, in opposition to the Christian practice, and
' God Faithful King ' was used instead. The ob-
ject of this use of ' Amen ' was, in Massie's words,
'to adopt as one's own what has just been said'
(HDR i. 80), and it thus finds a fitting place in the
mouth of the people to whom Nehemiah promul-
gated his laws (Neh 5''). To express emphasis,
in accordance with Hebrew practice the word was
often doubled, as in the solemn oath of Nu 5"^ (cf.
Neh 8^). This was further modified by the inser-
tion of * and ' in the first three divisions of the
Psalter. ' Amen ' later became the last word of
the first speaker, either as simple subscription — as
such it stands appended to three of the Psalms
(41, 72, 89), and in many NT Epistles, after both
doxologies (15 times) and benedictions (6 times in
RV) — or as the last word of a prayer (RV only
in Prayer of JSIanasses ; but 2 others in Vulgate,
viz. Neh 13^1, To 13'^). In two old MSS of Tobit
(end), as in some later MSS of the NT, it appears by
itself without a doxology. The later Jews were
accustomed to use ' Amen ' frequently in their
homes {e.g. after grace before meals, etc.), and laid
down precise rules for the ways of enunciating and
pronouncing it. These are found in the Talmudic
tr&ci B^rdkhoth ('Blessings'), and are intended to
guard against irreverence, haste, etc. So great
was the superstition which attached to it that
many of the later Rabbis treated it almost as a
fetish, able to win blessings not only in this life
but in the next ; and one commentator, Eliezer ben
Hyrcanus, went so far as to declare that by its
hearty pronunciation in chorus the godless in
Israel who lay in the penal fires of Gehenna might
one day hope for the opening of their prison gates
and a free entrance into the abode of the blessed,
though Hogg suggests that this sentiment was
extracted from a pun on Is 26^ {Elijahu Zutta, xx. ;
Shab. 1196; Siddtir B. Amrani, 136; cf. Yalk. ii.
296 on Is 26-).
' Amen ' would naturally have passed from the
synagogues to the churches which took their rise
among the synagogue-worshippers, but the Master
Himself gave a new emphasis to its value for Chris-
tians by the example of His own practice. In this,
as in all else. He was no slavish imitator of con-
temporary Rabbis. He spoke ' as having authority
and not as the scribes' (Mk l^), and in this capa-
city it is not surprising that He found a new use
for the word of emphasis, which neither His pre-
decessors nor His followers have ventured to imi-
tate, though the title applied to Him in Rev Z^^ is
founded upon His own chosen practice. In His
mouth, by the common evidence of all the Gospels
(77 times), the word is used to introduce His own
words and clothe them with solemn affirmation.
He plainly expressed His dislike for oaths (Mt 5**),
and in Dalman's view ( Words of Jesus, 229)— and
no one is better qualified to speak on the subject
— He found here the word He needed to give the
assurance which usually came from an oath. But
in doing this ' He was really making good the word,
not the word Him,' and it is therefore natural that
no other man has ever ventured to foUowHis custom.
That it was His habitual way of speaking is doubly
plain from a comparison of all four Gospels, even
though St. Luke, who wrote for men unacquainted
with Hebrew, has sought where possible to replace
the word by a Greek equivalent (dXij^ws, etc.). St.
John has always doubled the word, probably for
emphasis, since Delitzsch's explanation from a
word Nroj<= ' I say ' is shown by Dalman (p. 227 f.)
to be wrong and based on a purely Babylonian
practice.
The rest of the NT presents examples of all the
older uses of the phrase, though the earliest is
found only in the Jewish Apocalypse (Rev 7^^ 19'*)
which has probably been worked up into the Chris-
tian Book of ' Revelation,' and in one passage
(22^") christianized from it. Here it is perhaps a
conscious archaic form, brought in to add to the
mysterious language of the vision, which may
originally, like the Book of Enoch or Noah, have
been ascribed to some earlier seer. The language
of St. Paul in 1 Co 14'^ shows that the synagogue
practice of saying ' Amen ' as a response early be-
came habitual among the worshippers of ' the
Nazarene,' even if we had not been led to infer
this by the growing reluctance of the Jews to em-
phasize this feature of their service. The use
(? Jewish) in Rev 5" corresponds with this custom
(cf. Ps 106''^). It is plain that the complete absence
of the word in Acts — itself a link with the Third
Gospel — must be ascribed to the peculiar style and
attitude of the author, and not at all to the actual
practice in the churches.
Twice in the NT (2 Co l^". Rev 31^) the word
' Amen ' is used as a noun implying the ' Faithful
God,' but it is hard to tell whether this is to be
understood as a play on words based on Is 65^^
(n^^, 'truth,' being read as jcx, 'Amen'), or
whether it is connected with the manner in Avhich
the Master employed the phrase as guaranteed by
His own authority and absolute ' faithfulness.'
The Church of the Fathers made much of the
word ' Amen ' in all its OT uses, and introduced it
into their services, not only after blessings, hymns,
etc. (cf. Euseb. iv. 15, vii. 9), but after the reception
of the Sacrament — a custom to which Justin refers
in his [the earliest] account of the manner in
which this service was conducted {Apol. i. 64, 66).
This is confirmed by Ambrose. The practice is
still in vogue in the Eastern Church, was adopted
in the Scottish Liturgy of 1637, and dropped only
in the 6th cent, by the Western Church. Some-
times the 'Amen' was even repeated after the
lesson had been read. From the Jews and the
Christians it passed over to the Muhammadan
ritual, where it is still repeated after the first two
siiras of the Qur'an, even though its meaning is
wholly misunderstood by the Muslim imams who
guess at various impossible explanations. In the
Book of Common Prayer it appears in various
forms — as the end of the priest's prayer, as the
response of the people, or as the unanimous assent
L
54
AMETHYST
ANANIAS
of both priest and people. Curiously enough,
among Presbyterians it is said by the minister
only. One relic of the Gospel language is retained
in the Bishops' Oath of Supremacy, which com-
mences almost in the style of one of Christ's
famous declarations. In legal terminology the
term has been introduced to strengthen affirmation,
and formed an item in the ' style ' of proclamations
until the 16th century. Hogg notes that in Eng-
lish, as in Syriac, it has come to mean ' consent,'
and has been enabled thus to acquire the sense of
'the very last,' even though it commenced its
career as first word in the sentence.
The foregoing remarks may enable the reader
to judge of the strange changes to which the mean-
ing of this word has been subjected, the important
part it has played, and the historical interest which
attaches to its every echo.
LiTERATFRE.— The artt. in EDB, DCG, EBi, and JE; G.
Dalman, The Words of Jesus, Eng. tr., Edinb. 1902, p. 226 ff. ;
H. W. Hog-gr, in JQR ix. [1896] 1-23; OxJ. Heb. Lex., s.v.
JDK; Grimm-Thayer, s.v. i/iijv; artt. in ExpT viii. [1897] 190,
by Nestle, and xiii. [1902] 663, by Jannaris.
L. St. Alban Wells.
AMETHYST {anidvuTo^, Kev 212»).— A variety
of quartz of rock-crystal, of purple or bluish violet
colour. Derived from d, 'not,' snxd. ixedixTKeiv, 'to
intoxicate,' it Avas regarded as a charm against the
effects of wine. Quaffed from a cup of amethyst,
or by a reveller wearing an amulet of that sub-
stance, the vine-juice could not intoxicate. This
vra^ doubtless a case of sympathetic magic, wine
being amethystine in colour. In the LXX (Ex 28'*,
etc.) ' amethyst ' stands for ahldmdh, a stone which
was regarded as a charm against bad dreams. The
amethyst was used as a gem-stone by the ancient
Egyptians, and largely employed in classical an-
tiquity for intaglios. Naturally it was often en-
graved with Bacchanalian subjects. Being com-
paratively abundant, it is inferior in price to true
gems, and is not to be confounded with the oriental
amethyst, a variety of corundum, or sapphire of
amethystine tint, which is a very valuable gem of
great brilliancy and beauty. James Strahan.
AMOMUM (&fiu3ixov, perhaps from Arab, hamma,
' heat'). — An aromatic balsam used as an unguent
for the hair, made from tlie seeds of an eastern
plant which has not been identified with certainty.
Josephus (Ant. XX. ii. 2) speaks of Harran as 'a
soil which bare amomum in plenty,' and Vergil
[Eel. iv. 25) predicts that in the Golden Age
'Assyrium vulgo nascetur amomum.' The word
came to be used generally for any pure and sweet
odour. In Rev 18^^ AV (with B ii'^) omits the word ;
RV (Avith K *AC) accepts it and translates 'spice'
(RVm 'Gr. amomum'). The term is now applied
to a genus of aromatic plants, some sjiecies of which
yield cardamoms and grains of paradise.
James Strahan.
AMPHIPOLIS CAM^iTToXts). — This Macedonian
city played an important part in early Greek
history. Occupying an eminence on the left bank
of the Strymon, just below the egress of the river
from Lake Cercinitis, 3 miles from the Strymonic
Gulf, it commanded the entrance to a pass leading
through the mountains into the great Macedonian
plains. It was almost encircled by the river,
whence its name ' Amphi-polis.'
Thucydides (i. 100) says that the Athenians
' sent 10,000 settlers of their own citizens and the
allies to the Strymon, to colonize what was then
called the "Nine Ways" ('Ei'i'^a oM), but now
Amphipolis.' It was the jewel of their empire,
but they lost it in 422 B.C., and never recovered
it. It was under the Macedonian kings from 360
till the Roman conquest of the country in 167 B.C.
The Romans made it a free city and the capital of
the first of four districts into which they divided
Macedonia. It lay on the Via Egnatia, which
connected Dyrrachium with the Hellespont. From
Philippi it was 32 miles to the south-west, and
' this was one of the most beautiful day's journeys
Paul ever experienced ' (Renan, Saint Paul, Eng.
tr., p. 91). The Apostle and his fellow-travellers
evidently remained in Amphipolis over night, and
next day went on to Apollonia (Ac 11^). It is now
represented by Neochori.
Literature.— W. M. Leake, Northern Greece, London, 1835,
iii. 181 f. ; G. Grote, Hist, of Greece, new ed., do. 1870, iii. 284 fl. ;
Conybeare-Howson, St. Paul, do. 1872, i. 374 ff.
James Strahan.
AMPLIATUS ('AMTrXtaroj [Ro 168 K ABFG], a com-
mon Lat. name of which AV Amplias ['A/UTrX/aj,
DELP] is a contraction). — Saluted by St. Paul and
described as ' my beloved in the Lord ' (rbv dyairrjToi'
fiou iv Kvplip). The only other persons described in
Ro 16 as 'my beloved' are Epsenetus (v.^) and
Stachys (v.*). A woman is saluted — perhaps with
intentional delicacy — as ' Persis the beloved ' (v.^).
The precise phrase * my beloved in the Lord ' does
not occur again in the NT. The special term of
Christian endearment might suggest that Ampli-
atus was a personal convert of St. Paul's or closely
associated with him in Christian work. Such
friends, however, are referred to as ' beloved child '
(Timothy, 1 Co 4"), ' beloved brother ' (Tychicus,
Ephe^'), ' beloved fellow-servant' (Epaphras, Col 1'),
etc. (cf . art. BELOVED). Nothing whatever is known
of Arapliatus beyond this reference.
Assuming the integrity of the Epistle and the
Roman destination of these salutations, he was
perhaps a Roman, whom St. Paul had met on one
of his missionary journeys, and who was known by
the Apostle at the time of writing to be residing
in or visiting Rome. It is interesting to find the
name Ampliatus several times in inscriptions be-
longing to the Imperial familia or household (see
Lightfoot, Philippians*, 1878, p. 174, and Sanday-
Headlam, Romans^, 1902, p. 424). Sanday-Headlam
also refer to a Christian inscription in the catacomb
of Domitilla belonging to the end of the 1st or
beginning of the 2nd cent, in which the name
occurs, possibly as that of a slave or freedman
prominent in the Church. If the view be held
that the salutations in Ro 16 were part of a letter
to the Church of Ephesus, Ampliatus must have
been a Roman, resident in Ephesus, with whom
St. Paul became acquainted during his long stay
in that city. It is possible that he was a Jew
who had taken a Latin name (cf. the names Paulus,
and Lucius a 'kinsman,' i.e. a Jew, Ro 16^^).
T. B. Allworthy.
ANANIAS (Gr. 'kvavlas; Heb. Jjn, ' Jahweh is
gracious '). — A very common name in later Jewish
times, corresponding to Hananiah or Hanani of the
OT. We find it occurring frequently in the post-
exilic writings and particularly in the Apocrypha.
In the history of the Apostolic Church, we meet
with three persons bearing this name.
1. An early convert to Christianity, best known
as the husband of Sapphira (Ac 5^"*). Along with
his wife, Ananias was carried into the early Church
on the wave of enthusiasm which began on the
day of Pentecost, but they were utterly devoid of
any understanding or appreciation of the new
religion they professed. In this period of early
zeal many of the Christians sold their lands and
handed the proceeds to the community of be-
lievers (cf. Barnabas, Community of Goods).
Ananias and his wife, wishing to share in the
approbation accorded to such acts of generosity,
sold their land and handed part of the price to the
community, pretending that they had sacrificed
all. When St. Peter rebuked the male offender
for his duplicity, Ananias fell down dead, and was
AIS'AjS'IAS
AI^ATHEIMA
55
carried out for burial ; his wife also came in and
was overtaken by the same fate. The narrative
does not indicate that the two were punislied
because they liad in any way violated a rule of
communism which they had professed to accept.
The words of St. Peter, ' Whiles it remained, did
it not remain thine own, and after it was sold, was
it not in thine own power ? ' (Ac 5'*) at once dispose
of any view of the incident which would regard
communism as compulsory in the early Church.
The sin for which Ananias and Sapphira were
punished is described as 'lying unto God' (v.^).
It was, says Knowling, ' much more than mere
hypocrisy, much more than fraud, pride or greed —
hateful as these sins are — the power and presence
of the Holy Spirit had been manifested in the
Church, and Ananias had sinned not only against
human brotherhood, but against the Divine light
and leading which had made that brotherhood
possible. . . . The action of Ananias and Sapphira
was hypocrisy of the worst kind,' an attempt to
deceive not only men but God Himself. Most
critics admit the historicity of the incident [e.g.
Baur, Weizsacker, Holtzmann, Spitta), while it is
undoubted that in the narrative the cause of death
is traced to the will and intention of St. Peter,
and cannot be regarded as a chance occurrence or
the efi'ect of a sudden shock brought about by the
discovery of their guilt. Much has been written
on the need in the infant Church of such a solemn
warning against a type of hypocrisy which, had
it become prevalent, would have rendered the
existence of the Christian community impossible.
Literature.— F. C. Baur, Pavliis, Leipzig:, 1866, 1. 28 ff. ;
A. Neander, Planting of Chrislianity, ed. Botin, i. [18S0] 27 fif. ;
C. V. Weizsacker, Apostol. Age, 1. [1894] 24 ; R. J. Knowling-,
EGT, ' Acts,' 1900, in loco ; Comm. of Meyer, Zeller, Holtz-
mann, Spitta.
2. A Christian disciple who dwelt in Damascus,
and to whom Christ appeared in a vision telling
him to go to Saul of Tarsus, who was praying and
had seen in a vision a man named Ananias coming
in and laying his hands on him that he might
receive his sight (Ac Q^"""). On liearing this com-
mand, Ananias, knowing the reputation of Saul
as a persecutor, expressed reluctance, but was
assured that the persecutor was a chosen messenger
of Christ to bear His name to the Gentiles and
kings and the children of Israel. Thus encouraged,
Ananias went and laid his hands on Saul, who
received his sight and was baptized. In his speech
before the multitude at Jerusalem (Ac 22^-"!") St.
Paul describes Ananias as ' devout according to
the law,' and as one ' to whom witness was borne
by all that dwelt ' at Damascus.
Later tradition has much to say regarding Ananias. He is
represented as one of the ' Seventy,' and it is possible he may
have been a personal disciple of Jesus. He is also described as
bishop of Damascus, and reported to have met a violent death,
slain by the sword of Pol, the general of Aretas, according to
one authority (Book of the Bee, by Solomon of Basra [1222],
eh. xxix., ed. Wallis Budge), or, according to another (see Acta
Sanctorum, Jan. 25 [new ed. p. 227]), stoned to death after
undergoing torture at the hand of Luoian, prefect of Damascus.
His name stands in the Roman and Armenian Martyrologies,
and he is commemorated in the Abyssinian Calendar.
3. The high priest who accused St. Paul before
Claudius Lysias in Jerusalem (Ac 2.S'^-), and who
afterwards appeared among the Apostle's enemies
before Felix at Caesarea (Ac 241''''), He is not
to be identified or confused with Annas (q.v.)
of Ac 4«, Lk 32, or Jn IS^^. He was the son of
Nedebaeus, and is regarded by Schiirer {GJV*ii.
272) as the twenty-first high priest in the Roman-
Herodian period. He retained his office, to which
he had been appointed by Herod of Chalcis, for
about twelve years (A.D. 47-59). During the time
of his administration, bitter quarrels broke out
between the Jews and the Samaritans, which led
to a massacre of some Galilajans by Samaritans
and to the plundering of Samaritan villages by
Jews. Ananias was summoned to Rome and tried
for complicity in these disturbances, but, at the
instigation of Agrippa the younger, was restored
to office. He ruled in Jerusalem with all the
arbitrariness of an Oriental despot, and his violence
and rapacity are noted by Josephus (Ant. XX. ix.
2), while his personal wealth made him a man of
consideration even after he was deprived of his
office. He did not scruple to make frequent use
of assassins to carry out his policy in Jerusalem,
and his Roman sympathies made him an object of
intense hatred to the national party. When the
war broke out in A.D. 66, he was dragged from his
place of concealment in an aqueduct and murdered
by the assassins whom he had used as tools in the
days of his power (Josephus, BJ IL xvii. 9).
LirERATURE. — Josephus, Ant. xx. ix. 2, BJ n. xvii. 9 ; E.
Schiirer, GJ V* ii. [1907] 256, 272, 274.
W. F. Boyd.
ANATHEMA.— The transliteration of a Gr. word
which is used in the LXX to represent the Heb.
herem, 'a person or thing devoted or set apart,
under religious sanctions, for destruction ' (Lv
2728. 29^ Jqs gi7)_ j^ jg capable of use in the good
sense of an offering to God, but was gradually
confined to the sense of ' accursed,' which is the
rendering adopted in AV in all NT passages except
1 Co 16^^. Around the Heb. term there gathered
in course of time an elaborate system of excom-
munication, with penalties varying both in amount
and in duration, the purpose being sometimes
remedial of the ofi'ender and sometimes protective
of the community ; but these developments are
mainly later than our period. They may liave
suggested lines on which a system of official
discipline in the Christian Church was afterwards
constructed, but it would be an anachronism to
read them into the simpler thoughts of the aposto-
lic literature. In patristic times the word de-
noted some ecclesiastical censure or form of
punishment, for which a precedent may have been
sought in the teaching or practice of St. Paul.
To the Apostle, the OT allusion would be predomin-
ant, and his cldef, if not his only, thought would
be that of a hopeless spiritual condition, from
which emergence could be efi'ected, if at all, only
with extreme difficulty and by special forbearance
on the part of God.
In the Pauline Epistles the word 'anathema'
occurs four times, once in reference to the Apostle
himself, and on the other occasions in reference
to the maltreatment of his Lord.
1. The personal passage is Ro 9^ where there
is no serious difficulty to those who do not look
for strict reasoning in the language of the heart.
St. Paul has just expressed (8^^*) his belief that
nothing conceivable could separate him from the
love of God ; and now, in his yearning over his
fellow-countrymen, he announces that for their
sakes he would be willing, if it were possible,
to be even hopelessly separated from Christ.
Clearly 'anathema' need not, and does not here,
carry any sense of formal excommunication ; it
denotes a spiritual condition of which the two
features are exclusion from the redemption in
Christ and permanent hopelessness.
2. Greater difficulty attaches to Gal 1^, where
the Apostle, again under strong emotion, impre-
cates anathema upon others. The case he imagines
is one that would warrant extreme indignation,
though the language is that of justifiable passion
and not to be interpreted literally. St. Paul
would be the last of Christian teachers to with-
draw all hope from a man, and it is possible that
in this case he thought of anathema as being
remedial and temporary. He was the bond-
servant of Christ, and as such he resented entirelj
56
a:n"athema
ANCHOR
any conduct or teaching that dishonoured his
Lord. That such teaching reflected also on him-
self would be a matter of little consequence ; but
Clirist was sacred to him, and the preacher of
another gospel, whether one of his own colleagues
or even ' an angel from heaven,' was not to be
tolerated. His teaching made and proved him a
person set apart for destruction ; but whether
that destruction was final or only corrective would
depend upon the man's impenitence or reform.
Free association with him would be no longer
possible, and to that extent the beginnings of a
system of discipline may be traced in the phrase,
as in 1 Ti 1-'" and 1 Co 5*, where the ultimate
restoration of the man is distinctly in view. But
the reference to 'an angel from heaven' is suffi-
cient to prove that ecclesiastical censure, carry-
ing finality with it, was not the main thought.
3. and i. Twice in 1 Cor. the word ' anathema '
occurs in the course of the sharp conflict excited
by the extreme party among converted proselytes
to Judaism ; and the great idea is that everything
in the religion of a professed Christian is deter-
mined by his real relationship to Christ. Over
against the party of which the watchword was
'Jesus is Lord,' was a party whose irreligion was
manifested by their cry ' Jesus is anathema '
(1 Co 12^). They were in a sense within the
Christian community, and conscious therefore of
certain obligations to Christ ; but they were so
provoked by the attempt to set Jesus on the same
level with the supreme God, and by the apparently
absolute incompatibility of that belief with their
fundamental conviction of the unity of God, that
they were prepared to renounce Jesus and even to
denounce Him rather than to confess His Godhead
and submit to His claims. Or, introduced into
the Church from some form of paganism, they had
been so familiar with the evil inspiration that
swept them along to the worship of 'dumb idols'
(12-) as to be disposed to plead inspiration for any
tongues or doctrines of their own, to whatever
extent Jesus was degraded therein. In response
St. Paul sets up the great antithesis between real
inspiration and counterfeit. The Spirit of God is
the author of any confession that Jesus is Lord ;
ecstasy or even demoniac possession may be pleaded
for the assertion that Jesus for His teaching is
destined to Divine destruction, but never the
breath of the Holy Spirit. Between those two
extremes there are many halting-places, and the
insecurity of each of them is in proportion to its
remoteness from the confession of Jesus Christ as
Lord. So much is the Apostle affected by this
dishonour done to his Lord, that it recurs to his
memory as the Epistle is being closed, and suggests
the footnote of 1 Co 16^. He adopts the word
used by the men of whom he was thinking, and
condenses his indignation into a curt dismissal,
' If any one loveth not the Lord, let him be
anathema. Maran atha.' In such a place again
the word cannot denote official ecclesiastical cen-
sure. It is really an antithesis to the prayer for
grace in Eph 6-^ the handing over of the unloving
man to Satan, the refusal to have anything more
to do with him until at least some signs of a
newborn love for Christ are given.
As to the addition of Maran atha, both the
meaning of the words and their relation to the
context have been subjects of controversy. For a
discussion of the Aramaic phrase, with related
questions, see HDB iii. 241 ff. It is either an
assertion, ' Our Lord cometh' (so RVm), or, more
probably, an ejaculatory prayer, ' O Lord, come,'
with parallels in Ph 4*, 1 P 4^ Rev 222o, devotional
rather than minatory in its character and inten-
tion. If it be taken as an assertion, it may mean,
' Let those who do not love the Lord fear and be
quick to amend, for He is at hand in triumph,'
though the expected Parousia is not a recurring
feature of the Epistle. Or the idea may be, ' The
Lord is coming soon, and there is no need to trouble
further with these men, for with greater wisdom
thought may be given to Him.' But the term is
better detached entirely from the reference to
anathema, and considered simply as a little prayer,
in which the normal yearning of the Apostle
expresses itself, before he closes a letter or group
of letters, in the writing of which his pastoral
heart must have been pained again and again.
The sudden way in which the expression is intro-
duced suggests that it had already become a
popular form of something like greeting in common
use among the disciples, and had supplanted the
earlier ' The Lord is risen,' unless both were
used, the one on meeting and the other on parting.
That would explain the absence of any attempt to
translate it from the vernacular, and is confirmed
by the usage of the next generation ; cf . Didache,
X. 6, where also the word follows a warning ; and
Apost. Constitutions, vii. 26, where any thought
of enforcing a penalty is rendered impossible by
the jubilant tone of the section.
In course of time ' anathema ' came to mean
excommunication, for which sanction was found
in the Pauline use of the word, which again was
carried back to our Saviour's teaching (Mt 18").
Such men as are referred to in 1 Co 16^ Avould of
necessity find themselves excluded from associa-
tion with disciples, and rules for their treatment
were prescribed (1 Co S^, Tit 3i», 2 Jn"*-"), and
eventually expanded in great detail. But, while
this kind of ostracism was a natural accompani-
ment of anathema from the beginning, the word
itself implied a certain relation to God, a spiritual
condition with which God alone could deal, and
with which He would deal finally or remedially.
Execration and not official discipline is the dominant
idea, with the censure of the Church as a corollary.
See also artt. Discipline, Excommunication.
LrrERATiTRE. — See artt. ' Curse,' ' Excommunication," ' Mara-
natha,' in HDB ; Grimm-Thayer and Cremer, s.v. ayaSe/na ;
and the NT Comm. on the passages cited.
K. W. Moss.
ANCHOR (figurative).*— In He 6'9 the writer
describes the hope set before the Christian, to
which he has just referred in the preceding verse,
as ' an anchor of the soul.' The use of an anchor
as a figure of hope was not new, for it is found in
pre-Christian Greek and Latin authors, and an
anchor appears on ancient pagan medals as an
emblem of hope. The figure would naturally
suggest itself to any one who reflected on the
nature and power of the faculty of hope. For it
is of the essence of hope to reach into the future
and lay hold of an invisible object, as an anchor
drops into the sea and catches hold of the unseen
bottom. Hope has power to keep the soul from
wavering in times of storm and stress, just as an
anchor by its firm grip keeps the ship from drift-
ing with the winds and tides. But Christian hope
reaching out towards the eternal world is some-
thing much greater than our familiar human hopes
of blessings yet unrealized ; and the use which this
writer made of an anchor to represent the hope of
the Christian soul at once transformed the figure
(as the Catacombs bear witness) into one of the
dearest symbols of the Christian religion.
Simple and beautiful as the figure is, however,
some exegetical difficulties have to be faced in
determining the extent of its application in the
passage. These difficulties are reflected in the
various renderings of AV and 11 V. In the original
the word 'hope' of v.^^ is not repeated in v.^".
Strictly rendered, the verse runs, ' which we have
• For anchor in the literal sense see art. SuiP.
A^DEOI^ICUS
ANGELS
01
as an anchor of the soul both sure and stedtast
and entering into that within the veil' — a state-
ment which has been understood in two different
ways. AV, by supplying ' hope ' at the beginning
of the verse, makes ' sure and stedfast ' apply to
the anchor, and by introducing a comma at this
point leaves it doubtful whether the anchor is also
to be thought of as entering within the veil. RV,
by inserting ' a hope ' immediatelj' after ' soul,'
limits the figure to a declaration that hope is an
anchor of the soul, and makes the three epithets
'sure,' 'stedfast,' and 'entering' apply to hope
itself and not to its symbol the anchor. The most
obvious construction of the Gr. vindicates RV in
making the three epithets hang together as all
relating to one subject. On the other hand, AV
is so far supported by the fact that aa(pa\7j and
iSepalav (lit. 'not failing' and 'firm') suggest that
the idea of an anchor was immediately in the
writer's mind. It is probably right, therefore, to
conclude that he means to say that the anchor is
sure, steadfast, and entering into that which is
\\dthin the veil, viz. the Holy of Holies. This is
really a mixture of metaphors — the metaphor of
an anchor entering into the unseen world to which
Christian hope clings, and another metaphor by
which the Holy of Holies becomes a type of that
world unseen. But, in view of what the writer
says at a later stage about the Most Holy Place
with its ark of the covenant and cherubim of glory
overshadowing the mercy-seat (9^-) as a pattern of
heaven itself where Christ appears before God on
oar behalf (v.^), the figurative faultiness of the
language is more than atoned for by its rich
suggestiveness as to the Christian's grounds of
hope with regard to the world to come. It is the
appearance of our great High Priest ' before the
face of God for us,' he means to say, that is the
ultimate foundation of the Christian hope. Cf.
John Knox on his death-bed calling to his wife,
' Go read where I cast my first anchor ! ' with
reference to our Lord's intercessory prayer in Jn 17.
Cf. also his answer, when they asKed him at the
very end, ' Have you hope ? ' ' He lifted his finger,
"pointed upwards with his finger," and so died'
(Carlyle, Heroes, 1872, p. 140).
LiTERATUEE. — The Comm. on Hebrews, esp. A. B. David-
son's ; Expotitor, 3rd ser. x. 45 fl. J. C L AMBEET.
ANDRONICUS (AvSpoviKo^, a Greek name).—
Saluted by St. Paul in Ro 16^ his name being
coupled with that of Junias or Junia.* (1) The
pair are described as ' my kinsmen ' (toi)s (r\r/yeveis
,aov), by which may be meant fellow-Jews (Ro 9'),
possibly members of the same tribe, almost cer-
tainly not relatives. This last interpretation has
given rise to one of the difficulties felt in deciding
the destination of these salutations. Another
'kinsman' saluted is Herodion (v.^^), and saluta-
tions are sent from three 'kinsmen' in v.^i. The
only relative of St. Paul known to us is a nephew
(Ac 2316).
(2) Andronicus and Junia(s) are also described
as ' my fellow-prisoners ' (ffvvaLx/J.a\drrovs fJ.ov, lit.
' prisoners of war '). The meaning may be that
they had actually shared imprisonment with St.
Paul (the only imprisonment up to this time known
to us was the short confinement at PhUippi [Ac
16^, but see 2 Co ll^s]). Possibly they may not
have suffered imprisonment with the Apostle at
the same time and place ; but, as enduring persecu-
tion for Christ's sake, they were in that sense
' fellow-prisoners.' The only other mention of
' fellow-prisoner ' is in a description of Aristarchus
(Col 4'") and Epaphras (Philem ^). The meaning in
these cases is evidently literal, both sharing the
* It is impossible, as thus name occurs in the accus. case, to
determine whether it is mascuUne or feminine. See art. Juxias.
Apostle's captivity at Rome, whether compulsorily
or voluntarily.
(3) The pair are further described as ' of note
among the apostles' {iivLa-qixoi iv tois dTrotrroXots).
Two interpretations of this phrase are possible :
(a) well-known and honoured by the apostles, (6)
notable or distingiiished as apostles. The latter,
although a remarkable expression (and all the more
so if the second name is that of a woman), is probably
to be preferred. This makes Andronicus and
Junia(s) apostles in the wider sense of delegated
missionaries (see Lightfoot, Gal.^, 1876, p. 92 fl'. and
note on p. 96).
(4) Lastly, Andronicus and Junia(s) are said to
have been ' in Christ before me ' (ol /cat vp6 i/xov
yeyovav ev Xpi(rT<^), i.e. they had become Christians
before the conversion of Saul. Seniority of faith
was of importance in the Apostolic Church. It
brought honour, and it may have also brought
responsibility and obligation to serve on behalf of
the community (cf. Clement, Ep. 42 ; and see 1 Co
le^^*- ; also art. Ep^NETUS). Note the prominence
given to JMnason (q.v.) as an 'early' or 'original'
disciple in Ac 2V^.
The name Andronicus occurs in inscriptions be-
longing to the Imperial household (see Sanday-
Headlam, Romans^, 1902, p. 422).
T. B. Allworthy.
ANGELS.— 1. The scope of this article.— The
passages in the apostolic wTitings in which angels
are mentioned or referred to will be examined ;
some of them are ambiguous and have been inter-
preted in various ways. The doctrine of the OT and
of the apocryphal period on the subject has been
so fully dealt with in HDB that it is unnecessary
to do more than refer incidentally to it here ; and
the angelology of the Gospels has been treated at
length in DCG (see Literature below). But the
other NT writings have not been so fully examined,
and it is the object of this article to consider them
particularly. Of these the Apocalypse, as might
be expected from the subject, calls for special
attention ; no book of the OT or the NT is so full of
references to the angels, and it is the more remark-
able that the other Johannine writings have so few.
The Fourth Gospel refers to angels only thrice
(1" 1229 2012 ; 5'! is a gloss [see below, 5 (6)]), and the
three Epistles not at all. There are frequent refer-
ences to the subject in Hebrews, and occasional
ones in the Pauline and Petrine Epistles and in
Jude.
2. The liteFal meaning of S.yyi\o%.—S.Yf^\oi=
' messenger,' is found only once in the NT outside
the Gospels : in Ja 2^, it is used of Joshua's spies
(in Jos 6^* [LXX], which is referred to, we read
Toi/s KaraffKoirevaavTas oOs d.ir^(XT€i\ev'lT]aovs). In the
Gospels dyyeXos is used of John Baptist in Mt
1110, Mk 1", Lk 727 (from Mai 31 but not from LXX,
which, however, also has dyyeXos), of John's mes-
sengers in Lk 72'*, and of Jesus' messengers to a
Samaritan village in Lk 9^2. In Ph 2^, 2 Co 8^3
dTrdcTToXos is translated 'messenger.'
3. The angels as heavenly beings. — From the
earliest times the Israelites had been taught to
believe in angels, but after the Captivity the doc-
trine greatly developed. Yet some of the Jews
rejected all belief in them, and this sharply divided
the Pharisees from the Sadducees, who said ' that
there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit' ;
the Pharisees confessed both (Ac 23"^).
Angels are creatures, as the Jews had always
taught (Thackeray, Belation of St. Paul to Jewish
Thought, p. 150). They were created in, through,
and unto Christ (Col l^^), who is the beginning as
well as the end of all things (cf. 1 Co 8^). They are
not inferior deities, but fellow-servants [cvvoovKoi)
with man (Rev 191" 22^). Therefore they may not
be worshipped [ib.) j the worship of angels was
5«
ANGELS
AA'GELS
one of the grave errors at Colossae (Col 2'*). So
idolatry is described as a worshipping of demons
(Rev 9-").
Much emphasis is laid, lest it should be thought
that angels were of the same degree as our Lord,
on the fact that Jesus is immeasurably higher than
they ; as in He 1*^- (no angel is called ' the Son ' ;
angels worship the Firstborn), 1'^ (no angel set at
the right hand of God), 2^ (the world to come is not
made subject to angels, but to man — v.*^- shows
that the Representative Man is meant, who con-
descended to be, in His Incarnation, made a little
lower than tiie angels). In I P 3-"^ ' angels and
authorities and powers' are made subject to the
ascended Christ ; and so in Eph 1-'. In Col 2'^
(an obscure verse), we may understand either that
our Lord, putting off His bodj', made a show of
the principalities and the powers, triumphing over
them in the cross (so the Latin Fathers) ; or, with
the Greeks, that He, having stripped off and put
away the principalities, made a show of them, etc.
— i.e. that He repelled their assaults. Here the evil
angels are spoken of. But the complete subjection
of the poweis of evil to Jesus will not take place
till the end of the world (1 Co 15-^^-).
Angels are spirits (He !''• ^*); of. Rev 16^*, ' spirits
of demons.' In Ac 23*^- they seem to be dilleren-
tiated from 'spirits' ('no resurrection, neither
angel, nor spirit . . . what if a spirit hath spoken
to him or an angel?'). But this is not so. The
' angel ' is the species, the ' spirit ' the genus
(Alford). All angels are spirits, though all spirits
are not angels. In v.* the Pharisees are said to
confess ' both,' i.e. both the resurrection and angel-
spirits ; only two categories are intended. We
must also remember that in v.* non-Christian Jews
are speaking.
But, though they are spirits, angels are not
omnipresent or omniscient, for these are attributes
of Deity. For their limited knowledge cf. Eph 3'o
(whether good or bad angels are there spoken of) ;
it is implied in 1 P 1'^ (the angels desire to look
into the mysteries of the gospel) and in 1 Co 2^^-,
if ' rulers of this world ' are the evil angels (see
Demon). It is explicitly stated in Mt 24^, Mk IS^l
The limitation of the angels' knowledge is also
stated in Ethiopia Enoch, xvi. 3 (2nd cent. B.C. ?),
where the angels who fell in Gn 6* (so • sons of God '
are interpreted) are said not to have had the hidden
things yet revealed to them, though they knew
worthless niysteries, which they recounted to the
women (ed. Charles, 1893, p. 86 f. ). In the Secrets of
Enoch (Slavonic), xxiv. 3 (1st cent. A.D. ?), God says
that He had not told His secrets even to His angels.
Ignatius says that the virginity and child-bearing
of Mary and the death of the Lord were hidden
from {iXadev) the ruler of this age (Eph. 19 ; for this
idea in the Fathers see Lightfoot's note).
The good angels are angels of light, as opposed
to the powers of darkness (2 Co 11''* ; ct. Eph 6'-) ;
so, when the angel came to St. Peter in the prison,
a light shone in the cell (Ac 12^). The name
' seraph ' perhaps means ' the burning one,' though
the etymology is doubtful ; ef. also Ps 104^
They neither marry nor are given in marriage ;
and so in the resurrection life tliere is no marrying,
for men will be ' as angels in heaven ' (Mt 22^",
Mk 12-*), 'equal to angels' [ladYyeXoi., Lk 20^^).
Some have thought that tiiey have a sort of counter-
part of bodies, described in 1 Co 15'"' as ' celestial
bodies' (Meyer, Alford), though this is perhaps im-
probable ; St. Paul's words may refer to tlie
' heavenly bodies' in the modern sense (Robertson-
Plummer), or to the post-resurrection human
bodies (cf. v,*) ; not to good men as opposed to bad
(Clirysostom and others of the Fathers).
They are numberless (Rev 5'' [from Dn 7"],
He 12--, 'myriads'; in the latter passage they are
perhaps described as a 'festal assembly' [RVm,
dyYfXwJ' irav7)yvpei\).
The unfallen angels are holy (Rev 14^", Mk 8^^,
Lk 9-'', and some iSISS of ]\It 2o'*i ; so perhaps
1 Th 3'^ Judei-* [see below, 5(a)]; cf. Zee 14^ 'ail
the holy ones '). Tliis is the meaning of ' elect '
angels in 1 Ti 5'^^ — not angels chosen to guard tiie
Ephesian Church ; they are mentioned here be-
cause they will accompanj'^ our Lord to judgment
or (Grimm) because thej' are chosen by God to rule.
4. Ranks of the angels. — There was a great
tendency in later Jewisli writings to elaborate tlie
angelic hierarchy. In Is 6^ '^ w e had read of sera-
phim ; in Ezk lU of cherubim. But in Eth. Enoch,
Ixi. 10 (these chapters are of the 1st cent. B.C. ?),
the host of the heavens, and all the holy ones
above, the cherubim, seraphim, and ophanim
(rr'wlieels'; cf. Ezk P^), angels of power, angels of
principalities, are mentioned (cf. Ixxi. 7) ; in the
Secrets of Enoch (20) we read of archangels, incor-
poreal powers, lordships, principalities, powers,
cherubim, seraphim, 'ten troops.' Tlie 'gene-
alogies ' of 1 Ti I'* and Tit 3* are thought by some
to refer to such speculations. St. Paul shows some
impatience at the Colossian fondness for elaborat-
ing these divisions ; yet in the NT we find traces of
ranks of angels. In Jude ^ the archangel (jNIiciiael)
is mentioned ; so in 1 Th 4'^ where Michael is
doubtless meant. In Romans, Colossians, and
Ephesians no organized hierarchy is mentioned ;
and sometimes the reference seems to be to the
whole angelic band, sometimes to the evil angels,
when principalities, powers, dominions, thrones are
referred to (Col l'" dp6voi, KvpidrrjTes, dpxal; ^^ovcriai. ;
2'"- '^ ocpXV, iiovala ; Eph 1^^ o-pxh, e^ovaia, dvvafiis,
Kvpidrris ; 3'" 6'^ apxo-i, i^ovcriaL ; Ro 8^ dyyeXoi, apxa-l-,
dwdfieis ; 1 Co 15'-'' dpxv, i^ovcrla, dvi/afxis). In the
passages in Col. and Eph. St. Paul takes the ideas
current in Asia Minor as to the ranks of the angels,
but does not himself enunciate any doctrine ; in-
deed, in Eph P' he adds, ' and every name that is
named [ovo/j.di'eTai, i.e. reverenced] both in this age
and in that which is to come.' Some have thouglit
that he refers to earthly powers ; but, though
these may perhaps in some cases be included, there
can be little doubt that he is speaking primarily of
angelic powers, good and bad. ' Whatever powers
there may be, Christ is Lord of all, far above them
all.' In Eph 3'" only evil angelic powers are re-
ferred to — they are in the heavenly sphere (iv rois
i-rrovpaviois) ; and so in 6^-, where they are contrasted
with ' flesh and blood ' (see also below). With
these passages we may compare 1 P 3-^ ' angels and
authorities and powers'; and possibly 2 P 2'"'-,
where the 'lordship' (RV 'dominion'), 'glories'
('dignities'), and angels are thought by some to
refer to ranks of angels ; if so, the higliest rank is
'angels,' who are 'greater in might and power'
than the 'glories.' The cherubim of the ark
(Ex 25'^) are mentioned in He 9*.
The Christian Fathers and the heretical teachers
greatly elaborated the angelic hierarchy ; of these
perhaps the writer who had most influence was
pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite (de Ccel. Hier.
vi.-ix., c. A.D. 500), who divided the heavenly host
into three divisions, with three subdivisions in
each: (1) thrones, cherubim, seraphim ; (2) powers
(i^ovcrlai), lordships (KvpidrriTes), mights (dwdfieis) ;
(3) angels, archangels, principalities {dpxai). On
the analogy of this list, the Syriac-speaking
Churches divided the Christian ministry into three
classes, each with three sub-classes. P'or other
divisions of angels in post-apostolic times see
Lightfoot's note on Col 1"".
Very few names of angels occur in the NT. Of
the holy angels only Gabriel (Lk 1'*- ^^) and Michael
(Jude », Rev 12^) are named (from Dn 8'« 9-' 10i=*- ^'
1 2' ). We also have the proper names Satan (thirty-
AJ^GELiS
ANGELS
59
one times, nineteen outside the Gospels), Beelzebub
(Gospels only, six times), and Belial or Beliar (2 Co
6^*). See Devil, Belial. In the Apocrypha we
have Raphael in To 12'^ Uriel in 2 Es 4^ 5=0 10-», and
Jeremiel in 2 Es 4^^ (the last book perhaps is to be
dated c. A.D. 90). Many other names are found in
Jewish writings ; see D. Stone, Outlines of Chr.
Dogma, London, 1900, p. 38 ; Edersheim, Life and
Times, App. xiii. ; Eth. Enoch, 20 (Uriel, Kafael,
Raguel, Michael, Saraqael, Gabriel ; the Gr. frag-
ment [Charles, p. 356 f.] has Sariel for Saraqael,
and adds Kemiel [ = Jeremiel]).
5. Function of the angels. — The NT represents
the angels as having a double activity, towards
God and towards man. Both these aspects are
found in He 1'^ (see below), as in Is 6^"'', where the
seraphim worship before God, and one of them is
sent to the prophet, and in Lk 1'*, where Gabriel
is said to stand in the presence of God, and to be
sent to Zacharias.
(a) Toioards God. — The angels are 'liturgic spirits'
(Xetroi'PYtKct irvevixaTa, He 1^* ; cf. Dn 7'" iXeiTOvp-
yovv avTi^ [Theodotion ; the version in our Gr. OT]
for nj?!?.??':, ' ministered unto him' ; the Chigi LXX
has ^depdvevop avrdv) ; their ministry is an ordered
one, before the throne of God : ' the whole host of
His angels . . . minister {XeirovpyoOcriv) unto His
will, standing by Him * (Clem. Rom. Cor. 34 ; cf.
the 4th cent. Ignatian interpolator, Philad. 9, ' the
liturgic powers of God '). They worship God in
heaven (Rev 5"^ 7" S^"* ; cf. Job P 2^), and on
earth (Lk 2'^'-) ; they worship the Firstborn when
He is brought into the world (He 1*), and are
witnesses of the Incarnation (1 Ti 3^® 'seen of
angels' — but Grimm interprets arf/{\ois here as
the apostles, witnesses of the risen Christ, and
Swete tliinks the reference is to the Agony in
Gethsemane [^Ascended Christ, 1910, p. 24]). To this
heavenly worship there seems to be a reference in
1 Co 13^ 'tongues of angels.' In Jewish thought
there were ' angels of the presence,' the highest
order of the hierarchy, who stood before the face
of God, within the veil (Edersheim, Life and Times,
i. 122 ; To 12'5 ; Eth. Enoch, 40). There may be
a reference to these in Rev 1* ' the seven spirits
which are before his throne' (Swete interprets this
of the sevenfold working of the Holy Spirit) ; 8^
' the seven angels which stand before God ' (cf. v.'*) ;
Mt 18"* ' in heaven [the little ones'] angels do always
behold the face of my Father which is in heaven ' ;
and in Lk 1'^ (see above).
They will attend on the Son at the Last Judg-
ment (1 Th 416, 2 Th 1^ Rev 3") ; and this seems to
be the most probable reference in 1 Th 3'^ ' with
all his saints ' (or * holy ones ' — rdv ayiuv aiiroO) and
in Jude " ' with ten thousands of his holy ones' (or
'with his holy myriads,' iv d7t'ats fivpidcrtv ai>roC),
where the words are quoted from Enoch, i. 9, the
text of the latter in the Gizeh Greek fragment
being ffiiv tois {sic) /j.vpLd(Tiv avroO /cat rots 0.7/015 airroO.
The words in Jude are certainly to be understood
of the angels, and this makes the similar interpre-
tation of 1 Th 3'^ more likely. But Milligan (Com.
in loc.) thinks that the latter reference is to 'just
men made perfect,' who are said to judge, or to be
'brought with' Jesus at the Judgment (1 Th 4^^
Mt 19-8, Lk 2230; cf. Wis 38; for 1 Co 6* see 7
below). No doubt the saints will rule with Christ
(Rev 22«- 20^ etc.); but, as all men will them-
selves be judged (Ro 14'", 2 Co 5'"), the interpre-
tation of the above passages as implying that the
saints will themselves be judges at the Last Day
is somewhat doubtful. The attendance of the
angels on the Great Judge is mentioned in all four
Gospels (Mt 13« \&'^ 243i 25«, Mk 8=*8 13^7, Lk 92«
128£-, and Jn P^ [where the reference is to Gn 28^^]).
{b) Toivards man. — The angels do service
{^MKovla) to man as heirs of salvation (He 1^*).
They ministered to our Lord on earth, in His
human nature, after the Temptation in the wilder-
ness (Mt4", Mk P^ not in i| Lk. ), and at Gethsemane
(Lk 22-*2 : this may not be part of the Third Gospel,
but is certainly part of a 1st cent, tradition ; it
could not have been invented by the scribes [see
Westcott-Hort, NT in Greek, ii. App., p. 67]. The
present writer has argued for its being older than
Lk., and retiecting the same stage of thought as
Mk. {DCG ii. 124"]). In Mt 26^ Jesus says that
angels would have ministered to Him, had He so
willed, when Judas betrayed Him.
The angels are spectators of our lives : 1 Co 4^ ' a
spectacle (eiarpov) to angels ' ; 1 Ti 5^' ' in the
sight of God and Christ Jesus and the elect angels ' ;
1 P 1^, the angels 'look into' — 'glance at,' or
jjerhaps 'pore over' (see Bigg, Com. in /oc.)— the
Church and its Gospel ; they rejoice over the
sinner's repentance (Lk 15'").
They are messengers to man. This is the office of
angels which is most prominent in the NT ; see Ac 7^^- ^
(Moses) 8^« (Philip) W- ''• 22- so (Peter, Cornelius) IP^
(Peter) 12^-" (Peter in prison) 23» (Paul) 27"^ (Paul
on his voyage). He 13^ (reference to Abraham, Gn
18), and frequently in Rev. [e.g. 1' 22«). St. Paul
alludes to this work of the angels in Gal P, which
suggests that they must be proved, as spirits must
be (1 Co 12'", 1 Jn 4', etc. ; see Demon, § 2), to see
whether they are true or false, and in Gal 4'*,
where there is a climax : ' as an angel of God,
nay, as one who is higher than the angels, as
Christ Jesus himself.' For this function in the
Gospels see Mt I'-^o 2'»- 1» 282-6, Mk 16»-^ Lk
111. 13. 19. 26. 30. 35 o^- 21 244- 23, Jq 1229 20^2 ; here we
note that the ' angel of the Lord ' in the NT is not
the same as the ' angel of Jahweh ' in the OT : it
merely means an angel sent by God. This office
of the angels does not exclude the Divine message
coming directly to man (Ac 9* 22^ 26", Gal \^%
They are helpers of our worship. They offer the
' prayers of all the saints upon the golden altar '
(Rev %^^-). Their presence at Christian worship is
a reason for decorum and reverence (1 Co 11"*: a
woman should be veiled in the assembly of the
faithful ' because of the angels ' ; this seems to be
the meaning, not ' because of the clergy who are
present,' as Ambrose, Ephraim Syrus, Primasius,
nor ' because of the evil angels,' Avith a reference
to Gn ei*-, as Tertullian [de Virg. Vel. 7 ; cf. 17],
nor yet ' because the angels do so,' i.e. veil them-
selves before their Superior [Is 62] ; see Robertson-
Plummer, Com. in loc.). For the presence of angels
at worship cf. Ps 138^ LXX and Vulg., To l2'2-i6.
Three =".
Th.ej fght for man against evil, under Michael
(Jude», Rev 12"- 19"»- i** 20^-^); they are 'armies'
{(TTpaTevjjuiTa, Rev 19'*) and a ' host ' {arpaTid, Lk 2'^ ;
not in He I222 RV where fivptdaiv is translated
'innumerable hosts'). They are the 'armies ' sent
out by the King in the Parable of the Marriage of
the King's Son (Mt 22').
They were the mediators of the Law (Ac 7^,
Gal 3'", He 22) ; i.e. they assisted at the giving of
the Law. St. Paul and the writer of Hebrews
argue from this the superiority of the Gospel as
being given without the interposition of created
beings (Lightfoot on Gal 3). The presence of
angels is not mentioned in Ex 19, but cf. Dt 332,
Ps 68'' ; it was emphasized by the Jews as extolling
the Law (see Thackeray, op. cit. p. 162), and this
is perhaps the meaning in Ac 7^.
At death the angels carry the faithful departed
to Abraham's bosom (Lk 1622). This was a common
Jewish belief (DCG i. 57").
At the Judgment they will be the reapers of the
harvest (Rev i4''-i9, Mt 133'-'- «).
They are viessengers of punishment (Ac 122*
[Herod], Rev 141"), ^nd of judgment (Rev S^^-
60
AIs^GELS
ANGELS
19"-"; cf. the pouring out of the bowls, 16'"", and
the seven angels having seven plagues, 15'). In
1 Co 10'" the ' destroj^er ' (dXodpevrrjs) is not Satan,
but the angel sent by God to smite the people (the
reference is to Nu 16, where no angel is mentioned ;
but cf. Ex 12-'*, 2 S 24'^). Satan is sometimes
called ' the destroyer ' (aTroWijuy, Rev 9''), but
oXodpevTTis is not used elsewhere in the Bible (see
Robertson-Plummer on 1 Co lU'").
They intervene on earth to help man : an ' angel
of the Lord' releases the apostles (Ac 5'^) and
Peter (12'); and, according to an ancient gloss,
probably African, originating before the time of
Tertullian, who quotes it {de Bapt. 5), ' an angel of
the Lord ' also ' troubled ' the water of Bethesda
(Jn 5*). (Tertullian applies this text to Christian
baptism, over w4iich he says an angel presides.)
Generally, the angels guard men from evil. This
leads us to the question of guardian angels. It is
an ancient idea that each human being, or even
every creature animate and inanimate, has allotted
to it one or more special angelic guards. This
idea is to some extent confirmed by the Avords
of our Lord about the 'angels of the little ones'
in Mt 18'", It was a popular belief that these
guardians took the form of the person guarded,
and the people assembled in the house of Mary the
mother of Mark thought that Peter, when escaped
from prison, was ' his angel' (Ac 12'^). This
Jewish conception was long retained by the Chris-
tians. Tertullian thought that the soul had a
'figure,' a certain corporeity, an 'inner man, difi'er-
ent from the outer, but yet one in the twofold
condition' (de Anima, 9); this is not quite the
same idea, but we find it more clearly in the 4th
cent. Church Order, the Testament of our Lord (i.
40), where all men have ' figures of their souls,
which stand before the Father of Light, ' and which
in the case of the wicked ' perish and are carried
to darkness to dwell.' Similarly there are angels
of fire (Rev W«), of water (l&''«- ; cf, 7"- and Jn
5*), of winds (Rev 7^ ; cf, Ps 104*), of countries
(Dn 10'3-2»; cf. Sir 17") ; and the angel of the abyss,
Abaddon (q.v.) or Apollyon (Rev 9"; cf. 20'). For
Rabbinical ideas see Thackeray, op. cit. p, 168, and
Ederslieim, op. cit. App. xiii.
6. Angels of the Churches.— In Rev l^o 2'-8.i2-i8
31. 7, 14 ^^\^Q Seven Churches are said each to have
an 'angel.' Tliese angels represent the Churches ;
what is said to them is said to the Churches (3-^ ;
cf, I'') ; things done by the Churches are said to be
done by them. Various interpretations have been
ofiered. (a) They are said to be angels as in the
rest of the book. The strongest arguments for
this view are the writer's usage elsewhere, and the
mention of Jezebel {2^^: 'thy wife' in some MSS),
which is clearly symbolic. The difficulty is the
sin ascribed to these angels, as in any case a good
angel must, if this interpretation be taken, be
meant ; if so, the meaning must be that the angels
bear the sins of the Churches as representing and
guarding them, {b) They are thought to be earthly
representatives of the Churches, either delegates
to Patmos or the bishops or presbyters of the
Churches. This view accords better with the later
than with the earlier date assigned to Rev., with
the time of Domitian than with that of Nero,
(c) They are thought to be ideal personifications
of the Churches. On tlie whole the first view
seems to be the most proliable. Compare and con-
trast the following article.
7. Fallen angels. — In the NT both good and evil
angels are mentioned ; but when the word ' angel*
occurs alone, a good angel is to be understood
unless the context requires otherwise, though
perhaps 1 Co 6' is an exception (see below). The
fall is mentioned in Jude^ 2 P 2^ ; and probably
in 1 Ti 3*, where it is ascribed to pride (see Devil, I
§ 2). The Incarnation was not intended to help
the angels. Jesus did not ' take hold' of, to help,
the angels (or, as AV, did not take hold of tlieir
nature) ; see Westcott on He 2'8. Yet in Col l^*
God is said to reconcile thi-ough (the death of)
Christ ' all things ' to Himself — the whole universe
material and spiritual (Lightfoot) ; but it was not
by delivering them from death (Alford) : the fallen
angels are not saved by Christ's death. Accord-
ing to some interpretations, St. Paul says that
angels will be judged by men (1 Co 6^). Robertson-
Plummer interpret this verse, tentatively, as mean-
ing that, as Christ judges, i.e. rules over, angels,
so will saints, who share in that rule ; but, if the
Last Judgment is intended, then fallen angels
must be meant here, for good angels, not having
fallen, cannot be judged. For 1 Th 3'^ see above,
5 {a). In the end Satan is bound, and Babylon
falls (Rev 18 and 20) ; nothing is said of his angels,
but the inference is that his angels fall with him,
and this is expressly said in Mt 25*', See further.
Adversary, Air, Belial, Demon, Devil,
Metaphorically the 'stake in the flesh' is called
an angel (messenger) of Satan (2 Co 12^), See art,
Paul.
8. Comparison of apostolic and other teaching.
— (a) Comparison with that of our Lord. — Oesterley
(SDB, 32) contrasts Jesus' teaching with that of the
Evangelists and other NT writers, and says that
our Lord taught that the abode and work of the
angels are in heaven, not here below, while His
disciples taught (as the Jews did) that they are
active on earth. On the other hand, Marshall
{DOG ,i. 54^) maintains the complete identity of
teaching between Jesus and the Evangelists. To
the present writer the latter view seems to be the
right one. It is true that in our Lord's words the
work of angels on earth is not prominent. But in
Jn 1" (our Lord is speaking) the order ' ascending
and descending ' shows that the angels are ' already
on earth, though we see them not' (Westcott, Co7n.
in loc.). The account of the angelic ministry at
the Temptation, like that of the Temptation itself,
could by its very nature have come only from our
Lord's own lips. Moreover, in Jesus' teaching,
the angels come to the earth to fetch Lazarus' soul
(Lk 16^-) and to reap the Harvest (Mt 13»»- *^).
(b) Comparison with the doctrine of false teachers.
— In Colossians we find an elaborate angelology,
taught by professing Christians whom St, Paul
attacks. Their heresy was partly Jewish, partly
Gnostic, though some think that two different
sects are meant. The Gnostic element shows it-
self in the tendency to put angels as intermediaries
between God and man, and to make angels emana-
tions from God with an elaborate hierarchy of
powers, dominions, etc. Against such teaching St,
Paul asserts that Christis the only mediator (Col 1'^'22
2^"'^), and forbids the worship of angels because it
denies this. In the unique mediation of our Lord
lies the significance of the repeated phrases ' in the
Lord,' ' unto the Lord ' (3'^- ^- '^). Jesus is the one
tt/'X'?. or ' beginning' (1'8 ; cf. Rev 3'*), of creation, as
against the idea of angelic intermediaries when
the world was made (see Lightfoot's essay on the
Colossian heresy [Col., p. 71 tf.]). Perhaps also in
the assertion of the unique mediation of Christ
lies the significance of the rhetorical passage in
which St. Paul says that no heavenly powers,
good or bad, can separate us from the love of God
(Ro 8^^), Passages in Eph, (above, 4) seem to show
that the Colossian heresy was known also on the
Asian seaboard.
A later stage of angelological error is found at
tlie end of the 1st cent, in Cerinthus' teaching,
which resembled that of the Colossian heretics.
Cerinthus (q.v.) taught that the world was not
made by God, but by an angel, or by a series of
ANGELS
ANGELS OE THE SEVEN CHURCHES 61
powers or angels, who were ignorant of God ; the
Mosaic Law was given by them (cf. above, 5 (b)).
Cerinthus is the link between the Gnosticism at
Colossse and the developed Gnosticism of the 2nd
century (for his doctrine see Irenjeus, Hcer. i. 26 ;
Hippolytus, Eefut. vii. 21, x. 17). He claimed to
have had angelic visions, and was a millenarian
of the gi'ossest sort (Caius in Eusebius, HE iii. 28).
See also Lightfoot, op. cit., p. 106 ff.
Speculations such as those attacked by St. Paul
found a congenial soil in ' Asia ' and Phrygia.
Even in the 4th cent, at the Council held at the
Phrygian Laoflicea (c. A.D. 380), Christians are
forbidden to leave the Church of God and invoke
(6vo/j.a.<;€Lv) angels (can. 35 ; see Hefele, Councils,
Eng. tr., iii. 317). It is the proper jealousy for the
One Mediator, on the other hand, which has led
many modems to reject the doctrine of the exist-
ence of angels altogether. But both heavenly and
earthly beings can help man without being medi-
ators, as we see when one man helps another by
intercessory prayer. The NT teaching about
angelic helpers, so potent an antidote to material-
ism, in no way asserts that we are to pray to God
through the angels, or contradicts the doctrine
that Christ is the only Mediator between God and
man.
(c) Comparison with current Jevnsh teaching and
that of the later Jtabbis. — The apostolic teaching
is quite free from the wild speculations of Jewish
angelology. (For differences between it and cur-
rent Jewish ideas see Edersheim, op. cit. i. 142
and App. xiii.) Of Jewish speculations the most
elaborate were those of the Essenes (q.v.), which
had a decided Gnostic tinge. This Jewish sect had
an esoteric doctrine of angels, and its members
were not allowed to divulge their names to out-
siders (Jos. BJ II. viii. 7 ; Lightfoot, Col., p. 87 ;
Edersheim, i. 330 f.). A few Jewish speculations
may be mentioned. It was thought that new
angels were always being created — an idea derived
from a wresting of La 3^' (Thackeray, op. cit. p.
150). The angels taught Noah medicine (Book of
Jubilees, 10). The righteous will become angels
(Eth. Enoch, li. 4). An angel troubled the waters of
Bethesda for healing (gloss in Jn S'*). An elaborate
hierarchical system and numerous names were in-
vented for them (above, 4). Contrasted with these
ideas, we have in the NT a wise reserve, which
refuses to go beyond the things which are written.
One Jewish speculation must be noticed more
fully. The Rabbis taught that none of the angels
was absolutely good, that they opposed the crea-
tion of man and w-ere jealous of him (Edersheim,
ii. 754). Thackeray (p. 151 f.) considers that St.
Paul also makes them all antagonistic to God. If
so, he contradicts the teaching both of our Lord
and of the other NT Avriters (above, 3). But this
view, based on St. Paul's language about princi-
palities, powers, etc., and on the idea that all the
angels are the enemies who must be put under
Christ's feet (1 Co 15^), appears to be untenable.
St. Paul, while affirming that some ' powers ' are
evil, does not say that they all are so. See
above, 4.
9. Nature of NT angelophanies. — It is unprofit-
able to ask whether angels took material bodies
when they appeared to men or whether they
merely seemed to do so. At any rate, they took
the form of men to the mind, though in some cases
there was something about them that produced
wonder or fear (Lk l^^, Mt 28*, etc.). The accounts
of the angels who were seen after the Resurrection
vary. In Mt 28^ the angel who rolled away the
stone was like lightning, his raiment white as snow.
In Mk 16^ we read only of a young man in a white
robe. In Lk 24* there are two men in dazzling
apparel (cf. v.^^ 'vision of angels'). In Jn 20^^
there are two angels in white, sitting. In Ac 1"
there are 'two men ... in white apparel.' To
Cornelius the angel was 'a man ... in bright
apparel ' (Ac 10^'^). Stephen's face was filled with
superhuman glory, ' as it had been the face of an
angel ' (Ac 6'^ ; so we reflect, as in a mirror, the
glory of the Lord, 2 Co 3'**). For an argument that
the appearance of the angels was 'objective' see
Pluminer on Lk I'l ; but this is largely a matter of
dehnition. At the death of Herod (Ac 12-^) no
appearance of an angel is necessarily intended.
10. The immediate successors of the apostles. —
Angelology was a favourite topic of the time ;
but, the literature of the sub-apostolic period
being very scanty, the references are few. For
Clement of Rome see above, 5 [a). Ignatius says
that the knowledge of angelic mysteries was given
to martyrs (Trail. 5): 'heavenly things and the
dispositions (ToirodedLas) of angels, and musterings of
rulers ((rvaraaeis dpxovTiKds), seen and unseen' (cf.
Col P^). The ' dispositions ' would be in the seven
heavens. The dpxovres, ' rulers,' would be St.
Paul's dpxai, i.e. angels (Ligiitfoot, Ign. ii. 165).
In Smyrn. 6 it is said that the angels, if they
believe not in the blood of Christ, are judged ;
this seems to imply that their probation is not yet
ended. See also above, 3. Papias (quoted by
Andreas of Csesarea, in Apoc, ch. 34, serm. 12;
Lightfoot-Harmer, Apostol. Fathers, p. 521) says
that to some of the angels God ' gave dominion over
the arrangement (5iaKocrfj.iqaews) of the universe . . .
but their array (rd^iv) came to naught, for the
great dragon, the old serpent, who is called the
Devil and Satan, who deceiveth the whole earth,
was cast down, yea, was cast down to the earth,
and his angels ' (quotation from Rev 12^). Papias
seems to date the fall of the angels after the
creation of the world. Hernias (for his possibly
early date see Salmon, Introd. toNT, xxvi.) describes
the building of the tower [the Church] upon the
waters by six young men (cf. Mk 16^), while
countless other men bring the stones ; and the
former are said to be the holy angels of God, who
were created first of all ; the latter are also holy
angels, but the six are superior to them ( Vis. iii.
1, 2, 4). In the Martyrdom of Polycarp, 2, martyrs
are said to become angels after death (see above,
8). In the Epistle to Diognettis, 7, God is said to
have sent to men a minister (vTryipir-qv) or angel or
ruler (dpxovra). Justin interprets Ps 24^- " [LXX]
as addressed to the rulers appointed by God in the
heavens (Dial. 36). To angels was committed the
care of man and of all things under heaven, but
they transgressed through the love of women (Apol.
ii. 5, referring to Gn 6^^-). Angels, like men,
have free will (Dial. 141).
Literature. — A. Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus the
Messiah^, London, 1S97, i. 142, ii. 748 (Appendix, xiii.), etc. ;
H. St. J. Thackeray, The Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary
Jewish Thought, do. 1900; A. B. Davidson in HDB, art.
' Angel' (almost entirelj' for OT) ; W. Fairweather in HDB,
vol. v., art. 'Development of Doctrine in the Apocr3rphal
Period,' § iii. ; J. T. Marshall in DCG, art. ' Angels ' ; and the
Commentaries, esp. H. B. Swete, Apocalvpae of St. John,
London, 1906 ; B. F. Westcott, Hehreusi, do. 1906 ; G.
Millig-an, Thessalonians, do. 1908 ; J. B. Lightfoot, Colossiaiis
and Philemon, do. 1900 (1st ed. 1875) ; A. Robertson and A
Plummer, 1 Corinthians, Edinburgh, 1911.
A. J. Maclean.
ANGELS OF THE SEYEN CHURCHES.— The
general practice of NT writers points to the con-
clusion that the word 'angels,' used in this con-
nexion, is employed to denote superhuman and
celestial personalities. We are not, however,
without examples of its being used to indicate
ordinary 'messengers' (cf. Lk 7^^ 9®^, Ja 2^, etc.).
In this case it would be equivalent to the dirda-roXot,
£KK\7]cnQv (2 Co S'^ ; of. Ph 2^), who were in some
sense the official, if temporary, delegates of one
Church to another. The fact that in the Apocalypse
62 Ai^GELS OF THE SEVEN" CHURCHES
Als^GEE,
these ' angels ' are to such a degree the recipients
of praise and blame would seem to put both these
simple interpretations out of court.
Many ingenious attempts have been made to
employ the expression as a collateral or subsidiary
proof that episcopacy had already been established
within the lifetime of the Johannine author. The
passages adduced from the OT in support of this
view are certainly irrelevant ; for, while it is con-
ceivable that the chief minister of a Church should
be styled dyyeXot Kvpiov (cf. Hag P' and JNIal 2' ;
see also Is 4-4-" and Mai 3^), it is difficult to under-
stand the application to him of the designation
dyyeXos iKKXrjaias (Rev 2\ etc.). Nor, again, can the
contention be sustained that the expression had
its origin in the office of the sMiah zibbur, the
messenger or plenipotentiary of the synagogue —
for, as Schiirer has pointed out, these ' messengers '
were not permanent officials (see HJP II. ii. 67),
but persons chosen for the time by the ruler to
pronounce the prayer at public worship (cf. Light-
foot, Dissertations on Apostol. Age, 1892, p. 158).
In supporting the contention that by the ' angels'
of the Churches are meant the bishops, the strange
conclusion has been maintained that in the words
Ty)v yvvaiKa [o-on] 'lej'dSeX (Rev 2-**) the author is re-
ferring to the Thyatiran bishop's wife (see Grotius,
Annotationes in Apoc, ad loc). It ought to be
pointed out that this theory is as old as Jerome,
who in his commentary on 1 Ti 3^ adopts a similar
interpi-etation ; and Socrates [HE iv. 23) describes
Serapion as ' the angel of the church of the
Thmuitse' (cf. Jerome, de Vir. illustr. 99, where
he mentions Serapion as * Thmueos Egypti u?-bis
Episcopus '). The same conception is attached to
the expression by the 6th cent, commentators,
Primasius the African {Com. in Apoc.) and Cassi-
odorus the Italian (Complexiones in Apoc.) in their
reflexions on Rev P".
An examination of the use of the word iyye\oi
in the NT Apocalypse, apart from its connexion
with the Churches, shows that the author invari-
ably employs it to describe a spiritual being
attached to the service of God or of Satan. We
are, therefore, confronted with the difficulty of
accounting for its presence here in a sense so
completely different as the episcopal theory in-
volves. There is, indeed, no valid reason to sup-
pose that the author, even in a work as highly
symbolical as this is, attaches an essentially differ-
ent idea to the word when he speaks of * the
Angels of the Seven Churches.'
If we can accept the textual purity of the Ascen-
sion of Isaiah, iii. 15, tliere is a remarkable parallel:
'the descent of the angel of the Christian Church,
which is in the heavens, whom He will summon in
the last days.' Even on the supposition that the
Ethiopic version, supported by some Greek MSS,
is a correct translation of the original, and the
simple word ' Church ' is substituted for ' angel of
the Christian Church,' we are confronted by the
primitive identification of the Church and its angel
(see Charles, Asc. of Isaiah, ad loc).
Perhaps the most curious feature of the letters
to the Asian Churches is the way in wliich the
writer expresses himself in terms of stern reproof
or of encouragement to their 'angels.' The objec-
tion to this difficulty is considered by Origen,
who finds cause for marvel at the care shown by
God for men : ' forasmuch as He suffers Hia angels
to be blamed and rebuked on our behalf ' {horn, in
Num. XX. 3 ; cf . in Luc. xiii. ).
As we have already seen, however, it is difficult
to suppose that the writer intended the words to
be understood as referring literally to angels who
presided over the Churches. There is, no doubt,
a natural inclination to see in his use of the plirase
a reminiscence of the ' princes ' of the Apocalypse
of Daniel (6 S.pxo}v ^aa-iXelas UepffQv, Dn 10""; cf.
MixctTjX 6 dyyeXos, v.'-'). A similar belief with re-
spect to the guardianship of individuals is referred
to incidentally as held by Jesus (Mt 18'"), and we
need not be surprised to find it applied to Churches
in their corporate capacity by a writer whose
teaching on the activity and functions of angels is
so advanced.
Taking into account the symbolism of the whole
book and the obviously symbolic mention of Jeze-
bel (Rev 2-» ; cf. Milligan on Rev IQi-s in Scliatfs
Fop. Com. on the NT), there seems to be no inter-
pretation more in harmony with the spuit of tlie
writing than that which sees in this expression the
personification of the characteristic spiritual tone
and genius of each Church.
If we accept this conclusion as being most con-
sonant with the general trend of thought through-
out the writing, it may not be amiss to refer to the
remarkable parallel in the fravashis, or ' doubles,'
of Parsiism. Whatever the connexion between
Persian and Jewish angelology — and it is not
necessary to insist on a direct borrowing — it seems
to be certain that, in the period immediately sub-
sequent to the Captivity, Parsi influence shaped,
at least indirectly and remotely, the development
of Hebrew thought. ' Thefravashi of a nation or
community is a conception found in three Avestan
passages. . . . The fravashi is no longer a being
necessarily good, but becomes a complete spiritual
counterpart of the nation or the church, and cap-
able therefore of declension and punishment' {HDB
iv. 991" ; cf. JThSt iii. 52Ufl'.). The nexus may be,
and probably is, not so mechanical and direct as
J. H. Moulton seeks to establish. On the other
hand, it seems as if a relationship of some kind
between the allied forces of Magianism and Zoro-
astrianism, as they were refracted by the medium
of Hellenistic culture and Hebrew thought, must
be regarded as inevitable. It is enough to say
that the ' angel ' is the personified embodiment of
the spiritual character and ethos of the Church. If
this use of the word by the author has led to con-
fusion and obscurity, the reason lies probably in
the limitations of that symbolism which was the
characteristic vehicle of Jewish apocalyptic litera-
ture (see W. ]M. Ramsay, The Letters to the Seven
Churches, 1904, pp. 57-73). Compare and contrast
§ 6 of the preceding article.
Literature. — See the works referred to throughout the art.,
and the Commentaries on the Apocalj-pse.
J. R. Willis,
ANGER. — 1. Human anger.— Except by the
stoical mind which finds no place for strong
emotion in a moral scheme, anger has been recog-
nized as a quality Avhich, under certain conditions
and within certain limits, may not only be per-
missible but commendable. Its ready abuse has,
however, led to its being commonly placed among
the evils of human nature. The teaching of the
early Christian Church recognizes both aspects.
Condemnation of the abuse of anger is not wanting
in the apostolic writings. Among the manifest
works of the flesh are enmities, strife, jealousies,
wraths {9v/xoi), factions (Gal 5'-"). St. Paul fears lest
he shall find these evils in the Church when he comes
to Corinth (2 Co 12-»). One of the marks of the
greatest of Christian virtues is that it ' does not
blaze forth in passionate anger ' {ov Trapoi^iverai [1 Co
13^]). In Christian circles, all bitterness and wrath
and anger must be put away (Eph 4*' ; cf. Col 3*).
The holy hands lifted up in prayer must be un-
stained with anger and strife (1 Ti 2^). The
' bishop ' must be blameless, as God's steward,
not self-willed, not soon angry (Tit 1'). St. James
bids his readers be swift to hear, slow to speak,
slow to wrath, for the wrath of man worketh not
the righteousness of God (!"• ''"). * Be not prone to
ANGER
ANGER
63
anger,' says the Didache (iii. 2), 'for anger leadeth
to murder : nor a zealot, nor contentious, nor
quick-tempered, for murder also is the outcome of
these.'
On the other hand, Christian morality recognizes
a righteous anger. The section of the Sermon on
the Mount which teaches that whosoever is angry
with his brother is in danger of the judgment (Mt
5-^'-) is primarily aimed at something other than
passion — it is an emphatic condemnation of the
spirit wliich despises and seeks to injure a brother.
The violation of the law of brotherly love, manifest
in the anger of Mt 5^^, might, indeed, provoke a
legitimate wrath, e.fj. in the series of woes, terrible
in intensity of language, pronounced by Jesus
against the scribes and Pharisees (Mt 23^^'*'). We
should hesitate to acknowledge a man as morally
and spiritually great who could remain unmoved
in the presence of the world's wrongs. The early
preachers would have been poor souls had they
been able to hide their indignation at the mur-
derers of Jesus (Ac 313- '•* 53» 7"'-). Could Peter well
have been calm with Ananias and Sapphira ( Ac 5'),
and later, with the commercially-minded, religious
adventurer, Simon Magus (S'^"'*)? A certain prin-
ciple of discrimination seems, however, to have been
observed. Anger at personal insult or persecution
was discouraged. Anger provoked by personal in-
jury may have a protective value in a lower stage
of tiie world's life, but the attitude of Christian
ethics to this type is governed by the law of non-
resistance laid down by the Sermon on the Mount.
Man must return good for evil, show kindness to
his enemy, leave retribution to God (Ro \2^^-^'^).
St. Paul claims that, ' when reviled, we bless ; when
persecuted, we bear it patiently ; when slandered, we
try to conciliate' (1 Co 4'-), thus following the
example of Jesus (1 P 2-^). One is tempted to
regard the apology which followed the momentary
outburst of St. Paul's passion against the high
priest (Ac 23^) as an expression of the Apostle's
principles of non-resistance rather than as an ac-
knowledgment of priestly rights. But there is an
altogether different attitude when that which is to
be defended is a righteous principle, a weaker
brother, or the faith or ethical standard of the
Church. Elymas, the sorcerer, seeking to hinder a
work of gxace, provokes a vigorous anger (Ac IS'**- ^^).
On behalf of the purity of faith St. Paul resists St.
Peter to the face (Gal 2i'). The Epistle to the
Galatians is a piece of passionate writing, and a
note of indignation runs through the later chapters
of 2 Cor. (cf. 1 Co 1'^ 5^ etc.). The man who does
not love the Lord Jesus, or the one who preaches
a false gospel, let him be accursed — dvadeixa {\ Co
16'^). The indignation (ayavaKTrjais) of the Cor-
inthian Church against the guilty person in the
case of immorality, to which St. Paul has drawn
attention, is commended by him (2 Co 7"). Simi-
larly, the Church at Ephesus is congratulated on its
hatred of the Nicolaitans (Kev 2*^). St. Paul
' burns ' if another is ' made to stumble ' (2 Co 11-").
In these instances, anger seems to have been re-
garded as compatible with, and indeed expressive
of, Christian character. The obvious danger of
mistaken zeal for a cause or creed must, however,
be kept in mind. The case of St. Paul's early life
provides an illustration (Gal P^, Ph 3''). There
may be a zeal for God, not according to knowledge
(Ro 10-').
But even legitimate anger may readily pass
into a sin. Passions beyond the control of the
rational self can hardly be justified, whatever the
cause. Self-control is a cardinal Christian virtue.
Hence the apostolic caution of Eph 4-'*, ' Be ye
angry and sin not,' i.e. if angry, as one may rightly
be, do not allow the passion to become an evil by
its excess. The wrath against which the warning
is given seems indicated by the following clause —
' let not the sun go down on your Trapopyta-fj.6s ' ( ' a
noun which differs from op-yT] in denoting, not the
disposition of anger, or anger in a lasting mood, but
exasperation, sudden violent anger' [Salmond]).
There is no reference to deliberate indignation on
a matter of principle, such as the resentment which,
the author of Ecce Homo claims, was felt by Jesus
towards the Pharisees to the end of His life.
2. Divine anger. — JSIost minds must have felt
the objection expressed by Origen, Augustine, and
the Neo-Platonist theologians generally, that A\e
cannot treat the Supreme as a magnified man and
attribute to Him such perturbation of mind as is
suggested to us by the term ' anger.' But we may
allow — and must do so unless we are prepared to
deny personality in God— that the quality, which
we find expressed under human conditions as the
righteous anger of a good man, must exist in God,
although in a form which we cannot adequately
conceive, owing to our inability to realize absolute
conditions, ^ye may be lielped to some extent by
recognizing that beiiind the human agitations of
personality in love, pity, indignation, etc., there are
certain principles and attitudes which no more
depend for their quality on the element of agita-
tion than the existence of steam depends upon the
appearance of white vapour which we ordinarily
associate with it. This underlying quality we
may attribute to the Deity, in whom life and per-
sonality, here expressed only in finite and con-
ditioned forms, have their perfect and unconditioned
being (Lotze).
The objection that anger, unlike love, is un-
worthy of the highest moral personality (Marcion)
may be met by the answer that Divine love and
anger are not two opposing principles, but ex-
pressions of the one attitude towards contrary
sets of human circumstances. The Divine anger
is actually involved in the Divine love (Tertullian,
Martensen, etc.). The one Lord whose name is
Truth and Love is, because of this, a consuming
flame to wrong (He lO^i 122«).
The idea of the ' Divine anger ' — this attitude of
Deity towards certain courses of human life — is a
justifiable inference from the intuitions of con-
science, but another and an unsound argument
played a part in the historical formation of the doc-
trine. In the early stages of religious thougiit the
conception of the wrath of God would naturally
come to men's minds from contemplation of the ills
of human life. The chieftain punished those with
whom he was angry, either by direct action or by
withholding his protection. Did not, then, physical
calamities, pestilences, reverses of fortune, defeat
in battle, indicate the displeasure of Deity (Jos 7,
2 S 21^ 24, etc.)? Such misfortune, when no
ethical cause could be recognized, would en-
courage the doctrine of unwitting and non-ethical
offences {e.g. the violation of tabu) and of non-
ethical propitiation. The ills of life — especially
death — suggested later a world lying under a curse,
due to Adam's sin. Against the popular doctrine
that misfortune indicated Divine dis])leasure, the
Book of Job is a protest. Human suffering has
educative values, and does not necessarily indicate
the disapproval of God (He 125'-).
Yet even in early times the idea of the Divine
anger did not rest wholly on the facts of human
suffering. Men realized that tiie world, as they
found it, was not in harmony with their conceptions
of the Highest, and thus in times of prosperity,
which, according to this theory, would indicate
God's contentment with His people, prophets such
as Amos argued for coming doom. From the con-
sciousness of the holiness of God it was inferred
that there must be Divine displeasure.
The turning away of the Divine anger. — Two
64
AIs^GER
Ais^GER
attitudes in regard to this problem appear among
the Hebrews, even as early as the 8th cent. B.C.
The prophets of that period ' do not recognize the
need of any means of reconciliation with God
after estrangement by sin other than repentance'
(Hos 14-, Am 5-'-"\ Is l'^-", Mic 6«-8). On the
other hand, while repentance Avas always insisted
upon by Israel's religious teachers, there was a
tendency to assert the need of supplementary'
means in order to bring about the reconciliation of
God and man. The conception may have origin-
ated in the practice of oflering a propitiatory gift
or leiral compensation to an outraged person
(Gn 20'6 3213 ; cf. 1 S 26i9, 2 S 24i«'), or in the
primitive view of sin as having a material exist-
ence of its own which called for an appropriate
ritual treatment beyond the mental change of
repentance, or in the customs of Levitical ' sin-
otlerings,' which, although originally made in view
of ceremonial faults, for which ethical repentance
was strictly impossible, must have come to suggest
that, in addition to repentance, a sacrificial opera-
tion was needful even in cases of moral trans-
gression.
P'rom the period of the Exile, prayer, fasting,
almsgiving, and especially the sutierings of the
righteous, were regarded as substitutes for material
sacrifices (see art. ' Atonement ' in JE). Is 53 is
the ' earliest expression of a conception [viz. the
atoning value of the sufferings of pious men] which
attained wide development in later times and con-
stantly meets us in the teaching of the Jewish
synagogues' (0. Whitehouse). One of the seven
brothers, during the persecutions of Antiochus
Epiphanes, prays that ' in me and my brothers,
the wrath of the Almighty may be appeased '
(2 Mac 7^). 4 Mac 6^ gives a prayer, ' Let my
blood serve for purification, and as an equivalent
for their life {avTlxpvxov) take my own' (cf. 4 Mac
ju 924 j'j'20-22 jg4j_ These passages supply an inter-
esting link between the old Leviticism and the
NT doctrine of the sacrificial death of Jesus.
The doctrine of propitiation receives no support
from the teaching of Jesus as given in the Synoptics.
Repentance and new life are the conditions of the
restoration of the Divine favour. Jesus does not
appear to have ever taught that reconciliation
depended upon His own death as a propitiation
(see DCG, art. * Sacrifice '), although He did teach
that the spiritual ministration involved sufi'ering
and sacrifice, so that the death of Jesus might
be figuratively regarded as a 'ransom for many'
(Mk lO*^*''^). Moreover, the teaching of Jesus is
not favourable to the view that legal right claims
a compensation beyond repentance, before the
Father will forgive. The moral of the parables of
the Prodigal and the Labourers (cf. Lk 23'*^) is that
forensic conceptions are altogether inappropriate
in the religious sphere. Harmony witli God is a
matter of attitude, not of purchase or compensation.
The teaching of the Acts of the Apostles agrees
with that of the Synoptics. There is no hint in
the early preaching of the Church, as recorded in
this work, of a propitiatory value in the death of
Jesus. Jesus is, indeed, described as a 'Saviour,'
but in the sense that He gives ' repentance to
Israel and remission of sins' (Ac 5*'), i.e. He is
able to bring about a change in the hearts of men,
and, in accordance with prophetic teaching, pardon
follows repentance (cf. the description of the
preaching of the Baptist, as that of ' repentance
unto remission of sins,' Mk 1*).
But, with the exception of the authors of the
Synoptics, the Acts, and the Epistle of James,
the writers of the NT are strongly influenced l)y
the propitiatory theory of the deatii' of Jesus. The
passage of the ' Suiiering Servant' (Is SS'*'- ""•) sug-
gested, a doctrine which seemed to throw light
upon the ignominious death of Jesus upon the
Cross. The ' stumbling-block ' to the Jewish mind
became the Christian's boast. How the sacrifice
was regarded as operating is not clear — the analogy
of Levitical blood sacrifices was evidently some-
times in the mind of the writers (Ro 3-^, 1 P l^*,
Jn p9, etc.). St. Paul also holds the idea that the
death of Jesus is a sign of His human submission
to the elemental world-powers of darkness, who,
since Adam, have held the world under their
grievous rule (HDB, art. ' Elements ' ; also Wrede,
Paul, Eng. tr., 1907, p. 95). But, being more
than man. He rises from the dead. The Resur-
rection is a sign that Death — one of the elemental
principalities and powers, and representative of
the rest — has no longer dominion over Him
( Ro 6^), or over those in ' faith ' union with Him.
But these ' world-powers of darkness,' whose dues
the death of Jesus was conceived as satisfying, are
but a thinly disguised form of God's retribution
for Adam's sin. Ultimately the propitiation is
still made to God, although the emphasis is drawn
from the wrath of God to the love which inspired
the propitiatory action (cf. Jn 3^^, Ro 3^ 5^, etc.).
From this point, St. Paul follows the anti-legal
teaching of Jesus in asserting that ' justification ' —
right relations with God — depends on the new
attitude of ' faith,' not on ' works ' ; but legalism
with St. Paul must be satisfied by the prior trans-
action of Jesus on the Cross.
The difficulty in the doctrine of propitiation does
not lie in the fact that no ultimate distinction can
be made between the Power to whom propitiation
is offered and the God of love who offers it. Inde-
pendently of the interests of this particular doctrine,
we must accept the paradox that the same God
who works under the limitation of law ordains the
law which limits Him. But we cannot accept the
interpretation of the death of Jesus as an exalted
Levitical blood sacrifice, or as a transaction with the
' world-powers of darkness,' nor can we be satisfied
with a presentation of an angry God, who needs
compensation or some mollifying gift before He will
turn away the fierceness of His wrath. The sacri-
fices of God are a broken spirit ; a broken and con-
trite heart He will not despise (Ps 51"). It would
seem more satisfactory to follow the suggestions
of the Synoptics and the Acts, and find the recon-
ciling work of Jesus, as directed not towards God,
but towards men, bringing about in them a repent-
ance which makes possible their harmonious rela-
tions with the Father.
The death of Jesus may be regarded partly as a
vicarious sacrifice of the order recognized in the
Synoptics — sufiering and self-denial for the sake of
the Kingdom of God, for conscience, and men's
uplifting. The justification of this law of sacrifice
(' Ever by losses the right must gain, Every good
have its birth of pain' [Whittier, The Preacher'])
is that it makes possible the expression of moral
qualities. In order that love may have significance,
it must pay a price— must be written upon a hard
resisting world, as labour and self-denial. This
demand of law is obviously not indicative of Divine
displeasure or opposition.
The death of Jesus may also be regarded as part
of the penalty of human sin. If men had not been
selfish, hj'pocritical, apathetic to goodness and
justice, there would not have been the tragedy on
Calvary. In virtue of race solidarity, the sins of
an evil and adulterous generation fell upon Him.
This dark law — that the innocent must suffer tlie
results of transgression along with the guilty — has
an educative value in demonstrating the evil and
disastrous nature of sin, which is doubly terrible
since the sufi'ering which it creates falls upon the
just as well as upon the unjust, sometimes even
more upon the former than upon the latter. The
ANGER
ANOINTLNTQ
65
penalty of sin indicates the Divine displeasure
towards sin, but not necessarily towards those who
pay the penalty, for obviously God cannot be con-
ceived as being angry with innocent sutierers,
involved in the results of others' sins. Neither
must we regard God as angry with a repentant
sinner because he continues to reap what he has
so^vn. Tlie forgiveness of sin is distinct from
the cancelling of its results, Avhich, in accord-
ance with educative moral law, must run their
course.
One's trust in the forgiveness of God rests upon
the sense of the divinity of human forgiveness —
' By all that He requires of me, I know what God
Himself must be' (Whittier, Eevelation). If we
must judge the anger of God from the righteous
indignation of a good man, we cannot think of
His cherishing any vindictiveness, or needing any
propitiation to induce Him to forgive, when the
sinner seeks His face. Nor can a view of recon-
ciliation held by the most sternly ethical of the
OT prophets, and bj^ the purest soul of the NT,
be considered as weakening the sense of sin, and
minimizing the grace of pardon.
The Day of Wrath. — From the time of Amos,
OT prophetism had conceived a darker side to
Israel's still more ancient conception of the Day
of the Lord. It would be a time when human
^vrongdoing, much of which was apparently over-
looked in this age, would receive its sure reward,
although genuine repentance would apparently
avert the coming anger (Jl 2, Am S'**-, Jer 18**j.
That 'great and notable Day' (Ac 2-"), with its
darker aspects, entered largely into NT thought
(Mt 3^ 722, Lk 10'2, 2 Th P'-, etc.). It is to this
coming Dies Irce that the actual term ' wrath of
God ' [opTfT] Tov deou) is almost uniformly applied by
NT writers. Some of the Divine indignation may
be manifested in the present operation of moral
law — the penalties experienced by the ungodly
heathen seem to be part of the Divine wrath
which ' is being revealed ' (dTroKaXv-n-Terai) from
heaven (Ro 1'^'-) ; and, according to 13^ the
temporal ruler punishing evil-doers is ' a minister
of God, an avenger for (Divine) wrath,' i.e. a
human instrument carrying out in this age the
Divine retribution. But the emphasis is upon
' the wrath to come.' In the present age, moral
law only imperfectly operates. The sinner is
treasuring up for himself ' wrath in the day of
wrath ' (Ro 2*), when upon every soul that worketh
evil shall be wrath and indignation, tribulation
and anguish (v.^; cf. Rev IP* 6'®-", where the
Divine anger is spoken of as ' the wrath of the
Lamb'). Repentance before the Day of Wrath
will save one fi'om the coming doom (Ac 2-^ ^' **,
Eph 2^), and the provision of these days of grace
modifies the conception of tlie Divine sternness
(Ro 9--). The ' Law,' in making transgression
possible, 'worketh wrath' (Ro 4'^), but Christ, by
His reconciliation of man and God, delivers the
believer from the 'wrath to come' (1 Th 1'" 5®).
The NT significance of dpyi) deoO is illustrated in
Ro 5', where St. Paul argues from the fact of
present reconciliation with God that the saints
will be delivered from the 'wrath of God.' Even
where the Divine anger is described as having
already had its manifestation, the reference may
really be eschatological (Ritschl). The aorist of
1 Th 21^ (i(pdaaev 5i iir aiiToi>s r) 6py^ els riXos) seems
to indicate that, in the Apostle's judgment, some
historical manifestation of God's wrath upon the
Jews has already taken place, but St. Paul may
regard such an indication of the Divine anger as
the preliminary movements of the Day of Wrath.
The clouds were already gathering for that con-
summation which the Apostle was expecting in
his own lifetime (1 Th 4^').
VOL. I. — 5
Literature. — A. Ritschl, de Ira Dei, Bonn, 1S59, Justifica-
tion and Atonement, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1900; R. W. Dale,
The Atonement', London, 1878 ; D. W. Simon, Redemption 0/
Man:^, do. 1900 ; O. Lodge, Man and the L niverse, do. 1908, chs.
7 and 8 ; P. Gardner, Exploraiio Ecanijelica, do. 1S99, chs. 29,
31. For human anger : J. Butler's Sermrms, 8 and 9 ; J. R.
Seeley, EcceHomo, 1866, pp. 21-23 ; Tolstoi, Essays and Letters,
cl»- 12. H. BULCOCK.
ANNAS (Gr. 'A was, Heb. f:n, 'merciful' [in
Josephus, Ananos]). — Annas the son of Sethi, ap-
pointed high priest by yuirinius in A.D. 6 or 7,
retained office till he was deposed by Valerius
Gratus in A.D. 15 (Jos. Ant. xvill. ii. 1, 2).
Josephus tells us that he was regarded as the most
fortunate of men, for he had five sons who all held
the office of high priest {Ant. XX. ix. 1). From
the Fourth Gospel we learn that Joseph Caiaphas,
the high priest at the date of the Crucifixion, was
a son-in-law of Annas (Jn 18^^). His removal from
office in A.D. 15 did not by any means diminish his
influence. Being extremely wealthy, he was able
to exert the powers of high priest long after he
was deposed. His wealth and that of his sons
Avas acquired by the institution of the ' booths or
bazaars of the sons of Annas,' which enjoyed the
monopoly for the sale of all kinds of sacrificial
requirements. These booths were situated either
in the temple court (Keim, Jesus of Nazara, v.
116; Edersheim, LT iii. 5) or on the Mount of
Olives (J. Derenbourg, Essai sur I'histoire . . . de la
Palestine, 1867, p. 465). The words of Jesus re-
garding the unholy traffic (Mt 'iV^, Lk 19''^) aroused
the hostility of the priestly party and led to His
arrest and examination by Annas ( Jn 18^*'-'*). The
Talmud accuses the sons of Annas of ' serpentlike
hissings ' (or whisperings [Pes. 57a]). Probably
the meaning is that they exerted private influ-
ence on the judges and perverted justice for their
own ends. Their attitude towards Jesus and the
apostles as revealed in the NT seems to bear out
this interpretation. Although, as we have seen,
Annas was deposed from the high-priestly office in
A.D. 15, he retains the title all through the NT.
Both Josephus and the writers of the NT uniformly
give the title ' high priest ' not only to the actual
occupant of the office at the time, but to all his
l^redecessors who were still alive, as well as to all
the more influential members of the families from
which the high priests were selected. The phrase
in Lk 3^ ' in the high-priesthood of Annas and
Caiaphas' is unique, and may be accounted for
by the fact that the combination had become so
familiar in connexion with the history of the
Crucifixion that St. Luke couples the two to-
gether here (Ewald, HI, vol. vi. [1883] p. 430,
n. 3).
The important and induential position held bj'
Annas even after his deposition is proved by the
fact that it was to him that Jesus was first sent
before He appeared at the more formal tribunal of
the Sanhedrin ( Jn 18^^). The interview with Annas
(Jn 18^^"^) determined the fate of the prisoner, and
probably Annas was the chief instigator in com-
passing the death. In Ac 4® Annas again appears
as the head of the party who tried the apostles
and enjoined them to keep silent about the
Resurrection.
Literature. — Josephus, Antiquities, pasHm; A. Eders-
heim, LT i. [1886] 263 ; T. Keim, Jesus of Sazara, 1867-1882,
vu 36fif. ; E. Schiirer, GJV* ii. [1907] 256, 270, 274, 275.
W. F. Boyd.
ANNIHILATION.— See Eschatology.
ANOINTING. — Anointing was used in antiquity
in three chief connexions: (1) as a part of the
toilet, to beautify, strengthen, and refresh the
body ; (2) medicinally ; (3) as a part of religiou-
ceremonial. From the last-named sprang (4) the
use of terms of anointing in a metaphorical sense
66
A^OmTING
AliSWEK
to signify, e.g., the imparting of the Divine Spirit,
whether to the Messiah or to the Christian dis-
ciple.
1. So far as the first use is concerned, examples
witliin onr period may be found in the anointing
of the Lord's feet (Lk 7^- ^, Jn 12») and in Mt 6"
' anoint thy head, and wash thy face.'
2. Instances of the second occur in Jn 9'" ",
Rev 3''^ 'eyesalve to anoint tliine eyes,' and are
generally found in Mk 6'* ' they anointed with oil
manj' that were sick, and healed them,' and Ja 5^*
' Is any among you sick ? let him call for the elders
of the church ; and let them pray over him, anoint-
ing him with oil in the name of the Lord.' The
commentators on these texts generally quote pass-
ages to prove that the use of oil was well known
in medicine, and leave it to be understood that the
apostles in the Gospel and the elders in the Epistle
are thought of as making use of the simplest heal-
ing remedy known to them. This method of in-
terpretation does not seem satisfactory, because
the parallels quoted do not bear out the point. In
Is 1* and Lk 10^^ oil is used as a remedy for
wounds, not for internal sickness. Herod in his
last illness was placed in a bath of warm oil (Jos.
BJ I. xxxiii. 5), but this was only one amongst
several methods of treatment used in his case, and
was no doulit employed because of the open and
running sores on his body. Galen (Med. Temp.,
bk. ii. ) speaks of oil as the ' best of medicines for
withered and dry bodies,' but that does not mean
that he would have advocated the indiscriminate
use of oil in cases of sickness due to various causes.
Philo's praise of oil for imparting vigour to the
tlesh [Somn. ii. 8) must not be pressed into an advo-
cacy of it as a panacea against all forms of dis-
ease. It must remain doubtful whether the two
NT passages can be reasonably understood to mean
that oil was used as a siinjile medical remedy with-
out deeper signitication.
3. The use of anointing in religious ceremony
was very varied. It was applied both to persons —
as, e.q., to the kings and high priests — and to in-
animate things. This is not the place to investi-
gate the original signification of the act of anoint-
ing in religious ceremonies (see liobertson Smith,
Rd. Se7)i.-\ 1894, pp. 233, 383 ; EEE, HDB, SDB,
EBi, art. 'Anointing'), but it seems clear that it
came to signify the consecration of persons and
things to the service of God, and also the com-
munication to, e.g., the kings, of the Divine Spirit
(see E. Kautzsch, in HDB v. 659). That is to say,
anointing liad in part the nature of a sacrament.
And it seems probable tliat something of this sort
underlies the passages Mk 6'^, Ja 5'"*. The anoint-
ing oil was not merely medicinal, but consecrated
the patient to God, and, together with prayer, was
the means of conveying to him the Divine healing
life. We may compare a passage in the Secrets of
Enoch (22'*), where Enoch, when carried into the
presence of God, is anointed with holy oil, with
the result (56'^) that he needs no food, and is purged
from earthly passions.
4. Instances of the metaphorical use of anoint-
ing to signify the communication of the Divine
Spirit are to be found in 1 Jn 2-'''- -' 'ye have an
anointing from the Holy One,' ' his anointing
reacheth you all things.' 'Anointing' here means
the material, not the act, of anointing, and so the
grace of the Holy Spirit. The same metaphorical
!ise is found in 2 Co l'^^ ' He that hath anointed
us is God' ; and in the passages in which Ciirist is
spoken of as having been anointed, Ac 4-' lu^**,
lie 1" (OT quot.). A passage in the recently dis-
covered Odes of Solomon (36^), ' He hath anointed
aie from his own perfection,' may be referred to
liere. It is uncertain whether the speaker is Christ
or the Christian. Allusions to a custom of anoint-
ing dead bodies are found in Mk 14^ and the
parallels, and in Mk 16'.
Lastly, reference should be made to the absten-
tion from anomting by the Essenes (Jos. BJ II.
viii. 3). This is explained by Schiirer (HJP li.
ii. 212) as a part of an attempt to return to the
simplicity of nature ; by Bousset (Bel. des Jud."^,
Berlin, 1906, p. 442) as a protest against the priest-
hood, whose authority rested upon anointing.
LiTERATiTRB. — See the artt. 'Anointing' in ERE, HDB, and
EBi ; and, for the development of the doctrine of Extreme
Unction in the Church, J. B. Mayor on Ja oi'* (Ep. of :St,
Jameni, 1910); see also ExpT xvii. [190G] 418 S., and the
literature there cited. WiLLOUGHBY C. ALLEN.
ANSWER. — Passing over the very large number
of occurrences of this word in the common sense of
* reply ' (a-n-oKplvofiai, awSKpccns), there are one or two
interesting usages to note before we come to the
most theologically significant use of the term.
Thus in Tit 2" slaves are enjoined not to 'answer
again' (AV ; RV 'gainsay,' duTtXeyu) ; in Gal 4^'
' this Hagar is Mount Sinai in Arabia and anstver-
eth to (i.e. ' corresjionds with,' cri;crroixew) the Jeru-
salem that now is' ; in Ro 11* St. Paul, discussing
the despair of Elijah, asks ' What saitli the answer
(Xpv/^O'Ti-ci^^^i ' Divine oracle') of God unto him ?'
The passages with which we are most concerned,
however, are those which speak of tiie Christian
answer or 'defence' (so usually in RV) against
critics from within or without the Church (dTro-
Xoyiofxai, diroXoyia). In the life of St. Paul we have,
e.g., his 'answer' or apologia before Felix (Ac24'''^*),
before Festus (25^^-), and before Agrippa (26'*^).
The charges brought against him were that he had
incited the people to sedition (24^ 25**), that he had
profaned the Temple (24**), and that he was a ring-
leader of the Sect of the Nazarenes (24^). His
defence was skilfully directed in each case to the
rebutting of the charges, to the conciliation of his
judges, and to the demand that as a Roman citizen
he should be tried before Ca?sar. Before Agrippa
and Festus he defended himself so successfully that
they agreed that, if he had not appealed to Ctesar,
he migTit have been set at liberty, but having made
the appeal he could no longer withdraw. In 2 Ti
4'^ St. Paul is represented as complaining that at
iiis 'first answer' (before Caesar) no man took his
part, but that ' all men forsook him ' (cf. V^). With
these instances may be compared the remarkable
' answer ' of St. Stephen before the Sanhedrin (Ac 7).
Of probably even greater interest than these
defences before civil tribunals are St. Paul's
answers to those who denietl his Apostleship,
the Judaizers who followed him from place to
place and attempted to undermine his teaching
and influence among his converts in his absence —
a fact to which we largely owe the letters to the
Galatians and the Corinthians, or at least the
most characteristic and polemical portions of then).
The same or otlier enemies charged him with
inconsistency (1 Co lO'-''^' etc.), and brought other
charges against him (IP-*-", 1 Co 9'-), such as
the charge of being mean in appearance (lU^"'"),
of being rude of speech (11"), of being a visionary
(12^), and of other things not mentioned, which
evidently inspired certain obscure references
throughout these chapters. St. Paul's apologia
meets these charges with a vehement assertion of
his innocence, of his full Apostleship, of his com-
])etency to utter forth the gospel from fullness of
knowledge (11''), and of his abundant suii'crings and
self-denial for the sake of his converts. The large
space given to these apologice and j)ersonal re-
joinders is remote from our modern habit of
mind, but it should be borne in mind that every
educated man in these days was expected by the
Greeks to be reatly to take free part in polemics
ANTICHEIST
A2TTICHEIST
67
of this kind, and to defend himself vigorously
against attack. In 1 P 3'° we have the well-known
injunction to be ' ready always to give answer to
every man that asketh you a reason concerning
the hope that is in you,' whether before a judge or
in informal conversation — which should probably
be interpreted in this sense. In v.^^ of the same
chapter ' the answer (AV) of a good conscience
towards God' is a difficult phrase, and the com-
mentaries should be consulted. iwfpwTT]/j.a can
hardly mean ' answer,' and the RV translates
' interrogation ' (see a long note in Huther in
Meyer's Com. pp. 192-197). C. Bigg {ICC, in loc.)
interprets it of the baptismal question or demand.
The Epistle to the Hebrews has been called ' the
first Christian apology,' in the sense of a definite
and reasoned defence of the Christian faith and
position. It had its forerunners in the speeches of
St. Paul already referred to, and its successors in
the long line of Ante-Nicene 'apologies,' of which
those of Justin Martyr and Tertullian are two
outstanding examples.
LiTERATUEB. — Comm. on the passages cited; E. F. Scott,
The Apologetic of the Sew Testament, 1907 ; H. M. Gwatkin,
Early Church History, 1909, ch. xi., and similar works ; W. M.
Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Emjdre, 1893, St. Paul
the Traveller and Roman Citizen, 1895 ; T. R. Glover, The
Conflict of Religions in the Early Roma n Empire, 1909.
E. Griffith Jones,
ANTICHRIST (dvrlxp^ffTos).— The word is found
in the NT only in 1 Jn 2^»- ^' 4^, 2 Jn'', but the
idea further appears in the Gospels, the Pauline
Epistles, and above all in the Apocalypse. It
is not, however, an idea original to Christianity,
but an adaptation of Jewish conceptions which,
as Bousset has shown (The Antichrist Legend),
had developed before the time of Christ into a
full-grown Antichrist legend of a hostile counter-
part of the Messiah who would make war against
Him but whom He would finally overthrow. The
NT references to the subject cannot be rightly
appreciated without some previous consideration
of the corresponding ideas that were present in
Judaism before they were taken over by Chris-
tianity.
1. The Antichrist of Judaism. — Although the
word ' Antichrist ' does not occur till we come to
the Johannine Epistles, we have many evidences
in pre-Christian Je\vish literature, canonical and
extra-canonical, that there was a widely spread
idea of a supreme adversary who should rise up
against God, His Kingdom and people, or His
Messiah. The strands that went to the composi-
tion of the idea were various and strangely inter-
woven, and much obscurity still hangs over the
subject. But it seems possible to distinguish
three chief influences that went to the shaping of
the Jewish conception as it existed at the time of
Christ.
(1) Earliest of all was the ancient dragon-myth
of the Babylonian Creation-epic, with its represent-
ation of the struggle of Tiamat, the princess of chaos
and darkness, against Marduk, the god of order
and light. The myth appears to have belonged
to the common stock of Semitic ideas, and must
have become familiar to the Hebrews from their
earliest settlement in Canaan, if indeed it was not
part of the ancestral tradition carried with them
from their original Aramajan home. In any case,
it would be revived in their minds through their
close coQfect with the Babylonian mythology
during exilic and post-exilic times. Traces of
this dragon-myth appear here and there in the
OT, e.g. in the story of the Temptation in Gn 3,
where, as in Rev 12" 20^, the serpent=the dragon;
and in the later apocalyptic literature a dragon
represents the hostile powers that rise up in
opposition to God and His Kingdom (Pss. Sol. ii.
29). But it was characteristic of the forward look
of Prophetism and Messianism that the idea of a
conflict between God and the dragon was trans-
ferred from cosmogony to eschatology and repre-
sented as a culminating episode of the last days
(Is27', Dn7).
(2) Side by side ■with the dragon-myth must be
set the Beliar {Belial) conception, a contribution
to Jewish thought from the .side of Persian dualism,
with its idea of an adversary in whom is embodied
not merely, as in the Babylonian Creation-story,
the natural forces of chaos and darkness, but all
the hostile powers of moral evil. In 1 Gh 2P
Satan is evidently represented as God's adversary,
just as we find him in later Jewish and primitive
Christian thought. And in the interval between
OT and NT Beliar is frequently used as a synonym
for Satan, the Devil or arch-demon {e.g. Jubilees,
15 ; cf. 2 Co 6^'). The Beliar idea was a much
later influence than the dragon-myth, for Baby-
lonian religion offers no real parallel to a belief in
the Devil, and Cheyne's suggested derivation of
the name from Belili, the goddess of the under
world {EBi, art. ' Belial '), has little to recommend
it. But a subsequent fusion of Beliar with the
dragon was very natural, and we have a striking
illustration of it when in Wis 2^ and elsewhere
the serpent of the Temptation is identified with
the Devil. Cf. Rev 12^ 20-, where 'the dragon,
the old serpent,' is explained to be ' the Devil and
Satan.'
(3) But the development of the Messianic hope in
Judaism was a more determinative influence than
either of those already mentioned. The Jewish
Antichrist was very far from being a mere pre-
cipitate of Babylonian mythology and Iranian
eschatology. It was, above all, a counterpart of
the Messianic idea, as that was derived from the
prophets and evolved vmder the experiences of
Jewish national history. Ezekiel's prophecy of
the overthrow of Gog and Magog (Ezk 38) ;
Zechariah's vision of the destruction of the de-
stroyers of Jerusalem (Zee 14) ; above all, the repre-
sentation in Daniel, with reference to Antiochus
Epiphanes, of a world-power that waxed great
even to the host of heaven (Dn S^"), and trod the
sanctuary under foot (v. ^2), and stood up against
the Prince of princes until it was finally ' broken
without hand' (v.^) — all contributed to the idea
of a great coming conflict with the powers of a
godless world before the Divine Kingdom could
be set up. And when, by a process of synthesis,
the scattered elements of Messianic prophecy
began to gather round the figure of a personal
Messiah, a King who should represent Jahweh
upon earth, it was natural that the various utter-
ances of OT prophecy regarding an evil power
which was hostile to God and His Kingdom and
people should also be combined in the conception
of a personal adversary. Fzekiel's frequent re-
ferences to Gog (chs. 38, 39) would lend them-
selves to this, and so would the picture in Daniel
of the little horn magnifying itself even against
the prince of the host (8'^). And the preoccupa-
tion of the later Judaism with utterances like
these, sharpened as it was by hatred of the
heathen conquerors not merely as political enemies
but as enemies of Jahweh and His Kingdom,
would render all the easier that process of per-
sonalizing an Antichrist over against the Christ
which appears to have completed itself within the
sphere of Judaism (cf. Apoc. Bar. 40, Asc. Is. 4^"i^).
2. Antichrist in the NT. — Deriving from Judaism,
Christianity would naturally carry the Antichrist
tradition with it as part of its inheritance. That
it actually did so Bousset has sho-v^Ti by a com-
prehensive treatment of the later Christian exe-
getical and apologetic literature, which evidently
rests on a tradition that is only partially dependent
68
AiVTICHRIST
A^^TiCHKLST
on the NT (op. cit. ; cf. EBi i. 180 ff.). But, so
far as the NT is concerned, the earlier Antichrist
tradition is taken over with important changes, due
to the ilitierences between J udaisni and Cliristianity,
and especially to the differences in their conception
of the Messiah Himself. At the same time it must
be noticed that nothing like a single consistent pre-
sentation of the Antichrist idea is given by the
NT as a whole. Elements of the conception appear
in the Gospels, the Pauline Epistles, the Apocalypse,
and the Johannine Epistles; but in each group of
writings it is treated differently and with more or
less divergence from the earlier Jewish forms.
(1) In the Gospels. — In the Sj-noptic Gospels it
is everywhere apparent that Jesus recognized the
existence of a kingdom of evil under the control
of a supreme personality, variously called the
Devil (Mt 41 1339, etc.), Satan (Mt 4i« 12=6, l^ 10^8,
etc.), or Beelzebub (I\It \2-'^^-\\), who sought to
interfere with His own Messianic mission (4^'" 16^||),
and wiiose works He had come to destroy (Mk 1^- ^*
311. 12. 15^ etc. ; cf. He 2'^% But from all the crude and
materialistic elements of the earlier tradition His
teaching is entirely free. In the reference to the
'abomination of desolation' standing in the holy
place (:\It 24" ; cf. Mk 13", Lk 212"), which occurs
in the great eschatological discourse, some critics
have seen a parallel to 2 Th 2i"'- and an evident
allusion to the Jewish Antichrist tradition ; but
they do so on the presumption that the words
were not spoken by Jesus Himself and are to be
attributed to a redactor of the original source. If
they were uttered by our Lord, it seems most pro-
bable that they portended not any apocalypse of a
personal Antichrist, but the destruction of Jerusalem
by the Roman armies — a calamity which He had
already foreshadowed as coming upon the city
because of its rejection of Himself (23*^^- )• For the
adversaries of the Son of Man, the real representa-
tives of the Antichrist spirit in His eyes, were the
false Christs and false prophets by whom many
should be deceived (245- -■^) — in other words, the
champions of that worldly idea of the coming
Kingdom which He had always rejected (Mt 4"^-
16-^, Jn 6^"), but to which the Jewish nation
obstinately clung.
(2) In the Pauline Epistles. — A familiarity on
the part of St. Paul with the Antichrist tradition
is suggested when he asks in 2 Co 6", ' What con-
cord hath Christ with Belial ? ' and when he speaks
in Col 2" of Christ triumphing over 'the princi-
palities and powers.' This familiarity becomes
evident in 'the little apocalypse' of 2 Th 2'^-'^'^,
where he introduces the figure of the 'man of sin,'
or more correctly ' man of lawlessness.' Nestle
has shown [ExpT xvi. [1904-5] 472) that the
Beliar-Satan conception underlies this whole
passage, with its thought of an opponent of Christ,
or Antichrist, whom the Lord at last shall ' slay
with the breath of his mouth and bring to nought
by the manifestation of his coming' (v.*). But the
distinctive character of this Pauline view of the
Antichrist is that, while features in tiie picture
are evidently taken from the description of
Antiochus Epiphanes in Daniel (cf. v.* with
Dn 7^ ll*'), the Antichrist is conceived of, not
after the fashion of the later Judaism as a heathen
]iotentate and oppressor, but as a false Messiah
from within the circle of Judaism itself, who is to
work by means of false signs and lying wonders,
and so to turn men's hearts away from that love
of the truth which brings salvation (v,*). See,
further, Man OF SiN.
(3) In the Apocalypse. — As follows naturally both
from its subject and from its literary form, the
Apocalypse is more permeated than any other book
in the NT with the idta of the Antichrist. For
its subject is the speedy return of Christ to subdue
His enemies and set up His Kingdom (Rev F 2'^ 3",
etc. ), and its form is an adaptation to Christianity
of the ideas and imagery of those Jewish Apoca-
lypses, from Daniel onwards, which were chietiy
responsible for the growth of the Christian Anti-
christ conception. It would be out of place to
enter here into any discussion of the conflicting
interpretations of the symbolism of the dragon and
the beasts that appear and reappear from ch. '11
to the end of the book (see artt. Apocalypse,
Dragon). But in ch. 11 'the beast that cometh
up out of the abyss ' was evidently suggested by
the dragon-myth as embodied in the Jewish Anti-
christ tradition, Mliile the 'great red dragon' of
12^, who is also described as 'the old serjient, he
that is called the Devil and Satan' (v.^), and who
is clearly represented as the Antichrist (w.^''^- "),
reproduces both the mythical dragon and the later
Beliar-Satan conception, now fused into one ap-
palling figure. Again, the scarlet-coloured beast
of 13^"'° and the realm of the beast in ch. 17 are
described in language which recalls the apocalyptic
imagery of Daniel (see esp. ch. 7), and clearly
applies to a hostile and persecuting world-power
represented by its ruler. In Daniel that power
was the kingdom of the Seleucidte under Antiochus
Epiphanes ; here it is very plainly indicated as
the Roman Empire (n^-a-isj -with the Emperor
at its head (13'^"*). But to these pre-Christian
forms of the Antichrist tradition — the dragon,
Satan, and a hostile world-power — the Apocalypse
contributes two others which are peculiar to
Christianity and which play a large part in the
Christian tradition of later times.
The first of these is found in the application to
Christian ideas of the Antichrist of the con-
temporary Nero-saga, with its dream of a Nero
Redivivus who should come back to the world from
the realms of the dead (cf. Sib. Or. iv. 119 ff.;
Suetonius, Nero, 41 ; Augustine, de Civ. Dei,
XX. 19). That Nero is referred to in 13'® is most
probable, the number 666 being the equivalent
of Nero Caesar (NEPiiN KAI2AP) when written in
Heb. characters ("lop p"u). And the legend of his
return from the under world of the dead explains
in the most natural way the healing of the beast's
death-stroke (13^"^^) and the statement that it
' shall ascend out of the bottomless pit , . . and
they that dwell on the earth shall wonder when
thej^ behold the beast, how that he was, and is not,
and shall come' (17*). See also art. APOCALYPSE.
The second contribution was the idea of the false
projjhet (1613 19-'» 20'0), who is to be identified with
' another beast' of 13i^^-. It is most probable that
the false prophet represents the Imperial priesthood
as propagandists of the Ca?sar-cnlt, but it seems
not unlikely that elements in the representation
are taken from the legend that had grown up
around the name of Simon Magus (cf. Justin
Martyr, Apol. i. 26, 56 ; Irenaeus, c. Hcer. i. 23).
To the early Church, Simon with his magic arts
and false miracles was the arch-heretic and the
father of all heresy, and suggestions of his legend-
aiy figure loom out from the description of the
second beast (IS'^"'^), even while the author attri-
butes to it functions and powers that belong more
properly to the ministers of the Emperor-worship
(v.>^).
(4) In the Johannine Epistles. — In these writings,
where the word 'Antichrist' appears for the first
time, the idea is spiritualized as nowhere else in
the NT except in the teaching of Jesus. The
Antichrist is not, as in the Apocalypse, a material
world-power threatening the Church from without,
but a sf>irit of false doctrine rising up from within
(1 Jn 2'^). It is true that Anticlirist is .spoken of
as still to come (2'^^ 4^), so that some culminating
manifestation is evidently expected — probably in
ANTmOMIANISM
Al^TIOCH
69
a definite personal form. But even noAv, it is said,
there are many antichrists (2^^ ; cf. 2 Jn ''), and the
spirit of Antichrist is already in the world (1 Jn 4^).
And the very essence of that spirit is the denial of
'the Father and the Son' (2--), i.e. the refusal to
acknoAvledge the Son as well as the Father ; more
explicitly it is the refusal to confess that Jesus
Christ is come in the tiesh (42- ^, 2 Jn ''). The
spirit of Antichrist, in other words, is a spirit of
heresy — such heresy as flourished in Asia Minor
towards the close of the 1st century through the
doctrines of Cerinthus {q.v.).
When the NT utterances regarding the Anti-
christ are looked at in their variety and as a whole,
it is difficult to derive from tliem any justification
for the view that the Church should expect the
advent of a personal Antichrist as an individual
embodiment of evil. The NT authors were evi-
dently influenced in their treatment of the subject
by contemporary situations as well as by an inherit-
ance of ancient traditions. To St. Paul, writing
out of his own experience of Jewish persecution
and Koman justice and protection, Judaism was
the ' man of lawlessness,' and Rome the beneficent
restraining power. To the Apocalyptist, writing
to a Church which had known Nero's cruelty and
now under Domitian was passing througli the
flames once more. Antichrist was the Roman
Empire represented by a ruler who was hostile to
Christianity because it refused to worship him as
a god. In the Johannine Epistles, Antichrist is
not a persecuting power but a heretical spirit,
present in the world already but destined to come
in fuller power. The ultimate authority for our
thoughts on the subject must be found in the words
of Jesus when He leaches us to pray for deliver-
ance from 'the evil one' (Mt 6'^), and warns us
against false Christs and false prophets who pro-
claim a kingdom that is not His own (24^'*).
Literature. — H. Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos, Gottingen,
1895 ; W. Bousset, The Antichrist Leoend, Eng. tr., London,
1896 ; W. O. E. Oesterley, The Evolution of the Messianic
Idea, do. 1908 ; C. Clemen, Primitive Christianity and its
Non-Jewish Sources, Eng. tr., Bkiinburgh, 1912; artt. 'Anti-
christ' in PRE 3, ERE, and EBi, and ' Man of Sin ' in HDB ;
H. Cramer, Bib.-Tlieol. Lex., s.v. ; J. Moffatt, ' Revelation ' in
EGT; ExpT xvi. [1904-6] 472, xxiii. [1911-12j 97.
J. C. Lambert.
ANTINOMIANISM.— See Law.
ANTIOCH ('AjTt^xem).— 1. In Syria.— About 20
miles from the Mediterranean, the Orontes, turning
abruptly westward, enters a fertile plain, 10 miles
long ana 5 wide, which separates the great Lebanon
range from the last spurs of the Taurus. Here
Seleucus Nicator, after his defeat of Antigonus at
Issus in 301 B.C., discovered an ideal site for the
capital of his Syrian kingdom, the Asiatic portion
of the vast empire of Alexander the Great, and here
he built the most famous of the 16 Antiochs which
he founded in honour of his father Antiochus.
Planned by Xenarius, the original city occupied
the level ground between the river and Mt. Silpius,
and, like all the Hellenistic foundations in Syria,
it had two broad colonnaded streets intersecting at
the centre, or Omphalus. The Seleucid kings vied
with one another in extending and adorning their
metropolis. A second quarter was added on the
eastern side, perhaps by Antiochus I. ; a third, the
' New City,' was built by Seleucus Callinicus on an
island — similar to the island in the Seine at Paris
— which has since disappeared, probably owing to
one of those seismic disturbances to which the
region has always been peculiarly subject ; and a
fourth, on the lowest slopes of Silpius, was the
work of Antiochus Epiphanes. Henceforth the
city was known as a Tetrapolis, or union of four
cities (Strabo, XVI. ii. 4). Such was the magnificent
Greek substitute for the ancient and beautiful but
too essentially Semitic capital of Syria — Damascus.
A navigable river and a fine seaport: — Seleucia of
Pieria — made it practically a maritime city, while
caravan roads converging from Arabia and Meso-
potamia brought to it the commerce of the East.
It attained its highest political importance in the
time of Antiochus the Great, whose power was
shattered by the Romans at Magnesia. In 83 B.C.
it fell into the hands of Tigranes of Armenia, from
whom it was wrested by the Roman Republic in
65 B.C. Thereafter it was the capital of the pro-
vince of Syria, and the residence of the Imperial
legate. Pompey made it a civitas libera, and such
it remained till the time of Antoninus Pius, who
made it a colonia. The early emperors often visited
it, and embellished it with new streets and public
buildings.
During the Jewish wars (69 B.C.) ' Vespasian took with him
his army from Antioch, which is the metropolis of Syria, and
without dispute deserves the place of the third city in the
habitable world that is under the Roman Empire, both in
magnitude and in other marks of prosperity ' (Jos. BJ iii. ii. 4).
In the 4lh cent. Chrysostoni estimated the population at 200,000,
of whom 100,000 were then Christians, and probably he did
not reckon slaves and children.
Antioch was called ' the Beautiful ' (tj koKt)
[A then. i. p. 20]), but its moral repute was never
high. ' In no city of antiquity was the enjoyment
of life so much the main thing, and its duties so
incidental, as in "Antioch upon Daphne," as the city
was significantly called' (Mommsen, Prov.'^, 1909,
ii. 128). The pleasure-garden of Daphne, 5 miles
from the city, 10 miles in circumference, with its
sanctuary of Apollo, its groves of laurel and cypress,
its sparkling fountains, its colonnades and halls
and baths, has come down through history with
an evil name. Daphnici mores were proverbial,
and Juvenal flung one of his wittiest jibes at his
own decadent Imperial city when he said that the
Orontes had flowed into the Tiber {Sat. iii. 62),
flooding Rome with the superstition and immorality
of the East. The brilliant civilization and perfect
art of the Greek failed to redeem the turbulent,
fickle, and dissolute character of the Syrian. In-
stead of either race being improved by the contact,
each rather infected the other with its characteristic
vices. Cicero flattered Antioch as a city of ' most
learned men and most liberal studies' {pro Arch.
iii.), but tlie sober verdict of history is diflerent.
' Amidst all this luxury the Muses did not i3nd themselves at
home ; science in earnest and not less earnest art were never
truly cultivated in Syria and more especially in Antioch. . . .
This people valued only the day. No Greek region has so few
memorial-stones to show as Syria ; the great Antioch, the third
city of the empire, has — to say nothing of the land of hiero-
gljTjhics and obelisks — left behind fewer inscriptions than many
a small African or Arabian village ' (Mommsen, op. cit. 130, 131f.).
No city, however, after Jerusalem, is so closely
associated with the Apostolic Church. From its
very foundation it had in its population a strong
Jewish element, attracted by the offer of ' privileges
equal to those of the Macedonians and Greeks ' (Jos.
Ant. XII. iii. 1). The Jewish nation ' had the great-
est multitudes in Antioch by reason of the size of
the city. . . . They made proselytes of a great
many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby, after
a sort, brought them to be a portion of their own
body ' {BJ\ll. iii. 3). While the Judaism of Antioch
did not assimilate Hellenic culture so readily as that
of Alexandria, and certainly made no such con-
tribution to the permanent thought of the world, it
yet did much to prepare the city for the gospel.
' Nicolas a proselyte of Antioch,' who was early
won tu Christianity, and is named among the Seven
of the Jerusalem Church (Ac 6^), was evidently one
of that great number of Antiochene Greeks who had
previously felt the spell of the Jewish faith. And it
was the mixture of national elements in the Churcli
of Antioch — pure Greeks with Greek-speaking Jews
— that peculiarly fitted her to play a remarkable
70
AXTIOCH
ANTIOCH
part in the Apostolic Age. Her distinction was
tliat, while unquestionably the daughter of the
Jewish Christian community at Jerusalem, full of
filial gratitude and devotion, she became the first
Gentile Church, and the mother of all the others.
The diaspora that followed the death of Stephen
brought many fugitive Jewish Christian preachers
to Antioch, and some Cypriotes and Cyrenians
among them inaugurated a new era by going beyond
the Hellenist Jews for an audience and preaching to
'the Greeks also' (Ac 11^*). Kai Trpbs Tobs"E\\r]vai
is probably the correct reading, in spite of ' many
ancient authorities' who have ' EXXTj^io-rds ; other-
wise the historian's words would be singularly point-
less. The new evangelism resulted in many con-
versions (IP^), and the vigilant Church in Jerusalem
sent Barnabas down, if not to assist in the work, at
least to supervise it. It was the merit of Barnabas
that he could not be a mere onlooker. Grasping
the situation, and flinging himself impetuously
into the novel movement, he went, apparently
without consulting anybody, to Tarsus to summon
Paul to his lifework. In Antioch the two men
exercised a united and fruitful ministry for a year
(1122-26). jt ^vas at this time and in this place that
'the disciples were first called Christians' (112®),
the designation probably coming from the lively
populace, who quickly noted the new phenomenon
in their midst, and justified their reputation for
the invention of nicknames. Their wit never spared
anybody who seemed worthy of their attention.
' The only talent which indisputably belonged to them — their
mastery of ridicule — they exercised not merely against the
actors of their stage, but no less against the rulers sojourning
in the capital of the East, and the ridicule was quite the same
against the actor as against the emperor.' While Julian 'met
their sarcastic sayings with satirical writings, the Antiochenes
at other times had to pay more severely for their evil speaking
and their other sins ' (Mommsen, Provinces, ii. 134, 135).
But the 'Christians' gratefully accepted the
mocking sobriquet bestowed upon them, changing
it into the most honourable of all titles (cf. 1 P 4'®).
And the first Gentile Church was now to become
the first missionary Church. While Antioch was
never wanting in respect for Jerusalem, contribut-
ing liberally to its poor in a time of famine, and
consulting its leaders in all matters of doctrine
and practice, her distinguishing characteristic was
her evangelistic originality. Her heart was not
in Judaea but in the Roman Empire. The fresh
ideas of Christian liberty and Christian duty,
which the mother-Church at Jerusalem was slow
to entertain, found ready acceptance in the freer
atmosphere of the Syrian capital. That the
victory over Judaism was not easily won even
there is proved by the fact that not only Peter
but Barnabas vacillated under the alternate in-
fluence of cosmopolitan liberalism and Judsean
narrowness, till Paul's arguments and rebukes
convinced them of their error (Gal 2*"i*). But
contact with the great world and sympathy with
its needs probably did more than the force of
reason to lighten the Antiochene Church of the
dead-weight of Judaism. Christians of Hellenic
culture and Roman citizenship taught her a noble
universalism, and it was accordingly at the in-
stance of the Church of Antioch that the Council
of Jerusalem sent to the Gentile converts a circular
letter which became the charter of spiritual freedom
(Ac 152^2»j. Above all, it was from Antioch that
Paul started on each of his missionary journeys
(Ac lU-s 158« 1823), and to Antioch that he returned
again and again with his report of fresh conquests
(1428 1822). It was the master-minds of Christian
Antioch who at length changed the pathetic dream
of ' a light to lighten the Gentiles' into a reality.
Antioch gave rise to a school of Christian
thought which was distinguished by literal inter-
pretation of the Scriptures and insistence upon the
human limitations of Jesus. Theodore of Mop-
suestia was one of its best representatives. Be-
tween the years 252 and 380, ten Councils were
held at Antioch. Antakiyeh is now but a meagre
town of 600 inhabitants, though its environs ' are
even at the present day, in spite of all neglect, a
blooming garden and one of the most charming
spots on earth ' (Mommsen, ii. 129).
Literature. — C. O. Miiller, Antiquitates Antiochence,
Gottingen, 1839 ; Conybeare-Howson, St. Paul, London, 1872,
i. 149 ff. ; W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and Roman
Citizen, do. 1895, also Church in Rom. Emp., do. 1893, chs.
ii.-vii., xvi. ; A. C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age, Edinbur^'h, 1897;
C. V. Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, Eng. tr., London, 1897.
2. In Pisidia( Ac 13^* RV, 'A. ttjv IlKndiav, ' Pisidian
Antioch,' which is the correct reading, instead of
'A. Tijs Iliffidlas). — This city was probably founded
by Seleucus Nicator (301-280 B.C.) about the same
time as Syrian Antioch, being another of the many
cities which he called after his father Antiochus.
It was intended as a garrison town and a centre
of Hellenic influence in the heart of Asia Minor,
commanding the great trade route between Ephesus
and the Cilician Gates. Guided by Strabo's de-
scription of the place (XII. viii. 14), as standing
' on a height ' to the south of a ' backbone of
mountains, stretching from east to west,' Arundell
identified it in 1833 with the extensive ruins of
Yalowatch, on the skirts of the long Sultan Dagh,
about 3600 ft. above sea-level, overlooking the great
plain which is drained by the river Anthios.
After the battle of Magnesia (190 B.C.), which
cost Antiochus the Great the whole of his dominions
north of the Taurus, the Romans made Antioch a
free city. In 39 B.C. Mark Antony gave it to king
Amynt'as, after whose death in 25 B.C. it became
a city of the vast Roman province of Galatia. At
some time before 6 B.C., Augustus raised it to the
rank of a colony — Pisidarum colonia Ccesarea
(Pliny, HN v. 24) — and made it the governing and
military centre of the southern half of the province.
Its importance increased when the first emperors
found it necessary to pacify the ' barbarian ' high-
landers of Pisidia. ' In the mountain-land proper
no trace of Hellenistic settlement is found, and
still less did the Roman senate apply itself to this
difficult task. Augustus did so ; and only here
in the whole Greek coast we meet a series of
colonies of Roman veterans evidently intended
to acquire this district for peaceful settlement'
(Mommsen, Provinces, i. 336 f.). Roman roads
connected Antioch with all the other colonies
founded in the district — Olbasa, Comama, Cremna,
Parlais, and Lystra. The work of pacification was
in especially active progress during the reign of
Claudius (A.D. 41-54), in which St. Paul visited
Antioch. The city was not yet ' Antioch in
Pisidia' (AV), being correctly styled by Strabo
' Antioch towards Pisidia ' ('A. ■^ irphs llta-iS/^ koKov-
ixiv-q [XII. viii. 14]), in distinction from Antioch
on the Mseander ; but St. Luke already calls it
'Pisidian Antioch,' to ditt'erentiate it from Antioch
in Syria. The boundaries of Pisidia gradually
moved northward till it included most of Southern
Phrygia, and then ' Antioch of Pisidia ' became
the usual designation of the city. At a still later
period Pisidia was constituted a Roman province,
with Antioch as its capital.
On the South-Galatian theory, in the form ad-
vocated by Ramsay (Church in Bom. Emp., 74 fl"),
Antioch is regarded by St. Luke as belonging to the
Phrygio-Galatic region (t7)v 4>pvylav Kal raXan/cJjj'
X'^po-v, Ac 16*), Phrygian being a geographical term
and Galatic a political, the one used by the Greeks
and the other by the Roman government. In
Ac 1823 the region is simply called ' Phrygian,' and
if, as many think, ^pxrylav is here to be taken as a
noun, the sense is still much the same (see Galatia
and Phrygia). St. Paul's first mission to Antioch
AJ^TIPAS
APOCALYPSE
71
was so successful that the whole political regio of
which this colony was the centre soon heard of the
new faith (Ac Vi^]. In no other Asian city, except
Ephesus, was the influence of his preaching so far-
reaching. His success was no doubt in great
measure due to tiie strong Jewish element in the
population, even though it was Jewish persecution
that compelled him to leave the city for a time
(Ac 13'^-s"). The early Seleucid kings settled
Jews in many of their cities, and gave them the
same civic rights as the Greeks, finding them to
be trusty supporters and often real Hellenizers.
Antiochus the Great settled 2000 Jewish families
in Lydia and Phrygia (Jos. Ant. XII. iii. 4), many
of whom must have found a home in Antioch.
Trade doubtless attracted others to so important
a centre, and thus the Jewish leaven had been
working for a long time before Christianity was
introduced. Ramsay thinks that ' the Jews are
likely to have exercised greater political power
among the Anatolian people, with their yielding
and easily moulded minds, than in any other part
of the Roman world' (Hist. Com. on Gal., 193) ; and
their spiritual influence Avas at least as great.
St. Paul found many ' devout proselytes ' in
Antioch (Ac \Z^), and his presence attracted ' the
whole city' to the synagogue (13**). While the
native Phrygian type of religious feeling was
more eastern than western, and thus had a certain
natural affinity with the Semitic type, the Phrygian
Jews, whose laxity gave deep oflence to the rigidly
orthodox, no doubt increased their power among
their neighbours by their freedom fi'om bigotry.
The attraction of the Jewish faith for Gentile
women (ras a-e^ofi^vas yvvalKas, Ac 13'*) was a
familiar theme in ancient writings (Juvenal, vi.
543; Jos. BJ II. xx. 2) ; and the influence of
' women of honourable estate ' (ras durxniJ'-ovo-^), not
only in Antioch but in Asia Minor generally, is
one of the most striking features in the social life
of the country (Conybeare-Howson, St. Paul, i.
219; Ramsay, Church in Bom. Emp., 67). Strabo
[loc. cit.) mentions another fact which may help
to explain the rapid progress of Christianity in
Antioch : ' In this place was established a priest-
hood of Men Arcaius, having attached to it a
multitude of temple slaves and tracts of sacred
territory. It was abolished after the death of
Amyntas by those who were sent to settle the
succession to his kingdom.' This drastic action
of the Romans had removed one of the greatest
obstacles to the new faith — the vested interests of
an old and powerful hierarchy.
Literature. — F. V. J. Arundell, Discoveries in Asia Minor,
London, 1834, i. 281 f. ; Conybeare-Howson. St. Paul, do.
1872, i. 204 f. ; W. M. Ramsay, Hist. Com. on Gal., do. 1899,
pp. 196-213, Church in Rom. Emp., do. 1893, passihi ; J. R. S.
Sterrett, Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor, Boston, 1888,
P.218L James Steahan.
ANTIPAS.— See Hkrod.
ANTIPAS (shorter form of Antipater [Jos. Ant.
XIV. i. 3 : ' this Antipatros was at first called
Antipas'] as Hermas is of Hermodorus, Lucas of
Lucanus, and Silvas of Silvanus). — Antipas, other-
wise unknown, is mentioned in Rev 2'^. Later
Greek tradition made him bishop of Pergamum,
martyred under Uomitian by being thrown into a
brazen bull which stood at the temple of Diana,
and so roasted alive.* The name has been allegor-
ized as anti-pas ( = ' against all ') or anti-papa. The
character of the Apocalj^pse, again, admits the
hypothesis that the name refers to the Ciod Pan.
Pan was worshipped at Ephesus and in many
* Neumann (Der Rom. Stoat u. dif allgemeine Eirche, 1890, i.
15) suggests that Antipas was the only martyr who suffered in
Pergamum, but Ramsay {Letters to the Seven Churches, 288)
maintains that he was the first of a long series.
cities in Asia Minor — no record of his worship at
Pergamum is extant — under the strong influences
of Arcadian and Peloponnesian cults. It is not
impossible, therefore, that the Christian Church
at Pergamum is praised for its opposition to the
heathen Pan. Cf. Balaam, Nicolaitans.
Literature.— ^6', April, ii. [1866] 3 ff., 901 ; Roscher, iii.
1369; H. B. Swete, Apocalypse, ad loc. ; H. Alford, Gr. Test.,
ad loc. ; W. M. Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire^, 1897,
Letters to the Seven Churches, 1904 ; C. v. Weizsacker, Apostolic
Age, Eng. tr. 1894 ; A. C. McGiffert, Hist, of Christianity in
the Apost. Age, 1897. "VV. F. COBB.
ANTIPATRIS CAi/HTrarpis).— Antipatris, a Hel-
lenistic town of Palestine, stood at the eastern
edge of the Plain of Sharon, where the military
road from Jerusalem to Csesarea left the hills.
Under the protection of a body of Roman cavalry
and infantry, St. Paul was brought thither by
night, and thence, with a diminished escort, to
Ctesarea (Ac 23^i- '*^). Antipatris was a border town
between Judsea and Samaria (Neubauer, Gcogr. du
Talm., 1868, p. 80 f.), and after it was reached there
would be less danger of a Jewish attack. Josephus
{Ant. XVI. V. 2) gives an account of its foundation :
'Herod erected another city in the plain called Kapbarsaba,
where he chose out a fit place, both for plenty of water and
goodness of soil, and proper for the production of what was
there planted, where a river encompassed the city itself, and
a ^ove of the best trees for magnitude was round about it :
this he named Antipatris, from his father Antipater.'
The historian elsewhere identifies it with Kaphar-
saba [Ant. XIII. xv. 1), and Robinson (Biblical
Researches, iv. 139 f. ), followed by Schiirer (II. i.
130 f.), naturally concludes that the site must be
the modem Kefr Sdbd ; but, as the latter place
cannot be described as well-watered, Conder,
Warren, G. A. Smith, and Buhl all favour Bas-
el-' Ain, a little farther south, at the source of the
Aujah. James Strahan.
ANTITYPE.— See Type.
ANTONIA.— See Castle.
ANXIETY.— See Care, Careful.
APELLES ('A-Ke\\rj%, a Greek name possibly con-
tracted from Apollodorus, and apparently common
among Jews of the Dispersion [cf. Hor. Sat. i. 5.
100 : credat ludceus Apella, and Gow's suggestion,
ad loc, that, as modern Jews take a Gentile name
which closely resembles their Hebrew name, so in
ancient times a Jew called Abel might choose the
name Apelles]). — Apelles, saluted by St. Paul in Ro
16^", is called ' the approved in Christ ' (rbv ddKifiou
iv Xpto-Tfp). The phrase may indicate that he had
been specially tested and tried by affliction or per-
secution, or that he was a Christian who had gained
the approbation of the Church, sufficiently perhaps
to be called to the ministry (cf. 1 Ti 3'°). Nothing
is known of Apelles beyond this reference.
Assuming the Roman destination of these saluta-
tions, he was probably a Jewish convert residing in
Rome as a member of the Imperial household.
As the salutation which follows is that to ' the
household of Aristobulus,' it has been suggested
that Apelles' Christian activity may have lain in
that direction. If Aristobulus (q.v. ) was the grand-
son of Herod, Apelles would no doubt find in his
' household ' many members of his own race. The
name Apelles is known to have belonged to the
Imperial household. It was borne by a famous
tragic actor in the time of the Emperor Cains (see
Lightfoot, Philip>pians'^, 1878, p. 174).
T. B. Allwoethy.
APOCALYPSE. — I. Introduction. —±. The
word 'apocalypse' in the NT. — airoKd\v\l/is ('re-
velation ') occurs some eighteen times in the NT.
The general sense is ' instruction concerning Divine
72
APOCALYPSE
APOCALYPSE
tilings before unknown — especially those relating
to the Christian salvation — given to the soul by
(iod or the ascended Christ, especially through
the operation of the Holy Spirit (1 Co 2'") ' (Grimm-
Thajer). The word was important to St. Paul
when he wished to express his independence of the
first apostles in reference to his knowledge of the
gospel and even to the steps taken to come to an
understanding with them (Eph 3», Gal 2^). The
object of diroKa\v\f/is is, therefore, a mystery
(Ko 16^). Tlie gospel without it would remain
unknown, with it it is an 'open secret.'* The
source, as also the end or object, of dTro/cdXui/'is is
God or Jesus Christ, and the mode may be vision
or ecstasy (2 Co 12'). It maj' also be, however,
events which strike the general eye, e.g. ' the
righteous judgment of God' (Ro 2'); * diroKdXvrpis
of the sons of God' (8^®), i.e. 'the glory that is
manifestly given to some, showing them to be sons
of God ' ; ' dTTOKciXt/i/'is of the glory of Christ '(IP 4'^),
i.e. 'the glory with which He will return from
heaven ' (Grimm-Thayer). The return is called the
' d.iroKd\v\f/is of the Lord Jesus Christ' (2 Th V,
1 Co 1'', 1 P P- J3). As a prophet is one to whom
truth comes not from man but from God, what he
utters may be called an dvoKd\v\//is, and he himself
may be said to ' have an dwoKd\v\pis,' or to speak
ip dTTOfcaXi'i/zet (1 Co 14^'; of. v.''). It is a fact of
much suggestiveness for the subject of this article
(see below) that, so far as the NT is concerned,
the prophet and the apocalyptist may be considered
one and the same.
2. The NT Apocalypse of John as the type of
apocalyptic writings. — Though in the sense of the
Christian creed the whole Bible is by pre-eminence
the literature of apocalypse or revelation, there is
only one book in each Testament to which the
name has been given. In the NT we have the
Apocalypse of John and in the OT we have the
Book of Daniel, which is unmistakably both in
style and substance of the same literary genus.
The latter is — apart from what may be called
apocalyptic fragments in the older prophetical writ-
ings, e.g. Is 24 — the oldest known Apocalypse, and
has served as a model for subsequent writings of
the class. Daniel and the Apocalypse of John
mark respectively the beginning and the end of
what may be called the apocalyptic period, which
thus covers upwards of 260 years (say 168 B.C. to
A.D. 96). t It thus appears that, while there is an
apocalyptic element in practically all the books of
the NT (see below), there is only one writing be-
longing to the Apostolic Age which is as a whole
of the apocalyptic class, and which, despite much
controversy in the early centuries,! has held its
place among the books of authority recognized by
the Christian Church. This circumstance alone
might warrant tlie almost exclusive devotion of
this article to an account of this book, but such
concentration offers, besides, the advantage of
showing the leading features of the apocalyptic
style as they appear, so to speak, synthetically,
interwoven with an actual situation— a crisis — on
which the mind of the apocalyptist reacts. In
regard to the uncanonical apocalypses, if one may
not say, after studying the Ajjocalypse, ' Ex uno
disce onines,' one may remember the attention
paid to the lesser apocalypses during the last half-
century, and say that the creepers have not
suffered from the oversliadowing of the cypress. §
• Denney, et al.
t Daniel belongs to the time of the persecution of the Jews
under the Greek-Syrian kinp Antiochus Epiphanes (168-165 B.C.) ;
the Apoc. of John probably to the persecution of the Christians
under the Roman emperor Domitian (a.d. 81-96).
{ The canonicity of the A])ocalypse was controverted, esp. in
the Kastern Church, and it was not till a.d. 215 that the
Western Church, under the leadership of Ilippolytus. accepted
it. The East finally yielded to the West.
§ Verg. Eel. i. 25 f., quoted by Moffatt (.BGr v. 295).
3. Non-canonical apocalypses of the Apostolic
Age. — As, however, both the Apocalypse and the
other books of the NT contain implicit references,
and, in at least one case,* an explicit reference to
other apocalypses, a list may here be given of the
non-canonical apocalypses, either wholly or partly
extant, and of others whose existence may be in-
ferred from quotations of them found in the early
Fathers. They may be classified under three
heads: (A) Jewish, (B) Jewish - Christian, (C)
Hellenic or Gentile.
(A) Under this head fall : (a) The cycle known as Enoch, which
includes : (a) The Ethiopia Enoch, so called because it survives
chiefly in an Ethiopia Version. It includes : (1) chs. 1-36, 72-108
(c. 100 B.C.); (2) chs. 37-71 ('Book of Similitudes'), which be-
longs probably to the early days of the Herodian dynasty, and is
therefore close to the Christian era. In this book t occur those
references to the pre-existent Messiah under the title ' Son of
man,' which Hilgenfeld and others have ascribed to Christian
interpolation, but whose direct debt is probably only to Daniel
(see esp. Dn 7'3). (js) The Slavonic Secrets of Enoch, before a.d.
70. — (b) Assumption of Moses (Q.w.)not later than a.d. 10. — (c)
Apocalypse of Ezra, usually cited as Fourth Ezra ( = 2 Esdras
[q.v.] of English 'Apocrypha,' chs. 3-14), after a.d. 90.— <d)
Apocalypse of Baruch (.q.v.), about the same time as U Ezra. —
(e) The Testament of Abraham, perhaps the 1st cent. a.d. — (/)
The Testaments of the XI J. Patriarchs (q.v.), probably the 1st
cent. a.d. — (a), (6), (d), and (/) are best accessible to the English
reader in the careful editions of R. H. Charles, Oxford, 1893,
1897, 1896, 1908. In regard to (c), we have, in addition to the
scholarly editions of James and Bensly, G. H. Box's The
Ezra-Apocalypse (London, 1912). For (e), we have the edition
of M. R. James (Cambridge, 1892). 2f.B. — See now also R. H.
Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the OT, Oxford,
1913.
Closely related to the apocalyptical books are : (g) The
Psalms of Solomon, 64-40 b.c, edited by Ryle and James
(Cambridge, 1891) under the alternative title Psalm» of the
Pharisees.— {h) The Book of Jubilees, probably before Christ.
See Charles' translation in JQR vi. [1894] 710, vii. [1895] 297.—
(i) The Ascension of Isaiah (q.v.) — Jewish part = the Martyrdom
of Isaiah (21-312 and 5--1-*), Charles' edition (London, 1900). In
addition to these extant books are 4, which are known to us
only through citations in Origen and other Fathers : 0) The
Prayer of Joseph ; (k) The Book of Eldad and Medad ; (I) The
Apocalypse of Elijah ; (m) The Apocalypse of Zephaniah.
(B) Under this head would fall not so much apocalypses
written independent!}' by Jews who were Christians — for, if we
except the Apocalypse of John, such books are hardly known
to have existed— as (a) Selections from Jewish apocalypses
of matter embodying beliefs common to Jews and Christians;
and (b) Christian interpolations of Jewish apocalypses. Of
these (a) are by far the more frequent. The OT was the Bible
of the early Christians, and such an example as that of Jude^f.
(cf. En. 19), taken along with the implicit references to apoca-
lyptic writings which are found in the Apocalypse and other
books of the NT (see below), reveals a tendencj- among the
Christians to extend the range of the Canon ; it points at the
same time to the large amount of matter, both within and be-
jond the Canon, that was common to Jews and Christians. It
is, indeed, a fact worthy of special notice that at an early period,
which we may date roughly from the fall of the Jewish State
in A.D. 70, apocalyjitic literature begins to lose interest for the
Synagogue in proportion as it gains it for the Christian Church.
This fact invests the apocalyptic literature with a peculiar
interest for the student of the Apostolic Age. There is the
general question as to how that age of early Christians came to
value and even to produce apocalyptic books, which we convert
here into the more concrete question, How could it produce the
Apocalypse of John ? There is the dogmatic question, What are
the elements in this book which entitle it to the position of
authority it holds to this day ? For (b), examples of Christian
interpolation may be found in The Ascension of Isaiah, which
is Christian in all but 21-312 and 52-14 ; and in chs. 1 and 2, and
15 and 16 of U Ezra which are sometimes quoted as 5 and 6'
Ezra respectively.
(C) Hellenic apocalypses. — The Sibylline Oracles (q.v.),
'Jewish works under a heathen mask ' (Schiirer), are the best
instance under this head. They are the work ot Hellenistic
Jews, and are written in Greek hexameters for Gentiles, under
names which have authority for such readers. The fact that
they have been subjected to considerable Christian interpolation
testifies to the extent of their circulation. Much the best edition
of them, based on 14 MSS, is that of Rzach (Oracula Sibyllina,
Vienna, 1891). English readers may consult Schiirer's HJP ii. iii.
28S-92 ; Ediiih. lieview (July 1877) ; Deane's Pseudepigrapha
(1891), 276 ff. ; Charles' Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, ii.
As an example of distinctively Christian work, produced
under more decidedly Hellenic influence than is to be found in
works of Jewish origin, may be mentioned the A/mcnlt/pse of
Peter, a large part of which was edited for the English reader
in 1892. Strong claims to canonicity were made tor it in early
times, and its teaching largely influenced later Christian ideas
• Jude Hf- ; cf. Eth. En. 19.
t 4S-'f 622 etc. See L. A. Muirhead, The Timss of Christ,
Edinburgh, 1905, pp. 141 f., 147.
APOCALYPSE
APOCALYPSE
73
of heaven and hell. ' It Is as strongly Greek as Revelation [the
Apoc. of John] is Jewish, having a close relation to the Greek
Orpliio Literature. It concerns the lot of souls after death,
whereas Revelation, like the Jewish apocalypses, is more con-
cerned with the course of world-history ' (Porter, from whose
Messages of the Apoc. Writers, 7 ff., these lists are mainly taken).
i. Period and general characteristics of apoca-
lyptic literature. — Before passing to an account of
tiie Apocalypse of John we must try to form a
definite idea of the characteristic features of apoca-
lyptic literature — its design, form, and leading
ideas. From the point of view of tlie student of
the NT, apocalypse must be considered as of purely
Jewisli growth.* As we have seen, the period
within wliicli apocalyptic literature was produced
occupied over a century and a half before the
birth of Christ and about a century after. It is
thus the accompaniment and interpretation of the
last great struggle of the Jewish people for that
political independence — with an implicit idea of
supremacy — which seemed to be due to the Chosen
People. Within this period fall the comparative
victory (Maccabaean triumph), varying fortunes
(political importance, accompanied with decline of
religious fervour ; dissensions between the lax
hellenizing and the puritanical patriotic party),
and the ultimate seeming extinction (capture of
Jerusalem by Titus A.D. 70) of this ideal. The
apocalyptists are the instructors and encouragers
of the people in the name of God in reference to
that Kingdom which, in spite of the greatness of
the world-powers that are their rivals and the
enemies of Jahweh, is yet to come to them from
God and to be realized in the world. In Daniel,
which belongs to the period of the Maccabaean
struggle, we may see the high-water mark of
spiritual faith reached by this ideal ; in the fact
that after the fall of the Jewish State, the kernel t
of the nation, the Jews of the stricter synagogue,
ceased to cherish the apocalypses and perhaps
even suppressed J them, we have an index of the
limitations of the ideal. The Kingdom, however
loftily conceived by the seers of the nation, was
still in the actual tiiought of the orthodox Jew too
much of this world and of his own nation. Be-
tween this How and ebb lies the history of apoca-
lypse, as it is to be read within the limits of
Judaism. It is a record of great hopes and fideli-
ties, but also of great disappointments and of
failures both in conception and fulfilment. The
great apocalypses were written in periods of stress.
Judging from Daniel, we may say, perhaps, the
greater the stress tlie truer the inspiration of the
apocalj-ptist. Tlie leading ideas are simple but
great ; the tribulation is real. It will last for a
measured while, and even increase. The troubling
powers are fierce and violent. They rage like wild
beasts and seem to be of great power ; but their
power passes, and tiie Kingdom comes to the faith-
ful and the patient. Death does not end every-
thing eitlier for the faithful or for the lawless, and
there is special bliss for those who lose life for
righteousness' sake.§
As to the literary form of the apocalypses, the
most salient distinguishing feature is a certain
* That is to say, questions as to the affinities of its phrase-
ologj' and conceptions with those of heathen mythology belong
rather to the study of the OT. Long- before ' John ' writes, the
nivthological conceptions have passed through the mill of the
spirit that is distinctive of the Jewish faith. What further re-
finement they need is supplied by the mill of the Christian
fulfilment.
t Yet what is here said is not altogether true of the Jews of
the Dispersion.
t The apocal^Tises survive for the most part not in their
native Hebrew or Aramaic but in Greek, and in the dialects of
the districts where they were received, and where they were
read more by C'liristians than by Jews.
§ Dn 122 is fairly cited as proijably the only passage in the OT
that clearly teaches a bodily resurrection for individual Israel-
ites. The resurrection would seem to be universal as regards
Israel (though this is doubtful), but nothing is said of the
heathen.
obscurity of imagery, which sometimes takes the
form of a grotesqueness, and of an incongruity in
details, which are excusable only upon the supposi-
tion that the awkward imagery was capable of the
twofold task of convej'ing the meaning to those
for whom it was intended, and of veiling it from
others.
This obscurity of style is connected with the
fact that apocalypses were, so far as we know, in
nearly every case pseudonymous. Daniel was not
written, like the prophecies of Isaiah or Jeremiah,
to be spokeji. It was written to be read. Prob-
ably in the case of the author of Daniel, the
pseudonymity was due, not so much to the feeling *
that he would not be accepted by his fellow-
countrymen as a prophet, as to the necessity of
eluding the hostility and even the suspicion of the
Syrian authorities. A prophet might be arrested
in the street, a living author might be traced to his
desk. But what could the Syrian do with the
infiuence of writings that were three centuries
old ? The example of the author of Daniel
made pseudonymity a fashion. Writers who had
no cause to fear arrest, but some perhaps to fear
neglect, wrote in the names of prophets or saints
of bygone days. It is difficult for us to conceive
how any one able to handle a pen could have been
deceived by such fictions. On the other hand,
there is a certain impressiveness in the fact that
questions regarding the real state of matters (in
the literary sense) do not seem to have emerged.
Readers and interpreters of the apocalypses were
concerned with their message for their own time.
If an interpreter had thoughts of his own regarding
the literary structure of an apocalypse, he sup-
pressed them. His instinct told him, as its equiva-
lent tells the modern preacher, that a text does
not become the word of God until it is released
from bondage to its historical meaning. At the
same time their artificial literary style takes from
the spiritual value of the apocalyptic writings. If
real history, in so far as it deals with the past, is
a veil — though a transparent one— between God
and the spirit of the reader, the fiction of history,
behind which the apocalyptic writer found it
necessary (even were it in the interest of his
message) to conceal himself, becomes, at least for
later readers, a veil that is opaque. Parables that
are puzzles can hardly be edifying. Some of the
parables of Daniel are puzzles to this day. It is a
question of some moment how far such criticism
applies to the canonical Apocalj'pse of the NT.
Besides community in general ideas and in
pseudonymity, apocah'pses have a certain com-
munity in imagery. There is, as it were, a sample
stock of images always accessible to the apoca-
lyptist.
On the side of good, we have (to take great
examples) God and His throne, angels such as
Michael and Gabriel, or angelic beings resembling
men (of whom the chief, when he appears at all, is
the Messiah), books written with the names of the
saints, the paradise of God with its trees of healing
and nourishment, the new creation with its wonders
specialized in the new city and temple. On the
side of evil, we have Satan, the opposer, deceiver,
accuser, the monster of the deep (dragon or croco-
dile), wild beasts of the land, which, however, rise
out of the deep, + a ' man of lawlessness ' who
* The feeling was, however, undoubtedly present. The
author's appeal to ' books ' is a confession of it (Dn 9^ ; of. Jer
25iif ). See L. A. Muirhead, The Eichatology of Jesus, London,
1904, p. Tiff.
t Ct. Kev 1.3'ff-, Dn 73ff-, U Ezr. ISif-. In the last passage the
figure of ' one like a man ' (the Messiah) rises from the sea, and
then flies among the clouds, and the explanation is given : ' As
none can find out what is in the depths of the sea, so none of
the inhabitants of the earth can see my Son and his companions
save at the hour of his day' (v.5f). The depth of the sea
rather than the height of heaven seemed to 'Ezra' the surest
APOCALYPSE
APOCALYPSE
embodies all blasphemy, a ' great whore ' who
incarnates all the abominations of the heathen
world. In view of this sameness of the underlying
imagery, the originality of an apocalj'ptist is to be
seen more in the use of his material tlian in the
material itself. The forces of good and evil remain
the same, the general aspect of conflict between
them — the inherent strength of God's rule and the
imminent collapse of the devil's — remains to the
prophetic eye the same, but persons and events
change. The apocalyptist of truly prophetic spirit
lias his eye fixed on God and his own time ; and,
while he uses what, abstractly considered, seems a
cumbrous and partly alien literary form, he does
so not to exercise a literary gift but to convey a
message, the urgencj^ of which lies on his spirit as
a ' burden ' of the Lord. An obvious criterion of
the rightfulness of iiis claim to be a prophet will be
the ease and freedom with which he is able to
adapt the material, imposed by his choice of the
apocalyptic form, to the purpose of his message.
Judged in this way, the Apocalypse of John
shines in a light which no student of early Chris-
tian literature can call other than brilliant.
Whatever ditticulties were felt by the early Fathers
in giving it a place in the Canon, there is no book
of the NT wliose claim, once admitted, has been
less a matter of subsequent doubt. Until less
than a century ago, the Apocalypse was supposed
to contain a forecast* of the entire career of
the Church in time, but the modification of this
view through the clear perception that both pro-
phets and apocalyptists wrote for their own time,
attaching to its needs and prospects a certain
finality, has not altered the belief of Christians
in the permanent spiritual value of this unique
book.
II. The Apocalypse of John.— ±. Scheme of
the book. — It is not possible to supply in this
article anything like a Commentary or even an
adequate Introduction to the Apocalypse. Yet it
may be useful to precede a discussion of some of
its salient features with the following scheme of
its contents, which is an abbi-eviated version of
that given by F. C. Porter in his invaluable
manual (op. cit. 179 f.).
Superscription, 11-3.
A. The messaifes of Christ to His (Dhurches represented by
the Seven Churches of Asia, l*-322.
(a) Introduction, including salutation, theme, attestation,
14-8.
(6) The Seer's Call, 19-20.
(c) The Seven Messages, chs. 2 and 3.
B. Visions of Judifment, composing the body of the book
(chs. 4-20) intersected at chs. 7, 11, 14, and 19, with visions of the
victory and bliss of the faithful.
(a) Visions of God and Clirist respectively performing and
revealing, chs. 4 and 5.
(6) First stajres of the Judgment, including the opening of
six seals, t the salvation of the faithful, and the destruc-
tion of one-third of mankind at the sounding of six
trumpets, chs. 6-9.
(c) Last stages of the Judgment, issuing in the final overthrow
of Satan and Rome, especially the imperial cultus (the
'Beast'), and in the General Resurrection and Judgment.
The .Seer receives a new commission. He describes the
conflict between the worshipiiers of the Beast and the
followers of the Lamb, and his vision of the wrath of God
in seven bowls, chs. 10-20. Note that a lar<re portion of
this section consists of assurances to the faithful and of
songs of triumph, and much the greater part of the
judgment portion (chs. 12, 17, 18, and 19) describes the
fall of Rome.
0. The Blessed Consummation, including the coming of God
stronghold of secrets that should be inaccessible to men. On
the representation of this idea in the Genesis narratives of
creation and the relation of the latter to the Babylonian myth
of Marduk and Tiamat, see Gunkel, Schopfunff u. Cliaox, 189.5.
• In an obvious sense, of course, the book did contain such a
forecast. As with every prophet, the end is within the vision
of the writer. In his case it is to come 'shortly' — i.e. most
likely within his own generation.
t There are pauses after the 6th seal and the 6th trumpet.
The 7th seal contains, as it were, the 7 trumpets, and the 7th
trumpet contains the 7 bowls.
to dwell with men and the descent of the Heavenly Jerusalem,
chs. 21 and 22. Note that both the Epilogue and the Prologue of
the book solemnly emphasize the claim to be considered 'pro-
phecy ■ (22i8f. ; cf. 13).
2. Examples of the problems. — A few specimens
may be given of the many fascinating problems
which emerge for the student regarding: (1) the
literary structure of the Apocalypse ; (2) the sig-
nificance of some of its vhotq prominent details.
(1) In spite of its being, more than almost any
other book of the NT (see below), saturated with
reminiscences of books of the OT (esp. Dan., Ezek.,
Is., Jer., Joel, and generally all tlie portions of
the OT which describe visions of God or offer
pictures of bliss or woe), the book leaves the
reader with a strong impression of its spiritual
unitj'. The writer is a Christian and a prophet.
His central positive theme is Christ Crucified,
Risen, and Ascended (P"- 5®* ^-^•)- The warrant,
substance, and spirit of his prophecy are 'the
testimony of Jesus,' a phrase in which the of seems
to incluae both a subjecti\^B and an objective
meaning* (19^"; cf. l^^-)- The world to come is
imminent, and its inheritors are the worshippers
of God and the Lamb (1«- 7»^- etc.).
It is evident, however, as a few examples will
be sufficient to show, that this general unity goes
along with great looseness in the assimilation of
borrowed material.
Examples : (o) Ch. 11 is made up of portions of two apoca-
lypses, one of which (represented by w.l- ") belongs to the
time of the siege of Jerusalem (c. a.d. 70), and the other
embodies a portion of the Antichrist legend, which related how
Antichrist would slay Enoch and Elijah, returned from heaven,
who would, however, be raised up by God or His angels
Gabriel and Michael (see Bousset's Antichrist ; and Tert. de
Anima). In the Apocalypse, Enoch becomes Moses, and what
was previously described (v.2) as the ' holy city ' becomes ' spiritu-
ally Sodom and Egypt, where the Lord was crucified ' (v.S). T))e
general purpose — to teach that the worshippers of the true God
are safe (vv.i-2), and that the powers of wicked men will not
prevail against the testimony of law and prophecy to the true
God (vv.3-12) — is evident. But it is equally evident that the
author is hampered in the expression of this message by a
superabundance of borrowed and not quite congruous material.
Though the time of the testimony of the two witnesses in v.3
corresponds with that during which the holy city is to be
trodden under foot bj' the Gentiles (cf. vv.2.3), the situation
of the city at v.l3 does not correspond with that indicated at
V.2 any more than the holy city of the latter verse corresponds
with ' Sodom and Eg^^jt ' of v.**
(fi) An example of composite structure, better knouTi to
modern students of the Apocalypse (through Gunkel's ScAo?)/.
M. Chaos), but more difficult to exhibit with precision, is the
vision in ch. 12 of the Messiah-mother and the Dragon seeking
to devour her child. The teaching of 'John' is, again, evident
enough. Satan has been overthrown by the birth and ascension
of the Messiah. He has been cast down from heaven, but he is
still permitted to persecute the Messianic community on earth.
If his wrath is fierce, it is because his time is short. Let the
persecuted lend their ear to the loud voice saying in heaven :
'Now is come salvation — and the Kingdom of our God'
(vv.17. 12. 10). It is clear, however, that, apart from a desire to
use materials which laj- to his hand in fragments of Jewish apoca-
Ij-pses, which borrowed and combined Babylonian, Egyptian,
and Greek myths, he would not have expressed his meaning in
the waj' we find in this chapter. The scene begins in heaven,
and the woman is described (v.i) in language appropriate to a
goddess. Then she appears (v.o), without explanation, on the
eartli, where she finds refuge and nourishment in the wilder-
ness. The Dragon is then cast out of heaven to the earth (v.S),
although this ejection seems already to be assumed at v.4, and
on the earth he pursues the woman to her retreat in the wilder-
ness. A Cliristian meaning can douljtless be put into it all, but
no one narrator could ever spontaneously have told the story
in this way. For a brief and lucid attemiit: to conceive the
possible process through which the immediate and remote
materials passed in the hands of ' John,' see Porter, op. cit.
230 ff.
(2) Of problems turning on more special points
we have good instances in ch. 13. We may feel
satisfied that the first Beast is, in general, the
lioinan Empire embodied in the person of the
Emperor, while tiie second (the lamb tiiat 'spake
as a dragon,' v.") is the priesthood of the Imperial
* The words ' the testimon.v of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy '
are a gloss (see the Conunentaries), but they are entirely true
to the writer's thought (li), and form with 1 Co 123 an interest-
ing witness to the test applied to prophets in the early Church.
APOCALYPSE
APOCALYPSE
70
cultus exercising a lamb-like office with all the
ferocity of dragon-like tyrants. We may be satis-
fied also that under the imagery of the first Beast
the author must have thought both of Nero and
Domitian. Still the questions remain : (a) What
is the ' deadly wound ' that was healed (v.'-)? (6)
Who is the ' man ' whose number is the number
of the Beast (v.i^)? (c) Is the 'number' 666, or,
as in some MSS, 616? These three questions are
closely interdependent. It has been argued that,
as the Beast is rather the Empire than an individual
Emperor, the wound should refer to some event
of public rather than of personal import. To
the objection that v.^^ speaks expressly of the
'number of a man,' it is replied that, on the
analogy of 21", this may simply mean that the
number is to be reckoned in a human and not in
a heavenly or angelic way. It is found that the
Greek letters * of the phrase meaning ' the Latin
Kingdom ' give the number 666, while the value
of the letters in 'the Italian Kingdom' is 616.
Against the identification of the Beast with Nero
it is further argued that the Hebrew equivalent of
'Nero Csesar,' rightly spelt {i.e. with the yod [']
in ' Csesar '), t gives not 666 but 676. Accepting this
point of view, we should still have to ask, What were
the events that were respectively the inflicting and
the healing of a deadly wound, and we are pre-
sented with the alternative theories : assassina-
tion of Julius Cajsar (wound), accession of
Augustus (healing) ; end of the Julian dynasty in
Nero (wound), rise of the Flavian dynasty (heal-
ing). On the other hand, it is contended that,
apart even from v. '8, the whole passage is too
intense and too definite in its reference to exclude
particular Emperors from the view of the author
or his readers. He must have thought of Nero.
Almost as certainly he must have thouglit of
Domitian, whom he conceived as Nero Rcdiriviis
(17"), and, not improbably, he also thought of
Caligula, to whose attempt to set up his own statue
in Jerusalem the Apocalypse of the blasphemous
beast (considered as material borrowed by 'John ')
might be supposed to have originally referred. :J:
This might explain the variant 616, which is the
number of Caligula's name. The omission of the
yod in writing the Hebrew form of Csesar is not a
serious difficulty (see Mollatt, op. cit.). Finally,
Gunkel, finding the Bab. original of the Beast in
the chaos-monster Tiamat overcome (in the crea-
tion myth) by Marduk, has shown that the Heb.
words n;jiD"ip Dinp(r'Ao?w kadhmdnlyah=' the primi-
tive monster') give the number 666. It might be
supposed, therefore, that what struck 'John' was
that the number of this primaeval beast, tradition-
ally familiar to him, was also the number of a
man, viz. Nero. There are serious linguistic
objections to this view (see Moffatt), but it may
suggest to us that the number containing three
sixes had a traditional meaning. It may have
meant the constant eflbrt and failure of what is
human to attain the Divine perfection, of which
the number 7 was the symbol : so near yet so far
off, ' O the little more, and how much it is.'
All these varying views of ' John's ' meaning
cannot be true in every particular. Yet we are,
perhaps, nearer the truth in saying that portions
of all of them must have passed through his mind
than in deciding dogmatically in favour of one of
• The letters of both the Greek and the Hebrew alphabets
have each a numerical value.
t ■ip''p not TDp ; cf. art. Antichrist.
t Cf. V.5 with the description of Antiochus Epiphanes in
Dn 1136ff. It seems to the present writer that ' John ' may
have thought of Domitian as combining Caligula and Xero in
himself in much the same way as the Beast, which is Rome
(133), combines in itself all the ferocities of Daniel's first three
beasts (lion, bear, leopard, Dn V-^ff-)- Like U Ezr. 12i0ff- he
would consider Da.mel's fourth beast to be Rome.
them. It seems to the present writer that the
loose way in which the prophet and pastor who
Avrote the Apocalypse dealt with the traditional
material that lay to his hand was probably as
intentional as the frequent grammatical anomalies
and harsh Hebraisms of his text, which no Greek
scholar supposes to be due to inadvertence. The
man who had the literary genius and the prophetic
inspiration to write the songs of triumph and the
hortatory portions of the Apocalypse may be be-
lieved to have had a method in his carelessness.
He was certainly capable of adopting a fixed style
of writing and carrying it through in the way
that st}'le on the whole required. If he left some
strings flying for his readers to cut or fasten up as
the spirit might lead them, may it not be a sign
that he considered himself and his companions in
the ' kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ ' to
occupy a sphere which, just because it was
supreme and Divine, was not hermetically sealed
to the rest of the world, but was open, like the
New Jerusalem, to receive testimony and tribute
from every quarter ?
3. The Apocalypse of John as a product of the
Apostolic Age, and a testimony to Jesus as the
Christ. — Enough has perhaps been .said to show
that questions regarding the importance and
function of apocalyptic literature in the faith and
life of the Apostolic Age are best answered in
connexion with a study of the Apocalypse of John.
No known apocalyptic writing of the same or
greater bulk is comparable with it in vitality of
connexion with primitive Christianity ; and there
is no likelihood that any such writing existed.
Attention may be fastened on three matters : (a)
the historical situation, (b) the relation of apoca-
lypse to prophecy, (c) the hortatory and dogmatic
teaching of the Apocalypse.
(a) The historical situation. — We have seen that
the period of apocalyptic literature is roughly the
250 years of the last struggles of the Jewish people
for political and religious independency The first
apocalypse of the OT is contemporaneous with the
great sacrifices made by the elite of the Jewish
people to maintain the national testimony to Jah-
weh. The sacriticial spirit passed into the com-
munity that confessed Jesus of Nazareth, crucified,
risen, and ascended, as Lord and Messiah. Very
early the sacrificial spirit was called forth. But
the first persecutors were not heathen in name.
They were the representatives of the city which
' spiritually is called Sodom and Eaypt, where also
the Lord was crucified' (Rev IP^ cf. 1 Th 2"^-,
2 Th 21-12). ^ To St. Paul the power of Antichrist
lay in the jealousy of the Jewish synagogue, and
it would seem from the passage in 2 Th 2 that the
power 'that restrains' (6 Karexwi', t6 Karexov) is the
Roman Empire. Certainly the representation
in the Acts of the Apostles favours this view
(16" 21^2 2225ff- 251W-)- Between the ministry of
St. Paul and the time of the Apocalypse a change
had taken place. In the Apocalypse the Roman
Empire is clearly the instrument of Antichrist.
The Dragon gives power to the Beast (IS''), and it
is obvious that in 'John's' time, and especially in
the province of Asia, Christians were per.«ecuted
under Imperial authority simply because of their
Christian profession. Christianity was a crime pun-
ishable with death, in so far as it was inconsistent
with the worship of the Emperor (P 13'^'-)- Doubt-
less there were ditterences in the administration of
the law, but the tone of the Letters to the Seven
Churches (chs. 2 and 3) and of the whole Apoca-
lypse indicates a time when the worst might be
apprehended. The beginning of this Imperial
attitude to the Christians may perhaps be found
in the summer of A.D. 64, when, as Tacitus in-
forms us (Ann. xv, 44), Nero sought to fasten on
76
APOCALYPSE
APOCALYPSE
the Christians the odious charge of incendiarism,
and it has been held that the Apocalypse belongs
to the time of the Neronic persecution. This view
may now be regarded as superseded. Nero is cer-
tainly a figure in the Apocalypse (see above), but
he is a figure of the past. The Beast is alive in
his bestial successor Domitian, whom 'John' con-
siders Nero Redivivus * (cf. 13* with 17'M-
It was under Domitian that persecution of the
Ciiristians first became a part of the Imperial
policy. It is this legalized persecution and the
fact tiiat the centre of the storm lies among the
Cliurches of Asia that rouse the spirit of prophecy
in the autiior of chs. 2 and 3, and, as we venture
to think, of the whole Apocalypse. And, assuredly,
it was the spirit of prophecy, and not of delusion,
that gave him tlie certainty that the Lord Jesus
would ' come quickly ' to deliver His people from a
situation in which the choice lay between death
and unfaithfulness to Him. Every prophet is an
escliatolugist. He sees the end of what is opposed
to tiie will of holiness and love. It is only for a
moment — though the moments of God and history
may be long — that cruelty and violence can reign
or the meek and righteous be oppressed.
13'^ seems to indicate an edict actually in force
or about to be issued, under which ordinary con-
tracts of exchange should not be legal apart from
vows of allegiance to the Emperor as a Divine
person. This meant that Christians were excluded
from the business of the world, and so from the
world itself, and to 'John' it seemed justly a
challenge of God's supremacy, which God and His
Christ could not delay to take up. Quite apart
from the peculiar genius of its author, the Apoca-
lypse must have been to its first readers a message
of comfort and power. Its appeal lay in its in-
evitableness. In the situation as described, no
message short of that contained in the Apocalypse
could have seemed worthy of God or a ' testimony
of Jesus Christ.' Prophecy is never in vacuo.
God's word is in the mouth of His prophet because
it is first in the events which His providence or-
tlains or permits. It would be difficult to rate too
highly the literary and spiritual genius of 'John,'
yet the authoritativeness of his message for his
own time and ours lies not in this but in its corre-
spondence with a situation of crisis for the King-
dom of God. So long as it is possible for a situa-
tion to emerge in which we cannot obey man's
law without dishonouring God's, the Apocalypse
will be an authority ready for use in the hands of
the godly.
(6) Apocalyptic and prophecy. — If this view is
just, it contains the answer to two closely related
fjuestions: (1) Is the writer, as he re^^resents
himself, a 'companion in tribulation' of those to
whom he writes (P), or does he, like other apoca-
lyptists, including Daniel, write under the name
of some great personage of the i)ast? (2) Is he
really a proi)het as well as an apocalyptist ?
(1) The former question should be kept apart
from the question whether the writer can reason-
ably be identified with the Apostle John. There
is nowhere in the book the slightest hint of a
<laim to apostleship ; 21''* and 18'-" suggest rather
tiiat the author distinguished himself from the
'holy apostles and prophets' and from the '12
apostles.' We do not know enough regarding the
Churches of Asia in the 1st cent, to say witii
confidence that only one who was as higlily
esteemed as John the Apostle (Ram.say) or John
tiie Presbyter (Bousset) could be confident that
his message would come with authority to those
* The ' seven kitifja ' of IT^W- are the seven emperors — exclusive
of the usurpers Galha, Otho, and Vitellius — from Anjrustus to
Nero. The ' eit'hth that is of the seven '(v.H) is Domitian, con-
sidered as Xero Hediviviis.
to whom it was addressed. On the other hand,
it is more than possible, in view both of the liter-
ary apocalyptic convention of pseudepigraphy and
of the probability that concealment of the .author's
name was an act of warrantable prudence, tliat
' John ' was not the autlior's real name, and that
(almost by consequence) the banishment in Patmoa
was, so far as he was concerned, fictitious. But
the matter of real importance is not the question
whether the names of person and place are
fictitious ; it is the fact that — supposing them to
have been fictitious — here the fiction ends. The
writer is a Christian. He is in the same situation
with those he addresses. He neither desires nor
attempts to place himself in the distant past. The
Christian Church has its own jH'ophets. Our
author solemnly claims to be one of them, and the
Church since the beginning of the 3rd cent, has
taken him at his own estimate.*
(2) But is not an apocalyptist, ipso facto, only
a pale shadow of a prophet ? Must not ' John ' be
conceived, as regards inspiration, to stand to a
speaking prophet, say of Ephesus, as ' Daniel '
stands to the real Daniel or to some prophet of the
time of Nebuchadrezzar ? It seems to the present
writer that the entire absence from the Apocalypse
of such a fiction as that in Daniel, in which the
past is in one part (the alleged writer's time)
adorned with legendary features, and in a much
greater part (the centuries between the Exile and
the Syrian Persecution) is treated fictitiously as
future, separates it longo inter callo from apocalyptic
writings of the purely Jewish type, or even from
Christian apocalypses like the Apoc. of Peter, which
resemble the Jewish type in the feature of imper-
sonation. It may be probable, though it is far
from certain, that 'John' conceals his real name,
but the suggestion that he tried to personate any
one, or souglit any authority for his message other
than what belonged to it as the testimony of Jesus
given to himself, seems to be as destitute of proba-
bility as of proof.
What, we may ask, is a Christian prophet but
one who has an diroKaXv^ii (revelation) from God
through Jesus Christ concerning matters pertain-
ing to His Kingdom (1 Co W*^-, esp. v.^S; cf.
Rev 19'") ? If a Christian could speak so as to
bring home to his brethren the reality of the
promised Kingdom, or so as to flash the light of the
Divine judgment on the darkened conscience of an
unbeliever, he had the xap'o'Ma or gift of prophecy
(1 Co 1422--«.). yt. Paul himself must have pos-
sessed the gift in an eminent degree. We judge
so not simply from what is told in the Acts or
from what he himself tells regarding the source
from which he derived the contents and manner of
his preaching or the directions necessary for his
missionary journeys. We judge so rather from
the correspondence existing between his claim to
direct access to this source and the still operating
influence of his personality upon the conscience
and conduct of mankind. If it be said that St.
Paul was a preacher, and ' John ' was, so far as we
know, only a writer, it may be asked in reply :
W^hat do we know of Paul the preacher that we do
not learn best from his own writings? No com-
panion of 'John ' has told us (as Luke did of Paul)
how he preached, but surely we may say that no
one could write as ' John ' does without being,
under favourable conditions, a preacher, and that
probably as much in pro])ortion of ' John's' Apoca-
lypse as of St. Paul's Epistles might have been
•Porter {op. oil. 183) asks whether the Apocalypse is 'a
direct or a secondary product of that new inspiration ' [Chris-
tian prophecy], and' he rejilies, rather disconcertingly: 'Our
imprts-iion is that it is secondary.' No one has a better right
to speak with authoi ily than Porter. But if the inspiration of
the Apocalypse is secondary, what measure have we by which
to judge of that which is primary?
APOCALYPSE
APOCALYPSE
77
preached as it stands to his own contemporaries.
Wlien it is remembered how apocalypses incom-
parably inferior in spiritual quality to the Apoca-
lypse were cherished by the early Church and even
quoted as Scripture, it will not seem hazardous to
assert that in the Apostolic Age the distinction
between apocalj'pse and prophecy, which is marked
in the pre-Christian period by the separation of
Daniel in the Hebrew Canon from ' the Prophets,'
has ceased to exist. Two things, unnaturally
separated (througri the spirit of aj'tilice), have come
together again. The prophet is the man who has
a ' revelation,' and the man who has a ' revelation,'
whether he speak it or write it, is a prophet. If
our argument is sound, we may venture to say
that once at least this ideal unity of apocalypse
and prophecy has been realized. It is realized in
the Apocalypse of John.
(c) The, hortntory and dogmatic teaching of the,
Apocalypse. — The best proof of the soundness of
the above argument lies in the abundance of
hortatory and dogmatic material of permanent
value to be found in the Apocalypse. 'John 'is,
in a sense, the Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel of
the NT. This is eminently true of the messages
to the Seven Churches (chs. 2 and 3). Ramsay's
Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia (Lond. 1904)
probably exaggerates the extent to which the
writer may have had in his mind facts of geography
and history relating to the places mentioned ;
but such a book — from the pen of an unrivalled
authority on the antiquities of Asia Minor — could
not have been written of the messages in chs. 2
and 3 of the Apocalypse did they not proceed from
one who was thoroughly conversant with every-
thing in the environment of the Churches of Asia
which had a bearing on their spiritual condition.
A writer who closes each message with the formula,
'he that hath ears, etc' (2'- "• "• -^ 3«- ^^- 2-;
cf. Mt 13^-*', etc.), claims to stand to those whom
he addresses in the relation of a speaking prophet
to his hearers. Those who remember the function
these chapters still serve in that best type of
Christian oratory in which preaching is prophesy-
ing, may justly feel that the onus probandi rests
with tiiose who deny the claim. But the immedi-
ately edifying elements of the Apocalypse are not
confined to these chapters. The book is written,
as it claims to be, in an atmosphere of worship.*
The inspiration came to ' John ' on the day in
which Christians remembered the Resurrection of
the Lord. The book is a message from the Lord
in heaven. Those who read and obey are blessed
because the time of their deliverance is at hand.
The sense of holy omnipotent power, not domin-
ated by but manifested through suffering — for
the power is redemptive — pervades the book. Its
refrain is Glory to God and to the Lamb (P'-), and
the note of the triumpliant thanksgiving of the
faithful sounds, throughout, loudly behind the
curtain of judgment that shrouds the wicked
world (S-"-" 6«ff- T^-^ 8^^- \\^^«- 12'o-i2 139'- 141-7- 12'-
151-4 191-9.11-16 20^-6 21.22). The worship-element
in the book is exquisitely beautiful as literature,
but it was too vital to the spiritual situation to
be intended as ornamental. The crucial element
in the situation is the liberty of Avorship. His-
tory has i^roved that the day of martyrs is emi-
* 110. The opinion of scholars is against the renderings : * I
was, through the Spirit, in the Day of the Lord (or the Day of
Judgrnent),' though this rendering cannot be said to be gram-
matically impossible ; and though it has the advantage of
attaching a good traditional meaning to 'Daj' of the Lord,'
which would thus retain its OT sense (Is 212, Am 5-^), etc.), yet it
is hardly likely that iv would be used both in the instrumental
and the local sense in one short sentence ; and the analogy of
173f. 2110 suggests that, had the author intended this meaning,
he would have used a verb of transference (' I was carried by
the Spirit tn, etc.')- The ' Day of the Lord' is, therefore, the
Christian Sabbath, the day of worship.
nently the day when this liberty is denied or
ignored.
The ethical teaching of the book is perhaps best
seen in such passages as 6^-'' IS*-'" H^'-'^ 20"^-. The
essential virtues of the saints are patience and
courage. The weapon of force is not permitted
to them (13'" ; cf. Mt 2652), but patience and faith
prevail. On the other hand, patience is not mere
passivity. The command to worship the Beast
must be courageously disobeyed. Compliance is
fatal. First among those who have their part in
the ' second death ' are ' the fearful ' (2P). 'The
vital connexion of this teaching with the situation
is obvious. Not less but even more obvious is its
connexion with the dogmatic teaching of the book.
As we have seen, the Apocalypse must be con-
sidered, so far as the Apostolic K^^ is concerned,
a thing of Jewish origin and growth.* There are,
indeed, few direct quotations from the OT in the
Apocalypse ; but there are more OT reminiscences
in it than in almost any other book of the NT.f
This, no doubt, is due largely to the comparatively
stereotyped character of the apocalyptic imagery.
But, in view of the emphasis — in some cases
excessive — which many scholars have laid on the
Jewish character of the Apocalypse, a word seems
necessary on the question of how far the distinc-
tive Christian belief that Jesus is the Messiah has
modified the type of teaching peculiar to a Jewisn
apocalyptic book.
At first sight the change seems more formal
than real. The Apocalyjjse comes from Jesus
Christ (P), but, beyond the features of His death
and resurrection, tiiere is nothing in the descrip-
tion of the sublime Personage who overwhelms
'John' with His manifestations (l^'') suggestive of
any feature distinctive of the human Jesus of the
Gospels. The description of the Figure in V- '^'^^•
and in IQ""'- owes more to Daniel, J Zechariah,§
and Isaiah || than to anything that is original in
the Gospels. Such a fact gives a certain colour
to the view, propounded by Vischer in 1886, that
the book is a Jewish Apocalypse set in a Christian
framework (chs. 1-3, and 22"--'), and slightly inter-
polated. This extreme view has, however, yielded
to the strong impression of its unity and Christian
character, which, in spite of its eclectic form, the
book produces on the mind of the critical no less
than of the ordinary reader. As to the alleged
absence of the features of the Christ of the Gospels,
two considei-ations seem specially relevant. The
one is that the absence of the human features of
Jesus is scarcely more marked in the Apocalypse
than it is in every other book of the NT outside
the Gospels. Are references to the human Jesus
frequent or marked in the Acts of the Apostles,
though that book was written by a man wiio also
wrote a Gospel ? Are they marked — or even, in
the latter case, at all present — in the Epistles which
bear the names of Peter and John ? Notoriously
they are so little marked in the known writings
of the greatest hgure of the Apostolic Age that
their absence has suj^jjlied its one position of
apparent strength to the 'modern Gnosticism'
associated with the names of Jensen and Drews,
and has made the effort to exhibit real points of
contact between St. Paul and Jesus of Nazareth
a main task of modern A])ologetics. Yet one of
St. Paul's companions was Mark, and another was
Luke. We do not know all that St. Paul either
• That is to saj', its affinities with pagan mythology may be
ig-nort-d, as belonging to the sphere of OT research.
t According to Huhn, Matthew has 37 direct quotations from
the OT against 3 in the Apocalypse. But the latter has 453
reminiscences against 437 in Matthew. Thus Matthew conies near
the Apocalypse in this respect ; Luke, with 474 reminiscences,
goes beyond it. All the other books are much behind Si
(Alttest. Citate u. Reminiscemen im jNT, 1900, p. 269 ff.).
: Dn 73 105ff-. § Zee 1210. || la ]14 63iff-.
APOCALYPSE
APOCALYPSE
spoke or ^vrote, but we do know that, contempo-
raneously with the accomplishment of his mission
to the Gentiles, or, at least, well within the Apos-
tolic Age, a demand for written reminiscences of
Jesus arose both in the Jewish and in the Gentile
portion of the Church. Men possess reminiscences
of personalities who have exercised a determining
influence upon tliem long before they think of
committing them to writing, and often, if not
usually — as witness the cases of Matthew and
^Nlark — the task of writing is undertaken only by
request (Euseb. HE iii. 39). If, then, the silences
of St. Paul, the contemporary of Jesus (who yet
possibly never saw Him in the flesh), do not, on
fair consideration, surprise us, why should those
of a man some thirty years younger, a Chris-
tian prophet of the time of Domitian, oflend
us?
The other consideration is more positive in char-
acter. It is that of what may be called the
eschatological outlook of the Apostolic Age. It
was believed by all the NT writers of the first
generation that the return of Christ to His own
in glory and power would be witnessed by some in
tiieir OAvn time while they were yet in the flesh.
Tlie expectation appears in the Gospels (Mk 9^ 13||),
and it is a matter much discussed how far it is due
to convictions definitely entertained and expressed
by our Lord Himself. It was certainly entertained
by St. Paul (1 Co 15", 1 Th S^^ff-) ; and, though on the
wiiole it hardly afl'ected, and never un wholesomely,*
his ethical teaching, it surely explains why letters
to fellow-Christians, who had been for the most
part his own converts and catechumens, in so far as
they were not occupied with matters of immediate
perplexity and duty, should be concerned rather
with prospects of the Lord's coming and glory than
with reminiscences of the days of His flesh. If
St. Paul had been asked to state his essential creed
as briefly as possible, he might fairly be conceived
to reply : For the past, Christ died in the flesh for
our sins ; for the present, Christ rose and lives for
our justification ; for the future, Christ will come
to confirm and receive His own to Himself in the
glory of God. Would the modern religious man,
whose creed has any title to be associated with the
NT, say anything, even in regard to the future,
that is really difl'erent from this ?
Whatever worth may belong to these considera-
tions in reference to St. Paul belongs to them a
fortiori in reference to a writer whose express aim
is to show to the servants of God the ' things that
must shortly come to pass' (P). Even if we put
out of account the limitations of apocalyptic
literary method, the last thing we shall expect
such a writer expressly to deal with will be
reminiscences of the historic Jesus. If we assume
that the Apostolic Age, whatever may be its
defects, supplies the norm of the religion which
is final, we shall require of the Christian prophet
' John ' only that he accomplish his declared
purpose in a manner conformable both to the
situation he has in view and to the spirit and
teaching of the apostolic faith. No critic con-
tends that chs. 2 and 3 do not indicate a writer
who is in the matters of main account in close
touch with the communities he addresses, and
who writes to them in prophetic vein, on the
whole just as he might be conceived to speak. In
the rest of his book, he drops special reference
to the Asiatic Churches, devotes himself to the
recounting of visions, mainly of final judgment,
which are of account for the whole Church and
world of his time, and makes, as the nature of his
theme requires, larger use of material that is more
or less common to all imaginative religious speech
• 1 Co 729«. seems to the present writer an illustration rather
than an exception.
or literature.* He has the definite belief that
the last instrument of Antichrist is the Roman
Imperial system, and that with the removal of
the 'Great Whore' (19^)— the 'Babylon' which is
Rome — especially the cult of the Emperor, the
last obstacle to the glorious advent of the Kingdom
will be taken away. It is true there is nothing
in his general estimate of the situation of the
worshippers of the true God, suflering from the
Roman persecution, that might not have been
conceived by ' Daniel ' or any other OT prophet.
There is scarcely a detail in the wonderful lament
of triumph over the fall of the Roman Babylon
(ch. 18) that has not its close parallel in Isaiah
and Jeremiah (for the details see Porter, op. cit.
267).
But what significance has such a fact other
than that of illustrating, in general, the claim of
Christianity to fulfil OT prophecy, and, in par-
ticular, the claim of this Christian seer to be in
the succession of the prophets (P 10"^- ig^" 22^^"-)t
Once it is seen that it is the work of a Christian,
and that every detail in it has to the author's
own mind a significance, determined by his own
attitude and that of his readers to the Messiah
who was crucified (!"• 11^ 12^^), the book must be
allowed to possess a unique value for edification
both in itself and in reference to the place assigned
it by Christian authority — that of closing the
canonical record of revelation contained in the
Bible.
* A good instance of the author's eclecticism, acting under
control of spiritual insight, is his combination of an earthly
and a heavenly view of the Consummation. The binding of
Satan and the thousand years' reign of the martyred saints
precedes the final destruction of the Antichristian power and
the descent of the Heavenly City (ch. 20 ; cf. with chs. 21 and
22). Why does the prophet not close his book at 1910? It is
the poorest conceival)le answer to saj* that he continues his
text for literary reasons, having a desire to utilize traditional
material that was too good to be neglected. But the reason
may well be that, while the destruction of the colossal im-
posture of the Roman Imperial cult is the last preliminar}' to
the Consummation that comes within his definite conviction,
a complex instinct, which we may consider part of his prophetic
equipment, warns him against the danger of confounding
definiteness of result with definiteness of time and manner.
The large doings of God permit of fluctuation in detail, and
the prophet is practical as well as inspired. One matter that
genuinely concerned him as a prophet, and had concerned
brother-prophets before him (cf. Dn 12iff-, En. 91i-ff-, Bar 40^,
and, for a Christian example, 1 Co IS'-O".), was the question what
special reward would be granted to those who had maintained
their faithfulness to God at the cost of their lives. And here
the traditional idea of a reign of the saints preliminary to the
Final Consummation came to his aid. In En. 91i'-f- (cf. Bar 40^)
we find a scheme according to which all human history, in-
cluding the reign of the Jlessiah, is divided into heavenly
weeks. In 4 Ezr. 728 the period of the reign of the Messiah is
400 years — a number whicli, as the Talmud {Sank. 99) explains,
is obtained by combining Gn 15-^ with Ps 90^5. The 1000 years
of our prophet would be obtained in a somewhat similar fashion
bv combining Gn I'"'- (the 'day' of the Creation-narrative)
\vith Ps 90'*. The 'day ' ( = 1000 years) is the rest-day of God's
saints, who are in particular the martyrs. In the Jewish tradi-
tion (cf . Jub. 4^0 and Secrets of Enoch 33if-) the seventh ' day '
was the reign of the Messiah. With 'John' it is the reign of
the Messiah with His faithful mart3Ts, and of course neither
they nor He die at the end of it, as in U Ezr. T^. Satan, however,
is unbound and leads the powers of evil in a final assault upon
the saints of the earth. He is overthrown and cast into the
'lake of fire' with the Beast and the False Prophet. Then
follows the General Judgment, in which those whose names are
not found in the ' book of life' are cast into the lake of fire, and
the rest who are faithful join the saints of the Millennium in
the final bliss. It is obvious that these details are not strictly
reconcilable with those of the Apocalypse that ends at 19"',
and again at 1921. Uut surely we may credit the prophet with
being aware of the inconsistency. He handles his manifold
material freely. What is important to him is not to reconcile
discrepant details, but to express through them ideas of destiny
that are worthy of God and His Messiah. And it was mani-
festly important to him, as it was also, in part, to St. Paul, to
ex))ri'ss the ideas : (1) that believers who died before the Advent
sull'ered no disadvantage above others (1 Th 4'^'''- ; cf. Kev O^"'-) ;
(2) that the earth needed to be prepared for the final glory by
the prevailing presence in it of the saints (1 Co 15'2-'- b'^f- ; cf.
Rev 20^"') ; (3) that there were special rewards for those who
made special sacrifices, in particular the sacrifice of life, for the
sake of the Kingdom (2 Ti 2iif- ; cf. Mk 102Siti-B, and passages in
Rev. above cited).
APOCALYPSE
APOCALYPSE
79
The following examples may be given of the
teaching of the Apocalypse on detiuite articles
of the Christian creed. (1) The Messiah is the
historical Person of the seed of David, who was
crucified at Jemsalem (5* 11^). — (2) Grace and
peace come from Him equally with Him who ' is
and was and is to come' and with the 'seven
spirits which are before the throne' (manifest
apocalyptic equivalents for the Father and the
Spirit). He is the ' faithful witness,' the ' First-
begotten of the dead, the Prince of the kings of
theeartli' (!"• 7").— (3) The 'revelation' contained
in the book is not only mediated by Jesus Christ,
it is the revelation of Him (1^). The prophets
are those who have the ' testimony of Jesus,' and
the latter is the 'spirit of prophecy' (19^°). The
prophet is a feUow-servant and companion of all
faithful believers in Jesus. For they also have
the testimony. They are made OTophets as well
as priests and kings (P- ^). — (4) Tne fundamental
work of the Messiah is the redemptive self-sacrifice.
No doubt the 'Lamb' is a leader and a warrior,
whom His servants follow. His 'Avrath' is the
destruction of His enemies. Yet even in the glory
of His power 'in the midst of the throne' He
remains for the Christian seer a ' Lamb as it had
been slain,' and the innumerable multitude of the
glorified faithful in heaven are those whose robes
have been 'made white in the blood of the Lamb.'
The motive of service even in heaven is the
gratitude of those who have been forgivea aju^
cleansed (14^-* 19^^^- 7*^*)- Agreeably with this,
the fundamental virtues of the saints are ' patience
and faith ' ; though, as there is a ' wrath of the
Lamb,' so there is a certain fierceness in the
confiicts and triumphs of the saints. Those who
find fault with the vindictiveness of the Apocalypse
should make allowance for the dramatic style of
tlie book and should not forget that at bottom
the battle between the saints and their oppressors
is a battle between patience and violence (18^
139'- I41-).
(5) The conception of Christian duty and bliss,
similarly, is profoundly ethical and spiritual.
The saints must show no half-hearted timidity
in resisting the order that is supreme in the world.
The resistance is to be maintained in the sense in
which maintenance is victory. The promise is to
' him that overcometh,' and no sacrifice is too
great (2'° 2P^). The reward of this holy sacrificial
attitude of the will is complete union with Christ,
and participation in all the privileges of sonship.
The sun that lightens the city of pearls and makes
its splendours real is none other than God Himself
and the Lamb. Its bliss is the life of its citizens
(7i5ff. i97ff. 223ff'), The guests at the marriage-
supper of the Lamb do not wear jewellery. They
wear the ' croAvn of life,' and the ' fine linen of
the righteousness of the saints' (2^° 19^). In
reference to the fidelity of the servants of God,
the emphasis laid on worship is noticeable. It is
not accidental. It is due to the twofold fact that
the book reflects a situation in which liberty of
worship was denied, and that worship in spirit
and in truth is the loftiest expression of the soul's
loyalty. The emphasis is negative as well as
positive. Twice over, the seer is warned not to
worship him that showed him these things. The
worship of angels was a heresy not unknown in
the Asiatic Churches. Perhaps ' John ' felt that
the elaboration of the conception of angelic agency
and mediation, however inevitable in apocalyptic
literature or even in the thoughts proper to
true religion, had its dangers (19^" 22^; cf. Col
218ff.)^
(6) Finally, the spirit of gracious evangelism
that finds expression in 22" deserves acknowledg-
m^t. Evangelism is scarcely to be expected in
a book announcing finalities, and concerned so
largely with the Judgment. 'John' does not
believe that there is much more chance of repent-
ance for the rank and file of those who nave
yielded to the apostasy of his time than for the
Beast and the False Prophet who have led it.
There is not much chance, for there is not much
time (F22i<'^-). Yet the last word of the hook-
as from the Spirit (in, say, the prophet himself),
as from the Church, already the ' Bride,' as from
the chance hearer, and as from the Xameless who
is above everj' name — is ' Come ' : ' whosoever wUl,
let him take the water of life freely.' On all
these points — and others might be named — the
close touch of the Apocalypse with the teaching
of the other books of the NT is obvious.
III. The apocalyptic element in other
BOOKS OF THE NT AND IN CHRISTIANITY. —
Though it is impossible to treat the subject here
in detail, a word may be said in conclusion regard-
ing what is commonly called the ' apocalyptic ele-
ment' : (1) in the other books of the NT ; (2) in
Christianity itself. We use the phrase 'apoca-
lyptic element' with reserve, because it maj' well
appear from our study of the Apocalypse tliat the
whole of Christianity is an apocalj-pse or revela-
tion whose containing sphere is the Person of Jesus
Clirist (Col 2^-^). The view of the NT and of
the early Fathers (see Didache, 11) regarding the
Christian prophets is that expressed by St. Paul
(1 Co 1228, Eph 4'i), viz. that they are next in
rank to the apostles. Yet what distinguished the
apostles from the prophets was accidental. The
apostles were received as witnesses of Jesus at
first hand, men who had 'seen the Lord' (1 Co 9^).
They moved from place to place, and founded
churches. In the sub-apostolic Church these
functions probably passed over largely to the
prophets, who in any case were one with the
apostles in the essential qualification of having
received their commission not from man but from
God and who spoke and acted by dTro/cdXi^i/'ts (Ac 4^*
20--'- 21io«-, Gal P 2-). The expression • apocalyptic
element' indicates phrases, sentences, or longer
passages in the apocalyptic style occurring in writ-
ings that do not on the whole bear the literary
character of apocalypses. It is obvious even at a
superficial glance that, so understood, the apoca-
lyptic element in the NT is considerable ; and
when we remember that it includes phrases directly
relating to the order that already exists in heaven
or to the processes through which it will come to
earth, we shall, perhaps, feel that apocalj-pse is a
leaven rather than an ingredient in the NT. The
life reflected in the NT is saturated with the super-
natural.
1. The Gospels. — Besides words and phrases, the
Synoptic Gospels contain long passages of alleged
discourses of Jesus — notably, e.g., Mk 13,| — which
are entirely in the apocalyptic style. In view of
the fact that Jesus, when before Caiaphas, de-
clared Himself the Messiah in words that were
virtually a quotation of Dn 7^^ (Mk 14''^||), it can-
not be said to be impossible that He spoke the
contents of Mk 13|| substantially as they are re-
ported. On the whole, however, it is probable
that the Evangelists incorporated in their texts a
Jewish-Christian apocalypse which gave the sub-
stance of our Lord's utterance in a form adapted
to the case of the Christians in Jerusalem at the
time of the Jewish-Roman war (A.D. 66-70). It
may surely be said with truth and reverence that
our Lord Himself was the best example of a speak-
ing apocalyptist, or of the union between apoca-
lypse and prophecy. The saying recorded in
Lk 10^ would alone be sufficient to prove the
point.
In the Gospel of John matters lie in a different
80
APOCALYPSE
APOCALYPSE
perspective. The heavenly has come rather than
is coming. That does not mean, however, that
there is no room for apocalypse. It means that
all is apocalypse. The Gospel is an account of the
manifestation in the flesh of the Word that was
God (11-").
2. The Acts of the Apostles. — Just as to John
(the Evangelist) the appearance and action of
Jesus in the world are themselves an apocalypse,
so to Luke in the Acts the events that mark the
f)rogress of the gospel are largely sensible apoca-
ypses of the Divine favour or power. Ch. 2
(wind, and tongues of fire), 3 (healing), 4 (earth-
quake), 5 (strokes of judgment, death by a word),
7 (transfiguration, 6'* ; cf . 7^'), 10 (coincident visions),
12 (deliverance through an angel) are conspicuous
instances.
3. The Epistles. — (a) In general, the expecta-
tion of the Lord's coming, and coming soon, is
dominant in all these writings, except (for wliolly
accidental reasons) Philemon and 2 and 3 John.
Even in the later writings, where the colour of the
expectation may be supposed to be more sober,
the sense of the imminence of the coming glory
is not lost. Even John is confident that it is the
' last time ' ( I Jn 2^^). The diflerence between
earlier and later appears chiefly in the choice in
the later writings of phrases indicating the mani-
festation of a Divine reality already existing rather
than the coming from heaven of something new
(Col 31^- ; cf. Eph 58- ", 1 Jn 3'ff). The apocalyptic
element, even in the literary sense, in 2 Peter —
perhaps the latest writing in the NT — is sufficiently
obvious (2 P 3^-'3).
(b) Oi special interest are the earlier Epistles of St.
Paul, 1 and 2 Cor., Gal., and 1 and 2 Thessalonians.
The passages 1 Co 7^^^- IS^^^f- have already been
referred to. Those in 1 Co 12ia'- and U^^^ff. (,„ ^j,g
tests of prophecy (cf. Did. 11) and on its value for
edification and conversion are of peculiar interest
to the student of Christian prophecy as manifested
in the Apostolic Age (142-i- "«. 3iff.)_ jj^ ^i^g ^^^^
meration in 14-'', the prophet is clearly the person
who ' has an a.TroKd\v\pLs.' Prophecy and 'tongues'
might be alike in respect of irapermanence (13^),
but prophecy, while it lasted, was by far the more
valuable gift (W^). St. Paul probably believed
that prophecy, exercised under proper self-control,
would last until the Advent, whereas the rational-
istic spirit, however little it deserved to be en-
couraged, would quench the inspiration of the
tongues (cf. U-»«- with IS^'- and 1 Th Si"'-)- In
our study of the Apocalypse we have seen some-
thing of the difficulty or even impossibility of find-
ing an esciiatological scheme of perfect consistency
in detail even in so purely apocalyptical a writer
as 'John.' The eschatology of St.' Paul is beyond
the range of this article. Yet it is pertinent to
make two remarks. The one is that St. Paul is as
certain of the need and value of prophesying and
of the reality of the supernatural happenings with
which propliecy is concerned as any apocalyptical
writer could be. We propliesy, indeed, in part ;
still we must prophesy so long as we believe. The
other is that, where St. Paul enters, so to speak,
upon the sphere of the apocalyptist, as he does
so markedly in tlie Corinthian and Thessalonian
Epistles,* his practical motives are clear and
cogent. They are the same as the motives of
' John,' viz. to encourage believers to continue in
patience and hope. The proposition will bear
examination that in practically every case where
believers are addressed in the NT regarding the
final glory that is to come soon — presumably with-
in their own life-time — a leading motive of the
utterance is to insist that other important things
• Loec. citt. In 1 Cor., also 2 Co 5iff- 12iff-. 1 Th 4i3ff.. 2 Th
2iff..
must happen first.* This is a paradox, but it is
true — as true as the more comprehensive paradox
that the Bible is the most esciiatological book in
the world and, at the same time, the most ethical.
i. In Christianity. — May we extend the paradox
to Christianity itself as the spirit and power of
the religion of the 20th century? Or are those
'modernists' right who say that the Christianity
of the future must be stripped of ' eschatological
delusions'? The question, perhaps, cannot be
answered with perfect satisfaction to the mind
without the aid of psychology and metaphysics ;
and possibly the new ' intuitionalism ' of our day,
associated with the name of Bergson, may help
some religious men, whom mental training has
fitted to desire and receive such aid. We could
hardly be satisfied with the impossibility of search-
ing out God to perfection unless it were permis-
sible, or, for some, even necessary, to attempt the
task. Yet, on the whole, the moral and spiritual
life of mankind goes its own way independently
of philosophy. But it does not proceed independ-
ently of God. He ' is and was and is to come,' and
He ' reveals ' Himself to those who trust and obey
Him. Our situation in reference to Him is para-
doxical. We rest in Him, yet cannot rest, for His
promise leads us forward to horizons that vanish
and enlarge as we approach. VVe sutler, yet we
hope. We are disappointed, yet we are comforted ;
for the fulfilment is greater than the hope. Life
is an experiment, not a theorj', and the object of
the experiment is God. Those who thus think
will look rather to history and to personal and
social religious experience than to philosophy for
a solution of the eschatological question.
Could Jesus be the Revealer of God and of Son-
ship with God and yet be under illusion as to the
end of the world? Yes, because human life in-
volves this ignorance, and the Son of God was
made flesh. And yes, again, because the illusion
was to Him the transparent veil of the certainty
that the Righteous Father lived and reigned.
But what of the religion of the future? Must
we not leave eschatology and put evolution in its
place? No, because these are not alternatives.
Evolution no more excludes eschatology than
science excludes religion. No, again, because one
cannot have religion without eschatology. To the
religious man human history is not a mere spectacle.
It is a work in which he is involved as a partner
with God. It is the working out of God's purpose.
And it must have an end, because God must fulfil
Himself. Only, let our eschatology be a thing of
dignity and freedom. Let it be reserved even
when it speaks with effusion. Let it never be
separated from the spirit of moral discipline and
religious worship. Let it be ' in the spirit on the
Lord's Day,' and go with Him to a height where
we see more than ' all the kingdoms of the world
and the glory of them ' because we see Him. Let
it be 'a companion in tribulation' with the hum-
blest of men and women, who are the servants of
God and the redeemed of Jesus Christ. Fulfilling
these conditions, it will recover (should it have
lost it) the note of authority that is struck in the
NT and attains such lofty expression in the Apoca-
lypse of John. If we do not call this note science,
it is because we must use a greater word and call
it prophecy. The heart of Christian prophecy is
the ' testimony of Jesus.' It is the confidence
gained not from man but from God, that history has
no otiier end than the reconciliation of sinful man
to God through Jesus Christ, and the reign of holi-
ness and love in their hearts. The ' Lamb' is also
* This point is clearly and admirably brought out in reference
to our Lord in C. W. Emmet's article {Expositor, 8th ser. xxiii.
[1912] 423) entitled, ' Is the Teaching of Jesus an Interims-
ethikf
APOLLONIA
APOLLOS
81
' the Lion of the tribe of Judah ' who has prevailed
to open the book of human destiny. ' Jolm ' used
largely the language of primitive religious im-
agination to convej" his prophecj^, and who Avill
say that in his hands the language has not shown
itself tit ? If the modem Christian prophet thinks
he can do better with the language of evolution,
let him put his belief to the test of experiment.
In its passage seawards, the river of life is
joined by innumerable tributaries. But there is
only one force of gravity, and only one main
stream. The tributaries reach the ocean only by
first reaching the main stream. There is some-
thing in God that is akin to everything that is
human, yet it may well be that nothing human
reaches the end or fulfilment of God — nothing, as
'John' might say, receives the 'crown of life' or
finds its ' name written in the Lamb's book of life '
— save through the channel of the sacrificial will
and the heart of faith. These do not come by
evolution or any involuntary process. They come
through the travail of self-discipline and prayer
and sympathy with our fellows. And, when they
come, it is by vision and revelation. It may
surely be claimed that the abiding and the loftiest
witness to this in literature is the Apocalypse of
John.
Literature. — The handbooks, C. A. Scott's 'Revelation,' in
the Century Bible, London, 1905, and F. C. Porter's The
Messages of the Apocalyptical Writers, do. 190.5, will be found
(esp. the latter) extremely helpful. Of the larger commentariea
may be mentioned : J. Moffatt (EGT ; see esp. ' Literature ' in
the Introduction) ; Liicke-deWette, Bonn, 1S52 (epoch-making
for the modern method of interpretation); W. Bousset,
Gottingen, 1906 (' Excursuses' and history of the interpretation
of the Apocalypse speciallj' valuable) ; J. Weiss, in Sehriften
d. NT neu ubersetzt u. Jiir d. Gegenwart erkldrt, do. 1908.
For Biblical Eschatology may be noted : A. Titius, Die neutest.
Lehre von der Seli;ikeit, Tubingen, 1895-1900 ; E. Haupt, Die
egchat. Aiissagen Jesu in den si/n. Evang., Berlin, 1895; and
L. A. Muirhead, Eschatol. of Jesics, London, 1904 (the two
last for the Gospels). For the Epistles of St. Paul : H. A. A.
Kennedy, St. Paul's Conceptions of the Last Things, do. 1904 ;
R. Kabisch, Esch.d. PattZiiS, Gottingen, 1893. On Jewish E^chat-
ology in general, see the great relative works of W. Bousset
and P. Volz, and the still valuable work of A. Hilgenfeld, Die
jUd. Apokalyptik, Jena, 1867. On the mythical groundwork of
eschatolo:,'y : H. Gunkel, Schiypfung u. Chaos, Gottingen, 1895 ;
H. Gressmann, Der Ursprung der israel.-jiid. Eschatologie, do.
1905.
Readers of German will find readiest and fullest access to the
texts of most of the extra-canonical apocalypses in the invalu-
able work, representing many scholars. Die Apokryphen u.
Psettdepigraphen des Alten Testaments, 2 vols., ed. E. Kautzsch,
Tubingen, 1900. The texts are given in German translations.
There are critical introductions and notes.
Lewis A. Muirhead.
APOLLONIA ('ATo\\wvla). — A town of Myg-
donia in Macedonia, S. of Lake Bolbe (Athen.
viii. 334), and N. of the Chalcidian mountains.
It lay on the Via Egnatia, and St. Paul ' passed
through ' Amphipolis and Apol Ionia on his way
from Philippi to Thessalonica (Ac 17^). The
intermediate towns were probably remembered by
him as resting-places. According to the Antonine
Itinerary, ApoUonia was 37 Roman miles from
Amphipolis, and 37 from Tliessalonica. Leake
identifies it with the modern village of Pollina.
J. Strahan.
APOLLOS.— In Ac IS^^-^ApoUos is described as
' a Jew, an Alexandrian by race, a learned man,
mighty in the Scriptures, instructed in the way of
the Lord, fervent in spirit,' who came to Ephesus
when Aquila and Priscilla had been left there
by St. Paul to do pioneering work pending the
Apostle's return. Apollos ' spake and taught care-
fully the things concerning Jesus ' ; but his know-
ledge of Jesus was limited, for he knew ' only the
baptism of John.'
It is not easy to elucidate the meaning of the
rather obscure phrases in 18^- ^. Schraiedel cuts
the knot by making IS-"** ^^'"' later accretions.
Wendt throws out the whole of v.^, regarding
Apollos as a Jew having no connexion with John
VOL. I. — 6
or with Jesus. McGifi'ert is of opinion that the
description of Apollos as ' instructed in the way
of the Lord ' and as teaching ' the things con-
cerning Jesus ' is erroneous; v.^* must have been
added by St. Luke. ' We are to think of Apollos as
a disciple of John who was carrying on the work
of his master and preaching to his countrymen
repentance in view of the approaching kingdom of
God' (Ajiostolic Age, 291 f.). Harnack says:
' Apollos would appear to have been originally a
regular missionary of John the Baptist's move-
ment ; but the whole narrative of Acts at this
point is singularly coloured and obscure ' {Expan-
sion of Christianity, i. 331 n.).
"Without falling back on any of these somewhat
contradictory explanations, we gather that Apollos
had an imperfect hearsay acquaintance with the
story of Jesus, though enough to convince him of
His Messiahship. If the twelve men found in
Ephesus by St. Paul (Ac 19'- ^) may be treated as
disciples of Apollos, he had not heard ' whether
the Holy Ghost was given.' His bold eloquence in
the synagogue attracted Aquila and Priscilla (q.v.),
who ' took him unto them and expounded the way
of God more carefully.' This indefinite expression
does not carry us very far. It seems unlikely that
Apollos was baptized at Ephesus, for the twelve
disciples are still ignorant of baptism, nor was
there a Christian Church in Ephesus vmtil after St.
Paul's return later. In this connexion, the West-
ern reading is interesting : that ' the brethren ' who
encouraged Apollos to go to Achaia were Corin-
thian Christians. Perhaps they recognized the
need of fuller instruction than could be given in
Ephesus for such a promising disciple, who was
likely to become a powerful Christian teacher.
The work of Apollos in Corinth is described as
' helping them much which had believed through
grace ' (Ac 18^). St. Paul's mission must have left
a number of uninstructed Christians in Corinth.
These converts had been persuaded to ' believe
through grace.' But the Christian life of some
was undeveloped ; and the powerful preaching of
Apollos did much to help them.
This conception of the work of Apollos in Corinth
is in accord with St. Paul's words in 1 Co 3'', ' I
planted ; Apollos watered.' It is justifiable also to
recognize Apollos in St. Paul's reference to men
who 'build on the foundation' he had laid (3"-'^),
and to ' tutors in Christ ' (4'*) in contrast to him-
self as their ' father.' Evidently Apollos' work
was not so much preaching the gospel to the un-
converted as buttressing the faith of Christians,
partly by an eloquent exposition of the OT, and
partly by a powerful apologetic which silenced
opponents and strengthened believers.
But this confirming work done by Apollos in
Corinth had other ett'ects which were less useful.
It appears to have been influential in determining
the subsequent character of the Church. Preach-
ing to recent converts whose intellectual equipment
was slender and whose Christian knowledge must
have been elementary, Apollos, whose own instruc-
tion had been imperfect, would inevitably put the
impress of his own mode of thinking upon them.
Thus there arose a party in the Corinthian Church
with the watch-word ' I am of Apollos.' Although
some of these had been converted by St. Paul's
preaching, they had been ' much helped ' by Apollos.
Under the influence of their ' tutor in Christ,' their
interpretation of Christian truth and duty took on
the hue of Apollos rather than of St. Paul.
The distinctive elements in the preaching of
Apollos may be gauged from two considerations.
(1) He was ' a Jewish Christian versed in the Alex-
andrian philosophy,' whose ' method of teaching
diflered from that of Paul, in the first place in
being presented in a strikingly rhetorical form,
82
APOLLOS
APOSTLE
and also by the use of Alexandrian speculation and
allegorical interpretation of Scripture. . . . Apollos
sought to reinforce the Gospel which was common
to both [Paul and himself], by means of the
Alexandrian piiilosophy and methods of exegesis'
(Pfieiderer, i. 145 f.). It is questionable, however,
whether the gospel he preached was in all respects
' common to both Paul and himself.' It cannot be
without significance that St. Paul has to emphasize
the work of the Holy Spirit so definitely as lie does
in 1 Cor. (of. 21"-!'' 3i« 12>-'). Apollos when he arrived
in Ephesus did not know of the giving of the Holy
Spirit. Even in Corinth his efforts were to show
by the Scriptures that Jesus was the Christ (Ac
1828). It seems likely that his preaching had this
Jewish tone all through, and lacked the spiritual
note so dominant in St. Paul's preaching. It was
not Judaistic ; it was « a middle term between
Paulinism and Judaism' (Pfieiderer, i. 148).
The last NT reference to Apollos (Tit S^») con-
nects him with ' Zen as the lawyer,' probably a
convert from the Jewish scribes. This confirms
the idea that Apollos maintained a Hebraistic type
of preaching, though his Alexandrian training
differentiated him from the ' Judaizers' who pur-
sued St. Paul so relentlessly. Apollos did not
recognize that he was anti-Pauline. But the in-
evitable result of his preaching was to produce a
diflerent type of Christian from the type St. Paul
desired.
(2) Despite Weizsacker's disclaimer, some of the
results of the teaching of Apollos can be recognized
m those irregularities in the Corinthian Church to
which St. Paul refers in 1 Corinthians. Would not
his eloquence, his philosophical bent, and his re-
iterated emphasis on Jesus as the Christ, lead to
imperfect conversions ? And may not the prefer-
ence for the gift of tongues, or the difficulties about
marriage, be traced naturally to this eloquent
ascetic ? In Corinth, St. Paul resolved ' not to
know anything save Christ, and him crucified' (1
Co 2-). Apollos was less conscious of the dangers
of another mode of preaching ; and his convincing
eloquence might win converts who had not ' believed
through grace.' This judgment is in harmony with
St. Pauls references to Apollos. They scarcely
justify the remark of Pfieiderer that St. Paul and
Apollos were ' on the best of terms ' (i. 146). The
relations were correct, but hardly cordial. The
two men were friendly ; but they occupied diflerent
standpoints, and could not always agree. St. Paul
Avas very anxious to avoid friction in Corinth.
Therefore he wrote about ' the parties ' in a con-
cUiatory spirit, acknowledging generously the work
of Apollos. In the same spirit, Apollos did not
accept the invitation of the Corinthians (1 Co I6'2)
But there are hints that St. Paul did not reckon
Apollos among the great Christian teachers. He
is not mentioned among the founders of the Church
m 2 Co 1»». In 1 Co 16'- he is referred to only as
' the brother,' where other people's work is de-
scribed with enthusiasm. St. Paul's references to
his own preaching 'not in wisdom of words' ; to
'wood, hay, stubble' as possibly built on the
foundation he has laid ; to ' ten tiiousand tutors in
Christ ' who may conceivably mislead : these are
compatible at least with St. Paul's fear lest the
work of Apollos might be somewhat subversive of
his own. Then in Tit S'^ St. Paul links Apollos
with Zenas in a kindly spirit, but not as if he were
an outstanding leader. Probably, whilst sincerely
respecting each other, they recognized frankly the
difierences between them ; and in a very creditable
manner each man went on his own way. Like St.
Paul, Apollos tried to avoid fomenting the Jiarty
spirit in Corinth ; and the NT leaves him in Crete,
as a travelling preacher.
Several scholars favour the theory, suggested by
Luther, that Apollos was the author of ' Hebrews.'
Probably we must accept Bruce's summing up:
'Apollos is the kind of man wanted. With this
we must be content ' (HDB ii. 338").
Literature.— Artt. in BDB and EBi on ' Apollos," Corinth
'Corinthians'; W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and
the liormm Citizen, London, lsi)5, pp. 252, 267 ff. ; O. Pfieiderer
Prim. Christianity, do. 1906, i. 145-160 ; C. v. Weizsacker'
Apostolic Age, i.2 [do. 1897] 319-322, ii. [1895] 97 ; A. Harnack'
Expansion of Christianity'^ do. 1908, i. 79 ; A. C. McGiffert
Apostolic Age, Edinburgh, 1897, p. 290 ff.; A. Wright Some
AT Problems, London, 1898, p. 309 ; A. Deane, Friends and
Fellow-Labourers of St. Paul, do. 1907, p. 20 ; F. J. A. Hort,
JThSt, Oct. 1905; and Schaff-Herzog-, art. 'Apollos.' For
authorship of ' Hebrews,' see Comm. on Heb. by M. Dods
(EGT), 229, and art. in HDB on ' Hebrews, Epistle to.'
J. E. Roberts.
APOLLYON.— See Abaddon.
APOSTASY.— The Gr. word diroaraala (apostasia)
is found twice in the NT, but in neither case does
EV^ render 'apostasy.' In Ac 2pi a charge is
brought against St. Paul of teaching all the Jews
who are among the Gentiles 'to forsake Moses'
(lit. ' apostasy from Moses '). In 2 Th 2-^ St. Paul
assures the Thessalonian disciples that the day
of the Lord shall not come 'except the falling
away (lit. ' the apostasy') come first, and the man
of sin (marg., with better textual justification,
'lawlessness') be revealed.' It is sometimes as-
sumed that the word 'first' indicates that the
revelation of the ' man of sin ' must be preceded
in time by the apostasy (cf. art. Man of Sin,
and HDB iii. 226) ; but the relation of v.2 to v.s
makes it more natural to understand ' first ' as
signifying that the apostasy and the revelation of
the 'man of sin,' regarded as contemporaneous,
must come before the day of the Lord. This is
confirmed if we accept Nestle's contention (ExpT
xvi. [1904-1905] 472) that ri avoaraffia in this passage
should be taken as a translation of the Heb. Wv}^
(Belial [g-.v.])— a rendering that occurs frequently
in Aquila's version and also in 3 K 21'^ in the
Cod. Alexandrinus. In any case the Apostle's
reference is to the wide-spread expectation in the
primitive Church (Mt 2'i-*, 1 Jn 2^^; cf. Dn 12")
that the return of Christ would be preceded by
such a revelation of the power of the Antichrist
(q.v,) as would lead to apostasy from the faith on
the part of many professing Christians.
J. C. Lambert.
APOSTLE.— The term 'Apostle' (Gr. dTrocrroXos)
is more definite than ' messenger ' (Gr. &yye\os) in
that the apostle has a special mission, and is the
commissioner of the person who sends him. This
distinction holds good both in classical and in
biblical Greek. There is no good reason for doubt-
ing that the title ' apo.stle ' was given to the Twelve
by Christ Himself (Lk 6i»=Mk 3'-', where 'whom
he also named apostles ' is strongly attested). That
the title was used in the first instance simply in
reference to the temporary mission of the Twelve
to prepare for Christ's own preaching is a conjecture
which receives some support from the fact that, in
the Apostolic Church, Barnabas and Paul are first
called 'apostles' (Ac 14*- ") when they are acting
as envoys of the Church in Antioch in St. Paul's
first missionary journey. On this hypothesis, the
temporary apostlesliip, though not identical with
the permanent office, was typical of it and pre-
paratory to it (Hort, The Christian Ecclesia, 1897,
p. 28f.). _
There is fundamental agreement between the
work of the apostles during Christ's ministry and
their Avork after the Ascension : their functions
undergo no radical change. But the changes are
considerable. Christ chose tliem in the first in-
stance (Mk 3") 'that they might be with him,'
to be educated and trained, ' and that he might
send them forth to preach ' and do works of mercy
APOSTLE
APOSTLE
83
Instruction is the main thing, and ' disciples ' is the
usual designation ; mission work is secondary and
temporary. After the Ascension their mission
work becomes primary and permanent. Apostle-
ship is now the main thing ; in Acts 'apostles' is
the dominant ajipellation, and in the Epistles
' disciples ' are not mentioned. Instead of being
led and guided, the Twelve now become leaders
and guides ; or rather, instead of having a visible
Guide, they now have an invisible one — instead of
Jesus, ' the Spirit of Jesus ' (Ac 16^), who helps
them to lead others. The guidance of the Spirit
is the dominant idea in the Apostolic Church.
Nevertheless, the other way of stating the change
is true ; they have become teachers rather than
disciples. But the purpose is the same ; their
mission is unchanged. With enlarged experi-
ence, with powers greatly augmented at Pente-
cost, and with an enormously extended sphere of
work, they have to make known the Kingdom of
God. Cf. art. Disciple.
This extension of sphere is one of the special
marks of the transfigured apostleship. It is no
longer restricted to ' the lost sheep of the house of
Israel,' but is to embrace ' all the nations ' through-
out 'all the world.' The tentative mission to the
inhabitants of Palestine at a peculiar crisis has be-
come one wliich has no limitations of either space
or time (Mt 28'^ Lk 24« Ac !«). But this uni-
versality of spliere was not the only or the most
important characteristic of the new mission. The
chief mark was the duty of bearing witness. The
Twelve seem to have been selected originally be-
cause of their fitness for bearing witness. They
were not specially qualified for grasping or ex-
pounding theological doctrines ; nor were such
qualifications greatly needed, for the doctrines
wiiich the Master taught them were few and simple.
Yet they had difficulty in apprehending some of
these, and sometimes surprised tiieir Master by
tlieir inability to understand (Mk 7'^ 8" 9=*-). But
because of their simplicit}' they were very credible
witnesses of wiiat they had lieard and seen. They
had been men of homely circumstances, and their
unique experiences as the disciples of Christ made
a deep impression upon them, especially with re-
gard to the hopeless sense of loss when He was put
to death, and to the amazing recovery of joy when
their own senses convinced them that He had risen
again. They were thus well qualified to convince
others. They evidently had not the wit to invent
an elaborate story, or to retain it when it had been
elaborated, and therefore what they stated with
such confidence was likely to be true. They were
chosen to keep alive and extend the knowledge of
events that were of the utmost importance to man-
kind — the knowledge that Jesus Christ had died
on tlie Cross, and had risen from the grave. That
He had died and been buried was undisputed and
indisputable ; and all of them could te.stify tiiat
tiiey had repeatedly seen Him alive after His
burial. This was the primary function of an
apostle — to bear witness of Christ's Resurrection
(Ac l'^^ 4-- ^^), and the influence of the testimony
was enormous. The apostles did not argue ; they
simply stated what they knew. Every one who heard
them felt that they were men who had an intense
belief in the truth of what they stated. There is
no trace in either Acts or the Epistles of hesitation
or doubt as to tiie certaintj- of their knowledge ;
they knew that their witness was true (Jn 21-^,
1 Jn V-'^). And tiie confidence with wliich they
delivered their testimony was communicated to
those who heard it all the more efiectually because,
without any sign of collusion or conspiracy, they
all told the same story. They difi'ered in age,
temperament, and ability, but they did not differ
when they spoke of what they had seen and heard.
Nay, this still held good when one whom they had
at first regarded with fear and suspicion (Ac 9'^")
was added to their company. Greatly as Saul of
Tarsus differed from the Twelve in some things,
he was entirely at one with them respecting funda-
mental facts. He, like them, had seen and heard
the risen Christ (1 Co 9^ l.jS-H; Latham, Pastor
Pastorum, 1890, pp. 228-230).
It was probably owing to St. Paul's persistent
claim to be an apostle, equal in rank with the
Twelve (Gal 1', 1 Co 9'), that it became customary
from very early times to restrict the appellation
of 'apostle ' to the Twelve and the Apostle of the
Gentiles ; but there is no such restriction in the
NT. It is certainly given to Barnabas, but perhaps
primarily as being an envoy from the Church of
Antioch (Ac 13'- 2- li"*- "), rather than as having
a direct mission from Christ. St. Paul seems to
speak of him as a colleague, recognized by Peter
and John as equal to himself in the mission to the
Gentiles (Gal 2"), and as one who, like himself,
used the apostolic privilege of working for nothing,
although he had a right to maintenance (1 Co 9*^).
We need not doubt that Barnabas continued to
be called an apostle in a general sense after the
mission from Antioch was over.
Perhaps the simplest and most natural way of
understanding Gal 1'^ is that James, the Lord's
brother, had the title of 'apostle' in the wider
sense. It may be regarded as certain that this
James was not one of the Twelve. But 1 Co 15^
ougiit not to be quoted as implying either that
there was a company of apostles larger than the
Twelve or that James was a member of this larger
company. ' Next he appeared to James ; then to
the whole body of the apostles.' There is no
emphasis on 'all,' implying an antithesis between
'to one, then to all.' Such an antithesis, as well
as the idea that James was in .some sense an
apostle, is foreign to the context. The ' all ' prob-
ably looks back to ' the twelve' in v.i", which is an
official and not a numerical designation, for only
ten were there, Thomas and Judas being absent.
' Then to all the ajiostles ' probably means that on
that occasion the apostolic company was complete
(for Thomas was present) rather than that some were
there who were called apostles although they were
not of the original Twelve. It is highly probable
tiiat James, the Lord's brother, Avas such a person,
but 1 Co 15^ ought not to be quoted as evidence of
this. It is after the murder of James the son of
Zebedee that James the Lord's brother comes on
the scene. He may have taken the place of his
namesake in the number of the Twelve.
That Silvanus and Timothy were regarded as
apostles in the wider sense is not improbable. In
b(jth 1 and 2 Thess. they are associated with St.
Paul in the address, and in both letters the first
person plural is used with a regularity which is not
found in any other group of the Pauline Epistles :
'our gospel,' i.e. 'the gospel which we apostles
preach,' is specially remarkable (1 Th 1', 2 Th -2^*).
Still more remarkable is the casual addition,
' when we might have been burdensome as apostles
of Christ' (1 Th2«).
Ko 16" probably means that Andronicus and
Junias were distinguished as apostles ; but there
are two elements of doubt : iwia-qixoL iv tols clttoittoXols
might mean 'well known to the apostles,' but it
more probably means that among the apostles they
were illustrious persons ; and' low iav may be masc.
or fem., Junias or Junia. If Jitnia is ri.uht, the
probability that Andronicus and Junia (?man and
wife) were distinguished members of the apostolic
body is lessened. But Chrysostom does not shrink
from the thought that a woman maybe an apo.stle.
He says that to be an apostle at all is a great thing,
and therefore to be illustrious amongst such persons
84
APOSTLE
APOSTOLIC COA^STITUTIONS
is very high praise ; and * how great is the devotion
of this woman, that slie should be even counted
worthy of the appellation of apostle ! ' (Sanday-
Headlam, ad loc. ).
The fact that there were people who claimed,
without any right, the title of 'apostle' (2 Co IP^
Rev 2'-) amounts to proof that in the Apostolic
Church there were ' apostles ' outside the Twelve
with the addition of St. Paul. It is incredible that
there were people who claimed to belong to a body
so well known as the Twelve, or any who tried to.
personate St. Paul ; and 'it would be unprofitable
to waste words on the strange theory that St. Paul
is meant by these false apostles' (Hort, Judaistic
Christianity, 1894, p. 163). Very soon, though not
in the NT, tlie title of ' apostle ' was given to the
Seventy. It is not likely that Joseph Barsabbas
and Matthias were the only persons among the 120
gathered together after the Ascension (Ac 1^^) who
had the apostolic qualification of having seen the
Lord ; probably most of them had been His personal
disciples. All of those who took to missionary work
would be likely to be styled ' apostles' ; and it is
not impossible that the ' false apostles ' who op-
posed St. Paul had this qualification, and therefore
claimed to have a better right to the title than he
had.
The cumulative effect of the facts and probabili-
ties stated above is very strong — so strong that we
are justified in affirming that in the NT there are
persons other than the Twelve and St. Paul who
were called apostles, and in conjecturing that they
were rather numerous. All who seemed to be
called by Christ or the Spirit to do missionary work
would be thought worthy of the title, especially
such as had been in personal contact with the
Master. _ When it is said that this reasonable
affirmation, based entirely upon Scripture, is con-
firmed by the account in the Didache of an order
of wandering preachers who were called ' apostles,'
we must be careful not to exaggerate the amount
of confirmation. There is no proof, and there is
not a very high degree of probability, that the
'apostles' of the Didache are the same kind of
ministers as those who are called ' apostles ' in the
NT, although not of the number of the Twelve.
"We must not infer that they are the lineal de-
scendants, officially, of workers such as Silvanu.s,
Andronicus, and Junias. But the fact that in the
sub-Apostolic Age there were itinerant ministers
called ' apostles ' does give confirmation to the
assertion that in the NT there were, outside the
apostolic body, ministers who were known as
' apostles.' Chief among these were Paul, Barnabas,
and James, of whom Paul certainly, and the other
two probably, were regarded by most Christians
as equal to the Twelve. Like the Twelve, Paul
and Barnabas had no local ties : they retained a
general authority over the churches which they
founded, but they did not take up their abode in
them as permanent rulers. They trained the
churches to govern themselves. Tiie Twelve are
to be twelve Patriarchs of the larger Israel, twelve
repetitions of Christ (Harnack, Expansion of Chris-
tianity, Eng. tr., 1904-5, i. 72), and at first they
were the whole ministry of the infant Church.
The first act of the infant Church was to restore
the typical number twelve by the election of
Matthias ; and it is worthy of note, as indicating
both the undeveloped condition of the ministry
and also the germs of future developments, that in
Acts all three terms, ' diaconate ' (P^- -^), ' bishopric'
(1**), and ' apostleship ' (l'-^), are used in connexion
with the election of Matthias. There is no good
ground for the conjecture that the choice of
Matthias did not receive subsequent sanction, that
he was set aside, and that St. Paul was Divinely
appointed to take his place. It is true that he
subsequently falls into the background and is lost
from sight ; but so do most of the Twelve.
The absence from Christ's teaching of any state-
ment respecting the priesthood of the Twelve, or
respecting the transmission of the powers of the
Twelve to others, is remarkable. As the primary
function of the Twelve was to be witnesses of what
Christ had taught and done, especially in rising from
the dead, no transmission of so exceptional an office
was possible. Even with regard to the high author-
ity which all apostles possessed, it is not clear that
it was a jurisdiction which was to be passed on from
generation to generation. Belief in the speedy
return of Christ Avould prevent any such intention.
The apostles were commissioned to found a living
Church, with power to supply itself with ministers
and to organize them.
Literature. — In addition to the works already cited, see
J. B. Lightfoot, Galatians, ed. 1892, pp. 92-101 ; E. Haupt,
Zu^n. Verstdndnis des Apostolats im NT, Halle, 1896 ; H.
Monnier, La Notion de I'apostolat, Paris, 1903 ; P. Batiffol,
L'Eglise naissante^, do. 1901), pp. 46-68 ; also art. ' Apostle,'
in HDB, DCG, EBi, and EBr^. ALFRED PlUMMEK.
APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS AND CANONS.—
This work (of the 4th or 5th cent. A.D., but based
on more ancient materials) is divided into eight
books, dealing, in rambling and hortatory fashion,
with the problems of church life and discipline.
The chief interest of its contents lies in the mis-
cellaneous information atforded regarding the
customs of an early period ; the theological lean-
ings, if definitely present at all, are difficult to
determine ; the copious Scripture quotations often
support ' Western ' readings. At the end of the
eighth book come 85 'Apostolic Canons,' which
have attracted special attention.
The claim made by its title (Aiarayal rCiv aylwv
diroffTdXwv dia KX-qfievros roO" Pw/xatwv (wi.aK6irov re Kal
ttoXLtov. KaOoXLKT] 8LdaaKa\la) is re-stated in the
conclusion and amplified in vi. 14, 18 : ' We now
assembled, Peter and Andrew, James and John,
Philip and Bartholomew, Thomas and Matthew,
James the son of Alphseus, and Lebbseus who is
surnamed Thaddaeus, and Simon the Canaanite,
and Matthias who instead of Judas was numbered
with us, and James the brother of our Lord and
bishop of Jerusalem, and Paul . . . and have written
to you this catholic doctrine [which] we have sent
by our fellow-minister Clement.' The direct
authority of Christ is also adduced in ii. 1 : ' Con-
cerning bishops we have heard from our Lord ' ;
and in V. 7 : ' We teach you all these things which
He appointed by His constitutions.' The collective
apostolic authorship is recalled to the reader's
mind from time to time by casual phrases such as
' we twelve,' ' Philip our fellow-apostle ' ; while by
a curious device, from time to time, without any
break in the discourse, one or other of the apostles
takes the word out of the common mouth and
speaks in his own name, especially at points where
the reference is to his personal experience ; as ii.
57 : ' Read the gospels which I, Matthew and Jolni,
have delivered unto you,' and v. 14 : ' I arose up from
lying in His bosom.' Near the end the apostles
in turn each deliver one or more 'constitutions.'
For any modern reader a cursory glance will
dispose of these claims. The detailed injunctions
about ordinations and festivals, the triumphant
proof of the possibility of the Resurrection by a
reference to the phoenix, do not strike the apostolic
note ; and it is easy to remark delinite points such
as the reference to the heresy of Basilides (vi. 8),
and the conversion of the Romans (vi. 24), which
show the suggestion of the title to be unwarranted.
The author, however, found the apostolic claim
made in tiie sources he used ; his own contribution
to the fiction is the assertion that Clement was the
channel of communication.
AI^OSTOLIC COI^STITUTIOXS
APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS 85
In 692 the Trullan Council of Constantinople
repudiated tlie 'Constitutions' as having been
tampered with by heretics, but accepted the 85
Canons ; while, although in the Gelasian Decree
they are called apocryphal, Dionysius Exiguus (c.
A.D. 500) had translated 50 of the Canons into
Latin, and thus these 50 obtained acceptance in
the West. The 85 Canons were translated into
Syriac, Coptic, Ethiopic, Arabic ; and, though the
' Constitutions' was not translated as a whole, and,
in the West, remained unj^nown, we find Nicetas
(A.D. 1154) quoting books v. vi. vii. in his book
contra Latinos. After the first publication of the
Greek text at Venice, in 156.3, by the Jesuit
Turrianus from a good Cretan MS, the spuriousness
of their authority soon came tp be recognized. The
convenient edition of W. tjltzen (Schwerin and
Rostock, 1853) is based on this text.
Modern criticism, it may be said summarily,
has shown that the ' Apostolic Constitutions ' is a
compilation made by a single writer, often referred
to as pseudo-Clement, who seems identifiable with
the author of the spurious Ignatian epistles ; that
it is of Syrian origin, and that it must be dated in
the 4th or early in the 5th century. One leading
consideration is the absence of a polemical theo-
logical note, which demands a period sufficiently
subsequent to the Council of Nicsea (A.D. 325).
Interest is thus transferred to the task of dis-
tinguishing the older materials present, and tracing
in them, and in the modifications made by the
compiler, and by still later hands (especially in
book viii., which, being most in practical use, was
subject to current alteration), the flux of ecclesi-
astical usages — a task in which the Church historian
still waits to some extent for the textual oi'itic.
Books i.-vi. are based on the Didascalia, a book
originally written in Greek, but known only
through a single MS of the Syriac version, now in
Paris, published as Didascalia apostolorum syriace
by P. Lagarde (Leipzig, 1854), by M. D. Gibson
with Eng. tr. in Horce Semiticce, i., ii. (Cambridge,
1903), by H. Achelis in TU xxv. 2 [1904]. This
document is to be placed in Syria about the
middle of the 3rd century. It contemplates a large
city-church attended hj all sorts and conditions,
conscious of the gulf between Christians and
pagans, yet apparently neither persecuted nor
unpopular. After some general exhortations to
men and women, the subject of the bishop and
his duties is treated in detail. Remarkable
emphasis is laid on a ready and kindly reception
of the penitent. We hear of Church courts for
civil cases between Christian disputants, which are
to meet on Monday, so that feeling maj- be cooled
before the days of worship. The church building
lies eastwards — in the direction of the earthly
Paradise — and is arranged with special seats for
the Presbytery and the different sexes and ages in
the congregation. Deacons, sub-deacons, deacon-
esses, widows, orphans, martyrs, readers, are
mentioned as special classes. By a strange chron-
ology of the Passion, a foundation is ottered for
Easter regulations evidently requiring defence,
whether as new or as in conflict with neighbouring
custom. There are some Jewish-Christian mem-
bers, and at the close these are specially addressed.
The style throughout is homiletic, with copious
citations from Scripture. A short account of this
book is given in Harnack, The Mission and Ex-
pansion of Christianity- [tv. Moffatt, London, 1908),
ii. 157, 158.
The work of the compiler of the ' Constitutions '
is seen in the additional Scripture references, moral
reflexions and exhortations. He makes, for ex-
ample, an unhappily conceived attempt at an
elaborate analogy between a well-arranged church
and a ship, the deacons being the sailors, the congre-
gation passengers, and so forth. He revises the
account of the Passion referred to, in the interests
of the shorter fast of his day (v. 14). He boldly
reverses the direction to follow the Jewish com-
Eutation for Easter (ib. 17). He refers to the
Ionian adoption of Christianity (vi. 24), where
instead the Didascalia mentions persecution.
Book vii. consists of an amplification of the
Didache (g.v. )with modifications. An injunction
to fear the king (ch. 16) and pay taxes willingly is
inserted. The permission of warm water at baptism
is omitted (ch. 20). The rule about weekly fast-
days is taken to apply to the Easter fast. The
connexion of Eucharist with Agape, apparent in
the Didache, is avoided. A number of liturgical
forms are appended, among which the baptismal
symbol in ch. 41 has been doubtfully attributed to
Lucian of Antioch — a suggestion wliich might, as
Achelis points out, connect the ' Constitutions '
with his congregation. For a comparison of book
vii. with the Didache see Harnack, ' Didache,' in
TU ii. 2 [1884], and art. Didache below.
Behind book viii. are various sources. The first
two paragraphs are thought by Achelis to be
founded on Hippolytus' lost worK ivepl xa/ucryndTaji/.
After there treating of the diversity of spiritual
gifts, the writer goes on to 24 chapters, in which
the apostles, gathered in council, deliver singly,
in turn, ' constitutions' concerning the choice and
ordination of bishops and other officers ; concerning
presbyters, deacons, sub-deacons, readers, widows,
exorcists, and their functions ; concerning tithes
and offerings, the reception of catechumens, holy
days, church services and prayers. The main
source is thought to be the ' Egyptian Church
Order,' originally in Greek, but known through
its Coptic and Ethiopic versions, this in turn being
based upon the ' Canons of Hii^polytus ' (c. A.D.
220). Both of these may be compared with the
' Constitutions' in TU vi. 4 [1891], pp. 39-136. The
dependence of the ' Constitutions' on these Canons,
though not noted in the complete MSS (unless,
indeed, the old conjecture were revived that in the
title, after KXrunevros . . . i-KiffKowov should be read
KaVlifKoKvTov, instead of re /cat iroXirov), is pointed
out by the title Aiard^ets tQv ayiuiv aTrocfToXwv vepl
Xii-poroviCiv dia ' IviroXiiTov, in excerpts from book
viii. Whether, however, the ' Egyptian Church
Order ' needs to be inserted as a link between book
viii. and the ' Canons of Hippolytus ' has been
disputed.
The most noteworthy sections of book viii. are
those containing a complete liturgy for the cele-
bration of the Lord's Supper. The catechumens,
hearers, unbelievers, and heterodox are to depart.
Mothers are to ' receive ' their children — that is, to
keep them quiet, else they would continue straying
to and fro between the women's seats and their
fathers, as may still be seen in Eastern Christian
worship. Two deacons are to fan away flies from
the cups. The high priest con.secrates, the service
proceeds with responses and praj'ers. Fii'st the
bishop, then the presbyters and deacons partake,
and then the people, who after further prayer are
dismissed with the benediction ' Depart in peace.'
To the older source the compiler of the ' Constitu-
tions ' adds that the high priest puts on ' his
sinning garment' and crosses himself; and, after
the deacons, adds a long list of classes of partakers,
ending with the children ; and orders Ps 33 to be
said while the distribution takes place.
In comparison with its sources, book viii. shows
a hardening of ecclesiastic rule, e.g. in the decision
that a confessor must not on any account be dis-
pensed from the need of being ordained if he
proceeds to ofiice. A still later change is seen in
the suppression of all mention of porters in this
book. This cannot be due to pseudo-Clement,
86 APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS
APPIUS, MAEKET OF
for he names them in the preceding books ; Avhen
they had disappeared in practice, the references
must have been deleted from the familiar book
viii., but left unnoticed elsewhere.
The 85 ' Canons ' at the end of book viii.
gained, as we have seen, a partly independent
currency : 20 are derived from the Synod of
Antioch (A.D. 341); at least 24 repeat regulations
from the ' Constitutions ' ; the others are likelier to
be taken from various sources than to be original
inventions. They are to be put a little later than
the ' Constitutions.' The most remarkable is that
which enumerates the canonical books of Scripture,
omitting the Apocalypse from the NT canon, but
inserting the two epistles of Clement and the
'Apostolic Constitutions,' and, after this audacity,
with an artistic touch modestly placing ' the Acts
of us Apostles ' at the bottom of the list.
Other matters contained in the ' Apostolic
Constitutions* may be briefly noticed. In the
'bidding prayers' in book viii. a touching light is
thrown on the composition of the Church hj the
reference to those in bitter servitude (viii. 10 ; cf.
the instruction to admit a slave concubine to
membership if faithful to her master [ib. 32]). A
different aspect of affairs is revealed by the list in
iv. 6 of those whose gifts should not be received —
adulterers, cruel employers, idol-makers, thieves,
unjust publicans, drunkards, usurers. A strange
piece of advice follows — that, if such contribu-
tions have to be taken, they shall be expended
in fuel for the needy rather than in food, as the
Eutrid sacrificial meat is ordered in Lv 19® to be
umt.
The transition from 'Sabbath' (Saturday) to
' the Lord's day ' (Sunday) as the day of worship is
seen in process. Book ii. 36 enjoins observance of
Sabbath ; in ch. 47 the language suggests both days,
although the thought has in view perhaps only one ;
ch. 59 shows the hesitancy of a time of change,
saying first ' principally on the Sabbath,' then ' on
the Lord's day meet more diligently.' Bk. v. 20
enjoins both days ; vii. 23 enjoins first both, then
says ' there is one only Sabbath to be observed in
the whole year,' that before Easter, as a fast, for
then Christ was in the tomb. Book viii. 33 enjoins
rest for slaves on both days. As regards other
holy days, Christmas, Epiphany, Holy Week, are
mentioned (v. 14, 15) ; further, Pentecost and St.
Stephen's Day (viii. 33).
Baptism ritual is elaborate. Before and after
immersion there is anointing. Presbyters can
baptize, though not ordain (iii. 10, 11). Deacon-
esses are useful, especially in the baptism of
women {ib. 15). Canon 50 orders trine immersion.
The bishop is to be ordained by two or three
bishops after he is chosen by the people, who are
to be repeatedly asked for their consent to pro-
cedure (viii. 4). A chief duty of his, requiring
acuteness and tact and honour, is the charge of
the almsgiving (ii. 4). Exorcists are recognized
as doing good work, though they are not to be
ordained.
In public worship (ii. 57) the bisiiops and presby-
ters sit, the deacons stand near, the congregation
are seated according to age and sex, children
may stand beside their parents. Deacons walk
about to check whispering, laughing, or sleeping.
Lessons from the historical and poetical books of
the OT respectively are followed i)y a Psalm sung
solo, the congregation joining ' at the conclusions
of the verses ' ; then comes a lesson from the Acts
or Epistles, and after this all stand at the reading
of tlie Gospel. If visiting bishops, presbyters, or
deacons are i)resent, they are to be recognized as
such, and, especially visiting ])isliops, are to be
asked to speak. There is daily morning and
evening service (ii. 59, viii. 34, 35), and temptation
both to neglect it and to attend heathen and
Jewish services.
Curiosities of thought and diction are : warn-
ings to males against dressiness — they may thus
snare the frail fair (i. 3) ; warnings to women not
to paint the face, 'which is God's workmanship'
(ib. 8) ; the reason in favour of secrecy in alms-
giving, that thus comparisons and grumbling are
prevented among the recipients (iii. 14) ; an elabo-
rate comparison of spiritual and physical healing
(ii. 41), which gives a vivid picture of contemporary
medicine and surgery, at least as it appeared to
the author's imagination :
' If it be a hollow wound or great gash, nourish it with a suit-
able plaster ; ... if foul, cleanse with corrosive powder, that
is, words of reproof ; if it have proud flesh, eat it down with
a sharp plaster — threats of judgment ; if it spreads, cut o£f the
putrid flesh ; . . . but if there is no room for a fomentation, or
oil, or bandage, then, with a great deal of consideration, and
the advice of other sliilful physicians, cut off the putrefied
member, that the whole church be not corrupted. ... Be not
hasty with the saw, but first try lancing.'
A quaint story is told by Peter (vi. 8 f.) about
Simon Magus, who, to recommend his heresies, flew
in the air in a Roman theatre supported by demons,
till Peter exorcized them and Simon fell and broke
his legs, whereupon the people cried out : ' There
is only one God, and Peter rightly preaches the
truth.'
Literature. — In addition to the references already given,
full notes will be found in H. Achelis' valuable art. ' Apostol.
Konstitutionen u. Kanones ' in PRE3 i. [1896]. The ' Ante-Nicene
Library' (vol. xvii.) contains an Eng. translation. See also the
notices in A. Harnack, Gesch. der altchrist lichen Litteratur,
pt. i. [Leipzig, 1893] ; A. J. Maclean, Recent Discoveries illustrat-
ing Early Christian Life and Worship, London, 1904 ; W. E.
Collins, art. ' Apostol. Constitutions ' in EBr^i ii. [1910].
R. W. Stewart.
APPEAL.— See Trial- at-Law.
APPEARING.— See Parousia.
APPHIA (in some MSS and VSS Aphphia or
Appia). — A Christian lady of CoIossjb, designated
by St. Paul (Philem^) as 'sister' (d8€\<py, so K ADE),
in the Christian sense. AV, following inferior MS
testimony, substitutes 'beloved' (d7a7r??Ti7) ; some
MSS have both words. Grotius regards the name
as a softened and hellenized form of the Latin
Appia; but Lightfoot {Col. and Phileni.^, 1879,
p. 306) and Zahn (Introd. to NT, 1909, i. 458) show
that the name is Phrygian and is found in numerous
ancient Phrygian inscriptions.
Most commentators (following Chrysostom and
Theodoret) regard Apphia as Philemon's wife, since
otherwise her name either would not have been in-
troduced at all in a private letter, or at least would
have been put after the name of Archippus (q.tu),
who was an office-bearer. As the wife of Philemon,
Apphia would have some claim to be consulted in
such a matter as the forgiveness and emancipation
of a slave. The possibility, however, of her being
the sister (literally) of Philemon is not grammatic-
ally excluded if the reading ' sister ' be accepted.
The ancient Greek Martyrology represents
Apphia (along with Philemon) as suffering martyr-
dom under Nero on Nov. 22 (see Mencea for
November).
Literature. — See under Philemon. HeNRY CowaN.
APPII FORUM.— See Appius, Market of.
APPIUS, MARKET OF (Airwlov <pl>pov, Ac 28" ;
AV Appii Forum). — A town on the Via Appia,
the usual resting-place for travellers from Rome at
the end of the first day's journey, though Horace
says of himself and his companion : ' Hoc iter ignavi
divisimas' {Sat. I. v. 5). The site of the town is
marked by considerable ruins, near the modern
railway station of Foro Appio, where the 43rd
ancient milestone is still preserved. It was the
northern terminus of a canal {fossa), which ex-
APEOX
AQUILA AXD PRISCILLA 87
tended, parallel Avith the line of road, tluough the
Pomptine marshes as far as the neighbourhood of
Tarracina. Strabo says that travellers from the
South usually sailed up the canal by night, ' em-
barking in the evening, and landing in the morning
to travel the rest of their journey by road' (V. iii.
6). Pliny mentions Appii Forum among the muni-
cipal towns of Latium (III. v. 9). Horace {loc. cit.
4—15) sets do^^^l his vivid recollections of a place
' crammed full of boatmen and extortionate tavern-
keepers,' where 'the water was utterly bad,' where
at night ' the slaves bantered the boatmen and the
boatmen the slaves,' where ' troublesome mosqui-
toes and marsh frogs ' kept sleep from his eyes.
St. Paul and St. Luke remembered it gratefully as
the first of two places — Tres TnberncB (see Three
Taverns), 10 miles further north, being the other —
whither brethren came from Rome to greet them
and escort them on their way. J. Strahax.
APRON. — The word aifiiKivdia (pi.), a modified
form of the Latin semicinctia, occurs only in Ac
19^-, where it is translated 'aprons,' and placed in
an alternative relation to aovSapia (see HANDKER-
CHIEF). The two articles are not to be identified.
The (Ti/MiKivOiov is, as the derivation suggests, a half-
girdle, or forecloth ; not an essential of dress, like
the girdle itself, but an accessory, worn by artisans
and slaves for protection of their clothes during
work. Presumably the material was linen or cotton.
Still there is some doubt as to its precise nature
(see L. S. Potwin, Here and There in the Greek New
Testament, New York, 1898, p. 169, where a parallel
from Martial, xiv. 151 tl". is quoted).
It is not said that the aprons were the property
of St. Paul ; but, judging from the word used for
body [airb rod xp''""(5s), this is not impossible. The
deduction has been made that he used them in pur-
suing his craft as a tentmaker. All that was needed,
however, was that tlie articles should have touched
his person, and thereafter those suffering from dis-
ease (cf. Lk 8^). For the usage, and belief under-
lying, cf. Ac 5^', and for modern instances, HDB
(s.v.), and S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion
To-Day, London, 1902, p. 91 f.
W. Cruickshank.
AQUILA AND PRISCILLA (or Prisca).*— The
references to this husband and wife are Ac 18,
Ko 16^ 1 Co \&\ and 2 Ti 4'9. These passages
suggest that Aquila and Priscilla were, in St.
Paul's eyes, people of importance in the early
Church, though ecclesiastical tradition has little
to say about them. The careful description of
Aquila as ' a Jew, a man of Pontus by race ' (Ac 18^),
rather implies that Priscilla his wife was not a
Jewess ; because her name is usually put first, it
is thought that she was of higher social standing
than her husband. Evidence has been offeied by
de Rossi that Priscilla was a well-connected Roman
lady. Discussing this evidence, Sanday and Head-
lam suggest that both Aquila and Priscilla ' were
freedmenof a member of the Acilian gens' (i^omr^i-s^,
420). But they admit the possibility of Priscilla
being 'a member of some distinguished Roman
family.' Ramsay strongly urges this theory, and
it explains much in the story — their social position,
their command of money, their influence in Rome,
their freedom from Jewish prejudices, etc. Another
explanation of why Priscilla's name comes first may
be that she was the more vigorous and intelligent
Christian worker. Thus Harnack describes them
as ' Prisca the missionary, with her husband
Aquila' [Expansion of Christianity'^, i. 791.
AquUa and Priscilla came from Italy to Corinth,
'because Claudius had commanded all the Jews to
depart from Rome ' (Ac 18-^). Suetonius says the
* St. Luke uses the form Priscilla (in Acts), St. Paul the
fonn Prisca (in his Epistles).
expulsion was caused by a series oi disturbances
'due to the action of Chrestus ' (Claud. 25); i.e.
Christian ferment was one cause of the edict. It
is probable, therefore, that Aquila and Priscilla
had been influenced in Rome by Christian teacliing,
though it cannot be decided whether they were al-
ready converts to Christianity. For this reason
they were compelled to leave the country, though
the edict was not rigidly enforced on all Jews.
Priscilla accompanied her Jewish husband to
Corinth, where they followed their trade as tent-
makers. They seem always to have been able to
maintain a fair position, for their house was a
meeting-place for the Church both in Ephesus and
in Rome. Probably, then, they were people of
considerable means, though their expulsion from
Rome limited their resources for a time. Com-
radeship in trade is given as the reason why St.
Paul lodged with Aquila and Priscilla in Corinth ;
but their favourable attitude to Christianity must
have been a strong inducement on both sides.
Under St. Paul's influence they became not only
earnest Christians, but also enthusiastic helpers of
the Apostle. Writing to the Corinthian (Church
in after years, the Apostle says : ' Aquila and
Priscilla greet you much in the Lord' (1 Co 16^").
This is a warm personal greeting, in the way not
merely of friendship but of love and service to
Christ — a suitable gi'eeting from those who had
helped St. Paul to found the Church.
When St. Paul went to Ephesus, Aquila and
Priscilla went with him and remained there to do
pioneer work whilst he visited Jerusalem. They
shrank from the responsibility, and wanted the
Apostle to remain (Ac 18-"). But he urged them
to stay, promising to return. So the initial work
in Ephesus was done by Aquila and Priscilla.
They tried to prepare the ground before St. Paul
returned, and to sow the seed of Christian teach-
ing as far as they were able. During this time
Apollos [q.v.) came to Ephesus, with his imperfect
apprehension of Christianity. Aquila and Priscilla
admired his learning and his earnestness ; and, re-
cognizing that such a man must either be a strong
supporter of the cause or an influential opponent,
they did their best to instruct him more carefully
(Ac 18-^). Subsequent events throw doubt on the
ability of this couple, who were themselves recent
converts, to educate the eloquent Alexandrian in
the Pauline interpretation of the gospel. Would
not his presence overshadow Aquila and Priscilla,
tending to make their work more ditticult? The
elementary and even chaotic state of things in
Ephesus at this period is shown by the incident of
the twelve men ' knowing only the baptism of
John ' whom St. Paul found when he returned to
the city (Ac 19^^'). As nothing is said about the
baptism of Apollos, and as the twelve men ' had
not heard whether the Holy Spirit was given,' it
seems unlikelj' that there had been any Christian
baptism in Ephesus before St. Paul came to super-
intend the work. Nevertheless, Aquila and Pris-
cilla seem to have fulfilled their mission with skill
and courage ; and, when a Church was gathered,
the members met in their house (1 Co 16^^). This
may explain their presence in Rome when the
Epistle to the Romans was -written. As St. Paul
left them in Ephesus to do pioneering work, so he
seems to have sent them to Rome to prepare the
way for his coming there. The decree of expul-
sion was not enforced permanently ; their con-
nexion with a leading Roman family made it
more possible for them to return to Rome than
for Jews with no influence ; whilst their know-
ledge of the city, their social standing, as well aa
their experience in Corinth and in Ephesus, with
their devotion to himself, fitted them pre-eminently
for such work as St. Paul contemplated.
88
AEABIA
ARABIA
The recognition of the social position of this
devoted couple, and of their valuable pioneering
work, invests them with special interest as having
assisted St. Paul in his missionary labours in a
unique way. Their devotion to the Apostle was
signalized in some remarkable fashion, apparently
when he was in danger. His description of them
as ' my fellow-workers in Christ Jesus, who for my
life laid dovra their own necks ; unto whom not
only I give thanks but also all the churches of the
Gentiles' (Ro 16^^), sets them side by side with
the Apostle. They have laboured along with him
in a pre-eminent manner, and have attested their
worth as independent workers (cf. Weizsacker, i.
394). ' They furnish the most beautiful example
known to us in the Apostolic Age of the power
for good that could be exerted by a husband and
M'ife working in unison for the advancement of
the Gospel' (McGitfert, 428).
The references to Aquila and Priscilla have been
used as arguments against the historicity of parts
of Acts and in favour of treating Ro 16 as not part
of that Epistle. But the two reasons relied on are
not strong enough to carry the conclusions. It is
supposed that both were Jews (so Weizsacker,
McGiffert ; cf. Lightfoot on Fhil.*, 1878, p. 16)—
though Priscilla was probably a Roman ; and their
migratory life is fully explained if they were people
of means, who became enthusiastic helpers in St.
Paul's missionary labours, and whom he selected to
do pioneering work in Ephesus and in Rome. In
particular their return to Ephesus at a later period
(2 Ti 4^^) is quite comprehensible. Not only would
they have trade connexions with the city, but also
their presence would be specially welcome because
they had been actually the founders of the Church.
Aquila and Priscilla have been selected by some
scholars as likely authors of ' Hebrews.' Harnack
has argued strongly for this suggestion, and Rendel
Harris favours it. M. Dods says : ' All that we know
of Aquila seems to tit the conditions as well as any
name that has been suggested ' (Com. on 'Hebrews '
[EGTl 234). It has to be said, however, that the
suggestion implies a closer intimacy with Judaism
than seems likely in their case. The influence of
the Roman wife probably preponderated over the
Jewish influence of the husband. They were not
Christians of the Judaistic type, but cordial
workers on Pauline lines among Gentiles. At the
same time, the discussion of a Jew's difficulties by
such a vigorous mind as Priscilla possessed may
have qualified Aquila to write ' Hebrews ' with
his wife's help. It is a question, however, whether
their authorship would harmonize with the inde-
pendent use of Pauline thoughts characteristic of
the Epistle (cf. Expositor, 8th ser., v. 371 ff.).
LiTERATtTRB.— Artt. in HDB on ' Aquila,' ' Priscilla,' ' Corinth,'
'Corinthians'; in JSJSi (by Schmiedel) on ' Acts' and 'Aquila' ;
ind in SchafF-Herzog on 'Aquila'; Sanday - Headlam,
Rornans^, Edinburgh, 1902, Introd. § 3, and p. xl, also pp. 418-
420 ; W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Homan
Citizen, London, 1S95, pp. 253 ff., 267 ff. ; A. Harnack, Ex-
panaion of Christianity-, do. 1908, i. 75 and 79 ; C. v.
Weizsacker, The Apostolic Age, 1.2 [do. 1897] 307 ff.; O.
Pfleiderer, Primitive Christianity, i. [do. 1906] 246 ; A. C.
McGiffert, Apostolic A qe, Edinburgh, 1897, pp. 273, 427 f.;
EGT, ' Hebrews,' Introd. p. 228, 'Acts of Apostles,' p. 383,
'Romans,' pp. 560, 718f. J. E. ROBERTS.
ARABIA. — Arabia (Apa^La, from a"y!,), which now
denotes the great peninsula lying between the Red
Sea and the Persian Gulf, was in ancient times
a singularly elusive term. Originally it meant
simply 'desert' or 'desolation,' and when it became
an ethnographic proper name it was long in ac-
quiring a fixed and generally understood meaning.
'Arabia' shifted like the nomads, drifted like the
desert sand. It did not denote a country whose
boundaries could be defined by treaty, shown by
landmarks, and set down in a map. Too vast and
vague for delimitation, it impressed the imagina-
tion like the steppe, the prairie, or the veldt, while
it had a character and history of its o^vn. To the
settled races of Mesopotamia, Syria, and Palestine,
it meant any part of that hinterland, skirting the
confines of civilization, which was the camping-
ground of wandering tribes for ever hovering around
peaceful towns and spreading terror among their
inhabitants. It was the dim border region, not so
wholly unproductive as to be incapable of support-
ing life, interposed between cultivation and the
sheer wilderness. So uncertain was the applica-
tion of the term, that there was no part of the semi-
desert fringe extending from the lower Tigris to
the lower Nile which was not at one time or another
called Arabia. To the prophets of Israel the word
had one meaning, on Persian inscriptions another,
and to Greek writers (Herod, ii. andiii. ; Xenophon,
I. V. 1, VII. viii. 25) still another. Every one used
it to denote that particular hinterland whose tribes
and peoples were more or less known to him ; that
was his Arabia.
But by the 3rd cent. B.C. the Arab tribe of the
Nabatseans had become a powerful nation, with
Petra as their capital, and from that time onward
Arabia began to be identified, especially in the
Western mind, with the Nabat?ean kingdom.
While 1 Mac. still distinguishes the Nabatseans
from other Arabs (5^ 9^^), 2 Mac. speaks of Aretas,
the hereditary king of the Nabatseans, as ' king of
the Arabs' (5®). In the time of Josephus tliis
people 'inhabited all the country from the Eu-
phrates to the Red Sea' (Ant. I. xii. 4). Soon
after taking possession of Judaea, the Romans sent
an expedition, under Marcus Scaurus, against the
Nabatseans (59 B.C. ) ; and, though their subjugation
was not accomplished at that time, it must have
taken place not much later. From the days of
Augustus the kings of the Arabians were as much
subject to the Empire as Herod, king of the Jews,
and they had the whole region between Herod's
dominions and the desert assigned to them. To
the north ' their territory reached as far as
Damascus, which was under their protection, and
even beyond Damascus, and enclosed as with a
girdle the whole of Palestinian Syria' (Mommsen,
Provinces'^, Lond. 1909, ii. 148 f . ). The Arabians who
were present at the first Christian Pentecost (Ac 2'^)
were most likely Nabatseans, possibly from Petra.
The Nabatsean kings made use of Greek official
designations, and St. Paul relates how 'the gov-
ernor' (6 idvdpxr}s) of Damascus ' under Aretas the
king' was foiled in the attempt, probably made at
the instigation of the Jews, to put him under arrest
soon after his conversion (2 Co IP-'-). This
episode, which has an important bearing on the
chronology of St. Paul's life, raises a difficult his-
torical problem. Damascene coins of Tiberius
indicate that the city was under direct Roman
government till A.D. 34 ; and, as the legate of Syria
was engaged in hostilities with Aretas till tiie close
of the reign of Tiberius, it is very unlikely tiiat this
emperor yielded up Damascus to the Nabatsean
king. But the accession of Caligula brought a
great change, and the suggestion is naturally made
that he bought over Aretas by ceding Damascus to
him. The fact that no Damascene coins bearing
the Emperor's image occur in the reigns of Cal-
igula and Claudius is in harmony with this theory
(Schurer, HJP I. ii. 357 f. ). The view of Momm.sen
(Provinces'^, ii. 149), following Marquardt (Rom.
Staatsverwaltung , Leipzig, 1885, i. 405), is differ-
ent. Talking of the voluntary submission of the
city of Damascus to the king of the Nabatseans,
he says that
' probably this dependence of the city on the Nabataan kingi
subsisted so long as there were such kings [i.e. from the begin-
ning of the Roman period till a.d. 106]. From the fact that tbe
ARAMAin
AREOPAGITE, AEEOPAGUS
89
city struck coins with the heads of the Roman emperors, there
follows doubtless its dependence on Rome and therewith its self-
administration, but not its non-dependence on the Roman vassal-
prince ; such protectorates assumed shapes so various that these
arrangements might well be compatible with each other.'
See, further, Aretas.
In the Galatian Epistle (1") St. Paul states that
after his escape from Damascus he ' went away into
Arabia,' evidently for solitary communion with
God ; but he does not further dehne the place of
his retreat, and Acts makes no allusion to this
episode. When he quitted the city under cover of
darkness, he had not a long way to flee to a place
of safety, for the desert lies in close proximity to
the Damascene oasis. Possibly he went no further
than the fastnesses of 5aui-an. Lightfoot {Gal.
87 f.), Stanley {Sinai and Palestine, Lond. 1877,
p. 50), and others conjecture that he sought the
solitude of Mt. Sinai, with which he seems to show
some acquaintance in the same Epistle (Gal 4^).
But he could scarcely have avoided specific refer-
ence to so memorable a journey, which would have
brought him into a kind of spiritual contact with
Moses and Elijah. Besides, the peninsula of Sinai
was about 400 miles from Damascus ; and, as
military operations were being actively carried on
by the legate of Syria against Aretas in A.D. 37
— the probable year of St. Paul's conversion — it
would scarcely have been possible for a stranger to
pass through the centre of the perturbed country
without an escort of soldiers.
In A.D. 106 the governor of Syria, Aulus Cornelius
Palma, broke up the dominion of the Nabatsean
kings, and constituted the Roman province of
Arabia, while Damascus was added to Syria. For
the whole region the change was epoch-making.
' The tendency to acquire these domains for civilisation and
specially for Hellenism was only heightened by the fact that the
Roman government took upon itself the work. The Hellenism
of the East . . . was a church militant, a thoroughly conquering
power pushing its way in a political, religious, economic, and
literary point of view' (Mommsen, op. cit. ii. 152).
Under the strong new regime the desert tribes were
for the first and only time brought under control,
with the result that no small part of ' the desert '
was changed into ' the sown. ' Kome won the
nomads to her service and fastened them dowTi in
defence of the border they had otherwise fretted
and broken. . . . Behind this Roman bulwark there
grew up a curious, a unique civilisation talking
Greek, imitating Rome, but at heart Semitic '
(G. A. Smith, HGHL, London, 1894, p. 627).
Liter ATT-RB. — E. Schiirer, HJ'P i. ii. 345 ff.; J. Entingr,
Nabataische Inschriften aus Arabien, Berlin, 1SS5 ; H. Vincent,
Les Arabes en Syrie, Paris, 1907 ; G. A. Cooke, yorth-Semitic
Inscriptions, London, 1903 ; and the art. 'Arabs (Ancient),' by
Th. Noldeke, in EREi. 659. JAMES StEAHAN.
ARAMAIC— See Language.
ARATUS.— See Quotations.
ARCHANGEL.— See Angel.
ARCHIPPUS ("Apx'TTros).— An office-bearer of
the Apostolic Church referred to in Col 4" as exer-
cising a ministry 'in the Lord,' i.e. in fellowship
with, and in the service of, Christ. He is addressed
by St. Paul as ' fellow-soldier ' — a designation pos-
sibly occasioned by some special service in which the
two had been engaged together during St. Paul's
three years' abode at Ephesus, where the Apostle
had severe conflicts with assailants (1 Co 15^^).
More probably, however, the expression refers to
the general fellowship of the two men in evangel-
istic work (cf. Ph 2"^). The military figure may
have been suggested by the Apostle's environment
at Rome.
Archippus may have been a presbyter bishop, a
leading deacon, an evangelist, or a prominent
teacher at the time when St. Paul wrote. From
Philem- he appears to have been a member of
Philemon's household, and he is regarded by most
commentators (after Theodore of Mopsuestia) as
his son. Accordingly, it is generally supposed
(after Chrysostom) that Archippus was an office-
bearer of the Colossian Church. Against this
inference Lightfoot adduces (1) the mention of
Archippus in Col. immediately after a reference to
Laodicea ; (2) the alleged unlikelihood of Archippus
being addressed in Col 4" indirectly instead of
directly, if he were himself an official of the Church
to which St. Paul was writing; (3) the tradition
(embodied in the Apost. Constitutions, vii. 46) that
Archippus became 'bishop,' or presiding presbyter,
of Laodicea. Lightfoot infers that Ai-chippus ful-
filled his ministry at Laodicea, which was not many
miles from Colossge : and the mention of him in
Philem. is accounted for by supposing that St.
Paul (through Tychicus, the bearer of his letter to
Philemon) might have suggested that Onesimus
should be employed not in the city where he had
lived as a slave, but in the Laodicean Church under
Archippus. The usual supposition, however, that
Archippus lived with Philemon at Colossfe and also
laboured there, appears, on the whole, more natural
and probable.
The message conveyed to Archippus (' Take heed
[look] to the ministry,' etc.) is held by Lightfoot
{Coloss.^ A2i.) to imply a rebuke, as it Archippus
had been remiss or unfaithful in the discharge of
official duty ; and Lightfoot, believing that Archip-
pus held office at Laodicea, compares the admonition
to him with the censure on account of lukewarm-
ness administered in Rev 3 to the angel and church
of the Laodiceans. The message, however, to
Archippus can hardly be regarded as necessarily
suggesting more than that his work was specially
important and arduous, demanding from himself
earnest watchfulness, and from an older 'fellow-
campaigner,' like St. Paul, the incentive of sympa-
thetic exhortation and warning. Theophylact, in
his commentary, supposes that the apostolic
message is purposely made public, instead of being
conveyed in a private letter, not so much to suggest
Archippus' special need of admonition, as to enable
him, without otience, to deal in like manner with
brethren under himself.
In the Greek Martyrology, Archippus appears
(in the Menoea under Nov. 22) as having been
stoned to death, along with Philemon, at Chonae,
near Laodicea. His alleged eventual ' episcopate '
or presiding presbyterate at Laodicea is at least
possible, and even probable ; but the inclusion of
his name in the pseudo-Dorothean list (6th cent.)
of the Seventy of Lk 10 is quite incredible.
Literature.— J. A. Dietelmaier, de Archippo, Altdorf, 1751 ;
J. B. Lightfoot, Colossian^, 1879, pp. 42 f., 30Sflf. ; see also
Literature under Philkmok. HeNRY CoWAN.
AREOPAGITE, AREOPAGUS.— In Ac 17^^ the
title ' the Areopagite ' is given to one Dionysius, a
convert to the Christian faith at Athens, imply-
ing that he was a member of the council of the
Areopagus.
Areopagus (Ac 17^ AV and RV; v.^^ aV
'Mars' Hill,' RV 'Areopagus'; the RV is correct
in rendering ' Areopagus ' in both places, as it pre-
serves the ambiguity of the original). — (a) The
name denominated a rocky eminence N.W. of the
Acropolis at Athens, which was famous in the his-
tory of the city. Between the hill and the Acro-
polis was a narrow declivity, now largely filled in.
On the N.E. the rock is precipitous, and at the foot
of the precipice the worship of the propitiated
Furies as the Eumenides was carried on, so that the
locality was invested with awesome associations.
It is approached from the agora, or market-place,
by an old, worn stairway of sixteen steps, and
90 AREOPAGITE, AREOPAGUS
AEETAS
upon the top can still be seen the rough, rock-hewn
benches, forming three sides of a square, upon
which the court sat in the open air, in order tliat
the judges should not be under the same roof as
the accused. — (6) The expression was also used of
the court itself (Cicero, ad Att. i. 14. 5; de Nat.
Deor. ii. 74 ; Rep. i. 27). From time immemorial
this court held its meetings on the hill in question,
and was at once the most ancient and most revered
tribunal in the city. In ancient times it had su-
l^reme authority in both criminal and religious
matters, and its influence, ever tending to become
wider, attected laws and offices, education and mor-
ality. It thus fulfilled the functions of both court
and council. Pericles and his friend Ephialtes (c.
460 B.C.) set themselves to limit the power of the
court (Aristotle, Const. Ath. 25), and it became
largely a criminal court, while religious matters
seem to have been controlled, at least in part, by
the King Archon. But the reforms of Ephialtes
mainly concerned interference in public affairs ;
and tlie statements of ^schylus in the tragedy
Eumenides, which appeared at the time in defence
of the court, appear to be exaggei'ated. In any
case, in tiie Roman period it regained its former
powers (Cicero, ad Fam. xiii. \. 5 ; de Nat. Deor.
ii. 74). As to the origin of the court, according to
popular legend Ares was called before a court of
the twelve gods to answer for the murder of
Halirrhotius (Pans. I. xxviii. 5), but iEschylus
(Bum. 685 tt'. ) attributes its foundation to Athene.
The questions which arise out of the narrative
of Acts are these ; Was St. Paul taken before the
council or to the hill? Or did he appear before
the council sitting in the traditional place? Was
he in any sense on trial ?
The King Archon held his meetings in the Stoa
Basileios, and it was there that Socrates had been
arraigned on a matter similar to that which exer-
cised the minds of the philosophers in the case
before us. It seems probable tliat this Stoa became
identified with the discussion of religious questions,
and that, when the council of the Areopagus re-
gained its full powers, it held its meetings here,
reserving its old judgment-seat for cases of murder
(so Curtius, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, Berlin,
1894, ii. 528 f., Stadtgesch. von Athen, do. 1891, p.
262 f. ; but Harnack, Acts of the Apostles, Lond.
and N.Y., 1909, p. 108, remarks: 'Curtius' ex-
planation seems to me untenable ' ; see also Cony-
beare, in HDB i. 144). The whole picture, indeed,
is in favour of this view. There is no reason why
the Stoics and Epicureans should have carried
away the Apostle to an isolated spot. Further,
Ramsay truly remarks : ' The Athenians were, in
many respects, flipjjant ; but their flippancy was
combined with an intense pride in the national
dignity and the historic glory of the city, wliich
would have revolted at such an insult as that this
stranger should harangue them about his foreign
deities on the spot where the Athenian elders had
judged the god Ares and the hero Orestes' (St.
Paul the Traveller, Lond. 1895, p. 244). Moreover,
the Apostle's speech was not a philosophical dis-
quisition but rather a popular oration, suited to
tlie general populace of idle Athenians and dilet-
tante Roman youths whose education was not
considered complete until they had spent some
time in the purlieus of the ancient university. If
the council happened to be sitting, as was evidently
the case, it was a most natural impulse to hurry
the newcomer, who ' babbled ' apparently of two
new deities, Jesus and 'Resurrection' (for so tliey
would understand him), to its meeting-place, that
the question miglit be settled as to whether or not
lie was to be allowed to continue. Yet it can
hardly be said that the proceedings were even re-
motely connected with a judicial inquiry. It was
no anakrisis, or preliminary investigation, thougli
the piiilosophers may liave hoped that something
of tiie sort would be the outcome. It is of little
importance wiiether the phrase ' they took him
and brought him ' implies friendly compulsion or
inimical intent. The feelings of the listeners
would be very mixed, and they would quite
naturally be excited by the curious message of the
new preacher. The professing teachers were all
interested in new ideas and yet resented un-
warranted intrusion. The council was in the habit
of making pronouncements on the subject of new
religious cycles of thought, and it was no doubt
felt tliat, if their attention was drawn to the sub-
ject, official proceedings would follow. It is evident
that there was much in the address of St. Paul that
awoke sympathy in his audience. One member of
the council, at least, was converted, to wit, Diony-
sius. There may have been others. But the
general ettect produced by the mention of the
Resurrection was contempt. A few w^ere ready to
hear more on the subject, possibly a minority sug-
gested a more formal examination ; but the result
of the hearing, as of the visit, outwardly and
visibly, was failure. The council of the Areopagus
made judicial procedure impossible, by refusing to
treat the matter seriously, and the Apostle left
them, a disappointed, and no doubt a somewhat
irritated man.
Literature. — Besides the authors quoted, see W. M.
Ramsay, in Expositor, 5th ser. ii. [1895] 209, 261, also x. [1899] ;
E. Renan, St. Paul, Eng. tr. 1890, p. 193 f. ; A. C. McGiffert,
History of the Apostolic Age, Edinburgh, 1897, p. 257 ff. ; EBr^,
art. 'Areopagus'; R. J. Knowling', in EGT ii. [London, 1900]
368 f. F. W. WOESLEY.
ARETAS ('A/J^ras, Arab. Haritha).—1hQ Gr.
form of a name borne by several rulers of the Na-
bataean Arabs, whose capital was Petra in Arabia.
1. The first known to history, ' Aretas, prince of
the Arabians,' is said to have had the fugitive high-
priest Jason shut up at his court (2 Mac 5^ ; the
Gr. text is doubtful). His designation as ' prince '
(ripavvos) indicates that the hereditary chieftain of
the tribe had not yet assumed the dignity of king-
ship. The royal dynasty was founded by Erotimus
about 110-100 B.C., when the Greek kings of Syria
and Egypt had lost so much of their power, ' ut
adsiduis proeliis consumpti in contemptum finiti-
niorum venei-int praedaeque Arabuni genti, im-
belli an tea, fuerint' (Trog. Pomp. ap. Justin.,
xxxix. 5. 5-6).
2. The second Aretas, called o'Apd^uv ^acnXeiJs, is
mentioned by Josephus (Ant. XIII. xiii. 3) in con-
nexion with the siege of Gaza by Alexander Jan-
nseus in 96 B.C.
3. Aretas III., who reigned from about 85 to 60
B.C., is known as 'Aretas the Philhellene,' this being
the superscription of the earliest Nabati^an coins
that are known. Under him the mountain fortress
of Petra began to assume the aspect of a Hellenistic
city, and the Nabatsean sway was extended as far
as Damascus. He incurred the displeasure of the
Romans by interfering in the quarrel of Hyrcanus
and Aristobulus, but the war which Scaurus waged
against him left his power unbroken (Ant. XIV. v.
i. ; BJ I. viii. 1). He could not, however, prevent
Lollius and Metellus from taking possession of
Damascus (Ant. XIV. ii. 3 ; BJ I. vi. 1), which there-
after was permanently under the suzerainty of
Rome.
4. Aretas IV. , Philopatris.the last and best-known,
had a long and successful reign (c. 9 n.c.-A.D. 40).
He was originally called ^Eneas, but on coming to
the throne lie assumed the favourite name of the
Nabatican kings. He soon found it necessary to
ingratiate himself with Rome.
Augustus ' was angry that Aretas had not sent to him first
before he took the kingdom ; yet did .^neas send an epistle
AKiSTAKUHUiS
ARK
91
and presents to Caesar, and a crown of gold of the weight of
many talents.' . . . The Emperor 'admitted Aretas's ambassa-
dors, and after he had just reproved him for nis rashness in
not waiting till he had received the kingdom from him, he
accepted his presents, and confirmed him in the government '
(Jos. Ant. XVI. ix. 4, X. 9).
This Aretas' daughter became the wife of Hei'od
Antipas, who divorced her in order to marry
Herodias (Mk 6^''). Border disputes gave the in-
jured father an opportunity of revenge. Again
acting, at this new junctiare, without consulting
Rome, he attacked and defeated Antipas (A.D. 28) ;
and again fortune smiled on his daring disregard
of consequences. Tlie belated expedition Avhich
Vitellius, governor of Syria, at Tiberius' command,
led against Petra, had only got as far as Jerusalem,
when the tidings of the Emperor's death (A.D. 37)
caused it to be abandoned.
There is circumstantial evidence, though perhaps
too slender to be quite convincing, that Tiberius'
successor Caligula favoured the cause of Aretas.
St. Paul was converted probably about A.D. 36 (so
Turner), and, some time after, the Jews of Da-
mascus conspired to kill him (Ac 9-^'-)- In recall-
ing this fact he mentions a detail (2 Co 11*^) which
the writer of Acts omits, namely, that it was the
governor (^dvdpxrp) under Aretas the king who —
doubtless at the instigation of tlie Jews — guarded
the city to take him. The question is thus raised
when and how Aretasbecame overlord of Damascus.
It is inconceivable either that he captured the city
in face of the Roman legions in Syria, or that
Tiberius, who in the end of his reign was strongly
hostile, ceded it to him. But it is probable that
Caligula favoured the enemy of Herod Antipas.
One of his first imperial acts was to give the
tetrarchy of Philip and Lysanias to Agrippa (Ant.
XVIII. vi. 10), and he may at the same time have
given Damascus to Aretas as a peace-offering. It
was better policy to befriend than to crush the
brave Nabatioans. Antipas was ultimately de-
posed and banisiied in 39.
It was only for a short time, however, that Rome
rela xed her direct hold upon the old Syrian capital.
There are Damascene coins with the figure of
Tiberius down to A.D. 34, and the fact that none
has been found with the image of Caius or Claud-
ius is significant of a change of regime ; but the
image of Nero appears from 62 onwards. To the
view of Marquardt [Rom. Staatsverwaltung, 1885,
i. 405) and Mommsen (Provinces'^, 1909, ii. 149),
based on 2 Co IP-, that Damascus was continuously
in subjection to the Nabattean kings from the be-
ginning of the Roman period down to A.D. 106,
there are the strongest objections(see Schiirer, HJP
I. ii. 354). Cf. art. ARABIA.
]\Iore coins and inscriptions date from the time
of Aretas IV. than from any Nabatsean reign.
While the standing title of Aretas III. was ^i\i\-
Xtivos, that which the last chose for himself was Qm
-lay, 'Lover of his people.' He set country above
culture ; he was a Nabatfean patriot first and a
Hellenist afterwards. It was probably this success-
ful reign that Josephus had in view when he
wrote of the extension of the Nabatsean king-
dom from the Euphrates to the Red Sea (Ant. I.
xii. 4).
Literature. — In addition to the authorities cited in the body
of the art., see Literature appended to art. Arabia, and P.
Ewald, art. ' Aretas,' in PRE3. JaMES StRAHAN.
ARISTARCHUS ('Aplarapxos). —A Macedonian
Christian and a native of Thessalonica who became
one of the companions of St. Paul on his third
missionary journey. He is first mentioned on the
occasion of the riot in Ephesus, where along with
another companion of the Apostle named Gains
(q.v.), probaljly of Derbe, he was rushed by the
excited multitude into the theatre (Ac 19^^). He
seems to have been an influential member of the
Church of Thessalonica, and was deputed along
with Secundus (q.v.) to convej' the contributions of
the Church to Jerusalem (Ac 20'*). He was thus
present in the city at the time of St. Paul's arrest,
and seems to have remained in Syria during the two
years of the Apostle's imprisonment in Ctesarea,
for we find him embarking with the prisoner on
the ship bound for the West (Ac 27^). It is not
certain that he accompanied St. Paul to Rome.
He may, as Lightfoot supposes (Phil.* 34), have dis-
embarked at Myra (Ac 27^). On the other hand,
Ramsay (St. PauP, 316) believes that both Aris-
tarchus and St. Luke accompanied the Apostle on
the voyage as his personal slaves. In any case Aris-
tarchus was present in Rome soon after St. Paul's
arrival, and it is not impossible that he came later
with contributions from the Philippian Church to
the Apostle. When the Epistles to the Colossians
and to Philemon were written, Aristarchus was
with the Apostle in Rome. In the former (Col 4^")
he is called the ' fellow-prisoner ' (<rwaLxiJ'<i\u}Tos)
of the writer, and we find the same term, which
usually indicates physical restraint, applied to
Epaphras (q.v.) in Philem-^. While the idea in
the Apostle's mind may be that Aristarchus, like
himself, was taken captive by Jesus Christ, it is
more probable that Aristarchus shared St. Paul's
prison in Rome, either as a suspected friend of the
prisoner or voluntarily as tlie Apostle's slave — a
position which he and Epaphras may have taken
alternately. In Philem'^'' he is called 'fellow-
labourer' of the writer. Nothing is known of his
subsequent history. According to tradition he
suilered martyrdom under Nero.
Literature. — W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller^,
London, 1897, pp. 279, 316 ; J. B. Lightfoot, Colossians and
Philemoni, do. 1879, p. 236, Pkilippiang*, do. 1878, p. 34 ; artt.
in HDB and in DBi ; R. J. Knowling, in JEGT ii. [1900] 414.
W. F. Boyd.
ARISTOBULUS ('ApKXTd^ovXos, a Greek name
frequently adopted by Romans and Jews, and
borne by several members of the Maccabaean and
Herodian families). — In Ro 16^" St. Paul salutes
' them which are of the household of Aristobulus '
(tous iK rCiv 'Apia-To^ovXov), i.e. the Christians in his
faTnilia or establishment of freedmen and slaves
(perhaps known as Aristobuliani, for which the
Greek phrase would be equivalent). Lightfoot
thinks that Aristobulus was a grandson of Herod
the Great, and brother of Agrippa and Herod.
This Aristobulus lived and died in Rome in a
private station (see Jos. BJ II. xi. 6, Ant. XX. i.
2). After his death it is supposed that his ' house-
hold ' passed over to the Emperor, but retained the
name of their former master. The ' household of
Aristobulus' would naturally include many Ori-
entals and Jews, and therefore probably some
Christians. The name Herodion (q.v.), which
immediately follows, suggests a connexion with
the Herodian dynasty. If Lightfoot is right, the
reference to the ' household of Aristobulus ' is
strong evidence for the Roman destination of
these salutations. The Christians in the ' house-
hold' would naturally form one of the distinct
communities of which the Church at Rome was
apparently made up (cf. v." and the phrases in
vv.6-15). We have no knowledge as to whether the
master himself was a convert. See Lightfoot,
Philippians*, 1878, p. 174 f.
T. B. Allworthy.
ARK.— The LXX and the NT use kl^ut6% = q.
wooden chest or box, as a terminus technicus both
for Noah's ark (njg), and for the ark (\\-\^) of the
covenant.
1. An interesting account of the successive phases
of modern opinion regarding the former ark will be
found in EBr^^ (s.v.). The writer of Hebrews (IV),
92
AEMAGEDDOI^
AEMOUE
taking the story as he finds it, refers to Noah's
forethought as a supreme instance of that faitli
which is the conviction of things not seen — a faith
by which he not only virtually condemned the
world, bringing its careless infidelity into strong
relief, but became heir of that righteousness which
is faith's crown and reward (ttjs (card Tria-nv 8iKai.o-
(Tiivtis). St. Peter (1 P 3'^^-), supplementing a tradi-
tion which is found in the Book of Enocft (6-16;
cf. Jubilees, 5), imagines Christ, as a bodiless spirit,
preaching, in the days between His Passion and
His Resurrection, to the spirits in prison. These
are the disobedient and, to St. Peter (himself like a
spirit in prison during those three days), unhappy
children of the unlawful union between angels and
the daughters of men, condemned rebels Avho in
vain sought the intervention of Enoch on their
behalf in that time of Divine long-sufiering when
Noah was preparing the ark in which he saved
himself and his family (see R. H. Charles, Bk. of
Jub., Lond. 1902, p. 43 ff.),
2. The writer of Hebrews mentions the ark of
the covenant (ttjv Ki^dirbv r^s dcaOriKrjs) as the inner-
most and most sacred piece of furniture contained
in the Tabernacle. His description of it as ' com-
pletely overlaid with gold ' (irfpiKeKaXv/xfievTiv iravTodev
Xpvclqi) corresponds with the directions given in Ex
25^^ (iaujOev /cat e^wdev ;)^/)i;cra)(7ets avTTjv). The desig-
nation ' the ark of the covenant,' which was pro-
bably coined by the writer of Deut. , was historically
later than ' the ark of Jahweh,' and ' the ark of God '
( JE), and earlier than ' the ark of the testimony '
(P). It was a contraction for ' the ark containing
the tables of the covenant,' the Decalogue being a
summary of the terms which Israel accepted on
entering into covenant with God. In Kautzsch's
Heilige Schrift it is rendered die Lade mit dem
Gesetz, ' the ark with the law.' When the Deca-
logue came to be known as ' the testimony,' the
new name ij Ki^orrbs rod /jLaprvpiov was introduced,
but it did not displace the older phrases. The
golden pot of manna (the adj. is an embellishment
upon Ex 16^^) and Aaron's rod that budded, which
in the original narratives were laid up before the
Lord {ivavrlov tov deov. Ex 16^^ ; ivwiriov tQv
napTvpiuv, Nu 17^") are supposed by the writer of
Hebrews to have been within the ark.
The ultimate fate of the Ki^wrd^ is involved in
obscurity. The popular imagination could not
entertain the idea that the inviolable ark was irre-
coverably lost, and there arose a tradition that
before the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C., the
Tabernacle with all its sacred furniture was hidden
by Jeremiah (or, according to the Talmud, by
Josiah) in a cave of Mt. Nebo (2 Es 10=^ ; cf. 2 Mac
2*), whence it was to be miraculously restored to its
place at the coming of the Messiah. In the second
and third Temple the Holy of Holies contained no
ark. ' In this was nothing at all,' is Josephus'
emphatic testimony {BJ V. v. 5). Pompey, on
entering, found ' vacuam sedem et inania arcana '
(Tac. Hist. V. 9). The thought of that emptiness
oppressed the minds both of devout Jews and of
Jewish Christians, and in Rev IP*, when the
seventh angel has sounded, and the temple of God
in heaven is opened, the ark of the covenant is
there. 'AH we have willed or hoped or dreamed
of good shall exist ; not the semblance but itself.'
Literature. — Besides the artt. in E DD (J. Macpherson and
A. R. S. Kennedy), SOU (A. R. S. Kennedy), and especially
ERE(R. H. Kennett), see R. Kraetzschmar, Die Bundesmr-
stellvng, Marburg, 1896; H. Couard, 'Die relifriose nationale
Bedeutungder Lade,' inZATWxii. [1S92] ; Volck, art. 'Bun-
deslade.'inPiJ£3. JaMES StEAHAN.
ARMAGEDDON.— See Hak-Magedon.
ARMOUR. — As Jews, the disciples of our Lord —
not to speak of Himself — were exempt from mili-
tary service. They had the privilege of da-Tpareia,
which Lentulus conceded to the Jews of Asia (Jos.
Ant. XIV. x. 13 f.), and Julius Ctesar to those of
Palestine {ib. x. 6). The Roman auxiliaries who
garrisoned Judaea were recruited wholly from the
Greek cities of Palestine, such as Sebaste and
Csesarea. Probably, therefore, none of the dis-
ciples ever wore armour, or, with the possible
exception of Simon the Zealot, became skilled in
the use of weapons. St. Peter once caiTied a sword,
but made a very blundering use of it (Mk 14*'^,
Jn 18^"). The only sword of which Christianity
approves is that which is the symbol of the puni-
tive ministry of the magistrate (Ro 13'*). Never-
theless, it was impossible for Christians not to be
profoundly interested in the brave men who were
taught that it was didce et decorum pro patria mori,
and Christ Himself sanctioned the use of illustra-
tions drawn from the warfare of kings (Lk 14^'). It
is not surprising, therefore, to find that St. Paul
regards the valour and endurance of the world's
conquerors and the Empire's defenders as worthy
of emulation, and that he transfigures the armour
of the Roman legionary into the panoply of the
Christian soldier (Eph ei'^-).
Descriptions of the equipment of soldiers are
frequent in Greek authors. (1) Homer lets us see
his TTpdfiaxoi arming before they go forth to battle.
Paris (//. iii. 328 tt".) cases his limbs in greaves
{KVTjfildes) ; a splendid cuirass (6upa^) covers his
breast ; a baldrick sustains the sword {^i^os) that
glitters at his side ; his great round shield {adKos)
is then displayed ; over his brows he places his
helmet (kw^t]) with nodding plume ; and last of all
he grasps his .spear (^yxos) in his hand (cf. //. iv.
132 «:, xi. 15 fi., xvi. 130 ff., xix. 364 tt'.). 'The
six pieces of armour are always mentioned in the
same order, in which they would naturally be put
on, except that we should expect the helmet to be
donned before the shield was taken on the arm'
(Leaf's Homer, i. 106).— (2) Poly bins (vi. 23) de-
scribes the armour of Roman soldiers in the time
of the Punic wars. The heavy-armed carried an
oblong shield {dvpeos, scutum), 4 feet by 2 J, incurved
into the shape of a half-cylinder ; the helmet (Trepi-
Ke<pa\ala) of bronze had a crest of three feathers; and
a greave protected the right leg. The wealthier
soldiers wore a cuirass of chain-armour (lorica), the
poorer a bronze plate 9 inches square. For de-
fence they all carried a Spanish sword (ix6.xa.ipa),
straight, double-edged, and pointed, which was
used for both thrust and cut ; and two long
javelins (va-croL, pila), which were either hurled at
a distance or used at close quarters like modem
bayonets. — (3) Josephus (BJ ill. v, 5) describes the
equipment of Roman soldiers under the Empire.
The heavy-armed had a helmet (Kpdvo^), a cuirass,
a long sword worn on the left side and a dagger on
the right, & pilum (^v(tt6v), and a. scutum (6vpe6s).
The detachment which attended the commander
had a round shield {dairls, clipeus) and a long spear
(Xdyxv)- The cavalry wore armour like that of the
infantry, with a broadsv/ord (fj.dxaipa), a buckler
slung from the horse's side, a lance, and several
javelins (dKovres), almost as large as spears, in a
sheath or quiver.
In his enumeration of the weapons of spiritual
warfare St. Paul omits the spear, and by implica-
tion adds girdle and shoes (^warrjp and caligce).
The complete equipment consists of six pieces,
defensive and ottensive — the girdle of trutn, the
breastplate of righteousness, the sandals of readi-
ness to carry good tidings, the shield of faith, the
helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit.
The Christian soldier is clad cap-^-pie in super-
natural armour — the panoply which is the gift of
God. There is no defence for the back, which
should never need any.
AEMY
AKTEMAS
93
' The next day they took him [Christian] into the armoury,
where they showed him all manner of furniture, which the Lord
had provided for pilgrims, as sword, shield, helmet, breastplate,
all-prayer, and shoes that would not wear out. And there was
enough of this to harness out as many men for the service of
their Lord as there be stars in the heaven for multitude'
(Bunyan, Pilgrim's Progress).
In 1 Th 5* the breastplate (dvpe6s) is faith and
love. In the realm of the imagination a happy
idea will present itself in various aspects to differ-
ent minds, and even to the same mind at different
moments. Isaiah (59^^) had already suggested the
thought of a panoply in which God Himself is
clothed, and the writer of Wisdom had worked
it out thus (5"'^®) : ' He shall take His jealousy as
complete armour ; . . . He shall put on righteous-
ness as a breastplate, and shall array Himself with
judgment unfeigned as with a helmet ; He shall
take holiness as an invincible shield, and He shall
sharpen stem wrath for a sword.'
LiTEBATiTRE. — In addition to the sources cited in the article,
see art. 'Arma,' in Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Ant.'^,
London, 1891, and art. 'Armour, Arms' (A. R. S. Kennedy), in
SDB. James Strahan.
ARMY.— This term occurs in Ac 23^, Rev 9>«
1914. 19 (jjj ^jjg ]a^g|^ three instances referring to
armies [ffrparevfjiaTa] of apocalyptic vision). On
the outbreak of a tumult in the Temple at Jeru-
salem, the chief captain of the band came on the
scene, as he afterwards reported, ixvv ri^ aTparevixaTi
(AV 'with an army,' RV 'with the soldiers').
The little force thus described (Ac 23^') was a frac-
tion of the vast army which maintained law and
order throughout the Roman Empire. In the first
month of 29 B.C., a year after the battle of Actium,
the gates of the temple of Janus at Rome were
closed for the first time in 200 years. That signifi-
cant act was the beginning of tlie Pax Romana.
The Civil War was ended, and the State had no
more foreign foes to fear. Augustus found himself
master of three standing armies, his own and those
of Lepidus and Antony, amounting to 45 legions.
He at once undertook that task of military re-
organization which was perhaps his greatest and
most original achievement. By ruthlessly elim-
inating inferior elements he obtained a thoroughly
efiicient force of 25 legions. The time for great
field forces, such as Scipio and Caesar had wielded,
was now past. An army that could be swiftly
mobilized was no longer a necessity, and might
easily become a menace, to the Empire. Augustus
initiated the policy, which was respected by his
successors down to the time of the Antonines, of
' maintaining the dignity of the Empire, without
attempting to enlarge its limits' (Gibbon, Hist.,
ch. 1). His conservative policy determined his
use of the army. Distributing the legions in the
frontier provinces of the Empire — which had the
Atlantic as its boundary on the west, the Rhine
and the Danube on the north, the Euphrates on
the east, and the deserts of Arabia and Africa on
the south — he charged them to guard the borders
which were exposed to the attacks of restless bar-
barians. Italy itself was garrisoned by the Prae-
torian cohorts (see Pr^^torium).
The legions were recruited from the Roman citi-
zens of Italy and the provinces. Each consisted
of 6000 heavy infantry divided into ten cohorts,
with a troop of 120 horsemen to act as dispatch
riders. The legion was no longer under six tribunes
commanding by turns. The supreme authority
was now entrusted to a legatus legionis, who was
the deputy of the Emperor as commander-in-chief
of the whole army. The efficiency of the soldiers
depended largely upon the 60 centurions, who
formed the backbone of the legion. The term of
service was 20 years, and on discharge the legion-
ary received a bounty or land. Many colonice
were formed for the purpose of providing homes
for veterans. Each legion bore a title and a
number, e.g., ' VI. Victrix ' stationed at York, ♦ III.
Gallica ' at Antioch.
But the legions were not the only guardians of
the peace of the Empire. Augustus developed
a new order of auxilia. Regiments of infantry
(cohortes) or cavalry {ales), 500 to 1000 strong,
were recruited from the subjects, not the citizens,
of the provinces, and formed a second force equal
in numbers if not in importance to the first. It is
estimated that the two forces together made up a
regular, long-service army of 400,000 men. The
auxiliaries were more lightly armed than the
legionaries (see Armour) ; they were not so
well paid ; and on their discharge they received a
bounty or the Roman franchise.
As Judsea was a province of the second rank,
governed by a procurator, it was not (like Syria)
garrisoned by legionaries, but by auxiliaries, who
had their headquarters in Ca^sarea. The cohortes
and alee were recruited from the Greek cities of
Palestine, from which they derived their names,
such as ' Cohors Sebastenorum,' or 'Tyriorum.'
The Jews were expressly exempted from military
service under the Roman banners and eagles, which
they regarded as idolatrous. Julius Caesar's edict
granting this privilege is preserved by Josephus
(Ant. XIV. X. 6).
At the time of the death of Herod Agrippa
(a.d. 44), an ala of cavalry and five cohorts were
stationed at Caesarea (Jos. Ant. XIX. ix. 1-2).
Probably they had once belonged to the army of
Herod the Great, and had been taken over by the
Romans after the deposition of his son Archelaus
in A.D. 6 (Schurer, HJP I. ii. 51). They are often
mentioned in the period A.D. 44-66 (Ant. XX. vi. 1,
viii. 7), and they were finally drafted into Vespa-
sian's army in A.D. 67. The relation of the Italian
and Augustan cohorts (see AUGUSTAN BAND
and Italian Band) to these auxiliaries is a
ditticult question. The cohort {airdpa), military
tribune (xtXiapx^s), and centurions (iKaTovrapxai.)
mentioned in the story of St. Paul's arrest at
Jerusalem and transference to Caesarea (Ac 21-
23) certainly belonged to the Judaean auxilia. A
single cohort formed the normal garrison of the
Holy City (Jos. BJ V. v. 8, where rdyfj.a is used
instead of the more correct cnreLpa). The barracks
[irapefjL^okT), used six times in the same narrative)
adjoined the fortress of Antonia, close to the
N.E. corner of the Temple area (see Castle). At
the Jewish festivals a stronger body of troops was
drafted from Caesarea for the purpose of keeping
order among the pilgrims in the crowded Temple
precincts, as the Turki.sh soldiers now do at Easter
among the Christian sects in the Church of the
Holy Sepulchre. St. Paul was escorted from
Jerusalem to Antipatris by 200 foot-soldiers, 70
horsemen [lirireh), and 200 spearmen (5eftoXd/3ot),
and thence to Caesarea by the horsemen alone.
The precise function of the de^ioKdjSoL (an exceed-
ingly rare word, meaning apparently ' those who
grasped their weapons with the right hand') is
very doubtful ; see Schiirer, I. ii. 56, and Meyer, in
loco.
Literature. — Art.'Exercitus'in Smith's 2)tct.o/(?r. a7idRom.
Ant.3, London, 1891 (by W. Ramsay), and in Pauly-Wissowa,
(by Liebenam) ; E. Schurer, HJP i. ii. 49 ff. ; E. G. Hardy,
Studies in Roman History, London, 1906-09 ; and art. ' Army '
(A. R. S. Kennedy) in SDB. JaMES StRAHAN.
ARTEMAS.— Artemas is mentioned only in TitS^^^.
St. Paul urges Titus to ' give diligence to come to '
him, ' when I shall send Artemas unto thee, or
Tychicus.' This implies that Artemas was capable
of relieving Titus in the oversight and organization
of the Church in Crete. Therefore he must have
94
AETEMIS
AETS
been a Christian of considerable experience and of
high character, and free to devote liimself to Chris-
tian worlv ; one of St. Paul's companions from whom
the ' apostolic legates ' were selected. The name
is Greek ; but that tells nothing about his
nationality.
LiTEEATURE. — Artt. in HDB on 'Artemas,' 'Titus,' and
'Titus, Epistle to' ; EGT on Tit 312. j_ ^ ROBERTS.
ARTEMIS See Diana.
ARTS. — This article surveys the industrial arts of
the Apostolic Age, from data furnislied by the NT,
the Gospels excepted. ' Art ' may be co-ordinated
with 'craft,' which, however, has been replaced by
'trade,' 'business,' in KV (see Ac 18^ IQ^^- 27) .
'craftsman,' 'craftsmen' being retained (Ac 19^** ^s,
Rev IS--, where 'craft' also survives).
In the writings of St. Paul are numerous indica-
tions of the close contact of the Apostle with the
artisan class, which is to be expected in view of what
is known concerning his own manner of life. This
point is emphasized by Deissmann (Light from the
Ancient East^, London, 1911, p. 316 tf. ; but cf. Be-
view of Theology and Philosophy, viii. [I9I2-I3]
p. 317). 'Work,' 'works' (ami derivatives) figure
prominently in the Pauline vocabulary (Eph 2^" 4^^,
Col 3-3, I Th 4", 2 Ti 2^\ Tit 3^, etc. ). Many social
relationships proceed upon a work-basis, e.g.
masters, servants (slaves), bond, bondmen (Eph 6'* ^,
Col 3", etc. ; cf. I P 218- 18, Rev 6i« I3i«).
1. About one-half of the references to labour
within the apostolic writings refer to agriculture,
which, in the widest sense of the term, also belongs
to the industrial arts. In so far as these references
are quite general, or purely metaphorical, and such
as are common to literature in all ages, we shall
omit them. Toilers on the land are here regarded
more in their relation to craftsmen of whatsoever
craft (Rev 18^^). The time had passed when agricul-
ture was a self-contained industry ; there were now
many departments, and much subdivision of labour.
Behind the actual tillers of the soil stood those who
were owners of land, such as are mentioned in Ac
43' 5iff- (cf. Josephus, Life, 76). The care of the
crop and of animals occupied so much time that
commerce in grain (Ac 27^^, Rev IS^^) and in stock
had to be made over to others. The workers with
agi'icultural implements coald not at the same time
fashion them, at least to advantage. Thus it came
about that the carpenter, the smith, the worker in
leather, found their customers largely among the
agricultural community. The plough, the yoke (so
frequent in St. Paul's metaphors : 2 Co 6''', Gal 5',
Ph 43, 1 Ti 6' ; cf. Ac IS^"), the goad (Ac 26'*), in-
struments for reaping (e.g. the sickle. Rev 14'*)
and for threshing, the muzzle (1 Co 9^ 1 Ti 5'',
only in quotation), the bridle (Ja 3^), and harness in
general, millstones (Rev IS^'* ^2)^ weights and
measures (Rev 6®) — all these more or less called for
the skill of the artisan proper. In rural parts mill-
ing and baking may indeed have continued to be
woman's work in the house (or tent), but in towns
there had arisen millers and bakers, the latter in
particular exercising their craft in shops, many of
which were found in the same district or quarter,
as is still the practice in the East to-daj\
We read once of the shambles (fjidKe\\ov =
macellum, 1 Co 10'"), which in reality was a meat
and provision market, with many booths or shops,
such as every great city of the time could boast.
The market-place (dyopd, forum, Ac 17'''), although
put to many other uses, was not without signifi-
cance as a trade centre.
Specialized forms of agriculture, relating to the
vine, the olive, and the fig, are less frequently
alluded to (Ja 3'^ ; cf. Ro IV"-^, 1 Co 9^ Rev 6'3 11*
14'*'-)i hut the products of wine and oil are named
as matters of common knowledge (Rev 6* IS'").
The importance of the olive in particular has been
shown bj' Deissmann (»S'^ Paul, London, 1912, p.
39 flF. ; cf . Ramsay, Pauline and other Studies, do.
1906, p. 219 tf. ). It may be noted that the palm figures
only in Rev 7**, although at this time it was also an
important culture (Jos. Ant. XIV. iv. 1). Certain
articles of commerce enumerated in Rev 18'^ —
cinnamon, spice, etc. — presuppose at some point or
other an activity in intensive arboriculture. For
basket-making, see art. Basket.
The rearing of cattle, sheep, horses, etc. is but
slightly referred to (1 Co 9^ Ja 3^, 1 P 2-5, Rev 18'=*),
but products come to light in the industries of tan-
ning and weaving. From the prevalence of sacrifice,
pagan (Ac 14'3- 's 1520> 29 g^gj jjq jggg j^j^^n Jewish,
we may also infer that this gave support to several
important branches of industry.
2. Next to the arts concerned with food supplies
come those connected with clothing and shelter.
Spinning and weaving were fundamental industries,
then, as aforetime, embracing tlie coarser fabrics
involved in the tent-cloth (see Tent, Tent-making)
made of goat's hair, for which Cilicia was famed,
and at the making of which St. Paul and his
companions, Aquila and Priscilla, wrought (Ac 18^
203*, 1 Co 4'2, 2 Co 119, I xh 2», 2 Th i% and the
finer sorts for human wear, culminating in articles
embroidered, inwrought with gold and silver,
adorned with precious stones and pearls, such as the
royal apparel of Ac 122' (cf. 1 Ti 2^, 1 P 33, Rev.,
passim). The treatment of the material, probably
while in the raw state, with dye (producing purple,
scarlet, etc.), and with minerals for bleaching (i.e.
the process of fulling), was an allied industry (see
especially Ac 16'* and cf. art. Clothes, etc.). The
art of the tailor was less in evidence, perhaps, his
place being taken by the weaver and by the women
in the home (cf. Ac 93**), although in Talmudic times
he figures among other artisans.
3. The care of the person was then carried to a
great degree. The elaborate system of baths which
prevailed must have provided work for many,
including the apothecary, who supplied unguents
and salves (Rev 3'^ 18'3). The barber (Ac 18"* 212*,
1 Co 11"-) had also a well-established position.
4. The tanner has been brought into prominence
by one instance (Simon [_q.v.'], Ac 9*3 lO"' 32). While
an important craft, tliis was a despised one, and
the fact of Simon's house having been by the seaside
was due as much to enforced separation from the
town as to the necessities of business. The prepara-
tion of leather for foot-wear (see Shoe, Sandal)
was but a small part of the tanner's occupation.
He was a necessary coadjutor of the maker of
articles for house-furnishing, and also of the
harness-maker.
5. Building arts. — The first part of the Apostolic
Age witnessed great activity in building within
Palestine, notably the com])letion of Herod's ambi-
tious projects. The Temple was finished, only to
be demolished again by the Romans. The con-
querors took up the like work for themselves, but
along lines of their own. References to building
in the Apostolic writings are, however, few. The
work of the mason underlies such passages as Ro
1520, 1 Co 38ff-, 2 Co 5'"-, 1 P 2»fl'-, He 33'-. Specific
parts of buildings are named in the ' middle wall of
partition' (Eph 2'*, perhaps reminiscent of the
Temple), the ' foundation ' and ' chief corner-stone '
(Eph 2-"). The builder's measuring-rod (reed) is
mentioned in Rev 11'. Carpentry appears only
metaphorically in 1 Co 3'2, and in the figure of
speech employed in Col 2'*.
6. Workers in metal. — The numerous references
to arms within the apostolic writings show that
the art of the smith must have been familiar in
those days. No doubt it was largely extraneous
ARTS
ASCENSIOis^
95
to Palestine, being maintained, however, for behoof
of the conquering' Romans. There and elsewhere
it was an industry that attected the early Christians
adversely, being associated for the most part with
prisons and detention, e.g. spearmen, etc. (Ac
23-3), chains (Ac 12« 213^28-", Eph 6-», 2 Ti li«), iron
gate (Ac 12^"). The Apocalypse is especially rich
in warlike imagery : breast-plates of iron (9^),
chariots (9» IS'^), sword (P" 2^2 etc.). See also Eph
G'sff-, 1 Th 58. Cf. art. Armour.
In connexion with ships and boats the smith's
(and carpenter's) art must also have been largely in
evidence : anchor (He 6'"), rudder (Ja 3*) ; cf. the
narrative of St. Paul's voyage. It must be remem-
bered tiiat navigation was itself an art, requiring
a shipmaster and mariners (Rev 18'^), a steersman
(Ja 3''), etc. But, as in the case of arms, this
activity stood largely apart from the life of the
early Church.
Thus far the crafts have been regarded on a
large scale. But iron-work (see Iron) took finer
forms (Rev 18'-) : e.g. certain parts of the warrior's
equipment ; also the balance, if made of this
metal (Rev 6^). This is equally true of working in
wood : idols (Rev 9-'") ; thyine wood, most precious
wood, in juxtaposition to ivory (Rev 18^-) ; foot-
stool (Ja 2*) ; vessels (2 Ti 2^"). The coppersmith
iq.v.) is expressly named in 2 Ti 4'*. With the
free use of iron at this time it is probable the copper-
smith worked mostly on ornamental lines, being
skilled in alloys, refining, engraving, burnishing
(Rev 1'5 218). isiirrors (1 Co 13'2, 2 Co S^*, Ja 1^)
were among the articles produced (see MiRROR).
'Brass' should in all probability be replaced by
' bronze' or ' copjjer ' throughout the NT.
Still finer was the work done in gold, silver, and
precious stones. The silversmiths of Ephesus (Ac
19-^) were a powerful gild, working at a particular
craft, viz., the making of silver shrines or models
of the Temple of Diana (see Ramsay, The Church
in the Roman Empire, London, 1893, p. 112 ff. ;
and art. Diana). This was part of a wider
practice of fashioning idols in the precious metals
(Ac 17-", Rev 9"-"). These elements entered into
dress and personal ornament (1 Ti 2^ 1 P 3*, Ja 2^),
as also into house furniture (2 Ti 2^**). The refer-
ences in Rev. are too numerous to mention, includ-
ing garments (girdle, etc.), articles for food and
drink (bowl, cup, etc.), and even altar and throne.
Although these here appear as seen in vision, they
were all of them possible to antiquity.
The use of gold, silver, etc., in coinage should
not be overlooked. See artt. Gold, Silver.
7. There were also workers in stone and clay
(including terra-cotta) along artistic lines. When
graven by art and device of man (Ac 17^^), stone,
especially marble, took high value (Rev 9'-" 18'-).
Tablets of stone ^vere also fashioned for commem-
orative purposes (Ac Yi^, 2 Co S^- '', Rev 2'^),
attached to statues, tombs, etc., and the inscrip-
tions in certain cases remain, yielding welcome
archaeological evidence.
The potter's ai't (see Potter) was as necessary
as ever for liousehold use (2 Co 4^ 2 Ti 2-", Rev 2-').
It provides St. Paul with a well-known metaphor
(Ro 9-^). Interesting details regarding Jewish pot-
tery of this period are to be found in Conferences
de'Saint-Etienne, 1909-10, p. 99 fi". Glass appears
only figuratively (Rev 2p8- ^i ; cf. 4«152). But it
was quite a common article of manufacture at this
time (see, further, art. Lamp, etc.).
A whole system of trade (Ac 12^0 27-* ®, Ja 4^*^
Rev 18"'-) was built upon the practice of such arts
as have here been passed in review, giving a liveli-
hood to merchants, money-lenders, and also tax-
collectors. The correspondence necessitated by
trade and by the diti'usion of knowledge must also
have given occupation to many who prepared the
materials for writing (parchment, papyrus, pen,
ink, etc.).
8. Serious as most arts were, we yet learn that
many spent their lives in following after pseudo-
arts, e.g. the ' curious arts ' [to. irepiepya) of Ac 19^^ ;
cf. Simon Magus (Ac 8^'^-), Elymas (Bar-Jesus;
Ac 13'''''-), and the masters of the Philippian maid
(Ac 16'"). As seriously taken as any were the
gymnastic arts : running, boxing (1 Co 9-'**^'), and
wrestling (Eph 6^^). See art. Games.
Literature.— The art. ' Arts and Crafts ' in SDB may be con-
sulted. An exhaustive list of authoritative works will be found
in HDB V. 571-, appended to the art. ' New Testament Times.'
Another very complete list of a specialized order appears in S.
Krauss, l^almud. Archdulogie, Leipzig-, 1910-11, ii. 249. This
work is very important. M. B. Schwalm, La Vie privee du
peuple juif a I'epoque de J^sus-Christ, Paris, 1910, written
from the sociological standpoint, is useful. The works of W.
M. Ramsay and A. Deissmann are also helpful.
W. Cruickshank.
ASCENSION 1. NT statements The his-
torical account of the Ascension is given in Ac
r-^"'^, for the Gospel story does not carry us so far.
The Ascension, the last of the series of the post-
Resuirection appearances, is a new subject, and
the description of it begins a new book. This is
the case whatever view we take of the text of Lk
24*1, as that in any case is no detailed description
of the event, but only a brief summary of the in-
cidents. The First and Fourth Gospels end before
the final departure, and so probably did the Second,
the conclusion of which (after 16^) Ave have lost.
The place of the Ascension was Olivet (Ac V^,
'EXaiuv — so, according to some editors, we ought to
read the word in Lk 19-" 21^'), usually called the
Mount of Olives. It was ' over against Bethany '
(Lk 24^"), and therefore on the far or S.E. side of
the hill, looking down on Bethany, which lies in
a hollow ; the reputed site overlooks Jeiusalem,
and is unlikely to have been the real one (Swete,
Appearances, p. 103 ; but see C. Warren, in HDB
iii. 619). As they were talking, Jesus lifted up
His hands and blessed the disciples (Lk 24^"), and
in the act of blessing He was taken up, and a
cloud received Him out of their sight (Ac 1").
Two angels (' men in white apparel') appeared and
assured them of His future return to earth, and
they went back to Jerusalem (v.^"^-) with great
joy (Lk 24^-). There had been no record of angelic
appearances when the risen Jesus was seen by the
disciples, as we might have expected from Jn P' ;
the angels appeared only to announce the Resurrec-
tion and to explain the Ascension. The account
in Lk 24^"'^^ can hardly apply to any other parting
than the Ascension, even if with ' Western ' author-
ities (DA, some Old-Lat. MSS, Augustine*) we
omit the last half of v.®^ : ' was carried up into
heaven.' On no other supposition can the 'joy'
of the disciples be understood. At any rate, the
person who inserted the words, whether the
Evangelist or a scribe, so took them.
The NT is full of references to the Ascension.
It is called an 'assumption' (dvd\T]^Ls), in the
hymn quoted in 1 Ti 3'^ (' received up [dveXrjcpdT]']
in glory'), in the Appendix to Mk. (16'", dveX-^cpdi])
and Lk 9*^ (' the days of his assumption, 'dvaXiji/'ews),
as in Ac P- "• '^'-^ (cf. vireXa^ev, v."). The same verb
is used of Elijah (2 K 2" LXX, Sir 48") and of
Enoch (Sir 49^'*), and also of the vessel received up
into heaven in St. Peter's vision (Ac 10^"). On the
other hand, we read of an ' ascension ' (dfd/Sao-is) in
* Augustine inserts the words once, and omits them once.
Syr-sin is also quoted for the omission ; it reads : ' when he
blessed them, lie was lifted up (ettrim) from them,' which
seems to be an abbreviation of the fuller text, and, if so, to be
a witness against the omission (the tr. 'taken away' is pos-
sible but less probable ; D-Iat has ' discessit '). Syr-sin also
omits 'and they worshipped him,' with 'Western' texts.
•The Peshitta Syriac has the full text (with ethpresh, ' wai
separated, 'for the first verb), as has the Latin Vulgate. The
omission may be due to homoioteleuton.
96
ASCE:N'SIOi^
ASCENSIOis^
Jn 6^2 20", and in Eph i^'-, where Ps 68^8 jg qiaoted,
the first clause nearly following the LXX, the
latter differing from it. St. Paul was probably
guided by an old Jewish interpretation (Robinson,
Com. in loc. ) ; so in Ac 2^* St. Peter says that
David did not ascend (aui^-q) into the heavens.
The Avord ' ascension ' has less of a mystical mean-
ing than 'assumption,' and emphasizes the his-
torical side of the matter; 'assumption' may be
misinterpreted in a Docetic sense, as it is in the
Gospel of Peter, 5, where our Lord's death is so
called {dve\rj<pdT]) by the Docetic author. For this
reason Irenanis speaks of the Ascension as an
' assumption in the flesh ' [ivcrapKov a.va\T)\piv [ffcer.
I. X. 1]; see also Swete, Ap. Creed, 70). Other
words are used elsewhere in the NT. Jesus is the
High Priest who has ' passed through ' (die\ri\v66Ta)
the heavens (He 4^*) — the reference is to the idea
of seven heavens (cf. 7^*^ 'made higher than the
heavens'); He 'entered' {elffijXde) within the veil
as a forerunner on our behalf (6^"), not into a holy
place {dyia) made with hands, but into heaven itself
(912. 24J "pjjg Ascension was a 'departure' (Jn 16^,
diriXdci}), a 'parting' (Lk 24", SUdT-q), according to
many MSS a 'carrying up' into heaven (ib., dvecpi-
psTo [see above], a verb used of the taking up of
the disciples to the Mount of Transfiguration, Mt
17^ Mk 9-), a 'lifting up' (Ac P, eirripdr], a verb
used of lifting up the eyes to heaven, Lk 18^^, Jn
17-"), and a 'journey' (1 P 3-^ iropevdels, used of
the nobleman who Avent into a far country, a par-
able looking forward to the Ascension, Lk 19^^).
The Ascension of our Lord was not a death.
David did not ascend, though he died and was
buried (Ac 229- 3^). So in Jn 3" those who had died
had not 'ascended.' This verse would hardly
have been recorded if the Evangelist had not as-
sumed the Ascension of Jesus as a historical fact,
and it is in effect a prophecy of that event ; it
asserts the pre-existence (Acara/Sds), and points for-
ward to the Ascension, though it does not assert
that our Lord had at that time actually ascended
[oLva^i^-qKev).
The Ascension is implied by the expected return
or 'descent' of our Lord, 1 Th 4'^ (Kara^rjaeTai), a
return called a 'revelation' {dTroKd.\v\j/is} of the
Lord Jesus in 2 Th 1^ 1 Co l'. The disciples did
not look for any other appearance such as had
taken place in the Forty Days, until He should
come at the end of the world.
2. Session and exaltation of our Lord. — In the
passages given above, the Ascension is described
as the parting of Jesus from the disciples at the
last of the Resurrection appearances ; for there-
after there were no such manifestations as those
in which Jesus had been touched by the disciples
and had eaten in their presence (Mt 28^, Lk 24^^
and probably w.^"- 35, Jn 202^— though St. Thomas
perhaps did not actually touch the Lord when in-
vited to do so — and possibly 20''') ; the appearances
to St. Paul at his conversion and to St. John in
Patmos were of quite another nature. In the de-
scription of the parting a symbolical tinge is seen.
The glorified body is received by a cloud as it
gradually vanishes from the disciples' eyes. But
' up ' and ' down ' are sj'mbolical words ; heaven is
not a place vertically above the Mount of Olives,
nor is it a place at all, but a state ; the Ascension
is a transition rather from one condition to
another than from one place to another (Milligan,
The Ascension, p. 26). The fact that men were
accustomed to speak symbolically of heaven being
' above ' was doubtless the reason of the la.st dis-
appearance taking the form that it did ; it would
seem that when Jesus disappeared on former occa-
sions during the Forty Days (for the Gospels de-
scribe His Resurrection body as being not bound
by the ordinary laws of Nature) He did not vanish
by an apparently upward movement. In the
statements about the ascended life of our Lord
symbolism has to be still more freely employed,
as no human language can adequately describe
the new conditions. Just as symbol was neces-
sary to describe the Temptation of our Lord, or
the overthrow of Satan by the efibrts of the
Seventy disciples (Lk 10^'''-), or the eventual triumph
over evil foretold in the Apocalypse, so was it
necessary in describing the heavenly life of Jesus.
The use of symbolism, of which the Bible from
beginning to end is full, does not mean that the
incident or condition described is mj'thical, but
that it cannot be expressed in ordinary human
words. Sanday, in his striking lecture on ' The
Symbolism of the Bible' (Life of Christ in Recent
Research, Oxford, 1907), defines it as 'indirect
description. '
The symbolism used to describe our Lord's
ascended life is that of Ps 110^ which is quoted
directly in Mk 123«, Mt 22«, Ac 2="'-, 1 Co 15■-^ He
\\3 ioi2«-, and indirectly in numerous passages which
speak of Jesus being, sitting, or standing, on God's
right hand till all His enemies are subdued. In
some passages it is said that He ' sat down' {iKAdurev,
He 18 81 10^-, ' Mk ' W^) or 'hath sat down' {KeKdOiKev,
He 1'22, inferior MSS iKidiffev) ; so in Eph P* it is
said that God 'made him to sit' (/ca^tVas), and in
Rev 3^1 Jesus says ' I sat down {iKadLua) with my
Father in his throne ' (cf. 12^). In other passages
Jesus is said to ' be sitting,' as in Col 3^ (iffrlv , . .
KaO-Ziixevos) ; so in Mk 14®^ and || (see below). While
the former method of expression emphasizes the
historic fact of the Ascension on a certain day, the
latter denotes that the Session was not an isolated,
but is a continuous, action. The latter point of
view is seen also in Ro S^-*, 1 P 3^^ (' who is at the
right hand '), and in Ac 7^"* where Stephen sees
the Lord 'standing' at the right hand of God —
ready (such seems to be the meaning) to help His
martyr (cf. also Rev 5^ 14^). And we note that in
Ps 110^ [LXX] the imperative 'sit' (KdOov) marks
the continuance of the Session (Westcott on He V^).
This variation in biblical usage is reflected in the
use of both ' sitteth ' and ' sat down ' [sedet, sedit)
in different Creeds. The former is the usual form,
e.g. in the 'Constantinopolitan' form of the Nicene
Creed (KaOe^dfi^vov ; cf. Tertullian, de Virg. Vel. 1,
'sedentem nunc'). But the latter is sometimes
found, especially in the 4th cent., as in the Creed
of Jerusalem (Cyr. Jer. Cat. xiv. 27, Kadla-aura ^k
de^iQv Tou HaTpds) ; in the Testament of our Lord (ii.
8) ; the Verona Latin fragments of the Didascalia
(ed. Hauler, p. 110) ; the Egyptian and Ethiopia
Church Orders; and in the Creeds of the Abbot
Pirminius (8th cent.), of the Bangor Antiphonary
(7th cent.), of the Gallican Sacramentary (7th
cent. ; Codex Bobiensis), and of the Missale Galli-
canum (Mabillon) ; cf. also Tert. de Prcescr. 13,
'sedisse.'
The Session is 'at the right hand of God' — either
iK Sf^iwv or €v Se^iq. ; the former in Ps 110^ [LXX]
('at my right hand') and in the qiiotations of it
in Mt 22", Mk 1238, ^c 2^^ He I'*, also in the
allusions to it in Mk 14^^ and || Mt 268'' (both 'of
power') and || Lk 22«9 ('of the power of God') and
' Mk ' 16'9, Ac 1^^'- twice ('of God '). But St. Paul,
St. Peter, and the writer of Hebrews prefer iv Se^K? :
Ro 8^*, He 10'^ (though v." is a quotation from
Ps 110'), Col 3', 1 P S-' (all these have 'of God') ;
so He P ('of the Majesty on high') 8' ('of the
throne of the Majesty in the heavens') 12- ('of the
throne of God '), Eph l''^" (' his right hand '). With
these phrases cf. Ac 2^ ( ' being therefore by the
right hand of God exalted,' vtf/wOeh) 5'*' ('him did
(iod exalt with his right hand'), in both of which
places RVm reads 'at' for ' by ' or 'with.'
The symbolism of Session, according to Pearson
ASCEilSIOX
ASCENSION
9;
(On the Creed, art. vi.) and Westcott (Historic
Faith*, 1890, p. 52), is that of perfect rest from all
pain, sorrow, disturbance, and opposition. Yet,
as Swete points out (Ascended Christ, p. 14), this
is, at best, incomplete. The seated monarch on
earth is not idle, and so the seated Christ ' resets
not day nor ni^dit from the unintermitting energies
of heaven.' The symbolism of the right hand is
unmistakable. It expresses the exaltation and
glory of the Ascended Christ as Man. Jesus did
not merely return to His former glory (cf. Jn 17* :
'which I had with thee before the world was'), but,
in addition, was glorified in His human nature.
For the exaltation see Lk 24^ ('to enter into his
glory' — the glory which was His due), Jn 7^ 12'®,
Ac 2'" (' God hath made him — caused him to be re-
cognized as — both Lord and Christ' ; with reference
to the Session), 2 Co 3'^'^®, Ph 2^ (aiirbv {nrepv^uae,
'highly exalted him,' in consequence of the self-
emptying and self-humiliation), 1 Ti 3'® ('received
up in glory'). He 2* ('crowned with glory and
honour '), and the passages given above. The ex-
altation or ' lifting up ' (v^ioais) is spoken of by our
Lord in immediate reference to the Crucifixion
(Jn 3i'» 8^8 123-- 3-1), but doubtless with the further
thought that death leads to glory (cf. Jn 13^' ; see
also Milligan, op. cit. p. 78 f. ). — It is not improbable
that the period of Forty Daj's was one of increasing
glory, of which the Ascension was the consumma-
tion. In Jn 20^'' our Lord says to Mary Magdalene,
' I ascend ' {dva^aivu), that is, not ' I shall ascend,'
as our looser English use of tlie present tense may
suggest, but ' I am ascending.' ' The Resurrection
had begun the great change ; from Easter morning
He was already ascending ' (Swete, Hobj Spirit in
NT, p. 374). But the last parting was the definite
act of Ascension.
3. The work of the ascended Christ. — (a) Jesus
has ascended to make intercession for us as our
Priest, Ro 8^*, He V^ (a perpetual intercession).
The High-Priesthood of Christ is one of the great
themes of Hebrews, and Ps 110''* is quoted in He
56. 10 717. 2i_ Jesus is High Priest for ever after the
order of Melchizedek, not of the Aaronic order (see
below). He is our 'great priest' (10-^). One of
the meanings of 'Paraclete' is 'Advocate' or
' Intercessor,' and Jesus is our Paraclete (1 Jn 2'),
as He Himself implies in calling the Holy Ghost
'another Paraclete' {5XKov HapaKK-qrov, Jn H'*").
His very presence in heaven is the intercession
which He offers. He 'appears before the face of
God for us' (He G-'*). This is the meaning of the
references in Hebrews to the high priest entering
into the Holy of Holies on the Day of Atonement
(414-16 620 7->7 83 97.12.24 etc.). But we must notice
two differences between the type and the antitype.
The earthly high priest stands to otier (10'^), while
Jesus is usually (though not always) depicted as
sitting (above, § 2). And the earthly high priest
enters into the Holy of Holies alone, leaving the
people outside, while Jesus carries the people with
Him within the veil and gives them access to the
Father (vv. 19-22). Jesus is the Mediator (8« 12-^),
and on His mediation all human intercession is
based (1 Ti 2i- ''). Mediation and intercession are
not, indeed, quite the same thing. A mediator
brings the contending parties together. But our
ascended Mediator goes further, and otiers inter-
cession for all men (see Swete, Asc. Christ, p. 93).
In this connexion we must notice that there is no
contradiction between the intercession of the Holy
Ghost and that of our ascended Lord. St. Paul
speaks of both intercessions in the same context
(Ro 8-^*- ^). The two are not to be separated ; they
are really one act, though the insufficiency of
human language makes them seem two. The
intercession of our Lord in heaven and that of the
Spirit in the hearts of believers are one. Christ in
VOL. I. — 7
heaven sends the Holy Ghost to intercede within
us. This double conception is parallel with that
of the Holy Spirit coming down to us here on earth
at the same time that we are taken up to ' the
heavenlies' with Jesus (Eph 2®).
It has long been disputed when the High-Priest-
hood of Christ began. He was the Priest-Victim
on the Cross, and some passages in Hebrews point
to a Priesthood on earth, while others point to one
in heaven only. Westcott (Hebrev:^, p. 229, Add.
Note on 8') says that Christ fulfilled two types,
and that there are two aspects of His Priesthood,
one as fulfilling the Levitical High-Priesthood on
earth before the Session, and the other as fulfilling
that of Melchizedek thereafter. The priesthood
was thus, as it were, completed by the Ascension.
But Milligan (op, cit. p. 72 tf.) denies the two types
of priesthood, and says that our Lord's Priesthood
began with His glorification, and that the Death
was part of this glorification, falling in the sphere
of the heavenly Priesthood. There seems to be
much truth in both views. The Priesthood of
Christ is one, but as the earthly high priest only
fulfilled his priesthood when he brought the blood
of the victim within the Holy Place, so Christ did
not fulfil His Priesthood till the Ascension (see
J. H. Bernard, in ERE ii. 157).
(h) Jesus has ascended to rule over and to fill all
things ; He is our King. This is specially empha-
sized in Rev (P S"*- 11"* 1912- is 20^). Jesus is the
ruler of the kings of the earth, and is worthy to
receive the power and the might ; the kingdom of
the world is become the Kingdom of our Lord [the
Father] and of His Christ ; Jesus has many diadems
on His head, and is King of kings and Lord of
lords ; He reigns with His saints for a thousand
years. St. Paul also emphasizes the Kingship of
the Ascended Christ. He must (Set) — it is fitting
that He should — reign till His enemies are con-
quered (1 Co 152-5). He is seated far above all rule,
authority, and power, both in this and in the coming
age (Eph I'-i) ; He ascended that He might fill all
tilings (Eph 41" ; cf. 3'9). His rule is with a view to
the restoration of the universe to order, and is not
only over Christians, but over all. He was exalted
that in His name every knee should bow throughout
the whole universe (Ph 29'-), i.e. in the name which
the Father gave Him (v.^), namely, the Divine
Majesty : to the Divine Jesus all shall do homage
(see Lightfoot's note). He is the Head of the
Church, and in all things has the pre-eminence
(irp(i)Tevuv), for in Him all the fulness dwells (Col
jiHf. . fQj. 7r\7jpw/ia, see Robinson, Ephesians, p. 255) ;
cf. Eph 41^'- 5-^. So St. Peter speaks of angels and
authorities and powers being made subject to the
Ascended Christ (1 P 3-2). All authority in heaven
and earth has been given to Him (Mt 28'**). He is
the Priest-King, the ' priest upon his throne ' of
Zee 6^^ ; and His Kingship assures us that good
will triumph over evil.
(c) The office of the Ascended Jesus as Prophet
is not so explicitly mentioned in the NT as His
Priesthood and Kingship. Yet it is clearly im-
plied. His prophetic or teaching office did not
cease at the Ascension ; on the contrary. He there-
after teaches more plainly ; not, as formerly, in pro-
verbs (Jn 16-*) ; the teaching is through the gift of
the Spirit, who was to teach us all things (14^®),
and guide us into all the truth, not speaking from
Himself, ' for he shall take of mine and shall
declare it unto you' (16'^'*)- This is illustrated by
the outpouring of the gift of prophecy upon the
infant Church ; ' the testimony of Jesus is the
spirit of prophecy' (Rev lO'''). Now the Ascension
is intimately connected with the gift of the Spirit.
The Ascension was not a mere spectacle to reassure
the disciples, but the mode by which we are given
a new life. Until Jesus was glorified it was not
98
ASCENSIOi^
ASCENSION
possible for the new mode of His presence to take
effect (Jn 7^^ 16" ; cf. Lk 24'*^). Hence the necessity
of our Lord's death : otherwise the grain of wheat
could not bear fruit ( Jn 12-^). The Ascended Christ
became a life-giving Spirit (1 Co 15''^). The con-
nexion between the Ascension and the gift of the
Spirit is also seen from the fact that the last words
of Jesus (Ac 1*) were that the disciples should re-
ceive power when the Holy Ghost should be come
upon them, and so they would be Jesus' witnesses
in all the world. This explains to us the purport
of the words ' after he had spoken to them,' in the
Appendix to Mk. (16'«).
(«/) Another Avork is referred to in He 6^°. The
Ascended Christ has entered within the veil on
our behalf as a Forerunner {irp68pofJLos [see FORE-
RUXXER]), to prepare a place for us (Jn 14"-; for
the ' manj^ resting-places,' see Swete, Asc. Christ,
105 ff.), that we may sit with Him on His throne
(Rev 3-').
i. Interval between the Resurrection and the
Ascension. — In Ac P Jesus is said to have appeared
to the disciples 'by the space of forty days' (5l TuxepCov
TeaaapcLKoi'Ta). This interval has been usually taken
as exact, and when the Festival of the Ascension
was instituted, in the 4th cent.,^the sixth Thursday
after Easter was selected for the purpose {Ap. Const.
V. 20 ; cf. viii. 33, ed. Funk), and has been so ob-
served ever since. But St. Luke's words do not
necessarilj' imply an exact period of forty days,
and there have been other calculations. In the
Third Gospel he describes all the events which took
place after the Resurrection till the 'parting' of
•24^^ (see above, § 1), without any note of time, and
the deduction has been drawn that when he wrote
the Gospel he supposed that all the post-Resurrec-
tion appearances which he describes took place on
Easter Day itself, but that he learnt a more ac-
curate chronology before he Avrote Acts (cf. art.
Acts of the Apostles, V. 1). This is scarcely
credible, and assumes that the Gospels are what
the\- never claim to be — chronological biographies,
like modern 'Lives.' This view makes St. Luke
get in all the events which happened after the
evening meal at Emmaus (v.^^), including the return
journey of the two disciples 7 or 8 miles to Jeru-
salem, before nightfall, for none of the authorities
suggests that the Ascension took place at night.
In Lk 24 we have a series of events foreshortened
(probably because the author had already planned
Acts), and no note of time is suggested.
There are, however, some indications that the
words ' forty days ' were not always taken exactly.
' Barnabas ' makes the Ascension take place on a
Sunday (§ 15) ; l)ut he does not say that it was the
same Sunday as the Resurrection ('the eighth
(lay ... in which also Jesus rose from the dead,
and, having been manifested, ascended up to
heaven '). He mentions the ' eighth ' rather than
the ' first' day because it follows the seventh day
or Sabbath, of which he is treating ; he hints at the
replacement of the Jewish Sabbath by the Christian
Lord's day, but only obscurely. "With tiiis we may
compare the fact that in the Eilcssene Canons
(4tii cent.) the Ascension Avas commemorated on
Whitsunday, and so in the PUrjrimarie of ' Silvia '
( Etheria), tliough in that work the fortieth day after
Easter was observed for another purj)ose ; see the
l)resent writer's art. ' Calendar, Tlie Christian,' in
DCG i. 261<\ This i.s some conliriiiation of the
suggestion that the Ascension took place on a
Sunday. Tiiere are also some speculations of an
extravagant nature, such as the Valentinian idea
that the interval between the Resurrection and the
Ascension was 18 months, or that of certain Ophites
that it was II or 12 years, or that of Eusebius in
one place {Dem. Evang. viii. 2) that it was as long
as the Ministry before the Crucilixion ; see Swete,
Ap. Creed, p. 69 f. All that we can deduce from
these facts is that, while the Ascension may have
taken place on the Thursday, it may also have
happened on the following Sunday, or on any day
between or close to these dates.
5. Modern objections to the Ascension. — The
present article is mainly concerned with the facts,
and the reader may be referred for an answer to
objections from a philosophical point of view to A.
S. Martin's article in DCG i., which is very full on
this head. Here it is enough to say (a) that the
objection that it is impossible for a body to disobey
the la-vvs of gravity and to ascend instead of fall,
presupposes that the Resurrection body of our
Lord was under the same material conditions as
His body before Easter Day, Avhich all the Evan-
gelists' accounts show not to have been the case.
Objections on this head are therefore really objec-
tions to the Resurrection, not to the Ascension.
(6) It is impossible to regard the account in Ac 1 as
a myth unless we adopt the now exj^loded theory
that the whole gospel story is such. The narrative
bears the same stamp of truth as the evangelical
records. For example, Sanday Avell points out the
authentic touch about the disciples desiring the
restoration of the earthly kingdom of Israel (v.^** ;
see HDB ii. 643^). However we may interpret the
narrative, there can be little doubt that it repre-
sents what the eye-witnesses believed to have taken
place.
But an allegation of Harnack must be briefly
noticed here, as it deals with the facts. He says that
the special prominence given to the Ascension in
the Creeds is a deviation from the oldest teaching,
and that in the primitive tradition the Ascension
had no separate ]Aa,c,&(Das apost. Glauhensbekennt-
niss, Berlin, 1892). He alleges the silence of the
Synoptists, of St. Paul in 1 Co 15^''^% and of the
chief sub-apostolic writers ; the placing, in some
old accounts, of the Session after the Resurrection
as if they were one act ; and the discrepancy noted
above as to the interval between the Resurrection
and the Ascension. These allegations have been
ably answered by Swete (Ap. Creed, ch. vi.). The
argument from silence (always precarious) is invalid
in the case of Mt. and Mk., Avhich do not carry the
narrative so far as the Ascension (the end of Mk.
is lost) ; at best it hardly applies to Lk. (see above,
§ 1), and the mention of the Ascension in 1 Co
153ff. -would have been irrelevant to St. Paul's argu-
ment. ISioreover, the Ascension belongs to the
history of the Church rather than to the gospel
narrative, and therefore it is not to be expected
that it siiould be found there except in allusion.
It is hard to see any force in the argument from
St. Paul's silence in one place when elsewhere he
so emphaticall}^ states his belief in the Ascension.
As to the suh-apostolic writers, the Ascension is
explicitly mentioned by 'Barnabas' (§ 15), by Justin
[Dial. 38), and is i)robably referred to by Ignatius
(Magn. 7). The allegation that the Session and the
Resurrection were regarded as one act may be
tested by Ro 8^^, where St. Paul names successively
the Death, Resurrection, Session, and Intercession
of Christ. If the second and third of these are
one act, why not also tlie lirst and fourth? The
argument from the interval has already been dealt
with (above, § 4). For fuller details, see Swete, Ap.
Creed. It is quite intelligilile that tliose who believe
that our Lord is mere ^lan should find difficulties
in the doctrine that He ascended ; but it is not
really ])ossible to maintain that the discijjles did
not believe it.
6. Importance of the Ascension for the practical
life. — Tiiis has been indirectly pointed out aliove
{§ 3). The Ascension shows that the work of Christ
for man has never ceased, but is permanent,
although He has never needed to repeat His sacri-
ASCENSION OF ISAIAH
ASCEI^SIOi^ OF ISAIAH
99
lice. It has brought Jesus into closer touch with
us ; He has never ceased to he Man, and in the
heavenly sphere is not removed far away from us,
but is with us until the end of the world (Mt 28-").
He raises our ideals from earthly things to heavenly;
and, giving us through the Spirit the new life
which enables us to follow Him, by His Ascension
teaches us the great Sursum Corda : ' Lift up your
hearts ; we lift them up unto the Lord.'
Literature. — W. Milligan, The Ascension and Heavenly
Priesthood of our Lord (Baird Lecture), London, 1892 ; H. B.
Swete, The Apostles' Creed, Cambridge, 1894, The Holy Spirit
in the New Testament, London, 19U9, Appendix E, The Appear-
ances of our Lord after the Passion, do. 1907, The Ascended
Christ, do. 1910 ; j. Pearson, On the Creed, art. vi. ; J.
Denney, art. ' Ascension,' in HDB i. ; W. Sanday, art. ' Jesus
Christ,' ib. ii. ; A. S. Martin, art. 'Ascension,' in DCGi. ; J. G.
Simpson, art. 'Ascension,' in SL>B; J. H. Bernard, art.
' Assumption and Ascension,' in ERE ii. ; B. F. Westcott,
Com. on Hebrews, London, 1906 ; R. L. Ottley, The Rule of
Faith and Hope, do. 1912, p. 82fE. ; A. J .Tait, The Heavenly
Session of our Lord, do. 1912 ; S. C. Gayford, elaborate
review of foregoing, in JThSt xiv. [1913] 458.
A. J. Maclean.
ASCENSION OF ISAIAH.— This is an apocryphon
now extant in a complete form in the Ethiopic
Version alone. It is composite in structure, and
contains three separate parts of different author-
ship, one being of Jewish and two of Christian
origin, but all alike apparently composed during
the 1st cent. a.d. It is thus of considerable im-
portance in the light which it throws upon the
views held in certain circles of the Christian Church
of the apostolic period with regard to the doctrines
of the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Resurrection,
the Seven Heavens, the Antichrist, angels and
demons. It adds, moreover, to our knowledge of
the internal and external conditions of the Church,
and of the stage which had been reached in the
development of its organization. In phraseology
and ideas it presents interesting parallels with the
New Testament.
1. Composite character. — The title ' Ascension of
Isaiah ' is strictly appropriate only to the latter part
of the work, chs. 6-11, in which Isaiah is success-
ively led through the firmament and six lower
heavens to the seventh heaven, and receives dis-
closures regarding the descent, birth, works, cruci-
fixion, and ascension of the Beloved. The first five
chapters deal in the main with Manasseh's wicked-
ness and Isaiah's martyrdom, with a curious inser-
tion (3^^''-4'^) which claims to be a vision foretelling
the life of Christ and the fortunes of His Church,
awkwardly introduced as explaining the wrath of
Beliar which occasioned the martyrdom of Isaiah.
A careful examination of the diction and subject-
matter of each section leads to the clear discrimina-
tion of three distinct sources.
(a) The Martyrdom of Isaiah (p- 2a.6b-i3a gi-S^s
5ib-i4)_ This narrates how in the twenty-sixth year
of his reign Hezekiah called Manasseh to receive
accounts of visions which he had seen (P*^). Isaiah,
who is present, warns the king of Manasseh's future
wickedness, and foretells his own martyrdom (P''^).
After Hezekiah's death, Manasseh, as foretold, for-
sakesthe service of God and serves Satan,whereupon
Isaiah withdraws first to Bethlehem and then to
the desert with his companions (2'*^^). Meanwhile
Belchira, a brother of the false prophet Zedekiah,
son of Chenaanah, accuses Isaiah and his fellow-
prophets to the king, of prophesying evil against
Jerusalem, and claiming to have seen God, and
calling Jerusalem Sodom, and the princes the people
of Gomorrah (2i--3^''). Manasseh seizes Isaiah and
has him sa^vn asunder with a wood -saw. Isaiah
dies with wonderful firmness and constancy, com-
muning with the Holy Spirit till the end. This
narrative is mainly historical in form, and contains
nothing specifically Christian. In its outlook it
might well be Jewish, and this supposition is con-
firmed by the Patristic references {e.g. in Origen
and Jerome) which attribute the account of the
sawing asunder of Isaiah to Jewish traditions, and
also by the fact that the Talmud contains a similar
account of Isaiah's death. P'urther, the original
was probably written in Hebrew. In 2' a play upon
words appears when the passage is re-translated in-
to Hebrew (.t^j ns-jp). The name 'Malchira' in 1^ is a
transliteration oi]il 'i^s, as S. A. Cook has observed.
Above all, the curious term ' a wooden saw ' can
hardly be explained except as a misrendering of
{'y -libD, ' a wood-saw.'
{b) The Vision of Isaiah (6-11). In the twentieth
year of Hezekiah, Isaiah, in the presence of the
king, when speaking in the Holy Spirit, is taken up
in mind (cf. 2 Co 12^-*) through the firmament and
each of the six lower heavens in turn, and finally
arrives at the seventh heaven, to which he is ad-
mitted by special command of the Lord Christ,
There he sees all the righteous from the time of
Adam, including Abel, Seth, and Enoch, stript of
the garments of the flesh, not sitting on their
thrones nor as yet wearing their crowns of glory,
until the Beloved has descended to earth (O^^* ^*) and
ascended again (9^^). He sees the Great Glory, and
on His right the Lord (the Beloved) and on His left
the Holy Spirit. He worships the three, and his
Lord and the Holy Spirit worship the Great Glory.
The Father commissions the Son to descend to earth,
and tells of His ascension and final judgment. The
Son descends through each heaven in turn, assum-
ing in each the form of the angels who dwell in
them, and finally passes through the firmament and
then the air to the earth. There Isaiah beholds His
wonderful birth, miracles, and crucifixion, resurrec-
tion, mission of the Twelve, ascension, and session
on the right hand of the Great Glory. Isaiah returns
to his body and binds Hezekiah to secrecy concern-
ing the vision.
The date of this narrative is probably in the 1st
cent. A.D. The vision is quoted not only by Jerome,
Com. in Isaiam, Ixiv. 4 (Vallarsi, iv. 761), but also
by the Actus Petri Vercellenses, ch. xxiv. (p, 72, ed.
Lipsius), and by Hieracas the heretic, according to
Epiphanius, Hcer. Ixvii. 3. There is also a remark-
able parallel between Ignatius, Ep. ad. Ephes. xix.
and Asc. Is. W^. There appears to be a reference
to the sawing asunder in He 1 P^. The author wrote
in Greek, and was a Christian with a Docetic tend-
ency and a crude conception of the Trinity.
The title * Ascension of Isaiah ' properly belongs
to this section of the work. Jerome so quotes it.
Epiphanius refers to it as rh 'Ava^ariKbv 'Ha-atov.
The Ethiopic, Slavonic, and Latin texts of 6^ imply
the title * Vision of Isaiah,' and so does Montfaucon s
Canon.
(c) The Testament of Hezekiah, a Christian Apo-
calypse (3^^''-4i*). This title is given in Cedrenus
i. 120-121 (ed. Bonn), and is appropriate only to the
above section. As Charles observes : ' that such a
work was incorporated in the Ascension might also
be inferred from l^b-sa^ which describe the contents
of Hezekiah's vision.' It describes, briefly string-
ing together various details in the manner of an
epitome, the coming and death of the Beloved ; the
descent of the angel of the Christian Church ; the
ascension ; the falling away of the Church, and the
prevalence of error, impurity, strife, and covetous-
ness ; the coming of Beliar in the likeness of a law-
less king, a matricide, who claims to be God, and
demands Divine worship, and persecutes the saints
for three years, seven months, and twenty-seven
days. This persecution is ended by the second
coming of the Lord, who drags Beliar into Gehenna,
and gives rest to the godly, sets up a kingdom of the
saints, Avho afterwards are transformed, and ascend,
apparently, to heaven. The final judgment follows,
and the godless are annihilated.
The date cannot be later than A.D. 100, for 4^^
100 ASCEKSIOJS^ OF ISAIAII
AbUi:X«lU^' OF ISAIAK
presupposes that there were a few still alive wlio
had seen the Lord in the flesh. The fusion of the
three originally distinct conceptions of the Anti-
christ, of Beliar, and of Aero Eedirivus cannot well
be put earlier than A.D. 88 (see Charles, Asr. Is. pp.
]i-lxxiii). So the date of this section falls between
A.D. 88 and 100.
2. Importance for New Testament study. — (a)
The I'rniifi/. — i. The First Person is called ' tlie
Great Glory' (9=*" 10'« 11^-), ' the Most High ' (6« 7"^
10«- '), and ' Father ' (S^^ ; cf. 7« 10«- ^ in Charles'
restored text).
11. The Second Person is generally referred to as
' the Beloved ' (1^- »• "• '^ :V3- 1'- is 43. e. 9. is. 21 515 717. 23
818. 25 912) oi- < „-,y Loi-^i ' (gi:) 93- lo'- 16. IV), and also once
as ' Lord of all those heavens and these thrones ' (8").
His name is as yet unknown. He is ' the Only-
Begotten, . . . wliose name is not known to any
flesh ' (7^'), ' the Elect One whose name has not been
made known, and none of the heavens can learn His
name ' (8"). The title ' Christ,' and the phrase ' who
will be called Jesus ' (see 9^ 7iote in Charles' ed. ) are
probably original to the Avork. The title ' Son of
iSIan' in the Latin and Slavonic versions of IV is
probably original, and was excluded bj' the editor of
tlie present Greek version for doctrinal reasons (see
Charles, Asc. Is. p. xxvi).
It is noteworthy that the title ' the Beloved ' is
bestowed on Christ by the Bath Qol in Mk 1" 9^
and it is used l)y St. Paul in Eph P. As Armitage
Robinson (EDB ii. 501) points out, it was probably
a pre-Christian Messianic title. It is used in the
OT of Israel, and so would naturally be trans-
ferred from the people to the Messiah, like the
titles 'Servant 'and 'Elect.' It was, moreover, a
term interchangeable with the Messianic title ' the
Elect,' as Luke (9'*^) substitutes 6 iKXeXeyfxevos (K B,
etc.) for 6 dyaTr-nTos (Mt 17^ Mk 9'^). In early
Christian writings also the title is applied to
Christ, e.g. Ep. Barn. iii. 6, iv. 3. 8 ; Clem. Rom.
lix. 2f. ; Ign. Smyrn. inscr. ; Herm. Sim. ix. 12. 5.
No doubt the writer thought the term most appro-
priate in a work claiming to be an ancient Jewish
l)rophecy of Christ, but its vagueness also betrays
the undeveloped Trinitarian conceptions of the
period. The Son and the Holy Spirit receive
worship (9^-3"), but they in turn vrorship the Great
Glory (9^"). They stand, one on His right hand
and the other on His left (9^^). (We may compare
the Hieracite doctrine in Epiph. Hmr. Ixvii. 3.)
The command to descend to earth is given by the
Father (10^). The conception of the gradual
descent from heaven to heaven, with corresponding
transformation in form, suggests a Gnostic colour-
ing, and possibly a Docetic tendency, as do also
the statement that the Beloved escaped recognition
at each stage, and the miraculous appearance of
the born babe two months after the Virgin's con-
ception. The Protev. Jncobi and the Actus Petri
have interesting parallels to the narrative here
(IP"'*), while we can hardly doubt that it is the
source of Ignatius' words in ad. Ephes. xix., (cat
^Xadev rbv dpxovra rod aiu)vos tovtov tj irapdevia Mapi'as
Kai 6 TOKerbs avrrjs, ofioidJS Kai 6 davaros rod Kvpiov.
'The concealment of the real nature of Christ is
tlie entire tlieiiie of lO'^-ll*'*.' He is, however,
really cruciHed, and descends to the angel of Sheol
(l^iM. 20. (jf JQ8) In His ascension He has resumed
His proper form, and all the angels of tiie firiiia-
ment and the Satans see Him and wor.=diip Him
(11-* ; cf. 10'^). On arriving in the seventh heaven,
He sits down (not stands, as in Q^^) on the riglit
hand, and the Holy Spirit on the left (IF-- ■'^).
His session with Gocl, however, will not be realized
by the angels of the world until the hnal judgment
(10'-).
The significance of the crucifixion is nowhere
noticed, but in 9" the ' plundering of the angel of
death' (cf. Ign. ad. Mngn. ix. ; Mt 27^-- ^^ ; Eixing.
Nirodcnii, i. i, xi. 1 [ed. Tiscli.]) is regarded as the
result of the dcsccnsio in inferna (cf. 1 P 3'^ 4").
In the Test. Hcz. (i.e. S'^i'-i'*) His work includes
the founding of the Church ('the descent of the
angel of the Christian Church,' 3''), and, after
coming forth from the tomb on the shoulders of
Gabriel and INIichael, the sending out of the Twelve.
Those who believe in His cross will be saved, anil
many who believe in Him will speak through the
Holy Spirit. The Ascension, not the Resurrection,
is the distinctive object of faith to the believer in
2^ 3"*. At His second coming the Lord will Him-
self drag Beliar into Gehenna (4''*), and give rest to
the godly still alive in the body (cf. 2 Th F- \ 1
Til 4'''). The saints (i.e. the departed) Avill come
with the Lord (1 Th 3'=* 4'^) and descend and be
present in this world (4'*), and the Lord will minister
to those who have kept Avatcli in this world (cf. Lk
12^'). Apparently an earthly Messianic Kingdom
is implied (cf. Rev 20'"®). It is followed by a
spiritual translation to heaven, the body being left
in the world (4'"). Then follows ' [a resurrection
and] a judgment,' and the godless are entirely de-
stroyed by fire from before the Beloved (4'*).
iii. The Third Person is spoken of as an angel,
the angel of the Spirit (4^1 g^a- ^o 10^ 11*) or the
angel of the Holy Spirit (3'" 7-=* 9^6 IP^). In com-
munion with Him, Isaiaii endures his martyrdom,
and also is carried in spirit to the third heaven.
The Holy Spirit stands (9^^), and after the Ascen-
sion sits (IP*) on the left hand of the Great
Glory. The angel of the Holy Spirit in 3'* must
be regarded as Gabriel, and in IP He performs
the part of Gabriel in the Annunciation.
(b) The Resurrection is apparently a spiritual
one. The 'garments,' i.e. spiritual bodies, are
reserved for the righteous, with the robes and
crowns in the seventh heaven (4'* 7" 8'''- -^). These
garments are received at once after death (S'* 9").
the thrones and crowns not till after the Ascension
of Christ (9'2- '*). The living wiioni the Lord finds
on His return will be ' strengthened in the gar-
ments of tlie saints.' There is a temporary
Messianic Kingdom, and (?) a feast (4'®), followed
by a spiritual consummation in heaven (cf. Pii 3-',
1 Co 15^-- ^•'). The righteous from Adam downwards
are already in the seventh heaven, stript of the
garments of the flesh, though not yet seated on
their thrones and crowned (^J^). The Final Judg-
ment is referred to in 4'^ and 10'-.
(c) Beliar. — The idea of demonic possession is
very prominent in the Blartyrdom of Isaiah.
Beliar is regarded as served by Manasseh and
ruling in liis heart (P- "• " 2'- *■ ' 3" 5'- '»), and as
aiding Belcliira (5*). The name ' Beliar' is absent
from the Vision, and in the Test. Hcz. it has quite
another meaning, the Beliar Antichrist appearing
in the form of a man — Nero (4-- '"*• '®- '*). In the
Testaments uf the Ttvelve Patriarchs Beliar api>ears
in both meanings, at times as the source of immoral
deeds, and at times as the Antichrist (see Charles,
Asc. Is. Pn. ). In the SibyUine Oracles, ii. 167 he is
to come as the Antichrist, working signs ; in iii.
63-73 to proceed from the Roman Emperors, deceive
the elect, and finally be burnt up. He is also
called Matanbuchus (2'') and Mechembechus (5*).
His relation to Sainniael is puzzling. In part the
two seem identical ; both dwell and rule in the
firmament (7^ 4-), take possession of Manasseh
("2' P 3" 5'), are wroth with Isaiah for his visions
(5" 3'* 5'), and cause Isaiah to be sawn asunder
(IP' 5'^). But in part Sanimael seems to be sub-
ordinate. He exerts him.self to win Manasseh as
the subject of Beliar (P). Beliar has kings undei
him (4-*'), and is tlie prince of this world (P 4-:
cf. 4"*). He will finally be cast into Gehenna with
his armies (4'*). In 2 Co 6'^ St. Paul asks ' What
ASCEXSIOX OF ISAIAH
ASCEXSIOX OF ISAIAH
101
concord hath Christ with Beliar ? ' Here either
meaning of Beliar is possible. In 2 Th 2'''- the
two ideas appear to be fused with yet a third — that
of a human sovereign with miraculous powers.
The ' man of lawlessness ' is possibly a translation
of 'Beliar' (cf. LXX : avdpes Trapdvo/xoi. in Dt 13^^
etc.). In Asa. Is. 2'' Beliar is the angel of lawless-
ness, and makes 3Ianasseh strong in apostatizing
and lawlessness (cf. 2'). The sins specified are
witchcraft, magic, divination and augiii-ation,
fornication, and the persecution of the righteous.
The ' falling away ' of 2 Th 2* is referred to in
Asc. Is. 3^1 : 'on the eve of His approach, His
disciples will forsake . . . their faith and their
love and their purity.' Cf. ' few in those days will
be left as His servants' {4^^ ; cf. Lk 18»).
(d) The Antichrist and Nero Redivivus. — In 4^
we are told :
' Beliar the great niler, the king of this world [cf. Jn 12-*i 1430
1611] will descend, who hath ruled it since it came into being ;
jea he will descend from his firmament [cf. Eph 2'- &^ in the
likeness of a man, a lawless king, the slayer of his mother [i.e.
Nero; cf. Sib. Or. iv. 141, v. 145. 303, viii. 71] . . . will persecute
the plant which the Twelve Apostles . . . have planted [i.e. the
Church]. Of the Twelve, one [i.e. Peter] will be delivered into
his hands. . . . There will come with him all the powers of this
world [cf. Rev 161^ iO'-Sj. ... At his word the sun will rise at
night [cf. Rev 131-1 1920, 2 Th 29]. ... He will say " I am God "
[cf. 2 Th 2^] . . . and all the people in the world will believe in
him, and they will sacrifice to him [cf. Rev 13'4- *• 12]. . . _ And
the greater number of those who shall have been associated
together to receive the Beloved, he will turn aside after him [cf.
Mt 242J, Mk 132:2 ; contrast 2 Th 2io i-']. . . . And he wUl set up
his image ... in every city [cf. Rev 131-1].'
The time of his sway will be 3 years, 7 months,
and 27 days (4^^). This period points back to Dn
7^ 127 (cf. Rev 121^) ; but in 4" the time is given as
(one thousand) three hundred and thirt^y-two days.
During this period the few Ijelievers left tlee from
desert to desert (4'* ; cf. Rev 12*'- "). Beliar is finally
destroyed, not by Michael but by the Lord Him-
self (41*).
(e) Angels. — While there is no reference to the
functions of good angels as mediators or inter-
cessors, spiritual powers are conceived of as the
true cause of all action. Manasseh and Belchira
are only agents of Beliar and Sammael and Satan.
Nero Redivivus is only an embodiment of Beliar
(4-). Angels, authorities, and powers rule in this
world under Beliar their prince (P; cf. Eph P^ 3^"
61-, Col li« 2i»- 15, 1 P 32-). The angel of the Chris-
tian Church (cf. Rev 2^- *• 1- etc. ) descends from
heaven after our Lord's passion. The Holy .Spirit
and the angel of the Holy Spirit (see under
'Trinity') are identical, except perhaps in 3'^ and
IP. There is an angel of deatli (Q^^ 10"), and an
angel of Sheol (IP**). Each heaven has its angels,
with the superior ones to the right of the throne.
The sun and the moon also have each an angel (cf.
Rev 19'"). The judgment of the angels is referred
to in 1' 41s iQi-.
(/) The Seven Heavens. — The conception of the
seven heavens which we find e.g. in the Testaments
of the Ttcelve Patriarchs and in Slavonic Enoch is
not to be found in the Asc. Is. Evil is found only
in the firmament and the air ; it is entirely absent
from all the heavens. Nor is there any reference
to natural phenomena or heavenly bodies in them.
Each heaven is merely a duplicate of the one above,
with no distinction, except of glory, imtil the
sixth and seventh are reached (S'- ''). The sixth is
not under any subordinate angel or ' throne,' but
is ruled by the Great Glory in the seventh. There
is an angel over the praise-giving of the sixth
heaven, however, who challenges Isaiah when pro-
ceeding to the seventh (9'"^). In the seventh are
the Patriarchs, the righteous, the crowns and
thrones and garments of the righteous, the Great
Glory, the Beloved, and the angel of the Holy
Spirit.
(g) The Christian Church and its circtimstances. —
The angel of the Christian Church which is in the
heavens will be summoned by God in the last days
(315). The Church is the plant planted by the
Twelve Apostles (4^). It consists of those who are
' associated together to receive the Beloved ' at His
Second Coming (4^*). A great persecution is re-
garded as imminent, in which the few faithful
remaining will ' flee from desert to desert, awaiting
the coming of the Beloved.' For the expectation
of the Coming, cf. 1 Th P", 1 Co P, Ph 3-", He 9^.
The Neronic Antichrist is regarded as destroying
one of the Twelve Apostles (4^), and deceiving
many of the faithfid (4^). In S^i-^i -sve have a con-
temporary picture of the Christian Church regarded
as guilty of serious declension from its high calling.
Church organization is not yet developed. We
have mention of pastors and elders (3-^- ^). There
is a genei-al disbelief in the Second Coming and in
prophecy generally (3-^- '-''■ ^i), but prophecy is still
existent, though there are ' not many prophets
save one here and there in divers places. ' The
'faith' (3-1) is spoken of objectively, as in the
Pastoral Epistles {e.g. 1 Ti P«). Faith, love, and
purity are the distinctive Christian virtues (as in
1 Ti 41-). There are lawless elders (3-'*), and much
hatred exists among the Church leaders (3^).
Covetousness and slander are common vices (cf.
2 Ti 31- -). The 'spirit of error' (3-*) is at work
among Christians (cf. 1 Jn 4'^, 1 Ti 41). Caesar-
worship is already a difRcuIt.y (47-ii).
(h) Apocryphal work. — The only reference to
another apocryphon occurs in 4~, where the book
' Words of Joseph the Just ' is probablj- to be
identified with the Ylpoaevxh rod 'Icjo-rjcp (Fabricius,
Cod. Pseud. V.T. i. 761-769 ; see MBB ii. 778).
3. The text. — (a) In its complete form the
Asa. Is. is found only in the Ethiopic Version, and
even this needs to be corrected and at times supple-
mented by other authorities. Of this Version
there are three MSS, one at the Bodleian, and two
inferior ones in the British Museum.
(6) Therearetwo Z«<t» Versions. — (i. ) The fuller
of the two was printed at Venice in 1522 from a
MS now unknown, and reprinted by Gieseler in
1832. — (ii.) The other version occurs in two frag-
ments discovered by ]Mai in 1828 in the Codex
Rcscriptus of the Acts of Chalcedon, Vat. 5750, of
the 5tli or 6th century.
(c) The Greek Versions are likewise twofold : (i.)
a lost Greek text on which the Greek Legend Mas
based ; (ii. ) the Greek text from which the Slav-
onic and the fuller Latin Versions were deriveil.
Of this text 2^—4^ have been recovered in the
Amherst Papyri bj' Grenfell and Hunt.
The Greek Legend was found by O. von Gebhardt
in a Greek MS of the 12th cent. (no. 1534, Biblio-
theque Nationale, Paris). This work is really a
lection for Church use, and so takes liberties in
the way of rearranging and abbreviating the text.
The Martyrdom is brought to the end, and other
details are added. It is, however, very valuable
for correcting and restoring the text.
(d) The Slavonic Version is extant in a MS in
the Library of the Uspenschen Cathedral in
Moscow. It belongs to c. A.D. 1200.
In all these authorities two recensions may be
traced. The Greek Papyri, the Ethiopic, the
Slavonic, and the fuller Latin Version follow the
second recension of the Greek ; the Greek Legend
and the Latin fragments support the first Greek
recension. Charles in his edition of the Asc. Is.
(1900) has produced a critical text founded on all
these autliorities. To this work the present writer
would express his deep indebtedness.
Literature. — I. Critical Inquiries. — R. Laurence, Ascen-
sio Isaice Vatix, Oxford, 1819, pp. 141-180 ; K. I. Nitzsch, SK,
1830, pp. 209-246 ; G. C. F. Liicke, Einleit. in die Offenbaruvc
desJnhannes^, Bonn, 1852, pp. 274-302; A. Dillmann, .4 seen."
102
ASCETICISM
ASIAECH
IsauE, Leipzig, 1877, pp. v-xviii ; G. T. Stokes, art. ' Isaiah,
Ascension of,' in DCB ui. [1S82] 29S-301 ; W. J. Deane,
Pseudepigrapha, Edinburgh, 1891, pp. 236-275 ; A. Harnack,
Gesch. der altehristl. Litteratur, Leipzig, 1893fE., i. 854-SoG, ii.
573-579, 714; C. Clemen, ' Die Himnielfahrt des Jesaja,' Zirr,
1896, pp. 388-415, also 1897, pp. 455-465; J. A. Robinson, art.
'Isaiah, Ascension of,' in fr/)B,ii. 499-501 ; G. Beer,in Kautzsch's
Apok. und Pseudepig., Tiibingen, 1900, ii. 119-123; R. H.
Charles, Ascension of Isaiah, translated from the Ethiopic
Version, which, together icilh the New Greek Fragment, the Latin
Versions, and the Latin Translation of the Slavonic, is here pub-
lished in full, London, 1900, also Apocrypha and Pseudepi-
grapha, Oxford, 1913, ii. 155-158 ; E. Littmann, JE vi. [1904]
642 f.
IL EDITIONS. — (a) Ethiopic Version. — R. Laurence, A.
Dillmann, and R. H. Charles, opp. cit. supra. (6) Latin
Versions. — (i.) J. K. L. Gieseler, in a Gottingen programme,
1832; (ii.) A. Mai, Scriptorum veterum nova collectio, Rome,
1825-38, iii. 238 f. ; both are given in the editions of Dillmann
and Charles as above, (c) Greek Versions. — (i.) The Greek
Legend — a free recension : O. v. Gebhardt, in Hilgenfeld's
Z»'T, 1878, p. 330 ff.; R. H. Charles, Asc. of Isaiah, pp.
xviii-xxxiii, 141-148 ; (ii.) Papyrus fragment : Grenfell and
Hunt, Ascension of Isaiah, London, 1901 ; R. H. Charles,
.4sc. o//«aia/i, pp. xxviii-xxxi, 84-95. (.d) Slavonic Version.—
R. H. Charles, Asc. of Isaiah, pp. xxiv-xxvii, 98-139.
A. Ll. Davies.
ASCETICISM.— See Abs-hnence.
ASHER.— See Tribes.
ASHES.— See Heifer and Mourning.
ASIA {'Affla). — Asia had a great variety of mean-
ings in ancient writers. It might denote (1) the
western coast-land of Asia Minor ; (2) the kingdom
of Troy (poetical) ; (3) the kingdom of the early
Seleucids, i.e. Asia Minor and Syria (frequent in 1
and 2 Mac.) ; (4) the kingdom of Pergamum (Livy) ;
(5) the Koman province Asia ; (6) the Asiatic conti-
nent (Pliny). In Strabo's time — the beginning of
the 1st cent. A.D. — the province was ij Idlojs Ka\ov/jL4vT)
'Aa-la [Geog. p. 118), and in the NT (where the
name is found 22 times — 15 times in Acts, 4 times
in the Pauline Epistles, once in 1 Peter, twice in
Rev.) Asia almost invariably denotes proconsular
Asia. St. Paul the Roman citizen naturally as-
sumed the Imperial standpoint, and made use of
Roman political designations, while the Hellenic
Luke, though he frequently employed geograph-
ical terms in their popular non-Roman sense, was
probably to some extent influenced by St. Paul's
practice of using the technical phraseology of the
Empire.
The province of Asia was founded after the death
of Attains III. of Pergamum (133 B.C.), who be-
queathed his kingdom by will to the Roman Re-
public. The province was much smaller than the
kingdom had been, until, on the death of Mithri-
dates (120 B.C.), Phrygia Major was added to it.
Cicero indicates its extent in the words : * Namque,
ut opinor, Asia vestra constat ex Phrygia, Caria,
Mysia, Lydia' {Flac. 27); but the Troad and the
islands of Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Patmos, and Cos
should be added. Pergamum, so long a royal city,
naturally became the capital of the province,- and
officially retained this position till the beginning
of the 2nd cent. A.D. ; but long before that time
Ephesus (g.v.) was recognized as the real adminis-
trative centre. When the provinces were arranged
by Augustus in 27 B.C., Asia was given to the
Senate ; it was therefore governed by procoUvSuls
{ivduTraroi, Ac 19^**). Its beauty, wealth, and culture
made it the most desirable of all provinces.
The only passage in which St. Luke certainly
uses 'Asia' in the popular Greek sense is Ac 2'',
where he names Asia and Phrygia together as
distinct countries, whereas in Roman provincial
language the greater part of Phrygia belonged to
Asia. In such an expression as ' the places on the
coast of Asia' (Ac 27^) the sense is doubtful ; but
it is probable that, where the historian refers to
Jews of Asia (Ac 6» 21^^ 24'8), to ' all the dwellers
in Asia '(19"*; cf. 19^'-), and to St. Paul's .sojourn
in Asia (19^^ 20'^* '^), he has the province in view,
St, Paul almost certainly uses the word in its
Roman sense when he speaks of ' the firstfruits of
Asia ' (Ro 16^ RV), the churches of Asia (1 Co W^),
afflictions in Asia (2 Co P), apostates in Asia (2 Ti
Though the Roman meaning of Asia is generally
assumed by adherents of the S. Galatian theory, it is
not incompatible with the other view. Thus Light-
foot, an advocate of the N, Galatian theory, holds
that, while St. Luke usually gives geographical
terms their popular significance, ' the case of Asia
is an exception. The foundation of this province
dating very far back, its official name had to a
great extent superseded the local designations of
the districts which it comprised. Hence Asia in
the NT is always Proconsular Asia' {Gal.^, 1876,
p. 19, n. 6). Only those who find ' the Phrygian
and Galatic region ' (Ac 16*) in the north of Pisidian
Antioch are obliged (like Conybeare-Howson, i, 324)
to assume that Asia ' is simply viewed as the west-
ern portion of Asia Minor,' for the Paroreios be-
longed to proconsular Asia, in which preaching
was expressly forbidden (Ac 16*). See Phrygia
and Galatia,
1 P 1^ is a clear instance of the use of geograph-
ical terms in the Roman administrative sense.
The four provinces named — Bitliynia and Pontus,
though here separated, being really one — sum up
the whole of Asia Minor north of Taurus, The
Seven Churches of Revelation were all in pro-
consular Asia (Rev P*"), and it is possible that
the so-called ' Epistle to the Ephesians ' was an
encycla to a group of churches in that province.
For the ' Asiarchs ' (RVm) of Ac 19^^ see following
article,
LrrERATURB.— F. J. A, Hort, The First Epistle of St. Peter,
London, 1898, p. 157 f. ; A. C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age, Edin-
burgh, 1897, p. 273 f . ; W. M. Ramsay, Church in Roman
Empire, London, 1893, and St. Paul the Traveller and the
Roman Citizen, do. 1895, passim. JaMES STRAHAN,
ASIARCH.— In Ac 19^1 RVm reads 'Asiarchs'
for RV ' chief officers of Asia ' and AV ' chief of
Asia.' The word is a transliteration of the Gr.
'Acndpxv^, derived from 'Acrla, ' province of Asia,'
and fipxf'j * to rule,' and belongs to a class of
names, of which BLOwidpxv^t TaXarApxris, Kair-iradoK-
dpxv^t AvKtdpxv^, UovTapxvSt ^vpi.dpxv^ are other
examples. The titles are peculiar to Eastern,
Greek-speaking, Roman provinces. As the real
rulers of these provinces were the Roman Emperor
and the Roman Senate, with their elected repre-
sentatives, it is clear that such titles must have
been honorary and complimentary. With regard
to the duties and privileges attached to the dig-
nities thus indicated there has been much discus-
sion. The titles occur rarely in literature, much
more often in inscriptions ; and the lessons we
learn from inscriptions are in direct proportion to
their number. Several scholars of repute have
held the view that the term 'Aaidpxv^ is equivalent
to dpxtepeus 'Acrias ('high priest of Asia'), the pre-
sident of the Diet of Asia {koivov ttjs 'Aalas, com-
mune Asice). This Diet of Asia was a body
composed of a number of representatives, one or
more of whom were elected by each of a number
of cities in the province. The principal duty of tlie
president of this body was to supervise tlie worsliip
of Rome and the Emperor throughout the province
(see under art. Emperor- Worship). Certain
considerations, however, militate against the view
that the terms ' Asiarch ' and ' high priest of Asia'
are interchangeable. The word 'Affidpxv^ is never
feminine, whereas the title ' high priestess of Asia '
is often api)lied to the wife of the high priest.
There was only one dpxi-epei/s'Aalas (without further
designation) at a time, whereas there were a
ASP
ASSASSIXS
103
number of Asiarchs. Another (civil) office could
be held concurrently with the Asiarchate, but not
with the chief priesthood of Asia. Further, the
title ' Asiarch ' was held only during a man's
period of office (probably one year*), but he was
eligible for re-election. The origin of the view
that ' Asiarch ' and ' high priest of Asia ' are two
convertible terms is to be found in the Martyrdom
of Poly carp (A.D. 155), where two separate persons
named Philippos have been confused : (1) Philip of
Smyrna, Asiarch, who superintended the games ;
(2) Philip of Tralles, who was high priest of Asia
(the latter had been an Asiarch a year or two be-
fore). It is clear, therefore, that the honorary
position of Asiarch was inferior to the office of
high priest of Asia. Yet there was a connexion
between the two. The high priest presided over
the games, etc. , but the Asiarchs did the work and
probably paid the cost. Their election by their
fellow-citizens to this honorary position was re-
warded by games and gladiatorial shows. Both
the Asiarchs and the high priest disappear after
the early part of the 4th cent., for the obvious
reason that, as the Empire was henceforth offici-
ally Christian, the machinery for Emperor-worship
had become obsolete.
When we come to study the connexion of the
Asiarchs with the Acts narrative, we are puzzled.
It seems at first sight so strange that men elected
to foster the worship of Kome and the Emperor
should be found favouring the ambassador of the
Messiah, the Emperor's rival for the lordship of
the Empire. This is only one, however, of a
number of indications that the Empire was at first
disposed to look with a kindly eye on the new
religion. Christianity, with its outward respect
for civil authority, seemed at first the strongest
supporter of law and order. Artemis-worship,
moreover, bulked so largely in Ephesus as perhaps
to dwarf the Imperial worship. Thus St. Paul,
whose preaching so threatened the authority of
Artemis, may have appeared in a favourable light
to the representatives of Caesar-worship, as likely
to create more enthusiasm in that direction.
See also artt. Diana and Ephesus.
Literature. — C. G. Brandis, g.w. ' Asiarches,' ' Bithyni-
arches,' ' Galatarches,' in Pauly-Wissowa, Stuttgart, lb94fF. ;
J. B. Lightfoot, Appendix, 'The Asiarchate' in his Apostolic
Fathers, pt. ii. vol. iii., Loudon, 1SS9, p. 404 ff. ; W. M. Ram-
say in Classical Reoiew, iii. [1SS9] 174, and St. Paxil' the
Traveller and the Roman Citizen, London, 1895, p. 280 f.
A. SOUTER.
ASP {aa-TrU). — The Greek word occurs in the
classical writings of Herodotus (iv. 191) and
Aristotle {de Anim. Hist. iv. 7. 14), and generally
represents the Heb. ]r\z [pf.then) in the LXX (pethen
is translated ' asp ' in Dt '62^^, Job 2.0^*- ^^ and Is IP,
but ' adder' in Ps 58^ 91'^). In the NT the ' asp'
is mentioned only once (Ro 3^^: 'The poison of
asps [lbs dcTTrtSwv] is under their lips'). Here it is
introduced in a quotation from Ps 140^ (139*), where
the Heb. word used is a^ty^t' (a a7ra| \ey. and prob-
ably corrupt, perhaps read ir'^rj;, 'spider'), but
the LXX word is aairh, as in Romans. The
general meaning of the passage is obvious (cf.
Ja 3^ : ' The tongue can no man tame — a restless
evil — full of deadly poison'), and the position of
the poison-bag of the serpent is correctly described.
Tlie serpent referred to is without doubt the
Naja haje, or small hooded Egyptian cobra,
which, though not found in the cultivated parts
of Palestine, is well known in the downs and
plains S. of Beersheba (cf. Tristram, Natural
History of the Bible, p. 270), and frequents old
walls and holes in the rocks (cf. Is IP : 'And the
sucking-child shall play on the hole of the asp').
It does not belong to the viper tribe ( Viperidce)
but to the Colubridce, which includes the ordinary
• But see Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, pt. ii. vol. iii. p. 412 £E.
British grass-snake. The chief peculiarities of
cobras are : (a) a clearly defined neck, which they
can dilate at ■noil, and (b) the equality in size of
the scales on the back with those on the other
parts of the body. There are about ten diflerent
species, of which the Naja haje, or Egyptian asp,
and the ±iaja tripudians, or Indian cobra, are the
best known. The latter is the species upon which
Indian snake-charmers usually practise their skiU,
while the Naja haje is used for this purpose in
Egypt.
See also Serpent, Viper.
LrrERATtiRE. — H. B. Tristram, Natural History of the
Bibleio, London, 1911, p. 270 f. ; SWP vii. 146: R. Lydekker
in The Concise Knowledge Natural History, 1S97, p. 424 ; Bae-
deker's Palestine and Syria^, 1912, p. Ivi ; W. Aldis Wright,
The Bible Word-Book^, 1S84, p. .oO, for the use of the word ;
cf. also Sanday-Headlam, Romans^, 1902, p. 79 ; Driver,
Deuteronomy'^, 189(3, p. 372 ; HDB, vol. iv. p. 459 ; EBi, voL iv.
col. 4394 ; Murray's £>B, p. 67; SUB, p. 837.
P. S. P. Handcock.
ASSASSINS (or, more properly, Sicarii [cf. Ac
21^], 'dagger-men'). — The name given, according
to Josephus, to a body of radicals in the Jewish
Messianic agitation which culminated in the out-
break of A.D. 66. The name was derived from the
short daggers worn by the members of the body
{sica, a short, curved, possibly Persian sword),
which they kept concealed in their clothing and
used to stab people among the crowds. The Sicarii
seem to have appeared first during the procurator-
ship of Felix, although Josephus in BJ VII. viii. 1
might be interpreted as ascribing their origin to
a somewhat earlier period. He has a number of
references to these men, whom he describes as
follows {BJ n. xiii. 3) :
' There sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem who
were called Sicarii, who slew men in the daytime in the midst
of the city, especially at the festivals, when they mixed with
the multitude, and concealed little daggers under their gar-
ments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies ;
and when any fell down dead, the murderers joined the by-
standers in expressing their indignation, so that from their
plausibility they could by no means be discovered. The first
man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after
whom many were slain every day, and the fear men were in ot
being so treated was more harassing than the calamity itself,
everybody expecting death every hour, as men do in war. So
men kept a look-out for their enemies at a great distance, and
even if their friends were commg, they durst not trust them
any longer, but were slain in the midst of their suspicions and
precautions. Such was the celerity of the plotters, and so
cunning was their contrivance against detection.' See also BJ
vn. X. 1.
It is difficult to say whether these Sicarii at
first constituted an organized body, although such
a view would seem to be implied by Josephus {BJ
VII. viii. 1). They joined the Zealots {ib. II. xvii.
7), and inaugurated the reign of terror which filled
Jerusalem after the outbreak of the Revolution.
Subsequently they seized the great fortress of
Masada {ib. rv. vii. 2), and there maintained them-
selves by plundering the neighbouring country,
until they were besieged by the Romans under
Flavins Silca. Their commander was one Eleazar
{ib. VII. viii. 1), whom Josephus describes as an
able man and a descendant of that Judas who had
led the revolt against the census under Quirinius.
After a considerable siege the Romans were on
the point of taking the fortress when the Sicarii
massacred themselves, one old woman alone
escaping.
In Ac 21=^ they have 'the Eg3rptian' as a leader.
Josephus mentions this Egyptian as having ap-
peared during the procuratorship of Felix, but
does not connect the Sicarii with him {Ant. XX.
viii. 6 ; BJ II. xiii. 5). The Sicarii seem to have
dispersed after the Roman war and to have dis-
appeared from history, the references to Sicarii
in the IMishna {Bikkur. i. 2, ii. 3 ; Gittin v.
6 ; Machsh. i. 6) probably being to robbers ii:
treneral.
104
ASSEMBLY
ASSOS
LiTERATURB. — See E. Schiirer, GJV^i. [Leipzig, 1901] p. 674,
n. 31 (UJP I. ii. 178), where further references will be found.
Shailer Mathews.
ASSEMBLY.— In the Acts and EpLstles (AV
and liV) the English word 'assembly' occurs as
follow.s, but in each instance a different Greek
noun is translated by it.
1. In Ac 1932.39.41 'assembly' {^KKXrjaia) stands
for the tumultuary mob gathered by Demetrius
and his fellow-gildsmen in Ephesus to protest
against the teaching of St. Paul, which was
destroying the business of the shrine-makers.
Though eKK\r]<Tla strictly denotes an assembly of
the citizens summoned by the crier (KTjpv^), this
was a mere mob, with all a mob's unreasonable-
ness : ' Some cried one thing, and some another,
for the assembly was confused, and the more part
knew not wherefore they were come together.'
So runs St. Luke's ' logical, complete, and photo-
graphic ' narrative. (For a similar description of
a Roman gathering, cf. Virgil, yE7i. i. 149 : ' Saevit-
que animis ignobile vulgus.') In Ephesus the man
revered for his piety and worth was the Secretary
of the City (ypajifiorevs [see ToWN Clerk]), who
calls the gathering a riot (o-rdcrts), and a concourse
{ffv(rTpo<p7]). If Demetrius and his gildsmen had
just ground of complaint, they should have carried
their case before the proper court, over wliich the
proconsul presided, for the present gathering was
outside the law, and had ' no power to transact
business.' He, therefore, referred them to the
lawful (AV) or regular (RV) assembly (^ ^wo/xos
^KK\ri<Tia), which is ' the people duly assembled in
the exercise of its powers ' (Ramsay). The Re-
visers' change of ' lawful ' into ' regular ' is perhaps
hypercritical ; for in practice, under the Roman
rule, the distinction is not appreciable.
2. Ac 23^ : ' The assembly [RV ; AV the multi-
tude] was divided ' (iaxladrj to ir\rjdo$). The refer-
ence is to the council (ttcij' t6 aw^dpiof, 22^")
summoned by Lysias the tribune of the Roman
garrison in the tower of Antonia, consequent upon
the tumult in the Temple, and St. Paul's arrest.
We are not to understand a regular sitting of the
Sanhedrin, but an informal meeting for what is
known in Scots Law as a precognition ( ' a meeting
of the councillors, aiding the Tribune to ascertain
the facts ' [Ramsaj']). As Lysias called the meet-
ing, he probably presided and conducted the busi-
ness. This would account for St. Paul's ignorance
of the fact that Ananias was the high priest, and
explains his apology. As to the charge made
against him, the Apostle conducted his defence
in a way that won for himself the sympathy of
the Pharisees. It is a needless rehnement to find
here difficulties of an ethical kind. ' Luke saw
nothing wrong or unworthy in this, and he was
best able to judge. Paul was Avinning over the
Pharisees not merely to himself but to the
Christian cause. Paul states the same view more
fully in 26""^ where there is no question of a clever
tricK, for there were no Pharisees among his
judges' (Ramsay, Pictures of the Apostolic Church,
1910, p. 283). The result of this defence was that
t6 awibpiov became rb irXrjdos.
3. Ja 2-: 'If there come into your assembly'
(AV and RVm ; RV and AVm 'synagogue': eh
Ti)v (Tvvayuiyrjv). — James, writing 'to the twelve
tribes scattered abroad,' uses the old familiar
word 'synagogue,' which had become hallowed in
the ears of the Dispersion by associations of
worshi]) and fellowsliip. This usage is a delicate
indication (unintentional on the writer's part, of
course) that tlie Ciiristian meeting had its ties not
with the Temjile, but with the synagogues which
for ages hail nourished the f.aith of Israel.
4. He 12--' : ' Ye are come ... to innumerable
hosts of angels, to the general assembly and church
of the firstborn who are enrolled in heaven ' (RV ;
fivpidaiv ayyiXoiv, TravtjyvpeL Kai iKKXriaiq. irpwTOTOKwv
OLTToyeypaixfilvuv iv ovpafoh). In classical usage
TrafTiyvpLs is the festal assembly of the whole nation,
gathered for some solemnity, such as the Olympic
Games. But the word occurs only here in the
NT, though it is found in LXX Ezk 46^^, Hos
2^1 9^, Am 5^^ The passage has given rise to
considerable variety of interpretation, indication
of which may be seen in RV text and margin.
The difficulty is to determine how many classes are
referred to.
(a) A. B. Davidson ('Hebrews,' Bible Class
Handbooks, in loco) holds that the only subject
is angels, and translates : ' to myriads of angels, —
even a festal assembly and convocation of first-
borns enrolled in heaven.' In this interpretation
he is followed by A. S. Peake [Century Bible,
' Hebrews').
(b) On the other hand, Westcott (Hebreivs) con-
tends for two classes — angels and men ; and
renders the passage : ' to countless hosts of angels
in festal assembly, and to the Church of the first-
born enrolled in heaven.' So also Farrar {Cambridge
Bible for Schools) and Edwards (Expositor's Bible).
Against this latter interpretation, it may be
pointed out that men are mentioned separately —
'and to the spirits of just men made perfect' —
and it is improbable that the groups occur twice.
' Tens of thousands ' is an almost technical term
for angels ; and, though ' firstborn ' is not elscMiiere
applied to them, it is a quite natural name for the
sons of God. Besides, if living Christians are
referred to, as this interpretation seems to imply,
it is awkward ' to speak of their coming to a
company which includes themselves ' (A. S. Peake).
On the whole it appears better to abide by the first
interpretation. It is the picture of noble souls
returning home to God, and welcomed with the
'joy that is in the presence of the angels of God.'
Students of Dante will compare the corresponding
passage in the Convivio : ' And, as his fellow-
citizens come forth to meet him who returns from
a long journey, even before he enters the gate of
his city ; so to the noble soul come forth the
citizens of the eternal life.' Bernard's great hymn
(Neale's translation) 'Jerusalem the Golden' may
also be cited as instinct with the spirit of He 12^.
W. M. Grant.
ASSOS ("Ao-cros). — An ancient Greek city on the
Adramyttian Gulf, in the south of the Troad.
Originally an yEolic colony, it was re-founded,
under the name of Apol Ionia, by the Pergamenian
kings, whose dominions were converted into the
Roman province of Asia in 133 B.C. Its situation
was one of the most commanding in all the Greek
lands. 'It is a strong place,' says Strabo, ' and
well fortified w'ith walls. There is a long and
steep ascent from the sea and the harbour. . . .
Cleanthes, the Stoic philosoi)her, was a native of
this place. . . . Here also Aristotle resided for
some time' (XIII. i. 58). The walls are still Avell-
preserved, and the harbour mole can be traced by
large blocks under the clear water. The summit
of the hill was crowned by the Doric temple of
Athene (built c. 470 B.C.), the panels of which —
now mostly in the Louvre — are among the most
iiiiportant remains of ancdent Greek art. The
iiio'lern town, Behram Kalessi, is still the chief
sli'pping-place of the southern Troad.
On a Sunday afternoon, probably in the spring
of A.D. 56, St. Paul, having torn himself away
from the Christians of Troas, walked or rode the
20 miles of Roman highway which connected that
city with Assos, first ])assing along the western
side of Mt. Ida, then through the rich Valley of
the Tuzla, and finally reaching the Via Sacra, or
Street of Tombs, which still extends a great dis-
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
105
tance to the N.W. of Assos. lii the haven he
joined his sliip, which had meanwhile taken his
com j)an ions round tlie long promontory of Lectum
(Ac 20i=*'- ).
LiTERATiRE. — J. T. Clarke, Assos, 2 vols., Boston, 1882 and
ls9S ; C. Fellows, Trare/s and Researches in Asia Minw,
London, ls52 ; Murray's Handbook of Asia Minor.
James Strahan.
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES.— A curious state of
affairs exists with regard to the so-called ' Assump-
tion of Moses.' The title is incorrectly applied to
what is really the ' Testament of Moses,' a work
which is extant in a more or less complete form in
a Latin fragment discovered hy Ceriani in a 6th
cent. ISIS in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, and
published by him in 1861. The true ' Assumption '
survives only in quotations and references in the
NT and early Christian writers ; but from certain
facts it appears that it was at a very early date
appended to the ' Testament.' For example, in
Ceriani's Latin MS in 10'" we have the reading
'From my death [assumption] until His advent.'
Here the duplicate reading ' assumption ' would
appear to be an attempt to prepare for the account
of the Assumption appended to the Testament.
Moreover, as early as St. Jude's Epistle, we Hnd
quotations from both works in close juxtaposition.
Under these circumstances, the present article in-
cludes an account of botli works.
Both works alike must have been written in the
1st cent. A.D., and the former, if not the latter, in
Hebrew, between the years 7 and 29. A Greek ver-
sion of both, of the same century, is presupposed by
the quotations and parallels in Ac T^**, Jude ^- '^- '*,
2 Barucli, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen.
Tlie author was a Pharisaic Quietist. His silence
with regard to the Maccab.'ean rising and its leaders
is most significant. There could be no severer
censure on the political and bellicose Pharisees of
liis time. For him Eleazar and his seven sons had
been the true heroes, and not Judas and his brethren.
He expects the ultimate triumph of Israel, Vmt this
is to be brouglit about by Divine intervention and
not by the sword, and tiie human conditions pre-
requisite are a stricter observance of the Law and
a national lepentance.
The work is of great value in the stress it lays on
sj)iritual religion and quietism. In this and in its
singular freedom from the Jewish doctrine of merit
it affords a parallel to NT teaching. On the other
hand, it is thoroughly Judaic in its exaltation of
the person of Moses, wiiich seems to be set up as a
Jewish counterpart to that of our Lord, while the
ore-existence of Moses and Jerusalem is expressly
asserted in I'^- '".
1. Contents (historical and other allusions are
explained in brackets). — i. In the 2500th year from
the Creation, after the Exodus, ^Nloses calls Joshua
and appoints him his successor as minister of the
people and of the tabernacle of the testimony, at
the same time committing to his charge certain
books which were to be preserved in the place which
God had made from the beginning of the world
(Jerusalem). — ii. After Josliua has secured to Israel
their inheritance, the people are to be ruled for
eighteen years (i.e. the fifteen judges, and the three
kings, Saul, David, and Solomon) by chiefs and
kings, and for nineteen years (the nineteen kings
of Israel) the ten tribes shall break away. The t^\ o
tribes maintain t he Tern pi eworsliip for twenty years
(reigns), of which, however, four are evil ami idola-
trous. — iii. Then a king from tlie East (Nebuchad-
rezzar) shall come and burn their ' colonj' ' (Jeru-
salem ) and the Temple and remove the sacred vessels.
The two tribes are carried into captivity, and con-
fess their punishment to be just, as also do the ten
tribes. — iv. At the end of the 77 years' captivity,
one who is over them (Daniel) will pray for them.
A king (Cyrus) has compassion on them, and parts
of the two tribes return, while the ten increase
among the Gentiles in their captivity. — v. Even
the faithful two tribes sin, and are punished through
the kings who share in their guilt (the Seleucids).
They are divided as to the truth, and pollute the
altar with their non-Aaronic priests, ' not priests
but slaves, sons of slaves' (Jason and Menelaus). —
viii. A ' second visitation ' follows. The king of
the kings of the earth (Antiochus Epiplianes)
cruellies those who confess to circumcision, and
compels them to blaspheme the law and bear idols,
and persecutes them with tortures. — ix. Thereupon
a man of the 'iribe of Levi, named Taxo ( = Eleazar),
exhorts his seven sons to fast for three days and on
the fourth to go into a cave and die rather than
transgi'ess the commands of the Lord of lords. ^ — vi.
Next there are raised up kings bearing rule who
call themselves priests of the Most High God (the
Maccabees). They work iniquity in the Holy of
Holies. They are succeeded by an insolent king
not of the race of the priests (Herod), who will carry
out secret massacres and rule for 34 years. His
children are to reign for shorter periods. A power-
ful king of the West (Varus, governor of Syria) in-
vades the land, burns part of tlie Temple, and cruci-
fies some of the people. — vii. The times shall then
be ended. Destructive and impious men (Sadducees)
shall rule — treacherous, hypocritical, gluttons, op-
pressing the poor, and laAvless. Though unclean in
hand and mind, they say, ' Do not touch me, lest
thou shouldest pollute me.' — x. Then God's king-
dom shall appear, and Satan shall be no more, and
the angel who has l)een appointed chief (Michael)
shall avenge them of their enemies. The earth is
shaken, the sun and moon fail, and the sea and
the waters dry up. The Gentiles are punished, and
Israel is happy, and triumphs over the Eagle
(Rome), is raised to the stars, and beholds his enemies
in Gehenna and rejoicesover them. Until thisadvent
of God there shall be 250 times from Moses' death.
— xi. Joshua mourns that he is not able to take
Moses' place as guide and teacher, jirophet and
advocate. The Amorites will assail Israel when
Mo.ses is not among them. — xii. Moses replies by
placing Joshua in liis own seat, and assures him
that all is foreseen and controlled by God.
At the end of ch. vii. and again at the end of ch.
xii. the MS breaks oH' in the middle of a sentence.
Chapters viii. and ix. are read between v. and vi., as
Charles sugge.sts in his edition (pp. 2J--30). They
obviously refer to the Antiochian persecution, and
are quite out of place after ch. vii., which describes
the Sadducees who Avere contemporaries of the
author. Burkitt argues [HDB iii. 449) that 'the
Theophany in x. comes in well after the story of
the ideal saint Taxo in ix., but very badly after the
description of the wicked priests and rulers in vii.'
But ch. vii. is mutilated at tiie end, and we cannot
argue from the last reference which liappens to be
preserved in it. He suggests that the aiithor ' filled
up his picture of the final woes from the stories of
the Antiochian martj'rs.' But surelj- he would not
need to borrow his picture of the ideal saint of the
last times (and his name) fr(jm the same period.
2. Date. — The date of composition is clearly fixed
by the words in 6"^ ' and he (Herod) shall beget
children who .succeeding him shall rule for shorter
periods.' As this is a prediction which was falsified
by the event, for Antipas reigned forty-three years
and Philip thirty-seven (while Herod reigned thirty-
four), we must ])Ostulate a date earlier than thirty-
four years from Herod's death, i.e. A.D. 30. A date
nearer to the deposition of Archeiaus in A.D. 6,
which would suggest the impending deposition of
his brothers, would be still more suitable.
3. Author. — The author is generally supposed to
have been a Zealot (so Ewald, Wieseler, Dillmann,
106
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
Schiirer, Deane, and Briggs). But, while well aware
of the Maccabaean movement, he shows his aversion
to Maccabajan methods by his silence in regard to
the exploits of Judas and his brethren. His hero,
Taxo, instead of taking up arms, withdraws into a
cave to die, with the words ' Let us die rather than
transgress.' It is not militancy but God's direct
and personal intervention that will bring in the
kingdom.
The same arguments prove that he was no Sad-
ducee. His was no earthly ideal, but that of a
heavenly tlieocratic kingdom ( 10^'- )• A Resurrection
is not taught, it is true, but it is implied in the con-
summation of Israel's happiness in these verses.
The Sadducees are attacked, and in 7^' ® there is a
play on their name and their claim to be just (D'pn:i
and c'pns).
He was not an Essene. He is a strong patriot
and keenly interested in the fortunes of the nation.
The Law is of perpetual obligation and is itself
sufficient. The Temple is built by God Himself
(2^) in the place He prepared from the creation (1'*).
Its profanations are often mentioned (2** * 3- 5'- *
6"' '). The sacrificial system is regarded as valid
(2^), and its cessation is a cause of lamentation (4*^).
The altar is polluted only by injustice (5**). The
Essenes did not value the Temple sacrifices, and
objected to animal sacrifice altogether. The future
heavenly abode of the righteous, and the future
punishment of Israel's enemies in Gehenna, are dis-
tinctively Pharisaic ideas. The pre-existence of
Moses in V* is regarded as a unique distinction.
The Essenes believed in the pre-existence of all
souls alike.
We must conclude, therefore, that the author was
a ' Pharisee of a fast-disappearing type, recalling
in all respects the Chasid of the early Maccabean
times, and upholding the old traditions of quietude
and resignation' (Charles, 1897, p. liv).
i. The Latin text. — The Latin text presents a
difficult task to the critical reconstructor of the
original Hebrew text. To begin with, Ceriani's
MS is a palimpsest, in which whole verses are at
times indecipherable. In the next place, it is not
the original Latin translation but a copy, in which
the Latin itself has been corrected and corrupted.
Tiius in 5^ we have six lines of duplicate rendering,
and there are dittographies also in 6* 8^ IP^. In
11- the copyist has misread 'eum'as 'cum,' and
corrects ' Mouses' into 'Mouse' accordingly. The
version, however, is very literal, and, in spite
of corruptions and carelessness, its Greek source is
occasionally evident; and the original Hebrew
idiom is frequently preserved. Greek words like
clibsis ( = d\'i\pt.s, 3^) and heremus ( = €pTJ/j.os, 3^^), and
even a reading \ikejinem in 2'', which presupposes
6pov in Greek [corrupt for Sp/coc], suffice to prove
translation from the Greek ; while corrupt passages
like 4* 5* 10* 11'^ (see Charles' text) require re-trans-
lation into the original Hebrew in order to explain
the corruption. In 7^ we have a play on the name
Sadducees (o'pns)
' dicentes se esse justos (D'pns) '
which is possible only in Hebrew. An Aramaic
original postulated by Schmidt, Merx, and others
is not necessitated by tlie order in P" 3^ (see
Charles, 1897, pp. xxviii-xlv).
5. The original 'Assumption of Moses.' — The
subject-matter of the extant work (preserved
largely in Ceriani's Latin MS) proves it to be a
Testament of Moses, as it deals witii the dying pre-
dictions and ciiarges of Moses as related to Joshua,
quite in the manner of the Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs (q.v.). It nowhere describes his 'As-
sumption,' and only in an interpolation (10'^) re-
fers to it. The opening words have been thus re-
stored by Charles to fill the gap in the MS — ' Testa-
mentum Moysi | Quae praecepit aho vi|tae eius
Cmo et xxmo.' Throughout the work Moses is to
die an ordinary death (e.g. V^ 3^^ lO'^-i*). In a
Catena quoted in Fabricius (Cod. Pseud. Vet. Test.
ii. 121, 122), and again in Section xiii. of Vassiliev'a
Anecdota Grceco-Byzantina (pp. 257-258), we find
references to a natural death of Moses, which may
be derived from the original ending of the ' Testa-
ment.' In Vassiliev's work the words that follow
seem to be derived from the true ' Assumption,'
while Josephus (Ant. IV. viii. 48) seems to be a^vare
of the new claims put forth for Moses' Assumption,
while explaining the Scripture statement of his
death as a precaution against deification of the
national hero : vi(pov% ai<pvL5iov virip avrou aravros,
dcpavi^erai Kara, rivos (pdpayyos. Viypacpe 5' avrov iv
Tats iepals ^£/3/\ots redveOra, deLcras ht] 5l u7rep^o\7]i> rrjs
irepl ai^rdi' dpeTfjS irpbs t6 deiov avrov dvax(^prjo'ai
ToKfj-rjcrwaLV elneiv.
The fragments of the true ' Assumption of Moses '
preserved in various sources are as follows. — We
read in Jude ^: ' But Michael the archangel, when,
contending with the devil, he disputed about the
body of Moses, durst not bring against him a rail-
ing judgment, but said, " The Lord rebuke thee." '
Clem. Alex, quotes this verse in Adumhrat. in
Ep. Judce (Zahn's Supplement. Clement in., 1884,
p. 84), and adds : ' Hie conlirmat Assumptionem
Moysi.' Didymus Alex, in Epist. Judce Enarratio,
and the Acta Synodi Niccen. ii. 20 also refer to
St. Jude's words as a quotation from ' Moyseos
Assumptio' or 'AvdXrjxpis Mwuer^ws. The Devil's claim
which Michael thus rebutted was (1) that he was
lord of matter (oti i/j-bv t6 (xQ/ui ihs rrjs v\r]s Si<nv6^ovTt,
[Cramer's Catena in Ep. Cath., 1840, p. 160: also
Matthsei's edition oi Sept. Epp. Cathol., Riga, 1782,
pp. 238, 239]) ; (2) that Moses was a murderer.
The answer to the second claim is not given, but
the answer to the first is in fuller form than in
St. Jude, in Acta Synodi Niccen. ii. 20 : dirb ydp
irvev/xaros dyiov avrov TrdvTfs ^KrlffOij/xev, thus claiming
all creation as the handiwork of God's Holy Spirit.
Origen (de Princip. iii. 2. 1) adds a reproach uttered
by Michael to the serpent : ' a diabolo inspiratum
serpentem causam exstitisse praevaricationis Adae
et Evae.'
The Assumption finally ' takes place in the
presence of Joshua and Caleb, and in a very peculiar
way. A twofold presentation of Moses ajjpears :
one is Moses "living in the spirit," which is carried
up to heaven ; the other is the dead body of Moses,
which is buried in the recesses of the mountains '
(Charles, p. 106). So Clem. Alex., Strom, vi. 15;
Origen, horn, in Jos. ii. 1 ; Euodius, Eplst. ad.
Augustin. 258, vol. ii. p. 839 (Ben. ed. 1836). This
' twofold presentation ' would appear to be due to
an attempt to reconcile Dt 34^'* with the Jewish
legend. Cf. Josephus, quoted above.
6. Value for New Testament study. — i. Paral-
lels in phraseology. — These are confined to five
passages : (a) Stephen's speech in Ac 7^^, where the
words ' in Egypt and in the Red Sea and in the
wilderness forty years' are the same as in Ass.
Mos. 3". Cf. also Ac 7^- ^9 with Ass. Mos. 3^'^.—
(h) Jude^^: cf. Ass. Mos. V ' complainers ' ; 7' 'and
their mouth will speak great things ' ; 5" respect-
ing the persons of the wealthy.' Jude^* 'in the
last time'— Ass. Mos. 7^ 'the times shall be
ended.'— (c) With 2 P 2^^ cf. Ass. Mos. 1* 'lovers of
banquets at every hour of the day,' and with 2^
cf. 7*^ ' devourers of the goods . . . saying that
they do so on the ground of justice (or mercy).'
The signs of the end in sun, moon, and stars in
Ass. Mos. 10^ resemble those in Mk IS-*- '^'', while
the phrase in 8' ' there will come ujion them a
second visitation and wrath, such as has not be-
fallen them from the beginning until that time,'
is nearer Mt 24-^ than Dn 12' and Rev 16'".
There is also the well-known reference to the
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
ASSURAls^CE
107
lost 'Assumption ' in Jude ^ (generalized, in 2 P 2^'*'")
— ' Yet Michael the archangel,' etc.
ii. Parallels in doctrine and ideas. — {a) The
parallels with the NT doctrine of Christ are re-
markable. Moses appears to fill the place which
would be taken by Clirist in Christian belief, as a
Divinely appointed mediator, bound by no limita-
tions of time or space, interceding on behalf of
God's people. His pre-existence and mediatorship
are asserted in 1". He was ' prepared before the
foundation of the world (cf. Mt 25^'') to be the
mediator of His (God's) covenant' (cf. Gal 3^'').
Christ, too, was ' before all things ' (Col 1", Jn 1^ 8*^
17'), and was the Mediator of a new and better
covenant (He 8® 9^* 12'-^). Baldensperger sees in
IF a definite attack on Christian views. The
body of jNIoses would know no local sepulchre, nor
would any dare to move his ' body from thence as
a man from place to place.' This seems to imply
the Jewish view that not only was Christ buried,
and His body moved from the cross to the gi'ave,
but that His disciples had removed it from the
sepulchre (Mt28'^). In IP Joshua says: 'Thou
art departing, and who will feed this people [cf.
the commission to Peter in Jn 21''"^^], or who is
there who will have compassion on them, and . . .
be their guide by the way (cf. Mt 9^*^), or who
will pray for them, not omitting a single da}'?'
cf. 11'^ (Ro S^^ He 7^). But not only is Moses
regarded as shepherd, compassionate guide, and
intercessor; in 11'® he is described as 'the sacred
spirit who was worthy of the Lord (cf. Wis 3^ 7'--),
manifold and incomprehensible, the lord of the
word, who was faithful in all things (He 3*), God's
chief prophet throughout the earth, the most per-
fect teacher in the world.' Cf., in regard to Christ,
Jn 3^ 'Thou art a. teacher come from God,' 6®*
'Thou hast the words of eternal life.' For the
'manifold Spirit,' cf. 1 Co 12i'-i3, and for Christ
as Spirit, 2 Co 3'^ ' the Lord is that Spirit.' In
12® Moses is 'appointed to pray for their (Israel's)
sins and make intercession for them ' (cf. He 7-^).
Moses also was the appointed revealer of God's
hidden purpose (1"*-^^). God had 'created the
world on behalf of his people ' (a common Jewish
view ; contrast He P, Col P®, Ro IP®, Jn P— where
Christ is the final cause of creation). 'But he
was not pleased to manifest this purpose of crea-
tion from the foundation of the world in order
that the Gentiles might thereby be convicted' (by
their own false theories). Cf. Ro 16-'- ^® ' . . . the
preaching of Jesus Christ . . . the revelation of the
mystery which hath been kept in silence through
times eternal, but now is manifested . . . unto all
the nations unto obedience of faith.' In Eph P- ^°
the mystery of God's will, ' according to his good
pleasure, which he purposed in him,' is not Israel
but Christ as the goal of all creation. In Eph
S'*"" it includes the bringing in of the Gentiles into
the scheme of final restoration. In 1 Co 2"^, Eph
3^ Ro 16-' the purpose precedes the creation of
the world.
(b) Justification and good works. — The Rabbinic
doctrine of man's merit is entirely absent. Cf. 12''
' Not for any virtue or strength of mine, but in His
compassion and long-suttering, was He pleased to
call me.' Cf. Tit 3', 2 Ti P.
(c) Dai/ of rejyentance. — Jerusalem is to be the
place of worship till ' the day of repentance in the
visitation wherewith the Lord shall visit them in
the consummation of the end of the days' (1'^).
This repentance in Mai 4* and Lk 1^* " is to be
brought about by Elijah. It is the theme of John
the Baptist (Mk P) and of Christ (1"). It is to
usher in the 'visitation,' or the establishment of
the theocratic Kingdom by God Himself in person.
(d) Michael is regarded as the chief antagonist
of Satan and ot Israel's foes. In 10^ he is ap-
pointed chief, and ' will forthwith avenge them of
their enemies.' Cf. Rev 12^.
(e) Gehenna is still the place, not where the
wicked and immoral sutler, but into which Israel's
foes, the Gentiles, are cast. The dividing line be-
tween the future blessed and accursed is a national
and not a moral one.
(/) Messianic Kingdom. — There is no Messiah.
In 10' we are told ' the Eternal God alone . . .
will . . . punish the Gentiles.' The Kingdom will
come upon a general repentance (1'") 1750 years
(10^^) after Moses' death, i.e. between A.D. 75 and
107. The ten tribes share in the promises (3^) and
in the final restoration (10^) Israel is finally ex-
alted to heaven (lO'*^-) and beholds its foes in Ge-
henna (10'").
Literature. — (a) Chtkf BDmoNS of the Lath? text. —
A. Ceriani, Monumenta sacra et prof ana, i. i. [1861] 55-64 ; A.
Hilgenfeld, ST extra Canonem receptum-, 1S76, pp. 107-135 ;
G. Volkmar, Mose Prophetie und Uimmelfahrt, Leipzig, 1S67 ;
Schmidt-Merx, ' Die Assuniptio Mosis . . .' {Archie f. wissen.
Erjorsch. des AT, ed. Merx, 1868, I. ii. 111-152); O. F.
Fritzsche, Libri Apocryphi V.T., 1871, pp. 700-730 ; R. H.
Charles, The Assumption of Hoses . . . the unemended Text
. . . together ivith the Text in its . . . critically emended Form,
London, 1897 ; C. Clemen, The Assumption of Moses, Cam-
bridge, 1904. (6) Chief critical lnquiries. — Ronsch, ZWT,
xi. [181)8] 76-108, 4(i6-4C8, xii. [1869] 213-228, xiv. [1871] 89-92,
xvii. [1874] 542-562, xxviii. [18S5] 102-104 ; F. Rosenthal, Vier
apoc. Biicher, 1SS5, pp. 13-38; E. Schiirer, HJP il. iii. 73-83;
W. Baldensperger, Das ^elbstbewusstsein Jesu, 1888, pp.
25-31 ; W. J. Deane, Pseudepigrapha, 1S91, pp. 95-130 ; E. de
Faye, Les Apocalypses juives, 1892, pp. 67-75 ; R. H. Charles,
op. cit. xiii-lxv; C. Clemen, in Kautzsch's Apok. und Pseud.,
ii. [1900] 311-331 ; F. C. Burkitt, in HDB iii. 448-450 ; R. H.
Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, Oxford, 1913, ii.
407-424. A. LI. DaVIES.
ASSURANCE.— 1. The word and its Greek
equivalents. — 'Assurance' (with the kindred forms
' assure,' ' assured of,' ' assuredly') is em})loyed in the
EV to render several Gr. words expressing certi-
tude, or setting forth grounds of certainty. — (1) In
Ac 17^^ it is used to render TricrTts, 'faith,' which
has the meaning here of 'pledge' or 'guarantee,'
the Resurrection of Christ being taken by St. Paul,
in addressing the Stoics and Epicureans of Athens
on Mars' Hill, as Avarrantiiig the faith, or impart-
ing certainty to the conviction, of judgment to
come. — (2) It is used in He IP (RV) to translate
VTrbaraffis, ' substance,' ' confidence,' where iriaris
itself is defined as ' the assurance of things hoped
for, the proving (fKeyxos) of things not seen.' — (3)
In 1 Jn 3^^ we find the verb employed to translate
ireljofxev from Treideiv : ' Hereby shall we know that
we are of the truth and shall assure our heart
before him,' where ireiaojULev, translated ' shall
assure,' signifies the stilling and tranquillizing of
the heart that has been agitated by doubts, mis-
givings, or fears, (■n-eicrop.ev is only once again
employed in the NT in this sense : in Alt 28i'*, where
it is rendered ' persuade,' and where Tindale's
quaint translation is 'pease' [appease], the object
of the persuasion being the Roman governor at
Jerusalem.) — (4) In 2 Ti 3^^ the passive form of
the verb is found as the rendering of eiria-TwdTjs,
' thou hast been assured of,' referring to Timothy's
training in the knowledge of the ' sacred Avritings
which are able to make thee wise unto salvation.' —
(5) In Ac 2^® we find the adverb ' assuredly ' em-
ployed to translate dcr^aXwy, 'surely,' 'certainly,'
recalling da(pdXeiav in Lk 1*.— (6) In Ac W the
word (jvp-^i^d^wv, ' combining,' ' putting this and
that together,' is translated in AV 'assuredly
gathering,' which in RV has given place to the
word of logical inference, 'concluding.'
(7) The word, however, of which ' assurance ' is
the definite and specific rendering is irXripocpopla (1
Th P, Col 22, He 6" 10'^-), with which may be taken
the kindred verb ■n-Xyipocpopi'iv , passive irXrjpocjiopdcTdaL.
In determining the precise meaning of the Gr.
original we receive no help from Gr. literature in
108
AtSSUKAXCE
ASSUKAi^CE
•jeneral, where the word is not found at all till a
late period. The word ir\-qpo(popelv , however, has
been found in papyri signifying ' to settle fully an
account,' ' to give satisfaction as to a doubtful
matter,' 'to be completely satisfied with regard to
something that was owing' (A. Deissmann, Light
from the Ancient East, London, 1910, p. 82). It
occurs once in LXX (Ec 8^^). Otherwise its use is
exclusively NT and Patristic. — (a) irXiqpocpopla is
used absolute!}' in 1 Th 1-', and, though RVm
gives 'much fulness' as the translation of woWtj
Tr\r]po(popia, this is weak and inadequate, and ' full
assurance ' of A V and RV brings out the proper
force of the word and really expresses the Apostle's
tJiought. The second term of the composite word
(-(popia, -(popelv, -fiaOai) seems to carry with it a sub-
jective force both in the noun and in the verb, as
uuiy be gathered from examples in the NT and in
the Fathers. To this 2 Ti 4^ and Lk 1' may be ex-
cejitions. We are justihed, therefore, in rendering
in Col '2- ' full assurance of the understanding ' ; in
He 6'^ 'full assurance of hope' ; and in 1U-- 'full
assurance of faith.' In 1 Clem. xlii. 3 fiera
ttXt) po(pop'i.as TTvev/xaTos ayiov is ' with full assurance
|)roduced by the Holy Spirit,' altliough it might be
'with full reliance upon the Holy Spirit.' This
Clementine passage has the verb also (irX-qpocpopy)-
devres) and is peculiarly instructive as to the nature
of the ' assurance ' which possessed the apostles
as they went forth to be ambassadors of Christ :
' Accordingly having received instructions and
having attained to full assurance {irXT^pocpopridevTes)
through the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ
and having been put in trust with the word of God,
they went forth in full reliance upon the Holy
Spirit, preaching the glad tidings that the kingdom
of God was about to come.' — {h) Tr\ripo<popei(7$at. has
the subjective force we have attributed to it in
most of the Pauline and Patristic examples of its
use. Of Abraham it is said that he was ' fully
assured' (TrXrjpocpop-qdeis) that what God had promised
lie was able also to perform (Ro 4^'). In regard
to doul)tful questions in the Apostolic Church, St.
Paul bids each man be 'fully assured' in his own
mind (Ro 14^ RV). The prayer of St. Paul and
his friends for the Colossian Christians is that they
uuiy stand pjerfect and 'fully assured' (ire-rrXrjpo-
(popT)fj.ivoi) in every thing willed by God (Col 4'-^).
(n the Epp. of Ignatius, who contends so strenu-
ously against Docetic views of the Person of Christ,
we find the saint and martyr employing the verb
in the same sense as St. Paul. He bids his readers
l)e on their guard against the seductions of error
and be fully assured {TreTrXijpocpopriaOai) of the Birth,
Passion, and Resurrection as historical facts, for
these tilings were truly and certainly done by Jesus
Christ ' our Hope, from which hope may it never
befall any of you to be turned aside' [Mngii. 11).
Elsewhere, speaking of the OT profjliets, Ignatius
declares that they were inspired l)y the grace of
Christ Jesus ' to tlie end that unbelievers might be
fully assured (ei's rb TrXrjpo(pop7)97jvaL) that there is one
God who manifested Himself through Jesus Clirist,
His Son' (M'lgn. 8).
2. The doctrine in the teaching of the apostles.
— From an examination of the words employed by
the NT writers to express Christian certainty, with
the illustrations, which might easily be added to,
from tiie .Apostolic Fathers, we can gain a clear
outline of the character of 'assurance.' It em-
braces a C(mvictiun of the truth of the Christian
history, of the historical reality of the Uirtli,
I'assion, and Resurrection of Ciirist ; tnistful re-
liance upon the promises of God in Jesus (Jiirist
His Son ; the exercise of the intelligem-e and the
reasoning powers to know without doubt what (Jod
requires of His ])eople ; and tlie consciousness of a
personal interest in Christ and His great redemp-
tion, wrought by the Spirit in the individual soul.
This outline we are able t j lill in from the apostles'
teaching in passages where the word itself is not
employed. Assurance, as an experience of the
apostolic writers and their readers, meets us in
nearly every one of the Epistles. St. James, in
his Epistle, negatively urges it when he dwells
upon the evils of the divided mind, and he has
words of commendation for the perfected faith of
Abraham (Ja l*^- *• 2-'^-). St. Jude knows the secret
when he commends the readers of his brief Epistle
to Him that is able to keep them from falling and
to ijresent them faultless before the presence of His
glory with exceeding joy (Jude """I. The writer of
the Epistle to the Hebrews, when he bids his
readers show diligence to the full assurance of hope
unto the end (He 6"), means ' that your salvation
may be a matter of certainty, and not merely of
charitable hope' (A. B. Bruce). And pointing to
the blood of sprinkling, and the rent veil, and the
new and living way, and the heavenly High Priest,
he bids them keep approaching ' with a true heart
in full assurance of faith' (lO--). But St. Peter,
St. John, and St. Paul have teaching on the sub-
ject which may be a little more fully drawn out.
(1) .S'^. Peter's teaching is given in Acts and in the
Epistles that bear his name. St. Peter s speeches,
on the day of Pentecost and afterwards, set forth
the grounds of the assurance of the Resurrection and
Ascension of Jesus which possessed the apostles and
their believing hearers. These grounds are («) the
prophetic words of Scripture finding their fulHl-
ment not in David or any other, but in Jesus ; (b)
the personal testimony of the apostles to the things
which they had seen and heard ; (c) the manifesta-
tion of the risen Lord's presence and power in the
miracles wrought in His name ; (rf) the inner wit-
ness of the Spirit — ' we are witnesses of these things
and so is the Holy Ghost, whom God hath given to
them that obey him ' (Ac 5''*'^) — ' the historical wit-
ness borne to the facts and the internal witness of
the Holy Ghost bringing home to men's hearts the
meaning of the facts' (Knowling, acl Ivc. ; cf. 2'^'^'*
42off. ) j^ ig ^^jjjg assurance which the Apostle holds
forth to the sojourners of the Disjjersion in his First
Epistle (1 P P"^), whom the God and Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ had begotten again to a living
hope through the I'esurrection of Jesus Christ from
the dead ; ' who by the power of God are guarded
through faith unto a salvation ready to be revealed
in the last time.' Whether 2 Peter be the produc-
tion of St. Peter or of some disciple writing in his
spirit at a later time, it is the voice of full assurance
we hear when the author says : 'We did not follow
cunningly devised fables, when we made known
unto you the power and coming of our Lord Jesus
Christ, but we were eye-witnesses of his majesty '
(2 P V^). Thus conviiuangly does the external and
the internal witness blend in St. Peter's doctrine of
assurance.
(2) St. John's teaching in his Ejjistles lays the chief
stress ujjon the etliical tests, and has less to say of
the inner witness. Not tliat the latter is overlooked.
' The anointing Avhich ye received of him,' he says,
referring to the Holy Spirit or a function of the
Spirit, ' abideth in you, and ye have no need that
any one teach yoii ' (1 Jn 2-^). But St. John's
doctrine of assuranc^e embraces great Christian
certainties. ' We know and have believed the love
which God hath in us ' (1 Jn 4'"). ' We kiiotn that
we havepasseil outof<l(';i.th into life, because we love
the brethren' (IV"*). ' Hereby shall we know that
we are of the truth, and shall assure our hearts before
him' (3'"). 'We /i:»o?t' [being the children of (Jod
and iccipionts of redeeming love] that, if be shall be
manifested, we shall be like him ; for we shall see
him even as he is' (3-). ' We know that we have
come to a knowledge of him, if we keep hia
ASYXCEITUS
ATHEXS
109
commandments ' (2^). ' Hereby we know that we
are in him ; he that saith he abideth in him ought
himself also to walk even as he walked ' (2^'').
Law aptly characterizes St. John's doctrine of personal assur-
ance when he savs : ' With St. John the grounds of assurance
are ethical, not emotional ; objective, not subjective ; plain and
tangible, not microscopic and elusive. They are three, or, rather,
they are a trinity : Belief, Righteousness, Love. By his belief
in Christ, his keeping God's commandments, and his love to the
brethren, a Christian man is recognised, and recognises himself
as begotten of God' (Tests of Life, Edinburgh, 1909, p. 297).
St. John applies his doctrine of assurance to
prayer. ' Beloved, if our heart condemn us not, Ave
have boldness toward God ; and whatsoever we ask,
we receive of him, because we keep his command-
ments ' (3^^^-). ' And this is the boldness which we
have towards him, that, if we ask anything accord-
ing to his will, he heareth us ' (5"). And while this
assurance gives boldness and confidence in praj'er,
it al.so gives boldness in the Day of Judgment :
' Herein is love made perfect with us, that we may
have boldness in the day of judgment; because as
he is, even so are we in this world. There is no
fear in love : l)ut perfect love casteth out fear ' (4^"^- ).
(3) St. Pauls teaching lays the stress upon the
inner witness which we desiderated in St. John.
And yet in his enumeration of graces under the
designation of ' frtiit of the Spirit' we have sure
evidences of the Spirit's indwelling whereby to
'assure our hearts' before Him. St. Paul's assur-
ance rests also upon a broad basis of fact in the
Person and work of Christ : ' I know him whom I
have believed, and I am persuaded that he is able
to guard that which I have committed unto him
against that day' (2 Ti 1'-). When, however, he
uses the expression ' we know,' uttering his assur-
ance of personal immortality, he attrilmtes it to
God who gave him the earnest of the Spirit (2 Co
5'^-). In two great passages, Rom S^"**^- and Gal 4"'-,
St. Paul sets forth the witness of the Spirit to the
sonship of the believer, which is the ground of his
full assurance, by the childlike confidence which it
works and the perfect liberty which it brings. And
so he can exclaim : ' We know that to them that
love God all things work together for good, even to
them that are called according to his purpose. . . .
For I am persuaded that neither death, nor life, nor
angels, nor principalities, nor things present, nor
things to come, nor powers, nor height, nor depth,
nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us
from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our
Lord ' (Ko 8-8- 3»'-).
But, although St. Paul cherishes this assurance
and has no doubt or misgiving as to his personal
salvation, this assurance does not cause him to
slacken in the fulfilment of service and the pursuit
of the eternal prize. Even he is moved by the
wholesome fear lest he who had preached to others
should yet himself become a castaway (aSoKiixo^,
1 Co 9^), and be cast out of the lists as one who
had not contended according to the rules.
' We must remember,' says a Christian writer before the middle
of the 2nd cent., ' that he who strives in the corruptible contest,
if he be found acting unfairly, fouling a competitor in the race,
or trying with guile to o\erreach his antagonist, is taken away
and scourged and cast forth from the lists. Wliat then think ye ?
If one does anything unseemly in the incorruptible contest, what
shall be have to bear?' (2 Clem. vii.). It is in the same spirit that
the author of the Didache, writing before the close of the 1st
cent., says : ' For the whole period of your faith will profit you
nothing unless ve be found full^- perfected at the last' {Did. xvi.
2 ; of. Ep. of Barn. iv. 9).
Literature. — F. H. R. von Frank, Sustem of Christian Cer-
taintii, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, lsS6 ; W.'j. Townsend, H. B.
Workman, and G. Eayrs. Xeiv Hist, of Methmliitii, London,
1901): R. Seeberg-, in PiJES vi. 160: the art. 'Assurance,' in
HDB, SDB, and DCG ; art. 'Certitude,' in CE, and art. 'Cer-
tainty (Religious),' in ERE, with the literature there cited.
T. NicoL.
ASYNCRITUS {' Aai'iy Kpiros, or 'AcrvvKpiros, a Greek
name). — The fir.st of a gToup of five names (all
Greek) of persons ' and the brethren with them '
saluted by St. Paul in Ro 16^*. Nothing is known
of Asyncritus or of any member of this group. It
is suggested that together they formed a separate
€KK\riaia, or church, within the Church of Rome.
That such little communities existed in Rome,
each with its own place of meeting, would appear
from other similar phrases in Ro 16 : ' the church
that is in their house ' (v.^), ' all the saints that are
with them' (v.'^^), and from the references to the
Christian members of the ' households ' of Aristo-
bulus and Narcissus (vv.^**- "). This, of course,
assumes the Roman destination of these saluta-
tions. If the Ephesian destination be preferred,
there is evidence of similar house-churches at
Ephesus in 1 Co 16'*', and perhaps in Ac 20'-'" (see
art. Patrobas). The name Asyncritus has been
found in an inscription of a freedman of Augustus
(see Sanday-Headlam, Romans^, 1902, p. 427).
T. B. Allworthy.
ATHENS CA^^wi). — Athens, which St. Paul
visited in the autumn of A.D. 48 (Harnack), or 50
(Turner), or 51 (Ramsay), was now in .some respects
verj' diti'erent from the city of Pericles and Plato.
Her political and commercial supremacy was gone.
Greece had for two centuries been the Roman
province of Achaia, of which Athens was not the
capital. The governor had his residence at Corinth,
and the merchant-princes had forsaken the Pirteus
for Leclieum and Cenchreae. But Athens was still
the must beautiful and brilliant of cities, the home
of philosophy, the shrine of art, the fountain-head
of ideals. As the metropolis of Hellenism .she had,
indeed, a wider and more pervasive influence
than ever, which the Roman conquerors, like
the Macedonians before them, did their best to
extend. ' From the Philhellenic standpoint, doubt-
less, Athens was the masterpiece of the world '
(T. ]Mommsen, Provinces of the Roman Emjtire-,
London, 1909, 1. 258). To be among her citizens
was to breathe the atmosphere of culture. Her
Lyceum by the Ilissus, her Academy by the groves
of Cephissus, her Porch in the Agora, ami her
Garden near at hand, were still frequented by
Platonists, Peripatetics, Stoics, and Epicureans.
Her University drew to itself a host of foreign
students, especially from Rome, and became the
model of the younger foundations of Alexandria,
Antioch, and Tarsus.
Neither the Republic nor the Empire ever fully
applied the subject-relation to Greece, and the
Athenians weie always treated witii special kind-
ness. 'The Romans, after their conquest, hnding
them governed by a democracy, maintained their
independence and liberty' (Strabo, IX. i. 20). Even
in the INIithridatic war, when an ordinary town
behaving as Athens did would have been razed to
the ground, ' the citizens were pardoned, and, to
this time, the city enjoys liberty, and is respected
by the Romans' (ib.).
The outward aspect of Athens was little altered
in St. Paul's time. Plutarch, who wrote half a cent-
urj' later, says in regard to Pericles' public edifices :
' In beauty each of them at once appeared venerable
as soon as it was built ; but even at the present
day the work looks as fresh as ever, for they bloom
with an eternal freshness which defies time, and
seems to make the work instinct with an unfading
spirit of youth ' (Pericles, xiii. ). Cicero conveys the
impression which the city made upon every cul-
tivated mind in his time: 'Valde me Athenae
delectarunt, urbe dumtaxat et urbis ornamento,
. . . sed multum ea philosophia' [Ep. ad Att. v.
10). The Philhellenism of the Empire surpassed
that of the Republic, and of all the Roman bene-
factors of Athens the greatest was Hadrian, who
not only completed the temple of Zeus Olympius,
which had remained unfinished for 700 years, but
embelli.-hed the city with many other public build
110
ATHENS
atone:\ient
ings, and gave the name of Hadrianopolis to a new
quarter.
But, though Athens was outwardly as splendid
as ever, she was inwardly decadent, being, in philo-
sophy, letters, and art, a city Uving upon tradi-
tions. Her first-rate statesmen and orators, poets
and thinkers, did not outlive the nation's freedom.
'The self-esteem of the Hellenes, well-warranted in itself and
fostered by the attitude of the Roman government . . . called
into life among them a cultus of the past, which was compounded
of a faithful clinging to the memories of greater and happier
times and a quaint reverting of matured ci\'ili3at ion to its in part
very primitive beginnings. . . . The bane of Hellenic existence
lay in the Umitation of its sphere ; high ambition lacked a cor-
responding aim, and therefore the low and degrading ambition
flourished luxuriantly' (Mommsen, op. cit. i. 280, 283).
_ The decay of Athens was due less to the exhaus-
tion of her creative energy, with the substitution
of imitative for original work, than to the simple
fact that the thought and art of her citizens were
no longer wedded to noble action and brave endur-
ance. Full of aesthetes and dilettantes, loving the
reputation more than the reality of culture, letting
a restless inquisitiveness and shallow scepticism take
the place of high aspiration and moral enthusiasm,
she became blind to the visions, and deaf to the
voices, which redeem individual and collective life
from vanity.
The devouring appetite of the Athenians for
news had long been one of their best-known traits.
Demosthenes {Phil. i. p. 43) pictvires them bustling about the
Agorainquiringif any newer thing is being told (nvv9a.v6iJ.evoi.
Kara Tr)v ayopdv el Tt AeyeTai veutTtpov), the tragedy being that,
while they were talking, Philip was acting. Thucydides (,iii- 38)
makes Cleon say to them : ' So you are the best men to be im-
posed on with novelty of argument, and to be unwilling to follow
up what has been approved by you, being slaves of every new
paradox, and despisers of what is ordinary. Each of you wishes
above all to be able to speak himself. ... In a word, you are
overpowered by the pleasures of the ear, and are like men sitting
to be amused by rhetoricians rather than deliberating upon
State affairs.'
Among the philosophers of St. Paul's time the
penchant for news took the form of an eagerness
to hear the latest novelty in speculation or religion
which any (nrepnoXSyos (picker-up of scraps of infor-
mation) might have to publish (Ac 17-'), in order
that they might exercise their nimble wits upon it,
and most probably hold it up to ridicule.
Though St. Paul spoke the language of Hellas,
and acknowledged himself a debtor to the Hellenes
(Ro 1^'*), yet Athens does not seem to have
exercised any fascination over him. She did not
beckon him Hke Rome ; he did not see her in his
dreams, or pray that he might be prospered to
come to her ; he never exclaimed, with a sense of
destiny, ' I must see Athens.' That he ever visited
her at all was apparently the result of an accident.
He was hurried away from Beroea before he had
time to mature his plans of future action, and he
merely waited at Athens for the arrival of his
friends, Silas and Timothy (Ac 17'^'). To picture
him wandering among temples and porticos, lost in
admiration of works of genius, and 'perhaps wit-
nessing the performance of a play of Euripides,' is
to misunderstand him. He did not spend his
leisure in Athens, any more than Luther in Rome,
in appraising the masterpieces of plastic and dra-
matic art. They were both 'provoked'* by what
they saw as they passed by. They were consumed
with the prophetic zeal which seeks to replace a
false or imperfect religion with a true and perfect
one. St. Paul, indeed, knew the Hellenic world
too well to imagine that, while the city was 'full
of idols' {KareldwXov), its men of culture were given
to idolatry. In their case the worship of the gods
survived only in that cultus of physical beauty to
which innumerable sculptured forms bore silent
* napo^vvofjLai is often used in the LXX to express a burning
Divine fand prophetic) indignation against idolatry (Hos 8^,
Zee 10'). ** Cop'jriyhl, 1916, by
witness, while such spiritual faith as they still re-
tained found expression rather in altars *Ayvwffr(f)
Oev ; to the existence of which Pausanias (i. i. 4)
and Philostratus (Vit. Apollon. vi. 2) testify (see
Unknown God).
St. Paul's address before the court or council of
Areopagus (q. i'.) is a noble attempt to find common
ground with the Athenian philosophers, an ap-
preciation of what was highest in their rehgion,
an expression of sympathy with their sincere
agnosticism, an appeal to that groping, innate
sense of spiritual reahties, that universal instinct
of monotheism, which lead to the true God who is
near to all men, and who, though unseen, is no
longer unknown. Renan suggests that St. Paul
was 'embarrassed' by all the wonders that met
his eyes in Athens, as if Athene herself had per-
haps cast her spell upon him and made him some-
what doubtful of the GaUlajan ; but there is no
sort of foundation for such a fancy. It is certain,
however, that the Apostle had a new experience
of a different kind in Athens. Faced by an
audience half-courteous and haH-derisive, he was
first ridiculed and then ignored, when he would
have preferred to be contradicted and persecuted.
Not driven from the city by hostile feeling, but
quitting it of his own accord, too unimportant
to be noticed, too harmless to be molested, he
departed with a crushing sense of failure, and,
apparently as a consequence, began his mission in
Corinth 'in weakness and fear and much trem-
bling' (1 Co 2^). It is possible that he felt he had
made a mistake. All that he said to the philo-
sophers of Athens was true; but ineffective. It
did httle or nothing to storm the enemy's citadel.
In a modern phrase, it was magnificent, but it
was not war. Another power was needed to
humihate the wise, as well as to end the long reign
of the gods of Greece. It is significant that in
Corinth the Apostle determined — not, indeed, for
the first time, but certainly with a new emphasis
— not to know anything save Jesus Christ and
Him crucified (1 Co 2-), who was for both Jews
and Hellenes the power of God and the wisdom of
God (12").
The Athenian synagogue (Ac 17^^), in which St.
Paul met some 'devout persons' — ffejSofievoi, Gen-
tiles more or less influenced by Judaism — was pro-
bably small, for the university city did not attract
his compatriots like Corinth, the seat of commerce.
His reasoning 'in the Agora every day with those
who met him' naturally recalls those Socratic dis-
putations in the same place, of which Grote gives
a hvely account in his History of Greece (London,
1869, yiii. 211 f.). That the address before the
Council of the Areopagus was not entirely fruitless
is proved by the conversion of a man holding so
important an official position as Dionysius the
Areopagite (q.v.).
Literature. — W. J. Conybeare and J. S. Howson, Life
and Epistles of St. Paul, new ed., London, 1877, i. 405 f. ; W.
M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen,
London, 1S9.5, p. 237 f. ; A. C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age, Edin-
burgh, 1897, p. 257 f. ; E. Curtius, Gesammelte Abhamilungen,
Berlin, lN91, ii. 52S f . ; A. Mommsen, Athence Chrisliance,
Leipzig, ISdS ; J. P. Maliaffy, Greek Life and Thought, London,
18S7, and The Silver Age of the Greek World, do. 1906; A.
Holm, History of Greece, Eng. tr., London, 1894-98.
Jaaies Strahan.
**ATONEMENT.— Although found only once in
the NT (Ho 5") and there in the AV alone, this
word lias become the elect symbol in tlieologieal
thought to indicate the doctrine in the Apostolic
Church which placed the death of Christ in some
form of causative connexion with the forgiveness
of sins and with the restoration of men to favour
and fellowship with God. The development of a
doctrine of atonement in the NT is almost entirely
the product of the experience and thought of the
Charles Scribner's Sons.
ATOXEIVIENT
atoxe:\iext
111
Apostolic Church. It moved along two Unes ;
these were neither divergent nor exactly parallel,
nor is it probable that one was precisely supple-
mentary to the other ; they are best considered as
converging towards an ultimate point of unity in
which Godward and manward aspects are merged.
They have been contrasted as objective and sub-
jective, juridical and ethical, substitutionary and
mj'stical. They correspond also to two definitions
of the word itself. Originally and etj-mologicaUy
the word means ' at-one-ment ' ; it is a sjoionym
for 'reconcihation' as an accomplished fact. His-
torically its usage signifies 'a satisfaction or
reparation made by giving an equivalent for an
injury, or by doing or suffering that which is
received in satisfaction for an offence or injurj''
{Imperial Did., s.v.). Here its sjTionjTQ is
'expiation' as a means to reconciliation. Theo-
logically it has been chiefly used in this latter
sense, to indicate 'the expiation made by the
obedience and suffering death of Christ to mark
the relation of God to sin in the processes of human
redemption.' A decided modem tendency is to
retm-n to the more original use of the word. It
win probably be seen that both uses are required
to state the fullness of the apostolic doctrine.
The Uterature preserved in the NT witnesses to
the undoubted fact that the Apostolic Church had
very early established a close connexion between
the death of Jesus the Messiah and the redemp-
tion of men from their sins. Within seven years
of His death — or probably considerably less — a
'doctrine of the cross' was freely and authorita-
tively preached in the Christian community ; it
appears to have been distinctly Pauhne in general
character ; it held a primary place in the apostolic
preaching ; it was declared to be the fulfilment of
the OT Scripture ; it was set forth as the essence
of the gospel, and was definitely referred to the
teaching of Jesus for its ultimate authority. This
much seems to be imphed in what is probably the
earliest testimony, if regard be had to the date of
the writings in which it occurs, concerning the
apostohc doctrine of the atonement. It is St. Paul's
confident assertion, 'I delivered unto you first of
aU that which also I received, how that Christ died
for our sins according to the scriptures' (1 Co 15^).
This is undoubtedly typical of the teaching accepted
by the primitive Church ; whatever St. Paul's
differences with other apostolic teachers on other
matters may have been, agreement seems to be
found here. The confidence of this common wit-
ness so early in the Apostolic Church raises many
interesting questions, some of which must be con-
sidered. To what extent can we find the more
elaborate Pauline doctrine, which we shall find
elsewhere in his writings, presented in such frag-
ments of the teaching of the fu-st Christians as we
possess? How far is the apostohc interpretation
of Chi-ist's death sustained by appeal to the experi-
ence and teaching of Jesus HimseK? By what
means had the swift transition been made by the
apostolic teachers themselves from the state of
mind concerning the death of Jesus which is pre-
sented in the SjTioptic Gospels to the beliefs
exhibited in their preaching in the Acts? How
was the unconcealed dismay of a bewildering dis-
appointment changed into a glorying? It is clear
from the contents of the SjTioptic Gospels that,
whatever the confusion and distress in the minds
of His disciples which immediately followed the
death of Christ, they were already in possession of
memories of His teaching which lay comparatively
dormant until they were awakened into vigorous
acti\'ity by subsequent events and experiences ;
these, together with the facts of their Lord's life
and the incidents of His death, may be spoken
of as the sources of the apc^toUc doctrine of the
atonement, as to its substance. For the forms
into which it was cast we must look to the rehgious
conceptions^— legal, sacrificial, ethical, and eschato-
logical — which constituted their world of theologi-
cal ideas, and the background against which was
set the teaching of Jesus.
I. Sources.—!. In theSynoptic Gospels.— Briefly
summarized these are: (1) The intense and con-
sistent ethical interpretation that Jesus gave to
the Kingdom He came to establish, and to the
conception of the salvation He taught and pro-
mised as the signof its establishment in the indi-
vidual soul and in the social order. It was no
mere change of status ; it was a becoming in
ethical and spiritual character sons of God in like-
ness and obedience ; it was actual release from the
selfishness of the unfilial and unbrotherly life, and
access into li\ing communion in holy love with His
God and Father.
(2) The Baptism and the Temptation of Jesus,
which initiated Him into the course of His pubhc
ministry, were events associated in the minds of
those who preserved the Sjmoptic tradition with
the voice from heaven, ' Thou art my beloved Son ;
in thee I am well pleased' (Lk 3--). Apparently
the consciousness of Jesus as He realized His
vocation, judging from what He afterwards taught
His disciples of its inner meaning, was aware of
this combination of Ps 2^ with Is 42^^ — the Son of
God as King, and the suffering Servant of the Lord.
The inference Denney draws, though obviously
open to keen criticism from the eschatological
school, has a suggestive value : the Messianic con-
sciousness of Jesus from the beginning was one
with the consciousness of the suffering Servant ;
He combined kingship and service in suffering from
the first.* This finds support in the accounts of
the Temptation, which was supremely a tempta-
tion to avoid suffering by choosing the easy way.
(3) AU the SjTioptics assure us that, when Jesus
received the first full recognition of Messiahship
from His disciples, He instantly met it by the open
confession that His suffering and death were a
necessity. ' The Son of Man must (del) suffer —
7nust go up to Jerusalem and be killed' (Mk 8^^,
Mt 16^^, Lk 9'-^) . Henceforth His constant subject
of instruction was concerning His death, which,
when 'the Son of Man was risen from the dead,'
His disciples were to interpret. The necessity
associated with His death was not merely the
inevitable sequence of His loyalty to His ideal of
righteousness in face of the opposition of His
enemies. It was that, but it was more. In the
career of one such as Jesus the violent and unjust
death to which He was moving could not be separ-
ated in thought from the Father's will to which
He was so exquisitely sensitive, and which He
came perfectly to fulfil. What was in His Father's
will was appointed and could not be the mere
drift of circumstances into which He was cast and
from which the Divine purpose was absent. The
necessity was inward, and identical with the wiU
of God as expressed in Scripture ; to His disciples
it was incomprehensible.
(4) Jesus described His death as for others and
as voluntarily endured. Definite terms are selected
in which the meaning more than the fact of the
death is set forth. 'The Son of Man came ... to
minister, and to give his hfe a ransom (Xi^rpov) for
many' (MklO^^). Whether we approach the mean-
ing of this term (see Raxsom) from Christ's con-
ception of His life-work as a whole, or by closer
exegetical or historical study of the word itself, it
is clear that the giving of His Hfe was to Jesus
much more than the normal experience of dying ;
it was a djang which was to issue in largeness and
freedom of life for mankind — it was probably even
* Death of Chrht, 14 f.
112
ATONEMENT
ATONEIMENT
more than 'on behalf of,' 'in the service of; it
was 'instead of (dvTl) men. From what He is to
release them, however, is not definitely stated.
The objection often made that the term is an
indication of Pauline influence on Mark is part of
the general problem of Paulinism in the Gospels,
too large for discussion here. The saying is in
perfect harmony with its setting.
(5) The other selected term is connected with
the critically difficult passages recording the in-
stitution of the Supper. 'This is my blood of the
covenant [possibly the 'new' covenant] which is
shed for many unto remission of sins' (Mt 26-^).
Here the purpose or ground of the death of Jesus
is set forth. It is only just to say that Matthew
alone makes the reference to 'remission of sins.'
The earliest account of the Supper — St. Paul's
(1 Co 11-^'-^) — omits this reference ; he is followed
by Mark and Luke. Questions also turn on the
sacrificial significance of 'blood of the covenant.'
The reference is obviously to the solemn ratifica-
tion by blood-sprinkling of the covenant of Sinai
(Ex 24^). Whether this was strictly sacrificial
blood with expiatory value is debated. Robertson
Smith* and Driverf may both be quoted in favour
of the view that 'sacrificial blood was universally
associated with propitiatory power. 'f Whilst too
much should not be built upon a single authority
for the precise word of Jesus, the criticism does
not touch the value of the citation as an index to
the mind of the Apostolic Church.
(G) The awful isolation of the cry of Jesus on
the cross, 'My God, my God, why hast thou for-
saken me ? ' (iVIk 15^"*) cannot easily be separated
in the experience of the sinless Son of God from
some mysterious connexion with the sin He clearly
came to deal with by His death. It is at least
capable of the suggestion that for a time His con-
sciousness had lost the sense of God's presence,
whose unbroken continuity had hitherto been the
ethical and spiritual certainty of His spirit.
To complete the material provided for the apos-
tolic doctrine in the Synoptics there should be
added to the points already mentioned the minute-
ness and wealth of detail — quite without parallel
in the presentation of other important features of
His life — with which the death of Jesus is recorded,
and also the extent to which the writers insist
upon the event as a fulfilment of the OT Scriptures.
We have, therefore, in the Synoptics, whatever
view may be taken of the position largely held,
that they were the issue of ' the productive activity '
of the early Church under the stimulating influence
of redemptive experiences attributed to the death
of Christ, at least the starting-point of the ethical
and juridical views of the atonement subsequently
developed in the primitive community ; they lack
doctrinal definitcness, and distinctly favour the
ethical more than the legal view of the process
of redemption ; they are also accompanied by evi-
dences that the disciples hstcned unintelligently
or with reluctant acquiescence to the words of
Jesus concerning His death. This last feature
indicates the dei)endence of the apostolic doctrine
upon another source.
2. The apostolic experience. — The doctrine of
atonement arose out of the Cliristian experience ;
it was the issue of a new religious feeling rather
than a condition of faitii. The sprint^s of this new
spiritual emotion must be sought, if the doctrine
which is its result in the Apostolic Church is to
be rightly appreciated. In this way also we shall
provide a statement of the transition from the
desolation wrought by the death of Jesus in the
hopes of His followers to the triumphant temper
* Ril. Sen,.-', London, 1S94, n. 319 f.
t IIDU. art. •propitiation,' iv. 132.
j Dennoy, Deiitk of Christ, .53.
and abounding joy of the primitive faith and
pi-eaching. The elements of this experience are :
(1) The Resurrection. — This is the starting-point
of the new experience: the ultimate root of the
apostolic doctrine of atonement was the presence
of the Risen Christ in the consciousness of the
primitive Christian community ; for it was the
secret of the restoration and enrichment of per-
sonal faith, the re-creation of the corporate con-
fidence of the community, which 'was begotten
again unto a living hope by the resurrection of
Jesus Christ from the dead' (1 P 1^). It was
also the revealing light that brought meaning into
the mystery of His death. Now and for always
these two — death and resurrection — stood together.
When the apostles stated the one, they implied
the other ; the Resurrection was the great theme
of the apostolic preaching because it interpreted
the significance of the Death. Both were closely
and instinctively connected with the forgiveness
of sins : ' The God of our fathers raised up Jesus,
whom ye slew, hanging him upon a tree. Him
did God exalt with his right hand to be a Prince
and a Saviour, for to give repentance to Israel and
remission of sins' (Ac 5^°^). The redeeming virtue
issues from the Death and Resurrection as from a
common source, though the cross ultimately be-
came its chosen symbol. Beginning to search the
Scriptures to discover whether death had a place
in the prophetic presentation of the Messiah, the
disciples were surprised into the apprehension of
the meaning of the words of Jesus spoken whilst
He was yet with them ; they thus came to see
that the Death was only the shadow side of an
experience by which He passed to the exaltation
and authority of His redeeming work ; the catas-
trophe was seen to have a place in the moral
order of God, and the scandal of the cross was
transfigured into the glory of the Divine purpose
of redemption. This experience was followed by —
(2) The Great Commission. — The terms of this
are influential for discerning the apostolic doctrine.
As they appear in Mt. (28^^^) and in Mk. (le^^f)
associated with baptism, which in the primitive
Church was always connected with remission of
sins, they are suggestive, but not free from criti-
cal diflHiculties. As they appear in Lk. (24*^*^ ),
from an excellent source, they have their chief
significance ; they are there bound up with ' my
words which I spake unto you while I was yet
with you ' ; with the fulfilling of the Scriptures
concerning the necessity that 'the Christ should
suffer and rise again from the dead the third day ;
and that repentance and remission of sins should
be preached in his name ' ; and especially with
the opening of the minds of those who were to be
'witnesses of these things' that they might under-
stand them. The historicity of this as conveying
the experience and convictions of the Apostolic
Church is strong, and it affords exactly the link
needed to unite what we find in the Sjmoptics
with what appears as preaching and teaching in
the primitive society. The illumination of the
apostolic mind for its construction of a doctrine of
atonement resulting from the Resurrection and the
Great Commission was perfected by the experi-
ences of —
i'.i) Pentecost. — The coming to abide with them
of the Holy Spirit, 'the promise of the Father'
(Ac 1''), ' the Spirit of Christ,' was for the Apostolic
C'hurch the ultimate certainty of guidance into
all the truth, and the supreme authority for its
adequate utterance. The work of the Spirit as
Jesus had defined it was: 'He shall take of mine
and shall declare it unto you' (Jn IG'"*). To the
fullness of His ministry the Apostolic Church
owed the interpretation of the cross, the insjjira-
tion of its preaching, the construction of its doc-
ATONEMENT
atont:ment
113
trine, and especially the moral and spiritual results
in the life of the individual and of the community
which were the hving verification of it9 power,
and also the justification of the moral gi-ounds on
which the declaration and experience of remission
of sins were based. The meaning of the words of
Jesus is understood through the works of His Spirit ;
the significance of His death can be apprehended
only in the light of the experience it creates.
Only so can an adequate soteriology be reached.
From first to last the apostolic doctrine of the
atonement is the effort to interpret this experience
in the relations in which it was conceived to stand
to the Christian conceptions of God and man.
II. The doctrise'preached. — 1, In the Acts
of the Apostles. — Tlie early chapters of the Acts
contain the one particular account of the earliest
form the doctrine of atonement took in the Apos-
toUc Church ; for it is generally admitted that
some source of considerable value underhes the
speeches of Peter. Both their christology and
soteriolog}' are primitive in type — it is sureh' not the
doctrine of the 2nd century. In this account the
sufferings and death of Jesus the Messiah have a
fundamental place. The cross is now more than
a scandal; the 'word of the cross' is more than
an apologetic device for getting over the difficul-
ties of accepting a crucified Messiah. Although
the great feature of the apostohc preaching is
not the explanation of the death of Christ in re-
lation to the remission of sins, but its power in
spiritual renewal, it contains much which enables
us to perceive how the primitive community was
taught to regard it. Summarized, this is — (1)
The death of Christ was a Divine necessity, ap-
pointed by God's counsel and foreknowledge. It
was a crime whose issue God thwarted for His
redeeming purpose (Ac 2-^ 3^**). — (2) Jesus as the
Messiah is identified with the suffering Servant of
the Lord (4" 8^*'^^). This conception, abhorrent
to the Jewish mind and a sufficient ground for
rejecting the Messianic claims of Jesus, is the
assertion of the vicarious principle of the righteous
one suffering for the unrighteous many and also
the sign of a Divine fellowship. — (3) The great
gift of the gospel — remission of sins — is set in
direct relation to the crucified Jesus (2^ 3'^ 5^'^
10^^). The prominence given to this in every
sermon suggests that this connexion cannot be
considered accidental. — (4) Reference to the fre-
quent observance of the Lord's Supper {2*-).
When it is remembered that nothing in the Apos-
tohc Church is more primitive than the sacra-
ments, and that both of them bear implications
of Christ's relation to the remission of sins, this
reference is significant. — (5) Christ's death is not
distinctly represented as the ground of forgiveness,
by setting forth the IVIessiah's death as a satisfac-
tion for sin or as a substitute for sin's penalty. It
is set forth as a motive to repentance and a means
of turning men away from sin, but its saving
value is not more closely defined. It is certain,
however, that the early Apostohc Church attached
a saving significance to the death of Christ.
2. In 1 Peter. — It is usual to associate with the
indications of the doctrine in the early chapters of
Acts the constructive tendencies found in 1 Peter.
The Epistle of James i^ too uncertain in its date
and authority, and its aim is too purely practical
to warrant appeal to it on the apostohc doctrine
of atonement. Indeed, 1 Peter is far from being
free from difficulty when used for this purpose.
The signs of Pauline influence are too strong for
its use as a source of primitive Christian ideas with-
out some hesitation. Still, the fact that St. Paul
and St. Peter are represented as in harmony on the
significance of the redemptive work of Christ, when
they are manifestly at variance in other important
VOL. I. — 8
factors of the primitive faith, is not without its
value ; it is possible also that their similarities may
be accounted for by their common loyalty to the
accepted Christian tradition. Taken as it stands,
St. Peter's contribution maj' be epitomized thus : (1)
Whilst the suffering death of Chi-ist holds, as else-
where in apostolic writings, the central place, its
strongest appeal is made in regard to the moral
quahty of the sufferings. The patience and inno-
cence of the Sufferer for righteou.sness' sake control
its theological presentation. The exhortation to
suffer with Christ by expressing His spirit in the
hfe of discipleship obviously emphasizes the ethical
appeal of His example, but this is based upon a
due appreciation of His sufferings on our behalf.
Quite a procession of theological ideas thus emerges.
- — (2) The covenant idea with its sacrificial impHca-
tion in 'sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ' is
present (1^), possibly reminiscent of the words at
the Supper. — (3) Ransomed 'with precious blood,
as of a lamb without blemish and without spot,
even the blood of Christ ' (1"), combines the idea of
the sacrificial lamb with possibly an echo of the
'ransom' of Mk 10^1 — (4) The close connexion of
Christ who 'suffered for you, leaving you an
example, that ye should follow his steps,' and its
ethical appeal, with the clear interpretation of the
Passion as a sin-bearing, 'who his own self bare
our sins in his body upon the tree' (2^'*), and its
profound moral issues, 'that we ha\'ing died unto
sins, might Uve unto righteousness ; by whose
stripes ye were healed' — shows how intimately
what are termed the objective and subjective con-
ceptions of the atonement are associated in the
writer's thought ; the end is moral and dominates
the means, but the means are clearly substitution-
ary, to the extent that the obligations to righteous-
ness involved in. 'our sins' are assumed by the
sinless Lamb of God. — (5) The writer once again
glides w4th simple ease and familiarity from the
force of the example of Christ to the abiding fact
of His sin-bearing (3^^) : ' Because Christ also
suffered for sins once (<iTaf, 'once for all'), the
righteous for {vTr4p) the unrighteous, that He might
bring us to God.) Acce.ss to God is regarded as a
high privilege obtained by a great self-surrender
and not as a native right to be taken for granted.
Of course these ideas, which the writer of 1 Petei
discusses in this apparently incidental way, are
closely akin to those of the righteousness by faith
and ethical obedience 'in Christ' which St. Paul
discusses so fully and of set purpose in Ro 3 and 6
respectively, and this may suggest his influence.
If so, then the evidence of 1 Peter will fall into the
later PauHne period of apostohc doctrine, which
we shall now consider at length ; but that would
not depreciate its value as a witness to the faith of
the Apostohc Church in its wider range.
HI.' The doctrine developed. — 1. The
Pauline type. — It will he obvious to any reader of
the literature of the Apostolic Church that its
floctrine of atonement was the subject of consider-
able development in form. In tracing this the
PauUne writings must be our main source. Of all
NT writers, St. Paul goes into the greatest detail
and has most dehberately and continually reflected
upon this subject. Indeed, the abundance of the
material he provides is embarrassing to any one
seeking a unified doctrine. In St. Paul we find for
the first time a philosophy of the death of Christ
in relation to the forgiveness of sins, which is ulti-
mately based upon an analysis of the Divme
attributes and their place in the interpretation of
the doctrine of the cross. At the same time the
emphasis he lays upon this is regarded by him as
in accordance with the beUef and teaching of the
primitive communitj^ ; it is the centre of his gospel
and theirs. It may be assumed, therefore, that
114
ATONEMENT
ATONEMENT
we are as Likely to learn from him as from any-
other source what was the inner meaning of the
primitive Christian behef. He declared that what
he preached concerning the dying of Christ for our
sins according to the Scriptures he 'received' (1 Co
15^). Whilst it is possible that this statement finds
a fuller definition in his further assertion, ' Neither
did I receive it from man, nor was I taught it, but
it came to me through revelation of Jesus Christ '
(Gal 1^-), it seems clear that St. Paul's doctrine
rested upon the common apostolic data given in (1)
the words of Jesus respecting the necessity of His
death on man's behalf ; (2) the very early Christian
idea that it was included in the Divine purpose ; (3)
the conception of the vicarious sufferings of the
righteous and their merit founded on Is 53 which
had been elaborated in later Jewish thought.*
Although it seems clear that this late Jewish doc-
trine was a source of St. Paul's theory, it under-
went partial transformation at his hands ; it was
ethicized ; moreover, it was probably the vicarious
idea, as it was associated with the prophetic rather
than with the priestlj' or legal conceptions, that he
appropriated ; it was not the hteral legal substitu-
tion and transfer, but the vicariousness of a real
experience in which the righteous bear upon their
hearts the woes and sins of the sinful, f
(1) St. Paul's early preaching. — The earliest
indication of St. Paul's view of atonement would
naturally be sought in his preaching during the
fifteen or more years before he wrote the letters in
which he sets forth more deliberately and with ob-
vious carefulness his matured doctrinal judgments.
The author of the Acts gives httle hght on St.
Paul's method of setting out his interpretation of
the death of Christ in his discourses ; how he was
accustomed to place it in relation to forgiveness of
sin in his earliest preaching does not definitely
appear. The discourse at Antioch in Pisidia may
illustrate the character of his reference to it :
'through this man is preached unto you forgive-
ness of sins' (Ac 13^^) ; but nothing is defined more
closely. To the Ephesian elders at Miletus he
speaks about 'the Church of God, which he pur-
chased with his own blood' (20^^). St. Paul himself
gives us the only valuable account of his preaching.
Its dominant topic was the crucifixion — 'the
preaching of the cross' (1 Co 1^^) ; 'I determined
not to know anything among you save Jesus Christ
and him crucified' (2-). No explanation is given.
But the fact that he made the cross supreme when
it was regarded as a direct antagonism and provocat-
ive by those he sought to win — a scandal to Jews
and fooUshness to the Gentiles — imphes that it was
associated with an interpretation that made it
something different from a mart\Tdom. Such a
martjTdom neither Jew nor Greek would have
regarded with the scorn they exhibited for the
interpretation St. Paul gave them in order to meet
their challenge for explanation.
(2) The Pauline Epistles. — On the whole, St.Paul's
preaching carries us no further towards a know-
ledge of any reasoned doctrine of atonement than
the position reached in the preacliing of his fellow-
apostles — that 'Christ died for our sins according
to the Scriptures.' Of course this is in itself a vast
doctrinal imphcation. Still, for the structure of
the Pauline doctrine we are shut up to his teach-
ing in his Epistles. In his earhest writings —
the Thessalonian Epistles — we practically get no
further towards his doctrine than in his preaching,
except perhaps that the idea emerges that in some
way Christ identifies Himself with our evil that
He may identify us with Himself in His own good
(1 Th 5''-)' We meet the organized body of his
* Cf. Stevens, Chriatian Doctrine of Salvation, 59, 122.
t Cf. G. A. Smith, Mod. Crit. and Preaching ofOT, London,
1901, p. 120 fif.
doctrine in the well-authenticated group of his
writings to the Galatians, Romans, and Corinth-
ians, with a supplementary view in the Imprison-
ment Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians.
We may differentiate this teaching, but it has
throughout most important underh'ing principles
in common. It falls conveniently into five divisions
— Atonement and Law ; Atonement and Righteous-
ness ; Atonement and Personalit j' ; Atonement
and Newness of Life ; Atonement and the Universe.
In briefly re\'iewing these, it should be remembered
that according to St. Paul the love of God is the
first and last motive of redemption, and that none
of the atoning processes is separable from the fuU
activities of the Divine Personality.
(a) Atonement and Law. — This is the form in
which St. Paul construes his doctrine' in the Galatian
Epistle, which deals more exclusively than any
other NT document with the significance of the
death of Christ. 'Christ redeemed us from the
curse of the law, having become a curse for (vv^p)
us; for it is ■UTitten, Cursed is every one that
hangeth upon a tree' (Gal 3^^). The conception
here is distinctly juridical ; whether it is also penal
will depend upon the definition of 'penal.' If
punishment imphes guilt, the sufferings of Christ
were not strictly penal, for He is always set forth
as guiltless ; moreover, guilt cannot be transferred
as guilt. His sufferings did, in St . Paul's judgment,
serve the end of punishment ; they were representa-
tively penal ; Christ took the place of the guilty
as far as it involved penal consequences ; for special
emphasis is laid upon the instrument of death — the
cross — and upon its curse, though there seems
nothing to justify the attributing to Christ of the
position suggested by the allusion to Dt 21"^ of one
' accursed of God ' which has at times been pressed
by expositors. That He endured the consequences
of such a position and in this sense was 'made a
cm-se on our behalf' is the Apostle's apphcation of
it. This endurance is regarded as the recognition
of the just requirement of the law of God — not the
ceremonial law alone, but also the moral demands
arising out of God's holy and righteous nature,
and especially those which empiricalty St. Paul
had put to the test in vain in his seeking after
personal righteousness. St. Paul does not deny
the authority of this law ; he asserts it, but the
fact that it was added to the promise for 'the sake
of transgression ' resulted in its making men sinful;
it brought a curse : ' Cursed is every one which con-
tinueth. not in all things that are ■written in the
book of the law, to do them ' (3^°). With this curse
in its consequences Christ identifies Himself, as in
the Apostle's thought He had identified Himself
with mankind in being 'born of a woman, bom
under the law' (4^). By thus making HimseK
absolutely one with those under ban, absorbing
into Himself all that it meant, He removed the
obstacle to forgiveness in the righteous attitude of
God towards sin which could not be overcome until
sin had been virtually punished. It was thus that
the way was opened for man to identify himself by
personal faith and hving experience with Christ's
death, so that St. Paul was justified in saying:
'For I through the law died unto the law, that I
might five unto God. I have been crucified with
Christ ; yet I hve ; and yet no longer I, but Christ
hveth m me' (2"f-)
This conception of St. Paul's adds the ethical
idea of atonement to the juridical, which other
passages reiterate (5'^ 6^''). It is, however, essenti-
ally Pauline to regard the ethical as depending
for its possibility and efficacy in experience upon
the juridical; otherwise 'Christ died for nought.'
God must vindicate His law so that He may
justly forgive ; the operation of grace is connected
with the assertion of justice. But ultimately St.
ATONEIMENT
ATONEMENT
115
Paul's conception really transcends these contrasts ;
for it is God Himself who in His love provides
the way to be both just and gracious ; He, not
another, provides the satisfaction. In the last
analysis God is presented as removing His own
obstacles to forgiveness ; the death in which His
righteous law is exhibited is the provision of His
antecedent love ; the commending of His love is
the prior purpose resulting in Christ being 'made a
curse on our behalf.'* Consequently the whole
Christian life is resolved into a response to God's
love exhibited in the death of His Son; it does
away with the hindrance to forgiveness in God's
law, and at the same time inspires the faith which
conducts into ethical conformity to Christ in man's
experience.
(6) Atonement and Righteousness. — This is dealt
with exhaustively in the Epistle to the Romans ;
the great question the Epistle discusses is — How
shall a sinful man be righteous with God? and the
answer is — By receiving 'a righteousness of God'
which is 'revealed from faith to faith.' In the
interpretation of this answer we reach the heart
of the apostoUc doctrine, and upon it the great
bulk of later historical discussions has turned.
For more than the briefest hints here given of the
points of exegesis involved, reference should be
made to commentaries on the Epistle. St. Paul
distinctly states the two sides of the meaning
of atonement referred to in the beginning of this
article. But his intere.st is primarily absorbed
by the efficient cause of at-one-ment as the ideal
end, viz. the atonement, the Divine provision of
the satisfaction which the Divine righteousness
requires to be exhibited in order that forgiveness
of sins may be bestowed and a restoration of
fellowship between God and man achieved. To
this he devotes his utmost strength; he regards
it as primary in the order of thought as well as in
the redemptive process. StiU he is nobly loyal to
both conceptions, if, indeed, they were for him
really two ; for he thinks of the unity of the pro-
cess with the end as exhibiting the perfectness of
the Divine purpose of grace. This point will be
discussed later. Meanwhile it must be pointed out
that the strong divergencies revealed in the inter-
pretation of the apostolic doctrine have frequently
resulted from regarding one or other of these
phases of the Pauline doctrine as in itself adequate
to explain the whole. Ethical theories have sought
to ignore the juridical means ; juridical theories
have often stopped short of the ethical end. The
PauHne doctrine does neither. Both are met in
the conception, essential to his doctrine, of the
ideal and actual identification of Christ with man
in his sin, and of man with Christ in newness of
fife ; and also in the identification of both with
God in His unchanging righteousness and in His
eternal love ; for St. Paul with ceaseless loyalty
carries all the processes of redemption in time up
to the initiative and executive of the Divine pur-
pose.
Righteousness is the starting-point of hia discus-
sion ; it is seen in 'the wrath of God revealed from
heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteous-
ness of men' (Ro 1^*). God can never be at
peace with sin. Law brings no righteousness ; 'by
the law is the knowledge of sin' (3^°). All have
sinned ; not one is righteous ; the necessity for a
righteousness apart from the law is obvious.
The provision of this, 'even the righteousness of
God through faith in Jesus Christ unto aU them
that beheve' (3--), is the Divine atonement. This
imphes, of course, in its completion a great moral
and spiritual change in the nature and character
of those who ' have received the atonement ' ; that
* Cf. P. Wprnle, Anfonge unserer Religion, Tubingen, 1901,
p. 146 ; Steveiis, Christian Doctrine of Salvation, 67.
end does not yet receive St. Paul's attention ; his
mind is preoccupied with the means. He is not even
at present intent on demonstrating the necessity
of this ethical transformation ; he is in subjection
to the arresting fact that all ungodliness and un-
righteousness of men was exposed to the Divine
wrath, and is constrained to show how the wrath
was withheld. This was not primarily to be sought
in the measure in which men might be arrested by
the fact and cease to sin ; they must and would do
that in proportion as they received the atonement.
But for the time being St. Paul is confining his
thought entirely to the 'objective' work of Christ
in the atonement, whereby was provided and set
forth the means by which the 'subjective' work of
Christ in personal union with the believing soul
might be possible ; indeed, in some respects it had
been actual also in the past, for sins had already
been remitted by God. 'Being justified freely by
his grace through the redemption that is in Christ
Jesus : whom God set forth to be a propitiation,
through faith, by his blood, to show his righteous-
ness, because of the passing over of the sins done
aforetime, in the forbearance of God ; for the
showing, I say, of his righteousness at this present
season : that he might himself be just, and the
justifier of him that hath faith in Jesus' (3-'"^).
Thus St. Paul conceived the method of deliver-
ance from the wrath of God which was inevitable in
the presence of unrighteousness ; it is an objective
work and is in response to faith, however full of
personal renewal in righteousness its ethical impli-
cations may eventually become ; for the destruction
of sin and the gift of hfe are regarded as depending
upon a free bestowal on sinners of a righteousness
of God. The interpretation of this crucial passage
and its context depends upon the meaning assigned
to the terms 'righteousness of God' and 'propitia-
tion.' The idea expressed in the former term
occupies the central place in St. Paul's conception
of atonement. Righteousness was his passion ; its
quest the summum bonum of his life; 'he had
sought it long in vain, and when at length he found
it he gave to it a name expressive of its infinite
worth to his heart: the righteousness of God.'*
To this title — 'a righteousness of God' — he firmly
adheres ; it is distinctive ; to him it is something
belonging to the Christian man, yet it is not his
personal righteousness of character; he receives it.
It also belongs to God, but it is not His personal
righteousness which is imparted to the believer.
St. Paul's conception of it does not occur in the
Gospels, where the term stands for the righteous-
ness of which God is the centre, which is His
essential attribute. The nearest approach to the
Pauline sense in the teaching of Jesus is the grace
of God in the free pardon of sin. In St. Paul,
righteousness is a 'gift' from God to him who
believes in Christ. He is dealt with as righteous.
To regard the righteousness of God as essentially
self-imparting, taking hold of human fives and
filling them with its Divine energies, without any
reference to the problem sin has created, is not
Paufine. To St. Paul, as well as to all NT teaching,
God's righteousness was the affluent, overflowing
source of aU the goodness in the world, but he felt
that sin made a difference to God ; it was sin against
His righteousness ; and His righteousness had to
be vindicated against it ; it could not ignore it.
Any view which failed to appreciate this problem
would miss the characteristic solution that St. Paul
unceasingly presents in the 'propitiation' in the
blood of Christ, 'whom God had set forth to show
his righteousness in passing over sins done afore-
time.' Ritschl's view, that always in St. Paul the
righteousness of God means the mode of procedure
which is consistent with God's having the salva-
* Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Christianity, 146.
116
atoxe:mext
ATONEMENT
tion of believers as His end, * overlooks the emphatic
contention of the Apostle, that it is the ungodly to
whom God is gracious rather than the faithful
within the covenant privilege; this latter is the
class referred to in the Psahns and Second Isaiah,
to whom God exhibited His righteousness in pres-
ence of the wrongs done them by their enemies.
Ritschl's conception is an attractive presentation of
the meaning of the term in other relations, but it
is irrelevant to St. Paul's distinctive meaning. The
suggestive view of the term expounded by Seeberg
in Der Tod Christi, that the righteousness of God
means simply His moral activity in harmony with
His true character, the norm of which is that He
should institute and maintain fellowship with men ;
that if He did not do so He would not be righteous
and would fail to act in His proper character, leaves
unanswered in any distinctive Pauline fashion the
question what means God takes to secure fellowship
wnth sinful men so that He may act towards the
ungodly in a way which does justice to Himself.
St. Paul does not leave the presentation of Chi-ist
as a means by which this fellowship may be
instituted, without a much closer definition ; he
clearly relates it to the vicarious principle lying for
him in his elect word 'propitiation,' whether it be
taken as a strictly sacrificial term or not (see, in
addition, art. Propitiation).
Denney, who discusses these views at length, f
maintains that the righteousness of God has not
the same meaning throughout this passage (3^'*^) ;
it has ' in one place — say in v.-- — the half-technical
sense which belongs to it as a summary of St.
Paul's gospel ; and in another — say in v.-® — the
larger and more general sense which might belong
to it elsewhere in Scripture as a sjoionym for God's
character, or at least for one of His essential at-
tributes.' But these two views are not unrelated ;
they cannot be discussed apart ; we see them har-
monized as complements in the true meaning of
'propitiation.' Christ is set forth by God as a
propitiation to exhibit their unity and consistency
with each other. When the Pauline view of 'pro-
pitiation,' as 'relative to some problem created by
sin for a God who would justify sirmers,' is accepted
in a substitutionary sense and the argument of the
passage reaches its climax, the two senses of the
righteousness of God in it 'have sifted themselves
out, so to speak, and stand distinctly side by side.' J
God is the Just in His o-mi character ; and at the
same time, in providing a righteousness of God
through faith, which stands to the good of the
beheving sinner, He is the Justifier. That both
these meanings are present in atonement and are
there harmonized with one another, is what St.
Paul seeks to bring out.
St. Paul would show God righteous in His
forbearance in 'the passing over of sins done
aforetime.' But, as he defines the effects of the
propitiation, he leaves the wrath of God in the
background ; the forbearance of God becomes the
centre of his thought ; that is a gracious fact and
must be accounted for. Why has God never dealt
with sinful men according to their sins? He has
always been slow to anger and of great kindness, a
gracious God and merciful ; sins done aforetime were
passed over. Does the doing of this impugn His
righteousness? St. Paul finds his apology for, and
explanation of, the universal graciousness of God in
the propitiation wliich He has set forth in Christ
by His blood. God cannot be charged with moral
indifference because He has always been God, the
Saviour. Sin has never been a trivial matter ; any
omission to mark it by inflicting its full penal con-
sequences has been due to forbearance, which now
in the propitiation justifies itself to His righteous-
* Rerhtfertioung und Versohnung, ii. 117.
t L>e<Uh of Chrifl, lU 1 ff. t Th. 1 05.
ness. If, apart from this, God had invested with
privilege those whose sin deserved the manifesta-
tion of His wrath. He would, St. Paul thinks, have
suppressed His righteousness. To show the Justi-
fier, whether ' in respect of sins done aforetime ' or
'at this present season,' to be Himself just, St. Paul
holds the setting forth of His righteousness by the
propitiation in the blood of Christ to be necessary.
Christ's death, therefore, was something more than
a great ethical appeal of the love of God in suffer-
ing for sin to the heart and conscience of men ; it
had been rendered necessary by the remission of
sins in ages before the Advent, as well as to justify
the readiness and desire of God to remit the sins of
any man who 'at this present season' 'hath faith
in Jesus.'
This e.xaltation of the forbearance of God as the
ultimate explanation of the propitiation is intended
to make known the ultimate fact that thewTath of
God against sin lies within the supreme constraint
of the love of God — ' His own love ' which He com-
mendeth toward us in that while we were yet sinners
Christ died for us (5®^) . Christ was set forth by God
Himself ; His love provided the propitiation ; there
was no constraint upon Christ. He gave Himself up
for us ; there was no conflict between the Divine
^Tath and the Divine love ; they were reconciled in
God, and their reconciliation set forth in the pro-
pitiation in the blood of Christ. The wrath is the
expression and minister of the love ; mere self-con-
sideration is unknown in the Divine activity. More-
over, where the love has prevailed, the wTath fails,
' While we were yet sinners, Ckrist died for us ; much
more then being now justified in his blood shall we
be saved through him from the WTath. For if while
we were enemies we were reconciled to God through
the death of his Son, much more being reconciled,
shall we be saved by his life' (5^^). The achieve-
ment of redemption in its ethical value proceeds
from the death of Christ as the supreme demonstra-
tion of the Divine love, by evoking in sinful souls
the response of a personal surrender to the ne-^vmess
of life to which it constrains. This may introduce
the classical passage in St. Paul's writings on the
doctrine of atonement. 'AU things are of God,
who reconciled us to himself through Jesus Christ,
and gave unto us the ministry of reconcihation ; to
wit, that God was in Christ reconciling the world
unto himself, not reckoning unto them their tres-
passes, and having committed unto us the word of
reconcihation. We are ambassadors therefore on
behalf of Christ, as though God were entreating by
us ; we beseech you on behalf of Christ, be ye
reconciled to God. Him who knew no sin he made
to be sin on our behalf, that we might become the
righteousness of God in him' (2 Co 5^^*^). The
Pauline doctrine receives its most satisfying and
probably its most permanent interpretation in the
restoration of acceptable personal relations between
God and man, and the perfecting of these in a
fellowship of holy love.
(c) Atonement and Personality. — Love, the perfect
expression of the Divine Personality, constrained
God to identify Himself in Christ with us, and con-
strains us to identify ourselves in Christ with God.
Personality finds its perfection in fellowship ; self-
identification with others is the ultimate of fellow-
ship. Identification is the principle on which an
interpretation of reconciliation most easily proceeds
(see Reconciliation). Love is essentially self-im-
partation. Reconciliation is an exchange, the giving
and receiving of love; 'at-one-ment' is its issue.
This is based in the Pauline thought upon the Divine
initiative. God 'made him who knew no sin to be
sin on our behalf,' that there might be identification
of righteousness as well as of love in the reconcilia-
tion, 'that we might become the righteousness of
CJod in him,' 'not reckoning unto men their tres-
ATONEIVIENT
ATONEIVIENT
117
passes.' These words suggest the idea of such an
identification of men 'in Christ' that there is on
God's part a general justification of mankind in the
form of a non-imputation of sins, on the purely
objective ground of God's satisfaction by self -giving
in Him who knowing no sin was made sin on our
behalf. Individual identification of man wiU follow,
as, in response to God's entreating, each man is
reconciled to God. 'For the love of Chi-ist con-
straineth us ; because we thus judge, that one died
for all, therefore all died ; and he died for all, that
they which hve should no longer five unto them-
selves, but to him who for their sakes died and rose
again' (2 Co 5^^'). As the race died in Christ, His
death is a true crisis in every man's history ; there
is a new creation, which includes both a new status
and a new creature. That aU died in Christ is
neither wholly subjective nor wholly objective.
St. Paul's fuU doctrine requires both ; their death is
died by Hun, and His death is died by them. But in
the order of thought He must first die their death,
that they may die His. We never read that God
has been reconciled ; He reconciled Himself to the
world in Christ, but men are reconciled or ' receive
the reconcihation.' St. Paul's judgment is that the
atonement is a finished work, but that the 'at-one-
ment' is progressive ; reconcihation is first a work
wrought on men's behalf before it is wrought within
their hearts ; it is a work outside of rnen, that it
may be a work within them ; there is objective
basis for the subjective experience.
Some interpreters, e.g. Denney,* would limit the
reconciliation to what God in Chi'ist has done out-
side of us ; others, e.g. Kaftan, f hold that nothing
is to be called reconcihation unless men are actually
reconciled. St. Paul's doctrineis consistent with the
view that reconciliation is both something which is
done and something which is being done. The ex-
pression of that which is done and the source of that
which is being done are seen in the solemn assertion
that God made Him who knew no sin to be sin on
our behalf. No exegesis is more than a halting in-
terpretation of the profound significance of this say-
ing. At least the words mean that He died for our
sin in regard to its consequences. They seem, how-
ever, to mean more ; but in what sense God's love
in the gift of Christ can be said to be identified
with 'sin on our behalf,' it is impossible to say.
Certain it is that St. Paul had other and more usual
ways of saying that the sinless One was a sin-bearer
in the sense of an offering for sin. The strength of
the saying is that He died to all that sin could mean,
and that, in this dying unto sin once for all, the
race with which He identified Himself in His suffer-
ings and death died with Him ; it is a death which
contains the death of all, rather than solely a death
which would otherwise have been died by all ; in it
their trespasses are not imputed unto them, and by
the constraint of its demonstration of love they live
not unto themselves but unto Him who died for them
and rose again. The statement that aU this was
the work of 'God in Christ' suffices to refute any
reading of the process of reconciliation which sug-
gests a contrast that approaches competition be-
tween the righteousness of God and the love of
Christ. It is identification which is supreme here.
For, while it is no doubt ti-ue that the conception of
Christ as substitute suits the interpretation of His
death as sacrificial, the idea of representation best
accords with the whole group of passages from which
by induction St. Paul's law of redemption is to be
gathered. In these, Christ appears as a central
Person, in whom the race is gathered into an ethical
unitjf, ha\ang one responsibility and one inheritance.
In this identity even those realities usually regarded
as inseparable from personality, such as sin and
righteousness, are treated as separable entities pass-
* Death of Christ, 145. t Dogmntik, § 52 ff.
ing freely from the one participant in the identifica-
tion to the other — sin to the Sinless One, righteous-
ness to the unrighteous. An objective identity of
this order, however, does not permanently satisfy
so keen a thinker as St. Paul ; he cannot rest short
of subjective identity between Redeemer and re-
deemed. Not onty in virtual oneness by Divine ap-
pointment, but in actual union by living experience,
is identification to be achieved. This provides the
basis for St. Paul's teaching on —
{d) Atonement and Newness of Life. — The work
of redemption was not whoUy a matter of juridical
substitution and imputation. Another fine of
thought of great importance is pursued, besides
the freeing from the curse and the dehverance
from -RTath. The relation of men to the salvation
of Christ is not purely passive. * They must enter
into intimate union of life with Hun. _ They must
die in effect with Christ to sin on His cross, and
rise with Him in newness of life. Through their
faith they constitute His mystical body; they
have corporate identity with Him in 'the fife
which is life indeed ' ; they are saved from the
power as well as the guilt of sin ; freedom from
the law of sin and death completes the release from
its condemnation ; the release from past sin in the
atonement in Christ's death does not exhaust its
aim ; it involves the actual renunciation of the
selfish Ufe and the reahzation of the life of holy
love.
Although this conception is not wholly out of
mind in chs. 3 and 4 of Romans and elsewhere (cf.
Gal 2i«f-, Col 220 3^ Ph^B'^f), in which the juridical
view of Christ's death is developed, it finds its fuU
presentation in reply to an imaginary objection to
the juridical view in Ro 6 and the following three
chapters. The question. Shall we continue in sin
that grace may abound? starts St. Paul upon an
exposition of the essential relation between the
righteousness which is by faith in Christ as 'pro-
pitiation,' and the righteousness which is personal
and real, through vital fellowship with His death
and resurrection ; 'crucified with him, buried with
him, raised with him,' behevers also walk with
Him 'in ne^Tiess of hfe.' There is something in
the experience of Christ which they repeat so far
as its ethical implications can be reahzed in their
own experience ; for the closest of finks exists be-
tween the saving deed of Christ and the ethical
issues of the salvation it has brought about. Al-
though St. Paul does not make any direct use of
the spotless holiness and perfect obedience of
Christ save in so far as they issue in His death,
still these ethical qualities of the Redeemer be-
come the ethical demand in the redeemed as their
union of life with Him is unfolded. _ The great
Pauhne conception 'in Christ' is required to com-
plete on its ethical side the salvation which is
'through Christ' on the legal side.
In recent exposition the relation between these
two — the 'subjective-mystical' view of salvation
and the 'objective-juridical' — has been much dis-
cussed. Is the former an addition, a supplement,
a correlative, or a transformation of the latter?
'Probably a majority of recent scholars hold that
the conception of freedom from sin through a new
moral hfe is primary in the thought of the
Apostle' ;t others reverse this relation. f Denney
strongly maintains that Christ's substitutionary
death is primary, and that the ethico-mystical
views are directly deduced from it ; the latter
* A. C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age, Edinburgh, 1897, p. 120.
t E.g. Stevens, Christian Doctrine of Salvation, 70 ; W.
Beyschlag, NT Theol., Eng. tr., 1895, ii. 198-201; C. v.
Weizsacker, Das apostolische ZeitaHer, Freiburg i. B., 1890, p.
139 (Eng. tr., London, 1895, ii. 104 f.).
t E.g. O. Pfleiderer, Das Urchristentum, Berlin, 1887, p. 229 ;
E. Menegoz, Le Peche et la Redemption d'apres St. Paul, 1882,
ii. 251 ff.
118
ATONEMENT
ATONEMENT
indicate the inevitable result of a true appropriat-
ing faith in the substitutionary death of Christ,
the sole object of which was to atone for sin ;
gratitude to Christ for this redemptive act of love
being sufficient to evoke the whole experience of
salvation on its ethical side. St. Paul's thought
has only one focus — Christ's 'finished work,' His
'atonement outside of us.'* A. B. Bruce fears
that the practical schism between these two ex-
periences of faith in the objective work of Christ
and personal union in His death and resurrection
is too real for such a view ; he thinks that the
doctrine of an objective righteousness wrought
out by Christ was first elaborated, that this 'met
the spiritual need of the conversion crisis,' and
that 'the doctrine of subjective righteousness
came in due season to solve problems arising out
of Christian experience ' ; consequently they are
'two doctrines,' two revelations serving different
purposes, but not incompatible with or cancelling
one another, t Lipsius regards the two lines of
thought as parallel or interpenetrating. t H. J.
Holtzmann makes the interesting suggestion that
the expiatory doctrine is built up by St. Paul's use
of popular Jewish conceptions and sacrificial cate-
gories apphed to Christ's death, while the ethico-
mystical view is the more direct product of his
experience interpreted through Hellenistic ideas,
especially the contrast of flesh and spirit. § Whilst
the two doctrines lie side by side within the same
Epistle, it is difficult to regard them as separate
doctrines representing quite distinct epochs of
thought or experience in St. Paul. His teaching
elsewhere on the_ work of the Holy Spirit should
not be ignored in making adjustments between
the two sides of his view of the atonement. It is
on the interpretation of the place of St. Paul's
ethical teaching on this doctrine that most marked
differences exist ; his doctrine of expiation is ex-
pounded with substantially the same results by
scholars of the most divergent theological ten-
dencies. 1|
(e) Atonement and the Universe. — In two of the
Epistles of the Imprisonment — those to Eph. and
Col. (Phil, repeats the same circle of ideas as Rom.
and Gal.) — St. Paul extends the reconciliation
wrought by the death of Christ from the human
race to the universe as it sustains moral relations
to God ; it is the cosmic view of the atonement,
and is a result of seeking to provide a basis for the
ruling idea of the absoluteness of his gospel. The
'world ' for which Christ died is no longer the world
of sinful men, as in 2 Co 5^^ and Ro 3^^ ; it is vaster
(cf. Ro 8^**^ ) ; it includes angelic and possibly
super-angelic beings, 'things in (or above) the
heavens ' (Eph P°) ; God has been pleased ' through
him to reconcile all things unto himself, having
made peace through the blood of his cross, through
him, whether they be things on earth, or things
in heaven ' (Col 1*°) . Here we pass from the region
of the historical and experimental into that of
vision and spiritual imagination. How far the
categories of juridical and ethical, into which St.
Paul's doctrine has been cast elsewhere, may be
api^lied to the processes of the restoration of the
whole universe to perfect unity with God in Christ,
it is difficult to say. R. W. DaleU argues that
they are fulfilled in removing the objective cause
of estrangement ; but it is evident that, if this is
* Death of Christ, 179-192.
+ .S7. Paul's Conreption of Christianity, 214 ff.
I Donmatik^, Brunswick, 1893, p. 510.
iNT TheoLii. 117f. _
II E.g. Stevens, Christian Doctrine of Salvation, pt. i. ch. iv. ;
Denney, Death of Christ, ch. iii. ; Pfloidorer, Paulinismus-,
LeipziK, 1890, ch. iii. (Eng. tr., 1877) ; M6n6goz, Le Peche, etc.,
ii. ch. iii. ; H. J. Holtzmann, AT Theol. ii. 97-121 ; H. Cremer,
Die Paulinische Rechtferliuunrjslehre-, Giitersloh, 1900, pp.
424-448.
^The Atonement'', 253 ff.
in itself inadequate for the realized salvation of
the human race, it will not be hkely to suffice for
a higher race of moral intelligences ; the personal
union of sympathy and life implied in the subjec-
tive and mystical view will still be necessary for
at-one-ment.
The Pastoral Epistles, though probably much
later than St. Paul's earlier group in which his
doctrine is chiefly stated, add no fresh ideas to his
interpretation. This may imply that his doctrine
had ah-eady become fixed in form and could be
taken for granted, or that it is unwise to lay stress
upon the view that it was a slowly developed teach-
ing. The influence upon other NT writers of St.
Paul's doctrine of the relation of the death of Christ
to the forgiveness of sins should be carefully con-
sidered ; the subject goes beyond the scope of this
article.
2. The type presented in the Epistle to the
Hebrews. — This is distinctive. Some suspect
possible affinities with the thought of tlie apostolic
group in the Church at Jerusalem. The writing
exhibits many resemblances in language to the
Pauhne type, but the same terms are used with a
different connotation, and there is an absence of
many of St. Paul's characteristic forms of thought;
the PauUne principle of substitution prevails, but
it is presented more in the spirit and method of
the Alexandrine exegesis and philosophy of religion
— the relation of shadow to reaUty — or in the sym-
boUsm of the Jewish sacrificial system. Although
one of the most theological of all the NT writings,
it assumes rather than states a philosophy of the
Christian redemption. The 'death of Christ is re-
garded as exclusively sacrificial. As atonement
it is presented mostly on the objective side ; even
more than St. Paul, the writer emphasizes the work
Christ does outside us, 'on our behalf.' St. Paul's
supplement to this view in his ethico-mystical
doctrine is only slightly considered. The term
' in Christ ' does not occur ; the circle of ideas it
represents is absent ; ethical imphcations of the
vicarious view are found, but they are difi'erent
and slighter. The idea of finality is the character-
istic conception which dominates the presentation
of Christ's redeeming work; it is 'eternal' in this
sense. The ethical value of a sinless Offerer in
perfect sympathy with His sinful brethren, for
whom He presents His sacrifice perfect and with-
out blemish, is a prominent characteristic in the
doctrine of the atoning work. The perfect human-
ity implied makes it possible to start the interpret-
ation of the doctrine of atonement in the Epistle,
with Westcott, from the Incarnation ; or, with
Seeberg, from the Passion of the Offerer as identi-
cal with the historic Jesus. As His perfect Priest-
hood, which is almost identical with the latter,
also includes the former, both in the historic fact
and in the mind of the v\Titer of the Epistle, it is
more satisfactory to adopt it as the ruling idea.
(1) Pnes^/iood.— Priesthood is the clearest way
of access to the writer's main teaching ; it unifies
the distinguishable orders of sacrifice — sin-offering,
burnt-offering, etc. — in the one characteristic
function of the priest, whi(;h is to offer sacrifice
and so to establish and to represent the fellowship
of God with man, which is the root-idf^a of atone-
ment. Such fellowship is visible and incorporate
in the priest's person ; through him the people
draw near to God themselves, have their fellowship
with Him, and become His people. The necessity
for a priest and his mediation is that sin stands in
the way of this fellowship ; it cannot be ignored ;
its defilement is the acute problem in thought and
experi(>nce which constrains the writer to set forth
the Divinely appointed way for its removal. For
this end God has appointed His own Son a High
Priest for ever, that He may make ' propitiation'
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ATONEIMENT
119
for the sins of His people (He 2^'). This is possible
in only one way — sacrifice. The OT conception,
upon the analogy of which this NT structure is
built, is that propitiation must be made for sin, if
sinful men are to have fellowship with God at all ;
the only propitiation known is the shedding of
blood in sacrificial offerings. A root-principle,
therefore, of the writer's theory is : ' Apart from
shedding of blood there is no remission ' (9^-) . This
sacrifice Christ provides in His blood ; He is at
once Priest and Sacrificial Offering ; He is on this
account capable of dealing effectively with sin as
the obstacle to the fellowship of God and man ;
'once (ctTral— 'once for all') at the end of the ages
hath he been manifested to put away sia by the
sacrifice of himself' (9^^).
(2) Sacrifice. — This offering of Himself is illus-
trated from the three elements of the Levitical
system — (a) the sin-offering, (6) the covenant-
offering, (c) the offering on the gi'eat Day of Atone-
ment. As sin-offering, Christ's death was a final
sacrifice for sins (10^^- ^^), it made propitiation for
the sins of the people (2^^), it put away sin (9^^).
As a covenant sacrifice, it ratified the new cove-
nant, of which He was the mediator, by ' blood of
sprinkling' (12^*) ; for this covenant also, that it
might become operative, His death was necessary.
As the high priest entered every year into the
Holy Place, Christ has entered into the heavenly
sanctuary to appear before the face of God for us
(9^*). He also suffered without the camp (13"').
"The writer dwells much upon the fact that all
these were only symbolic and morally ineffective as
types. Only in Christ's sacrificial offering of Him-
self and in the functions of His changeless Priest-
hood could be provided the eternal reality (see
Sacrifice). The writer also further defines all
that Christ did and suffered in its relation to God
— and especially to His love. It was by the grace
of God that He tasted death for every man (2^).
God is not conceived in any sense as a hostile Being
who is to be won over by sacrificial gifts to be
gracious to man; these are never said to 'recon-
cile' God. The Priesthood of Christ was God's
appointment and calling (5^). Christ's supreme
ministry was 'to do thy will, O God' (10^). The
same will was fulfilled 'through the offering of the
body of Jesus Christ once for all' (aTra?, 10^").
Christ's life and death are in perfect obedience to
God, and are a revelation of the mind and love of
God ; such is God's gracious way of making it
possible for the sinful to have fellowship with Him,
of 'bringing many sons unto glory' (2^°) ; it was
entirely congruous, the wTiter asserts, with God's
perfect ethical nature and with man's sinful state.
It is in the latter sense that the writer defiries
further the relation of the sacrifice of Christ to sin.
His work is described as 'having made purification
of sins ' ( P ) . He was offered to bear the sins of many
(928 2" iQi^ff •) . By whatever sacrificial illustrations
His offering of Himself in His blood is set forth, the
expiatory significance is common to them all ; they
represent the Divinely appointed way of deal-
ing with sin as a hindrance to communion with
God.
(3) Theory. — Beyond the relation to God and sin
referred to, it is not easy, without going outside
the pages of the Epistle, to state a doctrine which
explains to the reason the grounds on which the
sacrificial ministry of Christ as Priest and Offering
becomes available for the establishing of the fellow-
ship with God which is plainly set forth as its
object. It is said 'to sanctify' men (2" lO^"-^*
13^'-) ; to enable them 'to draw near to God' (4^^
71911. 1022); 'to jnake perfect' (21° V^ 10"); 'to
purify' (9^''). It is difficult, however, to give a
close definition of these terms. Primarily they
refer to status; men's relation to God is altered
rather than their character changed into ethical
states befitting these terms as symbols of personal
qualities ; the immediate effect upon men is reUgious
rather than ethical. But ultimately this effect
is inadequate. As much as this was acknowledged
to have been accomplished by the ancient priest-
hood and sacrifices, and it is the persistent plea of
the writer that these ceased because they were in-
adequate : the blood of bulls and of goats can never
take away sin or serve for the purification of the
conscience. Christ's Priesthood and Offering were,
on the other hand, 'better,' 'perfect,' 'eternal,' or
final ; they did what others could not do. In the
end, therefore, those who shared their benefits
would enter into possession and enjoyment of the
ethical realities for which they were the surety;
such persons were to become partakers of Christ
(314.1 Qiy Identification was to follow the more
strictly vicarious relation. Meanwhile, however,
the writer is Pauline to this extent that, whilst
not excluding the ethical from the results of
Christ's substitutionary work, he emphasizes first
and strongly the objective benefits. He holds that
eventually conscience and character will share in
the blessings assured by access to God, but the
ethical change is considered as the outcome of the
change in the religious and juridical relation.
Before the 'sanctified' become sinless or the
'perfect' faultless or the 'pm-ified' pure, they
have the status towards God of these, which is
expressed in the privilege of fellowship. This is
the effect of Christ's 'finished work' in His death :
it is primary ; and the moral renewal, though
assured as its outcome, is secondary, Christ's
death has done something in regard to sin once for
all, and by one offering has brought men for ever
into a perfect reUgious relation to God. That
such an objective result is thus brought about
seems clear from the Epistle, but what it is pre-
cisely which in God is related to this work is not
stated by the writer, nor what constitutes the
necessity in God for the Divinely appointed death
of Christ. He does not go behind the Divine
appointment ; that God wills it is sufficient ; this
is for him axiomatic ; in what its absoluteness lies
is not stated. How far it is legitimate to read
into the Epistle the Pauline ideas is doubtful ; it
has only the value of inference. The efficiency of
the fact that Christ's death is the putting away of
sin is the writer's contribution to the apostohc
doctrine of atonement rather than its explanation.
Denney finds the one hint of an attempt at explana-
tion in 'Christ, who through the eternal Spirit
offered himself without spotto God' (9"). The
sinlessness of Jesus gave to His offering an absolute
and ideal character beyond which nothing could
be conceived as a response to God's mind and
requirements in relation to sin. The ideal
obedience even unto death may be the clue — the
spiritual principle of the atonement that gives the
work of Christ its value. The Epistle lays great
stress on Chi-ist's identification of Himself with
man.
3. The Johannine type. — This is a sufficiently
definite term to stand for a characteristic view of
the atonement in the Apostolic Church found in
the Fourth (iospel, in the three Cntholic Epistles
bearing the name of John, and in the Apocalypse.
Criticism still leaves the problem of authorship in
much uncertainty, but tends to greater agreement
in ' ascribing all these writings to the same locahty,
to pretty much the same period, and to the
same circle of ideas and sympathies.'* Reflecting
probably the thought and experience of the last
quarter, or even the last decade of the first century,
they are later than all our other sources ; and,
being dominated by theological interest, they are
* Denney, Death of Christ, 241.
120
ATONEMENT
ATONEMENT
of particular importance for judging the views
taken of the death of Christ and its relation to
sin towards the close of the Apostolic Age.
Whilst the Epistle which deals with the death
of Chi-ist presents a more reflective interpretation
of it than is found in the Gospel, both unite in
dwelling upon the ethical and spiritual results of
Christ's death in the experience and possibihties of
the Christian sanctification rather than upon its
relation to the satisfaction of the Divine law of
righteousness. But the latter is by no means
overlooked ; it is present frequently by imphca-
tion, it is occasionally exphcitly referred to. The
Johannine type is distinctly more favourable to
the conception of 'at-one-ment' than to that of
atonement ; it is ethical and mystical rather than
juridical. So much is this so that selected sayings
could be collected which would easily weave them-
selves into a theory that Jesus saves by revelation,
by the illumination of Divine hght which becomes
the light of life and the assurance of our fellowship
in the life eternal. Redemption by revelation
would be a fair interpretation, say, of the Prologue
to the Gospel and of those portions of it in which
the ideas of the Prologue rule. Salvation is in
Christ's Person : * this is Life eternal, that they
should know thee the only true God and him whom
thou didst send, even Jesus Christ ' ( Jn 17^) . Jesus
redeems men by reveaUng to them the truth about
God in Himself; His work is supremely that of
the Prophet of God, who so redeems His people
into fellowship with God. Knowledge of God as
He is draws men from sin. Christ dies, but this is
inevitable because He is the Word made flesh, and
must therefore share the end of all flesh and die,
and 'so fulfil the destiny of a perfect man by a
perfect death as by a perfect hfe. * Broadly speak-
ing this is true, but it is certainly not the only
Johannine view of the saving work of Christ. It
may be suggestive to discern the contrast between
the Pauline view that revelation is by redemption,
and the Johannine that redemption is by revela-
tion, but it is not exhaustive ; for the Joharmine
writings are also pervaded by a conviction of the
necessity and saving value of Christ's death ; He is
as truly 'propitiation' as 'revelation.' St. Paul's
view that, apart from His pui-pose of dying for
redemption, Christ would not have come in the
flesh at all, is not avowed by St. John, but it is not
contradicted by him ; his main interests are much
more with the realities and issues of redemption
than with its presuppositions and processes. Sin
is the real problem for him as for St. Paul, and the
death of Christ is the only means of removing it.
This is stated in Gospel and Epistle with a wealth
of variety. Whether they afford material for a
fuU theory of expiation, as some expositors assume,
may be questioned ; but that they clearly state a
connexion between the death of Christ and the
cleansing away of sin, and indicate a theory of
this relation which has affinities with the Pauline
view and with that of the writer to the Hebrews,
cannot reasonably be doubted.
Whilst in the very brief review of these references
we must refrain from reading the Pauline meaning
into the Johannine ideas and terms, we must not
decline to recognize such similarities as we find are
present in the writings.
(1) References in Gospel. — These fall into char-
acteristic groups : — (a) The references to the Lauib
of God. — Whether the saj'ing put into the mouth
of the Baptist (Jn 1^') be critically valid or not, it
is good evidence of the Johannine thought. We
accept the saying as referring to Jesus who ' taketh
away the sin of the world.' Its chief value is the
* Cf. B. F. Westcott, Evistle.1 of Si. John, London, 1883, p.
34 IT., Epistle to the Hebrews, London, 1.S89, p. 293 ff. ; H.
Schultz, Die GoUheit Chrisli, Gotha, 1X81, p. 447.
use of the sacrificial symbol, ' the lamb ' ; Jesus
takes away sin by the sacrificial method. The re-
ferences in the Apocalypse to 'the Lamb' as it had
' been slain ' (Rev 5^- ^'), to ' those who have washed
their robes in the blood of the Lamb' (7"), who
overcame ' because of the blood of the Lamb ' (12"),
indicate that the power and purity of the new
life in Christ were definitely associated with the
shedding and sprinkhng of His blood in the sacri-
ficial sense. The phrase 'in the Lamb's book of
life' (13^), though it may not bear the strain of the
idea of an eternal redemption, since 'from the
foundation of the world ' belongs gi-ammatically to
'written' (see art. Book op Life) rather than to
' slain,' indicates nevertheless that there is salvation
in no other. — (6) The references to 'the lifting up'
(Jn 3^* 12^2). These are best expounded by the
comment of the writer himself. ' This said (Jesus),
indicating by what kind of death he was to die'
(12^3). They refer to the hfting up on the cross,
though the exaltation that followed may be imphed,
in order that men might see Him in order to hve
and be drawn to Him by the appeal of His cross.
If there be any expiatory idea here, it is imphcit ;
it is not stated. — (c) The references to eating His
flesh in Jn 6. Alone these might well be satisfied
by the ethical interpretation of a spiritual appro-
priation of Christ ; this conception is natural in the
context ; but, as it is scarcely possible at the late
period of this writing to deny a reference to the
* Supper ' and its connexion with remission of sins,
the expiatory idea is most probably involved. In
the exposition of any Johannine wi'itings the place
held by the sacraments in the ApostoHc Church
should never be ignored. — {d) The references to the
laying down of His life. — 'The Good Shepherd'
(Jn 10"), the prophecy of Caiaphas (11™), the corn
of wheat (12^^*^ ), hfe laid down for friends (15") —
these with distinction of aspect show the applica-
tion to Jesus of the vicarious principle ; in the first
and last instances the voluntary character of the
self-sacrifice is important, whilst in the context of
the third the soul-troubhng of Jesus in presence of
death suggests that the death was neither ordinary
nor accidental. But there is no indication of a
theory of how His death avails for the benefit of
others. The one explanation that is sure is that
He lays down His hfe in obedience to the constraint
of love's necessity. This love is regarded by the
writer both as Christ's own love and as the
Father's. 'God so loved that he gave.' Love in
each case is the gift of self,
(2) References in Epistle. — In passing from the
Gospel, where the Johannine writer has emphasized
the fact of the self-sm-render in the death of Christ,
obviously bringing it in wherever possible without
attempting a definition of its relations, to the
Epistle, we find a closer definition of these realities
awaiting us. But here also the stress is laid upon
the correlation of the death of Christ with the
actual cleansing from sin rather than with the
canceUing of guilt or the satisfaction of the law.
Still, whilst the realization of purification, and not
merely a provision of the means of its cleansing, is
the primary meaning of the references to the re-
demptive work of Christ as the bearer of hght and
salvation, the latter is set forth in terms so inti-
mately allied with the sacrificial terminology of
the writers of the earlier ajrostolic Ei)istles, that
tiie contention that there lies behind the passages
the assumption of a judicial satisfaction for sin
cannot be fairly evaded. The passages are : 'The
blood of Jesus his Son cleanscth us from all sin'
(1 Jn 1^); 'And if any man sin, we have an
Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the right-
eous ; and he is the propitiation for our sins ; and
not for ours only, but also for the whole world'
(2") ; 'Your sins are forgiven you for his name's
ATONEMENT
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121
sake' (2^2) ; 'And ye know that he was manifested
to take away sins; and in him is no sin' (3^) ;
'Herein is love, not that we loved God, but that
he loved us, and sent his Son to be a propitiation
for our sins' (4'°). With these it is convenient to
associate the strongest saying in the Apocalypse
on the subject: 'Unto him that loveth us, and
loosed us from our sins in his blood' (Rev 1^).
That the immediate interest in these references is
to the ethical and spiritual results issuing from the
death of Christ in its relation to sin will not be
doubted. The question at issue is how far the
inference from them, that they assume an ante-
cedent value belonging to the death of Christ in
putting away the judicial obstacle to the cleansing
in the law and righteousness of God, can be estab-
lished. The cleansing obviously depends upon the
'death' and the 'blood' of Christ.
We need not draw the distinction made by West-
cott,* between the blood in the double sense of a
life given and of a life liberated and made available
for men, in order to justify a backward as well as
a forward look in the symbol. The main burden
of proof that the Johannine doctrine includes an
objective as well as a subjective work of Clirist is
upon the use of 'propitiation.' It is not the same
word (IXaff/iSs, not IXaa-rripiov) as is used in the
PauHne Epistles, but it is very closely akin. Is it
likely, in being apphed here to the same object, to
have a different meaning? Used in the same
Christian community within approximately the
same period, and dealing with the same element in
a common faith, is not the term probably used in
the same accepted sense by the Johannine writer
as by the writer to the Hebrews and St. Paul ? If we
are to interpret it, these usages are the only means
at our disposal unless the Johannine hterature
itself provides others. This is not done. On the
contrary, other terms are used that suggest that
the place of i\a(r/x6s is in the same system of re-
demptive ideas that we find in the other apostolic
writings. It is, for instance, co-ordinated with
Jesus Christ as 'the righteous,' standing thereby
in some relation to the moral order of the world,
and with 'an Advocate,' which touches the judicial
system of ideas ; it is connected also with ideas of
sacrifice and intercession which relate it to a
system of mediating priesthood ; the marked con-
trast between 'loveth' and 'loosed' in the opera-
tion of the love of Christ, which is the source and
efficient cause of redemption in His blood from our
sins in Rev 1^, may also suggest a combination
between the progressive hberation from our sins
and the achievement once for aU of our redemption
in Him. _ The further statement that the ' propi-
tiation' is not for our sins only but also for 'the
whole world,' is not satisfied by the merely personal,
and therefore for the present partial, experience of
a subjective salvation. These are only inferences
and nothing more, but they are of value in con-
struing the Johannine witness into terms of the
general apostolic teaching. The supreme value,
however, of this witness is the matchless grace
with which the writer relates 'propitiation' to the
love of God. St. Paul had taught this as the ulti-
mate source of redemption, but had associated with
its expression the righteousness of law and the
wrath of God against sin. The Johannine writer
transcends these in dwelUng with holy joy upon the
issues of the propitiation, not only in actual cleans-
ing from sin, but in lifting men into the presence
of an eternal reality in which propitiation is an
interchangeable term with the Divine love itself.
In 4^° he defines propitiation in terms of love :
'He loved us and sent his Son to be the propitia-
tion for our sins' ; in 3'^ he reverently identifies
love with ' propitiation ' — ' In this have we known
* Epistles of St. John, 34 £f. ; Epistle to the Hebrews, 293 ff.
love, in that he {iK€?vos) for us (v-rrkp ■f)ixG)v) laid
down his life.' The contrast such love implies
is the ultimate of the apostoUc doctrine of the
atonement — it is the perfect expression of what the
writer means when he declares that 'God is love.'*
4. The sub-apostolic period. — In the age im-
mediately succeeding,' the apostolic, the Church
appears to have exhibited no desire to interpret
the relation of the d^ath of Christ to the fors'ive-
ness of sins either with greater fullness than, or by
any divergence of view from, that found in the
apostoUc writings ; the forms exhibited there were
found suflScient. The early Fathers treated the
atonement as a fact, without any attempt to ex-
plain _ its grounds. They had no theory: they
describe it mostly in the actual words of Scripture,
with Uttle or no comment ; the types of interpreta-
tion given were sufficient to satisfy their intelli-
gence concerning the experience of forgiveness of
sins which so richly satisfied their heart. Clement
of Rome in his First Epistle exhorts the Corinthians
to 'reverence the Lord Jesus Christ, whose blood
was given for us' (xxi.), who 'on account of the
love He bore us gave His blood for us by the
will of God ; His flesh for our flesh and His soul
for our souls' (xhx.). There is no clear statement
as to the reasons that moved the will of God.
The ethical appeal of the death of Christ is pre-
dominant ; it is the supreme motive to gratitude,
humihty, and self-sacrifice. The references in the
writings of Ignatius are chiefly that the death of
Christ on the cross reveals His love, and that through
His death we become partakers of spiritual nourish-
ment in His body and blood (cf. Trail, viii. and
Rom. vi.). Polycarp reminds his readers that 'the
earnest of their righteousness' is Jesus Christ, who
' bore our sins in His own body upon the tree ; who
did not sin, neither was guile found in His mouth,
but endured aU things for us, that we might Uve
in Him' (Phil. yiii.). The Epistle ascribed to
Barnabas deals with the subject in its relation to
the sacrifices of the Jewish Temple, which are
abohshed in order that ' the new law of our Lord
Jesus Christ, which is without the yoke of neces-
sity, might have a human oblation' (ii.). The Son
of God is spoken of as One who 'suffered that His
stroke might give us hfe ' ; ' let us therefore beUeve
that the Son of God could not have suffered except
for our sakes' (vi.). Our Lord's sufferings were
necessary; why, it is not said. (For catena of
quotations, consult R. W. Dale, The Atonement,
270 ff. ; Moberly, Atonement and Personality,
326 ff. ; Scott Lidgett, Spiritual Principle of Atone-
ment, 420 ff.).
IV. Conclusion.— i. Is there an apostolic
doctrine of the atonement? — Clearly the passage^
we have examined, which form the data for a.
doctrine of atonement, are brief and fragmentary
in character. It is frequently pointed out that the
books from which they are taken are in no strict
sense a unity, and were not written with the object
of being related to each other to form a unified
volume ; that they are only parts of a larger and
richer whole which interpreted the faith of the
Apostolic Age ; that their unity is factitious, f
This view is plausible. It must be admitted that
the doctrine of atonement found no uniformity of
expression in the Apostohc Church ; but there is
httle room for doubt that there existed a central
unity around which varied statements consistently
moved ; the latter were not a mere fortuitous
grouping ; they were orderly, and their movements
were organized in response to a central gravity.
The fact that the death of Christ had a direct re-
lation to the forgiveness of sins and to the restora-
tion of fellowship between God and man is funda-
* Cf. Denney, Death of Christ, 276.
t Jb. p. 2, for typical illustrations.
122
ATONE]MENT
ATONEMENT
mental to the most divergent interpretations of the
fact. The occasion of the reference, the purpose
of the writers, and especially their immediate
conception of the character of God and His relation
to the moral order of the world, largely account for
the varying forms of expression and illustration.
For, taken apart, the aspects in which the death of
Christ is viewed in the apostohc writings give
sufficient warrant for the main types — legal and
ethical — which mark the history of the doctrine in
the subsequent thought of the Church.
But the most critical survey of these aspects does
not sanction the contention of some recent writers
that an apostolic doctrine of the atonement can-
not be constructed.* A perfect doctrine may be
so deeply grounded and so many-sided that no
personal or corporate thought can completely ex-
pound it, and there may be many theories each
having its value. The judgment expressed by
R. F. Horton, 'The NT has no theory about the
Atonement,'! is too easy a release from the in-
tellectual necessity of seeking an interpretation of
the profound fact which dominated the whole of
the apostolic experience and teaching. The mate-
rials are certainly present in the apostoUc Utera-
ture for the construction of a theory — and more,
a theory itself is potentially present and virtually
expressed in the common experience and preaching
of apostolic times where it is not formally defined .
It is quite contrary to the spirit and attitude of
the Apostolic Church to speak of the atonement,
as Coleridge does, as 'the mysterious act, the
operative cause transcendent. Factum est : and
beyond the information contained in the enuncia-
tion of the FACT, it can be characterized only by
the consequences.' t The apostolic writers regard
fact and theory as permanently inseparable ; ' re-
concihation' involves its 'logos,' and they attempt
an explanation of the great fact which had become
the ground and appeal of their evangel ; a fact of
such a kind as the death of Christ, so rich in ra-
tional, ethical, and emotional content, and appealing
to the whole ethical and spiritual being of man,
could not be left without a ' meaning.' The simple
connexion in any degree of causal relation between
the fact of the death of Christ and the experience
of forgiveness of sins is itself a profound theory as
well as the mother of theories.
2. General character of the apostolic doctrine. —
This, as presented in the literature of the Apostolic
Age, is a unity in diversity. The diversity is aji-
parent ; it emerges as the stress of the interpreta-
tion of the death of Christ falls upon that which is
accompUshed by it objectively to man's inner ex-
perience and moral desert, in contrast with the effects
subjectively achieved in the spiritual history of the
individual believer and of the Christian community.
The former represents what God does in and of and
by Himself which, as exhibited in the life and death
of His Son, justifies to Himself and in Himself the
manifestation of His grace in the remission of sins ;
the latter is what man experiences in actual cleans-
ing from sin and in conscious reconciliation with
God in Christ ; the former is represented as accom-
plished once for all in the sacrificial obedience of
Christ even unto death ; the latter is realized in the
self-surrender of man under the constraint of the
love of God in Christ, so that he enters into an in-
ward spiritual fellowship with the suffering death of
Christ, and in the power of his resurrection experi-
ences the reality of ethical union with Christ ; the
former is regarded as a finished work, the latter as
a progressive achievement ; the former is atone-
ment, the latter is ' at-one-ment.' The presence of
this diversity of view in the faith of the Apostohc
* Cf. Life and LeUer.i of Dean Church, London, 1895, p. 274.
+ Faith and Criticism', London, 1H9.3, p. 222.
t Aids to Reflection, ed. London, 1913, Com. xix.
Church seems undeniable. Both aspects are dwelt
upon ; neither appears to be adequate alone. Each
is carried back to the abiding purpose of God and
regarded as the interpretation of His eternal love ;
the juridical stands for a reality in His nature as
truly as the ethical ; much in the apostohc doctrine
is not covered by the conception of atonement which
represents it as a perfect confession of sin on behalf
of man by Christ as man's Representative ; the
juridical conception is not fairly stated as an argu-
mentum ad Judoeos, or as the mere inheritance of
Jewish thought. For, although the idea of hteral
substitution lay so near to hand in later Jewish
theology and was everywhere enriched for them by
historic and Divinely-appointed ritual observance,
the apostohc thinkers so deepen and transfigure it
that it no longer tolerates the superficial conven-
tional idea of an easy or mechanical transfer of man's
guilt and penalty to another so that the sinner is
exempt from further responsibility.
An objective view of atonement exaggerated into
a system of imputations and equivalents is not found
in the teaching of the Apostolic Church, neither is
it ever set forth as a device for overcoming God's
reluctance to forgive sins. We are presented rather
with an intensely ethical conception of God's re-
quirements and with a mystical view of man's rela-
tion to Christ as the Representative of the race.
Substitution is thus deepened into moral identifica-
tion and solidarity ; even the outstanding feature
of the apostolic view of atonement as ' propitiation'
is exphcitly correlated with the ethical nature of
God ; behind the figures of speech and juridical
phraseology the redeeming work of Christ is pre-
sented as concerned primarily with personal rela-
tions and moral reahties. In this reference in
the processes of reconciliation to the Divine purpose
and activity— ' God in Christ reconciling the world
unto himself' — and, stiU further, in the recogni-
tion of the fact that the sufferings of the righteous
benefit the unrighteous, the unity of the apostolic
doctrine is found. Objective and subjective views
being thus regarded as manifestations of the self-
imparting love of God, originating in Him, not
in Christ apart from Him, justice and mercy as
contrasted attributes in the Divine nature are tran-
scended. The apostolic mind also rests more upon
the declaration of the Divine righteousness in the
blood of Christ than upon its satisfaction thereby.
God declares Himself reconciled by something He
had done whilst men were yet sinners. On Christ's
part the reconciliation takes place through an act
of self-emptying prior to, but manifest in, the Incar-
nation, with its obedience unto death , even the death
of the cross. The unity of 'objective' and 'sub-
jective' is verified also in the true experience of
personal redemption, which is never regarded in
the apostolic teaching as adequate apart from an
ethical surrender of the self to God in Christ by
the obedience of faith. Union with God in Christ
is in the apostohc teaching a closer definition of
having 'received the reconciliation.'
3. Finality and authority of the apostolic doc-
trine. ^'I'he interesting question whether tlie apo-
stolic doctrine of the atonement is final for tli(>
thought of the Church and binding upon her teach-
ers, is a phase of the hving controversy respecting
the permanent place of apostolic teaching in Chris-
tian thought, and lies beyond the scope of this
article. It must suflSce to point out that the teach-
ing of the Apostolic Church gives no sanction for
the view that the illumination of the minds of men
respecting the significance of the d(\ath of Christ is
limited to one type of interpretation or to one
generation of men. It is possible to recognize a
distinction between the contingent thought -forms
of the Apostolic Age and the essential spiritual life
with its fundamental certainties in an experience
ATONEMENT
AUGUSTAN BAND
123
of reconciliation, made real by God in Christ, which
these thought-forms sought to express. This ex-
perience in the Apostohc Age, as in every other,
was something more than a composite of the terms
used in its interpretation, even when these terms
were the coinage of the apostohc mind. The usual
conditions for the discovery of truth which satisfies
the intellectual nature will prevail here as else-
where. The one way in which truth, which is the
only reality having authority for the mind, reveals
its authority is in taking possession of the mind
for itself.* Truth justifies itself in the mind that
receives it ; it derives its authority in the realm of
the moral and spiritual by the experience it creates.
The mind, once it has come to know itself, cannot
submit to receive its convictions on blank authority ;
even when that authority is an utterance of the
apostolic mind, it must commend itself to the
Christian consciousness by its power rationally to
justify the facts to which that Christian conscious-
ness knows it owes its existence. The question,
therefore, whether the forms of the apostolic ex-
planation of the relation of the death of Christ to
the forgiveness of sins are final and binding upon
faith, will depend upon their adequacy permanently
to interpret the experience that Christian men will
always owe to their knowledge of those facts in
which the Christian experience first originated. The
conviction that those facts have been mediated to
the world thi-ough the Apostohc Church, wiU prob-
ably always suggest that the apostolic explanation
of them wiU antecedently be regarded with atten-
tion commensurate with the unique value of its
source. It seems fair, therefore, to expect that
where the modern mind finds the unity of the apo-
stolic doctrine of the atonement, it will also find
its finality ; and, where finality is found, permanent
authority is readily acknowledged. But finality is
in the Uving truth of the doctrine, not in its human
source.
Literature. — I. More directly on the apostolic doctrine: A.
B. Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Christianity, Edinburgh,
1894 ; A. Cave, The Scriptural Doctrine of Sacrifice and
Atonement-, do. 1890 ; T. J. Crawford, The Doctrine of Holy
Scripture respecting the Atonement'-, London, 1874 ; R. W.
Dale, The Atonement, do. 1875 ('« 1892) ;_J. Denney, The Death
of Christ: its Place and Interpretation in the NT, do. 1902;
R. J. Drummond, The Relation of the Apostolic Teaching to
the Teaching of Christ, Edinburgh, 1900 ; C. C. Everett, The
Gospel of Paul, Boston, 1893 ; J. Scott Lidgett, The^ Spiritual
Principle of the Atonement, London, 1897 ; E. Menegoz, Le
Peche et la Redemption d'apres St. Paul, Paris, 1882, and La
Theologie de VEpitre aux Hcbreux, Paris, 1894 ; G. Milligan,
The Theology of the Epistle to the Hebrews, Edinburgh, 1899 ;
G. F. Moore, art. 'Sacrifice' in EBi; A. Ritschl, Rechtferti-
gtmg und \'ersdhnung*, Bonn, 1895-1902 (Eng. tr. The Chris-
tian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation, by Mackintosh
and Macaulav, 1902) ; W. Sanday, Priesthood and Sacrifice,
London, 1900; A. Seeberg, Der Tod Christi, Leipzig, 1895;
G. Smeaton, The Doctrine of the Atonement as taught by the
Apostles, Edinburgh, 1S70 ; G. B. Stevens, The Christian Doc-
trine of Salvation, do. 1905; W. L. Walker, The Gospel of
Reconciliation, do. 1909 ; relevant sections in (a) Bible Diction-
aries, (6) NTTheologies(esp. those of H.J. Holtzmann (19111,
B. Weiss [3 1880], G. B. Stevens [18991), (c) Commentaries on
the Apostolic Epistles (esp. Sanday-Headlam and B. Jowett
on Rom., and Westcott on Hebrews and the Johannine
writings).
II. Dealing with the doctrine generally : Anselm, Cur
Deus Homo ?, 1098 ; E. H. Askwith, in Cambr. Theol. Essays,
London, 1906, p. 17.5 ff. ; Athanasius, de Incarnatione (c. 360) ;
A. Barry, The Atonement of Christ, London, 1871 ; A.B. Bruce,
The Humilintion of Christ-, Edinburgh, 1881, pp. 317-400;
H. Bushnell, The Vicarious Sacrifice, London, ed. 1891 ; J.
McLeod Campbell, The Nature of the Atonement^, do. 1878 ;
R. S. Candlish, The Atonement : its Efficacy and Extent, do.
1867 ; A. B. Davidson, OT Theology, Edinburgh, 1904, div. iii.
ch. 2 ; D. C. Davies, The Atonement and Intercession of Christ,
do. 1901 ; J. Denney, The Atonement and the Modern Mind,
London, 1903; C. A. Dinsmore, Atonement in Literature and
Life, Boston, 1906 ; A. M. Fairbairn, The Place of Christ in
Modern Theology, London, 1893 ; P. T. Forsyth, The Crucial-
ity of the Cross, do. 1909 ; C. C. Hall, The Gospel of the Divine
Sacriyife, New York, 1896 ; T. Haring, Zur VersOhnungslehre,
Gottingen, 1893 ; W. Herrmann, Der Verkehr des Christen mit
* Cf. Denney, The Atonement and the Modern Mind, 6 S. ;
W. L. Walker, The Gospel of Reconciliation, 60S.
Gott (Eng. tr. The Communion of the Christian with God,
London, 1906) ; F. R. M. Hitchcock, The Atonement and
Modern Thought, do. 1911; A. A. Hodge, The Atonement,
Philadelphia, 1867; J. T. Hutchinson, A View of the Atone-
ment, New York, 1897 ; T. W. Jenkyn, The Extent of the Atone-
ment in its Relation to God and the Universe, Boston, 1835; J.
Kaftan, Dogmatik, Tubingen, 1897, p. 531 ff. ; G. Kreibig, Die
Versohnungslehre, Berlin, 1878; W. F. Lofthouse, Ethics and
Atonement, London, 1906; A. Lyttelton, 'Atonement' in Liix
Mundi'\ 1891, p. 201 ff. ; F. D. Maurice, The Doctrine of
Sacrifice, new ed., London, 1893 ; R. C. Moberly, Atonement
and Personality, do. 1901 ; W. H. Moberly, 'The Atonement'
in Foundations, A Statement of Christian Belief in Terms of
Modern Thought, do. 1912; H. N. Oxenham, Catholic Doc-
trine of the Atonement, London, 1865 ; E. A. Park, The Atone-
ment, Boston, 1863 ; L. Pullan, The Atonement, London, 1906 ;
J. Riviere, Dogme de la redemption, Paris, 1905 ; A. Sabatier,
La Doctrine de I'expiation et son evolution historique, do. 1903
(Eng. tr., London, 1904) ; D. W. Simon, Reconciliation by In-
carnation, Edinburgh, 1898; Turretin, Ora i/ie Atonement of
Christ, Eng. tr.. New York, 1859 ; T. V. Tymms, The Chris-
tian'Idea of the Atonement, London, 1904 ; W. L. Walker, The
Cross and the Kingdom, Edinburgh, 1902 ; R. Wardlaw, The
Extent of the Atonement, Glasgow, 1830 ; B. F. Westcott,
The Victory of the Cross, London, 1888; G. C. Workman, At
Onement, New York, 1911 ; The Atonement in Modern Religious
Thought: a Theological Symposium, London, 1900; relevant
artt. in Bible Dictionaries and sections in Systematic Theologies,
e.g. W. N. Clarke, An Outline of Christian Theology, Edin-
burgh, 1898, pp. 321-362 ; J. A. Domer, A System of Christian
Doctrine, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1880-82, iv. 1-124 ; C. Hodge,
Systematic Theology, London, 1873, ii._464-591 ; W. B. Pope,
A Compendium of Christian Theology, ii. [London, 1877] 141-
316; W. G. T. Shedd, Dogmatic Theology, ii. CEdinburgh,
1889] 378 ff. ; A. H. Strong, Systematic Theology, Philadelphia,
1907, u. 713 ff. Frederic Platt.
ATTALIA {'ATToXela, Tisch. and ^YH -/a).— This
maritime city of Pamphilia was founded by, and
named after. Attains II. Philadelphus, king of
Persamos (159-138 B.C.), who desired a more con-
venient haven than Perga (15 miles N.E.) for the
commerce of Egypt and S>Tia. It was pictur-
esquely situated on a line of cliffs, over which the
river Catarrhactes rushed in torrents — or cataracts
— to the sea. Attaha differed from its rival Perga,
a centre of native Anatohan religious feeling, in
being a thoroughly Hellenized city, honouring the
usual classical deities — Zeus, Athene, and Apollo.
Paul and Barnabas sailed from its harbour to
Antioch at the close of their first missionary tour
(Ac 14^^). Both politically and ecclesiastically it
gradually overshadowed Perga, and to-day it is
the most flourishing seaport, with the exception of
Marsina, on the south coast of Asia Minor. It
has a population of 25000, including many Chris-
tians and Jews, who occupy separate quarters.
The name has been sHghtly modified into Adalia.
XjITerature. — W. M. Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor,
London, 1890, p. 420 ; C. Lanckoronski, Villes de la Pamphylie
et de la Pisidie, i. [Paris, 1890). JameS Strahan.
AUGUSTAN BAND.— During his voyage from
Csesarea to Italy, St. Paul was in the charge of the
centurion Julius, of the aireipa "Ze^adT-q, or ' Augus-
tan cohort' (Ac 27^ RVm). Two widely different
views prevail as to the composition of this body
of soldiers.
1. The theory of Schiirer {HJP i. ii. 51 f.) is
mainly based on data supplied by Josephus.
While legionary soldiers, who were Roman citizens,
were sent only to provinces of the first order,
governed by legati, those of the second order,
administered by procurators — e.g. Judaea — were
garrisoned by auxiliary cohorts of provincials, each
from 600 to 1000 strong, usually attended by an
ala of cavalry, and each named after the city from
which it was recruited, e.g. 'cohors Sebastenorum.'
At the time of the death of Herod Agrippa (a.d.
44) there was an ala of Kaia-apecs and 2el3a<rTTivoL
with five cohorts stationed in Csesarea (Jos. Ant.
XIX. ix. If.). For their indecent demonstrations
of joy at the king's death, they were at first
threatened with banishment, but were ultimately
forgiven and taken over by the Romans. They
are frequently referred to during the period a.d.
124
AUGUSTUS
AUGUSTUS
44-66 (Ant. XX. vi. 1 || BJ 11. xii. 5 ; A72t. XX. viii.
7 II BJ II. xiii. 7). In A.D. 67, Vespasian finally
drafted from C«sarea into his army live cohorts
and one ala of cavalry (BJ III. iv. 2). Sehiirer
liolds that the 'Augustan cohort 'is undoubtedly
one of tliese five cohorts. He does not, however,
regard airelpa. Se/Saor^ as synonymous with (nrelpa
'Ze^affTTivCiv. Ze^aoT-^ is rather a title of lionour,
equivalent to Augusta, and the full name of the
cohort in question would probably be cohors
Augusta Sehastcnorum (HJP I. ii. 53).
2. Mommsen, followed by Ramsay, attempts to
connect the cnrelpa. Ze/3a(rri7 with a body of officers
detached from the foreign legions and known as
frumentarii, who were emploj'ed under the Empire
not only, as their name indicates, in connexion
with the commissariat, but as agents maintaining
communications between the central government
and the distant provinces. As they were con-
stantly passing backwards and forwards, it was
natural that prisoners should be entrusted to them,
and in time they became hated as police-agents
and spies. When Julius (q.v.), who on this theory
was one of these couriers, arrived in Rome, he
handed over his charge (Ac 28^®, AV and RVm) to
the <TTpaToire8dpxv^, which is commonly translated
'captain of the Prjetorian Guard.' Mommsen,
however, thinks that the prcefectus prcetorio can-
not have had laid upon him the humble duty of
receiving prisoners, and prefers another interpreta-
tion based upon the term princeps peregrmorum,
which appears in an Old Lat. version (called Gigas)
as the equivalent of (rrpaToireSdpxv^' Peregrini,
' soldiers from abroad,' was the name given to the
frumentarii while they resided at Rome, and their
camp on the Caelian Hill was called Castra Pere-
grinorum. It is suggested (1) that Luke, who as
a Greek was careless of Roman forms and names,
used the Greek term a-irelpa. Xe^aa-rri not as the
translation of an official Roman designation, but
as ' a popular colloquial way of describing the
corps of officer-couriers' (Ramsay, St. Paul^,
London, 1897, p. 315) ; and (2) that his arpaToired-
dpxr]^ is an equally unofficial title, for which the
Latin translator, being more at home in Roman
usages than Luke, was able to supply the correct
technical term. It is admitted that ' this whole
branch of the service is very obscure. Marquardt
considers that it was first organized by Hadrian ;
but Mommsen believes that it must have been
instituted by Augustus' (ib. 349). The chief ob-
jection to the present theory is that the foundation
seems too slender for the superstructure. There
is no clear evidence that the title princeps peregri-
norum came into use before the time of Septimius
Severus (193-211). On the other hand, St. Paul's
case would seem to be on all fours with that of an
appellant mentioned in the correspondence of
Trajan and Pliny (Ep. 57), regarding whom the
Rmperor gives this rescript : ' vinctus mitti ad
l)riefectos praetorii mei debet.'
Literature. — On the one side, Th. Mommsen, Sitzungs-
berichte d. Bed. A had., 1895, p. 495 f. ; W. M. Ramsay, loc. cit.
<apra\ F. Rendall, Acts, London, 1897, p. 340. On the other
■ii<le, Sehiirer, loc. cit. ; Th. Zahn, Introd. to NT, Eng. tr.,
K<linburs-h, 1909, i. 60, 551 ff. ; A. C. Headlam, art. 'Julius' in
II DB ; P. W. Schmiedel in EBi i. 909.
James Strahan.
AUGUSTUS. — 1. The name.— The Lat. name
Augustus OQitnxs only once in the RV of the NT,
namely in Lk 2^ The word, cognate with augur,
had a sacred ring about it, having been applied
(a) to places and objects which either possessed by
nature or acquired by consecration a religious or
hallowed character ; (b) to the gods. It was a new
thing to apply it to a human being, and the Sen-
ate felt and intended it to be so, when it conferred
the title upon Octavian on 16 Jan., 27 B.C. By
this title they went as near to conferring deifica-
tion upon a human being as robust Italian common-
sense would allow. ' It suggested religious sanctity
and surrounded the son of the deified Julius with a
halo of consecration ' (Bury, A History of the Eoman
Empire, 1893, p. 13). The official Gr. equivalent
of Augustus was 2ej3a(rr6s. It is noteworthy that
Luke in his own Greek narrative keeps the Latin
word, whereas he puts the Greek 2e/3a(rT6j into the
mouth of Festus(Ac 25-i-^; AV ' Augustus,' RV
' the emperor,' RVm ' the Augustus '). The differ-
ence is important. A Greek Christian like Luke
could only use the word 2e/3a(rr6s (which meant ' to
be worshipped,' ' worthy of worship ') of God
Himself : being a Greek, writing his own language,
he had not the same objection to the foreign word
Augustus, and he had to be intelligible. The
absence of Beds (' god,' diuus), with the name of the
deceased and deified Emperor in Lk 2^ is also
perfectly consistent with the Christian attitude
(on Ac 27S see AUGUSTAN Band).
2. Life. — The Emperor of whom we commonly
speak as Augustus was originally named Gaius
Octavius [Thurinus], like his father, and was born
on 22 Sept., 63 B.C., the year of Cicero's consul-
ship. The ancestral home of his race was Velitrae
(modern Veletri) in the Volscian country, at no
great distance from Rome. The family was
equestrian and rich, the father of the future
Emperor being the first of his race to enter the
Senate. He had an honourable and successful
official career, attaining to the prjetorship and
the governorship of the province of Macedonia.
He died suddenly, and left three children, one of
them the future Emperor (aged 4), whose mother
was Atia. This Atia was the daughter of M.
Atius Balbus and Julia, the sister of the great
dictator Julius Caesar. Augustus was thus the
grand-nephew of the dictator. He received the
dress of manhood at 15, and was allowed to
accompany his grand-uncle to Spain (47 B.C.),
where he already showed the quality of courage.
Soon after he was sent to Apollonia on the other
side of the Adriatic, to pursue his studies. He
was still there when the dictator was assassinated,
on 15 March, 44 B.C. It was then that he re-
vealed what was in him. Though only eighteen
and a half years of age, he, having been adopted
into the Julian family by the will of his grand-
uncle, whose heir he was at the same time con-
stituted, took the name Gaius Julius Caesar
Octavianus, and immediately left for Italy, to
claim not only the private but also the public
inheritance of his grand-uncle. His great career
is best followed in the next section. His private
and family history may be summed up here. As
a young man he was betrothed to a daughter
of P. Servilius Isauricus, but he broke of!" this
engagement, and for political reasons married
Claudia, step-daughter of Mark Antony, in her
extreme youth. Her he immediately divorced,
and afterwards Scribonia, his second wife. Im-
mediately after the second divorce he robbed
Tiberius Claudius Nero of his wife, Livia Drusilla
(38 B.C.), and with her he lived all the rest of his
life. His immediate household consisted of her,
her two sons by her previous husband, tlie future
Emperor Tiberius (q.v.), and Drusus, as well as his
own daughter Julia, Scribonia's child. Julia bore
five children to the second of her three husbands,
M. Vipsanius Agrippa, namely Gaius, Lucius,
Agrippa, Julia, and Agrippina. Gaius and Lucius
were adopted by their grandfather, but died early.
All his direct descendants in fact died early or
disgraced him, and he was forced to fall back on
his step-son Tiberius for the succession. Drusus
having perished in 9 B.C., Tiberius was compelled
in his turn to adopt his nephew Germanicus.
I Augustus died 19 August, A.D. 14.
AUGUSTUS
AUTHORITIES
125
3. Official career. — The stages in Augustus'
official career may be summed up as follows.
He was recognized by the Senate in 44 B.C. ; re-
ceived pra?torian imperium against Antony, on 19
August made consul (though hai'dly twenty years
of age), elected triumuir rei publirce constituendce
(with Antony and Lepidus) for five years, 43 ;
appointed aurjur, 37 (or later) ; first conferment of
tribunicia potestas, 36 ; between 37 and 34 elected
XVuir sarris faciundis ; 30, fourth consulship
(hence annually, with certain exceptions, untU
the 13tli was reached in 2 B.C.) ; 27, title Augttstus
and imperial powers ; 23, the tribunicia potestas
conferred on him for life ; 22, a special ctira
annonre ; 18, imperial powers renewed for 5 years ;
16 (before this date), elected scpteviuir epidomtm ;
15, coinage of gold and silver for the Empire
reserved to Emperor ; 12, oiecte&pontifexviaximtis',
8, imperial powers renewed for ten years ; 2,
received title of pater patrice ; A.D. 3, imperial
powers renewed for ten years, and again in A.D.
13. The 'deification ' took place on 17 ISept., 14.
i. AchicYements. — This bare enumeration marks
the steps by which the poAver of Augustus was
gradually consolidated, and with it the Empire
itself. The achievements of Augustus which led
to this result can only be briefly enumerated.
Amongst the most important, because without
them nothing further could have been attained,
are his military achievements. His military career,
with few excei)tions, was continuously successful.
It began by the driving of Antonius into Gallia
Transalpina (43 B.C.), and was followed up by the
defeat of Brutus and Cassius at Philippi (42), the
defeat of Sextus Pompeius (36), and the defeat of
Cleopatra and Antonius at Actium (31). At this
point civil war ends, all his Roman enemies and
rivals are removed, and he can give attention to
frontier problems. A succession of frontier wars
ends in victory for the Romans : in 19 the Cantabri
were exterminated, in 15 the Raeti and Vindelici
were conquered. The German wars gave great
trouble throughout the later part of his reign, in
which most valuable help was rendered bj- his
step-sons Tiberius and Drusus. In the earlier
period Augustus was most fortunate in possess-
ing such an able lieutenant as M. Vipsanius
Agrippa.
In other respects also Augustus was extremely
active — in the spheres of law, religion, architecture,
and building. He did all he could to restore the
sapped virtue of the Italians by his encouragement
of family life and his attempts to recover the
simplicity of the ancient Italian religion. He
was a patron of literature, and was greatly helped
in his aims by the writings of Virgil and Horace.
In all his schemes for the betterment of Rome,
Maecenas, an Etruscan knight, himself a patron
of literature, was his right-hand man. Among
the important statutes passed were the Lex hdia
de adulteriis (18 B.C.), the Lex de maritandis
ordinibus, and the Lex Papia Poppcea — all in the
interests of a worthy family life, which Augustus
recognized to be the indispensable foundation of a
truly great State. The Lex ^lia Sentia (4 B.C.)
regulated the status of manumitted slaves, a large
class of growing influence in the State (see
Claudius). Augustus' interest in religion was
shown by his acceptance of several sacred offices,
as well as by the restoration of many decayed
temples and rituals. His boast that he had found
Rome made of brick and left it made of marble
probably means no more than that he faced the
(regular) brick core of buildings with marble slabs,
but he certainly spent vast sums on building.
Among the most important monuments of his
reign are the Portus lulius (37 B.C.), the Templum
Diui luli (29), the temple of Apollo on the Palatine
Hill, equipped with public libraries of Greek and
Latin literature (28), and the theatre of Marcellus
(11). The personal ability of Augustus is some-
times unjustly depreciated. It maj' be questioned
if he owed more than inspiration to his grand-
uncle.
5. Administration. — The Emperor's administra-
tion covered not only the whole of Italy, but the
imperial (or frontier) provinces, where an army
was required. He had financial agents also in the
senatorial provinces. The great achievement of
Augustus was that he ruled the Roman Empire as
a citizen (though the chief citizen, princeps), under
constitutional forms. In theory the Empire ceased
with the death of the Emperor, but under these
constitutional forms he laid the foundations of a
lasting despotism. Luke refers in 2^ to a census
of the w^iole Empire ordered by him. This was
one of his administrative reforms, and the census
recurred every 14 years. A census of Roman
citizens, as distinguished from subjects of the
Empire, was taken twice in his reign, in 28 and
8 B.C. Cf. art. C^SAR.
LiTEEATURB. — There are many vexed questions connected
with the career of Augustus, which wili make one always regret
that T. Mommsen did not write the fourth volume of his
Rornische Geschichte, which was to cover Aug-ustus' reign ; cf.,
however, the second edition of the lies Gestce Divi Augnsti
(Berlin, 1883), edited by him; V. Gardthausen's Aiigustvs und
seine Zeit, Leipzig, 1891 ff. (2 parts, each in three volumes,
first part text, second part notes), has not filled the gap.
Chronology of chief events is best given by J. S. Reid in A
Companion to Latin Studien (ed. J. E. Sandys, Canibr. 1910),
129 S. The theory of the Empire is best expounded in the same
writer's chapter in the Cambridge iledioival History, i., Cambr.
1911 ; a splendid account is found also in H. F. Pelham, Out-
lines of Roman History, London, lS;i3 ; A. v. Domaszewski's
Ge^ch. der rom. Kaiser, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1909, vol. i. pp. 11-250,
by a master of Roman history and antiquities ; etc. The chief
ancien t authorities are the J/o?m7«e7)fM7n .4 Jicj/ranuTO, Suetonius'
Life of Augustus, Velleius Paterculus, Appian, Dio Cassius, and
the early chapters of Tacitus. A. SOUTER.
AUTHOR AND FINISHER.— In He 12^ Jesus is
called the ' author ( A V and RV ; AVm ' beginner,'
RVm ' captain ') and finisher ( AV ; RV * perfecter ')
of (our) faith.' The Gr. word rendered 'author'
(dpxi77<5s) occurs in three other passages, viz. Ac 3'*
53i and He 2'". It is translated ' captain ' in He 2'"
(AV; but RV 'author'); in Ac 3^5 'prince' (AV
and RV ; AVm and RVm ' author ') ; in Ac 5^^
' prince.' In classical Greek it is used for a ' leader,'
one who precedes others by his example, and so for
an ' originator.'
The reference in He 12^ is to the previous chapter.
The writer, in summing up the list of heroes of faith,
bids us look unto Jesus, who is pre-eminently the
Leader in that great company, and the Perfect
Example of that virtue of which to a certain extent
they have been witnesses. The insertion of the
word ' our ' in the E V obscures the meaning. ' The
faith ' refers to that which has been the main theme
of ch. 11.
Alford, Bleek, Ebrard, "Wordsworth, and A. B.
Davidson translate apx>ry(>^ in He 12- by ' leader' ;
Wyclif has ' the maker ' ; but Tindale, Cranmer,
the Geneva and the Rheims all have 'author.'
As Jesus is the Leader in the great army of the
Faith, so is He also the Finislier or Perfecter
{Te\eiorr-f)s). Therefore we run the race looking
unto Him as our Leader and the only one who can
sustain us to the end and perfect that which He
has begun (cf. Davidson, in loc.).
MoRLEY Stevenson.
AUTHORITIES.— The word occurs thrice in the
English XT: Lk 12" RV (AV 'powers'; Gr.
i^ovalai). Tit 3' RV (AV ' powers ' ; Gr. e^outriai), and
1 P 3^^ (Gr. i^ovcxiaC). This is by no means a com-
plete list of the occurrences of i^ovaia (sing, and
plur.)in a quasi-concrete sense in the NT. It is
characteristic that in the first and second of these
places the word should be united with dpxal, and
126
AUTHORITY
BABBLER
in the third with dwdfieis. This collocation of
words denoting power in some nuanifestation or
other is due to the later Jewish theology, which
postulated the existence of a number of spiritual
powers (cf. artt. DOMINION, POWER, Principality,
Throne, etc.) inhabiting the air. These powers
were delined in Greek under the various aspects of
SOvafjn^ (physical force), dpx"^ (magisterial power),
and i^ovaia (moral authority). At first each of the
words was, no doubt, intended to carry a precise
signification, and the complete list would comprise
every sort of spiritual power man could conceive ;
but later the enumeration became so familiar as to
be repeated without any clear distinction between
the individual terms (so 1 P 3^^). The frequency
of the use to indicate spiritual powers has a reflex
effect. The word e^ovaiai is used in the first and
second passages with reference to earthly powers.
It does not seem possible to say precisely what
powers are intended, but in the Gospel passage
(where the wording is peculiar to Luke) it is prob-
able that the Sanhedrin and the Roman procurator
of Judaea would be included, while in the Titus
Epistle the reference is to all those set in authority
over the people — the Emperor, the governor and his
suite, as well as the local magistrates. See also
the following article. A. Soutee.
AUTHORITY.— This word, which occurs much
more frequently in RV than in AV, in most cases
represents the Gr. i^ovala. It is used of delegated
authority in Ac 9^* 26^"- '^ ; of the authority of an
apostle in 2 Co 10^ and IS'" (RV) ; of earthly rulers
(' authorities ') in Tit S^ (RV), cf. Lk 12"; and in
RV of Apocalypse is .substituted frequently for AV
' power' ; cf. Rev 6^ 12i» IS^-'^ 17^2 (in 1713 it replaces
AV * strength '). Yet in many places RV still re-
tains 'power' as the translation of i^ova-La; cf. Ac
819, Col li», Ro 131-s, Rev Qi" 11" etc. In 1 Co lli"
i^ova-ia is used in a peculiar sense (' for this cause
ought the woman to have i^ovffiav on her head,
because of the angels'), where a veil appears to be
meant. Here AV gives ' power,' R V ' a sign of
authority,' with 'have authority over' in the
margin.
In several passages i^ovcrla is used to designate a
created being superior to man, a spiritual potentate,
viz. 1 Co 15-^ Eph pi, Col 2^°, and, in the plural,
Eph 310 6", Col li« 2i«, 1 P 322. In 1 Co 15^* and 1 P
322, AV and RV render ' authority ' and RV also in
Eph 1'^'^, the reason probably being that 5i;va/its also
occurs in these verses for which the word ' power '
was needed. In the other references the transla-
tion is 'power' or 'powers.' Seeing that i^ova-lai
appear to be a class of angelic beings distinct from
dui'dfieis, it would have been conducive to clearness
if the word ' authority ' had been used in all these
passages. In Eph 6^- evil principles are obviously
referred to (cf. 2^) ; in 1 Co 15'^ both good and evil
angels may be included (Lightfoot, Col.^ 1879, p.
154). See, further, under PRINCIPALITY, and cf.
the preceding article.
In a few places 'authority' in AV represents
other Gr. words, viz. Ac 8-'' AV, RV, ' a eunuch of
great authority' (Swdorijs) ; 1 Ti 2^ AV ' for kings
and for all that are in authority' {ev virepoxTi), RV
' in high place ' ; 1 Ti 2'^ A V ' I suffer not a woman
... to usurp authority over the man ' {avOevTetv
i.vdp6%), RV 'to have dominion over' ; Tit 2^* 're-
buke (AV reprove) with all authority' [iirtrayris).
W. *H. DUNDAS.
AVENGING.— See Vengeance.
AZOTUS ('Afwros).— Azotus, the Gr. form of
' Ashdod,' occurs often in 1 Mac. (41' S^no^^- ss'- etc. ),
and once in the NT. St. Philip met the Ethiopian
on ' the way that goes down from Jerusalem to
Gaza,' and, after baptizing him, ' was found at
Azotus ' (Ac 8'-®- ^"j. Ashdod was the most import-
ant of the Philistine cities which formed the Penta-
polis. Situated midway between Joppa and Gaza
— about 25 miles from each — it passed through
many vicissitudes. It appears often in the histori-
cal and prophetic books of the OT, in the Assyrian
records, in the Maccabsean annals, and in Joseplius.
Herodotus (ii. 157) says that the siege which Azotus
endured before it was subdued by Psarameticus,
king of Egypt, was the longest on record, lasting 29
years. Ashdod survives in the modern Esdud, a
village on the slope of a wooded artificial mound {tell)
— once, no doubt, a strong fortress — about 3 miles
from the sea-coast, where the traces of a harbour
have been found. The ancient city lies beneath the
sand-drift that now threatens to bury the mud
hovels of the village, among which some remains
of old stone buildings are to be seen. The wide
plain to the east is exceedingly fertile.
James Strahan.
B
BAAL. — Baal (Ro 11*, in a quotation from 1 K
19'^) was a generic name for a god among Semitic
peoples, the literal meaning being 'owner 'or 'lord.'
Attempts have been made to show that this was the
original name of the Sun-god, or that it represents
the Supreme Being worshipped by the Canaan-
ites. Neither of these contentions can be proved ;
indeed it is evident that the Baal of one place
differed from that of another. Thus the reference
in the text is to Melkart, the Baal of Tyre. The
feminine article (ry BadX) in the Greek of Ro 1 1*
is due to the frequent substitution of bCsheth
(in Greek alaxiv-q), 'shame,' for Baal by the
Hebrews.*
LiTERATCRB.— A. S. Pcake, art. 'Baal' in UDB; G. F.
Moore in EDi\ L. B. Paton in ERE; W. R. Smith, RS^,
London, 1894, p. 93 ff. F, W. WORSLEY.
• Hence frequently in LXX r] BaoA (=^ aXaxOvri), tliough in
1 K 19I'* the reading is rw BaoA.
BABBLER (Ac 17"). — Augustine and Wyclif
wrongly derive the word ffTrep/jLo\6yoi from awelpu)
\6yovi and translate it ' sower of words.' It is
properly derived from <nripfw., ' seed,' and \4yeiv,
'to gather.' Originally an adjective, the derived
substantive was used of small birds gathering
crumbs (Aristophanes, Av. 233, 580). It was after-
wards applied to loafers in the market-place who
gained a precarious livelihood by what they could
pick up, and it thus connotes 'a vulgar fellow,' ' a
parasite.' Greek writers used it as a term of con-
tempt for plagiarists and pseudo-philosophers (cf.
Eustathius on Homer, Odyss. v. 490), and Zeno
thus names one of his followers. W. M. Ramsay
(St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, 1895,
p. 242) speaks of the word as 'characteristically
Athenian slang, clearly caught from the very lips
of the Athenians.' Th'e word thus conternptuou!5]y
implies one who is an outsider and yet wishes to
pose as one of the inner circle, and probably does
BABBLINGS
BAND
127
not refer to anything that the Apostle had said.
It would seem, therefore, that the expression was
used by the philosophers who liave just been
mentioned rather than by the populace in general.
They resented the intrusion of one wlio had no
credentials, and from the first viewed him with
hostility (see, further, Ramsay, ' St. Paul in Athens,'
in Expositor, 5th ser., ii. [1895] 262 ff.
F. W. WORSLEY.
BABBLINGS (1 Ti 6^, 2 Ti 2'« ^e^nkovs Kevo<pcovlas).
— The ' profane babblings, and the oppositions of
the knowledge which is falsely so called' are all
profitless speculation and empty religious talk
which only minister questions, but have no value
in the equipment of a man of God, or in the build-
ing up of the Church. The implied contrast is
between intellectualism in religion and genuine
piety in heart and life (of. F. Godet, Expositor,
3rd ser., vii. [1888] 45 If.).
Some have seen in ' the oppositions {ivrtOia-eis)
of the knowledge which is falsely so called,' a
reference, covert or open, to Marcion's Antitheses ;
but this has scarcely been made out, and it is better
to take tlie words as pointing to an incipient
Gnosticism, hardlj' yet conscious of itself, against
which the writer — be he St. Paul or a Paulinist —
warns his readers (cf. M. Dods, Introd. to NT,
London, 1888, p. 174). The Greek mind was always
desirous of being saved by dialectic, and ready to
hear or to tell some newer thing (cf. Ac 17^^). In
tlie fermenting vat of the Greek cities in the Apos-
tolic as well as in the sub-Apostolic Age there were
frothy, Avindy men who knew everything about
religion except ' the practick part ' (cf. Didache,
ii. 40-45 : ovK ?<TTai 6 X670S crou \pev5rji, 01/ /ce«'6s, aWd
IMefieffTio/ji^vos irpd^ei — 'Thy speech .shall not be false,
nor empty, but tilled with doing '). Practical piety
is the writer's theme, <'ind he calls Christians to
cultivate simplicity as it is in Jesus; not to lose
themselves in a cloud of words, but to be direct
and devout. Cf. A. Rowland (1 Tim., London,
1887) : ' It is easier to quibble over Christ's words
than to imitate His life.' To the same etiect,
Butler [Charfje to the Clergy) advises them 'not to
trouble about objections raised by men of gaiety
and speculation,' but to endeavour to beget a prac-
tical sense of religion ' upon the hearts of the
people' (cf. EBi iv. 5094).
The standing tj^pe of the religious babbler is
Bunyan's 'Talkative,' who will 'talk of things
Heavenly or things Earthly . . . things sacred or
things profane, things past or things to come,
things more essential or things circumstantial.'
To this masterly characterization ' of the evil ex-
cesses of some of the prophets, lunatic preachers,
and loquacious hypocrites ' in Puritan times may
be added R. H. Hutton's description (Contemporary
Thought and Thinkers, London, 1894, i. 257) of a
certain rampant sceptic of yesterday as a man
' hurling about wildly loose thoughts over which
he has no intellectual control.' These are the
profane babblers of the Pastoral Epistles. They
were not only unsettling to the Church — ' If I had
said " I will speak thus," I should have been faith-
less to the generation of thy children,' Ps 73^^ —
but the unreal words corrupted the babbler himself,
as the writer not obscurely hints. His nature
is subdued to what he works among (cf. Emerson :
' I cannot listen to what you are saying for thinking
of what you are ').
To use unreal words, to be constantly dealing
with the greatest things, and yet to be too shallow
or flippant to realize their majesty, was, in the
Apostolic Age, and ever since has been, the peculiar
snare and peril of religious speakers, and gives
point to the taunt of Carlyle : ' When a man takes
to tongue-work, it is all over with him.' The
Carthusian student who went to a teacher and got
the text ' I will take heed to my ways that I sin not
with my tongue,' found that enough for a lifetime.
On the whole subject Newman's lines (' Flowers
without Fruit,' in Verses on Various Occasions) are
an apt and instructive commentary :
' Prune thou thy words, the thoughts control
That o'er thee swell and throng.'
LrrERATURE. — In addition to the works cited above, see
A. "Why le, Bunyan Characters, i. [Edinburgh, 1S95J 180; J.
Kelman.rAc Road,\.[do. 1911] 180 ; Joseph L.utler, Sermons,
ed. Gladstone, Oxford, 1896, no. 4. W. M. GRANT.
BABYLON.— See Apocalypse and Peter, First
Epistle of.
BACKBITING.— See Evil-speaking.
BALAAM. — The somewhat prominent place
that Balaam holds in the Apostolic Age may be
appraised by the three references to him in the
NT (2 P 215, jude ", and Rev 2") ; by the legends
which grew round his name in Hellenistic and
Haggadic literature, and later in Muhammadanism ;
and perhaps by the apparent popularity of the dis-
cussion of the ' Blessings of Balaam ' bj' Hippolytus.
Balaam has become the representative of false
teachers and sorcerers, and we may suspect a play
on his name in Rev 2^* (perhaps = ' lord of the
people'), in order to brand certain Gnostic teachers
as making gain for themselves out of the simple
folk by the use of magic and by the teaching of a
gnosis which tended to laxity of practice. (It is
not improbable that in the Nicodemus of Jn 3 is
enshrined a counter-play of words — the Jewish
party also, it is hinted, had a false and carnal
doctrine of their own.) Balaam becomes in legend
a counsellor of Pharaoh ; he and his two sons
Jannes and Jambres [q.v.) were compelled to flee
from Egypt to Ethiopia, where Balaam reigned as
king till conquered by Moses. On this he and his
sons returned to Egypt and became the master-
magicians who opposed Moses. Finally, Phinehas
attacked Balaam, who by his magic flew into the
air, but was killed by Phinehas in the power of the
Holy Name. See N'icolaitans ; also JE ii. 468 f.
W. F. Cobb.
BALAK. — Balak is named in Rev 2^^ along with
Balaam. Like Balaam {q.v.), Balak is to be re-
garded here as a typical figure. The former
teaches doctrine which is false in itself, corrupt in
its motive, and immoral in its fruits ; while Balak
is, as in the OT, the heathen power which thrusts
Balaam's sorceries on the faithful. It is difficult
to resist the conclusion that, if Balaam is the
teacher of Gnosticism, Balak is the Roman power
which has adopted syncretism and seeks to compel
the Christians to adopt its M-ays also, and so makes
them fall into the corruptions attendant on pagan
worship. W, F. Cobb.
BAND {cnretpa, always 'cohort' in RVm). — As a
province of the second rank, governed by pro-
curators, Judaea was not garrisoned by legionaries,
who were Roman citizens, but by auxiliaries, who
were levied from subject races. Each cohort, vary-
ing from 500 to 1000 infantry, usually strengthened
by an ala of cavalry, was named after the Greek
city from which it was recruited — ' cohors Sebas-
tenorum, Ascalonitarum,' etc. The Jews them-
selves were exempted from military service.
Various data supplied by Josephus (see the refer-
ences in Schiirer, HJP I. ii. 51 f.) indicate that
the Judjean forces were originally the troops of
Herod the Great, which were taken over by the
Romans after the deposition of Archelaus in A.D. 6.
At ordinary times Jerusalem was garrisoned by
one cohort— called by Josephus a Tdy/xa (BJ V. v. 8)
— which was stationed at the tower of Antonia, on
128
BAPTISM
BAPTISM
the north side of the Temple, under the com-
mand of a cliiliarch (Ac 2pi). Part of this cohort
— 200 iufantrj', 70 horsemen, and 200 de^toXd^oi, an
obscure term translated ' spearmen ' (see Schiirer,
op. cit. 56) — formed St. Paul's protecting convoy
when he was transmitted by Claudius Lysias to
the governor Felix in Csesarea.
James Strahan.
BAPTISM.— 1. Christian baptism in the NT.—
It will be convenient at the beginning of this article
to collect the narratives of and allusions to Chris-
tian baptism in the NT. The command of our
Lord to make disciples of all the nations by bap-
tism (Mt 28"* ; see below, 4 and 8) was faithfully
carried out by the first disciples. Actual bap-
tisms are recorded in Ac 2'®- ^ (the 3000 converts),
3i2£. 16 (Samaritans, men and women, and Simon),
836. 33 (the Ethiopian eunuch), Qis 22i« (Saul), lO^^'-
(Cornelius and his friends), 16" (Lydia and her
household), 16^ (the Philippian jailer 'and all
his'), 18* (Crispus and his house, and many Cor-
inthians), 19^ (about twelve Ephesians), 1 Co 1^^ ^®
(Crispus, Gains, and the household of Stephanas).
In addition to these narratives there are many
allusions to Cliristian baptism in the NT — Ro
6*'-, Col 2^'^ baptized into Christ Jesus, into His
death, buried with Him in baptism : a common
thought in early times — e.g. Apost. Const, ii. 7
and often in that work (see A. J. Maclean, Ancient
Church Orders, 123). — 1 Co 6^^, sanctification and
justification connected with the washing of bap-
tism ; three aorists, referring to a definite event :
' ye washed away (dTreXoi/rracr^e, middle) [your sins]
... in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ and in
the Spirit of our God ' ; of. Ac 22'* (above) : ' arise
and be baptized ' {^airrlffai, * seek baptism ') and
wash away [airoKouffai) thy sins.' — 1 Co 12'*, [Jews
and Gentiles] all baptized in one Spirit into one
body.— Gal 2i^, baptized into Christ, put on Christ.
— Epii 4*, 'one Lord, one faith, one baptism.' —
Eph 5^®, Christ sanctified the Church, having
cleansed it by the washing (Xovrpifi) of water with
the word. The 'word' is said by Robinson (Com.
in loc.) to be the 'solemn invocation of the name
of the Lord Jesus'; Westcott (in loc.) adds:
'accompanied by the confession of the Christian
faith, cf. Ro lO*'; Chase (JT^^i! viii. 165) inter-
prets it of the word or fiat of Christ, and compares
Cyril of Jerusalem (Cat. iii. 5). — Tit 3^, ' by the
washing of regeneration (5td 'KovrpoD ■TraXiyyevetrias)
and renewing of the Holy Ghost ' ; see below,
8. — He 6-* ■*, the first principles are repentance,
faith, teaching of baptisms (^airri.(TixO>v) and of
laying on of hands, resurrection, and judgment ;
Christians were once enlightened (^wrw^^vras) and
tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made par-
takers of the Holy Ghost ; hence the name ' illumi-
nation ' (^wTto-/Li6s) and ' illuminated ' for ' baptism '
and 'the baptized' in Justin (Apol. i. 61, 65) and
elsewhere. Westcott interprets the ' teaching
[5t6ax^s, but B reads -7)v, which is adopted in
RVm and by WH] of baptisms ' as instruction
about the dillerence between Christian baptism
and other lustral rites. Chase (Confirmation in
Apostol. Age, p. 44 f.) denies this, and interprets
the phrase of the baptism of different neophytes,
' tile Cliristian rite in its concrete application to
individual believers ' : the ' heavenly gift ' is one
part of the illumination or baptism, i.e. tiie gift
of the Son, of Eternal life, oi sonship (Chase) ;
the partaking of the Holy Ghost is the other part.
In any case the iirldeaLs xe'pw" must refer to the
laying on of hands wliich followed immersion (see
below, 6), thougii Westcott would extend it to
benedictions, ordinations, etc., as well. — He 10--'-,
'our body washed with pure water' (our sacra-
mental bathing contrasted with the symbolic
bathings of the Jews [Westcott]), 'let us hold fast
the confession (bfj.o\oylav) of our hope.' — In 1 P 3*'
baptism is the ' antitype ' of the bringing of Noah
safe through the water ; the antitype is here the
' nobler member of the pair of relatives ' (Bigg,
ICC, in loc), the fulfilment of the type ; but in He
9^ it is used conversely, as it often is in Christian
antiquity when the Eucharistic bread and wine
are called the antitype of our Lord's body and
blood, e.g. Verona Didascalia (ed. Hauler, p. 112)
' panem quidem in exemplar quod dicit Graecus
antitypum corporis Christi'; so Cyr. Jer., Cat.
xxiii. 20; Tertullian similarly uses ' figura ' (ac?w.
Marc. iv. 10), and Serapion bp.olwixa (Liturgy, § 1).
For other instances, see Cooper-Maclean, Test, of
our Lord, Edinburgh, 1902, p. 172 f., and Apost.
Const, v. 14, vi. 30, vii. 25. In Ps.-Clem. 2 Cor.
14 the flesh is the ' antitype ' of the Spirit.
In the Gospels, Christian baptism is three times
referred to : Mt 28'», ' Mk ' 16'«, Jn S^- ». In the
last passage the words i^ liSaros, read in all MSS
and VSS, have been judged by K. Lake (Inaug.
Lecture at Leyden, 17th Jan. 1904, p. 14) to be
an interpolation, as they are not quoted by Justin.
This deduction is very precarious (for an examina-
tion of it, see Chase, JThSt vi. [1905] 504, note,
who deems the theory unscientific) ; but in any
case the ' birth of the Spirit ' could not but con-
vey to the Christian readers of the Fourth Gospel
a reference to baptism. Westcott truly remarks
(Com. in loc.) that to Nicodemus the words would
suggest a reference to John's baptism. An
attempt to explain ' water ' here without reference
to baptism is examined by Hooker (Eccl. Pol. v.
59), who lays down the oft-quoted canon that
'while a literal construction will stand, the
farthest from the letter is commonly the worst'
(see below, 8).
In these passages water is not always mentioned ;
but the word /SaTrrifw, which to us is a mere
technical expression, and its Aramaic equivalent
(rt. "^na) would to the first disciples at once convey
the idea of water. The element is mentioned or
alluded to in Ac S^s, 1 Co 6" 12i3 ('drink of one
Spirit '), Eph fr^. Tit 3^, He lO-^, 1 _P f^, and is
necessitated by the metaphor of burial in baptism
in Ro 6^ Col 2'^. Justin (Dial. 14) emphasizes
the element used, by calling baptism the ' water
of life' : so in Hermas (Vis. iii. 3) the Church (the
tower) is built on the waters, ' because your life is
saved and shall be saved by water.'
More indirect allusions to Christian baptism are
found in the NT. The Israelites, by a metaphor
from it, are said to have been baptized into (eis)
Moses in the cloud and in the sea (1 Co 10'-).
Whatever view is taken of baptism for the dead
(1 Co 15^^^), it alludes to the Cliristian rite. It has
been interpreted (a) of vicarious baptism on be-
half of those who had died unbaptized (cf. 2 Mac
j9-i3ff.^ ofiering made for the dead) ; this was the
practice of some heretics (so Tert., de Res. Cam.
48, adv. Marc. v. 10, and Goudge, Alford). But
there is no evidence that it existed in the 1st cent.,
and the practice may have originated from this
verse ; could St. Paul have even tacitly approved
of such a thing? — (b) The words virkp Tihv veKpQv
are rendered by many Greek Fathers ' in expecta-
tion of the resurrection of the dead ' ; but this
forces the grammar, and gives no good sense to
inrkp avTwv, which is the best attested reading at
the end of tlie verse ; also ' they which are bap-
tized ' means not all Christians, but some of tliem.
— (c) Others interpret the verse of people being
drawn to the faitii and to baptism out of atl'ection
for some dead friend ; Robertson-Plummer (ICC,
in loc.) incline to this. — (d) Estius and Calvin
render 'as now about to die,' Jamjam morituri ;
but see (b). — (e) Luther renders 'over the graves
of the dead'; here again see (b). Many other
BAPTISM
BAPTISM
129
suggestions have been made. It is probable that
the problem is insoluble with our present know-
ledge, and that the reference is to some ceremony
in the then baptismal rite at Corinth of which we
hear no more, but not to vicarious baptism (see
Plummer in HDB i. 245).
Other allusions to baptism (the complete rite,
see below, 6) may probably be found in the meta-
phors of anointing and sealing. For anointing,
see 2 Co P^ (xp'cas, aorist), 1 Jn 2-'"- ^ (the anoint-
ing abides in us and is not only a historical act).
Though anointing may have accompanied the rite
in the NT, and Chase (Confirmation, 53 ff.) decides
that it was so used, yet it is also not improbable
that its institution at a very early age of the
Church may have been due to these very passages
— that the practice came from the metaphor. We
notice that in the Didachc, § 7, anointing is not
mentioned, but that in Apost. Const, vii. 22 (4th
cent. ), which incorporates and enlarges the Didache,
it is introduced. It was certainly used very
early. Irenaeus says that some of the Gnostic sects
anointed after baptism (c. Haer. I. xxi. 3f.) ; and
as the Gnostic rites were a parody of those of the
Church, this carries the evidence back to c. A.D.
150. It is mentioned by Tert., de Bapt. 7, de Res.
Cam. 8; by Cyr. Jer., Cat. xxii. 1. From the
anointing came the custom of calling the baptized
'christs,' xP^°"''o^ (Cyr. Jer., loc. cit. ; Methodius,
Banquet of the Ten Virgins, viii. 8, where Ps 105'*
LXX is quoted). In the NT, xP'"" is used meta-
phorically of our Lord ; cf. Lk 4^^, Ac 4^ 10*^,
He P.
For sealing, see 2 Co 1^ (same context as the
anointing), Eph P^ (' having believed ye were
sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise'), 4^"
('sealed in the Holy Spirit'). The aorists in all
three passages, which connect the Holy Ghost
with the sealing, point to the definite time when
they became believers (Chase, Confirmation, p.
52). (The metaphor is used in Ro 4" of circum-
cision ; and otherwise in Jn 3^^ 6^, Ro 15-*, 1 Co
92, 2 Ti 2^».) Hence in Christian antiquity the
baptismal rite, either as a whole or in one or other
of its parts, is frequently called ' the seal,' acppayis ;
e.g. Hermas, Sim. ix. 16, ' the seal is the water ' ;
cf. viii. 6; Ps.-Clem., e Cor. 7; Clem. Alex.,
Quis dives, 42; Tert., de Sped. 24 {signaculum) ;
Cyr. Jer., Cat. iv. 16, etc.
To these passages must be added those ■which
speak of Christian adoption : Ro 8^** ^, Gal 4®,
Eph 1' ; for these see art. ADOPTION.
2. Predecessors of Christian baptism. — (a) The
words ^aiTTii'o}, /SaTrricryn^s, ^dirriafxa are used in the
NT of various ceremonial tvashings of the Jews.
The verb is derived from pdirru, ' to dip ' (found
in the NT only in Lk 16-^ Jn 132", and some MSS
of Rev 19^^, always literally), and has in classical
Greek the same meaning. In the NT /SaTrrtj'w is
used either metapiiorically, of the Passion of our
Lord (Mk 10=^'-, Lk 125«, and some MSS of Mt 2022*-
— so also /SaTTTto-jua) and of the descent of the Holy
Ghost at Pentecost (Ac 1" 11^^, see below, 6), or
else of baptism and of Jewish ablutions. For
these last, see Mk 7* (the Jews ' baptize,' v.l.
sprinkle, themselves before meat and have ' bap-
tizings,' paTTTiafiovs, of vessels), Lk IP* (of washing
before breakfast, i^aTrriaQr} wpb rod dpiffrov). He 9'*
(divers ' baptisms,' i.e. washings).* Ceremonial
ablution was a common practice of the Jews (Ex
29* etc., Mk 7^ Trvy fj-rj vi-^wvrai, Jn 2' 3^) ; and the
allusions to Avashing in connexion "with baptism
(above, 1) would be familiar to the early Christians,
• panrtcT/uJs is used of Christian baptism in Col 212 (pj,
pdnTLcrixa), and in the plural in He 62 (see above, 1) ; Josephus
(Ant. xviii. V. 2) uses it of John's baptism. jSa77Tio-/a.(i is used
in the NT 12 times of John's baptism and 3 (or 4) times of
Christian baptism ; for its metaphorical use see above.
VOL. I. — 9
who also had the metaphor of cleansing ; see 2 Co
71, 1 Jn V, Rev 1^ (some MSS) 7'-* ; cf. 2 P 2-2.
(b) Baptism of proselytes. — The Jews admitted
'proselytes of righteousness,' i.e. full proseh'tes,
with baptism, circumcision, and sacrifice. "This
custom was very common in Rabbinical times,
though Josephus and Philo do not mention it, and
some have therefore concluded that it did not exist
in the 1st cent. ; but Edersheim has clearly proved
from ancient evidence that it was then in use (LT
ii. 746, A pp. xii.). It may be added that the Jews
in later times would not have borrowed baptism
from the ChristianSjtlioughitis intelligible that first
John and then our Lord and His disciples should
have adopted a custom already existing and have
given it a new meaning. Such a baptized person
was said by the Rabbis to be as a little child just
born (cf. Tit 3* ; see Edersheim, loc. cit.).
(c) The baptism of John is described in all the
Gospels. It was a preparatory baptism (Mt 3'^),
the baptism of repentance (Mk l'*, Lk 3^ Ac IS*'*
19'*), intended, l>y an outward symbol, to induce
repentance which is the essential requisite for the
reception of spiritual truth. So marked a feature
of his teaching was baptism, that John is called
pre-eminently 'the Baptist' (6 ^aTTTcarrjs, Mt 3^
11"'-, Mk 828, Lk 720.33 919. Josephus, Ant. XVlii.
V. 2 ; in Mk 6^-»- ^- 6 ^atrTit^v). But he himself
shows the difference between his baptism and that
of Jesus, in that the latter was to be \vith the Holy
Ghost (Mt 3'i, Mk 1«, Lk 3'«, Jn V^) and with fire
(Mt., Lk.). For the meaning of baptism 'with
the Holy Ghost,' see below 6 and 8 (e). Baptism
' with fire ' is explained in Mt 3^2 ; it is a baptism
of judgment separating the wheat from the chafi',
and burning the chaff with fire unquenchable
(Allen, Com. in loc. ; soil Lk 3^''). This interpre-
tation, however, is denied by Plummer (ICC on
Lk 3'^), who prefers a reference to the purifying
power of the grace given, or to the fiery trials that
await Christians. Others see a reference to the
' tongues like as of fire ' at Pentecost (Ac 2*).
However this may be, the fundamental difierence
between the two baptisms is that John's was a
ceremonial rite symbolizing tlie need of repent-
ance and of washing away sin, while that of our
Lord was, in addition, the infusing of a new life ;
see below, 8. The baptism of John is mentioned
in the NT outside the Gospels in Ac P- 22 \(^ nis
1324 jg25 igsf. . ^jje last two passages show that it
survived after Pentecost among those who had not
yet received the gospel.
To this preparatory stage is also to be assigned
the baptism of Jesus by John ; it was not the
institution of Christian baptism, though it paved
the way for it, and in some sense our Lord may be
said to have thereby sanctified ' water to the
mystical washing away of sin.' Such also was the
baptizing by Jesus' disciples during His earthly
ministry ( Jn 322 42) ; we note that our Lord carried
on the Baptist's teaching about the approach of the
kingdom and about repentance (Mk P^ ; cf. Mt 3'-),
though in His teaching the Good Tidings pre-
dominated, while in that of John repentance was
the chief note (Swete, Com. in loc.).
3. Preparation for baptism. — Instruction in
Christian doctrine before baptism is to some extent
necessary, because otherwise there cannot be faith
and repentance. Our Lord commanded the dis-
ciples to teach (Mt 282", 5t5dcr«:o»'Tes) as well as to
baptize. St. Peter instructed the people and Cor-
nelius before he commanded them to be baptized
(Ac 21^-28 l034-«- 48). Philip instructed the Samari-
tans and the Eunuch before baptism (8*'- ^- ^).
The instruction of Theophilus (Lk P) was probably,
at least La part, before baptism. Lydia's baptism
followed a preaching (Ac 16'^j, as did that of the
Corinthians (18*). But in most of these cases the
130
BAPTISM
BAPTISM
teaching was very short, in some of them not last-
ing more than one day. And no instruction that
can be properly so called is mentioned in the case
of Saul (Ac 9"* 22^6), or the Philippian jailer (IS**;
note ' immediately '), or the twelve Ephesians (19^).
ApoUos had been instructed (rjy KaT7ixviJ-^''os) in the
way of the Lord, but only imperfectly, and Pris-
cilla and Aquila taught him more carefully (aKpi-
^euTepov, Ac 18-"). The allusions to the instruction
of Christians in 1 Co 14", Gal 6« {Karrixiu), Ro 12^
Col 1''' etc. (5i5d(r/cw), have no special reference to
baptism. In Ho 2'* kutt^x^w is used of Jewish
instruction.
At a later period, persons under instruction for
baptism were called catechumens (KaTH)xovix€voi,
' those in a state of being taught ' ; cf. Gal 6^), and
their preparation was called catcchesis (/i-aTTj^'jo'ts ;
cf. our word ' catechism ' from KaT7]xi-(T/j.6s, through
Latin). The catechumens were taught the Creed,
or Christian doctrine, during their catechumenate,
and their instruction was called the ' traditio
symboli ' ; they professed their faith at baptism,
and this profession was called the ' redditio symboli '
(see below, 5). The baptism in later times norm-
ally took place in the early morning of Easter Day,
and the selection of candidates for baptism took
place on the 40th day before (Cyr. Jer., Cat., Introd.
§ 4 ; it was called the ' inscribing of names,' ovofxa-
Toypa(pia) ; tlienceforward the selected candidates
were called ' competentes,' (TwaiTodfTes. In the
4tli cent, the catechumenate lasted two years
(Elvira, can. 42) or three years {Ap. Const, viii.
32, and several Clmrch Orders) ; but this was never
a hard and fast rule. Catechumens were not
allowed to be present at the main part of the
Eucharist or at the Agape (Didache, 9, and often in
the Church Orders). See, further, A. J. Maclean,
op. cit. pp. 16-19, 97 ; DC A, art. ' Catechumens.'
i. Formula of baptism. — It is not quite clear
what words were used for baptism in NT times.
In Mt 28"' our Lord bids His followers make
disciples of all the nations, b.aptizing {^airTii^ovres,
present part.) them into the name (et's t6 bvofxa,
AV ' in the name,' see 8) of the P'atlier, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Ghost. These words are in
all iNISS and VSS, but F. C. Conybeare {ZNTJV,
1901, p. 275ft'. ; HJ i. [Oct. 1902] 102 ft".) and K.
Lake (Inaug. Lect. at Leyden, 17th Jan. 1904) dis-
pute their authenticity, because Eusebius often
quotes the text without them or with ' make dis-
ciples of all the nations in my name.' The careful
refutation of this view by Chase (JThSt vi. 483 ft'. )
and Kiggenbach (' Der trinitar. Taufbefehl Mattli.
28'^,' in Beitrdge zur Forderiing christl. Theol.,
Giitersloh, 1903) has made this position untenable,
and we can with confidence assert that the full
text is part of the First Gospel. It has, however,
been denied that the words were spoken by our
Lord. But the view that He made some such
utterance, of which the words in Mt 28'^ are
doubtless a much aljbreviated record, is the only
way in which we can comprehend how such a
Trinitarian passage as 2 Co 13'** could have been
written, or understand the numerous passages in
the NT which affirm the Godhead of the Son and
of the Holy Ghost (Chase, JThSt vi. 509 f. ; see also
art. ' God ' in SDB).
In Acts we read of people being baptized (almost
alwaj's in t he passive) ' in (iv) the name of the Lord
Jesus' (2''* {v I. iiri]), or ' into (et's) the name of the
Lord Jesus' (8^^ 19^), or ' in (^j*) tlie name of Jesus
("lirisf (10^*). In the Pauline Epistles we read of
baptism into Christ Jesus, into His death (Ko 6''),
into Christ (Gal S'-'') ; with these j^assages cf. 1 Co
113. i» ('into the name of Paul,' ' into my name'),
W ('into Mo.ses'), 12'=* (' into one body '), Ac ID^
('into what?' — 'into John's baptism'); all these
passages also have the passive ' to be baptized,'
except 1 Co 10^ which (according to the best read-
ing) has the middle i^aiTT'KjavTo (cf. 1 Co 6", Ac
22'" ; above, 1) ; 1 Co 6" has ' in (iv) the name of the
Lord Jesus Christ and in the Spirit of our God.'
Of these passages only Ac 8'® lO'"* 19^ are naiTa-
tives of baptisms.
The Pauline references clearly do not refer to
the formula used, though 1 Co P^- ^^ makes it prob-
able that in some form the ' Name ' was mentioned
in the words of l)aptism. Do the other passages
refer to a formula? On this point there is much
diversity of opinion, (a) It is maintained that the
formula at first ran ' in the name of the Lord
Jesus' or the like ; and that the First Evangelist
introduced into his Gospel the Trinitarian formula
which was in use towards the end of the 1st century
(Robinson, EBi, art. ' Baptism '). It is not easy to
see how, if the other formula was the original
apostolic usage, this one could have been invented
in the third or even in the last quarter of the 1st
cent., unless indeed our Lord had really spoken
such words as are found in Mt 28^^ ; and in that
case it is hard to see why the apostles should have
used a quite difi'erent formula. — {h) It is thouglit
that the passages in Mt. and Acts alike refer to the
formula used, but that baptism into Christ's name
is necessarily the same as baptism into that of the
Holy Trinity. The latter statement is quite true,
but it does not meet the whole difficulty. — (c) It
is said that none of the passages in Acts refers to
a formula at all, but only to the theological import
of baptism (see below, 8). This is quite probable ;
at least the ditterences of wording show that if
a formula is referred to at all in Acts, it was not
stereotyped in the first age. — (rf)" Assuming that our
Lord spoke, at any rate in substance, the words re-
corded in Mt 28'^, many think that He did not here
prescribe a formula, but unfolded the spiritual
meaning of the rite (so Chase, JThSt vi. 506 ff.,
viii. 177 ; Swete, Holy Spirit in NT, p. 124 ; W. C.
Allen, ICC, in loc). This view is extremely prob-
able, whatever interpretation we put upon the
passage, for which see below, 8. It was our Lord's
habit not to make regulations but to establish
principles ; so Socrates (HE v. 22), speaking of the
keeping of Easter, contrasts the practice of Jesus
with that of the Mosaic Law in the matter of the
making of rules.
It is quite possible that no formula of baptism is
given in the NT at all, and even that at first there
were no fixed words. It is probable that all the
NT passages refer primarily to the theological
import of the rite, though they may have a remote
allusion to the mode of baptizing. But though we
cannot assert that there was in the Apostolic Age
a fixed form of words, it was a sound instinct
which induced the Church, at least from the 1st
cent, onwards, to adopt the Trinitarian formula,
and it would be rasii indeed to de])art from it. If
our Lord's words did not prescribe a form of words,
at least they suggested it. We find it in the
Didnche (§ 7 : ' baptize into the name of the Father
and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost'), though in
describing Christians in § 9 the writer speaks of
them as ' baptized into the name of the Lord.'
So Justin i)arai)hrases : ' They then receive the
washing with water in the name (iw 6v6/j,aTOi) of
God, the Father and Lord of the universe, .and of
our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit,'
and says that ' he who is illuminated (see above, 1)
is washed in the name of Jesus Christ . . . and
in tlie name of the Holy Ghost' (Apol. i. 61).
TertuUian says that the formula has been pre-
scribed [by Ciirist], and (|Uotes Mt 28'^ exactly (de
Bapt. 13; note especially tliat he translates eis rd
bvofia by ' in nomeii ' though Migne, apparently by
error, gives 'nomine'). In de Praescr. 20 he
paraphrases the text : ' He bade them ... go and
EAPTISxM
BAPTISM
131
teach the nations wlio were to be baptized (intin-
guendas) into the Father (in Patrem), and into the
Son, and into the Holy Ghost ' ; and in adv. Prax.
26 thus : ' He commands them to baptize into the
Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, non in
unuvi ' — i.e. not into one Person. The Trinitarian
formula is the only one found in the Church in
ancient times. It is prescribed or referred to in
Origen, Hom. in Lev. vii. §4, in the Church Orders
{Can. of Hipp. xix. [ed. Achelis, § 133] ; Ap. Const.
iii. 16, vii. 22 ; Ethiopia Didascalia, 16, ed. Piatt ;
Test, of our Lord, ii. 7), in the Acts of Xanthippe
twice (M. R. James, Apocr. Anecd. i. [ = TAS'ii. 3,
Cambridge, 1893] p. 79), and in the Apostolic
Canons [c. A.D. 400], can. 49 f. The fact that this
last work forbids any other form probably shows
that in some heretical circles other words were used.
Most of the Eastern Churches, Orthodox or
Separated, use the passive voice ' N. is baptized,'
or the like. The Westerns, on the contrary,
always use the active : 'N., I baptize thee.' The
latter is perhaps the older form ; it is found in the
Canons of Hippolytus and (in the plural, ' We
baptize thee ') in the Acts of Xanthippe (as above) ;
and it is favoured by Mt 28''' itself (' baptizing
them ') and Didache, 7 (' baptize,' imperative). It
is also found among the Copts and Abyssinians
(DC A i. 162'' ; H. Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium,
Wurzburg, 1863, i. 208, 230, 235).
We maj' ask what is meant by the invocation of
the Divine name over the persons who were being
baptized, of which we read in Justin, Apol. i. 61
('the name of God is pronounced over him') and
Ap. Const, iii. 16 ('having named, iTrovofidffas,
the invocation, eirWKridiv , of Father and Son and
Holy Ghost, thou shalt baptize them in the water,
iv Tt^ vBari.'). In connexion with this, Ac 22'^
(' calling on his name ') is quoted; but there it is
the baptized, not the baptizer, who ' invokes ' ;
l)aptism is given in response to the prayer of the
candidate. More to the point are Ac 15'^ ('the
(ientiles upon whom my name is called,' from Am
9'-), and Ja 2'' ('the honourable name which was
called upon you,' RVm, t6 iiriK\7]dkv i(j> ii/ids) ; cf.
Nu &-^, where God's name is put upon tlie Israelites
by the threefold blessing, and Ac 19^^, where the
Jewish exorcists named the name of the Lord
Jesus over the demoniacs, saying, ' I adjure you
by Jesus . . .' It is quite possible that in the
NT passages there may be some reference to the
words used in baptizing, which, as we have seen,
probably (at least in the ordinary way) included a
mention of the Name. But there is no evidence
tliat any invocation was part of the rite in apos-
tolic times, and Chase denies that it was so (JThSt
viii. 164). Is it necessary to suppose that Justin
and the wTiter of the Apostolic Constitutions refer
to anything else than the Trinitarian formula of
baptism ?
5. Baptismal customs.— Some traces of customs
which were part of the rite in the early Church
are found in the NT. (a) A profession of faith
and renunciation of evil is common in ancient
times (e.g. Justin, Apol. i. 61, where the candidate
undertakes to be able to live according to the
faith ; Tert. de Bapt. 6, de Idol. 6, de Cor. 3, de
Sped. 4 — Tertullian mentions the renunciations,
for Avhich see ERE i., art. ' Abrenuntio '). To such
a profession the gloss of Ac 8^'', which is older
than Irenaeus who mentions it (c. Haer. III. xii. 8),
is the oldest certain reference. But it is possible
that there is an allusion to it in 1 Co \b^'^ — or at
least to an instruction before baptism — though no
form of Creed can be intended (note v.* : * I
delivered unto you first of all that which also I
received' — the 'delivery' of the faith to the
catechumens, see above, 3) ; also in Ro 6^'' 10^,
1 Ti 612, 2 Ti P3'-, He 1022'-, 1 P 3" (for this verse
see ERE i. 38), Jude=*. While, however, it is ex-
tremely probable that some sort of a profession
of faith was always made at baptism, the NT
passages fall short of jnoof of the fact.
[b) Trine immersion is a very early custom, being
mentioned in the Didache (§ 7) and by Tertullian
(de Cor. 3, adv. Prax. 26). The practice of im-
mersion would probably be suggested by the word
/SaTTTtfcj (see above, 1). But J. A. Robinson (JThSt
vii. 187 II". ) denies this, and says that as the word
is used of ceremonial washings in Mk 7'*, Lk IP'*,
it need not imply immersion, though ^oltttw (see
above, 2) does ; but need only denote ceremonial
cleansing with water. Chase (JThSt viii. 179 f.)
replies that the vessels in Mk 7'' must have been
dipped in order to be cleansed, and also that Lk
IP** means bathing ; to this may be added that
ceremonial ' baptizing ' of ' themselves ' in Mk 1* is
shown by v.^ to mean the dipping of their hands
into water. However this may be with regard to
those passages, it seems more than probable that
the word /San-rt^w to the first disciples, when used
of baptism, conveyed the idea of immersion, both
because it would be difficult otherwise to explain
the metaphor of baptismal burial and resurrection
(Ro 6*, Col 2^^), and because the Jewish practice in
proselyte-baptism (see above, 2) was to undress
the candidate completely, and to immerse him so
that every part of his body was touched by the
water (Edersheim, LT ii. 745 f.; the candidate
also made a profession of faith before the ' fathers
of the baptism ' or sponsors). But it is also prob-
able that total immersion could not always be
practised, as in the case of the Philippian jailer ;
and that when this was the case the candidate
stood in the water, which was then poured over
him.
There is no trace in the NT of trine immersion,
which doubtless was founded on the Trinitarian
formula, though this is no evidence against its ex-
istence in the apostolic period. Flowing (' living ')
water, if it can be had, is prescribed in the Didache
(§ 7) and in several Church Orders (Maclean, p.
104). In case of necessity the Didache {loc. cit.)
expressly allows allusion. Immersion is implied
in Ep. of Barnabas, § II, where we read of going
down into the water lailen with sin, and rising up
from it bearing fruit in the heart.
(c) Clothing the neophytes. — In the early Church
the putting off of the clothes of the candidates
before baptism , and tlie clothing of them afterwards,
usually in white robes, were emphasized as cere-
monial actions ; but of this we have no certain
evidence before the 4th century. Constantine Avas
buried in his baptismal robes (to. eficpdiria, DCA i.
162). The Church Orders make a great point of the
clothing, and the Test, of our Lord mentions white
robes (ii. 12, see Maclean, p. 105), as does Ambrose,
de Myst. 34 (vii.). Even from the first, whether
immersion was total or partial, there must have
been an unclothing and a re-clothing ; and this, as
it would seem, gives point to the metaphor about
'putting off' (aireKdvcratievoL) the old man, and
' putting on' (ivdvcrdtievoL) the new, in Col 3^^, and
about ' putting on ' Christ in baptism in Gal Z^ ;
cf. Ro 13''', Eph A^. The metaphor goes back in
some degree to OT times ; in Zee 3^^- Joshua the
high priest is stripped of his filthy garments as a
symbol, and Justin (Dial. 116) perhaps applies
this to Christian baptism : ' even so we . . . have
been stripped of the filthy garments, that is, of our
sins.' Josephus tells us (BJ Ii. viii. 5) that the
Essenes clothed themselves in white veils and
bathed as a purification, and then partook of a
common meal with benediction before and after it ;
then, laying aside their garments, they went to
work till the evening. But there was apparently
no symbolism about this clothing.
132
BAPTISM
BAPTISM
{d) The kifis of peace after baptism is common in
Christian antiquity. Justin [Ajjol. i. 65) describes
it as taking place after the newly-baptized are
received among the faithful and after the people's
prayers, i.e. at the Eucharist which followed the
rite of baptism. Cyprian (Ep. Iviii. 4, ad Fidum)
alludes to it at the baptism of infants. In the
Church Orders it is used at Confirmation, as well
as at the Eucharist, and (apparently) at all times
of prayer (Maclean, pp. 18 f., 108). Tertullian
{de Orat. 18) says that some did not observe it
in times of fasting. There could be no better
symbol of Christian love than this, and it is
highly probable that it was used in worship in NT
times ; such would seem to be the suggestion of
the 'hohj kiss' in Eo W^, 1 Co 16-«, 2 Co 13^2,
1 Th 5-^ and of the ' kiss of love ' in 1 P 5'-». But
there is no evidence in the NT as to its use in
baptism.
(e) For a possible use of anointing in the NT,
see 1 ; for the laying on of hands, see 6. The sign
of the cross was used in early times, and was often
called the ' seal' (Maclean, p. 108 ; Cyr. Jer., Cat.
xiii. 36). Some think that this is referred to in
the passages cited above in 1 about ' sealing ' ; but
this is more than doubtful.
(/) Of three other early baptismal customs
there is no trace in the NT. (a) Sponsors are men-
tioned by Tertullian in de Bapt. 18 ('sponsores') ;
cf. de Cor. 3 {'inde suscepti'). They were called
' susceptores ' (avaSoxoL) because they ' received ' the
newly-baptized when they came up from the font ;
cf. ava\T)(pdds, Socrates, HE vii. 4. They are found
in the Church Orders (Maclean, p. 98 f.); and,
especially in the case of infants, when they make
the responses for them, they might be the parents
or others of their ' houses' {Test, of our Lord, ii. 8).
In Justin (Apol. i. 61) 'he who leads the person
that is to be washed to the laver ' seems to be the
baptizer. (/3) Fasting before baptism is ordered in
the Didache (§7), and is mentioned bv Justin (Apol.
i. 61) and Tertullian [de Bapt. 20 ; cf. de Jejun. 8),
and frequently in the Church Orders (Maclean, pp.
133 f., 137 f.). This is analogous to the fasting in
Ac 13^ before the sending forth of Barnabas and
Saul. (7) The tasting of milk and honey by the
newly-baptized after baptism (and communion)
seems originally to have been an Egyptian and
' African ' custom only. It is mentioned by
Tertullian [de Cor. 3, adv. Marc. i. 14), by Clement
of Alexandria (Paed. i. 6), and in the Egyptian and
Ethiopia Church Orders, the Canons of Hippolytus,
and the Verona Didascalia (all these four are
probabl;^ Egyptian), but not in the Test, of our
Lord or in tiie Apostolic Constitutions (see Maclean,
p. 46). It was, however, probably introduced into
Bome by the 4th cent. , for Jerome mentions it [Dial.
c. Luciferianos, 8), and he was baptized in Rome c.
A.D. 365. Thereafter it is several times mentioned
in the West. It is suggested by Ex 3*, which
describes the promised land as flowing with milk
and honey ; though tlie Canons of Hippolytus (xix.
[ed. Achelis, §§ 144, 148]) say that it is because the
neophyte j are as little children whose natural food
is milk and honey, or because of the sweetness of
the blessings of the future life.
6. The complement of immersion: the laying on
of hands. — In Acts we have tMo detailed accounts
of baptism in the Apostolic Age (8^"'''' 19^"^), and
in both cases we read first of an immersion and
then of a laying on of hands, the latter being
expressly connected with the gift of the Holy Ghost.
In Ac 8 Philip, one of the Seven, had preached to
the Samaritans, and they were baptized. But as
yet the Holy Ghost had fallen upon none of them,
only they had been baptized into the name of the
Lord Jesus. Then the apostles Peter and Jolin,
who were sent down from Jerusalem by their
fellow apostles, prayed for the newly-baptized that
they might receive the Holy Ghost, and laid their
hands upon them ; and they received the Holy
Ghost. In ch. 19, St. Paul finds about twelve men
at Ephesus who had received John's baptism ;
these are ' baptized into the name of the Lord
Jesus,' and St. Paul himself lays his hands upon
them and the Holy Ghost comes upon them. We
may note in passing that ' there is nothing in the
narrative to lead us to suppose that he followed at
Ephesus a course which he did not follov/ else-
where' (Chase, Confirmation, p. 32). With these
passages we may take He 6'*- (see above, 1), where
the ' teaching ... of the laying on of hands ' is
added to that of ' baptisms ' as part of the ' founda-
tion.' Even if it does not refer exclusively to the
baptismal imposition of hands after immersion, it
at least includes it.
The meaning of this laying on of hands will be
considered in § 8 below. Here we must notice
the other passages of the NT which speak of the
gift of the Holy Ghost. But two preliminary
remarks must be made, (a) It would save much
confusion of thought if it were remembered that in
Christian antiquity ' baptism ' is constantly used
to comprehend the whole rite, immersion, and also
laying on of hands, and other similar actions. It
would therefore be well if we more often used the
word ' immersion ' (including in it all possible
varieties of usage, total or partial immersion or
attusion) when we are speaking of the action at
the font, rather than the technical name ' baptism.'
We are apt to put ancient references to baptism
into a Avrong perspective because w'e are accustomed
to the long-continued separation "of the two parts
of the rite in the West. — (6) In studying Acts we
shall do well to remember that St. Luke does not
attempt in his narrative to give all the details of
the historical actions which he records. As W. M.
Ramsay truly observes, an author like St. Luke
' seizes the critical events, concentrates the reader's
attention on them by giving them fuller treat-
ment, touches more lightly and briefly on the less
important events, omits entirely a mass of unim-
portant details' [St. Paid, London, 1895, p. 3).
In numerous passages of the NT the gift of the
Spirit is explicitly connected with baptism (in its
fullest sense), as in Ac 2^8 8'5-" gnf. lo^'i- ««• (before
baptism) 19«, 1 Co 6I' 121^, Tit 3f, He 61-* lO^s (^yhich
appears to refer to the repudiation of the baptismal
confession and covenant ; see Westcott, Com. in
loc. ; cf. V.22'-), and in the passages which refer to
« sealing,' 2 Co 1-"-, Eph P^f- A^ (see above, 1) ; also
in the Gospels, Mt 3", Mk l^, Lk 3i«, Jn P^ S^, see
above, 2 (c). The close connexion between the gift
of the Spirit and baptism is seen also in the fact
that our Lord calls the Descent at Pentecost a
baptism (Ac 1'; cf. IP®), although in the case of
those on whom the Holy Ghost then came there
was no immersion.
To these passages we may add several where a
definite historical bestowal of the spirit is men-
tioned : Ro 55 (dodivTOi), 8'-« (iXd^ere), 1 Co 2^=
(iXd^ofiev), 2 Co 5® [oovs), 11* {ovk iXd^ere, speaking
of a ' ditterent Spirit ' in contrast to the Holy
Ghost), Gal 3^ (Ad/3ere ; cf. v.^ ' having begun in
the Spirit,' and v.^ where the present participle
marks the continuance of the gift of the Spirit), 4®
{i^aw4(rTeL\ev), 1 Th 4'''- (iKaXeae, the definite call,
connected with rbv didovra, 'whoever giveth' the
Spirit : some MSS have the aorist ddura ; G.
iSIilligan, Com. in loc, takes the present part, as
meaning ' the Giver of the Spirit '), 2 Th 2^* (el'Xero),
1 Jn 3^ i^duKev ; cf. 4'^, where the perfect SedusKev
denotes the permanent effects of the gift ; Brooke,
ICC on 3^). These aorists* point to a definite
• The RV has often been criticized as having too slavishly
followed the Greek aorist in a way that does not suit the
BAPTISM
BAPTISM
133
event, and, taken witla the passages in the preceding
paragrapli, would seem to refer to the Christian
initiation.
In the other records of baptisms the imposition
of hands is not mentioned, and in some the gift of
the Holy Ghost is not alluded' to. It would be
unsafe (see above), especially in view of He 6'-, to
infer that the laying on of hands was not practised
except in the cases where it is explicitly referred
to. But the case of Cornelius must be specially
considered. Here the Holy Ghost was given before
baptism and without any outward sign such as the
laying on of the Apostle's hands. Yet St. Peter
does not judge that, even after such a signal mark
of God's favour, it is unnecessary for Cornelius and
his household to be baptized in the usual manner.
From this we may with Chase {Confirmation, p.
28) see on the one hand that it is wrong to under-
value the sacraments, and on the other that God
is not tied down to them, but may give His grace
without the interposition of outward ordinances.
He is not bound, if we are. The same thing was
seen at Pentecost, when the Spirit was given with-
out the outward act of immersion having preceded.
Again, other reference to the laying on of hands
after immersion is seen by some in 2 Ti 1^ (which
is usually taken to refer to Timothy's ordination,
though Chase refers it — not 1 Ti 1^^ — to his baptism,
i.e. confirmation). In Ac 9^^ (cf. v.^^) also, Ananias
lays his hands on Saul before baptism ; but the
allusion in both cases is doubtful. For the anoint-
ing, see above, 1.
The name confirmation, i.e. 'strengthening,'
for the complement of immersion is not found
before the 5th cent. ; it may be founded on the
use of ^€j3ai6u in 2 Co 1^"* with the allusion there
to baptism.
For many centuries the baptismal rite — im-
mersion, anointing (when practised), and laying on
of hands — was normally one, and took place at
one time. Tertullian {de Bapt. 8) speaks of the
immersion, unction, and imposition of hands with
invocation of the Holy Ghost as being administered
on the same occasion ; and the Church Orders are
equally definite (Maclean, pp. 18 f., 105 If.). Laying
on of hands is also referred to in Tert. de Bes.
Cam. 8 (with immersion, unction, sealing with the
sign of the cross, and communion), and by Cji^prian
{Ep. Ixxi.), who speaks of those who have been
laaptized by heretics being received into the Church
with imposition of hands that they might receive
the Holy Ghost (cf. Ep. Ixxii. 9, referring to Ac 8).
Origen [de Princ. I. iii. 2) says that the Holy
Spirit was given by the laying on of the apostles'
hands in baptism ; so Athanasius, ad Serap. Orat.
i. 6. It is curious that Cyril of Jerusalem {Cat.
xx.-xxii.), who mentions immersion, anointing, and
the communion of the neophytes, omits the laying
on of hands, seeing that the contemporary Church
Orders strongly emphasize it. It is a mistake to
suppose that this custom ceased with Tertullian.
The baptismal Eucharist with the first communion
of the neophytes follows immediately in the Church
Orders ; cf. also Tertullian and Cyril as above,
and Justin {Apol. i. 65).
In case of necessity there might be an interval
between the immersion and the imposition of
hands, as there had been in Ac 8. The Council of
Elvira (c. A.D. 305, can. 38, 77) says that in such a
case if the baptized dies before [his confirmation],
he may be justified by the faith which he has
professed ; cf. also Jerome, Dial. c. Lucif. 9, who
mentions the laying on of hands.
Engrlish idiom. Whatever justification there may be for this
criticism in a version intended for public reading (though even
there it is surely important that the hearers should Itnow what
the sacred writers exactly meant), yet it cannot be too strongly
asserted that it is essential for the student to pay the greatest
attention to the accuracies of the Greek tenses.
For the theological significance of the laying on
of hands, see below, § 8.
7. Minister of baptism. — We gather from the
NT that the apostles themselves did not usually
baptize ; their task was ' to preach the Gospel,'
and St. Paul only rarely administered the sacra-
ment himself, lest any should say that his converts
were baptized into his name (1 Co l^'''^^). It is not
recorded who baptized the 3000 at Pentecost (Ac
2^^), or the Samaritans (8'-^-, probably Philip), or
Lydia and her household (16^°), or the jailer at
Philippi and 'all his' (16^^), or the Corinthians
(18*), or the Ephesians (19^) ; St. VetQi'?, companions
clearly baptized Cornelius and his company (lO'*^'-) :
he 'commanded' them to be baptized. Philip
baptized the Eunuch (8^*), and evidently Ananias
baptized St. Paul (9^* 22^^). It has been suggested
tliat baptism was one of the functions of John
i\Iark as 'minister' (vir-qpeTtj^) to Barnabas and
Saul (13^; Rackham, Covi. in loc). On the other
hand, St. Peter and St. John laid their hands on
those who had been baptized in Samaria (8'''), and
St. Paul laid his hands on the Ephesian neophytes
(19«; ct. V.5).
A similar rule is found in the baptismal customs
of the succeeding ages. In the Church Orders the
bishop is normally present at baptisms, but the
presbyters actually immerse, and the deacons
assist ; then the newly-baptized are immediately
brought to the bishop for anointing and laying on
of hands ; though the custom as to the person who
anoints and the number and place of the unctions
in the rite varies, the bishop always lays on hands
(for details, see Maclean, p. 104 ft'.). "When, there-
fore, it is said that the bishop was the normal minis-
ter of baptism, it is not meant that he actually
immersed, though doubtless he sometimes did so.
St. Ambrose (de Alyst. 8 [iii.]) speaks only of the
bishop (summum sacerdotem) interrogating, and
hallowing (the Avater, or the oil [?]). As time went
on, either the immersion and the confirmation had
to be separated, or else the latter was administered
by the presbyter with oil consecrated by the bishop.
Deacons were allowed at Elvira (can. 77) to bap-
tize in case of necessity ; and so Tertull. de Bapt.
17 (who, like Elvira, allows laymen to baptize in
such a case). Test, of our Lord, ii. 11, Didascalia,
iii. 12 (ed. Funk) ; but this is forbidden in Ap.
Const, viii. 28, 46 (ed. Funk). The Ap. Const.
(iii. 9) and the ' Fourth Council of Carthage,'
A.D. 398 (can. 100, Hefele, Coimcils, Eng. tr., ii.
[18P6] 417), forbid women to baptize. There is
perhaps a permission to deacons to baptize in
country places, in Cyr. Jer., Cat. xvii. 35; but
this is uncertain. There may be a trace of pres-
byters confirming in the Sacramentary of Serapion
and in the Ap. Const, (see Maclean, pp. 107, 110,
155).
8. Theological aspects. — (a) A study of the NT
leads us to the conclusion that baptism is no mere
ceremony whereby outsiders are fitly received into
the Christian Church. It is a means of grace — it
conveys by an outward sign the grace of God, but
always under certain conditions, for which see
below (/). St. Peter says that water after a true
likeness {avrirvTrov) saves us, even baptism : a
cleansing of the body, but also a cleansing of the
soul ; the outAvard part, water, is the symbol or
sign of the inward washing (1 P 3^^). God saved
us [iduaev, aorist) through the washing of regenera-
tion and renewing of the Holy Ghost (Tit 3'). The
WTiter of the Appendix to Mk. says that ' he that
believeth and is baptized shall be saved' (16'^).
And this is in accordance with God's usual way of
working. He normally uses outward instruments
and means, though He is not bound by them and
can work otherwise if He wills. On the one hand.
He uses human beings as His instruments (cf., e.g.,
134
BAPTISM
BAPTISM
Ac 9^^ 13^, Gal l'*'-, Eph 3^ for men as preachers
of the gospel), and, on the other hand. He uses
inanimate things or outward actions. Thus the
' gift of God ' is conveyed by imposition of hands
(2 Ti 1®). Jesus ordinarily (but not always) used
outward means in healing and in doing other
mighty works (DCG i., art. ' Gestures,' 1). So He
instituted outward means (water, bread, and wine)
for the two sacraments of the gospel. Among OT
analogies may be noted the cloud and pillar of fire,
which symbolized God's presence. By using out-
ward means, God shows that matter is not, as
Gnostic dualism asserted, naturally evil, but that
it is consecrated by Him for His sacred purposes.
The same truth may be expressed by saying that
baptism is a. pledge or ivitness of grace, by which
God assures us that He will perform His part of
the covenant between Him and man ; cf. the pas-
sages where the gift of the Spirit, the earnest
(dppa^ihv) of our inheritance, is associated with
faith, and by implication with baptism (Eph l^^'* ;
see above, 1).
(b) Baptism is a union with God. The baptized
is incorporated into the Divine Being, united with
Christ, apart from whom we can do nothing ( Jn 15^).
This baptismal union is clearly asserted in Ro 6^,
Gal 3^", and by contrast is implied in 1 Co P^- ^* 10^ ;
it is made possible only by the Incarnation, and
by the glorifying of Jesus' humanity ; see Jn 7^^.
It involves sonship by adoption (Ko 8'^^' [note the
aorist iXd^ere, pointing to a definite time]. Gal
326f. 44f. . ggg art. ADOPTION). This aspect of bap-
tism as an incorporation into God holds good what-
ever view we take of the meaning of the Lord's
command to baptize, which must now be considered
carefully, as it is essential to the understanding of
baptism.
(c) Meaning of baptism 'in' or 'into the Name.'
— The words els to ovofxa (or eh alone) in the bap-
tismal passages are usually interpreted as denoting
incorporation into a person or society, and the pur-
pose for which the baptism is administered ; but
another view interprets the words in Mt 28^® as
meaning 'by the authority of.' (For a full dis-
cussion, see F. H. Chase in JThSt vi. 50011'., viii.
161 ff. ; J. A. Robinson in JThSt vii. 186 If., and
EBi, art. 'Baptism.')
It is agreed that by a Hebrew idiom common in
Hellenistic Greek ' the name ' of a person is used
for the person himself. To believe in the name of
some one is to believe in him (Jn P- 2-* 3'^, 1 Jn 5^^
Tnarevcj} eh ; 1 Jn 3''^'' ttkit. with dative — for the dif-
ference, see Westcott on Jn S-'* 8^"'- ; cf. Ac 3'^) ;
to come, or to act, or to receive a person, in the
name of some one, is to come or act or to receive
one as his representative (Mt 18^ 2P 23»^ Mk 9"
IP 13«, Lk 13=5*, Jn 5« lO^* 12'3 \^^\ all with ii^ [ry]
6v6/iaTi ; Mt 24' with iir 6v6/mti) ; to hope in God's
name is to hope in Him (Mt 12-\ with simple dative,
= Is 42^ LXX with iiri) ; to have life in Christ's
name is to receive life from Him ( Jn 20^^) ; to ask
or give thanks in (if) Christ's name is to do so in
Him, i.e. for His merits (Jn 14'»'- 15'« le'^^'- ^, Eph
5'-") ; to adjure in (if) the name of a person is to
adjure by him (Ac 16'^ ; cf. 1 Co V" 5id) ; to receive
remission of sins through (dtd) Jesus' name is to
receive it through Him (Ac 10'*^). In Jn 17^"-
Jesus prays the Father to keep the disciples ' in (iv)
thy name which thou hast given me' (so best text ;
cf. Ph 2**), and says that He has kept them while
on earth in the Father's name — a very difficult
passage. The latter phrase must mean ' as the
Father's representative (as above) ; for the former,
cf. 11*^- ^, where the 'name ' stands for God and His
attributes, and we may perhaps paraphrase : ' in
thyself, with whom I am one' (cf. 10^*). In Col 3^^
to do all in (iv) the name of Christ is to do all ' in
Christ,' however we are to understand that cliarac-
teristic Pauline phrase (see J. A. Robinson, Ephes.,
London, 1903, p. 22 tt".). So again in Lk 6-2 'cast
out your name ' is equivalent to 'cast you out' ; in
Ac 15'^ Barnabas and Paul are said to have hazarded
their lives for the name of Jesus, i.e. for Him.
In the above passages the translation 'by the
authority of ' is not possible. But ' in the name '
can well be so translated in some passages, as when
the disciples spoke or preached in Jesus' name, Ac
4'7'- (iwL) ^■"(iv) ; cf. Lk 24« (iTrl) ; though here also
it can be rendered ' as the representatives of.' So
'by the authority of suits best in passages where
devils are cast out or mighty works done ' in the
name,' as Mt 7^'' (dative without prep.), Mk 9^**
(iv, iTrl), 'Mk' 16"" (iv), Lk 9^^ (^»', v.l. iirl), Ac 3«
(iv • cf. A''- '") ; and in Lk 10", where demons are
subject in (iv) Christ's name.
Three passages remain to be considered. Mk 9''^
has ' in (iv) name that ye are Christ's,' which is
usually treated as an idiom : ' because ye are
Christ^s' (RV, Swete ; the text followed by AV
is faulty here), though Chase (JThSt viii. 170)
renders 'in the Name, because ye are Christ's.'
In Mt 10^^'- 18^" ds is used. In the former passage,
' into the name of a prophet ' or ' disciple ' can only
mean 'as a prophet' or 'disciple,' i.e. with a view
to the prophetic office or to discipleship. In the
latter, ' gathered together into my name ' is best
rendered as ' drawn nigh to me ' ; cf. Dt 12', 1 K 9^
(so Chase, loe. eit.).
Another line of interpretation of the passages
with 'in the name ' is that of F. C. Conybeare, who
makes 'in the name of Jesus' a theurgic formula,
an application of ancient magic (J_QE ix. 66, 581).
B^or an answer to this theory, which is quite in-
applicable to several of the passages cited above,
and which takes no account of the OT use of ' the
Name,' see G. B. Gray in EDB iii. 480.
VVe may now consider tlie baptismal passages.
In Mt 28l^ Ac 8^6 19^, 1 Co l^^- is we read of baptism
' into (eh) the name ' ; and so 1 Co 10- ' into Moses,'
12'* 'into one body,' Ac 19* 'into John's baptism,'
Ro 6*, Gal 327 'into Christ,' or 'into his death';
while in Ac 2'*^ lO""^, 1 Co 6^^ we read of baptism ' in
(iv) the name.' The usual interpretation, at least
of the former set of passages, is that the neophytes
are in baptism incorporated with the Holy Trinity,
or with Christ, with a view to (eh) remission of
sins (Ac 2***) or to dying with Christ ; the disciples
of John are baptized with his baptism. Further,
' into the name ' implies proprietorship : we are
baptized so as to belong to God ; and the same
idea attaches to iir dvdfiaros, by which Justin ex-
plains baptism to the heathen (above, 4 ; see Swete,
Holy Spirit in NT, p. 125 ; Chase, Jl'hSt vi. 501).
If /Sairrifw conveyed to the first Christians the idea
of immersion (above, 5), this interpretation follows
necessarily. In that case, what is the difference,
if any, between baptism ' in ' and ' into ' ? Chase,
who upholds the above interpretation, thinks that
both involve the idea of incorporation or union,
though the latter emphasizes the entrance into the
name, while the former conveys the idea of tlie
name encompassing the baptized (JThSt viii. 177,
184).
This line of interpretation is denied by Robinson
(EBi, art. ' Baptism,' and JThSt vii. 191 ), who holds
that eh and iv are synonymous in the NT, as they
undoubtedly are in the Modern Greek vernacular,
which has entirely lost iv except in a few phrases,
eh having taken its place. On this view, ' in the
name ' is the translation preferred, and it is taken
to mean ' by the authority ' of the person men-
tioned. The statement that the two prepositions
have the same meaning in the NT is hardly borne
out by the facts. It is true that the tendency to
confuse them had begun in the Apostolic Age ; but
it had not got very far, hardly beyond a fondness
BAPTISM
BAPTISM
135
for ' constructio praegnans,' as in Mk P, where
i^aTTTccrdr) els tov 'lop^dvqv — 'wQTit into the Jordan
and was baptized there' (in v.^ we have i^a-migovTo
iv tQ 'lopddvri), or else = ' was immersed in Jordan'
(Swete, Com. in loc.) ; of. also Ac 8* eupid-q els
'A^ixiTov, ' went to Azotus and was found there,' and
Lk 4^-'. The nearest approach to a real confusion
of the prepositions is in Mt 5^^^- : ' Swear not . . .
by (if) the heaven . , . nor by (ev) the earth . . .
nor by {els, RVm ' toward ') Jerusalem,' where Chase
(JThSt viii. 166) suggests that iv 'lepoaoXv/jLOLs is
avoided so as to exclude a local meaning, and that
els represents the direction of the oath, just as in
Ac 2^, Eph 5^^, He 7^^ els can only mean ' with
reference to.'
In the opinion of the present writer no argument
can be deduced from the fact that our Lord spoke
Aramaic, and that both els to ovofxa and iv t^ dvl/mari
represent the simple phrase DB^a. For (though we
know little of the Palestinian Aramaic of the 1st
cent.) the preposition in Syriac not infrequently
denotes motion; see Payne Smith, Thesaur. Syr.,
Oxford, 1879-1901, i. 430. And, as Chase remarks
(JThSt vi. 507), the argument from the Aramaic
preposition is robbed of all its force by the con-
sideration that the Peshitta uses it in Ro 6^, Gal
3^^ for ' into Christ [Jesus],' Avhich can only denote
incorporation. Therefore the Aramaic phrase uvz
can mean ' (incorporation) into the name.'
The grave objection to Robinson's interpretation
is that it does not suit the Pauline passages, which
cannot be put aside as irrelevant. That ' Paul was
not crucified for the Corinthians and they were not
baptized into his name' (1 Co l'^'*), is a proposition
in direct contrast to the statement that ' all we
who were baptized into Christ Jesus were baptized
into his death' (Ro 6^). The latter passage
denotes incorporation, and so tlierefore must the
former. Indeed, the passage in 1 Cor. would lose
all force if it were translated ' by his authority.'
For a long list of Greek Fathers who interpret
Mt 28^^ of incorporation, see Chase, JThSt viii.
173 ti". On the other hand, Robinson says that the
Western formula 'in nomine' can only mean 'by the
authority.' This is not clear, and in any case it is
signihcant that Tertullian, the father of ecclesi-
astical Latinity, understood Mt 28^^ otherwise, for
he translates by 'in nomen,' and paraphrases by 'in
Patrem,' etc. ; see above, 4. He clearly understood
the baptismal command to denote incorporation.
The issue does not rest on the question whether
els and iv are interchangeable. It is tlie whole
sentence in Mt 28'^ which must be considered, and
it is difficult to follow Robinson in thinking that
it conveyed no idea of immersion to the first
Christians. No doubt our Lord gave a new and
more spiritual significance to a Jewish method of
speech, but this is just what He did frequently in
His teaching. If, as is probable, the account in
Mt. is greatly condensed (above, 4), there is no
difficulty about this. No doubt He explained His
meaning to the disciples ; we are led to interpret
it by the writings of the disciples themselves. For
these reasons the present writer cannot but think
that Chase's interpretation is right, and that the
RV has properly given the words as ' into the
name.'
{d) Meaning of 'being born anew' or 'from
above.' — In Jn S'**" our Lord speaks to Nicodemus
of another birth, which He connects with water
(see above, 1) and the Spirit, and which is requisite
for seeing or entering the Kingdom of God ; this
birth is dvwdev, which may be translated ' anew '
(RV, and Westcott, Com. in loc.) or 'from above'
(RVm, and Swete, Holy Spirit in NT, p. 131). In
favour of the latter is Jn 3^^ (' he that cometh from
above,' S.vi.idev) and 19^S and the fact that the
writer often speaks of our being begotten of God
(Jn V^, 1 Jn 39 47 51-4.18. in j^ 33.5 t^e word is
yevvr}dfi). In this case it is a heavenly birth that
Jesus speaks of. In favour of the former is Gal 4^
(ttoXlv dvoodev — ' over again '), but especially the fact
that Nicodemus takes this meaning (v.'*), and also
that the term 'regeneration' (TraXiyyevea-ia), which
was used in the Apostolic Church (Tit 3^) can best
be explained as a reminiscence of our Lord's words
on such an occasion, handed down orally. But
may not both meanings of dvwdev in Jn 3 be valid ?
The birth is both 'from above' and 'new.' A
single word with more than one meaning is often
used to express more than one truth.
This new or heavenly birth is the new start, the
implanting of the new life, which is given to us by
the Ascended and Glorified Christ through the
Holy Ghost. And this new life is expressly con-
nected with Christian baptism, whatever view we
take of i^ vdaros in Jn 3^ ; St. Paul speaks (Col 2^^-^-)
of the Christian having been buried with {ffwra-
(pevres) Christ in baptism, ' wherein (not ' in whom,'
i.e. Christ) ye were raised with him {cw-qyepd-qTe),
. . . and you being dead . . . did he quicken
together with him (crvve'^woiroly^ffev)' — note the
aorists, denoting an action at a given time ; cf.
also Eph 2"* (the 'sitting in heavenly places ' in
v.^ is not future, but present). This new implanting
of life is called ' regeneration ' in Tit 3^ (as above),
and is effected by washing or a laver (Xovrpou), that
is, by baptism, {■n-aki.yyeveala is used in Mt 19-^ of the
new age hereafter [cf. Ac 3-^ ' the restitution of all
things '] ; the application of it to the present age,
as has been lately suggested, is most unlikely : for
its use by non-Christian writers, see Swete, Holy
Spirit in NT, p. 390, A pp. M.)
But tiie new life is like a seed. It may blossom
and flourish, or it may die. It is the opportunity,
the talent ; but if it is not seized and put to good
use, it is of no avail to the recipient, and even con-
demns him ; see, further, below (/).
The figure of a new birth is very common in the
Fathers in connexion with baptism ; e.g. Justin,
Apol. i. 61, 66, and Irenaeus, c. Haer. I. xxi. 1, iii.
xvii. 1 {a.vayevvr)(xi.s) ; Tert. adv. Marc. i. 28, deRes.
Cam. 47 (regeneratio).
(e) Baptism and the gift of the Sjnrit. — We have
seen (above, 6) how closely the gift of the Spirit is
connected with baptism in the NT. We may noAv
consider the meaning of that gift. Though the
Holy Ghost is the Agent of all the Divine working,
and therefore must be the Giver of life (cf. Ro 8-- "
etc.) at the immersion, yet the gift of the Spirit
is said in Ac 8^^ not to be bestowed then, but at a
later stage of the same rite — at the laying on of
hands (see above, 6). Tertullian remarks (r/e Bapt.
6) that ' in the waters we do not receive the Holy
Spirit, but, having been cleansed in the water under
the infiuence of an angel [sub angclo), we are pre-
pared for the Holy Spirit.' What, then, did St.
Peter and St. John pray for when they prayed
that the Samaritans might receive the Holy Ghost
(Ac 8'-'^) ? What was the gift of the Holy Ghost
received in v. ^"^ 1 One answer Avhich has been given
to this question must be dismissed as quite insuffi-
cient — that the miraculous signs vouchsafed in the
infancy of the Church were the gift. It may be
said that in v.'^ Simon saw that the Holy Glaost
was given, and that therefore there must have
been some outward manifestation. In Ac 19^ the
neophytes spoke with tongues and prophesied (cf.
2-4 lo^fi). To state the matter in this way, however,
is to confuse the outAvard evidences of the activity
of the Spirit with the gift of the Spirit Himself.
No one could suppose that all that the Church
received on the Day of Pentecost Avas a mere speak-
ing Avith ' other tongues.' To understand Avhat the
gift is, Ave cannot do better than consider our Lord's
promise of the gift, in Jn 14-16. As He describes
136
BAPTISM
BAEAK
it, it is a gift of guidance and teaching (14^8
jg26 jg8. i3ff.j^ and, above all, a continued presence
of the Spirit with us for ever (14'"-)- It was not
to be a gift for one generation only, but for us in
modern times as well as for the first Christians.
There is nothing in these chapters about the gift
of tongues or other wonderful signs. Indeed, as
Chase remarks (Confirmation, p. 114), 'in the
teaching of the Apostles tlie thought of extra-
ordinary charismata has a quite subordinate place,'
When Saul received the Holy Ghost (Ac 9'^) there
appear to have been no outward phenomena. And,
whether the laying on of hands in 2 Ti P was at
baptism or at ordination (see above, 6), it is signi-
ficant that the ' gift of God ' which was in Timothy
by the laying on of St. Paul's hands was the ' spirit
of power and love and discipline' (ffiO(ppovia/iod).
Indeed, it is difficult to suppose that the apostles
could have laid so much stress on the gift if it was
merely a speaking with tongues (which St. Paul
somewhat disparages in 1 Co 14-), or prophesying.
Throughout the Epistles, the gift of the Spirit is a
very different thing ; it is that inward strengthen-
ing which enables the Church to fight the battle
A\'ith the hosts of evil and to win the victory. And
this is what our Lord promised in the Johannine
chapters quoted above.
(/) Baptism not a magical charm. — To say that
God uses outward means or instruments as the
normal manner in which He gives His grace is not
to assert, on the one hand, that all who receive the
outward means receive the grace, or, on the other
hand, that God cannot give the grace otherwise.
Hence the emphasis on the need of repentance and
faith in those who are baptized ; e.g. cf. Ac 2^^ for
repentance, 18^ for faith : ' believed and were
baptized'; in 19"*' 'when ye believed' is equiva-
lent to ' when ye were baptized ' [TnareijcravTes —
iiSaTTTiadrire). One or two references to the early
Fathers (out of a large number) will show how
strongly they felt this. Repentance and faith are
both insisted on by Justin (Apol. i. 61). Origen
says that the Spirit may leave the unworthy
Christian after baptism (in Joann. vi. 33). Cyril
of Jerusalem says that the outward rite will not
convey the gift of the Spirit if the candidate does
not come in faith (Cat. xvii. 35 ff.). It is equally
recognized in Christian antiquity that it is possible
for man to receive the grace without the outward
sign in cases of necessity. For example, the
' baptism in blood ' of unbaptized martyrs is recog-
nized as sufficient by Tertullian, de Bapt. 16, and
in the Church Orders (Test, of our Lord, ii. 5 ; Can.
of Hippolytus, xix. [ed. Achelis, 101] ; Egyptian
Church Order's, 44) and elsewhere. The work of
God is mighty, tliough the instrument is insig-
nificant. Thus Tertullian (de Bapt. 2, 4) remarks
on the simplicity of baptism, which makes people
disparage the greatness of its effect, not realizing
that the Spirit sanctifies the water.
9. Infant baptism. — There is no historical
account in the NT of an infant being baptized ;
but the indirect evidence of tlie practice is strong.
In view of the analogy of circumcision, it would
be strange, supposing that infants had been ex-
cluded from baptism, that such exclusion should
not have been mentioned. If infants needed to be
brouglit into the inferior covenant by the outward
sign of circumcision, still more would they need to
be brought into the higher covenant by the out-
ward sign of baptism. The Talmud says that
infant cliildren of proselytes are to be baptized
witli their parents (John Lightfoot, Hor. Hehr. on
Mt 3« in Works, xi. [London, 1823] 53 ft"), and this
was probably the custom in the 1st cent, (see
above, 2). Our Lord by blessing little cliildren
with an imposition of hands (Mk lO'^*' iraidla ; Lk
18" fipi(pv, ' babes ') shows that they are capable of
receiving grace. In Mt 10^^, Jesus speaks of giving
' one of these little ones ' a cup of cold water ' in
the name of a disciple,' i.e. as a disciple (above, 8),
showing that infants can be disciples. No limit is
placed on the baptismal command of Mt 28^^ (' all
the nations,' not 'all the adults'). The house-
holds of Lydia, the Philippian jailer, Crispus, and
Stephanas, not improbably included some infants,
but all were baptized (cf. Ac 16^^ 'all his'). It is
disputed whether 1 Co 7'* refers to infant baptism
(Robertson-Plummer, Com. in loc., think that it
does not), but at least it seems to point to the
right of children to baptism, for otherwise could
they be called ' holy ' or ' consecrated ' (ayia) ? Cf.
Goudge and Alford, Comm. in loc.
When we turn from the NT to the successors of
the apostles, we find that the practice of infant
baptism was probably in force at least c. A. D. 69.
For Polycarp at his martyrdom (c. A.D. 155 : for
the date see Lightfoot, Apostol. Fathers, pt. ii.
vol. i. [1889] 437 ff ) says that he had served Christ
for 86 years. It is extremely unlikely that he was
older, or at any rate more than 3 or 4 years older,
than this at his death, and he must therefore have
been baptized when he was an infant, or at least
as a very young child ; he seems to have been born
of Christian parents (ib. ). Justin speaks of men and
women of 60 or 70 who had been made disciples
(ilxadTjTe-vO-qcrav) from childhood (Apol. i. 15), and
compares baptism to circumcision (Dial. 43). Iren-
aeus (c. Haer. II. xxii. 4) says that Jesus came to
save all who through Him are born again to God
— infants, children, boys, youths, and old men.
He passed through every age, becoming an infant
for infants, thus sanctifying infants, etc. Ter-
tullian (de Bapt. 18), who advocates delaying
baptism lest it should be rashly administered,
especially in the case of infants, bears witness to
the common practice of his day. It is to be noted
that he does not blame infant baptism as a novelty,
as he assuredly would have done had it been such.
And thereafter the evidence of its existence is very
abundant; see, e.g., Cyprian, Ep. Iviii. ; Can. of
Hipp. xix. (113, ed. Achelis), and all the Church
Orders.
It is objected to these arguments that faith is
required in the NT for baptism, and that infants
cannot have faith. But this is not a true objec-
tion. If an adult coming to baptism has not faith,
he puts the barrier of non-faith between God and
himself ; he cannot be in a neutral condition, but,
if he does not believe in God, must disbelieve in
Him. With an infant it is not so. In the age of
innocence he cannot put a barrier between God
and himself, and therefore the fact that he has
not yet learnt to have an active faith does not
I)reclude the working of the grace of God within
him,
LiTERATTTRE.— R. Hookcr, Eccl. Pol., bk. V. (ed. Bayne,
London, 1902), esp. chs. Ivii.-lxvi.; H. B. Swete, The Holy
Spirit in the Neio Testament'^, do. 1910, esp. App. I and J ; D.
Stone, Holy Baptism, do. 1899 ; A. J. Mason, The Relation
of Confirmation to Baptism^, do. 1893; D. Macleans, The
Ueavenlrj Citizenship of Infants, do. 1891 ; F. H. Chase,
Confirmation in the Apostolic Aqe, do. 1909; A. C. A. Hall,
Confirmation, do. 1900 ; F. E. Warren, Liturgy and Ritual
of the Ante-Nicene Church"^, do. 1912; A. J. Maclean, The
Ancient Church Orders, Cambridge, 1910 ; artt. on 'The Lord's
Command to Baptize' in JThSt vi. [1904-05], vii. [1905-06], viii.
[1906-07], by F. H. Chase and J. A. Robinson; artt. on
' Baptism ■ in JIDB i. (A. Plummer), DCG i. (M. Dods), SDB
(C. A. Scott), EBi i. (J. A. Robinson), ERE ii. (J. V.
Bartlet, K. Lake, H. G. Wood); art. 'Laying on of Hands'
in HDB iii. (H. B. Swete); artt. 'Confirmation' in ERE
iv. (H. J. Lawlor and H. Thurston).
A. J. Maclean.
BAPTISM FOR THE DEAD.— See Baptism,
BARAK.— Barak (Bapd/c) was the ally of Deborah
in the life-and-death struggle of Israel with the
Canaanites. He won the great battle of Kislion
(Jg 4. 5). He is named in the roll of the OT heroes
BAEBAEIAX
BAE-JESUS
137
of faith (He IP^). He was one of those "who 6ia
TvLffTeus 'waxed mighty in war, turned to flight
armies of aliens' (11**). James Steahan.
BARBARIAN.— The Greeks of the age of in-
dependence divided mankind into two classes —
Hellenes or Greeks, and Barbarians, the latter
term having a special reference to those who did
not speak the Greek language and were thus un-
intelligible to the inhabitants of Hellas. The
word itself is almost certainly onomatopoetic,
being an imitation of the way in which the peoples
seemed to speak. It occurs for the first time in
Homer {II. ii. 867), and is used of the Carians
(Kapes pap!3ap6^uvoi). Plato divides the human
race into Hellenes and Barbarians [Polit. 262 D).
Even the Eomans called themselves Barbarians
till Greek literature came to be naturalized in
Rome ; and both Philo and Josephus regard the
Jews and their tongue as barbarous. By and by
the word came to be used as descriptive of all the
defects wliich the Greeks thought foreign to them-
selves and natural to all other peoples, but the
first and the main idea conveyed by the term is
that of difi'erence of language.
In the NT history of the early Church we find
the term used in four dill'erent places. — (1) In
Ac 28-"^ it is applied by St. Luke to the Phcenician
inhabitants of Malta, perhaps ■with a slight hint
of contempt on the part of the author, (2) The
Apostle Paul in 1 Co 14^^ refers to the ecstatic
speaking with tongues, and declares that if any
speak in an unknown tongue, ' I shall be to him
that speaketh a barbarian, and he that speaketh
will be a barbarian unto me.' Here the word is
used in the original sense of one who speaks in an
unknown tongue. (3) In the statement (Ko 1"),
' I am a debtor both to Greeks and to Barbarians,'
St Paul uses the common conventional division of
mankind; and, like Philo and Josephus, classes
the Jews among the Barbarians. (4) In Col 3^^ we
have a looser use of the term ' Greek and Jew
, . . barbarian and Scythian.' The Apostle has
been speaking of the abolition of all distinction in
the otter of the gospel, and the classes selected are
not mutually exclusive but mentioned with refer-
ence to heresies in the Colossian Church (cf. J. B.
Lightfoot, Colossians^, 1879, p. 216). The Apostle
otters the gospel not merely to learned Greeks
but to barbarians, and even to Scythians, who are
popularly regarded as the lowest type of this class.
Literature. — Grimm-Thayer, g.v. ; see also artt. in HDB
and EBi. W, F, BOYD.
BAR-JESUS.— In Ac 13« Bar-Jesus is described
as *a certain sorcerer, a false prophet, a Jew'
whom Barnabas and Paul found at Paphos in the
retinue of the proconsul in Cyprus. The comparison
of him with ' the modern gipsy teller of fortunes ' is
' misleading and gives a false idea of the influence
exerted on the Roman world by Oriental person-
ages like this Magian ' (Ramsay, St. Paul the
Traveller, 78) ; nor can he be called an impostor.
He was a representative of a class of men, very
numerous in that day, ' skilled in the lore and
uncanny arts and strange powers of the Median
priests' (cf. HDB, art. 'Barjesus'), who possessed
a familiarity with the forces of Nature not shared
by their fellows, and which was commonly re-
garded as supernatural in its origin. They were
both magicians and men of science ; moreover,
their system presented a religious aspect to the
world. The presence of an influential exponent of
such a current religious and philosophical system
in the train of the comites of a Roman governor
was quite natural ; nor is there any need to suppose
that Sergius Paulus (who was ' a man of under-
standing') was dominated by the Magian in any
other sense than that Bar- Jesus had considerable
influence and credit with his patron — an influence
he was able to turn to his own private advantage.
Hearing of Barnabas and Paul as travelling teachers
in tiie island, the governor, a highly educated man,
interested in science and philosophy, invited them
to his court. He listened with such pleasure to
their exposition that it became clear to all his reti-
nue that they were making a marked eflect on him.
This was a challenge to Bar-Jesus, who had been
the dominant religious influence in the court. He
took steps to minimize the eflect and to retain the
governor's interest in himself and his system. The
challenge was accepted by Paul, who superseded
Barnabas as the chief Christian protagonist at this
point. Special interest attached to the incident as
an early but typical case of the meeting of two
religious systems; it was the first collision of
Christianity with the great religious force of
Magianism, The result was a striking manifesta-
tion of the superior power residing in the Christian
missionary, by which Bar-Jesus was struck blind
for a season, and which deeply impressed the pro-
consul in favour of Christianity.
A phrase occurs in v.^ which has caused perplex-
ity : ' Eljmias the sorcerer (for so is his name by
interpretation).' All attempts to explain Elymas
as the interpretation of Bar-Jesus have failed.
This has been used to discredit the historicity of
the narrative. Thus Schmiedel says it suggests
the 'amalgamation of two sources,' and illustrates
the tendency of Acts to establish a ' parallelism
between Peter and Paul' {EBi i. 480 f.) — a theory
urged by Weizsacker, who considers this portion of
Acts ' is far from being historical ' (i. 275, 239-240),
and finds a proof of double authorship in the use
of the two names ' Saul who is also called Paul.'
But Ramsay has explained the latter usage most
convincingly. It was the fashion in bilingual
countries to have two names, the native and the
Greek, Amongst JeAvish surroundings Paul's Jew-
ish name ' Saul ' was used naturally ; but ' by a
marvellous stroke of historic brevity ' (Ramsay, 83)
the author sets forth by a formula how in the
court ot the Roman governor, when the Apostle
challenged the system represented by Bar-Jesus, he
stood forth as Paul the Roman citizen, a freeborn
member of that Greek-Roman world to which he
carried his universal gospel. Does not the same ex-
planation hold good for his opponent ? Bar- Jesus is a
Jewish name — the name of ' a Jew, a false prophet.'
Elymas is the man's Greek name. It is the Greek
form of an Arab word alim meaning ' wise,' and
6 iJ.a.yos ('the sorcerer,' AV and RV) is its transla-
tion. From the Jewish point of view the encounter
was between Saul the Jewish teacher and Bar-Jesus
the Jewish prophet. From the wider point of view
it was between Paul the Roman citizen who
championed Christianity, and Elymas the Greek
philosopher and magician. It was not only Bar-
Jesus the Jewish false prophet whom Paul blinded,
but Elymas the Magian, the representative of that
Oriental theosophy which Christianity was destined
to meet so often. Luke the historian has special
interest in describing the first encounter between
the systems, and the signal victory won by the
Christian Apostle over one who practised the occult
arts. Paul probably shared the opinion of educated
Judaism, that magic was associated with idolatry
and the realm of darkness, and was therefore to be
shunned as demoniacal. This explains the vigour
of his denunciation.
LiTERATCRE.— Artt. in BDB on ' Barjesus ' (Massie) and
' Magic ' ( Whitehouse), and in EBi (Schmiedel) on ' Barjesus ' ;
W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Trare'.ler, London, 1895, pp. 75-
8S (cf. Was Christ horn in Bethlehem .2, do. 1898, p. 54) ; C. v,
Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, ifi do. 1897, pp. 80, 111, 240, 274 ;
A. C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age, Edinburg-h, 1897, pp. 174-176;
EGT on ' Acts,' 1900, p. 2S7. J. E. ROBERTS.
138
EARN ABAS
BARXABAS
BARNABAS (otherwise Joses [AV] or Joseph
[RV]). — A meniLier of the primitive Church of
Jerusalem and a close associate of Paul in the
early years of his Christian career. He is not to
be identified with Joseph called Barsabbas (Ac
1^*), though he is sometimes substituted for him by
ecclesiastical writers (see Joseph [Barsabbas]).
Information regarding him is mostly derived from
Acts. _ According to 4^'', the surname Barnabas
was given him by the apostles, presumably as an
honourable distinction, and signifies ' son of con-
solation or exhortation ' (vlbs irapaKX-qaeois = Aram.
bar, ' son,' and Heb. root which appears in ndbhi',
' prophet '). This etymology draws upon two
ditt'erent languages, and leaves the terminal form
unexplained. Besides, the name may have been
self-assumed, in accordance with a common practice
of the Jews in their intercourse with the Gentile
W'Orld. Other derivations therefore have been
proposed, which give ' the son of Nebo,' ' the son
of peace' (=Aram. bar n'^vdhdh), etc., as the
meaning. In any case, the statement of Acts
implies that Barnabas was noted for his prophetic
or preaching gifts ; and comparison with 14'^ prob-
ably warrants the furtlier inference that he was
more fluent in Aramaic than in Greek.
In Ac 4^"'- Barnabas is introduced as a Levite of
Cyprus, who sold land that he possessed, and
devoted the proceeds to the use of the Church.
No other Levite is mentioned by name in the NT.
His ownership of land, in contravention of the law
(Dt 10^) whicli excluded Levi from part or inherit-
ance with his brethren, is not surprising, as in
later times this Deuteronomic prohibition cannot
have been enforced (Jer 32^"'''' ; Jos. Vita, 76).
From Cyprus the youthful Barnabas may have
passed over to the neighbouring Tarsus, famous in
his time for its culture as well as its commerce,
and there made the acquaintance of Paul. At any
rate, he appeared as his friend, and stood sponsor
for him on his first visit to Jerusalem, when other
members of the Church regarded him with distrust
(9J6f.)_ Thereafter Paul retired to Tarsus, but
Barnabas remained in Jerusalem till tidings
reached the mother Church of the success of the
gospel in Antiocii, when he was commissioned to
visit that city and confirm the disciples. Having
souglit out Paul at Tarsus, he induceil him to join
him in his work in Antioch. After a year of
service there, the two fellow-labourers were dis-
patched to Jerusalem with alms for the needy
Christians of Judaja (U-^-s"). Soon after their
return to Antioch they were solemnly set apart
by the Churcli for special evangelization work,
and started on what is usually called the first
missionary journey, in the course of which they
visited Cyprus and the southern parts of Asia
Minor, accompanied as far as Perga in PamphyJia
by John Mark (q.v.)—a. relative of Barnabas (Col
4i»)— whom they had brought with them from
Jerusalem. In the account of the journey, the
independent character of Paul appears in the
precedence gradually accorded him over Barnabas,
whose name has previously had first place in the
narrative, probably because he had been better
known in Antioch and Cyprus. Following upon
this mission came a prolonged stay at Antioch,
broken at length by another visit to Jerusalem, in
consequence of dissensions that had arisen over
the necessity of circumcision. A judgment on this
question having been obtained from the leaders of
the mother Church met in Council, Paul and
Barnabas repaired again to Antioch, and began to
consult about another missionary journey. As
Barnabas, iiowever, insisted on taking Mark with
them, in spite of liis defection on tiie previous
journey, a sharp contention took place between
them, witli tlie result that Paul chose Silas as his
companion, and proceeded to Syria and Cilicia,
while Barnabas set sail with Mark for Cyprus
(12-5-15^'). There is no further notice of Barnabas
in Acts.
Galatians (chs. 1-2) partly covers the same
ground as Acts, but between the two narratives a
discrepancy appears which has provoked much
discussion. Reviewing his association with the
Church of Jerusalem, Paul asserts tliat it did not
extend beyond two visits. One of these (1'**) seems
to have been the occasion of his introduction by
Barnabas, and the other (2^) has usually been
identified with the visit to the Council ; but, in
that case, what becomes of the intervening visit
in Acts — that on which Paul and Barnabas con-
veyed the otterings of the Antiochene Christians ?
Its comparative recentness and the asseveration of
P* preclude the supposition that it could have
been forgotten or passed over by the Apostle.
One solution of the ditticulty is obtained by re-
jecting entirely the story of this visit in Acts, and
taking the rendering of the facts only from Gal.
(EBi i. 486). Others endeavour to harmonize the
two accounts with a smaller sacrifice of the credi-
bility of Acts. Such is the suggestion of Neander,
Lightfoot, and others that, while Paul and Barna-
bas were both commissioned to carry the contribu-
tions from Antioch to Jerusalem, only the latter
actually accomplished the journey ; and that the
author of Acts, finding the record of the appoint-
ment in his sources, naturally assumed that Paul
had fulfilled his part of the mission. Such also is
the view very generally held that the second and
third visits of Acts were rea,lly one and the same
— the visit to the Council recorded in Galatians ;
but that, as it was undertaken with the twofold
object of bearing alms to the poor and discussing
circumcision with the leaders of the Church, two
accounts of it came into existence which the
author of Acts erroneously supposed to refer to
separate events. A third form of solution has
been advanced by Ramsay and others, whicli
would identify the second visit of Gal. with the
second visit of Acts. Recently this view has been
ably maintained by C. W. Emmet [The Eschato-
logical Question in the Gospels, Edinburgh, 1911,
p. 191 ti'. ), who also contends that Gal. was written
before the third visit of Acts had taken place, that
is, before the Council of Jerusalem. On this
theory, the accuracy of Acts is fully vindicated,
but an early date is required for Galatians, whicli
may not be generally conceded. Cf., further,
Galatians, Epistle to.
On one point — the parting of Paul and Barnabas
— Gal. lias been regarded as supplementing Acts.
In Paul's account of the trouble with Peter at
Antioch over the eating with Gentiles (2i'"'**), his
co-worker is represented as taking part with his
opponents. Probably, for the moment, the mediat-
ing character of Barnabas betrayed him into a
policy of vacillation which was the real origin of his
disagreement with the Apostle. Their quarrel
may have culminated in a separation over John
Mark, but its actual cause was a matter of
principle. From a subsequent reference of Paul to
Barnabas (1 Co 9*^) it may be inferred tiiat they
were reconciled in later years, though nut neces-
sarily that they were again associated in their
work.
Tradition has been busy with the name of Bar-
nabas, but has preserved little that is deserving
of trust. According to one legend, he was a
personal disciple of Christ, even one of the Seventy
mentioned in Lk 10', and preached the gospel in
Rome during the lifetime of our Lord. Another
asserts tliat he was the founder and first bishop of
the Church of Milan, though Ambrose makes no
mention of him as one of his predecessors in that
BARNABAS, EPISTLE OF
BAENABAS, EPISTLE OF 139
see. A third makes him tlie missionary or apostle
to Cyprus, and states tliat lie died by martyrdom
at Salamis in A.D. 61. From an early date also
the writing of an Epistle has been ascribed to him :
(1) the Epistle to the Hebrews, the authorship of
which was claimed for him by Tertullian ; and (2)
the Epistle to which his name has been attached
since the time of Clement of Alexandria (see
following article). In both cases the internal
evidence is strongly against the authorship of
Barnabas, such references, for instance, being
made to the Jewish Law as were not likely to
come from a member of the Jerusalem Church and
a sympathizer with Peter at Antioch. McGiffert
{Apostol. Age, Edinburgh, 1897, p. 598 f.) argues
very ingeniously in favour of Barnabas as the
author of 1 Peter ; but the reasons adduced by
him, though plausible, are scarcely sufficient to
establish his theory. There is nothing in the
Epistle to necessitate a Levite authorship, and
Barnabas need not have remained anonymous
(Motiat, LNT, 343 n., 437).
Literature. — In addition to references alread.y given, see
works generally on Paul, Acts, Galatians, and the Apostolic
Age. D. Frew.
BARNABAS, EPISTLE OF.— 1. Object. — The
chief object of the author of this Epistle Avas to
impart to his readers a knowledge of what pertains
to salvation that they might be saved in the Day
of Jesus Christ (ii. 10, iv. 1, 9). The two lessons
he impresses upon them are: (1) that the literal
observance of the Mosaic Law is useless for salva-
tion ; (2) the necessity and duty of a moral life.
This is the letter of a true Christian pastor of much
moral and spiritual earnestness ; he is deeply con-
cerned for the salvation of his flock and desirous
of imparting to them the best that he has.
2. Moral interest. — It is only right to emphasize
our author's moral and spiritual aims because a
large part of what he says, consisting of allegorical
interpretations of the Mosaic Law, appears to
modern minds strangely unreal and fantastic. But
if his letter abounds in allegory, it is only because
he is deeply impressed with tlie idea that the Law,
if literally observed, will make shipwreck of men's
salvation (iii. 6). His earnest advice is : ' Let us
flee from ail vanity, let us entirely hate the Avorks
of the evil May' (iv. 10 ; cf. 9). In his closing
chapters (xix.-xxi.) he forsakes the allegorical
method entirely, and devotes himself to a setting
forth of ' the two ways,' the way of light and the
way of darkness. The duties of loving, fearing,
praising, and obeying God are named first. Then
follows a series of injunctions, some negative and
some positive in form, concerned chiefly with one's
relations to others. A man's neighbour must be
loved more than his own soul. The way of the
' Black One ' is set forth in the form of a catalogue
of vices and evil actions. Only two Command-
ments are quoted from the Decalogue — the third
and the seventh. There is no direct appeal to
either the teaching or the exam|)le of our Lord.
3. Attitude towards Judaism. — The main in-
terest which the Epistle has for us to-day lies in
the light which it throws upon the relations be-
tween Judaism and the Church. In order to
appreciate the position of this Epistle in early
Christian literature, it is necessary to make a brief
review of the transition from Judaism to Christi-
anity. Christianity did not come into the world
at a point where there was a religious vacuum. It
was founded by One who claimed to be the An-
ointed One of a definite national religion, which
had existed for many centuries. He and His
apostles believed in the Jewish religion, as the
only true religion, used the Jewish Scriptures as
the very word of God, and observed the national
forms of worship as the Divinely-appointed mode
of serving God. How then did His followers ever
come to abandon the Law ? Did they at any point
make a complete break with all that was Jewish
and begin afresh on an entirely new basis? By
no means ; there was no break, but merely a re-
organization. The followers of Jesus believed that
He, as Messiah, had authority from God to insti-
tute a new Covenant between God and His people
Israel, and that He actually did so when He ofl'ered
Himself on the cross as a sacrifice for sin. The
logical consequences of this belief were not per-
ceived all at once, but were bound to come to light
as time went on.
(1) If the death of Jesus is sufficient to ohtain
salvation, the observance of the Law cannot be
essential any longer. Hence, though believing
Jews may continue to observe the Law if they
will, there is not sufficient ground for compelling
Gentiles who turn to God and believe on Jesus to
do so also. This recognition of the Gentiles is the
first step in the process, and is the position reached
at the Council of Jerusalem (Ac 15). The next
step was to admit that it was not necessary for be-
lieving Jews to observe the Law, when such observ-
ance caused them to separate from their Gentile
brethren. This step was being taken during the
lifetime of !St. Paul (Gal 2^-'^-, 1 Co 9-i). The last
step was to condemn all observance of the Law,
whether by Jewish or by Gentile believers.
This last step is reflected in the pages of our
Epistle. There is, however, this peculiarity about
its position : the main stream of Christian thought
believed that tlie Mosaic Law had been given by
God to the Jews to be literally fulfilled. Our
author, however, does not believe that the Law
ever was intended to be taken literally ; he says it
was uttered in a spiritual sense which the Jews
did not understand (x. 9). This error of the Jews
was the work of an evil angel (ix. 4; cf. viii. 7) ;
the true spiritual interpretation is known to
Christians because God circumcised their ears
(ix. 4). This spiritual interpretation of the LaAv is
nothing more or less than a series of allegories.
The scapegoat of the Day of Atonement is the
type of Jesus who Avas to sufl'er (ch. vii.). The
prescription that certain animals must not be eaten
is explained as meaning that one must have no
dealings Avith certain kinds of evil persons (ch. x.).
If Abraham is said to have circumcised 318 men,
the real meaning is Jesus and the Cross, because
'in the number 18, I stands for ten, H for eight.
Here thou hast Jesus (IH20T2). And because the
cross in the T was to have grace, he saith also
three hundred. So he revealeth Jesus in the tAvo
letters and in the remaining one the Cross ' (ix. 8 ;
cf. his treatment of the Red Heifer of Nu 19 in ch.
viii.).
This position is supported by citing the prophetic
condemnation of the idea that sacrifice and ritual
can be made a substitute for a moral life (chs. ii.
and iii.). In dealing Avith circumcision, our author
seizes on those passages Avhich speak of a circum-
cision of the heart (Jer 4*, Dt 10'«, Jer 9-^), and
argues that the Jewish circumcision ' is abolished,
for he hath said that a circumcision not of the flesh
should be practised' (ix. 4). The six days of
creation are in reality 6000 years ; hence the true
Sabbath cannot be observed until the coming of
the Son of God (ch. xv.). Similarly the building
of a material Temple Avas a mistake ; the true
Temple is a spiritual Temple — the hearts of those
Avith Avhom God dwells (ch. xvi.) ; thus all that is
outwardly distinctive of the JcAvish religion is
interpreted in a spiritual sense : distinctions of
clean and unclean, circumcision, the Sabbath and
the Temple.
(2) Another logical consequence of belief in Jesus
140 BAENABAS, EPISTLE OF
BAEIsTABAS, EPISTLE OE
as Messiah will further illustrate the mind of our
writer. If the Messiah has indeed come in the per-
son of Jesus, then the national religion of the Jews
is not destroyed but proved to be the true service of
the Living God, and its claim that it had received a
direct Divine revelation is not exploded but vindi-
cated by God Himself. Every one who believed
in Jesus, believed that He came in fulfilment of
promises made by God to the Jewish fathers ;
hence a Christian believer could not but regard the
ancient Jewish Scriptures as the record of a unique
revelation and treat them as the very word of God.
This, too, is the position of our author ; for, though
he regards the literal observance of the Law as
having been from the very first a fatal mistake,
yet all his proofs of this are drawn from the
OT itself and from what he believes to be its true
exegesis. ' The Lord has made known to us by
His prophets, things past and present.' The words
of Scripture he constantly quotes as words spoken
from the mouth of God (ii. 4, 5, 7, iii. 1, iv. 8, v.
5, 12, etc. ; cf. iv. 7, 11, v. 4, etc.). Moreover, he
uses the Scriptures to explain the mystery of the
suffering of the Son of God. ' How did He endure
to suffer at the hand of men ? Understand ye.
The Prophets receiving grace from Him, prophesied
concerning Him' (v. 5, 6, 13, 14; cf. vi. 6, 7, x.,
xi. ). The OT was his only source of authority in
religion ; he does not appeal to any Christian writ-
ing, or even to the words of Jesus ; he feels he has
fully proved his point if he can show that his doc-
trine is grounded in the Jewish Scriptures.
(3) If Jesus was the Messiah, He was clothed
with full authority to mould the national religious
life according to the will of God. Those who re-
fused to believe and obey Him refused to obey
and believe God, and by this act of disobedience
cut themselves off from the Covenant and the
mercies of God. On the other hand, those who did
believe God and were obedient to His Messiah,
became the true people of God, the New Israel, the
present possessors of all the jDrivileges that once be-
longed to the Jewish nation, and the recipients of
all the Messianic blessings. If the purpose of God
in creating the world and in calling Abraham had
been fulfilled in Jesus, then it was not for the sake
of unbelieving Jews but for the sake of the believers
in the Messiah that the world had been created and
Abraham called. They are the new People and yet
the old, for they have been latent in God's intention
since the Ci-eation. Thus the Christians denied to
the Jews any share whatever in the glorious herit-
age of the Jewish nation, and claimed it entirely
for themselves.
This position throws light upon the mind of our
writer. He is sure that the patriarchs from Abra-
ham to Moses stood in a special relation to God
and received special promises from Him (v. 7, xiii.
7, xiv. 1). But, whereas St. Paul would say that
the physical descendants of Abraham were not cut
off from this special relationship until they cut
themselves off when they refused to believe in
Jesus (Ro 11), our author thinks that they were
cut off" long before this, as long ago as the day of
Aaron's golden calf. A Covenant, he says, was
given to Moses to deliver to the Jews, but it was
never really received. 'He hath given it (the
Covenant), but they themselves were not found
worthy to receive it by reason of their sins' (xiv.
1) ; for, when Moses perceived their idolatry, he
cast out of his hands the two tables which he had
received in the Mount, and tiiey were broken in
pieces (xiv. 1-4, iv. 6-8). St. Paul and the Epistle
to the Hebrews know of two Covenants — an old
and a new ; and the old was in force until the
coming of tlie Messiah (Ko 7-''-, Gal 3-*^- 4^^ He 8>3).
The Epistle of Barnabas says that only one Cove-
nant was ever in force — the Covenant of Jesus.
Our author does not cut Christianity away from
all historic connexion with the Jewish past ; on
the contrary, he denies a place of privilege to the
Jews after Mount Sinai, in order to sliow that
that place really belonged to the Christians.
There are two peoples — the Jews and the Chris-
tians. Of these, the Jews, the elder, are in the
position of Esau and of Manasseh, who, though
the first-born of their respective fathers, did not
inherit the blessing ; the Christians, like Jacob and
Ephraim, though in each case the younger, have
been made the recipients of the promises (ch. xiii.).
Accordingly, to our author, the Christians have
now come into what was always their own and had
never belonged to the nation of Israel. ' Do not
then say, "Our covenant remains to them also."
Ours it is, btit they have lost it in this way for ever,
when Moses had just received it' (iv. 6; cf. 8).
The Christians are ' the new people ' of God (v. 7,
vii. 5 ; cf. xiii. 6), a holy people (xiv. 6), who have
been cleansed, forgiven (vi. 11), whose hearts have
been redeemed out of darkness (xiv. 5), ' created
afresh from the beginning ' (xvi. 8), ' a new type '
(vi. 11) ; 'He Himself prophesying in us, He Him-
self dwelling in us, opening for us who had been in
bondage unto death. . . . This is the spiritual
temple built up to the Lord ' (xvi, 9, 10 ; cf. vi. 15).
It is not correct, then, to say with Kriiger (Hist,
of Early Christian Lit., New York, 1897, p. 21)
that to the writer of this Epistle 'Judaism was
an error with which Christianity could have noth-
ing to do, but which it must reject.' Our author
accepts the Jewish Scriptures, the patriarchs, the
l^romises, Moses, and the Law in its (to his mind)
correct spiritual interpretation. His animus is
against the Jews, not against the Jewish religion ;
from Sinai onwards they have in reality stood out-
side that religion ; its privileges were always the
peculiar property of the Christians, held in reserve
for them until the coming of the Messiah.
4. Christology. — In the facts of the earthly life
of our Lord the Epistle of Barnabas has but little
interest. From incidental notices one gathers that
Jesus had j^erformed Avonders and miracles (v. 8) ;
that He had chosen twelve apostles to preach His
gospel (v. 9, viii. 3) ; that He was crucified, set at
naught and spit upon (vii. 9) ; that He was given
vinegar and gall to drink (vii. 3). It is evident that
the writer did not think that his readers stood in
need of instruction in the details of the life of
Christ.
Nor does he aim at expounding a doctrine of
Christ's Person and work ; but when one gathers
together from ditierent parts of his work the pas-
sages which refer to our Lord, one can see that his
teaching is in line with that of the Catholic
Church. Christ is 'the Beloved' of God (iii. 6, iv.
3, 8). He ' manifested Himself as the Son of God'
(v. 9, 11, vii. 9), who was pre-existent, being pre-
sent at and taking an 'active part in the Creation
(v. 5, 10, vi. 12) ; One who came among men in the
flesh (v. 6, 10, 11, vi. 7, 9, 14, xii. 10) ; who should
not be called Son of David but Son of God, for
David himself called him not son, but Lord (xii.
10, 11); who is about to come again, and that
quickly, to judge both the quick and the dead (v.
7, vii. 2, xxi. 3).
His teaching on the Atonement belongs to the
same early period of Christian teaching. He
knows that Christ suffered for us (v. 5, vii. 2) and
as a sacrifice for our sins (vii. 3, 5, v. 2), that we
might be forgiven, sanctified (v. 1), and saved (v.
10) ; and that we may reign with Him hereafter
when Ave have been made perfect (vi. IS, 19) ; that
He might annul death, show the resurrection (v. 6)
and give us life (vii. 2, xii. 5) ; that He might sum
up the tale of the sins of those who persecuted His
prophets (v. 11 ; cf. xiv. 5). He has no theory of
BAENABAS, EPISTLE OF
BAEN-ABAS, EPISTLE OF 141
the Atonement and no definition of sacrifice ; he is
content to show tliat according to the Scriptures
Christ died for our sins and that we are thereby
saved.
5. Authorship. — The Epistle is anonymous.
Tradition, however, has ascribed it to Barnabas the
fellow-worker of St. Paul. Clement of Alexandria
quotes it as the work of ' the Apostolic Barnabas,
who was one of the seventy and a fellow- worker of
Paul ' (Strom, ii. 20 ; cf. ii. 6, 7, 15, 18, v. 8, 10).
Origen speaks of ' the Catholic Epistle of Barnabas '
(c. Cels. i. 63). Eusebius calls it ' the Epistle of
Barnabas,' i.e. the Apostle (HE vi. 14, iii. 25).
It seems to have been held in high esteem in Alex-
andria towards the end of the 2nd cent. ; and, since
it is found in Codex Sinaiticus beginning on the
leaf where Revelation ends, one may conclude that
it was once read in churches. In the West it was
never regarded as canonical. Eusebius objected to
it, and finally its connexion with the NT was
severed entirely.
The external evidence is thus wholly in favour
of the apostolic authorship. But, coming as it
does from a period as late as the closing years of
the 2nd cent., this testimony cannot overbalance
the weighty considerations drawn from internal
evidence which make it impossible to ascribe it to
the companion of St. Paul. What we know of the
apostolic Barnabas indicates that he took a view
of the Mosaic Law wholly difierent from that re-
flected in this Epistle. The ' Son of Consolation '
belonged to the earliest stage of the Jewish Chris-
tian controversy ; he was ready to give the Gen-
tiles liberty, but by no means ready to say that
the Jews might abandon the Law altogether (Gal
2'^). It is, of course, quite possible that, after the
incident of Gal 2, Barnabas might have come to
acknowledge the entire freedom of the Jews, but
even this would not bring him into the atmosi^here
of our Epistle ; for here there is no question as to
whether a believing Jew may or may not abandon
the Law ; the main idea is that no Jew, believing
or unbelieving, ought ever to have observed the
Law at any time, even before Christ came. Such
an attitude as this lay altogether outside the pur-
view of the thoughts of St. Paul's companion, if
we may judge fi'om what St. Paul tells us of him.
And it is difficult to think that any Jew, born
under tlie Law, and nurtm-ed in the stirring tra-
ditions of its maintenance in the face of cruel per-
secution, could come to feel so little enthusiasm
for and interest in the national struggles and
heroisms that he could sweep them all away as
things which never ought to have been. A soul
so dead to patriotism was no true Jew. None but
an alien could be so unsympathetic to the national
history of the Jews.
Not very much more can be added to this. The
author was probably one of t^ie class distinguished
by a charisma or ' gift ' of teaching. Though he
disclaims any intention of writing professionally,
yet he was conscious of possessing ' some claim to a
deferential hearing' (Bartlet, EBr^^ iii. 409). Two
theories are advanced to account for the ascription
of the Epistle to Barnabas. It was the Avork of
a namesake of St. Paul's companion ; or, it was
known as coming from Alexandria, and hence
was ascribed to Barnabas as to one prominent
in the early history of that Church.
6. Place. — There is a general agreement among
scholars that Alexandria is the probable scene of
its composition. The general style and the use of
the allegorical method are thoroughly Alexandrian.
At Alexandria, again, the Jews were particularly
strong, and in constant conflict with the Christians.
Hence the bitter opi)Osition to the Jews as a nation,
and the anxiety to cut ofl'all sympathy with Jew-
ish practices. It has been observed that there are
serious blunders in the descriptions of Jewish rites ;
our author agrees neither with the OT nor with
the Talmud. But possibly his knowledge is de-
rived from Alexandria rather than from Palestine.
Kohler, in JE ii. 537, remarks that the letter shows
an astonishing familiarity with Jewish rites.
7. Date. — There is much less agi-eement on the
question of the date of the Epistle. It is plainly
later than the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus
in A.D. 70, for it alludes to that event (xvi. 4).
Again, it is earlier than the second destruction
under Hadrian in A.D. 132 ; otherwise, as Light-
foot remarks, some reference to this event would
have been found.
A closer determination of the date depends
mainly on the interpretation of a passage from ch.
iv. This chapter contains a Avarning that ' the
last offence ' is at hand ; for the Lord has shortened
the times and the days that His beloved may come
quickly. As a proof that the last ofl'ence, i.e. the
Antichrist, is at hand, the writer quotes a prophecy
from the Book of Daniel (Dn 7'* ^^) to the ett'ect
that ten kings shall reign, and after them shall
arise a little king who shall subdue three of the
kings in one (v4) ev). It is evident that the writer
thinks that this prophecy has been, in part at
least, fulfilled ; he has seen something in recent
history which corresponds with this vision. Thus
much then seems clear ; when he wrote this, there
had been ten Csesars on the Imperial throne.
Unless we are to omit some of the Emperors from
the list — a proceeding for Avhich there seems no
justification — the tenth Emperor brings us to the
reign of Vespasian. If the ' little horn ' had al-
ready appeared when the Epistle was Avritten,
then we must look for three Emperors subdued by
the successor of Vespasian. And this, of course,
Titus did not do. Hence it seems better to inter-
pret the little hom as Antichrist, who has not yet
been revealed, for this gets rid of the difficulty of
finding one Emperor who had already subdued three.
The Avriter found tliis reference to tlu'ee kings in
his text of the prophecy, and meant to leave it to
the future to show who the three were and how
they would be overthrown. But no matter how
this point is settled, the tenth horn can scarcely
be other than Vespasian, and this fixes the date of
the Epistle at between A.D. 70 and 79. Another
chapter (xvi.) is sometimes referred to as having
a bearing on this question. This chapter speaks
of a building of the Temple of God. Many com-
mentators, including Harnack, take tliis as refer-
ring to the material Temple at Jerusalem, which
they say the Jews expected Hadrian to rebuild.
Hence they place this Epistle c. A.D. 120. But
this rests on a misinterpretation of ch. xvi. It
seems certain that the writer has in view the
spiritual Temple built up in the hearts of believers,
and hence the passage has no bearing on the ques-
tion of date (cf. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 241).
Certain other considerations, such as the absence
of a reference to Gnosticism and the apparent
possibility of a relapse into Judaism, have also
been brought forward. Suffice it to say that none
of these is incompatible with the date given
above.
8. Text. — Until the discovery of the famous
Codex Sinaiticus (K) in 1862, this Epistle was
known only in a Latin translation and in eight
Greek MS'S. The Latin Version is found in a
MS of the 8th cent., but the translation was made
from a text supposed by Miiller to be earlier than
K. It does not contain the last four chapters.
The Greek MSS all lacked exactly the same
portion of the Epistle — the first five and a half
chapters — and joined the remainder of Barnabas
on to the end of the Epistle of Polycarp as though
it were all one letter. Being thus plainly de-
U2
BAESABBAS
BAEUCH, APOCALYPSE OF
scended from a common source, they are not in-
dependent witnesses for the text. With the
publication of h? bj' Tischendorf in 1862 a complete
Greek text appeared for the tirst time. In this
Codex our Epistle follows Revelation, and is
followed by the Shepherd of Hernias. Another
complete Greek MS was discovered in Constan-
tinople by Bryennios in 1875. A good account of
the MSS -will be found in Harnack's Altchristl.
Litteratur, i. 58-61, and in Gebhardt-Harnack's
Pat. Apost. Op. i. 2, pp. vii-xx.
9. Integrity. — Attempts have been made by
Schenkel, Heydecke, J. Weiss, and others to
show that the Epistle contains many interpola-
tions. Hefele, Hilgenfeld, and Gebhardt-Harnack
have maintained the opposite. Of special interest
is the relation of our Epistle to the Didache (q.v.) ;
for both set forth much the same moral teaching
under the title of 'The Two Ways.' Rendel
Harris (Teaching of the Apostles, Cambridge, 1888,
pp. 17-20) maintains that the writer of Barnabas
knew the Didache and quoted it from memory.
Harnack, however, seems more successful in show-
ing that the writer of the Didache used and im-
proved upon our Epistle (cf. Die Lehre der zwolf
Apostel, Leipzig, 1884, pp. 81-87).
Literature. — English translations will be found in J. B.
Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 1 vol., London, 1891 ; The Writ-
i)i{js of the Apostolic Fathers, tr. Roberts, Donaldson, and
Crombie ( = Ante-Nicene Christian Library, i.), 97 ff. ; K. Lake,
Apostolic Fathers, London, 1912. Reference should also be made
to Gebhardt-Harnack, Patrum Apost. Op. i. 2 [Leipzig, 1878],
who give a complete list of titles down to 1878 on pp. xlii-xliv ;
A. Harnack, Gesch. der altchristl. Litteratur, Leipzig, 1893 ;
A. Bardenhewer, Gesch. der altkirchl. Litteratur, Freiburg i.
B., 1902-03; J. Donaldson, Apostolical Fathers, London, 1874
( = new ed. of vol. i. of Crit. Hist, of Christ. Lit. and Doct.) ; W.
Cunningham, A Dissertation on the Epistle of St. Barnabas,
do. 1877 ; C. J. Hefele, Pat. Apost. Op. iv. S [Tiibingen, 1856] ;
S. Sharpe, Epistle of Barnabas, London, 1880 ; G. Salmon,
Introd. to the NT^, London, 1892, pp. 513-519; K. Kohler in
JE ii. [1902] 537 f.; W. Milligan in DCB i. [1877] 2C0ff. ;
J. Vernon Bartlet in £Brii iii. [1910] 408 f. ; J. G. Muller,
Erkldrung des Barnabasbriefes, Leipzig, 1869.
Harold Hamilton.
BARSABBAS.— See Joseph, Judas.
BARUCH, APOCALYPSE OF.— The subject of
this article is a Jewish work composed not long
after the Destruction of Jerusalem in a.d. 70, and
now preserved only in Syriac. This Syriac is a
tran.slation from the Greek, of which only a tiny
fragment is extant ; the Greek itself seems to have
been a translation from an Aramaic or Hebrew
original.
The Apocalypse of Baruch was first published as a whole by
Ceriani from the Ambrosian MS of the Peshitta OT (6th cent.).
The Latin translation appeared in 18G6, and the Syriac text in
1871. An English translation with full critical and explanatory
commentary by R. H. Charles appeared in 1896. In Patro-
logia Syriaca, vol. ii. [1907] 1055-1306, M. Kniosko gives the
Syriac, together with an amended text of Ceriani's translation.
The Greek fragment appeared in 1903 in Oxyrhynchxis Papyri,
vol. iii. pp. 3-7. By some oversight Kmosko does not notice
this important discovery.
1. Contents. — The work professes to be written
by Baruch, the scribe of Jeremiah, immediately
after the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar.
It does not readily fall into sections, but may be
analyzed as follo^\ti :
i.-xx. The capture of Jerusalem, and the vindi-
cation of God's power and justice in respect to it.
Baruch is miraculously shown the destruction of the wall of
Jerusalem by angels and the hiding of the holy vessels* (vi. vii.),
after which the Chaldaeans enter. Baruch laments over Zion
(x. 6-xii. 4) ; after seven days God reveals to him that justice
will be done on the heathen (xiii. 5-12); the Fall of Jerusalem is
a step towards the final judgment (xx. 2).
xxi.-xxxiY. Prayer of Baruch, and first Messianic
revelation to him.
* Note that the seven-branched candlestick is not included :
that was actually carried in triumph by Titus.
The world will last until all the predestined sons of Adam
have been born (xxiii. 4, 5). At the end will come the Messiah,
the Manna will descend again, and Behemoth and Leviathan
will be there for the saints to eat (xxix.). After that comes
the resurrection of the dead (xxx.).
Baruch assembles the people and warns them that Zion will
be rebuilt and then again destroyed ; the tribulation at the end
of time is the worse (.\xxii. 2, 6).
xxxy.-xIyI. Vision of the cedar and the vine.
The cedar is the Roman Empire, the vine is Messiah fxxxix.
5, 7) ; in the end the last great heathen ruler will be destroyed
by Messiah (xl.).
Baruch again warns the people to keep the Law (xliv. 3,
xlvL 5).
xlYll.-lxxYii. Second prayer of Baruch, followed
by a revelation to him about the resurrection of
the good and the bad, and the vision of the black
and the bright waters.
The dead will rise unaltered, but the righteous will then
become glorious while the wicked waste away (1. Ii.). All
history is divided into 12 parts : the black waters are the six
bad periods, beginning with the Fall (' O Adam, what hast thou
done to all those who are born from thee?' xlviii. 42); the
bright waters are the short alternating gleams of righteous-
ness, beginning with Abraham (Ivi.-lxxii.). At the end the
saints will have a glorious time (Ixxiiif.).
Baruch again warns the people to keep the Law : if they do
so, those left in the Holy Land will never be removed (Ixxvii.
5, 6). To the captive Jews in Babylon he sends a letter by hand
(Ixxvii. 17), while to the lost Nine-and-a-half Tribes he sends a
letter by an eagle (Ixxvii. 19 ff.).
IxxYlii.-lxxxYii. Baruch's letter to the Lost
Tribes.
Baruch tells them of the destruction of Jerusalem, announces
the approaching end of all things, and exhorts them to keep the
Law. ' If we set our hearts straight we shall receive everything
that we have lost and more ' (Ixx.xv. 4).
2. Problems raised by the book. — The chief
problems connected with the Apocalypse of Baruch
are (1) its place in Jewish thought, especially in
connexion with 4 Ezra (i.e. '2 Esdras ' in the
English Apocr3'i)ha, which it much resembles) ; and
(2) its literary liistory in Syriac and the relation
of the Syriac text to the underlying Greek. It
will be convenient to take this second group first.
(1) Literary history, etc. — The Ambrosian MS is
the only one that contains the whole work, but
the Epistle of Baruch (chs. Ixxviii.-lxxxvii., see
above) is extant in several Syriac MSS and found
a place in the Paris and London Polyglots. This
extract must be of exclusively Jacobite origin :
it appears as a sort of Appendix to Jeremiah and
is included in the Jacobite Massora. Its readings
are inferior to that of the full text preserved in the
Ambrosian Codex,* where it is dissociated from
Jeremiah and immediately precedes Jf. Ezra.
The Syriac style indicates a very early date for
the translation. It is idiomatic and flowing, like
the Syriac translation of Eusebius' Ecclesiastical
History. So full, indeed, is it of genuine Semitic
idiom that various perfectly good Syriac phrases
have actually been regarded by R. H. Charles as
the survival of original Hebrew idioms, persisting
through the lost Greek intermediary. Especially
is this the case with regard to the use of the infini-
tive absolute for emphasis, which is quite good
Syriac and occurs in the Ev. da-Mepharreshc,
though the construction is usually avoided in later
forms of the Syriac NT.t And this general im-
pression has been signally confirmed by the dis-
covery of the Oxyrhynchus Fragment. Short as
the fragment is, it gives us enough of the Greek
text of chs. xii. xiii. and xiv. to tell us in what
• Here and there the extract is better, e.g. Ixxxii. 4, where all
the editors rightly prefer ' drop ' ( = aTo-yuiv, Is 4015) to ' pollution. '
t A good instance is Eus. HE iv 15. 29, where raOra ovv iiera
ToaovTOv rdxovs eyeVero Barrov ri eAeyero is rendered in Syriac,
'And these things quicker than they were said were indeed
done (mest'dru est'ar).' It is obvious that such a rendering,
while perfectly adequate, does not enable us to reconstruct the
wording of the original.
BAEUCH, APOCALYPSE UE
UAKUCH, APOCALYPSE OE 143
manner the Syriac translator has gone to -work.
Especially important is xiii. 12, where the Greek
has [v/xe2s yap eveplyeToiifxevoi. del 7jxa[pi.iTTetTe (det)],*
but the Syriac is ' For ahvays I have been benefit-
ing you, and ye have been denying beneht always.'
This sentence suflBciently shows how difficult it
would be to reconstruct the Greek from the Syiiac
of Baruch, and how impossible to argue back to
the wording of a hypothetical Hebrew or Aramaic
original. At the same time ' denying benefit '
(kdphar betaibiitha) is actually used for dxdpto'7-os in
2 Ti 3- and in Lk 6^* syr.-sin. (not Pesh.): in a
word, the Syriac of Baruch is akin in style to the
earliest Syriac translations of the NT.
The Apocalypse of Baruch contains no formal
quotations from canonical Scripture, but several
sentences are obviously moulded upon the OT. As
Charles has founded an argument on these for a
Hebrew original, it is necessary to point out that
the evidence is really indecisive. ' The quotations
from the OT agree in all cases but one with the
Massoretic Hebrew against the Septuagint,' says
Charles. In support of this he adduces eight
passages. In four of these, however (iv. 2, vi. 8,
li. 4, Iviii, 1), Baruch agrees with the Peshitta, as
we might expect in a work which pays so much
attention to Sj^riac idiom and is so little of a word-
for-word rendering of the Greek. In two otiiers
(' Thy wisdom is correctness,' xxxviii. 2 ; and ' tied
under Thy wings,' xli. 4) tlie Syriac does not agree
with any biblical text.t The allusion in xxxv. 2
is admitted by Charles to be merely a paraphrase.
The remaining passage is Ixxxii. 4, 5, where the
heathen are said to be ' like a drop ' and ' counted
as spittle ' : this agrees with the LXX of Is 40'^
iJjs (xrayihv . . . ws o-teXos), but not with the He-
l)rew or the Sjn-iac.i Thus the biblical allusions in
Baruch do not prove that the author was acquainted
with the Massoretic text : they merely show that
the Syriac translator was familiar with the Pesh-
itta. It is possible, of course, if the Greek be a
translation from Hebrew or Aramaic, that the
Greek translator changed the wording of Ixxxii. 5
to agree with the Greek Bible ; but there is no
actual evidence which points in that direction.
The 'sirens,' the ' Lilith,' the 'devils,' and the
'jackals' of x. 8 are all found in the Peshitta of
Is 1321- 22 and W^^- ^*. It should be added that
there is nothing to suggest that the Sj^riac trans-
lator of the Apocalypse was a Christian rather
than a Jew.
(2) Relation to 4- Ezra. — It is obvious that the
Apocalypse of Baruch and that of Salathiel, com-
monly known as 4 Ezra, have a great deal in
common, both in ideas and in language. § They
must have issued from the same circle, if they are
not actually the work of the same author. And,
further, it is almost certain that they must have
been originally composed in the same language,
either both in Greek, or both in Hebrew or
Aramaic. As has been indicated in the preceding
paragraphs, most of the arguments for a Semitic
origin of Baruch founded upon the Syriac text are
inconclusive ; but if the Latin text of 4 Ezra
(which is undoubtedly a literal translation of the
lost Greek) creates the impression that this Greek
was itself a translation, then after all we must
regard the Greek of Baruch also as a translation.
* The reconstruction is practically certain, except the last
t In xli. 4, Charles translates ' fled for refugfe . . . ' But
'eraq means ' fled ' ; the ' taking refuge ' which is inherent in the
Heb. non (Ruth 212 etc.) is not expressed in the Syriac.
X The same comparisons are used in 4 Ezra 658, which must
similarly also be considered to show che influence of the Greek
Bible.
§ A good account of these resemblances is to be found in
H. St. J. Thackeray's art. ' Esdras, Second Book of,' in HDB i.
763 f. See also G. H. Box in Charles' Apoc. and Pseudepigr.
ii. 553 B.
From the linguistic side the chief arguments
concern the names used for God and the occurrence
of the infinitive absolute. Beside words which
imply Kvpios (as in the LXX), we tind Altissimus
and Fortis (e.g. 4 Ezra Q'^'^) in both works ; these
must correspond to 'TipicrTo^ and 'Icrxi'pos in the
Greek.* "Ttpiaros in a Jewish writing corresponds
to p"rj; (Aram, nx'?!') ; but as it was also a name of
God in Greek its occurrence proves nothing as to
the original language of our book. 'Iaxvp6%, on the
other hand, is only found as a name of God in
translations, and implies 'jx {El) ; it is characteristic
of the later Jewish translators Aquila and Theodo-
tion, to a less degree of Symmachus, and not at all
of the genuine LXX, which only uses tVxvp^s as an
adjective in the ordinaiy sense of ' strong ' (Ps 7^"
4P). Thus a reader of the Greek Bible would not
be likely to use it by itself as a proper name for
' the Almighty.' Its presence in Ajjoc. Baruch and
4 Ezra must therefore be held to suggest that the
Greek texts of these works are translations.
The use of the infinitive absolute points in the
same direction. If it were merely attested in
Syriac, it might be explained away as an idiom
introduced by the translator. But its frequent
occurrence in the Latin text of 4 Ezra ( e.g. exce-
dens excessit, 4^) cannot thus be disposed of, and
at present no real example of this idiom is known
in works composed originally in Greek, though it
is common in translations such as the LXX. The
linguistic evidence, therefore, though not quite
conclusively, points to a Semitic, and consequently
to a Palestinian, origin for both 4 Ezra, and the
Apocalypse of Baruch. But, as explained above,
we are very far from being able to reconstruct
the text of this hypothetical Hebrew or Aramaic
original (Ixiv. 7, 8).
Not only the language, but also the contents,
of Baruch favour a Hebrew or Aramaic original.
The circle of thought and tradition is throughout
Palestinian, and uninfluenced by Greek speculation
and culture. The legends incidentally referred to
are specifically Jewisli, and can be illustrated from
the Talmud, such as that of Behemoth and Levia-
than created to be the food of the saints (xxix. 4) ;
or the story of Manasseh, who was cast into the
brazen 'horse' (i.e. mule), and who, though he
prayed from it to God and was delivered, yet was
tinallj' tormented. t
3. Integrity. — In what has been said above, the
Apocalypse of Bnrueh has been treated as an
organic whole. This has been controverted by
Charles, who splits the book up into no fewer
than six (or seven) separate fragments, on the
assumption that an apocalyptist's anticipations of
the future will be clear-cut and self-consistent.
But this is hardly to be expected in a work which
reflects the mind of an orthodox Jew just after the
Destruction of Jerusalem. The Temple with its
priests and sacrifices, nay, the very national exist-
ence, had been brought utterly to an end by the
heathen. The individual Jews that remained were
left with nothing but the Law and a tumult of im-
possible hopes. The author is swayed by his sub-
ject. He may believe that the captured city was
not the true, the heavenly Jerusalem (iv. 2-6), and
that it had been destroyed by the angels of God be-
fore the enemy were allowed to capture it ( vi.-viii. ).
Yet the catastrophe is too recent to allow him
calmly to contemplate the Fall of Zion, and his
* The Greek fragment of Apoc. Baruch actually contains the
word 'i.(Txv[pov\
t Another instance, important from the incidental manner of
its occurrence, is in Ixxvii. 25, where we read : ' Solomon also
. . . whithersoever he wished to send or seek for anything,
commanded a bird and it obeyed him ' This is a manifest allu-
sion to the story of the wildfowl by which Solomon sent a letter
to the Queen of Sheba at Kittor (2nd Targum to Esther, L 2), a
legend familiar in Arabic, but not current in Greek
144 BAEUCH, APOCALYPSE OF
BASKET
lament over the ruins (x. 6-xii. 4) is uninterrupted
by any gleam of hope. Surely this is -what might
be expected in a work of literature, apart from the
fact that it is not tUl later in the book that revela-
tions about the future are given to Baruch.
While, however, absolute consistency is not to
be expected, it is necessary to show that the Fall
of Jerusalem is assumed all through the book. A
Jewish apocalyptist may vary in his anticipations
of the future, but after A.D. 70 he could never
write as if the Temple were still standing. No
great weight, indeed, can be laid on passages like
ch. xxvii., where neither the building nor the de-
struction of the Herodian Temple is mentioned ;
for the historical situation implied throughout is
that of Baruch lamenting over the ruins of the
recently destroyed Solomonic Temple, it being-
obvious that the author often practically identi-
fies himself with Baruch, and his own recently
destroyed Temple with the Solomonic. But be-
sides these passages it has been asserted that the
present existence of a Temple at Jerusalem is
assumed in xxxii. 2ff., lix. 4, and Ixviii. 5. On
closer examination, howevei', this is seen not to be
the case. Ch. xxxii. is an address by Baruch to
the Jews left in the land after the Fall of Jerusalem.
He tells them that Zion will be built again (v.^) ;
but that building Avill not last : it will be thrown
down and remain desolate, and only afterwards
Avill it be renewed in glory (vv.^- *). The whole
context shows that it is a prophecy of the re-building
of the Temple of Zerubbabel and its subsequent
destruction, and we must interpret, or if necessary
amend, the wording of v.^ in accordance with that
context. It is literally, ' Because after a little
time the building of Zion will be shaken that it
may be built again.' Either, therefore, this is an
adaptation of Hag 2®, Ezk 37", or the word for
' shaken ' is a mistranslation for some word like
set in motion.' In lix. 4 it is said that God showed
Moses ' the likeness of Zion and its measurements,
made in the likeness of the present Sanctuary.'
But this phrase, corresponding to ra vvv ciyta, does
not necessarily mean ' the Sanctuary which is now
in good repair'; it need mean no more than 'the
modern Temple,' as contrasted with the heavenly
Pattern (Ex 25^"*). In Ixviii. 5, Baruch is told that
Zion will be built again, but in the later predictions
of the final troubles before the advent of Messiah
no mention is made of its subsequent destruction.
But this is not conclusive, as no detailed historical
predictions are made in Ixix.-lxxiv. 'The Most
High . . . alone knows what will befall' (Ixix. 2).
In all this it must be borne in mind that Apoc.
Baruch is knoMTi to us only from a single 3IS of a
not very literal translation into Syriac of a Greek
translation of a Hebrew or Aramaic original. It
is, therefore, only likely that some minor incoher-
encies may be due to accidents of transmission.
But tliej' are, after all, verj^ few.
i. General point of view. — The Apocalypse of
Baruch, then, is here regarded as a unit,y, and as
the work of a Palestinian Jew writing soon after
A.D. 70. 4 Ezr. 3-14 may be described in similar
terms. We have noticed some of the linguistic
connexions between these works.* They coincide
also in much of their teaching, in the division of
history into 12 jiarts, in the importance attached
to Adam's sin, in the legend of Behemoth and
Leviathan, in the interest taken in the Lost Tribes,!
in the stress laid on the permanence of the Law.
The chief difference between them lies in the
• Amon? single phrases, the political situation is reflected in
habitatio Uierusalem (U Ezr. lO-i") and 'the habitation of Zion'
(Bar. Ixxx. 7), i.e. 'the fact that Jerusalem, or Zion, was
inhabited.'
t It is possible that to this interest the books owed their pre-
servation in Syriac. Edessa itself is situated on ' the other
side' of the Euphrates, and those Edessenes who read the
psychology of the writers. The fate they antici-
pate for Israel is similar, but it atl'ects them dif-
ferently. The author of 4 Ezra is not really a
pessimist in the sense of believing that evil is iilti-
mately victorious in this world. The eagle, i.e.
Rome, is destroyed in the end ; the last act in the
world -drama is the glorious 400 years' reign of
Messiah. Then comes the other world of full
retribution. The scheme satisfies the Most High,
who says, 'Let tlie multitude perish, which was
born in vain' (9-^). The really interesting thing
is that it does not satisfy Ezra. ' This is my
first and last saying,' says he, ' that it had been
better that the earth had not given Adam, or else
when it had given him to have restrained him from
sinning' (7'^*' [116]). 'We are tormented, because
we perish and know it. Let the race of men
lament and the beasts of the field be glad, for it
is better with them than with us ; for they look
not for judgment, neither do they know of tor-
ments or of salvation promised unto them after
death' (76^«^-)-
There is nothing of this arraignment of Provi-
dence in the Apocalypse of Baruch. When the
author thinks for a moment about the fate of
apostate Israelites, he falls into intentional ob-
scurity (xlii. 4, 5). In general, he is quite content
to nerve himself to believe that the Mighty One
will ultimately make the Israelites triumph in this
world, and that, after that, in the world to come,
the righteous will be abundantly rewarded and
the sinners tormented. His main interests are
immediate and practical. He has a definite mes-
sage for his countrymen. Let those who are left
in the Holy Land stJay there (Ixxvii. 6), and let one
and all, especiallj' the exiles, hold fast by the Law,
though the Temple be destroyed. ' Zion hath been
taken from us, and we have nothing now save the
Mighty One and His Law' (Ixxxv. 3) ; but ' if ye
have respect to the Law and are intent upon wis-
dom, the lamp will not fail, and the shepherd will
not depart, and the fountain will not run dry'
(Ixxvii. 16). This is the message of the last of the
great series of Jewish Apocalypses. As Daniel
shows us what was the spirit that nerved the
Hastclim to resist Antiochus, so Baruch lets us
see in Avhat frame of mind it was possible for the
Rabbis under Johanan ben Zakkai and his succes-
sors to sit down and adapt the religion and the
hopes of Israel to the times of the long dominion
of the Gentiles.
Cf. also art. EsDRAS (Second).
LiTERATTRE. — This is sufficiently indicated in the first para-
graph of this article. In addition, since this article was written,
the Apocalypse of Baruch has been re-edited by R. H. Charles
in The Apocrypha and Psetidepigrapka of the OT, Oxford,
1913, ii. 470-526 ; but the positions adopted in that edition only
differ in unimportant details from the separate edition of 1S96,
to which Charles frequently refers back for the discussion ot
details. J?, C. BUKKITT.
BASKET.— Two different words for 'basket' are
used in connexion with St. Paul's escape from
Damascus, one, a-fpvpis or o-irvpls (Ac 9^^), being the
same as is found in tlie miracle of feeding the 4000
(Mt 15^^, Mk S^), the other, (rapydPTj, being peculiar
to the Apostle's own version of the incident (2 Co
IP^). The former kind of basket plays an import-
ant part in relation to the miracles of feeding, and
the argument for its larger size as compared with
K6<pivos is supported by a reference to its use in
facilitating St. Paul's escape (but see DCG, art.
' Basket'). The latter calls for detailed treatment
here. It has been thought of: (1) as flexible,
coming near the idea of reticule or net ; (2) as
rigid : either braid- work (used especially of lish-
Epistle may have half fancied that the Epistle of Baruch was
addressed to their own ancestors.
BEAST
BED, COUCH
145
baskets [EBi]), or -wicker-work. This last seems to
be nearest the truth. In Jewish usage the root
J1D (niD) attaches to weaving in the rigid form (e.g.
basket-making) as opposed to the flexible (e.g.
spinning). One species of work-stool is called J'jid.
The basket-making industry was located in the
neighbourhood of the Sea of Galilee, with head-
quarters at Scytliopolis, and a ready outlet for the
manufactured article was found in Damascus (see
S. Krauss, Talmud. Archdologie, ii. [Leipzig, 1911]
269 f., where many kinds are speciiied).
In the absence of knowledge as to the nature
and size of the window (dvpis), and other details of
St. Paul's escape, we cannot hope to attain to a pre-
cise result regarding the structure of the a-apydv-r].
It need not be said that present-day traditions in
Damascus are of little value. Only the lower half
of the wall dates possibly from NT' times (see EBi,
art. 'Damascus'). For the device of letting a
person down through a Avindow, see Jos 2'» and 1 S
19^^; cf. also Josephus, BJ I. xvi. 4.
W. Cruickshank.
BEAST. — The word appears with three references.
— 1. It signifies simply an irrational animal (2 P
2^); abeast of burden (Ac23-*) ; an animal used for
food (Rev 18"), or for sacrifice (He 13'^); or it is
used as symbolizing Nature in its highest forms of
nobility, strength, wisdom, and swiftness (Rev 4*'^ ;
cf. Ezk 1 and Is 6). — 2. St. Paul writes that he
fought Avith 'beasts' at Ephesus (1 Co 15^^). If
these were actual beasts, then the Apostle, who
had come off conqueror in tlie fight, instead of
being handed over to the executioner, Avas set free
by the provincial magistrate (cf. C. v. Weizsacker,
Das apostol. Zeitalter, 1886, p. 328 [Eng. tr., The
Apostolic Age, i. (1894) 385]; A. C. McGifiert, The
Apostolic Age, 1897, p. 280 ti'.). The uncertainties
and difficulties of this position are, hoAvever, so
serious that it is commonly abandoned in favour
of a metaphorical interpretation, and for these
reasons : (a) St. Paul Avas a Roman citizen ; (h)
neither in Acts nor in 2 Cor. is there any allusion
to an actual conflict Avith beasts ; (c) had he so
fought, he would not have survived. Ignatius,
referring to his journey to Rome Avhere he Avas
to sufler martyrdom, Avrote, ' I am bound to
ten leopards, that is, a troop of soldiers . . . ' (ad
Rom. 5). Some explain St. Paul's allusion by Ac
19 ; but this tumult Avas probably later, and such
explanation disagrees Avith 1 Co 16^- ^ Ramsay
alleges a mixture of Greek and Roman ideas — in
the Greek lecture-room St. Paul A\'ould become
familiar with the Platonic comparison of the mob
Avith a dangerous beast, and as a Roman citizen he
would often have seen men fiaht Avith beasts in the
circus (St. Patil, 1895, p. 230 f.). :Max Krenkel
(Beitrdge zur Atifhellung der Gesch. und der Brief e
des Apost. Paulus, BruusAvick, 1890, pp. 126-152)
suggests that Christians used ' beast ' (cf. Rev. 13)
Avith a cryptic reference to Rome's power (cf. the
four beasts in Dn 8"*^-). We are certain only that
St. Paul referred to some extreme danger from
men through Avhich he had passed in Ephesus, of
which the Corinthians had heard (P. W. Schmiedel,
Hand-Koimnentar zum Neuen Testament, Freiburg
i. B., 1893, p. 198).— 3. In Rev. (IF 131^-) two
beasts are described, one (13'-i»; cf. Dn V^-) sym-
bolizing the hostile political Avorld-poAver of Rome
and the kings of Rome as vassals of Satan, the
other (13"-^8) ^jjg hostile religious poAver of false
prophecy (cf. le^^ 19-» 20i«) and magic, enlisted
as ally of the political poAver— a false Christ or
Antichrist, by Avhich the Avorship of the Caesar
Avas imposed on the provinces. See, further, art.
Apocalypse. C. A. Beckwith.
BEATING.— The AV uses the word 'beat' to
express some form of corporal punishment, without
A'OL. I. — lO
defining the particular mode of infliction. 1. In
Ac S^** 221^ Avhen Sepco (' to scourge, so as to flay oft'
the skin') is thus translated, the allusion is to the
Jewish mode of eastigation, inflicted with a leathern
scourge, in the former instance by the authority of
the supreme Sanhedrin at Jerusalem, in the latter
by that of the rulers of the synagogues, or local
Sanhedrins, at the instigation of Saul. St. Paul
himself, during the period of his apostolic career
previous to the Avriting of 2 Cor., was subjected to
this species of chastisement on no less than five
occasions (2 Co ll'"), none of Avhich is referred to
in the Acts.
2. In Ac 16-2, Avhen pa^Sifw is rendered by the
verb ' beat,' the allusion is to the Roman punish-
ment Avith rods. In defiance of the Roman LaAv,
Avhich exempted every citizen from the disgrace of
being scourged with rods or Avhips, the duumA-irs
at Philippi subjected St. Paul and Silas to this
cruel form of maltreatment. St. Paul sutt'ered
from two other inflictions of the same sort, regard-
ing which the Acts is silent.
3. In Acl8i^2P- the verb ti/tttw is used to denote
another mode of beating, namely, that inflicted by
mob violence. In the case of Sosthenes, the assault,
apparently by members of the Greek loAA-er order,
entailed no danger to the life or limb of the victim.
In St. Paul's case, on the other hand, the onslaught
by the fanatical Asiatic Joavs Avas of such a violent
cliaracter that nothing but the timely intervention
of the Roman tribune prevented a fatal result.
See, further, art. Scouegixg.
W. S. ^Montgomery.
BEAUTIFUL GATE.— See Temple and Door.
BED, COUCH.— In the relevant section of the
NT four difl'erent Greek Avords are translated ' bed.'
In He 13'', Avhere the imperatiA'es of the RV should
be noted, the marriage- bed (koLtti) is referred to,
and is synonymous Avith the state of marriage itself.
In Rev 2^ tlie clause jSdWcj auri^v et's k\Lvj]v is to be
taken metaphorically, representing the enforced
recumbent position of the sick (cf. Mt 9^, JNIk 7^",
also Mt 8^ "), paralleled in the same verse by els
6\l\l/iv fieydX-qv, the portion of toOs /loixeiJoyTas fier
aiiTrjs.
The remaining instances are concrete, involving
Kkivaploiv ('beds') and KpaSdrruv ('couches') in Ac
5^^ and Kpa^drrov (this time translated ' bed,' both
in AV and RV) in Ac 9^. Regarding the former
of these Ave find that K\u>apiui>, the reading of the
principal MSS, has replaced an earlier kXivQv.
KpaSdTTwv (Vulg. grabatis) has equal MS authority
Avith K\ivapiiai>, but Kpa^dKTov((A}v) and Kpa^^drov(cjv)
are alternative spellings, particularly in Ac 9^.
It is difficult to distinguish between the two kinds
of beds. Kkivdpiov is a ' small bed,' Avith or Avithout
reference to structure. In JcAvish usage Kpdj3arTos
appears to be descriptive, and to have some con-
nexion Avith the bands of leather that Avere used to
fill up the frameAvork, by means of which a couch
or seat by day could be converted into a bed by
night. It is equated to o-kL/jlttovs, crKLfnrddiov, Avhich
is defined as a mean bed for accommodating one
person (Grimm-Thayer), but may Avith equal pro-
priety be taken as akin to couch or sofa (see S.
Krauss, Talmud. Archdologie, i. [Leipzig, 1910] p.
66). Each kind A\'as portable, and to this end a
frameAvork of some sort Avould have been of service,
but was not essential. Meyer justly refuses to
accept a distinction Avhich makes the one Avord
mean a soft, costly bed, and the other a poor, humble
one. The story of yEneas (Ac 9^^- ^) suggests the
presence of soft materials, Avhich could be smoothed
out (arpQaov ; cf. Mk 14^=). The references to bed
and couch are indicative of simplicity, not to say
poverty (cf. the foenum, bed of hay, characteristic
of the Jews [Juvenal, Sat. iii. 14 and vi. 541]).
14:6
JBEGINi^l^G AND END
BENEDICTION
The refined and luxurious modes that without
doubt prevailed in the Grfeco- Roman world are
only matter of inference from Rev 18'-.
Although there is no mention of bed in Ac 12^,
the passage may be cited as affording a vivid picture
of one rising up from sleep, ungirt, with sandals
put off, and the upper garment laid aside or per-
haps having been used as a covering by night.
The passage He ll"-'^ may reasonably be brought
within the scope of this article, since it is likely
that 'staff'' should be rendered 'bed' (cf. Gn 47^i).
See article Staff. W. Cruickshank.
BEGINNING AND END. -See Alpha and
Omega.
BELIAL, BELIAR. — This word occurs only once
in the NT (2 Co 6'^). To understand its meaning
there we must trace its use in the OT. The word
is Hebrew (hn'}?^), but its etymology is uncertain.
The ordinary derivation (from '^3, ' without,' and
rt. hi!\ which in Hiph. h'pn—' to profit') seems to be
the best, and this makes the word mean ' wortli-
lessness.' But T. K. Cheyne (Expos., 5th ser., i.
[1895] 435 ff. ; cf. also art. 'Belial' in EBi) makes
it mean 'one may not ascend' (so suiting Siieol in
Ps IS**- ; see below), or ' hopeless ruin.' The Talmud
makes it mean ' without the yoke ' (Viy 'V?). The
Syriac lexicographers (see R. Payne Smith, Thcsaur.
Syr., Oxford, 1879-1901, i. 53-4) understand it to
mean ' jsrince of the air ' ; they seem to have de-
rived it from '7i?3, ba'al, ' lord,' and the Syriac nxN
= drip, 'air.' But the last two derivations are
certainly wrong.
Taking the meaning ' worthlessness,' we note
that the ordinary use of ' Belial ' in the OT suits it
very well ; ' sons of Belial ' or ' men of Belial ' means
' worthless or Avicked men,' according to the com-
mon Hebrew idiom which substitutes a genitive
for an adjective. The word is, however, twice
used in the OT as a quasi- proper name. In Ps 18^*'
we read of ' the cords of death,' ' the floods of
Belial,' ' the cords of Sheol,' ' the snares of death ' ;
here Belial = the under world. Again, in Nah 1^^
we read that Belial shall no more pass through
Judah ; he is utterly cut off. In this passage
Belial almost exactly corresponds to the 'man of
lawlessness, the son of perdition ' of St. Paul (2 Th
•2^, on which see JNIilligan, Thessalonians, London,
1908).
In 2 Co 6", where the best MSS (B C L P X) and
most of the VSS (but not the Vulgate) read ' Beliar '
rather than 'Belial' (Peshitta 'Satan,' but the
5arklensian Syriac ' Beliar '), the word is used as
a proper name = Satan, or else Antichrist, Satan's
representative. This use of the word is found fre-
quently in the literature of the period. In the
Test, of the XII Patriarchs (Benj. 3), Belial is the
' aerial spirit ' (see Air), and frequently in this
l)Ook (c. a.D. 100 ?) is identified with Satan. In the
Sibylline Oracles (iii. 63, 74, where the reference to
the ' Augustans ' or 'Le^aarrivol shows the passage to
be a later interpolation, probably of 1st cent. A.D. ;
see also ii. 167), Belial is Antichrist. In the As-
cension of Isaiah (iv. 2), Beliar is 'the great angel,
the king of this world.' This work in its present
form is probably not later than A.D. 100.
There are many forms of this name, chiefly due
to the ])honetic interchange of liquids : Belial,
Beliar, Beliam, Belian, Beliab, Bellas, Berial.
Literature.— W. Baudissin in PRE'i ii. [1897] .548, and in
ExpT\m. [1896-97] 360, 423, 472, ix. [1897-98] 40 ; T. K. Cheyne
in Expositor, 5th ser., i. [1895] 435, in ExpT ix. 91, 332, also in
EBi, «.?;.; P. Jensen in ExpT ix. 283 ; F. Hommel in ExpT ix.
.'.G7 ; W. Bousset, Der Antichrist, G6ttinp:en, 1895, pp. sfi, 99 ;
R. H. Charles, Ascension of Isaiah, London, 1900, pp. Ii, 6;
Levi-Kohler in JE ii. 658. A. J. MACLEAN.
BELIEF.— See Faith.
BELOVED {ayair7]T6s, sometimes TjyaTrtj/j.^i'os ;
ayair-rjTos is also sometimes translated in EV ' dearly
beloved ' [Ro 12'9] or ' well beloved ' [16^, 3 Jn ']).—
In the NT outside the Gospels ' beloved ' is found
as [a) a description of Christ, {b) a description of
Christians.
(a) For the first usage, cf. Eph 1^ (^7a'7r7;Ai^»'os) ;
also 2 P 1" ' This is my beloved (a.yair7}T6s) Son, in
M'hom I am well pleased.' The latter is a quota-
tion from the gospel story (cf. Mt 17^).
[b) As applied to Christians the term is much
more frequent. Sometimes it refers to their rela-
tion to God. ' ayanr-qTOL dead is applied to Christians
as being reconciled to God and judged by Him to
be worthy of eternal life' (Grimin-Thayer, s.v.
ayaw-nrdi). Cf. Ro V' , 1 Th 1^ Col S'^ (the Gr. in
the last two cases is riyain]p.ivos). The commonest
usage, however, is in reference to the mutual re-
lations of Christians one to another ; cf. Philem '*,
1 Ti 6'^. ' Hence they are often dignified with this
ej^ithet in tender address, both indirect (Ro 16^'^,
Col 41-') and direct (Ro 12i9, 1 Co 4l^ He &, Ja l'«,
1 P 2", 2P 3i)'(Grimm-Thayer). Particularly
noteworthy is the phrase dya-jriqTbs iv Kvplip (Ro 16^).
In the sub-apostolic literature we find similar
usages. riyaTnjfiivos is used of Christ in Barn. S" 4^* ^
(some place this work in the 1st cent. A.D., though
a 2nd cent, date is more usual). In 1 Clem., which is
generally admitted to be of the 1st cent., we have
dyair-qros of the relation of Christians to God (8') ;
while in the same epistle it is also found of the
mutual relation of Christians to one another, and
was a mode of address : ' beloved ' (l^- ^ etc.). Cf.
also Barn. 4^"^
Origin and significance of the above usage. — In
reference to Christ the origin of the term a.yair-t)TO's
(T]yairr]iJ.ivos) is in Is 42^. As a name of our Lord it is
parallel with iKXeKrds : both belong to the original
Messianic stratum of early Christian theology,
which, when set in opposition to the later developed
'pneumatic' Christology, receives the name of
'adoptianist.' Such opposition is, however, not
necessary, as is shown by the occurrence of the term
in Ephesians along with a highly developed Christ-
ology.
The use of dyairyp-bs to describe Christ is, however,
undoubtedly closely associated with the descrip-
tion of Christians as -qyairTjixivoi deov. Cf. Harnack,
Hist, of Dogma, Eng. tr., London, 1894-99, i. 185,
note 4, where it is pointed out that ' Barnabas, who
calls Christ the " Beloved," uses the same expres-
sion for the Church.'
As regards the usage in reference to the mutual
relation of Christians one to another, the only
points which need comment are its frequency, and
the evidence this attbrds of the spirit of brotherhood
which characterized the Primitive Church.
Robert S. Franks.
BENEDICTION [eiiKoyla, benedictio).— This term
has in tlie NT all the senses of berdkdh in the OT.
It signifies : (a) praises given to God or Christ
(Rev 512. 18 712^ Ja 310) ; {b) in a sense exclusively
biblical, f.avour or blessing from God (He 6'') ; (c) a
blessing asked for (He 12''') ; (d) the blessing of the
Christian gospel or calling (Ro 15"\ Gal 3'*, Eph 1'^
IPS*); (e) the gifts or temporal goods bestowed
on others (2 Co 9^) ; (/) by a figure, tlie cup of the
Lord's Supper, on account of the thanksgiving and
praise ottered in connexion with it (1 Co 10'^) ; (g)
the fine and flattering speeches (Ro 16'**) used by
false teachers to lead away Christians — the only
place in the NT where the word has its classical
sense. It is tlie thought of the Apostle that
Christianity is specially a religion which leads its
followers to help and bless others (Ro 12'^ 1 Co 4'^
14^", 1 P 3")— an altruistic faith which reminds one
by contrast of the luxuriant use of anathema and
excommunication in the Middle Ages. From the
BEIs^EDICTIOX
BENEDICTIU^^
U<
verb ev\oy€lv has come tlie purely biblical and
ecclesiastical word ev\oyr]T6s, Vulg. bencdictus,
' blessed,' which is the LXX translation of bdriik,
participle of brJrdk. God is called thus because
praises are made to Him and He is the source of
blessings (Ro P^ 95^ 2 Co P IP\ Eph P, 1 P P).
The word ' benedictions ' is more commonly used
of those well-wishings or spiritual blessings in
Christ which form such a characteristic part of the
closing sentences of the Epistles of the NT, especi-
al]_y those of St. Paul. One of these benedictions,
under the title of the Apostolic Benediction, has
jiassed into use in the public worship of many
Churches of Christendom. Let us take these
sentences in chronological order. (1) 'The peace
of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you' (1 Th 5'**).
The verb in these greetings is omitted, but it is
better, with nearly all scholars, to interpret them
as prayers, and so supply etr], than as declarations
and sujjply iari.* The usual closing good wish in
the letters of this period was eppoiao or eppwcr^e =
vale, 'farewell,' lit. 'be strong.' With St. Paul
everything was looked upon from the standpoint
of Christ, and even courtesies were to receive a
new significance. (2) 'The peace of our Lord
Jesus Christ be with you all ' (2 Th 3]»). _ This is
preceded bj'a statement that the greeting is added
by St. Paul in his own handwriting, and that this
will be a constant custom as a certificate of
genuineness. Compare the aecryjuelwixai (' I have
noted [or written, or sealed]'), generallj' contracted
into (xea-q, with which many of the Egyptian papyrus
letters and ostraca close. t or the postscript in one's
own handwriting (^vfi^oXov) which guaranteed an
ancient letter. J (3) ' The peace of our Lord Jesus
Christ be with your spirit, bretlu-en. Amen' (Gal
G"*). The word ' spirit ' is added as in keeping with
the emphasis on spirit in the letter, and the word
' brethren ' is given as a token of St. Paul's affec-
tion in closing an Epistle in which he had to use
stern rebuke. (4) ' The peace of our Lord Jesus
Ciirist be with you. My love be with you all in
Christ Jesus. Amen' (1 Co 16-^--'*). The second
clause is peculiar here. It is explained by the fact
that St. Paul had been compelled to use censure.s,
and he wished the Corinthians to know that his
love Avas still abounding towards them. It never
failed (13-). It was, as Chrysostom says, 'some-
thing spiritual and exceedingly genuine.' But
that love is only in the sphere of Christ, so that
everywhere the verb of desire (err?) is to be under-
stood, as in the strict sense St. Paul could not love
those who did not love the Lord (v.-^) or who de-
stroyed God's temples (3"). § P. Bachmann speaks
of St. Paul's final benediction here in these fitting
words: 'So ends a sound of faith, of hope and
of love out of the deepest soul of the writer, and
after such changing and manifold discussions he
turns in his conclusion to the sentiment of his
friendly and warm beginning.' || (0) 'The grace of
the Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the
comnnmion of the Holy Spirit, be with you all'
(2 Co 13'^). The genitives here are subjective. It
is the love which God has to us. This is always
the use of St. Paul after aydini, 'love' (Ro 5^ 8^^,
2 Co 5'-* 131^ etc.). It is not communion with the
Holy Spirit as an object, but a communion belong-
ing to the Spirit, of mIucIi the Son is the founder
and centre, and of Avhich the Spirit is the means
* For an able defence of the contrary view (eori), see J. J.
Owen in Bibliotheca Sacra, 1862, p. 707 ff.
t G. Milligan, St. Paul's Ed. to the Thessalonians, 1908, p.
130.
t Deissniann, Lioht vom Osten, 105 (Eng. tr., Light from the
Ancient East-, 1911, p. 153).
§G. G. Findlay, EOT, '1 Cor.' 1900, p. 953. See also the
excellent remarks of Robertson-Plummer, 1 Cor. (ICC, 1911),
p. 402.
i Der erste Brief des Paulxis an die Korinther, Leipzig, 1905,
p. 480.
and vital force. The verse prays for a holy
fellowship in the Divine life mediated bj^ the
Spirit, and it is a fitting conclusion to an Epistle
agitated by strife. This triple benediction is well
called by Bengel a ' striking testimony ' to the
Holy Trinity. ' It offers,' says J. H. Bernard, ' a
devotional parallel to the Baptismal Formula of Mt
28'* ; and the order of its clauses receives its ex-
planation in the later words of St. Paul in Eph 2^^.
It is the Grace of Christ which leads us towards
the Love of God, antl tlie Love of God when
realised through tlie Spirit's power, promotes the
love of man (1 Jn 4'^), the holy fellowship fostered
by the indwelling Spirit.'* The passage is one of
the many evidences of how thoroughlj- part of the
consciousness of the first Church were those ideas
out of wiiich grew the completely developed doc-
trine of tiie Trinity. That doctrine was thus not
a deposit of Greek speculation on Jewish ground,
but was the expression of the innermost life and
thought of Christians from the beginning. At
least it was of St. Paul, and in this respect he
never had to defend his views. His view of the
Son and Spirit as having their roots in the eternal
life of the Godhead was taken as a matter of course
by both Jewish and Gentile Christians. He never
had to support the words of 2 Co 13" against the
charge of blasphemy. Their relegation of Christ
and the Spirit to a substantial equality with God
apparently oti'ended no Christian sentiment.
J. Weiss recognizes this fact, and acknowledges that a growth
in the estimate ot Christ by the early Christians is hardly to be
traced. It started at the full. He says: 'There is hardly a
trace of gradual development ; almost at once the scheme of
the Christolog3' was completed ; already in the New Testament
the principal conceptions of the later dogma are essentially
present, though to some extent only in germ ; and there one
detects already all the difficulties, which tlie later church had to
face. . . . This regarding of God and Christ side by side, which
exactly corresponds to the enthronement of the two together,
is characteristic of primitive Christian piety. . . . The historian
is bound to sa.v that Christianity from its earliest beginnings,
side by side with faith in God as Father, has also proved the
veneration of Christ to be to it a perfectly natural form of
religion. . . . The early Christians . . . believed that Ihey were
acting in complete accordance with Christ's mind, when they
adored him and sang hymns to him quasi Deo.' t
(6) ' The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with
you ' (Ro 162"). (7) ' Grace be with you' (Col 4'«).
Notice the brevity. Von Soden speaks of the
' Lapidarstil ' of the Epistle. (8) ' The grace of
our [some authorities, ' the '] Lord Jesus Christ be
with your spirit. Amen ' [best authorities omit
' Amen '] (Philem -'). (9) ' Peace be to the brethren,
and love with faith, from God the Father and the
Lord Jesus Christ. Grace be with all them that
love our Lord Jesus Christ in uncorruptness ' (Eph
6-^--*). St. Paul's benedictions are usually ad-
dressed directly to the reader, but here the third
l>erson is used, as is appropriate in a circular
letter. Wieseler thinks that ' brethren ' refers to
the Jewish Christians and 'all' to the Gentiles,
but this idea is fanciful. 'Peace' here is not
simply a salutation of well-wishing, but has the
Christian connotation of tliat peace which comes
from reconciliation with God. Both peace and
love go with faith, which is always presupposed in
making the Christian. The ' love ' is not Divine
love but brotherly love, which shows itself where
faith is, and through which faith works (Gal 5^).
The primal cause and fountain is God the Father,
the mediate and secondary is Jesus. This is always
the order with St. Paul, and must be in Christi-
anity if it is a monotheistic religion. ' Grace' : it
is the grace, besides which there is no other — the
loving favour of our God. J The ' incorruptness '
* EGT, '2 Cor.,' 1903, p. 119.
t Christ: The Begin7iings of Dogma, Eng. tr., 1911, pp. 12,
47, 48.
{ Sse excursus on X"P'f ^nd x^P'^oiJi' in J. A. Bobinson,
Ephesians, 1903, pp. 221-22S.
148
be:n"edictio:n"
BERCEA
{dipOapcrla) does not at all mean ' sincerity ' as in
AV, but imperishableness (cf. Ro 2^, 1 Co 15'*-- ^
etc, 2 Ti 1^"), and refers to the quality of their
love. They have taken hold already of that end-
less and unbroken life in which love has triumphed
over death and dissolution.* The true Christian's
love is like God's, eternal, and it is directed to-
wards, not simply God tiie Father (that is a matter
of course), but towards Jesus, who with the Father
is the object of his faith, hope and love, that is, of
his worship. (10) ' The grace of our Lord Jesus
Christ be with your spirit ' (some MSS, but not
the best, 'with you all') (Ph 4-^). The chrono-
logical order of the rest of the Epistles is not so
certain. We follow that of Zahn. (11) ' Peace be
unto you all that are in Christ '(IP o''^). * Peace' :
the simple Hebrew salutation proper in St. Peter's
autograph. (12) 'Grace be with you' (1 Ti 6-^).
The same as in Col. ; some MSS read 'with thee.'
The plural in itself is not sufficient to show that
the Epistle was intended for the Church as a whole.
* The study of papyrus letters,' says J. H. Moulton, t
'will show that singular and plural alternated in
the same document with apparently no distinction
of meaning.' (13) 'The Lord be M'ith thy spirit.
Grace be with you ' (2 Ti 4^). ' Lord ' here means
Christ, as generally in the Epistles. See Grimm-
Thayer with references. Close personal associa-
tion between Jesus and Timothy is prayed for.
(14) ' Grace be with you all ' (Tit 3'S), (15) ' Grace
be with you all. Amen' (He IS'^'). (16) 'Peace
unto thee' (3 Jn ^^). This is a Jewish greeting;
cf. Jn 6-3 19-". (17) ' The grace of the Lord Jesus
Christ be with the saints' (Rev 22'''). On the true
reading see textual note in EGT smd the references
there given. Moflatt thinks this sentence was
used at the close of the reading in worship, and
from that custom slid into the text here. ' Apoca-
lypses were sometimes cast in epistolary form,
used in worship, and circulated by means of public
reading.'^: It will be seen from the above that in
apostolic times there was no stereotyped form
of benediction, just as there was not either
then or later any stereotyped form of public wor-
ship.
We extend the list to a few benedictions in
extra-canonical Epistles in or near apostolic times.
(18) 'The peace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with
you and with all men in all places who have been
called by God and through Him, through whom be
glory,' etc. (Clement of Rome, Ep. to Corinthians,
65 [A.D. 97]). (19) 'The Lord of glory and of
every grace be with your spirit ' (Ep. of Barnabas,
21 [A.D. 75-130, date uncertain]). Ignatius gives
nothing like the apostolical benedictions, but tlie
simple : ' Fare ye well in God the Father and in
Jesus Christ our common hope' {ad Eph. 21),
'Fare ye well in godly concord' {Mag. 15), 'Fare
Je well unto the end in tlie patient waiting for
esus Christ' {Rom. 10), 'Fare ye well in Christ
Jesus our common hope' {Phil. 11), 'Fare ye well
in the grace of God ' [Smyr. 13), and ' Fare ye well
in the Lord ' {ad Pol. 8).
The Aaronitic benediction (Nu 6--"^^), though
always used in the synagogue, does not appear in
our ancient sources or in any Church liturgy (ex-
cept in the Spanish) until Luther introduced it in
his Mass (1526). It was also used in the German
Protestant Masses. For the use of benedictions in
later Church history, see the articles in PPE'^ ii,
588 tf. ; DCA i. 193 tf.
LiTERATORB. — See the brief but excellent article in F.
Vigouroux, Diet, de la Bible, Paris, 1891-99, i. 1581-S3 ; W. J.
• J. A. Robinson, op. cit. 137-138, gives a long discussion.
See also almost any scientific commentary, like Meyer, Lange,
Ellicott, Alford, etc.
t Expositor, 6th ser., vii. [1903] 107.
: See Moffatt, EGT, 'Eevelatlon,' 1910, p. 493 f.
Yeomans in Princeton Rev. xxxiii. [1861] 286-321 ; J. H.
Bernard in Expositor, 6th set., viii. [1903] 372 fl.; and the worlcs
mentioned above. J, ALFRED FAULKNER.
BENJAMIN.— See Tribes.
BEOR. — Beor, the father of Balaam, is named in
2 P 2'^ (AV, with some ancient authorities, Bosor,
which may be a corruption of Pethor [Grotius], or
may be due to the Greek sibilant taking the place
of the Heb. guttural [Vitringa]), Balaam by his
great wisdom became vain, so a fool {ben ¥'6r),
said Jerus. Targ. to Nu 22^ ; cf. JE ii. 468 ; C.
Vitringa, Observ. Sacrce, i. 936 f. W. F. CoBB.
BERENICE, BERNICE (Ac 25^-^ 2630).— Bere-
nice, eldest daughter of Herod Agrippal., was bom
in A.D. 28, and early betrothed to Marcus, son of
Alexander who was alabarch at Alexandria. On
the death of Marcus, Berenice was given by her
father to his brother and her uncle, Herod, king of
Chalcis, in the Lebanon. Two sons were the issue
of this marriage. Herod of Chalcis died in A.D. 48.
Berenice then joined her brother, who was to be
known later as Herod Agrippa II., at Rome. The
pair obtained an infamous notoriety, and are
pilloried by Juvenal (Sat. vi. 156 fl'.). After a con-
siderable interval, Berenice ' persuaded Polemon,
who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to
marry her ' (Jos. Ant. XX. vii. 3). This union was
soon terminated by the return of Berenice to
Agrippa. The two are next heard of on the occa-
sion of their visit to Ctesarea to greet the newly
arrived Procurator Festus. Of Berenice's part in
the interview with the Apostle Paul we are told
only that she appeared ' with much display.' Just
before the outbreak of the insurrectionaiy move-
ment in A.D. 66 she was at Jerusalem 'to perform
a vow which she had made to God ' (Jos. BJ II.
XV. 1), and availed herself of the opportunity' to be-
seech the Procurator Florus to abate the cruelties
which were goading the Jews to war. W^hen hos-
tilities commenced, Agrippa and his sister took
throughout the side of the Romans. This brought
them into contact with Vespasian and Titus. Titus
became enamoured of Berenice. On his return to
Rome, he had her to live with him in his palace —
to the scandal of the Roman populace (Dio Cass.
Ixvi, 15). The intrigue was not continued after
the accession of Titus to the Imperial throne in
A.D. 79. ' Berenicen statim ab urbe dimisit invitus
invitam ' (Suet. Titus, vii. ). From that time
Berenice is lost to view. A fragment of an inscrip-
tion in her honour at Athens gives no indication
of time or occasion. G. P. Gould.
BERCEA. — Beroea {Bipoia, some MSS B^ppota) was
a city of Southern Macedonia, in the district of
Emathia (Ptol. iii. 12). It stood on the lower
slope of Mt. Bermios (Strabo, vii. Frag. 26), and
commanded an extensive view to north, east, and
.south over the plain of the Axiosandthe Haliacmon.
Its streets and gardens were abundantly watered
Ijy rills from an atttuent of the latter river. Five
miles to the S.E. of the town the Haliacmon broke
through the Olympian range to enter the plain.
Beroea was about 50 miles S.W, of Thessalonica,
30 miles S. of Pella, and 20 miles W. of the Ther-
maic Gulf. Its name survives in the modern
Verria or Kara- Verria, which is one of the most
pleasant towns in Rumili (Leake, Travels in
Northern Greece, iii. 290 ft'. ).
To this city St. Paul and Silas withdrew when
their converts, solicitous for their safety, sent them
away from Thessalonica (.-Vc 17'"). It was an out-
of-the-way town — oppidum devium (Cic. in Pis.
xxxvi. [89]) — and therefore a suitable place of re-
treat for the apostles, who continued to hope that
BERYL
BISHOP, ELDEE, PRESBYTER 149
the obstacles at Thessalonica "would soon be re-
moved and that they would be enabled to return —
a hope which was not realized (1 Th 2'^). Their
city of refuge, however, proved a sphere of success-
ful missionary activity. It was large and prosper-
ous enough to have attracted a colony of Jews,
whom the historian commends as more noble in
spirit (eir/eviffTepoL) than tliose of Thessalonica,
comparatively free from jealousy, less fettered by
prejudice, more receptive of new truth. They
daily examined the Scriptures (rds ypacpds) — especi-
ally, no doubt, the passages brought under their
notice by the preachers, but not these alone — to
find if the strange things taught found contirmation
there, with the result that many of them believed
(Ac 17'"). Nor were the labours of the apostles
confined to the synagogue. It is stated that ' of the
Greeks and of those of honourable estate, men and
women in considerable numbers believed' (v.^^).
This is the true rendering of the Greek words (Kal
Twv 'EWrjvioojv yvvaiKuJv tQv evaxmJ-ovuiv Kal di/dpuiv ovk
dXiyoi) rather than that in the RV, 'also of the
Greek women of honourable estate, and of men,
not a few.'
St. Paul's residence in Beroea probably lasted
some months (W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul, 1895, p.
234). For the searching of the Scriptures daily [to
Ka9' rifJpav), for the preaching of the gospel in the
city as well as in the synagogue, and the consequent
conversion not only of ' many ' Jews but also of
'not a few' Gentiles, a considerable time was re-
quired. St. Paul would doubtless be slow to move
farther south, and thereby put a longer distance
between himself and Thessalonica, where his heart
was. At lengtii, however, malicious Jews came all
the way from that city to Bercea, and so stirred up
the baser passions of the crowds (traXet/ovres toi)s
5xXoi;s), that the Christians thought it advisable
to send St. Paul forth ' to go as far as to the
sea' (not ws but ?ws eirl ttjv ddXaacrav being the
true reading in v.'-*). That he was the real object
of hatred is indicated by the fact that Silas and
Timothy could safely remain behind (v.^*). Con-
trary to his usual practice, the historian does
not name the seaport of Bercea, but it was prob-
ably from the town of Dium, the great bul-
wark of the maritime frontier of South Macedonia,
that St. Paul and his escort set sail for Athens
(v.'°). Sopater, who is mentioned in Ac 2u^ as
one of St. Paul's later associates, was a Beroean.
There is a tradition (Ap. Const, vii. 46) that
Onesimus was the first bishop of the Church of
Bercea.
LrrERATOEE.— W. Smith, DGRG i. [1856] 393 ; E. M. Consi-
nery. Voyage dans la MacMoine, 1831, i. 57 ff.; Conybeare-
Howson, Life aiui Epistles of St. Paul, new ed., 1S77, i. 399 £E. ;
T. Lewin, St. Paul^, 1875, i. 235 fl. ; W. M. Leake, Travels in
iVortAemGreece, 1835, iiL 290 £E. JaMES StRAHAN.
BERYL.— Beryl {0-npvWos [Rev 21-"], a word of
unknown etymology) is a mineral which ditt'ers
little from the emerald except in colour. It never
exhibits the deep rich green of that gem, being in
general pale green, and sometimes yellowish, bluish,
brownish, or colourless. Its finer varieties, which
are transparent, are called aquamarine. It usually
takes the form of long six-sided prisms, vertically'
striated. It was much prized as a gem-stone by
the ancients, and very fine specimens of Greek and
Roman engraving in beryl are extant. Its great
abundance in modern times has depreciated its
value. In RVm of the OT, 'beryl' stands for
shohapi, which Flinders Petrie {HDB iv. 620'')
identifies Avith green felspar.
James Strahan.
BIGAMY.— See Marriage.
BIRTHRIGHT.— See FiRST-BORN.
BISHOP, ELDER, PRESBYTER. — The origin
of the episcopate is, and is likely to remain, un-
known. All the available evidence has been care-
fully collected, sifted, and estimated, and it is
insufficient. Equally honest and equally capable
critics infer different theories of the episcopate
from it, and no solution of the problem can claim
demonstration. "We may hold, and perhaps be
able to convince others, that one solution is more
probable than another, but we cannot prove that
it is the true one. All conclusions are tentative.
The problem is an old one, and as early as the
4th cent, there were two leading theories respect-
ing the origin of the episcopate — that of Theodore
of Mopsuestia and that of Jerome — but they are
theories and no more. These two writers drew
inferences from facts, or what they believed to be
facts ; they did not know more about the origin
than we do. And they both start from the same
fact, viz. that in the xsT ' bishop ' and ' presbyter '
(or 'elder') are synonyms; they are two names
for the same official. This is so generally recog-
nized that there is no need to repeat the evidence.
The two names are still synonymous in Clement
of Rome {Cor. 42, 44), and by implication in Poly-
carp (Phil. 1) and the Didache (15), which we may
date about a.d. 130-150. Ignatius is the earliest
writer known to us who clearly separates ' bishop '
from 'elder'; with him 'bishop' means the mon-
archical ruler of a local church, distinct from, and
superior to, the ' presbyters ' or ' elders.'
Starting from the original identity of ' bishop '
and ' presbyter,' Theodore (on 1 Ti 3^'*) infers that
episcopacy existed from the first. The first bishops,
among whom were Timothy and Titus, were con-
secrated by apostles, governed whole provinces,
and were sometimes called ' apostles.' Theodore
erroneously supposed that ' laj-ing on of the hands
of the presbytery' (1 Ti 4") meant consecration of
Timothy by some of the Twelve. He was conse-
crated by St. Paul with certain elders (2 Ti P).
'The presbytery,' which in Lk 22'^'^ and Ac 22=
means the body of elders in the Sanhedrin, here
means a body of Christian elders. The details of
Theodore's theory need not detain us ; the central
point in it is the proposition that the apostles
instituted a distinct class of officials to be their
successors. But did they? The question admits
of no secure answer. It must be remembered that
we have no evidence that either Christ or the
apostles ever prescribed any particular form of
government for the society which they founded ;
and there is the improbability that men who be-
lieved that Christ would very soon return would
think it worth while to devise and prescribe a
particular form of government for the increasing
number of Christian communities. On the other
hand, it is probable that, as the apostles passed
away, and the Lord still did not appear, the com-
munities would be driven to devise some form of
government for themselves.
Jerome (Ep. 146, ad Evanqelum) answers the
question in the negative. The apostles did not
institute distinct officials to be their successors.
Churches were governed by a council of presbyters.
But when presbyters began to form parties, and
each presbyter thought that those whom he bap-
tized belonged to him, it was decreed throughout
the world that one of them should be elected and
set over the others, and that on him should rest
the general supervision of the Church. On Tit P
he says that it is ' by custom rather than by the
Lord's arrangement' that bishops are a higher
order.
There is no need to assume that party spirit was
in all cases, or even in most, the chief reason for
setting one presbyter above the rest. The more
usual reasons would be the obvious advantage
150 BISHOP, ELDEK, PRESBYTER
BISHOP, ELDER, PRESBYTER
of having one person to -whom doubtful matters
might be referred, and the fact that in most
colleges of presbj'ters there was one who -was
manifestly more capable than the others. When
once a particular presbyter had been either form-
ally elected, or allowed more and more to take the
lead, his special functions would be likely to grow.
The dignity of bishops appears to have developed
rapidly. They led their congregations in public
worship, regulating liturgical forms and the dis-
tribution of the alms. They also regulated the
congregation's power of punishing and forgiving
offenders. They represented their congregations
in all relations, Godward and manward. They
gradually absorbed the functions of the expiring
charismatic ministry, and were at once prophets
and teachers, and they conducted tlie correspond-
ence with other local churclies. The fi-equent
appearance of questionable doctrines greatly aug-
mented the importance of bishops, who came to
be regarded as teaching with unique authority.
Montanism was a revolt against this official
episcopacy — an attempt to restore the charismatic
ministry of the prophets, and when it failed, the
triumph of episcopacy Avas complete. And it
deserved to fail, not merely because of its ex-
travagances, but because of its rebellion against
external forms. In one sense, forms are un-
essential ; the realities whicii the forms express
are the things which matter. But it is only by
continuity in the forms that the realities can be
preserved ; ' formlessness inspired by enthusiasm
melts away. . . . The elaboration of a close hier-
archical organization and the setting up of a fixed
dogmatic teaching were proved to be the necessary
means of self-preservation, if the Gospel itself was
not to be lost in the vortex of Gnosticism' (Dob-
schiitz, Apostol. Age, Eng.tr., London, 1909, pp. 122,
141). The bishops were witnesses to the deposit
of faith, and as such decided as to the soundness
of doctrines.
Probably the first function that was assigned to
the bishop was that of being leader and guide in
public worship. But we know very little about
the beginnings of this worship. The influence of
the synagogue in determining the form was con-
siderable, and it is possible that certain heathen
mysteries exercised some influence, but the latter
point has been exaggerated. Clement's Epistle
shows that the trouble at Corinth was about
persons — whether certain presbyters had been
rightly deposed ; not about principles — whether
government by presbyters could be rightly main-
tained. Clement himself was not a bishop in the
later sense : he was president of the college of
presbyters in Rome. But such a president would
be likely to develop into a monarchical bishop.
Clement is the first Christian writer to take the
fateful first step of interpreting the nature of office
in the Church by reference to Jewish institutions,
for which, to a certain extent, the way is prepared
in 1 Co 9^ and 1 Ti 5'^ (Harnack, Constitution and
Law of the CAwrcA, London, 1910, p. 72). He draws
a parallel between the Jewish priest and Levite
and the Christian priest and deacon, and bases an
argument from analogy on the resemblance {Cor.,
ch. 40). It is doubtful whether the mention of the
iiigh priest has any reference to a monarchical
episcopate.
In James, the brother of the Lord, we seem to
have the first instance of a monarchical ruler in a
Christian community. But it is improbable that
in connexion with him the idea of one ruler for
the wiiole Cliurch arose, and still more improbable
that Mt 16'* was written as a protest against any
such claim being made for one who was not one
of the Twelve. It was not in Jerusalem, but in
.\sia Minor, that the monarchical episcopate as a
permanent Christian institution had its rise, owing
to causes which are unknown to us.
There are three possibilities with regard to the
origin of both bishops and eklers, and what is true
of one need not be true of the other. Each may
be (1) copied from Jewish synagogue officials, or
(2) copied from Gentile municipal officials, or (8)
due to spontaneous production. On the whole, it
is probable that elders or presbyters were adopted
from the synagogue, and that bishops arose spon-
taneously. But here we must carefully distinguish
between origin and subsequent development. It
is possible in both cases, and probable in the case
of bishops, that the development of the office was
influenced by secular municipal institutions.
In neither case does the word give us any deHnite
information. By 'elders' [irpea'^vTepoi) maj' lie
meant either (1) seniors in age, or (2) people to be
honoured for personal excellence, or (3) members
of a council. The term * bishop ' [eiriaKOTros) denotes
a supervisor or inspector, but tells us nothing of
what he supervises or inspects. It may be build-
ings, or business, or men. In the NT it means an
o\ erseer of men in reference to their spiritual life,
and is closely connected with the idea of shep-
herding ; ' the shepherd {TroLp.r)v) and overseer
(eTTto-zcoTTos) of your souls' (1 P 2-^); 'the flock
(TroliJ.vi.ov) in the which the Holy Ghost had made
you overseers {eiriaKoiroi) to tend {TroLjj.aivetv) the
Church (€KK\y)(jia) of God' (Ac 20'-^). Only once in
the NT is ' shepherd ' or ' pastor ' used of Christian
ministers (Eph 4") ; but it is used of Christ in He
13-0, 1 P225 5-*; cf. Jn 10"-".
The term 'overseer' or 'bishop' (eirlffKowos)
having been used of Christ as ' the Overseer of
souls,' it would be natural to use it of those of His
ministers who in a special way continued this work;
and it is more probable that the Christian tise of the
title arose in this way than that it was adopted in
imitation of the secular ^iriaKowos in a city. As
the specially gifted persons known as ' apostles,
prophets, and teachers ' became less common, their
functions would be transferred to the permanent
local officials, especially to the highest of them,
viz. the bishops (Didache, 15^- '^). Neitiier bishops,
elders, nor deacons appear in the lists of ministers
and ministerial gifts in 1 Co 12 's*', Ro 12^-*, Eph
4^^. But this does not prove that St. Paul did
not know or care about such officials. Where
these officials existed, they were as yet only local
ministers, and there was no need to mention
them in speaking of gifts to the Church as a
whole.
Timothy and Titus were not monarchical bishops.
They Mere temporary delegates or representatives
of St. Paul at Ephesus or in Crete ; they Avere
forerunners of the monarchical bishops, not the
first examples of them. Nor can the 'angels' of
the Seven Churches (Rev 1-3) be regarded as the
bishops of those Churches. ' The invariable prac-
tice ' of the writer of that book ' forbids such an
interpretation' (Swete on Rev l-"). Excepting
James, and perhaps 'the Elder' in 3 Jn., there is
no instance of the monarchical episcopate in the
NT ; but it was established in Asia Minor before
A.D. 100, and had become wide-spread in Christen-
dom by 150.
LiTERATtiRB— J. B. Lightfoot, PhUipptans, London, 1801
ed., pp. 95-99, 181-'i6!), Dissertations, do. 18w2, pp. 137-24G
(which contains additional notes to the essay in Philippiann) ;
M. R. Vincent, Philippians, Edinburgrh, 1897, pp. 36-51 ; J.
H. Bernard, Pastoral Epintles, Ca.mbndge, 1S99, pp. Ivi-lxxv ;
Priesthood and Sacrifice, a conference ed. by VV. Sanday,
Oxford, 1900 ; A. Deissmann, Bible Sttcdies, tr. Grieve, Edin-
biirg-h, 1901, pp. 154-157, 230; A. Harnack, Mission and
Exjianmon of Christianity, Eng. tr.2, London, 1908, i. 445-482 ;
P. Batiffol, L'^r/Ute naissante^, Paris, 1909, pp. 115-152 (Eng.
tr., Primitive Catholicism, London, 1911, pp. 97-163). See also
wor'cs mentioned under Church Government.
Alfred Plummer.
BITHYXIA
elasphe:\iy
151
BITHYNIA.— Bithj-nia (Bidvi^ia) was a fertile and
highly civilized country in the N. W. of Asia Minor,
bounded on tlie W. by the Propontis and the
Bosporus, on the N. by the Euxine, on the S. by
the range of Mysian Olympus, and on the E. by a
doubtful line, some distance to the riglit of the
river Sangarios (Strabo, xil. iv. 1 ; Pliny, v, 43).
One of the kings of Bithynia changed the history
of Asia Minor by inviting the marauding Galatians
to cross the Bosporus (278 B.C.). Nicomedes III.,
the last king, made the Romans his heirs (73 B.C.),
and after the expulsion of ^Nlithridates of Pontus
(64 B.C.), Pompey formed the dual province of
Bithynia et Pontus, which was governed by a pro-
consul, residing at Nicomedeia. On the division
of the provinces by Augustus in 27 B.C. it remained
senatorial.
The presence of Jews in Bithynia is indicated by
Philo {Leg. ad Gaium, 36). In his second missionary
journey, St. Paul, always drawn to the great centres
of GnBco-Roman civilization, attempted with Silas
to enter Bithynia (iirelpa^ov eis ttju Bidwiav iropev-
d-qvai.), intending probablj' to evangelize Nicsea and
Nicomedeia, but the Spirit of Jesus, who was lead-
ing them on westward, did not permit them (Ac
16''). The province which so nearly became an
apostolic mission-tield had not, however, to wait
long for the gospel. 1 P 1' affords evidence of the
early introduction and rapid progress of Christian-
ity in the province of Bithynia. Details, however,
are wanting.
' For Bithynia, like Cappadocia, we have no primitive Christian
record : but it could hardly remain long unaffected bv the
neighbourhood of Christian communities to the South-\Vest,
the South, and probably the East ; even if no friend or disciple
took up before long the purpose which St. Paul had been con-
strained to abandon, when a Divine intimation drew him onward
into Europe' (F. J. A. Hort, First Ep. o/ St. Peter: 1. l-II. 17,
1898, p. 17).
In A.D. 112 the younger Pliny was sent to govern
the province of Bithynia, which had become dis-
organized under senatorial administration. His
correspondence with Trajan bears striking testi-
mony to the expansion of the Christian religion,
which seemed to him a superstitio prava immodica
(Epp. X. 96, 97). Not only in the cities but in the
rural villages the temples were almost deserted and
the sacrificial ritual interrupted. While the letters
describe a state of things which was true of the
province as a whole, there are some indications
that Amisos in the Far East was the first city on
the Black Sea to which Christianity spread ( Kamsay,
The Church in the Roman Empire, 1893, p. 224 f.).
Literature.— W. Smith, DGRG i. [1S56] 404 ; Carl Ritter,
Kleinasien, i. [ISoS] 650 ff. ; E. G. Hardy, Plinii Epixtulce ad
Trajanum, 1889; W. M. Ramsay, JJist. Geog. of Asia Minor,
1890 ; Conybeare-Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, new
ed.,1877. James Strah AX.
BITTERNESS (irt/cpi'a). — ' Bitter ' means lit.
'biting' (A. S. hitan, 'to bite'), and 7ri\-p6y, 'sharp'
(from the same root Rspunf/o, 'pike,' 'peak'), to
TTiKpov, as that which has an acrid, pungent taste,
is opposed to to jXvkv (Ja 3"). In LXX iriKpia is
often used to translate t^xi, a bitter and poisonous
plant, which is always used figuratively. Closes
says that the man or woman, family or tribe, that
turns from Jahweh will be 'a root that beareth
gall and wormwood ' ( pii'a Slvoj (pvovaa iv xo^V '^^ai
TTLKplq., Dt 29^®). There is an echo of this saying in
He 12^5, where any member of the Church who
introduces wrong 'doctrines or practices, and so
leads others astray, becomes a 'root of bitterness
springing up ' (p'l^a iriKpias avw <pvov<Ta) ; and there
may be another echo of it in Ac 8^ (RYm), where
Peter predicts that Simon ]Magus will ' become
gall (or a gall root) of bitterness' (els x°^t)^ '^'■^pi-a.^
opQ ffe 6i>Ta) bj' his evil influence over others, if he
remains as he now is. But xo^w -n-iKpLas may be a
genitive of apposition and the Apostle may mean
that Simon is even now 'in Bitterkeit, Bosheit,
Feindseligkeit, wie in Galle' (H. J. Holtzmann,
Apostelgcuchichte^, 1901, ad loc). In Ro S^* bitter-
ness of speech is joined with cursing, and in Ejih
4^' TTiKpla is an inward disposition (cf. ^rjXov iriKpov,
Ja 3^-*) which all Christians are to put away in
order that they may be 'kind one to another,
tender-hearted.' James Steahan.
BLACK.— See Colours.
BLASPHEMY (;3Xatr0??/ita, vb. p\a(r<priixeiv, adj. and
noun ^\dcr<pr]fios ; perhaps derived from ^Xdirreiv,
'to injure,' and (pvP^V, 'speech'). — In ordinary
usage and in Eng. law this word denotes profane,
irreverent speaking against God or sacred things ;
but the Greek word has a wider sense, including
all modes of reviling or calumniating either God
or man. In 2 Ti 3^ the RV has ' railers ' instead
of ' blasphemers ' ; in Ac 13^™ and 18'''" it gives
'rail' as an alternative, and in Rev 2^ 'revile.'
' As we be slanderously reported ' (^\aa(pT]iJ.oviJie6a,
Ro 3*); 'why am I evil spoken of?' (ri j3\acr-
<p-qfiovfiai ; 1 Co 10^"); 'to speak evil of no man'
ifjLTjdeva '(i\aa(f>rifi€~iv. Tit 3") ; ' these . . . rail at
dignities' (56^as ,3\aff(pT],uoi'aLv, Jude®; cf. 2 P 2^")
are other examples of the use of the word with a
human reference. The two meanings of ^Xacrcprjfiia
are combined in Ac 6", where Stephen is accused
of speaking blasphemous words {prifiara p\da-<pr]fjLa)
against Moses and God (els 'Muaijv /cat rbv dedv).
According to the Levitical law the punishment
for blaspheming the name of Jahweh was death by
stoning (Lv 24^<'-i^) ; but as Roman subjects the
Jews had not power to put any man to death.
Though they attempted to observe the regular
forms in their trial of Stephen for blasphemy,
his death was not a judicial execution, but the
illegal act of a solenm Sanhedrin changed by
fanatical hatred into a murderous mob.
After Jesus had come to be acknowledged as the
Messiali, the denial of His status and the insulting
of His name were regarded by His followers as
conscious or unconscious blasphemy. St. Paul
recalls with shame and sorrow the time when, in
this sense of the term, he not only was guilty of
halntual blasphemy (t6 Trpbrepov ovra ^XdaepTj/uLov,
1 Ti 1'^), but strove to make others blaspheme
{■nvd-yKa^ov §\a<x(p-r}fie'iv, Ac 26^^). The fortitude of
tliose who resisted his efibrts made a profound
impression on his mind, and probably did more
than anytiiing else to pave the way for conversion.
Like Pliny afterwards in Bithynia [Epp. x. 97),
he doubtless found it was all but impossible to
make men and Avomen speak evil of their so-called
Messiali — 'maledicere Christum' — or submit to
any other test that would have indicated disloj'alty
to Him: 'quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur, qui
sunt re vera Christiani' [ib.]. When, on the other
hand, St. Paul began to preach Jesus as His own
Messiah, the blasphemies of his countrymen
against that Name became his daily fare. The
Jews of Pisidian Antioch ' contradicted the things
which were spoken by Paul and blasphemed' (Ac
13^^) ; those of Corinth ' opi^osed themselves and
blasphemed' (18®); and the historian might have
multiplied instances without end.
Blasphemy was not exclusively a Jewish and
Christian conception. To the Greeks also it was a
high otl'ence ^\a<y (prjixelv els ^eot/s (Plato, Bej). 281 E).
The majesty of the gods and the sacredness of
the temples were jealously guarded. St. Paul,
who reasoned against idolatry, never used oppro-
brious language about the religion of Greece or
Rome. It was better to light for the good than to
rail at the bad. The town-clerk of Ephesus re-
minds his fellow-citizens, roused to fury at the bare
152
BLASTUS
BLINDNESS
suspicion of dishonour to Artemis, that St. Paul
and his companions were no blasphemei's of their
goddess (oiVe /SXacr^T^/ioDcres rryv dtav vfjLujp, Ac 19'*^).
ToAvards tlie cult of Ca3sar, wliicii was still kept
within some bounds, the Apostle always main-
tained the same correct attitude. But in the
Apocalypse, written in the reign of Domitian,
there is a startling change. That emperor, ' prob-
ably the wickedest man who ever lived' (Renan),
was the first to demand that Divine honours should
be paid to himself in his lifetime. Not content,
like his predecessors, with the title Divus, he
caused himself to be styled in public documents
' Our Lord and God.' In Asia Minor the deification
of Ctesar, the erection of temples in his honour,
and the establishment of communes for the pro-
motion of his worship became imperative, while the
ottering of incense to his statue was made the
ordinary test of loyalty to the Empire. To the
prophet of Ephesus all this seemed rank blasphemy,
and he delivered his soul by denouncing it. He
personified the Empire as the Beast whose seven
iieads had names of blasphemy (Rev 13^), to whom
was given a mouth speaking great things and
blasphemies (13^), who opened his mouth for
blasphemies against God, to blaspheme His name
and His tabernacle (13^); as the scarlet-coloured
Beast who was covered all over with names of blas-
phemies (17^). That a creature called an emperor
should assume the attributes of the Creator, and
compel the homage of an infatuated world, was
nothing less than a Satanic triumph ; and whether
men knew it or not, they ' were worshipping the
dragon' (13^). Cf. art. Emperor- worship.
Literature. — In addition to artt. on 'Blasphemy' in HDB,
EBi, SDB, and ERE, with the literature there cited, see the
relevant Commentaries, esp. Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ (ICC,
1902) ; H. B. Swete, The Apocalypsie of St. John-, 1907 ; J.
Armitagfe Robinson, Ephesians, 1903. See also CE, s.v., and
Roman Catholic literature cited there.
James Strahan.
BLASTUS. — Blastus, a chamberlain of Herod
Agrippa I., is mentioned in Ac 12-* in connexion
with an embassy which the inhabitants of Tyre
and Sidon sent to Herod at Csesarea in order to
obtain terms of peace. The ambassadors obtained
an audience of the prince through the infiuence of
Blastus, who no doubt had been liberally bribed
for his services. The incident of the embassy is
not mentioned by Josephus nor is the name of
Blastus, and this omission has been regarded by
some {e.g. Krenkel) as throAving doubt on St.
Luke's narrative, while others regard the incident
as a proof of St. Luke's independence, or as an
intentional supplement to the account of the
Jewish historian. W. F. BOYD.
BLESSEDNESS This word occurs three times
in the AV (Ro 46- », Gal 4^5), but rightly disappears
in the KV,* for the Gr. word fxaKapia/xos means not
blessedness itself, but a pronouncement that some
one is blessed. ' Blessedness ' is simply a convenient
generalization, expressing the meaning which
NT writers convey by the adjectives translated
'blessed' or 'happy' ( fiaKapios, evXoyyjTo^) and tlie
participle euXoyrj/x^vos, ' blessed ' (practically an ad-
jective) ; cf. tlie verb ^vevXoy^ofiat. (Ac 3'-^ Gal 3**)
and /j-aKapl^o} (Lk P^, Ja 5'*). The various forms of
evXoy^onat refer, literally, to being 'well spoken
of,' and apparently always contain at least the
latent thought of praise being conferred or hap])i-
nesa ascribed ; fiaKcipios, however, expresses simply
the possession of a quality, and for the ascription
of this by others the verb /xaKapl^o} is needed.
Blessedness being a personal possession, any kind
of action or utterance by others is of secondary
importance in regard to it. Hence the crucial
* In the two passages in Roio. the RV substitutes 'blessing,'
in Gal. ' gratulacion.'
word is /jiaKclpios, not evXoy^ofiai,, etc. The RV has
in Jn 13", 1 P 3'^ 4" altered the AV tr. of fiaKdpios
from ' happy ' to ' blessed ' ; it might well have
made the same alteration in Ro 14-"-, 1 Co T'*".
Massie would banish ' happy ' from the NT except
in Ac 26^ {HDB, art. ' Happiness'). In the OT n-^x,
' O the happiness (or blessedness) of,' has been even
more frequently translated ' hajipy ' when it might
have been rendered ' blessed ' (cf. Ps 89'^ with 144'^,
where the Hebrew is nif-x in both cases). Still,
' happy ' is more suitable in the OT than in the
NT, for the rewards promised to the OT saints
are of a far more material and temporal order (see
Ps P'® ; the epilogue even of Job 42"''i' ; and
HDB, art. 'Blessedness'). For the NT it is signi-
ficant not only that /j-aKapios, which occurs very
frequently, rejiresented to the Greeks the higher
and even the Divine bliss, but also that the lower
and more ordinary word fudalfidiv, with its sugges-
tion of good luck, is entirely absent. For the use
of ixaKcipios in the Gospels, see art. ' Beatitude ' in
HDB and in DCG. This was the regular term in
NT times for 'departed' (to the world of blessed-
ness) ; cf. Germ, selig, and see Deissmann, Light
from the Ancient East'-, 1911, p. 166. On the whole,
it bears an exceedingly lofty meaning, though it is
less spiritual in Luke than in Matthew. In 24'*^
Matthew need not be understood as ottering a
coarsely material ' blessedness ' ; the servant is ad-
vanced in the confidence of his master. There is
no need to question the inwardness of any blessed-
ness ottered elsewhere in Matthew. In Lk 12^^' ^
the spread table, and the flattering attentions re-
ceived thereat, are somewhat prominent ; but Jesus
is speaking metaphorically, and elsewhere literal,
materialistic views are rebuked (IP^- ^'^ and perhaps
^4i5ff. y 'Yqq much stress must not therefore be laid
on 6-"- 21, although there the blessedness of being
' filled ' seems to refer to food rather than, as in
Matthew, to righteousness.
In the rest of the NT jxaKapios is less used than
in the Gospels. St. Paul has it twice only (Ro 4^* ^),
and then in an OT quotation. In 1 Ti V^ and 6^"*
(never in the Gospels) it is applied to God, but in
this sense evXoy-riTos is usual. In regard to men, it
is applied to those who give (Ac 20^^), who are for-
given (Ro 4^-^), who endure temptation (Ja V^),
who act according to the perfect law of liberty
(Ja 1^), who die in the Lord (Rev 14^^ ; see also
Rev P 16'= ig'' 20" 22''- "). It stands for a good
which is above happiness, and dwells not least with
those who are counted worthy to sacrifice happi-
ness for conscience' sake. It is based, partly, on a
character which is its own ' better and abiding pos-
session ' (He 10^'*™). While it remains itself, it is
above all adequate earthly reward and beyond all
earthly overthrow. Above all, it is based in the
spiritual world ; to the ' pure in heart ' the highest
blessedness is to ' see God ' (]Mt 5« ; cf. 1 Jn 3^- »).
For various aspects of the idea of blessedness, as
expressed in the NT by quite other words, see art.
' Blessedness ' in HDB.
Literature. — Art. ' Blessedness ' in HDB, SDB, and DCG ; also
F. C. Kempson, The Future Life, 1907, p. 308 ; J. M. Hodgson,
Relujion — The Quest of the Ideal, 1911, p. 106 ; T. G. Selby,
The Imperfect Angel, 1888, p. 25 ; T. Binney, King's Weigh-
house Chapel Sermons, 1869, p. 71 ; J. B. Lightfoot, Sermons
in St. Paul's Cathedral, 1891, p. 178.
C. H. Watkins.
BLESSING.— See Benediction.
BLINDNESS. — Only once does this term refer to
the absence of physical sight (Ac 13^'), yet even
there moral blindness is symbolized (cf. also the
case of St. Paul, Ac 9*''^* 201', a temi)orary condition
due to suggestion, or to sudden severe nervous
tension which soon gave place to normal sight).
All the otiier references to blindness (Ro 2'", 2 Co
4'», 2 P P, 1 Jn 2'i, Rev 3") are metaphysical and
BLOOD
BLOOD
153
indicate a moral condition. Apart from tlie general
iitness of such a figure to signity a moral condition,
a special reason for its use by St. Paul is found in
his experience before and after his conversion. — 1.
Blindness is alleged as a simple fact without ex-
planation (2 P 1», Rev 3'^).— 2. It is referred to the
character and influence of the world, from which
some of those who have joined themselves to the
Christian community have not yet emerged — they
still remain in the darkness in which they were
before (1 Jn 2").— 3. The god of this world, or
Satan, who is supposed to have power over the
course of affairs in the present age, is assigned as
the cause of this condition (cf. Eph 6'^; Ascension
of Isaiah, ed. Charles, 1900, pp. 11, 24, where
Beliar = the ruler of this world). — i. To God is
attributed in part the activity which results in
moral blindness (Ac 28'-^, Ro IP- "). This concep-
tion belongs to the circle of Jewish religious ideas
— the prophetic doctrine of the absoluteness of God,
the Pharisaic teaching of Divine predestination.
Both of these lay in the background of St. Paul's
thought (cf. Is 69.10^ Ps 69:3_ Rq 920*.)^ yet other
elements also entered into and modified it. From
the point of view of the Divine absoluteness, the
Apostle did not doubt that God had the unques-
tioned right to be the sole cause of blindness in one
or of sight in another — a prerogative which, how-
ever. He refrained from exercising. Hence a
somewhat ditierent explanation was to be sought
for the blindness of Israel. That God had rejected
the Jews as a whole was for the Apostle abundantly
evident. Yet this did not contradict God's election
and promise. Israel's guilt had, indeed, for the
time being, annulled these ; still, this was only one
side of the reality. God's rejection of Israel was
neither without purpose nor was it irrevocable.
God's purpose was universal, embracing Gentiles
as well as Jews, and if it appeared to pass from the
Jews to the Gentiles, this was not the whole truth,
nor was it final. For, firstly, some Jews had always
remained faithful to the election, and secondly,
the blindness of the remainder was only temporaiy
— until the 'fullness of the Gentiles,' when all
Israel, beholding the salvation of the Gentiles,
should once more turn to God. The blindness is
marked by two features. It is conceived of as per-
taining not to individuals, but to the community ;
and it is one stage in the unfolding of a vast
theodicy. The latter fact does not, however, re-
lieve tiie community of either responsibDity or
guilt. AYliether all the community living in the
interim, that is, previous to the removal of the
social blindness, will share in the recognition and
acceptance of the election, is not considered by the
Apostle. In the other passages of the AV the
Greek words which are translated ' blinded ' (Ro
IP, 2 Co 3'^) and 'blindness' (Ro U^, Eph 4^^) are
replaced in the RV by their proper equivalents
'hardened' and 'hardness,' which express also in-
sensibility to the truth of the gospel.
Lfteratitre. — Art. 'Blindness' in DCG ; Sanday-Headlam,
Romans5{ICC, 1902) ; J. Armitagre Robinson, Ephesians, 1903,
p. 26411. ; B. F. Westcott, Ephesians, 1906, p. 06 ; JThSt iii.
[1901-02] 81. C. A. BeCKWITH.
BLOOD. — 1. Meaning of the term. — Among its
simplest designations, ' blood ' represents the blood
which flows from wounds in the body (Ac 22-**) ;
the extremity of human endurance of evil (He 12^).
The phrase ' flesh and blood ' signifies the lower
sensuous nature (1 Co 15="; cf. Mt 16^^); anyone
whatever (Gal 1^^) ; the substantial basis of human
life (He '2^*) ; and human power antagonistic to the
gospel (Eph 6^-). Thus ' blood ' may symbolize any
aspect of human life inferior to that o'f the ' spirit.'
2. Origin. — The meaning of the term is derived
from OT usage, as in St. Peter's reference to the
portents of the Day of the Lord, quoting Joel's
words, ' blood . . . the moon [shall be turned into]
blood ' (Ac 219- 20 ; cf. Jl 2^»- ^i). The same usage
together with dependence on the story of the
plagues in Egypt appears in Rev. (6'- 8^- ^11^ 16^- •*).
Blood thus represents the greatness, awfulness,
and finality of the Divine judgment, by which
either a wicked condition is simply brought to an
end (cf. also Rev 19'^), or a temporary dispensation
gives place to the last age of human earthly exist-
ence in the fulfilment of God's purpose.
3. Usage. — (1) The word is related to Jewish
ordinances. Among the prohibitions put forth by
the council at Jerusalem was one enjoining absti-
nence from blood (Ac lo^o-ss 21^5 ; cf. Lv 3^^). The
reason for the edict was doubtless that assigned
for the earlier restriction, that ' the life of all flesh
is in the blood' (Lv 17^'*). (2) Blood further sym-
bolizes the life violently taken (Ac V^ 22-», Ro S^^,
Rev 16®), for which the murderer is responsible
(Ac 5^ Rev 17® 18-^), and liable to the just judg-
ment of God (Rev 6^" 19-) ; perhaps, in poetic
justice, a punishment like the crime (cf. 14^). It
may also signify the iinpitying violence with
which men treat their fellows ( Ro 3^^). ( 3) In his
denunciation that blood shall be upon one's own
head, St. Paul meant that the Corinthians who
had refused belief in the gospel were both respon-
sible for their rejection and exposed to God's judg-
ment against them (Ac 18« ; cf. 0"^, 2 S V^, Mt 27^}.
In like manner one might be ' guilty of the , . .
blood of Christ' (1 Co ll^^). (4) Blood represents
the life of men capable of redemption, for which
any herald of the gospel is responsible and of which
he may be found guilty if he fails in his duty as a
preacher of Christ (Ac 20^"). (5) It signifies the
life given up for an atonement, both as presented
to God and as having reconciling virtue for men
(He 97 10^. 18-22 i3n£.2Ji.),
i. The term used in connexion with the work
of Christ. — The most important uses of the Avord
centre in the work of Christ. In the Epistle to the
Romans the reference to blood involves its relation
on the one hand to the sacrificial-ofl'ering, on the
other hand to the sin-offering, Avherein it appears
that the sacrificial is the sin-offering. In other
letters of St. Paul the references to blood are in-
cidental and determined by the particular feature
of redemption in the mind of the Apostle at the
moment. In the Epistle to the Hebrews the mean-
ing of the word is derived from the analogy of the
OT Scriptures, which in a very inadequate manner
prefigured the offering which Christ made of Him-
self. Revelation is dominated by the OT usage
of the word and is in a large degree influenced by
prophetic language, although the common note of
redemption through the blood of Christ is heard
here also. As related to the work of Christ, then,
the apostolic teaching concerning blood involves
the following specific features : (a) It is connected
with sacrifices, as that of the Day of Atonement
(Ro 3^, He 9"^), by means of which the relation of
men to God, and indeed of God to men (cf. Ro 5^**),
broken by sin, is restored by the death of Christ.
According to the Epistle to the Hebrews, while
the animal sacrifices as such were irrational, des-
titute of personal consent, intermittent, incapable
of purifying, spiritual efficacy (He 10""), this lack
Avas more tlian set off by the blood of Christ. (6)
As in the Old Dispensation all persons ministering
at the altar, utensils of service and worship, and
means of approach to God were cleansed with blood
as a medium of purification (cf., however, Lv 5^^^-),
so the blood of Christ signifies that all tliat which
pertains to salvation in the heavenly sanctuary
into which both He and His followers enter has
been for ever purified in His blood (He Q^^^-). It is
as if the author of the Hebrews conceived of sin as
154
BLOODY FLUX
BODY
liaving penetrated and defiled even the unseen
heavenly world, which therefore needed to be set
free from contamination and made holy in the same
way as things belonging to the earthly tabernacle,
(c) It is the sign and pledge of Christ's free sur-
render of Himself to His atoning death (He 9^-'^*,
Rev P), and symbolizes the expei-ience tlirongh
which Jesus must pass on His way to perfected
communion with God and the final stage of His
mediatorial agency (He lO'^ IS'^, 1 Jnd'^-'^; cf. 1 Co
15-'*, Kev 19^^). (d) The blood is also the means
for the ratification of the New Covenant (1 Co ll-'^
He 915--" 10-» 13-» ; cf. INIt 26-8, Ex 24''-8). It could
not but be tiiat a ceremony, the meaning of which
was so deeply embedded in tlie religious experience
of the race, and which was so well fitted to symbol-
ize the solemn consecration to mutual obligations,
should find its significance completely expressed in
the blood of Christ through which God would
reunite Himself in even more spiritual bonds to the
lives of Christ's followers, (c) The blood is repre-
sented as the purchase price of deliverance from
sin (Ac 2028, Eph 1', Col l'^ 1 P V, Rev 5^ cf. He
92-). The vivid imagery of this word receives no-
where a closer definition ; its force lies in its sug-
gestion of one aspect of the experience of the man
who passes from the consciousness of the bondage
of sin to the joyful freedom of forgiveness. (/")
Hence the word is associated with forgiveness of
sins. As a sacrificial offering Ciirist was at the
same time a sin-offering (Ro 3'-^ 5", He 9'^), and as
such His offering has expiatory efficacy, {g) By
His blood as our High Priest He enters into the
presence of God on our behalf (He 9^^"^ 10^''), there
both perfectly realizing fellowship with God for
Himself and carrying forward His mediatorial
work. (A) The blood has efficacy in the actual
life of believers, disclosing its energy in their pro-
gressive personal sanctiti cation (He 9^^ 10^** 12-^,
1 P 1-, 1 Jn F, Rev P 7'^), and in the power which
it confers on them to overcome that which resists
tlie Christian aim from without (Rev 12'^). (i)
Blood is also a symbol of the inner fellowship of
believers with one another and with God — the
reference is social (1 Co 10^^ He 13^-).
Looking back over this subject as a whole, it is
evident that the apostolic writers do not let their
attention rest on blood as such, but only on blood
as it is a vehicle and symbol of life. For the blood
represents the life, even if this is taken by violence.
Christ's blood freely given, with the sole aim of
recovering men in sin to fellowship with God and
to their Divine destination as children of God.
The efficacy of the life of Christ thus given is con-
tinuous from the unseen world and in the purpose
of God. Thus the blood which flowed once for all
is not of transitory worth, but is endowed with
the energy perpetually to create new redemptive
personal and social values — it is eternal.
LiTERATURR.— B. F. Wcstcott, The Epistles of St. John,
1883, ' Additional note on i. 71,' p. 34 ff., also The Epistle to the
Hebrews, 18s9, note 'On the Use of the term "Blood" in the
Epistle," p. 293 f. ; W. Sanday and A. C. Headlam, The Epistle
to the liomans^ (ICC, 1902), p. 91 ff.
C. A. Becicwith.
BLOODY FLUX.— See Dysentery.
BOASTING.— This term is employed by AV
with considerable frequency to render the group
of words KavxS-crSat, Kavxvc'-^j Ko.vxvt^^- Tliey are
found about 40 times in LXX, and about 60 times
in the NT (exclusively in St. Paul's Epistles, except
He 3", Ja P 4i«). The forms iyKa.vxS.adai (2 Th I*)
and KaraKavxacdai (Ro IP*, Ja 3") are also found.
Tlie group belongs to what Lightfoot (Com. on
Ph 3') calls ' the tumultuous eagerness of tlie
Apostle's earlier style'; the words appear most
frequently in 2 Cor., where personal feeling in
deeply stirred. Wliereas in AV tliey are rendered
by ' boasting ' and ' glorying ' in about equal pro-
portions, in RV ' boasting' has almost completely
disai^peared, and 'glorying' is found instead. The
only place where ' boast ' is now found is in Ja 3'
— ' the tongue also is a little member and boastetli
great things'; but here the verb is not KavxaraL
but aiixei, and the idea ' is properly to stretcli the
neck and hold up the head in pride, and hence to
speak with proud confidence' (Hort, ad loc).
' Boastful' still appears twice in RV (Ro P", 2 Ti
3^), taking the place of AV ' boasters,' and is the
equivalent of dXaj-tiv, the abstract noun dXafoyeta
being rendered in Ja 4^® ' vaunting' and in 1 Jn 2'"
'vainglory,' the only two places where it occurs.
The dXaftiv (' boastful ') has evil associations in both
passages — in Ro P" with those who have been
given over to a reprobate mind, and in 2 Ti 3- with
the ' proud,' blasphemers, and such like. Similarly
oiKa^ovela is found in Patristic literature in lists of
vices and corrupt practices— in Didache (v. 1) along
Avith 'self-will,' 'covetousness,' and others; in
1 Clem. XXXV. 5 bracketed with V7r€prj(pavia, 'pride,'
in such a list ; and in Ep. to Diognetus (iv. 6) in
conjunction with iroXvTrpay/j.oavi'ri, ' meddlesome-
ness.' Aristotle saw in the dXa^cbv, 'not merely
one making unseemly display of things which he
actually possesses, but vaunting himself in those
which he does not possess ' (quoted in Trench,
Sijnonyms of AT^, Lond. 1S76, p. 96). In no
such category could St. Paul be placed when he
speaks of himself, using Kavxaadat or its cognates,
as ' boasting' (2 Co 7'* 8-* 9^). The RV, however,
has replaced the word by ' glorying,' except in
some cases where it uses 'rejoicing' (Ro 5^-^', but
in Ja 4^® ' rejoice ' of AV has also given place to
' glory'). ' Glorying' (or ' boasting') 'in the law,'
or ' in works ' as a ground of acceptance with God,
or ' in men ' as watchwords of sects or parties, is
condemned by St. Paul (Ro 3-', Eph 29, 1 Co 3-').
But the word expresses well the high level at
which he lived, exulting in Christ Jesus. He
gloried in the Cross (Gal 6'^), in free grace (Ro 5"),
in an approving conscience (2 Co P-), in his inde-
pendence as an apostle (2 Co IP"), in his convert^
(2 Th P), and above all in Clirist Jesus (Ro 15^" 1
and in God (1 Co P^), in the spirit of the Psalmis':
(448), and of the Prophet (Jer 9-^) who said in the
name of God, ' Let not the wise man glory in his
wisdom . . . but let him that glorieth glory in
this, that he understandeth, and knoweth me,
that I am the Lord.' T. NiCOL.
BOAT.— See Ship.
BODY.— 1. The term.— In EV ' body ' represents
3 different terms in the original. Once (Ac 19'-)
it renders xP'^^t which properly denotes the skin or
the surface of the body. Thrice (Rev IP- 9) 'dead
body ' is the equivalent of tttcD^uo, which corre-
sponds to Lat. cadaver, Eng. ' carcase.' In all
other cases ' body' stands for awfia in the Gr. text.
Occasionally au>fxa is used of a dead body, whether
of man (Ac 9*, Jude«) or beast (He 13"), but
ordinarily it denotes the living body of animals
(Ja 3^) or of men (1 Co 6'^ etc.). When distin-
guished from crdpf (EV 'flesh'), which applies to
the material or substance of the living body (2 Co
12^), (TuifjLa designates the body as an organic whole.
a union of related parts (I Co 12'-) ; but a-Q/Ma and
ffdp^ are sometimes used in connexions which make
them practically synonymous (cf. 1 Co 5^ with Col
2S, 2 Co 41" with v.'i). In Rev IS'^ crtonara is
rendered by 'slaves' (marg. 'bodies'), the body
only of the slave being taken into account by
ancient law. From the literal meaning of o-cD^a
as an organism made up of interrelated parts
comes its figurative employment to describe the
Christian Cliiircli as a social wiiole, the 'one body'
with many members (Ro 12^, 1 Co 12i'^- -'" etc.).
Svnibolicallv the bread of the Lord's Supper is
designated a'^s the body of Christ (1 Co lO'^ IT-"- ^t- -«).
2. The doctrine. — Outside of the Pauline Epistles
the references to the body are few in number, and
do not furnish materials for separate doctrinal
treatment. It is almost wholly with St. Paul that
we have to do in considering the doctrinal appli-
cations of the word. His use of it is threefold —
a literal use in connexion with his doctrine of man,
a figurative or mystical use in his doctrine of the
Church, a symbolic use in his doctrine of the Lord's
Supper.
(I) The literal body. — The assumption is
frequently made that St. Paul's doctrine of man
was formed under Hellenistic influences, and that
he sets up a rigid dualism between body and soul,
matter and spirit (cf. Holtzmann, NT Theol. ii.
14 f . ). It is true that he makes use of the contrasted
terms 'flesh' and 'spirit,' 'body' and 'soul,' which
had become general among the Jews through famili-
arity with the LXX, and were thus indirectly due
to contact with the Greek world. But, notwith-
standing his use of these terms, St. Paul's doctrine
of man was firmly rooted in the soil of OT teach-
ing, and anything like the Greek dualistic anti-
thesis between body and soul was far from his
thoughts. For him, as for the OT writers, the
psycho-physical unity of the human personality
was the fundamental feature in the conception
of man. The body, no less than the soul, was
essential to human nature in its completeness,
though the body, as the part that links man to
Nature, held a lower place than the soul or spirit
by which he came into relation with God. These
two strands of thought — the essentiality of the
body to a comjjlete human nature, and its subordi-
nation to the soul — run through all the Apostle's
anthropological teaching, and come into clear view
in his teaching on the subjects of sin, death,
sanctification, and the future life.
(«) The body and sin. — It is here that the argu-
ment for a positive dualism in the Pauline teaching
regarding the body finds its strongest support. It
must be admitted that St. Paul often speaks of the
body and its members not only as instruments of
sin, but as the seat of its power {e.g. Ro 6'- ^^
7°--^^-). But it has been further alleged that he
saw in the body the very source and principle of
sin (Pfleiderer, Paulinismus, Leipzig, 1S90, p. 53 ti".).
The argument depends on the interpretation given
to the word 'fle.sh' [crap^) in those passages where
it is employed in an ethical sense in contrast with
'spirit' (TTceCyaa). It is assumed by Pfleiderer and
others that <x6.p^ in such cases simply denotes the
physical or sensuous part of man, in which the
Apostle finds a substance essentially antagonistic
to the life of tlie spirit, making sin inevitable.
But the objections to this view seem insuperable.
In St. Paul's category of the 'works of the fiesh'
(Gal 5"**-) most of the sins he enumerates are
spiritual, not physical, in their character. When
he charges the Corinthians with being ' carnal '
(1 Co 3^), he is condemning, not sensuality, biit
jealousy and strife. His doctrines of the sanctifi-
cation of the body (I Co 6^=- ^'^) and of the absolute
sinlessness (2 Co 5'-') of one born of a woman (Gal 4^)
would have been impossible if he had regarded the
principle of sin as lying in mans corporeal nature.
The antithesis of flesh and spirit, then, cannot be
interpreted as amounting to a dualistic opposition
between man's body and his soul. It is a contrast
rather between the earthly and the heavenly, the
natural and the supernatural, what is evolved from
below and what is bestowed from above. The
' carnal ' man, with his ' mind of the flesh ' at
enmity Avith God (Ro 8^), is the .same as the
'natural' man who receiveth not the things of
the Spirit of God (1 Co 2'-'), and so is to be distin-
guished from the 'spiritual' man in whom a super-
natural and Divine principle is already at work
(v.i^'ff-; cf. 3>-3).
But while the Apostle does not find in the body
the very principle of sin, he does regard it as a
lurking- place of evil and a constant source of
liability to fall (Ro 6'^ 7'^- -^). Hence his determina-
tion to bring the body into subjection (1 Co 9'-''),
and his summons to others to mortify its deeds
(Ro Si:* ; cf. Col 3^).
(b) The body and death. — In his teaching about
death, St. Paul lends no support to tlie doctrine of
those Greek philosophers who saw in it a liberation
of the soul from bondage to the body as such (cf.
Plato, Phmdo, 64 tt'.). The emphasis he lays on
the inner and spiritual side of personality enables
him, it is true, to conceive of existence, and even
a blessed existence, in the disembodied state (2 Co
5*). His sense, too, of the weakness of the flesh
and its subjection to the forces of evil leads him
to describe the present body as a tabernacle in
which we groan, being burdened. But in the same
passage he expresses his confidence that the house
not made with hands Avill take the place of the
present tabernacle, and that those w'ho have here-
tofore been burdened will be so clothed upon, that
what is mortal shall be swallowed up of life (2 Co
o^"^). He longs not for deliverance from the body,
but for its complete redemption and transforma-
tion, so that it may be perfectly adapted to the
life of the spirit. In his view, death was not a
liberation of the soul from bondage, but an inter-
ruption, due to sin (Ro 6-^), of the natural solidarity
of the two component parts of human nature. But
as Christ by His Spirit dwelling in us can subdue
the power of sin, so also can He gain the victory
over deatii — the culminating proof of sin's power
(1 Co 15'-^). In Christ the promise is given of a
body not only raised from tlie grave, but redeemetl
from the power of evil, and thus capable of being
transformed from a natural body into a soiritual
body (v.-*-*; cf. Ph 3-^M.
(c) The body and sanctification. — St. Paul's view
of the body as an essential part of the human
personality appears further in his doctrine of the
bodily holiness of a Christian man. In Corinth
the perverted notion had grown up that since the
body was not a part of the true personality, bodilj-
acts were morally indiflerent things (1 Co 6'^"^-).
To this the Apostle opposes the doctrine that the
body of a Christian belongs to the Lord, that it is
a member of Christ Himself and a sanctuary of the
Holy Ghost — thus making the personal life which
unites us to Christ inseparable from those other
manifestations of the same personal life which find
expression in the bodily members. Yet this view
of the communion of the body in man's spiritual
life and its participation in the sanctifying powers
of the Divine Spirit did not blind him to the fact
that the body, as we know it, is weak and tainted,
ever ready to become the instrument of temptation
and an occasion of stumbling (Ro 6'^, 1 Co 9-'').
And so, side by side with the truth that the body
is a Divine sanctuary, he sets the demand that
sin should not be allowed to reign in our mortal
bodies, that we shoiild obey it in the lusts thereof
(Ro &■').
(d) The body and the fnture life. — Here, again,
the same two familiar lines of thought emerge.
On the one hand, we have an overwhelming sense
of the worth of the body for the human person-
ality ; on the other, a clear recognition of its
present limitations and unfitness in its earthly
form to be a perfect spiritual instrument. The
proof of the first is seen in St. Paul's attitude to
the idea of a bodily resurrection. To him the
156
BODY
BOLDNESS
resurrection of Clirist was a fact of the most ab-
solute certainty (Ro l"*, 1 Co 15"*"-) ; and that fact
carried ■with it the assurance that the dead are
raised (v.^^*-). Had lie thought of the body as
something essentially evil, had he not been per-
suaded of its absolute worth, his hopes for the
future life must have centred in a bare doctrine
of the immortality of the soul, and not, as they
actually did, in the resurrection of the body. But
while he clung passionately to the hope of the
resurrection, he did not believe in the resurrection
of the present bodj^ of flesh and blood (1 Co 15^").
He looked for a body in which corruption had
given place to incorruption (vv.*^'-^^) and humilia-
tion had been changed into glory (Ph 3'-'). His
doctrine of the resurrection includes the assurance
that when the dead in Christ are raised (he has
little to say of the pliysical resurrection of others),
it will not be in the old bodies of their earthly
experience, but in new ones adapted to heavenly
conditions (1 Co IS'*^^-)) bodies that are no longer
psychical merely, i.e. moving on the plane of man's
natural experience in the world, but pneumatical
(v.**^*), because redeemed from every taint of evil
and fitted to be the worthy and adequate organs
of a spiritual and heavenly life.
(2) The figurative or mystical body.— In
1 Co 12i2ff- (cf. Ro 125), st^ Paul describes the re-
lations in which Christians stand to Cin-ist and to
one another under the figure of a body and its
members ; and towards the end of the chapter
(v.^) he says of the Corinthian Church quite
expressly, ' Now ye are a body of Christ (aQfia
Xpi(TTov), and members in particular.' In ancient
classical litei'ature the figui'e was frequently ap-
plied to the body politic ; and the Apostle here
transfers it to the Church with the view of im-
pressing upon his readers the need for unity and
mutual helpfulness. As yet, however, the figure
is plastic, and the anarthrous cru>/j.a suggests that
it is the Church of Corinth only which St. Paul has
immediately in view. This may be regarded, ac-
cordingly, as the preliminary sketch of that
elaborated conception of the Church as Christ's
mystical body which is found in two later Epistles.
In Ephesians (1--'- 4'^) and Colossians (lis-^"') 'the
body of Christ ' [rb o-tD/xa rod XptaTov) has become a
fixed designation of the universal and ideal Church.
Moreover, this further distinction is to be observed,
that whereas in Rom. and 1 Cor. Christ is con-
ceived of as the whole body of which individual
Christians are members in particular, in Eph. and
Col. the Church has become the body of which
Christ as the head is ruler, saviour, and nourisher
(Eph 5-^^, Col 21"). In its later form the figure
suggests not only the unity of the Church as the
mystical body of Christ, but its absolute depend-
ence upon Him who is the Head for its strength
and growth and very existence.
(3) The symbolic body.— The words, • This is
my body,' applied by Jesus to the broken bread
of the Supper (ISIt 2626, jyi^ U"-, Lk 22i9), are re-
peated by St. Paul in his narrative of the institu-
tion (1 Co 11^). And the Apostle not only repeats
the Lord's words in their historical connexion, but
himself describes the sacramental bread as being
Christ's body. ' The bread which we break,' he
writes, 'is it not a communion of the body of
Christ?' (I Co W). In like manner he says that
whosoever shall eat the bread of the Lord un-
worthily shall be guilty of the body of the Lord
(1P0> and that a participant of the Supper eats and
drinks judgment unto himself 'if ho discern not
the body' (v.^"). There are wide dili'erences of
opinion among Christians as to the full significance
of this identification of the bread of the Lord's
Supper with the body of the Lord Himself. But
whatever further meanings may be seen in it, and
even ^^nde^ theories of a Real Presence, which is
something other and more than a purely spiritual
presence, the bread which Jesus broke at the Last
Supper was, in the first place, a symbol of His own
body of flesh and blood which was yielded to death
in a sacrifice of love.
Literature. — H. Cremer, Bibl.-Theol. Lex.^, Edinburgh,
18S0, s.v. ; relevant sections in J. Laidlaw, Bible JDoct. of Man,
do. 1879; F. Delitzsch, Bibl. Psi/chuloqv, Eng. tr., do. 1867;
and the JST Theologies of Holtzmann [tuhingen, 1911], Weiss
[Eng. tr., Edinburgli, 18S2-S3], and Beyschlag [Eng. tr., do.
1895]. See, further, W. P. Dickson, .St. Paul's Use of the
Terms Flesh and Spirit, Glasgow, 1SS3 ; H. H. Wendt, Teach-
ing of Jestis, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1892, i. 156 ; H. W. Robin-
son, ' Heb. Psychology in relation to Pauline Anthropology,'
in Mansfield College Essays, London, 1909 ; F. Paget, Spirit of
Discipline, do. 1891, p. 80 ff. J. C. LAMBERT.
BOLDNESS.—' Boldness ' (with the allied expres-
sions 'bold,' 'boldly,' 'to be bold') has several
Greek equivalents in the apostolic writings. — (a)
In the sense of daring, we find it used to render
ToX/aav, 'to dare,' 'to be bold' (2 Co 10" n-\ Ph
P'*). The cognate adverb roX^77p(3s in the compar.
ToXfj.rjpoTepoi' is used by St. Paul (Ro 15^^). The
verb, in composition with the strengthening prep.
cLTrd, is used in Ro 10"", where cnroToXixav has the
force of 'to be very bold.' — (b) In the sense of
being of good courage it is employed to render
eappelv in 2 Co b^- ^ T^** (RV ; the AV having ' con-
fident,' ' confidence ' in these places). In 2 Co 10^' *,
where the same verb is rendered ' to be bold ' in
AV, the RV prefers ' to be of good courage ' ; and
similarly ' we may boldly say ' of AV in He IS** is
rendered in RV ' with good courage we say.' In
Ac 28^^ 6dpaos occurs in the expression used regard-
ing St. Paul — ' he thanked God and took courage.'
dpd(Tos and dpaaiJTr]? are used in the sense of ' over-
confidence,' 'insolence' in Patristic literature in
company with such words as irXeove^la, ' covetous-
ness,' and dXa^opeia, ' boastfulness ' (Didache Hi. 9,
V. 1). — (c) In the sense of liberty and frankness of
speech it is employed to translate -n-appijala and the
derived verb irapprjaidi^eadaL. In classical usage
irappTja-ia (irdv and pijais) is the frank and outspoken
expression of opinion which Avas the cherished
privilege of Athenian citizenship. In NT usage it
denotes the glad and fearless confidence in drawing
near to God, and having communion with Him,
which is the dearest privilege of the Christian
heart (Eph 3'2, He 4^^ 1 Jn 2-«). It is contrasted
with shrinking back from fear or shame (Ph P",
1 Jn 2-**). In reference to speech, it is plainness
and candour without reserve or ambiguitj^, without
parable or metaphor, without hesitation or mis-
giving, in the utterance of it (Jn 7'^ 11" IG^s- 29, Ac
429 J34(i -where irapprj(ndi'ea-6aL is used). ' When it is
transferred from words to actions, it appears
always to retain the ideaof "confidence, boldness"'
(Lightfoot on Col 2^%
The chief usages of the word in the apostolic
writers may be given as follows :
(1) Fearlessness and frankness in the public
proclamation of the gospel. — Examples are St.
Peter on the day of Pentecost (Ac 2^^), St. Peter
and St. John before the Council (4'^), and in setting
forth Christ to the people (4-«- ''), St. Paul at Rome
preaching to all and sundry (28^^). In this sense
Trapprjaidi'ea-Oai is used of Saul at Damascus and
Jeru.salem (O^^^*), of St. Paul and Barnabas at
Antioch of Pisidia (13'*^), of Apollos at Ejjhesus
(18'«), of St. Paul himself at Thessalonica (1 Th 2^ ;
cf. Eph 6i»'-).
(2) Confidence in prai/er and communion with
God through Christ. — This is the privilege which
St. Paul (Eph 3^*) commends to his readers when
he speaks of ' boldness and access in confidence '
which are theirs through their faith in Christ.
The same fearless confidence is dwelt upon by the
writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews (4i» W^).
BOND
BO]S"DAGE
157
This joyous confidence in prayer is specially
notable in St. John's First Epistle (S^i 5'*). It
comes of abiding in Christ (2"^), of the presence in
the heart of the love which casts out fear (4^''^*), of
a clear conscience and an obedient life (3^"^).
(3) Candid speech towards Christian brethren
(2 Co 7*, Philem », and possibly 2 Co 3^2, if Chrysos-
tom's interpretation be correct).
(4) Fearless bearing in the Church and before
the world acquired through the faithful discharge
o/f/M^y (1 Ti3i», Phpo).
(5) Fearless confidence at the appearance of Christ
and before His judgment seat (1 Jn 2^ 4""'®). —
The Scriptural opposite is the shame of the man
without the wedding-garment who was speechless
(Mt 22'^). Clement's words are a good illustration :
' The good workman takes with boldness the bread
which is the reward of labour, but the slothful and
the indolent dare not meet the eye of their em-
ployer' (1 Clem, xxxiv. 1). Cf. also Wis 5^ :
'Then [in the judgment] shall the righteous man
stand in great boldness before the face of them
that afilicted him.'
Literature. — D. Russell Scott, art. 'Boldness (Christian)'
in ERE ii. 785, with lit. there cited; also J. H. Jowett, The
Transfigured Church, 1910, p. 181. T. NiCOL.
BOND (Col 2^*).— The point here lies in the word
Xeip6ypa(pov. For ' bond ' in the sense of dov^os, see
1 Co 12^* etc., and in that of a-vvdea/xos (ligament in
surgery [very often]), see Col 2'^, etc. Col 2''* is
the only instance in the NT of the word x^'P"^-
ypa(pov, though there are other compounds with xetp-
(xeipayuy^cij, Ac 9^ ; xfV7'^<"'Sj Ac 13^^ ; x^'po"""'-
Tjros, Eph 2'^, and dxn-poTrolrjTos, Col 2^^ ; x^'po^oi'ew,
Ac 14-2). This synthetic compound means origin-
ally 'handwriting' or ' autograph,' and occurs in
this sense in Polybius (xxx. 8. 4), Dion. Hal. (v.
8), etc. Its technical use is for ' a note of hand,
a bond or obligation, as having the "sign manual "
of the debtor or contractor' (Lightfoot, Col.^, 1879,
in loc.) ; so To 5"* idwKev avri^ rb x^'-P^yp°-'P°^- See
also Plut. (Mor. p. 829 A) and Artem. (Oneir.
iii. 40). Its position as a koivtj word is greatly
strengthened by the papyri, where it is very common
(Deissmann, Bible Studies, Eng. tr., 1901, p. 247).
Some of these bonds in papyri texts are crossed
out with the Greek cross-letter X, thus cancelling
tlie note (cf. Deissmann, LigJit from the Ancient
East^, 1911, p. 3.36 f.). A number of these ' crossed-
out ' bonds are in the papyri lists at Berlin, Heidel-
berg, and elsewhere. Tliis was tlie method of
official as well as private cancellation (see the
Florentine Papyrus [A.D. 85], where the Governor
of Egypt ordered the bond to be 'crossed out'
[xi-o-adrjvai]). There is no evidence for the notion
that these bonds were cancelled by hanging on
nails (perforation). There are examples of in-
scribed leaden rolls being perforated and hung on
nails, but not for cancellation by the nails (Deiss-
mann, i:?iWe jS^wrfies, p. 273 f.). St. Paul piles up
his metaphors, as he often does, by the use of
€^a\ei\pas ('blotting out'; cf. X"^i''^> 'cross out'),
ripKev iK Tov fi^crov ('take out of the midst'; note
change to indicative and perfect for notion of per-
manent removal). Dibelius (Handbuch zum NT,
' Kolosser,' 1912, p. 81) cites Epictetus' use of atpe
e|w, alpe iK tov /xeaov as synonymous. As to Tvpoarj-
Acicras rQ aravpif ('nailing to the cross'), E. Haupt
(Meyer-Haupt, Kom. Kol., 1902, in loc.) points out
tliat with St. Paul it is not the cancelling by nail-
ing, but the nailing to the cross that is dominant.
These three metaphors all accentuate the main
idea of the cancellation of the debt.
What tlie bond is in Col 2^^ scholars are not
agreed. Probably the general notion of law is
correct, since Gentiles as well as Jews seem to
be included, rather than the Mosaic Law or the
narrower notion of the purely ceremonial law.
The addition of rots doy/xaaiv, difficult as to syntax,
points to formulated commandment (Peake, EOT,
' Colossians,' 1903, in loc.) of some kind (cf. Eph
2^'), though 'the moral assent of the conscience'
(Lightfoot, in loc.) is surely involved also. No
stress is to be laid on the fact of the law being
written or not written (the autograph idea in
Xii-poypa.(pov) by the sinner, though, if the primary
reference be to the Jews, they might be said to
have signed the contract in giving assent to the
law as represented in Dt 27""^. The central idea
is that the bond of moral obligation which was
against us (/ca^' ijfi.Cjv and 6 ^v virevavTiov ijfuv) has
been removed by the death of Christ on the Cross.
It has been cancelled (crossed out) and hung up
for all to see (nailed to the cross) as an obligation
from which we are now free. It is a bold picture
of grace versus works as the method of salvation.
Christ has paid the debt and destroyed the note
against us. Cf. St. Paul's offer to pay Philemon
for the debt of Onesimus (Philem ^^'O'
A. T. Robertson.
BONDAGE.—' Bondage ' in the EV uniformly re-
presents dovXeia, which can equally well be rendered
'slavery.' Note the Vulg. servitus and Wyclif's
corresponding term, 'servage.'
1. So far as literal slavery is meant in the use of
this and kindred expressions, see art. SLAVERY.
2. ' Bondage ' has an important figurative use in
the Epistles in relation to spiritual experience. It
denotes the state of sin. The place filled by slavery
in the social structure of that age made such a figure
natural and forceful. St. Paul conspicuously em-
ploys this description of the sinful state in his dis-
cussion of human sin in Ro 5-7. It is evident that
he was far more deeply interested in man's spiritual
bondage and his deliverance than in slavery as an
institution open to challenge in the cause of-
humanity. No slavery in his view was comparable
with that of a man ' sold under sin,' whether lord or
slave. This became a commonplace in the thought
of the early Church. The writings of St. Augustine
and St. Chrysostom notably furnish many instances
of its vigorous enforcement. Similar sentiments,
it should be added, were held by Plotinus (3rd cent.)
and the Neo-Platonic School of Alexandria. (In
the NT note the description of man as enslaved to
sin, Ro 6^^; or to passions and pleasures, Tit 3*;
cf. 23.)
The bondage of the will ('the will, deprived of
liberty, is led or dragged by necessity to evil '
[Calvin, Inst. iii. 2]), a theologounienon figuring so
largely in the Augustinian and the Reformed the-
ology, strains Pauline teaching and finds little or
no illustration in the Ante-Nicene Fathers.
3. The righteous life, on the other hand, is also
described as a bondage (Ro 6'*). This servitude,
which is that of the oovXoi of God, or of Christ
(1 Co 7-^*' etc.), is freedom in relation to that of sin
(as per se, cf. ' Whose service is perfect freedom,'
Book of Common Prayer), and vice versa. But St.
Paul surely uses a gentle irony in representing
sinners as ' free ' from the bondage of righteousness
(Ro6-»).
4. The term is used of other forms of religious
life in contrast to the liberty of the Christian life.
Thus in the allegory, wrought out in Rabbinical
fashion, in Gal 4^^^-, Judaism spells bondage ; the
gospel, freedom. In v.^ and vv.^'^" slavery virh rk
(TToixeia rod Kocr/xov includes apparently reference
both to Jewish legalism and to Gentile devotion to
false gods. In this connexion must be noted Ro 8"*
(cf. Gal 4^'"') with its striking contrast between the
servile temper of fear characterizing life under law,
so A'ividly depicted in Ro 7, and the filial spirit of
happy confidence pertaining to Christian experi-
ence. For another instance of the association of
158
BOis^DS
BOOK OF LIFE
bondage with fear and the antithesis between the
lilial and the servile condition, see He 2''*''.
5. In Ro 8^^ all creation is represented as being
in bondage — ' servitude to decay ' — but hoping for
deliverance and for that freedom whicli character-
izes 'the glory of the children of God.' With this
contrast the reference in 2 P 2'^ to ' the bondage of
corruption ' as = moral degradation.
J. S. Clemens.
BONDS.— See Prison, Chain.
BOOK.— See Writing,
BOOK OF LIFE.— The actual phrase occurs in
six passages only of the NT : Ph 4^ Ftev 3^ IS^ 17«
2012.15 2127 (in 22^9 the evidence for the reading
'book of life' [AV] instead of 'tree of life'[RV]
is negligible). Of these passages the most import-
ant for the purpose of determining the meaning is
Rev 201^- 1^, because there the book of life is dis-
tinguished from certain other books : ' and the
books were opened, and another book was opened
which is the book of life ; and the dead were
judged out of those things that were written in the
hooks, according to their works . . , and whoso-
ever was not found written in the book of life, was
cast into the lake of fire.' The natural implication
here is that the other books were records of works,
but that the book of life was simply a register of
the names of those destined for life — an interpre-
tation which fits all the above-noted passages.
An interesting exegetical point comes up in
connexion with Rev 13^. The words ' from the
foundation of the world' may grammatically refer
either to ' written ' or to ' the Lamb which hath
been slain.' But in 17^ where the same phrase
occurs, the only natural way to take it is as
referring to ' written ' ; and this is practically
decisive for 13^ also (so Swete, Apoc. of Si. John ^,
London, 1907, and RV). The phrase thus carries
a suggestion of predestination ; but this is not
thought of as absolute, since the idea of blotting
out a name from the book of life occurs quite freely.
With the above-noted passages there fall into
line a number of others where the same conception
is clearly implied : Lk 10-", Dn 12i, Ps 69-8, Ex
3232. 33^ 'pijg conception of a register found in all
these passages seems to be based on the analogy
of citizen-lists, registers of the theocratic com-
munity, such as are referred to in Is 4^ : ' He that
is left in Zion shall be called holy, every one that
is written among the living in Jerusalem ' (cf. Neh
12-2- 23, Ezk 13«). To be written in the heavenly
counterpart of such a list meant to be assured of
being a sharer in the blessings destined for the
true Israel. Other passages which associate them-
selves more or less closely with this conception are
1 S 25-'*', Ps 87" 139i«, Is i8^\ Jer 223o, He 1223.
The conception of a heavenly record of man's
actions, which we found clearly distinguished from
the above in Rev 20'- 1^, appears equally distinct
in Dn 7'" as compared with 12i. See also Ps 56^
Is 65", Mai 3'«.
Diffaient again is the conception of the Book
with tlie Seven Seals in Rev 5, for that is thought
of as the book of destiny — the prophetic history of
the world.
All three conceptions appear in the Book of Enoch.
When the Head of Days 'seated Himself on the
throne of His glory, and the books of the living
were opened before Him ' {E71. xlvii. 3), the context
makes it clear that the purpose of the opening of
the books is not a great assize, it is a vindication
of the righteous that is at hand, and 'the living'
means, not all living, but the righteous. Charles
remarks that 'books of the holy ones' in En.
cviii. 3 has practically the same meaning. The
complementary conception ' tiie book of those that
shall be destroyed ' appears in Jub. xxx. 22.* The
second conception, that of a record, appears in En.
Ixxxix. 70 ft'., where the evil deeds of the shepherds
are recorded and read before the Lord ; cf. xc. 17,
20, xcviii. 7, 8, civ. 7 (a daily record). The idea
of a book of fate or prophetic history, is repre-
sented by the ' heavenly tablets,' Ixxxi. 1, 2, xciii.
1 ti". ; but this should be kept separate. See, further,
following article.
As regards the origin of the conception, if we
take the heavenly book in the wider sense of a
record of men's actions or a prophetic world
history, it is obviously one of those conceptions
for which it is not easy to establish a relation of
dependence between one religion and another,
since it is likely to arise independently in various
l)laces. A. Jeremias (Bahylonisches im NT, Leipzig,
19U5, p. 69 ft"., and art. ' Book of Life,' in EEE) has
pointed to the Bab. New Year's Festival, at which
it was conceived that an assembly of the gods
determined the events of the year, and especially
the duration of men's lives, which was written
down in a ' tablet of life.' For the narrower con-
ception of the book of life as set forth above, the
most interesting literary parallel is that cited by
Jeremias from the Akhmim fragments of the Coptic
Apoc. of Sophonias (Zephaniah), tr. L. Stern, in
Zcitschr. fur dgypt. Sprache, xxiv. [1886]. There
the seer inquires about two angels whom he sees,
and is told by his angel guiile : ' These are the
angels of the Lord Almighty who inscribe all
the good works of the righteous in His scrolls,
sitting at the gate of heaven. They give these
scrolls to me, to take them to the Lord Almighty,
in order that He may write their name {sc. names
of the righteous) in the Book of the Living.' This
passage is not of any value as evidence for the
source of the conception, for the work shows in
many places dependence upon Rev., but it prob-
ably indicates correctly how the relation of the
book of life to the other books in Rev 20^2 jg to be
conceived. As Alford there explains it, on internal
grounds, the other books are, so to speak, the
' vouchers ' for the book of life.
In the Apostolic Fathers the conception occurs
in 1 Clem. xlv. 8 : ' Those who remained faithful,
inherited glory and honour, were exalted and were
inscribed by God in His memorial for ever ' ;
Hermas, Vis. i. 3. 2 : ' Cease not to admonish thy
children, for I know that if they shall repent with
their Avhole hearts they shall be inscribed in the
books of life with the saints,' and Sim. ii. 9 : ' He
that does these things shall not be abandoned by
God, but shall be inscribed upon the books of the
living ' ; cf. Mand. viii. 6 : ' Refrain thyself from
all these things, that thou mayest live to God, ami
be enrolled with those who exercise self-restraint
thei'ein.'
Among homiletic expositions of the passage
Rev 20^2 one of the most impressive is that of St.
Augustine in dc Civ. Dei, xx. 14. Taking the
book of life as a record of men's deeds, he observes
that it cannot be understood literally, since the
reading of such a record would be interminable.
' We must therefore understand it of a certain
Divine power by which it shall be brought about
that every one shall recall to memory all his own
works, whether good or evil, and shall mentally
survey them with a marvellous rapidity, so that
this knowledge will either accuse or excuse con-
science, and thus all and each shall be simultane-
ously judged.'
LiTERATDRE.— R. H. Charlcs, The Book of Enoch% Oxford,
1912, note on xlvii. 3 ; H. Zimmern, KA Ti, Berlin, 1903, p. 4niff. ;
A. Jeremias, art. ' Book of Life' in ERE ; W. Bousset, Com.
* It is interesting to note that the Old Latin (Donatist) te.\t
in Jer 1713 has ' recedentes a te scribantur in libro mortis ' (see
Bnrkitt, Old Latin and Itala [TS iv. 3 (1896)], p. 87).
BOOK WITH THE SEVEif SEALS
brethren;
loy
(Gcittingen, 1896) on Rev 3-5 ; B. Duhm, Com. (Gottingen, 1902)
oil Is 4-* ; A. Bertholet, Stellung der Israeliten v, der Juden
zu den Fremden, Freiburg and Leipzig, 1896.
W. MOXTGOMEKY.
BOOK WITH THE SEVEN SEALS.— There is
no more impressive piece of s3'ml)olism in the
Apocalypse than that connected with the seven-
sealed book (Rev 5). Much of the imagery of
Rev. strikes the modern Western mind as exotic
and unattractive ; it is only by a determined use
of the historical imagination that we can bring
ourselves to a sympathetic understanding of it.
But here the qualities which we look for in great
painting or in epic poetry are plainly to be seen.
And this applies both to the imagery and to the
dominant thought. The unnamed Presence in the
glory of light on the central throne, the represen-
tatives of humanity and nature grouijed around
and before Him, the concentration of interest in
the seven-sealed book held out upon (iwl, ace.) His
liand, the dramatic challenge, the dread pause
when tliere seems no answer, emphasized by the
grief of the Seer, the triumphant approach of the
Lion of the tribe of Judah — eacii point in the pro-
gi-ess of the drama seizes the reader's imagination
and increases the tension of his sympathies, till at
last they are afforded relief by the magnihcent
burst of acclamation which follows.
And the thouglit, as has been said, is worthy
of its setting, for this sealed book is the book of
destiny, the prophetic history of the world as fore-
known in the purpose of God ; and the fact that
the Lion of the tribe of .Judali alone prevails to
open the book is the symbolic expression of what
would be described in modern language as the
central significance of Clirist in history. That
the Lion is also tlie Slain Lamb attaches this sig-
nificance especially to His sacrilice of Himself :
' For thou wast slain and hast redeemed us to
(iod by thy blood . . . and hast made us unto our
God, kings and priests.' In a word, the purpose of
history is the founding of a redeemed humanity.
To touch on some of the details — the conception
of a book containing the future history of tlie
world is found in Enoch, Ixxxi. 1,2:' And he said
unto me : O Enocli, observe the writing of tlie
heavenly tablets and read what is written thereon
. . . and I read the book of all the deeds of men,
and of all the children of flesh that will be upon
the earth to the remotest generations ' ; and more
especially xciii. 2, 3 : ' Concerning the children of
righteousness ... I will speak to you . . . ac-
cording to that which I have learned from the
heavenly tables.' (Then follows a prophetic scheme
of the history of Israel divided into seven weeks.)
The seals obviously imply the secret nature of
the record (not here, directly, ratification), as in
Dn 12''. If the vision of ch. 5 stood alone, the
sevenfold sealing might simply emphasize this
idea, but the successive opening of the seals im-
plies that the leaves of the book or parchment-roll
are sealed down in successive portions, and the
idea of completeness in the seven is thus referred
to the history (cf. the seven weeks of Israel's
history in Enoch).
The visions connected with the opening of the
several seals are of less central interest, belonging
rather to the general furniture of apocalyptic.
The second to the sixth signify clearly war, famine,
pestilence, persecution, convulsions of nature. As
to the meaning of the first horseman, expositors
are not agreed. Swete takes the first two together
as representatives of war in its two aspects of
victory and carnage. At the seventh vision the
scheme, instead of moving directly to its com-
pletion, branches out into new ramifications.
LiTBRATURE. — See Literature at end of preceding article.
W. Montgomery.
BOSOR.— See Beor.
BOTTOMLESS PIT.— See Abyss.
BOWL. — The word is used in the RV instead of
' vial ' to translate <pid\T}, which occurs 12 times
in Revelation. The change was desirable, as the
former word, a modification of ' phial,' lias come to
mean a small glass vessel or bottle, as in Milton's
' precious vialled liquors.' (f>i6.\-q meant in classical
Greek (after Homer, to whom it was a cinerary
urn) a broad shallow bowl used in drinking or in
offering libations. Its saucer shape allowed its
contents to be poured out at once or suddenly. It
was often of finely-wrought gold or silver (Herod,
ii. 151 ; Pind. Neni. ix. 122), and it is a familiar
object in classical art. In the LXX <pi6.\-q denotes
a bronze bowl or basin (Plir) used in tlie sacri-
ficial ritual of Tabernacle or Temple (Ex 27^) — the
vessel in which the priest caught the warm blood
of the victim, to dash it upon the altar. These
uses of the word, with striking modifications, are
reflected in Revelation. (1) In a single passage
(5**) it is employed with its classical connotation,
except that the offering which the vessel holds is
not the pagan libation of wine, but the Levitical
gift of incense. ' The '(wa and the irped^uTepoi [re-
presenting perhaps all Nature and all saints] fell
down before the Lamb, having . . . golden bowls
[0id\a? xp^^^j] ^ull of incense.' The Vulg. has
' phialas aureas,' but the proper Lat. equivalent of
(pLoKr) was ' patera,' as in Virg. Geor. ii. 192, ' patei'is
libamus et auro.' The subjoined interpretation of
the bowls and their contents as ' the prayers of the
saints' is probably an editorial gloss suggested by
Rev S'* (see INCENSE). (2) In every other passage
where the word occurs the (pidXrj does not exhale a
cloud of fragrant incense, sent up with the adora-
tion of saints, but is filled with the hot, bitter,
poisonous wine of the wrath of God, which earth is
made to drink — a figure resembling the prophetic
' cup of reeling ' (Is SP''- -^), but even more appalling.
The seven angels who have the seven bowls are
'laden with the seven last plagues' (Rev 2P).
Every emptied (piakr) means an added judgment
falling on land or sea or air (16"). Hence in
common speech the words 'vials' and 'wrath'
have become almost inseparably linked together.
James Strahan.
BREAKING OF BREAD. — See Love-Feast,
Eucharist.
BREASTPLATE.— See Armour.
BRETHREN.— In the OT this term refers to : (1)
birth from the same parent or parents (very fre-
quently, e.g., in Gn 37-50) ; (2) membership of the
same nation (e.g. Ex 2^'), with special emphasis on
the bond thus established between the various
single tribes (e.g. Nu 18-, Dt 3'-"), even when one of
them is separated off (Dt 10" IS^-^) ; (3) membership
of other groups lying between the family and the
nation, i.e. clans and single tribes (see Dt 18^,
where the Levite's ' brethren ' are his fellow-
Levites) ; (4) metaphorical applications which are
too general and too various for exact delimitation.
The OT and NT alike use only one word for
' brethren ' (o'nx and dSeXepoi respectiveljO> ancl trust
to its flexibility to express every needed shade of
meaning. d5eX06s is of great frequency (about 40
times in Mt. and still oftener in Acts). In the
Gospels the literal use predominates ; in the Acts
and Epistles various metaphorical uses. Tlie literal
use is especially clear in Mt lO^i 12^« 13''' 22^5, but
Mt. tends more than any other Gospel to a
metaphorical sense ; cf. 5^-^- ^^-"^ 12*-5o 18^^ 23^ 25^°
28"*, to which only Lk 8'-' 17" provide even a partial
parallel. The 'brother' intended is especially
160 BEETHEEl^" OF THE LOED
BKOTHERLY LOVE
one's fellow-Christian, and Mt. in this way leads
over from the Gospels to the rest of the NT, much
of which is, however, chronologically earlier.
d5e\(p6s in the purely family sense (see (1) above)
occurs in Ac 12^ Gal 1^^ 1 Co 9^ and perhaps 2 Co
818 12^8 (A. Souter in ExpT xviii. [190G-07] 285).
In its second sense it occurs in Ro 9^ (cf . Ac 22^' ^
231. 5. 6^ yvheve St. Paul is addressing Jews). Usually,
however, ' the brethren ' (cf. ddeXcpoT-rj?, ' the brother-
hood ' [1 P 2'^ 5^]) means the Christian community
(e.g. Ac 1'^), and this is much more definitely
marked off from non-Christians than in jNlt. (cf.
1 Co 5" 6^7^^; the whole spirit of Gal., especially
the privileged ' household of the faith,' G^" ; and
the alienation from ' the world ' in Jn. and 1 Jn. ).
dde\(f>6s was common at this time in the Greek
East as meaning ' member of a community ' (see
Deissmann, Bible Studies, Eng. tr,, 1901, p. 82f.,
Light from the Ancient East'^, do., 1911, p. 107),
but it would be a mistake to minimize on that
account its fervent tone in the NT, or its import-
ance as suggesting a fulfilment of such words of
Jesus as Jn 13^^ concerning mutual love. This
love is a command (Jn 13^^), a fundamental thing
taught directly by God (1 Th 4«), a test of living or
not living in God (1 Jn 3" 41-). Denney in HDB
(art. 'Brotherly Love') points out that it found
expression in two special ways — hospitality and
care for persecuted Christians. The word 'bre-
thren ' is continually used in exhortation and
appeal, sometimes strengthened by dyaTTTjToi (' be-
loved'), as in 1 Co 15'^'*; or Kal eTrnrodrjToi ('and
longed for ') may further be added (Ph 4'). Again,
brethren are called tticttos (' faithful ' or ' believing '),
as Col P 49, or dyios ('holy'), as Col 1^ He 3^
Frequently 'brother' has a pathetic tone (1 Co
8'i, Philem 7. iti.2u^ 2 Th 3^^ Ja 2^^). It is often a
humble or a humbling word (Gal y^6\ Ph 3i», 1 Th
5-^ 2 Th 31). In Ac 9" 22^3, 1 Co IG^^ (see Com-
mentaries) it breathes a fine magnanimity. Gal
6^* is noteworthy in that this most fiery of St.
Paul's letters is the only one which has ' brothers '
as its closing note. C. H. Watkins.
BRETHREN OF THE LORD.— See James, Ep, of.
BRIDE, BRIDEGROOM.— See artt. Family and
Marriage.
BRIMSTONE.— Brimstone (eeiov)* or sulphur,
is scientifically one of the most important of the
non-metallic elements, widely distributed in the
mineral world, sometimes pure, and sometimes
chemically combined with other elements, forming
sulphates and sulphides. It is found in greatest
abundance in volcanic regions, and is extensively
employed in arts and manufactures. Most of what
is used in modern Europe is obtained from Sicily,
which finds therein one of the sources of its wealth.
The ancients used brimstone for ordinary fumi-
gations and especially for religious purifications.
'Briiijc hither fire, and hitlier sulphur bring
To purge the palace '
(Homer, Od. xxii. 481 f.).
In the Graeco-Roman period the hot sulpliur springs
of Palestine, on botli sides of the Dead Sea, at
Tiberias, and in the valley of the Yarumk, were
used medicinally. At the direction of his physicians,
Herod tlie Great 'went beyond the river Jordan,
and bathed himself in the warm baths that were
at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general
virtues, were also fit to drink ' (Jos. A^it. XVII. vi. 5).
But the biblical meaning, which is invariably
* Beiov is a word of uncertain etj-mology. It may be the neut.
of 9etos and mean Divine incense, from the supposed purifying
and contagion-preventing virtue of burning sulphur ; but
Curlius allies it with eOiu and J'umus. Brimstone is the O.E.
' brenston ' and Scot. ' bruntstane.'
determined by Gn 19-'', reflects the ideas of a pre-
scientific age, in which the commercial value and
domestic utility of brimstone were unsuspected,
while electric currents and their sulphurous fumes
were regarded as indications of the wrath of
heaven. ' Fire and brimstone and a burning wind '
(Ps IP), 'an overflowing shower, and great hail-
stones, fire, -and brimstone' (Ezk 38-^), were not
the mere symbols, but the actual media of Divine
judgment. The association of lightning and
brimstone was wide-spread and persistent, the
ozonic odour which accompanies electric discharges
being ascribed to the presence of sulpliur. ' Ful-
mina, fulguraquoque,' says Pliny, ' sulf uris odorem
habent, ac lux ipsa eorum sulfurea est' [HN XXXV.
1. [15]). 'Sulfur aethereum' (Lucan, vii. 160) and
'sulfur sacrum' (Pers. ii. 25) are synonyms for
lightning, and Shakespeare's 'stones of sulphur'
are thunderbolts.
The prophetic writer of Revelation naturally
retains the old picturesque language with its dread
suggestion. His armies of angelic horsemen have
breastplates of fire and of hyacinth and of brim-
stone — red and blue and yellow — and their breath
is fire and smoke and brimstone (9^''). The worship-
pers of the Beast and his image are to be tormented
with fire and brimstone in the presence of the
angels and the Lamb (14^°). And the destruction
of the wicked in the end of the age Avill be a
magnified re})etition of the overthrow of the cities
of the Ghor — the godless multitude are to be cast
into the lake that burns with fire and brimstone,
which is the second death (2^8 . cf. 19-" 201").
James Strahan.
BROTHER.— See Family.
BROTHERHOOD.— See Brethren, Fellow-
ship.
BROTHERLY LOVE.— 1. Meaning of the words
and usage. — The word 0tXa5e\0ia occurs in the NT
in Ro 12'^ 1 Th 4^, He 13', 1 P 1", 2 P F. The
AV renders it in the first three passages ' brotherly
love,' in the fourth ' love of the brethren,' in the
last ' brotherly kindness ' (in order to mark a quali-
tative as well as a quantitative distinction between
(piXadeXcpla and the following dydir-n). The RV has
in all passages ' love of the brethren,' which is more
correct, since in the Greek word the second part
takes the place of an objective, not a subjective,
genitive. The adjective ^iXdSeX^oy is found in
1 P 38. The original meaning of the word is the
literal one of love for brothers (and sisters) by
blood-relationship (cf. Xen. il/em. II. iii. 17, ' loving
one like a brother' ; Jos. Ant. IV. ii. 4, where the
word is used of Moses and Aaron ; Lucian, Dial.
Deor. xxvi. 2, where it is used of Castor and Pollux).
In the NT it has only the metaphorical sense of
love towards the fellow-members of the Church — a
usage which already occurs in earlier Jewish writ-
ings (cf. 2 Mac 15'^ the love of Israelite towards
Israelite). It should be noted that ' the brother-
hood '(IP 2''') to which this love applies is nowhere
in the NT humanity as such. 'Brethren' is not
the correlate of the universal Fatherhood of God,
but of that specific paternal relation which God
sustains to believers (cf. Mt238-'*). _ The NTconcep-
tion has its root in the redemptive experience of
Israel (Zee ll'-», Mai 2i») and of the Apostolic
Church. It obtains its significance for universal-
ism through the missionary extension of this, not
through pliilosophical abstraction from all positive
differences as is the case with the Hellenic idea of
cosmopolitanism. Even where tlie duty of love for
all men is based on kinship by nature, tin's is traced
back to creation in the image of God (Ja 3^). In
1 Th 3'^ love towards the fellow-members of the
Church and towards all is explicitly distinguished,
BROTHERLY LOVE
BROTHERLY LOVE
161
but it is uncertain whether 'all' here means all
Christians or all men. In 2 P 1' ' love ' appears as
something supplementary to ' brotherly love ' ; the
context here requires the reference of this ' love '
to man ; the distinction between (piXadeXcpia and
dydirt] must therefore lie in the range of extent ;
at the same time the difference in the Avord used
suggests the deeper and more intimate character of
brotherly love (cf. 4)LXdv in Jn 5'-^" 16'-^). In Gal 6'"
a distinction is made between the working of good
toward ' all men ' and toward ' them that are of the
household of the faith.'
2. The primacy of love in Christianity. — The dis-
tinctiveness of Christianity lies not so much in the
theoretical discovery or proclamation of the prin-
ciple of love, either as constitutive in the Divine
character or as regulative for human conduct, but
rather in the production of forces and motives
which give to the principle a new concrete reality
in the life of men (cf. Mk 12^2, Lk 10-^ 1 Jn 'J? 3-*).
Still, even as a subject of teaching, love occupies a
prominent place in the apostolic writings. It ap-
pears not merely as one important factor among
others in tlie Cliristian life, but as its chief and
most characteristic ingredient, greater even than
faith and hope (1 Co 13'^). The Pastoral Epistles
utter a warning against the absorption of the re-
ligious interest by the false gnosis and its asceti-
cism or impure love to the detriment of true Chris-
tian love ( 1 Ti P 5^ 2 Ti 2^2-25 31-4. lO), xhe primacy
of love also hnds expression in such passages as
Ro 13»-i", Eph IS Ja 2', Kev 2\
3. LoYC for God. — The love thus made prominent
is, before all else, love towards God. Ritschl's view,
that the NT writers, especially St. Paul, conceive
of love towards God as something difficult of attain-
ment, and therefore hesitate to speak of it, except
in the quotation which underlies lio 8^, 1 Co 2" 8^,
Ja V' 2^ is not borne out by tlie facts. Against it
speaks 2 Th 2^. Conceptions like ' living unto God '
(Ro G^'J- ", Gal 2'9), 'pleasing God' (Ro 8^, Gal P",
1 Th 4'), 'offering sacrilice to God' (Ro 12' 15'8, Ph
418, He 13'3, 1 P 25), 'serving God' (Ro P 7" W^,
ITh P, 2 Ti P, He Qi^), all imply that the Chris-
tian's religious life is inspired by an affection
directly terminating upon God (cf. also 1 Co 14'-,
Rev 2^"- '^). It is unwarranted, where the concep-
tion of love occurs without further specihcation of
the object, to think exclusively of the fraternal
affection among Christians mutually. In many
cases the writers may have had in mind primarily
the love for God. The very fact that Christian
love must be exercised in imitation of Christ favours
this primary God- ward reference (Eph 5'-). Nor is
it correct to say that the only mode of expressing
love to God lies in the service of men. 1 Jn 4'^ is
often quoted in proof of this, but the passage in
the context means no more than that the invisibility
of God exposes man in his feeling of love for Him to
the danger of self-deception, which can be guarded
against by testing oneself in regard to the actual
experience of love for the brethren. Hence in 5-
the opposite principle is also affirmed, viz. that the
assurance of the genuineness of one's love for the
brethren is obtainable from the exercise of love
and obedience towards God. Only in so far as the
love of God assumes the form of concrete deeds
of helpfulness, it cannot serve God except in the
brethren.
4. Interdependence of the love for God and love
for the brethren.— The love for God and the love
for the brethren are not, according to the apostolic
teaching, two independent facts. In examining
their relation, it should be remembered that the
love for God and the love for Christ are to the NT
practically interchangeable conceptions, Christ no
less than God being the source and recipient of
religious devotion (Eph 3'^). This may be most
VOL. I. — II
strikingly illustrated by a comparison of the Gospel
and the First Epistle of John : in the latter, love is
derived from and attached to God precisely after
the same manner as in the Gospel it is derived from
and attached to Christ. The close union of love
for God (and Christ) and love for the brethren can
be traced both objectively and subjectively. 06-
jectively it may be followed along these lines : the
Divine purpose and the redemptive process do not
contemplate the production of love for God in iso-
lated individuals, but in the Church as the organic
community of believers. It is through the conjoined
love for God and the brethren that the Church is
and works as an organism (1 Co 12, Eph 3"),
' rooted and grounded in love' (Eph 3^'', cf. Col 3^'*
'the bond of perfectness') ; hence the same term,
Koivoivia, 'communion,' is used for the fellowship with
God and Christ and the fellowship with the breth-
ren (1 Co P, 2 Co G''* 8S Ph P 31", 1 Jn l^- e-^) ; the
act which produces love for God simultaneously
produces love for the brethren, and the same Spirit
which underlies and inspires the former likewise
underlies and inspires the latter (Ro 15^", 2 Co G**,
Gal 5-^ Eph P 6-S Col P, 1 Th 3'2 4», 1 Jn 3"») ; the
inseparableness of the two also finds expression in
the ligure of the family or household of God (Gal 6'",
Eph 2'^ 1 Jn 1^ 2» 51 [where, however, ' him that is
begotten ' may refer to Christ and not to the fellow-
believer]). Subjectively the interdependence of love
for God and love for the bretiiren presents itself as
follows : through the recognition of the inclusive-
ness of the love of God the experience of the same
acts as a motive-power for the Christian to include
those whom God loves in his OAvn love likewise ;
the Christian also recognizes that he is not merely
the object of the Divine love, but also the instru-
ment of its manifestation to others ; he serves man
in the service of God (Ro 6'^ 1 Co 7"^ 2 Co 8^, Ph
2^^ 2 Ti 4'') ; the love of God and Christ shown liiiu
becomes to the believer an example of love to tlie
brethren (Ro W\ 1 Co 8", 2 Co 8«- », Eph 4»^ 5^, Ph
2^^-, 1 Jn 4'i) ; the idea of a close union between
the two also underlies the formula ' faith energiz-
ing through love ' (Gal 5"). Here faith as the right
attitude towards God as Redeemer begets love fur
Him, which in turn becomes the active principle of
service to others (cf. v. ^^). Because the love for
others is thus founded on, and regulated by, the
love for God, it not only does not require but for-
bids fellowship with such as are in open opposition
to God and Christ (1 Jn 2'5 5»«, 2 Jn i». Rev 2-^- %
5. The origin of brotherly love. —Religious love
in general is a supernatural product. It originates
not spontaneously from a sinful soil, but in response
to the sovereign love of God, and that under the
influence of the Spirit (Ro S^- 8 g^s, 1 CoS^ [where
' is known of him ' = ' has become the object of his
love '], Gal 4^ [where ' to be known by God ' has
the same pregnant sense], 1 Jn 4'''- ^^). Love for
the brethren specifically is also a product of re-
generation (1 P r-2-22; cf. P-^). Especially in St.
Paul, the origin of brotherly love is connected with
the supernatural experience of dying with Christ,
in which the sinful love of self is destroyed, and
love for God, Christ, and the brethren produced in
its place (Ro &^«- 7* S^'S 2 Co 5'^-i«, Gal 2i"- 2").
Accordingly, love for the brethren appears among
other virtues and graces as a fruit of the Spirit, a
charisma (Ro IS^", 1 Co 13, Gal 5^^ e^-i"). Although
this is not explicitly stated in Acts, there is no
doubt that St. Luke (if not the early disciples
themselves) derived the manifestation of love in
the Mother-church from the influence of the Spirit.
6. The essence of brotherly love. — A psycho-
logical dehnition of brotherly love is nowhere given
in the apostolic writings, but certain notes and
characteristics are prominently brought out.
These are : (1) On the positive side. — (a) Personal
162
BROTHERLY LOVE
BUILDING
attachment and devotion. The fornuihe for this
are 'to give oneself,' 'to owe oneself," ' to seek the
person ' (2 Co S» 12'4, Philem i«). There is among
the brethren an inner harmony of willing (Ac 4^-).
As such an inward thing true "love goes bej'ond all
concrete acts of liel])fulness : it means more even
than feeding the poor or giving one's body to be
burnt (1 Co 13^) ; it involves an absolute identifica-
tion in life-experience, whicJi goes to the extent of
bearing the burden of soirow for the sins and
the weaknesses of others (Ko 15\ 1 Co 2% 2 Co 7^
Gal 6-'). — (b) An energetic assertion of the will to
love. Love d6es not consist in mere sentiment ; it
is subject to the imperative of duty. St. Paul
speaks of it as a matter of pursuit and zealous
endeavour (1 Co 14^) ; it involves strenuous labour
(1 Th P [where ' the labour of love' is not the
labour performed by love, but the labour involved
:n loving]). Hence also its voluntariness is emphas-
ized (2 Co 9"), and the continuance of its obligation
insisted upon (Ro 13**).— (c) Concrete helpfulness to
others. The NT throughout preaches the necessity
for love to issue into practical furtherance of the
interests of others. This is emphatically true even
of St. Paul, notwitlistanding his insistence on faith
as the sole ground of salvation. The Apostle,
because governed by the principle of the glory of
Got! as subserved by the love of God, requires the
work as essential to the completeness of love.
' Good works ' is a standing formula in the Pastoral
Epistles (1 Ti 2'" 5'"- ^Q^^', 2 Ti 2-' 3", Tit P" 2'- '-i
31- 8) ; but it also appears in Ac e^^, Ro'l33 14«, 1 Co
6-0 10^1, 2 Co 9«, Eph 2'<', Col V\ He 10-* 1 P 2'^
Kev 22->9--'3-=6 32- 8- 15 141=* 20>2 22i-^. Hence the
reference to tlie ' members ' as organs of the service
of God (Ro 6'* 12'). The test of love lies in its
iielpfulness (Ro 14, 1 Co 8). Love ' edihes,' i.e.
builds up, the fellow-Christian (1 Co 8'). It contri-
butes, however, not exclusively, nor even primarily,
to the material or intellectual, but to the spiritual
benefit of others (1 Co 8i). The NT avoids the
errors both of the Jewish and of the Hellenic prac-
tice of ethics. In Judaism the external acts bad
become too much detached from the personal spirit
of devotion. In Hellenism tlie interest was too
much turned inward and absorbed by a self-centred
cultivation of virtue as such. Because all conduct
is thus determined by the supreme principle of love
as helpfulness, all casuistry is excluded and ethical
problems are all reduced to the one question : what
will benefit my brother ? This absence of all casu-
istic treatment of ethical questions is characteristic
of St. James as well as of St. Paul.
(2) On the negative side.— The negation of self.
Love for the brethren originates only through the
death of the sinful love of self. Those who die this
death no longer live to themselves (2 Co 5'5, Gal 2'^
6l^ Ph 2*- 21) ; love is the opposite of all self-pleas-
ing and self-seeking (Ro \b^^-, 2 Co 2^-'^ Gal 1'"
I Th 2^ Eph 6", PI. li""--, Col 32-). It excludes
every selhsh cult of individuality (Ro 121^ 1418 152),
all vain-glorying and excessive self-consciousness
(Ro 3-' 12^ 1 Co 129 3-.1 47^ pij 03, 1 Th 26), all envious
comparison of .self with others (Ro 12^ Gal 41"), all
personal anger or resentment (2 Co 2^ 12-* Gal'o-'o
Eph 4-«-3i 6^ Ph 1", Col 38, 1 Ti 2«); it is not!
however, inconsistent with wrath for the sake of
Chri.st and God (2 Co 2\ Gal P, 1 Th 4'-'-i« Rev '>-•
15. 19 gio. 16 1410)^ ,,.ith a strong sense of the indepen-
dence of men in the service of God (1 Co 9'- 1", Gal 2"
51 ), with the right to glory in the distinction which
God's grace has conferred (1 Co l*i 4^ 2 Co 1'* 71*
107 1110 129^ Qai 6i'», Ph 21").
7. Forms of manifestation of brotherly love.—
As such the following are conspicuously menticmed.
(1) The external expression of the inward unity of
love in tlie form of common meals, the d7d7rat'(Ac
2*2, 1 Co lli^-«, 2 P 2'^ Jude 12). (2) The KOiuLla
of benevolence through the altruistic nse of private
means (Ac 4^-, Ro 12-" 15-", 2 Co S-'^ Qi^ 12i*- i^ Gal
21" 6'«, He 6i« 131-*). This Koivwvia was not, however,
in the early Church a 'community of goods' in the
modern sense (cf. Ac 4^- ^= with o*). In the case of
enemies, benevol ence becomes the only form in which
love can express itself (Ro 122", Gal 6I"). (3) The
missionary extension of the blessings of srdvation to
others. The duty of missions is distinctly put on
the basis of love. Primarily this means love for
God and Christ (Ro P, 1 Co 9", 2 Co 41^ o-") : but
secondarily it signihes also love towards men (Ro P ;
cf. 138 and Eph 5^, 1 Jn liff-)- It is characteristic
of apostolic missions that they are not related to
the individual but to the organism of the Church,
and conceived not as an unconscious influence, nor
as a secret propaganda (like the Jewish mission),
but as an open proclamation and a deliberate
pursuit. In the last analysis this is due to the
consciousness that the Church as an organism is
the instrument through which God and Christ
bring their love to bear upon the world.
Literati-re.— A. Harnack, The Mission mid Expansion of
Chrit-tianifi/ in the Fir.H Three Centuries, Enj. tr.-, 1908, i.
147-198 ; W. Liitg-ert, Die Liehe im Xeuen Testament. Leipzig,
1905 ; E. Sartorius, The Ductrine of Dirine Lore, Eng. tr.,
1884 ; B. Wilberforce, Sanctijication by the Truth, 1906,
P- ISO. Geerhardus Vos.
BUFFET.— The word 'buffet' is used in AV as
the translation of KoXafpi^co (lit. ' to give one blows
with the fists, or slaps on the ear'), which means
'to treat with violence and contempt.' The verb
is found only in the NT and later ecclesiastical
writers, and is probably colloquial. In the ex-
hortation to slaves in 1 P 2-" it is used to describe
the rough usage to which such persons were sub-
jected by lieathen masters as a punishment for
their offences. The fact that it is so used, is prob-
ably the reason wiiy it is preferred to other terms
of similar import in 1 Co 4" ('we are buffeted'),
where it is vividly descriptive of the ill usage
Miiich St. Paul const.antly experienced in pursuit
of his apostolic mission, especially when contrasted
with the happier fortune of his Corinthian converts
( ' ye reigned as kings '). 1 Co 9-7 RV gives ' buffet '
as the rendering also of virw-n-id^w (from viro and
oil/', ' to hit under the eye,' and then ' to beat black
and blue'), a word admirably fitted to express the
hardships and sufferings endured by St. Paul in
the course of his ministry, and patiently sub-
mitted to as a salutary means of spiritual disci-
pline. The fact that the Apostle speaks of liim-
self as the agent in producing the discipline ('I
buffet my body') need not be taken as evidence
that ascetic practices, or bodilj' mortifications, are
intended. He regarded his body as an antagonist
to be subdued by the willing acceptance of adverse
circumstances fitted to promote his personal sancti-
fication. \Y. S. MONTGOMERY.
BUILDING.--The usual NT word is olKo5ofi-h =
olKod6fi7]a-is, a building in course of construction, as
distinguished from oiKodofxijiua, a finished structure.
1. 1 Co 39.— 'Ye are God's husbandry (RVm
'tilled land '), God's building.' Without pressing
the change of metaphor, it is, however, to be noted,
as indicating the intensity of the Apostle's thought,
how his mind grasps first one method of increase
and then another. The Kingdom grows like the
organic development in the vegetable world, where
outside substances are incorporated and assimilated
into the organism itself. Or it grows as a build-
ing from the foundation ; stone is laid upon stone,
according to a preconceived plan, till the whole
is complete. Under his metaphor St. Paul de-
scribes the Church as God's, and the leaders of the
Church as His instruments ('the saints buildup
the fabric'). In this light the factions of Corinth
BUILDLN"G
BUSINESS
163
are manifested. They have not grasped the
Divine idea of the Church, and therefore they
are rebuked : ' I could not speak unto you as unto
spiritual but as unto carnal' (3'). With a tender
smile of blame he calls them 'babes in Christ,'
who have not grown into the height and freedom
of their calling as God's fellow-workers {(rwepyoL).
Kindled with his metaphor, the Apostle rises to
the thought of the gradual upbuilding of the
Church (by transformation and accretion) through
the ages, by many builders, and with varied
material, but all on the once-laid foundation, to
the glory not of the builders, but of the hand that
guided and the heart that planned (cf. Longfellow's
poem The Builders, and 0. W. Holmes, The Living
Temple and The Chambered Nautilus).
2. 2 Co 5^ — ' We know . . . we have a building
(olKodofiT^v) from God, a house not made with hands,
eternal, in the heavens.' The punctuation in AV
is wrong, and the sense of RV would be more ex-
plicit if it read ' We have in the heavens a build-
ing from God, an house not made with hands,
eternal ' (so Alford, de Wette, Meyer, and most
Modems). The house to which St. Paul looks
forward is not heaven itself, though it is in the
heavens, and comes from God as His gift. The
Apostle is here moving among the conceptions of
what he calls 'the spiritual body'(l Co 15^^-46)^
adumbrating in his paradox thoughts which are
really unspeakable. Cf. also Ph 3^^ ' the body of
our humiliation , . . the body of his glory.'
3. Eph 2^1. — ' Each several building (Trao-a okodo/xri)
fitly framed together, groweth into a holy temple'
(RVm 'sanctuary'). AV has 'all the building,'
and the difference ought to be carefully noted in
point both of grammar and of thought. The
weight of the best MSS favours the omission of
the article, and Meyer translates accordingly
' every building.' Moule {Ephesians [in Cambridge
Bible for Schools, 1886]) and Ellicott {Com. in loc.)
contend that the article is implicit ; the latter
calls its omission 'a grammatical laxity,' and the
former is of opinion that the law of the article is
in some respects less precise in the NT than in the
classics. This does not appear to be made out,
and it is safer to abide by the established usage
than to allow an ad sensum interpretation (which
really assumes the point in dispute). Westcott
{Ephesians, 1906) prefers to abide by the classical
use (cf. ExpT xviii. [1906-07] 2 for a note on the
similar expression in Eph 3'^). Tras without the
article = ' a various whole,' and this is the Apostle's
thought. * The image is that of an extensive pile
of buildings, such as the ancient temples commonly
were, in process of construction at different points
over a wide area' (Findlay, Ephesians [Expositor's
Bible, 1892], 146). Uniformity is not necessary
to unity. The true catholicity is found in Jesus
Christ Himself, the chief corner-stone, and not in
external uniformity. The reading adopted in RV
may be claimed as an incidental testimony to the
early date of the Epistle. In point of fact, in the
2nd cent, the desire for formal unity would have
rendered impossible the text ' each several build-
ing.' 'The Church swallowed up the churches'
(Findlay). But here in the Apostolic Age, with
the variety of circumstance, attainment, and social
aspect in the churches, the essential idea of unity
is nevertheless preserved, for ' each several build-
ing' is destined to be 'fitly framed together.'
Each serves to make up the ideal temple of God,
which is being built for ever. Each is a true part
of that mystical body of Christ, the habitation of
God through the Spirit,
f. He 9". — 'But Christ being come an high
priest of good things to come, by a greater and
more perfect tabernacle, not made with hands,
that is to say, not of this building ' ( AV) ; better
RV ' but Christ having come a high priest of the
good things that are come (RVm), through the
greater and more perfect tabernacle, not made
with hands, that is to say, not of this creation {ov
ravTTjs rrjs Kriaeus).' The tabernacle is immaterial
and spiritual as contrasted with the heaven and
the earth. F. Field {Notes on the Translation of
the N T [ = Otium Norvicetise, iii.], Cambridge, 1899,
p. 142 ; II Farrar, Hebrews [in Cambridge Bible for
Schools, 1883], p. 139 f.) would translate 'not of
ordinary construction.' ' Human skill had nothing
to do Avith its structure, for man's work finds its
expression in the visible order of earth, to Avhich
this does not belong ' (Westcott, Hebrews, 1889,
p. 258). For the different meanings assigned to
' tabernacle ' and their bearing on the true
humanity of our Lord, see TABERNACLE.
5. Rev 2118.— 'The building {ivdbixTicxis) of the
wall thereof was jasper,' The word is passive and
denotes the structure, what was built in. Cf. ' I
will make thy battlements jasper ' (Is 54i"^ [LXX]).
Some clear stone is intended, and not our modem
jasper, which is generally red or brown.
W. M. Grant.
BUSINESS. — The word occurs in the AV in
Ac 63 (xpf^a), Ro 12" {<n^ov^, ' diligence,' RV) 16^
{trpayna, ' matter,' RV), and 1 Th 411 (rd ISm). The
last named passage, ' Study to be quiet, and to do
your own business,' implies that every Christian is
expected to have an occupation. Christianity in-
troduced a new ideal in this respect. Greek ethics
regarded only certain occupations as being fit for
those leading the highest life, and from these com-
mercial activity was excluded (Plat. Rep. 495 C).
Jewish teaching improved on this by requiring
that every boy should learn a trade (Schiirer, HJP
II. i. 318). But even under this rule some trades
were condemned, e.g. those of tanner, butcher,
miner, goldsmith, and even the physician's calling
(F. Delitzsch, Jewish Artisan Life in the Time of
Christ, 1902, p. 56). Fishermen, on the other
hand, were esteemed as being generally pious — an
interesting fact in the light of our Lord's choice of
some of them to be His apostles. The notion
that some trades were necessarily degraded was
abolished by Christianity, and St. Peter did not
hesitate to lodge in the house of a tanner (Ac 9^*),
In the conduct of their business Christians are
required to set an example to the world. They
are to be honest (1 Th 41-), to owe no man anything
(Ro 13®), to avoid covetousness which leads to dis-
honesty (He 13^), and to refuse to go into partner-
ship with extortioners (1 Co 5"), Business disputes
between Christians are not to be carried before
heathen tribunals (1 Co 6^-^), The actual giving
up of rights may sometimes be demanded by faith-
fulness to the gospel. It is evident that, at any
rate in Corinth, converts found it difficult at first
in ordinary business dealings to rise to the new
standard. Somewhat later arose another danger,
w hich is still familiar, that men should use religion
in order to improve their business prospects (1 Ti
6^). This inevitably led to a low commercial
morality, such as that to which Hernias confesses
{Mand. iii.). Even as a Christian he had been for
some years accustomed to regard lying in business
transactions as quite permissible.
While the first Christians looked upon all honest
occupations as honourable, they refused to see any-
thing sacred in the vested interests of trades
which only exist by wronging others. At Philippi
St, Paul put an end to the exploitation of the girl
with second sight (Ac 16^^^-). and at Ephesus showed
no tenderness for the profits of idolatrous silver-
smiths (19^''"), It is evident that persecution was
often instigated by pagans whose business had
been thus affected by the new faith, St. Paul
experienced this in the two instances mentioned,
164 CiESAR, CiESAR'S HOUSEHOLD
C^SAR, CiESAE'S HOUSEHOLD
and Pliny's letter to Trajan testifies that there
was much feeling against Christians amongst those
who sold fodder for the victims used in heathen
sacrifices.
LiTBRATURE. — Besides Commentaries on the texts mentioned,
see E. von Dobschiitz, Christian Life in tlie Primitive Church,
Eng. tr., London and N.Y., 1904, passim; W. M. Ramsay,
The Church in the Roman Empire, Loudon, 1893, p. 199 f.
C. T. DiMONT.
C;ESAR, CiESAR'S HOUSEHOLD.— In origin
the name ' Ca-sar,' whicli has had such a wonder-
ful history, culminating in the German Raise?' and
the Russian Tsar, was simply a cognoiyien (or sur-
name), indicating one branch of the gens lulia, one
of the old patrician families of Rome, which was
said to have been descended from iEneas of Troy
and Venus, through their son Tulus (Ascanius).
The earliest known member of the family is Sex.
lulius Ca?sar, prajtor in 208 B.C. ; the greatest is
of course C. lulius Caesar, the dictator (lived from
about 100 to 44 B.C.). The name was kept by all
the early Emperors except Vitellius (and even he
used it sometimes), in spite of the fact that after
Nero no Emperor had a drop of Ct^sarian blood in
his veins. The complete official names of the
Emperors who reigned during the hundred years
following the birth of Christ are Imperator Caesar
Augustus (see Augustus), Tiberius Cajsar Augus-
tus (see Tiberius), Gains Caesar Germanicus
(nicknamed Caligula [q.v.l) (A.D. 37-41), Tiberius
Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus (see Claud-
ius), Imperator Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus (see Nero), Imperator Servius Sul-
picius Galba Caesar Augustus (9 June 68-15 Jan.
69) (see Galea), Imperator Marcus Otho Ctesar
Augustus (15 Jan. -25 Apr. 69) (see Otho), Impera-
tor Aulus Vitellius Caesar or Aulus Vitellius
Imperator Germanicus (2 Jan. 69-20[?] Dec. 70)
(see Vitellius), Imperator Vespasianus Caesar
Augustus (69-79) (see Vespasian), Imperator Titus
Vespasianus Caesar Augustus (71-81) (see TiTUS),
Imperator Domitianus Caesar Augustus (81-96)
(see DoMlTlAN), Imperator Nerva Augustus Caesar
(96-98) (see Nerva), Imperator C.-esar Nerva
Traianus Augustus (97-117) (see Trajan). This
enumeration sliows how fixed the name Caesar had
become as part of the Emperor's name, quite irre-
spective of relationship. It will also explain how
in all the places of the NT but two the name
' Ciesar ' alone (with or without the article) is
familiarly used, as equivalent simply to 'the
Emperor.' In the Gospels the reference is to Tib-
erius (cf. Mk l2'-»-" and parallels), in Acts and
Philippians (4^^) to Nero. Where the historian
seeks to date an event, he is naturally more precise
(Ciesar Augustus, Lk 2', Tiberius Caesar, Lk 3').
There are two aspects in whicii the Cajsar
appears in the Gospels. In the section Mk 12'^""
it is the question of giving tribute to Ca;sar that
comes up. The inhabitants of Judaea, a Roman
Imperial province, governed by one of tlje Emperor's
agents, called a procurator, were by law bound to
pay tax to the Emjjeror. The term used, ktjvctos, is
the Latin word census, which means ' census ' in our
sense, but much more. The census paper was in
the Roman Empire also an income- and property-
tax return, on the basis of which the assessment
of tax was made by the Imj)erial officials. Hence
the word in the Gospels might almost be translated
'inc^ome-tax.* Luke alters his original to the
good (ireek word <p6pos (Lat. trihutum, war-tax ; cf.
Lk 23-). The second aspect in which the Ciesar
appears in the Gospels is that of the Messiah's
rival to lordsiiip over the chosen people. Jesus is
charged with ' saying that he is an anointed king '
(Lk 232 . cf. jn igiz-w^ Ac 17'), for so we ought to
translate it. When Pilate asks Him if He is the
King of the Jews, He casts the word back to him,
' You say it, the word is yours' (Burkitt, Evan-
gelion da-MepharresM, 1904, ii. 58). Throughout
the Apostolic Age and later, the Christians con-
tinue to use of their King in the spiritual sense
the very same epithets as the pagans use of the
Emperor. This fact must have accentuated the
hostility of the Empire to the Church.
In Ac 25 and following, the Caesar is appealed to
by St. Paul, after his unjust arrest at Jerusalem.
The right of appeal (provocatio) was one of the
bulwarks of the original republican constitution.
By it a citizen could appeal to his fellow-citizens
in assembly against any injustice on the part of a
magistrate. The plebeians were later also protected
by their special officials, the tribuni plebis. By the
Imperial constitution the Emperor possessed tri-
bunicia potestas (see AUGUSTUS). Any aggrieved
citizen could thus appeal to him, and the Emperor
could quash tiie verdict of a lower court, and sub-
stitute his own verdict. The Emperor had also
the ius glaclii, the right of life and death, and this
he could delegate to subordinates. St. Paul's ex-
periences before purely Roman tribunals had been
on the whole so satisfactory that he decided to
risk appeal to the highest tribunal of all, knowing
how valuable for the success of his mission a fav-
ourable verdict would be. His appeal was received
by Festus, and he proceeded to Rome. Hartmann
(see below under Literature) does not consider that
St. Paul's appeal was an appeal in the proper sense
of the term, but it seems better to follow Ramsay,
especially as Luke's language is quite plain. In
the silence of history, scholars are divided as to
the result of the Apostle's appeal. Some consider
that the conclusion of Acts [q.v.) means that it was
unsuccessful, and that he was condemned and
beheaded. Those who accept the genuineness of
the Pastoral Epistles believe that he was acquitted
and released.
Caesar's household. — St. Paul, writing from
Rome to the Philippian Church in A.D. 60 or 61,
sends greetings from all the Christians in Rome,
but ' especially ' from ' them that are of Caesar's
household' (Ph 4^-). The date shows that the
' Caesar ' is Nero, and the word ok/a, translated
' household,' is doubtless a translation of the Latin
famllia. The word/dtnilia is the later form of the
older fnmulia, derived iTom/nmulas, a household-
slave, and in Latin carries with it the idea especi-
ally of tiie collection of slaves and freedmen in a
house. The relations between slaves and masters in
the Roman world were generally good, the slave being
regarded more as an integral part of the family than
hired servants are in modern times. In tiie Imper-
ial palace at Rome they can hardly have numbered
fewer than 2000, and an idea of the variety of their
occupations can be got from a study of the list of
nouns joined to a, ab in J. C. Rolfe's art. in the
Archiv fur Inteinische Lexikogrnphie, vol. x. [1898]
p. 481 if. or the Thesaurus Linguce Latince, vol. i.
[1905] cols. 22 and 23. It is remarkable that the
list of names in Ro 16 coincides almost exactly
with names of members of the Impeiial household
CiESAREA
CAINITES
165
recovered in Roman inscriptions, as Lightfoot first
showed at length. Tlie number of examples has
since increased. No epigraphist could doubt that
ch. 16 is an integral part of the Epistle to the
Romans, and that most of the persons there named
were ' of Caesar's household.' Our knowledge of
tiie life of such persons is mainly derived from
Statius {e.g. Silum v. 1) and Martial.
For Csesar- worship, see Emperor- WoKSHiP and
Roman Empire.
Literature.— Official names of Roman Emperors in R.
Cagnat, Coiira d'epirjraphie latine^, Paris, IfeDS, p. 177 ff. ; on
the triOutum see A. H. J. Greenidge, iloman Public Life,
London, 1901, p. 429 ff. ; on Caesar and the Messiah as rivals cf.
theartt. of P. Wendland in ZiYZ'lf' v. [1904] 335-353 and H.
A. A. Kennedy in Expositor, 7th ser. vii. [1909] 2S9-307 ; on
the appeal (jjrovocatio, appellatio) see T. Mommsen, lHJm.
Strafncht, 1S99, Ssr Abschnitt, p. 46Sff., (iesarnmelte Schriften,
iii. [1907] 431-446, reprinted from Z^TW ii. [1901J Slff. ; art.
'Appellatio' by Hartmann in Pauly-Wissowa ; J. S. Raid in
Journal of Roman Studies, i. [1911-12] 6S ff. ; W. M. Ramsay,
St. Paul the Traoeller, 1895, p. 311 ff. On Caesar's Household
see the excursus in Lightfoot, Epistle to the PIdlippians*, lfcl78,
p. 171, and E. Riggenbach, in jS'eue Jahrbucher fur deutsche
Theologie, i. [1S92J 498 ff.; best collection of inscriptions in
H. Dessau, Inner. Lat. Selectee, i. [Berlin, 1S92] ch. vi.
A. SOUTER.
CffiSABEA {Kaiirdpeia or Kaiadpeia Xe^aar-^,
named in honour of Augustus ; known also as
Caisarea PakestlnxB, anil in modern Arabic as el-
Knimrlyeh ; to be distinguished clearlj' from
CcBsarea Philippi). — CfEsarea was situated on
the Mediterranean coast, 32 miles N. of Joppa,
25 S. of Carmel, and 75 N.W. of Jerusalem. It
was once the chief port of Palestine. It was re-
built by Herod the Great on the site of ' Straton's
Tower ' (Jos. .i4n^. XV. ix. 6). Tlie city is closely
associated with the history of the Apostolic Church,
being especially notable as the place where the
Holy Spirit was poured out upon the Gentiles (Ac
10''^). The name occurs in Acts only. Pliilip the
deacon seems to iiave resided at Cajsarea (8^" 21^- ^^).
St. Paul was sent hence to Tarsus (9^"). Cornelius,
a Roman centurion, influenced by a vision to
send to Joppa for St. Peter, here became the first
convert of the Gentiles (10^-^* 11'')- Here Herod
Agrippa L died (12'"). Here St. Paul landed on
his way from Ephesus (18"^), being later escorted
hither on his return from Jerusalem (23-^* ^), and
here he was imprisoned for two years, and tried
before Festus [2b^- *• «• is).
In apostolic times Csesarea was politically the
capital of the province of Judaea, and the residence
of the Roman procurators. Tacitus describes it
as 'the head of Judaea* (Hist. ii. 78). Among its
inhabitants there were both Jews and Greeks.
The city was elaborately beautified with temples,
theatres, palaces, arches, and altars. It was es-
pecially famous for its harbour (Jos. Ant. XV.
ix. 6). Aqueducts supplied the inhabitants with
water from Carmel and the Crocodile River. In
the 3rd cent. A.D., it became the seat of a famous
school of theology, in which Origen taught ; also
of the bishopric of Syria, Eusebius being the most
celebrated of those occupying the office. Under
the Arabs it unfortunately lost its former prestige
and rapidly degenerated. At the time of the
Crusades it was rebuilt by Baldwin II. Saladin
took it in 1187. In I25I it was re-fortified by St.
Louis. Finally, in 1265, it was completely de-
stroyed by the Sultan Bibars, since whose time it
has remained in ruins.
Little is now left to mark the ancient city.
Porter, writing in 1865, says: 'I saw no man.
The Arab and the shepherd avoid the spot'
[Giant Cities, 235). Thomson also (Land and
Book, i. 72) speaks of it as 'absolutely forsaken.'
Since 1889, however, a few Bosnians have settled
among the ruins and carried on a small trade in
brick. Most of the stones of the ancient city were
used by Ibrahim Pasha in constructing the new
fortifications at Acre. To the missionary, Cuesarea
is one of the most interesting spots on earth, hav-
ing been the cradle of the Gentile Church.
Literature. — Josephus, Ant. xiv. iv. 4, xvii. xi. 4, BJ\. xxi.
5, II. ix. 1 ; G. A. Smith, UGHL 138 ff., art. 'Cassarea' in
EBi, i. 017 ; C. R. Conder, art. 'Cassarea' in UDB, i. 337, Tent
M'ork in Palestine, new ed., 1887, pp. 107-110 ; Schiirer, UJf,
index, s.v. ; SWP ii. [1882], sheet x. ; Baedeker, Palestine
and Syria^, 1912, p. 237 ff. ; A. Neubauer, Giog. du Talmud,
1868 ; G. Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, 1890, p.
474 ; H. B. Tristram, Bible Places, 1897, p. 76 ; J. L. Porter,
T>i.e Giant Cities of Bashan, 1873, p. 233 ff. ; W. M. Thomson,
The Land and the Book, 1881, i. 69 ff. ; W. Smith, DB-, art.
'Cssarea.' GEORGE L. ROBINSON.
CAIAPHAS (Kaid^as). — Caiaphas, or Joseph
Caiaphas, was appointed high priest in A.D. 18 by
Valerius Gratus, and lield office till A.D. 36, when
he was removed by Vitellius (Jos. Ant. XVIII. ii.
2, iv. 3). He was son-in-law of Annas (cf. art.
Annas). Like most of the priests at this period,
Caiaphas was a Sadducee in religion. By his
masterly policy of conciliating his Roman masters
he was able to retain his office for an unusually
long period. His craft and subtle diplomacy as
well as his supreme disregard for justice and re-
ligion are revealed in the advice he gave to the
assembled Sanhedrin after Jesus had won the
people by the raising of Lazarus — ' It is expedient
that one die for the people' (Jn II®"). Caiaphas
saw clearly that if a popular movement in favour
of Jesus were aroused, his power and position
under Rome would be at an end, and he sought at
once to give efl'ect to his own advice. The trial of
Jesus in his presence was a travesty of all legal
procedure. Failing to obtain evidence from wit-
nesses, he adjured the prisoner to declare whether
or not He was the Messiah ; and on Jesus declar-
ing He was, the pious hypocrite rent his clothes,
shocked at the blasphemy of the answer. Caiaphas
is a type of the wily ecclesiastical opportunist,
who places the success of himself and the institu-
tion he represents before all claims of truth or
justice. Such a character is always ready to
persecute, and in the Apostolic Church Caiaphas
appears as a bitter persecutor of the apostles (Ac 4^).
He is probably the high priest referred to in Ac
517-21. 27 71 91 y;\^Q imprisoned Peter and John,
presided at the trial of Stephen, caused the perse-
cution recorded in Ac 8, and gave Saul of Tarsus
letters to Damascus to apprehend the Christians
there.
Literature.— Josephus, passim; Schiirer, GJV* ii. [1907] 256,
271; art. 'Caiaphas' in HDB (M'Clymont) and DCG (C. A.
Scott); E. Nestle, 'The Name "Caiuphas,"' in ExpT x.
[lS9b-99] 185 ; W. M. Clow, In the Day of the Cross, 1898, p.
9 S. ; J. B. Lightfoot, Sermons in St. Paul's Cathedral, 1&91,
p. 75 ; A. Maclaren, Christ in the Heart, 1&86, p. 255.
VV. F. Boyd.
CAIN.— See Abel.
CAINITES. — According to the scanty informa-
tion we possess about the Cainites, they seem to
have formed one of the Gnostic sects which are
classed together under the somewhat inadequate
and perhaps misleading name ' Ophites,' though
the serpent, from which the name ' Ophite ' is de-
rived, seems to have played no part in their system.
Our oldest source is to be found in Irenseus, adv.
Hcer. i. 31. He tells us that the Cainites regarded
Cain as derived from the higher principle. They
claimed fellowship with Esau, Korah, the men of
Sodom, and all such people, and regarded them-
selves as on that account persecuted by the Creator.
But they escaped injury from Him, for Sophia used
to carry away from them to herself that which
belonged to her. They regarded Judas the traitor
as having full cognizance of the truth. He
therefore, ratlier than the other disciples, was able
to accomplish the mystery of the betrayal, and so
bring about the dissolution of all things both
166
CAINITES
CALIGULA
celestial and terrestrial. The Cainites possessed a
fictitious work entitled ' The Gospel of Judas,' and
Irenseus says that he had himself collected writ-
ings of theirs, where they advocated that the work
of Hystera should be dissolved. By Hystera they
meant the Maker of Heaven and Earth. They
taught, as did Carpocrates, that salvation could
be attained only by passing through all experience.
Whenever any sin or vile action was performed by
them, they asserted that an angel was present
whom they invoked, claiming that they Avere ful-
filling his operation. Perfect knowledge consisted
in going without a tremor into such actions as it is
not lawful even to name. Epiphanius (Hcer. 38)
characteristically gives a much longer account, in
substantial harmony with what Irenaeus says. He
appears to have had some source of information
independent of Irenseus. He speaks of Abel as de
rived from the weaker principle — a statement which
bears the marks of authenticity. He also says that
J udas forced the Archons, or rulers, against their
Avill to slay Christ, and thus assisted us to the
salvation of the Cross. Philaster, on the other
hand, assigns the action of Judas to his knowledge
that Christ intended to destroy the truth — a pur-
pose which he frustrated by the betraj^al.
The account given by Irenaeus is unduly curt and
the text not quite secure, but it is not difficult to
form a general estimate of the sect from it, especi-
ally with the assistance of our other sources. Like
other Gnostics, the Cainites drew a distinction
between the Creator and the Supreme God. Pre-
sumably they identified the Creator with the God
of the Jews. They viewed Him and those whom
He favoured with undisguised hostility ; redemp-
tion had for its end the dissolution of His work.
They claimed kinship with those to whom He
showed antagonism in His book, the Old Testa-
ment, and shared themselves in the same hostility.
Nevertheless He was the weaker power, who could
do them no permanent harm, for Sophia, the
Heavenly Wisdom, drew back to herself those
elements in their nature which they had derived
from her. Presumably, then, they thought of a
division of mankind into two classes — the spiritual
and the material, the latter belonging to the realm
of the Creator and deriving their being from Him,
but doomed to dissolution, Avhile the former class
contained the spiritual men, imprisoned, it is true,
in bodies of flesh, but yet deriving their essential
being from the highest Power, opposed by the
Creator and His minions, but winning the victory
over them as Cain did over Abel. Unfortunately
we cannot be sure what view they took of redemp-
tion. There is no doubt that they applauded the
action of Judas in the betrayal, but our authorities
differ as to the motive which prompted him. The
view that Judas through his more perfect yvG^ais
penetrated the wish of Jesus more successfully
than the others, and accomplished it by bringing
Him to the Cross through which He effected
redemption, is intrinsically the more probable.
So far as the moral character and conduct of the
Cainites is concerned, there is no doubt that
Irenseus intended to represent them as shrinking
from no vileness, but rather as deliberately practis-
ing it. Carpocrates, we are told, defended this
practice by a theory of transmigration. It was
necessary to pass through all expei iences, and hence
the soul had to pass from body to body till the
wiiole range of experience had been traversed. If,
liowever, this could all be crowded into a single
lifetime, then the transmigration became unneces-
sary. We have no ground to suppose that the
Cainites held such a view, but they seem to have
professed the belief that this fullness of experience
was essential to salvation. We have no substantial
justification for doubting the truth of Irenseus'
account, though accusations of immorality urged
against heretics should alwaj's be received with
caution. G. K. S. Mead [Fragments of a Faith
Forgotten, 1900, p. 229) thinks that originally they
were ascetics, while N, Lardner [History of Heretics,
bk. ii. ch. xiv. [ = Works, 1829, viii. 560]) questions
whether a sect guilty of such enormities ever ex-
isted. But there is no valid reason to deny the
generally accepted view that the Gnostic attitude
to matter did lead to quite opposite results. To
some it would seem a duty to crush the flesh be-
neath the spirit by the severest austerity, but the
premiss might lead to a libertine as well as to an
ascetic conclusion : if the spirit alone was import-
ant, the flesh but contemptible and perishable,
what happened to the latter might seem a matter
of complete indifference, inasmuch as its degrada-
tion could not stain the white purity of the spirit.
The principle that the jewel is undimmed though
its casket lie in the mire, or that the Gnostic may
do what he will for he is saved by grace, probably
found quite faithful expression in the attitude of
such Gnostics as Carpocrates and the Cainites.
It is held by several scholars that some of the
Ophite sects date back into the pre-Christian era,
and, if this view is correct, Pfleiderer [Das Urchris-
tentum^, Berlin, 1902, vol. ii. pp. 52-54, 82, 97 f. =
Primitive Chnstianity, London, 1910, vol. iii, pp.
72-74, 114, 136 f.) may be right in thinking that
the Cainites whom we know from Irenseus were
the successors of the people who were attacked by
Pliilo in his de Posteritate Caini. Whether the
reference in Jude^^ is to the Cainites must be
regarded as very doubtful (see JuDE).
Literature. — In addition to the Literature named in the
article, the following may be consulted : H. L. Mansel, Gnostic
Heresies, London, 1875 ; A. Hilgenfeld, Die Ketzergeschichte
des Urchristenthuins, Leipzig, 1884 ; A. Harnack, Geschichte
der altchristlichen Litteratur, i. [Leipzig, 1S93] p. 163 fif., ii.
[1897] p. 538 fE. The subject receives some discussion in
Church Histories and Histories of Doctrine. Of articles in
Dictionaries special mention may be made of that in DCB by
G. Salmon. ARTHUR S. PeAKE.
CALF.—' Calf ' (Ac 7«, He 9i-- ^\ Ptev 4^) should
be rendered ' ox ' or ' steer.' 1. Tlie expiatory
virtue of sacrifices of blood formed part of the
Semitic belief from earliest times. In Lv 17^^ the
reason given is that the life or soul of the animal
is in the blood (cf. Gn 9^ Dt 12-^), which gives
piacular efficacy to the sacrifice (see art. ' Sacrifice '
in the Bible Dictionaries). 2. The second of the
four living creatures in the Apocalypse had the
likeness of an ox, presumably as the symbol of
strength. It was certainly for this reason that
the buU was chosen as the symbol of Jahweh by
Aaron (Ac 7*^) and Jeroboam (B. Duhm, Theol.
der Propheten, Bonn, 1875, p. 47 ; A. Dillmann,
Exodus, Berlin, 1880, p. 337 ; J. Robertson, Early
Eeligion of Israel, Edinburgh, 1892, pp. 215-220 ;
similarly Kuenen and Vatke). The four living
creatures remind us of certain of the signs of the
zodiac (bull, angel, lion, eagle), and possibly they
have some connexion with that source (so Mofl'att
and Gunkel). Irenseus (III. xi. 8) associates the
living creatures with the four evangelists, and
holds that the 'calf,' signifying the priestly and
sacrificial character of Jesus, is the symbol of St.
Luke. These traditions continued after his time,
but there was considerable variety in the apijlica-
tion of the symbols (see Zahn, Forschungen, Erlan-
gen, 1881-1903, ii. 257 ff. ; Swete, Gospel according
to St. 3Iark% London, 1902, p. xxxvifl".).
F. W. WORSLEY.
CALIGULA. — Caligula ('little boots') was a pet
name given by the soldiers in his father's army to
the boy who was afterwards known officially as
Gaius Csesar Germanicus. In a similar way the
name ' Caracalla ' or ' Caracallus ' was applied popu-
larly to Imperator Csesar Marcus Aurelius Antoni-
CALIGULA
CALL, CALLED, CALLING 167
nus (A.D. 19S-217), and ' Elagabalus' to Imperator
Csesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus (A.D.
218-222). These sobriquets had no official currency,
but were useful as brief ways of referring to the
names of Emperors, whose ancestors by nature or
adoption had names so like their own, that con-
fusion was certain to occur in conversation or writ-
ing about them. Caligula, wlio was named at
birth Gains lulius Csesar, was the third son of the
distinguished general Germanicus, and Agrippina
(the elder). As Germanicus was a son of Drusus,
the adopted son of Augustus, and as Agrippina was
a daughter of (Agrippa and) lulia, the daughter of
Augustus, Caligula was thus both by nature and
by adoption a great-grandson of the Emperor
Augustus. He is commonly said to have been born
in the camp of his father (Tac. Ann. i. 41); but
Suetonius {Gaiits, 8) points out that the boy was
born before his father left for his province. The
date of his birth was 31 Aug., A.D. 12. From a very
early time he displayed signs of the insanity which
was to break out in the most signal manner when
he attained to manhood. His mania took three
forms — inordinate lust, inordinate vanity, and a
homicidal tendency. No doubt, as in the case of
other Emperors, we must allow for the influence of
evil-minded gossip on our historical records, but
there remains ample evidence to justify this state-
ment. He Avas proclaimed Emperor on the death
of his grand-uncle Tiberius on 18 March, A.D. 37.
He was offered the honorary title of pater patrice
in the early days of 38, and died on 24 Jan. 41 at
the hands of an assassin, C. Cassius Chaerea, in one
of the vaults of the palace on the Palatine HiU.
He was thrice married, first to lunia Claudilla,
daughter of a patrician, M. Silanus.* She died in
childbirth, and he afterwards married Lollia Paul-
ina, daughter of M. Lollius, whom he had robbed
from her husband JNIemmius. He soon afterwards
divorced her. His third wife was Milonia Csesonia.
Caligula left no descendants.
Caligula's reign was as uneventful as it was short.
The machine of government had been left in such
perfect condition by Augustus and Tiberius that
the recklessness of a Caligula could not in such a
short time do serious harm. But one thing he
could and did do : he wasted the savings of his prede-
cessors. He succeeded to the Empire because he
was the personal heir of Tiberius, not because he
had been in any sense his partner in the Empire.
It was the theory of the principate that it came to
an end on the death of each Emperor, and that
power returned to the Senate and people as in the
days of the Republic ; but in practice it was diffi-
cult, if not impossible, to pass over the Emperor's
heir, and Gains was thus proclaimed Emperor. His
reign began with a relaxation of many of the restric-
tions of Tiberius' rule, but his only aim throughout
was the pursuit of excitement and pleasure. There
is no need to detail the countless variety of his in-
sane actions. Towards the end of his principate
he revived the reign of terror, which was such a
feature of Tiberius' time.
Certain changes were made in the Eastern pro-
vinces in the reign of Gains. The territory of
Antiochus of Commagene, which had been made a
province by Tiberius, was restored to his son : it
ran along the northern side of the province of
Cilicia. Herod Agrippa received the tetrarchy of
his uncle Philip, along with Abilene. Later he
obtained also Samaria, after Herod Antipas and
his wife Herodias had been expelled by the Emperor
at his instance. Thrace was also restored to a
member of the old dynasty which had ruled it. To
his kinsmen Polemo and Cotys, Gains gave Pontus
* So Suet. Gaivs, 12 ; but Bury, on what authority the present
writer does not know, names drestilla, wife of Cn. Piso, as his
first wife {A History of the Roman Empire, p. 221).
Polemoniacus and Lesser Armenia respectively.
The Arabian Sohsemus was made ruler over the
Iturseans. Ptolemseus, King of Mauritania, was
executed, and steps were taken to convert his king-
dom into two provinces. The most useful thing
Gains did in the way of provincial government was
to put the legion which was in the province of Africa
under the command of an Imperial legatus. Hither-
to Africa had been the only senatorial province
with Roman troops in it. This legatus had also
civil functions in the Numidian part of Africa.
One aspect of Caligula's activity had a serious
effect on the Jews, and thus drew forth two of the
most interesting historical tractates of the Roman
Empire, Philo's Legatio ad Gaium and contra
Flaccum. The Emperor claimed to be worshipped
as a god. This claim was naturally rejected by
the Jews of Judaea and of Alexandria. The gover-
nor of Egypt, with ill-timed zeal, required them to
set up statues of Gains in their synagogues. The
riots which resulted caused many deaths. In the
year A.D. 40 the Jews of Alexandria sent an em-
bassy to the Emperor to get the governor's decree
rescinded. This embassy was unsuccessful, and
but for the speedy death of the Emperor the con-
sequences of the proposed sacrilege would have
been most serious.
Literature. — The ancient authorities are Snetonius, Gains ;
Philo, contra Flaccum and Lejatio ad Gaiiim ; Dio Cassius ;
etc. The relevant parts of Tacitus (Annals, bk. vii. ff.) are
lost. Modern books are J. B. Bury, A History of the Roman
Empire, London, 1893, pp. 168, 21-Hf., etc. ; V. Duruy, A His-
tory of Rome, Eng. tr., do. 1884-86, iv. 370 fit. (splendidly illus-
trated) ; H. Schiller, Gesch. der rom. Eaiserzeit, Gotha, 1883,
i. 304-314 ; A. von Domaszewski, Gesch. der rom. Kaiser,
Leipzig, 1909, ii. 1-20. A. SODTER.
CALL, CALLED, CALLING These terms in
the NT are for the most part the rendering of
KaXeiv in its various parts and derivatives {KeKXtifiivoi,
K\r)Toi, kXtjctis), or in one or other of its various com-
pounds. Among its meanings are invitation
(KaXelv, -eicOai [Mt O^^ 22^, 1 Co lO^^, Rev W\
irpoffKaXeicdai [Ac, 2^^]); designation (Ka\€7u, -e^adai
[Mt 121 5», Ac 1412, He 2" IV], ^-n-iKaXelv, -eiadai.
[Mt 1025, Lk 223, Ac 123^ He W^]) ; invocation
(eviKaXe'iadai [Ac 2^1 T^", 1 Co P, 2 Co 1^3, 1 P 1"J) ;
summons (fieTaKoXe?!', -eiadai [Ac 7" 10^^]).
In the OT a call of God to His servants and
His people is part of His giacious dealing with
mankind. It was in response to a Divine call
that Abraham (Gn 12i-3), Moses (Ex S^"), Bezaleel
(Ex 31-), David (Ps 78™), Isaiah (Is 6«- »), Jere-
miah (Jer !'*•'), Ezekiel (Ezk 2^) and other eminent
servants of God entered into covenant with Him
and fulfilled the tasks committed to them. Not
only was Israel thus called as the people of God,
but complaint is again and again made by the
Prophets that they refused to hearken and stopped
their ears that they should not hear (Is 6*, Zee
•jii-iaj^ -phe Prophets, moreover, had visions of the
day when the Gentiles should be called into the
covenant and service of Jahweh (Is 55*" *). Of this
OT meaning examples in the NT are our Lord's
call of His apostles (Mt 4^^), the Spirit's call of
Barnabas and Saul (Ac 13-), the call of the High
Priest of the old dispensation (He 5*), where a
Divine call to special ser"ice is given and accepted.
In the Epistles, and particularly in St. Paul,
there is found the more definite meaning of the
word as the call of God to the blessings of salva-
tion. It is here intimately associated with the
eternal purpose of God in human redemption.
This is an advance upon what we find in the
Gospels. In the Gospels ' the called' (ol KXrjToi) are
distinguished from 'the chosen' (ol iiKXeKToL), the
former Ijeing those to whom the invitation to the
gospel feast is addressed, and the latter the more
select company who had heard and accepted it
(Mt 22"). In the Epistles 'the called' are 'the
168 CALL, CALLED, CALLING
CAPPADOCIA
chosen' (Ro 9=^ 2 Th 2^^-^*, 1 P 2^, where 7^«'0J
iKKeKTdv are those whom God ' called out of dark-
ness into his marvellous light'). The kXtttoI are
the manifestation of the ^KXeKTol ; ' of a kXtjo-h which
does not include the iKKoyi) the Scripture knows
nothing' (K. Seeberg, in PRE^, art. 'Berufung').
With St. Paul and also with St. Peter, it is more
than an invitation, it is an invitation responded
to and accepted, and it is so because ' the called '
are already ' the chosen' (2 Th 2'3- !•», Ro S-^).
•The called' (ol kXtjtoL) to whom St. Paul ad-
dresses the Epistle to the Romans, are 'called to
be Jesus Christ's ' (Ro 1®) and they are ' called to be
saints' (Ro 1'), the meaning of the word being
identical with our 'converted.' They are 'called
according to his purpose' (Ro 8^) — God's electing
purpose from all eternity : ' for whom he foreknew,
he also foreordained to be conformed to the image
of his Son, that he might be tlie first-born among
many brethren : and whom he foreordained, them
he also called : and whom he called, them he also
justified : and whom he justified, them he also
glorified.' 'The called' in the thought of St.
Paul are ' the elect ' from all eternity, and their
'calling' through the gospel and the means of
grace is the realization in time of God's purpose
with them from eternity : ' that he might make
known the riches of his glory upon vessels of
mercy which he afore prepared unto glory, even
us whom he also called not from the Jews only
but also from the Gentiles ' (Ro 9-^). This thought
of St. Paul's is also St. John's. We find it in the
Revelation, where St. John pronounces the victori-
ous followers of the Lamb ' called and chosen and
faithful' (Rev 17^S kXtjtoI /cat iKXeKTol km TncTToi) — a
description entirely in keeping with St. John's
record of the words of Christ : ' all that which the
Father giveth me shall come unto me ' ( Jn 6*^* **),
and His promise concerning the sheep to whom He
gives eternal life and whom no man shall pluck
out of His Father's hand (Jn 10-^). 'The calling'
(i] kXtjo-ls) is 'not of works' but of the sovereign
grace of God (Ro 9^1), ' who saved us and called us
with a high calling {ayia KXriaei), not according to
our works, but according to His OAvn purpose and
grace, which was given in Christ Jesus before
times eternal' (2 Ti 1"). The call which thus
comes from God is 'in Christ' (1 P 5^") and
' through the gospel ' (2 Th 2"), to ' the fellowship
of his Son ' (1 Co P), to ' freedom ' (Gal 5'^), not ' for
uncleanness but in sanctification ' (1 Th 4'^), to
'eternal life' (1 Ti 6^=^), to holiness 'like as he
which hath called j-ou is holy' (1 P V^). It is,
therefore, well designated 'the high calling of God
(i) dvu /cXijcrts Tov GeoC) in Christ Jesus' (Ph 3"), 'a
heavenly calling' (KXrjffis ^irovpdvios. He 3'); and
those who are partakers of it are exhorted to make
their ' calling and election sure ' (2 P 1'"), For the
goal, though predestined and prepared aforetime
(Ro 8-^'- g''^), is not attained Avitliout labour and
conflict ; as St. Paul exhorts Timothy : ' Fight the
good fight of faith, lay hold on the life eternal,
wiiereunto thou wast called, and didst witness the
good confession in the siuht of many witnesses'
(1 Ti 6'^). That 'the calling' is to more than a
Christian profession is clear from the experiences
which St. Paul associates with it ; for, if he is ' a
called apostle' (Ro P), the particulars of his call,
which was his conversion, are given when he tells
how it pleased God to separate liim from his
mother's womb and to call him by His grace and
to reveal His Son in him (Gal 1"- I'^j. ' The calling '
carries with it a great hojje— 'ye were called in
one hope of your calling' (Eph4-*)— for they that
experience it do not only in this life partake of
justification, adoption, and sanctification, but know
that when Christ who is their life shall appear
they also shall ajipear with Him in glory (1 Th 2^^).
For this * the called ' are kept [reT-qprtixivon KXrjTots,
Jude^); and, many though the adversaries and
difficulties be, ' faithful is he that called you, who
will also do it' (1 Th 5-^).
The call which St. Paul and the apostolic writers
generally have in view exercises upon those who
are the subjects of it a grace and a power which
are of the Holy Spirit, who, in the words of the
Westminster Divines, ' convincing us of our sin
and misery, enlightening our minds in the know-
ledge of Christ, and renewing our wills, doth per-
suade and enable us to embrace Jesus Christ,
freely offered to lis in the Gospel' (Sfiorter
Catechism, 31).
LiTERATURB.— Sanday-Headlam, iJowuTOS {ICC, 1902), 12 f.,
215 f. ; R. Seeberg, PRE'in. [1S97J art. ' Berufunjr ' ; C. Hodge,
Systematic Theology, ii. [1872] 639-732; art. 'CaU' in HUB;
' Call, Caliing' in DCG. T. NiCOL.
CALLIMACHUS.— See Quotations.
CANAAN (AV Chanaan, Ac 7" and 13").— In
the NT Palestine is referred to as ' the Land ' or
' the Land of Israel ' (Mt 2-"). The old designation
' Canaan ' is used by St. Stephen, in making refer-
ence to the famine which sent Jacob's sons into
Egypt ; and by St. Paul at Antioch when referring
to the destroying of the Canaanites and the giving
of the Land of Promise to Israel.
J. W. Duncan.
CANDACE. — Candace {'KavMK-r}) is mentioned in
Ac 8-^ as 'queen of the Ethiopians,' i.e. of Meroe
(see ExHiopiAand Ethiopian Eunuch). It appears
from various ancient authorities that this was a
name always borne by the queen-mother of the
Ethiopians, and that in many cases she reigned
still as dowager : e.g. we read Y^avSdKtjv Ai6ioire%
■Trdaav t7]v tou ^aaiX^w^ firp-^pa KaXovcyiv (J. A. Cramer,
Catena in Acta Aj^ostolorum, 1844, p. 143), an ex-
tract from an anonymous author who proceeds to
quote Bion (of Soli) thus: AWLoires roiis ^aaiXiuv
Traripa.'s oiiK iKcpaivovcriv, dXX <I)S ovras vloi/s ijXLov
irapadiddao'iv e/cdcrrou 5^ ttjv firiTipa, KaXodai KavddKrjv ;
cf. Athen. xiii. 566 and Pliny, HN vi. 29. The
name in its Egyptian form is said to occur on the
monuments, and a queen so named tried conclusions
with the Romans during the reign of Augustus
24-21 B.C. and obtained some measure of success.
The exjiression in Ac S'''^ that the eiyroOxos SwdffTrjs,
whom Philip baptized, 'was over all her treasure'
suggests that this monarch was powerful and
wealthy. C. L. Feltoe.
CANDLE, CANDLESTICK.— See Lamp, Lamp-
stand.
CANKER.— See Gangrene.
CAPPADOCIA (Ka7r7ra5oK/a). — Cappadocia was
an elevated table-land, with ill-defined and varying
boundaries, in the east centre of Asia Minor. It
was drained chiefly by the Halys and its tributaries,
and intersected by great mountains, the highest of
which, Argceus, is 13,000 feet above the sea.
'Persons who ascend it (but they are not many)
say that both the Euxine and the Sea of Issus may
be seen from it in clear weather' (Strabo, Xll. ii.
7). Cappadocia was traversed by the great road
of commerce from Ephesus to the Euphrates, by the
pilgrims' route from Constantinoj)le to Jerusalem,
and by roads from the Cilician Gates to the cities
of the Euxine. It was an excellent country for
corn and pasturage, and it had some important
centres of commerce. Jews had found their way
into the country before the Maccabaean period,
and in 139 B.C. the Roman Senate sent a letter to
Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia, directing him 'not
to seek their hurt' (1 Mao IS^"- '^). Philo (Leg. ad
CAPTAI^^ OF THE TEMPLE
CAR^^AL
169
Gaium, 36) also refers to Jews in Cappadocia. On
the death of King Archelaus in A.D. 17, the country-
was formed into a Roman province (Tacitus, Ann.
ii. 42). It was administered by a procurator until
the time of Vespasian, who joined it to Armenia
and placed it under a legatus.
Jews of Cappadocia were sojourning in Jerusalem
at the time of the first Christian Pentecost (Ac 2").
The elect of the Dispersion in the province of
Cappadocia are addressed in 1 P 1^. Pagan Cappa-
docia was devoted chiefly to the cult of Ma, and
the strength of its anti-Christian forces is indicated
in Strabo's description of two leading cities, Comana
and Morimene.
The priest of Comana 'presides over the temple, and has
authorit3' over the hierodouli l)eloni;iiig' to it, who, at the time
I was there, exceeded in number 6000 persons, including men
and women. A large tract of land adjoins the temple, the
revenue of which the priest enjoys. He is second in rank in
Cappadocia after the king, and in general the priests are de-
scended from the same family as the kings ' (xii. ii. 3). ' In
Morimene, among the Venasii, is a temple of Jupiter, with
buildings capable of receiving nearly 3000 hierodouli. It has a
tract of sacred land attached to it. . . . The priest is appointed
for life like the priest of Comana, and is next to him in rank '
(XII. ii. 7).
Yet Christianity made rapid progress in Cappa-
docia, and its triumph in Caesarea, the capital, so
otl'ended Julian the Apostate that he deprived the
city of its freedom. !Some of the other cities of
Cappadocia — Nyssa, Nazianzus, Tyana, Samosata
— are celebrated in Church history.
Literature.— W. M. Ramsay, The Chtirch in the Roman
Empire, London, 1893, p. 445 If. ; Th. Mommsen, Provinces of
the Horn. Empire'^, Kng. tr., do. 1909, i.3'23f., 3:i2 f., ii. 19, 41, 63 ;
E. Chantre, Mission en Cappadncie, Paris, 1S98 ; G. Long, in
DGRG, i. 506 ff. ; art. ' Cappadocia ' in UDB and EBi.
James Strahan.
CAPTAIN OF THE TEMPLE (Ac 4^ S^^-^o, 6
(TTpaTTjybs Tov lepov). — This is St. Luke's name for
the commander of the Levitical guard who kept
order in the Temple precincts and guarded the
house. He was not a civil officer, but a priest ;
and his duty, besides keeping the peace, was to
make his rounds by night, visit all the gates, and
see that the sentries were awake. The ottice ap-
pears in Neh 11", Jer 20S etc. In 2 Mac 3^ he is
called ■n-poa-rd.TTjs rod iepoO, and is said to be of the
tribe of Benjamin, If the reading is correct, this
would be an irregularity. In the time of Claudius
Cajsar, one Ananus, the commander of the Temple,
was sent in bonds to Rome to answer for his actions
in a Jewish-Samaritan tumult (Jos. Ant. XX. vi. 2).
For tlie name cf. also BJ VI. v. 3.
In the NT period, some of the high priests were
blamed for nepotism, because, among other things,
they made their sons ' captains of the Temple.'
In Ac 4^ the captain intervened on the ground
tliat the peace of the Temple was likely to be
broken by the preaching of the apostles, who were
regarded as unauthorized speakers, and as such
were under the ban of Jer 29'-^ : ' that there might
be an overseer in the house of the Lord for every
man who is insane and prophesies, and that thou
mightest put him in the stocks and in the block.'
In Ac 5-'*- '^^ the captain of the Temple re-arrested
Peter and John, who had escaped from prison the
previous night. But clearly he was uncertain of
his position, and recognized that popular opinion
was on the side of tlie apostles. It was the policy
of the Sadducees to avoid disturbance, and to give
no excuse for the intervention of the Roman power.
Therefore the arrest was etiected courteously,
'without violence, for they feared tiie jieople lest
they should be stoned.' W. M. Grant.
CAPTIVITY.— See Bondage.
CARE, CAREFUL The English word ' care ' is
used in two senses : (a) attention to something or
someone, not necessarily painful (Lat. cura) ; and
(6) anxiety, painful attention. This sense was due
to the A.S. cam, 'sorrow,' becoming confounded
with the Latin cura, ' attention ' (see HDB, art.
' Care '). This confusion was not unnatural, since
excessive attention, or conflicting attention (cf.
fi^pifiva ' drawing in difl'erent directions,' or Eng.
' distraction '), readily becomes painful. The sense
of distress is not conveyed by the adjectival and
adverbial forms — careful and carefully, careless
and carelessly.
(a) Instances of commendable human care are
to be found in concern for personal righteousness
(He 12'^ Tit 3^) ; zeal [a-irovdy]) for correcting a
wrong (2 Co 7") ; interest in the welfare of one's
fellows, especially those who are of the household
of faith (1 Co 12-', 2 Co 7^^ s's, Ph 2-» 4"*) ; anxiety
for the churches (2 Co 11-^). (b) Care is condemned
when it has an unworthy object, e.g. forethought
{vpdvoia) for the flesh to fulfil its lusts (Ro 13") ;
the worship of mammon (1 Ti 6»- i», He 13^); or
when it is purely selfish (Ph 2^'). (c) Care which
distracts from the love and service of God becomes
an evil. Marriage was regarded as legitimate and
honourable in the early Church, but St. Paul saw in
the cares of married life a menace to spiritual zeal
and labour (1 Co 7^-). A lawful temporal care was
recognized. He who made no provision (irpopoel)
for those dejiendent upon him, and especially for
his own family, had denied the faith and was worse
than an unbeliever (1 Ti 5^ ; cf. 2Th 3«-^5^ Ro 12'i).
But how readily the cares of the world crushed
out the love of God ! (2 Ti 4i», He 13^ etc.). {d)
Human care has its remedy in the sjjirit which
puts first of all the Kingdom of God and His
righteousness. The secret of St. Paul's indifi'erence
to human loss (Ph 3'^-), and his contentment in
whatsoever condition of life he happened to be (4"),
lay in the fact that the ordinary human interests
of life had become utterly subordinate to the
interests of God (cf. 1 Co 7-', ' Were you a slave
when God called you? Let not that weigh on
your mind'), (e) Again, 'the strain of toil, the
fret of care ' is relieved in the thought of God's
providence (Ph 4^, ' in nothing be anxious ' ; 1 P 5^
' casting all your anxiety upon God, because he
careth for you' ; cf. He 13^). Providence does not
guarantee freedom from human pain, sorrow and
persecution (2 Co 4^^* IP^'-, etc.), but embraces
these and all things, in a wide scheme of goodness
(Ro 8-8.35-37. cf. Mt 10-8- '^ God cares for the
sparrows that fall to the ground). Care is relieved
for the Christian, not so much by the hope of a
change of human circumstances, as by his changed
estimate of human values. Temporal things ' shall
vanish all — the city of God remaineth' (2 Co 4i^'-).
See also art. Comfort.
Literature.— Art. ' Care ' in HDB and DCG ; R. W. Dale,
Latvs of Christ for Commiin Life, London, 1S99 ; T. C. Upham,
Life and HeligUius Opinions of Madame Gvijoti, New York,
1877 ; W. C. E. Newbolt, Counsels of Faith and Practice,
1894, p. 161 ; H. Black, Christ's Service of Love, 1907, p. 42.
H. BULCOCK.
CARNAL.— In two cases (Ro 8^ He 9i«) the
adj. 'carnal,' and in one (Ro 8^) the adv. 'car-
nally,' are used in AV to render the gen. of ffdp^
' flesh' ; in Ro S"- '' RV substitutes ' of the flesh.'
The ' carnal mind ' or ' mind of the flesh ' (Ro
8^- '') denotes, according to St. Paul's frequent
usage, human nature as fallen, sinfully condi-
tioned, and hostile to the influences of the Holy
Spirit; 'carnal ordinances' (He 9^") are material
ordinances as contrasted with those that are
spiritual.
On the other occasions when ' carnal ' is found
in the Epistles it represents the adjectives adpKivos
and aapKiKds, which, according to their strict mean-
ings, correspond respectively to the Lat. carneus
170
CARPUS
CASTLE
and carnalis, and the Eng. 'fleshy' and 'fleshly.'
Belonging to the general class of proparoxytone
adjectives in -ij'os which are used to denote the
material of which a thing is made (cf. ^vKwo^,
wooden, XLOivos, made of stone, etc.), crapKLvos
properly describes that which is composed of
flesh. It is the more literal and grosser term,
while (xapKiKds has an abstract and ethical applica-
tion as denoting the ' fleshly ' or what pertains to
the flesh.
With regard to the use of the two words in the
Pauline Epp., a ditticulty arises owing to the way
in which they are interchanged in difierent MSS.
In the view of some scholars, adpKivos, which was
much the more famUiar word of the two, has been
substituted in some cases for o-apKiKos, an adjective
almost wholly unknown outside of biblical Greek
(Winer, Gram, of NT Gr., tr. Moulton, ed. 1882,
p. 122). Others, conversely, are of opinion that
crapKiKds as the more abstract term may have taken
the place of the grosser <xdpKLvos, which might seem
to a copyist less appropriate to the Apostle's
meaning (Cremer, Lexicon, s.v.). There are cases,
however (e.g. Ro 7^*), where according to the best
readings cdpKivos stands when aapKiKds might have
been expected. According to some commentators
(Tholuck, Alford), St. Paul used the two adjectives
indiscriminately. Meyer, on the other hand, who
lays stress on the ditt'erence of meaning between
the two words, thinks that the Apostle sometimes
of set purpose employed (rdpKivos as the stronger
expression in order to indicate more emphatically
the presence of the unspiritual element. He calls
the Corinthians adpKivoi (1 Co 3^) because the flesh
appeared to constitute their very nature ; he says
of himself in Ro 7^* ' I am carnal ' (crdpKivoi), to
show by this vivid expression the preponderance
in his own case of that unspiritual nature which
serves as the instrument of sin.
The use of cdpKLvos in such cases, however, is not
to be taken as lending any support to the view
that St. Paul recognized in the body the source
and principle of sin. The language he uses in
Gal 5^^*-, 1 Co 3* suggests rather that his contrast
of 'carnal' and 'spiritual' (Ro 8^*-) is equivalent
to the contrast he elsewhere makes of ' natural '
and ' spiritual ' (I Co 2'2^-)- The ' carnal mind ' or
' mind of the flesh ' is the mind which is not sub-
ject to the law of God (Ro 8') because it has not
received the Spirit of God (1 Co 2'2- "). gee,
further. Flesh, Body.
LiTERATtTRB.— H. Cremer, Lex. of NT Gree.k^, Edinburgh,
1880, and R. C. Trench, Synonyms of the }iT^, London, 1876,
s.vv. crapKLKoi;, crapKii'os ; Comm. of Alford and Meyer on
passages referred to ; J. Laidlaw, Bible Doct. of Man, new ed.,
Edinburgh, 1895, oh. vi. ; Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ (.ICC,
1902), pp. 181, 412 ; H. B. Swete, The Holij Spirit in the NT,
1909, pp. 190, 214. J. c. Lambert.
CARPUS (KapTTos). — Carpus was an inhabitant
of Troas in whose house St. Paul probably lodged
on his last journey to Rome. St. Paul writes
from his prison to Timothy, and asks him to bring
the cloak, books, and parchments which he had
left at Troas with Carpus (2 Ti 4}% Possibly the
Apostle was arrested in Troas and compelled to
leave these articles behind. Notliing further is
known with any certainty regarding Carpus.
The name is Greek, but his nationality is un-
known. He is supposed by later tradition to have
been one of ' the Seventy,' and the Greek Church
honours his memory on May 26, the Roman and
Syrian Churches on October 13. Both Hippolytus
and Dorotlieus include his name in their lists of
the Seventy, and report tliat he became bishop of
Berythus or Beroea in Thrace [Acta Sanctorum,
May 26, Oct. 13 ; Menologion, May 26 ; N. Nilles,
Kalendarium Manuale, Innsbruck, 1896, i. 165,
461). W.F.Boyd.
CASTAWAY. — This word has disappeared from
the RV (1 Co 9^^), and its place has been taken by
' rejected ' (d56/ct/ios). The word is the negation
of ddKifios, ' acceptable,' ' accepted after trial,' and
means 'unacceptable,' 'rejected after trial,' as in
the LXX Is V^ there is found ' your silver is re-
jected ' (r6 dpyipiov vfj.Qv adoKifiov). St. Paul, how-
ever, somewhat extends the metaphor, for the
context shows that the ancient games, or, as he
is writing to Corinthians, the Isthmian games,
are in his mind. He contemplates the possibility
of rejection, after having been successful in the
contest, for not having contended in accordance
with the rules. It would be distressing in the
extreme after all his exacting training and liLs
arduous struggle to be found by the umpire dis-
qualified for neglect of the conditions. To have
preached to others, and yet, through lack of Chris-
tian watchfulness, to have allowed the flesh to
re-assert the mastery and so to become a castaway,
to be rejected in the final scrutiny, is a possibility
which urges the Apostle himself to more arduous
exertions and lends earnestness to his appeal to
the Corinthians. For an apposite parallel see 2
Clement, vii. See also art. Assubance.
T. NiCOL.
CASTLE. — The word irape/tjSoXi}, translated
'castle' six times in Acts, meant in the Mace-
donian dialect an encampment, and in the LXX it
is used for the camp of the Israelites in the desert
(Ex 29", etc.). In the vivid narrative of St. Paul's
arrest in Jerusalem (Ac 21. 22) it probably denotes
the barracks of the Roman soldiers who were
stationed at the castle of Antonia, though the RV
as well as the AV identifies it with the castle itself.
The history of this fort goes back to the time
of Nehemiah, who speaks of procuring ' timber to
make beams for the castle (the Birah) which ap-
pertains to the house ' (2^ ; cf . 7^). Probably on
the same site John Hyrcanus, high priest from 135
to 105 B.C., built the Hasmonaean castle, which
Josephus calls 'Baris'(-4n#. XV. xi. 4 ; BJl. xxi. 1).
' When Herod became king, he rebuilt that castle,
which was very conveniently situated, in a magnifi-
cent manner, and because he was a friend of An-
tonius, he called it by the name of Antonia' {Ant.
XVIII. iv, 3). Situated at the corner of the north
and west cloisters of the Temple, it commanded,
especially from its lofty S.E. tower, a view of the
whole sacred precincts, while two staircases (dva-
^ad/xoL, Ac 21^^ Karalida-fLS, Jos. BJ V. v. 8) led down
from it to the cloisters ; and in the Roman period
the soldiers of the cohort (<nre?pa), which was alway.s
stationed in the city, ' went several ways among
the cloisters, with their arms, on the Jewish festi-
vals, in order to keep watch over the people ' (Jos.
loc. cit.).
The narrator of St. Paul's arrest was evidently
well acquainted with this locality, and he graphi-
cally reproduces the details of the scene. News of
a Temple riot — no uncommon occurrence — came up
{dvi^Tj (pdcTis) to the commander of the cohort
(xt^iapxos, ' military tribune ' RVm), who at once
took soldiers and ran down (Karidpafiev) to the fana-
tical crowd, probably just in time to prevent blood-
shed (Ac 21^1- 2-). As St. Paul was about to be
conducted up one of the staircases leading to the
barracks, he was swept ofl" his feet by the rising
human tide, and had literally to be carried out of
danger by the soldiers ; but, recovering himself on
tiie upper steps, he asked and obtained permission
to address the baffled and still raging crowd, who
turned a sea of angry faces upon him from below.
His beckoning hand and his Aramaic speech
secured a temporary silence, which enabled him
to tell his vast audience the story of his conversion,
but he could not get beyond the fatal word ' Gen-
tiles ' (22^'), and, leaving behind him a yelling mob,
CASTOR
CENCHRE^
171
he was marched into the barracks. Fort Antonia
was for some days his place of confinement. Hither
came his nephew with a message which saved him
from falling into the hands of fanatical conspirators
(23^*), and here Christ Himself seemed to stand by
him with words of good cheer (v."). From the
castle he was taken by night to Antipatris, and
thence to Caesarea (23*^"^).
Literature. — T. Lewin, Life and Epistles of St. PaitlS, 1875,
ii. 135 ff. ; Conybeare-Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul,
1856, ii. 311 ff. ; H.A. A. Kennedy, Sources of NT Greek, 1895,
p. 15 ; artt. ' Castle ' and ' Jerusalem 'Jn EBi, ' Castle ' in EDB.
' James Stkahan.
CASTOR.— See Dioscuri.
CATECHUMEN.— See Baptism.
CATHOLIC EPISTLES.— The title 'Catholic
Epistles,' as applied to a group of seven Epistles in
the NT, viz. those of James, Peter (two), John
(three), and Jude, is first met with in Eusebius (HE
II. xxiii. 25[6is]and VI. xiv. 1), and, somewhat later,
in Cyril of Jerusalem (Catecheseis, iv. 36) and the
original 'Euthalius' (ed. Zaccagni, 1698, i. 405,
409). We can thus trace the title in the above
sense as far back as c. A.D. 310, and even then it
conies before us as a long-established and familiar
designation, the origin of which we may therefore
assign to the 3rd century. As regards its usage by
Eusebius, the conte.xt of the first passage cited
(II. xxiii. 25) shows us that it cannot bear the
meaning of ' canonical ' or ' apostolic,' since he
there employs it simply in the sense of Epistles not
addressed to a definite and relatively narrow circle
of readers. With this usage we may compare his
application of the term ' catholic ' to the Epistles of
Dionysius of Corinth in HE IV. xxiii. 1, where he
presumably makes use of an already current desig-
nation of that group of seven (!) Epistles, which,
though directed to particular communities, might
nevertheless, so far as their character and contents
are concerned, have been addressed to any com-
munity in Christendom. The title 'Catholic Epistle,'
again, as applied to a particular letter, is used, c.
260, by Dionysius of Alexandria {ap. Eus. HE Vil.
XXV. 7, 10) of 1 John — in contradistinction to the
other two Epistles of John, which are not addressed
to the Church at large ; the term is used more
frequently by Origen of 1 John, Jude, and 1 Peter,
as also, in a single instance, of the Epistle of Bar-
nabas (c. Cels. i. 63). The letter of the Apostolic
Council in Jerusalem (Ac 15'^''^^) is referred to as
'catholic' by Clement of Alexandria {Strom. IV.
XV. 97) c. 205, and he applies the same attribute to
Jude in his Hypotyposeis (T. Zahn, Forschungen
i.'(r Gesch. des NT Kanons, pt. iii. [1884] 83, Gesch.
des NT Kanons, i. [1888] 319 f.). The anti-Mon-
tanist Apollonius speaks ( 197) of a ' Catholic Epistle'
which the INIontanist Themiso had composed in
imitation of the Apostle (ap. Eus. HE V. xviii. 5)
— pi^obably St. John in his First Epistle.
We may therefore assume that, by the end of the
2nd century, the title 'catholic' was applied to
certain Epistles which, as contrasted above all with
the Epistles of Paul, were not explicitly addressed
to particular churches, and that it was likewise
used on similar grounds of 1 John as contrasted
with 2 and 3 John. From this point, again, a
further step was taken, probably in the first half
of the 3rd century, in applying the attribute
' catholic ' to all thie non-Pauline Epistles in the
sacred collection, even although the term as hither-
to used was not appropriate to 2 and 3 John. These,
however, were by that time closely linked with
1 John. The usage of the term as equivalent to
'general' or 'encyclical' was still recognized by
Leontius of Byzantium (de Sectis, ii. 4) and CEcume-
nius {Com. in Ep. Cath. Jacobi). The change by
which the attribute ' catholic ' came to signify the
opposite of ' non-apostolic ' or ' uncanonical ' took
place in the West, and it was there also that this
group of seven Epistles in the NT came to be known
generally as the Canonical Epistles (cf. Council of
Daraasus of 382 ; see C. H. Turner, JThSt i. [1899-
1900] 554, and E. V. Dobschiltz, jDecre^. Gelasiamum,
1912, p. 28 ; Pseudo-Didymus, in Ep. Can. [in the
Latin version], and Cassiodorus, de Instit. Div.
Lit., 8). It would thus appear that these terms
were resorted to as a mere makeshift, and that
they are of very little service to us either as regards
the history of the canon or from the literary point
of view.
LrrERATtTRE. — Histories of the KT Canon, and Introductions
to the NT, esp. H. A. Schott, Isayoge hist.-crit. in libros jVoot
Foederis, Jena., 1830, pp. 371-5, and E. Reuss, Gesch. derheiligen
Schriften Neuen Testaments^, Brunswiclv, 1800, § 3U1 (Eng. tr.,
Edinburgh, 1884); E. T. Mayerhoff, 'Cberdie Bedeutungdes
Naniens €ni<TTokaX Ka6o\iKaiC' in Hist.-krit. Einleitumj in die
petriniscfien Schriften, Hamburg, 1835, pp. 31-42 ; A. Deiss-
mann, Biljelstudie7i,'Ma.rhuTg, 1895, p. 243 f. (Eng. tr., Edinburgh,
1901, p. 50 ff.); the relevant excursuses of Jan van Gilse and
W. C. L. Ziegler (' Animadversiones in sensum nominis epist.
eathol.') in J. Dahl, Cominentatio exegetico-critica de av6evTC(f
epist, petr., Rostock, 1807. H. JORDAN.
CAUDA.— Cauda (Clauda in AV ; KaCSa in B,
supported by Gaudus in Pliny, HN IV. xii. 61, and
Pomp. Mela, ii. 14 ; KXaOSa in K and most authori-
ties, supported by KXaOSos in Ptolemy, Ul. xvii. 11)
was a small island 23 miles S. of Crete. From the
modern forms of the name — Gavdho in Greek, Gozzo
in Italian — Ramsay argues that preference should
be given to the ancient form which omits the letter
'1.' Favoured by a soft south wind, the ship in
which St. Paul was sailing for Italy had rounded
Cape Lithinos (now Cape Matala), four or five miles
west from Fair Havens, and was making in a
W.N.W. direction across the Bay of Messara for
Port Phenice (g'.v.), which there was the prospect
of reaching in a few hours, when she was suddenly
struck by a ' typhoon ' (dvefios rvcpoifiKds), or E. N.E.
squall (see EuRAQUILO), sweeping down from
Mount Ida, and, not being able to face the gale
{avTocpdaKfielv), she had to run before it {iiridovTes
i(pep6iJ.iOa) till she was fortunate enough to get
under the lee of Cauda, where the comparatively
smooth water enabled the crew to bring her to
and prepare her to weather the storm (Ac 27'^"").
'The ship must have been laid to on the starboard
tack under the lee of Cauda, for it was only on
this tack that it was possible to avoid being driven
on the African coast' (Smith, Voyage and Ship-
wreck of St. Paul*, London, 1880, p. 97flf.).
Literature. — W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul, London, 1895, p.
326 ff.; A. Breusingr, Die Nautik der Alten, Bremen, 1886, p.
169 S. ; artt. ' Cauda ' in EBB and ' Clauda ' in EBi.
James Strahan.
CELIBACY.— See Marriage.
CENCHRE.ffi.— Cenchrese (not ' Cenchrea,' as in
AV ; Keyxpeal [Tischendorf], Kevxpeal [WH] ; now
the village of Kichries) was the eastern port of
Corinth, 7 miles from the city, on the Saronic Gulf,
opposite to Lechaeum on the Corinthian Gulf.
' Cenchrese,' says Strabo, ' serves for the trade with
Asia, and Lechaeum for that with Italy' (Vlll. vi.
22). From the town of Schcenus — 4 miles north of
Cenchrese — where the isthmus is less than 5 miles
wide, a tramway (St'oX/cos) was laid to the other
side, upon which vessels of smaller tonnage were
conveyed bodily from sea to sea, avoiding a cir-
cuitous passage by the stormy headland of Malea.
In A.D. 67, Nero, impressed by an idea which had
previously commended itself to greater minds —
notably to that of Julius Cajsar — made an abortive
attempt to cut a canal across the Isthmus, a piece
of engineering which was not accomplished till
the end of the 19th century (1881-1893). Between
172
CENSER
CERINTHUS
Cenchrere and Schoenus was a famous sanctuary,
in which stood ' the temple of Isthmian Neptune,
shaded above with a grove of pine-trees, where the
Corinthians celebrated the Isthmian games' (Strabo,
loc. cit.). From the pines were cut those garlands
for the brows of the victors in the stadium, which
St. Paul contrasts with immortal crowns (1 Co
9-^'"). At Cenchreae, St. Paul, on the eve of his
sailing for Syria to attend the Passover, had his
head shorn on account of a vow (Ac 18'*). During
his prolonged residence in Corinth, Cenchrere had
become the seat of a church, of which Phcebe was
a di.&Kovos — if not a deaconess in the full technical
meaning of later times, at any rate in a more de-
finite sense than is implied by 'servant' (Ko 16').
She was a irpocrrdtrts — succourer, patroness, guardian
— of many wayfaring Christians who passed through
that bustling seaport (16*). It has generally been
assumed that this Cenchrean lady, whom St. Paul
so warmly commends, was tlie bearer of the Roman
Epistle to its destination (Renan, St. Paul, 1869,
p. 219), but there is strong reason to believe that
Ro 16 is a letter meant for Ephesus (see Romans).
LrrERATURE. — Conybeare-Howson, Life and Epistles of St.
Paul, ISSe, ii. 224 ; T. Lewin, Life and Epistles of St. PauV\
1875, i. 299 ff. ; J. G. Frazer, Pausanias, 1S9S, iii. Off. ; E. B.
Redlich, St. Paul and his Companions, 1913, index, s.v.
James Strahan.
CENSER. — 1. The writer of Hebrews mentions
the 'golden dvixiarqpiov' first among the pieces of
furniture which belonged to the Holy of Holies
(9^). He had in view Ex SO'"'", which is generally
regarded as one of the latest strata of P. His
words raise a question as to the meaning of the
word dvfXLaT-qpiov, and another as to the position of
the article so named, both of which questions have
been the subject of much controversy. (1) AV
and RV, following the Vulgate — 'aureum habens
thuribulum' — render dvixiar-qpiov by 'censer'; but
RVm and American RV, like Clement Alex.,
Calvin, and most modern scholars, translate it as
'altar of incense.' Etymologically the word — a
neut. adj. — may mean anything employed in the
burning of incense, whether a censer in which, or
an altar upon which, the act is performed. When
evfiiarripiov occurs in the LXX— 2 Cii 26'^ Ezk 8",
4 Mac 7^' — it no doubt means 'censer,' being a
translation of nna,^"?, while the altar of incense is t6
6v(Tia(TrT]pi.ov 6vixidfj.aTos (or -rwv) in Ex 30'- ^^, Lv 4^,
1 Ch V^, etc. But it is also certain that OvixiaT-qpLov
became the usual Hellenistic name for the altar of
incense, and Philo {Quis rer. div. hcer. 46, Vit.
Mos. iii. 7), Josephus {Ant. in. vi. 8, viii. 2, 3, BJ
V. v. 5), and the versions of Symmachus and Theo-
dotion use the word with this meaning in Ex 30^
Unless the writer of Hebrews follows the same
usage, he entirelj' ignores the altar of incense in
his description of the furniture of the tabernacle,
which is scarcely credible. (2) Prima facie, the
author of Hebrews has fallen into error in naming
this altar among the furnishings of the most holy
place. He may be supposed to have been misled
(a) by the ambiguous insti'uctions regarding it
given in Ex 30^ : ' thou shall put it before the veil
that is by the ark of the testimony, before tiie
mercy-seat that is over the testimony' ; [b) by its
designation as ayi.ov rOiv ayiwv in Ex 30'" ; and (c)
especially by the fact that in Ex 25-^"^" 26^*, only tlie
candlestick and the table are mentioned as standing
in the holy place. Such a mistake on the part of the
writer, whose acquaintance with the ritual practice
of Judaism was second-hand, would not prove him
the Monstruni von Unwissenheit that Delitzsch
suggests. Still, it is not certain that he was really
wrong. He does not say tliat the Holy of Holies
contained the dvniarfipLov (contrast iv io in He 9^),
but that it Mc? (ixov<^o-) such an altar. Evidently
he was thinking, not of the local position of the
altar, but of its intimate relation to the ministry
of the inner sanctuary on the Day of Atonement.
2. In Rev 8^- ^, \ij3aviOT6s, which is strictly ' frank-
incense,' the gum exuding from the XLfiavos, is used
instead of Xt/Javwrts (or -rpts) for ' censer,' corre-
sponding to the wvpelov (irvpLov) or dvlcTKT) (' fire pan ')
of the LXX. In the prophetic symbolism this
censer holds (1) the fire which burns the incense
that is added to the prayers of the saints, and (2)
the fire, or hot ashes, of God's vengeance, which are
cast upon a hostile and impenitent world. See
Incense.
LrrERATTTRB. — Grimm-Thayer, s.v. Ov/itianjpiov ; Schurer,
EJP II. i. 295 ; T. Zahn, Introd. to NT, Ens?, tr., 1909, ii. 363;
H. B. Swete, Apocalypse of St. John~, 1907, p. 108; ExpT i.
[18S9-90] 74, ii. [1&90-91] 18 ; see also art. 'Censer' in HDB
and Literature there cited. JaMES STKAHAN,
CENTURION.— See Army.
CEPHAS.— See Peter.
CERINTHUS.— Probably Cerinthus was educated
in Egypt (Hippol., vii. 7, 33 ; x. 21 [ed. Duncker]) ;
certainly he taught in proconsular Asia contempor-
aneously with John, the writer of the Gospel and
Epistles, i.e. in the last quarter of the 1st cent. A.D.
(Polj'carp, quoted in Iren., adv. Hcer. III. iii. 4).
Cerinthus is one of the earliest of the Gnostics.
The world, he taught, was made not by the
Supreme God, but by a Power inferior to, and
ignorant of, Him. He denied the virgin birth of
Jesus, who was, however, pre-eminent for right-
eousness, prudence, and wisdom. He separated
Jesus and Christ. Christ descended on Jesus after
baptism and left Him before the crucifixion.
Jesus suffered and rose again, but Christ, a pure
spirit, Avas impassible (Iren., adv. Hcer. I. xxvi. 1 ;
cf. III. xi. 1; Hippol., vii. 33, x. 21; Pseudo-
TertuUian, adv. omn. Hcer. x.).
It is not incredible that Cerinthus judaized to
the extent of teaching the obligation of circum-
cision and the Sabbath (Epiph., Hcer. chs. L and ii.,
and Philaster). Though Judaizing and Gnosticism
afterwards became inconsistent with each other,
at Cerinthus' stage such a limited alliance is not
unthinkable. It is, however, his christology that
is most important, and it is an interesting query —
Is it this that is attacked in 1 John? Beyond
doubt St. John has an actual heresy in view ; he
gives no mere general warning against errors that
may arise. The crucial passage is 1 Jn 4-' ^,
which, literally translated from the critical texts,
reads : ' Hereby know ye the spirit of God ; every
spirit which confesses Jesus Christ come in the
flesh is of God, and every spirit which confesses
not Jesus is not of God.' The use of 'Jesus' alone
in V.** makes it almost cei'tain that v.*^ should be
taken to mean ' confesses Jesus as Christ come in
tiie flesh.' Thus it is not Docetism that is opposed,
but a separation such as Cerintlius made between
Jesus and Christ. Further, according to Socrates
(HE vii. 32), ' confesses not ' in v.^ was substituted
for an original 'dissolves' or 'disrupts' {\{iei, so
Vulg. solvit). If we accept this, the case may be
said to be proved. It is exactly the christology of
Cerinthus that is attacked. So in 1 Jn 2--, the
denial that Jesus is Christ can scarcely be the old
Jewish denial, but a refusal like that of Cerinthus
to identify Jesus with Christ. Again, in 1 Jn 5®
' blood ' probably refers either to the birth or to
the deatii of Christ, both of which Cerinthus
denied. Quite possibly other errors are in St.
John's mind as well as Cerintliianism. Docetism, no
doubt, was a real danger, and i)assages like 1 .Jn I"*
seem to have it in view. But it is probable in the
highest degree that it is mainly Cerinthus who is
to St. John the enemy of the truth.
CERTAIjS'TY
CHASTISEMENT
173
The errors dealt -with in 1 John had antinomian
consequences. According to Gains of Rome
(quoted by Euseb., HE iii. 28), Cerinthus taught
the coming of a millennium of sensual delights.
Too much credence, however, is not to be attached
to such statements. In early days, as always,
heretics were readily and rashly painted as moral
delinquents, and, as noted above, John may have
others besides Cerinthus in view.
Other views have been attributed to Cerinthus,
but the evidence is so scanty, confused, and con-
tradictory, that it is not worth whUe to state them.
LiTBRATTRE.— J. B. Lightfoot, Colossians and Philemon^,
London, 1879 ; H. L. Mansel, The Gnostic Heresies, do. 1S75 ;
A. Hilgenfeld, Eetzergesehichte, Leipziir, 1S84, p. 411 ff. ;
D. R. A. Lipsius, Zur Quellenkritik d. Epipbanios, Vienna,
1865, p. 32S f. ; R. Law, The Tests of Life, Edinburgh, 1909,
chs. ii. and xiii. ; art. 'Cerinthus,' by A. S. Peake, in EME
iii. 318. W. D. NiVEN.
CERTAINTY.— See Assurance.
CHAIN, BONDS.— The word SiXvan is used of the
coupling-chain or manacle by which the prisoner
was attached to his guard, as distinguished from
veOT), the foot-fetters. It diiiers apparently from
decTfioi in conveying the idea of attachment rather
than confinement. Among the Romans, it was
customary to attach the prisoner by a light chain
to the soldier responsible for his safe custody.
One end of the chain was fastened to the right
wrist of the captive, and the other to the left
A^ rist of his custodian, whose right hand was thus
free. It is to this method of confinement that
St. Paul alludes, when speaking of his 'chain' (Ac
28=", Eph 620™, 2 Ti l'"). Sometimes, for greater
security, the prisoner was bound to two soldiers,
one on each side of him, in which case, of course,
the use of two chains would be necessary. This
more rigorous method of confinement is the sort
to which St. Peter was subjected during his im-
prisonment (Ac 12'^), and also St. Paul during the
early days of his captivity at Jerusalem (Ac 21*^).
Later on, at Caesarea and Rome, the latter
Apostle, although still kept in strict military
custody, was permitted to enjoy a considerable
measure of freedom (Ac 24^ 28'"'-)- More fre-
quently, the less precise and graphic terms deafioL
and oecr/xd, 'bonds' or 'imprisonment' are used to
describe the condition of persons in captivity. St.
Paul, speaking of himself as a prisoner, makes
repeated allusions to his 'bonds' (Ph l^- is. w. le^
Col 43, 2 Ti 29, Philem i"- 1^). The neuter and mascu-
line forms are used with distinct shades of mean-
ing, SecT/xd referring to the fetters by which the
person was bound (Ac 16-^ ['bands'] 20'-^, 26-''),
Seffnol to the state of captivitj- into Avhich the
person had been thrown. W. S. MONTGOMERY.
CHALCEDONY (xaX/c7;5civ).— Chalcedony is the
precious stone with which the third foundation of
the wall of the New Jerusalem is garnished (Rev
21'S). The ancient meaning of the word is un-
certain. In modern mineralogy the chalcedony is
' a micro-crystalline form of quartz ... a trans-
lucent substance of rather waxy lustre, presenting
great variety of colours, though usually white,
grey, yellow or brown' {EBr^^ v. 803). But the
chalcedony of Pliny (HN xxxvii. 72-73) was a
gi'een stone — an inferior kind of emerald — from
the copper-mines of Chalcedon in Bitlijnia, whence
its name. Flinders Petrie [HDBiv. 621^) suggests
that it was ' dioptase ' or silicate of copper.
James Strahan.
CHAMBERLAIN.— The only person clearly desig-
nated as such in the NT is Blastus, 6 iivl rod koltSjvos
ToG ^acnXews {sc. Herod Agrippa I.), Avhom the
Tyrians and Sidonians persuaded to befriend them
against the king's displeasure at Caesarea, and to
obtain peace for them 'because their country
was nourished by the king's country' (Ac 12-'^).
The office he held would obviously involve great
intimacy and influence with the king. Erastus,
who is called ' the chamberlain of the city ' in Ro
16^ (AV ; RV 'treasurer'), held a difi'erent office
(see Steward). The eunuch of Ac 8"^- also held
a different office ; he ' was over all ' the queen's
' treasure ' (see Ethiopian Eunuch).
C. L. Feltoe.
CHANAAN.— See Canaan.
CHARISMATA.— See Gifts.
CHARITY.— See Alms, Love.
CHARITY, FEAST OF.— See Love-Feast.
CHASTISEMENT.— The subject of chastisement
and chastening is frequently mentioned in the OT
and the NT. The NT terms are 7rat5ei;aj and iraidela,
which correspond to np; and ic^d of the OT. In
classical usage tliese words refer to the Avhole of
the education of the ttois, including the training
of the body. Sometimes they are used of the re-
sults of the whole process. They do not contain,
however, the idea of chastisement. In the OT,
Apocrypha, and NT this idea of correction, dis-
cipline, chastening, is added to that of the general
ciiltivation of mind and morals : the education is
'per molestias' (Augustine, Enarr. in Pss., IIQ*"*) ;
see Lk 23^6, He 125- ''• \ Rev 3^9 ; cf. Lv 26^8, Ps 6',
Is 535, Sir 4"' 226, 2 Mac 6'- (see Westcott on He 12^ ;
Trench, AT Syn.^, 1876, p. 23 ; Milligan, Greek
Papyri, 1910, p. 94). In Ac 7"^ there is found the
only NT instance of the verb in its general Greek
sense. In 2 Ti 3'^ the noun is used for disciplinary
instruction, the correction of mistakes andcurliing
of passions, that virtue may be increased. Pilate
uses the verb in speaking of the terrible scourging
of Jesus (Lk 23i«- ^^ ; cf. Dt 22'»), but it is a very
mild term for the fe&riul Jlagellatio,
Chastisement, as part of the moral discipline of
character, is the positive duty of a father (Eph B'*).
In this passage, ' chastening ' is substituted by RV
for AV ' nurture,' which is too weak a word, but
' discipline ' might be better still. The same idea
of parental correction of the faults of children is
found in He 12^, where the fathers are described
as TraidevraL (cf. Plato, Dialogues, tr. Jowett, 1892,
index, s.v. ' education '). In this fatherly fashion
God Himself chastens His children for their ulti-
mate good (He 12^-'i ; cf. Pr S^"-, Rev 3^^). The
evils with which God visits men are rods of chas-
tisement (1 Co U^\ 2 Co 69; cf. Pr 1918 29", Wis
34fl. iiiuff.^ 2 Mac 6^^ 10^). Such treatment is not a
sign of antipathy or rejection, but an evidence of
true love. God does not leave His wayward
children to their fate, but strives to bring them to
becoming reverence and reformation. Sometimes
the chastisement is of such a terrible character
that the one who suffers is .said to be 'delivered
unto Satan ' (1 Co 5^ 1 Ti l-» ; cf. Job 2^ Ps lOgs"",
Ac 26'*). But even in these cases the ultimate
object is the recovery of the sinner, 'that the
spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus '
and ' that they might be taught not to blaspheme.'
The 'thorn in the flesh' afflicted St. Paul so
grievously that he called it ' a messenger of Satan'
(2 Co I'l'^- ; cf. Lk IS"', Jub. x. 2), but it saved him
from being ' exalted overmuch ' and became a
means of such abundant grace that he was led
positively to glory in his weakness. This same
grace of God, which brings salvation to all who
receive it, does not always appear in gentle in-
struction, but sometimes takes the form of stern
chastisement ; in a word, whatever means is neces-
sary for the perfect redemption of the soul, that
174
CHEERFULNESS
CHILDREN OF GOD
means will grace employ (see Tit 2'^^-). To those
who submit to this process of chastening, the re-
wards are immense and enduring. Compared Avith
them the ' affliction ' is ' light,' and the pain of the
present moment is transformed into ' an eternal
weight of glory ' (2 Co 4'6-is).
As to the relation between iraiSela and vovOeaia,
'chastening and admonition' of Eph 6*, T. K.
Abbott (Eph. and Col. \_ICC, 1S97] 178) maintains
that waiSeia is, as in classical writers, the more
general, vovdeala the more specific term, for instruc-
tion and admonition. On the other hand, Grotius,
followed by Ellicott, Alford, and many others,
declares : ' iraideia hie significare videtur institu-
tionem per poenas ; vovOeaia autem est ea institutio
quae fit verbis.' The Vulg. translates ' in disciplina
et correptione.' The probability is that the former
word refers to training by ' act and discipline,' the
latter to training by ' word.' See also Admonition
and Discipline.
LiTERATrEE.— H. A. A. Kennedy, Sources of NT Greek, 1895,
p. 101 ; R. C. Trench, NT SynonyjnsS, 1876, p. 107 f. ; H. B.
Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John'^, 1907, p. 63 ; the Com-
mentaries on Ephesians, esp. J. Armitage Robinson, 1903 ;
ExpT xiv. [1902-03] 272; see also artt. 'Chastening' and
•Nurture' in flZ)B. H. CARISS J. SlDNELL.
CHEERFULNESS (O.E. chere, 'face,' 'look';
L. Lat. cara, 'the face'). — The abundance of ex-
pressions of buoyant gladness in a weak and perse-
cuted community, as was the Christian Church of
the first century, is striking. Whereas we might
expect depression and sighing, we find everywhere
singing at midnight in the prison houses (Ac S'*'
16^, Ro 8=»-37, 1 P 16.8, etc.). Although St. Paul
is described as once saying that his service has
been -with tears (Ac 20'^-^^), and in his letter to
Corinth confesses that he writes with many tears
and with deep suffering and depression of spirit
(2 Co 2*), such utterances stand isolated among a
multitude of phrases suggestive of rejoicing and
exultation. The Apostle's references to depressing
circumstances of life are usually to indicate his
triumph over them (Ph 3^-8, 2 Co <^'^- 6-» Ipo 12").
Is there affliction ? That may be joyfully regarded
as filling up what was lacking in the suflerings of
Christ (Col !-■•), as building up character (Ro 5* ;
cf. He 12", Ja 1-), as winning an eternal weight of
glory (2 Co i^''). Even martyrdom for faith is a
thought inspiring joyfulness (Ph 2'^- ^^). Are there
those who preach Christ out of envy and con-
tentiousness ? No matter, Christ is being preached
(Ph 1'5"^8). St. Paul's very imprisonment is having
happy results — the Imperial guards have thereby
heard of Christ, and other brethren have been in-
spired by St. Paul's sacrifice to bolder service
(Ph 1^2*1*). There is much in human life to give
gladness— meetings with friends (Ph 2"^ ^, 2 Ti 1^,
2 Jn ^^), even the very remembrance of them (Ph 1^),
the sharing of the joj-s of others (Ro 12'^ 1 Co 12=8)^
the success of one's work (Ph 2^^), the faithfulness
of converts (1 Th 2'8- ^o), their repentance after
error (2 Co 7^), their thoughtful liberality (Ph 4^").
One may rejoice in a good conscience (2 Co 1'^), in
the joy set before those running the good race
(He 12-), in the ins])irations and consolations of
Christian faith (Ro 5-- " 15'3, 2 Co P^ S^^-, Ph P^,
1 P l**). Not only is there cause for joy in the
argued inferences from Christian beliefs — in the
direct experience of the Holy Spirit there is joy
and peace which the world cannot give (Ro 14'^
Gal 5^, 1 Th 1' ; cf. the characteristic features of
mysticism in W. James, Tha Varieties of Religious
Experience, London, 1902, lects. 16 and 17).
Christian cheerfulness is not based on a denial of
the reality of the dark things of life, but on the
proportioning of them by tlie larger elements of
joyful Christian faith and experience. A shallow,
worldly cheerfulness must not be confused with
the joy of the Christian in God. Human good
cheer is only for a season (1 Co 7^°) ; there is a
laughter which should be turned to grief, and
gladness to shame (Ja 4®). Exhortations to re-
joice are found in 1 Th 5i», Ro 5=* (cf. Col 1") 12^2,
Ph 3^ 4^ Cxa^pere expresses the predominant mood
of the Epistle, a mood Avonderfully characteristic
of Paul's closing years ' [H. A. A. Kennedy, EOT,
♦ Philippians,' 1903, p. 466]). H. BULCOCK.
CHERUBIM {x^pov^lfi). — Among the symbolic
ornaments of the Tabernacle the writer of Hebrews
mentions ' the cherubim of glory overshading the
mercy-seat' (9^). In Solomon's Temple there were
two colossal cherubim whose out-spread wings filled
the most holy place (1 K 6^'^^), but in the ideal
description of the Tabernacle two much smaller
figures are represented as standing on the ark of
the covenant itself (which was only about four
feet long), facing each other and overshadowing
the place of God's presence. The cherubim were
' das beliebteste Ornamentstiick der Hebraer' (Ben-
zinger, Heb. Arch., Freiburg, 1894, p. 268). It is
significant that while precise directions are given
regarding their material, position, and attitude,
nothing is said of their shape except that they
were winged. Their enigmatic form made them
fitting symbols of the mysterious nature of the
Godhead. Originally, no doubt, they were far
from being merely allegorical. They had lived
long in the popular imagination before they came
to be used as religious emblems. They were
mythical figures probably suggested by the phen-
omenon of the storm-cloud, in which God seemed
to descend from heaven to earth, the thunder
being the rushing of their wings and the light-
ning their flashing swords (cf. Ps 18^"- "). While
Lenormant (Les Origines, 1880-84, i. 112 f.) and
Friedrich Delitzsch ( Wo lag das Paradies ?, 1881, p.
150 f.) connect them with the winged bulls which
guarded the entrance to Assyrian palaces, others
associate them with the Syrian griffins (probably
of Hittite origin) which were supposed to draw
the chariot of the sun-god (Cheyne, EBi i, 745).
Behind the cherubim of Ezekiel (10^'*) which are
the original of the ' living creatures ' of Rev 4'''8,
there may be the signs of the zodiac (Gunkel).
When the later Hebrews wished to represent
the presence of Jahweh among them in the Temple
at Jerusalem, they adopted the cherubim as the
awful symbols alike of His nearness and of His
unapproachableness. It is improbable that these
works of art had a purely human appearance.
Schultz {OT Theol., Eng. tr., 1892, ii. 236) inclines
to the view that they were ' composite figures,
with the feet of oxen, the wings of eagles, the
manes of lions, and the body and face of men.'
A. Jeremias (The OT in the Light of the Anc. East,
1911, ii. 126), following Klostermann, thinks it pos-
sible that ' the conception is that of four cherubim
(two cherubim, each with a double face).' As the
symbols were blazoned on the doors, walls, and
curtains of the Temple, their general appearance
must originally have been quite well known, but
time once more threw a veil of mj'stery over them,
and Joseishus declares that ' no one can tell or guess
what the cherubim were like' {Ant. vill. iii. 3).
LiTERATtiRE. — I. Benzing-er, Heh. Arch.^, 1907, index, s.v.
' Kerube ' ; A. Furtwangler, in Roscher, Lex. i. 2, col. 1742 ff.
art. ' Gryps ' ; art. ' Cherub ' in EBi and ' Cherubim ' in HDB.
James Strahan.
CHIEF PRIEST.— See Priest.
CHILD, CHILDREN.— See Family.
CHILDREN OF GOD, SONS OF GOD.— Amongst
the many Mays current in antiquity of expressing
the relationship existing between God and man
CHILDREN OF GOD
CHILDREN OF GOD
175
(Creator, King:, Lord, Husband, Father), two were
derived from human relationships of the family life
— God is the Husband or Bridegroom of His people,
or He is their Father. With tlie former we are not
now concerned. The latter plays a large part in
the teaching of the NT. It will be convenient to
examine this teaching under four heads : (1) the
doctrine of St. Paul, (2) that of the Johannine
writings, (3) that of 1 Peter, (4) that of the remain-
ing books.
1. St. Paul. — It is natural that we should find in
this writer, who was the champion and protagonist
of the movement for the extension of Christianity
to the Gentiles, the most unrestricted expression in
the NT of the sonship of mankind as related to God.
In Ac 17^ he bases an argument upon the phrase
of the poet Cleanthes 'for we are his ofispring.'
If Eph 3^* ' the Father from whom every family
in heaven and earth is named ' should more rightly
be translated ' of whom all fatherhood in heaven
and earth is named,' * we have here the thought
that Fatherhood is an element in the very being of
God, and that all other forms of paternity are
derived from Him. The words of Eph 4^ ' one
God and Father of all ' will then be naturally
interpreted of this universal Fatherhood of God.
It is, however, natural enough that in a Christian
writer this conception of the universal Fatherhood
of God should hnd little emphasis, and that it
should be of infrequent occurrence, for the concep-
tion of sonship was wanted to express a closer and
more vital relationship than that between God and
unredeemed humanity. St. Paul, therefore, gener-
ally uses it to denote the relationship between God
and the disciples of Christ, whether Jews or Gentiles.
Writing in the stress of the Jewish controversy, he
finds it necessary to vindicate the claims of the
Gentile Christians to the name ' children or sons
of God.' Gentile Christians are ' children of pro-
mise' (Gal 4^). It is they who as 'children of
promise' are Abraham's seed (Ro 9^). And this
sonship had been foretold by Hosea (Ro 9^). To
express the process by which the Christian be-
comes a son of God, St. Paul takes from current
Greek and Roman terminology the metaphor of
• adoption ' : + so in Ro 8'* ' ye received the spirit of
adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father ' ; so again
in Gal 4'*"^ ' God sent forth his Son . . , that we
might receive the adoption of sons . . . and be-
cause ye are sons, God sent forth the Spirit of his
Son into our hearts, crying, Abba, Father.' The
metaphor occurs twice besides in connexion with
the genesis of the idea of adoption in the mind of
God, and with its complete realization in the
future. In Eph P St. Paul speaks of God as
' having foreordained us unto adoption as sons
through Jesus Christ unto himself.' In Ro 8^ he
speaks of Christians who have the first-fruits of
the Spirit, who therefore have already received in
some measure the spirit of adoption, as ' wait-
ing for our adoption, to wit, the redemption of our
body.' He seems to mean that only at the resur-
rection, when the body rises incorruptible, will the
process of adoption be really completed, and made
manifest. Adoption to sonship, then, accoi'ding
to St. Paul, presupposes the revelation of the Son
of God : ' God sent forth his Son that we might
receive the adoption of sons' (Gal 4^). It was
effected by the imparting to the disciple of the
Spirit of the incarnate Son, or, in other words, of
the Spirit of God. ' God sent forth the Spirit of
his Son into our hearts' (v.") ; 'As many as are
led by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God '
(Ro 8"). This involves real likeness to the Son of
God : ' He foreordained them to be conformed to the
* See J. Armitage Robinson, Ephesians, 1903, p. 83 f-
t See W. M. Ramsay, Historical Commentary on the Galatians,
p. 337 n.
image of his Son, that he might be the first-born
amongst many brethren' (v.^'*). Cf. such pass-
ages as 2 Co 3^^ 'we all . . . are being changed
into the same image.' At the unveiling or apoca-
lypse of Christ there will also be an unveiling, or
manifestation, of the sons of God (Ro 8^^), in which
in some sense the whole created universe will share
(v. 21). Lastly, adoption involves fellowship with
the Son of God (1 Co 1^) and joint participation
with Him in present suffering, and in future glorv
(Ro8^«.). ^ °' ^ ^
2. Johannine writings.— In this literature the
terms ' the Father,' ' the Son ' are most character-
istically used to express the relationship between
God and the Word of God incarnate in Jesus
Christ. Whether God is spoken of as the Father
of all men is doubtful. The same question arises
here as in the Synoptic Gospels. There Christ
speaks repeatedly to His disciples of God as ' your
Father' : in Mt., commonly, e.g. 5i6-«-48. {^ Mk.,
twice, 11-5- 26 ; in Lk., thrice, G^^ 123o- 82. They are
to address Him in prayer as 'our Father' (Mt 6")
or ' Father' (Lk IP). They are so to imitate Him
that they may be His sons (Mt 5^% Lk 6^^). In tlie
Fourth Gospel we find for 'your Father' the
simple ' the Father.' Of course we may read
into these phrases the idea of the universal Father-
hood of God ; and the general tenoiir of Christ's
teaching, interpreted in the light of history, makes
it certain that He meant to imply this. But we
must remember that He was speaking to Jews,
who had long been accustomed to think of God's
Fatherhood as a term specially applicable to the
pious Jew, or to the Jewish nation. His hearers
would not, therefore, necessarily have read a
universalistic sense into His words, and He no-
where explicitly speaks of God as Father of all
men outside His own disciples (members of the
Jewish nation). The nearest approximation to
this would be His use of ' the Father ' in speaking
to the Samaritan woman (42^* ^). For the term
' Father' as applied to God in the OT and in the
later Jewish pre-Christian literature, where it is
generally used to denote the relationship between
God and the individual pious Jew, see W. Bousset,
Eel. des Jud., Berlin, 1903, p. 355 ff. ; G. Dalman,
The Words of Jestis, Eng. tr. , Edinburgh, 1902, p.
184 ff". The phrase, ' the children of God who were
scattered abroad ' ( Jn 1 P-), probably refers to the
members of the Gentile churches of the writer's
own period. These became ' children of God ' Avhen
they became Christians. In connexion with son-
ship as used of the relation between God and the
disciple of Christ the most characteristic feature
of the Johannine writings is the use of the
metaphor of re-birth. In Jn P^f. jt is said that
those who receive the incarnate Word, or who be-
lieve on His name, are given authority to become
children of God. (It is just possible that we have
here an allusion to the Pauline conception of son-
ship by adoption.) Then follows a description of
the process by which this position of ' children ' was
reached. They were begotten, not along the lines
of physical birth, but ' of God.' There is a very
interesting variant reading (Western) which makes
these words descriptive not of the spiritual birth
of the Christian disciple, but of the birth in a
supernatural manner ('not of a husband') of the
Word, who thus became flesh. And even if that
be not the original reading, it Avould seem that the
writer in choosing terms in which to describe the
spiritual birth of the disciple has selected terms
which presuppose acquaintance with the tradition
of the birth from a virgin. The disciple, like the
Lord Himself, was born, not by physical genera-
tion, nor of fleshly passion, nor at the impulse of a
human husband, but of God. In 3^ the necessity
of thus being bom from above, or anew, is once
176
CHILDREN OF GOD
CHIOS
more emphasized. In 3' the birth is described as
a begetting of the Spirit which takes place at bap-
tism ('of water,' unless these words are an early
gloss). In the First Epistle the idea recurs. The
communication of the Divine life from God in
this spiritual birth is connected, as in St. Paul,
with 'faith.' ' Every one who believes that Jesus
is the Christ is begotten of God,' 1 Jn 5' (cf. Gal
3^^ ' sons through faith '). But ' love,' and ' doing
righteousness ' are also the external signs of
spiritual birth (cf. 4^ ' Every one that loveth is
born of God,' and 2^* ' Every one that doeth
righteousness is begotten of Him '). And just as
in St. Paul adoption to sonship involved an increas-
ing conformity to the likeness of the Son of God,
so in St. John the birth from God involves the
idea of freedom from sin. ' Every one that is
begotten of God does not commit sin' (3** ; cf. 5'^).
It carries with it also the certain tj^ of victory over
*the \vorId.' 'Whatsoever is begotten of God
overcometh the world ' (5'^). Just as it is character-
istic of St. Paul, with his metaphor of adoption,
to speak of Christians as ' sons,' so it naturally
follows from St. John's pi'eference for the idea of
re-birth to speak of them as ' children.' And lastly,
just as St. Paul seems to look forward to the resur-
rection as the moment when adoption to sonship
shall be consummated, so St. John looks forward
to the manifestation of Christ as the moment when
likeness to Him, which is involved in sonship,
will be perfected (cf. 1 Jn 3^ ' Beloved, now are we
the children of God, and it is not yet made mani-
fest what we shall be. But we know that if he [or
it] shall be manifested we shall be like him, for we
shall see him as he is').
3. 1 Peter. — Here, too, we find the conception
that Christians have passed through a process of
re-birth. The word used is not the simple 'to
beget,' as in Jn 3^-°, but a compound 'to beget
again,' which is found also in ' Western ' author-
ities of Jn 3'. Thus when St. Peter speaks of
God who ' begat us again,' he describes the life of
Christians as a new life into which they had
entered, and at the same time emphasizes this life
as having originated by a Divine act of God. In
1^ he speaks of Christians as * being begotten
again, not of corruptible seed, but of incorruptible,
through the word of God.' The seed here seems
to describe the Divine nature (cf. 1 Jn 3^), and
the ' word ' apparently means the message of the
Gospel of the incarnate ' Word.' It is in harmony
with this conception of the re-birth of Cln-istians
that St. Peter speaks of them as invoking ' a
Father' (I").
4. The idea of sonship finds little expression in
the remaining hooka of the NT. In He 12'- ''• »
affliction is regarded as a proof that God deals
M'ith the sutterers as with sons. This is merely
metaphorical. More to our point is He 2""- ' It
became him, through whom are all things, and all
things through him, in bringing many sons to
glory, to make the leader of their salvation perfect
through sullerings. For he that sanctifieth and
they that are sanctified are all of one.' Some
would see in the ' sons ' a reference to the uni-
versal Fatlierhood of God, but more probably it
is Cliristians who are meant, who have become
'sons' by uniting themselves Avith the one Sun.
Consequently He and tliey are all sons of one
common Father. The use of 'sons' is in this case
parallel to that of ' children ' in Jn IP^. The con-
ception of sonship does not occur in James, 2 or 3
John, 2 Peter, or in Jude, for the i)hrase 'God
the Father' in 2 P 1'^, 2 Jn*, and Jude' seems to
have reference rather to tlie relationsiiip between
God and Clirist tlian to that between God and
men. In the Apocalypse it occurs only in 21',
where it is to be the privilege of those who in-
herit the new Jerusalem that they will be sons of
God.
If we now try to summarize the teaching of the
Ajjostolic Age as expressed in the writings of the
NT on the conception of sonship of God, the follow-
ing appear to be the main lines of tliought : (1)
There is a recognition of the universal Fatherhood
of God, to be seen in the teaching of Christ when
once it was detached from a literal Jewish inter-
pretation (cf. especially the Parable of the Prodigal
Son, and the use of the term ' the Father ' in the
conversation with the woman of Samaria). It
appears, too, in St. Paul's words to the non-Chris-
tian Athenians. Whether the inference that God
is the Father of all men, from Eph 3'^, is a neces-
sary one may be more doubtful. The correlative
to this thought of the Fatherhood of God should
logically be that of the universal sonship of men.
But this receives very scanty expression in the NT
(cf. again the Parable of the Prodigal Son, Ac 17"^,
and perhaps He 2'''). (2) In a unique sense Jesus
Christ is the Son of God. (3) The Christian disciple
by virtue of his union with Christ becomes a son,
or child, of God. In the language of St. Paul he
is adopted to be a son. In the language of St.
John and St. Peter he is born or begotten again.
The condition of such sonship is faith. It is char-
acterized by guidance by the Spirit, and it mani-
fests itself in love and in righteousness. Consist-
ing in the gift of new life from God (incorruptible
seed, or the Spirit), it implies growth, i.e. a pro-
gressive assimilation to Christ Himself. The con-
summation of this process will be a final adoption
at the resurrection (St. Paul), or likeness to Christ
at His manifestation (St. John).
LiTERATDRB. — For Sonship of God by new birth, in antiquity,
see A. Dieterich, Eine Mithrasiiturgie, Leipzig, 1903, p. 157 ff. ;
for Adoption, see W. M. Ramsay, Hist. Com. on Galatians,
London, 1899, p. 337 S. and art. ' Adoption ' in ERE. For Son-
ship of God in the NT, see the Theolojjies of the NT, e.g. G. B.
Stevens, Edinburi^^h, 1S99, pp. 69 if., 591 f. For Sonship in St.
John, see B. F. VVestcott, Epistles of St. John, London, 1883,
p. 120 f. ; O. Pfleiderer, Primitive Christianity, Eng. tr., L
[1906J 365 ff., iv. [1911] 227 ff. W. C. ALLEN.
CHILIARCH.— See Army.
CHILIASM.— See Parousia, EscHATOLoaY.
CHIOS (i) Xfos; now 'Scio').— The name was
given to a beautiful island in the Mgean Sea,
separated from the mainland of Asia Minor by a
picturesque channel, 6 miles wide, which is studded
with islets. Its capital was also called Chios. In
the 5th cent. B.C. its inhabitants were said to be
the wealthiest in Greece. It produced 'the best
of the Grecian wines ' (Strabo, XIV. i. 35). Under
the Roman Empire it was a free city of the
province of Asia, till the time of Vespasian, who
included it in the Insularum Provincia.
St. Paul passed Chios in his last recorded Mgean
voyage (Ac 20"). Sailing in the morning from
Mitylene in Lesbos, his ship, after a run of 50
miles, cast anchor at night near the Asian coast,
opposite Chios (dvnKpvi XLov) and under the head-
land of Mimas. Next day she struck across tiie
open sea (7ra/)e/3dXo/ieK) for Samos. Chios was one
of the seven claimants to tiie honour of being
the birth-place of Homer, and its pretensions
received stronger 8upi)ort from tradition th.an
those of any of its rivals. ' The blind old bard
of Chios' rocky isle' was familiar with the course
pursued by St. Paul, fur he represents Nestor as
standing in his ship at the Lesbian Bay and
doubting —
' If to the right to urge the pilot's toil . . .
Or the straight course to rocky Chios plough.
And anchor under Mimas' shaggy brow '
(Od. iii. 168-172X
CHLOE
CHRIST, CHRLSTOLOGY 177
Josephus describes a voyage of Herod the Great
in the opposite direction. ' When he had sailed
by Rhodes and Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as think-
ing he should have overtaken Agrippa there ; but
he was taken short here by a north wind, which
hindered his ship from going to the shore, so he
remained many days at Chios. . . . And when
the high winds were laid he sailed to Mitylene,
and thence to Byzantium' {Ant. XVI. ii. 2).
Literature. — Conybeare-Howson, St. Paul, new ed.,
London, 1877, ii. 2G2£. ; W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul, do. 1895, p.
292 f. ; T. Bent, in Eng. Hist. Review, iv. [1889] pp. 467-480 ;
Murray's Guide to Asia Minor. JAMES StRAHAN.
CHLOE. — St. Paul was told of the factions in
Corinth virb tCov XX^t/s, 'by them of Chloe' (1 Co 1").
It is not said that she Avas a Christian, nor is it clear
whether she lived in Corinth or in Ephesus. Pro-
bably she was an Ephesian Christian lady, whose
'people' (i.e. her Cliristian slaves, or companions,
or even children) had brought back disquieting
news after visiting Corinth. Her name is an
epithet of a goddess and was often given to slaves ;
hence it has been conjectured that she was a
freedwoman of property.
LiTERATtTRK.— Artt. In EDB on 'Chloe' and on '1. Cor-
inthians,' p. 487a; Comm. on 1 Cor. by Findlay (EGT, 1904), pp.
735, 703, and by Godet (1889), i. 21, 64. C. v. Weizsacker
discusses the situation in Corinth, and takes a different view
about Chloe : see hia Apostolic Age, L^, London, 1897, pp. 305,
318, 325, 335. J. E. KOBERTS.
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY.— In studying ' Chris-
tology ' the object is to ascertain what were the
opinions, convictions, or dogmas regarding the
Person of Christ which were held by particular
authorities or by the Christian Church as a whole
at any particular time. In the period now under
review ' dogmas ' do not enter into considera-
tion, seeing that the Apostolic Age does not
furnish any instance of common opinion enforced
by authority, which is what ' dogma ' consists in.
On the other hand, the limits of our period are
set not by the * Age of the Apostles ' strictly
understood, but by the documents which form our
NT, even though some of them may be held to
proceed from a generation subsequent to that of
the apostles.
It has been usual to divide the subject into
pre-Pauline and Pauline (with ^lost-Pauline) Chris-
tology ; and the division only iv)es justice to the
great place occupied by St. Paul i^ the interpreta-
tion or Christian experience and tlie correlation of
Christian thought. But the classitication is open
to a two-fold objection. In the first place, it tends
unduly to depreciate the importance, indeed the
normative value, of Christian experience and re-
flexion anterior to St. Paul ; and, in the second
place, by grouping the other forms of Christology
as' post- Pauline ' or ' sub- Pauline,' it assumes or
alleges a relation of dependence between them and
the Cliristolugy of the Apostle ; whereas the fact
of this relation and the measure of it are parts of
the whole problem, and call for careful investiga-
tion. It is preferable, therefore, to consider first
primitive Christology, and then sub-primitive Chris-
tology, without assuming any continuous line of
development.
I. The Christology of the primitive com-
munity. — 1. Sources. — The material for the study
of this period is far from copious, and its value
has been much disputed. Yet its importance is so
great that it demands careful examination. The
possible sources may be classified under three heads :
(1) the Acts of the Apostles, especially tiie earlier
half ; (2) certain statements and allusions in St.
Paul's Epistles as to views held in common by him-
self and the primitive Christian community ; and
(3) certain elements in the Synoptic Gospels, in
VOL. I. 12
which, it has been suggested, we find reflected the
Christological idea of a later generation. We shall
take these in the reverse order.
(1) The Synoptic Gospels. — Here it is not proposed
to make any use of what some claim to recognize
as 'secondary' material in the Synoptic Gospels.
Firstly, even if the presence of such material be
admitted as a possibility, there is the greatest un-
certainty as to its amount and its distribution.
While there has undoubtedly been a tendency in
some critical writers to exaggerate the influence of
later theology on the Synoptic record, it is also
quite possible that the criteria to which they appeal
may need to be revised. Neither the absolute nor
the relative dates of the NT documents have been
ascertained with sufficient certainty, nor yet has
the inner history of the period been realized with
sufficient precision, to make the discrimination of
such material anything but very precarious. But,
secondly, even if there were much more certainty
than there is as to tiie Synoptic material which is
really secondary in character, it would be of little
use for our purpose, seeing that the criterion by
which it is distinguished is precisely its harmony
with the views of a later period ; and on that ac-
count it cannot be expected to yield any new and
positive information as to the opinion held in the
period to which ex hypothesi it belongs.
(2) The Epistles of St. Paul. — These provide at
least valuable confirmation of what may be other-
wise ascertained as to the opinion held by the
primitive community, partly through direct state-
ment by the Apostle as to what was the gospel he
had ' received,' and partly through inference which
may be made from his own views, as to that out
of which they had developed. But beyond tiiis we
cannot go. The Epistle of James, even if its date
be early, would add nothing to our knowledge of
the primitive Christology. The First Epistle of
Peter, the Epistle to the Hebrews, and the Apoca-
lypse all represent a stage in some degree in
advance of the common basis from which tiiey
started ; and the Johannine Gospel and Epistles
embody the results of still longer experience and
deeper analysis.
(3) The Acts of the Apostles. — There remains, as
the chief source of material for constructing the
pre-Pauline Christology, the Book of Acts, more
especially the first eleven chapters. Not many
years ago it would have been difficult to justify at
the bar of scholarly opinion the use of this docu-
ment as a trustworthy source. No book was so
seriously discredited as a historical source by the
representatives of the 'Tubingen theory.' Now,
however, that the governing historical principle of
that theory has been shown to be untenable, and
the conclusions based upon it have been either aban-
doned or seriously modified, the way has been opened
for a reconsideration of the Acts as to both its date
and its historical value. In the opinion of most
competent scliolars, the authorship may now be
restored to St. Luke and the date placed within
the first century, some assigning it to the nineties,
some to the eighties. Quite recently a strong case
has been made out by Harnack for the still older
view that it was written in the sixties before the
death of St. Paul.
But what is more important for our purpose than
the possible revision of the date is the abandon-
ment of the charge of history-making for party (or
eirenical) purposes, and the recognition that St.
Luke was not simply an echo of St. Paul (sea
Julicher, Introd. to AT, Eng. tr., 1904, p. 437 ; J.
Motlatt, LNT, 1911, p. 301). In particular there is
an increasing disposition to acknowledge that in
the speeclies of tlie earlier chapters we have the
thought of the primitive community preserved and
reproduced with singular fidelity. The admission
178 CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
of Schmiedel in his art. on the Acts (EBi i. 48) is
significant :
'A representation of Jesus so simple, and in such exact agree-
ment with the impression left by the most genuine passages of
the first three gospels, is nowhere else to be found in the whole
NT. It is hardly possible not to believe that this Christology of
the speeches of Peter must have come from a primitive source.'
In the Acts of the Apostles most of the material
is contained in the five speeches of Peter and the
speech of Stephen, those of Peter being (a) on the
day of Pentecost (9?-*^-) ; (b) in Solomon's portico
(31-ff-) ; (c) the first before the Sanhedrin [^^«-) ; (d)
the second before the Sanhedrin (o-'^^-) ; and (c) the
short speech at Joppa (lO^^*^-)- When we proceed
to collect and classify the relevant statements in
this part of the Acts, we find that they point to
the following conclusions, (i.) The Christians of
the early days identified Jesus with the Messiah,
(ii. ) They appealed for confirmation of this convic-
tion to the fact that God had ' raised him from the
dead'; and also that He had been 'exalted' by,
and to, the right hand of God, the Resurrection
and Exaltation marking a decisive moment in the
Messiahship. (iii. ) At the same time they referred
back behind the Resurrection to facts and charac-
teristics of His earthly ministry, (iv.) In spite of
the dignity and authority to which they believed
Him raised, they consistently referred to Him in
terms of humanity, as to one who had been, while
upon earth, a man among men. (v. ) They promptly
began to attach to Him certain OT titles and types,
some of which had already been recognized as
Messianic, others possibly not ; e.g. ' Son of Man,'
' Servant of God,' 'Leader of Salvation,' ' Saviour,'
•Judge,' and 'Lord.' (vi.) They connected the death
of Jesus, on the one hand, very definitely with the
determined purpose of God ; and, on the other,
with the blotting out of sin. And for these reasons
this Jesus was the subject of the ' good news' (5^^),
the object of faith (9*^ w^)^ and the cause of faith
in men (S^**).
(i. ) The first point hardly requires to be illustrated.
Not only the speeches but the narrative as a whole
bear witness to the fact that the ' disciples,' to use
St. Luke's word, identified Jesus who had died but
risen again with the Messiah of Jewish expectation.
This was indeed the one point which at the outset
distinguished them from the other Jews in Jeru-
salem. Other grounds of distinction, ultimately
leading to separation, were doubtless latent in their
minds — recollections of the Master's teaching, of
His attitude to the Law and the ritual of the
Temple. But in the meantime ' the disciples ' are
found haunting the Temple and observing the for-
mal hours of prayer ; St. Peter proudly claims that
no unclean or forbidden food has passed his lips
(10^''), and, thirty years later, St. James can assure
St. Paul that all the thousands of Jewish Christians
in Jerusalem are ' zealous of the law' (212»), But
Avith an enthusiasm which no scorn could quench,
a determination which neither threats nor imprison-
ment could weaken, they proclaimed to high and
low their conviction that the Jesus they had known
was the Messiah. It is one of the water-marks of
the primitive character of St. Luke's narrative that
lie everywhere shows his consciousness that this is
the meaning of xp"'"''<5s. He never employs it as a
proper name. His name for our Saviour is either
' Jesus ' or ' the Lord ' ; and xp'o'^'^s when it stands
alone always means 'Messiah.' This is specially
significant in passages where ' Christ ' and ' Jesus" '
occur together, in apposition ; e.g. 3-", ' that he may
send the Messiah who has been before appointed —
Jesus' ; 5^ 17* 18' 18'^, 'shewing by the scriptures
that Jesus was the Messiah.' The completeness
with which this fact is attested must not blind us,
however, to two uncertainties, which immediately
arise. The first may be stated thus : What did
the disciples understand by the Messiah? What
character, r61e, or function did they assign to Him 1
And the second thus : At what point did they
understand Him to have entered on His Messiah-
ship ? They identified Jesus with the Messiah of
Jewish expectation ; but did that mean that He
had been (and was still, and was to return as)
Messiah, or that the Messiahship was a dignity
conferred on Him after death and at the Resurrec-
tion? The answer to these questions follows on
the examination of the other elements in the primi-
tive conviction.
(ii.) That conviction rested upon, and appealed
to, the Resurrection as the conclusive proof of the
Messiahship of Jesus. But the Resurrection was
uniformly connected with the Exaltation to the
right hand of God, or with its equivalent — the par-
ticipation of Jesus in the Divine ' glory.' In each
of St. Peter's recorded speeches these two factors
are significantly combined (232- ss 313 755 iq*"- *2).
The Resurrection is thus regarded as the exter-
nally visible side of a great transaction which has
its true significance in the Exaltation of Jesus to
Messianic rank and honour in heaven ; it was a
public declaration of His station ; the man Avhom
they had seen crucified now occupied the place of
dignity and authority which prophecy and apoca-
lyptic had assigned to the Messiah. God had now
' made him both Lord and Christ ' (2^^). The word
'Lord' [Kvpio's), like 'Christ,' is probably used as
an official title ; but in any case the phrase wit-
nesses to the belief that the Resurrection and
Exaltation had marked a decisive moment in the
Messiahship of Jesus,
(iii.) At the same time, St. Peter is careful to
emphasize on more than one occasion the ministry
which had preceded the Crucifixion and Resurrec-
tion. He marks the limits of that ministry ( pi* 22)
in accordance with those set by the Gospels. In
his first speech (2-^) he describes its character —
'Jesus the Nazarajan (cf. S^ 41" Q^^ 228 24= and 26"),
a man approved of God unto you by mighty works
and signs and wonders, which God did by him in
the midst of you, even as ye yourselves know.'
And specially in the address preceding the baptism
of Cornelius (10^^'''*)> St. Peter, having begun with
words which make echoes of Messianic passages in
Isaiah (52^ ; cf. Nah 1^^), proceeds to remind his
hearers of something already familiar to them — the
ministry of ' Jesus the one from Nazareth,' which
began from Galilee after the baptism proclaimed
by John. Him God had anointed with the Holy
Spirit, and He had gone about doing deeds of kind-
ness and healing all who were tyrannized by the
devil. Of all that He had done also in Judaea and
Jerusalem (as well as of the Resurrection) St.
Peter and his comrades were appointed to bear
witness. The only epithets applied to Jesus
which might throw light on the impression He had
made are ' holy ' and ' righteous ' (3'* 4^^ [cf. 4^"] 7^-
[cf. 22^^]). The ascription of the characteristic
' righteous ' is probably due to a reminiscence of a
description already traditional for the Messiah (cf.
En. 38^ 46' 53*'), and the collocation of ' holy ' and
' servant ' may have a similar origin ; but in 3^'*,
where both epithets are applied to the historical
Jesus, the contrast drawn in the following para-
graph with the 'murderer' for whom the Jews
had asked suggests that the words at the same
time connote the consciousness that they fitly
describe the character of Jesus.
(iv.) This Jesus, whether He be referred to in
the days of His flesh or in His present Exaltation
at the right hand of God, is consistently repre-
sented in terms of humanity. It cannot be said
that any special stress is laid on His human
nature. The time had not yet come when it was
necessary to emphasize His true manhood ovei
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY 179
against Docetic or Gnostic tendencies. If some
slight empiiasis is to be detected, it is due rather
to wonder that One to whom so much honour is
assigned, tlirough whom so much is expected, was
One with whom the disciples had been on familiar
terras. This is suggested by the frequency with
which the simple name ' Jesus ' is used (three
times as often as the title ' Christ '), by the re-
iterated designation ' Jesus the Nazarsean,' and
by the emphatic demonstration which occurs more
than once — 'This Jesus did God raise up' (2^^; of.
2^^). It is 'Jesus' whom Stephen sees standing
at the right hand of God {1^''), and 'Jesus' Avho
speaks to Saul from heaven. It was in the fact
that St. Peter and St. John had been companions
of ' Jesus ' that the members of the Sanhedrin
found some explanation of their boldness and
powers of speecli (4^^). It was in the name of
' Jesus ' that they taught (4^^), and in the same
name that they wrought miracles. The miracles
of Jesus Himself were not ascribed to His in-
dependent initiative ; they Avere wonders which
' God did by him ' (2--) ; and the explanation of
His power which is given elsewhere (10^^) is that
God had anointed Him Avith tiie Holy Ghost, and
that God 'was with him' (10^^). For God had
' raised him up ' in the sense in which He ' raised
up' prophets of old, and 'sent him to bless' His
people in turning away every one of them from
their iniquities (3*®). In all this we see the tokens
of a very early form of Cliristology ; one, moreover,
which would be very diJlicult to account for either
as tlie invention or as the recollection of a later
generation.
(v.) But this is not a complete account of
the Christological phenomena of these chapters.
There are numerous indications that from the
very outset the minds of some at least of the
disciples were at work on tlie material provided
for them by {a) their recollection of wiiat Jesus
liad been, said, and done ; (b) the facts of His
Crucifixion and Resurrection ; and (c) tiie promises
and predictions of the OT, together possibly with
some of the language of the apocalypses. The re-
sult of this retiexion is seen in the ascription to
Jesus as Messiah of certain important titles and
functions which indicate more precisely the relation
in whicli He stands towards God or the function
He discharges towards men. In his speech on the
day of Pentecost St. Peter was ready with a quota-
tion from Ps 16, and an exegetical interpretation
of it which was sufficiently in accord with con-
temporary methods of exegesis to commend it to
his hearers. Not long after, we find him making
the definite general statement that God had ful-
filled the things which He foreshowed ' by the
mouth of all his prophets that his Christ should
sufier ' (3'8 ; cf. also 3^^ 10«). We are justified,
therefore, in looking to the writings of the prophets
for the sources of phrases and ideas now connected
with Jesus as the risen Messiah.
(a) The Servant of God. — That is undoubtedly
the source of the striking description, rbv iralda avrov
(sc. deov), which occurs twice in St. Peter's second
speech (3^^- -^) and twice {rbv dyiov TraWd aov) in the
prayer of thanksgiving (4-^- 2"). The rendering
familiar to English ears through the AV trans-
lates TTttiSa by ' Son ' in the first two passages, by
' child ' in the last two. But according to the
view now generally held it is the alternative
meaning of Trats which is here intended, viz. ' ser-
vant ' ; and we have in the phrase a deliberate
echo of the language of Deutero-Isaiah concern-
ing the 'Servant of the Lord.' Such a usage, in
the first place, is a further indication of the primi-
tive character of St. Luke's material. It is found
elsewhere only in Clement, the Didache, and the
Martyrdom of Polycarp. It is an early Messianic
title for our Lord which is not rei^eated in the
later books of the NT (see further A. Harnack,
Date of Acts and Synoptic Gospels, Eng. tr., 1911,
p. 106 ; History of Dogma, Eng. tr., i. [1894] 185,
note 4).
Further, the application of this title to Jesus is
very significant, whether it is traced to inde-
pendent retiexion on the part of the apostles, or
whether it be due to appreciation on their part
of the same factor in the consciousness and in the
utterances of Jesus. Its eti'ect was to link on to
the traditional conception of the ISIessiah a series
of ideas of quite a different character, including
humility, submission, vicarious sufi'ering and death.
The importance of this identification is illustrated
by the exposition of Is 53^ given by Philip to the
Ethiopian eunuch (8^^ ' beginning from this scrip-
ture he preached unto him Jesus') ; and the same
interpretation probably underlies St. Paul's state-
ment, ' Christ . . . died for our sins according to
the scriptures.'
(/3) Prince and Saviour. — The same OT context
is probably the source of another striking desig-
nation, dpx'nyov /cat ffwTTJpa. ' Him did God exalt
unto his right hand to be a Prince and a Saviour'
(5^' ; cf. 3^^ 'ye slew the Prince of life' ; and He
2'** ' the author 'prince, or captain) of their sal-
vation' ; also ]J* Author and finisher' [Westcott,
' leader and con^omniator ']). The variety in the
renderings reflects an ambiguity in the word dpxv
yos. It describes one who both inaugurates and
controls ; and the dpx'riyds ttjs ^utjs at once inaugu-
rates and controls the Messianic experience of sal-
vation here described as fw^. There is thus a
close parallelism between the two phrases ' Prince
of life ' and ' Prince and Saviour ' ; and when they
are taken together, and weighed with the context
in which the first is found, their connexion with
the language of Isaiah becomes plain, e.g. Is 60'^
f7cb Ki//)ios 6 (Tw'^ujv ere, and 55^ Idoii fiaprvpiov iv 'idvecnv
i5(jiKa avrbv, dpxovra Kal irpoaTacraovTa rots idvecnv. The
'sutterings of the Christ' had been foretold 'by the
mouth of all the prophets'; and the same pro-
jihecies, to the study of which the apostles had
been led by His death, supplied forms for the ex-
pression of their faith in Him.
(7) Son of Man. — This title for Jesus occurs once
only — in the account of the martyrdom of Stephen
(7^®). Stephen ' looked up stedfastly to heaven and
saw the glory of God, and Jesus standing at the
right hand of God ; and he said, Behold, I see the
heavens opened, and the Son of man standing at
the right hand of God.' Two things are clear :
the name ' Jesus ' and the title ' Son of Man ' are
already felt to be interchangeable, and the title
belongs to Jesus as the Messiah. There is no
other instance of the phrase in the NT outside the
Gospels, Rev 1^* being no exception. It provides,
as Bartlett says {ad loc), 'a water-mark of the
originality of this utterance,' and even the most
cautious critics admit that this speech of Stephen
reached St. Luke from a very early source. These
two facts — the early date to which the phrase
must be assigned and its uniqueness outside the
Gospels — point to its being a reminiscence of what
is attested by the Gospels — our Lord's custom of
describing Himself by this title, and describing
Himself with a veiled allusion to His Messiahship.
But even if the primitive community was itself re-
sponsible for this identification, and did not take
it over from our Lord Himself, that would not
diminish the significance of the phrase for the
primitive Cliristology. ' This identification of the
historical Jesus with the "Son of Man " of Daniel
and Enoch is very significant, because directlj' it
is accomplished, the further thought can no longer
be resisted, that Jesus of Nazareth is not simply a
man, who in the future is to be exalted to heavenly
180 CHEIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHEIST, CHRISTOLOGY
glory, but an original heavenly being, who came
aoion to accomplish this work of his on earth ' (J.
Weiss, Chi-ist, Eng, tr., 1911, p. 59 f.). The com-
munity, for which this was a just and intelligible
description of Jesus, was preparing and prepared
for any interpretation of His being which is con-
tained in the NT.
(5) The phrase Son of God is also used, but only
once — in 9^. St. Paul ' preached Jesus, that he is
the Son of God.' But the title is used in its
Messianic and official sense, founded on Ps 2^ (cf.
Mt 16'^ Jn l'*^) ; and the sentence implies no more
than the closing words of v.^- ' proving that this is
the Christ.' A later generation failed to recognize
this, and the consequence is seen in the TR of 9-",
where 'Christ' has been substituted for 'Jesus' —
a useful illustration of the way in which the copy-
ists felt the lack of the word ' Christ ' as a name,
and therefore introduced or substituted it (some
nine times in all in Acts).
(e) The Lord. — Xpicrrbs, irais Oeov, dpxvy^s "rvi
ffWTTipias, dpxvy^^ ftti (TWT^ip, vibt toD dvdpwwov — these
are elements out of which a rich Christology might
rapidly develop. And there is still one to add,
which is probably the most pregnant of all — the
title 6 Ki'ptos. The Synoptic Gospels witness to the
habit of addressing the Master, or speaking of
Him, as 6 Kvpios ; and there it is simply an expres-
sion of profound respect. As such the word was
also in common use among the Hellenists of the
Empire, applied alike to gods and to Emperors.
St. Paul shows himself conscious of this when he
says (1 Co 8^) that there are in fact many 'gods
and lords so-called.' But when he asserts the
claim of Jesus to the title in a unique sense, he is
only doing what the infant Church had done before
him. ' Indubitably therefore let the whole house
of Israel know that God has made him Lord and
Christ, this Jesus whom ye crucified ' (Ac 2^^). ' He
is Lord of all' (10^). This became in fact the
chosen and prevailing appellation of Jesus Christ,
especially among the Gentile Christians, where the
historical significance of 'Christ' was unfamiliar.
But how far the usage was from originating in
Gentile circles we learn from its familiarity there
in the Aramaic form of ' Maran atha,' i.e. ' Our
Lord comes' or 'Our Lord, come.' That St. Paul
could count on this being understood by the
Christians at Corinth betokens antecedent and
wide-spread usage of the formula in Palestinian
circles.
The special and unique significance of the title
as now applied to Christ arises out of its use in
the LXX as the usual eupliemistic equivalent of
* Jahweh.' For those familiar with the OT in the
Greek version, 6 Kt^/xos was a synonym for God ;
the outstanding fact in connexion with the
Christology of the Acts and Epistles is that the
same word has become the common, the preponder-
ating designation of Jesus Christ. And tlie con-
notation which is involved in its application to
Him is the same. This follows from the trans-
ference to Christ not merely of the title but also
of phrases from the OT, the original reference of
wliich was to Jahweh. When the believers on
Christ are described as ol iiriKoXoiixevoi t6 6vo/j.a
TovTo, ' those who call upon this name,' 5c. the name
of Jesus our Lord (9-^ ; cf. 9^* 2-i 22'« and Ko lO'^,
1 Co P), language is appropriated to Christ which
in the OT had been used to describe the worshipper
of the true God (cf, Gn 4-6 12^, 2 K 5")- Stephen
dies 'calling upon (the Lord) and saying, Lord
Jesus, receive my spirit'; and Peter postulates
universal dominion of the same Person — ' He is
Lord of all' (10^).
'There cannot be the least doubt,' says J. Weiss (Christ, p.
46 f.), ' that the name has now a religious significance. To make
clear the religious import of the use of the name " Lord " by the
early Christians, one would have to cite the whole of the NT.
For in the expression " Our Lord Jesus Christ " the whole
primitive Christian religion is contained in germ. Dutiful
obeisance, reverence, and sacred fear lest he should be offended,
the feeling of complete dependence in all things, thankfulness
and love and trust — in short, everything that a man can feel
towards God, comes in this name to utterance. . . . That which
is expected from God, the Lord can also impart.*
Corresponding wnth these significant titles there
are certain functions ascribed to the risen Christ,
which throw valuable light on the conception of
Him which prevailed in the primitive community.
He is represented (a) as One whom it is natural to
approach in prayer, {b) as One who can forgive and
save, and (c) as One who is destined to be the Judge
of quick and dead.
(a) The practice of addressing prayer to Christ
is established in the case of St. Paul (see below),
and his references to the practice give no ground
for the supposition that it was a novelty which
originated with him. Rather do they suggest a
practice which was already familiar, and requiring
no defence, and so serve to confirm the evidence of
the Acts to the eflect that from the beginning the
di-sciples addressed the Risen Lord in prayer. It is
in this sense that the Christians in Damascus are
described by Ananias as ' those who call upon thy
name' (9^'*), with this significance that the dying
Stephen cries, ' Lord Jesus, receive my spirit,' and
'Lord, lay not this sin to their charge,' and it is
at least possible that the same idea underlies St.
Peter's quotation from Joel (Ac 2-^), for the speech
to which it is prefixed leads up to the conclusion
that Jesus has been made Lord and Christ (see
Zahn, Die Anbetting Jesu^, 1910).
(b) The words of Stephen are addressed to One
who has the power to forgive ; and the title of
' Saviour ' is no empty form. That ' salvation,'
which, whatever be the precise contents of the
term, always stands for the highest good, can be
obtained through Him, and through no other. In
4^^ ('there is no other name,' etc.) St. Peter is pro-
bably contemplating Jews only, and salvation as
conceived by them, i.e. as the Messianic deliver-
ance of the future. This Jesus, who is the Christ,
is to return, after ' seasons of refreshing from the
presence of the Lord ' at ' the time of the restoration
of all things' (3-^). That return will prove the cul-
minating and final fulfilment of predictions made
by Moses and the prophets who followed him, con-
cerning both the glories and the judgment of the
Messianic times.
For, (c) when He comes, Christ will fulfil the
function for which He has been destined by God ;
He will act as Judge of quick and dead (lO'*^).
These last are the only references in the early
chapters of Acts to the Parousia of Christ and its
attendant circumstances. We have to observe
therefore the sobriety and the reticence of the ex-
pectation, especially when compared with the exu-
berance of earlier and contemporary writing on
the subject. There is no reference to the restora-
tion of the Kingdom to Israel, or to the humiliation
and destruction of Israel's foes — features of the
future which were part of the common form of
Messianic ex])ectation. In fact, the tone of these
speeches is strangely different from what we should
have expected from a Jew speaking under tiie con-
viction tliat tlie ilessiah had been manifested in
Jesus, and would shortly return to fulfil the Divine
programme. We miss even the eschatological
scenery connected with the Return, with which
the apocalyptic sections of the Synoptic Gospels
have made us familiar, and also that emphasis on
the imminence of the Retuin which appears in the
early Epistles of St. Paul. And yet, in the an-
nouncement that Christ comes to judge the quick
and the dead, St. Peter ascribes to Him a function
which sets Him on the plane of God (see Scheel in
CHKIST, CHEISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHEISTOLOGY 181
EGG i. 1743, foot). The exalted Jesus, despite
the clearness with which He is defined as a man,
is yet One to whom men pray, One who exercises
the Divine functions of forgiving, saving, and
judging. And ' what is honoured in worship stands
wholly and without qualitication on the side of
God ' (Bousset, Kyrios Christos, p. 185).
(vi.) Further light is shed upon the conception
of Christ held by the primitive community by the
significance assigned to His death. It is true that
the references to this subject are unexpectedly few,
brief, and general. The early chapters of Acts
present a very exact reproduction of the natural
situation in which the death of Jesus was a fact
known to all, one which called for explanation,
and, in the absence of explanation, was without re-
ligious value ; but one for which an explanation
was emerging under the guidance partly of the OT,
partly of reminiscences of the Master's teaching,
and partly of the spiritual experience of the
disciples. The following points are to be noted.
(a) The death of Jesus was very definitely referred
to ' the determined counsel and foreknowledge of
God' (2-^). Herod and Pontius Pilate with the
Gentiles and the Jews as a people had only carried
out what had been ordained to happen by the hand
and will of God (4-^). In this there is nothing that
goes beyond the Jewish doctrine of the Divine fore-
knowledge ; but the statement of it involved a prob-
lem which was calling for solution. To what end
had God ordained the death of the Messiah ?
(/3) This death, though the fact had hitherto
been ignored, had actually been predicted by the
prophets of the OT. ' Those things which God
before showed by the mouth of all the prophets
that his Christ should suffer, did he thus fuUil '
(3'8; cf. 10«, 1 P 1'", Lk 242«ff- *'«■). The repeated
emphasis on 'all the prophets' (cf. S^'') is not to be
explained as due merely to hyperbole. It arises
from, and illustrates, the conviction that Christ
was the goal and the fulfilment of the whole pro-
phetic anticipation of redemption ; though St.
Peter might have found difficulty in quoting many
prophetic words directly bearing on the death of
Christ, the conviction he expresses is that that
death must now be recognized as an essential
element in the working out of the redemptive
purpose.
(7) The disciples commemorated the death of
Jesus by a frequently repeated eucharistic meal in
which they ' showed forth the Lord's death.' That
this practice began so promptly after the birth of
the community (2^'') is a fact which must be due
to recollection of the Last Supper, and so involves
conscious remembrance of the significance Avhich
the Master had attached to the breaking of the
bread, at least according to the shortest form in
which the words are reported : ' This is my body
which is on your behalf (1 Co 11-^). Behind that
would lie recollections of other things He had said
bearing upon His death which had been vague and
cryptic at the time.
In these factors — the correlation of the death of
Jesus with the whole redeeming purpose of God,
the foreshadowing by prophecy of the vicarious
value attaching to the death of the innocent
servant of God, and the remembered attitude of
Jesus towards His own death — we have the condi-
tions for a rapid evolution of a doctrine of recon-
ciliation through the Cross. The doctrine itself is
not here ; but distinct approximation to it can be
traced in the collocation of Jesus as suffering
Messiah with an appeal for 'repentance unto re-
mission of sins' (S^^- '^). In 2^^ Avhen the people
have heard the declaration that God has made
Jesus Lord and Christ, and ask. What are we to
do ? the answer is ' Hepent, and be baptized, every
one of you, in the name of Jesus Christ unto re-
mission of your sins.' There is a superficial
similarity to the summons issued by John the
Baptist, but a fundamental distinction in that the
ground of the apostolic appeal is the fact of Christ,
a fact as yet un analyzed ; and the baptism is to be
'in the name of Jesus Christ,' i.e. it involves and
symbolizes the confession of Jesus as the Christ,
and heart-felt submission to His Personality. In
5^1 ('Him did God exalt to be a Prince and a
Saviour, for to give repentance and remission of
sins '), if, as is probable, ' God' is to be understood
as the subject of the infinitive clause (cf. IP and
Eo 2'*), the Exaltation and indirectly the death
have remission of sins in part for their object and
result.
More cannot be said. The nature of the con-
nexion between the death of Jesus and the Divine
plan remains obscure. To explain it was the work
of a longer Christian experience, a deeper compre-
hension of sin, and a higher conception of the
ethical demands of God. But when the explana-
tion came, it was an unfolding of the primitive
conviction that there was a profound connexion
between the death of Jesus and the removal of sin.
On this point, as on others, investigation of the
primitive consciousness entirely confirms, as it is
confirmed by, St. Paul's statement of the gospel as
it had been communicated to him, that ' Christ
. . . died for our sins according to the scriptures '
(1 Co 15^).
(S) The summary of the ' gospel ' here given by
St. Paul, while it is notably lacking in certain
elements which are commonly supposed to be
essential to Paulinism, corresponds very closely
with the impression concerning the missionary
preaching which is made by the later chapters of
Acts. It is of course maintained by many scholars,
and by some regarded as axiomatic, that the simi-
larity between the speeches of St. Peter and those
of St. Paul is due to the fact that they were all
the work of one man, neither St. Peter nor St.
Paul, but either an unknown writer in the second
cent, or St. Luke working up old material at the end
of the first. The alleged similarity calls for care-
ful examination. The result will probably be the
recognition that it arises from an inward harmony
between the two apostles as to the essentials of
their message, and especially as to their concep-
tion of Christ, combined with a diversity of tone
and emphasis which is specially marked when the
speeches of St. Paul are compared with one another,
and extends to his speeches as a whole when com-
pared with St. Peter's. And whatever explanation
be given of the composition of the speeches of St.
Paul, the primitive character of the Christology
they present remains a fact, and one which is more
easily accounted for if thej' reproduce the essentials
of the Apostle's mission preaching, than if we have
to suppose St. Luke, with the knowledge of St.
Paul's later preaching which he must have pos-
sessed, deliberately excluding what was character-
istically Pauline. The discrepancy between the
Christology reflected in St. Paul's speeches in Acts
and that of his Epistles may actually be reflective
of the true facts of the case.
In regard to their Christology the speeches of St.
Paul Avitness to practically the same elements as
those of St. Peter, and to no other, or at most to
one. Just as in the speech of Stephen, and (less
conspicuously but not less really) in the speeches
of St. Peter, so in the speech of St. Paul at Pisi-
dian Antioch, Jesus of Nazareth is set forth as the
goal of Israel's history and the crowning fulfilment
of Jewish prophecy. The good news of the gospel
which its messengers proclaim is the promise to
the fathers now fulfilled (Ac 13^2; cf. 268, Ro \5%
From Thessalonica we have a specimen of St.
Paul's missionary preaching, according to which
182
CHKIST, CHEISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHEISTOLOGY
for three Sabbath days or ' weeks ' (RVm) he
reasoned ■with the Jews ' from the scriptures,' to
the etiect that the Christ ' was bound to suffer,'
and the same appeal to Scripture is repeated iu
Ac 2622 2823 ; cf. 13-"^. The object of the appeal is
to show both that this is the Messiah, and that His
death is part of the redemptive process. He refers
to Clirist in the same striking way as 6 8iKaios (22^'* ;
cf. 7*^), and describes Him as the One appointed by
God to judge the world (17^^). St. Paul further
presents Christ as an object of faith (22'^ ; cf. 9^
11", and possibly 3'^), and claims that the consist-
ent burden of his preaching has been ' repentance
toward God and faith toward our Lord Jesus
Christ ' (20=1 ; cf . 26-"). In IS^s he declares ' through
this man is proclaimed unto you remission of sins.'
If in tlie following verse (' and from all the things
from which ye could not be justified by the law of
Moses, by him is justified every one that believeth ')
St. Paul seems to cross the line into ' Paulinism,'
he does not go very far. ' Justified ' has the same
significance here as it has in the Parable of
the Pharisee and Publican (Lk 18") ; and iv toijtcj}
diKacovrai involves the same conception as the words
of St. Peter in 15'^ did. rijs x'^P"'''' toO Kupt'oi; 'I'jjtrou
TTiarevo/jLev crcodTJvai, or in 4'- ouk ^cttiv iv dWui oudevl
7] ffurrrjpla. There is one phrase, however, in which
St. Paul, as reported in the Acts, states in dogmatic
form a conviction to which we find no verbal paral-
lel in the speeches of St. Peter. In 20''^ he refers
to Tr]v iKK\7)criav rod Oeov fjv irepLeiroi-qcaTo did. toO
alfiaTos rod idlov. (The probability is strong that
vlov has been accidentally omitted from the text
at a very early stage ; otherwise idlov must be con-
strued as a substantive = d7a7r77Toi;.) Here we have
undoubtedly a seed-thought of much that we recog-
nize as specifically Pauline. But it is still in the
form of a seed. Ps 74^ in the LXX runs ixv-qadrp-i
r^s cvvaywyrjs aov fjs iKTrjffti) dw apxv^ | 4XvTpdi(TW
pd^dov TTjs KXripovo/Mias aov. St. Paul, echoing the
thought rather than quoting the woi-ds, takes the
two words iKTTjacj and iXvTpicaii}, combines tliem,
then breaks up the compound into two new
elements — purchase and price ; and, guided further
by such phrases as * I have given Egypt for thy
\&rpou ' (Is 43^), ' He smote all the first-born of
Egypt ' (Ps 78^'), he sets the fact that ' Christ died
for our sins ' in this pregnant form : that the new
holy community like the old one has been redeemed
at the cost of blood, the blood of God's own beloved
Son.
2. PrimitiYe conception of Christ. — (1) Jesus as
the Messiah. — We have now examined the material
available for ansAvering the question with which
we started — What significance did the primitive
community attach to the Messiahship of Jesus,
and what led them to recognize Him as Messiah
and as a Messiah with this significance ? It would
not furtiier our inquiry to enter on an examination
of antecedent or contemporary Jewish conceptions
of the Messiah and the functions He was to dis-
charge. These conceptions were at once so various
and so fluid, and the extent to which any one of
them prevailed at any particular time is so difficult
to estimate, that even when we know all there is
to know on the subject, we have only a bewildering
variety of possibilities. We must and can find
what we want within the NT. We begin by
marking the two extremes between which the con-
ception of the Messiah moved. The one is pre-
sented quite clearly at the opening of Acts, before
the experience of Pentecost. The disciples put
the question to the Risen Clirist : ' Lord, dost tliou
at this time restore the kingdom to Israel ?' (P) —
a qiiestion refiecting the same conception as the
words of the disciples on tlie way to Emmaus
(Lk 242'), viz. that of a Messiah wliose function was
I)rimarily and mainly the i)oUtical enfranchisement
of the nation. The other extreme is found in such
a saying as ' Christ also sufiered for sins once . . .
that he might bring us unto God '(IP 3'*), or in
2 Co 5'* ' God was in Christ reconciling the world
unto himself.'
The way to test any conception of the Messiah
is to observe from what He is expected to deliver
— from the tyranny of the earthly oppressor or
from the tyranny of moral and spiritual evil.
Now, when we apply this test to the conception
which lies behind the language of the primitive
community, we find that, while it has very definitely
moved away from the political, it has not yet
reached a developed consciousness of the ethical
deliverance. We find the reiterated and triumph-
ant assertion that Jesus is the Messiah, but no
trace subsequent to Pentecost of any idea that He
is to restore the kingdom to Israel. On the other
hand, the record of the early days furnishes no
clear exposition of the character of the deliverance
He brings. We learn that in no other than Christ
is awT-qpia ; but the nature of the (xwT-qpla remains
undefined. This is true in spite of allusions to
' remission of sins ' in connexion with this mani-
festation of His death. According to contemporary
Jewish thought, 'remission' or 'blotting out' of
sin was a condition antecedent to, not part of, the
Messianic salvation. There is, therefore, some-
thing really new iu the presentation of the Chris-
tian Messiah as instrumental in the remission of
sins. It was to antedate His traditional activity.
' Unto you first,' says St. Peter (3-'^), ' God, having
raised up his Servant, sent him to bless you, in
turning away every one of you from your iniqui-
ties.' That had been a function of Jesus in the
days of His flesh ; and the saying indirectly testi-
fies to one of the felt consequences of His fellow-
ship. But now, says St. Peter, 'repent ye, and
be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus
Christ unto the remission of your sins ; and ye shall
receive the gift of the Holy Ghost' (2^^). So in
2Q43 ('Through his name every one that believeth
on him shall receive remission of sins ') the declara-
tion is followed, and so confirmed, by the bestowal
of the Holy Ghost. This gift of the Holy Spirit
is recognized as the first-fruits of the Messianic
salvation and a pledge of its ultimate completion.
The condition of receiving it is the remission of
sins ; and that follows on ' believing on him,' or,
what is synonymous, ' repenting and being bap-
tized in the name of Jesus Christ,' which again
signifies the solemn confession of belief in Jesus as
the Christ. Christ is not described as the One who
bestows forgiveness (though the prayer of Stephen
shows the near emergence of the idea) or as One
for whose sake forgiveness is bestowed ; but He
is set in such relation to forgiveness that all is
ready for the next step. When His disciples begin
to have a deeper conception of sin, and to emphasize
the idea of salvation as deliverance from it, a pro-
founder explanation of the Messiah's relation to
sin and its removal will be demanded. Meanwhile,
the conception of His function is plainly transi-
tional, cut loose from the Judaic but only approxi-
mating to the Pauline.
The burden of the testimony borne by the primi-
tive community was to the effect that Jesus is the
Christ ; He is also to return as the Christ ; had He
been the Christ while yet on earth ? No conclusion
to the contrary can be drawn from Ac 2^, seeing
that there is no indication of the point of time at
which the ' making ' took place ; and even though
it appears most natural to connect it with the
Resurrection (cf. Ro 1^), the 'making' probably
implies the further recognition and promulgation
of a status rather than the bestowal of it. On the
other hand, there are not wanting indications
which seem to carry back the Messianic status
CHRIST, CHEISTOLOGY
CHEIST, CHEISTOLOGY 183
into the earthly ministry. He liad been ' raised
up' by God (3-''; cf. 7^^ 13*'') as it had been pre-
dicted by Moses that God would raise up ' a
prophet ' (3^-). He had been sent by God as one
blessing His people, and by God ' anointed with
the Holy Ghost and with power' (lO^**). This last
expression probably means ' appointed as Messiah,'
the occasion referred to being the Baptism of
Jesus. ' Since Is 11'^ the conception of the Messiah
in Jewish theology had been indissolubly linked
with that of the Spirit. The Messiah is the bearer
of the Spirit' (Bruckner, in RGG ii. 1208), so that
the anointing with the Spirit is equivalent to in-
stallation as jNIessiah.
(2) The Resurrection and the MessiaJiship. — To
what was the conviction that Jesus was the Messiah
due? It is sometimes easily assumed that it was
produced by the Kesurrection. But taken by it-
self the Eesurrection Avas not sufficient to create
belief that Jesus was the Messiah. It is not as
if there had been any antecedent expectation that
the Messiah would rise from the dead ; such an
expectation was indeed excluded by the absence of
any idea that death was an element in the Messiah's
experience. There is no reason to suppose that
when St. Peter appealed to the verses in Ps 16, he
was guided in the interpretation he gave of v.^"
by any tradition concerning the Messiah. Xor was
there in the fact of resurrection itself any demon-
stration that such a rank belonged to the subject
of it. It had been reported concerning John the
Baptist that he was risen from the dead (Mk 6"),
but the only inference drawn was that * therefore
do these powers work in him,'
The Resurrection did not create faith in Jesus as
Messiah ; it revived it. He had died as One who
claimed to be, and by some was believed to be, the
Christ. ' We trusted that it had been he which
should have redeemed Israel ' (Lk 24-^) ; and the
effect of the Resurrection was to vindicate this
claim made by Jesus and for Him on behalf of His
followers.
The form and contents of that belief began to
undergo a rapid change, as we have seen ; but
beyond this, the disciples are found taking up a
religious attitude to the Risen Master which is not
accounted for by their belief that He was the
Messiah. They behold Him as set by the right
hand of God ; and the vision is the ideal expres.sion
of the devotion, allegiance, and hope which move
in their hearts towards Christ. To what again is
this profoundly significant attitude due — for which
there is no sufficient explanation in traditional
ideas of the JNIessiah ? The explanation may be
sought in two directions.
(3) The historic Jesus. — The attitude is due,
firstly, to the impression made on the disciples by
the historic Jesus. He had never attempted to
demonstrate the claim which He made. But they
had tacitly admitted its validity. He had claimed
to stand in a universal and at the same time unique
relation to men ; He had postulated that tlieir atti-
tude to Himself was the determining factor in
life both present and future. He had demanded
for Himself and for His cause an allegiance which
outweighed the claims of any other relationship.
And He made known to them in Himself such a
character, such a personality, that these claims,
stupendous as they were, seemed reasonable, and
were, indeed, admitted and acted upon — ' Lord, we
have left all and followed thee.' And the very
failure on the part of these same men to grasp the
inmost significance of His message and His life
enhances their witness to the moral pressure they
experienced, leading them to submit even where
they imperfectly understood. When St. Peter
made what is called the great confession, ' Thou
art the Christ,' he was doubtless seeking to crys-
tallize the total impression into a categorical form.
But the form itself was not adequate. To acknow-
ledge Jesus as the Messiah was to assign to Him
the highest rank and dignity within the intellect-
ual range of the apostles. But the motives which
led to the confession, the attitude and personal
relation which lay behind it, found only incomplete
expression in the recognition of Him as the Messiah.
Jesus had done what no one had ever conceived
of the Messiah doing. He had touched the inner
springs of their life. He had deepened indefinitely
their apprehension of essential things, the joy of
life as lived by those who have a Father in God,
the sorrow that springs from the fact of human
alienation from that Father. According to the
measure of their capacity He revealed to them the
Father, and it was oy leading them to know Him-
self. And so, for those who attached themselves
to Him, Jesus became Messiah and more. And as
the conviction that He was Messiah was revived by
the Resurrection from the death-blow which it re-
ceived through the Crucifixion, so the experience
of ' the more ' was also latent in the consciousness
of the disciples, waiting to be quickened by a
corresponding event, and developed by a future
experience.
(4) Pentecost. — That event which corresponded
to the Resurrection, and displays itself as the
second moving cause of the attitude to Christ
which we find taken up by the infant Church, was
the experience of Pentecost, described as the out-
pouring of the Holy Spirit. Fundamental as the
Resurrection was, it did not stand alone as a basal
fact on which the faith and life of the young Church
were built ; nor is it possible to explain what fol-
lowed in the development of life or thought from
the Resurrection by itself. That was succeeded
after a short interval by Pentecost and the indue-
ment with spiritual power of those who believed in
Jesus as the glorified Messiah. To the fact of the
Resurrection was added the experience of a Spirit-
filled life ; and quite apart from any questions as
to the form in which this experience manifested
itself, it is to this highly intensified and concen-
trated perception of God's activity in the lives and
wills of those who submit themselves to Him in
Jesus Christ, working on the complex of facts il-
luminated by the Resurrection, that the unfolding
of systematic Christian thinking is due. As to the
narrative of Pentecost itself, it was only natural,
in view of the character of the phenomena, that
tradition should seize on the externally marvellous
and enhance it, to the obscuring of the really sig-
nificant. And in particular the tradition as it
reached St. Luke was so shaped either before him
or by him that the central featirre in the account
(2^"^i), the declaration by men of many different
nationalities, ' we do hear them speaking in our
tongues the mighty works of God,' differs from
every other item of evidence as to the meaning of
the glossolalia or 'speaking with tongues.' That
this phenomenon, the speaking with ' new ' or
strange tongues, was a familiar one in the first gen-
eration of Christians, we know from St. Paul's
Epistles ; that the first manifestation of it is what
St. Luke is describing we may be sure ; but inas-
much as a marked characteristic of glossolalia in
all other contexts is incomprehensibility and the
necessity for interpretation, we may take it that
on the first occasion also the phenomenon was that
of ecstatic speech, not comprehended by the hearers
except in the sense that, being infected by the like
enthusiasm, they felt themselves in mental com-
munication with the speakers, though they did not
understand their words. The essential thing is that
something occurred of a public and striking descrip-
tion which not only called for explanation, but
justified St. Peter in seeing in the experience
184 CHRIST, CHKISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
shared by him and so many others the fulfilment
of Christ's words about ' the promise of the Father '
(V; cf. Lk24-'a, Gal 3").
The fulfilment of this promise became the second
moment in the development of a deeper and richer
Christology. On the one hand, it involved, and so
revealed, a relation between God and ' His Christ '
of a different quality from what had hitherto been
recognized. That relation had been conceived as
something due to positive choice, as external,
official ; and the Spirit was bestowed on Jesus as
part of His Messianic equipment. The Christian
experience of Christ sets up a process at the end of
which we find St. Paul boldly identifying Christ
and the Spirit, and the writer of the Fourth Gospel
interpreting the parting Avords of Jesus in terms of
that identification. And the effect of this identi-
fication on the Christology is to provide an explana-
tion of the attitude of believers to the Risen Lord
in their recognizing Him as united to God in a re-
lation which was not official but inherent, not
mediated in time but eternal and unchangeable.
And once more the stage in this process which we
find reflected in the Acts is the intermediate one.
The glorified Messiah is no longer the subject of
the Spirit's influence (as in the Synoptic Gospels),
nor is He as yet identified with it ; but he is the
instrument and channel of the Spirit's bestowal.
That bestowal is conditioned by faith in Him (2^^),
by obedience to Him (5^^). On the other hand, the
bestowal of the Spirit, which was afterwards recog-
nized and described as 'the Spirit of unity and
brotherly love,' involved and revealed a new re-
lationship between all those who received the gift
from Christ. That is the real meaning of Pentecost
so far as it has been identified with the birth of the
Church. "We are told of the 3000 souls that were
added to the infant community that they were
steadfastly adhering to the teaching of the apostles,
and to the fellowship (Koivuvia), the breaking of
bread, and the prayer (2^^). We have here a new
word for a new thing, the new consciousness of
sacred union connecting the believers, knitting
them together in what St. Paul afterwards called
the Body of Christ. Hovt {Christian Ecclesia, 1897,
p. 44) understands by KOivwvla here ' conduct ex-
pressive of and resulting from the strong sense of
fellowship with the other members of the brother-
hood.' Pentecost had for its most striking result
the creation of the sense of brotherhood within a
body of men and women whose common bond was
not only a common allegiance to Christ, but com-
mon participation in His Spirit. No doubt the
extreme form which the principle at first assumed
— community of goods — proved unworkable, and
was of temporary duration ; but underlying it we
see a whole series of new ethical ideals in opera-
tion — mutual service, mutual self-sacritice, the
merging of the individual in the corporate whole,
' love of the brethren' as a governing motive of the
new life.
And with the consciousness of a new binding
fellowship created by Christ, there came a new
conscience. The new relations involved new re-
sponsibilities, the possibility of new ofJences, new
sins. The earliest case of sin which is recorded
within the new community was in fact sin against
the community itself and the principle of brother-
hood ; and it was recognized and dealt with as sin
against the Holy Ghost.
These ethical consequences of the bestowal of
the Spirit which was traced to the action of the
Risen Christ had far-reaching results not only in
the life but in the thought of the Church. Par-
ticipation in the Spirit was the privilege, as it
was the mark, of every true Christian. The act
of believing on Jesus, the surrender to Him which
found symbolic expression in baptism, was followed
by a great religious experience, the effect of which
was manifold. Incorporated in a community which
had died to earthly ambition, whether personal or
national, and which was permeated with a holy
enthusiasm towards Him who was felt to be the
source of its life, and with genuine love to ' all the
brethren,' the individual became conscious of a new
'life,' ethical and religious; and he saw in Jesus
the Christ, the Founder and Pioneer of that life.
Conscious that it was as moved by the proclama-
tion of that Messiah crucified but risen that he,
repenting and turning to God, had found peace of
conscience, deliverance from fear of the wrath, he
hailed in Christ a cr&m?/?, and connected Him with
the great experience of dcpean tuv afxapTLQv. The
connexions and implications of these experiences
and convictions were still undeveloped. But the
motive power and the material for the development
were tliere. The influence of the Spirit realized
from day to day alike in the individual and in the
corporate life, and in the inter-action of the two,
meant that not only were the disciples secure of
salvation in the future ; they had it now. The
Kingdom was theirs in both senses. It belonged
to them as an inheritance ; it was already in their
possession. They were on the way to St. Paul's
great discovery, ' The kingdom of heaven consists
in . . , righteousness, and peace, and joy in the
Holy Ghost' (Ro 14"). And to Him, to whom
they traced the bestowal of the best they had ever
been led to hope for from God, and also the revela-
tion and bestowal of gifts such as ' had not entered
into the heart of man to conceive,' they lifted their
hearts as hitherto they had done only to God
Himself.
II. The Christology of the sub-primitive
COMMUNITY. — The records, scanty though they
are, thus provide sufficient evidence to show that
most, if not all, of the chief elements in later
Christology were already present, at least in germ,
v/ithin the consciousness of the primitive com-
munity. From the year A.D. 50 or thereabouts
we are able to trace the development of these
elements in Epistles from various hands. But the
lines of development are not continuous. Although
there are doubtless lines of cross-connexion, e.g.
between St. Paul and St. Peter, between St. Paul
and the Epistle to the Hebrews, it is more in ac-
cordance with the historical situation to regard
them as radiating from the common centre of
primitive thought. Arranging these lines in the
order of James, the Apocalypse, Peter, Paul,
Hebrews, John, we find an increasing m asure,
not of divergence from the primitive type, but of
originality and penetration in the analysis of the
convictions which were common to them all. Some
at least of these lines appear to be focused again
in the Fourth Gospel, along with some which turn
back independently to the original base.
A broad comparison between these various types
of Christian thought which may be described as
sub-primitive shows that the characteristic which
distinguishes the Pauline from all the other types
is not primarily a distinction in respect of doctrine
in general or of Christology in particular. It is a
distinction in the aspects of religious experience
which are respectively emphasized. In neither
case is the emphasis an exclusive one ; that is to
say, it must not be taken as excluding the aspect
which is not emphasized. But, while for St.
Paul the dominating interest in Christological
reflexion lies in the explanation of, and jjreparation
for, the ethical union between believers and their
Lord, for St. Peter and the others Christological
reflexion runs on more concrete lines, developing
the thought of Christ as external to men, as
Preacher of Righteousness, as Example, as Priest,
as Authority. Ultimately the distinction dependf
CHEIST, CHKISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY 185
upon the place assigned by St. Paul to the irvev/iia
and to the category of irvevpLaTLKos. This subtle
but indubitable difference of atmosphere has to be
steadily borne in mind. To it may be due not a
few apparent divergences of expression, while on
the other hand apparent correspondences of lan-
guage may represent real distinction of thought.
1. The Epistle of James. — It is hardly possible
to speak of the Christology of an Epistle in which
the word Xpiaros occurs only twice (1^2^). But it
is to be noted that in both places the writer gives
the full title rod Kvpiov ri/j.wi' 'IrjaoO XpicrTou, that in
P he presents himself as in the same sense doDXos
of God and of Christ, and that in 2^ he adds to the
title the striking appellation rijs 56^r]9 (so Mayor,
adloc, following Bengel). To this there may be
a parallel in 2 P P" (cf. also Col P^, Ro 9^ Jn 1") ;
and in view of the prevailingljr Judaic tone of the
Epistle there may be an allusion to Christ as the
Shekinah (cf. 1 S 4-, Ps 78«i). In 2^ (^Xaacp-qixovciv
TO KoXbv 'ovofjio, rb iinK\r]dkv i(f> vfji.a.s) there is probably
a reference to the name of Christ as used in bap-
tism (cf. Ac 2^8), and in S'"*, whether rod Kvplov
shoiald stand in the text or not, a reference to the
same name as the secret of prevailing prayer. If
we add 5^, ' The Parousia of the Lord is at hand,'
and couple with it the phrase in the following
verse, ' Behold, the Judge is at the door,' we have
probably exhausted the references to Christ. But
the fact that the writer in the same context and
frequently elsewhere puts K!;joios = 6e(5s must be
allowed due weight, and similarly it is to be noted
how in 5^ the ' Second Coming ' is equated with
the old object of expectation, the Kingdom of
God.
The Christology which is suggested rather than
defined in the Epistle is lacking in several of the
details which appear even in that of the primitive
community, most notably perhaps in all reference
to the Holy Spirit ; but it is wholly consistent
with it, and the inadequacy of its expression is
probably due rather to the character of the docu-
ment than to any defect in the writer's views as
comjjared with those, e.c/., of St. Peter.
2. The Apocalypse of John. — It is best to con-
sider the Apocalypse of John at this point, be-
cause its Christology also represents the Chris-
tology of the primitive community, not developed
by intellectual analysis, or even through the
interpretation of Christian experience, but ex-
panded through the emotional magnification of the
heavenly Christ. In no book in the NT do devo-
tion to, and adoration of, Christ, and recognition
of His participation in the glory and authority of
the Father, find such copious, such exalted, ex-
pression. Yet the forms in which this expression
is cast are for the most part not original. On a
much larger scale than by the primitive community,
so far as our records show, the OT has been laid
under contribution ; so also has the literature of
the Interval. Attributes and functions, descrip-
tions and imagery which had played their part in
setting forth the majesty and the Almighty power
of God, are gathered from all available sources and
attached to the Person of the heavenly Christ.
Characteristic of the whole book is the repre-
sentation of Christ in the opening vision (l^**-).
where He appears as the ' one like unto a son of
man ' of the Danielle vision, but the details of His
appearance are some of those which in that earlier
scene are attributed to the ' Ancient of Days.'
Divine titles are ascribed to Him, as • Lord of
lords, and King of kings' (17^* 19"), and Divine
functions, in the searching of heart and reins (2-^ ;
cf. Ps 7^), and a share both in the throne of God
(22' 'the throne of God and of the Lamb') and in
the worship paid to God, even the worship paid by
angels (5"). He holds the keys of Hades and of
death {V^), which according to Jewish tradition
was one of the prerogatives of the Almighty. It
is before His wrath that men are to tremble in the
Day of Judgment (6^*- "), and He is to come again
in power and glory to judge the world and to save
His people (P 14^**- 222"). The throne on which
He has taken His place is His Father's throne (S^i),
and to Him He stands in a relation of unique son-
ship (P), M'hile at the same time it is from His
Father that He receives His power (2^), and He
is made to speak of Him as ' my God ' (3- ^^).
This antithetical emphasis upon the Divine honour
and dignity assigned to Christ and the ideas of
humility, submission, and sutiering which are also
connected with Him are vividly brought out by
the fact that it is under the title of 'the Lamb'
that many of the highest prerogatives are assigned
to Him. This is indeed the most characteristic
appellation in the book, and occurs some 28 times.
He is ' the Lamb slain from the foundation of the
world' (13^), and even now appears as one 'that
has been slain' (5®- '^) ; but it is also as Lamb that
He receives the worship of Heaven (5"- "), that He
takes His place by the side of God, and opens the
seals of the Book of Destiny. It is ' in the blood
of the Lamb' that the saints have 'washed their
robes and made them clean' (7^* 22"), or, by
another figure, it is with His blood that He has
purchased unto God {dyopdt^eiv ; cf. Gal 3'^) ' men of
every tribe' and nation (5*; cf. 14^-'*). On the
other hand, the name ' which no one knoweth but
he himself,' 'Word of God' (6 X670S toO dead, 19^^^),
is not further applied or expanded, and, though it
may mark a line of connexion between the Apoca-
lypse and the Fourth Gospel, it cannot be said to
tlirow any clear light on the Christology of this
book.
There is a class of passages which appears to
claim for Christ a life co-eternal with that of God.
' I am the first and the last and the living One' — 6
fwj' (!'■'• 1^) ; 'I am the Alpha and Omega, tlie first
and the last, the beginning and the end ' (22^^ ; cf.
21'') ; with which must be compared Is 44^, where
Jahweh says, ' I am the first and the last, and
beside me there is no God,' and Rev 1^, where
the same majestic self-description is ascribed to the
Almighty. Such language may well seem to imply
the pre-existence of Christ ; yet the predicate in
that form is probably to be regarded rather as a
necessary inference from the language of the
writer, who carries the equating of Christ with
God to the furthest point short of making Them
eternally equal. Christ is still ' the beginning of
the creation of God ' (t; dpxTj ttjs Kricrecji rov dead, 3''*),
by which is probably to be understood (cf. Col 1^"
dpxVi TrpurdroKot rCiv veKpCiv ; also Col 1^^) that He
Himself was part of the ktLois.
The Apocalypse of John as a whole leaves the
impression of a conception of Christ so exalted, so
majestical in the history of mankind, that it could
not be carried further without either impinging
on the writer's monotheism or demanding the em-
ployment of metaphysical categories which were
beyond his range of thought. It has been main-
tained by some [e.g. Bousset) that in the descrip-
tion of Christ as Alpha and Omega the writer
goes beyond St. Paul, and actually represents the
furthest point in the development of Christology
within the NT. B. Weiss says that ' the fact that
the Messiah is an originally divine Being (gottliches
IFesen) is taken for granted' {Bib. Theol. of NT, Eng.
tr., 1882-83, vol. ii. p. 172). But it may be doubted
whether this outgoing of St. Paul by the Apocalypse
is not more apparent than real. The impression is
due partly to the continuous occupation of the
author's mind with the same theme. Christ is the
Hero of every scene in the drama of the end. There
is none of that wide sweep of interest in things
186
CHKIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHEISTOLOGY
both human and Divine which marks the letters of
St. Paul. It is due also in part to the natural ten-
dency of the modern reader to accept as evidence
of a theory or conception of Christ's Person what
for the author was only concrete imagery gathered
from many sources to set forth and enhance the
glory of his Lord. It may indeed be doubted whether
he held any proposition regarding Christ which was
not included in the convictions of the primitive
community. All that he has to say was involved
in the tacit assertion that Christ is an object of
worship and a hearer of prayer. And with all the
Divine honours and attributes which he lavishes on
the Glorified Messiah he never loses sight of His
identity Avith the man Jesus. After the title ' the
Lamb ' he uses with most frequency the simple
name * Jesus ' (nine times). The phenomenon was
so noticeable that in several passages inferior MSS
have inserted the word ' Christ,' which copyists
felt to be missing. It was ' for the testimony of
Jesus ' that John was in Patmos (P ; cf. 12^'' 19") ;
it was with the blood of ' the martyi's {or witnesses)
of Jesus ' that Rome was intoxicated ; and in 22^**
the heavenly Christ speaks of Himself by this
human name — ' I Jesus have sent my messenger,'
while the response to the message with which the
book closes addresses the Risen Christ in the same
form, reminiscent of ' the days of his flesh ' — ' Even
so, come. Lord Jesus.' The Apocalypse, therefore,
is no exception to the rule that, so far from being
accompanied by a loosening of the tie between
Christ and the historical Jesus, the increasing em-
phasis on His Divine significance for the world goes
along with the same or even clearer assertion of
the oneness of Jesus and the Christ. The Christ
they worshipped was the Jesus whom they had
known.
3. The Chrlstology of St. PauL— The material for
Christology which was already present in the con-
sciousness of the primitive community, or within
its grasp, received its fullest and richest develop-
ment at the hands of St. Paul. The task of the
student is to do equal justice to what he received
from, and shared with, those who were before him
in Christ, and to those elements which were original
with him. This will supply the right answer to a
question which has become a living issue for modern
Christology — Is the Pauline Christology a legiti-
mate and necessary development of the relevant
material provided by the contents of the Gospels
and the experience of the Church, or does it repre-
sent a new departure, a conception of Christ so
distinct from, and disparate to, what had gone be-
fore, that it must be held to rest not on the revela-
tion of Jesus, but on the speculation of the Apostle ?
There has Vjeen for some time a tendency in one
school of NT criticism to exaggerate beyond all
reason the distinction between Christianity accord-
ing to the Gospels and Christianity according to
St. Paul, and to do so by minimizing or eliminat-
ing what is ' Pauline ' in the Gospels and by over-
emphasizing the ' Pauline ' elements in St. Paul.
Whatever is distinctive in St. Paul — his 'Calvin-
ism,' his ' sacramentarianism,' his ' mysticism,' his
' eschatology ' — is apt to be isolated and exagL;erated,
with the result, if not the intention, of difi'erentiat-
ing him more emphatically from his Master. It
needs to be borne in mind that we are working
here in a highly charged electric field, where men
of all schools of thought are in danger of being
swayed even unconsciously by a general prceiudi-
cium.
In examining the evidence as to St. Paul's con-
ception of Christ, certain general considerations
have to be kept in view. It is now commonly
agreed that it is a mistake to regard St. Paul as
one who was constructing or had constructed a
system of dogmatic theology. We are probably
nearer the truth if we think of him as a man
supremely interested in the practical conduct of
life, whose mind was speculative in the sense that
he was not content to register phenomena, but
must seek for their relations and their causes, ami
that he constantly referred details to their correla-
tive principles. That he was moved to this by
the impulse of a practical demand rather than
of an intellectual necessity is plainly suggested by
what we can gather concerning his ' missionary
preaching.' The Epistles to the Thessalonians
furnish evidence as to its comparatively elementary
character up till A.D. 52. And it is within the
last ten years of his life that we are to place those
Epistles in which his distinctive theological ideas
are developed and exposed, within six of these last
ten j'ears that we place the great group of Epistles
in which they find their classical and all but final
expression. Everything points to the fact that the
specifically Pauline combinations or inferences were
due to the stimulus of specific situations or to the
demands created by definite opposition. St. Paul's
mind ' is logical enough when his spiritual experience
demands it, but a large part of his affirmations
regarding the religious life and destiny of men is
thrown off, as occasion prompts, in vague hints, in
outbursts of intense spiritual emotion, in pictures
set within the framework of his inherited training,
in arguments devised to meet the needs of a par-
ticular church or a particular group of converts '
(H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul's Conceptions of the
Last Things, 1904, p. 22). It is impossible to separ-
ate the practical and ethical from the doctrinal, in
the interests of the Apostle ; and only imperfect
success can attend any attempt to study Pauline con-
ceptions by isolating their intellectual expression.
(1) Sources for Paulinism.— For our informa-
tion regarding the thought and teaching of the
Apostle we are almost wholly dependent on his own
letters. From the Acts we learn the details of his
conversf on, the course and method of his missionary
activity, but concerning his teaching only what
may be gathered with caution from his speeches
reported there. The Letters are conveniently
divided into four groups.
(a) The Epistles to the Thessalonians, written
from Corinth some twenty years after his conver-
sion, in which we have an echo and some record of
that mission-preaching which had been the task of
St. Paul's life since that event. (6) The Epistle to
the Galatians may possibly be earlier still, though
by most authorities it is grouped with those to the
Romans and the Corinthians, written some five
years later, in which we find the Apostle at the
height of his intellectual energy, stimulated to the
discovery and enunciation alike of the relations
and of the foundations of those truths which had
formed the centre of his gospel, (c) A third group,
commonly known as the Epistles of the Imprison
ment — those to the * Ephesians,' the Colossians,
and the Philippians — belongs probably to A.D. 62-
63, and shows the Apostle responding to hostile
stimulus of a diflerent kind, and carrying yet
further certain of the lines of thought laid down in
earlier Epistles, (d) There is a fourth group of
Epistles, that known as the * Pastorals,' addressed
to Timothy and Titus, written, if they were written
by St. Paul, after he had been released from his
imprisonment. The much-disputed question of
their authenticity is hardly material to our present
purpose, seeing that the Pastorals have little addi-
tional to contribute to Pauline Christology. When
Christ is referred to as the ' one mediator between
God and man, the man Christ Jesus ' (1 Ti 2*), He
is presented under an aspect which does not appear
in St. Paul, though it does in the Ei)istle to the
Hebrews ; but in general the Christology of the
Pastorals is important rather as a criterion of
CHKItsT, CHRI8T0L0GY
CHKIST, CHRISTOLOGY
187
their authorship than as adding material for the
Pauline Christology.
The convictions of St. Paul regarding Christ
began at the same point as those of the primitive
community. Through a like experience of Jesus
as Living, Risen, and Glorified, he was seized by
the conviction that He was the Messiah. In his
case, however, the personal recollection of what
Jesus had been and taught, of the Messianic claim
made by Him and for Him, was replaced by the
testimony of those disciples who had already be-
lieved on Him, and had sealed their belief by stead-
fastness under persecution. That doubtless gave the
content of St. Paul's belief ; what created it was
the vision of Christ as risen : ' last of all he was
seen of me also' (1 Co 15^). To St. Paul also, as
to the earlier disciples, came the gift of the Spirit
(Ac 9^''). And ' straightway in the synagogues he
proclaimed Jesus, that he is the Son of God ' (9^°),
i.e. that He is the Messiah, the phrase having still
its Messianic significance (of. Jn 1^"), and finding its
equivalent in v.^ 'proving that this is the Christ.'
It was in the Scriptures of the OT that he too
sought for the proof (Ac 18^), as also for proof of
the further affirmation that it behoved the Christ
to suffer (17^). Like Peter and like Stephen, but
by a different series of steps, he traces the history
of Israel down to the manifestation of Jesus (13''*-).
He preached to Jews and Greeks alike ' that they
should repent and turn to God, doing works worthy
of repentance ' (26-") ; moreover, he also connected
the promise of forgiveness with the revelation of
Christ (13^), and recognized in Jesus One whom
God had ' appointed to j udge the world in righteous-
ness' (IV^). And to this Exalted Christ St. Paul
also in the Acts gives the pregnant title Kvpios.
This is specially significant in his speech to the
Elders at Miletus, in which there is a note of
personal attachment and devotion to the One he
there describes (20^"" ^^- '"'• ^'" ^) which is not struck
elsewhere in the Acts, common as the title itself
is throughout. This prepares us for tlie evidence
of the Thessalonian Epistles, and for the subse-
quent development of the implication of the name.
There is thus scattered up and down the later
chapters of Acts evidence as to the character of St.
Paul's preacliing, which suggests that it included
the same elements as are found in that of the Jeru-
salem Church ; and there is so far no reason to
suppose that it contained any elements peculiar to
himself, with the one important exception that he
claimed for the Gentile as Gentile, and not as Gen-
tile become Jew, the full privileges of Christian
salvation. And again this corresponds with what
may be gathered from the Thessalonian Epistles.
(2) Chkistology of Epistles to the Thessal-
ONIANS. — These Epistles are too commonly studied
almost exclusively for the light they throw on
Pauline eschatology ; but it is to be observed that
the directly eschatological passage occupies only one-
seventh of the First Letter, while before it is reached
the letter has passed what looks like an intended
close (1 Th 3"''^), and in the earlier portion the re-
ferences to the Parousia are brief and wanting in
elaboration. Nor are the proportion and emphasis
very different in the Second Epistle.
The really striking feature of these Epistles is
the equal emphasis on Christ the Lord and God
the Father as severally and jointly the source of
all Christian experience, and the ground of all
Christian hope. In the opening verse of each
Epistle, Christ and the Fatlier are combined as the
sphere in which the Church at Thessalonica has
its being. In 1 Th 3" the words ' our God and
Father and our Lord Jesus Christ ' appear as the
subject of a verb in the singular numlier, express-
ing a prayer that the Apostle may be guided on
his way (cf. 2 Th 2'6). It is from Christ no less
than from God that the Apostle claims to have
received his commission (1 Th 2'^), and it is ' through
the Lord Jesus' that he utters his precepts (1 Th
f [cf. 5-^"], 2 Th 3«- '2). And though Christ is not
in these Epistles directly referred to as Judge, it
is implied that in the work of Judgment the Son
will also have a part (1 Th 3^^ 4« 5-, 2 Th V 2^).
It will be already plain that 6 Kvpios is the con-
stantly recurring description of Christ ; but, more
than that, it is used only of Him. For the phrase
consecrated by OT usage, ' the Lord God,' St. Paul
has in fact substituted- ' God the Father and the
Lord.' The usage of various names for Clirist in
these Epistles has been examined by G. Milligan
{St. Paul's Epp. to Thess., 1908, p. 135) with the
following results. The human name 'Jesus' by
itself is found only twice (1 Th P" 4'*). The name
' Christ ' standing alone is also comparatively rare,
occurring four times ('apostles of Christ,' ' gospel
of Christ,' 'dead in Christ,' 'patience in Christ').
The combination ' Christ Jesus ' denoting the
Saviour alike in His official and in His personal
character, the use of which in the NT is confined to
St. Paul, occurs twice. On the other hand, Ki^ptos
occurs twenty-two times in all, eight times with,
and fourteen times without, the article. The fact
that nearly two-thirds of these instances are anar-
throus shows how completely the word was al-
ready accepted as a proper name, and appropriated
to Christ.
It is consistent with the significance we have
assigned to this use of Ki^ptos that the phrase 17
i)fj.epa. Tov Kvpiov, which in the OT means ' the Day
of Jahweh,' is employed here without hesitation
and without explanation to describe the day of
Christ's return in judgment (1 Th 5- ; cf. 2 Th 2-).
Of like significance are the parallel use and the
interchange of 'God' and 'Lord,' e.g. 1 Th 5-^
'the God of peace himself,' and 2 th 3i« 'the
Lord of peace himself ; 1 Th I* ' brethren beloved
of God,' and 2 Th 2^^ ' brethren beloved of the
Lord.' These phenomena are the more remark-
able inasmuch as tliej- occur in Epistles whicli
otherwise are distinguished for an unusually per-
sistent expression of what may be called ' God-
consciousness.' It is not so much a doctrine con-
cerning God that forces itself on the attention, as
a habit of referring everything to ' God.' It is
God who has called the Thessalonians (1 Th 2'^),
the gospel of God that they have received (2^), to
God that they have turned from idols (1^), faith
toward God that they show (P). It is God whose
love they experience (1^), whose rule is their
supreme authority (4^ 5^^), who gives them the
Holy Spirit (4^), who is to sanctify them wholly
{o^), who is to bring again the dead (4^*). All
these references (and they are not exhaustive) are
in the First Epistle ; and further illustration of
the same characteristic is furnished by the Second.
It is, therefore, in letters which at the same
time testify so continuously and so emphatically
to the unchallenged monotheism of the Apostle
that we find equally striking evidence that even
at this stage he assigned to Christ rank, dimity,
authority, and sovereign importance for religion,
such as are surpassed in none of his later writings.
And yet it cannot be said that in any essential
particular these Epistles carry us beyond the
Christology of the pre- Pauline Church. The fact
is that all, or nearly all, that St. Paul ever taught
concerning the Person of Christ is involved in His
'Lordship.'
' The confession of Christ's Lordship is the confession of His
Divinity. There is no doubt that to Paul and the mass of
believers the Man Christ Jesus, Risen and Exalted, . . . was
the object of worship. In Him they saw God manifested in a
human form. In His influence upon them they perceived the
influence of the Spirit of God. _ Of His Divine power thej" had
the most convincing evidence in the consciousness of the new
188 CHEIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
life, with the moral strength it imparted, which He had
quickened within them. . . . The ease and naturalness with
which Paul passes from the thought of God to that of Christ
shows that he knew of no other God save the God who was one
with Christ and Christ with Him, that in turning in faith and
prayer to Christ he was conscious he was drawing near to God
in the truest way, and that in calling on God he was calling on
Christ, in whom alone God was accessible to men' (D. Somer-
vUle, St. Paul's Conception of Christ, 1897, p. 145 and 144 n.)-
This is possibly to anticipate the results of the
examination of the other Epistles, but only in
details. The central fact of Pauline Christology
is already evident in the Epistles to the Thessa-
lonians, viz. that while betraying no sign that his
monotheism is in danger, or that his way of inter-
preting it is either singular or calling for defence,
he gives to the Exalted Man, Christ Jesus, the
value and many of the attributes of God.
A Messiah who is Messiah and more, One whose
function it is to save from the wrath that is im-
pending, but One to be in relation with whom is
to have found already the basis of new life in an
ethical sense, the condition of a new relation to
God, and One who therefore draws to Himself
faith, obedience, worshij) — that is in briefest form
St. Paul's conception of Christ as set forth in
these Epistles. In subsequent letters St. Paul
analyzes the relation of Christ to God and of
Christ to mankind, which this conception involves ;
but nothing can justify the suggestion that this
central conception was built up, as it were, out of
the elements into which it could subsequently be
resolved. It was one which reached St. Paul
whole and complete at the crisis of liis conversion.
That there was some preparation, psychological
and even intellectual, for that transforming ex-
perience is quite possible, though St. Paul himself
would probably have denied it. But that it can
be accounted for merely as the result of any sub-
jective process is a suggestion quite irreconcilable
with the evidence. We have the concurrent testi-
mony of St. Paul himself (Gal P^t- ; cf. 2 Co 4«)
tliat at the moment of his conversion he was
artame with persecuting zeal against those who
believed in Jesus as Messiah, and of Acts (8^ 9^^-),
that the martyrdom of Stephen was followed by
an outburst of calculated fury against the Chris-
tian heretics. And the revelation of the Ilisen
Christ resulted in something more than the mere
reversal of Saul's opinion regarding Jesus, and the
confession that He Avas indeed the Messiah ; it re-
sulted in a conversion of the whole man so com-
plete that the change of opinion which was its in-
tellectual expression was of secondary importance.
There was an ethical change which demands for
its explanation a religious as well as an intellectual
revolution ; and the explanation is that from the
time of his conversion St. Paul found in Jesus not
only Xpia-rds but Kvpios.
The proof of this ethical change lies in his sub-
sequent life and in all his Epistles. It is seen
alike in the ideals which he inculcates and in
the degree in which he himself approximates to
these ideals. And he asseits the closest causal
connexion between the qualities of this new life,
life of this quality, and Christ, so that the ethical
experience of himself and his fellow-believers has
contributed largely to his Christology. Already
in 1 Thess. (P) we find the triad of Christian
virtues — faith, love, and hope — recognized as being
the natural fruit of being 'in Christ' ; and Christ
as the active source of 'increase' in that love
wherewith they have been 'taught of God' to love
one another (1 Th 3^2 4^). In 1 Th 5 we have the
picture of a Christian community wherein this
_' love' was to be operative in curbing the unruly,
in comforting those of little spirit, in supporting
the weak, in showing longsuilering towards all ;
where men were to abstain from every form of
evil, and to hold fast rb Ka\6v. These and other
ethical ideals for the common life receive their
sanction in the conviction that, as Christians,
men belong ' not to the night ' but ' to the day '
(5^- ^), i.e. in a certain sense they are already living
in the light of the world to come. And within
this series of precepts lies one which more than
anything else reveals the power over human nature
which St. Paul assigns to faith in Christ. ' At all
times be joyful ; pray without ceasing ; in every
circumstance give thanks. For this is what God
makes known to you in Jesus Christ as his will.'
A trust in God which would enable men to accept
everything which came to them as part of a
Father's will, and so enable them in every circum-
stance to be thankful, to be free from care — how-
ever this reached St. Paul as part of the new ideal,
it testifies to an ethical harmony between him and
Jesus. St. Paul's explanation of it would be, ' It
jjleased God to reveal His Son in me ' ; and again
the ethical experience must be taken into account
in the development of his Christology.
(3) The developed Christology of St. Paul.
— This may conveniently be studied under three
aspects, according as it bears upon the conception
of Christ: (a) as He now is, in glory ; (b) as He
was upon earth ; (c) as He had been before coming
to earth.
A. The glorified Christ. — St. Paiil's faith was in
a living Christ, a Being who was continuously
active in and on behalf of those who had been re-
deemed to God through Him, whether they were
regarded as individuals or as a corporate whole.
Accordingly, it is only natural that his thought
dwells preponderatingly on various aspects and
activities of Christ as He is now, in ' glory ' and
in the Church ; but along with this there goes al-
ways the recollection, whether tacit or expressed,
of what had preceded the glory, viz. the death,
and the manifestation in earthly life.
The four Epistles of the second group (Gal.
Kom., 1 and 2 Cor.) in the first place give greater
definiteness to the ' Lordship ' of Christ as the
central fact to be grasped and acknowledged by
men. The necessary but sufficient condition for
being reckoned a Christian was the sincere ac-
knowledgment of the religious relation to Christ
involved in confessing Him as 'Lord.' 'Believe
on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved '
had been St. Paul's word to the jailer of Philippi ;
and in Ro lO^*^- tlie same principle is laid down
and expanded. The 'word,' which in the mouth
of Moses (Dt 30''') stood for the Mosaic Law, is
now represented by the gospel, the word of faith
proclaimed by the apostles. And as accepted and
openly acknowledged by those Avho believe that
God raised Jesus from the dead, it takes this form,
' Jesus is Lord ' ; and this acknowledgment is the
external condition of salvation. In the same con-
text St. Paul shows why this is so all-important.
He appeals to two passages of the OT, in each of
which the original reference is to Jahweh ('who-
soever believeth on him shall not be ashamed,'
from Is 28'", and ' whosoever shall call upon the
name of the Lord shall be saved,' from Jl 2^-) ; but
he predicates them of the Lord Jesus. Nothing
could show more simply or more completely the
place which the Risen Jesus had taken in the
religious consciousness of the Church. The hom-
age, the prayer, the dependence which were due
to God were due to Him ; and the protection, the
security, the salvation which were to be looked
for from God might be claimed at His hand. In
like manner, according to 1 Co 12-' ('no one is able
to say that Jesus is Lord but by the Holy Spirit'),
this acknowledgment is traced to the Spirit's in-
spiration and is offered as a test whereby the in-
si^iration of a speaker may be ascertained. And
CHEIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
189
in Ph 2^- " in all probability it is this name of
* Lord ' which the Apostle describes as the ' name
above every name, the bestowal of which upon
Jesus at His Exaltation involved His right to the
homage of all created beings. St. Paul here ex-
Eresses his consciousness of the wonder of what
e believes to be the fact — that God has bestowed
on Jesus His own glorious name, that whereby
He had so long been known and addressed by the
Jews, who shrank from pronouncing ' Jahweh ' (cf.
Ac 2^* ; and W. Lueken ad loc. in Schriften des
NT, ii. [1908] 379).
(a) Son of God. — If St. Paul thns connects our
Lord's entry on the title and dignity of Ki^ptos with
His Resurrection and Exaltation, does he do the
same in reference to His status as Son of God?
The governing passage is in Ro 1* rod bptadivTos vlov
$€0v iv 5vvd/j.€i Kara vvevfia ayiuffOvTjs i^ dvaffrdaews
vcKpQv — 'declared {or installed) Son of God with
power according to the spirit of holiness in virtue
of resurrection from the dead.' The emphasis is
probably on the words ' with power.' As yevd/xevos
€K (TTripixaros Aa^io, Jesus had been XpKxrbs Kara crdpKa
and vlbs deov in the Messianic sense, and was
crucified i^ dadevelas (2 Co 13'*). But after and in
consequence of the Resurrection, He has entered
on the status of Son of God in an exalted form, set
free from 'the likeness of (weak and) sinful llesh,'
He has been promulgated as ' in power.' This open
acknowledgment of His true character was ' in ac-
cordance with his spirit of lioliness.'
'The Eesurrection was to Paul the disclosure of the nature of
Christ. It was not. only the crowning staire in the development
of the Life that had been lived on earth, its natural consumma-
tion, but as such it was also the revelation of the inner nature
of Christ and of the forces of His personal life that were con-
cealed, as well as hindered in their proper exercise on others,
as lon<f as He was in the flesh ' (Somerville, op, cit. p. 17 ; see,
further, below).
In three other passages St. Paul refers to Christ
as ' the Son of God ' (Gal 2-«, 2 Co P", Eph 4'^). In
others again he speaks of Christ as ' the Son ' (1 Co
15'^) or 'his Son' (Ro l^-s S'", 1 Co P, Gal 4'*).
Some of these passages may still refer to the
Messianic Sonship ; but others more probably
belong to another class, of which Ro 8^* ^- (rov
iavTov vlbv Trifixj/as — roO Idiod vioO ovk i(pei(raro) and
Col V^ (rov viov rijs dydinis avroO) furnish the clearest
examples. In these passages the conception of
Christ's Sonship has passed over into a conception
other and deeper than the official Messianic one ;
and it seems to involve a ' community of nature
between the Father and the Son' (Sanday-Headlam,
rtd loc), and a relationship independent of any
historical experience. At this point, therefore, St.
Paul does advance beyond any position which is
attested for the primitive community. It is useless
as well as needless to raise any question as to
whether he conceived the relation metaphysically
or otherwise. St. Paul is content to recognize it
as intimate, personal, unique. ' It is clear that in
the scale of being the son is the one who in origin
and nature is nearest to God' (J. Weiss, Christ,
p. 66).
This deeper conception of the Sonship is borne
out by the frequent and spontaneous use of the
name 'Father' for God. The full name for God
in the Church of the NT is ' the God and Father
of our Lord Jesus Christ' (e.g. Ro 15^ 2 Co IP',
Eph P 3", Col P, 1 P p). And as such He is
described absolutely as 6 Tranjp, and known experi-
mentally by those who have in their hearts the
Spirit 'whereby we cry Abba, Father' (Ro 8^^).
All this circle of ideas testifies to the recognition
of a Sonship not only in the sense in which it was
equivalent to Messiahship, but in the sense of a
relationship which is intrinsic and unique.
It is quite unnecessary to go far afield to find
the source from which St. Paul derived this con-
ception of Christ's Sonship. It is attested by the
Synoptic Gospels as an element in the self-con-
sciousness of Jesus. There is nothing to suggest
that it was a discovery or a conclusion due to St.
Paul. As J. Weiss says :
' Paul shows no trace of uneasiness nor gives any hint of a
tradition as to how the relation of sonship arose or what its
actual significance was. When in Col lis he speaks of Christ as
the first-born of all creatures, we must not by any means con-
clude that Paul had in mind a begetting or birth, or any special
creative act. But neither is there in a single syllable any sug-
gestion of an emanation in the sense of the later Gnosticism, or
an election. It is significant that Paul does not feel the least
need to account for the existence of this Son of God by any
story of creation or birth, i.e. by what the Science of Religion
calls "Myth " ' (Christ, p. 69 f.).
This means that neither intellectual construction
nor speculation gave rise to the conception. It
came from Jesus. And as the Resurrection put
the seal of Divine authentication on His Messianic
consciousness, so did it put the seal of Divine ac-
knowledgment upon that filial consciousness which
had been the deepest thing in His personality.
Conversely, of course, this prompt and spon-
taneous recognition of the filial relationship
between Jesus and God provides confirmation of
the gospel record so far as it reflects this element
in His consciousness. On the broad foundation of
the Lordship of Christ and the Sonship of Christ —
the one a fact of religious experience, the other a
factor in the consciousness of Jesus — St. Paul builds
his specific Christology. And he postulates for
Christ tliree different relationships : he sets Him
in a relationship amounting to identity with tlie
Spirit of God ; he presents Him as Head of a new
race of men, the second Adam ; and he claims for
Him a creative relation to the world of intelligent
being.
(iS) The Lord the Spirit. — The evidence for this
identification is partly direct and partly indirect.
In 2 Co 3" the Apostle makes the categorical state-
ment, ' The Lord is the Spirit,' and the same idea
is probably echoed in the following verse, ' even as
from the Lord the Spirit ' (the genitive irveijfiaTos be-
ing probably in apposition to Kvpiov — so Schmiedel,
Lietzmann). But the same idea also underlies the
Apostle's habit of using irvevfxa [QeoO], irveviia XpttrroO
and Xpicrrds as practically interchangeable. Christ
is 'a life-giving Spirit' (1 Co 15''°), but the Spirit
also gives life (2 Co 3® ; cf. Gal 5'^). And in Ro
§9. 10. 11 st;_ Paul passes indifferently from the
one to the other, referring to the Divine Spirit in
one verse the effect which in the next he refers to
Christ. For him ' Christ ' and ' the Spirit of him
that raised up Jesus ' are practically synonymous.
The basis for the identification which St. Paul
asserts is not any idea of metaphysical unity, but
an observed harmony of ethical and spiritual in-
fluence. St. Paul had no doctrine of the Trinity.
The Spirit of God, or Holy Spirit, was for him
(apart from the identification with the Risen Clirist)
the energy of the Divine nature, universal in its
operation, influencing the will and the intelligence
of men, the source of the sevenfold gifts described
in Is 11^, and specially the creator of 'life' in the
new sense in which it was a j^rerogative of the
Messianic age, and practically synonymous with
'salvation.' The identification of this Sjjirit with
the Risen Christ followed on the combination of
the experience of Easter with that of Pentecost.
Together they formed the source and the basis of
new life for the believers. This was for them the
meaning of salvation, and the proof that they were
being saved. The subjective certainty was given
in new moral power to follow new ideals. Both
the power and the ideals were traced to the Spirit
(Gal 5^-) ; but they came to each individual after
and in consequence of his faith in Christ as Risen
Lord. So this life-giving energy of God which by
the primitive community had been explained as
190 CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
' shed abroad ' by the Exalted Christ, is by St. Paul
identified with Him. What would further con-
tribute to this conclusion would be the necessity
of attributing to Christ existence in a super-
physical or 'spiritual' form, and the further
necessity of accounting for the universality of His
presence, with each and with all of the believers
everywhere.
There is a further indication here of the way in
which the conception of salvation as the highest
good belonging to the life to come was giving place
to the conception of it as a present experience.
With all its antecedent conditions — e.g. justification
( = acquittal), cleansing, redemption from the do-
minion of evil — and with all its expected contents
—peace with God, tranquil confidence, hope and
joy — salvation w^as within men's grasp. Men who
had received the Spirit had received it as aTrapxn
or dppa^ihv, at once the first-fruits and the guarantee
of eternal life ; they knew that they had received
the Spirit because tlie fruits of the Spirit were pro-
duced in them and among them (cf. 1 Jn 3'*) ; and
that these were fruits of the Spirit of Christ, or
the Spirit that was Christ, they kneAV, because
they corresponded with what they knew of His
character and teaching.
The recognition of this element in St. Paul's
Christology has certain consequences. — (i.) It
throws light on the use so freely made by the
Apostle of the phrase iv Xpiffrip. (ii.) It leads to a
change in the way of conceiving the Spirit which
has recently been described as ' die Christificierung
des Geistes.' The Spirit being recognized as enter-
ing into personal relations with man, of the same
character as those of Christ with man, there is
formed a conception of the Spirit which can only
be described in terms of personality, (iii.) If as
Kijpios Christ exercises the authority of God, and
as irvevixa at once enspheres men (cf. Ac 17^) and
dwells in them, producing the fruits of the Spirit,
the true grounds are provided for regarding Him
as Divine.
' It is . . . because He works in us with an energy of love and
holiness that is identified with the Spirit of God, and commands
our obedience with an absoluteness that is identical with the
authority of God, that we are to recognise Christ as truly Divine
and to acknowledge the presence in Him of powers of Godhead
that constitute Him the object of our faith and worship'
(Somerville, op. cit. p. 112).
(7) The Second Adam. — Another line of advance
was opened for the Apostle partly through the
universalism of his gospel, leading him to find in
Adam, the head and founder of humanity which
fell, a type of Christ as founder and head of the
humanity which He had redeemed. Redeemed
humanity was indeed a Kaiv't] ktIiji^ (2 Co 5^^, Gal
6'* ; cf. Col 3^", where the parallel with the creation-
narrative in Genesis is distinctly suggested). The
new creature is a citizen of a new world (Ph 3-"),
belongs no longer to the kingdom of darkness but
to the kingdom of God's Son (Col 1^*), and lives
under a new covenant, or basis of relationship,
between God and man (2 Co 3^). In all these
particulars he is seen to be a member of a new
race ; and Adam, the founder of the original race,
was riwos rod /xiWovTos (Ko 5^^): i.e. Christ as
6 fiiWwv bore the same relation to the new race as
Adam to the old.
In two passages St. Paul makes use of this
analogy, in both cases assuming its validity, not
proving it. According to the first, Adam is typical
of Christ in the way in which his fall involves con-
sequences affecting the relation to God of his whole
posterity. That is to say, in Christ, as Second
Adam and Representative Man, humanity makes a
new beginning ; it recovers its pristine relation to
God, the Divine likeness in which it was first
created. And as Adam by his disobedience had
entailed on all wlio followed the heritage of sin
and death, so Christ by His perfect fulfilment of
the Divine will had secured for ' all ' participation
in righteousness and life (Ro 5'^'^^).
In the second passage (1 Co 15^-^^) St. Paul
applies the same relation and contrast between
Adam and Christ to support his statement that
there is not only 'a natural ( = psychical) body'
but also a 'spiritual' (=2meumatic) one. It is
quite in accordance with his method of using
Scripture that the verse of Genesis which he quotes
has no reference to o-Q/xa ; and yet we can see its
relevancy. 'Eyivero 6 [irpuiros] dvOpuiroi [A5a/t] els
^vxw t^crav, where the bracketed words are added
to the text of the LXX and emphasize the direction
of the Apostle's thought ; Adam, the first man, was
made a psychic person, or a 'natural man.' Then
he proceeds (without indicating what is the case,
viz. that he is no longer quoting) : ' the last Adam
(was made) a spirit, a life-giving soul.' He states,
in fact, the same view of Christ as that just con-
sidered — 'the Lord is the Spirit' — but leaves un-
expressed the inference he would have men draw,
viz. that as Adam and all who derive from him
had a ' psychic body,' so Christ and all who owe
'life' to Him have a ' pneumatic body.'
It is only then (if at all) that St. Paul recalls the
famous interpretation put by Philo upon the double
narrative of the creation of man (Gn P^ and 2'') —
diTTh dudpuiruv yivrj- 6 /xiv yap iariv oiipdvios &v9po)iros,
6 5^ y-fil'vos. 6 fikv odv ovpdvios are Kar elnbua Qeov yeyo-
VLos (pOapTTJs Kal <rvv6\o}S ye(l}8ovs oixrlas dfx^Toxos, 6 dk
yrji'vos iK awopdSos vkr]s ^v xoOv K^KXijKev dirdyr]
(Legum, allegor. [ed. Mangey, vol. i. p. 49] ; cf.
de Opif. Mundi [vol. i. p. 32]). Not a few modern
writers are disposed to find the root of St. Paul's
' higher Christology ' in this doctrine of Philo con-
cerning ' the heavenly man. ' But this is probably a
mistaken view. Along with obviously close corre-
spondence in phrasing the passage shows funda-
mental divergence from the Philonic conception.
Pfleiderer and B. Weiss agree that the passage
contains no reference to Philo's doctrine of the ideal
man. J. Weiss (Christ, p. 74), after positing that
there is ' no evidence of literary dependence, i.e.
borrowing from any work of Philo's,' makes a
careful comparison of the two concejitions, and
concludes that Philo's doctrine shows no trace of
what is most characteristic in St. Paul.
' The Alexandrine does not attribute the least eschatological
significance to the heavenly man. He shows no trace of the
belief that he who came into being in the image of God, at the
end of aU things shall appear as Messiah. But with Paul it is
just this which is the essential thing. His doctrine of the
heavenly and earthly man, or of the first and last Adam, or of
Adam and Christ, is most pointedly apocalyptic in character '
(i&. p. 77f.).
If there is any allusion to Philo's view, it is
referred to only to be contradicted : ' the pneu-
matic was not first, but the psychic ; then came
the pneumatic' At this point (v.*^) the Apostle's
mind reverts to his original subj ect — the constitution
respectively of the psychic and of the pneumatic
man. The first man was sprung from earth,
earthy in his constitution ; the second man was,
is, or shall be from heaven, and is the heavenly
man. And the same law whereby members of
Adam's race reproduce his earthy, psychic constitu-
tion secures that those who derive their life from
the heavenly man shall receive a pneumatic frame
or constitution. But the frame or ffCop-a is now
described as eUdiv, the image or concrete expression
of personality which produces an impression on
the beholder. The ' image of the heavenly ' in v.'**
is tlie same as the ' image of his glory,' or ' his
glorious likeness ' of Ph 3-', into which the Lord is
to change the * body of our humiliation.' And the
' image of his glory,' the ' image of the heavenly
man ' alike describe the pneumatic ffufia, frame or
form, which the Risen Christ had taken to Himself.
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY 191
When we examine these verses, freed from the
obligation of reading into tliem Pliilo's theory of
creation, the OT hgure which is suggested by 6
iirovpavios is not the supposed Urmensch of Gn 1,
nor yet a Pauline complement of the earthly Adam
of Gn 2, but the tigure in Dn 7^^, l5ov fiera rCjv
ve<pi'Ko}V rod ovpdvov ws vlbs dvdpilnrov epxofJ.evo%, It is
true that there is not elsewhere in St. Paul's
writings any certain allusion to the ' Son of Man ' ;
but this may well be due to tiie incomprehensibility
of the phrase in Gentile ears. And there is no
reason to suppose that St. Paul was either ignorant
of, or indifferent to, the Messianic significance of
the Danielle figure. The view which these verses
postulate is therefore this : that the Messiah, the
heavenly man of Daniel, is at the same time the
head of the new race, the second Adam, and is
known to be such because He has been made a
' life-giving Spirit ' ; those who believe on Him are
by Him made alive.
At what point did this take place, in the opinion
of St. Paul ? Was it at the ' creation,' or at His
coming to earth, or at His Exaltation ? Probably
the first of these possibilities is the one which
corresponds with the first impression the words
make ; the description is in both cases that of the
original condition of the first and the second Adam
respectively. And that is the interpretation in-
sisted upon by those who find the source of St.
Paul's Christology in the conception of a pre-
existent ideal man. On the other hand, it is at
least not necessary to look for the source of both
parts of the statement in the Genesis-narrative.
It is quite in accordance with St. Paul's manner of
handling Scripture that he should add to a direct
quotation a proposition which rests on quite other
ground (cf. Ro 3^°, Gal 2^''). Nor, in the second
place, is it necessary that the verb iyivero (granting
that it is to be supplied in the second clause of v.'^^)
should refer in both cases to the same point of
time, or to synonymous moments in the experience
of the first and second Adam. All that is necessary
is that in both cases the experience must be one
capable of being described by the word eyivero, and
the illuminating parallel is that in Ac 2^'' : ' God
made him Lord and Christ.'
Once more, the Avhole passage must be viewed
and interpreted in its bearing on the solution of
the question. With what body do they come ?
What is really contrasted with the aQfia \pvxi-K6v
which clothed the ^vxvv ^QiTav of the first Adam
is the (Tw/xa irvevfiaTLKov through which the irvevfia
^woTTOLovv of the Second Adam is manifested. And
as the aQ/jLa irvevixaTiKov is the glorified body of the
Risen Lord, so it was at His Resurrection that He
' was made a life-giving Spirit.' It would not
follow that St. Paul did not regard Him as having
been wvevfxa or even irvev/j-a ^uottoiovv in some sense
anterior to the Resurrection, any more than it is
necessary to put a similar interpretation on Ac 2^''.
As ' the first-born from the dead,' He was also ' the
first-born among many brethren,' inasmuch as they
were destined in advance to be conformed to His
' image,' i.e. to the form of His existence in glory
(Ro 8-8; see Denney, ad loc). He was the
Second Adam because He was at once the Source,
the Type, and the Head of the new race ; and as
surely as filiation from the first Adam had shown
itself in the physico-psychic constitution, so surely
Avould vital relation to Christ show itself in the
bearing of a spiritual-heavenly body, the habita-
tion not made with hands, eternal in the heavens.
It appears, therefore, that in 1 Co 15^^ St. Paul
has nothing to tell about the pre-existent Christ ;
and the same is probably the case in regard to the
other factors in St. Paul's description of Christ —
the recognition of Him as eiKuv rov deov and the
declaration that in Him dwells ' the whole fulness
of the Godhead.' In both passages (2 Co 4* and
Col 1'^) where lie refers to Christ as ' the image of
God,' the context suggests that the idea is more
than that of simple likeness, reflexion, or even
representation. Christ as eiKihv rod deov is and has
all that Adam had in consequence of being made iv
elKovi deov without suffering any of the subsequent
diminution or cancelling of powers or privileges
which in Adam's case followed upon transgression.
This phrase, therefore, like ' the Second Adam,'
sets Him forth as the archetypal man. But the
phrase has had a history since its origin in Hebrew
literature, and St. Paul may have had that also
in mind. It appears in a modified form in Wis.
(7-^) in a description of the Divine Wisdom personi-
fied : aTraijyaafxa yap eaTt (purbs dl'Siov , . . Kal eiKwv
rrjs dyadorrjTos avTov. From an Egyptian inscrip-
tion of 196 B.C. Wendland quotes the description
of an apotheosized prince as elKdvos ^locttjs tou deov
(Hellen.-rom. Ktiltur, 1907, p. 75). But there is
no need to go beyond the passage in Wis. , Avhich
indeed seems also to have influenced the language
of 2 Co 4^ and He P, and possibly Col I'^. The
e'lK^v evidently connotes light, glory, radiant eflul-
gence ; and when St. Paul apj^lies the description
to Christ, he means that the otherwise invisible
God is manifested and revealed through Him
(cf. Jn 14-* ifxtpaviau) ifiavrdv). Its true significance
is in fact explained by 2 Co 4'' : ' Seeing it is God
. . , who shined in our hearts, to give the light of
the knowledge of the glory of God in the face of
Jesus Christ.' St. Paul neither denies nor asserts
that Christ had been ' the image of God ' from the
beginning ; but what he does say on the subject
is properly referred to Christ as Exalted.
(5) The fullness of the Godhead. — It pleased God
that ' in him the whole fulness of the Godhead
should make its abode ' (Col P^ ; cf. 2^ iv avrw
KaroLKet wdf to TrXripui/xa riis OeorrjTOs ffiOfiariKuts, Kal €<tt^
iu avTi2 weirXTjpu/jLevoi). It has now been made clear
that as the foregoing description has its roots in the
Hebrew record of creation, so this one is not unre-
lated to contemporary theosophic speculation. St.
Paul makes this assertion regarding Christ in re-
sponse to a challenge, which had been delivered,
tacitly at least, by the false teachers at Colossse
against the sole and suflicient supremacy of the Lord.
On the lips of those whom he was controverting,
as well as on his own, the phrase stood for the
totality of the Divine powers or agencies. But for
the false teachers the totality was distributed
among a plurality, a countless host, of mediators —
' thrones, dominions, principalities, powers,' rd aroi-
Xeia Tou Koafxov. St. Paul had found in Christ
another view of the universe, according to which
all this imagined hierarchy of intermediaries be-
came irrelevant. Thus it is probable that in both
sentences in which the phrase occurs a strong
emphasis should be placed on the words iv avrip.
Not in that cloud of unknown spiritual forces but in
Christ resides that whole fullness of which they
speak ; and it resides awfjcariKuis, i.e. not 'in bodily
form,' but 'in completeness and abiding reality'
(so Klopper, Dibelius).
' The term, in its orig-in, or as used by the theosophists of
Colossse, may be metaphysical or not ; in the mouth of the
apostle it expresses a religious truth, a truth of reflection based
on religious experience, the truth learnt in communion with
the Risen Lord, that in Him there is a full endowment of life by
the Spirit of God that answers to all the religious needs of
human nature ' (SomervOle, op. cit. p. 158).
It is to be noted in connexion Avith each of these
later aspects of Christ recognized by St. Paul, that
it is held or revealed by Him in order to be im-
parted or conveyed to men. If He is the Son and
the Image of the Invisible God, it is in order that
men who believe on Him may become sons of the
same Father and conformed to the same Image.
If the fullness of God has taken up its abode in
192
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
Him, that has had for a result ' ye have been ful-
filled in him,' and then we find the Apostle in
Eph 3'^ praying that the brethren may by the in-
dwelling of Christ be ' fulfilled ' till they attain to
the pleroma of God. At the same time, this
participation of believers in the highest attributes
of Christ is (i.) mediated through Him, is theirs
only through their organic union with Him ; and
(ii.) only partial and fragmentary at any time in
the individual believer. No individual believer,
however closely he may resemble his Master, can
ever reproduce all that Christ is. It is the body
of believers, believers as a body, who are destined
to attain ' to the perfect man, to tlie measure of
the stature of the fulness of Christ ' (Eph 4'3). All
the attributes of the iieavenly Christ have refer-
ence to, and are applied to, the salvation of man ;
but they are conveyed by Him ; apart from Him
they are not within the reach of men.
B. The historical Jesus. — St. Paul traced the
origin of his faith, and ascribed the life he now
lived, to the Risen and Exalted Christ, Lord and
Spirit. But it is not true to say that he was
either ignorant of, or indifferent to, the manifes-
tation of Jesus 'in the days of his flesh.' The
references which he makes to the ' historical
Jesus ' may be few in number, but they are em-
phatic and essential to his total conception of
Christ's Person and Work. In the first place, he
admits and relies on the authority of Jesus as the
rule of life. In Ac 20*^ he is heard definitely re-
calling ' the words of the Lord Jesus,' as in 1
Co 1123ff. he quotes as authoritative the terms in
which Jesus instituted the Last Supper. The dis-
cussion on marriage and divorce in 1 Co 7 illus-
trates his attitude. On the one hand, in regard to
the marriage of ' virgins,' he says frankly that he
• has no commandment of the Lord,' just as in
reference to married life he has disclaimed any
Divine authority (1 Co 7") ; but in regard to divorce
he takes a very different tone, because for that
question he has the authority of the historical
Jesus, whose deliverance on the subject he quotes.
In like manner he claims to ' follow Christ,' mean-
ing the historical Jesus, as the supreme example
(1 Co IP), and urges his converts to do the like
(Ph 2^ff-, 1 Th 2l^ Eph 5^).
It is on the human manifestation of Christ that
St. Paul's whole gospel is based — ' Christ died for
our sins ' ; and it was as Jesus of Nazareth that
He died ; it was ' in the flesh ' that He 'condemned
sin,' ' in the body of the flesh ' that God ' reconciled
men to himself (Col V^). And the fact of His
humanity is absolutely essential to the Apostle's
theory of salvation. It provides the identification
of the Redeemer with the race He would redeem,
in all human experience save the consciousness of
having sinned. It is wholly a mistake to represent
the emphasis which St. Paul puts upon the Risen
Christ as excluding interest in, or knoM-Jedge of,
the historical Jesus ; ' the heavenly man ' had no
meaning for him except for His being the same as
' the man Christ Jesus.'
And he leaves no room for doubt that the Christ
of faith was one with the Jesus of the Gospels.
He was 'born of a woman' (Gal 4^; cf. Job 14').
The phrase neither includes nor yet does it ex-
clude a supernatural factor in the birth of Jesus ;
it asserts His true participation in our common
humanity. He was 'born under law' (Gal 4*).
Whether significance is to be attached to the ab-
sence of the article (Lightfoot) or not (Lietzmann),
the context shows that it is His identification with
the Jewish race that St. Paul is emphasizing. He
is represented as a lineal descendant of David
(Ro F), and an argument is founded upon His
descent from Abraham (Gal 3'«). This descent had
special significance, inasmuch as by becoming ' a
minister of circumcision' (or 'of the circumcision ' ;
cf. 2 Co 3^) He confirmed the promises made to
the forefathers of Israel (Ro 15^; cf. 2 Co 1-").
So that it is one of the distinguishing privileges of
Israel that the Messiah belongs to them ' as far as
the flesh is concerned ' (Ro 9^). In 2 Co 5^*, where
St. Paul repudiates, for the period subsequent to
his conversion, any knowledge of ' Christ after the
fiesh,' he postulates at least the hypothetical possi-
bility of his having known Him so, and probably
refers to a claim which others founded upon their
personal acquaintance with the historical Jesus.
There remain two passages of special importance
for the light they shed on the Apostle's view of
the constitution of our Lord's human personality.
The first is in Ro 8^ — 6 debs rbv eavroD T16:' 7re/tf as
iu ofiOKJbfiaTi crapKbs a/j.apTias ktX. The allusion to a
pre-existent state from which God ' sent His own
Son ' (see below) is followed by the carefully chosen
phrase ' in the likeness of sin's flesh ' (cf. Ph 2''
' was made in the likeness of men '). It is pos-
sible, but it would be mistaken, to read these
words as though their purpose Avas to assert that
Christ was ' like ' but only ' like ' to men. What
the phrase does convey is that the likeness is true
and complete as far as it can be, sin being excepted.
By the introduction of 6fioitx)fia St. Paul ' wishes to
indicate not that Christ was not really man, or
that His flesh was not really what in us is crap^
afiaprlas, but that what for ordinary men is their
natural condition is for this Person only an assumed
condition ' ( Denney, ad lot. ). The rendering of AV
(also RV) ' of sinful flesh ' gives a wrong impression
and creates unnecessary difficulty. ' Of sin's flesh '
refers to the phj'sical constitution of man not as
originally or inherently sinful — which was never
St. Paul's view — but as it had come to be, histori-
cally and experimentally, an appanage of sin.
Christ entered into humanity as it was conditioned
by sin, tyrannized and enslaved by it — sin being
regarded as an almost personal conqueror and
tyrant.
But He who, according to Ro 8*, was thus made
' in the likeness of sin's flesh,' according to the
second passage (Ro l"*) manifested, in contradis-
tinction to all others who appeared in human form,
' a spirit of holiness ' ; and it was in harmony with
that ethical uniqueness that a unique glory was
assigned to Him, inasmuch as His death was
followed by a Resurrection whereby He was de-
clared (or installed) by God as ' Son of God with
power.' Thenceforward His Messiahship was in-
dubitable ; it was demonstrated by the ' power '
which was wielded by the Risen Lord. This pas-
sage, like the former one, starts with a possible
allusion to the pre-existent Sonship (rov tlov ai;roO),
and at least suggests a state of humiliation as
antecedent to the state of glory and power. There
is at the same time no suggestion of a time at
which Jesus became possessed of the 'spirit of
holiness,' such as meets us in the Synoptic Gospels.
Rather is the spirit referred to as ' the principle of
personality in Jesus.' It is the ' spirit of holiness'
which binds the earthly existence alike to what
went before and to what came after (cf. Feine,
Theol. des NT, 1910, p. 260). And the same
thought may underlie the phrase in Ro 8^ : ' the
law (=principle) of the spirit of life in Christ
Jesus hath made me free from the law of sin and
deatii.' 6 vbfios here means ' authority ' (so Sanday-
Headlam), or in modern speech, the 'governing
principle.' Sin and death are contrasted as govern-
ing principles with the living (and life-giving)
spirit that was in Christ Jesus — the same ' spirit of
holiness.'
The passage in Philippians (2'"'^) which is chiefly
valued for the light it throws on St. Paul's view
of the pre-existent Christ has importance also for
CHRltST, CHEISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHEISTOLOGY 193
his view of the historical Jesus. He 'was foimd,'
o-X^,"'i" '^^ ^fOpuiTTos, i.e. in outward appearance, in
all that presented itself to the senses, ' as a man ' ;
and that because He was ' made in the likeness of
men ' (iv o/iotw'/xart dvOpdnruv). But the description
of the human manifestation opens ■with the phrase
fiop(pr]v 8ovXov 'Kapdiv, by which the Apostle indicates
something which, while going deeper than the
<rx,vP^ or the 6/j.oLw/j.a, yet does not toucii the essen-
tial personality. Christ, that is to say, entered
upon a real, but not a permanent, servitude. In
what sense? It vnU not suffice to say, with
Lightfoot {ad loc. ), ' For dydpuTros the stronger
word SoOXos is substituted. He who is Master
of all becomes the slave of all.' For this gives
insufficient distinctness to the two clauses, and in-
adequate force to the former one. It is more prob-
able that the two clauses, /xopcpriv 5ou\ov Xa^ihv and
iv 6/j.oi.ilifiaTi avdpJjirtjyv yevdfievos are parallel in re-
verse order to the two clauses in Gal 4^, yevofxevov
Ik yvvaLKds and yev6fj.€vov i/irb vo/xov ; and the power
to which St. Paul declares that .Jesus submitted
Himself as SoOXoj is the Law and the whole dis-
pensation of which it was the symbol. He volun-
tarily placed Himself under its yoke, made Him-
self 'a debtor to keep the whole law.' It was in
virtue of this submission that He could undergo
its curse, be 'made a curse for us,' and redeem us
(Jews) from 'the curse of the law.' This subjec-
tion to the Law was thus a special case of Christ's
submission to the disabilities of ' the flesh,' through
which He could be ' made sin ' for us (2 Co O'^^).
The irdp^ which He assumed was truly human
flesh ; it was, for such it had come to be histori-
cally, ' sin's flesh ' — flesh that was in the grasp of
sin. He 'knew no sin' (2 Co 5-^), and yet in
His case the a-dp^ was the medium of sin's assault
upon Him. It brought Him into relation, a re-
lation alwaj's hostile, with the whole series of
forces which were opposed to God, the forces which
were in control of ' this present world,' the ' princi-
palities and powers' (Col 2'*), the 'world' rulers
of this darkness (Eph 6^-). And it was in, by
means of, this <xdp^ that He ' condemned sin,' that
He 'triumphed' over the hostile powers, stripping
them off from Himself along with the ffdp^, when
on the Cross He died from under the control of
'the spiritual foixes of the world' (Col 2'*-^").
Thus the historical man, Jesus of Nazareth,
was a fact of cardinal importance for St. Paul, not
only as an authority supreme in the realm of con-
duct, but as embodying the conditions by which
alone redemption could be accomplished.
C. The pre-exist ent Christ. — The material for
ascertaining St. Paul's conception of Christ is now
nearly complete. By far the larger part of it
refers to the 'post-existent' Christ, the Lord in
glory. Another element, smaller in extent, but
not for that reason unimportant, has to do with
the historic .Jesus. There remains a tliird element
consisting of allusions to Christ as having been
existent and active before He appeared on earth.
That element is certainly present both in the mind
and in the language of St. Paul. The difficult and
delicate task is to weigh its importance, and to
account for its presence in his thinking.
The evidence is unevenly distributed. In the
four ' chief ' Epistles we have a number of allu-
sions ; in each of two of the 'captivity' Epistles,
Philippians and Colossians, we find an explicit
statement. The allusions in the earlier Epistles
are, if anything, more important than the state-
ments in the later ones ; for they suggest that St.
Paul was dealing with a conception regarding
Christ which was already familiar, which, so far
from requiring to be proved, was widely accepted
as a necessary inference from other facts. Further,
the references are ' so incidental as to suggest the
VOL. I. — 13
inference that, while intimately related to his own
deepest convictions about Christ, this doctrine
formed no part of his formal teaching, until, at
least, the necessity for it arose in the special cir-
cumstances of the Church at Colosse' (SomervUle,
op. cit. p. 185 ; cf. Beyschlag, NT Theol., Eng. tr.,
1895, iL 78). The language of Gal 4^ ('God sent
forth his Son ') and Eo 8^ ('God, sending his Son
in the likeness of sin's flesh ') implies this previous
existence for the Son, an existence under diflerent
conditions, with which subjection to the Law and
participation of flesh are contrasted. Consistently
with this suggestion the Apostle in 2 Co 8* alludes
to the fact that ' he who was rich, for our sakes
became poor,' a phrase which links up with the
statement in Philippians, inasmuch as it traces
the impoverishment to the action of Christ Him-
self. In 1 Co 8" there is a suggestion of the idea
which is developed in Colossians, where St. Paul
speaks of 'one Lord, Jesus Christ, by whom are
all things and we by him ' ; and in 1 Co 15*^- ■*®,
though it is in His Exaltation that He is recog-
nized as the 'Second Adam,' yet as contrasted
with the first Adam, who belongs to earth. He is
represented as belonging to heaven, and being
' the heavenly one.' Indirectly, the language of
1 Co 10* involves the same idea (' They drank of
that spiritual rock that followed them, and that
rock was Christ ') ; but the immediate significance
of the saying is that the Apostle puts ' Christ '
where Jewish legend had put ' Jahweh.'
We come now to the two passages in which St.
Paul appears to make detailed allusion to the pre-
existent Christ. The first is in Ph 2''-". The
first point to notice is the context. Not only is
the example of Christ appealed to as a ground and
norm for Christian humility, and the duty of each
one 'looking not on his own things but on the
things of others,' but the conclusion also of the
whole passage is relevant, inasmuch as it displays
the Exaltation of Christ as a supreme illustration
of God's recognition of this spirit of self-effacement :
5t6 Kal 6 debs avrbv \nrepv\pu}(Tev. To illustrate the
true character of Christian humility St. Paul re-
fers to the action of Christ, which took place be-
fore His appearance upon earth. And again the
description is calculated to remind rather than to
inform ; it is penned for them who already know
(Dibelius, ad loc). Christ had been originally
[vifdpx'^v) iv fi.op<py 6eov. What sense are we to
attach to this phrase? Lightfoot (Philippians*,
1878, p. 127 ti. ), after an exhaustive examination of
the use of the words fioptp-q and axhiJ-^ in philo-
sophic literature, comes to the conclusion that
fj-opcpT) ' must apply to the attributes of the God-
head,' that it implies not the external accidents
but the essential attributes, so that the possession
of /j-op<pri involves participation in the ovaia also.
' Thus in the passage under consideration the iMp4>ri is con-
trasted with the aT(rjiJ.a, as that which is intrinsic and essential
with that which is accidental and outward. And the three
clauses imply respectively the true divine nature of our Lord
(fiopii)T) 6eov), the true human nature {ixop<t>T) SovKov), and the
externals of human nature (crx^^tart ws a^6pa>7ro?).'
With the interpre<^ation of fiop^-q goes the expla-
nation of eTvai Lcra de(^, ' equality with God,' as some-
thing which was already Christ's possession but
which He refused to regard as a prize to be ten-
aciously held (ol'x dpTrayubv riyqaaTo) ; but so far
from this, He divested Himself (iKevwaev eavrov)
not of His Divine nature, for this was impossible,
but of the glories, the prerogatives of Deity.
This He did by taking upon Him the form of a
servant.
This interpretation is open to several objections.
— (i.) In etlect it reads into St. Paul's language
the conclusions of a later Christology, inasmuch
as the meaning which it gives to tiop(p-q (as involv-
ing essential participation in the ovaia or substance)
194 CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
must be carried through in Lotli clauses, and we
get consequently a personality which has taken
the substance of humanity without laying aside
that of Deity, (ii.) It gives a forced meaning to
dov\oi>, and at the same time an inadequate one ;
for if the Avord means no more than ' man,' we
have an inexplicable tautology — three, or at least
two, clauses in succession which make no advance
in the thouglit. (iii.) It gives an unsatisfactory
rendering to apway/xds, which is rather ' a thing to
be clutched at' than 'a thing to be held.'
For these and other reasons the other interpre-
tation is to be preferred, according to which St.
Paul is using the terms /J.op<pri, (xxvfia, etc., in a
popular sense rather than as philosophic terms,
and fiopcpri means ' form,' which is separable from
essence, tliough more truly characteristic than
(Txw^ ; in the case of Christ the iJ.op(pr] Oeov stands
for ' the glory which lie had Avith the Father.'
Having this glorious form as a Spirit-Being, the
Image of God, He might have grasped at the yet
higher prize to be ' equal unto God.' But (here
comes in the parallel with Avhat is expected of
Christians) He refused to look on His own things,
and for the sake of others (men) emptied Himself
of the heavenly spiritual form, took the form of
one who was subject to inferior powers, including
possibly the Law, and humbled Himself to the
last stage of humiliation, the death on the Cross.
And therefore (here comes in the parallel with
Avhat the self-effacing Christian may expect) God
has highly exalted Him, has conferred upon Him
the very equality which He refused to grasp, be-
stowing ujion Him the name that is above every
name, that ' every tongue should confess that
Jesus Christ is Lord.'
The Christological passage in Philippians
assumes the pre-existence of Christ ; the second
passage, in Colossians (P^"^^), states it (ayr(5s iari-v
Trpb iravTosv), and founds on it a doctrine of the re-
lation between Christ and all created beings. He
is 'the firstborn of every creature' (AV, not RV),
antecedent to them all. It is not necessary to ex-
tend the scope of St. Paul's language here so as
to include Avhat we call ' Nature,' inanimate crea-
tion. The meaning of ' all things ' is not wider
than 'every creature,' and, so far as 'the unseen'
among the 'all things' are concerned, they are
here described as living intelligences — ' thrones,
principalities, powers, dominions,' i.e. angelic
poAvers in ' the heavenlies.' It is only such living
intelligences that are capable of being 'recon-
ciled to him' (v.-"). And it is of them that St.
Paul says that they all, Avhether on earth or in
heaven, Avhether seen or unseen, Avere created
' in ' Christ, ' through ' Christ, and ' unto ' Christ,
that 'in Him ' they have still the basis of their
existence (rd vavTa iv avTip uvvecTTrfKiv). They
were created ' in Christ' (not 'by') as the sphere
within which the Divine Avill operates for salva-
tion ; ' through Him ' as the agent for tlie effecting
of the same purpose ; and 'unto Him' as the end
or goal of their history, Avhich provides the norm
of their experience.
What we have here is in fact the lialf-defined
Avorking of the idea Avhich found dehnite expres-
sion in the Logos-Christology of the Fourth
Gospel. Here, if anywhere, St. Paul betrays the
influence of speculations Avhich are best knoAvn to
us through the Avorks of Philo. The words eUibv,
wpwTOTOKos, <Tvvi(TT-qKev, are all employed by Philo
for the exposition of the relation of the Logos to
the origin and maintenance of created things.
How this conception and the nomenclature
reached St. Paul, it is impossible to say. There
Avas enough in the OT doctrine of Wisdom as co-
operative Avith God in the Avork of creation to
furnish a foundation for the conception. Details
and the terms he employs may have reached him
through the cosmological speculations of the false
teachers. They interposed between God and His
Avorld, as agents of creation and intermediaries of
Divine Avorking, the hierarchy of unseen spirit-
forces. St. Paul may have been dealing a bloAv
to right and to left Avhen he said in effect, to one
school of thought, 'your Logos is our Christ,' to
another, ' your spirit-forces Avere called into being
by Him and have their very existence conditioned
by Him.'
It remains to call attention to tAvo general facts
of a character apparently opposite to those Ave
have been considering, (a) St. Paul never giA^es to
Christ the name or description of 'God.' Taa'O
passages have been appealed to as proving that
he does : (i. ) 2 Th 1^^ /card ttjv x^-P'-^ ■''"i' Oeov tjixGjv Kal
Kvplov 'lT]aou 'KpiffTou, ' according to the grace of
our God and (the) Lord Jesus Christ.' It seems
natural at first sight to take this phrase as
describing one Person, Jesus Christ, as both God
and Lord. But according to the practically
unanimous opinion of modern conmientators (B.
Weiss, Dibelius, ad loc. in Handbuch zum NT,
1911), the phrase must be treated as a double one
referring to God and Christ (so AV and RV).
(ii.) Ro 9^ i^ Ssv 6 Xpicrbs rb Kara adpKa, 6 Siv iiri
TrdvTwv debs evXoyrjTos eis Toiis aiQvas. Both AV and
RV render ' Christ . . . Avho is over all, God
blessed for ever.' WH in the margin of their Gr.
text put a colon after crdpKa, Hort remarking that
this alone ' seems adequate to account for the
Avliole of the language employed, more especially
Avhen it is considered in relation to tlie context.'
Westcott adds that ' the juxtaposition of 6 Xpto-roj
Kara adpKa and 6 &v ktX. seems to make a change
of subject improbable,' indicating his opinion that
it is Christ Avho is described as ' God over all ' ;
Sanday-Headlam also, after a full discussion of
the passage, take the doxology as ascribed to
Christ ; so also B. Weiss, but in the sense that
not Godhead but Divine Exaltation is postulated
for Him.
Not so the later commentators, who for the most
part find here a doxology addressed to God, ' God
Avho is over all be blessed for evermore.' Evidence
of a grammatical or linguistic character is evenly
balanced in favour of tiie tAvo renderings ; but in
favour of the latter there is the strong general reason
that on the other interpretation Ave should have a
phrase Avhich Avould inevitably infringe St. Paul's
monotheism and challenge the monotheism of his
readers. And, revicAving the Avhole of his utter-
ances regarding Christ, the total impression is that
of a monotheistic conviction consistently resisting
the impulse to do this very thing — to call Jesus
God. On the other hand, nothing, not even the
Cross, could liave offered a greater stumbling-block
to the people Avhom St. Paul Avas seeking to in-
fluence than the proclamation of a second God.
And the entire absence from the NT of any indica-
tion of opposition to such teaching, or of necessity
to explain teaching Avhich Avould be so distasteful,
points conclusively in the same direction.
(/3) This conclusion is borne out by the second
general consideration, viz. the frequent and em-
phatic references in St. Paul to the subordination of
the Son. In 1 Co 3--'- Ave have the striking climax,
' All things are yours, for ye are Christ's, and Christ
is God's ' ; cf . 1 Co 1 1* ' the head of every man is
Christ ; the head of the Avoman is the man ; and the
head of Christ is God.' The very name of 'Son'
implies a measure of subordination, and even the
supreme Exaltation of the Son Avhen every tongue
shall ' confess that Jesus Christ is Lord ' (Ph 2") is
• to the glory of God the Father.' The same idea
underlies the representation of Christ as the organ
of God's revelation, of creation, of reconciliation.
C HEIST, CHEISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
195
And it is brought out with ahnost startling force
in 1 Co 15-^ ' When all things shall have been sub-
jected unto him, then shall the Son also himself be
subjected to him that did subject all things unto
him, that God may be all in all.'
Whether St. Paul was ever conscious of the prob-
lem which his Christology thus presents, it is im-
possible to say. He held with equal conviction and
emphasis two propositions which seem contradic-
tory : ' There is one God and Father of all, who
is above all and through all, and in you all,' and
' Christ is God for me ' ; and perhaj^s they find
their synthesis in that saying which is at once the
simplest and the profoundest account of the whole
matter : ' God was in Christ reconciling the world
unto himself (2 Co 5^^).
i. The First Epistle of Peter.— This Ejnstle opens
with a phrase ('the God and Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ,' P ; cf. 2 Co P, Eph P) which puts its
Christology on the same plane with what was
central in the Christology of St. Paul, but at the
same time common to the primitive community
(see Hort's notes ad loc). But its predominantly
practical character does not offer the opportunity
for develojnng the Christological conception in de-
tail. There is no reference to Christ as Son of God
(except indirectly in the plirase quoted above), as
Son of Man, or as Spirit. The word ' Christ ' is
frequently used as a proper name, sometimes in
combination with ' Jesus,' sometimes by itself. The
starting-point of Christian ' hope' and of Christian
experience is the Resurrection of Christ (P) ; but
that experience is described in terms of re-bu"th,
recalling the language of the Fourth Gospel (cf.
1 P P-22 with Jn 33 !'-• 13). The goal of Christian
hope is 'the revelation of Jesus Christ' (1 P P- '^
-t'3 ; cf. 1^ 5')- In the interval the supreme religi-
ous duty of Christians is to ' sanctify in their hearts
Christ as Lord ' (3'^ RV). St. Peter is here quoting
(and adapting) the language of Is 8''- ^^ in the LXX
\ersion, which concludes with Kvpiov avrbv ayiaaaTe.
Whatever be the precise way in which his words
should be rendered, the significant thing is that he
substitutes the word Xpttrroj' for the aiVii/ by which
the projihet meant Jahweh. He demands for Christ
tlie same reverence, submission, and dependence as
the prophet claimed for God, and he makes the
rendering of these the central thing in religion. In
2^ we find a similar application to Christ of the
language of Ps 34".
Christ ' is at the right hand of God, having gone
into heaven (cf. Ac 3'-^), angels and authorities and
powers being made subject unto him ' (3^-). For
■ God has raised him from the dead, and given him
glory' (1-1 ; cf. Ac 3'^ eSo^acrec tov iratda avrov and
Is 52^3 LXX irals fiov Bo^acrdrjcreTai a(p68pa). This
glorified Christ is the ' chief shepherd ' (5*), the
' shepherd and overseer of your souls ' (2'-^), by a
figure which, though familiar in the OT {e.g. Ps 23,
Zee 13", Is 40'i) and also in the Gospels {e.g. Mt 9^^,
Jn 10) and in the Epistle to the Hebrews (13 »), is
never applied to Christ by St. Paul. It is possible
that St. Peter also represents Him as ' ready to
judge the quick and the dead ' (4^), though in 1" it
is God who is the Judge.
The Epistle is distinguished from all other docu-
ments of the NT in that it appears to assign to
Christ a redeeming activitj" in the interval between
the Crucifixion and the Resurrection. ' Being put
to death in the flesh, but quickened in the Spirit, in
which also he went and preached to the spirits in
prison ' (3'^- 1^) ; cf. 4^ ' the gospel was preached to
the dead also.' The idea of our Lord's descent
into Sheol and temporary abode there underlies the
interpretation put by St. Peter upon Ps 16^" in Ac
2^1 and is possibly reflected in Eph 4^ (cf. Lk 23^^).
But the exposition which is given to it in the Epistle
is probably due to the influence of speculation, traces
of which are found in apocalyptic writings, concern-
ing the ultimate fate of fallen spirits in the under
world. The Book of Enoch in particular, acquaint-
ance witli which is traceable elsewhere in thisEpistle
(cf. P- with E}i. 1-), deals with this subject in several
passages (60=- -^ 64 69-^, ed. Charles) and hints at an
opportunity of repentance allowed to sinners of the
antediluvian period between the first judgment of
the Deluge and the final one. En. 69-^, referring
apparently, after a long interpolation, to the fallen
angels of ch. 64, says, ' There was great joy among
them, and they blessed and glorified because the
name of the Son of Man was revealed unto them.'
The reference to Noah in both contexts makes it
highly probable that the Enoch literature is the
source of the special idea behind the passages in
1 Peter. Clirist was understood to have preached
' to the Spirits in prison ' in fulfilment of the ex-
pectation that the name of the Son of Man would
be revealed to them.
Concerning the historic Christ the Epistle de-
clares, quoting Is 53^, that ' he did no sin, neither
was guile found in his mouth ' (2--) ; it refers to
Him as ' a lamb without spot and blameless ' (P^),
as ' rejected of men ' but ' chosen of God ' (2^), as
the ' righteous' who died ' for the unrighteous' (3^^).
Special emphasis is laid upon His patient endurance
of suffering as an example to be followed by all
Christians (2^ 4^- ^'^) ; and of these sutterings the
writer claims to be a ' witness,' possibly meaning
an eye-witness (5^ /j-dprvs rCov rod XpLarov Tradrjfj.a.Twi').
In fact, the Epistle testifies to the thorough work-
ing out of that analogy between the suffering
servant in Isaiah and the crucified Messiah, the
pregnant use of which has been noted in St. Peter's
speeches in Acts.
' The Christolo^cal figure which belongs to the Petrine
speeches of Acts and the First Epistle of Peter dMinctively,
being traceable elsewhere only in a few primitive liturgical
passages, ... is the Isaian figure of the suffering Servant of
Yahweh ' (B. W. Bacon, Jesus the Son 0/ God, 1911, p. 100).
Those who find in this Epistle the doctrine of the
pre-existent Christ rely on two passages — P^ and P**.
In the first of these the prophets are said to have
searched ' what time, or what manner of time,
the Spirit of Christ which was in them (t6 iv avrois
TTi/ev/jLa Xpiarov) did signify ' ; and it is inferred that
the writer ascribes their inspiration to the Spirit
of the (pre-existent) Christ. But both in this clause
and in the following one 'Christ' probably stands
for ' Messiah ' ; and the meaning is, ' what time . . .
the Messiah-spirit in them did signify when it tes-
tified beforehand the sutierings leading up to (o?'
destined for) jNIessiah.' This is the view of Hort
{First Ep. of Peter, 1898, p. 58), who adduces as par-
allels Is 6P, Ps 105'^ 2 S 231 LXX, and remarks :
' It must be remembered that the sharp distinction which we
are accustomed to make between the prophet on the one side
and the Messiah of whom he speaks on the other does not exist
in the OT itself. The prophet, the people to whom he belongs
and to whom he speaks, and the dimly seen Head and King of
the people, all pass insensibly one into the other in the language
of prophecy : they all are partakers of the Di\ ine anointing, and
the ilessiaiiship which is conferred by it.'
In the second passage (1"") Christ is described as
' foreknoANTi before the foundation of the world,
but manifested at the end of the times ' {irpoeyuwa-
/jLevov ixev irpo /cara^SoX^s k6<jij.ov), from which it is
argued that both the implication of the word
'manifested' and its correlation with ' foreknown'
strongly favour the idea of personal pre-exist ence.
But this argument probably lays an unjustifiable
stress on the etymology of wpoeyvwa/j.ei'ov, and over-
looks the significance suggested by its usage. The
meaning ' to have prescience of ' does not well suit
either this passage orRo S-" {ovs Trpoiyvco Koiirpowpicev)
or Ro IP {oi'K aTTuicraTO 6 debs tov Xabv avrov bv wpoeyv^j)).
So Hort points out {ad loc.), and adds : 'a com-
parison of these passages suggests that in them
196
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
TTpoyiyvdKXKw means virtually pre-recoOTiition, desig-
nation to a function or position ' (cf. Jer P, Is 49^).
The idea of the designation of the Messiah in the
counsel of God before all worlds is expressed more
or less distinctly in other language in Eph P* ^*',
Col 1^, and does not necessarily imply pre-existence
for the Messiah. The same idea is illustrated in
this Epistle in 1^, according to which the recipients
of the letter are ' saints according to the foreknow-
ledge of God ' {Kara irp6yvu)aiv deov). It is probable
therefore that the Epistle does not contain any re-
ference to the pre-existent Christ.
As a whole it displays this perplexing combina-
tion — the presence of linguistic echoes of Pauline
phraseology, and the absence of everything that is
specifically Pauline in thought. AVe look in vain
for any reference to justification or reconciliation,
to the mystical participation in Christ's death and
resurrection or the union between Christ and the
believer, to Christ as the Son of God or as ' sent
into the world from a pre-existent state.' There
are lines of connexion with the Epistle to the
Hebrews, e.g. the superiority of Christ to angels
(3^; cf. Bacon, op. cit. p. 91), the conception of
faith approximating to hope, the reference to
'sprinkling' (1-), and the description of Christ as
' Shepherd' {^^). But the Epistle, especially in its
Christology, stands distinctly nearer to the common
primitive basis than to Paulinisra in its present form.
'The writer is by no means a Paulinist. His attitude is
rather that of the common practical consciousness pervading
the churches — a consciousness which was prior to Paul, and in
which Paulinisra, for the most part, operated merely as a
ferment. The proper appreciation of this central popular
Christianity in the apostolic age is vital to the proper focus for
viewing the early Christian literature ' (Moffatt, LST, 1911, p.
330 f.).
5. The Epistle to the Hebrews.— This Epistle
contributes a very original development of the
primitive conception of Christ in closest connexion
with a special view of the character of His redeem-
ing work. The address of the Epistle ' to Hebrews '
is probably as misleading as its traditional ascrip-
tion to St. Paul as its author was mistaken. And
it is a great gain to NT theology that it is now
examined apart from any of the former pre-sup-
positions as to either authorship or address. The
phenomena of the Epistle ' converge on the conclu-
sion that Paul had nothing to do with it ; the
style and religious characteristics put his direct
authorship out of the question, and even the medi-
ating hypotheses which associate ApoUos or Philip
or Luke with him are shattered upon the non-
Pauline cast of speculation which determines tlie
theology ' (Moftatt, LNT, p. 428). Compared with
the letters of St. Paul it runs far more on the lines
of a rhetorical address, and may have been intended
in the first place for a quite small and homo-
geneous community of Christians, not specially dis-
tinguished by either Jewish or Gentile origin and
proclivities. In its fundamental purpose it is 'a
word of exhortation' (IS--), and its key-note is
struck in 2^"', especially 2^, 'how shall we escape
if we neglect so great salvation?' The Christian
salvation is seen to be 'so great,' because after an
exhaustive comparison between it and the salvation
oflered under the OT covenant, it is seen to be
superior at every point, and this most conspicu-
ously in the Person of Him through whom it has
been mediated (g^^ ; cf. V^ 12--»).
What is most characteristic in the Christology
of Hebrews is that each of the two normative
elements in the primitive conception of Christ; — the
reality of His human nature and experiences, and
the glorious efficacy of His Divine Sonship — is
reiterated and developed with a new emphasis and
with new detail. Tiiis is specially true of the
Divine Sonship, which, even more than the High-
Priesthood, expresses for the writer the higliest
claim for Christ. This is the subject into which
he bursts witliout any preface, in the opening
sentences of liis letter. God, the same who spoke
to the fathers by the prophets, has spoken to us by
'the Son,' whom He has 'made the heir of all
things,' 'by whom also he made the worlds.' The
description which follows, of the Son as ' the efful-
gence of his glory, the expression of his essence,'
makes clear at once that the Sonship is conceived in
the absolute sense, and this is the case throughout
(P 2^ 5^- ^ 7^^), probably even where the full phrase (o
w6j ToxJ deov) is employed (4'^ 6^ 7^ lO^"). As Son He
is already Kpe'iTTiov y€v6/j.evos tQv dyy^Xuv (!■*), and
as Son, who through the Resurrection has become
irpwTOTOKos, i.e. Kepresentative and Head of tlie
whole family of God, He is to be again brought
into the world (P), when His eternal glory and
sovereignty will be yet more conspicuously dis-
played. It would not be safe to infer, however,
that the author intended all the language of the
OT passages which he proceeds to quote to apply
literally and specifically to Christ ; and in particu-
lar the quotation from Ps 45 (' Thy throne, O God,
is for ever and ever,' 1* RV ; see marg. ) is of such
uncertain interpretation, both in the LXX and here,
that it cannot be claimed as proof that the writer
addressed Christ as debs (see Westcott, ad loc).
Nevertheless, the successive clauses of the opening
paragraph point to One who belongs to the eternal
order, and holds at once a unique and a universal
relation to all created things. The timeless char-
acter of the Son's existence is indirectly brought
out by the analogy of Melchizedek, who ' having
neither beginning nor end of days,' is therein ' made
like unto the Son of God ' (7^).
In all this there is both likeness and unlikeness
to the Christology of St. Paul — likeness in the con-
ception of Sonship as involving radiant revelation
(cf. elKuiv rod deov) of Christ as connected with the
creation and sustaining of all created being (1 Co 8",
Col P") ; unlikeness, if not in substance, yet in the
greater sweep and definiteness of the conception
and in the probable extension of meaning here
given to to. -n-avra. While in both cases the passage
in Wis. (7"^*) has unmistakably left its mark on
the language, in the case of Heb. we must probably
allow also for the influence of Philo's elaboration
of the same nexus of ideas.
But there is a deeper distinction in the use of
the Sonship-conception as between St. Paul and
HebreAvs. There is nothing in the latter corre-
sponding to the note of tenderness and intimate
aflection which St. Paul seems to have recognized
in the relationship [e.g. Ro &-^, Col l'^). The
' Sonship ' in Hebrews shows not so much a change
of quality from the official Messianic conception
as an extension of it into a timeless past. And
this is confirmed by the absence from the Epistle
of any reference to God as the Father whether of
Christ or of men in Christ. St. Paul's pregnant
phrase, 'the God and Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ,' makes no appearance ; nor do we find ' our
Lord Jesus Christ ' at all, but in its stead the very-
rare 6 /ci>/)ios 7)fj.C:v (7'* 13-* ; otherwise only in 1 Ti 1",
2 Ti 18, 2 P 31*).
This ' Son ' has now entered into ' heaven itself '
(9^ ; cf. 41* 12'^, I P 32-, Ac 3-1, 1 Th P*), and taken
His seat 'at the right hand of the majesty on
high ' (1^ ; cf. 8^ 10'^ 12^). But He has entered not
only as the glorified Messiah, the Lord, who exer-
cises kingly rule, but also as the great Higli Priest,
in whom i\\Q high priests (and priests) of the old
dispensation, with the whole system of sacrifices
and purifications whic^h they represent, find their
antitype and consummation.
( 1 ) The High' Priest hood. — Just as in the Synoptic
Gosjjels the Messiahsliip, so here the High-Priest-
hood, is a function of the Sonship. It is presented
CHEIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHEIST, CHKISTOLOGY
19^
in two aspects : iirst, as typified in the Levitical
Higli-Priestiiood ; and second, as typified in the
Priest-King Melchizedek. Tlie title lepevs (dpxi-e-
pevs), whicli in this Epistle alone of the books of the
NT is applied to Christ, appeal's quite abruptly at
2" and again at 3^, but its contents are developed
from 4^'* onwards. Christ corresponds with the
type, the Levitical High-Priesthood, in that He too
isable 'to bear gently with the ignorant anderrant'
(5- ; cf. 4'°), in that He too holds the office by Divine
appointment (5^-^), and in that He provides an
effective oti'ering and purification for sins (7^^ ; cf.
1^ 2'^). But to this Priesthood He is superior in
that He requires not to make any ofi'ering for His
own sins (7'-') ; and by a single oti'ering, the offering
of His body once for all (10'"), He ' has perfected
for ever them that are sanctified' (10'*). But,
argues the writer, it would be a mistake to
stop short at the analogy of the Levitical priest-
hood, when there is another equally applicable,
and itself belonging to a higher category. ' Leav-
ing the story of the beginning of the Christ (the
first stage), let us be borne on to His culmination
(6^) ; though it be a long story we have to tell,
and one difficult of interpretation ' (5"). The cul-
mination of the Priesthood of Christ followed on
His Exaltation, when He became a ' priest for ever
after the order of Melchizedek ' (6-« ; cf. 5^«- r^).
That is to say, the writer agrees with St. Paul in
ascribing a great accession of power and dignity
to Christ consequent upon the [Resurrection and]
Exaltation, but he applies to Christ as Priest the
enhancement of significance which St. Paul applies
to Him as ' Son of God ' (Ro !•*).
This Priesthood after a new ' order,' correspond-
ing to the ' better covenant ' of which Christ was
the Mediator and the Pledge (V- Q'^ 12-'»), tran-
scended every other form of priesthood in that
{a) it was ' after the power of an endless life ' (7^®) ;
{b) it was confirmed by an oath of God (7^^' ^) ;
(c) the tjpe to which it conformed included kingly
as well as priestly functions and prerogatives, and
moreover could be shown by a historical illusti-a-
tion to be superior to the Levitical priesthood
(7^- ^°) ; and {d) it was unchallengeable, unique,
absolute (7-* a.Trapdl3aros ; see Westcott ad loc).
Such a High Priest, ' holy, harmless, undefiled '
in personal character, ' separated from sinners '
and 'higher than the heavens' in regard to the
conditions of His existence, is One who answers to
human need (7"^®). There ' he ever liveth to make
intercession' (7-^; cf. 7^" 9'^); through Him men
ofier ' the sacrifice of praise to God' (13^^) ; and for
them He secures access to ' the holy place' (4'* ; cf.
2Q19-22) These priestly functions He continues to
exercise ; but
'the modern conception of Christ pleading in heaven His
Passion, "offering: His blood," on behalf of men has no founda-
tion in the Epistle. His arlorified humanity is the eternal
pledgre of the absolute efficacy of His accomplished work. He
pleads, as older writers truly expressed the thought, by His
Presence on the Father's Throne ' (Westcott, Hebrews, 18S9, p.
230).
(2) The historical Jesus. — This conception of the
eternal representation of humanity in the presence
of God as an essential part of Christ's redeeming
function is related to the emphasis on the reality
of His human nature, which runs through the
Epistle, concurrent with the emphasis on His
Divine glory and dignity. The human name
'Jesus' appears with marked frequency and em-
phasis, nine times in all, and in nearly every case
is placed emphatically at the end of a clause.
Though there is no reference to the birth of Jesus,
and only one to His Resurrection (13-"), stress is
laid upon His death as a death of sufiering (2^-^*'),
and the scene in Gethsemane as well as the locality
of the Crucifixion are indicated with unexampled
detail (5''** 12^). In character He is described as
'holy, harmless, undefiled' (7"^), and 'faithful to
liim that appointed him' (3'-). He Himself was
' made for a season lower than the angels ' (2"), and
is specifically described as a sharer in ' the blood
and flesh of men ' (2''*), seeing that ' it behoved
him to be made like unto his brethren' (2"). In
particular, the likeness in experience extended to
temptation, and the temptation was such as arose
from His likeness to men, though there was no sin
either as its cause or as its result (2'^ 4'*). The
writer does not shrink from ascribing to His human
nature progress and also weakness and shrinking
from death : ' in the daj^s of his flesh . . . though
he was Son yet learned he obedience through the
things which he suffered ' ; 'he ottered prayers and
supplications to him that was able to save him from
death with strong crying and tears' (5^'"*).
The author does not, however, even in this
passage (Kal reXeiw^ets) teach that Christ was de-
livered from moral infirmity, and so made morally
perfect. A study of the word reXetwcris and its cog-
nates, as used in the Epistle, shows that it connotes
' complete development,' arriving at the destined
end, consummation. 'To "make perfect" does
not mean to endow with all excellent qualities,
but to bring to the end, that is, the appropriate or
appointed end, the end corresponding to the idea'
(A. B. Davidson, ad loc). Here the idea is ade-
quacy to be the Author of Salvation (2^" 5'), or
Sanctifier (2"), or High Priest (7-«; cf. 6^). It is
in this sense that Christ was ' made perfect,' and
that ' through sufiering ' ; and in this sense that
He is the Author [or Pioneer] and Perfecter of
faith (12-).
6. The Johannine literature. — It is now commonly
understood that the Fourth Gospel contains two
elements, combined in proportions which are still
uncertain — history and its religious interpretation.
And these so interpenetrate one another that not
only is it difficult to separate them, but the form
given to the history is in a lesser or greater degree
aflected by the interpretation. What we are con-
cerned with here is the conception of Christ which
gave rise to the interpretation, and left its mark
on the historical material. At least the first of
the Johannine Epistles, proceeding from the same
source, adds its witness to the same conception.
The Christology of the Johannine literature is
remarkable, in the first place, for the combinatiun
and reproduction of practically all the elements
which had emerged in the earlier documents of the
NT. Christ is presented as Messiah (Son of God,
Son of Man), Son, Priest, Judge, and Creator, and
also as adequately replaced by the Spirit. The
combination is the more remarkable when justice
is done to the large measure of independence among
the documents in which these aspects of Christ are
severally emphasized. The various lines which
radiate from the common centre of primitive con-
ceptions are brotight together again in the Johan-
nine Christology. Only the title Kvpios practically
disappears (except in 2u^) from the Gospel and the
Epistles alike, a fact in which Bousset {op. cit. p.
187) sees the effect of the same deep mysticism
which claims for the disciples the position of friends.
But though these elements are present in the
same form, their connotation is modified in com-
parison with tlie earlier writings. Each of them
has undergone a subtle change, partly in conse-
quence of their being subsumed under one general
conception, and partly because of the character of
that over-ruling principle, which is commonly but
inadequately described as the 'Logos-idea.' One
general rule applies to, and partly explains, these
subtle clianges. The Johannine conception of
Christ differs from those that had gone before in
that it is static, not dynamic. All that Christ has
since become to the Church or been discovered to
198 CHRIST, CHRISTOLOGY
CHRIST, CHEISTOLOGY
be, He must have been from the beginning. That
eternal and intrinsic relation to God towards the
expression of which other writers had been moving,
has now become the central and govei'ning idea, in
the light of which all His other relations, all His
functions, are beheld and set. And there is no need,
because there is no room, for the recognition of
crises in His experience, such as the Baptism and
the Transfiguration, or ' being declared the Son of
God with power,' or being 'made a priest for ever'
at the Exaltation. The only change allowed for is
a change of form, at the beginning from the Logos
to the Logos made flesh, and again at the end from
the human manifestation to the spiritual condition
of being.
The writer distinctly states the purpose he had
in view when composing his Gosjjel (20^'): 'these
[signs] are written tliat ye may believe that Jesus
is the Messiah, the Son of God ; and that believing
ye may have life in his name.' But the two titles
have interchanged their relative importance. In
the Synoptic Gospels Jesus is ' Son of God ' because
He is Messiah, in accordance with the interpreta-
tion of Ps 2''. Here He is Messiah because He is
Son of God. And the Sonship is uniformly con-
ceived as a relation, intrinsic, unique, and eternal,
involving and resting upon essential unity with the
Father (11 lO^^ 14i"etc.).
' The idea of Sonship, which in Paul ig carefully subordinated
to a strict monotheism, is accepted in its full extent. In the
generation succeeding Paul the name " Son of God " had gradu-
ally assumed the more definite meaning which the Greek
language and forms of thought attached to it. The Fourth
Evangelist employs it deliberately in the sense which it would
convey to the ordinary Greek mind. Jesus as the Son was
Himself of the same nature as the Father. All the divine
powers and attributes devolved on Him in virtue of His inherent
birthright as Son of God ' (E. F. Scott, The Fourth Gospel, 1906,
p. 194).
As Son, Christ is now in heaven, whither He has
ascended (3^=*) ; He is ' in the bosom of the Father '
{V% But He is also with and in the Church on
earth. He has returned, in a very real sense,
though not ' with the clouds of heaven.' And the
story of His life on earth is written from the point
of view of those who know Him to be, and to liave
been all along, the Son of God from heaven (3"- ^^
etc.). He has been recognized as Divine, and
Divine in such a sense that even in His human
manifestation He retained attributes of Godhead.
Omniscience is not obscurely claimed for Him (1^^
2-^ 417. 39) ; and His miracles are not so much Avorks
of mercy as signs [arifie'la) of supernatural power.
The miracles are specially represented as attest-
ing His claim to be Messiah (W% And that claim
IS made for Him (p'-'JS) fi-om the very outset of His
Ministry, and by Himself {^-^ lO^^), in the plainest
terms ; while belief that He is the Messiah is re-
presented as the condition of salvation (8^*; cf.
10^5). _ From the beginning also He exercises His
Messianic authority {e.g. in the cleansing of the
Temple, 2^3-n)^ ^nd ' reveals his [divine] glory ' (2").
The Baptist points to the descent of the Spirit ' as
a dove from heaven' (132.34) ^s the proof of His
Messiahship, not as the occasion of its inauguration.
The title 'Son of Man' also reappears in the
Fourth Gospel (12 times), and still as the self-
designation of Jesus. It retains what is probably
the most significant feature of its use in the
Synoptic Gospels, viz. the suggestion of contrast ;
but whereas in the Synoptic Gospels the contrast
may be either between the real glory of the Messiah
and the lowliness of His appearance or betMeen the
real lowliness of Jesus and the glory of His future,
here it is uniformly the latter (1" 'Hereafter ye
.shall see heaven opened and the angels of God ascend-
ing and descending on the Son of man'; \^^ IS'^'
' Now is the Son of man glorified '). Tliis is still
tlie case in tlie three instances which refer to tlie
hftmg up of Christ (3'^ 8^^ 12'*^), where the ' lifting
up' involves not the Crucifixion alone but the
Crucifixion as the preliminary to power and glory.
"Viewed as one factor in the Johannine conception of
Christ, the title lays stress on the weakness, humil-
ity, and obscurity of His earthly manifestation.
But the Messiahship itself is looked at through
the e.xperience of intervening years. The trans-
mutation of eschatology has already been accom-
plished. The Kingdom of God is such that it can
be seen, and entered, only by those who have been
'born again,' those who are 'spirit' (3=*-^). It
follows that the function of the Messiah in relation
to that Kingdom is differently conceived. It is to
declare the Father (V^), to give that knowledge of
God which itself ' is life eternal ' (17^).
To Christ is assigned here also tlie function of
Judge ; but it is no longer that of iudcx futurus.
His presence in the world acts already as a Kpiffi^
(317-iy 522 939) , gygjj when He waives the function,
it is because the words He has spoken have judg-
ment-force (12'*0. It is to save the world that He
has come, the Life, the Light, the Truth, or, in one
chosen name, the Word of God.
This ' Logos-conception ' is neither the dominat-
ing conception which has given shape to the con-
tents of the Gospel, nor is it an after-thought.
The Evangelist comes to that conception with his
belief in Christ as the Divine Son of God already
complete, with the various aspects of His nature
and function already correlated and harmonized
under that idea ; and adopts as a means of relating
his central conception to contemporary Hellenistic
thought the description of Logos for the Son of
God.
' The Johannine Logos shows nothing of the fluctuating am-
biguity which forms the characteristic quality of the Philonic.
He is Personality through and through, and (what for Philo is
an impossible thought) has entered on the closest union with
the aap^, the anti-Divine principle' (Bauer, 'ad Jn I'.'in Hand-
buch zum XT, 1912, p. 7 ; cf. also Bousset, Eyrios Christos,
1913, p. 187 note).
It would be the direct converse of that method,
to begin with the conception of the Logos as
current in Hellenistic speculation, and, having
analyzed its contents, proceed to fit into harmony
with its several elements the records of the life
of Jesus which were relevant to liis purpose. He
introduces the Logos as a term already familiar to
his readers ; he reminds them of the nature, the
prerogatives, the activity of the Logos, His sharing
in the nature of God, His timeless being, His part
in the work of creation ; and then says in ettect,
' This Logos is our Christ ; He became flesh ; and
vve beheld His glory, glory as of the only begotten
of the Father.' And throughout the subsequent
relation of His acts and words, that glory is allowed
to shine.
But not to the obliteration of His humanity, or
to the obscuring of His dependence upon God.
The glory was visible to those who believed on
Him ; but they were fully persuaded of the reality
of His human nature too (1 Jn l^^^). To others He
appeared as a man (4-'' 5^^ 1*^ 9" 10^^), with a human
father and mother (6*^). They relied on the evi-
dence of their senses when they accused Him of
blasphemy, ' because thou being a man makest
thyself God' (10=*=*). The Evangelist does not
shrink from reporting the words of Philip wlien he
described Him as 'Jesus the son of Joseph' (l''^),
or those of the Baptist referring to Him as dvOpuwos
(3-'') ; he even reports Jesus as referring to Himself
in the same terms — vvv 8^ '(T^Telri fie airoKrelvai duOpuy
iroi> 8s TT]v d\-/jd€iav v/miv \e\d\-nKa (8'***).
His humanity is emphasized with a detail un-
known in the Synoptic Gospels — He could be
wearied (4^), thirsty (19-8), troubled in .spirit {\3-^).
He Himself says, ' Now is my soul troubled ' (12'"'^),
and prays that He may be saved ' from this hour'
(cf. He 5^). He formed ties of intimate personal
CHRISTIAN
CHRISTIAN
199
friendship and affection (11^), and at the tomb of
Lazarus He ' wept ' (IP^). The attempt to exphiin
such instances of emphasis on the human nature
of Jesus as due to the ' schematism ' of the writer
is an attempt to get rid of the problem left by
the Johannine Christology by evading one of the
factors, and it is wrecked on the simplicity and
naturalness of each of the instances. A schema-
tism which so successfully concealed the inner
meaning of tlie language would defeat its own
object.
Nor is it possible to explain away the repeated
witness to the sense of dependence upon God ac-
knowledged by Jesus, and the derivation of His
power from Him. The Father who is ' greater
than all things' (10^^) is 'greater than' the Son
(14'^*). From the Father the Son derives the things
which He speaks to the world (8-« ; cf. 8^» 12'*9 IS^^),
and also the power to do His 'works.' He 'can
do nothing of himself ' (5^^ ; cf. 5^"8-^). He submits
Himself continuously to the Father's commands
(15'"; cf. 8^**), and finds His spiritual nourishment
in obedience (4^). It is in this document where
the human nature of the Son and His dependence
on the Father are asserted with the strongest
emphasis that His Divinity is for the first time
expressly acknowledged (V 20-**). If John thus
leaves an unsolved problem for posterity to attack
it is better to recognize that it is so.
' How it was possible that this essential divine possession,
the exclusive endowment of a heavenly, spiritual being-, could
be manifested in a being of flesh, is not a subject on which he
seems to have pondered — it is to him simply a marvel for
reverent contemplation ! One thing only is clear, that with
e<|ual energy he defends both positions : truly become flesh,
and yet in complete possession of those qualities which con-
stitute the nature of the Deity ' (J. Weiss, op. cit. p. 151).
Literature. — In addition to the authorities cited above, see
W. Lock, ' Christology of the Earlier Chapters of the Acts,' in
Expositor, 4th ser., iv. [1891] 178 ; W. Sanday, Christolmjies
Ancient and Modern, Oxford, 1910 ; G. H. Box, 'The Christian
Messiah in the Light of Judaism,' in JThSt xiii. [1912] 321 ;
B. W. Bacon, Jesiis the Son of God, London, 1911 ; J. Gran-
bery, Outline of NT Christology, Chicago, 1909 ; A. E. Garvie,
Studies of Paul and his Gospel, London, 1911 ; A. Deiss-
mann, St. Paul, Eng tr., London, 1912; M. Briickner, Die
Entstehuny der panlinischen Christologie, Strassburg, 1903 ;
W. Olschewski, Die Wurzeln der paulinischen Christologie,
Konigsberg, 1909 ; S. Monteil, La Christologie de Saint-Paul,
Paris, 190G ; A. Jiilicher, Paulus vnd Jesus, Tiibingen, 1907 ;
J. Weiss, Jesus iin Glauben des Orchristentums, do. 1910, and
'Christologie des Urchristentums,' in RGG 1. [1909] 1712 fif.;
A. S. Peake, ' The Person of Christ in the Revelation of St.
John,' in Mansjirld College Essa)/s, London, 1909, p. 89 ; F.
Loofs, What is' the Truth about Jesus Christ?, Eng. tr., Edin-
burgh, 1913 ; H. R. Mackintosh, The Doctrine of the Person
of Jesus Christ, Edinburgh, 1912 ; W. Bousset, Eyrios Christos,
Gottingen, 1913. C. ANDERSON SCOTT.
CHRISTIAN (Xpio-rtai'ds). — We might expect
that, in the case of so renowned a name as ' Chris-
tian,' the occasion and circumstances of its origin
would have been recorded with all possible detail,
but such is not the case. Its first appearance is
noticed in the most simple, matter-of-fact way
without further explanation. ' The disciples were
called Christians first in Antioch ' (Ac ll-*'). Then,
as far as the NT is concerned, the name almost
disappears ; it is mentioned only twice again (Ac
26-^, 1 P 4^''). In the former passage Agrippa
says : ' Thou wouldest fain make me a Christian ' ;
in the latter, Peter's words, ' If a man sutler as a
Christian,' are spoken from a persecutor's stand-
point. Even in Agrippa's day the designation
was understood (c. A.D. 44), and, when 1 Peter
was written (A.D. 64-67), it must have been in
common u.se. In the other Epistles the name does
not occur. There the terms used are such as
'disciples,' 'believers,' 'the faithful,' 'brethren,'
'.saints.' The only two points definitely indicated
in Ac 11-^ are the time and place, and both these
are in every way appropriate.
The missionary work of the Church was about
to begin from Antioch as its starting-point.
There a considerable church had been formed by
the united labours of Barnabas and Saul. Driven
from Jerusalem by persecution, disciples had gone
to Cyprus and preached to the Jews there.
Thence some came over to Antioch and preached
to ' Greeks also ' ("EXK-qvas ; another reading has
'EW-qv Lards, ' Grecian Jews '), with the result that
' a great number believed.' Barnabas came from
Jerusalem on an errand of inquiry, and under his
ministry 'much people was added to the Lord.'
Barnabas then fetched Saul from Tarsus ; both
laboured in Antioch 'a whole year' and tauglit
'much people' {6-x\ov iKavov). Here Avas the first
considerable church on Gentile soil ; a common
name was necessary and was forthcoming — provi-
dentially, we cannot doubt, but how is not so clear.
The city of Antioch (q.v.), the capital of Syria,
a splendid centre of Greek life and culture, became
after the Fall of Jerusalem (A.D. 70) a second home
of the Church and the mother-church of Gentile
Christianity. Although it does not figure promi-
nently in the NT, in subsequent history it plays
a great part as a rival of Alexandria, Rome, and
Constantinople. Chrysostom, the prince of early
Christian preachers, won his first fame there.
This Antioch school of theology represented a
type of interpretation more akin to modern thought
than any other in those days. Ignatius, martyr
and writer of the famous letters, was bishop of
Antioch. Chrysostom writes : ' As Peter Avas the
first among the apostles to preach the Christ, so
was this city the first to be crowned with the
name of Christian as a diadem of wondrous beauty.'
As to the mode in which the name ' Christian '
originated, there is great difierence of opinion.
We seem compelled to accept one of three explana-
tions. (1) All agree that the name did not origin-
ate with the Jews. On their lips it would have
been a tacit acknowledgment of the Messiahship
of Jesus. While the first disciples were Jews, the
Jewish element soon became a diminishing quantity
in the Church. Their name for believers in Christ
was Nazarenes. Their attitude, as we see in the
Acts, was increasingly one of estrangement and
hostility.
(2) The suggestion has been made that the
designation originated with Christians themselves.
Eusebius (4th cent.), usually well-informed and
trustworthy, supports this view. An argument in
its favour is its eminent approjiriateness. Nothing
could better signalize the central position of Jesus
in Christianity. St. Paul's attitude on this ques-
tion represents the Church of all ages. Systems
like Muhainmadanism and Buddhism, once estab-
lished, are independent of their founders. Not so
Christianity: ' Christianity is Christ.' His person,
life, and work are the key-stone of the arch, the
alpha and omega of the gospel. Yet, if this
opinion were correct, we should expect some in-
timation to this efiect in Ac 1 1-^. Still more, the
name is not found in the NT outside the three
passages mentioned, and, as far as records go, for
some time afterwards. In writers of the 2nd cent.
it is of common occurrence — in pagan writers, the
Apologists, the author of the Didache, and so on.
Speaking of the Neronian persecution, Tacitus
(A.D. 116) says: 'They whom the populace (ot/Z^'m*)
called Christians {Christianos).^ Suetonius (a.d.
120) and Pliny (A.D. 112) use the same designation.
P. W. Schmiedel (EBi s.v.) says that Christian
writers did not use it because they did not need
it. ' Saints,' ' brethren,' etc., served their purpose.
' It follows that, notwithstanding its absence from
their writings, the name of Christian may very
well have originated at a comparatively early
time.' As we have seen, Ac 26-^ and 1 P 4'^ imply
that the term was in use. As to scanty references,
many early Christian writings have perished.
200
CHRISTIAN
CHRISTIAN LIFE
(3) The opinion most in favour is that the
term originated in Gentile circles outside the
Church. The people of Antioch with their quick
wit had a reputation for the invention of party
names. A title so apt, almost obvious, once sug-
gested, would persist with a vitality of its own.
Coming from outside, it was not at once accepted
by believers, but slowly grew in favour. This ex-
planation on the whole presents the fewest diffi-
culties and fits the circumstances of the case. We
need not accept the view that the title was used
at first derisively. There is nothing of this char-
acter in the title itself, although Conybeare-
Howson and others think that it was so meant.
A. Carr in an essay in his Horce Bibliccs takes
this view. He thinks that St. Paul's preaching of
the Kingdom, carrying with it the idea of Chris-
tians as an army, would suggest comparison with
the followers of great military leaders (Pompeians,
Herodians), greatly to the discredit of Christ and
Christians. This meaning is not expressed in the
term itself, but, if it were a fact, would arise out
of the memory of the Crucifixion. Antioehene in-
genuity could certainly have discovered a better
expression for such an idea. At a much later
date the Emperor Julian saw nothing discreditable
in the name, for he forbade its use and replaced it
with Galiltean. (The incidental character of the
origin of a great name is not without analogy. In
v.^'' of the same chapter we have the first mention
incidentally of ' presbyters ' — the office out of
which the countless forms of church polity have
groAvn. So again with regard to deacons in Ac 6^)
It has been argued that the term Xpio-rtai'os im-
plies a Western and Latin origin. But the term-
ination -avo's was in wide use among Greeks every-
where {HDB i. 384).
The use of this name was the first step in the
differentiation of Christians from Jews in the
public eye. Previously the two classes had been
confounded ; and the confusion was advantageous
to Christians in many respects, as the Jews were a
priWleged nation before the Roman law. As the
Church grew in numbers the confusion ceased, and
the new name emphasized the distinction.
As the name XpicrTd^ was often confused with
Xprj<rT6s ('good,' 'useful'), so XpiaTiavos was often
misspelt XpT]aTiav6s. This was intelligible enough
in pagan writers. Suetonius says that Claudius
expelled the Jews from Rome because they were
always raising_ tumult under the instigation of
Chrestus. Christian A\Titers are not disinclined to
tum the mistake to account. Tertullian (Apol. 3)
does this intentionally, saying to pagans : ' When
vou wrongly say Chrestians [Chrestianos] (for your
knowledge of the name is limping), it is composed
of suavity and benignity ' [de suavitate et benigni-
tate]. Clem. Alex. {Strom, ii. 4) also writes :
' Thev who believe in Christ both are and are
called good (xpv^roi)' ; Justin (Apol. i. 4): 'You
ought rather to punish those who accuse (us) be-
cause of our name. For we are accused of being
Christians ; but it is unjust for that which is good
(rb xpTjcTdv) to be hated ' ; Lactantius {Div. Inst.
iv. 7) : ' Ignorant of our affairs, they call Christ
Chrest (Christum Chrestmn) and Christians Chres-
tians (Christianos C'hi-estianos).'
We can imagine nothing more fitting than that
Christians should bear their Master's name (Christ)
in their own (Christian). There was more than
accident in such an origin. The name betokens
the vital union between Christ and believers, of
■which the Epistles make so much ('they that are
Christ's'). An early Liturgy says: 'We thank
thee that the name of thy Christ is named upon
us, and so we are made one with thee.' What a
Christian is called he is. He has the mind of Christ.
He thinks and feels, loves and acts, as Christ does.
His name is an index to his heart. ' We are called
children of God, and such we are. ' ' A Christian is
one who has Christ in his heart, mouth and work '
(k Lapide). Passages like Mt IQ'-" 24^* found a
literal fulfilment in the Church : see Mk 9^^ ' Be-
cause ye are Christ's,' and margin, the name stand-
ing for the person ; Ac 4^^, ' Neither is there any
other name under heaven, that is given among
men, wherein we must be saved.' To believe on
the name is to believe on Chiist (Jn I^^)^
LiTERATirRB.— Comm. of Meyer, Rackham, Alford, Words-
worth on Ac 1126; artt. in II DB, EBi, DCG, and Kitto's Cyclo-
pcedia, s.v. ; Conybeare-Howson, Life and Epintles of St.
Paul2, 1S77, i. 146 f. ; A. Carr, Horce Biblicce, 1904 ; F. H.
Chase, The Credibility of the Book of Acts, 1902.
J. S. Banks.
CHRISTIAN LIFE The type of moral and re-
ligious life which was lived by the Christians of
the Apostolic Age had already been so far fixed as
to be described in the phrase Kara xp^(^Tiavi<T/j.bv ^ijv
by Ignatius (Magn. x. 1) towards the close of that
period ; and the Didache (xii. 4), possibly at an
earlier date, used the title 'Z.picrTLav6's, showing that
the name which Antioch invented (Ac 11-^ ; cf. 26^
and 1 P 4'^) was now accepted as specifying a
person whose life was distinctive alike in ideal and
practice. If we take the year A.D. 100 as mark-
ing the extreme limit of the Apostolic Age, our
authorities for determining the characteristics of
Christian practice and of the Christian life in its
inner and outer aspects are but meagre, consisting
of the NT writings, the Didache, 1 Clement, the
Epistle of Barnabas, the Epistles of Ignatius, some
fragments of Papias and Hegesippus preserved by
Eusebius, and a few contemporary references in
pagan writers like Tacitus and Suetonius. There
is a difficulty in using and classifying the informa-
tion of these authorities, inasmuch as the chron-
ology of the NT writings is a subject of inquiry
and even of controversy ; while the traditional
origin and authorship of writings like the Epistle
to the Ephesians and the Pastoral Epistles, of
the Johannine writings and several others, are dis-
puted by competent critics (see art. Dates). Some
scholars (e.g. Gwatkin) regard the Didache as one
of the earliest works of Christian literature ; while
others, like von Dobschiitz, place it beyond the
limits of the Apostolic Age. Nevertheless, in spite
of the various opinions on questions of chronology
and authorship, it is possible to arrive at some
definite conclusions on universally accepted pre-
misses, and to form a clear, if in details an incom-
plete, conception of the practice of the Christian
life exhibited by Christian communities from the
death of Christ to the close of the 1st century.
One general principle may be laid down by way
of preface. The earliest witnesses of Christianity
are more concerned with Christ than with a system
of Christian morals. It is not primarily a new
code of ethics which they unfold ; it is a new
Personality. Not the teaching, but the Teacher
is their theme. The summum bonum had been
realized in the life of Jesus. The Sermon on the
Mount, indeed, entered into the apostolic con-
sciousness, as we see from the precepts of Ro 12 ;
but the Law-givor, as on the occasion of its utter-
ance, is more than His precepts (Mt 7-^). The
devotion to a living historical Person, the Son of
God and Redeemer of the world, who was capable
of conmiunicating His Spirit to all mankind — this
is the note of the earliest preaching of the gospel.*
The apostles preach 'Christ and him crucified.'
' They seem to think that if they can only fill men
• Incidentally we may regard this feature as one of the
reasons why Claristianity in the Roman world vanquished all
competitors — Isis or Attis or Mithra or the redeemer-god of
Oriental mystery-religions. The Redeemer-God of Christianity
was a historical personality.
CHEISTIAN LIFE
CHRISTIAN LIFE
201
with true thankfulness for the gift of life in Christ,
morality will take care of itself (Gwatkin, Early
Church Hist. i. 55). What results did such a pre-
sentation of truth produce on the age to which it
was given? This question can be ansAvered only
by a study of moral conditions within the Christian
Church. We must go for our enlightenment, not
to any general studies of Christian ethics, but to
the extant authorities of the age, which treat of
the Christian life in: (1) the Jewish-Christian
period ; (2) the Pauline period ; and (3) the post-
Pauline period. In the evolution of the Christian
communities, there is a direct connexion between
ethical conditions and the official or institutional
organization of the churches, which grew naturally
out of these conditions ; but it will be necessary to
narrow our survey to religious and moral aspects,
and to disregard in detail problems of a historical
and institutional character, e.g. Baptism, Lord's
Supper, ritual and worship in general, bishops and
elders, the relation of St. Paul to the Jerusalem
Council, and the like (see artt. CHURCH, Baptism,
Eucharist, Bishop, etc.).
1. Jewish Christianity. — The followers of Christ
at the time of His death were distinguished from
the majority of their fellow-Jews by their convic-
tion that Jesus was the Messiah. They were thus
to their contemporaries a Messianic sect within
the pale of Judaism, conforming to the rites and
moral code of their religion. Their INIaster, while
condemning the defects of representative leaders
of religion, like the Pharisees, had never rejected
the observances of the Jewish religion — true to the
spirit of His mission, which Mas rather to fulfil
than to destroy. Weizsacker seems to go too far
when he suggests (Apostol. Age, ii. 341) that there
is disharmony between the evidence of the Synop-
tics and the Acts, on the ground that the latter
shows the primitive Church more bound up with
Judaism than Jesus Himself was, and the Pharisees
actual patrons of the apostolic community. The
fact is that both Jesus and the early Church ac-
cepted the outward symbols of Judaism, e.(j. the
Temple and national festivals, while in spirit they
had already advanced beyond the national faitli
(cf. Ac 24").
The primitive Christians of Jerusalem, while
following the rules of the Jewish religion for
everyday life (Ac 15), and for worship and devo-
tional observances (3'), come before us in the early
chapters of the Acts as a distinctive community,
given to prayer (P**). Prayer was at once the
source and seal of that unity or spirit of brother-
hood which was to find further expression in a
common social life characterized by dyaXXtacrts Kal
d(pe\6Tr]s Kapdias, and in a community of goods
^244-46j_ -pijg 1,-^tter feature represented merely the
socialism of self-sacrifice, its real motive being not
a desire for social innovation, but the support of
the poor ; and it may have been suggested by
Essene models (see Community of Goods). The
Christians lived a happy familj'^ life ; the members
were ' brethren ' ; new converts were received into
the fellowship by baptism (2^*^) ; the practice of
charity produced noble examples of generosity like
that of Barnabas (4^®), and incidentally provoked
unworthy ambition, of which the deceit of Ananias
and Sapphira (ch. 5) Avas a dark and memorable
result. Women such as Mary, the mother of John
Mark, and Sapphira held an independent position
in the community, and slowly the influence and
aims of the brotherhood broadened out. They
were known as 'disciples,' men 'of the Way' (Ac
92 24"), and 'saints.' The appointment of the
seven Hellenists (Ac 7) which quelled the internal
differences between the Hebrews or pure Jews and
the Hellenists, their Greek-speaking brethren of
the Dispersion, indicates not only the large-hearted
charity of the Christian apostles, but their gradual
alienation from the narrowness of Judaic legalism.
This spirit of alienation came to a head in the
extreme views of St. Stephen, the leader of the
Hellenists, who paid the penalty of his undisguised
anti-Judaism in martyrdom. It is easy to see that
the ideas of St. Stephen anticipated the essential
principles of Pauline Christianity, and further,
that they were in advance of minds like that of
St. Peter, who still maintained a loyal observance
of Jewish law and felt scruples about entering
a Gentile house (Ac 10) and joining St. Paul,
Barnabas, and other Gentile Christians (Gal 2").
Thus, while the Hellenists were scattered abroad,
being found in Samaria and as far north as Antioch,
the Petrine section remained at Jerusalem to find
a new head in St. James, who in A.D. 51 is associ-
ated with St. Peter and St. John and in 58 is sole
leader of the Church. The Apostolic Decree (Ac
15), which was intended to solve the difierences of
Jewish and Gentile Christianity, was a comijromise
which shows at once the strength and the weakness
of the Jewish-Christian position : its strength lay
in its jealousy for pure morality — Gentile Chris-
tians are to abstain from meat offered to idols,
blood, things strangled, and fornication ; its weak-
ness lay in its cei"emonialism and in its distrust of
the Gentile per se. The later factors of Jewish
Christianity represented by the Johannine litera-
ture and such writings as the Epistle of James
are treated below.
Palestinian Christianity, in spite of its reverence
for Jewish law, did not escape persecution. The
Christian Jews fled to Pella before A.D. 70, and re-
fused to join the Bar Cochba rebellion, and finally
became a sect beyond the Jordan, known as
Ebionites or Nazarenes. The saint of Palestinian
Christianity is undoubtedly James, the Lord's
brother, already referred to (see the glowing ac-
count of him by Hegesippus, preserved in Euseb.
HJi! ii. 23) ; he was ' the Just,' a Nazirite in prac-
tice, but consecrated to God, a typical priest of
righteousness to the Jewish-Christian mind. The
martyrdom of St. Stephen and that of St. James
in their several ways indicate the undying influence
of Christ's examijle and teaching. It is probable
that in this community the oral teaching of our
Lord had a wider vogue than in Pauline circles.
His sayings Avere circulated and known in the
sphere of His earthly ministry, and produced a new
type of personality and conduct (see Dobschiitz,
Christian Life in the Primitive Church, 156 f.).
We may sum up the features of Christian life in
its earliest environment as a moral ideal, coloured
and modified by loyalty to the tenets of Judaism ;
but issuing, under belief in the Messianic Jesus
and by the power of His Spirit, in brotherliness,
sympathy, love of enemies, heroic confession of
faith, and purity of life.
2. Pauline Christianity. — The conversion of St.
Paul was a new departure in the Christian witness,
and opened a new epoch for Christianity. His OAvn
Christianity was not in essence so much a negation
of or a revolt from Judaism as a fresh inspiration,
the result of a moral crisis in his inner life. One of
the results of the crisis, it is true, was to reveal to
him Avhat he calls rb ddirvarov tov vofiov (Ro 8^), and to
bring about his rejection of the Jewish ideal of sal-
vation ; but his conception of Christianity was based
on the positive conviction rooted in experience that
newness of life consisted in a personal union with
Christ. Faith in Christ transfigured a man's person-
ality, and thereby gave him a new ethic, together
with the power to carry it into practice. The
Pauline morality is the offspring of the Apostle's
doctrine of salvation by faith. ' He who was united
to Christ could not help practising the Christian
virtues' (Gardner, Beligious Experience of St. Paul,
202
CHKISTIAi^ LIFE
CHKISTIAA^ LIFE
159). His insistence on ethics reveals his abhor-
rence of antinomianism, even wlien that abhorrence
is not as expressly stated as it is in Ro 6^" and Gal
5^^'-. The difference between Pauline morality and
the inoralitj' of the Judaizers who were found all
over the Greek-speaking world, lay in the fact that
Gentile Christianity formed an independent ethic,
while the ethic of the Jewish Christian ' merely
looked like an addition to the commandments, an
ennobling and purifying of the rule of the pious,
law-abiding Jew ' (see Weizsacker, ii. 346). This
distinction arose naturally from the exalted view
which St. Paul held as to the Person of Christ ;
wherever the Deity of our Lord is proclaimed, as
in the Fourth Gospel and 1 John, 1 Peter, and the
Ignatian Epistles, we find, as McGiffert notes (see
art. 'Apostolic Age' in ERE), that the Pauline
idea of moral transformation by the indwelling of
the Divine becomes prominent. On the other hand,
elsewhere in the NT and in Clement's First Ep. to
Corinthians, where the Jewish type of theology
prevails, salvation is placed in the future as the
reward of the faithful. For the message of the
Pauline Epistles and the ethical life and problems
of the Christian communities as portrayed therein
the reader is referred to artt. on the individual
Epistles, but a general summary of the evidence of
his writings may be added here.
We may often infer from St Paul's warnings the
general perils to which the Christians were liable.
We see that the Christian standard is not attained
at once (Ph 3'-) ; there are express references to
flagrant examples of moral failure necessitating a
ban of excommunication ; and the ' saints' are good
men and women still in the making ; hence the
hortative form .so largely adopted bj^ this Apostle.
True to his essential convictions, the Apostle as-
signs to the direct action of the Spirit the trans-
forming of human character. He appeals not to
Scripture or law, but to the Christian consciousness.
Christ is the fulfilment and end of the Law (Ro 10^)
and the founder of a new law of love (Gal 6-, 1 Co
9-^), in that His Spirit is a new vital power. With
the truth of the Licarnation several of his greatest
precepts are allied (2 Co 8», Ph 25, Gal 2'^, Col 3'^,
Ro 15'^), and there is often a direct connexion be-
tween his ethics and his theological and christo-
logical doctrine. His distinction between ' flesh '
and ' spirit ' colours all his thought regarding per-
sonal morality. His insistence on sexual chastity
(in 1 Cor. he reveals his preference for celibacy, antl
his sympathy with the ascetic ideal, while he de-
nounces its excesses), and his warnings against sins
of the flesh are everywhere prominent. The body
is a temple of the Holy Ghost (1 Co 6"*). His
memorable indictment of pagan vice in Ro \^^^- is
pointed by the actual life of Corinth, the city from
which he wrote the Epistle, and there is hardly an
Epistle in whicli reference is not made to sexual
vice (cf. Col 3''''-). The famous ' hymn of love '
(1 Co 13) places love at the head of his ethical
system, and is indirectly an indictment against all
forms of self-seeking elsewhere specified : e.g. covet-
ousness (Col 3'), the spirit of faction and tlie love of
pre-eminence (Ph 1 '5- i''), and dishonesty (1 Th 4").
In Ro 12"- we have the moral life set forth as a
\oyiK7] \arp(ia, and its motive the fulfilment of God's
will. The duty of prayerfulness* is frequently pro-
claimed (Ro 1212, I ^o 75_ pii 46^ Col 42) The .spirit
of revenge is condemned, the love of one's enemy
(Ph l'") and returning of good for evil are exi)ressljnn-
culcated. Ordinary conversation is to be wholesome
and yet pleasing (Col 4*^). The gentler virtues which
found n(^ place in pagan ethics, such as sincerity,
humility, reasonableness (Ph 4^), patience, meek-
ness, brotherly love, kindness (Gal 5--), are united
* See, for models of prayer in the Apostolic Age, Didache, 10,
and 1 Clem. 59-61.
with love and temperance or self-control ; while
joy, peace, and thankfulness (cf. Ph 4^, eiixo-pt-cria)
are the resultant gi-aces of Christian conduct.
The domestic and social virtues are fi'equently
urged on the Christian convert — love of husband for
wife, of wife for husband, of children for parents,
of slave for master, of master for slave (cf. Ro 31^,
Col 31*'--). In all social relations St. Paul is con-
scious of the need of Christian tactfulness and dis-
cretion (Col 3-1 and Ph P). ' To walk worthily of
the gospel of Christ' (Ph 1-^) is his comprehensive
formula for Christian conduct. The Christian's re-
lation to the heathen outsiders and to his less strict
or ' weak ' brother, and to heathen practices and use
of heathen tribunals, is set forth in 1 Cor. , which is
a manual of social Christianity. He did not attack
the slave-system or proclaim a social revolution : he
sought to Christianize the relationship of master and
slave by Christianizing both master and slave (see
art. Philemon). In 1 Thess. he warns men against
the moral perils of ' an overstrained Parousia-
expectation ' ; in 2 Thess. he proclaims the dignity
and duty of labour.
Finally, there is the duty of the ' strong ' to help
the weak (Gal 6'), the care for and liberality towards
the poor (see 1 Co 16), and, above all, obedience to
civicand Imperial authorities (Ro 13i"i''). In dealing
with social and civil responsibilities, the ethics of
Pauline Christianity are opposed to revolt or agita-
tion. The sanctification of the individual and the
community is their aim and object. For his views
Avith regard to the subordination of women (1 Co 7),
St. Paul has frequently been criticized, but on the
whole they made for domestic purity and the
strengthening of the marriage tie, in an age when
the matrimonial relationship was losing its binding
and sacred sanctions. His doctrine of the solidarity
of society — a sin against a brother is a sin against
Christ (1 Co 8'-) — and of the equality of all men in
Christ (Gal 3-**, Col 3^) prepared the way for the uit-
lifting of the masses, and identified Christianity
Avith the spirit of brotherhood, even though the re-
ferences to love of the brethren are more frequent
than to love of mankind as a whole (see art.
F'ellowship). In fact, Christianity, as we And it
set forth by St. Paul and exemplified however
imperfectly by the Pauline churches, already
exhibits the new ethical passion and power
which were eventually to win the Empire and
the world.
3. Post-Pauline Christianity. — For this period
our chief authorities are the later writings of the
NT. These include, in addition to the Pastoral
Epistles and the Epistle to the Epliesians (now
widely regarded as sub-Pauline), the Epistle to the
Hebrews, 1 Peter, the Johannine writings, Revela-
tion, James, and Jude. We have also the Ignatian
Epistles, 1 Clement, and the recently disco veredOrfc?
of Solomon (q.v.), to which Harnack assigns the date
of c. A.D. 100. The interest of tiie Odes is doctrinal
and ceremonial rather than ethical, although it
appears that they were associated Avith the teach-
ing of the catechumens. 1 Peter, Revelation, and
HebreAvs belong to the time of the persecution
under Domitian. in Avhich Christians and JeAvs
alike sutt'ered. The Pastorals apparently have re-
ference to the earlier or Neronian persecution (a.d.
64), in Avhich a large number of the Christians
perished because they Avere convenient scajjegoats
(Tac. Ann. xv. 44) for Nero's unreasoning anger.
]}oth Ephesians and the Pastorals give us tlie
Pauline type of morality, Epliesians being influ-
enced by and modelled on Colossians. In fact,
the influence of St. Paul is manifest not only in
those Epistles traditionally assigned to him, but
generally in the later literature, Avhich is really tlie
ott'spring of a JeAvish-Christian type of thought,
e.g. 1 Peter, HebreAA's, and the Johannine Avritings.
CHRISTLIX LIFE
CHUECH
203
For the special characteristics of this post- Pauline
literature, see artt. on the several books.
In 1 Peter, Hebrews, and the Epistle of the
Roman Church to the Church of Corinth (1 Clem.)
we find ourselves in touch with the Church at
Rome. In Hebrews the Christians addressed had
already passed through the Xeronian persecution
and become a ' gazing-stock ' (10*^) to the world.
The didactic purpose was to show the preparatory
character of the Jewish religion; but throughout
we find the hortatory element prominent : it was
a X070S wapaKXriaeus (13--). The peril was shrinking
from confession of Christ, a failure of wap'p-qaia
(10^^), their lack of Christian knowledge (6^) ; on
the other hand, good works are praised (6^") —
brotherly love, hospitality, care for the sick and
imprisoned ; the great need is ttIcttis, not intellec-
tual belief, but the moral assurance of a future
reward — 'a better country.' 1 Peter similarly
lays stress on the consolatory power of eXwis — the
'living hope' of a future life— in the midst of
sufferings. 1 Clem, shows that the Church at
Rome had not lost its stability, nor forgotten the
duty of intercession especially for captive fellow-
members. On the other hand, at Corinth since
the 40 years when St. Paul wrote, there is little
change ; there are the defects of licentiousness
and rebellion against authority. Throughout the
Epistle we are conscious of St. Paul's influence ;
ch. 49, e.g., is an imitation of the 'hymn of love.'
1 Peter, while sent from Rome, is addressed to the
Churches of Asia Minor.
Possibly Ephesians belongs to the same period.
While emphasizing knowledge (p-''' 3'*), it gives
the premier position to love, which surpasses
knowledge and is its object (3'^). In 1 Peter the
favourite word is ayadoTroita. In Ephesians the old
sins of paganism recur — uncleanness, lascivious-
ness, lusts ; in I Peter malice, guile, hj-pocrisies,
envies, and evil-speaking. The life of paganism
is Ayvoia, darkness, death : Christianity brings
knowledge (Eph 4'^ 1 P V*), light (Eph 5^, 1 P 2«),
and life (Eph 2'^-) or effective power (l'^ 3-"). In-
cidentally we note the emergence of new faults —
drunkenness (Eph 5'®), the habit of the aWoTpuirla-
KOTTos, or meddling in other people's concerns (1 P
4'^), and extravagance of ornamentation in women
(3^). Both 1 Peter and Ephesians show an advance
on St. Paul in their appeal to the OT, which Jew-
ish Christianity made the Bible of the Gentile
world. The Pastoral Epistles exhibit the begin-
nings of Gnosticism (q.v.) and the influence of the
false teaching prevalent in Asia Minor (cf. Jude,
which warns especially against a far-reaching
licentiousness), the discrediting of prophecy and
the conceiition of evae^eia. The Epistle of James,
with which may perhaps be associated the Didache
(although the date of the latter is uncertain), gives
us the strong ethical ideal of Palestinian Chris-
tianity ; its insistence on works does not imply
retention of the Jewish code ; the ' law of liberty '
is a new law given by Christ, or ' the yoke of the
Lord ' (Did.). Revelation is also Jewish-Christian
in its standpoint, and presents some valuable
cameos of church life in Asia Minor in the letter
to the Seven Churches (see art. Apocalypse). It
treats the Christian life on the broad basis of
history, and recognizes the heroism of both Jewish
and Gentile Christians in the world-conflict ; the
proofs of Christianity are to be seen in ' the heroic
virtues of martyrdom and virginity.' The Igna-
tian Epistles, which also glorify martyrdom, are
remarkably silent regarding the gross sins of
paganism. They deal witii the contrast between
Christian and non-Christian, the peril of nominal
Christianity, and the duties of confession and
Church unity ; they reflect the growing Church-
consciousness which anticipates the later Catholi-
cism. The Fourth Gospel and the Johannine
Epistles clearly express the equal recognition
of Jewish and Gentile Christians. The author,
though a Jew, is ' denationalized ' in his stand-
point, which yet is to be distinguished from St.
Paul's in its generally mystical and idealistic
nature. The spirit of his ethic is ' contemplative
and exclusive' (Weizsiicker, ii, 397). Faith in
Jesus as the Son of God is the condition of ' eternal
life ' and the sonship of God ; while the Person
of Christ involved a universal redemption. The
truth of the new birth is Pauline ; w bile the view
of sin as dvo/xia shows the Jewish veneration for
the old Law ; even ' the new commandment ' is an
old commandment (1 Jn 2") rightly viewed. The
Christian life is characterized in a series of splendid
generalizations — love, truth, light, with the anti-
theses of death and hatred, sin, the world, and
darkness. The ideal is the overcoming of the
world, the spirit of which is independence of God.
The distinction between deadly and venial sins,
the recognition of false forms of faith, the presence
of official ambition which resents all ecclesiastical
development (in Diotrephes [3 Jn]), are features
which point to a later and more regulated stage of
Christian life than we find in the Pauline letters,
with their advocacy of the unfettered action of
the Spirit.
To sum up, the Christian life, as exhibited in
the literature of the Apostolic Age and viewed in
the manj' phases and fluctuations which were due
to its environment, the immaturity of its professors,
the development of speculative thought, the errors
of undue asceticism and moral laxity, presents on
the whole a fixed and established type based on
ethical and religious principles, which were des-
tined to live and to transform the world because
they owed their origin to faith in the historical
Son of God, who had opened the Kingdom of
Heaven to all believers.
LiTEP.ATURE.— A. C. McGififert, Apostolic Age, Edinburgh,
1S97, and art. ' Apostolic Age ' in ERE ; E. von Dobschiitz,
Christian Life in the Primitive Church, Eng. tr., London, 1904 ;
C. von Weizsacker, The Apostolic Age, Eng. tr., ii. [do. 1895J ;
A. Harnack, Mission and Expansion 0/ Christianity-, Eng.
tr., do. 190s; H. M. Gwatkin, Early Church History, do.
1909 ; J. Moffatt, LXT, Edinburgh, 1911 ; P. Gardner, The
Religious Experience of St. Paul, London, 1911.
R. Martin Pope.
CHRONOLOGY.-See Dates.
CHRYSOLITE [xpvabXiOo^, Rev 2po).— In modern
usage the name ' chrysolite ' is applied to a trans-
parent variety of olivine, used as a gem-stone and
often called 'peridot.' The ancients applied the
word to various yellowish gems. The LXX gives it
as the equivalent of ii"^h^, which Flinders Petrie
{HDB iv. 62u'') is inclined to identify with yellow
jasper. The later Greeks gave the name chryso-
lite to the topaz, which was unknown in earlier
times. James Steahax.
CHRTSOPRASE (xp^oVpao-os, from xp^'^os, ' gold,'
and wpaffov, ' a leek '). — This stone is the tenth
foundation of the wall of the New Jerusalem (Rev
21-"). The name is now applied to an apple-green
variety of chalcedony or hornstone, prized in jewel-
lery and sometimes used for mural decollations.
But this chalcedony was probably unknown to the
ancients, and the xpi'^^'OTrpacros of the Greeks was
'not improbablj' our chrysoberyl ' (EBr^'^ vi. 321).
The word is not found in either of the LXX lists of
precious stones (Ex 28'"--'', Ezk 2S^^) with which the
writer of Rev. was familiar. James Strahan,
CHURCH.— The histoiy of the Church in the
Apostolic Age may be treated under the follow-
ing heads : (1) Sources, (2) Importance, (3) Name,
(4) Origin, (5) Growth, (6) Conflict between Jewish
204
CHUECH
CHUECH
and Gentile elements, (7) Character, (8) Relation
to the State and other systems.
1. Sources. — Our sources of information are not
nearly so full as ^ve might wish, but some of them
are excellent ; and, although we are obliged to
leave several important questions open, yet criti-
cism enables us to secure solid and sure results.
Our earliest sources are the Epistles of St. Paul,
and the large majority of those which bear his
name are now firmly established as his. Doubts
still exist with regard to the Pastoral Epistles, but
it is generally admitted that they contain portions
which are by the Apostle, and at any rate they are
evidence as to a period closely connected witli his
age. Hebrews, whoever wrote it, is evidence re-
specting a similar period. With the possible ex-
ception of 2 Peter, all the other Epistles and the
Apocalypse are sources. More full of information
than the Pauline Epistles, though later in date, is
the Book of Acts, now firmly established as the
work of St. Luke, the companion of St. Paul.
Those who fully admit this differ considerably in
their estimate of the value of Acts as a historical
document, but the trend of criticism is in the direc-
tion of a high estimate rather than of a low one.
Microscopic investigation and a number of recent
discoveries show how accurate a writer St. Luke
generally is. We have to lament tantalizing
omissions much more often than to suspect serious
inaccuracies. The Gospels give some help ; for
Avhat they record explains many features in the
Epistles and Acts.
Outside the NT, but within the 1st cent., we
have the Epistle of Clement of Rome to the Corin-
thians and the Epistle of Barnabas, one represent-
ing Gentile and the other Jewish Christianity.
Within the first three decades of the 2nd cent., we
have the writings of three men whose lives over-
lapped those of some of the Apostles — Ignatius,
Polj'carp, and Papias ; and to the same period
probably belongs the Didache, or Teaching of the
Twelve. Something of considerable value may
also be obtained from two writers near the middle
of the 2nd cent. — Hermas and Justin Martyr ; and
even so late as the last quarter of the cent, we
can find apostolic traditions of great value in the
writings of Irenseus. From outside the Christian
Church we have good material, especially respect-
ing the great crisis of the destruction of Jerusalem
bv Titus, from the Jewish writer, Josephus ; and
also some important statements from the heathen
writers, Tacitus, Suetonius, and Pliny, who were
contemporary with Clement, Ignatius, and Poly-
carp.
2. Importance. — The importance of the history
of the Apostolic Church is very great, but it is
sometimes misunderstood. The sources mentioned
above tell us something about the beliefs, organiza-
tion, and ritual of the first Christians ; and they
are all very simple. It is sometimes sujsposed that
if we take these simple elements and close our
eyes to later developments, Ave get the essence of
Christianity, free from unessential forms, and
that this constitutes the importance of tlie primi-
tive Church. It is the model to which all Church
reformers ought to look, with a view to restoring
its simplicity. Two considerations show that this
estimate is erroneous. Essence without form is
unattainable. Tiie Apostolic Church had forms
which were the outcome of the conditions in which
the Church existed. Some of those conditions
changed very quickly, and the forms changed also.
The restoration of the simplicity of the primitive
forms will have little value or vitality unless we
also restore the primitive conditions, and that is im-
possible. Secondly, the sources do not tell us the
whole truth. On some important points we can
obtain nothing better than degrees of probability
because the evidence is so inadequate ; on other
points there is no evidence, and we have to fall
back on pure conjecture. If it had been intended
that all subsequent ages should take the Apostolic
Church as a model, then we might reasonably
expect that a complete description of it would
have been preserved. A sketch which has to be
gathered piecemeal from dill'erent sources, and
which, when put together, is incomplete both in
outline and in contents, cannot be made an authori-
tative example. ' Christianity is not an archreo-
logical puzzle ' (J. H. Ropes, Apostolic Age, London,
1906, p. 20).
Nevertheless, the importance of this age is real
and great, [a] The spiritual essence of Christianity
may be said to consist in the inner relation of each
soul to God, to His Christ, and to His Spirit, and
in the inner and outer relations of all believers to
one another. In the first age of the Church this
essence existed in such simple vigour that it gave
reality and life to forms which had not yet had
time to become mistaken for essentials. About
the simplicity of tliese beginnings there is no
doubt ; it is an established fact ; but that does not
pi-ove that this primitive simplicity is a binding
authority for all ages, {b) This age produced the
NT — the group of writings which has had greater
influence for good than any which the world has
ever known : a group of writings which reflects
the ideas and habits of that age and must be inter-
preted by a knoAvledge of those ideas and habits,
(c) This age exhibits the first eti'ects which the
gospel produced upon Jew and Gentile — two very
difierent soils, which might bear very different
fruits, {d) It is the first stage in the complex
development of the Church and the churches ; and
in order to understand that development, we must
study its beginnings.
3. Name. — The name ' Church ' is in itself strong
evidence of the connexion between tlie Old Cove-
nant and the New. In the OT, two ditterent words
are used to denote gatherings of the chosen people
or their representatives— 'erfAoA (RV 'congrega-
tion') and qahal (RV 'assembly'). In the LXX,
avvaywyi) is the usual translation of 'edhrih, while
qdhdl is commonly rendered iKKKyiaia. Both qdhdl
and iKKk7}(Tla by their derivation indicate calling or
summoning to a place of meeting ; but ' there is
no foundation for the widely spread notion that
iKK\7]ixia means a people or a number of individual
men called out of the world or mankind ' (F. J. A.
Hort, The Christian Ecclesia, London, 1897, p. 5).
Qdhdl or iKKXrjaia is the more sacred term ; it
denotes the people in relation to Jahweh, especi-
ally in public worship. Perhaps for this very
reason the less sacred term awayoiy-r) was more
commonly used by the Jews in our Lord's time, and
probably influenced the first believers in adopting
iKKXricria for Christian use. (rwayuyri quickly went
out of use for a Christian assembly (Ja 2-), except
in sects which were more Jewish than Christian.
Owing to the growing hostility of the Jews, it
came to indicate opposition to the Church (Rev 2*3*).
iKKXrja-ia, therefore, at once suggests the new people
of God, the new Israel.
We do not know who so happily adopted the
word for Christian use. It is not impossible that
Christ Himself may have used it, for He sometimes
spoke Greek. He used it or its equivalent in a
Christian sense (Mt 16'8) ; but Mt 18", though
capable of being transferred to Christians, must at
the time when it was spoken have meant a Jewish
assembly. St. Paul probably found the word al-
ready in use, and outside the Gospels it is very
frequent in the NT. We find three uses of the
term : the general body of believers (Ac 5^' 9^' 12^) ;
the believers in a certain place (1 Th 1', 2 Th V) ;
an assembly for public worship (1 Co IP* H^"-**).
CHURCH
CHURCH
205
It had already become a technical term with
strongly religious associations, which were partly
borrowed from a Jewish ideal, but had been so
enriched and transfigured as to indicate a body
that was entirely new. The Jewish idea of a
chosen people in relation to God received a fuller
meaning, and to this was added the idea of a chosen
people in relation to the Incarnate and Risen Son of
God and to the Spirit of God. iKKX-qaia. is nowhere
used of heathen reJigious assemblies.
i. Origin. — Whether or no the Christian com-
munity owes its name of 'Church' (iKK\ri(Tla) to
Christ, beyond reasonable doubt it owes its origin
to Him. It is a strange misreading of plain facts
to elevate St. Paul into the founder of the Christian
Church. The theory that in Christianity, as in
some other religions, there was a gradual deifica-
tion of the founder, continues to be advocated, but
it will not bear serious investigation. If St. Paul
originated Christianity, who originated St. Paul ?
What was it that turned Saul the persecutor of the
Church into Paul the apostle of Jesus Christ? It
was the indelible conviction that Jesus was the
^lessiah, and that He had risen from the dead and
conversed with him on the road to Damascus, that
converted and ever afterwards controlled St. Paul.
The conviction that the Messiah had been crucified,
and had risen, and was now the Lord in heaven,
was reached very quickly and surely by large num-
bers, who had good opportunities of ascertaining
the truth and staked everything on the result.
This conviction was based upon the experiences of
those who were quite certain that the Risen Christ
had appeared to them and conversed with them.
Those appearances were realities, however we may
explain them ; they are among those things which
prove themselves by their otherwise inexplicable
results ; and the convictions which they produced
remain undestroyed and indestructible. It was
upon them that the Apostolic Church was built.
From the Risen Christ it had received the amazing
commission to go forth and conquer tlie world ;
about that there was no doubt among those who
joyously undertook this stupendous work. The
apostles must have known whether Christ intended
them to form a Church ; and their view of His
intention is shown by the fact that, immediately
after His withdrawal from their sight, they set to
work to construct one. If the new religion was
to conquer the world, it must be both individualistic
and social ; it must provide for communion between
each soul and God, and also for communion between
its adherents. In other words, there must be a
Church. Christ showed how this was to be done.
He was not content with being an itinerant teacher,
preaching to casual audiences. He selected a few
disciples and trained them to be His helpers and
His successors. It is manifest that He intended
them to found a society ; for although He gave
few rules for its organization, yet He instituted
two rites, one for admission to it and one for its
preservation (W. Hobhouse, The Church and the
World [Bampton Lectures, London, 1910], p. 17 ff.).
' An isolated Christian ' is a contradiction, for every
Christian is a member of Christ's Body. In refer-
ence to the world Christians are 'saints' (ayioi) ;
in reference to one another they are ' brethren ' ; in
reference to Christ they are 'members.' In the
original constitution of the human body God placed
differently endowed members, and He has done the
same in the original constitution of the Church
(1 Co 12'^). Both are in origin Divine, the product
of the creative action of Father, Son, and Spirit.
5. Growth. — The growth of the Apostolic Church
was very rapid. The first missionary efforts of the
original believers were confined to Jerusalem and
its immediate neighbourhood, and the converts
were Palestinian or Hellenistic Jews who were
living or sojourning in or near the capital. At first
the Hellenists were in a minority, but this soon
ceased to be the case. Persecution caused flight
from Jerusalem, and then missionary effort was
extended to Jews of the Dispersion and to Gentiles.
At Antioch in Syria the momentous change was
made to a mixed congregation containing both Jews
and Christians. Then what had seemed even to
the Jews themselves to be a mere JeAvish sect
became a universal Church (Ac 11 '8'^). As soon as
it was seen that Judaism, in spite of aU its OT
glories, would never become a universal religion,
missions to the heathen became a necessity. The
first missionaries to the Gentiles, the men who took
this momentous step of bringing the gospel to
pagans, are for the most part unknown to us.
Who won the first Gentile converts at Antioch ?
Who first took Christianity to Rome? Whoever
they were, there had been a long and complex
preparation for their work, which goes a consider-
able way towards explaining its success. This
indeed was to be hoped for in accordance with
Christ's command (Mt 2S'8, Lk 24") and St. Peter's
Pentecostal promise ' to all that are afar off"' (Ac
2^^) ; but we can see some of the details which
helped fulfilment.
The only thing which adequately explains the
great expansion of Christianity in the 1st cent, is
the fact of its Divine origin ; but there were a num-
ber of causes which favoured its spread and more
than counteracted the active opposition and other
difficulties with which it had to contend.
(a) The dispersion of the Jews in civilized coun-
tries secured a knowledge of monotheism and a
sound moral code.
(b) Roman law had become almost co-extensive
with the civilized world. Tribal and national ideas,
often irrational and debasing, had given place to
firinciples of natural right and justice. Roman
aw, like the Mosaic Law, was a 7rat5a7w7(5s to lead
men to Christ.
(c) The splendid organization of the Roman
Empire gave great facilities for travel and corre-
spondence.
{d) The dissolution of nationalities by Roman
conquests prepared men's minds for a religion
which was not national but universal ; and it is
not impossible, in spite of the horror which the
writer of the Apocalypse exhibits towards the wor-
ship of the Emperor, that that worship, which was
nominally universal, sometimes prepared people for
a worship of the Power to which they owed exist-
ence, and not merely fitful security and peace.
(e) The Macedonian conquest had made men
familiar with a type of civilization which seemed
to be adaptable to the whole world, and had sup-
plied a language which was still more adaptable.
Greek was everywhere spoken in large towns, and
in them converts were most likely to be found.
Through the LXX, Greek was a Jewish as well as
a pagan instrument of thought, and had become
very flexible and simple, capable of expressing new
ideas, and yet easily intelligible to plain men.
Greek was the language of culture and of commerce
even in Rome. It was also the sacred language of
the world-wide worship of Isis. Hardly at any
other period has the civilized world had a nearer
approach to a universal language. The retention
of a Greek liturgy in the Church of Rome for two
centuries was due partly to the fact that the first
missionaries taught in Greek and that the Greek
Bible was used •, partly to the desire to preserve
the unity of the Church throughout the Empire.
Its abandonment by the Roman Church prepared
the way for the estrangement between East and
West.
(/) There was a wide-spread sense of moral cor-
ruption and spiritual need. 'A great religious
206
CHURCH
CHURCH
longing swept over the length and breadth of the
empire. The scepticism of the age of enlighten-
ment had become bankrupt' (E. v. Dobschiitz,
Apostol. Age, Eng. tr., London, 1909, p. 39). The
prevalent religions and philosophies had stimulated
longings which they could not satisfy. Specula-
tions about conscience, sin, and judgment to come,
about the efficacy of sacrifices, and the possibility
of forgiveness and of life after death, had prepared
men for what Christianity had to offer. Even
if the gospel had not been given, some religi-
ous change would have come. The gospel often
awakened spiritual aspirations ; more often it
found them awake and satisfied them. It satisfied
them because it possessed the characteristics of a
universal religion — incomparable sublimity of doc-
trine, inexhaustible adaptability, and an origin
that was recognizable as Divine. The Jew might
be won by the conviction that the law was trans-
figured in the gospel and that prophecy was fulfilled
in Christ and His Church. St. Peter began his
Pentecostal address to the assembled Jews by point-
ing out that the outpouring of the Spirit was a
fulfilment of Jewish prophecy (Jl 2-**-^') and an
inauguration of ' the last days,' which were to pre-
cede the coming of the Messiah in glory. But to
the Gentile these considerations were not impres-
sive. The great pagan world had to be won by the
actual contents of Christianity, which were seen to
be better than those of any religion that the world
had thus far known. They were not only new,
but ' with authority ' ; and they stood the test of
experience by bearing the wear and tear of life.
Christianity was at once a mirror and a ' mystery ' :
it reflected life so clearly and it suggested some-
thing nmch higher. It was a marvel of simplicity
and richness. It was so plain that it could be told
in a few words which might change the whole life.
It was so varied and subtle that it could tax all the
intellectual powers and excite the strongest feel-
ings.
When the proconsul Saturninus said to the Scillitan Martyrs,
'We also are religious people, and our religion is simple,' one of
the Christians replied, 'If you will g:rant me a quiet hearinj^, I
will tell vou the mystery of simplicity ' {Acts of the Scillitan
Martyrs [TS i. 2, 1891, p. 112] ; cf. 1 Co 27).
The number of Christians at the close of the 1st
cent, is very uncertain. We read of a good many
centres throughout the Empire ; but we know little
about the size of each of these local churches. In
some the numbers were probably small. In Pales-
tine they were numerous (Ac 21-").
iff) The zeal and ability of the first missionaries
were very great. We know the names of compara-
tively few of them, but we know some of the results
of their work. The extension of the Church in the
2nd cent, is proof of the good work done in the 1st.
In accordance with Christ's directions (Mk 6^ ; cf.
Lk 10^), these missionaries commonly worked in
pairs (H. Latham, Pastor Pastorum, Cambridge,
1890, p. 29G f . ). St. Paul as a general rule had one
companion, and probably seldom more ; and his
ability in planning missions is conspicuous. He
selected Roman colonies, where, as a Roman citizen,
he would have rights, and where he would be likely
to find Jews, and men of other religions, trading
under the protection of Rome. A synjigogue was
at first the usual starting-point for a Christian
mission. But very soon the Jews became too hos-
tile ; so far from listening to tlie preachers, they
stirred up the heathen against them (T. R. Glover,
The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman
Empire, London, 1909, ch. vi.).
It is impossible to say which of the forces which
characterized Christianity contributed most to its
success : its preaching of the life, death, and resur-
rection of Christ, its lofty monotheism, its hope of
immortality, its doctrine of the forgiveness of sins,
its practical benevolence, its inward cohesion and
unity. Each of these told, and we may be sure
that their combined ett'ect was great.
6. Conflict between Jewish and Gentile ele-
ments. — It is remarkable how soon this conflict in
the Apostolic Church began. Not long after Chris-
tianity was born, it was severed from the nation
which gave it birth, and, since the final destruction
of Jerusalem, it has only in rare cases found a secure
hold on Jewish soil. But it is not a just statement
of the case to say that the Gentile Church first
stripped Judaism of everything, the Scriptures in-
cluded, and then left it by the wayside half dead ;
or that the daughter first robbed her mother, and
then repudiated her. That is an inversion of the
truth ; it was the mother who drove out the daugh-
ter and then persistently blackened her character.
As to the Scriptures, there has been no robbery,
for both have possessed them. But the daughter
has put them to far better account and has in-
creased their value tenfold. Christianity did not
come forward at first as a new religion aiming at oust-
ing the Jews. Its Founder was the Jewish Messiah,
the fulfilment of OT prophecies. It was the Jews
who forced the opposition. The relation of Juda-
ism to Christianity was, almost from the first, a
hostile one. And, as it was the energetic Jew of
Tarsus who led the first persecution of the Chris-
tians, so it was the Apostle of the Gentiles wlio
caused the final seitaration of the Church from the
Synagogue. In the Fourth Gospel, ' the Jews' are
the opponents of the Christ. In the Apocalypse,
they are ' the synagogue of Satan ' (2^ 3^ ; cf. Did-
ache, 8). Barnabas goes still further : the Jews
have never been in covenant with God (iv. 6-9, xiv.
1) ; the Jews are the sinners (xii. 10). Judaism is
obsolete : the Christian Church has taken its place
and succeeded to all its privileges. Hence the
lofty enthusiasm of the first Christians, whose
language often assumes a rhythmic strain when the
Church is spoken of (Eph 4^ Col V\ 1 Ti 3^5, He
122-i, 1 P 29, Mt 16"*). It was through the Christian
Church that God filled the world with His Spirit ;
to it belonged the glorious future and the final
triumph ; for by it the religion of an exclusive
nation had been transformed into a religion for the
whole world.
It was inevitable that the Jews should resent
such claims on the part of Christians, and espe-
cially of Gentile Christians ; and the resentment
became furious hostility when they saw the rapid-
ity witli which Christians made converts as com-
pared with their own slowness in making proselytes
here and there. Until the Maccabtean princes
used force, not many had been made. Since then,
religious asjiirations had combined with interested
motives to bring adherents to Judaism, and it
was from these more serious proselytes that the
Christian missionaries obtained much lielp. Under
their roof both Jews and Gentiles could meet to
hear the word of God (Ac 18''). Christianity could
oHer to a dissatisfied and earnest pagan all that
Judaism could offer and a great deal more. Such
inquirers after truth now ceased to seek admission
to the Synagogue and joined the Church, and tlie
downfall of Jerusalem accelerated this change.
The Jewish war of A.D. 66-70 was regarded by
the Christians as a judgment for the murder of
the Messiah, and also for the more recent murder
in 62 of the Messiah's brother, James the Just.
That catastrophe destroyed both the centre of Jew-
ish worship and also tlie Jews themselves as a
nation. The loss of the Temple was to some extent
mitigated by the system of synagogues, which had
long been established. But that destruction, both
in its immediate eflect and in its far-reaching con-
sequences, marks a crisis which has few parallels in
history. Christianity felt both. The destruction
CHUECH
CHUKCH
207
of Jerusalem left the Gentile Churches, and espe-
cially the Church of Rome, without a rival, for the
Jewish Church of Jerusalem sank into obscurity,
and never recovered ; nor did any other community
of Jewish Christians take its place. When a
Christian community arose once more in the re-
stored Jerusalem, it was a Gentile Church. Jewish
Christianity was far on the road towards extinction.
The Judaizing Christians ])ersisted in regarding
Judaism as the Divinely appointed universal re-
ligion, of which Christianity was only a special off-
shoot endowed with new powers. The Pauline
view involved the hateful admission that the OT
dispensation was relative and transitory. The
Judaizerscould not see that Christianity, although
founded on the OT and realizing an OT ideal which
had been seen but not reached by the prophets,
was now independent of Judaism. Judaizing was
a passing malady in the life of the Church, and
had little influence on ecclesiastical development.
The Judaizing Christians either gave up their Juda-
ism or ceased to be Christian.
The Tubingen theory that the leading fact in the
Apostolic Church was a struggle between St. Paul
and the Twelve has been illuminating, but closer
study of the evidence has shown that it is unten-
able. Tiiere were some ditierences, bi;t there was
no hostility, between St. I'aul and the Twelve.
The hostility was between St. Paul and the Juda-
izers, wlio claimed to represent tiie Twelve. It is
possible that some of these Judaizing teachers had
seen Christ during His ministry, and therefore said
that they had a better riglit to the title of ' apostle '
than he liad. In the mis-called ' Apostolic Council '
at Jerusalem, which was really a conference of
apostles, elder brethren, and the whole Church of
Jerusalem (Ac 15®- ^^- ^^- ^^), there was no conflict be-
tween the Twelve and St. Paul. St. Paul's rebuke
to St. Peter at Antioch (Gal 2"-") is no evidence of
a difference of principle between them. St. Peter
is blamed, not for having erroneous convictions,
but for being unfaithful to true ones. He and St.
Paul were entirely agreed that there was no need
to make Gentile converts conform to the Mosaic
Law ; but St. Peter had been willing to make un-
worthy concessions to the prejudices of Jewish con-
verts who were fresh from headquarters, by ceasing
to eat with Gentile converts. He had perhaps
argued that, as it was impossible to please both
parties, it w^as better, for the moment, to keep on
good terms with people from Jerusalem. He tem-
porized in order to please the Judaizers,
' But what it amounted to was that multitudes of baptized
GentileChristians, hitherto treated on terms of perfect equality,
were now to be practically exhibited as unfit company for the
circumcised Apostles of the Lord who died for them. ' . . Such
conduct, though in form it was not an expulsion of the Gentile
converts, but only a self-withdrawal from their company, was
in effect a summons to them to become Jews if they wished to
remain in the fullest sense Christians. St. Paul does not tell us
how the dispute ended : but he continued on excellent terms
with the Jerusalem Apostles ' (F. J. A. Hort, Judaistic Chris-
tianity, Cambridge, 1894, pp. 78, 79).
The leading facts in the history of the Apostolic
Church are — the freedom won for Gentile converts,
the consequent expansion of Christianity and Chris-
tendom, and the transfer of the Christian centre
from Palestine to Europe. When the Apostolic Age
began, the Church was overwhelmingly Jewish ;
before it ended, the Church was overwhelmingly
Gentile. Owing mainly to the influence of St.
Paul — 'a Hebrew of Hebrews ' — whose Jewish birth
and training moulded his thoughts and language,
but never induced him to sacrifice the freedom of
the gospel to the bondage of the law, the break
with Judaism became absolute, and, as Gentile
converts increased, the restrictions of Judaism were
almost forgotten. The Judaizing Christians, especi-
ally after the second destruction of Jerusalem under
Hadrian, drew further and further away from the
Church, and ceased to influence its development.
7. Character. — The character of the Apostolic
Church is not one that can be sketched in a few
strokes. Simple as it was in form, it had varied
and delicate characteristics. By its foundation in
Jerusalem, which even the heathen regarded as no
mean city, Christianity became, what it continued
to be in the main for some centuries, a city-religion,
a religion nearly all the adherents of which lived
in large centres of population. It was in such
centres that the first missionaries worked. For
eighteen years or more (Gal V^ 2^) Jerusalem con-
tinued to be the headquarters of at least some of
the Twelve ; but even before the conversion of St.
Paul there were Christians at Samaria (Ac S'"*),
Damascus (9"*), and Antioch (11-"), wiiich soon
eclipsed Jerusalem as the Christian metropolis.
It has been pointed out already that the Church
is necessarily social in character ; and it resembles
other societies, especially those which have a poli-
tical or moral aim, in requiring self-denying loyalty
from its members. But it differs from other societies
in claiming to be universal. The morality which
it inculcates is not for any one nation or class, but
for the whole of mankind. In the very small amount
of legislation wiiich Christ promulgated. He made
it quite clear that in the Kingdom social interests
are to prevail rather than private interests ; and also
that all men have a right to enter the society and
ought to be invited to join it. The Ciiurch, there-
fore, is a commonwealth open to all the world. Every
human being may find a place in it ; and all those
who belong to it will And that they have entered a
vast family, in Avhich all the members are brethren
and have the obligations of brethren to promote
one another's well-being both of body and soul.
This form of a free brotherhood was essential to a
universal religion ; and the proof of its superiority
to other brotherhoods lay in its being suitable to
all sorts and conditions of men. It prescribed con-
duct which can be recognized as binding on all ;
and, far more fully th<an any other system, it sup-
plied to all what the soul of each individual craved.
The name ' disciples ' did not last long as a name
for all Christians ; the name ' brethren ' took its
place. St. Paul does not speak of Christians as
' disciples ' ; tiiat word came to be restricted to
those who had been the personal disciples of Christ.
He speaks of them as ' brethren,' a term in liarmony
with the Christians' ' enthusiasm of humanity,' an
enthusiasm which set no bounds to its att'ection,
but gave to every individual, however degraded,
full recognition. The mere fact of being a baptized
believer gave an absolute claim to loving considera-
tion from all the rest. This brotherhood of Chris-
tians was easily recognized by the heathen.
Lucian (Death of Peregrinus Proteus) says : ' It was imposed
upon them by their original lawgiver that they are all brothers
from the moment that they are converted. . . . An adroit, un-
scrupulous fellow, who has seen the world, has only to get
among these simple souls, and his fortune is soon made.' By
pretending to be a ' brother ' he can get anything out of them.
There is a stronger bond than that of belonging
to one and the same society, commonwealth, and
brotherhood. Seeing that the brotherhood implies
that the Father of the family is God, there would
seem to be nothing stronger than that. And yet
there is : Christians are members of one Body, the
Body of Christ, which is inspired by one Spirit.
Just as no one did so much as St. Paul to free the
new society from its cramping and stifling connexion
with Judaism, so no one did so much as he to develop
the idea of a free Christian Church, and of the re-
lation of the Spirit to it. The local iKKX-rjala of be-
lievers is a temple in which God dwells by His
Spirit; it is Christ's Body, of which all become
members by being baptized in one Spirit. No differ-
208
CHURCH
CHURCH
ences of rank or of spiritual endowments can de-
stroy tills fundamental unity, any more than the
unity of a building or of the human body is destroyed
by the complexity of its structure. In Ephesians,
the Apostle looks forward to an iKKK-qala, not local,
but including all Christians that anywhere exist.
The same Spirit dwells in each soul and makes the
multitude of the faithful, irre>^pective of locality
or condition, to be one (see Swete, The Holy Spirit
in the NT, London, 1909, p. 308). From the ideal
point of view, there is only one Church, which is
imperfectly, but etiectively, represented and real-
ized in the numerous organizations in Christen-
dom. Not that Christendom is the whole of which
they are the constituent parts — that is a way of
looking at it which is not found in the Apostolic
Church, and it may easily be misleading. The
more accurate view is to regard each member of a
Christian organization as a member of the universal
Church. The Church consists of duly qualified in-
dividuals ; the intermediate groups may be con-
venient or inevitable, but they are not essential.
Separate organizations, or local churches, came
into existence because bodies of Christians arose at
different places and increased. These bodies were
independent, no one local church being in subjec-
tion to another. The congregations at Ephesus,
Thessalonica, Philippi, Corinth, etc., were independ-
ent of one another and of the earlier churches of
Antioch and Jerusalem. Their chief bond of union
was that of the gospel and of membership in Christ.
Besides this, the churches just named had the tie
of being the product of one and the same founder ;
and, as children of the same spiritual father, they
were in a special sense ' brethi-en. ' St. Paul appeals
to this fact and to their relationship to other
churches. But, although he teaches that a church
in need has claims upon the liberality of other
churches, he nowhere gives one church authority
over others. Nevertheless, even in apostolic times,
congregations in the same district appear to have
been regarded as connected groups, and it is pos-
sible that the congregation in the provincial capital
had some sort of initiative in virtue of the import-
ance of the city where they dwelt. Thus, we have
'the churches of Galatia' (1 Co 16', Gal 1'), 'the
churches of Asia' (1 Co 16'^), 'the churches of
Judtea' (Gal P-), ' the seven churches of Asia ' (Rev
1^). In this way there arose between the local city
church and the universal Church an organization
which may be called the provincial Church (A.
Harnack, Constitution and Law of the Chtcrch,
Eng. tr., London, 1910, p. 160).
IJesides these close ties of relationship and mem-
bership, the first Christians wei-e held together by
unity of creed. It is true that primitive Christian-
ity was an enthusiasm rather than a creed ; but
there was a creed. It may be summed u]) in two
strong convictions, one negative and the other
positive. The negative one united the Christians
with the Jews ; the positive one was the chief cause
of separation between the two. Both Jew and
Christian declared with equal emphasis that the
gods of the heathen were no-gods(Dt 32'^, 1 Co 10-") :
they were Shedim, nullities. But the Divine
nature of the Incarnate, Crucified, and Risen Son of
God was what the Christian affirmed as confidently
and constantly as the Jew denied it. Here no com-
Eromise was possible. The Divinity of the Cruci-
ed, which is such a difficulty to modern thought,
appears to have caused little difficulty to the first
Christians. It has been suggested that familiarity
with polytheistic ideas helped them to believe in
the Divinity of the Son. Possibly; but, on the
other hand, their rejection of polytheism was ab-
solute, and they died rather than make concessions.
Heathen philosophers, who saw that polytheism
was irrational, had a colourless theism which could
make compromises with popular misbeliefs. Think-
ers like Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Seneca, and
Plutarch could talk indifferently of God and gods,
of the Divine Being and the deities ; but for the
early Christians that was impossible. They were
not theologians, and they had only the rudiments
of a creed ; but they were quite clear about the
necessity of worshipping God and His Christ, and
about the follj' and wickedness of worshipping men
or idols. Hence, with all their simplicity of doc-
trine they had deep convictions which formed a
strong bond of union. The heathen mysteries had
something of the same kind.
P. Gardner has pointed out three common characteristics, all
of which bring them into line with Christianity : rites of purifica-
tion, rites of communion with some deit}-, and means of secur-
ing- happiness in the other world. He holds that the Christian
mystery of which St. Paul speaks is 'the existence of a spiritual
bond holding together a society in union with a spiritual lord
with whom the society had communion, and from whom they
received in the present life safety from sin and defilement, and
in the world to come life everlasting' (The Religious Experience
of St. Paul, London, 1911, p. 79).
8. Relation to the State and other systems. —
The question of the relation of the Church to the
State was only beginning to arise towards the end
of the apostolic period. The Church was develop-
ing its organization for its own purposes, without
thinking of producing a power which might rival
and oppose the State. The State had not yet be-
come aware of any Christian organization, and it
dealt with Christians as eccentrics, who sometimes
became a jjublic nuisance. The Jews were toler-
ated, less because they were not ott'ensive to the
Roman Government than because itwas inexpedient
to persecute them ; and so long as Christians were
regarded as a Jewish sect, they shared the immun-
ity of the Jews and were generally unmolested.
When the difference between Jews and Christians
became manifest — and the Jews often pointed it
out— Christians were persecuted Avhenever the
temper of the magistrates or of the mob made it
expedient to persecute. The State was intolerant
on principle ; it allowed no other corporation either
inside or outside itself. While it freely permitted
a variety of cults, it insisted on every citizen tak-
ing part in the State religion, especially in the
worship of the Emperor. It was here that the
Church came into complete and deadly collision
with the Roman Empire, as the Apocalypse again
and again shows. Nero was not fond of being
styled a god ; it seemed to imply that he was about
to be translated from earth by death, and he pre-
ferred popularity during this life to worship after
it was over. Domitian had no such feeling. He
was not popular, and could not make himself so;
but he could make his subjects worship him ; and
in the provinces, especially in the province of Asia,
where Emperors were not often seen, but where
the benefits of good government were felt, subjects
were very willing to render Divine honours to the
power that blessed them. Domitian began the
formal letters which his procurators had to issue
for him with the words : ' Our Lord and God orders
this to be done' (Suet. Dom. 13). Festivals for the
worship of the Emperor were often held by the
magistrates at places in which there were Chris-
tians, e.g. at Ephesus, Sardis, Smyrna, and Phila-
delphia ; and to refuse to take part in them was
rebellion against the Government and blasphemy
against the Augustus. Some magistrates were
friendly, like the Asiarchs towards St. Paul (Ac
19^'), but the possibilities of persecution for refus-
ing to worship the Emperor or the local deities were
so great that we may suspect that many attacks on
Cliristians took place about which history records
nothing (Swete, Apocalypse, London, 1907, Introd.
cli. vii. ; J, B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, pt. L
vol. i. [1890] p. 104).
CHURCH
CHURCH gover:n^mext
209
Even if this danger had not existed, the mere
fact that the Church was a self-governing body,
within tlie State — iniperium in impeTio — but not of
it, was enough to bring it into collision with the
Government. The attitude of the Church was as
loyal as was possible. The apostles respected the
civil power, even when represented by a Nero, as a
Divinely appointed instrument for the preservation
of order; but they could not allow it to interfere M'ith
their duty to Him who had ordained both the civil
power and the Church. The Church was no leveller
or democrat in the modern sense of those terms.
Rulers are to be respected by subjects, masters by
slaves, husbands by wives, and parents by children.
St. Paul does not teach the fallacy that all men
are equal ; he teaches that in spiritual things all
souls have equal value. As regards the things of
this life, all men are brethren, and in this he went
far beyond Stoicism ; even now, perhaps, we have
not yet grasped the full significance of his teach-
ing. To both the Government and the governed
the Christians were an enigma. They seemed to
regard sufiering as a dreadful thing, for they were
always striving to relieve it ; and yet to disregard
it entirely, for they were always willing to endure
it. In an age in which there were no charitable in-
stitutions, the whole congregation was a free insti-
tution for dispensing practical help ; and yet, Avhen
their cult was in question, they scorned pain and
misery. They fought against involuntary poverty
as an evil, and yet declared that voluntary poverty
was a blessing. And there was another paradox —
Christianity was at once the most comprehensive
and the most exclusive of all religions. All were
invited to enter, because the yoke was so easy ;
and all were warned to count the cost, because the
responsibilities were so great. Converts were told
tliat they must begin by taking up the cross and
that they must abjure the world. In practice, the
severance between the Church and the world was
not insisted upon (1 Co 6'") : it was a difference of
tliought and life rather than of social intercourse.
Many Christians mixed freely with heathens, and
many heathens came sometimes to Christian ser-
vices, without any thought of seeking baptism.
Some heathens thought that the Way was good,
but that there were other ways which were equally
good. Tlie mixture of Church and world began
very early.
Among rival religious systems, none was more
dangerous to the success of Christianity than
Mithra-worship. Except in the form of ' Mj'steries,'
the old Greek religion had not much power ; its
gods and goddesses were openly ridiculed. But
Slithraism was full of life ; it could excite not only
powerful emotions but moral aspirations as well.
It inculcated courage and purity, and it taught the
doctrine of rewards and penalties here and here-
after, ^litlira would come one day from heaven,
and there would be a general resurrection, after,
which the wicked world would be destroj^ed by fire
and the good would receive immortality. Some
Church teachers regarded it as a gross caricature
of Christianity. As a missionary religion, it had
the advantage of being able to make terms with
paganism ; its adherents had no objection to idol-
atrous rites, and therefore never came into collision
with the Government. It probably gained thou-
sands who might otherwise have accepted the
gospel. The elastic simplicity and freedom of
primitive Christianity exposed the Apostolic
Church to perils of another kind. The troubles
of Gnosticism, Manichaeism, and Montanism grew
out of the contact of Christianity with Greek and
Oriental systems of religion and philosophy, whose
ideas found entrance into Christianity and were
sometimes an enrichment and sometimes a cor-
ruption of it. The balance was on the side of gain.
VOL. I. — 14
The gospel continued to supply the plain man with
a si' -pie rule of life, and it began to supply
the pliilosopher with inexhaustible material for
thought. This is a permanent cause of success.
LiTERATtmB. — In addition to the important works cited above,
see W. W. Shirley, The Church in the Apostolic Age, Oxford,
1867 ; P. SchafF, Apostolic Christianity, Edinburgh, 1SS3, vol.
ii ; A. Harnack, Sources of the Apostolic Canons, Eng. tr,,
London, 1895 ; C. v. Weizsacker, The Apostolic Age", Eng. tr.,
do. 1899 ; A. C. McGififert, The Apostolic Age, Edinburgh, 1897 ;
W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire^, London,
1900, St. Paul the Traveller^, do. 1902, Letters to the Seven
Churches, do. 1904, Pictures of the Apostolic Church, do. 1910 ;
C. Bigg:, The Origins of Christianity, do. 1909 ; H. M.
Gwatkin, Early Church Hist., do. 1909; L. Duchesne, Early
Hist, of the Christian Church, Eng. tr., do. 1909-1912.
Alfred Plummer.
CHURCH GOVERNMENT.— Christ left a small
body of disciples under the direction of the apostles,
with a charge to convert the world ; but He gave
nothing which can be called either a constitution
or a code, and He explained the commandments
as gi^dng principles, not rules. About the develop-
ment of a constitution we knoAv little ; but the
Pastoral Epistles and 3 John, which must be
placed early, whoever wrote them, show that the
process began soon and continued rapidly, when
it became clear that Christ's return might be long
delaj-ed. The process and its rapidity probably
differed somewhat in different centres. At first
the camps scattered about the eastern half of the
Mediterranean had each its ovra tentative regula-
tions. When the camps became a network of
fortifications, spreading westward and inward and
communicating with one another, the regulations
became more settled and uniform. Thus the
Christian organization developed until it became
an object of suspicion and dread to the Roman
Government, which at last it vanquished. Then
the Christian organization did for the Empire
what the Roman organization with all its states-
manship and military discipline had failed to do :
it gave it cohesion and unity.
The first line of distinction is between the
apo.stles and the other believers ; and this line is
continued as a distinction between rulers of any
kind and those who are ruled — the Seven, elders,
deacons, etc., on the one side, and the laity on the
other. The great commission was given by the
risen Christ to the whole Church and not to any
select body in it. Yet this primary fact does not
quite justify the phrase, ' the priesthood of the
laity.' What the NT gives us is the priesthood
of the whole Church without distinction between
clergy and laity (1 P 2^-^, Rev 16 S'" 20"), and no
individual can exercise it without the authority
of the Church. All Christians are priests alike ;
but, inasmuch as it is by the Spirit that the
whole Church is consecrated to the priesthood, so
the special ministers need a special consecration
by the Spirit. The NT speaks clearly of special
functions which are confined to a select minority
and are not shared by the rest. It was by the
Spirit that the ' charismatic ' ministries worked.
This is manifestly true of the apostles and the
Christian prophets. It might or might not be
true of those whom St. Paul or his deputy (Ac 14^,
Tit P) chose for their capacity for governing.
These derived their authority from the Spirit (Ac
20"^), but they did not necessarily possess the
gift of prophecy or even of teaching. But officials
chosen to do spiritual work in a spiritual com-
munity needed spiritual gifts of some kind ; and
what these men received in ordination was a
spirit of power and love and discipline (2 Ti V)
(see Westcott, Ephesians, 1906, p. 169 ; Swete,
The Holy Spirit in the NT, 1909, pp. 103, 317, 320).
We are accustomed to think of the first Chris-
tians as having no government, other than that of
' Peter with the Eleven ' (Ac 2^''). Harnack ( Con^^.
210
CHURCH GOVEKXMEXT
CHURCH GOVERNMENT
and Law of the Church, p. 20 f.) has pointed out
that they had a number of authorities, to be loyal
to all of which was sometimes perplexing. They
had inherited from Judaism the ordinances of the
Jewish Church. To administer these there was
the Sanhedrin. There were the known commands
of Christ, which included the authority of the
whole community to forgive and to punish
offenders. There were the occasional promptings
of the Spirit (Ac G^- 1» S-" lO^" IP" =8 igv). There
were also the brethren of the Lord, who had some
kind of autliority. Perplexity might arise as to
reconciling Jewish ordinances with the commands
of Christ, and there might be ditierences between
the Twelve and the Lord's brethren. We know
that there was collision between the Divine com-
mands and the decrees of the Sanhedrin, and that
of course it was the latter that were disobeyed
(419 529. 32)_ Nevertheless, none of these provided
a constitution, and the common view that the
germs of one are to be looked for in the Twelve is
not far from the truth.
The Twelve left the selection of the Seven,
which was a first step towards development, to
the whole body of Christians, most of whom were
Palestinian Jews. These showed their liberality
by electing men, all of whom bear Greek names
and were presumably, but not certainly, Greek-
speaking Jews, who would be more acceptable to
the murmuring Hellenists. One of the Seven was
only a proselyte, and we have here a very early
illustration of the expansive power of the Church.
St. Luke's silence about elders in this connexion is
the more remarkable, because distribution of the
means of life was one of their functions (Ac IP").
The common identification of the Seven with the
deacons is questionable. Probably tiiey were
temporary officials, scattered by the persecution
which was fatal to Stephen, and never re-estab-
lished. See Deacon.
The apostles' plan of leaving the choice of the
Seven to the community was perhaps followed by
St. Paul in his earlier work. In Romans he men-
tions no body of commissioned clergy. We cannot
be sure from this that the Church in Rome was
not yet organized : possibly there was no need to
mention officials. In 1 and 2 Cor. there is no
trace of a sacerdotal class ; and it is possible that
there and elsewhere the Apostle was trying the
experiment of a Christian democracy without any
hierarchy. Corinth had its charismatic ministry,
and this seems to have sufficed for a time. The
charismatic ministry came to an end very quickly
there and elsewhere. There is little trace of it
later than the Didache (A.D. 100-150). While it
lasted, it supplied teachers, not rulers. The in-
fant Gentile churches seem to have governed
themselves under tlie direction of the Apostle who
founded them. The Apostle does not address his
letters to any official at Thessalonica, Corinth, or
Rome. He leaves it to the congregation to punish
and pardon offenders, to manage the collection of
money, and to decide who shall take charge of the
fund. These Gentile churches have gifted persons
who take the lend in public worship, 'apostles,
prophets, and teachers' (1 Co 12-*, Eph 4" ; cf. Ro
12^"*), but they form no part of the permanent
organization of the local church. They do not
govern, nor are they tied to one community ; they
may go from one local church to another. They
are not classes of officials each with special duties ;
they are individual believers with special gifts,
with which they edify congregations. They are
ministers of the word, proclaiming and explaining
the gospel, and their business is to convert and in-
struct rather than to rule. They are ' spiritual '
men (Tryeuynan/coi), endowed by the Spirit (wvevfia)
with powers (xapicr/itaTa) which are not common to
all Christians ; and their authority depends not
upon election or appointment by others, but upon
these personal endowments, exercised with the con-
sent of the congregation.
Yet it is scarcely credible that the infant Gen-
tile churches remained very long without rulers
of any kind. Congregations which consisted
chiefly of Jewish Christians had ' elders ' analogous
to ' elders ' among the Jews ; and in the Gentile
communities something similar would grow up,
with or without the suggestion of the Apostle who
founded the church. The converts who were
senior, whether by standing or age, and persons
of social position or secular experience, would
naturally be looked upon as leaders ; e.g. ' the
elder brethren,' which is the true reading in Ac
15'-^. There are similar leaders at Ephesus. St.
Luke calls them ' the elders of the Church,' but
he does not report that St. Paul in his address to
them does so (Ac 20"'^^). Except in the Pastorals,
St. Paul does not mention ' elders.' In the earliest
of his letters (1 Th 5'-) he exhorts his Gentile
converts ' to esteem exceeding highly them that
labour among you and guide (Trpdi<xTatiivovs) you
in the Lord and admonish you.' F. J. A. Hort
(Christian Ecclesia, 1897, p. 126) points out that
although TTpoiffTaixivovs cannot be the technical
title of an office, standing as it does between
labouring and admonishing, yet the persons meant
seem to be office-bearers in the Church. The
words which follow, 'Admonish the disorderly,
etc.,' appear to be addressed to these guardians.
But here again these guides, like the ' apostles,
prophets, and teachers,' seem to owe their appoint-
ment to personal qualities. The difference is that
they guide and admonish rather than teach. But
no strict line would be drawn between leading and
teaching. The same man would often have a
gift for both, and would be specially influential in
consequence. When official appointments began
to be made, persons with this double qualification
would be chosen, and they became ' presbyters '
or ' elders ' in the technical sense.
There seems to be a transition stage between
the pui-ely charismatic and the official ministry
in Ac 13'-^ about A.D. 47. There is a fast and a
solemn service conducted by prophets and teachers
at Antioch. During the service, the Spirit (through
one of the prophets) says : ' Since you desire to
know (5i7), separate for me Barnabas and Saul,'
who were present. There is another fast and ser-
vice, and then the two are separated by the laying
on of the hands of the other prophets and teachers.
This ordination was for mission work, but ordina-
tion for the work of ruling congregations was pro-
bably similar. In 1 Ti 4^^ Timothy is reminded
of the gift (xapio-yLia) which was given him by pro-
phecy, with the laying on of the hands of the
l^resbytery. ' By prophecy ' probably refers to
utterances of prophets which marked him out for
ordination (P**) as a helper of St. Paul ; and the
presbyters of the local church joined with St. Paul
in orclaining him. Here for the first time ' presby-
tery' is used of a body of Christian elders. In Lk
22*"' and Ac 22^ it is used of the Sanhedrin. ' In
none of these instances of the laying on of hands
is there any trace of a belief in the magical virtue
of the act. It is sim])ly the familiar and expres-
sive sign of benediction inherited by the Apostles
from the Synagogue and adapted to the service of
the Church' (Swete, The Holy Spirit in the NT,
p. 384). The laying on of hands was used in bless-
inc) ; and the person who blesses does not transmit
any good gift which he possesses himself : he in-
vokes what he has no power to bestow, but what
he hopes that God will bestow. W^hen this sym-
bolical action was used by a minister in connexion
with an appointment to the ministry, the idea of
CILICIA
CIECUMCISIU^
211
transmission naturally arose. But the action is a
symbol, not an instrument of consecration. The
gift which Timothy received at his ordination was
just sucli as was required for ruling infant churches :
it was ' a spirit of power, and love, and discipline '
(2 Ti P- '^). Cf. art. Ordixation.
Permanent local officials were required in the
first instance for the regulation of public worship.
St. Paul gives the earliest directions respecting
this, and what he lays down for the Corinthians is
based on principles which can be applied every-
where. He gives no directions as to special minis-
ters, but he recognizes them where they exist (Ph
P). He and Barnabas appointed elders in every
church (Ac 14-^). It is here that the influence of
the synagogue is so marked. 'Elders' are bor-
rowed from it. The ritual which Jewish and
Christian elders regulate is similar — praise, read-
ing of Scripture, exposition, and prayer. The dis-
cipline exercised by both is similar ; they deal
with much the same kind of offences, and the chief
penalty in both cases is excommunication. When
Christians were told not to take their disputes in-
to Roman civil courts (1 Co 6), that involved the
growth of Christian civil law, which the permanent
officials had to administer ; and here the influence
of Roman legislation came in to develop what was
derived from Christ's teaching and that of the OT.
The development of Church organization and
the complete separation of the clergy from the
laity were the work of the post-apostolic age. The
remark that 'no soldier on service entangleth
liimself in the affairs of this life' (2 Ti 2'») contri-
Imted to this separation, for it was interpreted to
mean that the clergy must abjure secular occupa-
tions. Already in apostolic times the clergy had
three distinct rights : honour and obedience (1 Th
5'-); maintenance (1 Co 9^""); and freedom from
frivolous accusations (1 Ti 5'^). Before the end
of the 2nd cent, most of the elements of the later
development were already found in the Church.
Certainty is not attainable, and there is nothing
approaching to it in favour of the theory that
Christ gave a scheme of Church government to
the apostles, and that they delivered it to the
Church. There is little evidence to support either
of these propositions. The far more probable
theory is that Church government was a gradual
growth initiated and guided by the Spirit, to meet
the growing needs of a rapidly increasing com-
munitj\ This theory is supported by a good deal
of evidence, and it is in harmony with what we
know of God's methods in other departments of
human life.
Literature. — See works mentioned under Apostlb and
Bishop ; C. Gore, The Church and the Ministry, London, 1888 ;
R. C. Moberly, Ministerial Priesthood, do. 1S97 ; J. "Words-
worth, Serajjion'sPrai/er-Book, do. 1899, The Ministry of Grace,
do. 1901 ; T. M. Lindsay, The Church and the Ministry in the
Early Centuries, do. 1902 ; A. W. F. Blunt, Studies in Apostol.
Christianity, do. 1909 ; A. Hamack, Constitution and Law of
the Church, Eng. tr., do. 1910 ; Robertson-Plummer, 1 Cor-
inthians, Edinburarh, 1911, pp. xl-xlvi, 278-284 ; C. H.Turner,
Studies in Early Church History, Oxford, 1912, Essays i. and ii.
Alfred Plummer.
CILICIA (KtXt/c/a). — Cilicia was a country in the
S.E. of Asia ]\Iinor, bounded on the west by Pam-
phylia, on the north by Lycaonia and Cappadocia,
and on the east by the Amanus range. It was
drained by four rivers, the Calycadnus, the Cydnus,
the Serus, and the Pyramus, which descend from
Taurus to the Cyprian Sea. It fell into two well-
marked divisions. Cilicia Tracheia (Aspera), a rug-
ged mountainous region with a narrow seaboard,
was the immemorial haunt of brigands and pirates,
whose subjugation was a difficult task for the
Roman Republic and Empire ; Cilicia Pedeia (Cam-
pestris), the wide and fertile plain lying between
the Taurus and Amanus chains and the sea, was
civilized and Hellenized. Its rulers in the Hellen-
istic period were partly the Egyptians, whose royal
house gave its name to different townships, and
partly the Seleucids, after whom the most consider-
able town of West Cilicia was named Seleucia on
the Calycadnus.
In the NT 'Cilicia' invariably means Cilicia
Pedeia. Though this country formed a part of the
peninsula of Asia Minor, its political, social, and
religious affinities were rather with Syria than
with the lands to the north and west. The reason
was geographical. It was comparatively easy to
cross the Amanus range, either by the Syrian Gates
(Beilan Pass) to Antioch and Syria, or by the
Amanan Gates (Baghche Pass) to North Syria and
the Euphrates. Hence it was natural that, at the
redistribution of the provinces by Augustus in 27
B.C., Cilicia Pedeia, which had been Roman terri-
tory since 103 B.C., should be merged in the great
Imperial province of Syria- Cilicia- Phcenice. It
was equally natural that St. Paul, who boasted of
being ' a Jew of Tarsus, a city in Cilicia '(Ac 2P^
22^), should regard ' the regions of Syria and Cilicia'
as forming a unity (Gal P^). The Avriter of Acts
does the same (15-^-*'), and the author of 1 Peter,
who enumerates in his superscription the Roman
provinces of Asia Minor, omits Cilicia, which lay
beyond the barrier of Taurus and belonged to a
different order of things.
The presence of Jews in Cilicia probably dated
from the time of the early Seleucids, who settled
many Jewish families in their Hellenistic cities,
giving them equal rights with Macedonians and
Greeks. St. Paul enjoyed the citizenship of Tarsus
not as an individual, but as a unit in a Jewish
colony which had been incorporated in the State.
Jews of Cilicia are mentioned by Philo in his Leg.
ad Gaium (§ 36). Among the Jews of Jerusalem
who rose against Stephen there was a synagogue of
Cilicians (Ac 6''). After his conversion St. Paul
spent seven years in his Cilician homeland, engaged
in a preparatory missionary work of which there
are no recorded details. Probably he was founding
the churches to which allusion is made in Ac 15"^" *^.
He began his second missionary journey by pass-
ing through Cilicia to confirm these churches, after
which he must have crossed the Cilician Gates to
Lycaonia ( 16^) ; and probably he took the same road
on his third journey (18-^). Syria and Cilicia were
the first centres of Gentile Christianity, from which
the light radiated over Asia Minor into Europe.
Literature.— C. Hitter, Kleinasien, 1859, ii. 56 ff.; J. R. S.
Sterrett, The Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor, 1888 ; W. M.
Ramsay, Uist. Geog. of Asia Minor, 1890, p. 361 S. ; Smith's
Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Geog., i. [185CJ 617 ; see also art. ' Cilicia '
in HDB and Literature there cited.
James Strahan.
CINNAMON {KLvvdfjLwvov ivom ]^n^p). — Cinnamon is
mentioned in Rev 18^^ among the merchandise of
' Babylon,' i.e. of Imperial Rome. The name prob-
ably came with the thing from the remote east ;
Rodiger (Gesenius, Thes. Add., 1829, p. Ill) com-
pares it with the Malay kainamanis. It was known
to the Hebrews (Ex 30-^ Pr 7", Ca 4^*) ; and Hero-
dotus (iii. Ill) speaks of ' those rolls of bark (raOra
TO. Kdp(pea) which we, learning from the Phoenicians,
call cinnamon.' The finest cinnamon of commerce
is now obtained from Ceylon ; it is the fragrant
and aromatic inner rind of the stem and boughs of a
tree which grows to a height of 30 ft. Oil of cinna-
mon, which is used in the composition of incense,
is got from the boiled fruit of the tree. But the
cinnamon of the ancients was probably the cassia
lignca of S. China. James Strahan.
CIRCUMCISION. — The origin of circumcision
and its practice by the Jews and other peoples
may be studied in HDB and ERE. This article
is concerned with the difficulties caused in the
212
CIECUMCISIOJS"
CITIZENSHIP
Apostolic Church by the desire of the Judaizing
party to enforce the rite upon the Gentile Christians,
The crisis thus brought about is described in Ac 15
and Gal 2i-i».
As the work of the Church extended, the problem
of the reception of Gentile converts presented itself
for solution. Should such converts be compelled
to be circumcised and keep the Mosaic Law or not ?
The answer to this question led to great ditt'erence
of opinion and threatened to cause serious division
in the Church. It must be remembered that the
first Christians were Jews, born and brought up in
the Law and taught to observe it. To them such
rites as circumcision were almost second nature.
To abrogate the Law of Moses was to them incon-
ceivable. The idea of the passing awaj' of the Law
had not yet penetrated their understanding. The
headquarters of those who held these opinions were
at Jerusalem, where the Temple services and the
whole atmosphere served to strengthen them in
this belief. The very name of the party — 'They
that were of the circumcision' (Ac IP) — shows how
closely they were attached to the observance of
this rite. On the other hand, we can trace the
gradual growth in the Church of the opposite view :
the baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch (q.v.) by
Philip ; the admission of Cornelius and his friends
by St. Peter ; the mission of certain evangelists to
the Gentiles at An tioch ; and finally the work of St.
Paul and St. Barnabas, who turned to the Gentiles
and freely admitted them into the fellowship of the
Church.
It was obvious that the question must be settled.
The Judaizing party were quite definite in their
teaching. ' Certain men which came down from
Judfea taught the brethren and said, Except ye
be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye can-
not be saved' (Ac 15^). This was a position M-hich
it was impossible for St. Paul and St. Barnabas to
admit. It was destructive of their work and of
the catholicity of the Church. No wonder that
' there was no small dissension and disputation.'
An appeal was made to the mother church at Jeru-
salem ; and, among others, St. Paul and St. Barna-
bas went up. St. Paul's own statement is, ' I went
up by revelation' (Gal 2-). He also tells us that
Titus, an uncircumcised Gentile, accompanied him.
They were well received by the church at Jerusalem,
but certain of the Pharisees, who were believers,
laid it down ' that it was necessary to circumcise
them ' (Ac 15'), and thus the issue was joined.
The question was so important that it could not
be settled at once. There must be an interval for
consideration. How this interval was spent we
are told in Gal 2. The Judaizing party found that
an uncircumcised Gentile — Titus— had been brought
into their midst, and they immediately demanded
his circumcision. With this demand St. Paul was
not inclined to comply. The principle for which
he was contending was at stake. Un the other
hand, circumcision to him was nothing, and there
was the question whether he should yield as a
matter of charity. The course which he took has
always been a matter of undecided controversy, but
the opinion of the majority of authorities is that
Titus was not circumcised.*
After tills episode St. Paul had an opportunity of
discussing his gospel privately with those of repute,
viz. James, Ceplias, and John. They were evi-
dently moved by the account of his work among
the Gentiles, and recognized the hand of God in it,
and they were influenced by the fervour and spirit
of the Apostle. They gave to him and St. Barnabas
'the riglit hand of fellowship.' Tliey recognized
that their sphere was among the Gentiles, as that
* For the contrary view see R. B. Rackhani on Ac 15 (Oxford
Com., 1901) ; and on the vexed chronolojjfical and other ques-
tions of. artt. Acts op tub Apostles and Galatians, Epistle to.
of the other apostles was among the Jews. The
result of tlie conference was a compromise : Gentiles
were not to be circumcised, but they were to abstain
from certain practices which were offensive to their
Jewish brethren.
The teaching of St. Paul on circumcision may be
further illustrated from his Epistles. In Ro 2^^'^
he shows that circumcision was an outward sign of
being one of the chosen people, but that it was of
no value unless accompanied by obedience, of which
it was the symbol. The uncircumcised keeper of
the Law was better than the circumcised breaker
of it. The true Jew is he who is circumcised in
heart, i.e. he who keeps God's Law and walks in
His ways. In ch. 4 he discusses the case of Abraham,
and asks whether the Divine blessing was conferred
upon him because he was the head of the chosen
race and the first person of that race who was cir-
cumcised. He shows that the promise came before
circumcision, and therefore not in consequence of
it. Circumcision followed as the token or sign of
the promise, so that he might be the father of all
believers whether they were circumcised or uncir-
cumcised.
In the Epistle to the Philippians, St. Paul utters
grave warnings against those who insist on circum-
cision. He speaks of the rite, when thus insisted
on, not as circumcision but as ' concision ' (KaraTOfxi),
Ph 3-).* The circumcision which the Judaizers
wished to enforce was to Christians a mere mutila-
tion such as was practised by the idolatrous heathen.
The verb KaraTiixveiv is used in the LXX of incisions
forbidden by the Mosaic Law : e.g. Karereixvovro
Kard, rbv eOiafibv avrQv (1 K 18^^; cf. Lv 2P). In
contrast to this. Christians have the true circum-
cision (Ph 3^), not of the flesh but of the heart,
purified in Christ from all sin and wickedness.
This contrast between circumcision of the flesh and
of the spirit occurs in other passages of the Pauline
Epistles, e.g. Col 2", Eph 2^\ No doubt the
Apostle had certain OT passages in mind which
use circumcision as a metaphor for purity, e.g. Lv
26*\ Dt 10i«, Ezk W.
LiTERATUEE. — Artt. OH ' Circumcision ' in HDB, ERE, DCG,
andJE, with Literature there cited; the relevant Commentaries,
esp. Sanday-Headlam, Homans^ {ICC, 1902) ; also E. v.
Dobschiitz, Christian Life in the Primitive Church, Eng. tr.,
1904 : K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, 1911 ; E. B.
Redlich, St. Paul and his Companions, 1913 ; H. W^einel, St.
Paul, Engf. tr., 1906; C. v. Weizsacicer, Apostolic Age, i.2
[1897], ii. [1895]. MORLEY STEVENSON.
CITIZENSHIP {vokirela,, ciuitas).— The concep-
tion of citizenship among the ancient Greeks and
Komans was deeper than among ourselves. We
can think of human existence and life apart from
citizenship, but to the ancient member of a iroXis
or ciuitas citizenship was life and life was citizen-
ship. This exjilains why St. Paul could use voXi-
reveadu practically in the sense of ' to live' (Ac 23',
Ph 1-^ ; cf. 3-" Tro\iTevfj.a). The life of a city is a
development out of the more primitive life of the
village-community (KiLfj-r), uicua). A ttoXu in fact
consists of a number of KQ,uai, each of which con-
sists of a numlier of families (oTkos, domus). The
unity was generally based on blood-relationship.
The regular TrdXts in the Greek world was on the
model of the constitution of Athens. This consti-
tution had a council (fiovX-//, senatus) or advisory
body, and a popular assembly (5^/xos, iKKK-qaia, Ac
jgsa. 39. 4ij^ fQi- membership of both of which free
citizens were eligible. For citizenship the require-
ment was free birth within the community, the
father being a citizen. It could be conferred on
foreigners by a decree of the people. Each com-
* The paronomasia of KaraToixy and Treptroji^ used by St. Paul
here is one of several instances in which he employs that figure
of speecll : e.g. ixtjSev epyafo/ae'cou? oAAd jrepiepyafo/oieVous (2
Til 311).
CITIZENSHIP
CLAUDIA
213
munity contained also those who ■were not full
citizens, but had certain privileges, viz. resident
aliens (/jl^toikoi ; of. the scriptural wdpoiKOL, irapeirl-
dviJ.01, Eph 219, 1 p 211, etc.)._ There was also a
third class, ^evoi, strangers with no privileges at
all, and a fourth class, the slaves, who were mere
chattels. In such a constitution each citizen had
to be enrolled in a particular tribe ((pv\ri, tribus).
St. Paul refers with pride to his citizenship of
Tarsus in Cilicia, his native city (Ac 2P^). As a
citizen of Tarsus he must have belonged to a par-
ticular tribe, and it has been plausibly conjectured
by W. M. Ramsay that the ' kinsmen ' of St. Paul
referred to in Eo 16 were his fellow-tribesmen of
Tarsus.
One kind of citizenship in the Apostolic Age
swamped every other, and that was citizenship of
Rome. This fact is well illustrated by a much
earlier document — Cicero's speech, pro Balbo (56
B.C.). In it the principle is affirmed that ' no one
could be a citizen of Rome and of other cities at
the same time, while foreigners who were not
Roman citizens could be on the burgess-rolls of
any number of cities' (ed. J. S. Reid, 1878, p. 18).
The spread of the Roman citizenship kept pace
with the growth of the Empire. At first only in-
habitants of Rome could be Roman citizens, but
the citizenship was gradually extended as a result
of Rome's conquests. It could be conferred both
on comnmnities and on individuals. Moreover, it
was of two kinds or grades. In addition to the
full citizenship, a limited citizenship existed till
about 200 B.C. — ciuitas sine suffragio, implying
that the persons who possessed it had all the privi-
leges of a Roman citizen except the power to vote
in the assemblies and to hold office. The constant
conferment of this limited ciuitas added greatly
to the Roman army and territory, and was not in-
tended for the subjects' good. By the end of the
2nd cent. B.C. there were many country towns of
Italy (municipia) which possessed citizen rights,
and, as the result of the Social War and the Lex
lulia (90 B.C.), the Lex Plautia Papiria (89 B.C.),
a senatorial edict of 86 B.C., and a law of Julius
Caesar (49 B.C.), all peoples in Italy south of the
Alps obtained the Roman citizenship. Such com-
munities were created also outside Italy by Julius
Cajsar, Claudius, Vespasian, and others, untilin A.D.
212, under Caracalla, every free inhabitant of the
Roman Empire obtained the full Roman franchise.
The inhabitants of colonice required no grant of
citizenship because they were of necessity Roman
citizens from the first ; a colonia was in origin
simply a bit of Rome set down in a foreign country,
to keep a subject people in check. It had complete
self-government (see art. Colony). The smaller
fora and conriliahula had in Republican times
incomplete self-government. The municipia, re-
ferred to above as incorporated bodily in the
Roman State, had complete self-government, difier-
ing thus from the proefecturce, which were also
communities of Roman citizens but without com-
plete self-government.
The partial citizenship known as Latinitas or
ius Lata deserves mention. It conferred com-
mercium (the right to trade with Rome, and to
acquire property by Roman methods, etc.), but
not conubium (the right of intermarriage with
Romans). It was thus a kind of intermediate
condition between citizenship and peregrinity, and
such rights were not infrequently conferred on
communities as a kind of step towards the full
citizenship. The name is explained by the origin
of the practice. It began in Rome's early days as
the result of her relations with other towns in the
Latin League, and in 172 B.C. was first extended
beyond Latium. Magistrates in such towns be-
came ipso facto full Roman citizens.
The conferment of citizenship on individiials has
a special interest for students of the Apostolic
Age. During the whole of the Republican period
the extension of the body of burgesses was the
right of the coiiiitia tributa. This assembly con-
ferred the citizenship from time to time on indi-
vidual strangers (peregrini) as well as on communi-
ties. Commissioners for carrying out colonization
or divisions of ager publicus could confer it on a
very limited number of persons, and C. Marius re-
ceived such a power. About the time of the civil
wai's, Roman commanders conferred the citizenship
on individual foreigners who had aided the Roman
military operations. This must often have been
done without the authority of any statute, but no
one was ever disfranchised in consequence. Pom-
pey, however, obtained the right, by the Lex
Gellia Cornelia of 72 B.C., to confer the citizenship
on individuals after consulting with his body of
advisers. It was probably either from him or
from Julius C.'Bsar that the father or grandfather
of St. Paul obtained the Roman citizenship. Tar-
sus as a community had not received the Roman
franchise, nor was it a colonia. The possession of
this honour (Ac 16^'' 22^^-) shows that his family
was one of distinction and wealth. Members of
such provincial communities who possessed the
Roman citizenship constituted the aristocracy of
these communities. During the Empire the bur-
gesses could be added to by the Emperor only, and
every citizen had the right to a trial at Rome. Of
this right St. Paul took advantage (Ac 25'").
Literature. — On Greek crnzBNSinp : P. Gardner and F.
B. Jevons, A Manual oj Greek Antiquities, London, 1S95, bk.
vi. ; G. Gilbert, Uandbuch der griechischen Staatsalterthiimer,
i.2 [Leipzig, 1S93], ii. [18S5] (Eng. tr. of vol. i:^ = The Cmstitu-
tional Antiquities of Sparta and Athens, London, 1895); K.
F. Hermann, Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquituten, i.ti
(Freiburg i. B., 1889-1892], ii. [1895].— On Roman citizenship:
J. Muirhead, Historical Introduction to the Private Law of
Rome, Edinburgh, 1886 (new ed. by H. Goudy, 1899) ; J. S.
Reid, ' On Some Questions of Roman Public Law,' in Journal
of Roman Studies, i. [1911] 68-99 ; J. E. Sandys, A Companion
to Latin Stttdies-, Cambridge, 1913, vi. 1 (J. S. Reid), vi. 7, 8
(B. W. Henderson) and Literature cited there ; Th. Mommsen,
Riimisches Staatsrechts , Leipzig, 1887. — On St. Paul's Rohan
CITIZENSHIP : W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the
Roman Citizen, LondoD, 1895, pp. SOf., 225.
A. SOUTER.
CLAUDA.— See Cauda.
CLAUDIA {K\avSla). — Claudia was a Christian
lady of Rome who was on friendly terms Avith the
Apostle Paul at the date of his second imprison-
ment, and who, along with Eubulus, Pudens, and
Linus (qq.v.), sends a gi-eeting to Timothy (2 Ti
4'-'). This is all we know with any certainty re-
garding her. The name suggests that she belonged
to the Imperial household, and various conjectures
have been made as to her identity, though there
is very little in the nature of certain data. Prob-
ably she was a slave, but it is not impossible that
she was a member of tlie gens Claudia. In the
Apostolic Constitutions (vii. 46) she is regarded
as the mother of Linus {Aivos 6 KXavdlas). An in-
scription found on the road between Rome and
Ostia (CIL vi. 15066) to the memory of the infant
child of Claudius Pudens and Claudia Quinctilla
has given rise to the conjecture that this was the
Claudia of St. Paul and that she was the wife of
the Pudens of 2 Ti 4-^ Another ingenious but
most improbable theory identihes Claudia with
Claudia Rutina, the wife of Aulus Pudens, the
friend of Martial (Epigr. iv. 13, xi. 34), and thus
makes her a woman of British race. This Claudia
of Martial has again been identified with an
imaginary Claudia suggested by a fragmentary
inscription found at Chichester in 1722 which seems
to record the erection of a temple by a certain
Pudens with the approval of Claudius Cogidubnus,
who is supposed to be a British king mentioned in
214
CLAUDIUS
CLAUDIUS
Tacitus (Agrkola, xiv.) and the father of the
Claudia wlio had adopted the name [cognomen)
Kutiiia from Pomponia the wife of Aulus Plautius,
the Roman governor of Britain (A.D. 43-52).
E. H. Plumptre in Ellicott's NT Commentary (ii.
186) confidently asserts tlie identity of the Claudia
of St. Paul with the friend of Martial and the
daughter of Cogidubnus. All such identification
is, however, extremely precarious. The theory
that Claudia is the daughter of the British prince
Caractacus who had been brought to Rome with
his wife and children is a product of the inventive
imagination. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers, I. i.
76-79) discusses the whole question of identifica-
tion, and decides that, apart from the want of
evidence, the position of the names of Pudens and
Claudia in the text 2 Ti 4-^ disposes of the possi-
bility of their being husband and wife — a diffi-
culty which Plumptre evades by the supposition
that they were married after the Epistle was
Avritten. The low moral character of Martial's
friend Pudens can hardly be explained away sutK-
ciently to make him a likely companion of St. Paul
(cf. Merivale, St. Paul at Borne, 149).
LiTERATURB.— E. H. Plumptrc, in Ellicott's NT Com., 1884,
vol. ii. p. ISo : ' Excursus on the later vears of St. Paul's life ' ;
J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 1S90, i. L 76-79 ; C. Meri-
vale, St. Paul at Rome, 1877, p. 149; T. Lewin, Life and
Epistles of St. Paidi, 1875, ii. 397 ; artt. in HDB and EBi ;
Conybeare-Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, new ed.,
1877, IL 582, 594. \V. F. BOYD.
CLAUDIUS — Claudius, or, to give him his full
Imperial style, Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus (to which the honorary titles Britan-
nicus and Sarmaticus [see Papyr. Brit. Mus. 1178
= G. Milligan, Selections from the Greek Papyri,
1910, no. 40] are sometimes added), the son of Nero
Claudius Drusus (38-9 B.C.), stepson of Augustus,
and Antonia Minor (the younger daughter of the
triumvir Mark Antony and Octavia, sister of
Augustus), was born on 1 Aug. 10 B.C. at Lugu-
dunum (Lyons). His father died the year after.
The boy inherited both physical and mental weak-
ness, and was in consequence neglected. There
was no room in Roman life for weaklings ; exposure
of newly born children was frequent, and until
Christianity came there was little care for the
physically or mentally defective. Claudius was
left to the society of his social inferiors, and coarse
tastes were developed in him. The one bright
side in his life was his devotion to scientific, espe-
cially historical, studies. Augustus saw some good
in him, but kept him from the public gaze. At
the succession of Tiberius in A.D. 14 he began to
take some slight part in public life, but most of
his time was spent on country estates. Gaius,
gi-andnephew of Tiberius and nephew of Claudius,
succeeded to the purple in A.D. 37, and raised his
uncle to the consulship at once. Soon after, how-
ever, the feelings of the maddest of all the
Emperors changed, and Claudius was once more in
a position of disgrace. Claudius had married
Plautia Urgulanilla (before A.D. 20), who bore him
a son and a daughter, but was afterwards divorced
for adultery. His marriage with ^lia Psetina,
by whom he had a daughter, had the same end.
The notorious Valeria Messalina was liis third
wife, and by her a daughter was born about the
year 40, and a son called Britannicus in 41. It is
said that Claudius, after the murder of his nephew,
was dragged from a remote part of the palace,
where he was cowering in terror, and made Emperor
almost unawares (25 Jan. 41) by the army. He
now changed his name from Tiberius Claudius
Nero Drusus Germanicus to that given above.
His reign of thirteen years was very mucli more
successful than might have been anticipated.
Some of the more important events of his reign
may be enumerated in the order of their occur-
rence.
In A.B. 41 certain reforms were made in the reg:ulation of the
corn supply, etc., which had suffered in Gaius' reign. Many of
these reforms were doubtless due to the Emperor's freednien,
Narcissus, the ah epistttlis, M. Antonius Pallas, the a rationibus,
etc., who exercised a tremendous influence during his reign
and acquired colossal fortunes in his service. In this year suc-
cesses were gained in Mauretania and also against the Catti
and Chauci in Germany ; the eagle of Varus, captured in A.D. 9,
was now recovered. Privileges were granted to the Jews of
Alexandria ; Agrippa {g.v.) had his kingdom extended by the
addition of Judaea and Samaria, and was thus ruler of all the
territory that had once been Herod's (a.d. 42). To facilitate
the supply of corn to Rome, the building of a harbour at Ostia,
the mouth of the Tiber, was decided on. War in Mauretania
continued, and the district was made into two provinces,
Mauretania Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis, which were
each put under the command of an Imperial procurator. Pre-
tenders to the Imperial throne were crushed (a. d. 42). Lycia,
owing to disturbances, was made an Imperial province, under
a legatus pro prcetore. Britain was invaded for the first time
since Julius Caesar (55 B.C.). A. Plautius landed with a strong
army and fought against the Triuouantes in the south of the
island. Claudius followed in person, defeated the enemy on the
Thames, captured their chief city Camulodunum (Colchester),
and returned to the continent after a sixteen days' stay. The
southern half of England was made into a province, and A.
Plautius was appointed the first governor (43). King Agrippa
of Judaea died, and his kingdom was again made a Roman pro-
vince and put under a procurator. In this and next year (44-45)
the pacification of Britain was continued. In a.d. 46 King
Rhoemetalces ii. of Thrace having been murdered, his territory
was made into a Roman province and put under a procurator.
This was also the year of the great famine in Palestine (Ac 11^3 ;
Ramsay, St. Paul, pp. 49, 68, Expositor, 6th ser. xii. [1905]
299). In 47 the censorship was revived after a long period of
disuse, the Emperor taking the office, and endeavouring to im-
prove public morality. The eight-hundredth anniversary of
Rome was celebrated with great 6clat. New aqueducts and
roads were built, and three letters were added to the alphabet.
These last were to represent sounds as yet imperfectlj' repre-
sented, but they did not survive Claudius' reign. A number of
edicts were issued by the Emperor. A. Plautius was recalled
from Britain, given an ovation, and succeeded by P. Ostorius
Scapula, who had to repel an attack immediately on arrival.
Cn. Domitius Corbulo gained victories in Germania Inferior.
A census taken in the year 48 revealed a total of 5,984,072
Roman citizens (other reports vary, the largest number given
being 6,941, OOU). Messalina was married according to legal
form to C. Silius in October ; immediately afterwards they and
all their accomplices were put to death. Claudius married as
his fourth wife his own niece, Agrippina, daughter of Germani-
cus. Her son, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the future Emperor
Nero, had the way thus paved for his accession. On the death
of Herod, king ofChalcis, or soon after, his kingdom was given
to Agrippa ii., son of Claudius' old friend. In the year 49, we
see Agrippina at once occupying a position of authority in the
State equal to if not greater than that of her husband. She
betrothed her son to Octavia, Claudius' daughter, and put him
under the tuition of the great philosopher L. Annaius Seneca.
The IturKan country and perhaps also Abilene were added to
the Province Syria. Scapula was successful in Britain. In
A.D. 50 the young Domitius was adopted by Claudius, as future
colleague to his own son Britannicus. Other events are the war
in Germany ; the great success of Scapula — the wife, daughter,
and brothers of Caratacus falling into the hands of the con-
queror ; Claudius' edict expelling the Jews from Rome (Ac 18^),
on account of their dissensions. The result of this edict was
that for the four years 50-54 the Church of Rome was bereft of
its Jewish members. The year 51 saw the danger of famine
and the Emperor's relief measures. In 52 astrologers were
banished from Italy. Laws were passed as to children born of
unions between free and slaves. Quarrels arose between Jews
and Samaritans. Felix received the government of the whole of
Juda5a, Samaria, Galilee, and Peraea. Scapula warred against
the Silures and died ; he was succeeded by A. Didius Gallus,
who drove the Silures out of Roman territory. In 53 Nero ad-
vanced, and Britannicus kept in the background. Agrippa u.
received, in place of his district Chalcis, the former tetrarchy
of Trachonitis, Batanaea, Gaulanitis, and Abilene as his kingdom.
In 54 Claudius was poisoned at the instance of Agrippina on
13 October.
Claudius was deified after his death. A skit preserved among
the works of Seneca, and called 'The Pumpkinification of
Claudius,' is among the most amusing relics of Latin literature.
This bald enumeration will show that much was
done during the reign of Claudius. It is true that
at all times he was too much under the dominion
of evil women, and that he never thoroughly cast
off the brutish habits contracted in his youth, but
yet his reign was the most important for the
Roman Empire in tlie period between the reigns
of Augustus and of Trajan. The Empire was ex-
tended in various directions ; much social legisla-
tion was carried out ; and great public works, such
CLAUDIUS LYSIAS
CLE^IENT
215
as roads, aqueducts, harbours, were accomplished.
The Emperor, like most of his class, was a hard
worker, 'or countenanced the hard work of his
freedmen. The position of importance occupied by
these men is in fact a leading characteristic of
the reign, and was most obnoxious to the old
aristocracy, which may be said to have thus re-
ceived its death-blow. The power of the Senate
was greatly circumscribed. Claudius was, inter
alia, something of an author. It was in fact the
rule rather than the exception that Romans of high
birth should, among their other accomplishments,
be wielders of the pen. He began to write a
history, but abandoned it unfinished. A second
historical work was published, and some fragments
of it have survived. He also wrote eight books of
autobiography, and worked at Etrurian and Cartha-
ginian history. The greater part of a speech he
delivered in the Senate has been preserved on a
bronze tablet at Lyons. His style is not without
merits.
Literature. — Much valuable material has been found in the
article by Groagr and Gaheis in Pauly-Wissowa, iii. cols. 2778-
2839 : cf. also A. v. Domaszewski, Gesch. der rom. Kaiser,
ii. [Leipzig-, 1909] pp. 21-46. On the chronology of events in the
Claudian period referred to in the KT see W. M. Ramsay,
St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, London, 1895,
pp. 48ff.,68f., Was Christ bom at Bethlehem}, do. IS9S, -p. 22Sf.,
Expositor, 6th series, xii. [1905] 299 ; the latest general treat-
ment of Pauline chronology by the erudite French scholar,
M. Gogaiel, in ' Essai sur la chronologie paulinienne' {RHR
Ixv. [1912] 235-339). A. SOUTER.
CLAUDIUS LYSIAS.— See Lysias.
CLAY.— See Potter and Predestination.
CLEAN, UNCLEAN, COMMON.- ' Common ' (koi-
v6%, communis) is an honourable word in classical
Greek = ' shared by the people.' In Hellenistic
Greek, it has sometimes this same meaning (Ac 2'"
4^-, Tit 1^, Jude ^), but sometimes a less honourable
one (=;Lat. vulgaris). This depreciation arose out
of the transcendence of rel igion to the Eastern mind.
What was ' shared by the people ' had become pro-
faned for the god (cf. the English word ' worldly,'
meaning first secular, then unspiritual). We see the
process with kolvos in He 10^ — ' counted the blood
of the covenant a common [i.e. secular] thing.' In
Rev 21^ we go a step further, and ' any thing common'
means the worldly, the tinspiritual (cf. Jos. Ant.
XII. ii. 14, XIII. i. 1). Elsewhere 'common' cor-
responds to positive, active uncleanness (Ac 10'^- ^
IP, Ro 14l^ 1 Mac l-i^-s^, Jos. Ant. XI. A-iii. 7;
the verb is found in Ac 2r-8, He g^^).
The distinction, ' clean ' (m^apds) and * unclean '
{a.K6.0apro%), refers in the OT and primitive religions
to definite departments of life, such as food, sanita-
tion, contact with the dead, and marriage ( Lv 1 1-15).
In the OT it is mainly a common-sense distinction,
made, however, from religious motives, and be-
coming part of the ritual of the Hebrews. It was
thus a practical differentiation between them and
surrounding peoples. It arose out of a good idea,
but when separated from this idea grew into a
proud national badge. Such national and religious
customs, so long held, seem stronger than they are.
One push of a new movement will often destroy,
almost in a moment, the habits of centuries. We
find this process to-day in the East. In the NT
it may be seen in the case of Simon Peter ; he
combined Christian beliefs and Jewish distinctions
without at first being willing to perceive their
variance. His vision (Ac 10) woke him, and,
though he relapsed for an instant (Gal 2^), the
work was done ; and when that generation passed
away, the religious nature of these distinctions
had gone from Christianity ; cleanliness, instead
of being godliness, was next to godliness. These
details of conduct were left to the reason and the
conscience. The transition stage, where some
cling to the old laws and others obey the new
spirit, with its problems of faith and charity, is
treated in Ro 14.
There is another ground for this ceremonial dis-
tinction of ' clean' and ' unclean,' i.e. contact with
idolatry, which in the OT makes unclean (Dt 7^).
St. Paul allows (1 Co 8) that an idol is nothing
and cannot affect meats oti'ered to it. But idolatry
is something — its atmosphere, its offerings, its
gatherings into temples. It becomes the embodi-
ment of demons (1 Co 10-°); there is a 'table' of
demons, an agreement with hell, and no man can
with impunity associate with even the outward
forms which this agreement takes, or fi-equent
the places where it is most generally made. The
Apostle treats marriage {q.v.) in a similar way.
He would place restrictions on the marriage of
believers with unbelievers. It is as if a Christian
were participating in idolatry (1 Co lO^^"^", 2 Co 6
""^''"), or tiying to mingle the communion of God
with the communion of devils. If, however, they
are already married, the principle of faith triumphs
over all forms. The believing partner sanctifies
the unbelieving one, and their children are holy
(1 Co 7''*). St. Paul recognizes the value of forms
for the human spirit, but he subordinates them to
the conscience. Many of the old tabus on food,
marriage, travel, the Sabbath, were rooted in fact.
They were based on laws of health, decency, human
nature ; but they were not deeper than that.
They were not religious principles to be obeyed
without thought and absolutely guaranteeing
purity.
]\len are always tending to revert to forms, and
there was yet another movement in later NT
times, which felt after this old distinction. It
adopted that of matter and spirit, in which spirit
is clean, matter unclean. It had ordinances like
' Touch not, taste not, handle not' (Col 2-'), it tried
to refine in all manner of ways, it forbade men to
eat meat and to marry (1 Ti 4^). St. Paul answers
in Tit V^ : All the external refinements in the world
will not avail to give purity ; purity of heart, the
will to be pure, alone secures it in body and spirit.
LrrERATURE.— fl^Z)B, art. 'Unclean'; W. R. Smith, RS^,
1894, Additional Note B ; F. J. A. Hort, Judaistie Christianity,
1894, chs. 6, 7; J. B. Lightfoot, Colossians and Philemon^,
1879, pp. 83 fE., 408-414 ; R. C. Trench, ^^T Synonyrm^, 1876,
p. 308. Sherwin Smith.
CLEANTHES.— See Quotations.
CLEMENT.— Mention is made of Clement in
Ph 4^ as one of St. Paul's fellow- workers. If ixera
Kai KXrifj-evTos is connected with ffvWafjL^dvov, Cle-
ment was urged to help in the work of reconciling
Euodia and Syntyche. But it is better to connect
the phrase with avvrjdXrjaav, so including Clement
among those ^^^th whom these women and St.
Paul ' laboured in the gospel ' ; i.e. he had been
conspicuous in Christian work in PhUippi. But
the reference does not suggest that he was in
Philippi when St. Paul \\Tote ; it is too oblique for
that. Would he not have been asked to use his
good offices to effect a reconciliation ? Two things
are possible : (a) he may be dead, though his
memory is fragrant (the reference to other ' fellow-
workers whose names are in the book of life' is
not inconsistent with this suggestion) ; {b) he may
be with St. Paul, one of the band who gathered
about him in his imprisonment and through whom
the Apostle carried on his work. In that case
Clement was in Rome, and one of the arguments
against identifying him with Clement, bishop of
Rome, who wrote the Letter to the Church of
Corinth, would disappear. The difficrdty of date
is, however, serious, though not insuperable. If
216 CLEMENT OE ROME, EPISTLE OE CLEMENT OF EOME, EPISTLE OF
Clement were a promising convert from Philippi,
Avho after serving there with marked success be-
came a pupil and companion of St. Paul, he could
not verj well have been less than 35 or 40 years of
age when Phil, was written from Rome about A.D.
60. If this Clement is to be identified with Clemens
Romanus, he must have lived to extreme old age.
The identification, first made by Origen, cannot be
proved ; it is even precarious ; but Kennedy goes
too far when he calls it ' absurd ' {EGT, * Philip-
pians,' ad loc).
The name is a common one.
LiTERATURB. — J. B. Ligrhtfoot, Philippians^, 1878 (esp. note
on p. 16Sff.); H. A. A. Kennedy, EGT, ' Philippians,' 1903;
art. on ' Clement' in HDB ; E. B. Redlich, St. Paul and his
Companions, 1913, p. 223. J. E. ROBERTS.
CLEMENT OF EOME, EPISTLE OF.— 1. Occa-
sion. — The Epistle of Clement itself supplies com-
plete information as to the circumstances under
which it was written. Dissension had arisen with-
in the Christian community at Corinth, and the
Church was torn asunder. The original ground of
contention is not mentioned, but the course of the
strife is clearly indicated. A small but powerful
party of malcontents (i, 1, xlvii. 6) had used their in-
fluence to secure the deposition of certain presbyters,
men duly appointed according to apostolic regula-
tions, who were, moreover, of blameless reputation
and unfailing zeal in the performance of their duties
(xliv. 3). A fierce controversy was raging, and the
Corinthian Church, hitherto renowned for its vir-
tues, especially such as are the outcome of brotherly
love (i. 2-ii.), had become a stumbling-block in-
stead of an example to the world (xlvii. 7). Once
before, the Church of Corinth had shown the same
spirit of faction (1 Co l^"*'^). History was now
repeating itself, but the latter case was much worse
than the former. Then, the contending parties had
at least claimed to be following the lead of apostolic
men, but now the main body of the Church was
following ' one or two ' contumacious persons in re-
bellion against their lawful rulers (xlvii.).
The news of this state of things was brought to
Rome. How it came it is impossible to saj-. Ill
news travels apace, and Rome is within easy reach
of Corinth. It seems clear that no direct appeal
was made to Rome by either contesting party. Yet
in the ordinary course of things the Roman Church
would soon hear of the Corinthian trouble, for com-
munication seems to have been fairly frequent be-
tween the principal Christian communities in the
early days (note the stress laid on the duty of hos-
pitality, i. X. xi. xii. XXXV.). At any rate the Chris-
tians at Rome heard of the Corinthian dissension
A\ hile it was still at its height (xlvi. 9). When the
tidings first came, they themselves were suffering
under the stress of external persecution (i. I, vii. 1),
but as soon as the storm had abated, a letter was
written in the name of the Church at Rome to the
Church at Corinth, expressing the sorrow which
the Corinthian feud had caused to the Christians
at Rome, and admonishing the Corinthians to re-
member the primary duty of (j)i\a5€\(pia and bring
their strife to an end. That Epistle has survived
to the present day. It is known as ' the First
Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians.'
2. Date and authorship. — ( 1 ) Date. — The terminvs
a quo for the dating of the Ejjistle is fixed by its
reference to the martyrdom of St. Peter and St.
Paul (v. 4, 6), and its use of the Epistle to the
Helirews (xxxvi. xliii. ). Even if we accept the
earliest possible dates for the death of the apostles
and for the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Epistle of
Clement cannot have been written before A.D. 70.
The terminus ad quern is also fixed by the fact
that Clement's Epistle was indubitably used by
Polycarp in his Epistle to the Philippians (Light-
foot, Clem. Rom. [Apostol. Fathers, pt. i., 1890] vol.
i. p. 14911".). If Lightfoot be correct — as seems
most probable — in dating Polycarp's letter c. A.D.
110 (.S'^. Ign. and St. Polt/c.^ [Ajiostol. Fathers, pt.
ii., 1SS9], vol. i. p. 428 fl'.), the date of Clement's
Epistle must fall between the years a.d. 70 and
A.D. 110.
Fortunately it is possible to reduce these limits
very considerably. The Epistle contains distinct
allusions to two serious persecutions already sufl'ered
bj'^ the Church at Rome. During the former of
these, we are told, ' women sutlered cruel and un-
holy insults as Danaids and DirciB,' and ' a vast
multitude of the elect ' endured ' many indignities
and tortures ' before ' they reached the goal in the
race of faith and received a noble reward ' { vi. 1, 2).
When the Epistle was written this persecution was
a matter of past history, but its victims are still
spoken of as ' those champions who lived very near
to our own time ' and ' the noble examples which
belong to our generation' (roi>s ^yyL<TTa yevofievovs
ddXrp-ds , . .Ti]syei'eds7]/j,QvTay£vva2avTrodeiyfj.ara,'v.l).
The second persecution was still in progress when
the news of the Corinthian schism was brought to
Rome. The Epistle opens with an apology for the
delay in writing which has been caused by ' the
sudden and repeated calamities and reverses which
have befallen us ' (ras al(ppi8iovs /cat ^TraXXijXous 7ej'o-
fiivas rj/juv <Tv/jL<popas Kal TreptTrrwcrets, i. 1). The
writer's words suggest that the method of attack
adopted in the later persecution was different from
that of the earlier one. That the two are not to
be identified is made plain in vii. I, where a clear
distinction is drawn between the martyrs of an
earlier date and ' us ' who ' are in the same lists,'
whom ' the same contest awaits.'
Now it is a well-established fact that during the
1st cent. A.D. the Roman Church suffered two, and
only two, serious persecutions. The first was that
of Nero (c. A.D. 64), in the course of which, accord-
ing to an ancient tradition, St. Paul lost his life.
The second was that of Domitian. Nero's persecu-
tion was a savage onslaught on all Christians indis-
criminately ; that of Domitian took the form of
sharp intermittent attacks aimed at individuals.
In fact, the difference between the two was precisely
the difference between the two persecutions men-
tioned in the Epistle of Clement. It seems, there-
fore, a safe conclusion that the references of the
Epistle are to the persecutions of Nero and Domi-
tian, and that the Epistle was written either just
before or just after the termination of the latter of
the two, i.e. c. A.D. 95-96. This date suits admir-
ably the other indications of time contained in the
Epistle, all of which point towards the close of the
1st cent. A.D. An earlier date is precluded by
the following facts : (a) the Church of Corinth is
already called apxaia (xlvii. 6) ; (b) presbyters are
mentioned who have succeeded successors of the
apostles (xliv. 3) ; (c) the language used of the
Roman envoys ' who have walked among us from
youth unto old age unblameably ' (Ixiii. 3) seems
to imply that a generation has almost passed since
the Church of Rome was founded. On the other
hand, the Epistle cannot have been written later
than the end of the century, because (a) St. Peter
and St. Paul are included amongst the ' examples
of our own generation ' (v. 1) ; (6) iirldKOTros and -rrpea-
jSorepos are still regarded as interchangeable terms
(xliv. 4, 5), whereas very early in the 2nd cent,
they were used to denote distinct offices (Ign. Fpp.,
passim). Finally, external evidence of an early and
reliable kind (a) connects the Epistle with the epis-
copate of Clement, third bishop of Rome, and (6)
places liis episcopate in the last decade of the 1st
cent. A.D. (Hegesippus, ap. Eus. HE iv. 22 ; Dion.
Cor. ap. Eus. HE iv. 23 ; Iren. adv. Hair. III. iii.
3). In view of this accumulation of evidence, it is
CLEMENT OF EOME, EPISTLE OF CLE^IEKT OF KOME, EPISTLE OF 217
impossible to doubt that the Epistle of Clement
was written abuut A.D. 95-96.
(2) Authort^hip. — The Epistle itself claims to be
the letter not of an individual but of a community.
The author's name is nowhere mentioned. Nor in-
deed do we find in the stateinents of Hegesippus,
Dionj-sius of Corinth, and Irenceus, the three ear-
liest writers who connect the Epistle with the name
of Clement, any definite assertion that Clement was
the author. Eusebius, to whom we owe our know-
ledge of Hegesippus, does indeed declare that that
writer ' makes some remarks concerning the Epistle
of Clement to the Corinthians' (HE iv. 22), but
the title here given to the letter is due to the his-
torian and not to Hegesippus, whose own words
have unfortunately not been preserved. Dionysius
of Corinth, c. A.D. 170 [ap. Eus. HE iv. 23), speaks
of rrjv irporepav ijpuv dia KXrjfievros ypa<pelaav [sc. ewta-
To\rji>), but his statement is ambiguous. 5ia K\-/j-
fievTos might mean that Clement was the author,
the amanuensis, or even the bearer of the Epistle.
Similarly the language of Irenseus (c. A.D. 180) is
indefinite as to the actual authorship of the letter :
^TTl TOVTOV OVV TOV K\'r]fl€VTOS . . . eTTeffTeLXeV 7] eV ' PulfJ-Tj
eKKXrjaia iKavwraTTju ypacpiiv toU Kopivdiois (adv. Hcer.
III. iii. 3). Yet it must be admitted that there is
nothing in the language of any of these three
writers to exclude the possibility of believing that
tliey regarded Clement as the author of the Epistle.
Tlie absence of more explicit statement on tiie sub-
ject is probably due to the fact that they looked
upon the letter as the utterance of the whole Roman
Church rather than of one man. The Epistle is
first definitely ascribed to Clement of Rome in the
writings of his namesake of Alexandria (c. A.D.
200), who, though his usage is not quite uniform,
on at least four occasions speaks of Clement as
the author (Strom, i. 7, iv. 17-19, v. 12, vi. 8).
All later writers are unanimous in accepting this
opinion (Lightfoot, Clem. Eom. vol. i. p. 160 ti".).
It is unreasonable to doubt that they are justified
in doing so. That Clement was head of the Roman
community at the time of the Corinthian schism is
as well attested as anj' fact of early Church historj',
and as such he would be the natural mouthpiece
of the Church of Rome in its communications with
a sister community. At any rate, this function is
attributed to him by the writer of 'Hernias'
(wifxxpei ovv KX^;x7;s eh rds l^w 7r6Xets, (Keivip yap ewiTeT-
pcLTrrai, Vis. II. iv. 3), and ' Hernias' may have been
written as early as A. D. 110-125 (V. H. Stanton,
The Gospels as Historical Documeyits, pt. i. pp. 34-
41). Again, however worthless as historical docu-
ments the Clementine Eecognitions and Homilies
may be, they at least bear witness to the fact that,
by the middle of the 2nd cent. A. D., Clement was
regarded as an autlior. It is difficult to understand
what could have given rise to that opinion except
the belief that he was tlie author of the Epistle
to the Corinthians. Certainly at that date no
other writings of importance were attributed to
him. But the real value of the Epistle depends
not so much on its authorship as on its date,
which is sufficiently indicated by purely internal
evidence.
3. Contents. — Introductory. — (a) Opening salutation frona
' the Church of God which sojourneth in Rome to the Church
of God which sojourneth in Corinth.' (6) Apolog-y for apparent
lack of interest in the Coriiithian trouble. The Romans' previ-
ous silence due to the ' sudden and repeated calamities' which
have befallen them.
(1) The Corinthian trmible — its earise and the remedy. — Kow
at last we have an opportunity of speaking our mind about 'the
detestable and unholy sedition which a few headstrong and self-
willed persons have kindled' till the once honoured name of
the Church of Corinth is now greatly reviled (i. 1). For indeed
the Church of Corinth has hitherto" been a model of Christian
virtues, especially of sobriety in all things, of self-sacrifice and
moderation (i. 2-ii.). But, like Israel of old, you have been
spoiled by your good progress. Excellence has given way to
jealousy and envy (iii.). Envy and ill-will always result in
suffering. So much we may learn from the stories of Cain, of
Jacob, of Moses, Aaron and Miriam, of Dathan and Abiram,
and of David (iv.). Or think of those who suffered martvrdom
' nearest our own time ' — of Peter and Paul and the multitude
of others (v. vi.). These examples ought to warn us who have
to face the same expression of the world's envy to be free from
envy ourselves. If we have not kept ourselves free from it, then
let us use the 'grace of repentance' which Christ's death won
for man (vii.), even as the men of old repented at the preaching
of Noah and of Jonah (vii. 5 ff.).
The Holy Spirit Himself, through the prophets, calls men to
repentance (viii.). Let us be obedient to His call, following the
example of Enoch and Noah (ix.). Obedience to God brought
blessings upon Abraham (x.) ; faith and care for others saved
Lot from the fate of Sodom (xi.), and Rahab from the fate of
Jericho (xii.). 'Arrogance and conceit and foUv and anger'
must be laid aside. The promises of the Scriptures and of the
Lord Jesus are for the humble-minded (xiii. xiv.), who are
genuinely so (xv.). What an example of humilitv was set by-
Christ Himself (xvi.) and by the saints of old— Elijah, Elisha,
Ezekiel, Abraham, Job, Moses (xvii.), and David (xviii.) ! Self,
seeking and discord are contrary to the will of the Creator (xix.) ;
the harmony of the natural world proves His own long-suffering
and love of settled order (xx.). Let us therefore act as befits the
servants of such a Master, for He reads the secrets of all hearts.
Let us reverence rulers, honour elders, and train our families to
do the same (xxi.) ; for Christ, through the Holy Spirit, and the
Father both commend the single-hearted and condemn such as
are double-minded (xxiL xxiii.). The Lord wLU come quickly
(xxiii.).
(2) The resurrection of the body. Faith and works the meant
by which the elect obtain this and the other blessimjs of God. —
Let us have no doubt about the resurrection of the dead. Life
out of death is the very law of Nature. Day grows out of
night, the plant from the death of the seed (xxiv.), the phcenix
from its parent's ashes (xxv.). In the Scriptures God has pro-
mised a resurrection. His promise and His power are alike
sufficient, for He is almighty and cannot lie. Therefore let our
souls be bound to Him with this hope (xxvi.-xxviii.).
We must approach Him in holiness of soul, for we are His
'elect,' His 'special portion '(xxix.); as such we must put away
all lust, strife, contention, and pride. 'Boldness and arrogance
and daring are for them that are accursed of God ; but forbear-
ance and humility and gentleness are with them that are
blessed of God ' (xxx.). This, then, is how the blessing of God
is obtained. We see it in the case of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob
(xxxi.). They were blessed 'not through themselves, in their
own works or righteous doing,' but because they accepted the will
of God, i.e. through faith. So we are justified by faith (xxxii.).
Yet we must never be slack in works. Does not the Creator
rejoice to work unceasingly? We must follow His example, for
we are made in His image (xxxiii.). We must imitate the
diligence of the angels, if we would win the promises of God
(xxxiv.). How blessed and marvellous are the gifts which God
prepares for them that patiently await Him ! If we would enjoy
them, we must first have done with all bitterness and strife,
vainglory and inhospitality, which are hateful to Him (xxxv.).
Jesus Christ, ' the Guardian and Helper of our weakness,' will
aid us in our efforts, and He is mightier than any angel (xxxvi.).
(3) Discipline is indispenf-able in a corporate society : provi-
sion made for this in the Mosaic Law and in the Divinely ap-
pointed ministry of the Church. — We are Christ's soldiers
((TTpaTev<Tu>iieda, xxxvii. 1) : soldiers must be under discipline,
each in his own rank. Lonk at the soldiers in the Roman army ;
think of the limbs in a human body ; ' all the members conspire
and unite in subjection, that the whole body may be saved'
(xxxvii.). So the members of the Christian body must perform
each his own function for the common weal (xxxviii.). Only
' senseless and stupid and foolish and ignorant men ' seek power
and exaltation, forgetting the utter nothingness of man, and
the condemnation of the Scriptures for such as themselves
(xxxbc.).
Regard for order and decency is Divinely taught in the
Mosaic Law, which expressly prescribes how, when, and by
whom each of its rites shall be performed, every man having
his own appointed place, whether high priest, priest, Levite, or
layman (xl.). So we, who are under the Christian Law, must
be content to perform the ftmction which is appointed for us
(xli.).
The Christian ministry is a Divinely appointed order. Jesus
Christ was sent forth from God, and Himself sent forth the
apostles. They, in turn, when they had preached in town and
country, appointed such of their converts as were approved by
the Spirit, to be ' bishops and deacons unto them that should
believe' (xlii.). In this they followed the example of Moses,
who appointed a succession of priests, and to prevent all future
dispute, confirmed the appointment of Aaron's line by the
miracle of the budding rod (xliii.). The apostles, too, were
Divinely warned that strife would arise over the bishop's office.
They therefore provided for a regular succession of the ministry
from generation to generation (xli v. 1, 2).
(4) The Corinthians have disobeyed not only a specific ordin-
ance of God, but also the fundamental Christian law of love.
May they speedily repent. — You have sinned grievously in
thrusting from their office men who were duly appointed
according to the apostles' directions, and have faithfully dis-
charged the duties of a bishop (xliv. 3-6). It is monstrous that
God's orticers should be persecuted by those who profess to be
God's servants. Read your Bible, and you will learn that when
righteous men have suffered persecution — e.g. Daniel and the
three Holy Children — they have suffered at the hands of the
218 CLEMENT OF EOME, EPISTLE OF CLEJklENT OF EOME, EPISTLE OF
ungodly (xlv.). Surely you ought to be found on the side of the
righteous rather than of the persecutors. We worship one God.
We are one body in Christ, we have one spirit of grace. How
can you bear such strife if you remember that we are members
one of another? Remember what Jesus our Lord said concern-
incr those who cause offence as you have done (xlvi.). St. Paul
rebuked you for the same fault, but things are worse now.
Then at least you professed to follow apostles or apostolic men,
but now ' the steadfast and ancient Church of the Corinthians,
for the sake of one or two persons, maketh sedition against its
presbyters' (xlvii.). Let us have done with such feuds, and in
penitence pray God to restore our former harmony (xlviii.).
Love is all-powerful : love, His own attribute, is acceptable to
God : seek love, and you shall be saved (xlix. 1). Love is tlie
only ground on which we can hope for God's forgiveness. Let
us therefore — and especially those who have caused strife — con-
fess our offences and not harden our hearts as Pharaoh did, lest
like Pharaoh we perish (li.).
God asks nothing of man but contrition, prayer, and praise
(lii.). Kemember how Moses fasted and prayed forty davs on
the mountain, offering his life for the life of his people (liii.).
Let those of you who are the occasion of strife, copy his self-
effacement (liv.), and follow the examples of those noble
heathens — rulers and citizens, even women — who over and over
again in the course of history have been willing to give up all
for the good of their nation (Iv.).
Let us intercede for one another. Let us be ready to give
and to receive admonition. In God's hands, chastisement is an
instrument of mercy (Ivi.). You especially, who first stirred
up the strife, be first to repent—' submit j'ourselves unto the
presbyters, and receive chastisement unto repentance.' The
Scriptures contain many threats against the stubborn and im-
penitent (Ivii.). Let us by obedience escape them, for they
who obey God's will shall be saved (Iviii.). 'But if certain
persons should be disobedient unto the words spoken by Him
through us . . . they will entangle themselves in no slight
transgression and danger ; but we shall be guiltless of this sin '
(lix.).
(5) Prayer for all mankind : final admonition and benedic-
tion.— We pray that God will keep His elect intact. We pray
for inward light, for all who need, for the Gentiles' conversion,
for pardon and cleansing, for peace and concord, for deliver-
ance from those who hate us wrongfully, for the grace of
obedience to temporal authority, for earthly rulers, that they
may govern in accordance with God's will in peace and gentle-
ness. _ We offer our praises to the Almighty Father ' through
the High Priest and Guardian of our soiJs, Jesus Christ' (lix.-
Ixi.).
We have said enough about the Christian life ; about faith,
repentance, love, temperance, sobriety, patience, righteousness,
truth, longsuffering. We have spoken gladlv, knowing that we
spoke to men who have studied the oracles of God (Ixii.).
Follow the example of the Fathers ; submit yourselves to author-
ity. You will give us great joy if you cease from strife. With
the letter we have sent faithful and prudent men who shall be
witnesses between us (Ixiii.).
May God endue with all virtues those who call on His name
through Jesus Christ our High Priest and Guardian (Ixiv.).
We commend Claudius Ephebus, and Valerius Bito, who, with
Fortunatus also, are the bearers of this letter. Send them
back speedily with good news.
The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you and all men.
4. Teaching.— The object of the Epistle was
strictly practical. It is therefore unreasonable to
expect to find in it precise detinitions of Christian
doctrine. Yet, in enforcing his practical lesson,
the writer alludes to the main articles of the faith
as he had learned it, and these incidental allusions
are historically the more valuable, because they
represent not the belief of one man but the tra-
dition of a community.
The tradition, which lies behind the Epistle, is
above all things catholic, in its recognition of the
many-sidedness of Christian truth. It embraces
almost every type of apostolic teaching which is
expressed in the Epistles of the NT— the type of
St. James no less than of St. Paul, of St. Peter
as well as of the Epistle to the Hebrews. The one
element Avhich is lacking is the mysticism of St.
John, probably because the Johannine writings
were not yet in existence (Lightfoot, Clem. Bom.
vol. i. p. 95 ti".).
At the same time it must be admitted that the
Epistle betrays a certain failure to grasp the full
meaning of the more profound doctrines of the
NT. Tliis is especially evident in its treatment of
the Pauline idea of justification by faith. To St.
Paul faith is the mainspring of the Christian life,
the source of all Christian virtues. To the writer
of the EpLstle, faith is nothing more than one
amongst many virtues. He is conscious of no in-
congruity in placing ' faith ' and ' hospitality ' side
by side as equal conditions of salvation (xii. 1 ; cf.
Lightfoot, Clem. Rotti. vol. i. p. 397).
(1) Doctrine of God. — The terms in which the
Epistle speaks of God are unmistakably borrowed
from the language of the OT and the Jewish
synagogue. God is ' the Almighty,' ' the all-seeing
Master ' (Iv. 6), ' the Creator and Master of the
universe' (xxxiii. 2), 'the Father of the ages, the
All-holy One' (xxxv. 3) ; 'the Father and Maker
of the whole world' (xix. 2; cf. Ix. and Ixii.);
' the King of the ages ' (Ixi. 2) ; ' He that em-
braceth the whole universe' (xxviii. 4). His un-
ceasing activity in the natural world display's
both His beneficence and His love of harmony (xx.
xxxii.). Amongst men He is made known as * the
Creator and Overseer . . . the Benefactor of all
spirits and the God of all flesh ' (lix. 3). To the
elect He is revealed as a ' gentle and compassion-
ate Father' (xxix. 1), ' the champion and protector
of them that in a pure conscience serve His excel-
lent Name' (xlv. 7).
So much might have been said by a conscientious
Jew ; but in two passages at least, the language
of the Epistle passes beyond the mere monotheism
of Judaism : ' Have we not one God and one
Christ and one Spirit of grace that was shed upon
us ? ' (xlvi. 6) ; * as God liveth and the Lord Jesus
Christ liveth, and the Holy Spirit, who are the
faith and the hope of the elect . . .' (Iviii. 2).
The simple and natural way in which the Son and
the Holy Spirit are here linked with the Fatlier as
equal objects of Christian faith and hope is quite
inexplicable unless the writer was convinced of
their essential Divinity and essential equality
with the Father.
(2) Christology. — A clear allusion to the pre-
existence of Christ is contained in the statement
that He speaks through the Holy Spirit in the OT
Scriptures (xxii. 1). A similar reference is prob-
ably to be found in the words ' Jesus Christ was
sent forth from God ' (xlii. 1). He is never actually
called God,* but His Divinity is implied when He
is described as ' the sceptre of the majesty of God '
(xvi. 2), who showed us ' as in a mirror ' the very
' face ' of God (xxxvi. 2).
But most frequently the Epistle speaks of Christ
in His relation to mankind. He came to earth ' to
instruct, to sanctify, to honour us ' (lix. 3), to be
our pattern of lowliness (xvi.). Yet He was no
mere example to men. He shed His blood for our
salvation (vii. 4, xii. 7, xxi. 6), and ' gave His
flesh for our flesh and His life for our lives ' (xlix. 6).
By His death He 'won for the Avhole world the
grace of repentance' (vii. 3). God raised Him
from the dead, and we sliall one day share His
resurrection (xxiv. 1). Meanwhile He is 'the
High Priest of our offerings, the Guardian and
Helper of our weakness ' (xxxvi. 1 ; cf. Ixi. 3, Ixiv.),
' Tlirough Him Ave taste the immortal knowledge '
(xxxvi. 2), ' the full knowledge of the glory of
God's Name ' (lix. 2). Through Him we have our
access to the Father (xx. 11, Ixi. 3, Ixiv.).
(3) The Holy Spirit. — In times past the Holy
Spirit inspired the message of the prophets (viii. 1,
xlv. 1). In the present He is a living power poured
out upon the Church (xlvi. 6). His indwelling-
was the source of the manifold virtues which had
formerly distinguished the Church of Corinth (ii.
3). The writer of the Epistle claims that his own
words were written ' through the Holy Spirit' [toIs
vcji rj/xQv yeypafi/xivois Sia rod dyiov Trvev/xaros, Ixiii. 2).
(4) Justijication by faith and works. — Salvation
* The one possible exception is the passage ii. 1 which ends
Kox TO. naOrjixaTO. ainov ^v irpo 6^0aKiiiiv vfioiv. The question
turns on a doubtful reading. As the antece(ient of auToO Cod. A
reads toC 6eov. If this be correct, the statement made above
is not quite true. But the weight of MS authority (O and all
three versions) is in favour of the reading toO XpicrTov.
CLEMENT OF EOME, EPISTLE OF CLEMEXT OF EOME, EPISTLE OF 219
was won for man by the blood of Clu'ist (vii. 4,
xii. 7, etc.). On man's part the necessary condi-
tion of salvation is ' faith ' (xxxii. 4). Faith must
find expression in good works (xxxiii. ), for ' we are
i'ustified by works and not by words' (xxx. 3).
}y ' faith and hospitality ' Rahab was saved (xii.
1), Abraham was blessed * because he wrought
righteousness and truth through faith ' (xxxi. 2).
'So we, having been called through His (sc. the
Father's) will in Christ Jesus, are not justified
through ourselves or through our own wisdom
or understanding or piety or works . . . but
through faith, whereby tlie Almighty Grod justi-
fied all men that have been from the beginning'
(xxxii. 4). Yet we must ' hasten with instancy
and zeal to accomplish every good work' (xxxiii.
1), even as the Creator maintains without ceasing
His beneficent activity. In this way the writer
of the Epistle co-ordinates the divergent language
of St. Paul and St. James on the question of faith
and works. Yet he certainly fails to rise to the full
meaning of faith as it was understood by St. Paul.
(5) The resurrection of the dead. — The trutli of
the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead is
dwelt upon at considerable length (xxiv.-xxvi.).
In proof of it, analogies are quoted from the
natural world. The sequence of night and day,
the growth of the plant from the death of the seed,
and the story of the phoenix are all pressed into
service. But the final argument is the promise of
God in the Scripture, and the precedent of the
Resurrection of Christ who is ' the first-fruits ' of
the harvest of the dead. The passage dealing
with the Resurrection interrupts the argument of
the Epistle, and it is not quite evident why the
subject is introduced at all. It does not seem to
have had any connexion with the Corinthian dis-
agreement. Possibly it may have been suggested
to the writer by a recent perusal of 1 Co 15 (see
xlvii. 1).
(6) The Christian ministry. — The Epistle gives a
full account of the origin of the Christian ministry.
• The apostles received the gospel for us from the
Lord Jesus Christ. ... So then Christ is from
God and the apostles are from Christ. Both
therefore came of the will of God in the appointed
order. Having therefore received a charge . . .
they went forth with the glad tidings that the
kingdom of God should come. So preaching every-
where in country and town, they appointed their
first-fruits, when they had proved them by the
Spirit, to be bishops and deacons unto them that
should believe' (xlii.). 'And our apostles knew
through our Lord Jesus Christ that there would
be strife over the name of the bishop's office. For
this cause, therefore, having received complete
foreknowledge, they appointed the aforesaid per-
sons, and afterwards they provided a continuance,*
that if these should fall asleep, other approved
men should succeed to their ministration ' (xliv. ).
Clearly the writer has no doubt concerning the
Divine origin of the ministry or the necessity of
preserving the apostolic succession. To thrust from
their office men thus Divinely appointed is 'no
light sin ' (xliv. 4).
But the most striking feature in his statements
concerning the ministry is that he uses eiriaKoiros
and wpea^vrepos as interchangeable terms, denoting
ditierent aspects of the same office. Twice he speaks
of ' bishops and deacons ' as a summary description
of the Christian ministry, where it is inconceivable
that the 'presbyters' should not be mentioned if
* The reading is doubtful. Cod. A has iirivott-r^v ; O, eiriSo/xiyv ;
Lat lex ; Syr. / i OQ-O ^\.L i.e. em SoKi/iy ; the Coptic
paraphrases. None of these provides tolerable sense, and most
editors adopt the conjectural emendation €iriju.oioj;> first sug-
gested by Peter Turner in the 17th century.
they were recognized as a separate order (xlii. 4, 5) ;
and once at least he applies both of the terms i-rrla-
KOTTos and irpecr^vTepoi to men of the same rank (xliv.
1, 4, 5). In this he follows the usage of the Apostolic
Age (Ac 20", 1 P 51- 2, i Ti S^-\ Tit p-^), according to
which the words indicate ditierent functions of the
same person (cf. Lightfoot, Phil.*, 1878, p. 97 ff. ;
for a defence of the view that separate orders are
meant cf. J. H. Bernard, Pastoral Epistles \Camb.
Gr. Test., 1899], p. Ixiifl.).
5. Permanent value.— The history of the first
beginnings of the Christian Church can easily be
reconstructed from the data supplied by the NT
writings. The stage of growth which it had reached
towards the end of the 2nd cent, is amply illus-
trated by the writings of Irenreus, TertuUian, and
Clement of Alexandria. But for the intermediate
period, the sub-apostolic age, the available sources
of first-hand evidence are very slight. The primary
value of the Epistle of Clement arises from the fact
that it is one of them and the earliest. It helps us
to characterize the sub-apostolic age, and hints at
the reason why its literarj'^ remains are not more
extensive. It suggests a period not of keen or
original thought, but rather of scrupulous fidelity
in preserving intact Christian doctrine and Chris-
tian practice as they had been handed down by the
apostles, a time of combining and co-ordinating
different types of apostolic teaching rather than of
assimilating their deepest meaning. The evidence
supplied by such an Epistle is quite sufficient to
dispose of the idea that the Church of the 2nd cent,
was the product of a compromise between a Jewish
and a Pauline party, who in the 1st cent, were
wholly antagonistic.
Secondly, the Epistle throws important light
upon the position occupied in the early Church by
the See of Rome. The whole tone of the letter
makes it quite clear that as yet no Roman sup-
remacy de iure was recognized, even by the Church
of Rome. But already it is possible to see the be-
ginning of the process by which Rome ultimately
gained a not unmerited supremacy de facto. Apos-
tolic institutions were being disregarded at Corinth
and the peace of the Church was threatened. No
appeal was made by the contending parties either
to Rome or elsewhere. Yet, as a matter of principle,
it was the business of any Christian community to
step in and try to heal the breach, and as a matter
of fact it was the Church of Rome which actually
did so. Such an act was characteristic of the early
Roman Church, and it was a succession of such
acts, combined with its central position, its own
undoubted orthodoxy, and the prestige of the Im-
perial city, which in the early Church gave the
Roman See its position as 'primus inter pares.'
If the Epistle of Clement already displays some-
thing of the Imperial mind of the later Roman
Church, it also foreshadows the bent of later
western theology. For the writer's regard for theo-
logy is not for its own sake, but for its bearing on
life and conduct. The questions which interest liim
most are practical and moral. Perhaps it is not
merely fanciful to suggest that the writings of
Clement and Ignatius mark the point of divergence
of the two great streams of Christian thought, the
eastern primarily philosophical and speculative,
and the western mainly ethical and practical.
Thirdly, the Epistle is a valuable witness on
certain biblical questions. It contains the earliest
known reference to the Book of Judith (Iv.). Its
frequent quotations from the OT, which in the
main are taken from the LXX, present some in-
teresting problems to the student of the Greek
versions of the OT.
' (a) Clement's text of the LXX inclines in places to that which
appears in the NT, and yet presents sufficient evidence of
independence ; (6) as between the texts of the LXX represented
220 CLEMEKT OF EOME, EPISTLE OF CLEMENT OF EOME, EPISTLE OF
by B and A, while often supporting A, it is less constantly
opposed to B than is the NT ; and (c) it displays an occasional
tendency to agree with Theodotion and even with Aquila against
the LXX ' (Swete, Introd. to the OT in Greeh'^, 1902, p. 410).
To the student of the growth of the NT Canon,
Clement's Epistle has both a positive and a negative
value. Negatively, it shows that as yet the NT
writings were not definitely counted amongst the
Scriptures. Sayings of our Lord are indeed quoted
as of equal weight with the writings of the OT,
and in a form which resembles passages in the
Synoptic Gospels (xiii. 2, xlvi. 8), but their authority
is that of the speaker, not of the written word.
(On the form of Clement's quotations see Sanday,
Inspiration^, 1896, p. 299 tf. ; Stanton, op. cit. pt. i.
p. 5fr.)
Positively, the Epistle provides clear evidence
that by the end of the 1st cent, many of the apos-
tolic writings were known and studied in the Church
of Rome. For it contains an express reference to
St. Paul's Eirst Epistle to the Corinthians (xlvii.
1 ff.), indubitable traces of the influence of Romans
(xxxiii.-xxxvi. xlvii. 1.) and Hebrews (xxxvi. xliii. ;
cf. xvii. 1 ), and possible reminiscences of the phrase-
ology of Acts (ii. 1), the Pastoral Epistles (ii. 7, Ixi,
2), 1 Peter and James (xxx. 2, xlix. 5).
An apocryphal work is quoted in xxiii. 3 with
the formula ij ypa^i] axirr}. The same quotation
occurs in an amplified form in the so-called Second
Epistle of Clement (xi.). Possibly, as Lightfoot
suggests (Clem. Bom. vol. ii. p. 80), it may have
been taken from the lost pseudepigraphic book of
Eldad and Medad, which was certainly known to
the primitive Roman Church (see Hernias, Vis. ii. 3).
Whatever the source may have been, it is the only
book quoted by Clement which is outside the Canon
of the Greek Bible.
Fourthly, the Epistle of Clement contains his-
torical allusions which are of great interest. Not
only does it provide contemporary evidence for the
persecutions of Nero and Domitian, both of which
occurred during the writer's lifetime, but it also
adds fresh detail to our knowledge of the life-story
of St. Paul. For the statement that the Apostle
'taught righteousness to the whole world' and
'reached the furthest bounds of the west' (iwl rd
T4p/j.a Tijs 5vaeo}s iXOibv, v. 7), occurring in an Epistle
written from Rome, seems most naturally to mean
that before his death St. Paul fulfilled his intention,
expressed in Ro 15^^, of making a missionary
journey to Spain. An allusion is made to the
same journey by an anonymous Avriter two genera-
tions later (Muratorian Fragm. ap. Westcott, Hist,
of NT Cdnon^, 1881, p. 521 fl'.).
Finally, the long prayer with which the Epistle
concludes (lix.-lxiv.) is full of interest to the iitur-
giologist. Lightfoot lias pointed out the strong
Jewish colouring which it has in common with the
rest of the Epistle, and especially its marked
affinity with the 'eighteen benedictions' of the
synagogue service {Clem. Rom. vol. i. p. 393 ff.).
turtliermore, as the same writer observes, 'it is
impossible not to be struck with the resemblances
in this passage to portions of the earliest known
liturgies. Not only is there a general coincidence
in the objects of the several petitions, but it has
also individual phrases, and in one instance [lix. 4]
a whole cluster of petitions, in common with one
or other of tiiese' {op. cit. p. 384 f.). Yet it would
be straining the evidence too far to conclude that
Clement is quoting an actual form of prayer already
in use in the Roman Church. The utmost that
can be said is that the passage in question is ' an
excellent example of the style of solemn prayer in
which the ecclesiastical leaders of that time were
accustomed to express themselves at meetings for
worship' (Duchesne, Christian Worship, Eng. tr.
from 3rd Fr. ed., 1903, p. 50).
6. MSS and yersions.— Two early Greek MSS and
three ancient versions of the Epistle are known.
(1) MSS.— (a) Cod. A.—T\\Q oldest Greek MS
which contains the Epistle is the famous 5th cent,
uncial, generally known as Codex Alexandrinus.
Cod. A originally included the whole of the Old
and New Testaments. The Epistle of Clement
stands at the end of the NT, immediately after
the close of the Ajjocalj'pse and before the spurious
'Second Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians.'
One whole leaf of Clement's Epistle is missing
[i.e. from Ivii. 7 to the end of Ixiii.), and the
edges of the remaining leaves are considerably
mutilated. Many editions of the Epistles of
Clement based on the text of Cod. A have
appeared since the ' editio princeps ' of Patrick
Young, published in 1633. It is still the chief
authority for the text.
(6) Cod. C. — The second Greek MS, which, amongst
other patristic writings, contains the Epistles of
Clement, was made known to the world in 1875,
when Brj'ennios, then Metropolitan of Serrse,
published the first complete text of 1 and 2 Clement.
This MS, which bears the date A.D. 1056, was found
at Constantinople, in the library of the Patriarch
of Jerusalem. Its chief value is that it enables us
to fill in the gaps in Cod. A, but on the whole its
text is distinctly inferior to that of the earlier MS.
{2) Versions. — {a)Sijriac. — Almost simultaneously
with the discovery of Bryennios, the first ancient
version of Clement's Epistle came to light. A
MS of the Harklean (Syriac) Version of the NT,
then acquired by Cambridge University, was found
to include Clement's Epistles, placed after tiie
Catholic and before the Pauline Epistles. The
date of the MS is A.D. 1170. As an authority for
the text of Clement it is superior to Cod. C, but
inferior to Cod. A. An edition of this Syriac text
of 1 and 2 Clem, was published in 1899.
(b) Latin. — Much more remarkable, in view of
the lack of any real acquaintance with Clement's
Epistle on the part of tiie early Latin Church, was
the discovery by G. Morin in 1894 of an ancient
Latin version. The MS which contains it was
written in the 11th cent., but the available evidence
clearly shows that the translation is at least as old
as the 4th cent., and perhaps as old as the 2nd.
The Greek text which it represents is independent
of that of all the other authorities, and probably
ranks second only to that of Cod. A. The Latin
text was published by Morin in 1894. (For an
estimate of its value see R. Knopf, TU xx. 1
[I'JUl] ; also CQB xxxix. [1894] 190-195, and JThSt
ii. [1900] 154).
(c) Coptic. — More recently still a Coptic version
of Clement has been discovered in a papyrus book
ascribed to the end of the 4th century. The text
was published by Carl Schmidt in 1908 {TU xxxii.
1). The most interesting feature of this version is
its omission of the name of Clement from the title,
which runs ' Epistle of the Romans to the Cor-
inthi.-ins.' Owing to the loss of five leaves from
the middle of the book, the text is defective from
xxxiv. 6 to xlii. 2. The underlying Greek text,
though good, is inferior to th.at of Cod. A or of
the Latin version (C. H. Turner, Studies in Early
Church Hist. p. 257).
LiTKRATURE.— Editions of the Epistle of Clement : O. v. Geb-
hardt and A. Harnack (1875); F. X. Funk (1878-81) ; J. B.
Lightfoot (Apantol. Fathers, pt. i., 1890) ; R. Knopf (1901).
Artt. on Clement of Rome : ' Clemens Ronianus,' by G. Salmon,
in DCB i. [1877]; 'Clement i.,' bv John Chapman, in CR
iv. [1908]; 'Clemens von Rom,' by G. Uhlhorn, in PRE^ iv.
[1898] and 'Clement of Rome,' in SchafT-Herzog, iii. [1909].
General works : A. Harnack, GeschiihW der altchristl. Litt. i.
[1893], Chronologie, ii. [1891] ; C. H. Turner, Studies in Early
Church History, 1912; V. H. Stanton, T/ie Gospels as His-
torical Documents, pt. i. [1903], Versions : Svriac, ed. Bensley
(1899) ; Latin, ed. Morin (1894) ; Coptic, ed. Schmidt (1908).
F. S. Marsh.
CLOKE
CLOTHES
221
CLOKE * {<pai\6v7]s, etc.). — The most important
passage in which this word figures is 2 Ti 4"*,
where tlie cloke, left behind at Troas with Carpus,
is mentioned together with the books, especially
the parchments. This grouping has led to the
cloke being identified with a bag or case for books
(since the time of Chrysostom). In HDB it is
stated that the cloke 'may have been a light
mantle like a cashmere dust-cloak, in which the
books and parchments were wrapped.' In DCG it
is taken as * a heavy woollen garment, generally
red or dark yellow in colour, worn as a protection
against cold and rain, at first especially by
travellers and by artisans and slaves. . . .' It
appears to have been of one piece, circular or ellip-
soid in shape, with a hole in the middle for the in-
sertion of the head, and with no sleeves. Accord-
ing to Seyffert's Dictionary of Classical Antiquities,
s.v. 'Pa3nula,' it was buttoned or stitched up in
front, in the direction of its length — a description
which would lead to some modification of the idea
of there being a simple opening for the head. An
interesting addition to the last-named account is
the mention of the cuculltis or hood, to serve as a
head-covering. Most accounts agree in describing
it as a travelling-cloke, for rich and poor, and for
both sexes. It belongs to the category of vesti-
mcnta clausa. It was worn in Rome (see Suut.
Nero, 48), and was also in common use througliout
the East, being well known to Greeks, Jews, and
Syrians. The Jewish and Syriac forms of the
word have caused it to be confused with the
pallium {lfj.6.TLov) or mantle.
The Latin pcenula ( = (paivdXyjs, i^ej/iXiys) is in-
teresting in view of the transposition of v and X, as
found in (f)ai\6v7]s, (peXSvrjs of the NT, which are said
to be erroneous forms. There seems to be great
diversity of opinion among lexicographers on the
point. For the relation of the cloke to the chasuble
and other matters connected with ecclesiastical vest-
ments, see DCG, s.v. ' Cloke.' In this connexion R,
Sinker, Essays and Studies, Cambridge, I'JUO, pp. 87-
97, and W. Lowrie, Christian Art and Archceology,
New York, 1901, p. 396 if., should also be consulted.
The phrase ' before winter' (2 Ti 4'-^) is a for-
tuitous sequence, and is not to be brought into
relation to v.^*. As to this and further specula-
tions regarding tlie history of St. Paul's cloke, see
F. W. Farrar, Life and Work of St. Paid, London,
1897, p. 682, where a noteworthy parallel is cited.
Cf. also A. Plummer, The Pastoral Epistles {Ex-
positor's Bible), 1888, p. 411 fl".
The word 'cloke' appears in an extended mean-
ing : (1) if Trpocpdcrei irXeoue^ias, ' a cloke of covetous-
ness' (1 Th 2^); and (2) iiriKd\vfj,fia t^s Kadas, 'a
cloke of wickedness (or malice)' (1 P 2'^). These
passages call for no remark.
W. Cruickshank.
CLOTHES, t — Many words of general meaning
relating to clothing are used in the Acts, Epistles,
and especially in the Apocalypse. In a number
of instances these are metaphorical, particularly
in the case of verbs, e.g. ' putting on,' ' putting
off,' ' encircled,' etc. (2 Co 5^- *, Eph 4^ 6'i, Col
39. 10)^ -pije clothing of the angels and visionary
figures is indeterminate, except as to aspect and
colour, e.g. white, shining, pure, purple, scarlet,
sprinkled (or dipped). Even Avith regard to luxury
in dress, kingly or otherwise, there is little or no
mention of particular garments (cf. Ac 12'-\ 1 Ti
2", 1 P 3^). In a passage quoted from the OT (He
V^- ^-) another indefinite term {irepi^dXaiov ; cf. 1
Co 1P5) is employed. Little is said to indicate
the condition of poverty (except Ja 2^) ; ' naked,'
* This spelling, instead of the modern 'cloak,' is retained by
the RV.
t This art. includes such terms as * dress,' ' garment,' ' robe,'
' vesture ' (the last not in RV).
* nakedness,' occur mostly in connexion with per-
secutions, which were also marked by the wearing
of sheepskins and goatskins (He IP'') — this, how-
ever, in pre-Christian times. The restricted
meaning of 'naked' is probably found in Ac 19'^
(cf. 7^^). The minimum in respect of clothes is
hinted at in the o^KewdafjiaTa of 1 Ti 6® (Avhere some
have found ' shelter ' implied as well), and enjoined
in the {if) KaraaroXri kou/jlLcj) of 1 Ti 2^, where a con-
trast is made between modest apparel and the
other extreme, which is also vividly pictured in
one of the parties entering the synagogue, and
having favour shown by the rulers (Ja 2^- ^). The
moth-eaten garments (5-) of the rich also teU an
evident story.
1. Under-garments. — The x'''"'^*'. or under-gar-
ment, is expressly mentioned in few places. vVe
find that Dorcas made coats {xt-ruiuas) and gar-
ments {i/xdria), the two chief categories of dress (Ac
9^). In Jude ^^ the garment {xitwv) spotted by the
flesh may be understood literally, the x"''^'' being
brought into immediate contact with the body.
But it would not warrant the conclusion that
there was no other under-garment known or worn
at this time. The x'^'^'' niay also be inferred from
Ac 12^, where the girdle is evidently implied (see
Girdle). Sackcloth is mentioned only in the
imagery of Rev. (6'- IP). See Coat.
2. Outer covering (or coverings).— tMartop {Ifj-dria,
pi.), while no doubt generically employed, is also
tlie specific word for the outer garment, equivalent
to Heb. !^'7!?t' and Latin pallium (see Mt 5*",
'cloke'). (ttoXt), 'robe,' appears only in Rev.
(sing, and pi.), and the compound Karaa-ToX-/) in 1
Ti 2*. irob-qpT} (accus. of Trodriprjs), in Rev 1'^, a
garment reaching to the feet, appears to combine
the notions of dignity and priestly sanctity. The
outer garment (mostly in pi.) figures in the Acts in
connexion with certain activities, viz. the stoning
of Stephen (7^^) ; preparation for going forth (12'*) ;
rending, as a token of grief (M''*) ; rending, as an
act of violence (16--) ; shaking out, to indicate
being done Avith (18^); throwing off, as a sign of
rage (22-^). For outer coverings see further Cloke,
Mantle.
3. Head-dress. — No distinctive head-covering for
men is mentioned, but in view of the treatment of
the head by shearing and shaving some protec-
tion must have been worn (Ac 18'^ 21-'*), and may
be deduced from 1 Co 11*. The difficult paragraph
^yy_4-i6j nee(j 1,^ regarded here only in so far as it
evidences a practice of veiling of women (not in-
deed of the face), indoors and out-of-doors, as a
sign of autiiority (RV), which authority is either
another's, and this is the usual interpretation, or
her own (see W. M. Ramsay, Luke the Physician,
London, 1908, p. 175). St. Paul makes use of the
face-veil (cf. Ex 34^^'^) for spiritual purposes in 2
Co 3^^''^. The crown {aricpauos), frequently men-
tioned in St. Paul's Epistles and in Rev., is either
part of gala-attire (cf. ariixfiaTa, Ac 14'^), or dis-
tinctive of saints and allegorical figures seen in
vision. Such word-pictures may, however, have
had a basis of fact in the fillets, chaplets, and
other head-gear of the Greeks and Romans. For
the influence of Asia Minor on the dress of Rev.
{e.g. V^-) see A. Deissmann, Bibelstudien, Marburg,
1895, p. 285 fl'. (Eng. tr., Bible Studies, Edinburgh,
1901, pp. 368-370).
4. Footwear.— See art. Shoe, Sandal.
5. Handkerchief, Apron. — See separate articles
under these titles.
6. Articles of military wear are treated under
Armour.
7. Clothes relating to marriage and biu'ial. —
Rev 2P contains the only mention of the ' bride
adorned,' and details are equally lacking as to
burial customs. Ac 5®, referring to Ananias {awi-
222
CLOUD
ClsIDUS
a-Tei.\av adrov, ' they wrapped him round '), does nob
convey much.
8. Ornaments. — The single reference to 'bag-
gage' (Ac 21'^) is significant of the absence of
superfluous articles of wear in the equipment of
St. Paul and his companions in travel. But many
of those who remained at home were not so in-
different to luxury. To the indications already
given may be added the mention of a mirror (1 Co
13'-, 2 Co 3'^ Ja 1-^), in actual practice doubtless
as much for ornament as for use. Plaiting the
hair (1 Ti 2**, 1 P 3^) is open to censure, and
anointing likewise seems to have been carried to
excess in these times (ointment, Rev 18'^). The
Xpv(rodaKTij\Los of Ja 2^ paves the way for the wider
domain of female ornamentation, as given in the
gold, pearls, costly raiment of 1 Ti 2^ and the
jewels of gold and putting on of apparel of 1 P 3^.
This culminates in the royal apparel of Ac 12-^
(of. Jos. Ant. XIX. viii. 2), and the great pomp of
Agrippa and Bernice (Ac 25^). The city-life of
the age certainly atibrded scope for the practice of
the luxurious and extravagant in dress, as can be
gathered from the indictment of Rev 18 (cf. ll^- ^),
in which is to be found a storehouse of materials
falling under this head. The purple (cf. Ac 16")
and scarlet, the fine linen and silk (or rather, mix-
ture containing silk), are the last word in luxury
of materials, and to them must be added em-
broidery (Rev 19^® [?]) and inworking of gold and
silver, precious stones and pearls. The \lvov or
XlOov of Rev IS**, and the fine linen, bright and
pure (19^), white and pure (19"), etc., have tran-
scendent value.
9. Washing of clothes.— (oi5/c) i/Md\wav (Rev 3*),
SirXwav (7" ; cf. 22"), iXeiJKavav (7"), although used
allegorically, are indicative of processes connected
with the fulling and washing of clothes. The
kindred process of dyeing underlies the imagery
of 19'^ (if ^e^afifxivov be read). See also 'purple
and scarlet ' above, § 8.
Literature.— Art. ' Dress ' in HDB (G. M. Mackie), SDB
(A. R. S. Kennedy), EBi (I. Abrahams and S. A. Cook),
DCG (E. W. G. Masterman); art. 'Costume, 'J£(W. Nowack);
see further I. Benzinger, Heb. Arckaologie^, Tiibinfren, 1907,
pp. 73-87, and especially S. Krauss, Talmud. Archdologie, vol.
i. [Leipzig, 1910] pp. 127-207 (preceded by a very important
list of dictionary articles and books); G. M. Mackie, Bible
Manners and Customs, 1898. \V. CrUICKSHANK.
CLOUD {ve(pi\7j,vi<j)os). — Ruskin says that we never
make the clouds a subject of thought, otherwise
we should witness ' scene after scene, picture after
picture, glory after glory ' (Frondes Agrestes, 1875,
p. 36 f,). The Apostolic Church was not blind to
the beauty of the 'brave, o'erhanging firmament,'
which Avas far from seeming to her a mere ' con-
gregation of vapours.' But in her the aesthetic
sense was subordinated to the religious. Her
thoughts were to a large extent shaped by those of
the great Hebrew writers, who conceived of God as
making the cloud His cliariot (Ps 104»), spreading
it for a covering (105=*^ 19^), descending in it (Ex 34^),
speaking out of it (Nu ll^s, Dt 5-), leading His
geople in it (Ex 13-^ Ps 78"). She brooded over
laniel's vision of the Son of Man coming with the
clouds of heaven. She heard that when the three
disciples were on the Holy Mount a bright cloud
overshadowed them, that they feared as they
entered into the cloud, and that a voice spake out
of the cloud (Mt 17», Mk 9^ Lk ^- »), Thus for
the early Church the cloud sometimes served a
higher purpose than that of watering the thirsty
earth— it was regarded as the vesture of Deity, of
angels, or of saints.
1. Wlien Christ had spoken His last words to
His disciples, ' he was taken up, and a cloud re-
ceived him out of their sight' (Ac 1"). His body
did not suddenly vanish, as in other post-Resurrec-
tion manifestations ; nor was His Ascension ac-
complished in a blaze of glory. He was in human
form when He parted from His Church and entered
within the veil. The Church stiU thinks of Him,
and prays to Him, as He was when the cloud en-
veloped Him.
2. St. Paul regards the cloud which indicated
God's presence among tlie Israelites as having a
sacramental virtue to them (1 Co 10^-^). When
they were under it, and when they passed through
the sea, they were initiated into the service of
Moses, as the Christian is initiated by baptism
into the service of Christ. ' They were neither
wet with tiie cloud nor with the sea, much less
were they immersed in either . . . nor is the term
baptism found in the writings of Moses. But Paul
uses this term with great propriety, because (1) the
cloud and the sea are in their own nature water,
(2) the cloud and the sea took the fathers out of
sight and restored them again to view, as the water
does to those who are baptized. . . .The sacra-
ments of the OT were more than two, if we take
into account these extraordinary ones' (Bengel's
Gnomon, in loco).
3. At one time St. Paul expected that he and
other believers, still alive at the Parousia, would
be caught up in clouds to meet the Lord in the air
(1 Th 4-''). The absence of the art. indicates that
these are no common clouds, but ' eigne Vehikel '
(Schraiedel, Hand-Kom. inloc). Whether St. Paul
thinks of Christ descending to meet the saints on
their way to heaven, or simply of their ascending
to join Him in the air — i.e. in heaven — is not made
quite clear ; but probably the former idea is what
is meant. The essential fact is contained in the
words which follow : ' So shall we ever be with the
Lord.' At a later time St. Paul welcomed the
thought of joining Christ in another way — ' janua
mortis, janiia vitaj' (1 Co 15^1, 2 Co 5\ P'h l-i--^).
4. In the Apocalypse a gigantic angel comes
down out of heaven, arrayed with a cloud (Rev 10').
Christ Himself conies with clouds (F), as in the
Danielle vision. He is enthroned upon a white
cloud (14"- "-16). _
In He 12^ the innumerable witnesses for Christ
in past ages are compared to a cloud (vi(j)os) en-
circling believers Avho are now running their race.
The example (perhaps not Avithout the superadded
thought of the real presence) of the multitude who
have finished the course and won the prize is an
inspiration to the present-day runner.
In Jude ^" hypocrites, uttering swelling words of
vanity, are likened to mists and clouds which
promise abundant showers for the thirsty earth
but never give them. James Strahan.
CNIDUS (Kj/tSos). — Cnidus was a city of Caria,
at the S.W. angle of Asia Minor, between the
islands of Cos and Rhodes. It lay at the end of
a long peninsula — Triopium — which juts into the
.^gean Sea and forms the southern shore of the
Sinus Ceraraicus. Strabo (XIV. ii. 15) accurately
describes it : ' Cnidus has two harbours, one of
which is a close harbour, tit for receiving triremes,
and a naval station for twenty ships. In front of the
city is an island, seven stadia in circuit ; it rises
high, in the form of a theatre, and is joined by a
mole to the mainland, making Cnidus in a manner
two cities, for a great part of the inhabitants live
on the island, which shelters both the harbours.'
In the lapse of time the mole has become a sandy
isthmus. The situation of the city in the highway
of the seas gave it much commercial importance.
It was a free city of the Roman Emj)ire. Jews were
settled there in the Maccaba>an period (1 Mac 15''").
St. Paul's ship of Alexandria sailed from Myra
' slowly ' and ' with difficulty,' probably on account
of adverse winds rather than of calms, taking
COALS
COLLECTIOX
223
' many days' to come ' over against Cnidus.' The
distance between the two ports was 130 miles,
which with a fair wind could have been run in one
day. After passing the point which divides the
southern from the western coast, the ship was in a
worse position than before, having no longer the
advantage of a weather shore, and being exposed
to the full force of the N.W. winds — called Etesian
— which prevail in the .'Egean towards the end of
summer. Instead of taking a straight course to
the north of Crete — the wind not permitting this
(fxi] TTpoaeuivTOi i]fj.ds rod dve/Mov) — she had to run
under the lee of the island. Some interpret St.
Luke's words as meaning that the crew made a
vain attempt to reach Cnidus, 'the wind not
allo^ving' them; but there was apparently no
reason why they should not have entered the
southern harbour, which was well sheltered from
N.W. winds.
LrrBEATTRE.— C. T. Newton and R. P. Pullan, Bigt. of Dis-
coveries at Ualicamasmis, Cnidus and BronchidoB, 1S63 ; T.
Lewin, St. Paid, 1S75, ii. 190; Conybeare-Howson, St. Paul,
1S56, ii. 390 ff.; W. Smith, Diet, of (xr. and Mom. Geog.i.
[18.56] 638£E. JaMES StRAHAX,
COALS {ivOpaKes, prumce). — The coal of the Bible
is charcoal. The knowledge of the process of pre-
paring charcoal fi'om timber dates from a remote
period. True coal is not found in Syria except in
one part of Lebanon, where it was mined for a
short time about 1S34 (C. R. Conder, Tent Work
in Pal., London, 187S, ii. 326). Pieces of charcoal
in process of combustion were called ' coals of fire '
(&vdpaK€s ■irvp6s = vi< '!r"i), and glowing coals heaped
upon the head became a figure for the burning
sense of shame Avhich an enemy feels when he
receives a return of good for the evil he has
done (Ro 12-0 ji pj. 25=i- "). Another view (held
by Chrysostom, Theodoret, Grotius, etc.), that the
'coals of fire' are Divine judgments which will
fall on the sinner's head if he hardens his heart
against persevering love, is impossible. Benevo-
lence tainted by such a thought is scarcely better
than malevolence. Jerome says rightly : ' " Car-
bones ignis congregabis super caput eius," non in
maledictum et condemnationem, ut plerique ex-
istimant, sed in correctionem et poenitudinem '
{contra Pclagianos, i. 30; of. Meyer, Romans, ii.
[1874] 272). James Strahax.
COAT (xtTcii', Lat. tunica, both words probably
related to the Eastern .T:n2 ; Assijv.Kitinne, 'linen'),
or 'tunic' (Jn 19-^ RVm). — The word was used to
designate the under-garment of all classes and both
sexes, over which the cloak (H;?--;', I/xcltlov, pallium)
was worn. On entering the upper-room in Joppa
where the body of Dorcas lay, Peter was surrounded
by widows showing the x'^^'^'^as fo' IfJidTia which her
hands had made (Ac 9^^). Tunics naturally varied
in material and shape according to the position,
means, and taste of the wearer. Wool and flax
were the native products of Syria ; fine linen
(bf/ssus) was largely imported from Egypt r the
silk of the East was unkno^\Ti till the begnnning of
our era, and its use was deemed an evidence of
extreme luxury (Rev 18'-; 'silk' in Ezk IS'" is
probably a mistake). The Jewish prisoners in
Sennacherib's marble reliefs, who are evidently
carved from life, have tunics fitting fairly close to
the body and reaching nearly to the ankles. This
was the garment worn by free townsmen ; that of
peasants and slaves was no doubt shorter and
looser. The coat of white linen with long skirts
and sleeves (Gn 37^) was a mark of honour, wealth,
and leisure. In later times even the poorer classes
adopted a somewhat more elaborate toilet. Jose-
phus mentions a slave in the time of Herod the
Great who was found to have an incriminating
letter of his master's concealed in his inner tunic,
or true shirt {Ant. xvil. v. 7). The x'^"** '^'^'S
made of two pieces of cloth sewn together at the
sides, or of one piece which required a single seam ;
or it was entirely seamless [ap^acpos, unsewed), being
'woven from the top throughout' (Jn 19-^), a pro-
cess for which a special loom was needed.
The x'-'''^" of the Greeks was of two sorts. The
Ionian was a linen tunic with sleeves, reaching to
the feet (rep/jnoeis [Od. xix. 242]) ; the Dorian was
a square woollen tunic with short sleeves or mere
anuholes. Among the Romans a tunic with long
sleeves was thought very efleminate ; ' et tunicae
manicas habent' are words uttered in scorn (\ irg.
.^71. ix. 616). The proverb ' Tunica proprior
pallio est ' was like the English ' Near is my shirt,
but nearer is my skin.' Cf. also art. Clothes.
James Strahan.
COHORT.— See Army.
COLLECTION. — At a very early stage in the
history of the Christian Church the consciousness
of its members expressed itself in voluntary etibrts
to ameliorate the condition of the poor and desti-
tute (Ac 4^^ 6'). That this somewhat naive attempt
proved a failure was, perhaps, inevitable. Its ap-
parently early abandonment leads to the conclusion
that its promoters soon realized that a permanent
settlement of social evils could never be arrived at
by practical communism. Indeed, it is conceivable
that, instead of curing the ills of poverty, wide-
spread and deep-seated as it was in Jerusalem, it
aggrravated and perpetuated them. As we shall
see, other and more powerful causes were at work ;
but, even if Ave minimize the historical value of the
early chapters of Acts, enough remains to prove
that this earliest and most self-sacrificing attempt
of Christian men to realize their obligation to their
jjoor brethren contributed to, rather tlian allayed,
the evil it sought to destroy. See art. Community
OF Goods.
The next instance of a systematic collection of
money for the purpose of relieving distress in
Judcea and Jerusalem is found in the history of
the Church of Antioch (Ac U-'^^-)- A threatened
famine roused the sympathy of the Antiochene
Christians, whose activity in the matter reveals
their knowledge that the conditions of life amongst
many of their Jewish brethren were those of chronic
poverty and distress. The agents (Sid x^^P^^) ^m-
jjloyed on this occasion for bringing relief {els oia-
Kovlav) were Barnabas and Saul. It was probably
the example thus set that gave St. Paul the idea of
his great and prolonged efiort. Other causes were
doubtless at work in the mind of the Apostle. As
time went on, and misunderstandings grew up be-
tween Jewish and Gentile Christians, some attempt
to bring them together was necessary if permanent
disruption was to be avoided. In his letter to the
Galatian Church he mentions an injunction laid on
him and Barnabas by the ' pillar ' apostles, ' that
we should remember the poor' (Gal 2^^). It is also
of interest to note that public subventions from the
Imperial exchequer to cities or provinces in distress
formed part of a settled policy of the Emperors,
while private benefactions by wealthy citizens in
cases of real or fancied need were almost universal
(see S. Dill, Roman Society from Nero to Marciis
Aurelius, 1904, bk. ii. ch. ii.). The Jews of the
Dispersion, moreover, recognized their obligation
to their poor brethren of Jerusalem by organized
help from time to time (cf. Robertson-Plummer,
1 Corinthians [ICC, 1911] 382); and doubtless as
Christian teaching spread and was accepted by the
people, and converts became gradually separated
from the rest of the community, they would lose
their share of these gifts. Another cause for a
poverty so acute and -ndde-spread may well have
224
COLLECTIOi^
COLLECTION
been the general belief in the nearness of the Pa-
rousia which threatened the ordinarj- daily business
of Christian men (2 Th S'" ; cf. 1 Th 4").
In his references to the carefully planned collec-
tion from the different churches St. Paul uses seven
different words. All these occur in liis letters to
the Corinthians and Romans, and are as follows :
\oyia (1 Co 16'), Xa/"s {W, 2 Co 8^), Koivuivia (Ro
152«, 2 Co 8^ etc.), dSpor??? (8-"), eiXoyia (9^), Xeirovp-
yla (912), SiaKovia (S"* 9i- '^f- ; cf. Ac ll-s). In the re-
port of his defence before Felix two other words
occur in tlie same conne.xion {eXerj/xocrvvai and irpoa-
(popaL [Ac 24'^]). The word Xo7ta occurs nowhere
else in the NT, and is of obscure origin. By some
it is supposed to be used here for the first time in
Greek literature, and probably to have been coined
by St. Paul for his purpose (T. C. Edwards, Com.
onl Cor.^, 1885, p. 462). A variation (\o-yela), how-
ever, is found in the papyrus documents from the
3rd cent, onwards and in the compound words avSpo-
\oyLa, Trapa\oyeia (A. Deissmann, Bible Studies, Eng.
tr., 1901, pp. 142f.,219f.). It is also found associated
with the Pauline word Xeirovpyla (F. G. Kenyon,
Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 1893, i. 46),
and is frequently employed ' in papyri, ostraca,
and inscriptions from Egypt and elsewhere,' when
the writer is speaking of ' religious collections for a
god, a temple, etc' (see Deissmann, Light from the
Ancient East, Eng. tr.^, 1911, p. 104 ff.). The Codex
Vaticanus (B) has the form Xoyeia, but as this MS
shows a tendency to orthographical changes in this
direction its evidence must be discounted (see West-
cott, Introd. to NT in Greek, 1882, p. 306). It also
appears in a compound form in Jewish literature
[kolt auSpoXoyelov, 2 iNIac 12^^) where the question of
the collection of money-supplies is alluded to.
That St. Paul attached very great importance to
the success of his collection for the poor Christians
of Judsea is evident from the care with which he
organized the scheme, and the perseverance he dis-
played in carrying it out. From the tone of his
reference to this work which he began in Galatia
(1 Co 16') we are able to infer not only that he
exercised his apostolic authority but that he gave
detailed directions to the churches there in accord-
ance with arrangements (5t^ra|a) personally thought
out by himself. The instructions sent by letter to
the Corinthians are no doubt a brief epitome of
those delivered to the Galatian Christians (oiirojs koI
v/j.ecs TToirjcraTe), and include details as to tlie care-
ful and systematic ear-marking by each Christian
believer of his personal subscription ' on every first
day of the week' (Kara filav a-aji^dTov). They were
to appoint and approve by letters of credit (cf., how-
ever, Robertson-Plummer's interpretation of the
passage, making the Apostle the writer of the com-
mendatory letters [8i eiriaroXuv tovtovs wifx.-^ij], ktX.
16^]) delegates who should carry their gift to Jeru-
salem {tt)v x^P'" ifJ-^v). The laborious nature of
the undertaking may be realized from St. Paul's
o^^'n references to the centres of activity. Galatia,
Asia, Achaia, and Macedonia constituted the fields
of his labours, and it is not improbable that his
definite allusion to the collection in his Ejjistle to
the Romans was intended as a liint to them to join
with the other churches in ' ministering to the
saints' (SmkovCjv toIs ayiois, Ro 15'-^; see Bengel,
Gnomon of NT, 1873, on Ro 15^; cf. 12i=»).
It is not too much to say that the Apostle did
not regard his work in these four great provinces
as completed until the fruit of his prolonged labours
had been reaped (cf. acppayiad/j-evos, Ro 15-^). So
^ongastliis zealously undertaken (^o-Troi'/Sao-a, Gal 2"*)
task remained unfinished he felt himself hindered
from extending his missionary operations (touto
odv ^TTireX^aas). P'or a long time he was eagerly
determined to visit Rome (see Ro 1'^ I5--'-), but at
the time of writing to that church he explains that
he is prevented from doing so by an obligation to
visit Jerusalem. On this journey he was accom-
panied by envoys or messengers (d.ir6(TToXoL, 2 Co 8-^)
from the churches contributing (Ac 20^), and so
keen was his desire to bring the undertaking to a
successful issue that no consideration of the dangers
involved could turn him from his purpose (see Ac
203.2if.)_ The result of this visit shows that the
risks foreseen and spoken of beforehand (see Ac
2iiuff. 24^^^-, etc.) were neither imaginary nor ex-
aggerated.
In order to appreciate rightly the necessity for
this work of good-will (evddKTjaav, Ro lo'-**'- ), it will
be useful to recall the wretched condition of the
poor in Jerusalem at this time (all the Jewish
Christians were not amongst the poor [see eis tovs
Trrtoxoi'J Ti^v dyioov, Ro 15-'']). The plundering and
bloodshed accompanying the successive administra-
tions of the procurators Ventidius Cumanus and
Felix brought about a state of anarchy, chronic re-
bellion, and famine (Jos. Ant. XX. viii. 5, etc.,S.7lI.
xii. 1, II. xiii. 2, etc., Tacitus,^wn. xii. 54 ; cf. Ja2'^-* ;
W. Fairweather, The Background of the Gospels,
1908, p. 199 f. ; Schiirer, HJP I. ii. [1890] p. 172 f.).
The Zealots, whose fanatical policy kept the country
seething with the Avildest revolution, were replaced
by the Sicarii or Assassins (cf. Ac 21^*^). Murder-
ous bands infested the provinces, and the streets of
Jerusalem Avitnessed innumerable deeds of cruelty
and bloodshed. Those suspected of the least friend-
liness with the Romans were unhesitatingly robbed
and assassinated ; and although Felix endeavoured
to stem the wild religious and political torrent by
wholesale crucifixion, the disorders increased. The
procurators Festus, Albinus, and Florus, who suc-
ceeded Felix, were not less imfortunate in their ex-
perience (Jos. Ant. XX. viii. ix. xi.), and the inter-
necine struggles of the Jewish factions ended in the
advent of Titus and the final destruction of Jeru-
salem. Famine, bitter and chronic, was the in-
evitable outcome of these conditions, and none
suffered so severely as the humble disciples of the
despised Nazarene.
The relief-fund, the earliest attempt to organize
and perpetuate Christian fellowship, was not only
a failure in itself, but must soon have disappeared
in these social upheavals. An appeal to outside
sources became necessary, and one result of the
compromise effected at his meeting with the
' pillar' apostles in Jerusalem was the initiation by
St. Paul of his scheme of .systematic collection (see
Gal 2^**). There can scarcely be a doubt that the
halting decision of the apostles of the circumcision,
while it left the cardinal point of difference much
where it had been, quickened St. Paul's anxiety
to adopt a plan which should emphasize the spirit
of toleration and good-will then established (Gal
2^). Having returned to Antioch, he was com-
jjelled to renew in a more pronounced form the
controversy which had been partially settled at
the Jerusalem Conference. After some little time
(fierd Si rivas r]jj.€pas, Ac 15^) he proceeded in com-
pany with Silas to revisit by the shortest route —
' the Cilician Gate' — the older churches of Galatia.
The purpose of this visit was not only to strengthen
and establish {iTriarTjprfuv, Ac IS'*') spiritually these
communities, but also to set on foot the collection
for the poor among the Christians of Jerusalem
(cf. Gal 6'"). In spite of the discouraging defec-
tion of the Galatian Christians, the Apostle feels
himself justified in keeping tliis purpose before
them, recalling its origin, and reminding them of
its spiritual value (cf. Gal 6*^-)- It was probably
early in A.D. 57 that he visited the Galatian
churches for this purpose, and from this time imtil
he presents the fruit of his toil during the feast
of Pentecost in A.D. 58 he never loses sight of the
importance and justice of the collection, not alone
COLLECTIOi^
COLONY
225
as it affected those who were to receive it, hut
also as it affected the givers (see Ro 15^^ 2 Co 9^
g6ff. i2j_ jt jg instructive, too, to note how he
stimulates each community by mentioning the
others in terms of generous praise (cf. 2 Co 8^'' 9^'*,
Ro IS^^*-). It is a good example of the Apostle's
method, and recalls the accusation of wiliness
{iravovpyos SdXw, 2 Co 12'") brought against him by
the Corinthian Christians.
The character of the dispute which raged so
long and so fiercely between St. Paul and the
ciiurch in Corinth was to a large extent developed
and moulded by the niggardliness {iav 5i d^iov y
ToO Kdfj.^ iropeveffdai [1 Co 16^; cf. 9"'-, 2 Co IP^-
12'^]) and suspicious meanness of its members.
Their response to the appeal of Titus, who was
the original deputed organizer of the Corinthian
collection, was prompt and willing {rb 64\eiv) ; and
yet, in spite of the fact that they had so early (Trpo-
ev-qp^affde dirb Tripv(Ti, 2 Co 8'") given their assent to
his wishes, they seem to have repented soon of
their promised support and to have accused St.
Paul of having hurried them deceitfully into an
unwelcome undertaking {eyCj oi KaTe'fid.pr}(xa, 2 Co
12"*). The disingenuous nature of their charges
appears again and again in his vigorous self-de-
fence (see his words, TiSiK-qaaixev, 4(pdeipafiey, eVXeo-
veKT-qaaniv, 2 Co 7'^). Of one fact he constantly
reminds them — he never accepted the smallest help
towards his own support during his two visits to
Corinth (cf. Ac 18», 1 Co 9'2- ^5. « o Co W'^-) ; and
if, as seems very probable, his Second Epistle to
the Corinthians is represented by the last four
ciiapters of our Canonical Second Epistle (see J.
H. Kennedy, The Second and Third Epistles to
the Corinthians, 1900), we find that the Apostle's
indignation was so keen that he expressly deter-
mined, before he wrote the more conciliatory
Third Epistle (2 Co 1-9), never to accept monetary
aid at their hands (2 Co ll^- i- 12'^). It is satis-
factory to note that this intense and proud in-
dependence was met by a complete reconciliation ;
and the success of his mission was such that he
was moved to exclamations of thankfulness and
praise (2 Co 9'*). Perhaps an even more signifi-
cant proof of his feeling in this respect is to be
discovered in tlie tone of friendliness with which
he mentions his Corinthian friends in the docu-
ment written immediately afterwards (Ro 16''* ^).
At the time of writing the Epistle to the Romans
he was the guest of Gains in Corinth, and the un-
pleasant character of liis relations with the Cor-
inthian Church had undergone a complete change.
What measure of success attended the Apostle's
prolonged and anxious efforts it is difficult to esti-
mate. If we are to judge by his silence and the
solemn warning in his Epistle to the Galatians
(6^), the scheme would appear to have been only
a partial success or even to have fallen through.
Again, if we are allowed to draw an inference
from the list of delegates who accompanied him
(Ac 20^), it would seem that the amount of the
Corinthian collection was so small that there was
little or no need for a representative. As early as
the latter part of A.D. 57 the Macedonian churches
had appointed their delegates (2 Co 8'^ ; see HDB
iii. 712''). On the other hand, as the Apostle in-
tended to spend the winter months in Corinth, the
selection would naturally await his arrival ; and
more especially would this delay occur as the
bitter quarrel had only just been amicably settled.
From the scanty evidence available it would not
be safe to dogmatize. It may be that his reference
to the example of the Galatian collection (see the
emphatic vfiel^, 1 Co 16') points to a work already
successful. Again, as the time of his journey to
Jerusalem drew near, confidence in a not unworthy
response by the Corinthian Church seems to have
VOL. I. — 15
been restored (see his Trappyjffia, Ka&xwt.s, 2 Co 7* ;
irepicro'eijeTe, 8^ ; irpodv/xia, 8'' ; ttjv oOv ?v8ei^iv ttjs
dydirrjs vfiQv, 8-'* ; cf. 9"-^* ''• ^^' "*). It is not im-
probable that the triumphant joyousness (17 Kap8ia
i]/xu!i> TreTrXdrvvTai, 2 Co 6'') of his late appeal to
them was due to their having chosen himself as
their ambassador or representative to convey their
'gracious' gift {dTreveyKeiv t7}v x^-P'^" ^M'^" f^s 'lepov-
(raXrj/j., 1 Co 16^) to its destination. His satisfac-
tion that all discontent and suspicion were at an
end is expressed by his sending before him to Cor-
inth along with Titus two well-known and tried
brethren (o5 6 ^iraivos iv ri^ evayyeXiui, du edoKi/xd-
o-a/jLev iv iroWols, 2 Co 8'^- ^), to complete the collec-
tion and to have everything in readiness against
his arrival in company probably with some Mace-
donian representatives (2 Co 9'* ; cf. Ac 20^). It is
pleasant to learn that the unsavoury bickerings
in Corinth were forgotten when, during that
winter's sojourn there, St. Paul penned his
stately and calm Epistle to Rome. In that docu-
ment he refers only to the good-will and the
pleasure with which the Corinthians adopted and
carried out the purpose of his pacificatory labours
{rbv Kapirbv rovTOv, Ro 15^). The depth of the
Apostle's sympathy for the sufferings of his fellow-
countrymen may be gauged by the reasons on
which he bases his claims on their behalf. Tlie
spiritual debt which the Gentiles owed to the Jews
{6(Pei\irai dalv avrCiv, Ro IS^' ; cf. Gal 6», 1 Co 9;')
demanded an answering service {XeiTovpyrjaai) in
ministering to their temporal needs (see the con-
trast involved in the words Trvev/xaTiKoTs . . .
aapKLKols, Ro 15'^). Another reason which he
adduces arises out of the duty which wealth uni-
versally owes to poverty (mark again the contrast,
irepi(xev/j.a . . . mr^pTjfia, 2 Co S^*), in order that, as
equal opportunities in things spiritual is the norm
of Christian life, there may also be equality (oVwy
yivr]Tai ladT-qs, 2 Co 8'^) in the satisfaction of worldly
necessities. The repeated use of the word kolvuvlo.
ia this connexion by St. Paul justifies us in assum-
ing that he deliberately set himself the task of
conciliating the jealousy of tlie Jewish Christians
by establisliing a bond of fellowship and com-
munion between them and the Gentile converts
(2 Co 8* 913 ; cf. Ro 12'3).
All this is the more remarkable as at this period
the sinister machinations of the Jews in both Cor-
inth and Jerusalem were active and unremitting
(Ac 20^ ; cf. Ro 15^i). Instead of sailing direct,
lie made the return journey through Macedonia,
where he celebrated the Passover (Ac 20"), and
only arrived in Jerusalem in time for the feast of
Pentecost, when he finally discharged the task he
had set himself to carry out (cf. Ac 24''').
Literature. — In addition to the works mentioned throughout
the art., see Conybeare-Howson, The. Life and Epistles 0/ St,
Paid, new ed., lSi6 ; G. G. Findlay, art. 'Paul the Apostle'
in UDB lii. 696 ff. ; A. Harnack, Mission and Expansion of
Christianity, Eng. tr.2, 1908; A. Hausrath, A Hist, of ^'T
Times: The Time of the Apostles, Eng. tr., 1S95, vols. iii. and
iv. ; W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
Citizen, 1895, also art. 'Corinth' in HDB i. 479 ff. ; F. Ran-
dall, 'The Pauline Collection for the Saints' in Expositor, 4th
ser. viii. [1893] 321 ff. ; J. Armitag-e Robinson, art. ' Com-
munion ' in HDB i. 460 ff. ; Sanday-Headlam, liomans^ (ICO,
1902); C. V, Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, Eny. tr., i.2 [1S97], ii.
[1895]. J. R. Willis.
COLONY.— The careful reader of Ac W\ the
only place in the NT where the term 'colony'
(KoXcjvia, a mere transliteration of the Latin
original) occurs, sees at once that a Roman colony
must have been very different from what we under-
stand by the word ' colony.' Colonia (from colonus,
'settler,' 'husbandman,' from colere, 'to culti-
vate') was a word applied by the Romans to a body
(usually 300) of their citizen-soldiers (in earlier
days the two terms were convertible), transferred
226
COLOSS.E
COLOSSI
from the city of Rome itself to some outlying part
of Italy or (later) to some other land. These men
remained Roman citizens after transference, and
were collectively, in fact, a portion of Rome itself
planted amidst a community not itself possessed
of Roman citizenship. The object of the earliest
colonies was the holding in subjection to Rome of
the particular country in Avhich they were planted.
It was not usually a fresh city that was thus
founded. The rule was that a community was
already resident there, and the body of Roman
soldiers Avas stationed thei'e, thus making the
place into a garrison city. The colonice were con-
nected by military roads, beginning at Rome, and
troops could be marched along those roads to relieve
the colon i(e in the shortest possible time, supposing
a rising [tumult as) should occur, too powerful to be
quelled by the local garrison. (A good example is
the case of the Lombardy Plain and the cam-
paigns of Marius.) A Roman colony, then, means
a garrison city, and implies the presence of Roman
soldier-citizens.
This was the Roman colonia in origin and pur-
pose. We find, however, that, after danger from
the enemy had ceased, colonice continued to be
planted during the Empire in peaceful districts.
This new style of colonia continued to mean a body
of Roman citizens, but the military aspect was
lost sight of. It was an honour for a provincial
';ity to be made into a colonia, because this was a
proof that it was of special importance, specially
dear to the Emperor, and worthy to be the residence
of Roman citizens, who were the aristocracy of
the provincial towns in which they lived.* (It was
not till A.D. 212, the time of Caracalla, that all
the subjects of the Roman Empire received the
Roman citizenship. )
A number of towns mentioned in the NT were
colonice at the time the events narrated there took
place: Corinth (since 44-43 B.C.), Puteoli (since
194 B.C.), Philippi (42 B.C.), Pisidian Antioch
(before 27 B.C.), Syracuse (21 B.C.), Troas (between
27 and 12 B.C.), Lystra (after 12 B.C.),t Ptolemais
(before A.D. 47). All these places are mentioned
by the writer of Acts, and yet to one only does he
attach the epithet ' colony,' namely Philippi. The
whole manner in which he refers to this place
shows personal pride in it, and it is hard to refrain
from believing that he had a special connexion
with it.
The comparatively large proportion of places
holding the dignity of colony, which were visited
by St. Paul, illustrates very forcibly the plan of
his evangelization. He aimed at planting the
gospel in the leading centres, knowing that it
would spread best from these.
Literature. — Kornemann, art. ' Coloniae ' in Pauly-Wissowa.
(Kornemann's statement that there is no up-to-date comprehen-
sive work on colonice outside Italy appears to be still true.)
On Philippi as colonia see W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the
Traveller, London, 1895, p. 200 ff. ; Iconium not a colonia till
Hadrian, see W. M. Ramsay, Historical Vorninentari/ on St.
Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, do. 1899, pp. 123, 218 f., and
later works. A. SOUTER.
COLOSS^ffi (KoXoo-o-al in the opening of the Epistle,
P ; in the title, whicli is not original, there is about
equal authority for KoXocxcyaels andKoXao-craets ; in the
subscription the authority for KoXao-o-aeis predomin-
ates). — The name was given to an ancient Phrygian
city on the S. bank of the Lycus (Churuk Su), an
affluent of the Myeander. It was situated at the
lower end of a narrow glen about 10 miles long.
Herodotus says that at Colossae ' the river Lycus,
falling into a chasm of the earth, disappears ; tlien,
reappearing at a distance of about five stadia, it
* The British colonice were Colchester, Gloucester, York, and
Lincoln,
t Not Iconium till the time of Hadrian.
discharges itself into the Maeander' (vii. 30). No
such chasm, however, exists at Colossa?, and the
historian has apparently misreported what he heard
of the underground passage of the river at its source,
as accurately described by Strabo (XII. viii. 16).
Colossos was one of three sister cities which re-
ceived the gospel about the same time (Col 4^*),
Laodicea Ij'ing about 10 miles farther down the
Lj^cus valley, and facing Hierapolis, which was
picturesquely seated on a plateau 6 miles to the
north. Behind Colossteand Laodicea rose the mighty
snow-capped range of Cadmus [Baba Dagh, ' Father
of mountains '), over 8000 ft. above sea-level. Com-
manding the approaches to a pass in this range,
and traversed by the great trade-route between
Ephesus and the Euphrates, Colossa; was at one
time a place of much importance. Herodotus (op,
cit. ) calls it ' a great city of Phrygia,' and Xenophon
describes it as irdXiv olKOvp.ivriv fv5alfj.ova Kai /j-eydXriv
[Anab. I. ii. 6). But as Laodicea and Hierapolis
grew in importance, Colossse waned, and in the
beginning of the first century Strabo reckons it as
no more than a TroXicr/xa (Xll. viii. 13). Pliny, in-
deed, names it among the oppida celeberrima of
Phrygia [HN v. 41), but he is merely alluding to
its illustrious past. It was visited, however, by
streams of travellers passing east and west, who
made it conversant with the freshest thought
of the time. Its jiermanent population consisted
mostly of Phrygian natives and Greek colonists.
Jews had also been attracted to the busy trade-
centres of the Lycus valley, a fact which accounts
for the Jewish complexion of some of the errors re-
futed in the Colossian Epistle. Antiochus the Great
(223-1 87 B.C.) transplanted 2000 Jewish families from
Babylonia and Mesopotamia to Lydia and Phrygia
(Jos. Ant. XII. iii. 4). The freedom and prosperity
which they enjoyed probably induced many others
to follow them, and there is a bitter saying in the
Babylonian Talmud that the wine and baths of
Plirygia separated the ten tribes from their brethren
[Shab. 147'', quoted by A. Neubauer, Geogr. du
Tahjiud, Paris, 1868, p. 315). Cicero (pro /'Zacc. 28)
speaks of the multitudo Judoiorum who inhabited
the district in his time.
The Church of Colossse was not directly founded
by St. Paul. There is no indication that he ever
preached in- any of the cities of the Lycus valley.
In his second journey he was debarred from speak-
ing in Asia (Ac 16'^), the province to which Colossse
politicallj' belonged, and in his third tour ' he went
through the Galatic region and Phrygia [or Galatic
and Phrygian region] in order, confirming the dis-
ciples,' and ' having passed through the upper
country (rd avunepiKo. nipr]) he came to Ephesus'
(Ac 18-^ 19^). It is not impossible that — as Renan
snggests (Sni7it Paul, Paris, 1869, pp. 331 f., 356 f.)—
he followed the usual route of commerce down the
Lycus valley, going straight to his destination
without pausing to do any work by the way. But
it is more in harmony with St. Luke's carefully
chosen words, as well as Avith the language of Col.,
to suppose that he took the shorter hill-road by
Seiblia and the Caj'ster valley, a road practicable
for foot passengers but not for wheeled traffic (W.
M. Ramsay, 'The Church in the Rom. Emp. p. 94).
During his three years' residence in Ei»hesus, 'all
they that dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord,
both Jews and Greeks ' (Ac 19^" ; cf. 19-'®), and it was
probably at this time that the churches of the
Lycus were founded. The truth proclaimed in the
virtual capital of the province — the primacy of
Sardis was now only nominal — was soon carried to
the remotest towns and villages. Epaphras and
Philemon, citizens of Coloss;e, were probably con-
verted in Ephesus, and the former was speedily
sent, as St. Paul's delegate or representative {iirkp
ilfj.u>v, instead of vfj.u>v, is the true reading in Col V),
COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 227
to evangelize his native valley. Five or six years
afterwards, St. Paul, a prisoner in Rome, wrote to
tlie Colossian Christians, of whose faith and love
he had heard (Col l*-") from Epaphras and perhaps
from Onesimus, but who had never seen his face
(2^). He felt as great a solicitude for them as
if they had been his own spiritual children. In-
directly they were indebted to him for their know-
ledge of the gospel (cf. following article).
One of the non-Christian beliefs and practices
which quickly tlireatened to submerge the Colossian
Church was the cult of angels, or elemental spirits,
who were supposed to intervene between a pure,
absolute, unapproachable God and a world of evil.
This idea proved almost ineradicable. One of the
canons (the 35th) of the Council of Laodicea (held
probably about A.D. 363) ran thus : ' It is not right
for Christians to abandon the Church of God and go
away and invoke angels (ayy^Xovs dvo/j-d^eiv). . . .
If, therefore, any one is found devoting himself to
this secret idolatry, let him be anathema.' About
a century later, Theodoret, commenting on Col 2'*,
says : ' This disease (roOro t6 irddos) remained long
in Phrygia and Pisidia . . . and even to the present
time oratories (ei)Kr^pia) of the holy Michael may be
seen among them and their neighbours.' The By-
zantine historian Nicetas Choniates — Chonfe, on a
spur of Cadmus, took the place of decaying ColossiB
— mentions t6i^ d.pxa77e\i/c6v va6v as standing, fj-eyidei
fiiyicTTov Kal KoXKei KaXKicyroi', in or near the ancient
city ; and the fantastic legend of ' the Miracle of
Chonse' (Ptamsay, The Church in the Eom. Emp. p.
46.') f.) reflects a popular belief in the mediation of
Michael to save the inhabitants from an inundation.
Literature. — W. M. Ramsay, The Cities and Bi.ihoprics of
Phryrjia, London, 18'.».')-07, vol. i., The Church in the Roman
Empire, do. 1S93, ch. xix. JAMES StRAHAN.
COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE.— 1. Introduc-
tion. — St. Paul himself had never preached in the
Lycus valley. On his third missionary journey he
took another route (Ac 19'), and that he did not
visit that district during his two years' stay at
Ephesus is sufficiently proved by the allusions in
his letter to the Church at Colossi (Col l^-'-»2i).
Colossae was at this time a small town of declining
importance, overshadowed by its great neighbours,
Laodicea and Hierapolis, some 10 miles do\vn-
stream. In all three towns churches had been
founded by the labours of Epaphras (V 4}^ ^^), him-
self a native of Colossae (4^^), who had met St.
Paul, probably at Ephesus, and had become a dis-
ciple. The date of the foundation of these churches
may be assigned with some confidence to about the
years A.D. 55 and 56 (adopting C. H. Turner's dat-
ing ; cf. art. ' Chronology in HDB), and Epaphras
may well have been acting as the direct agent of
St. Paul (cf . the better reading ' on our behalf ' in
V). This would account in some degree for the
authoritative attitude which St. Paul takes in his
letter.
Though Colossae itself was but a small town, its
Church may well have been the most important
of those in the Lycus valley. It was evidently
closely connected with the Church at Laodicea (2^
4^^), and it is even possible that the work in the
latter place was in charge of Archippus, the son of
Philemon of Colossfe (4''', Philem ^). In each
place the work seems to have centred in the house
of one of its most prominent members ; cf. the
house of Aquila and PriscUla at Rome, Ro 16^ (if,
indeed, Ro 16 was not addressed to Ephesus), that
of Philemon (Philem*) in Colossse, that of Nym-
phas, or Nympha, in Laodicea (Col 4^^). A well-
attested reading suggests that the latter, a woman's
name, may be correct in spite of the improbability
of this Doric form being used. If this is so, Nym-
pha, like Priscilla, takes her place with the women
who played an honoured part in the life of the
early Church.
Colosste lay in Phrygian territory, and its popu-
lation was doubtless largely Phrygian, witli a ven-
eer of Greek civilization. Philemon's wife, Apphia
(Philem-), bore a Phrygian name. The Jewish
trader had doubtless reached Colossse, but there
is no sign of any permanent settlement of Jews
tliere such as was made by the Seleucid kings
at Laodicea or Tarsus. That the Clmrch there
was entirely or at least predominantly Gentile is
shown clearly eneugh by the Epistle (pi-sv 2i3 ; cf.
St. Paul's anxiety in 4^^ to show how few among
his heli)ers are of Jewish race — ' who alone of the
circumcision are my fellow- workers . . .'). And the
Jews of Laodicea, together with any who may have
dwelt at Colossce, were doubtless, like most of the
Jews of the Diaspora, largely affected both by
local tendencies of thought and by the wider in-
fluences which centred in Alexandria.
The Church of Colossa; had been in existence
only a few years when Epaphras rejoined St.
Paul, then in prison for the faith (P^ 4i"- '»). He
brought with him good news of the infant Church
(P 2*). But yet there were grave reasons for
anxiety. Both at Colossae and at Laodicea (4^^) a
new and dangerous form of teaching was abroad.
Wiio the teachers were we do not know. The
heresy may even have been due to some one influen-
tial leader (cf. Zahn's comment on 2'^"^-, where the
participles are in the singular \_Introd. to NT, i.
479]). But whether the teachers were one or more,
it is at least clear that it was not with a recurrence
of the Galatian trouble that St. Paul had now to
deal. The stress of this new ' philosophy ' lay not
so much upon the Law as upon theosophical tenets
and ascetic practices, whicli were supposed to con-
stitute a higher Christianity (2'-- ^' ^).
For the present this teaching had not made much
headway in the Church at Colossae. But St. Paul
saw the need of striking while there was yet time.
And he had other reasons for sending one of his
agents to Asia at this time. There was Onesimus,
the converted slave of Philemon, ready at St.
Paul's bidding to return to his master. There was
also the desirability of sending a pastoral letter
to the Churches of Asia. Tychicus was at hand,
ready to convey both the circular letter, now
known as the Epistle to the Ephesians, and the
short note to Philemon about Onesimus. By his
hand, therefore, St. Paul writes to the brethren at
Colossae.
There has been much discussion whether a fourth
letter, to Laodicea, accompanied the other three,
based on the command to the Colossians that they
should read the Epistle ' from Laodicea.' The old
hypothesis of Theodore of Mopsuestia and Calvin
that this was a letter written from the Laodicean
Church to St. Paul is rendered impossible by the
context. It remains therefore to decide whether
this is some lost letter by the Apostle or whether
it can be identified with any of his existing letters.
The suggestions of John of Damascus, who iden-
tifies it with 1 Tim., and of Schneckenburger, who
identifies it with Heb., can safely be passed over.
In 1844 Wieseler suggested that Philemon really
lived at Laodicea, and that the lost letter is our
Epistle to Philemon. This would certainly make
it easier to account for the apparent connexion of
Archippus with Laodicea, but otherwise the theory
has little point and has not met with any accept-
ance. A more probable hypothesis is to be found
in the identification of this letter with Ephesians.
If this was a circular letter, intended for all the
Asiatic churches, it would naturally come to
Colossae as a letter brought by Tychicus from
Laodicea (see art. Ephesians). If this identifica-
tion is rejected the letter to the Laodiceans is lost
228 COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
bej^ond recall. It is interesting that more than one
attempt was made to supply this gap in the Paul-
ine Canon during the early days of the Church.
In several MSS the words ' written from Laodicea '
were added at the end of 1 Timothy. More
curious still, an Epistle was made up out of a col-
lection of Pauline phrases, possibly as early as the
2nd cent, (so Zahn) but probably later, and was
given the title ad Laodicenses. Jerome (Vir.
Illustr. V.) mentions this work, ' legunt quidam et
ad Laodicenses, sed ab omnibus exploditui',' and, de-
spite his condemnation, it was widely read through-
out the Middle Ages. Traces of this Epistle have
been found only in the West, and it has commonly
been regarded as a Western forgery. Lightfoot,
however, argues that it shows traces of being from
a Greek original, despite the fact that all known
MSS are in Latin. The early date of the docu-
ment also points in the same direction. (This Ej^.
ad Laod. is discussed at length by Lightfoot in an
appendix to his Colosdans, p. 274 tf. ; cf. also West-
cott, Canon of NT^, 1881, Appendix E; A. Souter,
Text and Canon of NT, 1913, p. 193.)
2. Contents. — St. Paul, associating Timothy with himself in
his opening greeting (l'-2), passes on in his customary manner
to a thanksgiving for the good news which he has heard from
Epaphras. In this thanksgiving he alludes especially to the
true gospel which had been preached to his readers by Epaph-
ras, and reminds them that it is this gospel and no other that
has borne fruit in all the world (13-8). This is followed by a
prayer which widens out, as in Eph., into a statement of doc-
trine with regard to the Person of Christ (19-23). This doctrinal
section is expanded with a special view to the heresies which it
is St. Paul's purpose to combat. In opposition to the ' philo-
sophy ' which was being preached, he prays that the Colossians
may be filled with 'all spiritual wisdom and understanding ' (19).
In opposition to the theosophy which recognized and trembled
before ' the principalities and the powers,' he thanks God that
they have been delivered from 'the power of darkness' and
made members of ' the kingdom of the Son of His love ' (113).
In opposition to the position accorded to angelic beings, he
breaks into a paean in honour of the Son (a) as sole Redeemer
(114) ; (^) as the visible Representative of the invisible God (115) ;
(c) as prior to and supreme over all creation, including these
very angeUc powers ; as the present stay, and ultimate consum-
mation, of creation (115-17); (d) as the supreme Head of the
Church in virtue of His Resurrection (I'S) ; (e)as One in whom
abide completely all the perfections of the Godhead (119) ; (/) as
One whose death has made atonement not only for human
sin but also for all the disorder that exists in heavenly places,
so that not only are the angels unable to ' make peace,' but
they themselves need the mediation of the Son (120-23). gt.
Paul then passes on to emphasize his own position as a minister
of this, the one true gospel, a gospel which does not merely
save a few elect, but which is valid for every man who wiU
receive it (124-29).
Ch. 2 is devoted to warnings against the false teaching which
had been reported by Epaphras. It opens with a renewal of
the prayer of 19. St. Paul again reiterates that in Christ alone,
and not in any human plausibility, can the hidden treasures of
knowledge and wisdom be found (21-6). He warns his readers
against esoteric cults which have dealings with the angel
world, instead of with Christ, the supreme Head of all (26-iu).
He reminds them that as Christians they need no special and
mysterious ceremonies, but only faith in Christ, who has can-
celled all ceremonial obligations through the power of the
Cross, thereby depriving hostile spiricual powers of their
weapon against mankind (2iii5). The Colossians are therefore
not to be misled inco thinking that there is some higher way of
leading the Christian life, consisting in special ordinances or a
higher asceticism, even if commended by a show of esoteric
knowledge (2i«-23).
In ch. 3, St. Paul passes, by way of contrast, to the practical
implications of life in Christ. For Christians there is indeed a
true asceticism, but it consists in a putting to death of the
' old man,' and a putting on of the ' new man,' not merely in a
mortifying of the flesh, for that, for the Christian, is already
accomplished in the renewal of the spirit 'after the image of
him that created him ' (3iii). The rule foi the Christian must
therefore be not the rule of ascetic ordinances but the warm
and living rule of love, of Christ dwelling in the heart (312-17).
A short passage follows in which brief words of counsel are
addressed to wives, husbands, children, fathers, servants,
masters (318-41), and one or two general exhortations lead up to
the salutations with which the letter closes (42-18).
3. Date and place of composition. — It has been
customary to regard the four ' Epistles of the Cap-
tivity ' as all written from Rome during the two
years (A.D. 59-61) alluded to in Ac 283". There is
no good reason for giving up this view in the case
of Colossians. Phil, at least must be from Rome.
If, with Bleek and Lightfoot {Philippians*, 1878,
p. 30), we place Col. later than Phil., on the ground
of the closer affinity of the latter with Rom. both
in style and doctrine, the Roman origin of Col.
would be unquestionable. It is not possible, how-
ever, in a writer like St. Paul, to postulate so orderly
an advance in these respects. His doctrine at least
must have been thought out long before he wrote
Romans. And, on the other hand, the allusions in
Ph I''- ^2. 13. 20-25 023 point to a date near the very close
of the Roman imprisonment. We must thus date
Col. earlier (Ph P--^* seems to reflect Col 43- *). But
this leaves open the possibility that it was Avritten
not from Rome but during the two years spent at
Csesarea. This view has been held by quite a
number of scholars, e.g. Meyer, Sabatier, Weiss,
and Haupt. So also recently E. L. Hicks, Inter-
preter, 1910. But the arguments on the other side,
as set out e.g. by Peake ('Col.' in EGT, p. 491),
seem conclusive. Haupt's argument that a con-
siderable interval of time must lie between the
statements of doctrine found in Phil, and Col. has
no weight. Weiss points out that St. Paul gives
a difi'erent account of his plans in Phil., where he is
hoping to visit Macedonia, from that in Philem.,
where Colossse is his goal. But the two statements
are not incompatible in letters both written from
Rome. The one plan might easily involve the
other. And, further, there are serious objections
to the Cajsarea hypothesis. It is impossible to
think that St. Paul at Csesarea was already plan-
ning a visit to Colossse. It was upon Rome that
his eyes were fixed, and at least towards the end of
his days at Csesarea he knew that he would be sent
thither. But most decisive of all is the little com-
panion note to Philemon. It must have been at
Rome, the natural refuge of the runaway slave,
that St. Paul came across Onesimus, and from
Rome that he sent him back to his master with
Tychicus. Finally, it would be most remarkable,
in a letter written from Csesarea, that there should
be no salutation from Philip.
In view of the fact that Col. and Philem. were
probably sent together, it has caused comment that
there is some variation in the salutations. Not only
is the order of the names difi'erent — a point of little
significance — but in Col. Aristarchus, in Philem.
Epaphras, is given the place of honour as 'my
fellow-prisoner.' The reason for this is obscure.
Fritzsche's suggestion that St. Paul's friends took
turns in sharing his captivity is only a suggestion.
As Peake points out, the divergence is a proof of
the authenticity of both Epistles, since no imitator
would have made so unnecessary and self-condem-
natory an alteration.
i. External evidence for authenticity.— This is
quite as strong as could reasonably be expected.
At the end of the 2nd cent. Col. was known to
Irenseus, Tertullian, and Clement of Alexandria.
It is mentioned by name in the Muratorian Canon.
Its acceptance by Marcion carries the knowledge
of it at Rome to before 150. This renders the
description by Justin of Christ as ' first-born of all
creation ' (Dial. 84, 85, 100) an almost certain echo
of P", especially as the parallel phrase in Philo is
not irpuTdroKos but irpu}T6yoi'os. Earlier references
are all rather uncertain, especially in Barnabas and
Clement of Rome. It is, however, probable that
Ignatius quotes Col 2^* in Smyrn. i. 2, and 1'^ in
Trail, v. 2. Lightfoot also points out Ignatius'
use of (Ti'iv5ov\os as a term for deacons ; cf. 1' 4P.
Tins evidence is insufficient in itself to prove
authenticity, and throws us back upon a discussion
of the many problems which the Epistle itself
presents.
5. The Colossian heresy. — The teaching attacked
by St. Paul is described in 2^- ^^-^, ver.ses which in
addition to their brevity present many problems
COLOSSIAis^S, EPISTLE TO THE
COLOSSIAiq"S, EPISTLE TO THE 229
both of translation and of text. Theories as to its
character liave been varied and numerous. The
principal facts that can be gleaned are as follows :
(1) The teaching was Christian ; cf. 2^^, which,
however, suggests that it did not give Christ His
due position.
(2) It was, at least in part, Judaistic. This
would not necessarily be proved by the reference
to ' the bond written in ordinances ' in 2^'', though
it is on the whole probable that the Mosaic Law
is intended. But the specific allusions in 2^^ 'in
meat or in drink or in respect of a feast day, or a
new moon, or a sabbath day,' are obviously Jewish.
It is true that the Law says nothing about ' drink,'
but the later Rabbinism certainly included such
regulations, as is shown by He 9^". And this very
Rabbinism is clearly alluded to in 2^, ' the tradition
of men.' The references to circumcision (2^^ 3^^)
show that the false teachers assigiied some value
to it. Yet this Judaism cannot have been very
like that attacked in Gal., as the whole tone of the
letter shows. It was less definite, and mingled
with other elements of a peculiar type.
(3) It claimed to be a ' philosophy ' (2^), which St.
Paul calls a ' vain deceit.' It seems to have been
regarded as the revelation of a secret ' wisdom and
knowledge' (2^-^). Here, just as much as in 1 Co
1, we are certainly moving in Greek, or at least
Hellenistic, regions of thought. Philo could speak
of a 'Jewish philosophy.' And the Judaism of
Colossaj, like that of Alexandria, was at least given
a Hellenic colour. As Hort has shown [Juda-
istic Christianity, p. 119ft'.), the term 'philosophy'
might easily have been used of esoteric lore about
angels, or even, though this usage is a later one,
of an ascetic ethical cult, features which both
appear at Colossai.
(4) Some sort of worship of angels seems to have
been practised, and possibly, if the reading is
correct, emphasis was laid upon visions communi-
cated by them (2'^). St. Paul charges the teachers
with reliance upon the spirits that control the ele-
ments of the universe rather than upon Christ (2*).
That this is the true meaning of aroLx^la in this
passage, as well as in Gal 4^- ^, is shown by the
exegesis, which implies in each case personal agents.
And the emphasis laid by St. Paul upon the
superiority of Christ to ' thrones or dominions or
principalities or powers' (I^^; cf. 1-° 2^^) confirms
this view. That there was angelolatry of some
sort is certain, though the language in w^hich it is
described cannot be pressed too closely, since St.
Paul may be using the language of his o^vn angel-
ology to describe the view of his opponents. In the
4th cent, the Council of Laodicea found it necessary
to condemn an gel- worship. In the 5th cent. Theodo-
ret says that the archangel Michael was worshipped
in the district, and this worship continued for
several centuries (see Zahn, op. cit. p. 476 f. ; cf.
Lightfoot, Col. p. 68).
(5) Whatever 2-^ precisely means, it shows that
stress was laid upon asceticism, for which special
rules Avere given (2^^- -"• ^i). This was the natural
outcome of a ' philosophy ' in which the spirits that
ruled material things were the objects of fear and
reverence. The angels who were the objects of the
Colossian cult were powers who if not propitiated
might be hostile to man, who must therefore guard
himself by mortifying his material body. This is
the point of St. Paul's counter-statement of the
true Christian asceticism (3^^-)-
It has been made clear by the work of recent
scholars that there is nothing in all this which
need point to a date later than A.D. 60. The
Tubingen school, from Baur to Hilgenfeld, thought
that Col. reflected the great Gnostic systems of the
2nd century. The powers, etc., were the Valen-
tinian aeons, forming the Pleroma, to which they
saw an allusion in 1'^. Asceticism, again, was a
typical Gnostic feature, as was the emphasis on a
secret wisdom or Gnosis (cf. 2^) confined to an inner
circle of initiates or xAetot (cf. 1^^, where St. Paul
declares that every man is to be made r^Xeios by the
gospel). The Judaistic references were explained
on this theory to be due to some sort of Gnostic
Ebionism, on the lines of the pseudo-Clementines.
That there were Gnostic tendencies at Colossse need
not be denied. The emphasis on knowledge is
enough to prove that. But there is no hall-mark
of any particular 2nd-cent. system. The word
irX-qpwfia in P** loses most of its point if it is used in
the later technical sense (on the word see Lightfoot,
Col. p. 323; J. A, Robinson, Eph., 1903, p. 255;
Peake on Col 1'*). It is far more probable that
the later Gnostics derived their usage from that
of St. Paul.
^lore recently the theory has been held in a
modified form, recognizing a genuine Pauline
Epistle, directed against a Jewish-Christian tlieo-
sophy, but regarding it as having been expanded
by a2nd-cent. writer (so Pfleiderer, Primitive Chris-
tianity, Eng. tr., 1906-11, who saw allusions to
Gnostic Ebionism though he did not attempt to
reconstruct the original Epistle ; Holtzmann and
Soltau, who depend, however, rather on literary
criticism ; see below). The arguments for this also
fail if the known tendencies of the 1st cent, are
sufficient to cover the facts. And there is no hint
in the Epistle of any such division in the object
of St. Paul's attack.
More plausible is the attempt to find in Col. an
attack on the 1st cent. Gnosticism of Cerinthus (so,
e.g., R. Scott). Here we find both the emphasis on
Judaism, though the Jewish angels have taken the
position later occupied by the Gnostic teons, and
the reduced Christology in which the Christ is
supposed to have descended upon the man Jesus at
His baptism. This has clear affinities with the
Colossian heresy ; but, as Lightfoot has shown (Col.
p. 108 ff.), it is difficult to think that the teaching
at Colossae had as yet taken so definite a form.
St. Paul would surely have made a more definite
and incisive reply. And, further, the angelic
powers could still be regarded as objects of worship.
They are not yet either ignorant of or hostile to
the Supreme God. And the emphasis on the
identity of Jesus with the Christ (2®), while it
would have point against Cerinthus, is hardly an
attack upon him. It is thus more natural to see
in this heresy that tendency of thought which led
up to Cerinthus than the direct outcome of his
teaching.
It has been suggested, especially by Lightfoot
and Klopper, that there was some connexion with
the Jewish ascetic sect known as Essenes. But
(a) before A.D. 70 there is no trace of Essenism
except on the shores of the Dead Sea. The some-
what similar Therapeut;e, in Egypt, are only
known from Philo, de Vit. contempL, a much-
disputed treatise. Lightfoot tries to find parallels
in Acts for the use of magic (cf. Ac 19'* with Jos.
BJ 11. 8. 6 ad Jin.) and in the fourth book of the
Sibylline Oracles, probably written in Asia c. A.D.
80. Neither parallel amounts to much, (b) The
Essenes jealously guarded the names of the angels
(Jos. BJ II. viii. 7). This is a poor parallel for the
Colossian cult, which more probably arose through
a syncretistic admixture with Phrygian ideas, (c)
The evidence that the Essenes forbade flesh and
wane is disputable (see Zahn, op. cit. p. 376), though
they certainly had extremely rigid ceremonial
rules as to food. Of the specific Essene prohibition
of marriage there is no trace at Colossae. (d) There
is no sign in Col. of the alleged Essene sun-worship,
of their communal life, their ablutions, their very
severe probation and initiation, (e) The allusions
230 COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
to ' sabbaths ' and circumcision in Col, are merely
Judaistic. There is no hint of the very strict Sab-
batarian rules of the Essenes. It is true that
Lightfoot and Klopper, especially the latter, argue
merely for Esseuistic tendencies at Colossae. Jiut
even this can hardly be said to be proved. The
real value of the suggestion is that it shows that
within Judaism itself it was possible for strange
esoteric cults to appear. (For the Essenes see esp.
Jos. BJlI. viii. ; Lightfoot, Col. pp. 82 ti'., 115 fi'. ;
Zahn, op. cit. p. 376 f.)
We are thus driven to the conclusion that the
Colossian heresy found its stimulus in contemporary
Judaism, doubtless with syncretistic Phrygian
features. Hort {Judaistic Christianity, 11611'.) has
shown that there is nothing in the language which
need imply any other source. The one surprising
point is the worship of angels. But even if this is
not derived from some local Phrygian cult, it was
quite a natural application of contemporary Juda-
ism. In the later Jewish view all God's activity
in Nature was mediated by angels, and, though
angel-worship among the Jews is not known at this
date, it certainly sprang up within a short time,
being alluded to in the Evangeliiim Petri, by Celsus,
and several times in the Talmud. No objection to
the authenticity of the Epistle need therefore be
maintained upon this ground.
6. The theology of the Epistle. — It has been ob-
jected to Col. that it is un-Pauline in its Christo-
logy. It is true that there is a speculative advance
with regard to the Person of Christ. St. Paul is
now opposing a speculative ' philosophy,' and, as
has been shown in dealing with the contents of the
letter, he is forced to draw out the speculative
implications of his own position. And in the
advance made there is nothing to cause surprise.
That Christ is prior to, and the principle of, all
creation (1^^'") is the thought implicit in 1 Co 8®
and in the whole doctrine of the Man from Heaven
(15^^) regarded as pre-existent. That Christ is re-
garded also as the goal of creation (Col V^) is only
in form an advance upon 1 Co 15-^ for it is only
when the consummation in Christ is reached that
Ke is to surrender all things to the Father ; and
even so, in virtue of His unity with the Father,
they remain His own (cf. Ph 2^- 1»). In Col.
St. Paul is especially emphasizing the indwelling
in Christ of the whole Godhead (V^ 2% And,
indeed, in 1^ the most natural rendering implies
exactly the doctrine of 1 Co 15-^ Ro 11^. In any
case, even if there is a real advance here, it is one
that St. Paul might easily have made, and which
was the natural answer to teachers who were
assigning cosmic significance to angelic beings.
This raises the question of St. Paul's angel-
ology. Here again objection has been taken to
Colossians. There is certainly little direct refer-
ence to angels in the other Pauline Epistles. But
yet such references do occur, and, so far as they go,
they tend to confirm the view that St. Paul might
naturally have taken up the position adopted here.
Further, the Rabbinism of the period was full of
speculations about the angels, and there is no
reason why St. Paul should have abandoned such
speculations upon his conversion. They must have
been taken up into his Christianity, even though,
in preaching to Gentiles, it was seldom necessary
to dwell upon them. The principal features found
in Col. are these :
(1) The universe is animated by elemental spirits
(2®). This conception appears also in Gal 4*- ",
and is in line with that of Ps 104*, a passage which
has been taken over in He 1^, though with a
change of thought characteristic of later Judaism.
Both the Book of Jubilees and Enoch speak of the
spirits of such things as fire, mist, hail, the sea
(cf. Rev 14" 16»).
(2) There are diflerent ranks of angels (P® 2^"- ^^ ;
cf. Ro 8^^ 1 Co 15**, where substantially the same
language is used). This conception perhaps starts
from Dt 4^", where the nations are allotted to ' the
host of heaven.' In Daniel each nation, including
Israel, has its angelic ' prince, ' It was a natural
development that led to the conception of orders
of angelic powers in heaven itself (cf. En. Ixi. 10).
In the later Rabbinism ten orders were enumerated
(cf. also the angels of the churches in Rev.).
(3) In 2''*' ^* there is perhaps an allusion to the
ministry of angels in the giving of the Law. This
characteristic idea of the Rabbis was derived from
Dt 332 (LXX). It is alluded to in Ac 7*^ He 2?,
Jos. Ant. XV. V. 3.
(4) The angels, even the angel or angels of the
Law, may be morally imperfect, and need recon-
ciliation through the Cross (l^ 2}% This is typi-
cally Pauline (cf. Ro 8=^^, 1 Co 2^-^ &■ 11«> 15^ Gal P).
It does not seem to be a very early Jewish concep-
tion, unless it appears in Gn Q^'*. Such ministers
of evil as the destroying angel of Ex 12 are non-
moral. But in the later writings angels are
frequently charged with weakness of different
kinds ; cf. Ps 82^- \ Job 4^8 151'. It was only at a
late date that the distinction between absolutely
good and absolutely bad angels arose. It was not
the characteristic view of St. Paul's day, and there
is no reason why we should expect to find it in his
writings. There thus seems to be nothing particu-
larly un-Pauline in the angelology of Colossians.
(On this subject see esp. O. Everling, Die paulin-
ische Angelologie tind Ddmonologie, 1888 ; A. S.
Peake, Introd. to ' Col.' in EOT ; M. Dibelius, Die
Geisterwelt im Glauben des Patdus, 1909.)
7. Relation to Ephesians. — It is at once obvious
that there is a close literary connexion between
Colossians and Ephesians. The structure of the
two Epistles is largely the same, though naturally
the special warnings of Col. find no parallel in Eph.,
and a second thanksgiving and prayer in Eph 2-3^
314-19 has no parallel in Colossians. The exhorta-
tions at the end show close agreement in detail.
And, most significant of all, there is a remarkable
series of verbal parallels, running through verse
after verse of the two Epistles. Only two alterna-
tives are possible. Either both letters are by one
writer, or one has been deliberately modelled on
the other.
It has commonly been asserted that Eph. is based
on Col., and in that case no presumption against
Col. arises. Holtzmann, however, showed that
the literary criticism did not work out so simply.
Sometimes one Epistle, sometimes the other, seems
to be prior. Accordingly, he regarded Eph. as
based upon a shorter Col., which was subsequently
expanded from Eph. in view of Gnosticism. But
the tests by which he proposed to recover the
original Col. do not work out well. The division
of the heresy into two parts is not at all easy.
And the literary criteria are altogether too minute.
A similar and even more elaborate theory has been
worked out by Soltau. Von Soden, however, in
examining Holtzmann's view, only admitted 1""""
210. w. 18b jj^g later insertions, and has subsequently
reduced even this amount, rejecting only the
Christological passage in ch. 1. The majority of
scholars now accept the whole Epistle as Pauline.
As to the relations with Eph., it seems to the
{)resent writer that sufficient stress has not been
aid upon the curious interweaving of the phrase-
ology of the two Epistles. Even Holtzmann's
hypothesis does not do justice to the way in which
phrase after phrase is used in connexion with
diflerent trains of thought. The author of Eph.
did not copy Col. at all as the two later Synoptists
copied St. Mark. He simply used its langua^^e, and
to a most extraordinary extent. He is writing for
COLOURS
COLOURS
231
a different purpose, and applies to that purpose
phraseology used with quite ditierent implications
in Colossians. ThusEph2"-"isfull of the language
of Col 2'^'^% and yet the points of the passages are
quite different. Is it possible that such a pheno-
menon could have arisen at all except in the work
of a single -w riter writing a second letter while the
language of ti.e first was still fresh in his mind ?
8. Style and language. — It has been objected
that these are un-Pauline, but this holds only if
the four great Epistles are taken as the final norm
as to what St. Paul might have written. Of the
46 words not used elsewhere by St. Paul the
majority are connected either ■with the heresy or
with its refutation. Further, 11 Pauline words
occur which are used by no other NT writer. It
should be noted that St. Paul was now at Rome,
in the midst of new associations, which would
naturally atl'ect his vocabulary. The suggestion
has been made that Timothy, who is associated
witli St. Paul in the salutation, may have had a
large share in the actual composition of the letter.
This suggestion might also help to account for
the change in style from the earlier Epistles. The
movement of thought is less abrupt, and the
sentences are often longer and more involved.
Particles, even those of which St. Paul is most
fond, such as dpa, did, di&ri, are replaced to a great
extent by participial constructions. This, however,
may well be due to the lack of urgency. The
danger was not so great as it had been in Galatia
or in Corinth.
In the second chapter the difficulty of translating
is very great, and it is possible that in some cases
the text has suffered from corruption lying further
back than all our existing MSS ; 2^^ and 2^ are the
most notable examples (in 2'^ C. Taylor's dipa Keve/j^-
^areijuf has been favoured by Westcott and Hort
and Zahn, and is commonly accepted). The trans-
lation of 2}^ presents almost as many difficulties.
Literature. — Editions. — Col. has been edited by H. J. Holtz-
mann (1872), A. Klopper (1882), H. von Soden (1801), and
Haupt (in Meyer's C't/m.», 1899). J. B. Lightfoot's Colossians
(1st ed., 1875) is the standard Enjj. work. Of recent Eng. Com-
mentaries the most valuable are those by A. S. Peake (EOT,
1903), T. K. Abbott (ICC, 1897), and G. G. Findlay (Pulpit
Commentary, 188G). Geserai,.— F. J. A. Hort, Jxuiaistic
Christianity, 1S94 ; W. Sanday, art. in Smith's Diet, of the
Bible'', 1893; T. Zahn, Einlcitung in das j.VT', 1897 (Eng. tr.,
Introd. to NT, 1909) ; H. von Soden, artt. in JI'Th, 1885-87 ;
J. Moffatt, Lyr^, 1912. L. W. Grensted.
COLOURS.— Among the writers of the NT the
sense of colour is strongest in the author of the
Revelation, who partly reproduces the colour-
symbolism of earlier authors, priestly, prophetic,
and apocalyptic, and partly is original. Colour
distinctions were perhaps not so fine in ancient as
in modern times ; at any rate the colour vocabu-
lary was more limited. The associations of colour
vary greatly in different ages and peoples.
1. White (XeuKcis, connected with lux; Xa/iirpos,
•bright' in RV, fr. Xafxiro 'to shine'), the colour
of light, is the symbol of purity, innocence, holi-
ness ; it is the primary liturgical colour. The
head and hair of the Son of Man are white as wool
or snow (Rev V^). Angels are arrayed in white
(15« ; cf. Ac 1"). The elders (Rev 4-*), the martyrs
(61'), the great multitude (7^) are clothed in white
raiment : but their robes were not always Avhite ;
they have washed them and made them white
{iXeCKavav) in the blood of the Lamb (7'^). Such
raiment one of the Seven Churches is counselled to
buy_ (318). A hypocrite has not the white rube ;
he is only like a whitewashed wall {roixe KeKovia-
fijpe, Ac 233 ; cf. Mt 232T). White is the colour of
victory ; the first rider on a white horse (Rev 6-)
represents a conquering secular power, probably
Parthia; the second is the Faithful and True
(19'i), whose triumphant followers are clad in white
uniform (19'^). The Son of Man is seen enthroned
on a white cloud (14'^) ; and the great throne of
God — unlike the sapphire throne in Ezk 1-" — is
white.
2. Red, the first of the three primary colours of
science, is in Greek irvppot, from irvp, ' fire.' ' Light
and fire, when regarded ethically in Holy Scripture,
are contrasts : light, the image of beneficent love ;
and fire, of destroying anger ' (Delitzsch, Iris, Eng.
tr., 1889, p. 73). The swordsman upon the red
horse (Rev 6^) represents war and bloodshed ; the
great red dragon (12^) the same, probably with the
added idea of fire.
3. Black ifiiXas) indicates the absence of light :
a white object is one which reflects nearly all the
light of all colours ; a black object absorbs nearly
all. Ethically considered, the withdraAval of light
is weird and appalling. The revelation at Sinai
was made in ' blackness (yv6(pos, gloom) and mist
and tempest' (He 12"*). Black is the colour of
famine ; the third of the four riders in the Apoca-
lypse, who brings dearth, goes forth on a black
horse (Rev 6^). A great earthquake makes the
sun black as sackcloth of hair (6'^ ; cf. Jl 2^"- ^^ ; Ass.
Mos. X. 4f. ; Virg. Georg. i. 463 f.). For men
whose lives belie their profession there is reserved
the blackness of darkness (6 ^6(f>o% rod aK&rovs, 2 P
2" II Jude'3 ; cf. Homer, II. xxi. 56).
i. Purple (irop(j>vpa, purpura) now denotes a
shade varying between crimson and violet, but to
the ancients it was a red-purple dye, which might
even be mistaken for scarlet (cf. Jn 19- with Mt
27-**). It was obtained from a shellfish (purpura,
mnrex) found near Tyre and on the shores of Tar-
entum and Laconia. The throat of each mollusc
yielded one drop of the precious fluid. The manu-
facture and sale of the dye was the monopoly of
the Phoenicians. Pliny says of Tyre that, while
she once ' thirsted so eagerly for the conquest of
tlie whole earth ... all her fame is now con-
fined to the production of the mure.x and the
purple' [HN v. 17). Cloth of purple was the
emblem of royalty and nobility — purpura regum
(Virg. Georg. ii. 495). The soldiers arrayed Christ
with it in derision (Mt 15"- ^*). It was among the
costly merchandise of Imperial Rome (Rev 18'').
The Maccabees noted that the sober-minded
Romans of the Republic did not wear it (1 Mac
S''*), but Pliny remarks on ' the frantic passion for
purple' in his time [HN ix. 60). The prophet of
the Revelation knows that the great city is arrayed
in it (Rev 18'*). The apocalyptic harlot clothes
herself with it (17^). The finest kind of purple
was 'the Tyrian dibapha (double-dyed), which
could not be bought for even 1000 denarii per
pound ' (Pliny, ix. 63). Lydia (Ac 16'^- 's. «) ^^^^ ^
seller of purple {Trop4>vp6iro}Xis), but it is now generally
believed that the Thyatiran dye, which she was
engaged in selling, was the modern turkey red,
which is extracted from the madder root {rubia).
5. Scarlet (kokkivos) was obtained from the
female of the kermes insect (Arab, kirmiz, whence
the synonymous 'crimson'), which, when impreg-
nated, attaches itself to the holm-oak, and was
long supposed to be a red berry or seed — a mistake
found in Pliny {UN xvi. 8). The insect (Coccus
ilicis) is of the same family as the cochineal of
Mexico, which yields a finer dye that has super-
seded the ancient scarlet. Wool dyed scarlet was
used in the Jewish ritual of sacrifice (He 9'").
Scarlet fabrics were among the merchandise of
Rome (Rev 18'-) — 'rubro cocco tincta vestis ' (Hor.
Sat. II. vi. 102 f.). The glaring colour was the
sj-mbol of luxury and splendour. The great city
was attired in it (Rev 18'*). The woman arrayed
in purple and scarlet, and sitting on a scarlet-
coloured beast, is an image of flaunting licentious-
ness (17^'*).
232
COMFOET
COMFOKT
6. Pale is one of the translations of xXwpos, an
indefinite hue, applied as an epithet to objects
so different as fresh green grass (Mk 6^^) and
yellow sand (Soph. Aj. 1064). Both meanings
were common from Homer downwai-ds. The pale
horse in Rev 6^ has the livid hue of death.
7. Hyacinthine (vaKlvdivos) is one of the three
colours of the breastplates of the fiendish horse-
men in Rev 9^''. v&Kivdo's is the LXX tr. of nj^rp, a
dye obtained from another shellfish on the Tyrian
coast. It was blue-purple as distinguislied from
red-purple; the Oxf. Heb. Lex. gives 'violet.'
The cuirasses were also red like fire {irvplvovs) and
yellow as brimstone [denhSeis).
The brilliant hues of the foundations, walls,
gates, and streets of the New Jerusalem, and those
of the robes of the inhabitants, suggest that ' the
beauty of colour . . . will contribute its part to
the blessedness of vision in the future world'
(Delitzsch, Iris, 61). James Steahan.
COMFORT.— The word irapaKXtja-ts is generally
translated in RV ' comfort' ; ' exhortation ' is used
in Ac 1315, Ro 128, q Co 8", 1 Th 2^, 1 Ti 4'3, He 12^
13^'^; 'encouragement,' He Q^^ ; 'consolation' or
' exhortation,' Ac 4=*^ 15^\ These translations
indicate that the NT use of irapdKXTjai.i is more
nearly equivalent to the root meaning of ' comfort '
(L. Lat. confortare, 'to strengthen') than to the
narrowed present sense of ' consolation.' (The use
of irapaKXTja-is as ' request ' occurs in 2 Co 8''' ;
irapafjLvdia is rendered ' consolation ' in 1 Co 14^ ;
■n-apafivdiov, translated 'consolation,' rather indi-
cates persuasive address in Ph 2^ ; the verb is used
in 1 Th 211 . Trap-riyopia = ' comfort' in Col 4i'.)
It is one of the great functions of religion to
transform the human pain, sorrow, and discourage-
ment of life. The man of faith cannot escape the
inevitable sorrows of the common human lot, but
he can modify their values by his religious faith
and hope. When faith does not remove mountains,
it can give strength to climb them. The ' thorn in
the flesh ' may remain, but the Divine grace proves
' sufiicient' (2 Co 12^- ^). God is recognized as the
real source of all comfort (2 Co I'' ; cf. Ro 15^, 2 Co
7®, 2 Th 21^). He operates through the 'comfort
of the Scriptures' (Ro 15S He 12^; cf. the name
' consolation ' [nehem^ta] given by the Jews to
the Prophetic literature), through the faithfulness,
love, and prosperity of the churches (2 Co 7^* ^ etc.),
and the sustaining comradeship of friends (Col 411,
Philem'). Ac 9^i supplies the phrase ' the comfort
of the Holy Ghost,' although the translation is un-
certain (see R. J. KnoAvling, EGT, 'Acts,' 1900, p.
244) ; but the idea is present in Jn 14-17, the section
which commences with the note of comfort given
in view not only of the coming bereavement, but
of the difficulties of Christian life and work.
The terra 'comforter' in these chapters appears to be an
inaccurate and inadequate translation of TrapaicXTjTo?. irapaKoXeoi
has a double sense : (1) ' call in as a helper,' (2) ' comfort.'
The passive form requires the former meaning: — the Paraclete is
the one called in to help, advise, defend. 'Comforter' would
be TrapaKK-qTiop as in Job 162 (gee HDB, art. ' Paraclete '). But
the fact of having a Paraclete is i-tself a comfort and encourage-
ment. The recognition and experience of the Divine in human
souls inspires and sustains. The description of the Paraclete
in these chapters of St. John's Gospel, as possessing mainl3'
an intellectual function, makes the narrow identification with
the ecstatic Pentecostal spirit of Acts improbable. The term
rather indicates the growing- inward Logos, developed by the
demands put upon the disciples after the death of Jesus (' If I
go not away the Paraclete will not come unto you,' Jn 1&! ; cf.
the thought in Emerson's essay on 'Compensation' — 'The
angels go out that the archangels may come in ').
(«) One of the most obvious needs of the Church
in NT times was that of comfort under circum-
stances of persecution for Christ's sake (1 Th 3^
etc. ). The grounds of such comfort might be found
in the tiiought that Jesus, the Captain and Per-
fecter of their faith, had similarly sullered (He 12*,
1 Th 215), a^jj^ t\\sit they who shared His sutterings
would share His glory (2 Co 4i», Ph 3i») ; in the
recognition that in their case it was nobility of
spirit which provoked the world's persecution (1 P
4i2f-, 2 Ti 312, Ac 5^« ; cf. Jn IS'-^'-) ; that afflictions
were the signs of God's sonship (He 12^-^) ; and that
the worthy bearing of them resulted in ripened
character (v."), demonstrated the strength of God
in human weakness (2 Co 12'"), qualified one to
minister to others (2 Co 1^), and worked an eternal
weight of glory in comparison with which the pass-
ing affliction was light (2 Co 4" ; cf. Rev 71^-" etc.).
The ' promise ' which sustained the ancient heroes
of faith amid much affliction was still an inspiration
(He 11). (b) The Christian worker might be dis-
couraged by his own limitations and the disappoint-
ing results of his labour ; his comfort must be that,
despite diversity of ministration, ' all service ranks
the same with God' (1 Co 12), and that his service
in the Lord would not be in vain (Gal 6^ 1 Co 15*^ ;
cf. Rev I41'). (c) The common burden of life was
lightened for the Christian believer in the con-
sciousness of the Divine love. Apart from what
Jesus had actually done to comfort and encourage
mankind, His very Coming was a symbol of the
eternal goodness, "love, and care of God. Would
not the Father, who had not spared His own Son,
with Him freely give His children all things? (Ro
8^'^). Again, the present 'age' with its pain and
sorrow was not destined to continue for ever. The
whole creation was moving towards a Divine event ;
to those in sympathy with goodness, all things
were working together for good (Ro 8). The world
was God's (' there is one God, the Father, of whom
are all things' [1 Co 8*=]), who finally would again
be all in all (1 Co 15^*"-^). {d) Bereavement and
the fear of death were relieved by the strong
Christian faith in the Resurrection (1 Co 15, etc.).
The First Thessalonian Epistle sought to give
comfort to those whose friends had ' fallen asleep '
by the fact and manner of the Parousia ( 1 Th 4i*"i^).
A deeper element of faith was realized in the
consciousness that behind the world, visible and
temporal, was a world, unseen and eternal, and if
the earthly house of our tabernacle be dissolved,
we have a building of God eternal in the heavens
(2 Co 415 51). Whether the Christians lived or died,
they belonged to the Lord (Ro M^). Uncertain as
to what the future state Avould be (1 Jn 3^), they
could nevertheless be sure of the Divine Fatherhood
and care. ' Neither life nor death, things present
nor things to come,' could separate the children of
God from His love (Ro 8^^ ; cf. the closing verses
of Whittier's The Eternal Goodness). The fourth
voice from heaven (Rev 14i^) proclaims the blessed-
ness of those who die in the Lord.
The duty of mutual comfort is enjoined in 1 Th
418 ('Wherefore comfort one another with these
words ' ; cf. S"). Among a list of Christian duties
in 5'^ is that of 'comforting the faint-hearted'
(irapafivdeicrOe rotis 6\iyo\l/uxovs). TrapaKX-qais is de-
scribed as part of a Christian minister's equip-
ment (1 Ti 413, Tit P, 1 Th 3-), and that the term is
not confined to mere exhortation is suggested by
2 Co I^ The detailed results of ' prophesying' are
given in 1 Co 14'* as ' edification and comfort and
consolation' (RV). The penitent offender in the
Corinthian Church must not only be forgiven, but
comforted, lest by any means such a one should be
swallowed up by his overmuch sorrow (2 Co 2^ ; cf.
1 Jn 21- 2).
Literature.— Artt. ' Comfort' in HDB ; ' Comfort," Consola-
tion,' and 'Care' in DCG ; the relevant Commentaries, esp. J.
B. Lightfoot, Philippiansi, 1878, p. 107, and G. Milligan,
Thessalonians, 1908, p. 17 ; A. Nairne, The Epistle of Priesthood,
1913, p. 432; H. B. Swete, I'he Ilobj Spirit in the JUT, 1009,
pp. 96 f., 228 f., 372 f. ; H. Black, Christ's Service of Love, 1907,
p. 62 ; S. A. Tipple, Days of Old, 1911, p. 107 ; W. P. DuBose,
The Reason of Life, 1911, p. 183. H. BULCOCK.
COMING
COMMANDMENT
233
COMING.— See Parousia.
COMMANDMENT.— In so far as primitive Chris-
tianity, in contrast to the OT, appeals to the con-
science as the supreme tribunal of moral judgment
(1 Co S'^-, Ro 145- "-23 ; cf. 2>S), and calls upon
Christians themselves to determine what is the
will of God (Ro 122, gp^ 510. n 1 j^ 220 ; cf. Jer
3P''), it may be said to proclaim the ethical
autonomy of the individual Christian. This, of
course, involves the assumption that the Christian
apprehends the character of God as revealed in
Jesus Christ ; and accordingly the etliical maxim
of primitive Christianity is that the believer should
have the mind of Christ (Ph 2^^-) and should follow
Him (1 Co IP, 1 P 22iff-, 1 Jn 28 etc.).
But, on the other hand, the ajjostles, including
St. Paul, make reference to a tradition of authori-
tative Divine commandments, and indeed they
themselves lay down a number of jnecepts designed
to serve as guides for the moral judgment of
Christians {ivroKal, ddynara, trapayyeXiai, irapaddaeis,
etc. ). We note the following categories.
1. Commandments of the Mosaic Law. — We
have in the first place those commandments of the
Mosaic Law, or of the OT, which are regarded as
of Divine authority not only by the Jewish-Chris-
tian apostles, but also by St. Paul ; cf. Ja 28-",
Ro 78-^^ 13», Gal 5'^ Eph 6^. Of the laws of Moses,
the Decalogue, as we might expect, is assigned a
position of peculiar importance ; it forms the
fundamental law of the Old Dispensation (2 Co 3^ :
'tables of stone'), and is therefore always cited
when the leading commandments are under con-
sideration (Ro 13^, Ja 2'^). It is worthy of remark,
however, that here both St. Paul and St. James
take into account only the commandments of the
second table, asserting that the wliole Law is
summed up in the command to love one's neighbour
(Gal 51*, Ro 138f-), 'the royal law' ( Ja 28), though
it is true that in Eph 62 St. Paul quotes a command-
ment from the first table ('Honour thy father,'
etc.).* The sequence of the laws quoted in Ro 13®
and Ja 2'^ agrees with that of the LXX version of
Ex 20'3 in putting adultery before murder. So far
as the Decalogue shares the statutory character of
the Law as a whole, it also, according to St. Paul,
is involved in the abrogation of ' the law of com-
mandments ' (Eph 2^^), as is evident from what is
said regarding the law of the Sabbath, the obliga-
tory character of which, according to Ro 14^, Gal4'"*,
Col 2'®, is in principle surrendered. Hence Luther's
interpretation of this commandment is the right
one ; though, in view of 1 Co 7'^ St. Paul probably
maintained that it should remain binding upon
Jewish Christians (see art. Law).
Further, St. Paul (as also the other apostles)
cites not only the Decalogue, but the rest of the
Torah as well, in support of his own ethical pre-
cepts (1 Co 99 14**, 1 Ti 5^8 ; cf. Ja 21' ; in all these
passages, however, the reference is to command-
ments which justify themselves to the Christian
consciousness). He avails himself of the principle
laid down in 1 Co 10", Ro 15^ Col 2'^ i.e. he
applies the OT commandments to the Messianic
era in an allegorical or typological sense ; thus
1 Co 9® (maintenance of Christian teachers) = Dt 25'*,
1 Co 9^3 = Nu 188, 1 Co 5"- = Ex 12«ff- {the putting
away of leaven). He likeAvise reinforces his own
admonitions by sayings from the Psalms and the
Prophets, as, e.g., 2 Co 99 = Ps 112s, 1 Co l3i = Jer
923, Ro 12i9=Dt 3235 . cf. Ja 4« = Pr 3^\ He 3^"" =
Ps 95^-". Finally, St. Paul and the rest frequently
* Just as, e.g., in Mt 1919 and lis this commandment is ap-
pended to those of the second table (nos. 6, 7, and 8). It is
impossible to decide whether the Jewish, the Eastern and Re-
formed, or the Roman Catholic and Lutheran arrangement of
the commandments is followed here.
give their precepts in the form of OT exhortations ;
cf., e.g., Ro 122o = Pr 25-"-, 1 P2"=Pr24-i, 1 PS^""'-
= Ps 34i3ff-, He 12«- = Pr 3"'-.
2. Commandments of God and Jesus. — (1) The
comvifindments of God frequently referred to in
the Epistles of John and in Rev. (1 Jn 3^2 421 52'-,
2 Jn6, Rev 12" 14'2 ; cf. the Pauline usage, 1 Co 1^)
should doubtless be regarded as the OT command-
ments in the NT acceptation (i.e. as applied by
Jesus) ; cf. 1 Jn 2''^-, where the commandment to
love one's brother is spoken of as at once old and
new, and 1 Jn 4P-, where brotherly love in Christ's
sense is combined with love to God (cf. Mt 223'*^'
and parallels).
(2) Apart from this the apostolic Epistles refer
but seldom to the commandments of Jesus. In
James, 1 Peter, Hebrews, and Revelation we meet
with no utterance of the earthly Jesus, while 1 and
2 John allude to His commandments only in general
terms ( 1 Jn 2^^- 3=3 [brotherly love] ; cf. 2 Jn »). Nor
will it surprise us to find that the Pauline Epistles
likewise contain but few references to the com-
mandments of the Lord. Apart from Ac 203"
(which, it is true, implies a more extensive use of
the Lord's words in the oral teaching of St. Paul ;
cf. the pi. \6yo:v), we find such references only in
1 Co 7'» 9" (1123-25), Gal 62, 1 Ti 63. The first of
these passages refers to the prohibition of divorce ;
tlie second to the apostles' right to live by preach-
ing the gospel (cf. 1 Ti 5^8) . Qal 62 to ' the law of
Christ,' i.e. mutual service; and 1 Ti 63 to the
words of Jesus in general (cf. 4^). But the exjilicit
distinction wliich St. Paul draws between what
the Lord did and did not command shows that he
had an accurate knowledge of the Lord's words —
just as he also distinguishes between his own pre-
cepts and the Lord's commandments. To trace
this distinction to the diflerence between a greater
and a less degree of certainty in the inward revela-
tion (Baur) is the sheerest caiffice ; cf. the historic
tense in 1 Co 9". That St. Paul in general based
his moral teachings on the authority of Jesus Him-
self appears from 1 Th 42, where he reminds his
readers of the charges he delivered to them
'through the Lord Jesus' ; cf. 1 Co 4''', where, as
the context shows, his 'ways which are in Christ'
are the ethical precepts for which Christ was his
authority. In using here the somewhat vague ex-
pression ' in Christ,' he simply indicates that his
precepts are not mere repetitions of the words of
Jesus, but that they are ' Christian ' in the wider
sense — like, let us say, the ' Teachings of the Lord
through the Twelve Apostles' in the Didache.
The commandments of Jesus are frequently cited
also by the Apostolic Fathers ; cf. 1 Clem, xiii, 3 ;
2 Clem. iii. 4, iv. 5 tt., xvii. 3. 6 ; Ign. Eph. ix. 2;
cf. ]\lagn. xiii. 1 (Soy/xara tov Kvpiov kuI tQv airoaTb-
\u3v) ; Did. xi. 3 {56yiJ.a tov evayye'Mov).
3. Commandments of the apostles. — From the
commandments of Jesus appealed to by the apostles
it is an easy transition to those of the apostles
themselves (cf, 2 P 32) ; it should be noted, how-
ever, that the term evroXai is restricted to the
commandments of God and Jesus, while the apos-
tolic ' commandments' are denoted by other terms :
doyfiaTa (Ac 16-*), 7rapa77eX(at (1 Th 42 ; cf. 2 Th S^"),
irapadoaeis (I Co II2, 2 Th 2^^ 3% and the like. But
although St. Paul, in 1 Co 7, distinguishes between
his own 'judgment ' (v. 25 yvu/j.7]) and the command-
ment of the Loi'd, he nevertheless demands obe-
dience to the former, inasmuch as he is possessed
of the Spirit of God (1 Co 7^»; cf. Ac I528), and,
accordingly, he can even assert that what he writes
is ' the commandment of the Lord' (1 Co 143'^). It
is true that he sometimes appeals, as in 1 Co 10^"*,
to the personal judgment of his readers, but it is
clear, from IV^ and 143"-, that he attached no de-
cisive importance to such judgment. In any case,
234
COMMEXDATIOiJ
communio:n
all oijposition must give way before the consensus
of apostolic usage (11"^ 14"''), and St. Paul always
assumes that such a consensus really exists ; cf.
Ro 6^' Ttjiros didaxns ('fixed form of moral teach-
ing'), 16'^ (where ' the teaching ' = moral teaching).
This common ethical tradition would include,
above all, the so-called Apostolic Decree (Ac IS^**'*
16''). It must certainly have comprised the in-
junctions regarding things sacrificed to idols, and
fornication, an echo of which is still heard in Rev
220. 24 ((>f_ y_24 ^T^Q phrase ' cast upon you none other
burden' with Ac 15'^), and which the Apostle, not
only according to Ac 16*, but also in 1 Co 6^^-20 ^nd
lO^^"'^, expressly urges upon Gentile Christians.
Cf. further artt. Law and MosES.
We must also take account of the lists of vices and
virtues given in various forms by the apostles :
Gal 5'9-2i, 1 Co 5'" &^-, 2 Co 122')'-, Ro l-«-=*' IS^^^
Col 35-8, Eph 43' 5»'-, 1 Ti P's 2 Ti S'^-^, Rev 21^ 22»»
(vices) ; Gal 5^^ Col 312-16, Eph 42'- 32.52^ 2 P p-s
(virtues). Similar lists are found in Did. ii. 1-v. 2,
Ram. 18-20, Polycarp, ii. 2-iv. 3. Though such
tables were in tiieir origin dependent upon Jewish
and Greek models (e.g. Wis 12=**^- U--*^-; cf. Mt 15'9 ;
Diog. Laert. vii. 110-114)— as St. Paul indeed in-
directly recognizes in Ro P^ Ph 4^ (cf. the Stoic
phrase ra fir) KadrjKovTa, Ro 1^^) — they nevertheless
reveal, especially as regards the virtues, their dis-
tinctively Christian character.
Along with the lists of vices and virtues should
be mentioned also the so-called ' house-tables,' i.e.
the groups of precepts for the various domestic re-
lationships — husbands and wives, parents and chil-
dren, masters and slaves (e._(/. Eph 5^^-6^, Col 3i*-4i,
1 P 2"*-3''). These, as will be seen, make their
first appearance in the later Epistles, but they may
well have attained an oral form at an earlier date.
Finally, the Pastoral Epistles, in addition to the
family precepts, give several series of directions
for the various orders of Christians — bishops,
deacons, widows, etc., thus furnishing in fact a
kind of Church organization, the social duties of
the various relationships being made more or less
subordinate to the ecclesiastical point of view (cf.
1 Ti 2'-62, Tit P-32).
The reduction of Christian morality to concrete
details was a matter of historic necessity. Just as
the spirit of Christianity was not, even at the out-
set, possessed by all believers in the same degree,
but was found pre-eminently in the apostles and
prophets, so it was not present so fully in the later
period as in the earlier. Hence, wiien the apostles
were nearing their end, they felt it necessary, for
the sake of the succeeding generation, to commit
to writing the more detailed ethical teaching which
no doubt they had to some extent already brought
into an oral form. Cf. further art. Law.
Litre ATUEE.— The NT Theoloj^es of B. Weiss, P. Peine, and
H.Weinel ; G. B. Stevens, The Pauline Theology, 1S92 ; C. v.
Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, Eng. tr., 1.2 [1897] 154 ; A. Seeberg,
Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit, 1903, p. Iff.; O. Moe,
Paulusund die evangeliscke Geschichte, 1912, p. 56 ff.; A. b!
Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Chriatianity, 1894, p. 293 ff.';
E. v. Dobsciiutz, Christian Life in the Primitive Church, Ens.
tr., 1904, p. 399 ff. QlAF MoE.
COMMENDATION (from Lat. com- and mando,
'commit to'). — 'Commend' is used in AV and
RV as a translation of (a) irapaTi9T)fi.i, in the sense
of entrusting (cf. ' Father, into tiiy hands I com-
mend my spirit,' Lk 23*") in Ac 14^3 and 20'-, in
reference to tlie solemn committing of the heads
of the churches to God. The same verb is trans-
lated • commit ' (to God) in 1 P 4i» (' Let them that
sutler . . . commit their souls ... to a faitliful
creator') ; cf. Lk 12^^ 1 Ti 1'** 6-0, 2 Ti l'^- h 22.
{b) irapio-TTjiJii is translated ' commend ' in 1 Co
8^ ('Meat conimendetli us not to God') in the
sense of presenting to God ; ' non exhibebit nos
Deo '(Meyer); 'will not bring us into God's pre-
sence' (Weymouth).
(c) ' Commend ' is used to translate <rvv(<rTTjfjii (1)
in Ro 3^ in the sense of demonstration, setting in
clearer light ('but if our unrighteousness com-
mendeth the righteousness of God, what shall we
say?') ; (2) in Ro 5^, in the sense of making prooj
of ('God commendeth his own love towards us, in
that, Avhile we were yet sinners, Christ died for us ') ;
(3) in the sense of introduction in Ro 16' (' I com-
mend unto you Phoebe our sister'). ' (rvviaTr]/j.L is
the technical word for this kind of recommenda-
tion, which was equivalent to a certificate of
church membership' (Denney, EGT, 'Romans,'
1900, p. 717). Greek teachers used to give €iri(x-
ToXal (Tva-raTiKaL (Diog. Laert. viii. 87). The
Ephesian Christians wrote such a letter for Apollos
to the Church at Corinth (Ac IS^^), St. Paul in
2 Co 8^^"^ gives an introduction for Titus and his
companions to the Corinthian Church. In 2 Co 3'
St. Paul finely points out that no such introduc-
tion is necessary in his own case, either for or
from his readers. They themselves are a letter of
commendation in a double sense — they are ever
written in his heart ; no need for others to com-
mend them to his interest and care ; again, as his
converts, they are his letter of credential to them-
selves and to all the world. (4) The verb, refiex-
ively used to convey the idea of self-j^raise, occurs
in 2 Co 3' 5'^ lO'^' '* (where the pronoun coming
before the verb occupies the prominent position) ;
(5) but in 4* 6* 7" (where the pronoun follows the
verb) the reference is to legitimate demonstration
of one's faith and work ; e.g. zeal for purity is
such a commendation (7"). An apostle's true
credentials are unwearied labour, self-sacrifice,
character, and loftiness of spirit (6"*).
H. BULCOCK.
COMMERCE.— See TRADE.
COMMON.— See Clean.
COMMUNION.— The Greek word Koivwvla has a
wider scope (see Fellowship) than the English
word ' communion,' which the EV uses particularly
in regard to the Lord's Supper (1 Co 10^"). St.
Paul's expression is somewliat ambiguous. In
what way may the cup and the bread be said to be
a communion ? They may either be a symbol for
communion or may constitute a communion by
sacramental influence. What does the blood of
Christ mean ? Is it the blood which was shed at
His death, or does it signify the death itself or its
effects? Or does St. Paul perhaps think of the
blood as some transfigured heavenly substance?
And what does the body of Christ mean ? Is it the
material body, which Jesus wore on earth, and
which hung on the cross, or tlie immaterial body
of the heavenly Lord ? Or, again, is it the spiritual
body, whose head is Christ, i.e. the Church ? And
lastly, what does communion of the blood and of
the body mean ? Is it communion with, i.e. par-
taking of, the blood and the body, or is it a com-
munion whose symbol and medium are the bloodand
the body? In former times all attempts at inter-
pretation distinguished sharply between those
various meanings ; nowadays there is a tendency
towards accepting the ditierent views as being
present at the same time in the autlior's mind and
in the mind of his first readers, not as entirely
separate ideas, but all together in fluctuating transi-
tion. Grammar and vocabulary are not decisive
in such a case. We have to start from the general
view of communion which early Christianity held.
In this the particular meaning of communion in
regard to the Lord's Slipper will be included.
There can be no doul)t but that early Christianity
had a double conception of fellowship : all mem-
COMMUA^IO:X
COMMUNITY OF GOODb
235
bers of the Church -were in close fellowship one
with the other, and at tlie same time each and all
of them were in fellowship with the heavenly-
Lord. The former conception was the more pro-
minent ; but the latter no doubt was the basis of
faith. Now in the Lord's Supper we find both
these ideas present. St. Paul complains of the
divisions at Corinth (1 Co 11'*): the members of
the Church do not share their meal in a brotherly-
way, nor do they wait for one another (i.e. prob-
ably for the slaves "who could not be present
early). Here we have the purely social and moral
idea. But St. Paul, in speaking of ' the Lord's
Supper' (IP"), indicates another point of view,
which may be called the religious and sacramental
conception : the Lord's Supper is not only a supper
held at the Lord's command, or a supper held in
honour of the Lord (cf. ll'-^- 2®), but it is also a
supper in communion with the Lord, where the
Lord is present, participating as the Host. In this
way the Lord's Supper is not only the expression
of an existing communion with Him, but it realizes
this communion every time it is held. Now the
question is : Is it the common supper which con-
stitutes the communion, or are we to think of the
particular elements, bread and wine, as producing
the communion ? We shall try to find an answer
by noting some analogies from the comparative
history of religions.
W. Robertson Smith started the theory that the
origin of all sacrifice lies in the idea of a sacra-
mental communion between the members of a tribe
and the tribal deity, which is realized by the
common eating of the flesh of the sacrifice and the
drinking of its blood. The theory as a complete
explanation is inadequate, but we may admit sacra-
mental communion in this sense as one of the
ditterent views underlying the practice of sacrifice.
In ancient Israel the so-called peace-ofiering may be
taken as illustrating this view. In later Judaism,
however, this rite held but asmall place, and Rabbi-
nical transcendentalism would not allow any thought
of sacramental communion with God the Must
High. To adduce analogies taken from primitive
culture is of no value. According to iJieterich,
primitive man had the idea that, by partaking of
the tiesh of any sacrificial animal ollered to a goil,
he was partaking of the god himself, and thus
entering into sacramental communion with him.
This theory has not been proved, and in any case
it is beside the point here. We find better analo-
gies in the Hellenism of the Apostolic Age, where
we may distinguish two sets of parallels, (a) In the
Mysteries certain sacred foods and drinks were
used to bring man into communion with the god ;
(6) on the other hand, many clubs held an annual
or monthly supper, which generally took place in
a temple, and was at any rate accompanied by
religious ceremonies which were to constitute a
communion between the members and the god or
hero (very often the founder of the club) in whose
honour the supper -was given. So we have two
conceptions of communion : one mj'stical, individ-
ual, magical ; the other moral, social, spiritual.
In the former, particular food is supposed to bring
the partaker into communion with the god physic-
ally (or rather hyper-physically), to transfer the
essence and virtues of the god into the man and so
to make him god (deify him) ; in the latter, it is
the community of the meal which unites all par-
takers to one another and to the hero in the same
sense as marriage or friendship unites distinct per-
sonalities.
The evidence of these parallels brings the early
Christian conception of the Lord's Supper into
close affinity with the communion of the club
suppers, which had their analogy in suppers held
in the Jewish synagogues of the Hellenistic Dis-
persion. The Mysteries did not influence Christian
thought before the 2ud century. St. Paul, it is
true, starts the idea of an unio mystica between
the individual Christian and Christ (Gal 2-**) ; this
idea is prevalent in his doctrine of baptism (Ro 6-*,
Col 2^^) ; but his predominant line of thought is
the other view, which regards the two personalities
as apart from each other, and may be described as
the idea of ' fellowship.' The same may be said
about St. John's view, in spite of aU mystical
appearances. .
Now, when we turn to 1 Co 10^® again, we see
clearly that it is not the bread and the wine that
constitute sacramental communion by themselves ;
nor is communion the partaking of Christ's material
body and blood. Bread and wine in relation to body
and blood were given by tradition, but, as far as
performing a sacramental commtinion is concerned,
they represent only the common meal, which brings
men into communion with the Lord, who through
His death entered upon a heavenly existence.
From this conception of the transfigured body it is
easy to pass to the other one of a spiritual body
whose members are the partakers (v.").
This interpretation is further supported by the
comparison, made by St. Paul himself, of Jewish
and Gentile sacrifices. When he says that the
Jews by eating the sacrifices have communion with
the altar, lie means spiritual communion with God
whose representative is the altar (note that the
phrase 'communion with God' is avoided — a true
mark of Rabbinism) ; and when he says that to
partake of a supper connected with a heathen sacri-
fice brings men into communion with demons, he
does not accept the popular idea that the food itself
was quasi-infected by demonic influence (he declares
formally that to eat sucii flesh unconsciously does
not harm a Christian); but he says : 'ye cannot
drink the cup of the Lord and the cup of devils :
ye cannot partake of the table of the Lord and of
the table of devils,' because partaking of the table
constitutes a spiritual and moral communion which
is exclusive in its efl'ect. See Euchakist.
Literature.— W. Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage
in Early Arabia, new ed., 1903, RS'-, lt94 ; A. Dieterich, Eine
ilithraditurgie, 1903 ; E. Reuterskibld, Die EnUtehung der
Spei^esacrameiite {Heligiotiswissenschaftliche Bibliothek, 1912) ;
L. R. Farnell, ' Keligious and Social Aspects of the Cult of
Ancestorsand Heroes,' in UJ vii. [1909]415-435. Formeniorial
suppers, see inscriptions collected by H. Lietzmann, Ilandbuch
zum NT, iii. [1907] 160 ff. ; E. Lucius, Lie Anjdnge des Heili-
genkxilts, 1904. For Jewish suppers in synagogues, see E.
Schiirer, GJV*'m. [1909] 143; O. Schmitz, ixe Opjeranschau-
ungdesspaterenJudcntums,li)lO; W. Heitmiiller, Taujeund
Abendmahl bet faidus, 1903 ; E. v. Dobschiitz, ' Sacrament
und Symbol im Urchristentum,' in SK, lyOo, pp. 1-40 ; F.
Dibelius, Das Abendmahl, 1911. Cf. the Commentaries on
1 Cor. by L. I. Ruckert (1&36), C. F. G. Heinrici (IfebO), T. C.
Edwards (21885), P. W. Schmiedel (1891), H. Lietzmann
(1907), P. Bachmann (1905, ^1910), J. Weiss (in ileyerS, 1910).
E. VON DOBSCHUTZ.
COMMUNITY OF GOODS.— There are two pass-
ages in the Acts of the Apostles which seem to
suggest that there was established in the Church
in Jerusalem a system of community of goods.
'And all that believed were together and had all
things common ; and they sold their possessions
and goods, and parted them to all, according as
any man had need ' (Ac 2**^-). 'And the multitude
of them that believed were of one heart and soul :
and not one of them said that aught of the things
which he possessed was his own, but they had all
things common. . . . For neither was there among
them any that lacked : for as many as were possess-
ors of lands or houses sold them, and brought the
prices of the things that were sold, and laid them
at the apostles' feet : and distribution was made
unto each, according as any one had need' (432.34.36)_
The Didavhe (iv. 8) contains a phrase which must be
put beside this : ' Thou shalt not turn away from
him that is in need, but shalt share all things with
236
COMMUNITY OF GOODS
CONDEMNATIONS^
thy brother, and shalt not say that they are thine
own ; for if ye are sharers in that which is immortal,
how much more in those things which are mortal.'
The so-called Epistle of Barnabas contains almost
exactly the same phrase (xix. 8), and it is most
probable that in these works it came from some
common source. We confine ourselves in this art.
to the 1st cent., but a statement of Justin ISIartyr
must be cited. He says in the First Apology that
the Christians brought what they possessed into a
common stock, and shared mth every one in need
(xiv.).
At first sight it would seem as if the passages
in Acts indicated the existence in the Christian
community of a definite system of communism,
and there are some things in the Gospels which
might seem to point in the same direction. The
blessedness of poverty, the subtle dangers of
riches, are taught in many passages. The rich
young man is told to sell all that he has and give
to the poor, and our Lord observes upon the in-
cident that it is hard for them that have riches to
enter into the Kingdom of God (Mk lO^^'-^* ||). In
Lk 6-"- ■-"' our Lord is reported as saying, ' Blessed
are ye poor, for yours is the kingdom of God. . . .
But woe unto you that are rich, for ye have re-
ceived your consolation.' It is possible that we must
allow for the influence of different tendencies in the
Gospel narratives ; for instance, in St. Matthew's
Gospel, this benediction upon the poor is given a
strictly spiritual turn (Mt 5^). Again the Epistle
of St. James seems to indicate that the Christian
communities are composed of poor people, while
the rich are their enemies. ' Hearken, my beloved
brethren ; didnotGod choosethem that are poor as to
the world to be rich in faith, and heirs of the king-
dom which he promised to them that love him ? . .
Do not the rich oppress you, and themselves drag
you before the judgment-seats ? ' (Ja 2''-).
When, however, we examine the passages in the
Acts more carefully, it seems to be clear that the
evidence does not warrant us in concluding that
there was any definite system of community of
goods, even in the Church in Jerusalem. It is plain
from the story of Ananias and Sapphira that there
was no compulsion about the sale of goods and
lands for the common fund. St. Peter is reported
as saying to Ananias : ' Whiles it remained, did
it not remain thine own ? and after it was sold, was
it not in thy power ? ' ( Ac 5*). When we turn from
the Acts to the Pauline Epistles we find no trace
of any system of community of goods. St. Paul
constantly exhorts his converts to liberality to the
poor, especially to those in Jerusalem (1 Co 16^*-,
2 Co 8. 9, Ko 1526, 1 Ti &^), and the nature of his
exhortation seems to imply that the individual
Christian retained his own possessions. The same
thing is implied in the Epistle to the Hebrews (13'^),
and seems to be the most natural interpretation of
the phrase in 1 John (3^^).
It cannot be said that the references in the NT
justify us in asserting that a system of community
of goods was part of the normal constitution of the
primitive Christian communities ; but it is not im-
possible that the conception that this was the most
perfect form of the religious life may have come
into Christianity from such contemporary forms of
Judaism as that of the Essenes, among whom the
community of goods was apparently practised. But
on the whole it would seem that the NT passages
are sufficiently explained by the very high sense of
the claim of brotlierhood among Christian iDcojile.
The discussion of the full significance of this would
take us into the later history of the Church, and
would therefore be out of place here. But so much
may be said, that the NT principles are wlioUy in-
consistent with the view that the Christian man
has any absolute right of property as against his
fellow-man. There can be no doubt that a great
Father like St. Gregory the Great rightly interprets
the spirit of the NT when he says that when we
give what they need to those who are in want, we
give them that which is their own ; we are not
giving away what is ours, we are rather discharg-
ing an obligation of justice than performing a work
of mercy (Lib. Reg. Pastor, pt. iii. ch. xxi.).
Literature. — E. Troeltsch, Die Soziallehren der christlichen
Eirchen und Gruppen, 1912 ; R. W. and A. J. Carlyle, A His-
tory of Medioeval Political Theory in the West, vol. i. ('The 2nd
cent, to the 9th,' by A. J. Carlyle), 1903; E. B. Redlich, St.
Paul and his Companions, 1913, p. 7 ; O. Cone, Rich and Poor
in the liT, 1902, p. 143 2. ; E. Schiirer, GJf's ii. [1S9S] 564 fE.
A. J. Carlyle.
COMPASSION.— See Pity.
CONCISION.— See Ciecumcision.
CONCUPISCENCE.— See Lust.
CONDEMNATION.— Not only from the Gospels,
but from the rest of the RV as well, the word
' damnation ' disappears, ' condemnation ' taking
its place in Ro 3® and 1 Ti 5'^ 'destruction' in
2P 23, and 'judgment' in Ro 13^ and 1 Co ll^s.
The reason is that the process of degeneration,
which had begun before the translation of the
AV, linked up the term Avith conceptions of finality
and eternity, originally alien to it, and thus made
it no longer representative of apostolical thought.
With the exception of 2 P 2^, the same Greek root
occurs in all instances, and the context in the
various passages is mainly responsible for the differ-
ent shades of meaning. In the case of the verb, an
exception must also be made of Gal 2^^, where
the idea is that the act of Peter needed no verdict
from outside, but carried its own condemnation,
as in Ro 2' W^ and Tit 3".
Little difficulty attaches to the use of the term
in the sense of ' destruction ' in tlie case of Sodom
(2 P 2®), to the reference to the ark as a visible
sign of the destruction about to come upon the
unbelieving (He IP), or to the denunciation by
James (5") of men wlio unjustly ascribe blame to
others and exact penalty for the imagined fault.
The Avanton are rightly condemned for the rejec-
tion of the faith whose value they had learnt by
experience (1 Ti 5^'^). Sound speech, on the other
hand, cannot be condemned (Tit 2^). The man
who fails to judge and discipline himself is re-
minded of his duty by Divine chastening ; and if
that fail, he shares in the final judgment with the
lost (1 Co Ipi'-; cf. Mk 9"^-}. In Ro 5i«- ^^ coq.
demnation is the consequence of an original act of
evil, and suggests the antithesis of a single act of
righteousness, the effects of which overflow to the
potential justification of all men ; and the freedom
from condemnation continues beyond the initial
stage of forgiveness and rijiens into all the assured
experiences of union with Clirist (Ro 8')-
In several passages the term is involved in a
context which to some extent obscures the mean-
ing. The justification of evil as a means to good
is indignantly dealt with in Ro 3^ ; with the
authors of the slander that he shared that view
the apostle refuses to argue, but he leaves them
with the just condemnation of God impending.
That God ' condemned sin in the flesh ' (Ro 8^) has
been taken to mean that tlie sinlessness of Clirist
was by contrast a condemnation of the sin of man,
or that the incarnation is a token that human
nature is essentially sinless ; but the previous
phrases connect the thought with the death rather
than with the birth of Clirist. For Him as man
death meant the crown of sinlessness, tlie closure
of the last avenue through which temptation could
approach Him ; and in virtue of union with Christ,
the believer who is dead with Him is free from
CONFESSION
COI^^FESSIOX
237
sin, though not immune from temptation. In 2
Go's'' ' condemnation ' is antitlietical to ' righteous-
ness,' and synonymous ^Yith 'death' in v.^. The
ar«mment appears to be that sin is so horrible that
the law which reveals it is glorious ; a fortiori
the covenant that sweeps it out exceeds in glory.
'This condemnation' of Jude* ought grammatic-
ally to be retrospective, but NT usage allows _ a
prospective use with an explanatory phrase in
apposition. The meaning is that ungodliness of
the kind described is self-condemned, as has been
set forth in various ways in Scripture (cf. Jn 3^*,
2 P 21-2) as well as in Enoch, i. 9 (cf. Judei'*-!^).
'The condemnation of the devil ' (1 Ti 3**) is a com-
parison of his fall with that of any vainglorious
member of the hierarchy. Both being God's minis-
ters to the people, the similarity is one of circum-
stance, not necessarily of degree.
R. W. Moss.
CONFESSION.— 1. Confession of Christ.— The
duty of confessing Christ before men was very
plainly taught by the Lord. He promised (Mt 10^^)
that He would Himself acknowledge a faithful
disciple before His Father and the holy angels.
He had challenged by a leading question the con-
fession of St. Peter : ' Thou art the Christ, the Son
of the living God ' (Mt le^**), which He commended.
In the Acts we find the same root ideas carried
into practice. St. Peter and the other apostles
openly confessed Jesus as the Christ (Ac 23"-),
The references to baptism into the name of the
Lord most probably refer to the confession of faith
in Him which was made by all candidates for bap-
tism. Probably the little creed put into the mouth
of the Ethiopian eunuch (Ac 8" ' I believe that
.Jesus Christ is the Son of God ') is an interpolation,
and represents the creed of some Church in Asia
Minor, since it was known to Irenseus.
The Epistles bear the same witness : ' No one
can say that Jesus is the Lord, save in the Holy
Ghost ' (1 Co 123). « If thou shalt confess with thy
mouth the Lord Jesus, and shalt believe in thy
heart that God hath raised him from the dead,
thou shalt be saved' (Ro 10'). St. Paul here im-
plies that the Lord Jesus is one with the Lord
Jahweh on whom the prophet Joel bade men call
when he predicted ' this word of faith.' Our diffi-
culties begin when we try to piece together any
sort of longer confession which might be regarded
as the archetype of the later creeds. It is so diffi-
cult to keep an open mind and refrain from read-
ing too much into the evidence.
The Epistle to the Hebrews confirms the testi-
mony of the earlier Pauline Epistles. He 3^ reads,
' consider the Apostle and High Priest of our con-
fession, even Jesus.' In Westcott's words (Ep. to
Hebrews, 1889, ad loc.) : 'In Christ our "confes-
sion," the faith which we hold and openly acknow-
ledge, finds its authoritative promulgation and its
priestly application. ' In 4" the idea is expressed
of clinging to faith in one who is truly human and
truly Divine. In 10^ this confidence is described as
the confession of our hope, by which it is shaped.
There is an interesting parallel in Clement, ad Cor.,
ch. 36, who calls Christ 'the High Priest of our
oflFerings.'
The Johannine Epistles correspond to the Pauline.
In 1 Jn 2^ confession is contrasted with denial as
entailing the privilege of having the Father. The
true inspiration of the Spirit is shown in confession
of 'Jesus Christ come in the flesh' (i^-) uniting
the Divine and the human in one person. ' The
recognition of the revelation of God is the sign of
the presence of God' (Westcott, Epp. of St. John,
1883, p. 146) : ' Whosoever shall confess that Jesus
is the Son of God, God abideth in him and he in
God ' (415),
There is an interesting parallel with Johannine
teaching in Polycarp's Epistle, ch. 7, where he
urges confession of Jesus Christ come in the flesh,
echoing 1 Jn 4*. Polycarp's teacher, Ignatius of
Antioch, has much more to say on the lines of the
developed teaching about the person of Christ in
opposition to Docetic heresy. Thus he writes to
the Ephesians (ch. 7) : ' There is one only physician,
of flesh and of spirit, generate and ingenerate,
God in man, true Life in death. Son of Mary and
Son of God, first passible and then impassible,
Jesus Christ our Lord.' This is a good illustration
of the way in which the simple primitive creed
was analyzed to meet new phases of thought which
were felt to impoverish its full meaning. But
there is great risk in the attempts which have
been made to extract a full parallel with a later
baptismal creed, such as the Old Roman, from
passages like the follo\\'ing. Ignatius writes to
the Trallians (ch. 9): 'Be ye deaf therefore, when
any man speaketh to you apart from Jesus Christ,
who was of the race of David, who was the Son of
Mary, who was truly born and ate and drank, was
truly persecuted under Pontius Pilate, was truly
crucified and died in the sight of those in heaven,
and those on earth, and those under the earth ;
who moreover was truly raised from the dead. His
Father having raised Him, who in the like fashion
will so raise us also who believe on Him — His
Father, I say, will raise us — in Christ Jesus, apart
from whom we have not true life.' It is reasonable
to argue from this and similar passages {ad Eph.
18, ad Sinyrn. 1) that for purposes of catechetical
instruction Christian teachers would soon prepare
a precise statement of the great facts of the Lord's
life and death and resurrection. But there is no
evidence that it had as yet been fitted into the
setting of the Trinitarian baptismal formula.
Ignatius expresses his faith in the Trinity — ' in
the Son, and in the Father, and in the Spirit' [ad
Magn. 13 ; cf. 2 Co 13'*)— clearly enough. But he
does not bring it into connexion with his confession
of Christ.
From a study of Ignatius we may work back-
wards to the i)roblem of the confession of faith in
the Pastoral Epistles of St. Paul. , We are not
concerned here to defend their authenticity, but
only to ask whether it is possible to extract from
them, as Zahn attempts to do, an Apostolic Creed
of Antioch. St. Paul reminds Timothy of the
confession which he made before many witnesses,
we may suppose at his baptism (1 Ti B^^). He
calls it the beautiful confession to which Christ
Jesns has borne witness before Pontius Pilate, and
charges Timothy ' before God, who quickeneth all
things, to keep the commandment undefiled, irre-
proachable, until the appearing of our Lord Jesus
Christ.' The reference is to the Lord's avowal
that He was a King (Jn 18^^). The word ' confes-
sion ' seems to draw attention to the fact that He
confessed rather than to any form of words. In
the Martyrdom, of Ignatius, ch. 1, it is referred to
the martyrdom of one who witnesses by blood-
shedding — that is to say, in deed, not in word.
' A form of sound words ' was indeed needed by
Timothy as a teacher, and he is exhorted to teach
as he had been taught (2 Ti l^^), ' in faith and love
which is in Christ Jesus.' 'Remember Jesus
Christ, risen from the dead, of the seed of David,
according to my gospel ' (2*). We can safely say
that that gosjjel included teaching about God
who quickeneth all things, reference to Pontius
Pilate, to the resurrection, and to the return to judg-
ment ; but the inference is most precarious by
which Zahn puts them all into the creed with con-
fession of the Holy Spirit, who is named in 2 Ti 1'*,
but not with emphatic correlation of His Person to
the Persons of the Father and the Son (cf. 1 Ti e^').
The thought is rather that of 1 Co 12^, quoted
J
238
COi^'FESSION
CONFESSION
above, where St. Paul teaches that it is under the
influence of the Spirit that any man confesses Jesus
as the Loid.
It is very unsafe in the face of these reflexions
to restore an Apostolic Creed of the NT as several
writers have attempted to do. A. Seeberg of
Dorpat [Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit, 1903)
suggests the following as a reconstruction of St.
Paul's creed : ' The living God who created all
things sent his Son, Jesus Christ, born of the seed
of David, who died for our sins according to the
Scriptures, and was buried, who was raised the
third day according to the Scriptures and appeared
to Cephas and the Twelve, who sat at the right
hand of God in the heavens, all rules and authori-
ties and powers being made subject unto him, and
is coming on the clouds of heaven with power and
great glory.' This is much less like the earliest
forms of developed creed both in East and West
than Harnack's more famous reconstruction of
' our oldest creed,' which he was careful to explain
' is not a creed that was ever iised or ever likely to
be used ' : 'I believe in (one) God Almighty, in
Christ Jesus, His Son, our Lord, who was born of
a Virgin, under Pontius Pilate suffered (crucified),
and rose again (from the dead), sat on the right
hand of God, whence He is coming (in glory) to judge
living and dead, and in the Holy Ghost.' *
It is important, however, to remember that the
fact of confession is of greater importance than
any form in which it is made. Of that there is
no doubt. It comes out incidentally in a passage
about idol meats, where St. Paul implies that it is
not the eating of flesh in itself, but with the open
confession, 'I am a Christian,' that makes the
difference (Ro 14"). Again, it is not generally
understood that one form of the interfering with
other men's matters spoken of by St. Peter (1 P A'^^^-)
might be the pressing forward with open confession
of Christianity during another man's trial. Such
unwholesome fanaticism under the cloak of zeal
began early. On tlie other hand, the definite
teaching of the Epistle to the Hebrews takes a sad
tone when the writer thinks of recent acts of
apostasy. If, as von Dobschiitz thinks, the Epistles
to Timothy represent the transition to Catholicism,
the exhortations to fearless confession may be ex-
plained by opposition to a Gnosticism that fought
shy of confession (2 Ti P 2*). In this case, the
apostle who was not ashamed of his bonds might
certainly appear to his successors a pattern putting
them to shame (1'^ 2''** 4"^-). But we need not
wait for 2nd cent. Gnosticism to suggest motives
for cowardice. The temptation is rife in every
generation. In Revelation the condition of the
churches varies widely, but it is only the Church of
Philadelphia which sets the pattern of joyous con-
fession coupled with active missionary zeal (3''^*)-
Such joy is also expressed in Clem, ad Cor. 5, 6,
some words of which may fitly conclude this part
of our subject:
• Let us set before our eyes the good Apostles. There was
Peter, who by reason of unrijrhteous jealousy endured not one
nor two but many labours, and thus having borne his testimony
went to his appointed place of grlory. By reason of jealousy
and strife Paul by his example pointed out the prize of patient
endurance. . . . Unto tiiese men of holy lives was feathered a
vast multitude of tlie elect, who through many indignities and
tortures, being the victims of Jealousy, set a brave example
among ourselves.'
Literature. — A. Hamack, Hist, of Dogma, Eng. tr., 1894-99 ;
F. Kattenbusch, Dag apostol. Symbol, Leipzig, 1894-1900 ; H.
B. Swete, The Apostles' Creed, 1894 ; C. H. Turner, Uist. and
Use of Creeds, 1903 ; A. E. Burn, An Introd, to the Creeds,
18!)9.
2. Confession of sin.— In the Apostolic Age this
had its root in ancient Jewish practice. The cere-
monial of tlie Day of Atonement, the confessions
in the Books of Ezra and Daniel, the Penitential
* A. Hahn, Bfbliothek der SymboleS, Breslau, 1897, p. 390.
Psalms must be remembered when we reflect on
the confessions made publicly by disciples of John
the Baptist. The language of penitence lay in the
OT ready for use when John's fervent appeal stirred
the consciences of men into self-accusation. Among
these men were reckoned some of the chief apostles
of Christ.
(1) Confession to God. — The repentance demanded
from all candidates for Christian baptism (Ac 2^^)
must have included confession of sins as a necessary
element, in private if not in public. The teaching
of 1 Jn 1^ expressly makes it a condition of forgive-
ness. St. Paul's teaching on repentance leaves no
doubt that he also regarded it as a primary duty.
For him conscience was supreme arbiter. No
troubled conscience can find relief save in full
acknowledgment of fault.
(2) Confession before men. — This brings us to a
more difficult problem. In 1 Jn 1" confession of
sins is connected with the Divine blessing, and the
word implies open acknowledgment in the face of
men. But nothing is said as to the mode, though
it is implied that it will be definite and specific,
not in mere general terms. St. Paul is represented
as receiving many confessions publicly at Ephesus
(Ac 19^"*), when many ' came, confessing, and de-
claring their deeds,' and there was a bonfire of
books of magic. The case of discipline at Corinth,
when St. Paul was constrained to condemn a
brother so sternly for incest, led to public con-
fession not only by him but also by those who had
been implicated in shielding him (2 Co 7"). St.
James records, it would seem, the practice of the
Church in Jerusalem in relation to visits of the
elders of the Church to sick persons whom they
anointed with prayer : ' Confess therefore your sins
one to another, and pray one for another, that ye
may be healed ' (Ja 5'^). The word d/iaprias refers
to sins against God, though it may include sins
against neighbours. Much has been made of
Cardinal Cajetan's opinion that this does not relate
to sacramental confession {Epp. S. Pauli, Paris,
1532, f. ccxii). But however limited be the mean-
ing put on the words, e.g. by Mayor (Epistle of
James^, 1910, p. 175), who supposes reference
' merely to such mutual confidences as would give
a right direction to the prayers offered,' the practice
in the sickroom corresponds to the common practice
of the Church in the next generation.
Both Clement and Hermas witness to the custom
of public confession. Clement writes to the Corin-
thians (57) : ' Ye therefore that laid the founda-
tion of the sedition, submit yourselves unto tlie
presbyters and receive chastisement unto repent-
ance, bending the knees of your heart.' We must
interpret these words in the light of others, e.g. ch.
51 : ' For it is good for a man to make confession
of his trespasses rather than to haixlen his heart '
(ef. ch. 54). Hermas, the prophet, tells us bluntly
in the Shepherd of the confessions of untruthfulness
and disiionesty which he was constrained to make
publicly {Mand. iii. 3). He was constrained also
to confess neglect of his home, double-mindedness,
and doubts. It is no ideal picture which he draws
of his own conduct or of the life of his fellow-
Christians. But, as von Dobschiitz says, these
confessions reveal ' the magnificent moral earnest-
ness of the man, and not of him only, but of the
Christianity of his time' [Christian Life in the
Primitive Church, p. 315). The Epistle of Barnabas
is evidence for the preciseness with which the
Church in Alexandria at the end of tiie 1st cent,
interpreted the Moral Law. The writer teaciies
definitely: 'Thou shalt confess thy sins' (ch. 19),
and also speaks of the spiritual counsel which one
is to give to another : ' Be good lawgivers one to
another ; continue faithful counsellors to your-
selves ; takeaway from you all hypocrisy' (ch. 21).
CONFIDEiSXE
COA^SCIE]S"CE
239
Ignatius of Antioch, writing to the Philadelphians
(ch. 8), regards the bishop with his council as in
charge of the discipline of the Church : ' Now the
Lord forgiveth all men when they repent, if repent-
ino' they return to the unity of God and to the
council of the bishop.'
These hints about the public penitential system
of the primitive Church do not carry us very far,
but they certainly prepare us for the famous de-
scription given by Tertullian, which applies no
doubt to the practice at the beginning, as at the
end, of the 2nd century.
' This confession is a disciplinary act of great humiliation and
prostration of the man ; it regulates the dress, the food ; it
enjoins sackcloth and ashes ; it defiles the body with dust, and
subdues the spirit with anguish ; it bids a man alter his life,
and sorrow for past sin ; it restricts meat and drink to the
greatest simplicity possible ; it nourishes prayer by fasting; it
inculcates groans and tears and invocations of the Lord God
day and night, and teaches the penitent to cast himself at the
feet of the presbyters, and to fall on his knees before the beloved
of God, and to beg of all the brethren to intercede on his behalf '
(de Pcen. ch. 9).
LiTERATDRE. — E. von DobschUtz, Christian Life in the
Primitive Church. Eng. tr., 19U4 ; N. Marshall, The Penitential
Discipline of the Primitive Church, new ed., 1844.
A. E. Burn.
CONFIDENCE.— The term 'confidence' ('confi-
dent,' 'confidently') is in the RV of the NT al-
most wholly confined to the Pauline Epistles, the
only exception being He S'''. In AV it renders
wappriaia of 1 Jn 2^^ and 5'*, but is replaced in RV
by 'boldness' (q.v.). The verb Bapptiv of 2 Co 5^*^-
in AV is rendered by ' to be confident ' ; in RV
' to be of good courage ' is substituted. In RV of
1 Ti P and Tit 3^ Sia^e^aiomOai is now rendered
' confidentlj' affirm.' In both AV and RV ' con-
fidence' is three times employed to render the diffi-
cult and many-sided word vir6(TTa<7is (2 Co 9^ 11'^
He 31*).
The words, however, that most concern us here
are ireiroLdivai, 'to be confident,' and ■weiroWriffis,
'confidence,' the latter being in the NT an ex-
clusively Pauline word and found only once in the
LXX (2 K 18'»). They both belong to the language
of deep personal feeling, and it is not surprising
that they appear more frequently in 2 Cor. and
Phil, than in all the other Epistles put together.
The confidence cherished by St. Paul is a state of
mind springing out of faith and rising to the firm
persuasion that God's purposes with himself, Avith
his converts, and with all that pertains to the
kingdom of Christ are right and cannot fail of
accomplishment. In this 'confidence' he enjoys
his boldness in Christ and access through Clirist
to God (Eph 31^). He is ' confident of this very
thing, that he which began a good work in you
wiU perfect it until the day of Jesus Christ' (Ph
1®). His 'confidence' as regards himself (Ph 2"^,
AV and RV ' trust '), and as regards his converts
and their compliance with his counsels, is in God
(Gal 5'", 2 Th 3S Philem^i). It comes from union
with Christ, and has God for its ultimate goal (2
Co 3''). Clement in 1 Corinthians (xxvi. 1) speaks
of those who have served God religiously ' in the
confidence of an honest faith.' He mentions, too,
many wonderful gifts of God — 'life in immortal-
ity, splendour in righteousness, truth in boldness,
faith in confidence, and temperance in sanctifica-
tion ' (xxxv. 2).
Whilst there is such a confidence, there is also
a confidence which is misplaced — confidence in
ourselves (Ro 2^9, 2 Co I*), in the flesh (Ph S^'-),
the confidence of which Hennas says [Siin. ix. 22.
3) that ' vain confidence is a great demon.'
T. NiCOL.
CONFIRMATION. — (a) The word 'confirm' in
the NT sometimes represents aTTjpLi^u} or iiruTTripl^u,
used of the strengthening of Christians, of love,
faith, etc., in Ac 14^ U^ « ; cf. 18^3 (RV ' stablish,'
AV ' strengthen '). arTipll-u is usually (about 12
times) translated ' stablish ' or ' establish ' (in Lk
16-'' it is used of the ' fixing' of a gulf). — (b) ' Con-
firm ' and ' confirmation ' are used to translate
/3e/3at(5w and /Se/Satwcns in Ro IS*, 1 Co P- 8, He 2^ 6i«,
Ph 1'', ' Mk ' 16-", with the same meaning. The
same Gr. verb is rendered ' stablish ' or ' establish '
in 2 Co pi, Col 2^ He IS^.— (c) 'Confirm' is also
the word used for Kvpoco or irpoKvpbw in connexion
with a covenant or will (Gal 3^^- ^'', which may re-
fer to what we should call ' registration ' ; see W.
M. Ramsay, Hist. Com. on Galatians, 1899, p.
354) ; in 2 Co 28 it is used of love.— (rf) In Tit 3»
bia^e^aibu) is translated ' affirm.' In He 6'^ ixeai-
T€Vio is rendered in AV ' confirm,' in RV and AVm
' interpose,' in RVm ' mediate.'
For the rite of confirmation, see Baptism, §§ 6, 8.
A. J. Maclean.
CONGREGATION.— In Tindale's Version (1534)
and in Cranmer's (1539) ' congregation ' was used in-
stead of ' churcli ' to translate both e/c/cXijo-ta and awa-
7W717. But Wyclif had used ' church,' and the
Geneva Version, followed by AV, reverted to it.
RV, with one exception, has 'church' exclusively
in the text, though in several places ' congregation '
appears in the margin. The exception is He 2^^
wiiere in the quotation from Ps 22^ ' congregation '
is in the text and ' church ' in the margin. F. J. A.
Hort (The Christian Ecclesia, London, 1897) chose
'Ecclesia' as a word free from the disturbing as-
sociations of ' church ' and ' congregation,' though
the latter has not only historical standing (as above)
but also the advantage of suggesting some of these
elements of meaning which are least forcibly
brought out by the word ' church ' according to our
present use (cf. ExpT viii. [1896-97] 386). So far,
however, as there is any substantive difterence
between the two words as found in the English
Bible, the * congregation ' of RVm points to an
actual church assembled in one place.
In the NT ^^^-\7?(^'a naturally designates the
Christian Church. The associations of o-wayuryrj
were against its Christian use, though it is retained
in Ja 2^' to describe an assembly of Jewish-Chris-
tians ; but this is explained by the destination of
the letter — 'to the twelve tribes which are of the
Dispersion.'
In St. Paul's address to the elders of Miletus
(Ac 20") we see the old Jewish ffwaywyifi in the
process of passing into the more distinctively Chris-
tian iKK\i]ffla. He quotes Ps 74^ ' Remember thy
congregation which thou didst purchase of old ' ;
but for the LXX (rwaywyr) he puts iKKXijala. Thus
in the Apostle's hands this passage becomes ' one
of the channels through which the word " ecclesia "
came to denote God's people of the future ' [ExpT
viii. 387). Cf. also art. Assembly ; and, for the
Heb. and Gr. terms in the OT, art. ' Congregation '
in HDB. W. M. Geant.
CONSCIENCE (<TvvelS7}<ni). — 1. The word and its
history. — Both the Lat. conscientia, from which
'conscience' is derived, and the Gr. a-vveldrjaif, of
which it is the invariable rendering in the NT, have
originally the more general meaning of ' conscious-
ness' — the knowledge of any mental state. Down
to the 17th cent., as the AV itself bears witness,
' conscience ' too was sometimes used in this -wider
sense. In 1 Co 8'' ' conscience of the idol,' and in
He 10^ 'conscience of sins,' would now be better
rendered 'consciousness.' Some exegetes would
prefer ' consciousness ' to ' conscience ' in 1 P 2^^
' conscience toward (or of) God.' With these excep-
tions, ' conscience ' in the NT denotes not conscious-
ness generally, but the moral faculty in particular
— that power by which we apprehend moral truth
and recognize it as having the authority of moral
law. The history of the words ' conscience,' eon-
240
COl^SCIEKCE
CONSCIENCE
scientia, ffvveldrja-i^, shows that it is entirely fanciful
to suppose on etymological grounds that the prefixes
con and a-w point to the subject's joint knowledge
along with God Himself. The joint knowledge de-
noted is knowledge with oneself, a self-knowledge
or self-consciousness in which the inner ' I ' comes
forward as a witness. This does not, of course,
exclude the further view that, as man is made in
the image of God, and as his individual personality
is rooted in that of the absolute moral Ruler, the
testimony of conscience actually is the voice of
God bearing witness in the soul to the reality and
authority of moral truth.
It is a significant fact that the word ' conscience '
is nowhere found in the OT text, though in Ec 10-"
both AV and RV give it in the margin as an alter-
native for ' thought,' to represent the Heb. v^d,
which LXX here renders by (Tvv€L8r](ns. In ancient
Israel it was an external law, not an inward law-
giver, that held the seat of authority ; and though
the prophets addressed their appeals to the moral
sense of their hearers (cf. Mic 6^), they furnished
no doctrine of conscience. Nor does the word occur
either in the Synoptics or the Fourth Gospel ; for
the clause of Jn 8^ where it is found does not belong
to the correct text (see RV). Jesus in His teaching
constantly addresses Himself to the conscience, and
clearly refers to it when He speaks of ' the light
that is in thee' (Mt 6-^ Lk ips), but His mission
was to illumine and quicken the moral faculty by
the revelation He brought, not to analyze it, or
define it, or lay down a doctrine on the subject.
In the Acts and Epistles, however, the eflects of
the revelation in Christ become apparent. We
have the word ' conscience ' 31 times in AV and 30
times in RV — the latter reading (rvvndeLq, for (rwei-
d-ncrei. in 1 Co 8''. Heb. has it 5 times and 1 Pet.
thrice ; with these exceptions it is a Pauline word.
There are anticipations of the NT use of it in the
Apocrypha (Wis 17", Sir 14^, 2 Mac 6"), and sug-
gestions for St. Paul's treatment of it in contem-
porary Greek teaching, and especially in the moral
philosophy of the Stoics. But it was Christian
faith that raised it out of the region of ethical ab-
straction and set it on a throne of living power.
2. The NT doctrine. — (1) The nature of con-
science. — According to its etymology, conscience is
a strictly cognitive power — the power of appre-
hending moral truth ; and writers of the intui-
tional school frequently restrict the use of the
term to this one meaning (cf. Calderwood, Hand-
book of Moral Philosophy, p. 78). Popularly,
however, conscience has a much wider connotation,
including moral judgments and moral feelings as
well as immediate intuitions of riglit and wrong;
and it is evident that in the NT the word is
employed in this larger sense so as to include the
whole of the moral nature. When conscience is said
to ' bear witness' (Ro2'^9') or to give 'testimony'
(2 Co 1^-), it is the clear and direct shining of the
inner light that is referred to. When it is described
as ' weak ' or over-scrupulous (1 Co 8''* '"• ^^), and is
contrasted by implication with a conscience that
is strong and walks at liberty, the reference is
to those diversities of opinion on moral subjects
which are due to variations of judgment in the
application of mutually acknowledged first prin-
ciples. Wlien it is spoken of on the one hand as
'good' (I Ti l6-'9. He 13'». 1 P 3i«- ^i) or 'void of
oil'ence toward God and men ' (Ac 24^'), and on tlie
other as ' defiled' (1 Co 8''), ' wounded ' (v.^^)^ ' evil '
(He 10'^), 'seared (or branded) with a hot iron'
(1 Ti 4*), the writers are thinking of those pleasant
or painful moral feelings which follow upon obedi-
ence or disobedience to moral law, or of that dead-
ness to all feeling which falls upon those who have
persistently shut their ears te the inward voice and
turned the light that is in them into darkness.
The fundamental passage for the Pauline doc-
trine is Ro 2''*- 1^ The Apostle here seems to lay
down as unquestionable, (a) that there is a Divine
law written by Nature on the heart of every man,
whether Jew or Gentile ; (b) that conscience is the
moral faculty which bears witness to that law ;
(c) that in the light of that witness there is an
exercise of the thoughts or reasonings {XoyKT/xoi), in
other words, of the moral judgment ; (d) that, as
the result of this judgment before the inward bar,
men are subject to the feelings of moral self-
approval or self-reproach. Covering in this pas-
sage the whole ground of the moral nature of man,
St. Paul appears to distinguish conscience as the
witness-bearing faculty from the moral judgments
and moral feelings that accompany its testimony.
But elsewhere, as has been already shown, he fre-
quently speaks of conscience in that larger sense
which makes it correspond not only with the
immediate apprehension of moral truth, but with
the judgments based upon the truth thus revealed,
and the sentiments of satisfaction or dissatisfaction
to which these judgments give rise.
(2) The authority of conscience. — However men
differ in their theories as to the nature and origin
of the moral faculty, there is general agreement
as to the authority of the moral law which it en-
joins. Few will be found to challenge Butler's
famous assertion of the supremacy of conscience :
' Had it strength as it has right, had it power as
it has manifest authority, it would absolutely
govern the world' {Serm. ii.). And while ad-
herents of the sensational school of ethics may
dispute Kant's right to describe the imperative of
morality as 'categorical' in its nature [Metaphysic
of Ethics, p. 31), even they will not seek to qualify
his apostrophe to duty (p. 120) or the exalted lan-
guage in which he describes the solemn majesty
of the Moral Law (p. 108). ^ For the NT authors
conscience is supreme, and it is supreme because
in its very nature it is an organ through which
God speaks to reveal His will. In the case of the
natural man it testifies to a Divine law which is
written on the heart (Ro 2^') ; in the case of the
Christian man this law of Nature is reinforced by
a vital union with Jesus Christ (Gal 22") and by
the assenting witness of the Holy Spirit (Ro 9').
The claim of right Avhich Butler makes on behalf
of conscience is transformed for St. Paul into a
law of power. The pure and loyal Christian con-
science has might as it has right ; it not only legis-
lates but governs. What the law could not do in
that it was weak through the flesh, is actually
fulfilled in those who take Christ to be the com-
panion of their conscience and who walk not after
the flesh but after the spirit.
In Acts we have many examples of the way in
which conscience, in Butler's words, ' magisterially
exerts itself ' in the case alike of bad men and of
good. The suicide of Judas (P^ ; cf. Mt 27^^-). the
heart-pricks of the men of Jerusalem under St.
Peter's preaching (2^^), the claim of St. Peter and
St. John that they must obey God rather than
men (4^* 5"*), Saul's experience that it was hard to
kick against the pricks (9*), Felix trembling as St.
Paul reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and
judgment to come (24^^) — all these are examples
of the authority of conscience. And what in Acts
we see practically exemplified is laid down in the
Epistles as a matter of rule and doctrine. St.
Paul enjoins submission to the civil authority (Ro
IS'"^"), but vindicates its right to govern on the
ground of the higher authority of conscience (v.').
The writer of Heb. represents the sin-convicting
conscience as a sovereign power which impelled
men to lay their gifts and sacrifices on the altar,
but was never satisfied until Jesus Christ ' through
the eternal Spirit offered himself without blemish
CONSCIENCE
CONSCIENCE
241
nnto God' (He Q^- " W-^% St. Peter teaches
that, in a matter of conscience before God, men
must be willing to ' endure griefs, suffering wrong-
fully' (1 P 2^"). Nor is it only the personal con-
science whose dignity and supremacy must be ac-
knowledged ; a like reverence is to be shown for
the conscience of others. St. Paul sought to com-
mend himself to every man's conscience in the
sight of God (2 Co 4^ ; cf. 5")- He taught that
the exercise of Christian liberty must be limited
by regard for another's conscience (1 Co 10^^), and
that even when that conscience is weak, it must
not be wounded or bewildered or defiled (S^- ^"- ^^)
lest the other's sense of moral responsibility should
thereby be impaired.
The source of this magisterial authority of con-
science is represented by the NT writers as lying
altogether in the Divine will, of which conscience
is the instrument. For St. Paul conscience is not
an individualized reflexion of social opinion, nor
a subtle compound of feelings evolved in the
course of the long struggle for existence, nor yet a
mysterious faculty that claims to regulate the life
of man by virtue of some right inherent in its own
nature. Its authority is that of a judge, who sits
on the bench as the representative of a law that
is higher than himself. Its function is to bear
witness to the law of God (Ro 2^^ 9^, 2 Co P^) ; its
commendation is a commendation in His sight (2
Co 4'^) ; its accusation is an anticipation of the day
when He shall judge the secrets of men (Ro 2^'- ^®).
Similarly for St. Peter a matter of conscience is
a question of ' conscience toward God '(IP 2'^).
Some commentators would render a-welS-qa-a deov
in this verse by ' consciousness of God ' ; and the
very ambiguity of the expression may suggest
that in the Apostle's view conscience is really a
God-consciousness in the sphere of morality, as
faith is a God-consciousness in the sphere of religion.
(3) Varieties of conscience. — What has just been
said as to the absolute and universal authority of
conscience may seem difficult to reconcile with
the distinctions made by the NT writers between
consciences of very varied types. There are con-
sciences that are weak and timid, and others that
are strong and free (1 Co S''^-). A conscience may
be ' void of offence ' (Ac 24'*), or it may be detiled
and wounded (1 Co 8^- ^^, Tit 1">). It may be good
(1 Ti P-i», He 1318, 1 P 3'«-2i), or it may be evil
(He 10^2). It may be pure (1 Ti 3», 2 Ti P), or in
need of cleansing (He 9'*). It may possess that
clear moral sense which discerns intuitively both
good and evil (He 5'^), or it may be ' seared with
a hot iron ' (1 Ti 4^) and condemned to that judicial
blindness to which nothing is pure (Tit 1'^). The
explanation of the difficulties raised by such lan-
guage lies in the fact already noted that 'con-
science ' in the NT is used to denote not the power
of moral vision only, but the moral judgment and
the moral feelings. As the organ which discerns
the Moral Law, conscience has the authority of
that law itself ; its voice is the voice of God. It
leaves us in no doubt as to the reality of moral
distinctions ; it assures us that right is right and
wrong is wrong, and that ' to him that knoweth
to do good and doeth it not, to him it is sin ' ( Ja
4"). But for the application to particular cases of
the general law of duty thus revealed, men must
depend upon their moral judgments ; and moral
judgments are liable to error just as other judg-
ments are. It was a want of ' knowledge ' that
led some in the Corinthian Church to shrink from
eating meat that had been offered to an idol (1 Co
8^), and a consequent mistake of judgment when
they came to the conclusion that such eating
was wrong. Their consciences were weak because
their moral judgments were weak. And as the
result of their weakness in the decision of moral
VOL. I. — 16
questions, their moral feelings were misdirected,
and so their consciences were stained and wounded
by acts iu which a man of more enlightened con-
science saw no harm. Similarly, when a conscience
is said to be ' good ' or ' pure ' or ' void of offence,'
the reference is to the sense of peace and moral
harmony with God and man which comes to one
who has loyally obeyed the dictates of the Moral
Law ; while an uncleansed or evil conscience is one
on which there rests the burden and pain of sin
tliat is unatoned for and unforgiven. A 'seared'
or 'branded' conscience, again, may point to the
case of those in whom abuse of the moral nature
has led to a perversion of the moral judgment and
a deadening of the moral sentiments. Compare
what St. Paul says of those whose understanding
is darkened, whose hearts are hardened, and who
are now 'past feeling' (Eph 4'*).
(4) The education of conscience. — Someintuitional-
ists have held that conscience, being an infallible
oracle, is incapable of education ; and Kant's famous
utterance, ' An erring conscience is a chimera '.(o/?.
cit. p. 206), has often been quoted in this connexion.
But it is only in a theoretical and ideal sense that
the truth of the saying can be admitted — only when
the word of conscience is taken to be nothing less
and nothing more than the voice of God, and
its light to be in very reality His ' revealing and
appealing look ' (J. Martineau, Seat of Authority
in Eeligion^, London, 1891, p. 71). In the NT,
however, as in general usage, ' conscience ' is not
restricted to the intuitive discernment of the
difference between right and wrong, but is applied
to the whole moral nature of man ; and when
understood in this way there can be no question
that it shares in the general weakness of human
nature, and that it is both capable of education
and constantly in need of an educative discipline.
The distinction made by the NT writers between
a good and an evil conscience implies the need of
education ; their moral precepts imply its possi-
bility. St. Paul says that he ' exercised himself '
to have a conscience void of offence toward God
and men (Ac 24'*) ; the author of Heb. speaks of
those who ' by reason of use have their senses
exercised to discern both good and evil ' (5'^).
In various aspects the necessity for this exercise
or training of the moral faculty comes before us.
Even as a power of intuition or vision by which
the Moral Law is discerned, conscience is capable
of improvement. Ignorance darkens it (Eph 4'"),
sin defiles it (Tit 1") ; and only an eye that is
purged and enlightened can see clearly. ' My
conscience is nott so,' said Queen Mary to Knox.
'Conscience, Madam,' he replied, 'requyres know-
ledge ; and I fear that rycht knowledge ye have
none' (Knox, Works, ed. Laing, Edinburgh, 1864,
ii. 283). But conscience is also a faculty of moral
judgment, and in moral matters, as in other
matters, human judgments go astray. The ' weak '
conscience is the natural accompaniment of the
weak and narrow mind (1 Co 8^) ; a selfish and im-
pure heart usually compounds with its conscience
for the sins to which it is inclined, and a conscience
that accepts hush-money is apt to grow dumb
until contact with another conscience stronger and
purer than itself makes it vocal once more (Ac 24-^).
Moral sentiments, again, gather around a false
judgment as readily as around a true. Christ's
apostles Avere killed by men who thought that
they were thereby doing God service (Jn 16'^), and
St. Paul himself once believed it to be his duty
' to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus
of Nazareth ' (Ac 26^). In such cases persecution
to the death carried no self-reproach with it, but a
sense of moral complacency.
Granting, then, that conscience needs to be edu-
cated, how, according to the NT, is the work to
242 COA^SECEATE, CONSECRATION
CONSECRATE, CONSECRATION
be done ? Three ways are especially suggested —
the ways of knowledge, obedience, and love ; in
other words, the way of the mind, the way of the
will, and the way of the heart, (a) Knox said to
Queen Mary that conscience requires knoiolcdge ;
and that is what St. Paul also taught (1 Co 8^.
Before the man of God can be ' furnished completely
unto every good work ' he has need of ' instruction
in righteousness' (2 Ti S^*-"). Education of this
kind can be obtained from many masters, but the
best teachers of all are Scriptures inspired of God
[ib. ). St. Paul's own Epistles are full of instruction
as rega/ds both the broad principles of Christian
ethics and their application under varying circum-
stances to all the details of personal, family, and
social life. And in the teaching of Christ Himself,
above all in that Sermon on the Mount whose
echoes are heard so frequently in the Epistle of
James, enlightenment comes to the human con-
science through the revelation of the fundamental
laws of the Divine Kingdom.
(b) Conscience is educated, in the next place, by
obedience to the Divine law when that law is recog-
nized. It is the use of knowledge already possessed
that exercises the senses to keener moral discern-
ment (He 5^^) ; it is the man who is willing to do
God's will who comes to know the Divine voice when-
ever he hears it (Jn 7'^). The ethics of the NT are
not the ingenious elaboration of a beautiful but ab-
stract moral scheme ; they are practical tiirough
and through. Christians are called upon to acknow-
ledge not the right of conscience only, but its might ;
they are commanded everywhere to bring their dis-
positions, desires, passions, and habits into captivity
to its obedience. To follow Christ is to have the
light of life ( Jn 8'-) ; while to hate one's brother is
to walk in darkness with blinded eyes, and so to
lose the knowledge of the way ( 1 Jn 2^^ ; cf. Jn 12^^).
Obedience, in short, is the organ of spiritual know-
ledge (cf. F. W. Robertson, Sermons, 2nd ser., new
ed., London, 1875, no. viii.). A good conscience
goes with a pure heart ( 1 Ti P). But sin so perverts
and blinds the inward eye that the very light that
is in us is darkness (Mt 6-^).
(c) But something more is required before the
education of conscience is complete. Knowledge
is much, and the will to obedience is more, but
what if the power of love be wanting? In that
case the conscience will not be void of ofl'ence to-
ward God and men. According to the NT writers
the conscience must be set free by being delivered
from the sense of guilt through the atoning power
of Christ's sacrifice (He 9'* 10-^) ; it must learn
its close dependence upon the mystery of faith
(1 Ti 3»; cf. ps) ; it must be taught that love out
of a pure heart and a good conscience and faith un-
feigned are ' the end of the charge ' and the fulfill-
ing of the law (P). To be perfectly educated, in
short, a conscience must experience the constrain-
ing and transforming power of the love of Christ,
in whom men are new creatures, so that old things
are jiassed away and all things are become new (2 Co
5^^- ^'). Thus, in the view of the NT writers, ethics
passes into religion, and the Christian conscience
is tlie conscience of one who lives the life of faith
and love, and who can say with St. Paul, ' I live, and
yet no longer I, but Christ liveth in me ' (Gal 22").
LiTERATTiRB. — J. Butlcf, Analogy and Sermons, London, 1852,
Sermons ii. iii.; I. Kant, Metaphysic of Ethica, Eng. tr., 1809,
p. 24.Tff. ; T. H. Green, Prolegomena to Ethics, Oxford, 18S3,
p. 342 ff. ; H. Calderwood, Handbook of Mural J'hilosophy,
London, 1872, pt. i. ; H. Martensen, Chrintian Ethics, Edin-
burgh, 1881-82, i. 356 ff. ; Newman Smyth, Christian Ethics,
do. 1892, index t.v. ; HOB, art. 'Conscience'; PRE\ art.
' Qewissen ' ; B. Weiss, NT Theol., Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1882-83,
i. 476, IL 40, 211. J. C. LAMBEKT.
CONSECRATE, CONSECRATION. — The word
'consecrate' occurs twice in the AV of Hebrews
(7-* 10'-"). In the first passage it is the translation
of TeTeKeiwfiivov ; in the second of eveKaivKrev. In
neither case is the translation quite suitable.
1. He 7^: vlbv ek rhv aiwva rereXeiwfjL^vov. Full
consideration of reXeiiw would encroach on the art.
Perfect {q.v. ) ; but there are certain special points
connected with this passage that may usefully be
noted. reXetovv ras xetpas is frequently used in the
LXX, but only in the Pentateuch (Ex 29'*- ^a- 33. 35
[Ev 4'>] 8^*2 16^^ Nu 33), to translate the obscure
Hebrew phrase mille'' ydd—'\^i\\ the hand,' i.e.
'consecrate' (a priest). Elsewhere in the Penta-
teuch and Historical Books (once in Ezekiel [43^''])
parts of irkfipbii), ifiirlir'Kr)(jn, irLTr\7]/j.i are employed.
reXe/cjo-tj is used alone (Ex 29-'2- -«• ^7. si. 34^ ^y 7*' S'^^.
28. 29. 31. 83 gssj f^j. ^j^g Heb. millU'im ( = ' consecra-
tion ' [RV]). In Lv 2P" reTeXeiufj-efos is used with-
out the rest of the phrase = ' consecrated,' although
many MSS supply tSj x6£/)as avroO. These last
uses would at least point to the conclusion that
7eXet6w and reXeiwcns tended to become semi-techni-
cal terms for the consecration of the priest, having
originally been used to translate the verb in the
Heb. phrase, which is quite obscure. Most prob-
ably its original sense is suggested in the corre-
sponding Assyr. Mt4 mtdlH—' hsind over to one
(or make one responsible for) a person or thing or
office' (cf. F. Delitzsch, Assyr. Handwbrterbuch,
1896, p. 409'': ' Rammanirari, whom Asur has en-
dowed with a dominion incomparable ' ; and HDB
iv. 71*).
It follows, then, that He 7*^ and the other
passages where reKeibio occurs (see art. PERFECT)
indicate that the writer is making use of a technical
expression and, in harmony with his system of
thought, hellenizing it (cf. Moffatt, LNT, 1911, p.
427). There can be little doubt that in Hebrews
reXeidu is used in the Aristotelian sense of bringing
to the tAos or final end. Jesus, as High Priest,
is ' perfected ' for evermore, as distinct from the
reXelwcrts of the Aaronic priesthood. There can be
no idea of a moral development in character.
Jesus is ' perfected [and there is also the further
idea of exaltation to office] for evermore' in the
sense that He is endowed with an experience of
human suffering in life and in death (He 4^^) ; so
A. B. Davidson, Hehreios {Handbooks for Bible
Classes), pp. 145 f., 207 f. ; von Soden, Hebrderbrief^
{HandkommentarzumNT,Tuhingen, 1899), p. 28 n.;
but cf. A. B. Bruce, Hebreios, 1899, p. 283 tt'. ; M.
Dods, EOT, 'Hebrews,' 1910, pp. 265, 319, who
argue for the sense of moral perfecting.
2. He 10^": TTiv eiffodov . . . fjv iveKaivia-ev rjfxiv
bShv irp6(J<paTov koL ^Qiaav 8ia rod KaTaweTacrixaTos.
ijKaiviiij} is used also in He 9^^ In AV of 10-" the
word is 'consecrated,' and in 9^^ 'dedicated.' In
RY in both cases ' dedicated ' is used. In the LXX
iyKaivLi'u} is used to translate two Heb. words,
haniikh ('initiate,' 'consecrate,' Dt 20^, 1 K S^^)
and hiddesh ('renew,' 'make anew,' 1 S 1P^ 2 Ch
15"*, Ps 50^^). iyKaivl^us in He lO^" might seem to
combine both meanings, implying that some kind
of way existed before (cf. Sir 33 [36]8). In He 918,
also, the word means simply ' inaugurate,' unless
the pre-existence of a covenant is supposed (cf. 9^- ^)
before the ceremony of vv.i*--^ That the sense of
' renewal,' however, is strongly emphasized is seen
also in the use of irp6<T(pa.rov (' fresh,' 'hitherto un-
trodden'), ^waav imjilies 'a way that really leads
and carries all who enter it into the heavenly rest,'
as oppo.sed to 'a lifeless pavement trodden by the
high priest, and by him alone' (Delitzsch, Hebrews,
Eng. tr., ii. [1870] 171). It also implies a way that
would never become old, worn, or obsolete. ■iji>
must be taken as referring to €l(to5os. Jesus has,
by bursting the veil of His flesli in death, 'inaugu-
rated' anew entrance into the Presence of God (cf.
Mk 15''*). The flesh of Jesus is regarded as symbolic
COXSOLATIOX
CONSPIRACY, PLOT
243
of the ' veil ' or ' curtain ' wliich Avas removed as the
sacrificial blood was carried into the Holy of Holies.
eyKaivi^u ' includes the motive of leading into life '
I'von Soden, Hcbrderbrief^, p. 64). Probably the
literal idea of ei'o-oSos { = ' entrance to a house') is
also symbolically present (cf. Neh 3^ [LXX]). The
' liouse ' in this case is the Church, the new Temple
(cf. irappTjcriav) in 10^®, and its use in 3" and 4^® is
opposed to the attitude of the depdirwv (3^). The
feast of tyKalvia (Jn 10") was instituted by Judas
Maccabfeus (164 B.C.) in memory of the cleansing
of the Temple from the pollution of Antiochus
Epiphanes (1 Mac 4^^).
LiTERATURB. — In addition to the references in the course of
tlie article, see R. W^. Dale, The Jewish Temple and the
Christian Church, 1902, pp. 144 ff., 231 fif.; F. Paget, The
Spiiit of Discipline, 1903, p. 191 fif. ; J. B. Mozley, University
Sennms, 1900, p. 244 ff. ; artt. «.». in DCG (Tasker), HDB
(Hastings), and ERJi (Feltoe). R. H, STKACHAN,
CONSOLATION.— See Comfort.
CONSPIRACY, PLOT.— The Gr. word translated
'conspiracy' (crvvoo/xoala) occurs only once in the
NT (Ac 23"'3), but the thing for which it stands is
uiuch more frequent. In the OT the correspond-
ing word (i^Pi^) is fairly common, as also is the
cognate verb i-i'Q ' to make a conspiracy,' lit. ' to
bind.' a-vvcj/xoffia means, literally, the mutual tak-
ing of an oatli, and its etymological equivalent in
Latin is coniuratio. Of this we have no strict
equivalent in English, for 'conjure' means some-
tliing quite difi'erent ; ' conspiracy ' is the working
equivalent.
( 1 ) The a-ww/xoaia of Ac 23'^ was entered into bj'
' more than forty' Jews with the object of killing
St. Paul. To this end they tried to induce the
' chief captain ' to bring him once more before the
Sanhedrin — which had already entered upon his
trial — that tliey might ' judge of his case more
exactly.' Along the route the conspirators were
to be lying in wait, and St. Paul would not reach
the council-chamber alive. The scheme was frus-
trated by the vigilance and the intei'vention of
'Paul's sister's son' (v.^^'-). The 'chief captain'
at once decided to send his prisoner to Cajsarea
under guard, and by night. This narrative is of
special importance here for two reasons : (n) v.^"
states that the conspiracy was the sole reason why
St. Paul was sent to the governor Felix at C;^sarea ;
and the consequences of that step extend to the
end of the Acts. ^Yith this turning-point in the
life of St. Paul, however, two other crises should
be compared : (a) the earlier one described in Ac
2021-22 ((.f £p|j 31 . fj-on^ ^c 22-- onwards there
might be said to be one chain of events leading to
the prison house at Rome) ; (^) the later one de-
scribed in Ac 25"'-i- 26^- (the appeal to Ciesar). (b)
In 23^° the ' conspiracy ' is spoken of as a ' plot ' (i.e.
a-vvoj/jLoaia is practically identified with iin^ovXri),
and thus the NT passages which speak of an iiri-
^ovk-f} (all referring to St. Paul) are brought within
the scope of this article.
(2) The most important of these passages is
Ac 20'^, where the Apostle speaks of the trials and
temptations (Treipaa/xoi) which befell him by the
plots (ewt^ovXai) of the Jews at Ephesus. They
seem to have been many and grievous (cf. the
'tears,' v.^^); notorious ('Ye yourselves know,'
v.^^) ; and probably additional to the opposition
mentioned in Ac ig^ ('speaking evil of the Way
before the multitude '), and the troublesome com-
petition of the 'strolling Jews, exorcists,' in IQ^^f. .
certainly additional to the stirring up of disturbance
by the ' comlnne ' of Gentile idol-makers (19-^f-)- H
so, the fact that these many and grievous plots are
not mentioned in ch. 19 shows how many there
niay have been elsewhere, which are likewise un-
nientioned. Others do find mention in 9--» 20^
where the Gr. is again iiri^ovXri. Another instance
occurs in 25^, where ' lay wait ' (KV) = ividpav iroieiv,
with which compare iv^Spa (ambush) in 23^*^ and
iveSpeieiv in 23^^.
(3) It is still necessary to mention at least three
other conspiracies : (a) the trial of Stephen (Ac 6-7)
turns on a plot which reveals numerous and close
resemblances to the case of Jesus. In fair debate
his opponents are silenced (6'") ; then false wit-
nesses are ' suborned ' (vv.^^^'^) ; the people also
are 'stirred up' (v.^-) ; and one of the accusations
relates to threats directed against the ' holy place'
(vv.13-14; ef. Mk 14^8). This plot is the more
important because Saul is declared to have been
present at Stephen's martyrdom, to have agreed
with it, and to have kept the clothes of those who
threw the stones (Ac 7*" 8* 22-") ; and he was very
likely one of the worshippers at the Cilician syna-
gogue in Jerusalem, mentioned in 6**. This martjT-
dom was probably one of the chief factors in
impressing Saul, against his will, with some vague,
and for a time unrecognized, feeling for the possible
Divinitj- of the Church and faith of Jesus (note
glO. 15 ■-55-56. 5U-60j
(b) In Gal 2^ St. Paul speaks of an important
conspiracj', but the grammatical constructions in
the immediate context are very uncertain, and
these difficulties are increased by the variant read-
ing in 2^, where some e.xcellent scholars, including
Zahn, J. Weiss, and K. Lake, omit the words of
negation {oh ovoi), thus arriving at the statement
' we yielded for an hour on account of the pseudo-
brethren.' Those who accept this are divided as to
the nature of the concession referred to. Weiss
(with Spitta) believes that St. Paul 'yielded' by
circumcising Titus ; Zahn, that he yielded by
going up to Jerusalem for consultation at all, but
did not circumcise Titus. If the invasion of the
pseudo-brethren be connected with 'we did not
yield,' it will simply have defeated itself by stiflen-
iiig St. Paul's resolution in the contrary direction ;
but with whatever it be connected, while the nega-
tive in v.^ is retained, it cannot be supposed to have
accomplished much.
The scene of this uninvited visit was probably
Antioch (see Ac 15'), possibly Galatia (see Gal 2^
' continue with you ') ; almost certainly not the
Council at Jerusalem, to which the ' spying out ' is
not appropriate. It is quite possible that St. Paul
speaks somewhat too severely, for he writes the
Epistle to the Galatians at a time of acute ' dis-
sension ' (cf. Ac 15'-). But, if the plot was as repre-
hensible as he saj's, it would account for much of
the bitterness of the Epistle, for in this he is fighting
much the same battle over again, and has to deal
with a similar, and almost equally perilous, inva-
sion of his churches.
(c) In Gal 2^^^- St. Paul refers to a conspiracy
against the ' truth of the gospel ' at Antioch, in
which Peter, the 'rest of the Jews' there, and
' even Barnabas,' are all implicated. Its object,
according to St. Paul, was to rebut the claim of
the Gentiles to equality by refusing to eat with
them. The vigour of his language is noteworthy :
' to the face,' ' condemned ' (v.'*) ; so also ' fearing '
(v.'^) ; ' dissembled,' ' dissimulation ' (v.^^) ; ' not up-
rightly,' '(not) according to truth,' 'before them
all ' (v.^'^). The Apostle appears to draw a conscious
and pointed contrast between his own conduct and
that of his opponents at Antioch, especially St.
Peter ; and certainly his portrayal of the scene
forms in effect a telling reply to — almost a turning
of the tables on — any insinuations current in
Galatia as to his own weakness and dissimulation
(see, e.g., P" and, more generally, Ro 3^ 2 Co 4-
1112-15 i2ifi, 1 Th 2^).
LiTERATiRE. — The relevant Commentaries, esp. Zahn, Ram-
say, Lightfoot, etc., on Galatians ; F. Spitta, Die Apo.^tcl-
244
COIs^STRAINT
CONTENTMENT
gesehiehte, Halle, 1891 ; J. Weiss, SK, 1893, p. 480 fif., and 1895,
p. 252 ff. ; C. V. Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, i.2 [1897] 175-216,
252-275 ; T. Zahn, Introd. to NT, 1909, i. 152-202 ; Douglass
Round, The Date of St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians. 1900 ;
W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
CUiMtn, 1895. C. H. WATKINS.
CONSTRAINT.— Neglecting wapa^td^onai, used in
Ac 28'* (of. Lk 24^*) simply of the pressure of hospit-
able invitation, we have two terms in the NT ex-
pressing the notion of ' constraint ' — dvayKdl^eiv and
1. dvayKa^eiv is to constrain to some course of con-
duct as a matter of necessity {dudyKrj). In Gal 6'- the
Judaizers appear as an example of the sinister exer-
cise of constraint, rushing the bewildered Galatian
converts into circumcision exemplo suo et importuni-
tate (Bengel, ad loc). Again, St. Paul himself
speaks of his experience of constraint arising from
a solemn sense of duty (1 Co 9^^). In neither case is
the dvdyKi] an arbitrary, irresistible fate that drives
men to act thus and thus. Otherwise the Galatians
could not have been blamed by St. Paul for listen-
ing to his opponents, nor could he have said of him-
self, ' Woe is me if I preach not the gospel.'
In 1 P 5^ pastors are exhorted to do their duty
' not of constraint ' (/^■)i dvayKacrTws) ; but this is not
in conflict with St. Paul's position in 1 Co 9'®.
Service can only be satisfactory when along with
the fundamental sense of duty there is a willing
response to its demand.
In Jude* the kindred phrase dvdyKrjv ?<rxov= our
simple ' I could not help ' (sc. writing).
2. (Twix^iv appears in 2 Co 5^*, and being predi-
cated of ' the love of Christ,' cannot have here any
suggestion of irksome pressure as in some other in-
stances of its use. ' The love of Christ grips us,'
says the Apostle, adding explicitly that his over-
mastering sense of that love arose from his view of
the Lord's death. J. S. CLEMENS.
CONTENTMENT.— The idea of ' contentment ' is
more prominent in Scripture than appears on the
surface. The word, indeed, is seldom used, St. Paul
being the only NT writer who treats the subject
explicitly. But whether the word is there or not,
the thing is there. Seeing that the virtue is one of
the constituent elements of earthly life and happi-
ness, it would be strange if it were absent from the
ethics of Scripture. No amount of worldly fortune
or success, without a contented mind, brings happi-
ness, while contentment makes straitened means
enough. We are not surprised that the subject
enters into all ethical schemes and has been a
favourite text of essayists in all lands and ages.
1. The Stoic idea. — Contentment, reaching even
to the point of self-denial, was a distinctive feature
in the Stoic system of ethics, which prevailed so
widely among the educated classes of the Roman
Empire in the first Christian centuries. There were
many points both of resemblance and of difference
between its teaching and the teaching of Christi-
anity on thissubject. Seneca.one of Nero's ministers,
a Stoic of Stoics, was a contemporary of St. Paul ;
and they have so much in common that some
writers think that one borrowed from the other,
or that both were indebted to a common source.
Lightfoot discusses the point in his essay ' St. Paul
and Seneca' {Philippians*, 1878, p. 270 ff.), and
comes to a negative conclusion. Still more famous
Stoics are Epictetus, a Greek slave of Rome, and
the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, the saint of ancient
paganism.* • The sentences of Seneca are stimulat-
mg to the intellect ; the sentences of Epictetus are
fortifying to the character ; the sentences of M.
* We have ample means of knowinpr these writers in various
essa.vs and translations : the essays of Matthew Arnold, F. W. H.
Myers, F. W. Farrar ; translations by George Long, G. H. Ken-
dall, A. Stewart, Elizabeth Carter, and G. Stanhope.
Aurelius find their way to the soul' (Arnold).
Myers remarks that in these three Avriters the
system grows more practical. • We hear less of
its logic, its cosmogony, its portrait of the ideal
Sage. It insists on what may be termed the
catholic verities of all philosophers, on the sole im-
portance of virtue, the spiritual oneness of the uni-
verse, the brotherhood of men.' The weakness of
Stoicism and of Stoic ethics was that its I'eligion
was a minus quantity, just as the strength of Chris-
tianity is in the religious spirit of its ethics. With-
out arguing that ethics is impossible without re-
ligion, we may say that it is immeasurably richer
and nobler with religion. The Stoic writers indeed
often speak of God ; but whether they mean more
by the name than the order of Nature or universal
law and reason is open to debate. They have no
explicit doctrine of God. To imitate or obey God
and to follow Nature seem to be the same thing.
Lightfoot speaks of the system both as ' material
pantheism' and ' pantheistic materialism.' W. L.
Davidson in his Stoic Creed (1907) holds that the
creed makes Fate superior to God ; in other words.
Fate is the supreme law of the universe. With
these abatements the great Stoics plead for virtue
most impressively. Their picture of the good man
battling with the forces of evil is very noble.
Scarcely anything has been said by later moralists
respecting virtue and righteousness generally, and
contentment in particular, which is not in substance
anticipated by the Stoics. Joseph Butler's power-
ful arguments for virtue from its natural effects and
tendencies, from man's self-interest in the highest
sense, from the instincts of human nature rightly
understood, are quite in the Stoic, and indeed in
the Christian, vein. The Stoic idea of contentment
with life as it comes or is fixed for us by unchange-
able law is often pushed to the extreme of apathy,
insensibility, impassiveness (dTrdOeia). This is not
to endure pain, but to deaden the sense of pain.
Here Stoicism betrays its Eastern origin, and joins
hands with Hindu and Buddhist asceticism.
Christian moralists have rightly appealed to Stoic
teaching as a preparation for Christian ethics. Two
notable English writers on contentment are Sander-
son in two sermons, and Barrow in five sermons,
on Ph 4", the former sententious and pointed, the
latter manly and copious in thought and expression.
Both are greatly strengthened by abundant quota-
tion from the three great Stoics, as well as from
Horace, Cicero, Chrysostom, and others. Still, their
main source of material and proof is Scripture. In
this mode of treatment they are examples of the
Anglican and Puritan literature of their age. While
Scripture is the supreme court of appeal, the abun-
dant references to ancient writers show the har-
mony of Christian thought with general belief, and
seem to imply some kind of Divine revelation or
guidance in the pre-Christian world.
2. St. Paul's teaching. — In two passages St.
Paul expressly teaches the lesson of contentment,
both by word and by his own example : ' I have
learned, in whatsoever state I am, therein to be
content. I know how to be abased, and I know
how to abound ; in everything and in all things I
have learned the secret both to be filled and to be
hungry, both to abound and to be in want' (Ph
4'"-); ' Godliness with contentment is great gain'
(I Ti 6^ and context). In the second passage St.
Paul, in opposition to those who turn godliness
into material gain, emphasizes the true gain of
godlj' contentment in guarding against the moral
dangers of avarice (vv."- '"). His Stoic contempo-
raries would have joined in his counsels : ' For we
brought nothing into the world, for neither can
we carry anything out ; but having food and cover-
ing we shall be therewith content' — food and cover-
ing, a modest sufficienc3\ ' The love of money is
CONTENTMENT
CONTRIBUTION
245
a root of all kinds of evil ' — of lying, dishonesty,
overreaching, oppression. In the first passage he
is guarding himself against the suspicion of a mer-
cenary spirit. He has never sought for himself
the contributions which he has received from the
churches, thus making gain of godliness. ' I have
learned' (^fiaOov): contentment, like all other
virtues, is not a growth of nature, but a plant of
grace's planting and nurture. Seneca said ' Nature
does not give virtue ; to become good is an art.'
Contentment is a lesson learnt in the school of ex-
perience at the feet of a Divine teacher. St. Paul
has learned to reduce his desires to his means, ' in
whatever state I am (iv oh el/ii), be it high or low,
rich or poor, base or honourable, easy or painful,
prosperous or troublous ; all that God sends is wel-
come.' 'To be content' — a'jrdpKtjs, 'sufficient in
oneself,' 'independent'; avrapKeia, 'sufficiency in
oneself,' 1 Ti 6« ; see Lk S^\ 2 Co 12'-', He 13^. ' I
have learned the secret ' — a striking phrase repre-
senting a single word in the text, fj.etiv-qiJ.aL {/Mviw),
' I have been initiated,' a reference to the ancient
religious mysteries. ' I have learned the secret of
contentment in all circumstances' — is there not
here a playful turn in comparing the art of sub-
mission to all that happens to us with instruction
in esoteric mysteries?* Of course the self-suffi-
ciency or independence spoken of is not original
or absolute, but derived and conditioned. ' I can
do all things in him that strengtheneth me ' (Ph
413) — «True contentedness of mind is a point of
high and hply learning, whereunto no man can at-
tain unless it be taught him from above' (Sander-
son). 'I have learned' — learning is gradual, ad-
vancing from the alphabet to perfect knowledge.
Moral progress is not by leaps and bounds, but step
by step, invisible to subject and spectator as the
growth of tree and flower. It is ' forgetting the
things which are behind and stretching forward
to the things which are before,' from the great to
the greater, from the high to tlie higher.
3. Difference between OT and NT doctrine. —
The reason of the whole difierence between the
Christian bearing in the problems of life and that
of the Stoic and natural moralist lies in the Chris-
tian conception of God, more especially in God's
providential reign over and care for the world and
the individual. Faith in that truth determines
the Christian attitude, especially in times of adver-
sity and sufiering. As to the doctrine, the differ-
ence between OT and NT is one onlj"^ of degree —
a great ditt'erence we admit — but even the early
revelation of this truth is glorious. After making
every allowance for development in the OT records,
we must admit that their presentation of God's re-
lation to the world and to man — personal, living,
intimate, loving, like that of human father and
son — was quite unique at the time. The lives of
patriarchs, leaders, prophets, as well as the nation-
al historj', show us Providence at work. We have
there, as in the NT, righteousness as the rule of
Divine dealing and final destiny. We see righteous-
ness also as the supreme endeavour of human life.
What infinite pathos of Divine love, compassion,
tenderness, patience, faithfulness, slowness to
anger, readiness to forgive, speaks in Psalm and
Prophecy (Ps 23. 32. 36. 63. 73. 103, Is 40. 43. 53.
54. 55. 60. 61, Jer 31, Ezk 34. 36. 37, etc.). The
Book of Job casts a Hood of light on the Divine
mission of afBiction. Tlie meaning of the provi-
dential discipline of life emphasized in He 12^'^-
is taken from the OT. The contrast between the
OT portrayal of God as a moral Ruler and of His
government as administering Moral Law and the
glorification of might in contemporary kingdoms
and even in later Rome, is striking in the highest
* There are similar turns in Ro 12ii ' in diligence not sloth-
ful ' ; 1 Th 411 ' be ambitious to be quiet.'
degree. The confirmation of all this in the facts
of experience in Butler's treatise (pt. i. ch. 3) is
unanswerable. The case of the good suffering
misfortune and the evil prospering is, in the final
issue of the Avhole, exceptional (see Job, Ps 73).
The NT fulfilment is the crown of a great pre-
paration. It is all summed up in the idea of God
as Father of the individual, which pervades the
entire NT teacliing from first to last. ' Your
Father, my Father,' are words ever on the lips of
the supreme Teacher and Revealer. ' When ye
pray, say. Our Father.' ' How much more shall
your Father which is in heaven give good things
to them that ask him ? ' ' Your heavenly Father
knoweth that ye have need ' of food and clothes.
The Divine Fatherhood is tlie strongest foundation
of prayer. We know how much St. Paul and St.
John make of the correlative relation of believers
as children of God, St. Paul speaking of them as
both ' sons ' and ' children,' St. John using only the
title ' children ' (Ro 8^*- ^\ 1 Jn 3^). For the chil-
dren nothing is too good for God to promise and
give. ' It is your Father's good pleasure to give
you the kingdom ' (Lk 12^-). The whole section
Mt 6'^"^^ is a perfect antidote to anxiety and fear.
' To them that love God all things work together
for good ' (Ro 8-^) corresponds to OT sayings like
Ps 341" 103'^ Human faith, called forth and jus-
tified by such promises, never rose so high in the
sphere of natural reason as in Ro 8^'"***. It is in
passages like Jn 13-17 that the tenderness of God's
love for His earthly childi'en finds the highest ex-
pression. These selections from a wide field may
suffice to set forth the grounds of Christian sub-
mission to all that God sends or permits, gives or
withholds, of earthly good.
Contentment seems a weak word to describe the
Christian attitude to the Divine appeal. It has
all the Divine character and revelation in word
and act behind it. Even the adverse and painful
is seen to have Divine purpose in it. We ' rejoice
in tribulation ' and ' manifold trials ' (Ro 5^ Ja P),
not for their own sake but for the fruit they bear.
Trials and difficulties nurse strength and courage.
The greatest sufferers have been the greatest
heroes. Patient endurance is the highest evidence
of strength. The strongest souls are often found
in sick chambers. ' God's peace stands sentry,
keeps guard over them ' (Ph 4'') — an echo again of
an OT benediction,' Thou wilt keep him in perfect
peace, whose mind is stayed on thee, because he
trusteth in thee' (Is 26^). This age-long, world-
wide extent of personal experience guarantees the
truth and reality of what lies behind Christian
resignation and trust. We may repeat the vow
of Epictetas to God, with deeper meaning :
' For the rest use me to what thou pleasest. I do consent
unto thee and am indifferent. I refuse nothing which seemeth
good to thee. Lead me whither thou wilt ; put on me what
garment thou pleasest. Wilt thou have me to be a governor
or a private man, to stay at home or to be banished away, to
be poor or to be rich ? I will, in respect to all these things,
apologise for thee with men ' (quoted in Barrow, Works, iii. 36).
Literature. — Sermons on Ph 4" will be found in L Barrow,
Works, iii. [1831] 1-106 ; R. Sanderson, Works, i. [1854] 112-
172 ; R. Sibbes, Works, v. [1863] 177-193 ; CommeTitaries on
Philippians, esp. C. J. Ellicott (31865), M. R. Vincent (ICC,
1897), H. A. A. Kennedy (EGT, 1903) ; see also J. Guthrie,
Divine Dvicontent, 1913 ; H. W. Smith, The Life Worth Liv-
ing, 1912, p. 7 ; Lord Avebury, Peace and Happiness, 1909,
p. 99flf. ; jT \. Vance, Royal Manhood, 1899, p. 165 ff. ; D.
Watson, In Life's School, 1902, p. 145 fif. J. S. BANKS.
CONTINENCE.— See Abstinence.
CONTRIBUTION.— The significance of the word
Koiviovia, twice translated ' contribution ' in the RV,
is understood best from its employment and the
employment of its cognates in various connexions
in the NT. The root-idea is that of personal rela-
tionship. The fellowship or communion which it
246
COXVERSATION
CONVERSION
denotes, while it is essentiallj- inward and spiritual,
is at the same time a living and active union based
on mutual co-operation between persons or personi-
fied subjects (cf. 1 Jn P- «'•, Ac 2-»-, 2 Co 6^^ IS''',
1 Co P, etc. ; for (xvyKOLPuji'eii' and crvyKoivwvos see
Ph 4", Eph 5", Rev 18^). From this it came to
express the acts by which this vital fellowsliip is
manifested through the agency of the Holy Spirit?,
or by acts of brotherly kindness between members
of the scattered Christian communities (cf. Ph 2^,
He 13i« ; see B. Weiss, Biblical Theology of the NT^,
1893, i. 188). In the Didache we lind the same
conception of brotherly love emphasized as the
visible expression of a personal spiritual communion
{cTvyKOivuivfj(Tet.% 5i iravra t(^ a5eK(pi2 <rov . . . el yap iv
Tw ddavdrw kolvwi/oI iare, vdcri^ /xdWov iv toIs dvrjTols,
iv. 8). Here the meaning has not yet reached the
degenerate stage at which it arrived in patristic
Greek theologj^ where it is almost equivalent to
iXetjfioavvT] (see Cremer, Bibl.-Theol. Lexicon of NT
Greek, Eng. tv.\ 1895, p. 363). We are thus able
to apprehend the supreme importance which St.
Paul attached to the contributions of the Gentile
Churches to the poor among the Christians of Judaea
(Ro 152s, 2 Co 9'*, etc. ; see also art. COLLECTION).
His conception of the undertaking is not merely
that Gentile and Jew should be participators in
the common blessings of plenty, to a share in which
each Christian has a claim. If that were all, we
should look for the word fier^x^iv (cf. 1 Co 10",
He 2^*, etc. ), which has both a narrower and a more
external connotation than KOLvwvelv (see Westcott,
Epistle to the Hebrews^, 1903, pp. 74, 336 ; Robert-
son-Plummer, 1 Corinthians [ICC, 1911], pp. 212,
215,217 ; cf., however, Ellicott's Commentary, 1887,
on 1 Co 1016).
The giver and the receiver are both involved in
Koivwvla, and in the acts of giving and receiving
they throw into objective reality their complete
personal union in the Body of Christ. To achieve
this end no sacrifice was too great (XeiTovpyijaai,
Ro 15^), for a debt inestimable was resting on
those who, from outside, had been received into
the spiritual fellowship of Jesus Christ {6(peL\eTai).
By discharging their obligation in this respect, the
Gentiles not only witnessed to the profound spirit-
ual principle of communion in the Christian society,
but also used an instrument whereby the union,
thus expressed, would be realized on the other
side. Arising out of the movement initiated by
St. Paiil we find that contributing to the needs of
the saints {KoivuvodvTes, Ro 12'^) is enjoined as a
general duty of Christians (cf. koivwvikovs, 1 Ti 6^^
where the thought involves the formation of the
habit and character of generosity with a view to
' the life which really is life ' [see the translation
in Mottat's historical New Testamenf^, 1901, p
575]). J. R. Willis.
CONVERSATION.— This is the AV rendering of
the Gr. dva(;Tpo<pT) in Gal l'^, Eph 4^2, 1 Ti 412 Ja 313
1 p 115-18 212 3.. 2. 16^ 2 F 2^ 311 ; of iro\lTevp.a in Ph ^^
{TToXiTeveade, Ph !■"), and of rpdwos in He 13^ The
English word is founded on the Vulg. conversatio
(conversor) and signifies 'manner of life' (= RV
rendering ; for examples of this use of ' conversa-
tion,' see Murray's OED s.v.). iroXlTev/xa and
iroXiTevea-Oai definitely associate the conception of
life with relationship to a iroXis. They are character-
istically Greek expressions ; for ' conduct to a
Greek was mainly a question of relation to the
State ' (J. A. Robinson on Eph 2'). On the other
hand, dva(TTpi(}>eadai. (with its noun d.va<TTpo(p7)) is in
the NT practicallj'sj^nonymous with words express-
ing a manner or ' walk ' of life, such as irepiwaTe'iv
(a favourite Pauline and Johannine word) and
TTopetjeffdai (which is found in Luke and Acts and
elsewhere in tlie NT, but not in Pauline and Johan-
nine M-ritings) ; cf. also crTOLxelv, Gal 5-^ 6'", Ph 3^^
(see HDB, art. ' Conversation,' for discussion of the
distinction between TrepnraTeiv and dvaarpecpea-dai as
drawn by E. Hatch in his Essays in Biblical Greek,
1889, p. 9). ' Conversation,' therefore, is an ex-
cellent rendering of dvaarpocp-n if it be understood
in the general sense of ' conduct ' or regulation of
life, the signification which it bore in English
before being limited by common usage to inter-
course in speech.
We find dva<rTpi<f)e(T6ai used in this ethical sense
not only in the NT Avritings, but in the Apostolic
Fathers (Ign. Magn. ix. 1 ; Hermas, Mand. xi. 12 ;
1 Clem. xxi. 8 ; Ep. of Barn. xix. 6, and also in
the Didache iii. 9 repeating Ep. of Barn. xix. 6,
ixera diKaldip . . . dvaaTpa(prjari). Deissmann, Bible
Studies, Eng. tr., 1901, p. 88 (cf. Light from the
Ancient East, Eng. tr.^, 1911, pp. 107, 315), points
out that ' the moral signification se gerere which
dva(TTpi4>eadai bears in 2 Co l'^, Eph 2-*, 1 P 1", 2 P
218, He 10^3 1318, 1 Ti 3i», is illustrated by Grimm,
needlessly, on the analogy of the Hebrew "Si,' and
shows that it is not to be explained as a Hebraism
(cf. ib. p. 194), by quoting the ' Inscription of Per-
gamus No. 224 A (middle of 2nd cent. B.C.), where
it is said of some high official of the king iv wda-iu
Ka[ipo7$ dp-ep-TTTus Kal d5]ei3s dva(TTpe(f>6p.€vo% ' (cf. also
Moulton, Grammar of NT Greek, 1908, p. 11, and
T. Nageli, Wortschatz des Apostels Paulus, 1905,
pp. 34, 38).
The ethical use of dvaarpocpi) and dvaaTp^<pea0ai, is
thus quite frequent in Hellenistic G__reek ; and
neither noun nor verb is Hebraic, nor peculiar to
the language of the NT, but common, as Deissmann
states, to the ancient world as a whole. The ety-
mology conveys the idea of movement within
certain limits or a given sphere. Such activity,
however, is more expressly defined by the words
denoting 'walking' or 'going' mentioned above.
All such expressions may be illustrated by the term
' the Way ' used in the Acts (see 9- 19^- -^ 22^- -) of
the path of the Christians (see art. Christian
Life), which is marked out by Divine revelation,
as opposed to a'lpeais (Ac 24'^), the way a man
chooses for himself. R. Martin Pope.
CONVERSION.— 1. Terminology.— The concep-
tion of conversion, as of so much else in the NT,
rests on what had become familiar in the OT. But
we find nothing like a definite doctrine of conversion
in either ; much less a theology or a psychology.
The most common word in the OT is ' turn ' (a'iJ'),
which is quite general in meaning ; it may be ac-
complished by the sinner himself (Ezk I8-1) or,
more rarely, by God (Jer 3V^). In the NT, as far
as the Acts and Eiiistles are concerned, the noun
occurs only once (Ac 15^), but the verb is com-
paratively frequent : e.g. Ac 3'» 9^^ 26I8, 1 Th 1^,
2 Co 31^ 1 P 2^5, It is significant that it occurs 12
times intransitively, 4 times transitively ; and the
tense (aorist) used most commonly implies that the
action is regarded as momentary more often than
continuous (there is implied continuity in Ac 14^^
151^ Gal 49, as against Ac S'^ 26^^, 2 Co 3'6, Ja 5"*).
It may be added that in all cases, except 4 (Ac 3'^
28-^, Ja 519- 20), RV translates by ' turn.' The verb
is only twice used literally (Rev V^, 2 P 2*-), and it
is used once in Galatians (4^) and twice in a single
passage, 2 P 2^i- 22, quoting from the OT (Pr 26"),
of perversion.
2. Suggestions from the context. — What are the
causes and accompaniments of conversion ? It ap-
pears as the result of preaching (Ac 14'®), or of
'signs' (9^^ Ipi). It is connected with repentance
(3'-' 26-") and followed by bond-service and endurance
( 1 Th P) ; and in the story of Cornelius and his
friends, as St. Peter is preaching, at the moment
when he describes remission of sins as given to
COA^VERSIOX
COXYERSIOX
247
those who believe on Christ, the Holy Spirit falls
on them, and they speak with tongues and
'magnify God' (Ac'lQ-*-*- ^''). They are then bap-
tized. The same thing happens to the 12 disciples
of Apollos at Ephesus (Ac 19^^-) after they have
been baptized and St. Paul has laid his hands upon
them. (In 1 Co 12^'* and 14 passim nothing is said
to connect the gift of ' tongues ' with conversion. )
This glossolalla is the only outward sign of con-
version mentioned in the NT ; it is true that the
men in Stephen's unrepentant audience were ' cut
to the heart' (Ac 7^^) ; but abnormalities such as
those which accompanied the early stages of the
Methodist movement, the American camp-meet-
ings, or the Welsh revival, are altogether absent
from the historj' of apostolic preaching and its
results.
3. Parallel expressions. — Although the actual
descriptions of conversion are few (see below, § 7),
references to the great transition are numerous.
The converts are reminded that they were recon-
ciled (2 Co 520), that they died with Christ (Col 2^),
that they were made alive together with Christ
(Eph 2'), that they were baptized into Christ
(Gal 3"), that they obtained mercy (Ko U*"). The
word of the truth of the gospel is increasing in the
Colossians, since tlie day that they heard and knew
the grace of God in truth (Col !« ; cf. He lO-^-^-).
They have renounced the hidden things of dark-
ness ; they have believed, they are washed, they
are sanctified (1 Co 6'^). The general term ' salva-
tion ' is used in 1 Co l-i, Ro 10'», Tit 3^; St. Peter
writes to those who are elect, begotten again
(1 P P- » ; cf. 2 P P"). In all these phrases, stress
is laid sometimes on the action of God, sometimes
on the response of man ; nor is it always easy to
see whether the writers are referring to the actual
moment of conversion or not ; they M'ould seem to
think more frequently of the new life, introduced
by a definite experience (cf. St. Paul's use of the
perfect tense, ^XTri/cores, 1 Co 15'®, ireTricTTevKa, 2 Ti
1^), than of the exact moment of transition.
The language of St. John, as might have been
expected, makes but little reference to the change
as an event happening in time ; his thought is
rather of belief or knowledge as an abiding at-
titude of mind (1 Jn 2^^ 4^*) ; but we may compare
the striking phrase in 1 Jn S" ' have passed from
death unto life,' with that of St. Paul (2 Co 5"), 'if
any man is in Christ, it is a new creating.'
References in the Apostolic Fathers to the con-
version of unbelievers are surprisingly few. These
writers are rather concerned to hold a high ethical
standard before their readers. Clement of Rome
speaks of those who have been called through His
will in Christ Jesus as being justified through faith
(xxxii. ), and constantly emphasizes the need of
repentance. The Didache makes no reference to
the conversion of outsiders as such, though one
would think that the members of the Church must
have regarded the exhortations of the ' Two Ways '
as more applicable to outsiders than to themselves.
Barnabas, who, like the Didache, quotes the ' Two
Ways,' speaks of the apostles as ' those who
preached unto us the forgiveness of sins' (viii.);
refers to the time before belief on God, ' when the
abode of our heart was corrupt and weak, a temple
truly built with hands ' (xvi. ) ; and adds the signifi-
cant passage : ' He that desireth to be saved looketh
not to the man, but to Him that dwelleth and
speaketh in him, being amazed at this that he has
never at any time heard these words from the
mouth of the speaker, nor himself ever desired to
hear them ' (ib. ).
i. ConYersion is from heathenism. — This is the
great difference in the use of the term in the NT
from that in the OT and in much of our modem
religious phraseology. All the NT converts had
definitely broken with their old surroundings.
The language of the NT is the language of the
first stage in the history of a missionary church.
In the OT even sinners are for the most part
members of the chosen nation ; the prophets call
the people back to a holiness which they are re-
garded as having previously lost. Even Ezekiel,
who alone seems to regard the history of Israel as
one of disobedience from the beginning, feels that
the nation has somehow been in touch with Jahweh
all along. In our own times, the majoritj- of con-
verts have been brought up in a more or less
Christian atmosphere ; there has been a lengthened
period of suggestion followed at last by a decision.
Even where conversion seems most sudden, much
teaching has often preceded. NT preaching was
very different. To the Jews, it occasioned an in-
tellectual shock, for the most part at first highly
resented (Ac 7*^^-). With Gentiles this was even
more definitely the case. The shock was moral
and social as well. To the Jews, a great deal of
the morality of the apostolic preaching would be
familiar, especially the emphasis upon personal
purity in speech and conduct ; and the Jews, in the
Gentile world, were already a distinct community
(cf. the Rabbinic treatise, Aboda Zara) like the
Christians in India. For the Gentiles, that preach-
ing demanded a complete renunciation of their
existing habits, friendships, moral ideas, and often
of their business (cf. 1 Co 10-*^- ; and Tert. de Idol.
— equally true a century before he wrote). Stan-
ley's well-known description of baptism, as symbol-
izing the definite rupture with one society and the
identification with another, is far more true of the
1st cent, than of any other {ChHstian Institutions*,
London, 1884, ch. i.).
5. ConYersion and baptism. — The new convert
was not, indeed, regarded as being perfect from his
conversion onwards. His morals might be very de-
ficient (Eph 4-8, 6 kX^tttui'), and there was much
need of teaching (cf. the emphasis laid on this point
in the Pastorals). There must have been a large
number of ' babes in Christ.' But the practice of
modem missionaries in delaying baptism was un-
known in early times. Baptism followed the pro-
fession of belief (Ac 2^'), and, as soon as belief and
repentance were professed, the convert was felt to
have broken with the old life (2^^ and S'^- 38). Often
both belief and repentance are only implied in the
actual narratives (2^ 16'^).
6. ConYersion, repentance, belief. — Baptism
(q.v.) is then the seal (<T(ppdyis) of repentance and
conversion, the sign of admission to the new society
which is the Body of Christ. Yet this never takes
place without a change of heart ; so much so
that in the NT baptism of children is apparently
never referred to (the meaning of 'household,'
1 Co 1'^, is dubious). Here again it must be re-
membered that the NT nowhere deals with a long-
established church, or with the questions which
would naturally arise in one. But where baptism
has not been preceded by a real conversion, the
writers speak in no uncertain tone (cf. the case of
Simon Magus, Ac 8®). What tlien is the relation
of conversion to repentance ? They are twice men-
tioned together (Ac 3^® and 26-°) ; repentance comes
first in both cases : repentance {fj-erdvoLa, change
of mental attitude), it has been suggested, expresses
the ethical aspect of the process, conversion the
spiritual ; or they may be called the negative and
positive aspects. But they cannot be separated.
If there is a turning from (repentance), there must
be a turning to (conversion). Sometimes the initial
impulse A\Til be dislike for the old (cf. Starbuck and
Hadley, ut infra), or the goodness of God will be
felt as leading to repentance (Ro 2* ; cf. Ezk 36*').
But the two are parts of one process. The same
thing must be said of belief. For belief is nothing
248
CO:N'VERaiON
CORINTH
but a turning or giving oneself to a person whose
support is expected with confidence and whose will
is accepted as a command to be obeyed. And since
these commands cannot be obeyed without ceasing
to do what is inconsistent with them, belief really
includes what we have called both the negative
and the positive.
7. Individual instances. — Less can be learnt
from these, as referred to in the NT, than might have
been expected. Of the conversions of Barnabas,
Silas, Timothy, and the rest of St. Paul's great co-
adjutors, we know nothing. The Ethiopian eunuch
has already been referred to. Cornelius (Ac 10^^),
as a proselyte, has already broken with his heathen
manner of life, and his passing over to belief in
Christ is secured by his vision ; St. Peter's discourse
simply completes the process : to adopt Seeberg's
suggestive phrase, Belehrung is ended by Bekeh-
rung. Lydia also, who is apparently a proselyte,
believes while St. Paul is preaching (Ac 16'''), and at
once shows the change wrought in her by offering
to entertain the Apostle. The Philippian jailer,
blurting out in his terror a cry almost of despair
(Ac 16^°), receives an answer which must have
seemed quite meaningless to him at first ; and then,
as the result of a discourse which is unfortunately
not preserved for us, believes and is baptized.
Whether any conversions took place at Malta
as the result of St. Paul's stay there is unknown.
The above instances are all of Gentiles. The appeal
which led to the conversion of Jews would seem to
be that which St. Paul used to Agrippa : ' the re-
deeming work of the Messiah is foretold or implied
by the prophets ; you believe the prophets ; therefore
you must believe in the Messiah, Jesus whom we
preach ' (Ac 18» 2622'- » ; Lk 24^7). In the case of St.
Paul we have two accounts purporting to come from
his own lips (Ac 22. 26), and for the tliird (Ac 9)
he must have been the authority. Certainly, he
did not turn from any outward works of darkness (Ro
13'^) ; he may have been prepared previously, like
Cornelius, though unconsciously ; but when the
change came, in a blinding flash of celestial light,
it meant an instant and entire transference of his
loyalty and a complete destruction of his old self-
esteem. The culmination of his conversion, lead-
ing to baptism, was brought about, as in the case
of Cornelius, through two mutually dependent
visions, and actual instruction from a disciple. For
St. Paul, it was a turning from darkness to light,
a revealing of the Son of God in him (Gal P") ; but
the only works of the flesh whose renunciation was
involved were anger, pride and hatred, and these he,
like his friends, would probably have considered, up
to the crisis, as positive virtues. Was this perliaps
the reason why anger, hatred, malice and strife find
such a prominent place in his later catalogues of
evil deeds ?
8. To turn: transitive or intransitive ?— We
have left to the last the difficult question whether
man turns to God or God turns man to Himself.
The language of the NT gives little assistance (see
§ 1). Where the verb is not intransitive, tlie sub-
ject is a man ( Ja 5^»- ^, and perhaps Ac 26^8), and
elsewhere we have simply the passive voice (1 P
2-^), with no reference to the agent. But it is im-
possible to deny the share of God in the process
(Eph 25, Col 2", Tit 3», He lO^^, 1 P 1», Ko IF")
or the connexion between conversion and salvation
(1 Co r-\ Ro 10'=). But the question of the relative
importance of the action of God and of man in con-
version never occurred to the NT writers ; and a
closer examination of the whole subject will show
that it is not a case of ' either . . . or.' According
to our point of view, we may see the act as wholly
God's or wholly man's. Exhorting the sinner, the
preacher will say, * Turn to God ' ; looking back on
the act, the sinner will say, 'God turned me to
Himself ' ; or else we may use language which
admirably and daringly combines the two, employ-
ing the imperative of the passive voice, ' Be ye
reconciled to God' (2 Co 5-"). Conversion itself
rests on the Atonement ; man must be made ' at
one ' with God, and yet this cannot be done unless,
at that very moment, he makes himself ' at one.'
The question appears a difficult one just because
the answer is involved in the simplest processes of
action. All action between persons is interaction.
It is the union of two elements to bring a third to
the birth. We may for the moment overlook either
the one or the other ; but both are there. And
the two are really one. William James's theory
of the subliminal is suggestive : conversion results
from the breaking up of the fountains of the great
spiritual deep; there is a 'subliminal uprush' in
me ; and a flood of perceptions, feelings, loves and
hates, of which I had hitherto been quite uncon-
scious, gives me a new conception of myself and
my life. The correctness of this account cannot
here be discussed. It appears to cover much in
the vast changes described so simply in the NT.
It leaves room for, but it does not actually state,
the main factor in every NT reference to conversion,
and this is neither a new moral ideal nor a fresh
conception of oneself, but the redeeming love of a
God of mercy and righteousness, to whom the
sinner turns in repentance and by whose good-
ness that turning is encompassed and made
possible.
LrrERATURB. — See references in art. 'Conversion' in ERE.
The conversions in the Acts are discussed in the various Lives
of St. Paul (see Paul) ; see also Commentaries on the Epistles
for discussions on the passages referred to in the article. W.
James, Varieties of Religious Experience, London, 1902 ; E. D.
Starbuck, The Psychology of Religion, do. 1899, also art. in
ExpT, XXV. [1913-14] p. 219 ff. ; F. Granger, The Soul of a
Christian, London, 1900; and G. Steven, Psychology of the Chris-
tian Soul, do. 1911, may be mentioned as treating- of the experi-
ence of conversion generally. See also J. W. Chapman, S. H.
Sadley of Water Street ,1,onAon, 190G. For a suggestive dis-
cussion of the difficulties in recalling the exact "experiences at
the time of conversion see W. Thimme, Augustins geistigt
Entwicklung, Berlin, 1908. W. F. LOFTHOUSE.
COPPERSMITH (xaX/cei5j, 2 Ti 4").— The Greek
word properly denoted a worker in xaXfis (aes) — a
term applied indifferently both to copper and its
alloys — and more generally a worker in any metal.
Copper was the first ore men learned to smelt and
work : ' Prius aeris erat quam ferri cognitus usus '
(Lucret. v. 1292). The handicraft of the copper-
smith was therefore very ancient. Later, when
iron came into use, xaX-ve^s was extended to include
workers in the new ore, ffiSripevs being a term rarely
employed. In the LXX Tubal-cain is described as
a x^iX/cei)? x^-^i^'*^ f**^ ffid-fjpov (Gn 4-^). Herodotus
(i. 68) tells how Lichas, 'coming to a smithy,
looked attentively at the iron being forged, and
was struck with wonder when he saw wliat was
done. The smith (xa\/cei)s), perceiving his astonish-
ment, desisted from his work.'
As the Romans drew their supply of aes chiefly
from the island of Cyprus, it came to be termed
aes cyprium, which was shortened to cypriuin, and
corrupted into cyprum, whence comes the Eng.
word ' copper,' Fr. cuivre. Germ. Kupfer.
James Strahan.
CORINTH {K6piv6oi). — Corinth was the commer-
cial capital of Greece, and one of the first centres
of Christian light in the continent of Europe.
Occupying a commanding position at the southern
extremity of the narrow isthmus which joined the
Peloponnesus to the mainland of Greece, and under
the steep northern side of the stupendous rock
of Acrocorinthus (1800 ft. above sea-level) ^yhich
formed one of nature's strongest fortresses, it en-
joyed unique advantages alike for commerce and
defence. ' Corinth of the two seas' (' bimaris Cor-
inthus ' [Hor. Car. I. vii. 2 ; Ovid, Met. v. 407])
CORINTH
CORINTH
249
could not fail to become a great maritime power.
Its western harbour, Lechteuni, on the Corinthian
Gulf, received the shipping of Italy, Sicily, and
Spain; its eastern port, Cenchreoe (q.v.), on the
Saronic Gulf, that of Asia Minor, Syria, Phoenicia,
and Egypt. Instead of circumnavigating stormy
Cape Malea, coasting ships regularly made for the
Isthmus, where those of larger size transliipped
their cargoes, whilst those of smaller tonnage were
hauled from sea to sea on a tramway 5 miles long
(i5toX/cos). ' For goods exported from Peloponnesus,
or imported by land, a toll was paid to those who
had the keys of the country ' (Strabo, Vlll. vi. 20).
As an emporium of the trade of the East and the
West, Corinth grew into a splendid city, the home
of merchant princes, adorned with Temples and
filled with works of Hue art.
Corinth was described as ' the bridge of the sea '
(Pind, Nem. vi. 4), and ' the gate of the Pelopon-
nesus ' (Xen. Ages. 2). 'Prosperous (eiidaifMuv) Cor-
inth ' is Herodotus ' designation of old Corinth.
'The Corintliians,' says Thucydides, 'were very
rich, as is shown by their poets, for they gave the
title of a<pvei6s to the place ' {Hist. i. 13). ' The city
was rich and opulent at all times,' says Strabo
(VII. vi. 23). At the zenith of its power it prob-
ably had a free population of 200,0u0, with half a
million slaves employed in its fleet and in its numer-
ous colonies.
Pillaged and razed to the ground by the Romans
under Lucius Mummius in 146 B.C., Corinth lay
desolate for a century, till Julius Caesar refounded
it in 46 B.C. as the Colonia Laiis Julia Corinthus,
peopling it with Roman veterans and freedmen.
'The copestone of the republican epoch was the
atonement for the sack of Corinth made by the
greatest of all Romans and of all Piiilhellenes, the
dictator Caesar, and the renewal of the star of
Hellas in the form of an independent community
of Roman citizens, the new " Julian Honour ' '
(Th. Mommsen, Provinces, Eng. tr.^, 1909, i. 260).
As the capital of the province of Achaia, and the
seat of proconsular government, new Corinth be-
came nearly as populous and prosperous as the old
had been, again deriving a vast revenue from the
sea, again developing its industries and cultivat-
ing its arts. Corinthian potters and especially
workers in Corinthian brass — a mixture of gold,
silver, and copper — were famous all over the world :
' nobilis aere Corinthus' (Ov. Met. vi. 416). The
establishment of the Isthmian games in the sanc-
tuary of Poseidon (Strabo, VIII. vi. 22) made the
city a great centre of Hellenic life. But as it in-
creased in wealth and refinement, it succumbed to
the temptations of luxury. Theoretically, and not
unnaturally, it was devoted to the cult of Poseidon,
but practically it worshipped only Corinthian Aph-
rodite, who was doubtless no other than the Syrian
Astarte of the original Phoenician settlers. Her
temple had more than a thousand lep68ov\oi — minis-
ters of vice not found in other shrines of Greece,
though common enough in those of Asia Minor —
and ' the city was frequented and enriched by the
multitudes who resorted thither on account of
them ' (Strabo, VIII. vi. 22). Corinth became pro-
verbial for abysmal profligacy. ' To live like a
Corinthian' (KopivOidtea-dat) was a synonym for
abandonment to immorality. When St. Paul
wrote the appalling first page of his Epistle to
the Romans, he had never seen Rome, but he had
lived nearly two years in Corinth.
Into this centre of commerce, shrine of art, and
vortex of iniquity St. Paul came probably in the
autumn of A.D. 50. He came alone, depressed by
the apparent failure of his preaching to the intel-
lectuals of Athens, entering his new sphere of
labour, as he confesses, with a sense of ' weakness
and fear and much trembling' (1 Co 2^). But
when his companions, Silas and Timothy, whom
he had left in Philippi, rejoined him after some
weeks, ' he was constrained by the word ' [awei-
xero ry X67V, Ac 18"). This probably means that
to these companions it seemed as if all his ener-
gies were being ' compressed' into one channel, all
his thoughts controlled by a master idea. Carlyle
has shrewdly observed that ' the preaching man
of our day has lost the point.' The greatest
preacher of apostolic times had, perhaps after
some hiimiliation, rediscovered the point. His
profound philosophical disquisition in Athens— his
noble attempt to find common ground with the
speculative minds of Hellas — having apparently
missed the mark, he determined not to repeat his
error in Corinth ; here he would preach noth-
ing ' save Jesus Christ and him crucified ' (1 Co 2-).
He did not, of course, contemplate the preaching of
a new gospel, for in the province of Galatia, and
doubtless elsewhere, Christ had already been 'openly
set forth crucified' (Gal 3^). But in Corinth he
seemed to limit himself to one aspect of 'the
word,' to preach the Cross with anew passion. His
message, like his mind, was ' compressed.' The in-
tensity of spirit with which Christ faced His own
last task was indicated by the same word, irws awi-
Xo/J-ai, ' how am I straitened ! ' (Lk 12"°).
The 'word of the cross,' preached with such fer-
vour, wrought moral miracles in pleasure-loving
Corinth. The spiritual attraction of Calvary was
the counter charm to the sensual temptations of
the corrupt city. Writing not long afterwards to
his converts, St. Paul gives a black list of the vari-
ous types of evil-doers in Corinth, and adds :
' such Avere some of you ; but ye were washed, but
ye were sanctified, but ye were justified, in the
name of the Lord Jesus Christ and in the Spirit of
our God ' (1 Co 6"""). And if he found that the in-
veterate habits of a light-hearted pagan society
speedily re-asserted themselves even within the
Church (1 Co 5' e'-'^"), it was still by the spiritual
influence of the same sacrifice that the members of
Christ's body were to make and to keep themselves
pure (58-«- "-'=* 6"-2<>).
St. Paul had not intended to remain long in
Corinth, his heart being in Macedonia, to which
he had been Divinely called (Ac 16»- ^"), and where
his appointed task seemed scarcely begun. He
would have quickly retraced his steps if certain
difficulties, which seemed to him Satanic hin-
drances, could have been removed (1 Th 2"- ^^j.
But another night-vision (Ac 18"- ^°), attaching
itself no doubt to waking thoughts which had be-
gun to shape themselves in his mind, convinced
him that it was now his duty to remain in Corinth,
where many converts were to be won. As in other
cities, he laboured there with his own hands, that
his motives as a preacher might be above suspicion.
Being of the same trade (o/ji&rexvos) with Aquila
and Priscilla {q.v.), he accepted an invitation to
live in their house (18^). In a commercial centre
like Corinth the presence of Jews was a matter of
course (cf. Philo, Lecf. ad Gaium, 36), and their
numbers had lately been augmented by the edict
of Claudius which banished all Jews from Rome
(Ac IS^). A number of Greeks had gradually
been attracted to the worship of the synagogue, in
which St. Paul, adhering to his plan of going to
the Jew first (Ro V^ '^■> ^°), 'reasoned every Sab-
bath' (Ac 18^), till the inevitable rupture took
place (v.^). He was then offered the use of the
house of the 'God-fearing' Titus Justus, who was
probably one of the Roman coloni, and who may
have adopted the cognomen of Justus when he be-
came a proselyte. The preaching of the gospel in
such a house was calculated to win the ordinary
Gentile population, who might have been slow to
enter the synagogue.
250
CORINTH
COKINTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE
The Corinthian converts were drawn from three
classes of inhabitants — Roman colonists, Greek
incolse, and Jewish settlers. The number of those
who bear Latin names — Lucius, Tertius, Quartus,
Fortunatus, Achaicus(Ro 16-'"-^ 1 Co 16''')— is strik-
ing. A few were men of some social standing,
such as Crispus, the ruler of the synagogue (Ac IS**),
Gains, who was hospitable to St. Paul and to ' the
whole Church ' (if this means that the Church met
at his iiouse, it is possible that he is to be iden-
tified M'ith Titus Justus), and Erastus, the city
treasurer (Ro 16^). Not many in philosophical,
administrative, or aristocratic circles were called
(1 Co 1-"), and St. Paul glories in the apparent im-
potence of the means by which the gospel gains
its victories : ' faex urbis lux orbis.' Yet Ramsay
may be right, on the whole, in maintaining that in
Corinth, as everywhere else, ' the work of the
Christian Church was to create or to enlarge the
educated, the thoughtful middle class ' {Expository
6th ser., i. [1900] 98).
St. Paul's Corintiuan experiences seem to have
directed his attention to the central importance of
the Church in Rome and to the attitude of the Im-
perial government to Christian missions. (1) His
host and hostess, having lately coine from Italy,
were able to give him vivid first-hand intelligence
regarding the world-city, which from this time
certainly loomed large on his mental horizon : he
'must see Rome' (Ac I921 ; cf. Ro 1" \^-*). (2)
His Corinthian trial, at the instance of jealous
Jews, before the proconsul Gallio, the large-minded
and tolerant brother of Seneca, on the charge of
worshipping God ' contrary to the law,' a trial
ending in his speedy and triumphant acquittal,
aot only made it clear to him that Christianity
was a religio licita, which might be preached in
my part of the Empire, but evidently confirmed
ais idea that the Imperial government might be
regarded as a restraining power (1 Th 2''), which
would give protection to law-abiding Christians,
aspecially to Roman citizens, engaged in the peace-
ful work of evangelization.
In Corinth St. Paul initiated a form of mission-
ary activity which proved immensely beneficial to
all the churches — the writing of letters. From
Corinth he dispatched 1 and 2 Thess., Rom., and
possibly Gal. ; and to Corinth he sent not only the
two canonical Epistles which have come down to
us, but apparently two others — referred to in 1 Co
5^, 2 Co 2'' 7^ — one of which may be fragmentarily
preserved in 2 Co 6^^-7', while the other is per-
haps to be found, in whole or in part, in 2 Co 10-13.
It was in the Church of Corinth, with its numer-
ous types of converts and its astonishing variety
of gifts (1 Co 1*-'' 12*-i<'), that the first ecclesiastical
divisions (o-x^cAtaTa, 1 Co 1^" 11'® 12-') took place,
with an accompanying hero-worship which de-
tracted from the reverence due to Christ alone
(1 Co 1'°''^). For the party-strife, so characteristic
of the democracy of Greek cities, in which persons
were put before principles, the thiee leaders who,
without being consulted, were set up as heads of
rival factions, were in no way to blame. St. Peter
probaljly never visited Corinth at all. A polios
laboured for a time in this city, and achieved
much success among the Jews (Ac 18-^), but
nothing could have been finer than the mutual
loyalty of St. Paul and Apolios (1 Co 3« 4« 16'-).
Ci. also following article.
The Epistle of Clement of Rome to the Cor-
inthians was written about A.D. 97. While com-
mending their general tone and spirit, it contains
an exliortation to concord among the memljers of
the Church, which was still vexed by divisions.
See art. Clement of Rome, Epistle of.
LiTERATURB.— E. Cuftius, Pcloponnesos, Gotha, 1851-2 ; W-
G. Clark, Peloponnesug, London, 1858 ; E. Wilisch, Geschichte
Corinths, Leipzig, 1887, 1896, 1901 ; Pausanias, Description of
Greece, ed. J. G. Frazer, London, 1898, iii. 20-38 ; Baedeker,
Greece, do. 1889, s.v. 'Corinth'; art. 'Corinthus' in Smith,
DGMG i. [1856] 674. JaMES STRAHAN.
CORINTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE.— 1. Au
thenticity. — It is generally agreed that both these
Epistles are rightly ascribed to St. Paul. As to
1 ( 'or. the external evidence is remarkably strong.
Clement of Rome directly appeals to it as the work
of the ' Apostle Paul ' {ad Cor. xlvii. : dvaXd^ere
TTjv iniaroXrjv toD /maKapiov Ilat^Xoi' rov diroaToXov. ri
irpGiTov vfup iv dpxv tov evayyeXLov kypa\jy€v ; iir
a.\7}delas Trvev/naTLKics iTr^ffreiXei' v/mv Trepl avTov re /cat
K7]<pci re /cat ' AttoXXco, 5ta rb Kal t6t€ irpocrKXiaeis v/xas
irewoLyjadai). The Epistle was certainly known also
to Ignatius and Polycarp (cf. W. R. Inge, in The
NT in the Apostolic Fathers, 1905, p. 67 : ' Ignatius
must have known this Epistle almost by heart.
Although there are no quotations [in the strictest
sense, with mention of the source], echoes of its
language and thought pervade the whole of his
writings in such a manner as to leave no doubt
whatever that he was acquainted with the First
Epistle to the Corinthians.' P. V. M. Benecke
lib. p. 86] is equally sure about Polycarp : ' Poly-
carp's use of 1 Corinthians may be regarded as
certain '). The internal evidence is equally strong.
The Ejiistle gives an extremely graphic picture of
a Christian Church of early date. Much of it is
occasional in character. There is nothing to
suggest forgery. The attack made on its auth-
enticity by Bruno Bauer, and renewed later by
Loman, Pierson, Naber, van Manen, Steck, and
others, has met with very little acceptance. Attacks
have also bc^n made on its integrity by Hagge
and Volter, at these also have little to be said
for them.
2 Coi'. appears in Marcion's Canon, and is after-
wards widely quoted. But there are few traces of
it in the Apostolic Fathers. Clement makes no
allusion to it, though it would have suited his
purpose to do so. It seems probable that it was
not published until the churches began to look
upon St. Paul's letters as Scripture. It is in the
main personal, and contains but little moral or
doctrinal instruction. It is, therefore, quite in-
telligible that it should not have been published as
early as 1 Cor.,* which would be at once recognized
as a document of universal inteiest and great im-
portance ; but there is no reason to doubt its
Pauline authorship, in spite of the inferiority of
the external evidence for it. Irenseus, Tertullian,
Athenagoras, and Clement of Alexandria are all
familiar witli it and quote it freely. And the
internal evidence is very strong. Its autobio-
graphical touches carry their own assurance of
genuineness, and, whUe not in the main doctrinal,
' it is saturated with the characteristic theological
conceptions of St. Paul.'t
2. St. Paul's relations with Corinth before
writing 1 Corinthians. — St. Paul's first visit to
Corinth is described in Ac 18^"'®, Avhere we have an
account of the foundation of the Corinthian Church.
After leaving Corinth, he continued to be in com-
munication with the Church there, and we can
reconstruct some part of his relations with it from
the evidence of his two extant Epistles to the
Corinthians.
(a) St. Paul wrote a ' previous letter' (1 Co 5^),
in which he told the Corinthians not to keep
company with fornicators. This must have been
due to information that immorality was creeping
into the Church. It is possible that a portion of
this letter is preserved in 2 Co 6'M^ (see below).
• Cf. J. H. Kennedy, The Sec(md and Third Epistles to the
Corinthians, 1900, p. 141 fl. ; K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles oj
St. Paul, 1911, p. 163 f.
t HDB i. 492.
COKLN'THTANS, EPISTLES TO THE CUKiATHlA2sS, EPISTLES TO THE 251
(b) The Corinthians had themselves ■written a
letter to St. Paul, raising a number of points and
requesting his decision upon tliem (1 Co 7'-^' 8^ 11-
12'). They raise the question of marriage —
■whether marriage is legitimate for a Christian,
the relation between husband and wife, between
a non-Christian husband and a Christian ■VN'ife, and
vice versa. Tliey interrogate him regarding the
status of virgins, and probably also ask advice on
the question of elSioMdvra, ■with all the problems
of social life which it involves. The ditticulties
that arose over the Eucharist may have been
mentioned in the letter (IP""'-), also the question
of spiritual gifts and of disorders in the assemblies,
perhaps also the question of the resurrection of the
dead. Attempts have been made to reconstruct
the Corintiiian letter,* but these must necessarily
be too conjectural to be of any great value. It is
probable, however, that a good many of the expres-
sions used in 1 Cor. are direct quotations from their
letter, e.g. iravTa 'i^eanv (cf. lO"^), probably a sort of
catchword, which the Apostle accepts from them,
but qualities. In 11- he probably quotes their letter.
(c) St. Paul had had other sources of information
besides this letter. The existence of parties with-
in the Corinthian Church had been made known
to him bj' Chloe's people or household (1 Co 1").
He had also heard, possibly from the same source,
of a case of incest (ch. 5), and of the habit which
had arisen of going to law with fellow-Christians
before heathen tribunals (6^'*). Apollos, too, had
■visited Corinth (3^), and was now with St. Paul
at Ephesus (16''^). Stephanas, Fortunatus, and
Achaicus had also come to him from Corinth (16^^).
3. Analysis of 1 Corinthians. — In view of the in-
formation received from these sources, St. Paul
wrote the First Epistle. It wiU be convenient here
to give a full analysis of it.
I. iNTHODUCTrOX (1^-9).
11-* Salutation.
vv.4-9 Thanksgiving for spiritual gifts of Corinthians.
II. 2{EB£/ A:£(110-62'J).
(a) Party-spirit, based on false intellectualism in religion
(110-421).
110-17 Exhoitation to unity,
w. 18-25 The paradox of the Cross. What seems to men
weak and foolish is Divine strenprth and wisdom.
vy.26-31 Xhis is illustrated by the natural characteristics of
Corinthian Christians — thej' are naturally weak
and foolish, but their strength and wisdom is
Christ.
21-5 Further illustrated by St. Paul's own behaviour
at Corinth.
w.6-9 Yet there is a spiritual wisdom for mature Chris-
tians.
21(1-33 Only the spiritual man can understand this. The
Corinthians, when St. Paul preached to them,
were not yet spiritual.
8*4 Nor are they yet spiritual, as ia evidenced by
their factions.
w.^9 Foolishness of party-spirit, seeing that the work
of all is God's work.
TV.iO-15 St. Paul has laid the One Foundation, Jesus
Christ. Others may build upon it, and are
responsible for the character of their building.
Vv.16-17 The building is God's Temple. To destroy it is
to cause one's own destruction.
w.18-23 Folly of subjection to human teachers. All be-
long to Christ.
41-* Human teachers are responsible to Christ, and to
Him only.
TV.6-7 This rebuke is really only applicable to the
followers, not to the teachers.
TV.8-13 For the teachers are forced by their sufferings to
realize their limitations. Only the followers
are proud.
W.l'*-''' Appeal to them to follow St. Paul's example.
w.18-21 He hopes to come himself, and test the truth of
their claims.
(6) Want of discipline in dealing toith case of incest (ch. 5).
51-8 The case of incest. Necessity of excommunicat-
ing offender.
w.9-13 Explanation of instructions given in former
letter about Christians' attitude to immoral
V>ersons.
(e) Litigioiisness (6i-U).
6i*> Lawsuits not to be taken before heathen tribunals.
' Cf. G. G. Findlay, in Expositor, 6th ser. i. [1900] 401 ff.
67-11 Lawsuits altogether wrong. Christians ought
rather to endure wrong ; but no Christian
ought to give occasion for a lawsuit.
(d) Fornication (612-20).
612-14 xhe law of liberty does not appl.v to impurity.
w.15-20 Relation between Christ and believer incompat-
ible with fornication.
in. Answers to Qi'E^irioxs (7i-i4'io).
(o) ilarriarje problems (ch. 7).
71-7 Celibacy is best, but marriage is sometimes ex-
pedient.
vv.8-9 Unmarried persons and widows should, if possible,
remain as they are.
W.lO-ll Married couples should not separate. If they do,
the wife must not re-marry.
w.12-16 Mixed marriages are not real marriages in the
Christian sense, and therefore not indissoluble.
W.17-21 It is best for people, both in marriage questions
and in other matters,'* to remain externally in
the condition in which they were when they be-
came Christians.
w.25-35 'Virgins may marry without sin, though they do
better to remain unmarried.
w. 36-33 Spiritual marriage is a good custom, t
w. 39-10 Second marriage allowed, but not recommended.
(b) The eating 0/ things sacrificed to idols (s'-lli).
81-3 One should be guided by the Law of Love.
w.'i-'' Christians know that idols are nothing.
w.7-13 Yet to eat of a banquet in an idol's temple may
offend the weaker brethren, and so is a sin
against the Law of Love.
9^-3 St. Paul claims spiritual liberty even more than
they can.
TV.4-11 He has the same rights as the other apostles.
w.12-18 Yet he does not use the right to maintenance,
but surrenders it as a voluntary offering to
God.
w.19-23 He has surrendered his liberty for the sake of his
cause.
vv.21-27 For the Christian life needs perpetual effort and
self-denial.
101-6 This is illustrated by the example of the Israehtes,
most of whom perished in spite of their privi-
leges.
w.6-11 Their history is an example to us, that we may
avoid their sins.
w.12-13 Xo temptation is too strong to be resisted.
w.l*-22 Idolatry is a real danger. The Eucharist and
feasts upon things sacrificed to idols are incom-
patible.
w. 23-24 In any case the Law of Love is supreme.
W.25-30 Christians may accept the invitations of non-
Christians, and so run the risk of eating things
offered to idols. But the Law of Love forbids
that this should be done knowingl.v.
1031-111 One must do all to God's glory, and avoid giving
offence.
(c) Women in the assemblies (I12-16).
112-10 Women must have the head covered in the as-
semblies because they are inferior in spiritual
status to men.
yy.li-12 Yet men and women are complementary.
yy.13-15 Appeal to natural instinct.
V. '6 Appeal to Christian custom.
(d) Disorders at the Lord's Supper (lli'-34).
1117-22 Prevalence of greed and drunkenness at the Lord's
Supper,
w. 23-25 Account of institution,
w. 26-29 ResponsibiUtj' of communicant,
vv. 30-32 piiysical evil and death caused by unworthy re-
ception.
w.33-34 Command to avoid gluttony and self-assertion.
(e) Spiritual gifts (121-14'40).
121-3 The test of a Spirit is his attitude to Jesus,
'w.+ii The gifts of the Spirit are diverse, but all for use.
vv.12-13 Christ is One ; j'et we in our variety are members
of His Body.
W.l*-28 The members of the natural body are interdepend-
ent.
TV.27-31 So is it with Christ's Body. Yet some gifts are
greater than others.
131-3 But all gifts are useless without love.
w.*-7 Description of love.
Yy.8-12 Temporary character of spiritual gifts contrasted
with permanence of love.
V.13 Faith, hope, and love are permanent, and love is
the greatest.
141-5 Superiority of prophecy to tongues.
vv.6-19 Unintelligibility of tongues,
yy. 20-22 The only use of tongues is as a miraculous sign
to unbelievers.
w.23-25 An outsider is impressed more by prophecy than
by tongues.
vv. 26-33 Need of order in the assemblies.
vv.31-36 Women forbidden to speak in the assemblies.
• V.21 may contain an exception in the case of slaves ; but the
Greek is ambisuous.
t The meaning of this passage is not quite certain, but cf. art.
' Agapetae ' in ERE.
252 CORi:^THIAXS, EPISTLES TO THE CORINTHIAJ!iS, EPISTLES TO THE
1437-40 Final appeal for order and submission to St. Paul's
authority.
rV. The RESURiiEcriox.— An answer to those who doubted
about the resurrection of Christians (ch. 15).
151-11 Summary of St. Paul's Gospel, of which the re-
surrection is an essential part.
w.12-19 The resurrection of Christiana depends on the
fact of Christ's Resurrection.
VV.20 22 Parallel between Christ and Adam.
vv.23-28 The final consummation, the reign of the Father,
when Christ, havmg; subdued all His enemies,
delivers up to Him the Kingdom.
vp. 29-32 Christian practices. Christian endurance and self-
denial unintelligible without the Resurrection.
w. 33-34 Knowledge of Resurrection should be an incent-
ive to energi' in Christian life.
w. 36-33 iv'ature of resurrection bodi'. Analogy of seed.
vv.ss-'ii Variety of natural kinds.
W.42-J6 The natural body is the suitable framework of
man's present self ; his future body will be the
suitable framework for him when he has become
spiritual.
w. 47-49 So man must be changed from the likeness of the
First to that of the Second Adam.
w.W-53 At the Last Trump, the dead shall arise incor-
ruptible, and those who are still on earth will
be suddenlj' changed and glorified.
W.84-87 This is the conquest of death.
V.68 This gospel of the Resurrection gives value to all
moral effort.
V. PERSOyAL MATTERS {ch. 16).
161-* Arrangements about collection.
vv.5-9 St. Paul's intention to come and make some stay
at Corinth.
rv.io-ll Commendation of Timothy.
V.12 Apollos' unwillingness to come.
w.13-14 Final exhortation.
w.15-16 Commendation of the household of Stephanas.
vv. 17-18 Thankfulness for the coming of Stephanas and
others.
w. 19-24 Salutations and benediction.
i, St. Paul's relations with Corinth between 1
and 2 Corinthians. — It is necessary to go into some
detail with regard to the relations between St.
Paul and Corinth after tlie dispatch of 1 Cor., as
many questions connected -with 2 Cor. depend upon
the view taken of the external history.
(a) Visit of Timothy. — In 1 Co 4" St. Paul speaks
of sending Timothy to Corinth, apparently with a
mission to deal with the party-spirit that was pre-
valent there. But in 16^" he speaks as though it
were uncertain whether Timothy would arrive.
In Ac 19^- we read that Timothy went into Mace-
donia. If that refers, as is probable, to the same
journey, Timothy must have had a mission to dis-
charge in Macedonia as well as in Corinth. We
hear nothing of his arrival at Corinth. But it is
quite certain that St. Paul did receive from some
source very bad news from Corinth. It is on the
whole probable that Timothy went to Corinth, and
found the situation there very bad, that he made
no impression, and that he returned with alarming
oews to St. Paul at Ephesus.
(b) St. Paul's second visit if \inrr). — On the receipt
of bad news from Corinth, whether from Timothy
or from some other source, St. Paul sailed thither
in person, but his visit was unsuccessful, and he
soon went back again to Asia Minor. The evidence
for this visit is to be found in three passages of
2 Cor., viz. 13^"^ 1'2" 2^. The most natural exegesis
of IS'"'' and 12^^ implies that he had been to Corinth
twice already, though it is just possible to avoid
this conclusion. When these two passages are
combined with 2^ the case for a second visit to
Corinth becomes overwhelming, for in 2^ it is im-
plied that St. Paul had paid a visit to Corinth iv
Xvirji. Now such a description would not apply to
his first visit, which was a distinct success, in spite
of certain disappointments and sorrows. The fact
that this visit is not mentioned in Acts is unim-
portant. It was very brief, and in the main un-
successful. The difficulties which occasioned it
were afterwards settled, and it would not naturally
enter into the plan followed by the author of Acts.
This visit must have been paid after 1 Cor. had
been written, for in that Epistle St. Paul speaks
throughout as though there had been only one
visit. His knowledge of the state of attairs at
Corinth is derived from information received, not
from personal observation (cf. 1" 5^ 11'*), and in
4'" he shows tiiat he realized the possibility that
he might have to pay a second visit, though he
was not sure about it.
(c) The severe letter. — On his return to Ephesus,
St. Paul wrote a severe letter ' out of much afflic-
tion and anguish of heart.' The letter so referred
to in 2 Co 2^ must have been written at this time,
thougli efforts have been made to identify it eitiier
with 1 Cor. or with the 'previous letter' alluded
to in that Epistle (1 Co 5' ; see above, § 2). 1 Cor.
was certainly not written ' otxt of much affliction
and anguish of heart, with many tears.' It is calm
and in the main unemotional. Moreover, the
references to the ' severe letter ' in 2 Co 7®' ^3' 1-*
2' do not suit 1 Cor. particularly well. There is
not a word in 1 Cor. to suggest that he was shrink-
ing from a visit for fear of its being unpleasant.
The 'previous letter' is also impossible. For St.
Paul only heard that his ' severe letter ' had
brought the Corinthians to repentance when Titus
returned and met him in Macedonia (see below).
But, when writing 1 Cor., St. Paul had already had
an answer to the ' previous letter ' { 1 Co S''"").
The theory has been put forward that part of
the ' severe letter ' is to be found in 2 Co 10-13.
If this tiieory is correct, we should expect to find
(1) a great difference in tone and spirit between
the two parts of the Epistle, together with a sudden
break of the sense at the end of ch. 9 : the last four
chapters should be severe and threatening, the first
nine should be encouraging, cheerful, and forgiving ;
(2) a certain number of cross-references, passages
in the first nine chapters which seem to look back
to the last four ; (3) a solution of tlie rather in-
tricate question of the relations of Titus with
Corinth.
(1) The first nine chapters are clearly written at
a time when St. Paul has suddenly been relieved
from very great anxiety by the arrival of Titus
and the good news wliich he has brought from
Corinth (7^"^ 2i2-i3). The whole tone of these
chapters is one of great relief, apparently caused
by the impression produced by his 'severe letter.'
But in chs. 10-13 we find great anxiety and great
passion. The change cannot fail to be noticed by
any reader of the Epistle. And there is a marked
break in the sense at the end of ch. 9. After speak-
ing of the collection, and ending with an ascription
of praise to God, suddenly, without even an dWd,
he begins to threaten liis readers. This has been
accounted for by those who believe in the integrity
of the Epistle in two ways — (i.) That the first nine
chapters were addressed to the repentant majority,
the last four to the rebellious minority. But there
is no hint of this. Ch. 10 is apparently addressed
to the Church as a whole. There seems no room
for a repentant majority. And chs. 1-9 give no
hint of a rebellious minority (cf. 7^^'^^). (ii.) That
St. Paul received later news from Corinth while
writing the Epistle, and wrote the last four
chapters in the light of this later news. But surely
there would have been some indication of this. He
could hardly have allowed the earlier part to stand
without alteration.
(2) We find certain apparent cross-references
between the two parts of the Epistle, pointed out
by Kennedy in his Second and Third Epistles to
the Corinthians (pp. 79-94), and by Lake in The
Earlier Epistles of St. Paul (pp. 157-162). Of
these tlie most striking is the parallel between 2*
and 13'". In 2' the Apostle states that he wrote a
severe letter in order that when he came he might
not have to be so severe. In IS'** he says that he
is at that moment writing a severe letter, that he
COKLNTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE CORDTTHIAi^S, EPISTLES TO THE 253
may not have to be severe when he comes. Again
in 1^3 we have a parallel -with 13*.
(3) The visit of Titus to Corinth mentioned in 7'
was with, or at the same time as, the ' severe letter.'
gi7-i8 shows that St. Paul was sending Titus again
to make arrangements for the collection. This
surely he would not have ventured to do if he were
imder the necessity of writing in the tone of chs.
10-13. No man would send a letter full of rebuke,
and of self-justification in the face of what seem
to have been charges of dishonesty, and in the
same letter ask his readers to subscribe money.
In 12^^ he alludes to his custom of taking no money
from them for himself personally. He assumes
(v.^^) that they admit this, but then he says that
they may accuse him of winning their confidence
with a view to future efforts to get something out
of them. How ? he asks. Not by his representa-
tives ; e.g. Titus never * made gain out of them.'
Clearly he alludes to some early work of Titus at
Corinth. Titus they know and trust. So he is a
suitable person to send at this critical moment to
Corinth. In ch. 7 we hear of the success of his
mission. The fact that he was a. persona grata at
first and has recently been successful there makes
him a very suitable person to send again (ch. 8) to
arrange about the collection.
Finally, the last four chapters of 2 Cor. answer
admirably to the descriptions Ave have of the
' severe letter.' They might well have been written
' out of much affliction and anguish of heart, with
many tears ' (2^). It is quite conceivable that after
writing them St. Paul might have regretted send-
ing them and wondered whether they were not too
severe (7®'®). Self-commendation is a very pro-
minent feature in them (3'). They show that the
Apostle was contemplating, but shrinking from, a
visit which he might have to pay (12^--i 13^). This
corresponds to 1^ and 2^. Thus the internal evi-
dence for the theory is very strong. No single
point is in itself conclusive ; but the conjunction
of different lines of evidence, and the fact that the
theory straightens out a tangled web and solves
many problems, is very significant.
The theory is made easier of acceptance by the
fact that 2 Cor. appears not to have been published
at an early date (see above, § 1). The Corinthian
Church would hardly have wanted to publish the
'severe letter,' and the later letter is in the main
personal, and does not contain much instruction.
It is quite possible that the MSS were not carefully
preserved, and the two letters may have been
confused.
(d) Visit of Titus. — The ' severe letter ' and the
mission of Titus already alluded to were apparently
successful, and Titus met St. Paul in Macedonia,
bringing him reassuring news (2 Co 7^ ''), after
which St. Paul wrote, according to the theory we
have adopted, 2 Co 1-9, probably sending Titus
Avith it, and instructing him to make arrangements
for the collection.
5. Analysis of 2 Co 10-13.
L Strong rebuke (lO^-'^S).
101-2 Appeal, and threat of Btrong action against his
detractors.
w.3-6 Claim to possession of spiritual power, and de-
scription of that power.
V.7 The Christ-party's exclusive claim unjustified.
w.8-11 Threat of exertion of spiritual power on arrival
at Corinth.
w.12-16 St. Paul's boasting, unlike that of his opponents,
shall be confined to his own sphere of work.
w.17-18 But all self-commendation is to be deprecated.
IL St. Pauls self-commendation and its seasons
(111-1218).
(o) The reasons (lliis).
111-3 His fears for them,
v.'* Their tolerance of new preachers.
w.5-6 Comparison of himself ^\^th these preachers.
w.7-11 His refusal of maintenance.
w.12-15 Its reason — avoidance of unfavourable comparison
with them.
(6) Tfie self-commendation (1116-1218).
1116-20 Apology for boasting.
w.21-2-2 Comparison of himself with his rivals in respect
of religious prerogatives.
Tv.23-33 In respect of sufferings on behalf of the gospeL
121-5 In respect of visions and revelations.
w.6-10 The thorn in the flesh and its significance.
w.ii-13 Comparison resumed in respect of work done at
Corinth.
vv.14-18 Justification of his refusal of maintenance.
in. Forecast of a third visit to Corlvth (i-i^^-is'^o),
1219-21 His fears about what he may find at Corinth.
131-2 Threat of severe action.
vv.3-5 This is likely to be made necessary by their
accusation of weakness. Discussion of this.
w.6-10 His hope that after all it may not be necessarv.
IV. Exhortation, salutation, and benediction (13^^-^^).
It is impossible to feel any certainty about the place of 13'i-i*.
Some think that it is really the conclusion of chs. 1 to 9.
But there seems no good reason to think that it is in its wrong
place. St. Paul might quite well have concluded the 'severe
letter' with ordinary exhortations and salutations. The
decision is made difficult by the fact that in any case chs.
10-13 can be no more than a fragment of the 'severe letter,*
and we have no means of judging what proportion of that
letter has been lost.
6. Analysis of 2 Co 1-9.
L St. Paws rf.lations witb CorintbCL 2X
11-2 Salutation.
w.3-5 Thanksgiving for consolation.
vv.6-7 Parallelism of their experiences with hla.
vv.8-11 His sufferings and deliverance in Asia.
W.12-1-J His clear conscience.
w.15-22 His failure to carry out his previous intention of
visiting them was not due to fickleness.
123-22 It was due to his desire to spare them.
23-1 Reason for writing the ' severe letter.'
w.5-11 Exhortation to forgive the offender.
vv.i'-i-l3 His anxiety previous to his meeting with Titoa.
vv. 14-17 His thankfulness to God for His use of liim.
EL Vindication of St. Paws life and work as ait
AF0STLE(3-7).
31-3 His ' letter of commendation ' is nothing but his
relations with them.
w.*-* His confidence, based on this, as a minister of
the Xew Covenant.
w.7-9 The old and the new dispensations compared in
respect of content.
w.lO-ll In respect of permanence.
rv.12-16 In respect of clearness and openness.
w. 17-18 The new dispensation brings liberty and trans-
formation into Christ's likeness.
4I-2 Consequent openness of Christian preacher.
w.3-4 Any obscurity is due to the blindness of the
hearers.
w.5-6 For the content of the preaching is Christ, the
Illuminator.
V.' Weakness of human preacher makes manifest
God's power.
w.8-12 His continual difficulties, which are not, however,
insuperable, show that the life manifest in his
converts comes from Christ.
w.13-15 All his efforts are based on faith, and directed
to their conversion to the end of God's glory.
w.16-18 So he works on, while the body grows weaker,
but the spirit stronger.
61-5 Gradual dissolution of weak earthly bodies suc-
ceeded by bestowal of new spiritual bodies.
vv.6-8 So death shall mean presence with Christ.
w.9-10 Therefore, in view of the Judgment, he strives
to do His will.
vv.ll-13 This must be his defence against charges alike of
fanaticism and of excessive self-restraint.
w.14-15 The constraining motive in everj-thing is Christ's
Love.
vv.18-19 This transforms everything, so that he has a new
and spiritual knowledge of Christ and Chris-
tians.
w.80-21 As Christ's ambassador he preaches reconcilia-
tion to God, made possible through Christ's
Sacrifice.
61-2 His instant appeal to them.
W.3-5 As a Christian minister he endures hardships.
vv.6-7 He displays supernatural virtues.
w.8-10 His life is one of continual contrasts.
w.ii-13 He exhorts them to respond to his affection.
614-71 Impossibility of Christians associating with im-
moral persons.
7*4 His affectionate and honourable relations with
them.
W.5-7 The relief brought to him by the coming of Titus.
W.8-J2 Satisfactorv result of the 'severe letter.'
w.13-16 The joy of Titus.
IIL The Collection for tbe poor Christians at Jeru-
salem (8. 9).
81-5 The generosity of the churches of Macedonia.
w.6-7 His injunctions to Titus to stir up the Corinth-
ians in like manner.
w.8-9 The example of Christ.
w.io-12 Appeal to them to carry out their good resolutions.
254 corhs^thiaxs, epistles to the coeinthians, epistles to the
81315 Need of reciprocity among churches.
vv.16-24 Commendation of the deputation which he sends.
91-s Necessity of immediate action if his boasting is
not to be falsified.
rv.8-7 Cheerful giving.
vv.8-11 Generosity brings a blessing,
w. 12-18 It also redounds to the glory and praise of God.
7. Integrity of 2 Co 1-9. — Attempts have been
made to divide our 2 Cor. still further, or to ascribe
portions of it to a later editor or editors. Drastic
reconstructions have been proposed, e.g., by A.
Halmel,* D. Volter,t and H. Lisco.^ But such
elaborations have but little to recommend them.
There are, however, reasons for thinking that 2
Co 6"-7^ is a passage which has got misplaced. It
occurs in the middle of an aftectionate appeal made
by St. Paul to the Corinthians, and appears to
have no connexion with what precedes and what
follows it. The supposed connexion is that St.
Paul urges them to show their affection for him
by ceasing from their immorality. But a closer
examination of the passage shows that the point is
not that they should cease to be immoral, but that
they should abstain from intercourse with un-
believers. Now we know from 1 Co 5^"'^ that in a
letter ■written previously to the Corinthians he had
spoken on this subject, and that they had asked
for an explanation of his exact meaning, and in
the passage referred to he explains that he did not
mean, as they supposed, that they were not to
have anything to do with non-Christians, but only
that immoral Christians were to be avoided. In
the absence of definite evidence it is impossible to
be certain, but it is clear that 2 Co 6^*-7^ would
naturally be interpreted to mean what the Corin-
thians did as a matter of fact suppose St. Paul to
mean. And for this reason, taken together with
its irrelevance in its present position, it seems
extremely likely that it is an extract from the
' {previous letter,' which has by some means been
misplaced. If it is omitted here, the sense runs
on admirably from 2 Co 6^^ to V ; and we avoid the
necessity of having to suppose an extremely un-
natural digression on the part of St. Paul.
Another view which seems to deserve special
consideration is that which finds the situation
implied in ch. 8 inconsistent with that in oh. 9.
After the earnest exiiortation to liberality con-
tained in ch. 8, we hardly expect to find in 9 the
words: 'About the ministration to the saints it is
superfluous for me to -svrite to you,' JSIoreover,
the_3e_ last words would certainly suggest that the
'ministration to the saints' was a new subject,
with which he had not so far dealt. J. S. Semler,§
therefore, propounded the hypothesis that ch. 9
was a separate letter, addressed to the Christians
of Achaia. Others have supposed that it is ch. 8
that ought to be separated from the rest of the
Epistle (e.g. Hagge, Michelson), It is no doubt
true that, as the chapters stand, there is a certain
amount of repetition, and, as has been noticed
above, the beginning of ch. 9 would be more
natural if ch. 8 did not precede it. Moreover, the
subject of the 'collection' seems to be treated at
disproportionate length. Yet these considerations
are not really conclusive. There is no question
that St. Paul attached very great importance to
the ' collection ' alike for religious and political
reasons ; and when he feels strongly about a sub-
ject he often deals with it in an emotional and
rather disconnected manner. This would account
also for the disproportionate length of his references
to it. And the situation implied in ch. 9, taken as
a whole, is not really inconsistent with that im-
plied in ch. 8. With some hesitation, therefore,
• Derzweite Korintherbrief des Apo^tels Paulus, Halle, 1904.
t Paulm und seine Briefe, Strassburg, 1905.
t Die Entstehung des zweiten K<yrintherbrie/es, Berlin, 1896.
§ Paraphrasis in Pauli ad Cor. Epistolas, Halle, 1770, 1776.
we conclude that it is unnecessary to separate chs.
8 and 9, and that it is probable that they are in
their right places.
8. The troubles at Corinth. — We must now
discuss the nature of the troubles at Corinth — a
subject of great complexity. The evidence at our
disposal is really not sufficient to enable us to
arrive at a positive conclusion. The fact that we
only possess a portion of the ' severe letter,' in
which St. Paul deals with the troubles at their
height, and that the portion which we possess does
not include his treatment of the specific difficulties,
but is only a discussion in general terms, ambigu-
ous to us because of our ignorance of the context,
adds greatly to the complexity of the problem.
But there are certain passages in both Epistles
which throw some light on the situation.
(a) In 2 Co 2s-" V^ St. Paul speaks of a par-
ticular offender. It appears that he has been
sentenced to some punishment by a majority of the
Corinthians (yiri tQv irXeidvup). St. Paul says that
the sentence is adequate. The language of the
passage suggests the existence of a dissentient
minority, and it would seem that St. Paul is ad-
dressing this minority when he gives his exhorta-
tion that the offender should now be forgiven and
encouraged, lest he should be swallowed up by
excessive grief. It seems most probable that the
minority had objected to the sentence as inade-
quate ; and this would imply that they were what
we may call an ultra-Pauline party. This suits
the passage better than the older view that they
were hostile to St. Paul, and objected to the
sentence as excessive. St. Paul's use of the word
iKavdv makes it clear that the objection was rather
that the sentence was inadequate. St. Paul says
in effect that the sentence passed by the majority
satisfies him, and urges them to forgive the man,
implying that their forgiveness will make all the
difference to the man's happiness. Who then was
the offender, and what had he done ? The view
that he was the man gniilty of incest, mentioned in
1 Co 5, cannot possibly be right. For in 2 Co 7'-
St. Paul says : ' I wrote not for his sake who did
the wrong, nor for his sake who suffered the wrong,
but that your zeal for us might be made manifest
to you in the sight of God.' But (1) it is clear
from 1 Co 5^ that in that case St. Paul was ^v^iting
' for his sake who did the ^vrong ' ; (2) ' He who
suffered the WTrong ' (6 ddiKTjdeLs) would have to be the
man's father. This would involve the supposition
that the father was alive, and that a Corinthian
Christian had actually taken to wife his father's
wife during the lifetime of his father without protest
from his fellow-Christians. The language of 1 Co
6 does imply that it was a gross case of im-
morality, but it is hardly conceivable that this
could really have occurred. And, if it had
occurred, St. Paul would surely not have treated
it as lightly as he seems to treat it in 2 Co 2'"" and
7^*. The language of these passages suggests
rather that the offence was a personal one, that
the offender had grossly insultea St. Paul when he
came to Corinth, and that 6 ddiKrjdels was St. Paul
himself. The suggestion has been made that 6
ddiKrjdeis was Timothy, and that he had been in-
sulted when he visited Corinth (cf. 1 Co 4" 16i").
This is possible, but it is more probable that the
reference is to an insult inflicted on St. Paul
himself : the fragment of the ' severe letter' which
we possess is full of defence of his authority,
which had clearly been in some way attacked. No
doubt there was a reference to the offender in the
part of the ' severe letter * which is lost. St. Paul's
authority had been attacked, but it is not clear
from what quarter the attack had proceeded.
(b) In 1 Co 1'^ we read of the existence of
factions or parties at Corinth. It is possible that
CORIXTHIAIs^S, EPISTLES TO THE COEl^sTHIAisS, EPISTLES TO THE 255
here we may have the key to the Corinthian
troubles, for one of the parties at any rate may
probably either have been from the first anti-
Pauline or have afterwards turned hostile to St.
Paul. It will therefore be convenient at this stage
to consider these parties. First of all, St. Paul,
with characteristic tact, mentions the party which
took his name, and condemns them. He then
mentions the party of Ai)ollos. The latter clearly
did not exist in opposition to St. Paul with the
consent of ApoUos (1 Co 16^^). Apollos {q.v.) was
a Jew of Alexandria, who, after instruction from
Priscilla and Aquila, went into Achaia, where he
was very heljjful to those who had believed, being
particularly skilful at confuting the Jews, and
using for this purpose his great knowledge of
Scripture (Ac IS-"*'-^). Until he met with Priscilla
and Aquila, we are told that ' he spake and taught
accurately the things concerning Jesus, knowing
only the baptism of John.'
The meaning of this is uncertain, but it is
probable (cf. art. bv J. H. A. Hart on 'Apollos' in
JThSt vii. [1905] 1611.) that it means that he was
fully acquainted with Messianic prophecy, but
did not know to whom it referred, ' the things
concerning Jesus ' being texts from the OT which
from the Christian point of view referred to Jesus,
though not, of course, from the point of view of
Apollos himself at this time. Tliis interpretation
gives a more intelligible sense to the passage than
that which is at first sight more natural, viz. that
TOL irepl 'iTjffov means the history of Jesus' life. It
would imply that he jireached the same message as
John the Baptist — a message of the imminence of
the Kingdom, the marks of the Messiah, and the
need for repentance. His instruction at the hands
of Priscilla and Aquila taught him to whom the
Messianic passages with which he was familiar
referred. And at Corinth his knowledge of
Scripture was turned to good account in showing
that the Messiah had come and was none other
than Jesus. Tiie view that the intellectualist
tendencies condemned in the early chapters of 1
Cor. were particularly' characteristic of the party
of Apollos is not susceptible of proof, but it is not
inconsistent with what we know of Apollos. For
Alexandria was the home of philosophy, and
Apollos was an Alexandrian Jew. We do not,
however, know that he was a disciple of Philo, and
we do know that he was a disciple of John the
Baptist. These discipleships might be combined
in the same person, but it does not seem altogether
probable. The fact is that there is no evidence,
and we must be content to leave the matter
doubtful.
The party of Cephas was in all probability a
Judaizing party. To say this does not involve the
view that St. Peter was himself a Judaizer. But it
is extremely likely that those who used his name
were so. Lake {The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul,
pp. 112-117) maintains that it is probable that St.
Peter had himself been to Corinth, and that there
is no likelihood of his party having been Judaizing.
But this is perhaps the least convincing part of his
admirable discussion of the Epistles to the Corin-
thians. The policy of St. Peter was one of friendli-
ness to the work and mission of St. Paul, combined
with a personal respect for and adhesion to the Law.
The Acts certainly represents St. Peter as ac-
quiescing in the freedom of the Gentiles from the
Law% but does not forbid the supposition that he
acquiesced Mith some reluctance. A modified and
liljeral Judaism Avould describe his position with
sufficient accuracy. This may well represent the
policy of his party at Corinth. Probably also they
went behind the authority of St. Paul to that of
the Twelve, of whom St. Peter was the recognized
leader. It is most likely that the main point in
dispute between them and the Pauline party was
this question of St. Paul's independent authority.
But we have no indication that they were an im-
portant body at Corinth.
The Christ-party is the real difficult}'. Some
have held that eyi^ de Xpicxrov is not the watch-
word of a party, but St. Paul's own ciy. But
the form of the sentence makes this most im-
probable. Moreover, there are indications in 2
Cor. of the existence of a Christ-party at Corinth
(10'). This party apparently questioned St. Paul's
authority'. Their leaders commend themselves
(10'-), i.e. arrogate a lofty position to themselves.
They are probably referred to (IP) as oi inrepXiav
dir6crTo\oi. It appears that they declined to take
money from the Corinthians.* But he says that
they are false apostles, deceitful workers. In
justifying his own position against them he says
that he too is a Hebrew, etc. (IP^). He certainly
excels them in the amount of his sufi'erings for
Christ. In the matter of visions and revelations
he is at least their equal. Therefore he is in no
respect inferior to them (12").
Broadly speaking, there are two views as to the
character of this Christ-f>arty. The first is that
they were Judaizers, representatives of the party
who sent emissaries to Antioch and preached the
necessity of circumcision for all Christians (Ac 15'^' ).
but were afterwards repudiated by St. James. It
is clear from 2 Co IP- that they were Jews who
prided themselves on their Jewish birth. But
there is no kind of evidence that anyone had told
the Corinthians to observe the whole Jewish Law.
This is not one of the subjects with which St. Paul
has to deal in his E]nstles. The danger seems to
be the other way. Therefore it is on the whole
unlikelj' that this party were, as has been sup-
posed, more extreme Judaizers than the Cephas
jiarty, representing themselves as being in an
authoritative position to say Avhat the mind of
Christ really was, and what His own practice had
been, because of their common descent with Him
from an old Jewish stock and because they were in
continual communication with His relatives.
A more probable view is that they were spiritual-
izers rather than Judaizers, and that they went
further than St. Paul in the direction of freedom
from the Law. The arguments about eiowXbdvra
in 1 Co 10 seem to be directed against men who
made a boast of their freedom from Jewish restric-
tions — iravTa i^eariv seems to have been their cr\'.
St. Paul shows the danger of this, and the neces-
sary subservience of any such principle to the law
of charity, and consideration for weaker brethren.
The whole of 2 Cor. becomes more intelligible if
we suppose the opposition to St. Paul to have come
from a party of people who regarded themselves as
wvevfiaTiKoi, and therefore free from restrictions
and regulations concerning carnal matters. 2 Co 10^
implies that their charge against St. Paul was
that he walked according to the flesh, i.e. that he
was not TTvevfiaTLKos. The grounds of their attack
on his apostolicity were, it seems, such as would
most probably be employed by those who regarded
themselves as TrfevjuariKoL. For he defends himself
not onlj' by asserting his Jewish birth, but, after
giving a list of his sufferings for Christ's sake
(which is the defence to which he himself attaches
most importance), by making claims to visions and
revelations (12^'"), and the working of miracles
(12^-). Throughout the Epistle St. Paul claims to
be irvev/xaTiKos in the only legitimate sense, quite
as much as his opponents (cf. 5^^). The fact that
* This would appear from 2 Co III2, where St. Paul asserts
that his object in refusing to accept maintenance was that in
the very matter of which the.v boasted they mig'ht be found
even as he. This seems to make it clear that they did not
accept maintenance, and the phrase ei rts KarevOiei (1120) must
be interpreted in accordance with this fact.
256 CORmXHIAis^S, EPISTLES TO THE CORmTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE
these opponents were Jews does not make it im-
possible that they were also irpev/j-ariKoi. We have
evidence that there were Jews who did not attach
importance to circumcision and the ceremonial
Law, but treated the Law as symbolic (of. Philo, de
Migratione Abrahami, quoted by Lake, op. cit. i^p.
24, 25). The attack on the apostolicity of St. Paul
is also intelligible from this point of view. An
'apostle' was not much more than a missionary (cf.
Didache). ol inrep\iav dTrdaroXoi cannot in any case
be the Twelve, for St. Paul was at this time on
good terms with them. Their attack on his apos-
tolicity was based on his lack of spiritual power
and yvuxns, and therefore cannot be regarded as in-
consistent with this view of their character. The
fact that they seem also to have prided themselves
on their Jewish birth, though logically inconsistent,
is not at all unnatural. For such pride of birth
often remains in people whose view of life makes it
wholly irrelevant.
It would seem, then, that the opponents of St.
Paul at Corinth were men who boasted that they
were above the Law as being in the Spirit. They
attacked St. Paul because he was stUl held in the
bonds of a legalism from which they had emanci-
pated themselves, and attached an altogether un-
due importance to such carnal matters as morality.
St. Paul's answer is a claim that he too is irvevfiari-
k6s ; but there underlies this answer an undertone
of protest. He does not reallj'^ accept their tests
of apostolicity. While asserting that he can meet
them on their own ground, he continually reminds
them that spiritual power and knowledge must
show themselves in zeal for morality and in actual
suffering for Christ's sake. It is on these points
that he laj^s the greatest stress.*
9. The doctrine of the Epistles.— (a) The Person
and Work of Christ. — No one can read the first
chapter of 1 Cor. without perceiving that the
writer places Jesus Christ in a position which is
more than human. There is, of course, no devel-
oped doctrine of God to be found either in this
chapter or elsewhere in the Epistles, but where St.
Paul places God and man over against one another,
he consistently puts Jesus Christ on the side of
God over against man. Grace and peace are to
come to man from God the Father and the Lord
Jesus Christ (1 Co 1^ 2 Co P). Jesus is never re-
garded as a man among men. He is the source, or
at any rate the medium, of God's gifts to men.
Christians call upon His Name, and the bond of
union between Christians in every place is that
they recognize the common Lordship of Christ.
When St. Paul wants to reprove the Corinthians
for the existence of factions among them, his crown-
ing argument is that they are actually degrading
Christ to the position of a party-leader, and so
Eutting Him on a level with ApoUos, Cephas, or
imself. Always he disclaims any independence
of Christ. 'We preach not ourselves but Christ
Jesus as Lord ' (2 Co 4^). When he is speaking
of the exalted position of 'spiritual men' (I Co
2io-i6j^ he points out that the spiritual man is su-
perior to all others, for whereas the ' natural man'
can understand and form estimates only of ' natural
things,' the spiritual man can form estimates of all
things. He has all that the ' natural man ' has,
and he can move freely in a sphere where the
' natural man ' is helpless. And he crowns his argu-
ment by a quotation from the OT : ' Who hath
known the mind of the Lord, that he should in-
struct him ? ' Tliat is to say, no one can understand
the thoughts of Jahweh. 'But we,' lie adds,
'have the mind of Christ.' The 'natural man'
cannot understand the mind of God. But we who
are spiritual actually have the mind of Christ.
• For this whole section see Lake, op. cit., where the case is
lucidly and convincingly stated.
The argument of this passage shows that St. Paul,
at any rate here, identified Christ with the Jahweh
of the or. This is perhaps the most striking
example of the position which he gives to Christ,
but it is what the language of the Epistle
throughout would lead us to expect. He clearly
regards Christ as having existed before He was
born upon earth. ' Though he was rich, for our
sake he became poor ' (2 Co 8"). Yet it would be
dangerous to assert that he had a clear and consist-
ent view of the relation of Christ to the Father.
He regards Christ as sent by the Father, as in
some sense belonging to the Father (1 Co 3^).
And in IP he seems to imply that the relation of
God to Christ is parallel with the relation of
Christ to man, and again with the relation of man
to woman. It seems superfluous, however, to sup-
pose that he had a very definite conception in his
mind. He need not have meant more than that,
as Christ does the will of God, so man is to be
obedient to Christ, and woman to man. In 15"® he
looks forward to the time when the mediatorial
Kingdom of Christ shall come to an end, and God
shall be all in all. There is no reference here to
any termination of the personal existence of Christ ;
he is only thinking of the end of His mediatorial
Kingdom. But it seems clear from this and the
other passages mentioned that he regards Christ as
being definitely subordinate to the Father, though,
as has been said above, always on the God ward
side of things, over against man. He had not
faced the question of the bearing of this view on
monotheism.
As to the human life of Christ he has no doubt.
' He was crucified through weakness ' (2 Co 13^).
His Cross and Passion are the centre of the gospel
message. There is probably no Epistle in which
it is made so clear that St. Paul regards the Cross
as the centre of the Christian Creed, ' We preach
Christ crucified ' (1 Co 1^). 'The story of the
Cross is to them that are perishing foolishness, but
to us that are being saved it is the power of God '
(ps). There is very little in the way of an expla-
nation of the significance of the Cross. ' God was
in Christ reconciling the world to himself.' ' Him
who knew no sin he made to be sin for us, that we
might become the righteousness of God in him'
(2 Co 5^^'^^). But here again it is a mistake to
suppose that St. Paul had in mind any detailed
theory of Atonement. There was a sense in which
the death of Christ was a sacrifice (1 Co 5'') ; but
there is no theory of the Atonement either stated
or implied.
There is, however, a great deal of explicit teach-
ing about the relation between Christ and Chris-
tians. Christians are in Christ, and Christ is in
them. This relationship is brought about by the
action of God (1 Co 1^). And on this mystical
union of the Christian with Christ his spiritual
status entirely depends. It is Christ with whom
he is united that is his wisdom. He is justified,
sanctified, and redeemed because of this union.
The Christian calling can be described as a calling
into fellowship with Jesus Christ (P). And this
union makes a complete change in a man's whole
position. ' If anyone is in Christ, it is a new
creation : old things have passed away ; behold
they have become new ' (2 Co 5'''). It is impossible
to exaggerate the stress which is laid by St. Paul
on this experience of union with Christ.
{b) The Church and the Christian ministry. — The
ruling thought of St. Paul about the Christian
Cliurch is expressed by the metaphor of the Bod^
and the members (1 Co 12). The gifts of the Spirit
are most diverse in kind ; but it is One Spirit who
is the giver of them all. Just as in the human
body the members are diverse, and for all their
diversity of function are closely inter-related, and
COEI^sTHIAiS^S, EPISTLES TO THE CORLN^THIAis^S, EPISTLES TO THE 257
all of them necessary, so it is wnth the Church,
which is indeed the Body of Christ. Every indi-
vidual member of the Church has a necessary part
to play. Being a member of the Church, he is neces-
sarily a member of Christ. He does not give a list
of ecclesiastical officials. To suppose that he does
so is to misunderstand his argument. He merely
gives specimens of the diverse spiritual gifts which
God has bestowed upon the Church, and the lesson
which he desires to teach is the lesson of unity —
the same lesson as he tries to inculcate when he
rebukes the Corinthians for their factions (1 Co l''*-)
— diversity in unity, a unity which is secured by
the fact that the whole body is the Body of Christ,
and that the Spirit from whom the diverse gifts
descend is One. The Church is also compared to
the Temple of God (1 Co 3^8) built upon the One
Foundation, Jesus Christ (3"). Here the lesson
is the same. The Christian teachers are indeed
difierent from one another, but all of them build
upon that One Foundation.
This brings us to the consideration of the position
which he assigns to the Christian ministry, about
which there is a good deal in the Epistles. While
deprecating strongly any usurpation by Christian
teachers of what should belong to Christ alone,
and asserting that they exist only for the beneht
of the Church, he claims for them an independence
of the Church which they serve. They are re-
sponsible to Christ, and to Him alone (1 Co 4^- ■*).
They are slaves of men, but they are ambassadors
of Christ. And their authority can be put to the
test. St. Paul always claims that if he exerts his
authority he will be able to reduce his opponents
to subjection (4i»-2i, 2 Co 10" IS^). He seems to
have been prepared to allow that the authority of
the Christian minister should be tested by his
spiritual power, which would on occasion manifest
itself by producing physical or natural results.
An instance of this is to be found in 1 Co 5', where
he speaks of delivering a man over to Satan for the
destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might be
saved in the day of the Lord Jesus. He seems to
mean that the carrying out of the sentence passed
by himself, and confirmed by the Corinthian
Church, Avould result in the death of the ofl'ender,
and that this would ultimately be for the salvation
of his soul. The passage may be paralleled by the
story of Ananias and Sapphira (Ac 5^'"). As a
rule, however, spiritual power produced results
which were themselves spiritual ; and the main
proof of his own authority as a Christian minister
was the existence of the Corinthian Church.
(c) The Eucharist. — The accidental circumstance
that difficulties had arisen in the Church at Corinth
owing to the bad behaviour of some Corinthians at
the common meal with which the Eucharist was
associated, is responsible for the fact that we have
in 1 Co li^ff- our earliest account of the institution
of the Eucharist. But in the same Epistle it is
alluded to in two other connexions. When St.
Paul is using the example of the Israelites as a
warning to the Corinthian Church against presum-
ing upon their privileges, he gives as instances of
the privileges of the Israelites the cloud which
went with them and the sea which they miracu-
lously crossed, and also the rock which, according
to the Jewish legend, followed them, and from
which they drank. These he clearly regards as
types of Baptism and the Eucharist. 'Thus lie puts
into close association as the two great privileges of
the Christian Church the two Sacraments of the
Gospel (1 Co 10^-*). And immediately afterwards,
in warning the Corinthians against idolatry, he
treats the Eucharist as parallel -ndth the heathen
sacrificial feasts, thus cleariy showing that he re-
gards it as a sacrifice in the same sense in which
these heathen feasts were sacrifices. He regards
VOL. I. — 17
the communicant as entering into real communion
with Christ through the act of eating the bread
and drinking the cup ; and similarly he seems to
regard real communion as brought about between
the worshipper at the heathen sacrifice and some
5aL(j.6vi.ov whose power was behind the idolatrous
worship (IQi-*--^). His account of the institution
he prefaces by the words, ' I received from tlae
Lord ' (11^), and this has been taken to mean that
he claims to have received it from the Lord Him-
self, presumably in a vision. But this is not
certain. Even if it is true, it by no means follows
that he claims to receive all the details of his ac-
count in this way. It may be that he merely in-
tends to convey the impression that he received
directly from the Lord a revelation of the general
doctrinal meaning of the Eucharist. It is import-
ant to remember that he claims to have had other
visions and revelations of the Lord (2 Co 12^*^).
His account of the institution is marked by the
command to repeat the rite, which is given twice,
after the institution of both bread and cup. He con-
nects it with the death of Christ, which is thus
proclaimed. He attaches great importance to due
preparation for reception ; and asserts that physical
evil?, have resulted from unworthy reception and
failure to discern the Body, which seems to mean
failure to differentiate the bread from ordinary
bread. It may be said here briefly that St. Paul's
teaching about the Eucharist is that it is sacrificial,
that it brings about a real communion between the
communicant and Christ, that the bread and the
wine are endowed with the character of the Body
and Blood of Christ, and must not therefore be re-
ceived as ordinary bread and wine. See further
art. Eucharist.
{d) Eschatology. — St. Paul's treatment of the
questions submitted to htm is always coloured by
his belief in the imminence of the Trapov<rla. Chris-
tians are ' waiting for the revelation of our Lord
Jesus Christ' (1 Co V). His language implies that
he expects some at any rate of those to whom he
is WTiting to be alive at the irapovo-la, and he appears
to expect to be alive himself (15""*^). The chief
characteristic of the irapovffLa will be judgment
(2 Co 0'"). The work of the Christian minister
will then be tested (1 Co S^*). The Parousia will
be the signal for the beginning of the mediatorial
reign of Christ. ' He must reign, till he hath put
all his enemies under his feet ' (1 Co 15^). And then
finally comes the end of His reign, when God's rule
shall be unmediated (v.^^). It is important to
notice that St. Paul does not discuss in these
Epistles the future condition of those who are not
Christians. It is with the resurrection of Chi-is-
tians that he is here concerned. For them he
affirms the resurrection of the body. But it is to
be noticed that he differentiates the body from its
parts. ' Meats for the belly,' he says, ' and the
belly for meats : but God shall bring to nought
both it and them. Now the body is not for fornica-
tion, but for the Lord, and the Lord for the body :
and God both raised the Lord and vrill raise us
also through his power' (6^''*). The new spiritual
body will difl'er from the old as the fruit differs
from the seed sown. This life is the time of sowing,
and the nature of the spiritual body will depend
upon the character of the seed. But it ynll not be
of flesh and blood, and it will have no element of
corruption (15^''). It will be a full and complete
means of self-expression for the 'spiritual' man,
just as the ' natural ' body is a suitable means of
self-expression for the ' natural ' man, but is already
found inadequate for Christians, who are even now
becoming ' spiritual.' Christians have received an
earnest of the spiritual body in the gift of the
Holy Spirit (2 Co 5^). The metaphor of which he
is most fond is that of a garment. He is to be
•258 CORINTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE CORINTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE
clothed -with this new spiritual body (1 Co 15^^,
2 Co SIS'- )•
10. St. Paul's attitude to practical questions. —
(a) eldu}\6dvTa.. — One of the problems which faced
the Corinthian Christians was the question of their
attitude to tlie eating of things sacrificed to idols.
Tliis affected their social life very nearlj'. For
much of the meat sold in the market had been
ottered to idols, and their heathen friends would
give banquets in idol-temples, using in the banquet
foo<i that had been offered to the idols on domestic
and other anniversaries. INIoreover, in the ordinary
entertainments given by heathen there was a possi-
bilit}^ that some of the food had been so ottered.
It might have been supposed that the question
would be regarded as settled for St. Paul by the
Apostolic Decree (Ac 15). But, whatever be the
reason, no allusion at all is made to any decree of
the kind. St. Paul deals with the matter on first
principles. He enunciates the law of liberty, which
must, he saj's, be tempered by the law of love.
At first he makes a strong assertion of monotheism.
Idols, he saj's, are nothing (1 Co 8'*). But else-
where he seems to admit that there is, or may
be, the power of a dai/nSviov behind tlie idolatrous
worship {10-"; see above, §9 (c)). Whatever that
power may be, there is no danger to the Christian
in the mere act of eating. But there is a danger
for a man who has only recently emancipated
himself from idolatrous belief and practice, lest he
may be acting against his own conscience if he
eats. There is also a danger lest by eating he may
offend the conscience of his weaker brethren. And
so St. Paul's conclusion is that Christians may eat
what is set before them without asking questions,
may accept invitations to dine with their heathen
neighbours, but may not go and dine in a heathen
temple, which would be a mere act of bravado.
This is a good illustration of St. Paul's method of
dealing with practical problems, and settling them
upon fundamental Christian principles. The whole
discussion of this question in the Epistle is rendered
much more intelligible if we suppose that the op-
ponents with whom he had to deal regarded them-
selves as irvevfj.aTLKoL. This supjjosition accounts
for the protest which he makes against self-styled
yvQxTLs, on which men relied, and thus felt them-
selves justified in ignoring the scruples of their
brethren.
[b) Marriage and the position of women. — St.
Paul's teaching upon this question is conditioned
by the attitude to women common in the world in
which he lived, and also by his expectation of the
irapomla. As the time is so short, it is best for
people to remain in the external circumstances in
which they were when they were converted (1 Co
7i8-20)_ 4s j-Q ^jjg desirability of marriage, he lays
stress upon the necessity of the avoidance of any-
thing that can distract the Christian from the
service of God. In most cases he thinks marriage
will constitute a distraction. Therefore for most
people celibacy is desirable. But if celibacy con-
stitutes a greater distraction than marriage, then
Christians should marry. There is no hint of any
view of conjugal relations as being in themselves
evil. The only consideration present to his mind
is as to whether marriage will help or hinder a
Cin-istian in the service of God, His view that
celibacy from this point of view is the best state
is put forward on his own authority.
But for the indissolubility of Christian marriage
he claims the authority of Christ Himself (1 Co
7'"-^'). As to this he is quite explicit. A wife
must not separate from her husband ; if she do so,
she must not marry anotiier ; and a husband must
not leave his wife. But where two non-Christians
have been married, and one of them is afterwards
converted, then, if the unbelieving partner is will-
ing, St. Paul thinks it is best that the marriage
should be regarded as binding ; yet he allows
divorce, apparently with liberty of re-marriage
(7'^). His principle is quite clear. A marriage
entered upon by two non-Christians is not a
Christian marriage at all, and was never intended
to be a i^ermanent bond. It is not fair to the non-
Christian partner that it should be regarded as
necessarily permanent. Yet, if he is willing, it
had better be regarded as a Christian marriage.
For that will be better for the children.
His attitude to women is, as has been said,
attected by the current view of their position.
Women are not to take part in the assemblies, and
are not to be teachers. In one passage he speaks
as though women occupied an inferior spiritual
position to men (1 Co IP). But his language else-
where is inconsistent with this. The fact is that
St. Paul had not in this matter worked out his
own principles, and he is therefore inconsistent.
In his discussion of marriage he gives to women
a position which is distinctly high The rights of
the wife are safeguarded no less than those of the
husband.
11. The character of St. Paul as revealed in the
two Epistles. — There is no Epistle in which the
personal character of St. Paul is so fnlly revealed
as in 2 Corinthians. The ' severe letter ' brings
before us a man acutely sensitive, att'ectionate,
and at the same time determined. He is in a high
degree impulsive. He writes a ' severe letter,' and
is sorry for having written it (7**). An immense
load is lifted from his heart by the news of the
repentance of the Corinthians (7®* ''). He is intensely
att'ectionate, and yearns for the att'ection of his
converts (6'^"^^). He never spares himself. There
is no limit to the demands which are made upon
him by his converts. It is no attectation on his
part to cro^vn the list of the sutt'erings which he
has endured for Christ by the words ' anxiety for
all the churches' (11-^). We see him as a true
pastor, combining great practical wisdom with
remarkable emotional intensity. He is a mystic,
and he gives us an account of one of his mj-stical
experiences (12''" ; there is no reason to doubt that
in this passage he is speaking of himself). But he
is fully alive to the danger of mysticism. No one
could lay more emphatic stress upon the duty of
letting religion bear fruit in good works. Indeed
he is sometimes self-assertive where self-assertion
is needed. He does not hesitate to tell the Cor-
inthians to imitate him (1 Co 11'). But every
missionary must speak so on occasions. And he
was in the presence of teachers who asserted their
own authority against his. Above everything else
he is possessed with an over-mastering devotion
to Christ ; for His sake he is willing to endure
everything, even ridicule (2 Co 5'^- ^"'). Thus his
correspondence with the Corinthians is of immense
importance for the understanding of his character.
For we see him dealing with dittlcult practical
problems, and we see him when he is most deeply
moved by personal slights, and again by personal
reconciliation. It is absurd to look to such a man
for a systematic doctrinal system. He speaks as
he is moved. He makes experiments. He is often
tentative. He provides the material on which
doctrinal systems may be built. He is not himself
their builder.
12. Importance of the evidence of the Epistles.
— The importance of the Epistles to the Corinthians
consists largely in the fact that they give us
examples of St. Paul's methods of dealing with
practical difficulties which actually arose in an
early Christian community. He does not set out
to give instruction to the Corinthians, but rather
to answer questions Avhich they themselves have
raised, or to reform abuses Avliich have actually
CORIXTHIAis^S, EPISTLES TO THE
COEXELIUS
oTOA\'ii up. We thus get a picture, of quite unique
value, of the life of such a community ; and the
doctrines and practices referred to in tlie Epistles
are evidently not being advocated by St. Paul now
for the first time, but are actually existing in the
Corinthian Church, and apparently have so existed
for some time.
(a) Doctrine. — It Avould seem that the doctrine
held by this Church was of a comparatively
advanced type. There is no hint of anj' difference
of opinion at Corinth about fundamental beliefs.
Differences do exist, but they are concerned with
disciplinary or ethical rather than with theological
questions. It is true that there are some at Cor-
inth who deny the resurrection from the dead.
But it would appear from St. Paul's argument that
they all accepted the doctrine of the Kesurrection
of Jesus. For he argues from the Resurrection of
Jesus to the resurrection of Christians generally ;
and his argument seems to involve the supposition
that there was no difference of ojiinion about the
Resurrection of Jesus. Similarly there is no hint
of any difference about the position assigned to
Jesus Himself, or about the expectation of His
speedy return in judgment. No one in the Cor-
inthian Church seems to have thought that Jesus
was merely human. The danger was probably
rather the other way. There may have been a
tendency to regard Him as a Redeemer-God in the
same sense as other redeemer-gods,* and to have
paid inadequate attention to His human life, but
for this tliere is no direct evidence. It is clear that
CO a Christian this life was in the main a preparation
for entrance into the Kingdom of God when that
Kingdom should come. This preparation consisted
in the reception of Christian Sacraments, by which
he was transformed into a ' spiritual man.' But
the necessity of moral reformation was never for-
ij;otten, at any rate by St. Paul, though there may
have been a tendenc}' on the part of some of the
Christians to forget it (1 Co 6^). All the evidence
of these Epistles goes to show that there was no
tendency to depreciate the importance and the
supernatural character of the change ^v^ought for
Christians by the life and death of Christ. The
danger probably lay in the other direction — lest
they should think that Baptism and the Eucharist
of themselves, without any effort on their own
part, were sufficient to ensure membership of the
Kingdom.
(6) Organization and discipline. — The chief piece
of evidence about the organization of the early
Christian Church is to be found in 1 Co 5. It
would seem from this chapter that for the decision
of a case of discipline there would be an assembly
of the Church, presided over by St. Paul in virtue
of his apostolic authority. St. Paul pronounces
sentence of excommunication, and it is ratified by
the assembly. It does not appear that the Apostle
recognized any right on the part of the assembly
to dispute his sentence. In the case specified St.
Paul is himself absent from Corinth, but he acts
as though he Avere present, being indeed present,
as he says, in spirit. These Epistles tend to con-
firm the view that the Apostle held an absolutely
predominant position. Apart from the Apostle
there is not much evidence about organization,
though the discussion of the Body and members
includes the names of many Church offices. It is
clear that on the principle of the specialization of
function, difi'erent duties were assigned to different
members of the Church, in accordance with the
Divine choice expressed by diverse spiritual gifts
(1 Co 12'^^-) ; and there is a recognition of the fact
that some members are Idnirax, i.e. have no special
ministerial position in the Church (U^^). But
* See, however, A. Schweitzer, Paul and his Interpreters,
Eng. tr., 1912, p. 193 f.
there is really no evidence as to the different
functions discharged by the different officers.
13. Christianity and Gnosticism : the Christian
wisdom.-— Christians have the mind of Christ (1 Co
2^**). This difi'erentiates them at once from other
people, who are merely \j/vxlkoL The \j/vxiKb$ dvOpoj-
TTos is the man -s\ hose spirit has not been touched
by the Divine Spuit. At Baptism a man is made
potentially iri'eu/iartKos ; he becomes vrj-mos iv Xpicrrif.
His life in the Christian Church is a rendering
actual of the potentiality of spirituality which is
now within him, and which shows itself in moral
effects. Thus the Corinthians, although they
ought to be by this time full-grown Christians, are
still babes. This is shown by the fact that they
display party-spirit — a sure sign of carnality. As
long as a man is merely ^^vxikos, the Christian
wisdom is not for him, for he will not be able to
understand it. He has first to be converted by the
mere preaching of the Gospel of the Cross. St.
Paul seems to mean by ' Christian wisdom ' some-
thing more than this, to, ^ddrj rod deov, probably
the secret counsels of God, God's purpose towards
mankind. The purpose of the gift of the Spirit is
that we may know the things freely given to us by
God. Thus the greatness of the heritage of the
Cliristian appears to be the main content of the
'Christian wisdom.' There is no indication of an
esoteric doctrine, belonging to a privileged class
in the Christian Church. The ' Christian wisdom '
is, indeed, esoteric from the point of view of those
outside the Christian Church. And even for those
who are babes in Christ it is not suited, but only
for the t4\€loi. But all Christians may become
rAetoi. It is their own fault if they do not.
LiTERATtrRE. — In addition to the authorities cited throughout
the article, see A. P. Stanley, Epistles of St. Paul to the Cor-
iiithians*, 1876; J. A. Beet, St. Paul's Epistles to the Cor-
inthians, 1885; G. G. Findlay, EOT, '1 Cor.,' 1900; J. H.
Bernard, EOT, '2 Cor.,' 1903; G. H. Randall, Epistles of St.
Paul to the Corinthians, 1909 ; P. Bachmann, Der erste Brief
des Paidus an die Korinther, Leipzig, 19u5, Der zweite Brief,
do. 1909 ; Commentaries on 1 Cor. : T. C. Edwards (21SS5),
C. J. EUicott (1887), H. L. Goudge (Westminster Com., 1903),
Robertson-Plummer {ICC, 1911) ; on 2 Cor. : A. Plummer
(Camb. Gr. Test., 1903), A. Menzies (1912) ; artt. in HDB and
£^i- G. H. Clayton.
CORNELIUS (KopyTjXios). — Cornelius was a Roman
centurion stationed at Csesarea in the early years
of the history of the Church (Ac 10^). His name
is of Roman origin, and he is described as belong-
ing to the Italian band or cohort. An inscription
recently discovered in Vienna proves that an
Italian cohort was stationed in Syria about A.D.
69, but Schiirer holds that this could not have
been the case under Agrippa in A.D. 40-44, which
is the date of Cornelius (cf. Schiirer, GJV* i. [1901]
463, also Expositor, 5th ser., iv. [1896] 469-472;
W. M. Ramsay, Expositor, 5th ser., iv. [1896]
194-201, V. [1897] 69). Leaving aside altogether the
question as to the presence in Ceesarea at this date
of an Italian cohort recruited from Romans settled
in the district, there is no reason why Cornelius
even apart from his cohort may not have been
there on duty in the years referred to. Native
princes often received assistance from Roman
officers in training their home troops (cf . Knowling,
EGT, 'Acts,' 1900, p. 250). Cornelius enters into
the history of the Church through a series of
mutual visions received by him and the Apostle
Peter, who admitted him into the Church by
baptism. According to the narrative in Acts, St.
Peter, in the house of Simon the tanner of Joppa,
saw in a vision a cloth let down from heaven on
which were four-footed beasts, creeping things,
and fowls of the air, many of which in the eyes
of the Jews were regarded as unclean. When St.
Peter refers to their ceremonial uncleanness, the
message is given, ' What God hath cleansed make
260 CORNER, COEj^ER-STONE
COS
not thou common ' (Ac 10^'). After the vision had
passed messengers arrived from Csesarea telling
St. Peter of Cornelius, who in a trance had received
a command to send to Joppa for him. The next
day the Apostle, accompanied by some of the
Christians of Joppa, went to Csesarea and preached
Jesus to Cornelius and his household, who gladly
accepted the message, received the Holy Ghost,
and were baptized. An important question arises
as to the exact significance of this act of St. Peter.
Luke evidently, from the space devoted to this in-
cident, regards it as of supreme importance and as
marking a decided step in the forward progress of
the Church. Cornelius is described as ' a devout
man and one that feared God.' The phrase 'a
devout man' might be used to denote goodness
characteristic of a Gentile, but, in connexion with
'one that feared God,' it implies that Cornelius
was a proselyte, although there is no reason to be-
lieve that he had been formally admitted to the
Jewish Church by the rites of circumcision and
baptism. He belonged to that large class who
found greater truth and satisfaction in the teach-
ing of Judaism than in their own heathen religions,
and who observed the Jewish law of the Sabbath
and the regulations of ceremonial cleanness (cf.
Schurer, GJV* iii. [1909] p. 177, where Bertholet's
view is combated that cpo^oOnevoi rbv debv, ' fearers
of God,' is not in Acts a terminus technicus).
The distinction which was drawn by later Judaism
between ' proselytes of righteousness ' and ' prose-
lytes of the gate ' is not found till after NT times,
but there is little doubt that the circumstances
giving rise to this distinction did really exist, and
that ' the fearers of God ' of Acts are practically
identical with those who at a later date came to
be known as 'proselytes of the gate' (see art.
Proselyte). The significance of the incident
seems then to lie in the recognition that full mem-
bership in the Christian Church was open not only
to Jews but also to the Gentiles who * feared God.'
St. Peter uses the incident as a true precedent in
Ac 11^**, and reasserts its determining importance
at the Council of Jerusalem (Ac 15). The ad-
mission of Cornelius was the first step towards the
recognition of the universality of the gospel of
Christ. A further step was taken when member-
ship in the Christian Church was offered to the
heathen who had no relation to the synagogue.
LiTERATORE.— R. J. Knowling-, EGT, 'Acts,' 1900, p. 250;
C. V Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, Eng. tr., i. [1894] 103f. ; A.
C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age, 1897, p. 101 note.
W, F. Boyd.
CORNER, CORNER-STONE.— Among Semitic
peoples a special sacredness was supposed to belong
to the corners of structures, and this probably lies
at the root of the metaphor. The Heb. n^s,pinndh,
' corner-stone,' is the stone at the angle, which,
uniting the walls, holds the two sides together.
It was chosen for its solidity and beauty to occupy
an important place either in tiie foundation or
the battlement. In the OT pinnGth denotes the
principal men in the community and the supports
of the State (e.g. Jg 202, 1 S W^) ; cf. ' Meum
praesidium et dulce decus meum ' (Hor. i. 1), where
strength and beauty are united in one. NT
believers saw Christ everywhere in the OT, and
hence the word which originally referred to the
choice among the chosen people came to signify
Christ. The figure of the corner-stone is thus
taken over from the OT, and specially from Ps 118^
and Is 28^^ the passages which rule the apostolic
use.
In the NT 'corner-stone' was applied by Jesus
to Himself (Mt 21*'^), and reanpears in St. Peter's
address to the Sanhedrin : ' He is tlie stone which
was set at nought of you the builders, which was
made the head of the corner' (Ac 4'' yevbii.evo% els
Ke<j>a.\7]v yuviuLs). Quoting, evidently from memory,
the Apostle uses i^ovdeviu ' despise and regard
as valueless,' a word expressing great contempt ;
but later ( 1 P 2'') he uses the milder word dTroSo/ctyttdfw
of the LXX, which means ' test and reject after
actual trial.' Ramsay {Pauline Studies, London,
1906, p. 253) notes that ' at the Phrygian marble
quarries there have been found many blocks,
which had been cut, but not seat on to Rome . . .
some of them bear the letters REPR, i.e. repro-
batum, "rejected." These were considered as
imperfect and unworthy pieces, and rejected by
the inspector.' It might happen, however, that a
stone passed over by one builder was seen and
chosen by another and wiser aichitect ; cf. Michel-
Angelo carving his colossal statue of David out of
a block of marble which had been spoiled and
rejected by an inferior sculptor some years before.
So St. Peter's argument in his Epistle (1 P28'').
In ignorance and self-will the leaders of the people
had rejected the comei--stone, but others, with
truer spiritual discernment, making it the ground
of faith and belief in God, had found in the rejected
stone ' preciousness' (RVm 'honour') and worth;
ivTifios suggests both meanings.
In Eph 22" ' Christ Jesus himself being the chief
comer-stone ' (6vtos dKpoyuvialov airov Xpi<TTOv'I'r]<rov),
the thought is of the unity of Jew and Gentile in
the Church — ' the saints build up the fabric, and
the corner-stone is Christ.' They are drawn and
held together in Him, as the walls of a building
cohere in and are united by the corner-stone, which
determines the lines of ' each several building' and
compacts it into one.
LiTERATTjRB.— C. Gofc, EpheB., London, 1898, p. 118 ; W. M.
Ramsay, Expositor, 5th ser. ix. [1899] 36 f. ; A. Maclaren, Ex-
positions : ' Ephesians,' London, 1909, p. 118, may be consulted
for doctrinal and homiletical uses. W. M. GRANT.
COS (Kwj, now Stanchio=is riv Kw). — Cos was an
island of Caria, at the entrance to the Ceramic
Gulf, between the two headlands on which stood
the cities of Cnidus and Halicarnassus. Its chief
city, lying at the sheltered eastern extremity of
the island, was ' not large, but beautifully built,
and a most pleasing sight to mariners sailing by
the coast ' (Strabo, XIV. ii. 19). Its position on the
maritime highway between the ^gean and the
Levant gave it great commercial importance and
wealth. It had the rank of a free city tUl the
time of Augustus.
Cos was ' the garden of the Egean ' (T. LeAvin,
St. Paul, 1875, ii. 97). It was renowned for its
vines and looms, its literature and art, and above
all for its temple of ^Esculapius and school of
medicine, which must have made it especially
interesting to St. Luke. It had Theocritus the
poet, Apelles the painter, and Hippocrates the
physician among its citizens. It attracted Jewish
settlers at least as early as the Maccabtean period
(1 Mac 15^^). Some words which Josephus (Ant.
XIV. vii. 2) quotes from a lost work of Strabo —
' Mithridates sent to Cos and took . . . 800 talents
belonging to the Jews' — prove that the city had
become a Jewish banking centre. One of the
benefactors of the island was Herod the Great (BJ
I. xxi. II). Another was the Emperor Claudius,
who decreed that it ' should be for ever discharged
from all tribute,' chiefly on account of its medical
fame (Tac. Ann. xii. 61).
St. Paul and his companions, in their voyage
through the Mge&n, ' came with a straight course'
— running before the wind (evOvSpofi-nffavTes) — from
Miletus to Cos, a distance of 40 miles. Off Cos,
where there was good shelter, they anchored for
the night, and next day, with a nortiierly wind
still blowing, they enjoyed an equally good passage
to Rhodes (Ac 21»).
COUCH
COVEN AliT
261
LrrERATURE. — L. Ross, Reisen nach Eos, etc., Halle, 1862!
W. R. Paton and E. L. Hicks, The Inscriptions of Cos, Oxford,
1891. James Strahan.
COUCH.— See Bed.
COUNCIL.— See Sanhedrin.
COURAGE.— See Boldness.
COURTS.— See Trial- at-Law.
COVENANT.— 1. Context.— In the EVV of the
NT ' covenant ' is the translation of the Greek
word diadr/KT), which occurs 33 times. In the RV
the word is uniformly rendered 'covenant' except
in He 9^^- ", where ' testament ' is used, with ' cove-
nant ' in the margin. In the AV, ' testament ' oc-
curs 13 times (Mt 2628, Mk U^, Lk2229, 1 Co ll^^,
2 Co 3«- ", He T''' 9i*6«»- 1«- 1^- 2», Rev ll'^) and ' cove-
nant ' 20 times (Lk V^ Ac 32s 1», Ro 9* IP^, Gal 3"'- "
424,Eph2'2,He86-8-9Ms. 10 Qibis. 1016.2912241320), (p-Qj.
further particulars see DCG i. 374.) Analyzing
the instances moie closely, we see that 18 refer
directly to the OT, 7 occurring in quotations ; 12
have reference to the new or better dispensation
of Jesus, or to His blood ; 3 only (Gal 3'^ He
916. 17) are concerned with ordinary human institu-
tions.
2. Use of 8ia9iiKt) in LXX. — It is most natural,
in view of this preponderance of references to the
OT, to seek in the LXX use of diaOriKr) the clue
to its meaning in the NT. diaOrjKr) is the all but
invariable translation of the Hebrew word nn^
{b'rith), which in our EVV is always rendered
' covenant,' never ' testament.' In some instances —
as, for example, 1 S 1832318, 1 K 202*— the word indis-
putably means ' covenant ' in the full sense, i.e. a
mutual relationship between two parties. In
others, the idea of the mutual relationship is
wanting, as in 1 S IP ; but the idea of setting up
a relationship, which may be done by the free act
or choice of one person, is always present. It is
in this later sense that we understand the Divine
b'rith. This is a Divine order or arrangement
which takes its rise without any human co-opera-
tion, springing from the choice of God Himself,
whose will and determination account for both its
origin and its character. The one-sidedness of such
an institution makes the word ' covenant ' a rather
unfortunate choice in our EVV. Kautzsch goes so
far as to state that ' the usual rendering of b'rith,
namely " covenant," ought to be avoided as incor-
rect and misleading' (HDB v. 630b). It seems that
we do not possess a word in English which exactly
conveys the meaning of the Divine h^rith. Neither
' arrangement ' nor ' disposition ' is at all adequate.
We are compelled in the OT to continue the use of
'covenant,' merely making the mental qualifica-
tion required.
We have next to inquire why the LXX chose
and adhered to the word diadrjKT] as the rendering
of b^rith. It is an undoubted fact that throughout
the later classical period, and certainly in the
early Christian period, this word had, in common
usage, the meaning of 'will' or 'testament.' It
is sometimes stated that there is only one instance
of its use in the sense of ' covenant ' in the whole
of Greek literature, namely in Aristophanes, Birds,
440. Building upon this instance, Wackernagel
has recently suggested that this meaning was
current in the Ionic dialect, and may have been
derived by the LXX from that source. If this
were proved, many questions would be answered
at a stroke ; but unless some further evidence can
be adduced in its favour it seems very precarious.
On the other hand, further investigation rather
qualifies the absoluteness of the assertion that
BiaOriK-r} means ' will ' and nothing else. Ramsay
in his Historical Commentary on the Galatians,
and Norton in his Study of AIAGHKH, both show
that, before will-making in our modem sense had
become part of Greek social life, the word diaOijKiri
might be used to express ' a disposition of relations
between two parties, where one party lays down
the conditions which the other accepts,' not an
ordinary bargain or contract, but a more dignified
and solemn compact or covenant (Norton, op. cit.
p. 31). In particular Ramsay speaks of the diadriKr)
as a solemn and binding covenant, guaranteed by
the authority of the whole people and their gods,
and being primarily an arrangement for the de-
volution of religious duties and rights (op. cit. p.
361 f.). Accordingly, it is urged that in the early
part of the 3rd cent. B.C. no better word was
available to express the OT idea of a solemn and
irrevocable disposition, made by God Himself of
His own gracious choice, and meant to secure a re-
ligious inheritance to His chosen people. Accept-
ing this as the best explanation offered as yet,
we may observe that the later Greek translators,
Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, writing at a
time Avhen the meaning of Biad-rjKT) had been nar-
rowed down to mean ' will ' exclusively, felt obliged
to fall back on the usual Greek word for ' covenant,'
(TvvdrjKr}. Similarly, as Riggenbach has pointed
out (Theol. Stud. 294), Josephus instinctively re-
places diad-fiKT) by ffvvdrjKT] or the cognate verb, where
the reference is undoubtedly to a covenant agree-
ment between man and man, his linguistic sense
being offended by the use of Siadi^KTj in any sense
but that of ' will.' We come, therefore, to the
conclusion that in NT times the use of biad-fjKri
in the sense of a solemn promise or undertaking
had become an archaism. Readers of the English
Bible can easily recall analogies to such a process
in the use of words like ' conversation ' or ' peculiar '
or 'walk disorderly.'
3. Use of SiaOi^KTi in apostolic and sab-apostolic
times. — (1) Ordinary usage. — When we come to
the NT period, there is no possible doubt that
in ordinary usage diadi^Kri means 'will' (so G.
Milligan and J. H. Moulton in Expositor, 7th ser.,
vi. [1908] 563). 'The agreement of papyri and in-
scriptions with regard to the use of diadrjKr} is veiy
remarkable. , . . Any number of citations may be
made, and there is never a suggestion of any other
meaning ' (than ' will '). Deissmann, agreeing with
this conclusion, emphatically declares that the
usage was so fixed that St. Paul could not have era-
ployed the word in the sense of ' covenant.' ' There
is ample material to back me in the statement
that no one in the Mediterranean world in the first
century A.D. would have thought of finding in the
word diadrjKrj the idea of "covenant." St. Paul
would not, and in fact did not. To St. Paul the
word meant what it meant in his Greek OT, " a uni-
lateral enactment," in particular "a will or testa-
ment"' (Light from the Ancient East"^, p. 341).
In his St. Paul (p. 152) he goes further and says
that St. Paul found in his Greek Bible the idea
that God had executed a will in our favour. It
does not, however, seem possible to grant that St.
Paul, who read his Hebrew Bible as well as his
Greek, always thought of a will when he read of
the Divine b^rtth. Yet the expression of b^rith by
a word that meant ' will ' may have enriched the
OT idea with new associations. We may note in
further illustration of the usage in Jewish authors
that in the Greek apocryphal writings diadi^Kr} and
ffwdriKi) are used, once at any rate, as synonymous
terms (cf. Wis 12^1 ; • covenants of good promises '
(ffvvd-fiKTi), and 18^ : ' covenants made with the
irathers' (Siad-qK-q). Philo appears to use Siad-qKi) in
the sense of ' will,' saying that it is written ' for
the benefit of those who are worthy of a gift.'
262
COVENANT
COVENANT
Yet when he adds that it is 'a symbol of grace,
Avhich God has placed between Himself who oflers
it, and man who receives it,' he seems to go back
to the somewhat wider use we found in the LXX
(Philo, de Milt. Norn. vi. 52 f. ; of. Kiggenbach,
op. cit. p. 311 f.).
(2) NT usage. — Passing now to the NT, we
must ask whether its writers use diaOi^Ky] in what
is undoubtedly the Hebrew OT sense of thecovenant
between man and God, i.e. 'unilateral enactment,'
or as 'will,' or in a sense derived from both mean-
ings, (a) It is best to begin with He 9^""'^. Here,
in spite of some attempts to retain the meaning of
'covenant' throughout (Westcott, Hatch, Dods, et
al. ), the weight of evidence seems decisive that in
v.^", at anj'^ rate, the writer is speaking of a human
will. As has been said, ' if the question Avere put
to any person of common intelligence, "What
document is that which is of no force at all during
the lifetime of the person who executed it ? " the
answer can only be, " A man's will or testament."'
The most usual exposition grants this, but then
supposes that the writer slips from one meaning in
v.'^ to another in v.'^, and then back again to the
first one. But if Philo, with whose writings the
author was familiar, could, as we have seen, read
the notion of will into an OT passage, there is
little ground for denying the same possibility here.
And when once the translation ' will ' is admitted
throughout the passage, the argument, which is so
difficult to follow from any other point of view,
becomes luminous. Verse 16 affirms that the in-
heritance contemplated under the first testament
of God could not be enjoyed until a death had
taken place ; v." adds that this is illustrated by
the ordinary human practice, where a will comes
into force aifter death ; v.'^ states further that this
was foreshadowed, even at the time when the first
testament was given, by the death of the victim,
which, as the whole argument of the Epistle shows,
looked onwards to the perfect sacrifice of Christ.
It is indeed ui-ged that the use of the word ' medi-
ator' in v. '5 is fatal to the translation 'will,' since
a will needs no mediator, whilst a covenant does.
But, as has been shoAvn by Cremer {Lexicon, p. 421),
citing illustrations from Diodorus Siculus, iv. 54,
and Jos. Ant. iv. vi. 7, the word Mfo"/ri7s (mediator)
may be used in the sense of ' one who appears or
stands security for anything,' ' one who pledges
himself for promises,' a parallel conception to the
' surety ' in He 7-^. This is admirably illustrated
by the use of the cognate verb in He 6^^ ' God
interposed with an oath.' God gave His promise
to Abraham direct, and by the oath which He
Bwore condescended to become the guarantor of
His own word.
If we admit this translation of Siad-^KT] in these
verses, it appears to follow also in 9'^'^ 10^9 13-", as
also in 7" and 12-^. The references in 8''*, in view
of the direct citation from Jeremiah, seem less
certain, though Riggenbach argues for the same
meaning here. A Siae-qKy) written on the heart is
less easy to think of as a 'testament.' Yet the
connexion of the diaO-qK-q with tlie promise in v.*
suggests that this thought was not far away.
This is one of those cases where we cannot deny
tliat the archaic sense may have been present, but
we may at least claim that it has been enriched by
the new meaning of the word. Such a use is
easily illustrated. When Newman in his sermon
on ' Unreal Words ' says : ' Our professions, our
creed, our prayers, our dealings, our conversation,
our arguments, our teaching, must henceforth be
sincere,' and goes on immediately to quote : ' In
godljr sincerity . , . we have had our conversation
in this world,' he understands of course the arcliaic
biblical use of the word he quotes. But can we
doubt that it has been enriched to him in such a
context and on such a subject by its later use to
describe speech ?
(b) Turning to St. Paul's Epistles, we may begin
with the much-discussed passage in Gal 3^^"".
Here St. Paul declares that he is about to speak
'after the manner of men.' By some he is sup-
posed to mean that he intends to use the word
diadriKT] in its ordinary human sense of ' will,'
as opposed to its biblical sense of ' covenant.'
But it appears more likely that he means that
having taken his previous arguments from Scrip-
ture he will now make his point clearer by taking
an illustration from common daily life. Obviously
if he does this he must give to SiadriKT) its current
meaning, which is without doubt ' will,' But if so,
we ask whether he reverts to another meaning for
the same word in v.^''. The whole circle of ideas
is against this. It is a diaOi^KT] of promise, i.e. a
testament. It belongs to Abraham and to his
seed, it comes by way of gift, it invests those
taking part in it wdth the rights of inheritance.
The testator designates his heir, and arranges that
at a predetermined time he shall receive the
specified boon (4^). It is indeed argued (Lukyn
Williams, et al. ) that we must not translate ' will,'
because this connotes death. But St. Paul seems
,to have guarded himself against the over-pressing
of his argument, showing by his ' though it be
but a man's will ' that the analogy was not exact.
The word BiaOriKT) suggested to him that there was
a human document which no one could set aside,
namely a will ; how much more then when God
makes a will must that remain unalterable.
In Eph 2'^ and Ro 9'* the idea of ' will ' seems
most probable. The use of the plural of SiadrjKTj
to express the singular meaning ' will ' is very
frequent in Greek, meaning either the different
provisions or the will as a whole. It is possible,
however, that the Apostle is thinking of the oft-
renewed promises made to the fathers. In Gal 4^*
the word is twice used, and applied once to the
dLaOriKT) of promise given to Abraham and fulfilled
through Christ, and once to the Siad-qKri made at
Sinai. As we can hardly suppose that St. Paul
speaks of the Abrahamic dispensation in another
sense than in ch. 3, and as the thought of a will
seems clearly present in 4^, we find the same con-
ception here. The Law of Moses, which in 3^^
appeared only as a supplement to the testament of
promise, delaying its operation but not cancelling
it, is here spoken of as an inferior testament.
There appears to be a very marked touch of irony
here. ' If you will have it that it is a testa-
ment,' says the Apostle, ' and insist on choosing to
come under its provisions, it is a testament which
will bring you an inheritance of slavery.' Our
view of 2 Co 3^ will be determined by our ex-
planation of 1 Co 11-'. Here we note the comment
of Zahn (Galatcr, p. 162) that the Greek word had
actually in the time of our Lord passed over into
the Aramaic as a loan-word in the sense of ' will.'
Hence we may suppose that our Lord, speaking
almost in the very presence of death, and promis-
ing to His disciples a share in His inheritance (Lk
22-'*), enriched tlie OT idea of covenant with the
thoughts that cluster round the testament of a
dying man planning out the future of those who
are dear to him. This is the best illustration the
NT ailbrds of the new wealth of meaning put into
the old conception of h^rith. If so, we may find
tliis in St. Paul's use also. In the case of 2 Co 3'**,
wliere SiaOiqKr) seems to stand for the OT, the
archaic use appears more likely.
(c) Lastly (omitting Ro IP^'and Rev 11", which,
as cited directly from the OT, do not contribute
anything to the understanding of the question),
we may say that Ac 3-', referring to Abraham and
to the inheritance, may have been at least coloured
COYETOUSXESS
creatio:n'
263
by the Greek conception of ' testament.' In Ac 7^
diadriKT] stands for the seal which accompanied the
estaljlishment of the new relationship, and sheds
no light upon its character.
(3) Sub-apostolic writers. — Passing to the sub-
apostolic Christian writers, we Hnd few instances
that are decisive. In Clem. Rom. ad Cor. i. the
word occurs twice (xv. 4, xxxv. 7), each time in
citations from the OT. The Epistle of Barnabas
quotes also from the OT, and refers specially to
the two tables of the diadriKr] which were broken by
Moses (iv. 6f. ). Yet his most frequent use is
' heii's of the dtad-^Kr]' (vi. 19, xiii. 1, 6, xiv. 5).
' Moses as a servant received it ; but the Lord
himself, having suti'ered in our behalf, hath given
it to us that we should be the people of inherit-
ance.' 'He was manifested that we . . . being
constituted heirs through him, might receive the
SiadrjKT) of the Lord Jesus, who was prepared for this
end, that ... he might by his word enter into
a 5iadrjKT] with us.' In this last passage we seem
to have a clear instance of a passing over from the
idea of ' will ' to that of * covenant.'
4. Conclusion. — As an illustration of the new
fullness of meaning which we have discovered
above, reference may be made to one of the most
interesting of all the Jewish non-canonical writings,
The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. There
the fatliei's of the Hebrew tribes plan out the
future of their descendants, and with warning and
promise speak of what lies before them. In the
NT all earlier thoughts of God are summed up in
the grand conception of Fatherhood, whilst man's
relationship to God is set forth as perfected in the
realization of sonship. It was the knowledge that
we have been brought into the family of God, and
made cliildren of His and therefore heirs, that
called fortli St. Paul's adoring gratitude (Ro 8'*'-).
Looking back into the past, he delighted to think
that this gracious ' will ' which adopts us and
makes us heirs of the great inheritance had been
made long since in favour of Abraham, and of
those who are partakers of his spirit of faith and
trust. If he read into the OT b''rith something that
was hidden from the sight of those who first wrote
of it, it is but another illustration of Augustine's
saying : ' Vetus Testamentum in Novo patet.'
Literature. — E. Riggenbach, ' Der Begriff der SmBtikt) im
Hebraerbrief (in T/ieologische Studien Th. Zahn dar;iebracht,
Leipzig, 190S), pp. 291-316 ; J. Wackernagrel, 'Die grienhische
Sprache' (Eultur der Gegenwart, i. 4 [do. 190SJ) ; F. O.
Norton, A Lexicographical and Historical Study of AIA0HKH,
Chicago, 190S ; A. Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East-,
Eng. tr., 1911, and St. Paul, Eng. tr., 1912 ; G. Milligan and
J. H. Moulton, ' Lexical Notes from the Papvri,' in Expositor,
7th ser., vi. [190S] S62; J. Behm, Der BeqrifSlAQHKHimNT,
Leipzig, 1912 ; E. Lohmeyer, Diatheke, Ein Beitrag zur Erkliir-
ung des NT Begriffs, Leipzig, 1913 ; Dawson Walker, The Gift
of Tongues, 1906, pp. 81-175. See also the Commentaries on
Galatians and Hebrews: on Gal., especially W. M. Ramsay
(1899), Zahn (21907), Lukyn Williams (1911), Lightfoot
(*1874) ; on Hebrews, Westcott (1SS9), A. S. Peake (1902).
Ct. also artt. in Bible Dictionaries and Lexicons, especially
H. Cremer, Bibl-Theol. Lexicon^, 1880.
Wilfrid J. Moultox.
COYETOUSNESS In both AY and RV ' covet-
ous ' or ' covetous person ' translates irXeoveKTrjs
(1 Co 5^"- " 6^", Eph 5^), and ' covetousness ' nXeov-
e^ia (Ro 1=9, Eph o^, Col S^, 1 Th 2^). Closely re-
lated terms are (piXapyvpia (I Ti 6'") = 'love of
money,' and aiaxpoKepd-ns (1 Ti 3*, Tit F) = ' greedy
of filthy lucre.' (piXapyvpia and TrXeovefta are some-
times distinguished as 'covetousness ' and ' avarice,'
the desire to get and the desire to keep ; but this
distinction, which scarcely exists in fact, is not
borne out in NT usage. (piXapyvpia, which is a
' root of all evils,' is manifested alike in greed of
gain and in parsimony. It emphasizes the object
of the desire, while the primary idea in TrXeovf^ia
is the injustice of the means used for its attain-
ment. Etymologioally the latter word signifies
the desire or claim to have a larger share (TrX^op
^X^iv) than others ; in usage it is covetousness,
rapacity, the disposition to seek, and the habit of
seeking, one's own enrichment without regard to
the rights and interests of others. This sense
comes out clearly in the use of the verb irXeoveKTeiv,
which in the Pauline Epistles (2 Co 2" 7^ 12"- ^^,
1 Th 4^) always means to 'take advantage of
another. Such unrighteous advantage may be
taken in the transaction of business [ti^ irp6.yiia.Ti.,
1 Th 4^), or by the employment of religious in-
fluence and ecclesiastical position as a means of
gain. In the apostolic writings the latter abuse
is strongly reprobated. To be without covetous-
ness is a mark of the true apostle (1 Th 2^), of the
worthy bishop (Tit V), deacon (1 Ti S^), and elder
(1 P o'^). To be ' greedy of filthy lucre ' is char-
acteristic of the false prophet (2 P 2^) ; and against
this charge St. Paul guards himself with sensitive
scrupulosity (1 Co Qi"'®, 2 Co 7'- 12"- ^s).
(1) The apostolic writings show that then, aa
now, covetousness, the grasping selfishness which
manifests itself in disregard of the interests, and
violation of the rights, of others, was one of the
most prevalent and flagrant of the evils which it
is the work of Christianity to eradicate.
(2) Tiiey take the gravest view of its heinous
sinfulness (Col 3^), its wide-spread ramifications
(1 Ti G'**), its ultimate consequences (1 Co 6^°). In
the Epistles of St. Paul, particularly, a central
place is always assigned to it in the organism of
vice. It is constantly set side by side with un-
chastity (1 Co b]'>- ", Eph 41^ s^- «, Col 3^ 1 Th ¥-^)
in a fashion which has suggested to some exegetes
that in such passages TrXeove^La signifies transgres-
sion of the rights of others in sexual rather than
in pecuniary relations (many thus understand ry
TTpdyfiaTi in 1 Th 4''). The preferable explanation
is that ' impurity and covetousness may be said to
divide between them nearly the whole domain of
selfishness and vice' (Lightfoot, Col.^, 1879, p. 213).
' Homo extra Deum quaerit pabulum in creatura
materiali vel per voluptatem vel per avaritiam '
(Bengel).
(3) Covetousness is a sin against one's own soul
— destructive of spiritual self-possession (He 13^),
bringing men into bondage to things external and
uncertain (1 Ti 6") ; against one's neighbour (1 Th
4^) ; but ultimately and essentially against God.
The most pregnant word on the subject is that of
St. Paul (Col 3^), ' covetousness which is idolatry,'*
The antidote is regard for the righteous judgment
of God (1 Th 4^), love to one's neigiibour (1 Co
lO^"*), trust in God's unfailing providence (He 13'- ^,
1 Ti 6'^), a soul-satisfying experience of life in
Christ (Ph 4"-i3).
Literature. — Comm. on the passages quoted, especially
Lightfoot on Col 35 ; Armitage Robinson on Eph 4i9 53- s ;
J. Weiss on 1 Co oW- u ; Lietzmann on Ro 129 ; R. c. Trench,
Sew Testament Synonyms^, 1876, p. 78 ; Sermons Xew and
Old, 1886, p. 60 ; John Foster, Lectures^, ii. [1853] 161 ; also
Phillips Brooks, The Light of the World, 1891, p. 159 ; E. M.
Goulburn, The Pursuit of Holiness, 1S69, p. 147.
Robert Law.
CRAFT.— See Arts.
CREATION.— The NT doctrine of creation in
general is that of the later OT writings and the
Apocrypha ; e.g. 2 Mac 7^, Wis 11'''. It is found
over the whole range of apostolic writings, from
the early speeches in the Acts (7*" [quoted from Is
66-] 14^5 1724) to 2 Pet. (3-5). God made the heaven
and the earth and all that therein is ; He is the one
supreme power in nature ; and He is as benevolent
as He is supreme (cf. Ac 14^'). Human afiairs are
subject to His will (cf, Ac IS^i, Ja 4i5). Though
* Cf. Euripides, Cyclops, 31&-17 :
6 ttAoOtos, a.v0pionC(TKe, tois o'o<^ors fleos"
Tii &' aWa KO/xTTOi. Kal Adyajv eviJ.op<f)Cai.
264
CREATIO:^
ckeatio:n
supreme, therefore, He is no capricious tyrant. The
concept of laws of nature, of course, is unknown ;
but the world is none the less a world of order ;
when surprising events take place, they serve as
reminders or signs of His goveniment or as means
for the working out of His providential purposes
(cf. Ac l2^-i"-^'-). The existing world order, how-
ever, will not last for ever ; it will dissolve in a
catastrophe or series of catastrophes (cf. Ac 2^^^
quoting Jl 2^"^^^ ; also Jude, 2 P 2, and Rev. passim),
when the power that created will unmake to make
anew.
But throughout the OT writings is manifested
the feeling that some intermediary is needed in the
operations of God's government (cf. Jg G""'- 13^ [an
angel ; but note 6"] and Ezk 1 P [the Spirit]). Later
Jewish thougiit went further and developed a de-
tailed angelology ; but the NT reproduces the
simpler thought "^of the OT (cf. Ac 21^ [an angel ;
so in 12^] or W [the Holy Spirit]). And with
regard to the original act or acts of creation, the
simple ' And Jahweh formed ' or * breathed ' of
Gn 2, and the even simpler ' And God said ' of Gn 1,
are extended even in the OT by the well-known
references to the brooding Spirit (Gn 1'^ ; perhaps,
like the rest of the chapter, containing a purified
echo of pagan cosmologies) and to Wisdom ( Pr 8^<*
etc. ) ; a hint of a primal man as an assessor at
creation has been found by Ewald in Job 15^. On
such foundations as these, later Jewish thought
built its theology of the Memra or Divine Word,
and of the Logos as it appears in Alexandrian
Judaism.
In contrast, perhaps in opposition, to all this, the
apostolic writings prefer the language of continual
reference to God Himself. They are troubled by
no Jewish (or Gnostic) fears as to God's contact
with the world of matter (Ro l'^" 4", He V^ [quot-
ing Ps 10225-27] S-*). Note also He 11^ : ' the worlds
— alQves — have been framed by the word of God '
(cf. Ro 1 136, I Co 126, Eph 123 46). The practical de-
ductions from this view, that all things made by
God are good, and work together for good, are
found in Ro 8^8, 1 Ti 4*.
This insistence on God's sole activity makes the
more remarkable the relation of the Father to the
Son in the work of creation — a concept which, like
so many others, owes its most definite formulation to
St. Paul, but is represented in every other stratum
of apostolic teaching. Thus in 1 Co 8^ we read :
' to us there is one God, the Father, of whom are
all things, and we unto him ; and one Lord Jesus
Christ, through (5ta) whom are all things, and we
through him.' It is perhaps Avorth notice that this
great sentence occurs in the discussion of things
offered to idols, as if St. Paul expected the Cor-
inthians to recognize the truth as something quite
familiar (cf. Ro ll^s, where the expression isiK, not
dir6, Beov). In Col P* we read that all things have
been created in Christ and through Him and unto
Him (^i', 8id, els). In v.^^ jjg jg called the TrpurdroKOi
irdffris Krlffem — a term which recalls Rev 3'^ but goes
far beyond it ; with this should be compared the
lj.ovoyev7)s of Jn !'•* ; see also Ro 8-'' [eh t6 elvai avrbv
TTpuTbroKov ev ttoWoTs dde\(j)oU), Eph 1^, and 1 P 1^°.
The same thought appears in somewhat difterent
language in He l^'- (the Son 'through [5id] whom
lie made the worlds . . . upholding all things by
tlie word of his power'). In the locus classicus
of the Johannine writings (Jn P) the preposition
is still * through ' {Sid). In these passages we have
what_ may be termed the distinctively Christian
contribution to the theistic doctrine of creation.
Instead of a word, or spirit, or angels, the great in-
strument of creation is a living Divine Person — the
Son. And the difierence is not simply what the
Christian might express by saying that the instru-
ment is not the word but the Word. The Son is
not merely the instrument, He is the end ; 5t' airrov,
and also eh airrbv ; cf. Eph 1^" ' to sum up all things
in Christ' ; i.e. He is also the final cause, while at
the same time, from another aspect, with regard
to His manifestation (1 P l^* quoted above), the final
cause of the appearance of Christ in the world is
to be found in the Church. Christ is also Lord of
the created world, in this present time (Eph 1^,
Col 117-18) ; all things consist, have their ordered
being, in Him ; He is the head of all principality
and power (Col 2i"), just as ' all the fulness of God'
dwells in Him (2^). And of all this created order
the Church is the crowning work ; of the Church
Christ is the Head (Eph l^^) ; i.e. the Church, as
in some way distinct from the rest of creation,
stands in a unique and timeless relation to Christ.
It is impossible to enter into these daring
thoughts without asking, What then of evil?
Was evil too created by God, and through Christ ?
To the childlike thought of the OT, evil was, or
rather is, created by God, like good (Is 45^ ; cf.
Am 36). And the NT writers were too fully
steeped in the thought of the OT to feel the prob-
lem as we feel it to-day. But it was felt none the
less. In 1 P 4^^, indeed, the sufferings of the good
only suggest the thought of a ' faithful Creator.'
Ps 86 is quoted three times in the Epistles : once in
Eph r-2, with simple approval ; in 1 Co \b^ it is
recognized that the subjection of all things to
Christ is not yet complete ; so in He 2^'', where this
recognition is joined to the author's characteristic
teaching with regard to the sufterings of Christ.
For the most part, St. Paul refers moral evil to the
'spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly
places' (Eph 6^2 ; cf. 2-, also 2 Th 2", 2 Co 4^).
But in one pregnant passage, illuminating yet ob-
scure, Ro 8^"^-, he hears in the long wail of the
misery of creation the cries of the birth-pangs
which herald a new order, of which the leaders
and inaugurators are the sons of God ; and in the
apparent vanity (fruitlessness) of natiure (in which
' of fifty seeds she often brings but one to bear '),
he sees the preparation for a new revelation of the
creative order and purposefulness of God ; while
no created thing is able even now to separate us
from the love of Christ (v.^^). It is therefore not
surprising that, in contrast to the old order, St.
Paul should speak of the appearance of a new, here
and now. If the whole of creation is through
Christ, much more is the new character or self a
new creation (Gal 6i« ; cf. 2 Co 5'^, Eph 42* with
Eph 2^5 and Ps SP"). The 'new man in Christ'
explains and satisfies the longing of the created
and imperfect world.*
Hitherto, no reference has been made to the
Epistles of St. John, and indeed in these Epistles
no mention is made of the act of creation. But it
may none the less be maintained that St. John
adds an essential element to the whole apostolic
doctrine. A consideration of this may be intro-
duced by a summary of the foregoing. As we have
seen, the majority of apostolic writers are not in-
terested in the question. How did things originate?
Their language can be used with equal sincerity by
those who believe in separate acts of creation and
in some form of evolution (though doubtless, if
questioned, all of them would have upheld a literal
interpretation of Gn 1). Their interest is in crea-
* A word should here be added on the four terms for creation
and created objects ; ktiVcs denotes created things either singly
or collectively, like the much rarer KrCcrixa (Ro 819, Col 1^,
He 911, 2 P 'i-*; cf. Wis 196). K6a-iioi is the world as an ordered
system ' relative to man as well as God ' (Westcott), and thus
comes to denote the order of things apart from God, separate
from Him, and even in antagonism to llim(e.g. in Ro 36, 1 Co 120
4», 2Co5i», He ll^, Ja 127, and constantly in 1 Jn.). alu>v is chiefly
a dispensation evolving into something farther : when used in
the singular, it refers either to the present age or to the perfect
age; but it is often used, quite naturally, in the plural (cf.
He 12 118, also 2 Co 44, Eph 22).
CRESCENS
CRETE, CRETANS
265
tion as a stage or epoch ; an epoch destined, after
its work is done, to give place to a better, whose
beginnings can even now be discerned. Neither
of these stages can be understood apart from Christ.
The first, like the second, is good, because it is the
work of God. It is based on Christ ; it is held to-
gether in Christ. But its goodness (to employ the
profound Aristotelian distinction) is a matter of
5vva/xis rather than of ivreXix^ia. Moreover, it
exists side by side with another order, Kda/mos, which
is ruled over by the powers of evil, and which is
doomed not to be superseded but destroyed. The
second stage or epoch, whose succession to the
first is sometimes spoken of in terms of a sudden
catastrophe, sometimes, as it would seem, as the
result of a long process — ' one far-otf divine event ' —
is the complete manifestation of the will of God ;
it involves a kind of transfigured pantheism, in
which God is all things, and in all things (1 Co 15-^).
St. John does not, however, pay attention to
these two epochs ; his antithesis is throughout
between the present evil order and God's final
purposes (the phrase 6 Kda/j-os b fi^Wuv is never used).
This order is the abode of evil (1 Jn 2^^) and of the
great enemy of God (4'*) ; it lies, indeed, in the evil
one (5'*) ; it is passing away (2''') ; it is not to be
loved (2'^ ; contrast Jn 3^^), but to be conquered (5^).
On the other hand, the Son of God has been sent
into the world ; and through believing in Him is
enjoyed, here and now, the gift of eternal life — a
gift so complete and fiual that only in one passage
does 1 Jn. speak with any deliniteness of a future
order at all (3^). As the other apostolic writers
imply, the order of creation which centres in Christ,
properly understood, is not physical, but moral
and spiritual ; and therefore, to those who believe
in Christ, it is present here and now.
References in the Apostolic Fathers are not
numerous ; the deeper aspects of NT teaching were
hardly caught ; attention may be called, however,
to 1 Clement : ' the Creator and Father of the ages '
(ch. XXXV.), 'the God of the ages' (Iv.), and 'the
King of the ages' (Ixi.). In Hermas we have a
further reminiscence of the NT ( Vis. I. i. 6) : ' God,
who dwelleth in the heavens and created out of
nothing the things that are, and increased and
multiplied them for His church's sake.'
LrrERATURB. — References to the literature on Creation as a
part of theistic doctrine cannot be given here, but the reader
may be referred to G. H. A. v. Ewald, Old and New Test.
Theology, Engr. tr., 188S ; A. M. Fairbairn, The. Philosophy of the
Christian Religion, 1902 ; D. Somerville, St. Paul's Conception
of Christ, 1897 ; and the Comm. of Westcott, Lig^htfoot, and
Sanday-Headlam, ad locc W. F. LOFTHOUSE.
GRESCENS (Kpijo-Kjjs). — Crescens, a companion of
St. Paul during his last imprisonment, had at the
date of the writing of 2 Timothy gone to Galatia
(2 Ti 4^"), which may mean either Galatia in Asia
Minor or the western province of Gaul. We find
two of the best MSS (H and C) reading TaWlav
(Gaul) for TaXariav (Galatia), and Eusebius (HE
III. iv. 9), Epiphanius (Rcer. li. 11), Theodore of
Mopsuestia, and Theodoret understand Western
Gaul to be meant in the passage. If the Apostle
visited Spain, as we have every reason to suppose,
it is probable that he passed through Southern
Gaul and may have founded churches there to
which Crescens may have been sent as a delegate.
On the other hand, the fact that the other delegates
mentioned in the verse were sent to the east of
Rome has led some to think that Asiatic Galatia
is meant. The reference in the Apostolic Constitu-
tions (vii. 46) is ambiguous, as Western Gaul might
be referred to as Galatia. Lightfoot thinks it
likely that Western Gaul is indicated, and that
the Apostle would certainly have written ' Galatia '
when referring to the province in the West. He
also holds that VaWlav (Gaul) is an early explana-
tory gloss which credit into the text of several MSS
[Galatians^, 1876, p. 31). The churches of Vienne
and Mayence both claimed Crescens as their
founder. Of the man himself nothing further is
known. His name is Latin, and he may have
been a Roman freedman. He is commemorated in
the Roman Martyrology on June 27 and in the
Greek Menologion on May 30, where he is treated
as one of ' the Seventy ' and bishop of Chalcedon
(Acta Sanctorum, June 27 ; Menologion, May 30).
W. F. Boyd.
CRETE, CRETANS.— One of the largest islands
in the Mediterranean, Crete (K/stjtij) lies 60 miles
S. of Greece. It is about 150 miles in length from
E. to W., and varies from 7 to 30 miles in width.
The greater part of it is occupied by ranges of
mountains, but the valleys are exceedingly fertile,
and the climate is delightful. While the northern
coast has good natural harbours, the southern is
much less indented, the mountains in many parts
rising almost like a wall from the sea. In ancient
times Crete had very numerous cities ; Horace
(echoing Homer, 11. ii. 649) describes it as ' centum
nobilem Cretam urbibus ' (Ejwdes, ix. 29 ; of.
Virgil, JEn. iii. 106). The recent excavations of
early sites have furnished astonishing evidence of
a highly developed pre-historic civilization, with
' Minoan ' palaces and shrines, a ' Minoan ' art of
which that of Mycenae is only an offshoot, and a
' Minoan ' script of which the Phoenician alphabet
is but an altered copy (EBr^^ vii. 421).
Tacitus (Hist. v. 2) commits a curious error in
suggesting that the Jews came originally from
Crete, and that the name Judcei was derived from
Mt. Ida. The Jews who resided in Crete in the
early Maccabsean period (1 Mac 10" 15-^) were of
course immigrants. In 67 B.C. the island was
annexed by Rome, and combined with Cyrenaica
to form a single province, which remained senatorial
under tlie Empire.
The ship in which St. Paul sailed from Myra for
Italy would under ordinary conditions have gone
north of Crete, but she was driven by stress of
weather to seek the shelter of the south coast.
Rounding the promontory of Salmone in the east,
she coasted as far as Fair Havens, where she
remained for some time weather-bound. In an
attempt to reach the better harbour of Phoenix
(now probably Lutro), she hugged the shore till
she rounded Cape Matala, when a violent E.N.E.
wind suddenly beat down upon her from the
central mountains of the island, and compelled her
to scud till she was able to get under the lee of
the small island of Cauda (Ac 27^'^). See FAIR
Havens, Phoenix, and Cauda.
It is not known how Crete was first evangelized.
Cretan Jews and proselytes were present at the
first Christian Pentecost, and some of them may
well have been among the 3000 converts (Ac 2"'*^).
It is hardly likely that St. Paul was idle while he
was perforce spending ' much time ' (Ikcvov xpij'oi;)
near the city of Lasea (27«-»). The Epistle to
Titus, though perhaps not Pauline, reflects a
credible tradition which links the name of Titus
with Cretan Christianity. The need of the churches
of which he had the oversight was organization
(Tit P). • The natural inference is that up to this
time the Cliiistians of Crete had gone on without
any kind of responsible government, and that this
anarchic condition was one considerable cause of
the evidently low moi-al condition to which they
had sunk. Accordingly, the appointment of elders
was a necessary first step towards raising the
standard of Christian life generally' (F. J. A.
Hort, Christian Ecclesia, 1897, p. 176).
The Cretans were a brave and turbulent race,
hard to govern, with an evil reputation for avarice,
mendacity, and drunkenness. The writer of TiL
266
CEISPUS
CROSS, CRUCIFIXION
quotes a hexameter of Epimenides, a prophet of
their own — called by Plato ^etos av-fip (Laws, i. 642
D) — who brands them as 'always liars, beasts, and
idle gluttons ' (Tit 1"). For this indisci'iminate
condemnation, uttered with prophetic indignation
and scorn, there Avas much excuse. The Greeks
coined a special word [KprjTi^eiv) for a kind of talk
and conduct which was characteristic of Crete, and
to out-Cretan a Cretan (irphs Kpijra TS.py)Tl^iLv) was to
outwit a knave (Plut. ^mil. 23, Lysand. 20).
LiTBKATPRE. — ^T. A. B. Spratt, Travels and Researches in
Crete, 2 vols., London, 1865 ; A. J. Evans, Scripta Minoa, i.
Oxford [1909] ; C. H. and H. B. Hawes, Crete the Forerunner of
Greece, London, 1909. JAMES StRAHAN.
CRISPDS.— Crispus (Kplairos) was the ruler of
the Jewish synagogue at Corinth (Ac 18") who ac-
companied St. Paul when he abandoned the syna-
gogiie for an adjoining house, and who became a
Christian. Crispus was one of the few persons whom
St. Paul himself baptized in Corinth (1 Co V*), the
Apostle usually leaving the baptizing to others ;
but Crispus was one of the first converts, and one
of uncommon importance, whose conversion cost
him dear, whilst it was a notable encouragement
to St. Paul. The example set by a man of such
eminence had considerable influence. His own
household became Christians with him ; and their
conversion seems to have inaugurated a large in-
gathering.
Literature. — Artt. in HDB, vol. i., on ' Crispus,' ' Corinth,' p.
481a, and ' L Corinthians,' p. 4S5a ; C. v. Weizsacker, Apostolic
Age, i.2 [London, 1897] 305-310 ; R. J. Knowling, EGT, 'Acts,'
1900 ; and G. G. Findlay, EGT, ' 1 Cor.,' 1900, ad. locc.
CROSS, CRUCIFIXION.— The English word' is
derived from the Latin o'ux through the French
croix (Old French and ISIiddle English, crois). The
Greek aravpds is wider in its meaning than the
English word, and includes the upright stake, crux
simplex, to which the criminal was bound or upon
which he was impaled, as well as the crux com-
posita, of various shapes. In the NT, however,
ffTavpos is confined to the usual English significa-
tion, and is equivalent to crux. It was the instru-
ment upon which criminals suffered death, and the
references in the NT are chiefly to the crucifixion
of Jesus Christ, the instrument becoming the
symbol of the cardinal doctrine of the Christian
faith, the atonement and the work of human re-
demption, and in general the gospel itself.
1. Archaeological. — The crossing of two lines at
right angles as a symbol not only antedates Chris-
tianity, but is of the remotest antiquity, being pre-
historic in origin. The primitive form of the cross
was probably the gammate cross {crux gammata)
known by the Sanscrit name of swastika, as it is
designated by students of archaeology. The form
of this cross j-C, used as a token of benediction and
good luck, has been found on the ruins of ancient
Troy, on the Hittite monuments, in Cyprus, and in
Greece. In pre-historic times it was used, according
to de Mortillet, as a symbol of consecration and
not as a merely ornamental device. The gammate
cross has been found on ancient Buddhist remains,
and it was largely employed by the Buddiiists.
It has also been seen upon jewels and weapons
amongst the Gallic, the German, and the Scandi-
navian peoples, in China, and Ashanti, and amongst
tlie South American Indians. Although it was
used by the early Christians as a prophylactic
symbol, it was often placed alongside the otiier
forms of cross. In Egypt the cross is found in the
jtaintings on the tombs in the form -O-, as the key
of life ; and although its material origin is doubtful,
the symbolism clearly indicates the vital germ.
From Egypt its use extended to the Phoenicians,
and afterwards to all the Semitic tribes.
2. Historical. — The relation of the non-Christian
symbolism of the cross to that of the Christian
Church need not be discussed here, although the
connexion is held by some writers to be very close.
We are on sure ground, however, in tracing the
Christian doctrine of the cross to the historic basis
as found in the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. This
mode of execution was exceedingly ancient in the
Orient, and it was practised amongst the Phconi-
cians (Valer. ii. 7), the Egyptians (Time. i. 110),
and the Persians (Herod, ix. 120). Amongst the
Romans it was a punishment considered too de-
grading for the citizens of the Empire (Josephus,
Ant. XX. vi. 2, BJ IL xii. 6, xiv. 9, V. xi. 1).
Cicero [in Verr. II. v. 66) speaks of it as being the
severest penalty, reserved only for slaves ('servi-
tutis extremum summumque supplicium'). It
was inflicted upon those convicted for highway
robbery, piracy, and similar crimes (Petron. Ixxii. ;
Flor. III. xix. ), also for the public accusation of a
master by a slave, for sedition, tumult, or false
witness. The arbor infelix spoken of by Cicero is
suggestive of the penalty of crucifixion {pro Babir.
iii. ti'.). The Jews did not crucify their criminals
whilst they were alive, although dead bodies were
hanged by them to the accursed tree ; consequently
the execution of Jesus Christ was carried out by
the Romans. The Jewish mode of execution was
by stoning to death (Lv 202 2416- 23^ Dt 13'» 17», etc.).
There were generally two forms of cross used in
capital punishment : the crux simplex, which con-
sisted of a single stake to which the victim was
fastened or upon which he was impaled ; also the
ci'ux compacta. The latter Avas made of cross
pieces of wood and took the form of : (a) the criix
andreana or crux deciissata, in shape like the
Greek X ; or (6) the crux cominissa, in the shape
of the letter T or Greek Tau ; or (c) the crux
irnmissa, in which the vertical trunk extended
higher than the transverse beams. It was upon
the last-named form of cross, according to the
testimony of the Fathers, that Jesus was crucified.
Matthew tells us (27^^) that the titulus was placed
over {i-rrdvo}) the head of Jesus.
Crucifixion was preceded by scourging {virgis
ccedere), according to the custom of the Romans,
after which the prisoner was compelled to carry
his cross, or at least the transverse portion of it,
to the place of execution. There the cross would
be uplifted, and the victim bound to it by cords
{toller e in crucem). Then he would be fastened to
it by three (or perhaps four) nails (Lipsius, de
Cruce, II. vii.), and probably also supported by
ropes (Pliny, xxviii, § 46), and the placard or titulus
bearing the name of the criminal and his sentence
would be fastened to the upper portion. The con-
demned man would in the ordinary way die of
hunger and thirst in the course of time ; but in order
to shorten the duration of the agony, the legs
of the suflerer might be broken, although this
practice was not common amongst the Romans.
Nor would the Romans permit the removal of the
corpse without special authorization.
The historical account of the crucifixion of our
Lord agrees Avith all the above details of the mode
of execution. He Avas condemned (falsely) for
sedition and tumult. He Avas scourged, and com-
pelled, until He Avas relieved, to carry His cross.
His legs Avere not broken, it is true, because it Avas
found that He was dead already ( Jn lO^^- ^s). The
brigands Avho Avere crucified Avith Him Avere sub-
jected to crucifragium, but one of the soldiers
pierced His side Avith a spear to make sure that
He Avas really dead, and there floAved out 'blood
and Avater.'
To the Romans the cross had no religious signi-
CKOSS, CRUCIFIXIOi>r
CEOSS, CEUCIFIXIOis"
261
ficance as it had in the East ; they merely regarded
it as the material instrument of a most degrading
punishment. The Hebrew Scriptures, on the other
hand, contain what may be regarded as suggestions
of the crucitixion, as in the case of tlie uplifted
brazen serpent in the wilderness (Xu 21^''*), the
piercing of hands and feet in Ps 22i'*, also in the
suppressed passage, referred to by Justin Martyr,
formerly contained in Ps 96^° (LXX version, some
codices).
As the instrument of Christ's execution came to
be regarded in the early Church as the means of
human redemption, it became the symbol of the
Passion, and later still it was used as a sign of
protection and defence. Some of the earlier forms
of the crucifix represented the Lord as reigning
from the tree, the triumphant Saviour-King, with
no signs of agony. There is, however, no monu-
ment of the cross or crucifix remaining which
belongs to the 1st century.
The ceremony of making the sign of the cross is
of great antiquity, and is referred to by Clement
of Alexandria (Strom, vi. 11 [Pair. Grceca, ix. 305])
and by TertuUian in the 3rd cent, [ch Cor. Mil.
iii. ), who felt it necessary to defend the Christians
against the charge of the heathen that tiiey too
were guilty of idolatrj' in the worsiiip of the cross.
The superstitious use of the sjmibol to ward off
evil may be traced to the middle of the 2nd cent.,
whilst "the adoration and the exaltation of the
cross came in later.
3. The doctrine of the cross in the early Church.
— The doctrine of the cross, or the death of Christ,
and the doctrine of the resurrection formed tlie
essential teaching in apostolic Christianity. At
Pentecost, and in the earliest contact of Chris-
tianity with Judaism, the fact of the resurrec-
tion, or rather the Christ of the resurrection, came
to the front. But it was always the Crucified
One who had been raised from the dead. The
crucifixion was an event which was familiar to all,
but the distinctive message was that God had put
His seal and approval on the sacrifice of Christ.
On each occasion in the Acts on which St. Peter
preached the doctrine of the resurrection, he charged
the Jews with having crucified Jesus (Ac 2^ 4^" 5^"
10^^). In his First Epistle he spoke of Jesus as
havinff borne our sins in His own body on the tree
(1 P 2-^).
St. Paul in his address in the synagogue at
Antioch of Pisidia proclaimed the fact of the re-
surrection and laid the responsibility of the cruci-
fixion of our Lord upon the Jews (Ac 13-^"^).
It was in his Epistles, however, that he laid down
specifically the doctrine of the cross. In his First
Epistle to the Corinthians he refers to the cross as
the central feature of his ministry, and states that
he had determined to know nothing among them
save Jesus Christ and Him crucified (2^). It is a
double reconciliation which is thereby effected, be-
tween God and man, Jew and Greek. The enmity
is slain through the cross, and access is gained in
one Spirit unto the Father (Eph 2'8-i8). It was
the sole means whereby reconciliation and peace
between God and man were possible (Col I-*').
The cross was a stumbling-block to the Jews and
foolishness to the Greeks, but it was God's wisdom,
not discernible by the natural man and only truly
appreciated by those who are spiritual (1 Co 1).
In Gal. the curse of the cross is brought forward
(3'^). This curse was borne by Jesus Christ on
behalf of all men, both Jews and Greeks, for it
rests upon those who have not kept the whole
law, as well as upon those who have ignored it al-
together. Neither Jews nor Gentiles can be justi-
fied by the works of the law ; both alike are under
the curse and are to be justified by faith alone.
The curse is transferred to Christ as the sacrificial
victim, and the ' bond written in ordinances ' is
nailed to His cross, and taken out of the way (Col
2''*). This idea is very prominent in the symbol-
ism of the scapegoat, the transfer of the curse
being represented in the light of the victim bear-
ing the iniquities of the people into the wilderness
(Lv 16'^- )• The shame, ignominy, and disgrace
which Avere associated with the cross formed the cul-
mination in the humiliation of Him who 'was in
the form of God and counted it not a prize to be
equal with God,' and it was the ground of the
glorious exaltation with which God invested Him,
and for which He received the name which is above
every name, and should receive the homage of all
things in heaven and earth and under the earth
(Ph 2^"^^), 'He was crucified through weakness,
yet he liveth through the power of God ' (2 Co 13'*).
The Epistle to the Hebrews (especially 9^^-28 10)
develops the conception of the High-Priesthood of
Christ and demonstrates that He is the High
Priest of good things to come, having through His
blood obtained eternal redemption for us, and thus
He becomes the Mediator of the new Covenant.
By His redemptive work once for all we are sancti-
fied and perfected for ever through the offering of
His body.
The hope of the race for the future is based
upon the atonement, and the consummation of the
dispensation is associated with the sacrifice of
Christ as the Lamb which hath been slain. The
Lord of the Churches is to receive the adoration of
the Church throughout all ages because He hath
loved us and washed us from our sins in His own
blood and hath made us a kingdom and priests
unto God the Father (Rev 1'- ^), ' Because of the
suffering of death' He is 'crowned with glory and
honour' (He 2^). Throughout the eschatological
references of the Apocalypse, the power and dig-
nity of the Lamb upon the throne culminate in
the ascription of all praise and glory to Him who
is worthy because He has been slain.
From the refei ences in the NT we gather that
the cross and the crucifixion of Christ became the
symbol of human redemption and of the doctrine
of the atonement. The doctrine of the cross was
the central truth in the early Church, confirmed
and completed in the fact of the resurrection.
Though a symbol of humiliation, disgrace, and
shame, it came to stand for the most glorious truths
of the salvation wrought for us by Jesus Christ
and as synonymous with the gospel itself.
That this was the doctrine of the cross amongst
the churches of the 1st cent, is evidenced by the
writings of the Apostolic Fathers. Polycarp refers
to the blood of Christ as demanding vengeance
upon His persecutors (PMl. ii.) ; he also alludes to
the cross, when he affirms that he who rejects the
testimony is of the devil (vii. ), and enjoins prayer for
the enemies of the gospel (xii.). The doctrine of
the cross is with Ignatius the central teaching of
his faith, and he lays great stress upon the ' blood,'
the ' passion,' and the ' cross ' of Christ, so much
so that he vividly recalls the words of St. Paul.
The cross means to him salvation and is the pledge
of eternal life, but it is a scandal to the unbeliever
[Eph. xviii.). Thewords to 7rd(9os are very frequently
used by Ignatius, for in our Lord's passion all men
must die ; through Christ's sufferings the penitent
is to return to God ; Christ's passion the saint must
strive to imitate ; and it is the joy and peace of the
Church. The main endeavour of Ignatius in com-
bating the Docetic heresy was to prove that the
sufferings of Christ were real experiences, especi-
ally in Trail, ix. (see also Trail. Inscr. xi., Smyrn.
i. iii. vii., Philadel. Inscr. iv. viii.).
(1) The death of Christ upon the cross is th-:
sacrifice for human guilt and sin. — The immediate
cause of Christ's death was the animosity of the
268
CEOSS, CRUCIFIXIOIT
CROSS, CRUCIFIXION
Jews with whom our Lord was brought into colli-
sion through His teachings, His ministry, and His
claims. In the condemnation and death of Jesus
all human sin was epitomized and focused. It
was the rejection of the Messiah by God's chosen
people who represented the race in its treatment
of the Son of God. The death of Christ was,
however, voluntarily borne by Him, who was will-
ing to sacrifice Himself and become the victim
of the sins and wrongs of humanity. It is plainly
and repeatedly taught by Christ and His disciples
that He gave Himself on our behalf and for our
sakes. The Greek prepositions dvrl, iiwip, did, irepL
are used with respect to this transaction as well
as such terms as propitiation, reconciliation,
mediator, and ransom. The propitiatory rites of
the Mosaic economy are freely emploj'ed by the
NT ^vriters, not merely by way of illustration but
also as types of Christ, who has in His death ful-
filled and consummated them all.
The whole scheme of human redemption must
be viewed in the light of Divine and perfectly
holy love. Love transfers to itself every aspect of
suffering that its object has to bear. Even the
sense of isolation and ' the dereliction ' of our Lord,
as it is termed, must be regarded as the transfer
that love alone is capable of making. Perfect love
is perfect sympathy and perfect interest, and the
mj'stery of the cross is the mystery of love at its
highest power and value. When love sacrifices
itself for sin it must entail suflering. Although
love is regarded as identifying itself with its object
in the sense of shame, disgrace, and degradation,
there is no confusion of moral issues. Christ knew
no sin although He was made sin for us. He was
pure, harmless, and undefiled, without spot or
blemish. Nevertheless He experienced sin as God
experiences it, whilst He experienced its effects as
man does (Forsyth, The Cr^iciality of the Cross, p.
212). As there is in the identification of love the
act of putting oneself in the place of another, an
element of identification, which in some sense
amounts to substitution, is always involved.
It is important, however, to observe that the
death of Christ regarded as a penalty or an act of
suffering is not per se stated to be the propitiation
or the satisfaction offered to Divine Justice or the
Moral Law. It was the perfection of the offering
and the finished obedience cvdminating in the
death of the cross which won the acceptance by
God of the sacrifice. The moral value of the offer-
ing was the sacrifice of a complete and absolutely
perfect life which met and satisfied the claims
of the law. It was not the transfer of an exact
equivalent in suffering which constituted the worth
and efficacy of the atonement, but the ofiering of
a complete personality in holy obedience and full
surrender. Such was the grace of our Lord Jesus
Christ, who became obedient unto death, even the
death of the cross.
(2) The redemption of mankind is wrought by
means of Christ's death upon the cross. — The race
is under condemnation and a curse through sin,
but Christ has taken the curse upon Himself, and
in doing so has made an offering for the whole of
mankind — a cosmic sacrifice by the life of perfect
obedience that the Law required. This righteous-
ness is imputed to all who exercise true faith in
Him. ^Whilst the holy love of God in Christ
makes it possible that sin should be transferred to
the Redeemer, it is faith on the part of the be-
liever which makes possible the imputation of
the righteousness of Christ to the sinner's account.
The man who believes in Clirist appropriates tiie
righteousness of Christ as his own, by accepting
the sacrifice and the satisfaction rendered to the
eternal laAv of right as being offered on his behalf.
Thus there is on the part of the believer the identi-
fication of himself with Christ in His perfect sacri-
fice. He lays his hand as it were upon the head
of the scapegoat, and he makes the offering of the
Paschal Lamb his own act. Christ is to him
the expression and the fulfilment of the perfect
righteousness which he feels is expected of him
and that is worthy of him. Ideally all that Christ
did, accomplished in His life of perfect obedience
to the will of God, culminating in the death of the
cross, is appropriated by the believer as his own.
Christ's righteousness is transferred to the believer
in so far as he is united to his Saviour by living
faith. He can say with St. Paul, ' I have been
crucified with Christ, yet I live ; and yet no longer
I, but Christ liveth in me ' (Gal 2=°), and ' That I
may gain Christ, and be found in him, not having
a righteousness of mine own, even that which is
of the laAv, but that which is through faith in
Christ, the righteousness which is of God by faith '
(Ph 3^). The true self is not the actual self, but
the ideal self, which the believer finds in his Lord.
In the life and character of the believer this ideal
is being continuously and progressively realized, in
such a manner that he dies to sin and rises with
Christ in the power of His resurrection, and is en-
abled more and more to live the Christ-lii'e in the
world. By faith we are united to Christ in His
death, dying to sin, and are raised into newness of
life in His resurrection.
The death of Christ upon the cross secures the
forgiveness of sin for those who accept the Christ
and His sacrificial work on their behalf. In Him
we have our redemption, the forgiveness of sins
(Eph V, Col 1^^). The demands of the Law are
satisfied, God's requirements are met in the perfect
life and personality of our Lord, the Tightness of
the moral obligation is acknowledged, and the God
of Holiness can forgive. The need of forgiveness
is seen in the psychological fact that every man
requires, before he can make a fresh start in a life
of holiness, the consciousness that he is entering
upon a new, unstained, and unblemished chapter
of his life, and that tiie guilty past is blotted out.
The incubus of guilt must be removed, and he must
take up his life as if the past had not been. He
needs to know that he is in a right relation with
God, and that his ideal is yet attainable. The as-
surance of forgiveness is absolutely necessary ; for
although the Lord is full of mercy, and there is
always forgiveness with Him, yet the requirements
of the Law must be acknowledged and satisfied.
They have been fully met in the death of Christ,
and the acceptance of that offering has been sealed
in the resurrection of Christ from the dead.
The mystic union of the believer with his Lord,
which is constituted by love and wrought through
faith, results in the crucifixion of self to the world
and of the worid to self (Gal 6'^). The spell of sin
is broken, and the believer is dead to its power ;
the violated law has no hold upon the believer.
He is one with his Lord in the love that sacrificed
itself to the death, and is kindled within the heart
of the man who accepts the sacrifice as made on his
behalf. The love which brought Christ to the
cross and the grace of God in Christ establish a
spiritual unity with Christ in all His sufferings and
His judgment upon sin, so that man's lower nature
is crucified with Christ and His blood washes away
sin and cleanses from all guilt. Thus the blood of
the cross becomes the symbol of that redemptive
grace which brings men back to God, and by
which the triumph of the Redeemer over sin and
death is achieved.
Literature. — O. Zockler, Das Kreuz Christi, 1876; H.
Fulda, Das Kreuz und die Ereuzigung, 1878 ; C. C. Everett,
The Gospel of Paul, 1893; artt. on 'Cross' and 'Crucifixion'
in UDB, DCG, ERE, Smith's DB, EBi, CE ; H. P. Liddon,
Bampton Lectures for 18G6S, 1878, p. 472 ff. ; R. W. Dale, Th«
Atonement, 1878; T. J. Crawford, The Doctrine of Holy
CROWX
CUBIT
269
Scripture respecting the Atonement, 1871, 21874 ; J. Denney, T?ie
Atonement and the Modem Mind, 1903 ; P. T. Forsyth, The
Cruciality of the Cross, 1909, The Work of Christ, 1910.
J. G. James.
CROWN. — The word is used in the apostolic
•writings of the NT (AV) to translate two Greek
words — ffTi<pavos and didSrjfia. The E,V, however,
distinguishes betAveen them and always translates
SiddrjiJia by the word ' diadem.' The latter term is
less frequently used, and signifies the official head-
dress of a king or a priest. It was originally
applied to the silken fillet of blue or purple mixed
with white used by the Persians to confine the
hair (Gr. diaB^u, ' to bind '). By and by the word
came to be applied to the ornamental head-dress
of the king, which was distinguished by its colour
and the pendants of gold or jewels attached to it.
The Persian diadem was adopted by Alexander the
Great, and came to be regarded as the special and
distinctive head-dress of royalty. Metaphorically
the word was used to indicate royal power,
dominion, or authority. Thus in Rev 12^ 13' 19^^^
the EV gives the correct translation ' diadems '
(AV 'croAvns'). In Rev 12^ the royal power of
the dragon is referred to, in 13' the power of the
beast, and in 19'^ the royal dignity of Christ.
The term ffritpavo^ (Lat. corona, Eng. ' crown '
[AV or RV]), on the other hand, is never used of a
kingly crown (cf. Trench, NT Syn.^, London, 1876,
§ xxiii.). It refers to the chaplet or wreath given
by the Greeks as a mark of victory, e.g. to the
winner in the games, or as a reward of talent, of
military or naval prowess, or of civil distinction,
while it was also worn on festive occasions ai^ at
funerals. The Romans in the same way used the
term corona, and distinguished a great many
crowns (made of difl'erent materials to signify
various achievements in war and peace. No fewer
than eight crowns are mentioned as rewards for
military prowess. Thus a crown or wreath made
of grass, seeds, or wild flowers was given by the
inhabitants of a besieged city to the general who
raised the siege (corona ohsidionalis). To the
soldier Avho saved the life of a Roman citizen was
given a wreath of oak leaves [corona civica). The
sailor who first boarded an enemy's ship received
a golden crown (corona navalis or classica). In
the same way the soldier who first scaled
the wall of a oesieged city received the corona
muralis, also of gold ; while a similar crown,
corona castrensis or vallaris, was given to the
soldier who first crossed the rampart (vallum) and
forced an entrance into the enemy's camp. The
Romans also distinguished three kinds of triumphal
crowns (corona triumphalis), one made of bay
leaves and worn round the head of the general who
secured a triumph ; another of gold held over the
head of the victorious general during his triumph ;
and another, also made of gold, sent by the pro-
vinces to the victorious commander. In the same
way the general who received only an ovation
obtained a crown of myrtle (corona ovalis), while
another crown of olive leaf (corona oleagina) was
worn by the soldiers of the victorious army as well
as by their commander.
The custom of wearing crowns or chaplets at
festive entertainments originated in Greece and
was transferred to Rome. These festal wreaths
were made of various shrubs and flowers, such as
roses, violets, myrtle, and ivy, while at marriages
the bride and bridegroom were both adorned with
wreaths, the bride plucking the flowers with her
own hand. The practice of crowning the dead
with garlands of flowers and leaves, which was
also taken over from Greece to Rome, probably
arose from the desire to honour the departed who
had fallen in war.
Thus we see that the ideas underlying the word
aT^<f)avos are neither dominion nor royalty but (a)
victory, honour, reward ; and (b) joy. (1) The
conquering Christ in the Book of the Revelation
is described as wearing a crown (6- M'*), as are
also the devastating locusts (9^) and the ' woman
clothed with the sun ' (12^). Here the idea is that
of victory. (2) In the same way the Christian who
is victorious over the temptations of life obtains as
his final reward a crown of victory (1 Co 9'^, Rev
210 3U)_ This is particularly described as a ' crown
of life ' (Ja 1'^ Rev 2'") and ' a croAATi of glory that
fadeth not away'(l P 5^). Probably the 'crown
of righteousness' of 2 Ti 4^ is to be understood as
signifying not ' the reward which is righteousness,'
but rather 'the reward of righteous acts.' The
Apostle has fought the good fight, finished the
course, kept the faith, and as the reward of these
things expects to receive the victor's crown, the
victor's reward (cf. EGT iv. [1910] 178). The
crown of life and the crown of glory are undoubt-
edly to be understood in the sense of ' the reward
or croAvn which is life,' ' which is glory.' Probably
a saying of Jesus suggested the use of the M-ord
croAvn in this connexion (cf. EGT iv. 427). (3)
The ideas of victory and of joy are both present in
the use of the term by St. Paul to describe his
converts. The PhUippian Christians are his 'joy
and crown ' (4'), i.e. the marks of his victory, the
cause of his rejoicing, his reward ; so the Thessa-
lonians (1 Th 2"*) are his ' croAvn of rejoicing.'
The same word is used of the ' crown of thorns,'
which probably was intended to mock the defeat
and humiliation of the ' King of the Jews.' It
marked the ironical contemjjt of the Roman
soldiers for the Jews. In the later history of the
Apostolic Church the question of the relation of
Christian converts to these ' crowns ' of the Roman
army and Emperors became a burning one, which
is discussed by Tertullian in his work de Corona.
LiTERATtrRK. — Liddell and Scott, Greek-Eng. Lexicon, and
Grimm - Thayer, s.vv. <TTe<f>avoi and SidSrifia; W. Smith,
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 1868, «.».
•Corona'; flZ>fii. 529; EGTiv.v.; J. B. Lightfoot, Philip-
pians*, 1878, p. 157. "W. F. BOYD.
CRYSTAL (Kp^jraWoi, from /c/)i5os, frost). — The
glassy sea before the throne of God is like unto
crystal (Rev 4"), the light of the New Jerusalem
like a crystal-clear jasper (2P'), and the river of
the water of life bright (Xafj.irp6v) as crystal (22').
KpvaraWo^ signifies either ice (glades) or rock-crystal
(crystallum). For the purpose of the similes it is
immaterial which of these is meant, as both are
colourless and transparent, and either may be
used to convey an idea of * the white radiance of
eternity.' The same ambiguity attaches to the
terrible crystal (or ice) in Ezk 1^, where the LXX
renders n^;: by KpvffraWos. The ancients regarded
rock-crystal as a kind of congealed water, whence
its name in Hebrew and Greek, It is really the
most refined kind of quartz. It crystaDizes in
hexagonal prisms with pyramidal apices. The
Romans carved it into vases and goblets, some-
times elaborately engraved. It was supplied to
them from the Alps and India. Its use is now
largely superseded by that of glass.
James Strahan.
CUBIT (Gr. iTTJxvs, lit. 'forearm'). — The most
important Hebrew unit for measuring length was
from the earliest times the cubit. This was
approximately the length of the forearm from the
elbow to the tip of the middle finger, and we find
very frequent use of this measure in the OT. Like
our OAvn ' foot ' as a measure of length, this standard
was averaged at an early date, and many varied
attempts have been made by metrologists to fix
the exact length of the Hebrew cubit in English
inches.
270
CUP
CUESE
The e^adence of the OT generally, and particularly
of Ezekiel, goes to show that both before and after
the Exile a longer and a shorter cubit were recog-
nized. We find 'the cubit of a man' (Dt 3") dis-
tinguished from a longer cubit used in the measure-
ment of Ezekiel's Temple (Ezk 40^ 43'3). The
' cubit of a man ' is the measure in every-day use
at the date of the writing of Deut. (probably in
the time of Josiah). Ezekiel in describing the
Temple of his vision uses a larger measure — one
hand-breadth longer than the ordinary cubit. As
the prophet's measurements correspond with the
details of Solomon's Temple, he probably adopts
the ancient cubit, generally used in the days of
Solomon, in order that his new Temple may be an
exact reproduction of the Solomonic edifice. The
Chronicler (2 Ch "3^) speaks of the dimensions
of this first Temple as being 'after the former
measure.' Common tradition fixes the length of
the cubit as six hand-breadths, and we have ground
for concluding that the larger cubit used in build-
ing in the age of Solomon measured seven hand-
breadths.
It is remarkable that in Egypt (see F. L. Griffith,
' Notes on Egyptian Weights and Measures,' in
PSBA xiv. fl8'J-2] 403) two cubits were in use
from early times, viz. the ' short' cubit of six and
the ' royal ' cubit of seven hand-breadths. The
'royal' cubit can be fixed with practical accuracy
at 20-63 in. (Petrie, EB)-^ xxiv. 483"). Using this
as a basis, we can fix the 'short' Egyptian cubit
at 17'68 in., being six hand-breadths of 2'95 in. or
24 finger-breadths of '74 inches. It is uncertain
whether the Hebrew system of measurement was
originally derived from Egypt or not, but the
similarity of the two systems makes such a con-
clusion extremely probable.
Kennedy in HIDB iv. 909 brings forward evidence
which seems to show that the cubit of later Judaism
and particularly at the date when Josephus wrote
his histories, had been approximated to the Roman-
Attic standard cubit, which was measured from
the elbow to the knuckle of the middle finger and
was equal to 17'5 in. (ef. Smith, Diet, of Gr. and
Bom. Ant.^ 1875, p. 1227).
The cubit was subdivided into the span, equal
to i cubit ; the palm or hand-breadth, equal to ^th
of a cubit ; and the finger-breadth or digit, j^th of
a cubit. Four cubits formed a fathom, and six
cubits a reed.
In the apostolic writings of the NT the word
'cubit' is found only once, viz. Rev 21", where
the seer describes the angel going forth to measure
the walls of the New Jerusalem : ' and he measured
the wall thereof, a hundred and forty and four
cubits, according to the measure of a man, that
is, of an angel.' The measure used by the writer
here is the ordinary Grteco- Roman cubit, of which
400 went to the <rrddiov or arddLos of the preceding
verse. The mention of 'an angel' does not imply
any reference to the ' royal cubit,' but is, as Moliatt
(EGT, ' Rev.,' 1910, p. 484) remarks, 'another naive
reminder (cf. 19'*- ^^ 22^* **) that angels were not
above men.' Swete says: 'The measurements
taken by angelic hands are such as are in common
use among men. . . . There is perhaps the further
thought that men and angels are a-vi'8ov\oi (19^" 22'-')
and men shall one day be IffdyyeXoi ' (Swete, Com.
in lac). W. F. Boyd.
CUP (iroT-^piov). — The Eucharistic cup is called
by St. Paul ' the cup of blessing ' (t6 iror-qpiov rrjs
€u\oyLa^, 1 Co 10^^). Various shades of meaning
have been found in the jilirase : (1) the cup which
Christ blessed, making it for ever a cup of bless-
ing ; (2) the cup which has been consecrated by a
prayer of thanksgiving for use in the Lord's Supper ;
(3) the cup which brings blessing to the communi-
cant. The sacramental cup is usually, and very
naturally, supposed to have been connected in
Jesus' mind with the third and most sacred of the
cups which, in the cei'emonial of later Judaism,
were handed round at the Passover. That third
cup was known as ' the cup of blessing' (np-i^ Di3),
and St. Paul, who had often received it, also appears
to be tacitly comparing and contrasting with it
' the cup of blessing which we (Christians) bless.'
The identification of the Lord's Supper with the
Passover is, it is true, a much-disputed point, but
even if the institution of the Eucharist took place
at an ordinary meal, the cup used by our Lord may
well have been signalized, both at the time and
ever afterwards, as the new cup of blessing.
Another name for it was ' tlie cup of the Lord'
(1 Co 10-'), i.e. the cup received from His hand,
signifying fellowship with Him and devotion to
Him, to drink from which made it morally impos-
sible for the communicant to share in the riot and
debauch of heathen banquets — to drink ' the cup of
demons.'
By a Semitic figure of speech, one's lot or experi-
ence, joyful or sorrowful, regarded as a Divine
appointment, is compared with a cup which God
presents to one to drink. Thus the writer of Rev.,
saturated with prophetic ideas and imagery, speaks
of Divine retribution as ' the wine of the wrath of
God, which is prepared unmixed in the cup of his
anger' (W ; cf. W^). James Strahan.
CURSE. — Traces of the early belief that curses
rightly pronounced had an inherent power can
harc^y be found in the NT. The principal force
of the word is either as an expletive provoked by
passion from an undisciplined mind, or as a serious
and strong assertion of the connexion between evil-
doing and woe. Sometimes the imprecation of
Divine wrath is present, with sternness or mere
rage in the appeal ; sometimes religious sanctions
are implicit, and part of the connotation of the
Heb. herem or ban is preserved ; and in one passage
(Gal 3i""i3) the word recurs in various forms four
times in as many verses, and its suggestions relate
to one of the deepest mysteries of the Cross.
In Ac 23'-- "• ^^ and Rev 22^ the Gr. word used is
a form or compound of anathema {q.v.)', and in
each case the form is in the NT peculiar to the
passage, though not unknown in later ecclesiastical
usage. The curse or oath was the invocation upon
themselves of the judgments of God if the conspira-
tors failed to do as they had covenanted with one
another. It was a religious bond such as fanatical
hatred has always been disposed to resort to, and
superstitious terrors were called in to ensure the
common purpose. In the passage from Rev. the
word is strengthened by a prefix, and made equiva-
lent to our 'execration.' The phraseology is at
least reminiscent of Zee 14'^, and includes, but
goes beyond, the reversal of the doom of Gn 3".
In the Iloly Citj% as in the Jerusalem of the pro-
phet, will be found no more any person or thing,
execrated or execrable, and there will be no need
for the incidence of any Divine judgment. It is
an anticipation of a condition of moral purity
Avithout any breach of right relationship among
the residents or between them and God ; but the
prophetic parallel suggests that the primary idea
is that of security, the people dwelling safely in
the absence of any influence that would involve
moral peril.
Another root occurs in the rest of the passages,
its usage passing from the general idea of prayer
through that of the effect of praj^er in securing ill
to an enemy and ending with a partial personifica-
tion in which Ara becomes a goddess of destruction
and revenge. Almost without exception the thought
is that of a Divine visitation upon an ofi'ender, in-
CUSTOM
CYMBAL
271
volving grievous, though not necessarily permanent,
suffering. Tlie simplest form is found in Ro S''*,
which is a free rendering from the LXX of Ps 10''.
In Ro 12''* also the meaning does not go much be-
yond ordinary blasphemy (of. Mt 5"*^). James (3^^-)
makes the curse of an individual a wrong done to
mankind, and thus protests against the Pharisaic
temper of Jn 7"'^ and traces the sin back to its
actual source, a defect in love for man being an
effect of the absence of love for God. ' Children of
cursing' (2 P 2") is a Hebraism (cf. Eph 2», Lk 10®) ;
it may denote nothing more than the extreme
wickedness of the men referred to, though one is
disposed to see an allusion to the wrath of God, as
in Ps 95'^ 'Nigh unto a curse' (He 6®) recalls
Gn 3'''- ; such land looks like that described in the
original curse, and therefore rejection and ' to be
burned' are its natural fate. The burning is ap-
parently final, or at least like the destruction of a
land by volcanic eruption (Dt 29'-^), for the thought
of purification by the burning up of noxious
growths is foreign to the context.
There remains only the critical reference in
Gal 3'"'^^ The starting-point of the argument
is the impossibility on the part of anybody of
compliance with the requirements of a legal re-
ligion or specifically of the .Jewish Law ; for while
the Mosaic Law is to the forefront, the Pauline
use of the word for ' law ' without the article is
significant, and the pronouns look be^-ond the
group of converts from Judaism. Hence every
legal religion lays upon its adherents the unavoid-
able curse of Dt 27-®, which again is cited freely
from the LXX. The ciirse evidently means humi-
liating hopelessness of attainment ; strive as he
may, the aspiring man is bound in the shackles of
his very nature, and cannot meet the claims which
his religion is recognized as justly making upon
him. ' He that doeth them shall live in them '
(Lv 18') is a law of life, which in experience becomes
a doom. The only refuge left is a sure one, for
Christ became a curse for us and thereby redeemed
us from the curse of the Law. What that curse
means is shown in two particulars. The one is His
death by crucifixion, and the other the fact that
this death w^as endured not for Himself but for
others. Shame and penalty, rejection by God
(Mk 15^'*), gathered upon Him; and thus faith
became the permanent secret of righteousness.
Crucifixion can hardly be said to have been practised
among the Jews ; though there are many instances
of their exposing dead bodies on stakes or other-
wise, and to that the citation from Dt 2P^ relates.
To the Roman the shame of the punishment was
intolerable because of its association with slaves
and captives ; to the Jew it was an outrage upon
humanity. It meant the defilement of the land,
and the concentration upon the sufferer of the
wrath of God. It has been argued that Christ's
death in this way, though He was personally
sinless, was the formal inauguration of a better
method of salvation than Mosaism (but see C. C.
Everett, The Go-^pel of Pcml, 1893). But neither
Jew nor Gentile would be likely thus to understand
it ; nor do such spectacular expedients appear to
enter into God's methods of salvation. The Paul-
ine thought is rather that Christ was made sin for
irs (2 Co 5-') and a curse for us, bearing the penal-
ties of sin and thus effecting our redemption.
LlTBRATtTRE. — In addition to Comm. on the passages cited, and
artt. on ' Ban ' in SDB and on ' Cursing and Blessing' in ERE,
see F. Weber, Die Lefiren des Talmvd, ISSO, p. 137 ff. ; E.
Schiirer, fiJPn. iL[18S5]60ff. R. W. MoSS.
CUSTOM. — 1. Custom in its primary significance
is habitual practice, on the part of either the indi-
vidual or the community. The Greek word I0os
implying both usage and habit is employed in the
NT to denote the routine of the priest's office (Lk P),
the practice of attending the ceremonial feast
(Lk 2^-), and detailed observance of ancestral prac-
tice or the Mosaic ritual (Ac 6'^ 16^' 21-' 26^ 28'').
The formation of habit in individual conduct
through frequent repetition is a process Avell known
to the psychological student, but the origin and
development of custom in the community are in-
volved in some obscurity. The first step towards
the establishment of a polity and organized society
is the formation of a ' cake of custom,' as Bagehot
terms it (Physics and Politics [ISS, 1872], p. 27) ;
but it is a matter of dispute as to the way in which
the ' cake ' was made, since it goes back to the re-
motest antiquity. The parities of circumstance
were in those far-distant days more prominent than
in the historical period, but it is thought by some,
as e.g. Henry Maine, that the sjiecific commands
and judgments of the ruler or sovereign preceded
the establishment of custom (Ancient Laiv^", new
impression, 1907, p. 4tt'.). Most probably it is a
collective product or a common creation. It is
generally held that custom was the precursor of
law and one of the chief elements in its evolution.
Whether amongst primitive peoples or in later
times, custom has a tremendous influence over the
actions of the individual and the community,
rivalling even the law itself, with its appropriate
sanctions. The law recognizes the force of custom
and usage, but apart from the legalized forms ;
whilst the individual is largely under the domina-
tion of habit, so the community is under the sway
of custom.
2. The word 'custom' in English, through the
associations of law and obligation, is extended to
cover what is connoted by the Greek rdXos in its
signification of toll, tax, or duty. The State with
its authority and sovereign power becomes the
riXos, but the term is used in a derivative sense to
include what is due to the State, as custom in the
sense of toll. The tax-gatherer, 6 reXuiuris, collected
the custom on behalf of the State or the King
(Mt 17'^). In Ro 13'' the payment of custom to-
gether with tribute, no less than fear and honour,
formed part of the obligation devolving upon the
Christian with respect to the higher powers, which
indeed are ' ordained of God.' J. G. James.
CYMBAL (kvh^oXov, from Kvfj.^o?, 'a hollow'). —
The word signifies one of a pair of brass or bronze
plates which make a ringing sound when brought
sharply together. The word appears only in
1 Co 13', w'here Ki-jx^oKov dXaXd^ov is used to describe
the man whose lack of love despoils even his un-
doubted gifts of intellect and eloquence. The ad-
jective is better translated as 'clanging'; cf. the
cymhalum concrepans of Jerome on Gal 5^. Pliny
(HN Prsef. § 25) has an expression which is
suggestive : ' hie quem Tiberius Ca?sar cymbalum
mundi vocabat ' ; and in modern days, Goethe is
said to have thought of 1 Co 13^ when he read
Byron's poems.
Little is known for certain of Jewish music in
the Apostolic Age, and we rely mostly on inference.
As a race the Hebrews did not deserve Cicero's
tribute to the ancient Egyptians, but they culti-
vated music and were probably influenced by the
Egyptians and Assyrians (but cf. J. L. Saalschlitz
[Geschichte unci Wiirdigung der Musik bei den
Hebrdern, 1829, p. 67], who believed that the Jews
preserved their o^^^l national music). Harmony
and counter-point were almost unknown, though
C. Engel (The Music of the Most Ancient Nations,
1864, pp. 320, 356) holds that the Hebrews were
acquainted with some form of harmony ; and,
consequently, much attention was devoted to form
and volume of sound, and to combinations of in-
struments. This accounts for the prevalence of
272
CYPRUS
GYRENE, CYRENIANS
percussion instruments, especially those, like the
cymbal, whicli had a shrill, clanging sound. Cym-
bals were in the hands of the chief musicians, and
were used to mark time, as they were used in
Egypt, Greece, and Kome, where they played
their part in the festivals of Cybele and Bacchus.
From 1 Ch 15^" we learn that cymbals were made
of brass, but, if we can trust Josephus (whose
account of Jewish music is at times perplexing),
thev were also made of bronze. He describes them
as large broad plates of bronze (Ant, vii. xii. 3).
In Wellhausen's 'Psalms' (Haupt's PB, 1898),
Appendix, there are two illustrations of Assyrian
musicians which make it plain that cymbals were of
two varieties : the one depicts bell-shaped cymbals
with handles which permit the player to strike
them together, the one on the top of the other ;
the second shows flat cymbals, similar to modem
dinner-plates, with cord handles, and these were
beat against each other sideways.
In the OT, to which one must turn for knowledge
of cymbals, the two words used are d:i?^S!3 and
□'^¥^x. In Ps 150' the latter word appears, and
it has been supposed that 'loud cymbals' are cas-
tanets (cf. Engel, op. cit. p. 312), but Wellhausen
thinks this very doubtful. Zee 14^" presents diffi-
culties to the exegete, but it is possible to compare
the noise of tinkling trappings of horses with the
clanging of miniature cymbals. Cymbals are still
used in the East at religious and secular festivals
(see W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book, new
ed., 1910, pt. iv. p. 698). Archibald Main.
CYPRUS (Ki/Vpos). — The name is given to a large
island in the N.E. angle of the Mediterranean, 46
miles S. of Cilicia and 60 miles W. of Syria. In
fine weather the Taurus and the Lebanon ranges
are both distinctly visible from its higher ground.
Its greatest length from W. to E. is 140 miles
(including the eastern promontory, which is 45
miles long), and its greatest breadth 60 miles. It
consists mainly of two mountain ranges, running
E. and W., separated by a wide and loAv-lying
Slain, which is drained by the Pediaeus. Strabo
escribes it as a land of wine, oil, and com (xiv.
vi. 4). The fragrance of its flowers won for it the
epithet ei^wSvjs. For centuries it derived a great
revenue from exports of copper and timber, the
supply of which has long been exhausted. The
word 'copper' itself conies from 'Cyprus.' The
island owed much to Phoenician and Greek colonists,
but it never developed the nobler aspects of Hellenic
culture and art. Its Oriental character always
predominated, and the Cyprian queen, whom the
Greeks identified with Aphrodite, was really the
Astarte of Syria.
The Cypriotes never had energy enough to
establish themselves as an independent nation.
After having been successively under Assyrian,
Egyptian, Persian, and Greek influence, they be-
came subject to Rome in 57 B.C. Cyprus was at
first an Imperial province, but in 22 B.C. Augustus
gave it to the Senate in exchange for S. Gaul (Dio
Cass. liii. 12), so that St. Luke is strictly accurate
in calling the governor at the time of St. Paul's
visit ' the proconsul ' (ivdinraTos, Ac 13^). An in-
scription of Soli on the north coast of the island is
dated ' in the proconsulship of Paulus,' who was
probably the Sergius Paulus of Acts (D. G.
Hogarth, Devia Cypria, London, 1889, p. 114).
The names of several other proconsuls of the
province are found on coins and inscriptions [op.
cit. Appendix). The presence of Jews in Cyprus
during the Maccabsean period is indicated by
1 Mac 15-^, and probably many others were
attracted to the island when Augustus farmed the
copper mines to Herod the Great (Jos. Ant. XVI.
iv. 5).
The part which Cyprus played in the progress
of apostolic Christianity was singularly honour-
able. She helped to liberalize the primitive Church.
Her Jewish population had the gospel preached
among them by Christians whom persecution
drove from Jerusalem after the death of Stephen
(Ac IV^), and some Christian Jews of Cyprus, along
with others from Cyrene, initiated a new move-
ment by preaching at Antioch ' to the Greeks also '
( 1 P"). This reading, rather than ' to the Hellenists,'
is required to bring out the contrast to 'Jews
only ' in the previous verse ; and where the MS
authority is about equal the sense must decide.
Barnabas, who discovered St. Paul (11^^) and be-
came his first comrade in missionary labour, was
a native of Cyprus. It was probably at the
instance of Barnabas that the island became the
earliest scene of their united evangelism (13'*).
After preaching in the synagogues of Salamis —
the plural number indicates that the Jemsh
colony was large — they went through the whole
island (13^), and Ramsay (Expositor, 5th ser. iii.
[1896] p. 385 fi". ) contends that SieXOovres signifies ' a
missionary progress.' The verb, with the accusative
of the region traversed, occurs other eight times
in Acts (never in chs. 1-12), and also in 1 Co 16*,
each time apparently with this meaning, and it
seems to have been a terminus technicus in the
missionary language of the Apostle and the his-
torian. To travel across Cyprus by either of two
roads — the one inland, the other along the south
coast — would take only 3 or 4 days, but an evan-
gelistic tour would occupy a much longer time.
The Apostles had John Mark, Barnabas' cousin,
himself perhaps a Cypriote, with them as their
attendant (inrr/ph-r}^, Ac 13*), but he deserted them
at Perga, and his conduct ultimately led to the
painful separation of the two leaders (15""**).
Barnabas and Mark thereafter returned to Cyprus
(v.**), probably to resume a joint-ministry, of which
no record has been preserved. Another Cypriote
was the 'early disciple' Mnason, who may have
been one of Barnabas ' converts, and who became
St. Paul's host in Jerusalem (Ac 21"").
The other references to Cyprus are geographicaL
The ship which brought St. Paul back to Syria at
the end of his second missionary tour went straight
across the high seas from Patara to Tyre, Cyprus
being sighted — dvacpavivres is one of St. Luke's
many nautical terms — on the left, i.e. to north-
ward (Ac 21*). At the beginning of his voyage
from Cajsarea to Italy, his ship sailed round the
north side of the island, in order to get under its
lee, and to have the benefit of the current which
sets strongly westward along the coast of Cilicia
and Pamphilia.
The connexion of the Jews with Cyprus ended
in disaster. In A.D. 117 they rose and massacred
240,000 of tlieir fellow-citizens. To avenge this
appalling crime, Hadrian banished all the Jews
from the island, forbidding them to return on pain
of death. If at any time thereafter a Jew was
wrecked on the shores of Cyprus, he pleaded for
mercy in vain (Eusebius, HE iv. 6). The later his-
tory of the Cyprian Church lacks distinction. The
legendary discovery of St. Matthew's Gospel in the
tomb of Barnabas at Salamis gave the patriarch of
the island the right to sign his name in red ink ; and
the Council of Cyprus was convened for the purpose
of forbidding the reading of the books of Origen 1
LiTERATimB. — E. Oberhummer, Die Insel Cyptm, \. [Munich,
1903]; Perrot and Chipiez, Phinicie et Cypre, Paris, 1885;
M. Ohnefalscb-Richter, Kyproa, Bibel und Homer, 2 vols.,
Berlin, 1893. JaMES STRAHAN.
CYRENE, CYRENIANS.— Cyrene (Kt/^i/i;), the
capital of Cyrenaica, was an important city in N.
Africa, about equidistant from Alexandria and
DALi\IATIA
DAMASCUS, DAMASCKN^ES 273
Carthage. It was founded by a colony of Dorians
in 631 B.C., and its inhabitants retained their
thoroughly Hellenic nature, though with some
mixture of Libyan blood.
Standing on a plateau 10 miles from the coast,
1800 feet above the sea-level, with a background
of mountains on the S., and in full view of the sea
to the N., the city was famous for its beauty, its
climate, and its fertility. It excelled in culture
as well as in commerce. It Avas the birth-place of
Aristippus, whose school of philosophy was called
the Cyrenaic, of Callimachus the poet, of Eratos-
thenes the father of geography, and of Carneades
the founder of the New Academy. The phrase
used in Ac 2i" to describe Cyrenaica, to. pAp-q ttjs
Ai^vrjs TTJs Kara Kvp-qvrjv, corresponds with Al^vt] t]
repl Kvp^vrjv of Dio Cassius (liii. 12) and i] vpbs
Kvp^vtjv Ai^uTj of Josephus {Ant. xvi. vi. 1).
After the time of Alexander, Cyrene was subject
to the Greek kings of Egypt. Jewish settlers
were attracted to it at an early period. Ptolemy
the son of Lagos (305-285 B.C.), 'being desirous to
secure the government of Cyrene and of the other
cities of Libya to himself, sent a party of Jews to
inhabit them' (Jos. c. Ap. ii. 4), and in all such
cities the Jews had equal rights with the Mace-
donians and Greeks. Strabo (quoted by Jos. Ant.
XIV. vii. 2) says that the population of Cyrene
consisted of citizens, husbandmen, strangers, and
Jews. The second book of Maccabees is stated to
have been written by Jason of Cyrene (2 Mac 2'^).
The territory of Cyrene was left to the Komans by
Ptolemy Apion in 95 B.C. Cyrenaica and Crete,
being separated by no great expanse of sea, were
made into a dual province, Creta et Cyrence, which
at the division of the provinces in 27 B. a became
senatorial. Under Eoman government the Jews
had their ancient privileges confirmed (Jos. Ant.
XVI. vi. 5).
Cyrenians played an interesting and important
part in the expansion of the primitive Church.
Simon of Cyrene (6 'Kvp-qvalos in each of the Synop-
tists, Mt 27H Mk lo^i, Lk 23-«) was the cross-bearer,
and his sons Kufus and Alexander were Christians
well known to St. Mark's first readers (Mk 15^^).
Rufus may be the ' choice Christian ' (rbv iKkeKrhv
iv Kvpiuj) of Ro 16^^, whose mother had at some time
' mothered ' St. Paul. Jews and proselytes from
Cyrenaica were present at the first Christian
Pentecost (Ac 2^"). Cyrenian Jews resident in
Jerusalem, wiiere they had a Hellenistic synagogue,
were among the narrow-minded antagonists of
Stephen (6^) ; but, on the other hand, Cyrenian
Jewish Christians, progressive in thought and
action, were among the original founders of Gentile
Christianity in Antioch (11-**), and Lucius of Cyrene
was one of a number of prophets and teachers in
that city who are credited with the organization of
the first mission to the nations (13^). A tradition
which cannot be called well-founded makes Lucius
the first bishop of Cyrenaica.
An insurrection in the reign of Trajan, in which
the Jews of Cyrene massacred many Greek and
Roman citizens, led to great disasters. The beauti-
ful city was destroyed by the Saracens in the 4th
century. Extensive ruins stUl attest its former
magnificence.
LiTERATiTRE.— C. RittBT, ErdkuTide, L [Berlin, 1822]; A. F.
Gottschick, Gesch. der Griindung und Bliite des hell. Staates
in Eyrenaika, Leipzig, 1858 ; G. Haimann, La Cirenaica,
Borne, 1882; D. C. Hogarth, in Kont/t^i/ Review, Jan. 1894.
JAM£S Stbahan.
D
DALMATI& (La.\fia.r[a).—Ti\\ about the middle
of the 1st cent, this term denoted the southern
part of the Roman province of Illyricum (q.v.).
Thereafter it began to be extended to the whole
province. Both Pliny and Suetonius reflect this
change. For a time the two terms were con-
vertible. From the Flavian period onward Dal-
matia was the word regularly used. St. Paul, who
consistently gave geographical names their Roman
sense, first employed the old provincial term (Ro
15^"), but in his last Epistle (2 Ti 4^'' occurs in what
is generally regarded as a genuine Pauline frag-
ment) he adopted the new designation. In his own
missionary progress he went as far as the frontiers
of Illyricum [ixexpi- rov'lXkvptKoD), but probably did
not enter it. His lieutenant Titus took possession
of Dalmatia for Christ. James Strahan.
DAMARIS. — Damaris was converted by the
preaching of St. Paul at Athens (Ac 17^). The
name is probably a corruption of Damalis (' heifer '),
a popular name among the Greeks. St. Chrysostom
{de Sacerd. iv. 7) makes Damaris the wife of Dion-
ysius the Areopagite, as does the Latin of Codex E
(' cum uxore suo '), though the Greek has only ' a
woman.' W. M. Ramsay (St. Paul, 1895, p. 252)
suggests that she was one of the educated eralpai.
She seems to have been a person of some import-
ance, since her name is mentioned, and it is open
to doubt whether a prominent Athenian woman
would have been present. Codex Bezae omits all
reference to her.
VOL. I. — 1 8
LrrERATimE. — F. Blass, Corn, tn loe. ; W. M. Ramsay, The
Church in the Roman Empire, London, i893, p. 161 ; J. Feiten,
Apostelgegchichte, Freiburg L B., 1892, p. 337.
F. W. WORSLEY.
DAMASCUS,DAMASCENES.— Damascus (Aa/iao--
/c6s) cannot now be regarded as the oldest city in the
world, but it has a surer title to fame in its possession
of the secret of eternal youth. While Tadmor and
Palmyra, Baalbek and Jerash, have only a 'glory
hovering round decay,' Damascus is stUl ' the
head of Syria,' the queen of Oriental cities. The
creations of architectural genius have their day
and cease to be, but Damascus is the perennial
gift of Nature. The green oasis between Mount
Hermon and the desert must always be a theatre
of human activity. Wheresoever the river comes,
there is life. Damascus has no means of self-
defence, has never done anything memorable in
warfare, has been captured and plundered many
times, and more than once almost annihilated, but
it has always quickly recovered itself, and to-day
the white smokeless city, embowered in its gardens
and orchards and surrounded by its hundred villages,
is to every Arab what it was to young Muhammad
gazing down upon it from the brow of Salahiyeh —
the symbol of Paradise.
During the centuries of Greek and of Roman
sway in Syria, Damascus had to yield precedence
to Antioch. The Hellenic city in the Levant
became the first metropolis of Gentile Christianity,
and organized the earliest missions to the Western
nations. Yet in a sense the religion of Europe
274
DARKLESS
DATES
came by the way of Damascus, which was the scene
of the conversion of the greatest of all mission-
aries. It is in connexion with this event alone
that the city is ever mentioned in the NT. The
story is told three times in Acts (9^-^ 223-1'^ -IQ^--").
In the 1st cent, of our era the Jewish colony in
Damascus was large and influential. During a
tumult in the reign of Nero 10,000 Jews were
massacred. Josephus indicates the extent of
Jewish proselytism in the city when he states that
the Damascenes ' distrusted their own Avives, who
were almost all addicted to tlie Jewish religion'
{BJ II. XX. 2). It is not known when or how
Christianity first came to Damascus, There were
doubtless Syrian Jews in Jerusalem at every feast
of Pentecost, though none are mentioned in Ac 2.
Damascus Avas the tirst of the ' foreign cities ' (Ac
26'^) from which the Jewish authorities resolved to
root out the Nazarene heresy. St. Paul came to it
as a voluntary inquisitor, to call the Christian Jews
to account for their apostasy. He was armed with
' the authority and commission of the chief priests '
(Ac 26^-).
' In a certain sense the Sanhedrin exercised jurisdiction over
every Jewish community in the world. . . . Its orders were
regarded as binding throughout the entire domain of orthodox
Judaism. It had power, for example^ to issue warrants to the
congregations (synagogues) in Damascus for the apprehension of
the Christians in that quarter ' (Schiirer, HJJP ii. i. [ISSS] 185).
St. Paul had instructions to deal summarily
' with any that were of the way ' (Ac 9-), but the
letters which he carried 'for the synagogues' (9-)
were never delivered, and his ' commission ' (26^^)
was never executed. One of the Christians whom
he intended to ' bring bound to Jerusalem ' (9"^)
baptized him (9^^), and 'with the discijjles who
were at Damascus' (9^^) he enjoyed his first
Christian fellowship. None of them were among
the confessors who afterwards haunted him 'with
their remembered faces, dear men and women
whom' he 'sought and slew.' In Damascus he
' preached Jesus ' (9'-"), the substance of his gospel
Ijeing ' that he is the Son of God,' ' that this is the
Christ' (9-**--^). The incident of St. Paul's escape
from conspirators by his being let down over the
city wall in a basket (q.v.) is recorded by the
writer of Acts (Ac 9-^"^^), and confirmed in one of
St. Paul's own letters (2 Co 1132). while St, Luke
ascribes the plot against him to the Jews, St. Paul
relates that it was the etlmarch under Aretas the
king who guarded the city of the Damascenes to
take him. The two versions of the story can be
reconciled by supposing that the governor turned
:>ut the garrison and set a watch at the instigation
oi influential Jews, who represented St. Paul as a
listurber of the peace of the city. The alleged
iscendancy of the Nabataean king in Damascus at
that time raises a difficult historical problem,
which has an important bearing upon the chrono-
logy of the primitive Church. This point is dis-
cussed under ARABIA, Aretas, Ethnarch,
Literature.— G, A. Smith, HGHL, 1897, p. 641 ff. ; Bae-
deker, Handbook to Syria and Palestine, 1912, p. 298 fif.; W.
Smith, Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Geog. i. [1856] 748; R. W.
Pounder, St. J'aul and his Cities, 1913, p. 58 ; H. Macmillan,
Gleanings in Holt/ Fields, 1899, pp. 101, 114 ; E. B. Redlich,
St. Paul and his Companions, 1913.
James Straiian.
DARKNESS.— See LIGHT AND Darkness.
DART.— See Armour.
DATES. — The dates of the Apostolic Age are
interlinked with those of the NT as a whole. No
sinfjle date is fixed with the absolute precision
which modem historical science demands in the
case of recent or contemporaneous chronology.
Although some individual dates are so nearly agreed
upon that all practical ends aimed at in chronology
are secured, yet, in the words of W. M. Ramsay,
'No man can as yet prove his own opinion about
chronology and order in the New Testament to the
satisfaction of other scholars ' [Exjjositor, 8th ser.,
ii. [1911] 154). In re-stating the information ac-
cessible on these dates, it aaIU be well to exhibit
clearly the limits of the apostolic period, to repro-
duce some Roman ImiJerial dates, to fix some
pivotal points which may serve as landmarks, and
to determine the times of some of the important
events in the life of the Christian community so
far as they can be related to the above. What
has been said of the difficulty of reaching indisput-
able results will be found to be especially true of
the last part of this task.
I, General Limit Dates. — In its broadest ac-
ceptance (in ecclesiastical history) the Apostolic
Age begins with the birth of Jesus Christ (usually
reckoned as 4 B.C.), and ends with the passing of
the last of the apostles from the scene of action, i.e.
the death of John in the reign of Trajan, or, for
the sake of convenience, A.D. 100. In a narrower
sense, the first 33 years of this general period are not
included in the Apostolic Age. They constitute an
epoch by themselves. The problems raised in them
are connected with the life and work of Jesus, and
the story is told in the Canonical Gospels. In this
definition of it, the Apostolic Age begins with the
Day of Pentecost, or at the point where the author
of Acts takes up the story ; and it ends with the
last of the apostles. In a still narrower sense, the
period beginning with the Fall of Jerusalem (A.D,
70) is thrown off on the ground that ' NT history
may fitly be said to close with the great catastrophe
of A.D. 70' (Turner in HDB i. 415»'). This limita-
tion may be further justified by the fact that the de-
struction of the Temple established a new order of
things not simply with reference to Judaism, but
also to the Avhole apostolic activity, and that the
only items of importance in Christian history that
can be included in a chronology subsequent to that
event are the dates of some apostolic (or other NT)
writings.
The date of the Crucifixion. — Since the Apostolic
Age begins with the Day of Pentecost, the question
of the year in which the Crucifixion occurred falls
to be briefly revicAved here. The line of departure
for the chronology of the Crucifixion is given by the
Gospel narratives. These name both the Roman
and the JoAvish rulers of the day. The Roman
Emperor Avas Tiberius (A.D. 14-37), the procurator
of Judsea Avas Pontius Pilate (A.D. 26-36), the high
priest of the Jcavs Avas Caiaphas (A.D. 25[?]-34[?]).
Since Pilate must have been procurator for tAvo or
three years before the case of Jesus came for trial
(cf. Jos, Ant. XVIII. iii. 1-3, BJ il. ix. 2-4), and
since, according to St. Luke, the Avhole ministry of
Jesus falls after the 15th year of Tiberius (A.D. 29,
if sole reign is meant, and 27, if co-regency Avitli
Augustus), it folloAvs that the earliest year for the
Crucifixion is 28.* The latest limit is fixed by the
fact that after 34 Caiaphas Avas no longer high
priest. BetAveen 28 and 34, hoAvever, the deter-
mination of the exact year is facilitated by the
astronomical calculations as to the coincidence of
Passover Avith the day of the Aveek implied in the
Gospel narratiA^e. There is a margin of uncertainty
on this point ; but, Avhichever Avay the perplexing
problem is solved, the year 29 or 30 still satisfies
the conditions.t As betAveen the tAvo years to
Avhich the discussion narroAVS doAvn the choice, the
year 30 seems upon the Avliole, in AdeAV of traditional
as well as internal grounds, to be the more satisfac-
tory.
* The question is somewhat complicated by the uncertainty
as to the length of the ministry of Jesus (cf. L. Fendt, Die Dauer
der offentlicfien Wirksamkeit Jesu, 1906 ; W. Homanner, Die
Dauer der offentlichen Wirksamkeit Jesu, 1908).
t For full discussion see Turner in UDB i. 410 ; cf. also art.
'Dates 'in DCG'u 413.
DATES
DATES
275
A.D.
Tiberius
. 14-37
Caligula
. 37-41
Claudius
. 41-54
Nero .
. 54-68
Galba .
. 68-69
otho
. 69-70
The net results ai-rived at for limiting dates,
therefore, are :
(1) The Apostolic Church = 4 b.c.-a.d. 100.
(2) The Apostolic Age = A.D. 30-100.
(3) The Apostolic Era=A.D. 30-70.
II. Roman Imperial Dates.— Jesns Christ was
crucified during the reign of Tiberius, and more
precisely in the 15th year of that Emjjeror's sole
rule, and the 17th, or 18th, of his co-regency with
Augustus. Tiberius was followed by Caius Cali-
j4ula in A.D. 37. Caligula was succeeded by Claud-
ius in 41. Nero followed Claudius in 54, and was
supplanted in 68 by Galba. Otho succeeded Galba
in 69, and was followed by Vespasian in 70. Ves-
pasian was followed by his son Titus in 79. Domi-
tian came next in 81, reigning until 96. Then came
Nerva, whose reign lasted till 98 ; and, so far as the
Apostolic Age was concerned, Trajan closed the suc-
cession, ascending the throne in 98 and reigning till
117.
A.D.
Vespasian ... 70-79
Titus .... 79-81
Domitian . . . 81-96
Nerva .... 96-9S
Trajan. . . . 9S-117
III. Pi VOTAL Da TES.— Close scrutiny brings into
measurably clear detail the following fixed points
in the apostolic chronology, which, therefore, may
serve as general landmarks.
1. The rule of Aretas oYer Damascus. — In un-
ravelling the complications of the problem raised
by the mention of an 'ethnarch of Aretas' by St.
Paul (2 Co 11^^), it must be borne in mind that
Rome governed the subject territories of Asia either
directly or through subject princes. Before 33-34
and after 62-63 Damascus was under direct Roman
administration. This is made clear from the extant
Syrian coins of these years, which bear the heads
of the Roman Emperors Tiberius and Nero and
do not allude to subject rulers. Since some allusion
is always made where subject princes intervene,
the case seems clearly made out that only after 34
and before 62 could a Nabataian king have secured
ascendancy at Damascus. How this came about,
however, is not definitely known. It could certainly
not have been due to rebellion or any other form of
violence. And if it was brought about peacefully,
it is probable that it was done upon the initiative,
or by consent, of Caligula, who is known to have
encouraged the devolution of as much autonomy on
the native dynasts as was consistent with Roman
suzerainty. The Nabateean ascendancy in Damas-
cus was thus near its beginning during the last
years of Aretas (Harithath) IV. For the accession
of this king is placed by Josephus {Ant. XVI. ix. 4)
in connexion with certain events in the latter part
of the reign of Herod the Great. His immediate
successor Abia ruled under Claudius and was a con-
temporary of Izates, of Adiabene, against whom he
waged war upon invitation of certain malcontents
and traitors (Ant. XX. iv. 1). The probable limits of
his reign thus appear to be 9 B.C. and A.D. 39 or 40
{ci.CIS, pt. ii. 197-217 ; also Schiirer, JIJFl. ii. 357,
II. i. 66, 67). The 'governor (ethnarch) of Aretas'
referred to by St. Paul must therefore have acted his
part of guarding the gates of Damascus before the
year 39. But how long before is not certain. And
since from Gal 1" it is clear that Saul returned to
Damascus as a Christian leader after a period of
three years spent in Arabia, and the flight from
Damascus (2 Co IP-) cannot he identified with any
later event than this visit, his conversion must have
taken place not later than 36, and perhaps several
years earlier. See also art Aretas.
2. The death of Herod Agrippa I. — According to
Josephus {Ant. XIX. viii. 2, BJ II. xi. 6), Agrippa
died at the age of 54, at the end of the seventh
year of his reign, four of which had been passed
under Caligula and three under Claudius ; Josephus
also makes it plain that the three years that fell
under the reign of Claudius were the period of
Agrippa's sole rule over the whole of Palestine,
and that he had been made king over the whole of
Palestine by Claudius immediately after his acces-
sion {Ant. XIX. V. 1, BJ II. xi. 5). Since Claudius
succeeded Caligula on 24th Jan. 41, the death of
Agrippa must be dated in 44. This conclusion
harmonizes with the circumstance that the festivi-
ties at Ca^sarea during w^iich he was stricken with
his fatal illness were being held in honour of the
safe return of the Emperor from Britain {aurrjpLas,
Ant. XIX. viii. 2) in the year 44 (Dio Cass. Ix. 23 ;
Suet. Claud. 17). But if this was the occasion for
the celebration, the time of the year for it was in
all jirobability the late summer or early autumn,
since news of the return of the Emperor must have
taken some time to reach the East. The year 44
is thus fixed as the date of the events in Ac 12,
and at the same time serves as a terminus ad quern
for all that precedes.
3. The proconsulship of Gallio in Achaia. — L.
Junius Gallio (Ac 18'-), brother of the philosopher
Seneca and mentioned by him in attectionate
terms {Quest. Nat., Preface), but adopted by the
rhetorician Gallio, served a proconsulship of one
year in Achaia some time between 44 and 54. The
fact of his residence in Achaia is certified by Seneca,
who alludes {Ep. XVIII. i. 104) to his having been
obliged to leave that province on account of a fever.
It is further attested by the mention of his name
in an inscription found near Platsea in which he is
designated as a benefactor of the city : 'H ir6\is
nXaraiicov Aovk[i.ov 'IovIvlov raXXiwj'a 'Aviavdv [dj'^i/]-
Trarov rbv iavrijs evep'y[eTr]v'\. But, since neither of
these references to Gallio's experience in Achaia is
associated with any date, the exact year of his pro-
consulship was left to be determined in the earlier
computations upon purely conjectural grounds ; and
these yiekled no palpable gain in the direction of
greater fixity.
Thus a great variety of results was reached : Anojer (de Tem-
porum . . . liatione, 1833, p. 119), a.d. 52-54 ; W ieseler (Chronol.
des apostol. Zeitalters, 1848, p. 119), Lewin {Fasti Sacri, 1865,
p. 299), Blass (Acta Apost., 1895, p. 22), Harnack (Gesch. der
altchristl. Lit., 1897, ii. 237), 48-50 ; Turner (HDB i. 417b), after
44, probably after 49 or 50 ; Hoennicke (Chron. dcs Lebens des
Apostels Paulus, 1903, p. 30), at the latest 53-54 ; Clemen
{PaiUus, 1904), 52-53 ; O. Holtzmann (NTZG^, 1906, p. 144),
53 ; andZahn (introd. to NT, Eng. tr., 1909, iii. 470), 53-54.
This uncertainty has been altogether removed
by the discovery at Delphi of four fragments of an
inscription naming Gallio and linking his proconsul-
ship with the 26th acclamation of Claudius as
Imperator. The fragments were fitted together
a_nd the inscription was given to the public by
Emile Bourguet {de Rebus Delphicis ImperatoricB
yEtatis Capita Duo, Montpellier, 1905). The dis-
covery and its significance were discussed more or
less fully by Deissmann {Patdus, 1911, pp. 159-
176 ; Eng. tr., 1912, Appendix I. p. 235), Oftbrd
{PEFSt April 1908, p. 163), and Ramsay {Expositor,
7th ser., vii. [1909] 468). The text is not in a per-
fect state of preservation, but is sufficiently clear,
with the restorations which have been proijosed
by Bourguet, to cover the chronological point
under dispute. It was a letter sent by Claudius
when he bore the title of Imperator XXVI. (KC
TlaTr)piraTpi5os). It names Junius Gallio as the
friend of the writer and proconsul of Achaia :
['Iou]NIOS rAAAmNO[0t\os] MOT KAI [avdi!,']-
IIATOS. This meaning of the inscription was first
pointed out by A. J. Reinach {REG, 1907, p. 49),
and is independently reached or otherwise accepted
by Ofibrd {loc. cit.), Ramsay {loc. cit.), Clemen
{ThLZ, 1910, col. 656), Loisy (with his usual hyper-
critical caution. Revue d'hist. et de lit. relig..
276
DATES
DATES
March, April, 1911, pp. 139-144), and Deissmann
(loc. cit.). The exact date of the acclamation of
Claudius as Imperator XXVI. is not given any-
where. But, since from R. Cagnat's tables (Cours
(Pipigraphie latine^, 1898, p. 478) it appears that at
the beginning of 52 Claudius was Imperator XXIV.
and at the end Imperator XXVIi., both the 2.5th and
the 26th acclamations must have been issued some
time in 52, and in all probability after victories
secured duringthe summer season. Butif Gallio was
proconsul when the document was sent to Delphi,
since the proconsular year was fixed bj'^ Claudius as
beginning April 1 (Dio Cassius, Ivii. 14. 5 ; Ix. 11. 6,
17. 3), Gallio'sterm of oflSce falls in the year begin-
ning Avith the spring of 52. Cf. art. ACTS OF THE
Apostles, VI. 3.
4. The recall of Felix and the accession of
Festus. — The appointment of Felix was one of the
later acts of the Emperor Claudius ; and Nero on
his accession confirmed it {BJ II. xii. 8, xiii. 2-7 ;
Ant. XX. viii. 4, 5). The exact year of the event
is given by Eusebius {Chron. [Arm en. VS and
some MSS of Jerome's tr.]) as the 11th year of
Claudius. Tacitus {Ann. xii. 54; cf. Jos, BJ 11.
xii. 7f.), in his account of the troubles leading to
the deposition of Cumanus, placed the event in
connexion with the year 52. Although Harnack
has drawn a different conclusion from the Eusebian
Chronicle, it seems upon the whole that these three
sources agree in pointing to the year 62 for the
arrival of Felix in Palestine, or, at all events, for
his assumption of the j^roconsulship. Mucli more
complicated, however, is the question of the ter-
mination of Felix's tenure of office. There is no
doubt tliat, like Cumanus, Felix had by his misrule
made himself the object of hatred and the ground
of complaint on the part of the Jews, and that,
owing to representations made by the latter, he
had fallen into disfavour, and had escaped con-
demnation only by the timely intercession of his
brother Pallas (Josephus, Ant. XX. viii. 7-9).
According to the apparent meaning of Josephus'
words, this occurred after Festus had assumed
control of Palestine in succession to Felix. But
Tacitus informs us that Pallas had already fallen
from his place as Nero's favourite in 55 (Ann. xiii.
14), i.e. when Britannicus was 13 years of age.
"With this Dio Cassius (Ixi. 7. 4) agrees.
Assuming that Josephus is correct, and taking
in addition the testimony of Eusebius (Chron.),
who places the accession of Festus in the second
year of Nero, Harnack (Gesch. der altchristl. Lit.
1. 235) and Holtzmann (NTZG, p. 128 f.) place the
vindication of Felix in 55 and the arrival of Festus
in Palestine in 56. But, while this course seems
the natural one upon the narrow range of evidence
taken into account, it is precluded when the follow-
ing considerations come into view, — (1) The sedition
of 'the Egyptian' (Ac 2p8) occurred during tiie
procuratorsliip of Felix, and some time earlier than
the arrest of St. Paul. But Josepims informs us
that it took place during the reign of Nero, or
after 54 (BJ II. xiii. 5 ; Ant. XX. viii, 6). If the
downfall of Felix is to be dated before 56, tlie
arrest of St, Paul must have been made in 53 or at
the latest in 54, and the uprising of ' the Egyptian '
still earlier, or fi'oin two to four years before the
accession of Nero. — (2) The marriage of Felix and
Drusilla is, according to Josephus, rendered impos-
sible before 55. For she had been given by her
brother Agrippa to Azizus of Einesa, being herself
15 years of age, in 53 (Ant. XX. vii. 1). But accord-
ing to Ac 24'-^ she was married to Felix at the time
of St. Paul's appearance before the procurator.
Either, therefore, the arrest of the Apostle and the
end of the proconsulship of Felix must be dated
several years later than 53, to allow time for the
necessary development of the intrigues by which
Felix lured her to unfaithfulness to her husband
and persuaded her to marry him, or these events
must be condensed within an incredibly short
interval. Besides, between the appearance of St.
Paul before Felix and Drusilla and the deposi-
tion of Felix two years must be allowed (Ac 24-^). —
(3) Felix had sent certain Jewish leaders to Rome,
where they were imprisoned pending trial. Jos-
ephus says that in his OAvn 27th year (63-64) he
went to Rome to negotiate the liberation of these
prisoners. But if Felix ceased ruling Judsea in 55,
these men were kept confined for the unparalleled
period of 8 or 10 years. If, on the other hand,
Felix remained in office until 60, their imprison-
ment lasted only 4 years. — (4) The length of the
procuratorship of Felix may be approximately
computed from a comparison of Ac 24"* and 24^\
In the former passage Felix is said to have already
ruled 'many years.' It would be impossible to
construe this as meaning less than three years. In
the latter his rule is reported as continuing for
two years longer, thus giving a minimum of five
years. This is, however, a bare minimum, and
may well be doubled without violence to the
situation. If, therefore, the computations which
fix the date of the appointment of Felix be correct
as given above, and the year 52 is approximately
the correct time of that event, the year 59 or 60
would be a reasonable one to. fix on as the time of
the end of his rule.
The only consideration that offers any difflcnlty in the way of
this conclusion is the fact that Josephus associates the recall of
Felix with the influential period of Pallas at court ; but (a)
Josephus may have been in error in attributing Felix's escape
from punishment to the intercession of Pallas. (6) He may
have grouped together events belonging to two separate dates,
i.e. certain charges made at the early date, when Pallas by his
plea on behalf of Felix saved him from punishment, and the
final complaints which ended in his removal. If this be the
case, the effectiveness of the later accusations of the Jews could
be all the more easily understood, since at that time Poppaea
had acquired her influence over Nero and an appeal of the
Je^vish leaders would enlist her strong endorsement, (c) It
may be, however, that Pallas, after being charged with iugh
treason and found innocent, was re-instated into favour by
Nero, and so continued until the year 60. This is not probable
in view of the testimony of Tacitus, who tells us that Pallas was
indeed acquitted along with Burrhus {Ann. xiii. 23); but that
he was never again treated with special favour (ib. xiii. 2). He
died of poison in the year 62. The conflict between the state-
ments of Tacitus and Josephus is best harmonized if we take
the former to have been well informed on the order and time
of events in Rome, but misled as to similar matters in Judaea ;
Josephus, on the other hand, may be regarded as accurate in his
statements regarding Palestinian events and less so on matters
of an internal character in Rome. The result yielded by this
view is that Felix was found guilty of maladministration in
54-55 and escaped punishment at this time through the interces-
sion of his brother Pallas. Pallas was himself charged with high
treason the following year and fell from Imperial favour. Felix
continued until 60, and meantime added to the grievances of the
Jews, and yet entrenched himself in favour with sundrj' leaders
because of his bold measures against certain classes of criminals.
In 60, however, he was finally brought to trial, and in the absence
of the powerful intercession of his brother was at this time de-
posed and succeeded by Festus. Cf. also artt. Felix, Festds.
IV. Corroborative Dates.— These are such
as do not of themselves permit of clear determina-
tion, but can be deduced from general considera-
tions ; and when so deduced confirm and elucidate
the chronology as a whole.
1. The famine under Claudius. — Josephus, in
connexion with his account of Agrippa's death
(Ant. XX. ii. 1, 5, v. 2), tells hoAv Helena, queen
of Adiabene, and her son Izates were converted to
Judaism and made a visit to Jerusalem during a
famine which both she and her son helped to re-
lieve by procuring provisions at great expense.
According to Ac 1 1^-'*" a famine occurred ' through-
out all the world,' but presumably it was especially
severe in Judaea, for it was to this point that the
brethren 'determined to send relief.' This relief
came ' by the hand of Barnabas and Saul.' The
death of Herod must have taken place during this
visit of Paul and Barnabas (Ac 12"') ; else why
should it appear after the account of the mission
of the Apostles to Judaea and before their return
from Jerusalem ? This is a natural inference ; but
it meets with a difficulty in the omission of all
mention of this visit in Gal 1^^, where St. Paul
presumably gives an exhaustive statement of all
his visits to Jerusalem. The difficulty is primarily
one of harmony between Gal. and Acts. Yet it
indirectly afl'ects the chronological problem. By
way of explanation it may be said that the enumer-
ation of the visits in Gal 1" was meant to be ex-
haustive, not absolutely but relatively to the possi-
bility of St. Paul's meeting the ' pillar ' apostles
at Jerusalem. If it Avere known that during the
famine they were absent from the city, St. Paul
might very well fail to allude to a visit at that
time.
But even with the visit fixed during the distress
of the famine, which is in general associated with
the time of Herod's death, it still remains doubtful
whether this famine took place in 44. Since both
Josephus and the author of Acts introduce the
whole transaction (Ant. XX. ii. 1 ; Ac 12') with
the general formula 'about that time,' the famine
may very well have occurred as late as 45 or 46.
2. The expulsion of the Jews from Rome (Ac 18^ ;
also Suet. Claud. 25). — This cannot be the action
alluded to by Dio Cassius (Ix. 6), who expressly
says that the Emperor, deeming it unwise to ex-
clude the Jews from the city, commanded them
not to hold meetings together, although he per-
mitted them to retain their ancestral customs
(iroLTpios /3tos). The decree, therefore, must be a
later one unmentioned by the secular historians
(except Suetonius, Avho assigns no date to it). It is
possible, in spite of the generally favourable attitude
of Claudius towards Agrippa II. in the years be-
tween 51 and 54, that he saw the necessity of
checking the growing power of the JeAvish com-
munity in the capital, and decreed their exclusion
from the city.
3. Sergius Paulus (Ac IS^-^^). -The data for the
fixing of Sergius Paulus in a scheme of NT chron-
ology are as follows : (1) The name occurs in in-
scriptions. Of these one was first published by
L. Palma di Cesnola [Salaminia, 1887, p. 256) and
afterwards carefully edited by D. G. Hogarth in
Devia Cypria, 1889, p. 114. It ends with the words
riiiriT€V<Tas rrju ^ovXtju [5t]d i^aarCov (ttI liavkov [avd'\v-
irdrov. Palfeographically the inscription is judged
to belong to the 1st century. The second inscrip-
tion is one found in the city of Rome naming
L. Sergius Paulus as one of the curatores riparum
et alvei Tiberis during the reign of Claudius ( CIL
vi. 31545). — (2) The government of Cyprus was by
proconsuls. The island came under Roman control
before the establishment of the Empire, but was
defined as a 'senatorial' province in 22 B.C. under
Augustus (Dio Cass. liii. 12. 7; liv. 4. 1). Upon
these data, however, while it is very clear that
about A.D. 50 L. Sergius Paulus (who had already
been a high officer in Rome) was holding the pro-
consulship of Cyprus, no nearer approach to the
precise date either of the beginning or the end
of his rule can be made. See also art. Sergius
Paulus.
4. Agrippa ii. and Drusilla. — Agrippa n., the
son of Agrippa I., was bom in A.D. 28. According
to Photius (Bihl. 33) he died in 100. At the time
of his father's death he was considered too young
for the responsibilities of the large kingdom, which
was therefore again put under the care of procu-
rators. But on the death of his uncle in the eighth
year of Claudius (48) he was given the government
('kingdom') of Chalcis (Ant. XX. v. 2, Bill. xii.
1). Within four years, however, Claudius, 'Avhen
he had already completed the twelfth year of his
reign' (Ant. XX. vii. 1), transferred him from the
kingdom of Chalcis to the rule of a greater realm
consisting of the tetrarchy of his great-uncle
Philip, of the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and of that
portion of Abilene which had been governed
by Varus (BJ II. xii. 8). "When Nero succeeded
Claudius, he enlarged this kingdom by the addition
of considerable tracts of Galilee and Pereea, but
the dates of these larger additions are not clearly
given. More important than the growth of
Agrippa's power is his giving of his sister in mar-
riage to Azizus, whom not long after (/ier ov iroXvv
Xpovov) she left in order to marry the Roman procu-
rator Felix. These events cannot be fixed earlier
than 54 or 55. The_ incidents of Ac 20''' 24'- -»
are therefore posterior to this time. Cf. art.
Drusilla.
5. Death of St. Peter and St. Paul in Rome.—
The belief that the martyrdom of the two apostles
took place in Rome in one of the last years of
Nero's reign is based on tradition. Epiphanius
places it in the 12th year of Nero, Euthalius in
the 13th, Jerome in the 14th. Dionysius of Corinth
associates the death of St. Peter and St. Paul in
the phrase /carci t6v airrbv Kaipov ( ' about the same
time'). No positive result for precise chronology
is gained by these data. The general conclusion,
however, that St. Paul's death took place after 64
is borne out by the necessity for finding a place in
his life later than the Roman imprisonment for the
composition of the Pastoral Epistles ; and, although
this necessity is not admitted on all sides, the pre-
dominance of view among critics seems to recognize
it. The death of the two apostles may thus be
approximately placed between the years 65 and 68.
See artt. PAUL, PETER.
6. The Passover at Philippi (Ac 20^-').— W. M.
Rams<ay, upon the basis of some very precarious
data (see his St. Pavl, p. 289 ff ; also Turner's
discussion, HDB i. 419 f.), claims the fixed date 57
for St. Paul's fifth and last recorded visit to Jeru-
salem, which was also the occasion of his arrest.
The argument is briefly as follows. The Apostle
celebrated the Lord's Supper at Troas on Sunday
night (v.''). If so, he must have left Philippi on
Friday. Friday was the day after the Passover,
which was therefore observed on Thursday that
year. But the 14th Nisan (Passover Day) fell on
Thursday in the year 57, not in 56 or 58. The un-
certain factors in the computation are : (1) the ex-
act day of the week for the Passover ; concerning
this there is always room for dispute, owing to
the well-known but unscientific method of the
Jews in determining the beginning of the month
Nisan ; (2) the interval between the Passover and
St. Paul's departure from Philippi, which, on
Ramsay's assumption, is a single night (but the
text does not exclude a longer interval) ; (3) the
time when the Lord's Supper was observed at
Troas, which is stated to have been ' the first of
the week' (ry jj.ia rCbv (ra/SfSdrwc) (but this may be
construed as Saturday evening tOAvards Sunday).
Any one of these uncertainties vitiates the con-
clusion arrived at. Yet on the whole the conclu-
sion corroborates the date 59, and is not necessarily
inconsistent with 60 for the removal of St. Paul to
Rome.
V. Palestinian Secular Dates.—!. The pro-
curators of Judaea. — (1) Pontius Pilate, it seems
to be universally agreed, was appointed procurator
of Judsea in 26, and held the office until 36, being
then deposed and sent to Rome by Vitellius, after
'ten years in Judaea' (^n<. XVIII. iv, 2). He ar-
rived in Rome just after the death of Tiberius.
(2) The year following the deposition of Pilate,
the Imperial authority of Rome Avas represented
in Judsea by Marcellus, a friend and deputy of
Vitellius. He is nowhere given the title of 'pro-
curator,' and Josephus is careful to caU him a
278
DATES
'curator' {iiri/xeXrjTris, Ant. XVIII. iv. 2). Nor had
he apparently come into sufficient prominence
through any action to warrant his being mentioned
in the succession.
(3) From 37-41 the procurator was a certain
Marullus [Ant. XVIII. vi. 10) who, like Marcellus,
does not seem to have done anything official worthy
of note.
(4) From 41 to 44 Agrippa I., as king on approxi-
mately the level of independence enjoyed by his
grandfather Herod the Great, superseded all pro-
curators. At his death, according to Josephus,
Cuspius Fadus was appointed, thus resuming the
line broken for three years {Ant. XIX. ix. 2, XX. v.
1, BJ II. xi. 6 ; Tacit. Hist. v. 9). The term of
office of Fadus was probably between two and
three years.
(5) Tiberius Alexander, a renegade Jew, Avho
was rewarded for his apostasy by appointment to
various offices, culminating in the procuratorshiiJ,
probably reached Palestine in 46 (Jos. Ant. XX. v.
2; BJ II. xi. 6, XV. 1, xviii. 7f., IV. x. 6, VI. iv.
3 ; Tacit. Ann. xv. 28, Hist. i. 11, ii. 74, 79 ; Suet.
Vespas. 6).
(6) Ventidius Cumanus was sent to succeed
Alexander in 48. According to Tacitus {Ann. xii.
54), he was placed over Galilee only, while Felix
was assigned rule over Samaria. They were both
involved in various cruelties practised on the
natives, and both were accused before Quadratus,
who was commissioned to examine into the affair.
But the commissioner quietly exculpated Felix,
and even gave him a place on the court of investi-
gation and judgment. Cumanus was condemned
and removed. Such a joint procuratorship, how-
ever, is excluded by Josejihus' explicit statements
{Ant. XX. vi. 2, vii. 1). According to these,
Cumanus alone was the procurator and alone
responsible. Felix was sent by Claudius from
Rome to succeed him at the express request of
Jonathan, the high priest. The contradiction is
probably due to some confusion on the part of
Tacitus. The date of the removal of Cumanus
may be approximately fixed as 52.
(7) Antonius Felix immediately succeeded Cuma-
nus. Soon after his arrival in Palestine, he saw
and was enamoured of Drusilla, the sister of Herod
Agrippa II., and enticed her to leave her husband,
Azizus king of Emesa, and marry himself. This
he succeeded in accomplishing through the aid of
a magician from Cyprus, bearing the name of
Simon. Drusilla was born in 38, being six years
of age at the time of her father's death (44), and
his youngest child. She was therefore at this
time 14 or 15 years old. The procuratorship of
Felix was characterized by arbitrariness and greed.
Though he did much to punish lawlessness, he
also provoked comjolaints on account of which he
was recalled in 60. See above. III. 4 and art. Felix.
(8) Purcius Festus. — The reasons which fix the
beginning of the procuratorship of Festus in 60
have been given above. Tlie time of the year
when he arrived is determined as the summer
season (Ac 25'). There are clearer data for fixing
the end of his term. From BJ Vl. v. 3 we learn
that Albinus his successor was in Jerusalem at
the Feast of Tabernacles (?), four years before the
outbreak of the great war and seven years and
live months before the capture of Jerusalem — or,
in otiier words, the Feast of Tabernacles of tlie
year 62. Allowing for sufficient time for the
next procurator to assume tlie reins of government
at Csesarea, for a similar interval for his appoint-
ment, for the journey from Rome and arrival in
Palestine, the death of I-'estus, which took place
M'hile he was still in office in Palestine, must be
dated very early in the summer or late in the
spring of 62.
DATES
(9) Albinus.— 1\xe date of the death of Porcius
Festus determines also that of the accession of
Albinus {BJ VI. v. 3). W. M. Ramsay {Ex])ositor,
6th ser., ii. [1900] 81-105), in harmony with his
theory that the death of Festus occurred in the
autumn of 60, dates the arrival of Albinus in May
or June 61. But the computation rests on a series
of obscure and questionable considerations. Albinus
was recalled in 64, after more than two years of
maladministration.
(10) Gessius Florus was the last of the procu-
rators. According to Josephus {Ant. XX. xi. 1), it
was in his second year that the Jewish War broke
out. Since this is fixed at 66 {BJ II. xiv. 4), he
must have entered upon his office in 64, The end
of his administration was also the end of the
method of governing Judaea by procurators. For
the events Avhich follow the year 66 and culminate
in the catastrophe of 70 he is held responsible.
We thus obtain the following list of procurators
of Judaja, with dates of their administration :
A.D.
A.D.
Pilate .
. 26-36
Ventidius Cumanus
. 48-52
(Marcellus) . .
. 36-37
Antonius Felix
. 52-60
Marullus . .
. 37-41
Porcius Festus
. 60-62
Cuspius Fadus
. 44-46
Albinus . . ,
. 62-64
Tiberius Alexander
. 46-48
Gessius Florus
. 64-70
2. The Herodian kings. — When Jesus Christ was
crucified, Herod Antipas and Herod Philip were
reigning simultaneously in accordance with the
testamentary provision of their father, Herod the
Great. Antipas held Galilee and Pereea ; Philip
ruled over the region beyond Jordan. Both bore
the title of tetrai'ch. Philip died in 34 without
a successor. In 37 his place was filled by the
appointment of his nephew, the son of Aristobulus
and brother of Herodias, Herod Agrippa I., and
this was done by Caligula, whom Agrippa had
befriended. He did not, however, take active
possession of his kingdom until 39. He lived for
the most part in Rome, and engaged in intrigues
with the politicians and secured the deijosition and
banishment of Antipas. When the tetrarchy of
Antipas was added to his {BJ ll. ix. 6), he took
his place in Jewish national affairs, and by assist-
ing Claudius to the Imperial throne after the
assassination of Caligula, he so ingratiated himself
into the favour of the new Emperor that the
province of Judaea was added to his domains immedi-
ately on the accession of Claudius (A.D. 41). Thus
he came to unite the difi'erent sections of the
kingdom of his grandfather, Herod tlie Great {BJ
II. xi. 5f.). He issued coins from which itajjpears
that he must have reigned until 44 or 45. These
dates, given for the most part by Josephus, are
corroborated by the incidental coincidence of the
order of events in Acts. The death of Herod is
recited in Ac 12. All that precedes must be dated
before 44 ; all that follows, after that year. The
appearance of Cornelius as the representative
Roman military authority in Csesarea is probably
prior to the elevation of Agrippa to the standing
of Herod the Great (41).
When Agrip2)a I. died, his son, Herod Agrippa II.
was deemed too young to succeed him, but in 49
he was given a portion of his father's kingdom
(Chalcis), held by his uncle Herod. In 53 he
exclianged this kingdom for another, made up of
portions of Galilee and Persea, and thus reigned
to his death in 100.
The following table exhibits the Herodian rulers
during the Apostolic Age :
Antipas, a.d. 4-39 — Galilee and Persea.
Philip, A.D. 4-34 — bejond Jordan.
Agriippa I., A.D. 37, as tetrarch ; 39(41)-44, as king-.
Agrippa ii., a.d. 49-53 (of Chalcis),-100 (oJ Galilee, Peraea, etc).
VI. Pauline Dates.— 'YXie pre-eminence of St.
Paul in the Apostolic Age and the leading part he
took in the development of the earliest Church
DATES
DATES
279
have furnished the ground for the preservation, in
his own Epistles and in the Book of Acts, of a
double series of data regarding his work. These
determine not only the general order of the facts
of his ministry, but also many of the minuter
details of time and place. The accuracy of the
author of Acts has been questioned, especially on
matters of remoter interest ; but his reports of the
movements of St. Paul are coming to be more and
more recognized as drawn from personal knowledge
of, compauionsliip with, and participation in, the
Apostle's ministry.*
A fixed starting-point for Pauline chronology is
given in the year of the accession of Festus. This
took place, as shown above, in A.D. 60. But,
according to Ac 2i^, St. Paul was detained by
Felix a prisoner at Caesarea for two years. His
arrest must, therefore, have taken place in 58
(possibly as early as May). But he left Philippi
40 days earlier, late in March or about the begin-
ning of April ('after the days of unleavened
bread'). From Philippi his course is next trace-
able backward to Corinth. His presence at Philippi
was only incidental, his purpose being to journey
into Syria (Ac 20^). At Corinth he had spent three
months, arriving there in Januarj'^ of the year 58.
This visit to Corinth immediately followed the
memorable and troublous residence at Epliesus.
From a comparison of 1 Co 16^"" and 2 Co 2'-*- with
2 Co 7^ it may be gathered that the continuation
of the whole journey from Ephesus to Corinth
through Macedonia was prolonged by circumstances
not included in the record. A fair allowance for
these yields the approximate estimate of nine
months earlier, or the spring of 57, for the end of
the stay at Ephesus. This stay, however, lasted
nearly three full years.f This leads to the year
54. The departure from Antioch in the spring or
summer of 54 marks the beginning of the third
missionary journey.
The interval between the second and third
missionary journeys is not given definitely. It in-
cluded some sort of a visit to the churches in Gal-
atia and Phrygia, and a sojourn of some length
in Antioch (Ac 18-^ ' after he had spent some time
there '). It is probable that this stay at Antioch
was as long as one year ; but, assuming that it
was not, there is still the period of three years to
be assigned to the second missionary journey.
One year and six months were probably consumed
in the earlier part of the journey. This would
bring the beginning of the journey to the spring
of 51 ; or, if the sojourn at Antioch had occupied
a whole year, to 50.
The second missionary journey was immediately
preceded by the Apostolic Conference at Jerusalem
on the question of the admission of the Gentile
converts without the rite of circumcision (Ac 15).
The interval between the Conference, from whicli
St. Paul proceeded immediately to Antioch, and
the beginning of the journey, was very brief and
spent at Antioch. The Conference itself would
thus appear to have been held in 49-50.
The chronology of the years between the con-
version of the Apostle and the Conference at Jeru-
salem may now be approached from another point
of view. The item furnished by the allusion to the
*The researches of W. M. Ramsay and A. Haniack have
contributed much toward this result (of. Ramsa.y, St. Paul,
1895, lAike the Physician, 190S ; Harnack, Luke the Physician,
1907, The Acts of the Apostles, 1909, The Dale of the Acts and of
the Synoptic Gospels, 1911).
t Although in Ac 193 the period of his active work in the
synagogue is said to be three months and in Ac 1910 his teach-
ing in the school of Tyrannus two years, the further detail in
Ac 1922 (' for a season ') would tend to confirm the conclusion
reached here that the 'three years ' of Ac 20^1, though possibly
reckoned in the Hebrew sense of ' parts of three,' were in real-
ity more nearly three entire years than a whole year with mere
fragments of the year preceding and the year following.
' ethnarch of Aretas ' at Damascus (2 Co 11*^; cf.
above) lixes as the latest limit for the conversion
of St. Paul the year 36, but admits of several
years' latitude for the earlier limit. In determin-
ing this earlier limit much depends on the identi-
fication of the journey to Jerusalem alluded to in
Gal 2^^-. Two questions must be answered here :
(1) When did the 14 years begin — at the conversion
or after the three years mentioned in Gal 1"?
(2) Are these full years in each case, or are
they reckoned after the Hebrew plan, with parts
of years at the beginning and end counted in the
number as separate years? The answers to these
questions yield respectively longer or shorter
periods between the conversion and second visit of
the Apostle to Jerusalem. The longest period ad-
missible is 17 years ; the shortest, 12. The smaller
of these figures is excluded almost certainly by
the datum found in connexion with the control of
Damascus by Aretas, which does not admit of a
later date for the conversion than 36. The longer
period necessitates the very early date of 32 or 33
for the conversion. This is favoured by W. M.
Ramsay, who fixes the conversion in 33. But
there are intermediate possibilities. The interval
may have been 13, 14, or 15 years ; which would
bring the conversion in any one of the years 34-36,
with the probability in favour of the earlier dates.
The Conference at Jerusalem arose out of the
conditions produced by St. Paul's preaching during
the first missionary journej'. This is shown by
the place given it by St. Luke, and also by the
fact that it was during this journey that the
preaching of the gospel met with large success
among the Gentiles, and that a definite movement
to preach to the Gentiles independently of the
Jews was inaugurated (Ac 13^^ 14-''). From these
considerations it would be natural to draw the
inference that no very long interval separates the
end of the journey from the Conference. In spite,
therefore, of ' the long time ' alluded to in Ac 14^^,
it is safe to fix the limits of the first missionary
journey at 47-48.
Between the date of the conversion of St. Paul
and the beginning of the first missionary journey
it is possible to identify the date of one more in-
cident, viz. the visit to Jerusalem, Avith the aid
in relief of the famine. Computations independent
of the life of St. Paul lead to the placing of this
date in the year 45-46 (cf. IV. 1). For reasons
given in rehearsing these computations it is im-
possible to identify this visit with that made in
Gal 2'. This must be regarded as the prolonged
visit for purposes of conference and thorough in-
terchange of views with the leaders of the Jeru-
salem church of which the author of Acts gives an
account in ch. 15. The chronology of the life and
work of St. Paul yielded by the above items may
therefore be put as follows :
A.D.
Conversion . . . 34-35
Visit to Jerusalem with
aid tor famine-stricken
church .... 45-16
First missionary Jour-
ney .... 47-48
Conference at Jerusa-
lem ... . 49-50
Second missionary jour-
ney .... 61-54
Third missionary Jour-
ney .... 54-57
VII. Apostolic Church Dates.—!. Pente-
cost. — It is manifestly the intention of the author
of Acts to begin his narrative A\'ith the significant
event of Pentecost. Just as he had closed his
Gospel with the account of the Resurrection of the
crucified Jesus, he opens his second treatise with
the outpouring of the Holy Spirit. For the
Apostolic Age, Pentecost becomes the epoch-
A.D.
Arrest at Jerusalem • 58
Imprisonment at Cjb-
sarea . . . 58-60
Removal to Rome . 60
Imprisonment at Rome 60-62
Release . . .62
Last missionary jour-
ney .... 63-64
Arrest, imprisonment,
and execution at
Rome . . .(65-67?)
280
DATES
DATES
making day. But, as the very name of it indi-
cates, Pentecost was a relative date in the year,
being computed from a day of manifestly more
importance than itself. Accordingly, in the de-
termination of the year for the Pentecost of Ac 2
it is necessary to revert to the computation which
fixed the date of the Crucifixion (see above, !.)•
Pentecost is thus dated in May A.D. 30.
2. The martyrdom of Stephen.— The date of
this event is fixed with approximate certainty by
its relation to the conversion of St. Paul. It was
the persecution following the death of Stephen
which enlisted Saul in tlie effort to exterminate
the nascent Christian community and thus led him
on the way to Damascus and his conversion.
Stephen's martyrdom could not therefore have
preceded the conversion by a very long interval,
and must have taken place between 32 and 34.
3. The execution of James the son of Zebedee,
together with the imprisonment and deliverance of
St. Peter, is so closely associated with the death of
Herod that both these events may be safely placed
in the same year (44).*
i. The rise of Antioch into prominence as a
centre of Christian aggressiveness must be placed
at some time before the year 46, though, from the
nature of the case, the exact time cannot be fixed.
From Ac 2-^ (cf. Tacit. Ann. xv. 44) it is clear
that some time before the year of the famine there
was a large number of believers to attract atten-
tion and to be recognized as a type of religionists
different from the Jews. Immediately after the
year of the famine the church at Antioch became
the fountain-head of missionary activity.
5. The Conference at Jerusalem is placed,
through its relation to the missionary journeys
of St. Paul, in the year 50.
6. The death of James the brother of Jesus. —
From the time of the Conference at Jerusalem, St.
James was recognized as one of the foremost men
in the Christian community at Jerusalem (Ac 15^*,
Gal 2^). In consequence of his relation to the
mother church, he bears the title of bishop of that
church. According to Josephus, he was put to
death during the interregnum between the pro-
curatorships of Festus and Albinus (A7it, XX. ix.
1). This was in the year 62.
7. The death of St. Peter.— For the date of St.
Peter's death we are obliged to appeal to extra-
historical (purely traditional) information. The
difficulties of estimating the value of such informa-
tion are due (1) to the absence of sufficient data
regarding the original witnesses on whose authority
such information secured circulation, and (2) to
the facility with which even good historians in
antiquity accepted unverified statements where
events of importance were concerned. The desire
for some definite data often overcame whatever
intuitive sense of accuracy may at other times
have ruled the outlook of these historians. Thus
tradition, i.e. the unverifiable belief of an age not
capable of direct contact with the facts, may be
credited frequently with a high degree of pro-
bability, more frequently with less probability ;
in most instances it is incapable of giving more
than the mere possibility of what it attests. In
the case of the death of St. Peter several consider-
ations consi)ire to render the tradition highh^
probable. The Apostle was in Rome at a time of
persecution. This appears from the contents of
• In a recently published fragment of Papias (de Boor, TCT
V. 2, p. 170) it ia said that ' John and James his brother were
killed by the Jews.' This, together with the bracketiii},' of the
names of the two brothers in the Martyrolo^'v on the same dav,
has led some to infer that the death of Johnthe son of Zebedee
took place in 4J. The question, however, is involved in the
vexed problem of the identity of the author of the Fourth
Gospel, and must be left open for further investigation and
discussion. See art. James amd John (sons of ZebedeeX
1 Peter, irrespective of the genuineness of the
writing. Even if it be assumed, as seems probable
to many scholars, that it was composed about A.D.
80, it would issue from a period near enough the
date of the reputed death of St. Peter to afford a
reflexion of a living current belief regarding his
experiences. The allusion to ' Babylon ' in the
Epistle has from the days of Papias (Euseb. H£
ii. 15) to the present time (with slight exce^jtions)
been taken to refer to Rome. From this city the
Apostle, accoi-ding to Papias, sent the letter to his
fellow-Christians dispersed and scattered by the
persecution of which he was made a victim. But,
even granting that the martyrdom of the Apostle
occurred in the Neronian persecution, the question
of the exact year remains uncertain. Harnack
believes that it took place in 64 (Gesch. dcr
altchristl. Lit. bis Euseb., pt. i. 'Chron.,' 249 ff.).
Erbes {TU, new series, iv. [1900]) fixes it in 63.
Of the older historians, William Cave (Lives of
the Apostles, 1677, ' St. Peter,' xi. 7) also believed
in the date 64. In the Chronicon of Eusebius, how-
ever, the 13tli or 14th year of Nero (67-68) is given
as the date, and the same conclusion is accepted
by Jerome. The tradition of the Roman Catholic
Church has uniform Ij^ adhered to the period 42-67
as ' the twenty-five year episcopate ' of the Apostle
in Rome. Upon the whole, this later date seems
best supported. See IV. 5 and art. Peter.
8. The pre-eminence of Ephesus in Christian
activity may be generally placed in connexion
with the ministry of St. Paul in that city ; but its
rise to the first rank as the seat of apostolic
influence under -John (the Presbyter?) must have
followed the Fall of Jerusalem, but cannot be fixed
with precision.
9. The death of St. John, • the beloved disciple,'
is associated by tradition with his residence at
Ephesus to an extreme old age, occurring in the
reign of Trajan (98-117). See art. James AND
John (sons of Zebedee).
VIII. Literary Dates. — Nothing in the Apos-
tolic Age was fuller of significance for the future
than the production of the NT writings. But,
while the dates of production of a few of these are
comparatively easy to determine, the majority do
not afiord sufficient data for the positive solution
of the problem as it afiects them.
1. The Epistle of James. — Discussions of the
date of this writing are based for the most part on
the neutral features of it. The character of the
audience to which it is addressed does not betray
an advanced development of Christian thought or
practice. There is no allusion to Gentiles in the
Church. Compact organization has not yet been
achieved, and it is possible for teachers (StSdo-KaXot)
to assume the function at ^vill (3^ ; cf. Ac 13^, Ro
12^). The eschatological outlook still includes the
vivid expectation of the Parousia (5^"^), which has
not been disputed as in 2 P S^''*. In general the
author addresses Jews as if the new doctrine of
Christianity were the legitimate and rightful
outcome of historic Judaism. Such a point of
view was natural in the early beginnings when
the challenge to Christianity was still in its first
forms, but scarcely after the rupture between
Judaism and the Church had issued in open
and wholesale hostilities on each side. On the
other hand, certain characteristics of language
and style, together with supposed allusions to the
Pauline doctrine of justification by faith, have led
others to assume an extremely late date for the
Epistle. Upon the whole, it seems probable that
the date 40 to 44 is the correct one. Cf. JAMES,
Epistle of.
2. The Thessalonian Epistles. — The First
Epistle was written during the sojourn at Corinth
(Ac 18^'). The referenec to Achaia (1"'-) is decisive
DATES
DATES
281
on this point. The view that Athens was the
place of writing, held hy Theodoret and many
ancient Fathers, is deduced from 3\ which, how-
ever, evidently refers to a stay at Athens some-
what anterior to the composition of the Epistle.
Since the Corinthian sojourn falls in 52-53, 1 Thess.
must he dated accordingly. The Second Epistle
could not have been written much later than its
predecessor. It is evidently designed to explain
what was misunderstood in 1 Thess. (2 Th 2-J, and
aims to do this as speedily as possible. Cf.
Thessalonians, Epistles to the.
3. Galatians. — The date of Galatians has been
made the subject of a new discussion as the con-
sequence of the promulgation of the South Galatian
theory of its destination. The traditional dating
of the document based on the North Galatian
destination fixed it in the sojourn of the Apostle
at Ephesus (Ac 19^). ' The reasons for this view
are that St. Paul proceeded from Galatia to
Ephesus (Ac 18-^), and must have written either
before he reached that city (which is improbable)
or during his sojourn, or perhaps on the way from
Ephesus to Corinth. The rise of the South Gala-
tian theory, however, renders it possible to think
of a much earlier date. Accordingly, many argue
for its priority over all the Pauline writings
(Emilie Briggs, Neio World, 1900, p. 115 ff. ; C. W.
Eramet, Expositor, Ith. ser., ix. [1910] 242 ff.; Garvie,
Studies of Paul and his Gospel, 1911, p. 23 ff.);
some trace it even to a time anterior to the Con-
ference at Jerusalem. Calvin, singularly, held
this view (cf. Com. on Gal 2'), fixing the date at 48
or 49. Had St. Paul written it as early as this
date, however, he must have named Barnabas,
who was still with him in his labours. Upon the
whole, the year 54 still appears the most probable
for the writing of this Epistle. See, further, art.
Galatians, Epistle to the.
4. The Corinthian Epistles.— The First Epistle
was written in Ephesus some time before Pentecost
(1 Co 16**), whether before or after the Passover
does not appear (5^"^). The Apostle was expecting
to leave very soon ; and the writing must, there-
fore, be placed towards the close of the stay at
Ephesus, hence about the time of the Passover in
56. On the assumption of the unity of 2 Cor., the
interval between it and the First Epistle could not
have been very long, and the writing must accord-
ingly be placed somewhat later in the same year.
But, if the Epistle is a composite one, as it seems
reasonable to believe upon good critical grounds,
the probabilities are that the earliest section of it
(614-71) constitutes a fragment of a letter earlier
than 1 Corinthians. The second section in point
of time is 2 Co 10-13 ('the painful letter') and re-
presents the sequel to 1 Cor., gi-owing out of the
situation created by the last-named communication.
This portion of 2 Cor. is accordingly to be located
in 56 as above. The remainder of the composite
document (2 Co 1-9, exc. 6'^-7^) must be dated later
than chs. 10-13, but is not necessarily separated
from this section by a long interval. If the phrases
'since last year' (a-n-b Trepvat), 'a year ago' (2 Co
81"), * for a year past ' (9-) refer to 1 Co 16i, approxi-
mately one year must have intervened between
this portion of 2 Cor. and the First Epistle. This
would bring the date to 57. Thus the dates of St.
Paul's letters to Corinth would be : (1) 2 Co 6"-7i
in 55 or early 56 ; (2) 1 Cor. in 56 before Pentecost ;
(3) 2 Co 10-13 in summer of 56 ; (4) 2 Co 1-9, late
56 or 57. Cf. CouiXTHiAXS, Epistles to the.
5. Romans. — Since Ro 15 must be regarded as
an original part of the whole Epistle (cf. Motlatt,
LNT, p. 143), the allusion in v.^ to St. Paul's in-
tended journey to Jerusalem fixes the point of
departure for the date of the Epistle. The state-
ment in v.'8 that the Apostle had 'fulfilled' the
gospel ' from Jerusalem and round about even unto
Illyricum,' has led some to place the writing of
Romans in Illyricum ; but the greater probability
lies with the view which identifies the place with
Corinth, and fixes the date as the eve of St. Paul's
departure thence for 'Syria' (Ac 20^). This was
in the spring of 58 (during the Apostle's three
months' sojourn at Corinth). See art. Romans,
Epistle to the.
6. The Imprisonment Epistles. — Under this title
are usually included Epliesians, Colossians, Philip-
pians, and Philemon. Ephesians is by many made
an exception to this class. The period of St. Paul's
imprisonment, however, is divided into two parts
by his removal from Ctesarea to Rome. Assuming
the Pauline authority of Ephesians, it has been,
with Colossians and Philemon, located in the
Ceesarean period of his imprisonment (56-60 ; so
Meyer, Weiss, Sabatier [The Apostle Paul, 1891,
pp. 225-249]). Others have included even Philip-
pians in this list. But it is difficult to think of
Philippians and Philemon as composed elsewhere
than in Rome and during the Roman part of the
imprisonment (cf. the reasons in a summary by
Bleek, Einleitung in das NT*, 1885, § 161). It is
possible, though not probable, however, that Col.,
which was written earlier than Eph., may have
fallen within the latter portion of the Csesarean
imprisonment. In such a case the order and dates
of these writings would be: (1) Colossians in 59
(C*sarea) ; (2) Ephesians in 60 (Rome); (3) Phile-
mon in 60 (Rome) ; (4) Philippians in 61 (Rome).
See artt. on the various Epistles named.
7. The Pastoral Epistles. — The present condition
of opinion on the problem of the I'astoral Epistles
presents three distinct views as to their dates : (1)
that they were composed by the Apostle after liis
release from the Roman imprisonment (62), towards
the end of his fourth missionary journey (66 or 67) ;
(2) that they represent a much more advanced
stage of development in Christian thought and
organization, and therefore fall between the date
of St. Paul's death and the reign of Hadrian (A.D.
67-117), with the greater probability for 90-100 (cf.
Motlatt, LNT, pp. 395-420) ; (3) that they represent
short letters by St. Paul produced in his last year
and expanded by interpolation. The merits of
these views it is not possible to discuss in the com-
pass of this article (cf. J. V. Bartlet, Acts [The
Century Bible, 1901], Mofiatt, loc. rr/^., and the artt.
on Timothy, Ep. to, and Titus, Ep. to).
8. Acts. — AU the discussion of the problem
created by the abrupt close of the Book of Acts
seems to lead to but one clear conclusion, viz. that
the author knew nothing more to tell about St.
Paul and the fortunes of the gospel, and that the
date of the composition of the book coincides with
the end of the second year of the Apostle's im-
prisonment at Rome (62). This in general is the
simple process of reasoning that ruled opinion in
ancient times from the days of Eusebius onwards
(HE II. xxii. 6). In modern times its advocates
have been some of the ablest critics (Alford, Godet,
Salmon, Rendall, Bisping, Rackham, Blass, and
Harnack). On the other side, it is argued that,
as Acts is a sequel to the Third Gospel [rbv nh
irpCoTov X6yov), which, it is assumed, was written
after A.D. 70, the earliest date possible for Acts
must be some years posterior to this dat<3. The
more precise determination of the period, however,
becomes a question of extremely debatable con-
siderations. Accordingly, a wide variety of dates
of composition is proposed, as by Zahn, Headlam,
Bartlet (72-74) ; by Bleek, Adeney, Gilbert (80) ;
by Jiilicher, Burkitt, "Wrede (c. 100) ; by the
Tiibingen critics ( 1 10-120), or even later. Harnack,
however, has shown reasons why the posteriority
of St. Luke to the year 70 cannot stand {The Date
282
DATES
DATES
of Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels), and the tradi-
tional dating at A.D. 62 may be said to have re-
ceived a rehabilitation at his hands. See art.
Acts of the Apostles.
9. The Synoptic Gospels.— That the Synoptic
Gospels were composed npoa the basis of pre-exist-
ing collections of 'Sayings of Jesus,' through a
process of development, may be assumed as one
of the fairly well-established results of modern
critical study. How long this process continued
is of secondary importance. The order in which
the Gospels evidently appeared is — Mark, Luke,
Matthew. The earliest notices of the time of the
composition of Mark are not pei'fectly harmonious.
Ireuitus (Hcer. iii. 1) testihes that Mark, 'the
disciple and interpreter of Peter,' published ' the
things preached by Peter' after the departure
{i^o5op) of Paul and Peter ; but Clement of Alex-
andria, a contemporary, represents the Gospel of
Mark as written in the lifetime of Peter, and adds
that the Apostle ' neither forbade nor encouraged '
the work. This discrepancy is not of course a con-
tradiction. The ' departure,' to which Irenseus
makes the writing of Mark posterior, may be a
mere departure from Rome (though this is not
likely) ; or it may be that the statement of Clement
merely means that Peter knew of Mark's purpose
to write, though that purpose was not actually
carried out till after his death. The best view,
however, of the discord is that neither of the re-
presentations is primarily based on chronological
interest, and therefore neither can be used as a
precise datum in a chronological computation. So
tar as the passage in Irenieus is concerned. Chap-
man has shown this to be true (JThSt, vi. [1905]
p. 563 ff.), and Harnack contends that it is also true
of the passage in Clement. Such an estimate of
these ' testimonies ' of the ancients leaves the time
of the origin of the Gospels indefinite, but is in
itself just. Upon the Avhole, therefore, it seems
not improbable that Mark and Luke at least were
composed before Acts and in the years of St. Paul's
imprisonment in Rome or even earlier. The case
is slightly different with Matthew, where signs of
a later time are more clearly visible (27^ 28^* : ?ws
Tijs crrifj.€pov, 'until to-day,' implying a considerable
interval from the days of Jesus) ; a date as late as
70 or even later is quite admissible. See art. Gos-
pels and artt. on separate Gospels in DCG.
10. Epistle to the Hebrews. — The evidence as
to the date of this production is extremely faint and
uncertain. The external data are partly some free
citations from it in Clem. Rom. (xix. 2, xxi. 9 [cf.
He 12'], xxxiv. 1 [cf. He 2^^ 3' 4--5 P'-]), and partly
a certain dependence of thought on St. Paul and
on 1 Peter. Internal data appealed to are such as
that the Temple service was still operative (7^ 8^"^
g6-3 1310J . that, considering the purpose of the
writing, if the Temple service had been rendered
impossible by such an event as the catastrophe of
70, the writer must have mentioned the fact ; the
non-occurrence of any severe persecution of Chris-
tians in the Hebrew world leading to martyrdom
(12^), the possibility of which is, however, kept in
view. Other items are slighter and less conclusive.
The most decisive indications of time seem to be
the allusions in 10^^^- 12^- ^^', which show that the
writer was thinking of an attitude in his readers
of shrinking from suffering publicly, whether this
was imminent or actual, though not severe. In
Palestine this attitude of mind was to be met in
the years of the Jewish war. The latter portion of
the period, therefore, or the years 68 and 69, may
very well be taken as the most appropriate setting
for the writing. See, further, Hebrews, Epistle
TO THE.
11. The Epistles of Peter and Jude.— The date
of the death of St. Peter as already fixed necessi-
tates a date for 1 and 2 Peter prior to 67. For 2
Peter {q.v. ), in the present condition of the evidence,
this proves impossible, on both internal and ex-
ternal grounds. The conclusion is inevitable that
this writing (together with Jude [q.v.}) must be
detached from the Apostolic Age. For 1 Peter,
however, there is a very natural place in the
Apostle's sojourn in Rome. The mention of ' Baby-
lon' (5'*) has been from very early days ( Euseb. HE ii.
15) referred to Rome, in harmony with tlie literary
metliods of the day. The conditions rellected in
the Avriting also correspond with those that pre-
vailed in the reign of Nero. Christians had been
obliged to leave the capital in large numbers and
create a new ' Dispersion.' It was a time of tempta-
tion to fall away because of hardships, threatened
or actual, for bearing the name ' Christian.' Alto-
gether, the year 66 or even 65 may, therefore, well
have been the date of the writing of this Epistle.
See, further, art. Peter, Epistles of.
12. The Johannine writings. — Of the writings
of this group the Apocalypse offers the clearest
marks of its age. But even here, from the earliest
times, differing views have prevailed. Signs of an
earlier time than Domitian's reign may easily be
pointed out in the book. But they are quite as easily
accounted for as reminiscences or traditions incor-
porated into the work. The undeniable allusion
to the worship of the Emperor (17'**''^), however,
points to the reign of Domitian, under whom for
the first time Emperor- worship assumed its serious
aspect to the Christians. This, with some minor
considerations, gives the predominance of weight
to the Domitianic dating of the Apocalypse. See,
further, art. Apocalypse.
The Fourth Gospel is related to the Apocalypse
not merely by the external and superficial identity
of the autlior's name but by the substantial agree-
ment of the two writings in view-point and doctrinal
system. Stylistic and linguistic characteristics,
however, separate them very widely, and the afiili-
ation of the two is best explained on the ground
of origin within a Johannine 'school' or group.
But if the Apocalypse was written between 85 and
95, the Gospel cannot be dated much earlier than
the latter year, since such a Johannine group must
have taken some time to develop its characteristic
point of view and conceptions. On the other hand,
the likelihood that Ignatius, Justin, and Papias
were familiar with the Gospel fixes the latest date
for the latter as 110. It must be dated, then, some
time between 95 and 110, with the probability
strongly in favour of a year prior to 100.
Of the Johannine Epistles (see John, Epistles
of) the First must be connected in time as well as
authorship with the Fourth Gospel. Whether it
preceded the larger writing or followed it is of
small importance. Its general period remains the
same. The two minor Epistles by the Presbyter
issue from the same group, and probably belong
to the same general period.
Chronolooical Tablb.
A.D.
AJ>.
James .
44 (80-100)
Synoptic Gospels
1 and 2 Thessaloni
(JUv. [CO], Lk.
ans
53
[01], Mt. IGSJ)
60-«8
Galatians
54 (50-53)
Acts . . . ,
62
1 and 2 Corinthi-
Pastoral Epistles (:
ans .
56-57
and 2 Tim., Tit.) .
66
Romans
68
1 Pet.
60
Imprisonment Ep-
Hebrews .
69
istles (Col.,
Apocalypse
81-96
Eph., Philem.,
Epistles of John
98 (V)
PhU.) . .
69-61
Fourth Gospel .
96-100 (?)
Literature. — The primary sources of information outside the
apostolic records and Epistles are tlie works of Josephus(^»if.
and />'■/); the Aiina/s ot Tacitus; Suetonius, T/ie Lives of t/ie
Twclvi' Ccesars ; and the works of Eusebius(i/£and C/ironicoii,
to^'ctlier with Jerome's VS). The modern study of the subject
has issued in a vast number of discussions. Some of these are
incorporated in works of larger scope, such as E. Schiirer,
DAUGHTEK
DAY AND Insight
283
GJVi i. 11901], ii. iii. [lb9S] [IIJF, Eiig. tr., 1885-181)0) ; W. M.
Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, 1895 ;
A. Harnack, Genchichte der altchristl. Lit.,\\.[\Wl]; C. H.
Turner, art. 'Chronol. of NT' in HDB i. [1898] 403 ; T. Zahn,
Inlrod. to theNT{Eng. tr., 1909), Appendix ; J. Mofifatt, LST,
1911. Of separate treatments of the Apostolic Age, mention
must be made of R. Anger, de Temportnn in Actis A post.
Ratione, 1833 ; T. Lewin, Fasti Sacri, 1865 ; G. Hoennicke,
Chronol. des Lebensdes Apostels Faulus, 1903; F. Westberg^,
Bibl. Chronol., 1910. ANDREW C. ZENOS.
DAUGHTER.— See Family.
DAYID (Aaveld, but TR Aa/3/5). — David, the
most popular of the heroes and the most illustrious
of the kings of Israel, is often alluded to in the
NT. He is ' David the son of Jesse' (Ac 13"), a
name reminiscent of his lowly origin ; and he is
' the patriarch David ' (2-"), ' our father David '
(4^^), one of that company of venerable progenitors
who may be sujiposed to have bequeathed some-
thing of their spirit to all their descendants. He
is habitually thought of as the ideal of manhood,
the man {dvnp) after God's heart, doing all His will
(13-^) ; and as the devout worshipper who desired
to find a habitation for the God of Jacob (7^^).
All Israelites loved to think of his 'days' (7*^) as
the golden age of Hebrew history, and of ' the holy
and sure blessings ' shown to him (I3i^*), or Divine
promises made to his family, as pledges of ever-
lasting favour to his nation. He is of course in-
cluded in the roll of the OT heroes of faith (He 11^^).
These were matters of ancient history, but the
relation of David to the Messiah seemed a point
of vital importance to every Jew and Jewish Chris-
tian, as well as of deep interest to all educated
Gentile Christians. The Davidic descent of the
coming Deliverer — based on Is IP, Jer 23^, Ps 132'^
— was an article of faith among the scribes, who
connected with it the hope of regal power and a
restored Kingdom. It would be too much to say
that our Lord's own discussion of the point (Mt
22^1, Mk 1235, Lk 20^1) amounts to a denial on His
part of Davidic descent, but it clearly implies that
He did not attach to the traditional genealogy the
same importance as the Rabbis. The Messiah's
spiritual Lordship, acknoAvledged by the writer of
Ps 110 — who is presumed to be David — is for Him
the essential fact (cf. W. Baldensperger, Das Selbst-
bctvussisein Jesii^, 1892, p. 82 f.). The Apostolic
Church, however, appears to have taken for granted
His Davidic extraction on the male side. This fact
is genealogically set forth in Mt 1^'^^ and Lk 3^^'^.
Much earlier, St. Paul is said to have referred to it
at Pisidian Antioch (Ac 13^), and in Ro P he
expresses the belief that Christ was * bom of the
seed of David according to the flesh ' (cf. 2 Ti 2*).
For the writer of the Revelation, too, it is an
article of faith that Christ is ' the Root (meaning
shoot or scion from the main stem) of David' (5^),
' the Root and Offspring of David ' (22'6).
Before the rise of historical and literary criti-
cism, the Psalms were assumed to be Davidic in
authorship and many of them directly JNIessianic
in import. In Ac l^" the 69th Psalm, in 2-5 Ps 16,
in 2^ Ps 110, in 4?^ Ps 2, in Ro 4« Ps 32, in IP
Ps 69, and in He 4^ Ps 95 are ascribed to David.
Ps 16 is supposed to be the poetical embodiment
of an astonishing vision granted to David, of the
resurrection of his greater Son. In its original
signilicance it was a cry for the deliverance of the
writer from death and the expression of a serene
hope that the prayer would be answered. St.
Peter is struck by the parallel between the words
of 'the patriarch David' and the experience of
Christ, and instead of abstracting the eternal
principle contained in the Psalm — that God cannot
leave to destruction any holy one with whom He
had made a covenant — and applying it to Christ,
he assumes, as the exegetical methods of his time
permitted him to do, that the Psalmist had the
actual historical events directly in view a thousand
years before their occurrence. In the same way
Ps 110, which ascribes to an ideal King the high-
est participation in the sovereignty of God, is
inter[)reted, on the ground that David himself
' ascended not into the heavens,' as a prevision on
his part of the Ascension of Christ (Ac 2^^). His-
torical criticism insists on the rigid separation of
all the Psalms from their NT applications. Each
of them had its own meaning in its own time and
place. The words ' his office let another take '
(Ac 1'-" II Ps 109^) were no doubt originally spoken
regarding some traitor, but probably not by David,
and certainly not concerning the betrayer of our
Lord. Yet 'the idea lying behind the parallel
perceived ... is usually profound, admitting of
suggestive restatement in terms of our own more
rigorous literary methods' (J. V. Bartlet, Acts
{Century Bible, 1901], p. 145).
In Rev 3^ the Messiah is described as * he that
hath the key of David.' This is part of a message
of comfort to the persecuted Church of Phila-
delphia. The whole verse is an adaptation of
Is 22^2. The idea is that the steward who has the
key of the house possesses the symbol of unlimited
authority over the household. As the Scion of the
house of David, Christ has supreme power in the
Divine realm, admitting and excluding whom He
will. ' And the key of the house of David will I
lay upon his shoulder' (Is 22^^) is synonymous
with 'And the government shall be upon his
shoulder' (9^). Vested with that authority, pos-
sessing that key, the Messiah sets before the Jew-
ish Christians of Philadelphia, who are shut out
from the synagogue, the ever-open door of His
eternal Kingdom.
Literature. — F. Weber, Jildische Theologie, Leipzig, 1897, p.
382 f. ; C. A. Briggs, The Messiah of the Apostles, 1895, pp. ii,
74 £E. ; E. F. Scott, The Kingdom and the Messiah, 1911, p. 175 flf.
James Strahan.
DAY AND NIGHT (figurative).*— Besides their
literal meanings, ' day ' has frequently, and
'night' on two or three occasions, a figurative
signification.
1. By a species of synecdoche, 'day' is often
employed generally as an equivalent for 'time';
cf. the similar use of dV in the OT (Gn 47-«, Jg IS^",
2 S 211, etc.). ' The day of salvation ' (2 Co 6^) is
the time when salvation is possible ; ' the day
of visitation ' (1 P 2^-), the time when God visits
mankind with His grace, though some would make
it equivalent to the day of judgment ; ' the evil
day' (Eph Q^^), the time of Satan's assaults. In
this use of the word the plural is much more
common, and is illustrated by such phrases as ' for
a few days' (He 12^% 'in the last days' (2 Ti 3^),
'good days* (1 P S^"). Sometimes 'days' is
followed by the genitive either of a person or a
thing. With the genitive of a person it denotes
the period of his life or public activitjr. ' The
days of David ' (Ac 7*') are the years of his reign ;
'the days of Noah' (1 P 3^"), the time when he
was a preacher of righteousness to the disobedient
world. "With the genitive of a thing, ' days '
refers to the time of its occurrence, as ' in the
days of the taxing ' (Ac 5^^), ' in the days of the
voice ' (Rev 10^).
2. In Rev. ' day ' is used as a mystical symbol
for a certain period of time. As to the length of
that time tlie interpreters of apocalyptic have
widely differed. Some have taken the author to
be using words in their literal meaning when he
writes in IP 12" of the 1260 days (with which cf.
the corresponding 42 months of 13^ and the ' time
and times and half a time,' i.e. 3| years, of 12^'').
More commonly the ' year-day principle ' (cf . Ezk 4^)
* For ' day ' and ' night ' in the literal sense see art. Time.
DAY OF THE LOED
DEACOi^, DEACOi^ESS
has been ajiplied, so that the 1260 days have stood
for the same number of years. Similarly the ' ten
days' of tribulation (2^^), instead of being regarded
as a round-number expression for a short and
limited period (cf. Job 19^ Dn 1^^)^ jj^s been taken
to indicate a persecution of the Church at Smyrna
lasting for 10 years.
3. In a specific sense • the day ' (Ro 13^^ 1 Co 3",
1 Th 55, He 10-^ 2 P l'^) and ' that day' (1 Th 5^
2 Th 1"*, 2 Ti V^- 1^ 4^) are used metaphorically for
the Parousia with all its glorious accompaniments,
in contrast Mith which the present world of sin
and sorrow appears as ' the night.' ' The night is
far spent,' St. Paul exclaims, ' the day is at hand '
(Ro 13'"-^). Elsewhere he conceives of Christ's
people as illumined already by the glorious light
of that day's dawn, so that, although they still
have the night around them just as others have,
they do not belong to it, but are ' sons of light and
sons of the day ' ( 1 Th 5^), whose calling it is to ' cast
off the M'orks of darkness ' and to ' put on the
armour of light ' (Ro l.S^^ . gf i ^pj, 58) Jq keeping
with this metaphorical description of the glory of
the Parousia as a shining day is the conception of
the heavenly city, illumined by the presence of the
Lamb (Rev 21-^), as a city of unfading light : ' for
there shall be no night there ' (v.-^ ; cf. 22^- ^). In
this distinctive sense 'the day' is more fully de-
scribed as 'the day of the Lord' (1 Th 5^ etc.),
' the day of our Lord Jesus ' (2 Co 1"), ' the day of
Jesus Christ' (Ph P), 'the day of Christ' (v.i»),
' the day of God ' (2 P 3^2), ' the great day ' ( Jude ^),
'the great day of God Almighty' (Rev 16"). It
is further defined by a variety of epithets in which
reference is made to its characteristic manifesta-
tions and events. Thus it is ' the day of judgment '
(2 P 2» 3^ 1 Jn4"), 'of wrath' (Ro 2^, Rev 61^),
' of slaughter ' (Ja 5^), ' of revelation of the right-
eous judgment of God ' (Ro 2^) ; but also ' the day
of redemption' (Eph 4=*'*), a day in which Christ's
people shall not only have boldness (1 Jn 4""), but
shall rejoice (Ph 2'"), and whose coming they are
to look for and earnestly desire (2 P 3'^).
J. C. Lambert.
DAY OF THE LORD.— See Eschatology.
DAY-STAR.— In the OT there are traces of the
survival of a dawn myth of which we have re-
miniscences in Job 3^ where 'the eyelids of the
dawn' (^^^f'■''2^;5y ; LXX euacpdpov dvaTiXKovra) glance
over the mountain-tops to behold the sleeping
earth. The morning- or day-star is the son of
the daA\Ti, as in the great ode on the overthrow of
the^king of Babylon (nn^'-l? hh^n- LXX eojo-cpdpos 6
TTput dvaT^Wuv ; AV ' Lucifer, son of the morning ' ;
but RV 'day star' [Is 14'-]). From this came the
metaphor. But in the NT the physical associa-
tions of the Hgure are entirely lost, and the word
' day-star ' has become the equivalent of harbinger
or foreruimer — some joyful event or appearance
foretelling the end of the night of distress and
sorrow, and the dawning of a new and better day.
' This species of symbolism was employed freely,
as every reader knows, in the Gospels. . . . John
the Baptist was the Forerunner, the Morning
Star. Christ was the Sun, the Light of the
World. . . . The usage persisted as it had been
originated ' (W. M. Ramsay, Luke the Physician,
p. 230f.).
The word ' day-star ' occurs in the NT only in 2 P
1^® — Kal <pua-<p6pos dcarefX^? ^'' '"'^'^ Kapdlais vfiGiv — ' and
the day-star arise in your hearts' (AV and RV).
The thought, however, is fairly common (cf. such
expressions as ' the dayspring \_dva.ro\ri'] from on
high,' Lk 1" . . his marvellous light ' [^iis], 1 P 2» ;
and specially 'I will give him the morning star'
[rhv d^ripa. rbv 'frpwiv6v'\. Rev 2** ; ' the bright, the
morning star' [6 a.<TT7)p 6 \a/xirpds 6 irpuCvds], 22'").
In the Apocalypse, it should be noted, the usage
(228 22i«) is different. While in the Gospels ' an
earlier age and another style of thought ' (Ramsaj'-,
op. cit. p. 234) had called Christ not a Star but
the Sun and the Light of the World, in Revelation
Christ calls Himself the Morning-Star as ' the
herald and introducer of a new era,' and the gift
of the Morning-Star means ' the dawn of a
brighter day and a new career.' In 2 P 1^® the
writer, discussing the effect produced by the
Transfiguration of Jesus, says that by it ' we have
the word of prophecy made more sure' (RV). The
glorification of Christ on the Mount was not only
a partial fulfilment of Messianic prediction, but
was in itself the earnest of a complete glorification.
In the squalid place of the world (RVm iv avxfJ-vPV
rdircii — the adj. occurs only here in the NT), where
the Christian's lot is cast, the prophecies, even
with their partial fulfilment, are a lamp shining.
The new day heralded by the day-star may be
the Second Advent (Bennett, Century Bible, in
loc.) ; but there is more to be said for Plumptre's
view (Cambridge Bible), that the rising of the day-
star points to a direct manifestation of Christ in
the soul of the believer [ev rais KapSLais v/j.u)v). It is
the revelation and confirmation in the heart of the
Christian of what had been foreshadowed both by
the prophetic word and the earthly manifestation
of God's Son. Christ in the heart is the gleam,
the light, the Day-star, which the believer follows,
and to which he moves. He has therefore the
testimony in himself that he follows, not wander-
ing fires, but a star.
Witsius (Trench, Epp. to the Seven Churches^,
London, 1867, p. 155) sums up the import of the
morning-star as follows: (1) a closer communion
with Christ, the fountain of light ; (2) an increase
of light and spiritual knowledge ; (3) glorious and
unspeakable J03', which is often compared with
light. Such hojies 2 Peter holds before Christians
in the squalidness of a world where God is not
known. But they know, for the day-star shines
in their hearts.
'Nor would I vex my heart with grief or strife
Though friend and lover Thou hast put afar,
If I could see, through my worn tent of life
The stedfast shining of Thy morning star'
(Louise Chandler Moulcon).
For the same thought in the hymnology of the
Church reference may be made to the Advent
Hymns, ' Light of the lonelj^ pilgrim's heart. Star
of the coming day,' also 'Come, O come, Immanuel.'
Literature. — W. M. Ramsay, Luke the Physician, London,
190S, pp. 230-234. For the morning-star in the symbolism of
the NT, see G. Mackinlay, The Magi: How they recognized
Christ's Star, do. 1907. W. M. GRANT.
DEACON, DEACONESS.— 'Deacon' or 'deacon-
ess' [dLaKovos, masc. or fem.) means one who serves
or ministers. In classical Greek the word commonly
implies menial service. In the NT it implies the
noble service of doing work for God (2 Co 6^ 11^,
Eph &^, 1 Th 3^), or ministering to the needs of
others (Ro 16i ; cf. 1 Co 16^ 2 Co 2,* 91) ; and the
meaning of the term, with its cognates 'service'
or ' ministry ' and ' to serve ' or ' to minister '
[SiaKovia and oiaKovelv) is nearly every^vhere quite
general and does not indicate a special office. The
only passage in which special officials are certainly
mentioned is 1 Ti 3"'^-, where v.^^ refers to women
deacons (RV) rather than to wives of deacons ( AV).
But it is highly probable that 'with [the] bishops
and deacons' (Ph P) also refers to special officials ;
although it is just possible that St. Paul is merely
mentioning the two functions which must exist in
every organized community, viz. government and
service. A church consists of rulers and ruled.
The case of Phoebe, * SidKovos of the church which
DEAETH
DEBT, DEBTOR
285
is in Cenchrese' (Ro 16^), is doubtful. She may
be a female deacon ; but this is very unlikely, for
there is no trace of deacons or other officials in the
church of Corinth at this time. Phoebe was prob-
ably a \sidy, living at the port of Corinth, who
rendered much service to St. Paul and other
Christians. Milligan (on 1 Th 3^) quotes inscrip-
tions which show that didKovos (masc. and fem.) was
a religious title in pre-Christian times. The Seven
(Ac 6) are probably not to be identified with the
later deacons. The special function of deacons,
whether men or women, was to distribute the alms
of the congregation and to minister to the needs
of the poor ; they were the church's relieving
officers. They also probably helped to order the
men and the women in public worship. The
qualities required in them (1 Ti 3^"'^) agiee with
this : ' not greedy of sordid gain,' and ' faithful in
all things,' point to the care of money. See artt.
Church Government and Minister, Ministry.
Literature.— F. J. A. Hort, The Christian Ecelesia, London,
1897, pp. 196-217 ; M. R. Vincent, Philippians {ICC, Edin-
burgh, 1897), pp. 36-51 ; art. ' Deacon ' in UDB.
Alfred Plummer,
DEARTH.— See FAMINE.
DEATH.— See Life and Death.
DEBT, DEBTOR.— The Acts and the Epistles
give few glimpses of the trade of the time (cf. Ja
4i3ff.^ 1 Th 2* 4", 2 Til S^ff-, Ac 19--*"'-, 1 Co 7'",
Ko IZ''^-, Rev 18*--»). This may seem all the more
remarkable since Christianity touched the com-
merce of the Roman world at so many points and
used the fine Roman roads (see art. Trade and
Commerce). The allusions to debt are quite
incidental, and come in generally in the meta-
phorical use of words.
1. Literal use. — The word 'debt' signifying a
business transaction is found in Philem ^* {dcpeiXei),
where St. Paul delicately refers to money or
valuables stolen from Philemon by Onesimus.
St. Paul here uses the technical language of
business — tovto ifiol iWbya. We meet iWoyeu) in
pagan inscriptions and in an Imperial papyrus
letter of the time of Hadrian (Deissmann, Light
from the Ancient East-, 79 f.). Dibelius ('KoL'
in Handbuch zum NT, 1912, p. 129) quotes various
examples, as virkp dppa^Quos [ttj T](./j.ri €\\oyovfX€i'[o']v
(Grenfell and Hunt, ii. 67, 16 ff.). 'in the rest of
St. Paul's half-humorous sally with Philemon
{?ypa\pa ttj i/j-rj x^'pO he probably has in mind r6
xeip&ypa^ov (Col 2''*). The debtor could have an-
other to write for him if unable to write himself
(cf. specimen of such a note by an dypd/ifxaroi from
the Fayyflm papj'ri [Deissmann, op. cit. p. 335]).
The common word for ' repay ' is dirodldu/M (cf. Ro
13''), but St. Paul here uses dirorla-u, ' which is much
stronger than diroddjo-o' (Deissmann, p. 335 n. ; cf.
also Moulton and Milligan, in Expositor, 7th ser.,
vi. [1908] 191 f.). St. Paul thus gives Philemon
his note of hand to pay the debt of Onesimus. In
Ph 4^8 St. Paul uses, perhaps in playful vein again,
the technical word for a receipt, dir^x'^t in express-
ing his appreciation of the liberal contribution
sent to him by the Philippians (cf. dirixf^ for a
tax-receipt on an ostracon from Thebes [Deissmann,
p. 111]). The term d% \6yoi> vfiQv (Ph 4") has
the atmosphere of book-keeping (cf. also els \6yov
86(Tews Kal X-qiA^^eus in v.'^). In Ro 4^ we find the
figure of credit for actual work as a debt — /card
6<p€i\T]/xa. This is simply pay for work done (wages).
The word 6 fj.icr66s, hire for pay, is the common
expression (cf. the proverb in 1 Ti 5'" and fiLffdo}fj.a
(hired house) in Ac 28^").
In Ja 5* the curtain is raised upon the social
wrong done to labour by grinding employers who
kept back (d^vo-Tep^w) the wages of the men who
tilled the fields. James rather implies that there
Avas little recourse to law in such cases, but con-
soles the wronged workers in that God has heard
their cries. There was imprisonment for debt,
as was the case in England and America till some
50 years ago, but it was only with difficulty that
the workman could bring such a law to bear on his
employer. In Ro 13^"^ St. Paul expressly urges
the Roman Christians to pay taxes, a form of
debt paid with poor grace in all the ages. Christi-
anity is on the side of law and order, and recog-
nizes the debt of the citizens to government for
the maintenance of order. ' For this cause ye pay
tribute also' (v.^), (p6povs TeXelre. In v.'' he urges
the duty of paying (dwoSoTe) back in full (perfective
use of diro as in drrexw above) one's taxes. <p6pos is
tiie tribute paid by the subject nation (Lk 20"^,
1 Mac 10^^), while riXos represents the customs and
dues which would in any case be paid for the
support of the civil government (Mt 17"^ 1 Mac
10^^). So Sanday-Headlam, Romans, in loco.
In Ro 13^ St. Paul covers the whole field by /iTjdevl
fjL-rid^v 6(peiXeT€. We are not to imagine that he ia
opposed to debt as the basis of business. The
early Jewish prohibitions against debt and interest
(usury) contemplated a world where only the poor
and unfortunate had to borrow. But already,
long before St. Paul's time, borrowing and lending
was a regular business custom at the basis of trade.
Extortionate rates of interest were often charged
(cf. Horace [Sat. I. ii. 14], who expressly states
that interest at the rate of 5 per cent a month or
60 per cent a year was sometimes exacted). Jesus
draws a picture of imprisonment, and even slavery,
for debt in the Parable of the Two Creditors (Mt
lg-23-3b . (;f_ g^i^Q 535f.)_ gut iiyQ point of view of
St. Paul here is the moral obligation of the debtor
to pay his debt. In few things do Cliristians show
greater moral laxity than in the matter of debt.
Evidently St. Paul had already noticed this laxity.
He makes this exhortation the occasion of a strong
argument for love, but the context shows that
literal financial obligations {dcpeiX-q, common in the
papyri in this sense) are in mind as well as the
metaphorical applications of d^eiXo).
2. Metaphorical uses. — The examples in the
apostolic period chiefly come under this heading.
The debt of love in Ro 13** is a case in point. It
may be noted that dydirrj can no longer be claimed
as a purely biblical word (cf. Deissmann, op. cit.
p. 70). None the less Christianity glorifies the
word. The debt of love is the only one that must
not be paid in full, but the interest must be paid.
For other instances of dtpeiXu see Ro 15'"-'', 1 Co 5^".
In Ro 13'' 6(peiXri covers all kinds of obligations,
financial and moral (cf. also 1 Co 7** [conjugal
duty]). The metaphorical use of 6(peiX4Tr]s appears
in Ro 1", Gal .5*, etc. The metaphor of debt is
found in various otlier words. Tiius, when St.
Paul speaks of Christians being ' slaves of Christ,'
he is thinking of the obligation due to the new
Master who has set us free from tiie bondage of
sin at the price of His own blood. The figure need
not be overworked, but this is the heart of it (cf.
Ro 6'8-22, Gal 2^ 5', 1 Co 6-« 7"-^ Ro 3-^ 1 Ti 26, Tit
2^* ; cf. also 1 P 1'^ He 9^-). (See Deissmann, op.
cit. pp. 324-44 for a luminous discussion of the
whole subject of manumission of slaves in the
inscriptions and papyri, as illustrating the NT use
of words like dTroXvrpcjcns, Xvrpoia, Xvrpov, dvTiXvTpov,
dyopd^u, Ti/j.ri, iXevdepoio, iXeijOepos, eXevdepia, dovXos,
dovXevu}, KaTa5ovX6ui, etc. ) The use of dwodiSuai
with the figure of paying off a debt is common (cf.
Ro 2« 12'^ etc.). dppajSuiv (Eph V*) presents the
idea of pledge (mortgage), earnest money to
guarantee the full payment (Deissmann, op. cit.
p. 340). In He V- in the same way ^yyvos is surety
or guarantor. It seems clear that dtadriKi] in He
286
DECREE
DEMAS
91^'' has the notion of a will (testament) which is
paid at death. Deissmann (op. cit. p. 341) argues
that ' no one in the Mediterranean world in the
first century A.D. would have thought of finding in
the word BiaO-nKT) the idea of " covenant." St. Paul
would not, and in fact did not.' That sweeping
statement overlooks the LXX, however. Cf. art.
Covenant. The figurative use of iXKoydu occurs
in Ro 51^
LiTERATUKE.— Artt. in HDB, DCG, JE, and CE, and Com-
mentaries on the passages cited ; A. Deissmann, Bible Studies,
Eng. tr., 1901, and Light from the Ancient East^, 1911; A.
Edersheim, LT iL p. 26Sff. ; E. Scliurer, UJP 11. i. 362 f.
A. T. KOBERTSON.
DECREE. — This word occurs only three times in
the NT, once in the singular (Lk 2^), where it is
the decree of Caesar Augustus that all the world
should be taxed, and twice in the plural (Ac 16^
17^), the reference in the one case being to the de-
cisions of the Apostolic Church at Jerusalem, and
in the other to the decrees of the Roman Emperors
against treason.
The word in its technical or theological sense of
the Divine decree of human salvation, or of the
decrees of God comprehended in His eternal purpose
whereby He foreordains whatsoever comes to pass,
is therefore not found in the NT at all. The
Greek word which it most nearly represents is
irpbOeats, which describes the purpose of God in
eternity for the salvation of men. 'They that
love God ' are ' the called according to his purpose '
(ol Kara Trp69e<n.v kXtjtoL, Ro 8^^). ' The purpose of
God according to election' {i] kct iK\oyT]v irpdOecris
ToO 6eo0, 9^^) is to stand, not of works but of His
own sovereign grace who calls them that believe.
Christians are 'allotted their inheritance, having
been foreordained according to the purpose of him
who worketh all things after the counsel of his
will ' {Trpoopia9ivTes Kara Trpddeaiv tov to, ir6.vTa ivep-
yovvTos, Eph 1"). The Divine purpose is ' a purpose
of the ages' which God fulfilled in Christ (Eph 3")
as He had purposed it in Him (irpo^dero, Eph 1').
God's eternal decree depends upon the counsel of
His own will, for it is ' not according to our works
but according to his own purpose {Kara idiav
irpdOecriv) and grace given in Christ Jesus before
times eternal' that ' he saved us and called us with
a holy calling ' (2 Ti P). See artt. Call, Election,
and Predestination.
The decree of God, however, is not to be con-
ceived in the same way as that of Darius or Nebu-
chadrezzar, who could say, ' I have made a decree :
let it be done with speed ' (Ezr 6'^). God's decree
has no constraining eli'ecton the things to which it
is directed, because it is not promulgated to the
world, but is really His secret plan for the regula-
tion of His own procedure. It is not the proximate
cause of events, yet the objects which it contem-
plates are absolutely certain, and are in due time
brought to pass. Whilst the decrees of God are
' his eternal purpose whereby he foreordains
whatsoever comes to pass,' yet He accomplishes
His ends by the means proper thereto, and even
when men are moved by Divine grace to embrace
the gospel oiler, they do so in the exercise of their
liberty as free agents. As St. Paul says : ' God
hath from the beginning chosen you to salvation
through sanctitication 01 the Spirit and belief of
the truth' (2 Th 2"). T. NiCOL.
DELIYERER.— In the Acts and Epistles the
word ' deliverer' occurs only twice. Once (Ac 7^)
the original word is 6 XvrpuT^s and once (Ro IV) it
is 6 ^vdfjLtuoi. The reference in Acts is to Moses,
and so does not specifically concern us here, except
that the word is one of a group (X&rpou, duTlXurpof,
\vTp6u, diroX&rpujffis) used of the redemptive worlc of
Christ. In the Koine the word Xvrpov usually meant
the purchase-money for the manumission of slaves
(A. Deissmann, Light frovn, the AncieiU East'-, 1911,
p. 331 f.). In the LXX (Ps 19" es^^) the word
XiiT/)coT^y is used of God Himself, and the Xvrpua-is
wrought by Clirist is illustrated by tliat wrought
by Moses (Lk l^^ 2^, He 912, Tit 2"), and that
notion may have influenced Luke's choice of the
word in Ac73*(R. J. Knowling, EGT, 'Acts,' 1900,
p. 192). The passage in Ro IP^ (6 pvdfievos) is a
quotation from Is 59^" and is given the Messianic
interpretation. 'There shall come out of Zion
the Deliverer.' It is a free quotation, the LXX
having iK ^idiv instead of 'iveKev Sitii', while the
Hebrew has ' to Zion.' Some of the current Jewish
writings (En. xc. 33; Sib. Omc. iii. 710 f. ; Pss.
Sol. xvii. 33-35) cherished the hope of the conver-
sion of the Gentiles. St. Paul here seizes on that
hope, and the OT prophecy of the Messiah as
Deliverer, to hold out a second hope to the Jews
who have already in large measure rejected the
Messiah. Before He comes again, or at His com-
ing, the Jews Avill turn in large numbers to the
Deliverer once rejected (cf. Sanday-Headlam, Bom.^,
1902, in loc). In 1 Th V> St. Paul had already
used 6 pvbfievos of Jesus in connexion also with the
expectation of the Second Coming of Christ. It is
not here translated ' the Deliverer ' because the
participle is followed by ^/iSs, ' who delivereth us
from the wrath to come.' The word pt/w means
properly ' to draw,' and so the middle voice is ' to
draw to one's self for shelter,' ' to rescue.' The
word emphasizes the power of Christ as our De-
liverer, iK r^s dpyrjs t^s ipxofJ-ivTjs. The deliverance
is complete (iK) (Milligan, Thess., 1908, in loc).
This word piofiai is the most frequent one for de-
liverance by God. St. Paul in 2 Co P" uses it of
his rescue from death in Ephesus (ipmaTo 7jiJ.ds Kal
piaerai — Kal in pvaeTai). It is the word for our
rescue from the power of darkness in Col V^. St.
Paul has it also in 2 Ti 3^^ when he tells liow the
Lord delivered him out of his persecutions. In
4'"- he uses it of his rescue from the lion, and of
his hope that the Lord will deliver him from every
evil deed. In 2 P 2^ St. Peter uses it also for God's
help in temptation. In Gal 1* St. Paul has dVws
i^iXrjTai for Christ's purpose to deliver us from the
present evil age. The word is i^atpiofiai, * to take
out from,' while in He 2^' the word for deliverance
from the fear of death is diraXXdiro-w, * to set free
from.'
These words are simply those that in the RV
happen to be translated by 'deliver' in Englisli.
But they by no means cover the whole subject.
As a matter of fact all the atoning work of
Christ is embraced in the notion of deliverance
from sin and its effects. St. Paul himself epito-
mizes his conception of Christ as Deliverer in his
pajan of victory in 1 Co 15^^^' : ' Death is swallowed
up in victory. death, where is thy victory ? O
death, where is thy sting ? The sting of death is
sin ; and the power of sin is the law ; but thanks
be to God, who giveth us the victory through
our Lord Jesus Christ.' This deliverance applies
to the whole man (soul and body) and to the whole
creation (Ro 8'^"^). It means ultimately the over-
throw of Satan and the complete triumph of Christ
in a new heaven and a new earth (the Apocalypse).
A. T. Robertson.
DELUGE.— See Flood.
DE MAS ( A77/tas, perhaps a short form of Demetrius,
as Silas was of Silvanus). — Denias was a Christian
believer who was with St. Paul during his imprison-
ment in Rome, and sends greetings to the Colossians
(4") and to Philemon (v.=*^). Probably he was a
Thessalonian, and in both the references he is men-
tioned in connexion with St. Luke, while in 2 Ti
4'" liis conduct is contrasted with that of the beloved
DEIMETRIUS
DEMOIf
287
physician. In the last-named passage we are in-
formed that Demas left the Apostle -when he was
awaiting his trial before Nero. The desertion
seems to have been deeply resented by St. Paul,
who describes his action as due to his ' having loved
this present world.' Probably Demas realized that
it was dangerous to be connected with one who was
certain to be condemned by Nero, and he saved his
life by returning to his home in Thessalonica. The
phrase used, however, suggests that the prospect
of worldly advantage was the motive which deter-
mined Demas. No doubt the busy commercial
centre of Thessalonica offered many opportunities
for success in business, and love of money may
have been the besetting sin of this professing
Christian. The name ' Demetrius ' occurs twice in
the list of politarchs of Thessalonica ; and, while
we cannot say with certainty that the Demas of
2 Ti 4'° is identical with either of these, the possi-
bility is not excluded. In this case the prospect of
civic honours may have been the reason which led
him to abandon the hardships and dangers of the
Apostle's life and return to Thessalonica, where his
family may have held jjositions of influence.
Perhaps the bare mention of his name in Col 4^*
and the reference in Ph 2-°- 2' may indicate that
the Apostle even at this early date suspected the
genuineness of Demas, who was with him at the
time of his writing to Philippi (cf. Ramsay, St.
Paul, p. 358). We have no certain assurance that
the apostasy of Demas was hnal, but the darker
view of his character has usually been taken, as
e.g. by Bunyan in The Filgrim's Progress. Epi-
piianius (Hter. li. 6) classes him among the apos-
tates from the faith. It is impossible to iden-
tify Demas with any Demetrius mentioned in
the NT.
Literature. — W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and
the Roman Citizen^, 1897, p. 358 ; J. B. Lightfoot, Colossians
and Philemon-, 1876, pp. 36, 242 ; artt. in HDB, EBi, and SDB.
W. F. Boyd.
DEMETRIUS. — There are two, if not three,
persons of this name mentioned in the NT- -a fact
which is not surprising, considering how very
common the name was in the Greek world.
1. Demetrius, the silversmith of Ephesus (Ac 19).
A business man, profoundly interested in the
success of his business, Demetrius was a manu-
facturer of various objects in silver, of which the
most profitable were small silver models of the
shrine of the Ephesian goddess Artemis (see
Diana). These models were purchased by the
rich, dedicated to the goddess, and hung up within
her temple. The preaching of St. Paul was so
powerful that devotion to the goddess became less
prevalent, the demand for such offerings was re-
duced, and Demetrius felt his livelihood in danger.
He called a meeting of the gild of his handicraft
to decide on a means for coping with the new
situation. The meeting ended in a public disturb-
ance. Nothing is known of the later life of
Demetrius.
2. Demetrius, an important member of the church
referred to in the Second and Third Epistles of St.
John. It is impossible to identify the church with
certainty, but there can be little doubt that it was
in the province of Asia. The presbyter-overseer of
the church is absent, and in his absence Gaius and
Demetrius act in the truest interest of the members.
Demetrius' good condiict (3 Jn ^^) is attested by all.
3. The full name of Demas (Col 4^^ 2 Ti 4^",
Philem^^) may very well have been Demetrius
(possibly Demodorus, Demodotus) ; see Demas.
Literature. — See W. M. Ramsay's lifelike picture of the
scene at Ephesus in his St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
Citizen, London, 1895, p. 277 ft. The best list of pet-names is
found in A. N. Jannaris, An Historical Greek Grammar, do.
1897, § 287. A. SOUTER.
DEMON. — 1. Nomenclature. — The word dai/x6vioi>
(or 8ai/j.wv, Avhich, however, occurs only once in the
NT in the best MSS, viz. in ]\It 8^', though some
MSS have it in Mk 5'^, Lk S"", and some inferior
ones in Rev le'* 18-') is almost always rendered
' devil ' in EV, though RVm usually gives ' demon.'
In the RV of the OT ' demon ' is found in Dt 32",
Ps 106^^ Bar 4'' (Heb. ip, LXX daifidvLOp). Origin-
ally dai/u.iov had a somewhat more personal conno-
tation than SaLfxbviov, which is formed from the
adjective (i.e. 'a Divine thing'); and both had a
neutral sense : a sj^irit inferior to the supreme
gods, superior to man, but not necessarily evil.
Some trace of this neutral sense is found in the
apostolic writings. Thus deiaidalfiuv, deiadaifjiovia
have probably not the bad sense of ' superstitious,'
' superstition ' in Ac 17^^ 25^^ — Avhich at any rate
would hardly suit the former passage, where St.
Paul is not likely to have gone out of his way to
insult the Athenians — but the neutral sense of
' religious,' ' religion.' This view is borne out by
the papyri, where, Deissmann says (Light from
Ancient East, 1910, p. 283), the context of these
words always implies commendation. And simi-
larly St. Luke's phrase (Lk 4^^) * a spirit of an un-
clean demon ' would imply the existence of a pure
demon, just as ' unclean spirits ' imply the existence
of pure spirits. The neutral sense is also found in
the saying attributed to our Lord by Ignatius
(Smyrn. 3 ; see Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers'^, pt. ii.
vol. ii, [1889] p. 296) : ' Lay hold and handle me, and
see that I am not a bodiless demon ' (Sai^ibviov dcrc6-
fiarov), a saying clearly founded on or parallel to
Lk 24^'', perhaps due to an independent oral tra-
dition. But ordinarily in the NT 8aifi6vi.ov has a
bad sense, and signilies 'an evil spirit.' The ex-
pression 'to have a demon' (or 'demons'), which
occurs several times in the Gospels (ix^iv daifioviov
[dai/xdvia], equivalent to dai/uLovil^effdai, which is also
frequent there), is the same as the paraphrases found
elsewhere in the NT which avoid the Mord
'demon' (Ac 8^ 'had unclean spirits,' 19^^ 'had
evil spirits,' 10^^ etc.). In Christian writings the
word ' demon ' always means an evil being, though
it is curious that, in the NT and (as far as the
present writer has observed) in the Fathers, Satan
himself is never called 8al/xo3v or 8ai/jL6vt.ov (' demon ').
Conversely his angels are never in the NT called
' devils' (oiajSoXoi), though in Jn 6™ Judas is called
8idj3o\os. The Fathers emphatically assert that
all demons are evil : see e.g. Tertull. Apol. 22,
Orig. c. C'els. v. 5, viii. 39 (the Son of God not a
demon), Cypr. Quod idola dii non sint, 6 f. By
the time of Augustine even the heathen used the
word ' demon ' only in a bad sense (de Civ. Dei,
ix. 19).
2. Conceptions about demons in apostolic writ-
ings. — Demons are regarded as the ministers of
Satan — a host of evil angels over whom he has
command. They are the ' angels which kept not
their own principality (apx^v) but left their proper
habitation' (Jude^), who 'wlren they sinned' were
'cast down to Tartarus' (2 P 2*). They are de-
scribed as the Dragon's angels, forming his army
(Rev 12'- 3 ; cf. Mt 2b^^). That these angels are
the same as the demons appears from the fact that
Satan is the prince of the demons (Mk 3-^), and
that demoniacs are said to be 'oppressed of the
devil' (tov 8iap6\ov, i.e. Satan [see Devil], Ac 10^^ ;
cf. Lk 13^''). Thus there are good spirits and evil
spirits which must be distinguished and proved :
the spirit of the Antichrist must be distinguished
from the Spirit of God (1 Jn 4').
St. Paul, in not dissimilar language, speaks of
discernings of spirits (1 Co 12io ; cf. 2 Co 11*) and
of evil angels as being 'principalities' (dpxat),
' powers,' ' world-rulers (Koa/uLOKparopes) of this dark-
ness,' ' spiritual beings (irvevfiaTiKd) of wickedness
288
demo:n^
DEKBE
in the heavenly [places]' (Eph 6^^; the last phrase
may be roughly rendered ' in the sphere of spiritual
activities ' ; cf. Robinson's note on Eph 1^ and see
art. Air) ; perhaps also as being ' the i-ulersof this
age which are coming to nought . . . the spirit
or the world' (1 Co 2^-^-); or collectivelj^ as 'all
rule and all authority and power ' which are to be
abolished (1 Co 15-^- -«, Eph l^"-)- That these are
Satan's 1. )sts appears from the context of the last
passage (2-), which speaks of the Prince of the
power of the air (see Air).
It would seem that St. Paul regarded the heathen
gods as demons, having a real existence, though
they were not gods. On the one hand, ' no idol is
anything in the world, and there is no God but
one' (1 Co 8'*) ; on tlie other hand, the sacrifices of
the heathen are offered to demons, not to God,
and therefore Ciiristians must not attend heathen
temples lest they have communion with demons
(10-"*'- ; note the idea that sacrifice involves com-
munion between the worshipper and the wor-
shipped). So in the LXX Ps 96^ affirms that all
the gods of the heathen are demons (Heb. o'^'^i^,
i.e. 'vanities' ; Vulg. daemonia) • and Dt 32'^ (see
above) both in the Heb. text and in the LXX
clearly identifies the heathen gods with demons.
And similarly in Rev 9-" the worship of demons is
joined to that of idols.
The activity of demons towards man is great.
Though, after a fashion, they believe — not with
the Christian's faith, which is born of love, but with
faith compelled by fear (Ja 2^^ : they ' shudder') —
yet with the ingenuity which is peculiarly their
own (Ja 3^^ ao^ia . . . daifiovubdrjs), they try to
draw man away from his belief : they are ' sedu-
cing spirits,' whose teaching is called the ' doctrine
of demons ' (1 Ti 4"-, so most commentators) ; their
captain is called the ' sjjirit that noAV worketh in
the sons of disobedience ' (Eph 2-, where, however,
' spirit ' is in apposition to ' power,' not to ' prince,'
perhaps by grammatical assimilation ; see Robin-
son's note ad loc). The demons accordingly in-
stigate evil men against the good ; they are ' un-
clean spirits, as it were frogs ' coming ' out of the
mouth of the dragon . . . for they are spirits of
demons,' instigating the ' kings of the whole world '
to the ' war of the gi-eat day of God' (Rev 16'^'-)-
If we identify them with the 'rulers of this age'
of 1 Co 2'' (see above), they instigated our Lord's
crucifixion (v.*). See also Devil.
Demons are able to work miracles or signs (ffTfUJ-ela,
Rev 161^), as Antichrist can (2 Th 2^) ; they attract
worship from men (Rev 9'-" ; cf. Dt 32'' above),
and have their temples and tables (see above).
Rome, the corrupt capital of the heathen world,
designated ' Babylon,' is the habitation of demons,
the prison of every unclean spirit, the prison of
every unclean and hateful bird (Rev 18-).
Just as the fruits of the working of the Holy
Ghost in man are called the spirit ' of power and
love and discipline ' (2 Ti P) and ' of truth ' (IJn 4«),
so those of the demons are ' the spirit of bondage'
(Ro 8'*), and 'stupor ' (Karai'iJfews, 11*), and 'fear-
fulness' (2 Ti V), and ' error' (1 Jn 4«).
3. Demoniacal possession. — This subject is much
less spoken of in the writings which are here dealt
with than in the Gospels. The evangelistic records
depict a much stronger activity of evil in Palestine
during the earthly life of our Lord than that which,
as the rest of NT would lead us to suppose, existed
elsewhere and at a later time. Yet in four passages
of Acts Ave read of possession by unclean or evil
spirits : at Jerusalem (5^") ; in Samaria, Avhere they
were expelled at the preaching of Philip (8^) ; at
Philippi, where the ventriloquist maiden is said to
have a spirit, a Python (16"*^: irvevna vOduva is tlie
best reading) ; anil at Ephesus, where by St. Paul's
miracles the evil spirits were expelled (19'^). In
this last passage we read of the evil spirit speaking
out of the possessed man's mouth, and of the man's
actions being those of the evil spirit (v.^^) ; also of
Jewish exorcists who endeavoured to expel him (the
seven of v." become in all the best MSS two at v.^'' ;
probably there wei'e seven brothers, but only two
took part in this incident). The word 'exorcist'
does not occur elscAvhere in the NT. The passage
about the Python (10'") is very remarkable. The
name is derived from Pytho, a district near Delphi
where the dragon (called Python) was slain by
Apollo. The title Avas thus given to a diviner :
both Apollo and the Delphic priestess Avere called
' the Pythian ' (6 Hvdios, i] Ilvdia). Ventriloquists
Avere regarded as being under the influence of
demons, and as being able to divine ; they Avere, as
Plutarch tells us (Morcdia, ed. Xylander, ii. 414 E,
quoted by Wetstein on Ac 16"^), called irvduves,
irvOdivKTaai. Here, then, Ave have the conception of
something other than ordinary madness being a
possession by evil spirits ; and this incident may
be considered as a stepping-stone to the conception
found in some NT Avriters of physical disease as
being, at least in some cases, also a possession.
This is the case especially in the Avritings of Luke
the physician. Thus the woman Avho Avas ' boAved
together ' is said to have had ' a spirit of infirmity'
{irveufia da-deveia^, Lk 13'^) and to have been bound
by Satan (v.'") ; our Lord 'rebuked' (^TreTt/urjue) the
fever of Simon's Avife's mother (Lk 4^^), as if it Avere
an unclean spirit ; a deaf-mute is said to have a
' dumb spirit ' or ' a dumb and deaf spirit '(Mk 9'^''*^'').
There is nothing Avhich leads us to suppose that
the conception of demoniacal possession Avhich we
find Avell established in the four Gospels, especially
in the Synoptics, was not shared by the other NT
Avriters ; but it is notcAvorthy that, as the subject
is only glanced at in the Fourth Gospel (Avith refer-
ence to the charge against our Lord, Jn 7^" 8^*^*
lO-"'-), so it is not dealt with at all by St. Paul,
though Ave could perhaps hardly expect that it
should be spoken of in epistolary Avritings. We
may, hoAvever, remark that the language of the
famous passage Ro ']^*--^, in Avhich the Apostle
speaks of the poAver of sin in the Christian — for
Ave can hardly think that he is speaking of himself
only before his conversion — bears a close likeness
to that used to describe demoniacal possession.
Literature. — This article has dealt only with the period from
the Ascension to the end of the 1st cent. ; for this reference
may be made to H. St. J. Thackeray, The Relation of St. Paul
to Contemporary Jewish Thought, London, 1900, ch. vi. For
demoniacal possession see R. C. Trench, ^otes on the Miracles
of our Lor(P, London, 1870, § 6 ('The Demoniacs in the Country
of the Gadarenes '). On the subject in general see H. B. Swete,
The Holy Spirit in the JVeio Testament, London, 1909, Appendix 0;
A Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianitii, Eng.
tr.2, 190S, i. 125 ff. ; O. C. Whitehouse in HDB, art. 'Demon,
Devil' ; W. O. E. Oesterley in DCG, art. 'Demon, Demoniacs' ;
R. W. Moss in SDB, artt. ' DevU,' ' Possession.' For post-
aposlolic conceptions of demonology see H. L. Pass in ERE,
art. ' Demons and Spirits (Christian)' ; for those of other nations
see the various articles under the same title in ERE.
A. J. Maclean.
DEPUTY.— This is the AV translation of dt-^i/TraTOj,
the Gr. equivalent of jjro consule, ' proconsul ' {q.v.).
In NT times ' proconsul ' Avas the name given to
the governor of a senatorial province — that is, a
province under the supervision of the Roman
Senate, Avhich appointed the governors. In the
NT the following senatorial provinces are referred
to as under proconsuls : Asia, governed by an ex-
consul, called proconsul, a province of the highest
class, and Cyprus and Achaia, each governed by
an ex-])ra3tor, also called proconsul, provinces of
the second class. A. SOUTEE.
DERBE {Aip^ri).—Derhe Avas one of 'the cities
of Lycaonia' into Avhicli Paul and Barnabas lied
Avhen driven from Iconium (Ac 14"). Strabo says
it Avas ' on the flanks of the Isaurian region, ad-
DESCENT INTO HADES
DESCENT INTO HADES
289
hering (^7rt:re^ii/c(5s) to Cappadocia' (XII. vi. 3). It
belonged to that part of Lycaonia which, in the
1st cent. B.C., the Romans added, as an 'eleventh
Strategia,' to the territory of the kings of Cappa-
docia (XII. i. 4). From them it was seized, along
with the more important town of Laranda, by
Antipater the robber (called 6 Aep^-riTr]s), who is
otherwise known as a friend of Cicero (ad Fam.
xiii. 73). Antipater was attacked and slain by
Amyntasof Galatia (c. 29 B.C.), who added Laranda
and Derbe to the extensive territories which he
ruled as a Roman subject-king. On the* death of
Amjmtas in 25 B.C. his kingdom was formed
into the Roman province of Galatia. But the
'eleventh Strategia' again received special treat-
ment. After changing hands more than once, it
was ultimately added — as the inscriptions on coins
indicate — to the kingdom of Antiochus rv., and
therefore called 'Strategia Antiochiane' (Ptolemy,
V. 6), an arrangement which lasted from A.D. 41
to the death of Antiochus in 72. Derbe, however,
being required as a fortress city on the Roman
frontier, was detached from the Strategia and in-
cluded in the province of Galatia, after which it re-
ceived a new constitution, and was named Claudio-
Derbe, which was equivalent to Imperial Derbe.
Ethnically and geographically Lj'caonian, the
city was now politically Galatian. As in Lystra,
the educated natives were no doubt bilingual,
speaking Lycaonian (Au/caoi'to-W, Ac 14^^) among
themselves, but using Greek as the language of
commerce and culture. Derbe lay on the great
trade-route between Ephesus and Syrian Antioch.
All the cities on that line had been hellenized by
the Seleucids, whose task the Romans now con-
tinued. St. Paul's first visit to Derbe was very suc-
cessful ; he ' made many disciples ' (Ac 14-^), and the
city is not mentioned as one of the places in Avhich
he was persecuted (2 Ti 3"). It is a striking fact
that he made Derbe the last stage of his missionary
progress, instead of going on to the neighbouring
and greater city of Laranda. His action appears
to be prompted by a motive which the historian
does not formally state. Because Derbe Avas the
limit of Roman territory, he made it the limit of
his mission. He followed the lines of Empire.
In his second journey he evidently crossed the
Taurus by the Cilician Gates, passed through the
kingdom of Antiochus, and so ' came to Derbe
and Lystra' (Ac 15-"-16^). A third visit is prob-
ably implied by the statement that 'he went
through the region of Galatia and Phrygia in
order, stablishing all the disciples' (18^). On the
Southern Galatian theory, the Christians of Derbe
formed one of the ' churches of Galatia' (1 Co 16^
Gal P), and they Avere among the dvoijTot. TaXdrai
(Gal 3^) whom he exhorted to stand fast in their
Christian liberty (5'). Imperial Derbe stood in
closer relations with the Roman colonies of Antioch
and Lystra than with the non-Roman Lycaones of
the kingdom of Antiochus.
Sterrett (Wolfe Expedition, 1888, p. 23) placed
Derbe between the villages of Zosta and Bossola
on the road from Konia to Laranda. In both of
these places there are numerous ancient cut stones
and inscriptions, but it is doubtful if they are in
situ, and W. M. Ramsay thinks that the position
of the ancient city is indicated by a large deserted
mound, called by the Turks Gudclissin, about 3
miles W.N.W. from Zosta. It still waits to be
explored.
Literature. — W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman
Empire, 1893, pp. 54-56, The Cities of St. Paul, 1907, p. 3S5ff.,
Hi.-<t. Com. on Gal., 1S99, pp. 228-234 ; W. Smith, DGRG i.
[18561770. JaMKS StEAHAX.
DESCENT INTO HADES.— 1. By the Hebrews,
Sheol or Hades was regarded as the under world,
VOL. 1. — 19
a subterranean region of abysses and mysterious
waters upon which the earth rested (Ps 24^ 136®).
It was the region to which all souls passed after
death, there to live a shadow-like existence, in-
capable of the higher forms of spiritual activity,
such as the praise of Jahweh (Ps 6^). In I^T
times, a distinction has been drawn between the
departments of Sheol inhabited by the good and
the bad : ' Paradise ' is the resting-place of the
righteous and penitent (Lk 23^), while the ' abyss '
(q.v.) is spoken of as the abode of demons (Lk 8^^ ;
cf. Rev 91 IP 17^201).
2. Those who accepted the Jewish cosmogony
believed that, at death, every soul passed to this
hidden region. The death of Christ involved for
Him, as for every son of man, the same journey.
To the first disciples, that He ' descended into
Hades' would not present itself as an article of
faith, or as a matter of revelation ; it Avas implied
in the fact of His death. That He went into
' the abyss ' does not need argument for St. Paul
(Ro 10^ ; cf. Eph 4^ Kare^T] els to. Karurepa /J-eprj ttjs
7-^s) ; that His soul was in Hades after the Cruci-
fixion is assumed as a matter of course in Ac 2^^.
No one in the Apostolic or sub-Apostolic Age
Avould have been impelled by dogmatic considera-
tions to insert the article of the Descent into Hades
in the baptismal creed, for it was only another way
of saj'ing that Christ died. In the NT, accordingly
(with the exception of 1 P 3^^ 4®), the references to
Christ's Descent into the under world are incidental
only, introduced to illustrate special points ; e.g.
Ac 2*1, that Christ did not remain in Hades ; Mt
12^°, that the period of His sojourn ' in the heart
of the earth' was ' three days and three nights' ;
Eph 4^, that the Crucified who descended is the
Ascended Lord ; and Lk 23"'^, that the penitent
thief would be in security with Christ in the
unseen life after death. (It is to be observed,
however, that Lk 23^^ is not quoted by the Fathers
as illustrating the Descensus, some of them — e.g.
Tertullian — holding that Paradise was not a de-
partment of Hades, but distinct from it. )
3. But the question was inevitable : when Christ
descended to the under world, what office did He
pei-form there? And in attempting to find an
answer to the question as to the consequences and
the purpose of Christ's Descent into Sheol, the
early Christians naturally betook themselves to
the OT and to the forecasts of Messiah's mission
which they found therein. Even before specula-
tion began on these points, it had been natural to
use OT language when the fact of the Descensus
Avas mentioned : thus Ro 10" goes back to Dt 30^^,
and Ac 2^1 to Ps le^". Now the OT suggested a
deliverance of the righteous from Sheol, and this
thought Avas destined to be prominent in the
development of Cliristian eschatology.
Sheol, as Ave have seen, is the abode of the
spirits of the departed (Ps 49''*), and it is from
Sheol, personified as the ruler of this gloomy
region, that the righteous Hebrew looked for
deliverance. ' God will redeem my soul from the
poAA-er of Sheol ' was his hope (Ps 49'^ ; cf. Ps 30^).
The Divine promise Avas, ' I Avill ransom them from
the power of Sheol' (Hos 13"). 'Because of the
blood of the covenant I have brought forth thy
prisoners out of the pit Avherein is no water ' (Zee
9^1) is a prophetic forecast.* To St. Paul's thought,
the climax of Christ's victory was the conquest of
death (1 Co 15'-'') ; and it Avas part of the purpose
of His liumiliation that in His triumph the poAvers
of the under Avorld should own His SAA'ay (Ph 2^"
IVa irdv yovv Kafi^pr) . . . KaTaxOoviuv), When it
Avas asked how this subjugation Avas exhibited,
the answer Avas ready to hand. It Avas in the
deliverance from Satan's bondage of the dead Avhom
* So it is incerpreted by Cyril of Jerusalem (Cat. xiiL 34),
290
DESCENT INTO HADES
DESCENT INTO HADES
he had in thrall in Sheol. Christ has the keys of
death and of Hades (Rev l^^).
It is possible that some such conception of
Messiah's mission to the departed ■was prevalent
in pre-Christian days. Two passages from the
Bcreshith Bahba* are cited as testifying to Jewish
belief : ' When they that are bound, they that are
in Gehinnom, saw the light of the Messiah, they
rejoiced to receive him ' ; and 'Tliis is that which
stands written. We shall rejoice and exult in thee.
When ? When tiie captives climb out of hell, and
the Shechinah at their liead.' But the date of
this literature is uncertain, and it may be affected
by Christian ideas. At any rate, this conception
of the purpose of Christ's Descensus is prominent
in the earliest Christian documents. Thus in a
section of the Ascension of Isaiah (ix. 16 f.)
assigned by Charles to the close of the 1st cent,
we have : ' when he hath plundered the angel of
death, he will ascend [sc. from Hades] on the
third day . . . and many of the righteous will
ascend with him ' (cf. also x. 8, 14 and xi. 19,
' They crucified him, and he descended to the
angel of Sheol'). With this should be compared
Mt 27^'^- ^3, perhaps the earliest suggestion of the
thought that the saints were freed from the
bondage of Hades by the Descent of Christ.f In
a 2nd cent, section of the Sibylline Oracles (i. 377)
we have : owot av Aiduvios oIkov \ /Sj^crerat ayyeWwv
iwavadTaairii' redvewcnp ; and again (viii. 310): ij^ei 5'els
'Aidyjv dyyeWuv iXTrida ira<jLv. The date of the
(Christian) interpolation in the Latin version of
Sir 24'*^ is not certain, but the words interpolated
are significant : ' Penetrabo omnes inferiores
partes terrae et inspiciam omnes dorniientes, et
illuminabo onmes sperantes in Domino.' We have
an explicit statement in Origen, who, commenting
on Ro 5", saj's : ' Christum vero idcirco in infernum
descendisse, non solum ut ipse non teneretur a
morte, sed ut et eos, qui inibi non tam praevarica-
tionis crimine, quam moriendi conditione habe-
bantur, abstraheret.' J Origen elsewhere inter-
prets the binding of the ' strong man ' of Mt 12-'' as a
binding of Satan in the under world, and Irenreus
gives the same exegesis.§ This is the general
view : the express purpose of Christ's Descent to
Hades was to liberate the souls who were there
in thrall. The apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus
works out, in picturesque detail, the story of the
' Harrowing of Hell,' a legend which deeply im-
pressed the consciousness of Christendom. So
•wide-spread was this belief in the early Christian
period that a controversy arose as to whether the
souls of Jews or of Gentiles or of both were in-
cluded in the deliverance wrought by Christ in
Hades. Marcion — if IrenseusH is to be trusted —
held that it was only for the redem))tion of the
wicked heathen of olden time, but Justin H and
Irenajus ** restricted it to the righteous of Israel ;
while Clement of Alexandria ft and his school
included both Jew and Gentile in its grace. We
find, then, that, while the NT gives no explicit
sanction to this idea of the conquest of the powers
of the under world and the deliverance of im-
prisoned .souls by Christ's Descent into Hades, it
was firmly established in the 2nd and 3rd cent.,
and that it grew out of OT phrases about the
redemption from Sheol.
5. The idea that Chxist preached in Hades to the
souls who were in bondage there has a somewhat
dilierent history. It is found in Ignatius JJ : 'even
the prophets, being His disciples in the spirit, were
* Quoted from Weber by Bigg on 1 P 3i9 {ICC, 1901, p. 163).
t So Origen interprets Mt 27^-' as a fulfilment of Ps 68^8
(Lommatzsch, vi. 344).
«♦ Lommatzsch, vi. 344. § adv. Beer. v. xxi. &
ib. I. xx\ ii. «i Tryph. 72.
•* adv. Ilcer. iv. xxvil. 2. ft Strom, ij, 9.
\X ad Maijn. ix.
expecting Him as their teacher, and for this cause,
He, whom they rightly awaited, when He came,
raised them from the dead.' More explicit is an
oracle quoted both by Justin* and by Irena^iisf as
from Isaiah or Jeremiah, although it is not in the
OT, and its source has not been traced : ' The
Lord God remembered His dead people of Israel
who lay in the graves, and descended to preach
to them His own salvation.' J In like manner,
the apocryphal Gospel of Peter (2nd cent.) tells
of a voice from heaven which said, 'Thou didst
preach to'them that sleep' (iKripv^asTo?s KOLfuofxivoLs),
This, according to Clement of Alexandria, who
does not countenance the legendary developments
of the idea of liberation, was the sole purpose of
Christ's Descent into Hades, viz. that He should
preach the gospel there.§
Of Christ's preaching in Hades there is no
foreshadowing in the OT, although Clement of
Alexandria II will have it that Job 28-^ predicts it.
But it is plainlj' stated in 1 P 3^^ 4^ and the etibrts
to explain these passages of a preaching of the pre-
existent Christ to the patriarchs, or of His mission
to the spiritually dead, can only be regarded as
after-thoughts of Christology, although they have
the authority of Augustine and Aquinas. The
words are explicit ; rols iv <pvXaKfj Trvev/xacriv wopevOeis
(KTjpv^ev . . . veKpols evrjyyeXiadr]. It is noteworthy,
however, that early Christian belief on this point
was not founded on these texts. They are not
cited in connexion with the Descensus by the
earliest writers, such as Ignatius, Justin, or
IrenjEus. Cyprian U quotes 1 P 4", but he otiers no
comment upon it ; and Clement of Alexandria ** is
the first to use 1 P 3^^ to illustrate the jDroclama-
tion of the gospel in Hades. Nothing is said in
either passage as to the ejfect of the jireaching ;
there is no suggestion of that triumphant deliver-
ance of souls from Hades, on which the next age
loved to dwell. Indeed, 1 P 3^^ does not speak of a
preaching to all the spirits of the departed, but
only to those of the antediluvian patriarchs ; and
this limitation, whatever be its precise significance,
needs to be kept in mind. It was, perhaps, because
of this limitation that the passage was not quoted
by the early Christian writers when debating the
meaning of the Descensus ; the doctrine was de-
veloping itself in quite a different way.
6. A curious passage in the Shepherd of Hermas
{Sim. ix. 16) throws some light on the primitive
Christian conception of the under world. A
parable is told of the building of a tower which
represents the Church at rest. All the stones
which are built into the tower are taken from ' a
certain deep place' (^k jSvdod tiv6s), i.e. the under
world. The first tier represents the first genera-
tion of men, i.e. from Adam to Abraham ; the
second, those from Abraham to Moses ; the third,
the prophets and ministers (sc. of the Old Cove-
nant) ; while the fourth tier represents the apostles
and teachers of the New Covenant. All alike had
' to rise up through water ' that they might be
made alive, so that the seal of baptism is needed
for all. Now the ' apostles and teachers ' dillered
from the rest in that they had been baptized
Ijefore they passed into the under world ; but when
there, ' after they had fallen asleep in the power
and faith of the Son of God, they preached also to
them that had fallen asleep before them, and them-
selves gave unto them the seal of the preaching,'
sc. bixptism. Thus Hermas does not speak of a
Descent of Christ into Hades, but he finds a mission
* Tryph. 72. t adv. Ilcer. iii. xx. 4.
t In other passages of Irenseus where this oracle is quoted
(IV. xxxiii. 12, V. xxxi. 1) it ends, 'descended to rescue and
deliicr them,' no mention being made of the preaching of
Christ in Hades.
§ Strom, vi. 6. II ib.
t Test. ii. 27. *• Strom, vi. 6.
DESCENT INTO HADES
DESCENT INTO HADES
291
there for the apostles and teachers of the Christian
dispensation, viz. that they might evangelize and
baptize the pre-Christian saints, so that they too
might become members of tlie Church. Clement
of Alexandria* quotes this passage from Hernias,
and addst that the apostles preached in Hades,
following the Lord. Probably neither writer had
formulated a quite consistent scheme of Christ's
mission to the under world. As Clement held that
the apostles were followers of Christ in Hades, so
Origen taught tliat Christ had forerunners there.
He held that as the propliets, both those of the
OT and John Baptist, were His heralds on earth,
80 they were His heralds in the under world : J
'l7](TOV% els ^oov yeyove, Kal ol irpo<prjTaL irpo avTov, Kol
TrpoK7]p6a(Toi/ai rod Xpiarov t7]v iirLOrifxla.v.
7. The primitive view, so far as it can be collected
from Hernias and Ignatius, seems to be correctly
expounded by Loofs.§ Christians, since the Re-
demption wrought by their INIaster, were not sub-
ject to the bondage of Hades after death ; from
the power of death they had been freed once for
all. And what Christ did for the patriarchs in
Hades was to place them in a like position to those
who had been favoured by His presence on earth.
Those who welcomed Him there were delivered
from thrall, as all His disciples had already been
delivered. This was not held by Tertullian || or
by Irena?us,1I but it is definitely stated by Origen ** :
iav diraWayw/xev yevd/xevoi Kokol Kal dyadol . . , ov
KaT€\ev(T6/J.eda els Tr]v X'^po-" Stou irepUixevov tov "KpuFrbv
ol irpb TT]S Trapovcrias avrov KOLfiw/jLevoi.
This may have been the significance of the
preaching in Hades, mentioned in 1 P S'** 4* ; but
it remains obscure why it is limited (at least in the
lirst passage) to the antediluvian sinners, for there
is no hint that tliey are to be taken as typical of
all men who lived before Clirist's Advent.
8. The Descent into Hades is the topic in several
of the recently discovered Odes of Solomon, which
(late from the 2nd century.
These remarkable hymns were first published from the Syriac
by Rendel Harris in 1909, and several editiotis have appeared
since in German, Frencli, and Eny^lish. Opinion is divided as
to their date and doctrinal standpoint; but it is not doubtful
that the passai^es here cited are Christian. They may be dated,
provisionally, between a.d. 150 and 180.
In Ode xxxi. 1 ff, we have a Song of the Victory
of Christ in the under world : ' The abysses were
dissolved before the Lord : and darkness was de-
stroyed by His appearance : error went astray and
perished at His liand : and folly found no path to
walk in . . . He opened His mouth and spake
grace and joy . . . His face was justified, for thus
His holy Father had given to Him. Come forth,
ye that have been afflicted and receive joy, and
possess your souls by His grace, and take to you
immortal life.' And in xlii. 15 fl". : 'Sheol saw me,
and was made miserable : Death cast me up and
many along with me ... I made a congregation
of living men amongst his dead men, and I spake
with them by living lips . . . and those who had
died . . . said, Son of God, have pity on us . . .
and bring us out from the bonds of darkness ; and
open to us the door by which we shall come out to
thee.'
Here we have the redemption of souls in Hades,
and also a preaching by Christ there after His
Passion. In these Odes there is the earliest appear-
ance of the detailed doctrine of the Descensus
which is found in the Gospel of Nicodemus, and
was afterwards universally prevalent in Christian
circles. The Odes do not appeal directly to Scrip-
ture ; and the manner in which they allude to the
* Strom ii. 9. t ib. vi. 6.
X Horn, in 1 Sam. SSS-!S (Lommatzsch, xi. 326).
I ERE iv. 661. II de Anima, 68.
IT adv. Hcer. v. xxxi. 2.
** Horn, in 1 Sam. SS^-is (Lommatzsch, xi. 332).
fact and the purpose of the Descensus shows that
it must have been a familiar Christian idea at the
date of their composition.
9. The apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus tells (ii.
10) that John Baptist announced to the patriarchs
in Hades that he had baptized the Christ, who
would soon come to bring them deliverance. We
have already (§ 6) found in Origen the conception
of John as the precursor of Christ in the under
world ; but we have now to notice the remarkable
similarity between the language used about the
Descensus and that used about baptism. Four
points in particular may be noted :
[a) The Descent was a going down into ' the
abyss ' (Ro 10'). A text of the OT quoted by Cyril
of Jerusalem * as pre-figuring this is Jon 2®- ', which
is in the LXX :
&l3v(rcros (KUKKwaiv fie iax^Tri,
i8v i] KecpaKrj fxov eh cr;;^tcr/xds ipiuiv,
KaTi^7]v els yfjv ^s ol fxox^ol avrrjs Kdroxoi aliivioi.
Now in baptism we are ' buried with him ' and
' united with him by the likeness of his death '
(Ro 6^- ^). The Fathers, e.g. Basil,t speak explicitly
of our baptism as a reflexion or imitation of Christ's
Descensus ; as a Western Council J has it, ' in aquis
mersio, quasi in infernura descensio est.'
(6) When Christ descended, the keepers of the
gates of Hades were scared (cf. Job 38" Trv\wpol di
(}8ov l86vTes ae ^irTTj^av), and the Gospel of Nicodemus
(ii. 8) speaks of tiie brazen gates and iron bars
being broken (cf. Ps 107'^ Is 45^). The powers of
the under world were terrified. Now the Epistle
of Barnabas (§11) quotes as predictive of baptism
Is 45^ ' I will crush gates of brass and break in
pieces bolts of iron ' ; and the same text is alluded
to in Odes of Solomon, xvii. 9, where again the re-
ference is to baptism. Further, all the Eastern
baptismal rites bring in the idea of the waters (the
mysterious region where evil spirits dwell) being
terrified at the coming of Christ for baptism,
quoting Ps 77'® 114'* 29* as forecasting this. We
have the same thing in Odes of Solomon, xxiv. 1
and xxxi. 1 f. In some pictorial representations of
tlie Baptism of Christ, Jordan is depicted allegoric-
ally as starting away in astonished fear. That is,
the terror of the powers of evil is described in the
same language, whether the Descent to Hades or
Christian baptism is the topic. §
(c) The main purpose, as we have seen (§ 3) of
the Descensus was the release of captive souls.
But that baptism is a release from bondage, the
bondage of sin, is a commonplace in early Christian
literature. Baptism, says Cyril of Jerusalem, || is
alx/^a\wTOis \rjTpov (cf. Odes of Solomon, xvii. II,
XX i. 1, XXV. 1, and Ephraim Syrus, Hymns on the
Nativity, xv. 9 : ' Blessed be He who has annulled
the bonds').
{d) The Gospel of Nicodemus describes the
passage to Paradise of the saints redeemed from
Hades by Christ. It was, again, a familiar thought
in early Christian speculation that in baptism we
are restored to Paradise, to the state from which
Adam fell, the guilt of original sin being annulled
(cf. Origen.lT Cyril of Jerusalem,** Basil.tt and
Ephraim, t+ who says of the baptized : ' the fruit
which Adam tasted not in Paradise, this day in
your mouths has been placed.' See also Odes of
Solomon, xi. 14).
Otlier illustrations might be given, but these are
sufficient to show that what may be called the
folklore of the Descent into Hades is closely con-
nected with the folklore of baptism. The juxta-
* Cat. xiv. 20. t de Spiritu Sancto, xv. 36.
J 4th Council of Toledo (633), cap. 6.
§ See Bernard, Odes of Solomon (TS viii. 3 [1912]), p. 33 f., for
a fuller statement and for references in regard to the matter of
this section generally.
II Procat. 16. % in Gen. 28. •• Cat. L i.
it Ho7n. xiii. 2. jj Epiphany Hymns, xiii. 17.
292
DESERT, WILDERNESS
destructio:n"
position of the two thoughts — the ministry of Christ
in Hades and the efficacy of baptism — in 1 P 3^^^* is
remarkable, and deserves a closer examination than
it has yet received from commentators.
10. The article ' He descended into Hell ' does
not appear in any Creed until the 4th cent., the
Arian Symbol of Sirniium (359) being the first to
include it ; and it is not included in the baptismal
Creed of the Eastern Cliurcli to this day. The
motive with which it was inserted in the Creeds of
the West is not clear ; but, whatever the motive
was originally, the clause now is useful as testify-
ing to the perfect humanity of Christ, His spirit
iiaving passed into the unseen world after death,
as the sjjirits of the departed do. Nor are we just
to early Christian tradition, or mindful of the
implications of 1 P 3^^ 4®, if we do not recognize
that this Descensus must have affected in some way
the condition of souls in the unseen world.
Literature. — This is very copious. The artt. ' Descent to
Hades (Christ's) ' by Loofs in EHE and ' Hell (Descent into) '
by Burn in DCG with the literature there cited are most valu-
able. A laro;e number of Patristic references will be found in
F. Huidekoper, Christ's Mission to the Underworld'^, New
York, 1S76. H. B. Swete, The Apostles' Creed, London, 1894 ;
E. C. S. Gibson, 2'he 7'kirty-Niiie Articles of the Church of
England, do. ]S9G-97 ; and J. Turmel, La Descente du Christ
aiix enfers, Paris, 19C5, give useful summaries. C. Bigg, Epp.
of St. Peter and St. Jvde {ICC, 1901), is the fullest English
Couinientary on the Petrine texts. J. H. BERNARD.
DESERT, WILDERNESS.— The ideas suggested
to our minds by the words ' desert ' or ' wilderness '
differ to a considerable extent from those conveyed
to an Oi-iental by the biblical terms so translated.
When we think of a desert we tend to imagine a
bare sandy waste, without any vegetation or water,
such as the Desert of tlie Sahara in N. Africa.
The ' desert ' of the Bible is rather a place without
liuman habitations, devoid of cities or towns, but
by no means devoid of vegetation, at least for a
considerable portion of the year. Properly speak-
ing, the desert was the place to which the cattle
were driven (Heb. -\f\p from -ij'j 'to drive'), an
uncultivated region where pasturage, however
scanty, Mas to be found. Joel, for instance, speaks
of the fire having devoured the pastures of the
wilderness (1-"), and of the locusts leaving a
desolate wilderness behind them (2^). It was in
tlie wilderness that the sheiilierds tended their
flocks, and other forms of life were also to be
found there. Thus, e.g., pelicans (Ps 102^), wild
asses (Jer 2^), ostriches (La 4^), jackals (Mai P)
had their home in the desert. As the pasture to
be found in the wilderness was scanty and in-
sufficient to support a flock of sheep for any length
of time, the shepherds had to move from place to
place in order to obtain the necessary food for their
flocks. The desert was thus the special home of
nomadic or wandering tribes, although the name
'desert' or 'wilderness' was applied to the un-
cultivated tracts of land beyond the bounds of
the cultivated area near the towns or villages.
Some of the deserts mentioned in Scripture are
small, and correspond to the English 'common ' or
uncultivated pasture ground near a village on
which any of the inhabitants could graze tlieir
cattle. Thus we read of tiie Wilderness of Gibeon
(2 S 22^), of Tekoa (2 Ch 202"), of Damascus (1 K
19'^). On the other iiand, many of the wildernes.ses
referred to in the Bible are simply parts of larger
deserts. Some of these larger tracts of unculti-
vated pasture land are, e.g., the Wilderness of Judah
(Jg l'«), of Moab (Dt 28), of Edom (2 K 3«). The
\yildernefis of Judah included the Wilderness of
Zi])!], of Tekoa, of Engedi.
The best-known desert of the Bible is the
Wihlerness of Sinai, where the tribes of Israel
wandered before settling in Canaan. God's care
for the people in those days of wandering is re-
peatedly referred to by prophets and psalmists
(e.g. Hos 13^, Jer 2^, Am 2i", Ps TS^^ 107'' \W%
In the same way the sin and unbelief of the people
in the wilderness are mentioned [e.g. Ps 78'*'' 106^'*),
while on the other hand several of the prophets
seem to look on the time of the sojourn in the
wilderness as the ideal period in the story of
Israel's relation to God [e.g. Jer 2-, Am 5-^).
In the apostolic writings we have several refer-
ences to 'wilderness' or 'desert.' Tiie terms em-
ployed are iptj/uLa and Sprjfios, the latter used either
as a noun or adjective with Tdwos or X'^pa or some
similar word understood. In the life of our Lord
the desert holds an important place. It is the
scene of the Temptation, of the feeding of the 5000,
of midnight prayer and rest from labour. In the
life of Sb. Paul we have a reference to his sojourn
in Arabia (Gal 1") after his conversion, and un-
doubtedly we are to understand that the Apostle
had retired to the desert for meditation. The
evangelist Philip is instructed by the Spirit to go
to meet the Ethiopian eunuch on the road from
Jerusalem to Gaza, and the statement follows,
'which is desert' (Ac 8"^). If this refers to the
road which passed through the desert, there is no
difficulty ; but the natural application of the words
is to Gaza itself, which in the time of Philip was
a prosperous town. G. A. Smith [HGHL^, 1897, p.
186 f.) supposes that the reference is to Old Gaza,
past which the road ran ; but the more likely
explanation is that the sentence is a later marginal
gloss inserted after Gaza had passed away, and that
it at length crept into the text (cf. HDB iv. giS**).
In the Epistle to the Hebrews reference is
made to the persecuted followers of Christ ' who
wandered in deserts and mountains ' (IP^). Prob-
ably this refers to the Jewish Christians of the
Holy Land during the great war with Kome and
after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. The
apostolic writings also contain repeated allusions
to the wilderness of Israel's wanderings. In the
speeches of St. Stephen and St. Paul, as recorded
in the Acts of the Apostles, we And the story of the
desert sojourn, in the accounts of the history of
God's revelation of Himself to mankind (Ac 7^^* ^**
42.44 i3i8)_ St. Paul in 1 Co 10^ refers to the
temptation, sin, and punishment of the people in
the wilderness as a warning to Christian believers
against giving way to temptation. A similar use
of the temptation in the wilderness is made in
He 38- ".
In Rev 12^- " ' the woman clothed with the sun '
has a place prepared for her in the wilderness,
whither she flees from before the dragon, while in
17^ the seer is carried to the wilderness to see the
' woman sitting upon a scarlet-coloured beast, full
of names of blasphemy.' The thought behind the
former reference, of the wilderness as a place
of refuge for the woman, may be taken from the
history of the Jews who fled from Pharaoh to the
wilderness, but there may be no more than the
general idea of the wilderness as a place of refuge
and concealment, so amply illustrated in the life
of David. The idea in the latter instance may be
connected with the Jewish conception of the desert
as the home of demons or evil spirits (cf. art.
Demon). W. F. Boyd.
DESTRUCTION.— The material is scanty in St.
Paul's writings for ' a detailed theory on this most
awe-inspiring of all sulijects,' and it is proper for
us to note ' the " wise Agnosticism " (the phrase is
Dr. Orr's in discussing the teaching of Scripture
on eternal punishment) of St. Paul with the at-
tempted theories of the Synagogue-theologians'
(H. A. A. Kennedy, .S7. Paul's Conceptions of flu
Last Things, 1904, pp. 313, 315 ; cf. also 4 Ezr. ix. I.",
' Enquire not further how the ungodly are to be
DEVIL
DEVIL
293
tormented, but rather investigate the manner in
which the righteous are to be saved'). But there
can be little doubt that the term ' destruction ' to
St. Paul meant, not annihilation, but a continual
existence of some sort in the outer darkness away
from God. St. Paul has a group of ■words for this
idea, d/r/vj (1 Th V, Ro 2^- ^ 5^) is a more general
term and applies to the Cay of Judgment. Bdvarcs
(Ro 6^^- ^ S**) is not the death of the body, Tvhich is
true of all, but rather the second death of Rev
206- 14. The NT gives nc scientific description of
death, nor is one possible in the spiritual sphere.
The analogy of Nature (see Butler's Analogy, ed.
Gladstone, 1896, and Drummond's Natural Laio
in the Spiritual World, 1883) does not make an-
nihilation necessary. The words (pdeipu and (pdopd
(Gal 6^, 2 P 2'-) have the notion of corruption.
Note the contrast in 1 Co 15^^ between iv (pdopa
and £v d<pdapaia. St. Paul uses <p6eipu in 1 Co 3"
for the punishment of one who destroys {(pdeiptxi)
the Temple of God. In Ro 3'® destruction {crvv-
rpi/Mfxa) and misery (raXaiTrwpia) are coupled together
for the ways of tlie sinful. But the chief words
for the idea of destruction of the unbelieving are
diruiXeia (dfl"oXXi5w) and oXeOpos, both from oXXu/Ut, ' to
destroy.' In Rev 9^^ 6 'AiroWvwv, the destroyer, is
the title of Satan. The use of diro in dwoWvui and
dTTuiXeitt is perfective, and in Greek literature
generally the terms mean * destruction.' This
fact is used by the advocates of conditional im-
mortality in favour of the doctrine of the annihi-
lation of the wicked, but it is by no means clear
that the v.'ords connote extinction of consciousness.
Least of all is this true of the LXX use of the
words. In 2 P 3^ dirwXeia is used for the Day of
Judgment and punishment of the wicked, which
implies life after death. In Ph 1^ the word is in
opposition to auirripia, in He 10^^ it is opposed to
wepiTTOLTjcns ttjs ^vxv^ (see also Ja 4'-, Jude^, 1 Co P^
109 I518, 2 Co 2'5'- 43, Ro 212, Ph 313, Rev 17^- ").
There seems no good reason for reading into the
context the notion of anniliilation of the soul, for
that was probably an idea wholly foreign to St.
Paul. The term 6\€0pos meets us in 1 Th 5^ 2 Th
P, 1 Ti 6'^ (ets oXfepov Kal dTrd,\eiav). In 2 Th 1^ we
have TLjovcnv oKedpov aldivicv, which is the only pas-
sage that makes a statement about the duration
of the destruction of the wicked. Aristotle {de
Ccelo, i. 9, 15) defines aiihv as the limit (t6 tAos)
either of a man's epoch or the limit of all things
(eternity). The word does not in itself denote
eternity, but it lends itself readily to that idea.
The context in 2 Th 1^ makes the notion of final-
ity or eternity necessary (Milliiian, Thess., 1908,
ad loc). The word 6\edpos denotes hopeless ruin
(cf. Beet, The Last Things, ed. 1905, p. 122 ff.). In
4 Mac 10'^ we have rbv aliiviov tov rvpdwov oXeOpov
in contrast with Tof dolotfiov tG>v evae^uif ^lov (cf.
Milligan, op. eit. p. 65). St. Paul's natural mean-
ing is the ruin of the wicked, which goes on for
ever. It is a dark subject from any point of view,
but eternal sinning seems to call for eternal
punishing. See also artt. on LIFE AND Death,
PuxiSHMENT, and Perdition.
A. T. Robertson.
DEYIL (SidjSoXcs). — In this article the conception
of the Evil One in the apostolic writings and of
the various names used to describe him will be
considered ; for the passages in EV where ' devil '
represents dainoviov see DEMON.
1. The name SicipoXos. — (a) It is used as a common
noun or as an adjecti^^e to denote 'a slanderer' or
'slanderous' (NT in Pastoral Epistles only), as in
1 Ti 3'i (women not to be slanderers), 2 Ti 3^ Tit 2^ ;
and so in LXX of Haman (Est ?•* 8' ; Heb. is, ir^,
Vulg. hostis and adversarius). The corresponding
verb is lised of accusation, where the charge is not
necessarily false, as in Lk 16^ (Ste/SXij^?;) of the unjust
steward, though probably a secret enmity is in-
ferred ; and Papias [ap. Euseb. HE in. xxxix. 16)
uses the verb (unless it is Eusebius' paraphrase)
with reference to the • woman accused of many
sins before the Lord.' It is noteworthy in this
connexion that the devil's accusations against man,
though undoubtedly hostUe, are not always untrue.
[b) As a proper name d'.d^oXos is constantly used
in the NT, usually \nth. the article, but occasion-
ally it is anarthrous (Ac 13^^ 1 P 5^, Rev 12" 202).
It is explicitly identified in Rev 12^ 20- with the
Heb. name Satan, and, like that name, it is not
used in the NT in the plur. (except in the primary
sense of 'slanderer' as above), and is not applied
to Satan's angels, as we apply the word ' devils '
to them. It is curious that we never in English
use ' Devil ' as a proper name without the article,
while we always use 'Satan' in this way. Hence
the title does net convey to our ears quite the same
idea as it conveyed to the Jews. Conversely we
sliould do well if we did not cdways treat ' Christ'
as a proper name, but sometimes used it as a title
or attribute, ' the Christ,' as occasionally in RV
[e.g. Lk 2^-% In the OT ' Satan ' (from ]t^, ' to
hate,' 'to be an enemy to,' the root idea being the
enmity between the serpent and the seed of the
woman, Gn 3^^) is generally used with the article,
■ rb-n, as denoting the adversary : in 1 K 5^ it is used
without the article, as denoting any adversary
(LXX iiri^ovXos, Vulg. Satan). The name ' Satan,'
liowever, had not been transliterated into Greek
till shortly before the Christian era, for we never
find it so rendered in the LXX, but always 6
0id;3oXos. The latter is used as a proper name in
the LXX of Job P^, Zee 3^ (Vulg. Sata7i), and
Wis 2--* (Vulg. Diabolus) ; and so often in the NT.
There we have, as frequently, 6 laravas, almost
always Avith an article, but in 2 Co 12'' we have '^o.tS.v
or ^arafo. without the article ; some cursives in
Rev 20- have laravds anarthrous. The translitera-
tion ' Satan ' is found 34 times in the NT, of which
14 cases are in the Gospels.
(c) We find in the apostolic writings some para-
phrases of the name 'Satan.' 'The Evil One' (6
TTov-^pos) is used in Eph 6's, 1 Jn 2i3£- 3^- S^^'- ; this
designation is also found 5 times in the Gospels,
and, in addition, probably in the last clause of the
Lord's Prayer. In the Apocalypse ' the dragon ' is
frequently used as a synonym for Satan, 6 opaKwv
probably meaning ' the sharp-seeing one,' from
dipKo/jLu.* It is used in Rev 123^- 13-^^ " IB^^ 20'^
as denoting a large serpent (as in classical Greek),
explicitly identified with the ' old serpent ' of Gn 3
in Rev 12" 20'-. This identification is perhaps im-
plied in Ro 162", 2 Co IP (cf. Wis 2--*). Satan is
also called ' the Accuser ' and ' the Destroyer ' (see
below, § 2). For other names see Adversary,
Ajr, Belial.
2. Apostolic doctrine about the devil of Satan.
— The apostles, like their Jewish contemporaries,
taught that Satan was a personal being, the prince
of evil spirits or demons (Rev 12^- ", Eph 2^ ; cf. Mt
25", Mk 3", but the name ' Beelzebub ' is not found
in the NT outside the Gospels), and therefore one
of the 'angels which kept not their own princi-
pality' (Jude^, 2 P 2*). In accordance with the
conception of Wis 2^, that his malignity towards
man is caused by envy (for Jewish ideas see
Edersheim, LT*, 1887, i. 165), he is represented as
pre-eminently the adversary of man (1 P 5^), and
as accusing him to God (Rev 12i" Karrr/opos 01
Karriyup ; the reference seems to be to Job and
Joshua the high priest). He has power in this
world, though only for a while (Rev 12^2), and
therefore is called the ' god of this world ' or ' age '
* The word &paKoiv in the LXX renders three Hebrew words :
pjg, tan7Vi,n (Job 712), Bin:, nd^ash (Job 2613), j^i;i.^, livydthdn
(Jo'b 4025).
294
DEVIL
DEVIL
(ald>v) who ' hath blinded the thoughts {voi^fiaTa) of
the unbelieving' (2 Co 4^; cf. Jn U^ 16" 'the
prince of the [tliis] world '). This * power of Satan '
is contrasted with ' God ' as ' darkness ' with ' light '
in the heavenly vision at St. Paul's conversion
(Ac 26^'*). 'The devil' has 'the power of death'
(He 21'*), not that he can inflict death at will, but
that death entered into the world through sin
(Ro 5^2) at his instigation (Wis 2--*). As Westcott
remarks (on He 2^^), death as death is no part of
the Divine order, but is the devil's realm ; he
makes it subservient to his end. He must, there-
fore, almost certainly be identified with ' the De-
stroyer' who appears as Apollyon lawoW^uv) or
Abaddon (I'njx, lit. 'destruction'; see Abaddon)
in Rev 9^', the king of the locusts who has power
to injure men for five months — the name is akin to
' Asmodaeus ' of To 3^ ("]9y?>'. from t??*, ' to destroy '),
but not with the 'Destroyer' of 1 Co 10'" (see
Angels, 5 (6)).
The devil uses his power to seduce man to sin ;
he tempts Ananias to lie to the Holy Ghost (Ac 5^) ;
he deceives the whole world (Rev 12^ 20^- "*) ; he
is pre-eminently 'the tempter' (1 Th 3^ 1 Co 7") ;
he tempts with wiles and devices and snares (Eph
611, 2 Co 2", 1 Ti 3^ 2 Ti 226) ; he uses evil men as
his instruments or ministers, who ' fashion them-
selves as ministers of righteousness' even as he
' fashioned himself into an angel of light ' (2 Co
ll"f-)- A passage in the Pastoral Epistles (1 Ti 3^)
suggests that the fundamental temptation with
which Satan seduces men is pride. The Christian
iirla-KOTTos must not be puffed up with pride lest he
fall into the condemnation {Kpl/j.a) into which the
devil fell (i.e. when cast out of heaven ; this seems
to be the most probable interpretation, not ' the
judgment wrought by the devil ' ; cf. Jn le'' ' the
prince of this world hath been judged,' KiKpiTai).
Satan is far from being omnipotent ; man can re-
sist him, and he will flee (Ja 4'') ; man must not
'giv-e place to' him, i.e. not give him scoidb to
work (Eph 4"). Not that man can resist by his
own strength, but only by the indwelling power of
the Holy Spirit, who helps his infirmity (Ro 8^^
1 Co 3'6, and in St. Paul's Epistles passim ; cf. Mt
12^^) ; the Holy Spirit is man's Helper or Para-
clete against tlie Evil Spirit.
The devil is described as instigating opposition
to Christian work * and persecution ; whether by
blinding the minds (lit. thoughts) of the unbeliev-
ing (2 Co 4*), or directly by suggesting opposition,
as when he ' hindered ' St. Paul's return to Thessa-
lonica(l Th 2'8), perhaps (as Ramsay thinks [St.
Paul, 1895, p. 230 f.]) by putting into the minds of
the politarchs the idea of exacting security for the
leading Christians of that city (Ac 17^). Similarly
in Rev 2'^" the devil is said to be about to cast some
of the Smyrnaean Christians into prison ; and Per-
gamum, the centre of the Emperor-worship which
led to the persecution described in the Apocalypse,
is called Satan's throne (2'*). No phrase marks
more clearly than this the difference of attitude
towards the Roman official world between the
Seer on the one hand and St. Paul and St. Luke
on the other, or (as it seems to the present writer)
the interval between the dates of writing. The
Seer looks on the Emperor and his officials as
closely allied with Satan, while St. Paul and St.
Luke look upon them as Christ's instruments (Ro
13'*, etc. ; and note the statements about Roman
officials in Acts). In close connexion with the
above passages, the persecuting Jews are called a
' synagogue of Satan ' (Rev 2^ 3*).
3. The conflict with Satan.— Michael and his
good angels are represented as at war in heaven
with the devil and his angels (Rev 12') as a direct
result of the spiritual travail of the Christian
* In this sense Peter is called ' Satan ' in Mt 1623.
Church (vv.2"^). Satan is cast down to the earth
and persecutes the Church (v.^^). But he is bound
by the angel for a thousand years, i.e. for a long
period, and cast into the abyss that he may no
longer deceive (20-'-). This period of binding
synchronizes with Christ's reign of a thousand
years (see v.''), when the triumph is shared by the
martyrs (vv.'*-^) ; this is the ' first resurrection,'
and is best interpreted as taking place in the pre-
sent life, and as referring to the cessation of the
persecution, which was to last for a comparatively
short time— 3i days (11»- '') as compared with 1000
years (20-- ■*), and to the establishment of a domin-
ant Christianity. But the reign of Christ is not
said to be ' on earth.' The reign of the martyrs
was not to be an earthly one ; they ' would live
and reign with Christ as kings and priests in the
hearts of all succeeding generations of Christians,
while their work bore fruit in the subjection of
the civilized world to the obedience of the faith.
. . . The age of the martyrs, hoAvever long it
might last, would be followed by a far longer
period of Christian supremacy ' (Swete, extending
and adapting Augustine, de Civ. Dei, xx. 7 fi". ).
In other words, Satan's power for evil now is not
to be compared with his power at the beginning
of our era. This conception of an anticipatory
victory over Satan may be compared with Ro 16'-^,
1 Jn 38 5^8.
After the thousand years the devil will be re-
leased (Rev 20^) ; there will be a great activity
of all the powers of evil before the Last Day ; but
he will be finally overthrown (v.i"), and Christ's
triumph will be complete. This is the great mes-
sage of the Apocalypse. The struggle between
the Church and the World will end in Satan being
vanquished for ever.
i, Satan dwelling in men. — This subject is con-
sidered in art. DEMON ; but certain NT phrases
may be noticed here.
(a) Wicked men are called 'children of the
devil ' (Ac 13i», Elymas ; 1 Jn 3i») ; and in Rev 2^4
the ' mysteries ' of the false teachers at Thyatira
are called ' the deep things of Satan, as they say,'
as opposed to the ' deep things of God ' of which
St. Paul speaks (1 Co 2i0; cf. Ro ll^^, Eph Z^^);
i.e. ' the deep things as they call them, but they
are the deep things of Satan.' In these wicked men
and teachers Satan is conceived as dwelling ; but
pre-eminently he dwells in the man who is his re-
presentative, and who is endowed with his attri-
butes, ' the lawless one ' (Antichrist) who works
false miracles and has his Parousia even as Christ
has (2 Th 2^ where see Milligan's note).
(6) Delivering unto Satan. — This phrase is found
in 1 Co 5"*'' and 1 Ti \^, and is perhaps based on
Job P^ 2*, where the patriarch is delivered to Satan
to be tried by sufl'ering. In St. Paul the jjhrase
seems to denote excommunication, the excommuni-
cate becoming a dwelling-place for the Evil One.
It is, indeed, thought by some tliat the phrase
' destruction of the flesh ' in 1 Co 5' means the
infliction of death, as in the case of Ananias and
Sapphira (Alford, Goudge, etc.). But in 1 Tim.
death cannot be intended, for the object of the
discipline is that the ofl'ender may be taught not
to blaspheme ; and in 1 Cor. the balance of proba-
bility perhaps lies with the opinion that the
oflbnder is the same as the man who was received
back into communion in 2 Co 2' 7'"^ (for the contrary
view see A. Menzies, Second Corinthians, London,
1912, p. xviift'.), Ramsay thinks that the phrase
was an adaptation of a pagan idea in wliich the
punishment of an ofl'ender is left to the gods. Un-
doubtedly excommunication in the early Church
was a severe penalty ; bodily suflerings are not
impossibly referred to, for these are attributed to
Satan in the NT (Lk IS'', the woman whom Satan
DIADEJkl
DIANA
295
had bound), and Sfc. Paul calls his ' stake in the
flesh,' whatever form of suffering that might have
been, ' a messenger of Satan to buffet me ' (2 Co 12'').
Yet this discipline is intended to bring about re-
pentance, 'that the spirit may be saved in the day
of the Lord Jesus.'
LrrERATURB.— H. St. J. Thackeray, The Relation of St.
Paul to Contemporary Jewish Thmcght, 1900, p. 142 ff. (esp. p.
170 f.); E. B. Redlich, St. Paul and his Companions, 1913,
index, S.v. ' Satan ' ; A. Nairne, The Epistle of Prienthood,
1913, pp. 57, 267 £F. ; T. J. Hardy, The Religioits Insti7ict,Wl3,
p. 151 ff. ; T. Haeringr, The Christian Faith, Eng. tr., 1913, i.
481 f. See art. Demon. For the Apocalypse passages see espe-
cially H. B. Swete's admirable Commentary, London, 1906.
A. J. Maclean.
DIADEM.— See Ceown.
DIANA. — The use of the name ' Diana' in Ac 19
(AV and RV) to indicate the Ephesian goddess is
probably due to the influence of the Latin Vulgate.
From a very early time the Romans used the Italian
names of their own divinities to indicate also Greek
divinities whose characteristics were analogous to
those of their own. It was thus that the Greek
maiden huntress-goddess Artemis was early equated
with the Latin goddess Diana, maiden and huntress.
(In the earliest Roman period Diana and lanus
[ = Dianus] are male and female divinities corre-
sponding to one another.) But the Artemis of
Ephesus is a divinity entirely different in char-
acter from the ordinary Greek Artemis ; and that
such a goddess should come to be represented in
English by the name Diana is almost ridiculous.
The goddess of Ephesus, called Artemis by the
Greeks, was a divinity of a type wide-spread
throughout Anatolia and the East generally (cf., for
instance, ch. iii. in Ramsay's Cities and Bishoprics
of Phryfiia, Oxford, 1895). She represented the re-
productive power of the human race. The Oriental
mind was from early ages powerfully impressed by
this, the greatest of all human faculties, and wor-
shipped it, now under the male form, now under
the female. There are still in India, for instance,
survivals of phallic worship. The Artemis of Ephe-
sus was represented in art as multimammia, covered
with breasts. The Avorship of such divine repro-
ductive power naturally lent itself in practice to
disgusting excesses. Instead of being kept on a
spiritual level, it was continually made the excuse
for brutalizing and enervating practices — prostitu-
tion, incest, etc.
The origin of the name 'Artemis' is veiled in
obscurity, and the attempts of both ancients and
moderns to derive the word have been unsuccessful ;
the best suggestion is that of Ed. Meyer, that the
word is cognate with dpra/xeus, dprafjios, apraiietv, and
means ' the female butcher.' Tius would suit certain
early aspects of the cult very Avell. But it is as a
Nature-goddess that we find the most wide-spread
worship of Artemis in the earliest days of which
we have any knowledge. She was worshipj^ed on
mountains and in valleys, in woods and by streams.
Her working and her power Avere recognized in all
life, plant and animal, as beneficent in their birth
and growth, as signs of wrath in their destruction
and death. With her is sometimes united a male
counterpart. She is in any case wife and mother ;
she nourishes the young, aids women in childbirth,
and sets bounds to their life. Afterwards various
developments in this original conception take place.
The wife and mother element, with the growth of
the Apollo legend, both Apollo and Artemis being
children of Leto, retires into the background, and
Artemis becomes a maiden goddess. She also
becomes the goddess of seafaring men, and is
patroness of all places and things connected with
them. In Homer she appears mainly as the god-
dess of death of the old Nature religion. From
the 5th cent, onwards we meet her as goddess of
the moon, while Apollo is god of the sun. On the
boundaries of the Greek world her cult is associated
with the barbarous ceremonies of other divinities
recognized as related.
The most important aspects of the Artemis cult
for the NT are naturally those connected with the
life of Nature, but the whole idea of Artemis must
be sketched as briefly as possible. Various trees
are sacred to her. Moisture as fertilizing them is
sacred to her — lakes, marshes, and rivers. She is
thus also a goddess of agriculture. Her beneficence
causes the crops to grow, and she destroys opposing
forces ; whence offerings of crops are made to her.
Of all seasons she loves spring best. She is mistress
of the Avorld of wild animals, such as bears, lions,
wolves, and panthers, and also of birds and fish.
Out of this conception the huntress idea would
naturally develop. And it seems that it was in con-
nexion with this that the idea of the goddess as a
virgin arose. She was also the protectress of cattle.
Further, she was reverenced as the guardian of
young people, and to her maidens made ottering of
the toys, etc., of their childhood. Among her other
attributes was that of goddess of childbirth, goddess
of women in general, especially goddess of death
(particularly for women), and as such she demanded
human sacrifice. She Avas a goddess of war, of the
sea, of roads, of markets and trade, of government,
of healing, protectress from danger, guardian of
oaths (by her women were accustomed to swear),
goddess of maidenhood, of beauty, of dancing and
music. Finally she was a moon-goddess.
The Ephesian cult was in its origin non-Greek.
The application of the name Artemis to a goddess
of the characteristics of the Ephesian divinity
shows that this identification must have been
made in very early times, before any idea of vir-
ginity attached to the goddess among the Greeks.
/The cult of the Ephesian goddess remained Oriental,
and she was never regarded as virgin. Her temple
Avas a vast institution, Avith countless priests,
priestesses, and temple-servants. The priests Avere
eunuchs, and Avere called /xeyd^v^oi ; there Avas one
high priest. The goddess was also served by three
grades of priestesses, called fjLeWi^pai, lepaL, and
irapUpai ; at the head of these Avas a high priestess.
Under the dominion of these priests and priestesses
there was a large number of temple-slaves of both
sexes. The cult Avas Avild and orgiastic in its char-
acter. As a result of partial hellenization tAvo
developments took place. First, the Avorship of
Apollo Avas sometimes associated Avith that of his
Greek sister. Second, games Avere established on
the Greek model, called 'AprepLiaia or OlKov/jLevLKo,,
and were held annually in the month Artemision
( = April).
• The Ephesian cult of Artemis was by no means
confined to Ephesus. The statement of Acts (19-'),
'Avhom all Asia and the Roman world worship,'
Avas no exaggeration. Evidence of this cult has
been found in numerous cities of Asia Minor as
Avell as in the folloAving places further afield :
Autun, Jklarseilles, Rhone Mouth (France), Em-
poria?, Hemeroscopeum, Rhode (Spain), Epidaurus,
Megalopolis, Corinth, Scillus (Greece), Neapolis
(Samaria), Panticapteum (Crimea), Rome, and Syria.
The Ephesians were proud of the goddess not only
because she Avas theirs, but because her Avorship
brought countless visitors from every part of the
Empire. This of course Avas also good for trade,
so that religion and self-interest Avent hand in
hand. The account in Acts (1925"^-) illustrates
most vividly the enthusiasm Avhich can be aroused
Avhen religious fanaticism and commercial greed
are in tune. The manufacture of offerings to the
goddess brought in extensive profit to the makers.
St. Paul's preaching, Avhich appealed to the better
educated classes, drew many aAvay from the coarse
and barbarous cult of Artemis. The demand for
otferings decreased ; hence the meeting and the
riot. The air rang with shouts of * Great Ephesian
Artemis ! '
Ephesians prized very greatly the honorary title
of vecoKopos, temple-keeper {lit. ' temple-sweeper ')
of the great Artemis and of her image which fell
down from the sky (Ac 19^). Thia image was
doubtless a meteoric stone of crude shape like the
Palladium preserved at Rome.
It was in EphesusCj.v.) that the Artemis worship
was at length Christianized in the middle of the
5th cent, by the substitution of the Mother of God
{OeordKos). This was the beginning of Zvlariolatry.
LrrERATURB. — On Anatolian relig-ion, see W. M. Ramsay's
art. ' Religion of Greece and Asia Minor ' in HDB, vol. v., and
ch. iii. of his Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, Osfcrd, 1S95 ;
on Artemis, see L. R. Famell, Crdts of the Greek States, vol. ii.,
Oxford, 1896, pp. 425-436 ; Sclireiber, ' Artemis,' in Roscher's
Lexikon der Mythclogie ; and Wernicke in Pauly-Wissowa,
to the last of which the present writer is particularly indebted.
A. SOUTER.
DIASPORA.— See CisPERSiON.
DIDACHE. — 1. DisooYery. — That at one time a
book called the Teaching or Teachings of the
Apostles had an extensive circulation in Christian
circles had long been evident before the actual
discovery of any MS. The nature of this book,
so highly esteemed in certain quarters, was a
matter of conjecture. It was thought by some to
be another name for the Apostolic Constitutions.
Others, like Archbishop Ussher, were certain that
it must be a much shorter document, omitting
much of that later compilation. It came to be
recognized that behind the whole development of
works like the Apostolic Church Ordinance, and
the Apostolic Constitutions and Canons there must
be a common original. A brilliant attempt at
reconstruction was made by Krawutzscky (Theol.
Quartalschrift, iii. [1882] pp. 359-445), who, from
the matter common to these two works, framed a
document which anticipated Avith wonderful ac-
curacy the first part of the Didache, but which
he called, after Ruiinus, Ducb Vice vel JudiciuTn
Petri.
At the time when this was published, a MS of
the Didache had already been discovered in the
library of the Jerusalem monastery in the Phanar
or Greek quarter of Constantinople, and was given
to the world in the end of 1883 by its discoverer,
Philotheus Eryennios, the Metropolitan of Nico-
media. The MS belongs to the 11th century.
It contains, besides the Didache, six other early
writings or groups of writings, beginning with
Chrysostom's Synopsis of the Old and Neto Testa-
ments, and including the Epistle of Barnabas and
the Epistles of Clement of Rome. At its close the
scribe has appended a note to the effect that it was
finished ' by the hand of Leo, notary and sinner,'
in A.M. 6564, i.e. A.D. 1056.
No other book of primitive Christianity outside
the NT has found so many and such industrious
editors. This ^IS is still the only one known of
the whole Didache, but in Harnack's edition {TU
ii. 1, 2 [1884]) von Gebhardt draws attention to
a Latin fragment from a MS of the 10th cent.,
formerly in the convent library of Melk, which,
even in its brevity, has one marked difference from
onr Didache, to be referred to later. Then in 1900,
J. Schlecht published from a Munich MS of tlie
11th cent, an old Latin version (Doctrina XII.
Apostolorum, Freiburg i. B., 1900), co-extensive
M'ith the first six chapters of the Didache, contain-
ing, among other variations, the same noteworthy
omission. These are the texts on which all present
investigation must rest.
The re-discovery of the Didache created a great
sensation, and it was hailed as a most important
find. It was seen to fill a gap betv\'een the Apostolic
Church and the Church of the 2nd cent., in matters
of worship, ministry, and doctrine.
' Until the discovery of the Didachi' saye Sanday (Expositor,
Srd ser. v. [1SS7] 106), ' there were certain phenomena of the
Apostolic age which hung as it were in the air. They were like
threads cut off abruptly of which we saw the beginning, but
neither middle nor end. It is just these phenomena that the
Didache takes up, brings them again to our sight, and connacts
them with the course of subsequent history."
It was seen to be the actual forerunner of a
whole series of later works in the East. It differs
from its successors in that it dees not claim direct
apostolic inspiration ; it is simply the summary of
v/hat its author conceived to be the teaching of
the apostles.
' It is anonymous, but not pseudonymous ; post- Apostolic,
but not pseudo- Apostolic' (Schaff, Oldest Church ManuaP,
New York, 1889, p. 14).
2, Contents. — The Didache is not a long docu-
ment. It is about the same size as the Epistle to
the Galatians. In the MS it is not divided ; but
there is now a standard division into chapters and
verses, which is followed in this discussion. This
division is quite satisfactory save at one point —
xi. 1,2 ought to belong tc ch. x.
The Didache may be divided into two main
parts, the latter containing three sections, thus :
I. Chs. i.-vi. Pre-baptismal moral teaching.
II. Chs. vii.-xvi. General instructions to ths Christian com"
munity concerning :
(a) Rites (vii.-xi. 2).
(6) OflSce-bearers (xi. 3-xv.).
(c) The Last Things and the duty of watchfulness (rvi.).
At the head of the MS appears the title, ' The
Teaching of the Twelve Apostles' (AtSaxT? rQiv
5iideKa. diroffTd'Xwv). The first part opens with a
sub-title which runs continuously with the text
(see facsimile in Schaff or Rendel Harris). The
sub-title is * The Teaching of the Lord by the
Twelve Apostles to the Gentiles ' (Aidaxv KvpLov dici,
tQv duidexa aTToaroKuv roh idvecrii').
This sub-title was either the original title of the whole work,
the present title being an abbreviation (in which case the word
iSv^iTLv refers to Gentile Christians) or, as is just possible from
its position in the MS, it was originally the title of a shorter
work corresponding in length to the Latin Version, in which
case iOvfo-Lv means ' those not yet received within the Christian
fold,' and indicates that the work contains the moral t«aching
given to those who are stUl outside the Church — the candidates
for baptism.
The first part consists of a delineation of the
Two Ways— the Way of Life and the Way of
Death. The Way of Life consists in obedience to
three commandments : (a) Love to God, (b) Love
to one's fellow-men, and (c) the Golden Rule in its
negative form. The Way of Life is set forth not
as a logical development of these three in turn,
but first positively, and then negatively. The
positive development (i. 3-6) consists mainly of
extracts from the Sermon on the Mount. The
negative begins v.ith a prohibition of gross sins
(ii. ); it proceeds, after the manner of a Jewish
'fence to the Lav/,' to a warning against subtler
forms which lead on to the grosser (iii.); it con-
cludes with the inculcation of duties necessary for
a true life in the Church and in the household
(iv. ). The Way of Death is delineated in a list of
sins and sinners (v.). Tiie moral instruction ends
with a warning against going astray from ' this
Way of the Teaching,' and the injunction to follow
it as far as possible. This part, unlike the rest of
the book, is addressed to an individual, the con-
necting link between it and the other part ad-
dressed to the community being the words : ' Having
first taught all these things, baptize ye.'
The second part begins with (a) instructions as
to the baptism which is to follow this moral in-
struction of the cacechumen (vii.); fasting and its
days ; prayer, its times and its form, the Lord's
Prayer (viii.) ; the Eucharist and the common meal
DIDACHE
DIDACHE
297
associated \vith it, together with forms of prayer
(ix. and x.). It is added, however, that the
prophets are to be left free in prayer. The men-
tion of the prophets leads on to the next section,
but first of all there is a more direct connecting
link in the injunction to receive all who come
teaching 'all these things aforesaid.' (6) The
section on the Christian ministry deals first with
the apostles and their reception as they pass on
their way to their fields of labour (xi. 3-6), then
at greater length with the prophets (xi. 7, xii.), who
were evidently more familiar visitants. Commonly
they were itinerant, but they might be settled in
one community. Simple tests of character are
given, for there is the constant danger of being
deceived by a pretended prophet. Tlie itinerant
prophet suggests the hospitality to be given to
way- faring Christians (xii.). The settled prophet
suggests the disposal of first-fruits (xiii.), as also
regulations for the Lord's Day and the Eucharist
(xiv.). The local ministry of bishops and deacons
is dealt with in a short chapter (xv.) which closes
this section on the office-bearers of the Church,
(c) The last section (xvi.) counsels watchfulness
and preparedness in vieAv of the approaching end.
Signs of the end are enumerated, and ' then shall
the world see the Lord coming upon the clouds of
heaven.' With these words the Didachs comes to
a conclusion.
3. Sources. — To begin with express quotations,
there are two from tlie OT (xiv. 3 = Mai 1"- '^ xvi.
7 = Zee 145), two from the NT (viii. 2 = Mt65ff-, ix.
5 = Mt 7*^), and one probably from some unknown
apocryphal book (i. 6). There are, besides, three
separate references to what our Lord has com-
manded in the gospel (xi. 3, xv. 3, 4). Apart from
express quotations, reminiscences of the OT are
clear, especially in the first six chapters, and the
same applies to the OT Apocrypha (Sirach and
Tobit). Direct borrowings from the NT are even
more numerous. Harnack (op. cit. pp. 70-76) has
tabulated 23, and of these 17 are from Matthew.
(For full list of actual parallels with the NT see
Schafi', op. cit. pp. 82-9.5.) Certain features point
to acquaintance with Luke — e.g. the form of the
quotations from the Sermon on the ]\Iount in i.
3-5, and the order of cup and bread in ix. 2. 3 — but
there is no conclusive proof that Luke was actually
used. ■SLark seems to be unused. The case of
Jolm is doubtful. There are resemblances to Jn 6
and 17 in the Eucharistic prayers, the most re-
markable being the use of the formula ' Holy
Father' (irdrep ayie, x. 2 = Jn 17^^). So many and
so subtle are the parallels, that acqu.aintance with
John must be admitted, or else it must be supposed
that the Didache, or at least its liturgical forms,
originated in a Johannine milieu. The canonical
Gospel of ISIatthew seems the chief source for our
author's knowledge of the teaching of the Lord,
but alongside this written Gospel he was familiar
with phrases from the oral tradition. On the
question of the use of St. Paul's Epistles, almost
every intermediate position has been occupied
between that of Harnack (1884), who could find no
single clear trace of their use, and that of Armitage
Robinson [JThSt xiii. [1912] 350), who regards the
writer as intimately acquainted with 1 Corinthians :
'he has imitated its sub-divisions, borrowed its
words and phrases, and modified its thoughts to
suit his own purposes.' There are certainly traces,
but they are few in number. His debt to St. Paul
is not great. Much more marked is his debt to
Jewish writings. The work has been called ' a
sort of Church Catechism intensely Jewish' (West-
minster Review, Jan. 18S5, p. 206). Apa-rt fi-om i.
3-5 there is little that is specifically Christian in
the first part, and nearly all of it has its parallels
in purely Jewish literature. For this section there
has been posited as source a Jewish proselyte
catechism of the 'Two Ways,' and parallels and
borrowings are not wanting in the later portions of
the Didaclie as well (cf. C. Taylor, The Teaching of
the Ticelve Apostles, with Illustrations from, the
Talmud, Cambridge, 1886).
i. Integrity.— There is no doubt that the Didache
as we have it in the Constantinople MS reads like
a unity. Its parts are closely knit together and
follow an orderly development. That the primal
Didache was co-extensive with our text, with
perhaps a few omissions and some textual varia-
tions, seems an almost certain inference. But the
two facts, that the Latin of Schlecht (L) contains
only the first part with no sign of being unfinished,
but, on the contrary, with a conclusion of its own,
and that certain apparently dependent writings
seem to have known these chapters only, suggest
that the Didache did once actually exist in such a
shorter form. The two main questions which
emerge whenever the integrity of the fuller
Didache is discussed arise in this way. Ever since
Taylor pointed out the numerous Jewish parallels,
and even before that, the theory of its dependence
on a Jewish proselyte catecliism of the Two
Ways has been advanced and defended. The dis-
covery of L seems to confirm this. Was there
ever, then, such a Jev/ish catechism ? And was it
purely a catechism of the Two Ways, or did it
contain further material ? The case for a Jewish
original seems proved. It was natural that Chris-
tians reared in Judaism, familiar with Jewish
missionary propaganda and methods of instructing
converts, should take over and use the forms which
they had seen observed in the reception of prose-
lytes, and the Didache bears many a trace of being
such a Jewish document worked over in the Chris-
tian interest. Was this written or oral catechcsis
of Judaism co-extensive with chs. i.-vi., or are we
to look for a larger document having matter
parallel with some parts of chs. vii.-xvi.? It was
surely to be expected that any such instruction
should contain, besides moral precepts, teaching in
regard to the ceremonial and legal requirements of
Judaism — circumcision, the Sabbath, foods, first-
fruits, fasts, prayers, festivals, and so forth. And
when we find phenomena such as these — the
Christian fasts and praj-ers carefully diflerentiated
from the fasts and prayers of the ' hj-pocrites ' (viii.
1, 2) ; the weekly day of worship, called the Lord's
Day of the Lord (Kvp'.aKr) Kvpiov, xiv. 1), correspond-
ing to the ' Sabbath of the Lord ' (Lv 23^), instruc-
tions for the disposal of first-fruits (xiii. 3-7}
obviously dependent on, and contrasted with,
Jewish customs — then it seems almost a certainty
that the Jewish source did contain matter corre-
sponding in some measure to the later chapters
of our Didache. Further, in view of the eschato-
logical interest of contemporary Jewish thought,
it would be natural that such a manual should con-
tain an eschatological section parallel with ch. xvi.
But if there was, as seems natural, and appears
to be a justifiable inference from the phenomena
of the text, a Jewish catechesis, oral or written,
corresponding to the material in "both parts of the
Didache, it seems to follow that the first form of
the Didache was not the truncated form of L, but
the fuller form of the Constantinople MS ; in a
word, that chs. vii.-xvi. belong to the primal
document. We have, then, to regard L as an
abbreviation. But is this credible? How could
any Christian writer abbreviate in the manner in
which this has been done ? It is easy to explain
the omission of chs. vii.-xvi. If L belongs to the
4th cent., as Schlecht himself maintained, there
would be at least two factors in the omission : (1)
Church conditions did not at all correspond in his
day \\'ith the situation in the Didache, and (2) the
298
DIDACHE
DIDACHE
material of the Didache had already been worked
up and modernized in other cognate documents to
be considered in the next section. The one grave
objection to this whole hypothesis— to the primary
nature of the whole of the fuller Didache— is the
omission in L of i, 3-ii. 1, and the omission in the
Epistle of Barnabas of any trace of this passage.
How can we explain the psychology of an ab-
breviator who could omit the one specifically
Christian part, supposing it to be primary?
Certain explanations suggest themselves. He
may have reckoned these verses among the
counsels of perfection, and considered it un\\ise to
place them at the outset before catechumens. Did
they not belong to a later stage and a higher plane
of attainment? Or he may have regarded his
version of the Two ^Yays as a kind of equivalent
to the abrenuntiatio diaboli, and considered posi-
tive precepts out of place. In all probability there
was a negative and positive baptismal vow from
very early days {dTroTayi^ and crvi>Tay:^). Explana-
tion is not impossible, but neither is it necessary.
The conclusion of the present writer is, that the
fuller Didache, with the probable exception of i.
3-ii. 1, or parts thereof, and a few isolated ex-
pressions later, is the primary form ; that it is not
an expansion from a form corresponding to L, but
that_ L is either an abbreviation of it, which is
not inexplicable, or more probably an abbreviation
of an earlier form of the complete version.
The stages in tlie history of the Didache were
something like this: (1) Jewish document of the
Two Ways plus instruction in the practices and
customs of the Jewish faith ; (2) a Christian adap-
tation (A) corresponding to our Didache with some
few omissions, from which (3) the Latin version (L)
is an excerpt, and of which (4) our Didache (D) is a
slightly revised version, with probably a few more
definitely Christian additions. The contents of A
were practically identical with our Didache. (For
analyses of the history of the text M'hich employ a
greater number of recensions see Hamack, Gesch.
der altchristl. Litteratur, i. [Leipzig, 1893] 87,
and Hennecke in ZNTW ii. [1901] 58 if.)
5. Cognate and dependent works.— (a) Barna-
bas. — That the Epistle of Barnabas is a cognate
work is obvious. But the significance of the
common material has been interpreted in very
different ways. The diversity of opinion is per-
haps most clearly seen in the first German and the
first English editions. The very phenomena which
OTove for Harnack the priority of Barnabas, for
Hitchcock and Brown prove its later and deriva-
tive character. The bulk of the common matter
is to be found in three chapters (xviii.-xx.), which
contain most of the matter in Didache i.-v., with
the exception of i. 3-ii. 1. But there is also a very
close parallel, too close to be a coincidence, with
Did. xvi. 2 in Barnabas iv. 9, 10. It should be
noted in passing that the priority of the Didache
seems to be hinted at, if not implied, in the way in
which this common matter is introduced in Barna-
bas : * Let us pass over to another knowledge and
teaching (Sioax-qv).' For without pressing the
word, the suggestion is here at least of transition
to a new source of material. Without entering
into details, the conclusion come to is, that Bar-
nabas used the Didache, but in the earlier Christian
recension (A). If he had it before him'in document-
ary form, he expanded it freely, but he may have
2 noted familiar material from memory and ampli-
ed it in the process.
(6) ^ermos.— The connexion with Hermas is
neither so extended nor so obvious. The relation-
shij) played a great part in earlier discussions from
its bearing on the question of date, but it has now
receded into the background. It is matter of
general agreement now that Hermas used the
Didache, but there is much to be said for the
thesis of Hennecke, that both Barnabas and
Hermas used the earlier Christian recension (A),
while the final form (D) is indebted in some veiy
minor points to both.
(c) The Apostolic Church Ordinance. — This is an
adaptation of the Didache to suit the altered
ecclesiastical condition of Egypt in the end of the
3rd or beginning of the 4th century. Here the
bulk of the material of the first part of the Didache
is distributed among the individual apostles, who
in turn contribute their part in a kind of dramatic
dialogue. Following on this, and corresponding to
the rest of the Didache, are similarly delivered
directions about bishops, presbyters, deacons,
readers, widows, deaconesses, the conduct of the
laity, and the participation of women in the
liturgical service, showing in both the enumeration
of office-bearers and the powers ascribed to them a
much more developed stage of Church organization.
As source the Apostolic Church Ordinance has a
form of the Didache very like ours : it may have
been the earlier Christian recension, though the
mass of textual evidence points rather to its being
ours plus Barnabas.
(d) Didascalia.— This work fulfilled for Syi'ia
towards the end of the 3rd cent, what the last-
named did_ for Egypt a little later. It is not,
however, like it, simply an adaptation of the
Didache. Indeed, it was earlier regarded as com-
pletely independent, but its dependence may now
be held as proved (cf. C. Holzhey, Die Abhdngigl-eit
d. syr. Didascalia v. d. Didache, Freiburg, 189S).
No certain conclusion can be drawn as to what
form its author had before him.
(e) Apostolic Constitutions and Canons. — The
first six chapters embody the Didascalia, and to
that extent the Didache is used at second-hand.
Direct relationship is confined to the first 3-2
chapters of the seventh book. Most of the
Didache is here embodied, but with significant
alterations and additions which betray a later age.
The adaptation is clearly based on our text of the
Didache. Here at last there is no serious question
of dependence on an earlier recension.
{/) Other works. — For a full list the reader is
referred to Harnack [Gesch. der altchristl. Litt. i.
87), Rendel Harris (Teaching of the Apostles, 18SS),
and Vernon Bartlet (HDB v. 442). Chief among
these may be mentioned : Athanasius, Syntagma
Doctrines, which is obviously dependent on Did.
i.-vi., and less obviously on xii. xiii., the under-
lying text probably being the earlier recension (A) ;
the pseudo-Athanasian Fides Xiccena and Did-
ascalia cccxviii. Patrum, where the basis is
evidently the Syntagma; the Life of Schnudi,
which includes most of the first part in an Arabic
version, derived probably from the Apostolic
Church Ordinance.
We have, therefore, continuing the numbers at
the end of § 4, (5) Barnabas (B) and Hermas (H),
dependent on the earlier Christian recension (A)
and probably known to the maker of the final re-
cension (D) ; (6) the Apostolic Church Ordina^icc
(CO), possibly based on A, but more probably on D
-fB; (7) the Apostolic Constitutions and Ccmons
(A), clearly based on D ; (8) the Syntagma (S) and
dependent works based on the earlier recension (A).
The evidence, then, points with great probability,
for it can never amount to demonstration, to (1)
the circulation and use of two recensions of the
Didache, an earlier and a later, whicli difier in the
omission and inclusion respectively of i. 3-ii. 1 and
in certain other ascertainable points of slight im-
portance ; (2) the gradual disappearance of the
second part of the Didache in the two ways of (n)
omission, as in B and L — in B, through lack of
relevance, in L through lack of correspondence to
DIDACHE
DIDACHE
299
actual conditions; (b) supersession by a complete
recast of material to suit altered ecclesiastical con-
ditions as in CO and A, and, it may be added, by
omission and supersession jointly, as in S ; (3) the
fortunate preservation of a complete copy of the
later of these recensions by a scribe whose full MS
shows interest in what he conceived, generally
rightly, to be genuine remains of Christian anti-
quity.
The general result may be tabulated thus :
Jewish Original
6. Place of origin and date.— (1) Place. — Both
place and date seem to assume importance when
we begin to discuss the significance of the work in
relation to the problems of the early Church. But
this is true of the place only to a very limited ex-
tent. For, tiiough it were proved to have origin-
ated in some more isolated communitj'^, yet its
acceptance by so wide a circle would show that it
was no mere reflexion of abnormal conditions whicii
existed nowhere else. Most of the regions in which
early Christianity had any hold have been sug-
gested as the place of origin — Syria (in particular,
Palestine), Egypt, Asia Minor, Thessalonica, Rome.
But the great bulk of opinion is almost equallj^
divided between Egypt and Syria. On behalf of
Egypt it can be, and has been, urged that the
earliest references and quotations belong to Egypt ;
that the work had there from an early date almost
canonical authority, and was used freely from the
time of Clement to that of Athanasius and later.
On the other hand, the testimony of use from Syria,
though less imjiosing, is also strong. Further, the
form of the doxology in the Lord's Prayer has
Egyptian affinities. It omits ' the kingdom ' with
the Sahidic version. But the doxology itself origin-
ated in Syria, and was thence adopted into Syrian
texts of the NT (Westcott and Hort, NT, 1882,
App. p. 9). Against the claim for Egypt there is
what Schaff calls ' the insuperable objection ' — the
allusion to the broken bread having been scattered
in grains ' upon the mountains.' But after all this
only proves that this particular form of prayer
here incorporated did not originate in Egypt, but
in some hillier land. The objection is not ' insuper-
able,' but it has more weight than is commonly
allowed, for later Egyptian works certainly felt
the difficulty. ('Upon the mountains ' is omitted
in Apost. Const., and represented by 'upon this
table ' in the pseudo-Athanasian tract de Virgini-
tate. ) On behalf of Syria, in particular of Palestine,
there can be urged the marked affinity of the
Didache with the Epistle of James and other recog-
nized products of Palestinian Christianity, and the
fact that it must have arisen in a community where
it was necessary to make decisive the distinction
between themselves and non-Christian Jews, e.g.
in the regulations about fasts (viii. 1). A multi-
tude of lesser indications are urged on both sides,
but it is quite unnecessary to make any decisive
pronouncement in favour of either. The essential
point is that, from an early date, it was accepted
in both, in one or other recension, and therefore
comes from the heart of a situation which could
not be regarded as impossible, or even as irregular,
in either.
(2) Date. — In regard to date, there has been the
same wide divergence — dates having been sug-
gested from A. D. 50 to 500 — and the same substantial
agreement. The great mass of opinion, however,
is again divided, in somewhat unequal portions,
between two periods — the larger number favouring
a date between 80 and 100, and the smaller cling-
ing firmly to a date between 120 and 160. Space
forbids a detailed examination of the evidence. It
may be said briefly, in regard to external evidence,
that the earlier date is confirmed by such indica-
tions as the citation of the Didache as Scripture by
Clement of Alexandria and the fact that it is an
adaptation of a Jewish manual. Such an adapta-
tion could only be made early. And one thing to
be remembered is, that long before its actual dis-
covery it had been assigned, necessarily on external
evidence, by Grabe (1698) to the closing years of
the 1st cent, or the very commencement of the
2nd. Internal evidence confirms this. The general
correspondence of conditions with those of the
Ascension of Isaiah (see HDB v. 448-9), the vivid
contrast with Jewish customs, the simple nature
of the liturgy, all point to this conclusion. Another
point has been well made by Taylor (op. cit. p. 53),
who says in regard to the rules for baptism con-
tained in the Didache :
"That distinction should be made more rabbinico between the
kinds of water to be used is one of the evidences of the Jewish
origin and early date of the Teaching. TertuUian (de Bapt. 4)
enumerates the various kinds, making no distinction (Nulla dis-
tinctio est, mari quis an stagno, flumine an fonte, lacu an alveo
diluatur) ; whilst at a still later date we find merely the injunc-
tion to baptize in water {Apost. Const, vii. 22).'
But if Barnabas and Hennas had influence on the
textoiour Didache, we seem driven to some such con-
clusion as this — that the earlier Christian recension
dates from the earlier period (80-100) and the later,
which differs only in certain insignificant details,
from the later (120-160).
7. Tendency. — Before we go on to discuss the
evidence of the Didache, and the bearings of that
evidence on the problems of the Apostolic and sub-
Apostolic Church, we have to face this question :
Has the Didache any special purpose or tendency
which would lead us to suspect or to discredit its
evidence? In this connexion w^e encounter first
the contention of Hilgenfeld that it is coloured by
Montanism. But the general discussion to which
tlie book gave a great impetus has made clear that
it must be pre-Montanist. For if Montanism had
arisen, and its problems had to be faced, then this
book, if produced in the orthodox interest, would
have said much less about the prophets, and if
written from a Montanist point of view, it could
not have resisted saying more. Krawutzscky, who
had so fully anticipated the first part of the Did-
ache in his reconstruction, assigned it, on its ap-
pearance, to an Ebionite heretic at the close of the
2nd century. But searching criticism has failed to
discern any clear trace of that heresy. It has been
characterized, on obvious grounds, as pro-Judaistic
and anti-Judaistic, which implies that it preserves
the balance of normal Christianity. Research has
failed to displace it from the main current of the
Church's life. No writer with a predilection for
any early heresy could have hidden it so well, nor
would his book have commanded such universal
recognition.
In this connexion mention must be made of the
contention of Armitage Robinson that the book
300
DIDACHE
reflects no actual conditions which ever existed
anywhere, but is a ' free creation ' of the author
working on the basis of 1 Cor. with close depend-
ence on Matthew and John. But it is surely un-
thinkable that any Christian v,'riter could have
produced a manual which had hardly any corre-
spondence with the conditions of the Church of
which he was a member and just as little with
the conditions of the Church of the NT, and
with no suggestion of substituting a new ideal of
Church life and government. The Didache cer-
tainly has its roots in the NT; it also has its
dissimilarities from it; but that is because the
Christianity familiar to its author had its roots in
the NT, but had in the meantime grown to some-
thing different. The Didache represents an actual
stage in the development through which the
Church passed. The purpose of its author was
evidently to represent, justify, and confirm actual
conditions, and to guard against evident dangers.
8. Church conditions. — It is a simple community
with which we are brought into contact in the
Didache, Avithout the developed organization and
manifold official activity of the communities for
which the later bodies of legislation were compiled
(see art. Apostolic Constitutions). The in-
structions, even in regard to baptism and the
Eucharist, are addressed to the community, and
not to any official personage or class of officials.
The 'sovereignty of the community' is implied
throughout. Attempts have been made to evade
this. The latest has been already referred to
[JThSt xiii. 339 ft".). The significance of the ad-
•Iress is here discounted as a mere trick of style,
borrowed from the practice of St. Paul. But this
stands or falls with the whole theory that the
Didache is a ' free creation ' of the author with no
relation to actual conditions, a theory which Ave
have just shown good ground for rejecting. No
Avork Avhich passed over and slighted the recog-
nized position of accredited officials could have
found such general currency and acquired such
Avide repute. The conmiunity, therefore, is sove-
reign. It tests traA'ellers and prophets ; it makes
provision for the Christian poor ; it sets apart
' bishops and deacons ' ; it exercises discipline ;
the Sacraments of the Church are its concern. It
is obviously a small community, but not isolated
or out of touch Avith the general body of Chris-
tians. It is knit to them by the golden thread of
hospitality, by the visits of itinerant apostles and
prophets, by the unity of the one bread. It is
situated in a locality where Christianity is past its
first beginnings. The missionary propaganda of
the Church is now further afield. Apostles are
known only as exceptional visitants on the way to
theirproper spheres of labour elsewhere. Though
pastits first beginnings, it is not yet beyond the
possibility of being taken by outsiders for a mere
phase of Judaism. Open divergence of practice
in outAvard ordinances is, therefore, strongly
emphasized. The moral requirements of the com-
munity are of the highest order, but its doctrinal
position, though strictly orthodox, is Avanting in
precision and fullness. The lack of emphasis on
soteriology seems to have been felt by Barnabas,
Avho, followed in this respect by the Apostolic
CVmrch Ordinance, added to the opening Avoids of
the Way of Life—' Thou shalt love God Avho made
thee'— the words, 'Thou shalt glorify Him Avho
redeemed thee from death.'
The members meet on tiie Lord's Day for worship.
Here Ave have the first testimony outside the NT
to the Lord's Day as a day of public Avorship. A
little later Pliny reports to Trajan from Bithj-nia
that the Christians there Avere accustomed on a
fixed day (stato die) to assemble before dayliglit to
sing hymns to Christ as a God, and to bind them-
DIDACHE
selves by a sacramentum. On every detail of this
report Ave have fresh light from the Didache. Wor-
ship is on the Lord's Day. It consists in the break-
ing of bread, giving of thanks, and confession of
sins— the sacramentuvi (?). And the Eucharist (see
below) has as one of its closing sentences, ' Hosanna
to the God of DaA-id' — a hymn to Christ as a God.
Baptism is the rite of initiation. ' Living Avater,'
i.e. Avater of spring or stream, is to be preferred to
other kinds, but even warm Avater is alloAved in
exceptional circumstances. Immersion is normal,
but, Avhere the Avater is insufficient, affusion is per-
missible. The rite is administered after a definite
course of instruction, and always in the Name of
the Trinity. The candidate for baptism is to fast
beforehand. Fasting, recommended to the bap-
tizer and those associated Avith him, is enjoined on
the baptized. No mention is made of any anoint-
ing, or the use of anything save Avater.
The Eucharist is the centre of Christian Avorship,
but the evidence of the Didache has proved a bone
of contention. Instructions in regard to it seem to
be given tAvice over, in chs. ix. x, and in ch. xiv.
It is AA^th regard to the former instructions that
difficulties emerge and controversies have arisen.
The instructions are thus introduced : ' Noav as
regards the Eucharist (the Thank-offering) give
thanks after this manner' (irepl 5^ r^? ei^xapto-Was,
ovTM evxapicTT'^aaTe). Forms of prayer are given,
simple and non-theological.
'AVe thank Thee, our Father, for the holy vine of David Thy
servant, which Thou hast made known to us through Jesus,
Thy servant [Trats] : to Thee be the glory for ever.'
' We thank Thee, our Father, for the life and knowledge
which Thou hast made known to us through Jesus, Thy servant.
To Thee be the glory for ever. As this broken bread was
scattered [in grains] uijon the mountains and being gathered
together became one, so let Thy Church be gathered together
from the ends of the earth unto Thy Kingdom : for Thine is
the glory and the power through Jesus Christ for ever.'
The former is given for the cup (troT-npiov), the
latter for the broken bread {K\d<r/j.a), and there
is another form, similar in thought and diction
but longer, for the close, after being filled (/teri to
ifnr\Ti(T6-7}vai).
The difficulties in regard to these two chapters
arise in this AA'ay. There is no trace of the Avords
of institution, and there seems no room for them.
Were these simple prayers meant as consecration
prayers ? Were they meant for the use of the pre-
siding brother at all, or Avere they Avritten to be
used by the recipient (so Box, JThSt iii. 367 f.)?
Why does the thanksgiving for the cup come before
the thanksgiving for the bread? Why are these
AA'ords, Avhich sound like an invitation to the Table,
placed at the very end — ' If any one is holy, let
him come ; if any one is not holy, let him repent ' ?
And Avhy does the previous chapter end Avith a
similar ' fencing of the tables,' given in the very
midst of the forms of prayer ('let no one eat or
drink of your Eucharist except those Avho have
been baptized into the name of the Lord ') ? What
do the Avords fieTo. to i/j.TrX-qcrdTji'cu imply ? Are they
to be interpreted in a literal or spiritual fashion ?
Finally, Avliy Avas it necessary to give instructions
about the Eucharist in ch. xiv., if these had already
been given in detail in chs. ix. and x. ?
Beginning Avith the last question, it has been
suggested ( V". Ernioni, V Agape dans V Eglise primi-
tive, 1904, p. 17 ft".) that the first instructions refer
to the Agape, and the Agape alone. But there is
no other case in which any Avriter uses the word
€vxa.pi<TTia in the sense of the Agape alone. All
the indications point to a combined Agape and
Eucharist, and the Avord ei^xap'C'"'* refers to this
combination, i.e. it includes the Agape, just as in
Ignatius (Smyrn. 8) the Avord Agape lias the same
meaning, i.e. it includes the Eucharist. Tiie Avords
Avere never interchangeable, but either, it seems,
DIDACHE
DIDACHE
301
might be nsed of the combined celebration. The pro-
bability, then, being that these chapters refer to such
a combination, can we disentangle tlie Agape from
the Eucharist? Are they inextricably mingled, or
can we see that one preceded the other? Certain
of the questions asked above seem to point to the
former alternative, but the balance of evidence is
•with the latter, and points to the Agape preceding
the Eucharist. The words ' after being filled ' seem
to shut us in to that. The attempt to find true
analogies to a spiritual or mystical interpretation
has failed. Jn 6^-, so often appealed to, makes for
the opposite view. And the author of the Apostolic
Constitutions, who was dealing with the Eucharist
only, has to alter the words to ' after reception' [ixera.
di TTjv /jieTd\7]\^Lv). The prayers already given for the
cup and the bread refer, then, to the Agape : the
' fencing of the tables ' at the end of ch. ix. is pre-
paratory to the Eucharist proper ; the prayer in
ch. X. is the transition, the closing prayer of the
Agape, or the opening prayer of the Eucharist,
according to the point of view; the Eucharist
follows immediately on the prayer. No formula
is given for it. The words of institution may then
have been recited. At both Agape and Eucharist
the prophets are to have full liberty in prayer.
The closing invitation is to catechumens present
to come forward to the full privilege and duties of
Church membership. One grave objection to this
interpretation is that it presupposes a simple
liturgy for the Agape and none at all, or practi-
cally none, for the Eucharist. A priori, we expect
the exact opposite. But no other explanation seems
to satisfy nearly so many of the conditions. Fur-
ther, absence of fixed forms is cliaracteristic of the
Eucharist even later. Justin Martyr {First Apo-
lorjy, 65-67) tells us that the presiding official (6
irpoearws) offers prayers and thanksgivings accord-
ing to his ability (oa-rj duva/xis avrw).
The Agape, then, in this small community, is
combined with the Eucharist. It is a common meal
shared by the brethren, with a simple liturgy of
its own, Jewish in origin, with marked affinity
to Jewish blessings at meals. It is followed by
the Eucharist so closely that it is ail one service.
None but the baptized participate. Forms are
lacking, as a member of tlie charismatic ministry
seems in general to preside, and he is to be left
free to follow the promptings of the Spirit. Cate-
chumens and members under discipline are not ex-
cluded from the place of celebration. On the con-
trary, they are expected to be present, and are
urged publicly to acquire or recover tlie right of
participation. The Eucharist is a sacrifice {duala),
and the words of Malachi are taken as a prophecy
of it, ' In every place and time offer me a pure
sacrifice, for I am a great King, saith the Lord.'
But this does not indicate, as Bickell thought, the
germ of the doctrine of the Mass, nor what is
technically known as the Eucliaristic Sacrifice.
The sacrifice, as all approximately contemporary
use of the word confirms, consists in the prayers,
the praises, the worship, and the gifts of believers
(see EBE v. 546 f. ).
There is no trace of 2. Christian year in the
Didache, but there is a Christian week. The
Lord's Day is the day of worship ; Wednesday and
Friday are fasts. The only evident reason for the
choice of these days is the necessity of being dis-
tinct in all things from the ' hypocrites ' — the un-
believing Jews — who fast on Mondays and Thurs-
days ; but the real underlying reason may have
been that which was put forward later for these
days as semi-fasts, viz. that Wednesday was the
day of the Betrayal and Friday that of the Cruci-
fixion. There is also v\'hat may be called a Chris-
tian day. The beginnings of a certain formalism
in devotional exercises appear in the injunction
to pray, using the Lord's Prayer, three times a
day. This, too, is founded on Jewish practice.
No definite hours are named, and therefore no
change of hour is suggested. Tertullian, later,
prescribes definite hours. Christians are to pray
at the third, sixth, and ninth hours, in addition
to the ordinary morning and evening prayers of
which no Christian needs to be reminded. These
devotions are to include the Lord's Prayer {d-3
Orat. XXV., x.). Clement of Alexandria, in the
work in which he cites the Didache as Scripture,
though he knows, and, to some extent, commends,
the three hours of prayer, rather disparages the
adhesion to these definite hours. 'The yvbiariKos
prays throughout his whole life, endeavouring by
prayer to have fellowship with God' [Strom, vii. 7).
It was in its account of the office-bearers of the
Church and the nature of the ministry that the
recovered Didache produced the most profound im-
pression. Accounts of origins and development
like Lightfoot's were greatly strengthened in most
particulars, but others received from it a fatal
stroke. The details and even the general trend of
these controversies lie outside the scope of this
article. Our attention is confined to the evidence
of the Didache itself. Even in its first section it
puts a very high value on the ministry. The cate-
chumen is enjoined to ' remember night and day
him that speaks to thee the word of God, for
wheresoever the Lordship is spoken of, there is
the Lord.' Who are included among those that
speak the word of God ? The reference plainly is,
in the first place, to the unlocalized or charismatic
ministry, which occupies so large a place in the
part dealing with office-bearers. This ministry is
not appointed by the members of the Church, their
office is transmitted through no human channel.
They comprise only the first three of St. Paul's
list in 1 Co 12-^ — apostles, prophets, and teachers.
The apostles are evidently, as already said, rare
visitants. The missionarj- work of the Church is
elsewhere. But every apostle who pays a visit is
to be received as the Lord. He is not to remain
longer than two days, for impostors are rife, and
the desire to live for longer than two days on the
generosity of the community and in the sunshine
of its favour, is a sure sign of a false prophet.
The genuine apostle will not ask for money, nor
take with him more than the necessary food for
the next stage of his journey. Prophets are more
common, but are held in high esteem. The true
prophet is not to be tried or proved ; his word is
to be accepted as that of one who speaks in the
Spirit. He is to be free from the rules and forma
that bind other men. But abuses have crept into
the prophetic office, and counterfeit propliets are
to be detected by their behaviour, especially by
their asking for money for themselves, or ordering
an Agape for their own benefit. A prophet may
wish to connect himself with a particular com-
munity. Such a settled prophet is worthy of sup-
port. First-fruits are to be set aside for the use
of these men, for, in this respect, they are like the
high priests of the Jews. There were communities
without any resident prophet. In such the first-
fruits were to be given directly to the poor. An
obscure sentence about the prophet 'making as-
semblies for a worldly mystery' or 'acting with
a view to the worldly mystery of the Church '
(even the translation is doubtful) has, as yet, re-
ceived no satisfactory interpretation. Little is
said about the third class of the general ministry,
the teachers. They too are Avorthy of support.
This implies that there were both peripatetic and
settled teachers. The slightness of tlie reference
cannot be due to their rarity. May it not be due
to the following? It is commonly argued that the
Shepherd of Hermas passed over the prophets be-
302
DIDACHE
DISCIPLE
cause its author belonged to that order. May it
not equally be that the Didache says little about
the teachers for a similar reason? Tlie very name
of his work would indicate that its author was
numbered among the teachers.
In addition to this ministry to the whole Church,
there is a local ministry of bishops and deacons.
They are appointed and set apart by the local
church. Their authority is, thus, not directly
derived from the Holy Spirit. They are in danger
of being despised, but are to be honoured along
with the prophets and teachers. Such is the char-
acter of the ministry as known to the author of
the Didache. It shows us the local ministry
strengthening its position in a small community
and in need of having its position strengthened,
while the general ministry is fading into the back-
ground through the prevalence of plausible coun-
terfeits from mercenary motives. (For fuller dis-
cussion of the significance of all this see Harnack,
TU n. 1, 2, pp. 93-157; C. H. Turner, Sftidies in
Early Church History, 1912, pp. 1-32 ; T. M. Lind-
say, The Church and the Ministry, 1902, esp. p.
170 ff.)
With such a full-length picture of contemporary
Church conditions, it is not remarkable that the
Didache was hailed as a most important find. At
times its importance may have been over-estimated,
but it certainly fills a blank in our knowledge. It
sets clearly before us facts which might have been,
and indeed were, reached by gathering together
the scattered and less definite indications of other
works. It sketches the nature of the work, the
worship, and the ministry in one community which,
though small, was not isolated ; though doubtless
individual, was not peculiar. It gave the initial
impulse to works of a similar character without
which our knowledge of the early centuries in
these matters would be much more meagre than
it is.
LirERATTJRB. — In addition to the works cited and named in
the text of the article, the following may be referred to :
I. Editions.— H. de Romestin, Oxford, 1884 ; A. Hilg-enfeld,
NT extra Canoneni receptum, fasc. iv.2, Leipzig, 1884 ; R. D.
Hitchcock and F. Brown 2, New York, 1885 ; P. Sabatier,
Paris, 1885 ; H. D. M. Spence, London, 18S5 ; F. X. Funk,
Doctrina duodecirn Aj)ost.olorum, Tiibingen, 1887 ; E. Jacquier,
Lyons, 1891 ; L. E. Iselin and A. Heusler, Eine bisher unbe-
kannte Version des ersten Teiles der Apostellehre, in TU xiii. 1,
Leipzig, 1895 ; C. Bigg, London, 1898 ; H. Lietzmann, Bonn,
1903.
IL Discussions. — (1) General. — G. Bonet-Maury, La Doc-
trine des dome Apdtres, Paris, 1SS4 ; Th. Zahn, Forschunrfen
zur Geschichte des NT Kanons und der altkirchl. Lifteraiur,
pt. iii., Erlangen, 1884 ; G. V, Lechler, Das apostolische und
nachapostolische ZeitalterS, Karlsruhe, 1885 (Eng-. tr., Edin-
burgh, 1886) ; E. Backhouse and C. Tylor, Earlj/ Church
nistory^, London, 1885 ; G. Wohlenberg, Die Lehre der zwiilf
Apostel in ihrem VerhiiUnis: zum NT Sehrifltum, Leipzig, 1888 ;
J. Heron, The Church of the Sub-Apostolic Age . . . in the
Light of the ' Teaching of the Twelve Apostles,' London, 1888 ;
A. Harnack, art. 'Apostellehre' in PRE3 i., Leipzig, 1896; F.
X. Funk, Kirchengcschichtliche Abhandlungen, ii., Paderborn,
1899; A. Ehrhard, Die altehristl. Litteratur und ihre Erfor-
ifchung von lSS.'t-l900, Freiburg i. B., 1900; K. Kohler, art.
' Didache' in JE iv., London, 1903 ; P. Drews in E. Hennecke's
Ilandbuch zu den NT Apocryphen, Tiibingen, 1904 ; O. Barden-
hewer, Patrolog;/, Freiburg i. B. and St. Louis, Mo., 1903 ; H.
M. Gwatkin, Early Church History, London, 1909, vol. i.
(2) Special.— (a) Ministry. — E. Loaning, Die Gemeindever-
fassung des Urchristenthnms, Halle, 1888 ; J. R^ville, Origi.nes
lie I'ipiscnpat, Paris, 1895 ; J. W. Falconer, From Apostle to
Priest, Edinburgh, 1900 ; A. Harnack, The Mission and Expan-
sion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries-, London, 1908,
vol. i. — (6) Worship. — O. Moe, Die Apostellehre und der Dekalog
im Unterricht der alten Kirche, Qiitersloh, 1896 ; J. F. Keating,
The Agape and the Eucharist in the Early Church, London,
1901 ; P. Ladeuze, ' L'Eucharistie et les repas communs des
fiddles dans le Didach6' in Revue de I'Orient Chretien, 1902,
no. 3 ; J. C. Lambert, 7'he Sacraments in the NT, Edinburgh,
1903; A. Andersen, Das Abcndinahl in dm zwei ersten
Jahrkunderten, Oiessen, 1904 ; E. von der Goltz, Tischgebete
rind Abendmahlsgebete in der altehristl. und in der griech.
Kirche (TUxw. 2b), Leipzig, 1905 ; F. M. Rendtorff, Die Taufe
im Urchristentum, do. 1905 ; M. Gogiiel, L'Eucharistie. Des
origines A Justin, martiir, Paris, 1909 ; J. H. Srawley, art.
' Eucharist (to end of Middle Ages) ' in ERE v., Edinburgh. 1912.
Hugh Watt,
DIGAMY.— See Marriage.
DIONYSIUS.— See Areopagite.
DIOSCURI (Ac 28", RVra ; AV « Castor and
Pollux,' RV 'the Twin Brothers').— The Dioscuri
were the sons of Leda and Zeus, Castor being
mortal and Pollux immortal. They were famed
for many exploits, and at length, in a battle
against the sons of Aphareus, Castor was slain by
Idas. Pollux besought Zeus that he too might die.
According to one fable the Father of the Gods
granted Castor life on condition that the brothers
should alternately spend a day in Hades, but
another states that their love was rewarded by
Zeus, who placed them together among the stars
as the Gemini. They were regarded as the patrons
of athletic contests, Castor presiding over the
equestrian events, Pollux being the god of boxing
(Kdaropd d'lTnrddafxov Kai irv^ dyaObv IloXvdeijKea [Hom.
11. iii. 237]). Their worship was veiy strictly ob-
served among the Dorian peoples, and they were
also held in special reverence at Rome, as they
were popularly supposed to have fought on the side
of the Commonwealth at the battle of Lake Regillus
and to have carried the news of victory to the city
(Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. vi. 13). It is worthy of
note that they were specially held in honour in the
district of Cyrenaica near Alexandria (schol. Pindar,
Pyth. V. 6).
The ships of the ancients caiTied two figures as
a rule, one being the figure-head {trapda-ij/iov, in-
siqne), after which the ship was named (Virgil,
^n. V. 116, X. 166, 188, 209), and the other in the
stern. The latter was the tutela or image of the
divine being under whose guardianship the vessel
was supposed to sail. The Dioscuri were regarded as
the guardian deities of sailors, and Horace speaks
of ' the brothers of Helen, the beaming stars,' as
shining propitiously on those at sea [Odes, I. iii. 2,
xii. 25 ; cf. Catullus, iv. 27 ; Euripides, Helena,
1662-5). F. W. WORSLEY.
DIOTREPHES. — An otherwise unknown man
named in 3 Jn ^ as ambitious, masterful, and tyran-
nical. As the authorship of the Epistle, its des-
tination, and date are all doubtful, any attempt
to identify Diotrephes is futile. His main interest
for the student of the Apostolic Church is that he
is a witness to the opposite currents of thought
which disturbed it. The writer of 3 John was
apparently responsible for a band of travelling
evangelists to whom Diotrephes refused a welcome.
The ground of refusal appears, from the references to
' truth ' in the Epistle, to have been a difierence of
doctrine. If the writer was a ' pneumatic ' teacher,
Diotrephes would probably be a Catholic officer of
influence, but of lower standing than the writer.
If the writer, on the other hand, was a Catholic
teacher, Diotrephes was probably a man of Docetic
views. The name occurs in profane Greek twice —
once as son of Heraclitus in the 3rd cent. B.C., and
once as the name of an Antiochene rhetorician
(Pauly-Wissowa, 5.V.). W. F. Cobb.
DISCIPLE.— The use of the word 'disciple'
inad-grris] in the NT is remarkable and very in-
structive. It occurs 238 times in the Gospels. In
the Epistles and the Apocalypse it does not occur
at all, its place being taken by 'saints' (dyLoi) and
' brethren (dSeX^o/). Acts exhibits the transition,
with ' disciple' (fji.a07]T^s) 28 times and the feminine
form (fiaOrjTpia) once, but with ' saints ' 4 times
(913. 82. 41 2610) and ' brethren ' (not counting ad-
dresses, and mostly in the second half of the book)
about 32 times. In Acts, ' believers ' (vKXTeiovres,
Tnareijaatn-es, TmnffTevKdres) is another frequent equi-
valent. The explanation of the change from ' dia-
DISCIPLINE
DISCIPLINE
303
ciple' to the other terms is simple. During His
life on earth, the followers of Jesus were called
' disciples ' in reference to Him ; afterwards they
were called ' saints ' in reference to their sacred
calling, or ' brethren ' in relation to one another
(Sanday, Insyiratioin^, 1896, p. 289). In Acts, the
iirst title is going out of use, and the others are
coming in ; in ch. 9 all three terms are found.
Christ's charge, ' Make discijdes of all the nations '
(Mt 28'^), may have helped to keep ' disciple' in use.
' Disciple' means more than one who listens to a
teacher ; it implies his acceptance of the teaching,
and his effort to act in accordance with it ; it im-
plies beinga 'believer' in theteacher and being ready
to be an 'imitator' (jm/tijrijs) of him (Xen. Mem. I.
vi. 3). It is remarkable that St. Paul does not call
his converts his ' disciples ' — that might seem to be
taking the place of Christ (1 Co l^s-is). but he
speaks of them as his ' imitators.' In the Gospels,
' disciple ' is often used in a special sense of the
Twelve, and sometimes of the followers of human
teachers — Moses, or John the Baptist, or the
Pharisees. Neither use is found in Acts : in 19',
'disciples' does not mean disciples of John, as is
shown by 'when ye believed' (Trto-rewafres), that is,
' when ye became Christians,' whicli is the dominant
meaning of this verb in Acts. These 'disciples'
were imperfectly instructed Christians.
See also art. Apostle. Alfred Plummer.
DISCIPLINE.— The root meaning of 'discipline'
is 'instruction,' but in course of time it came to be
used for 'moral training,' 'chastening,' 'punish-
ment.' The subject naturally divides itself into
two parts : (1) the spiritual disci jdine of the soul ;
(2) the ecclesiastical discipline of offenders.
1. The training necessary for the discipline of
the soul. — This may be under the guidance of
another or under one's own direction. — (a) In order
to develop and perfect man's moral nature, God
deals with him as a wise father with a child. The
benefit of such treatment is ])ointed out in He
121-13 (cf. Mt 5'"-_^2), ^ Its final efficacy depends upon
the spirit in which it is received. The motive for
its endurance must be right, and the end in view
must be clearly perceived. The Heavenly Father
does more than simply teach His children ; He
disciplines them with more (cf. Pr S^^, Job 5") or
less severity (cf. Pr P- ^ 4'). If the Author of
Salvation was made perfect through sufferings (He
21" ; cf. 5«^ 7-«, Lk I33-), it is clear that the ' many
sons' must pass through the same process and
experience as the ' well-beloved Son.' In their
case the need is the more urgent, for latent powers
must be developed, lack of symmetry corrected,
the stains of sin removed, evil tendencies eradi-
cated. Errors in doctrine and action must be
transformed into truth and righteousness (1 Co
ll-'ff-, 2 Jni«"-, 2 Ti 2i«-; cf. Tit 3"», 1 Co 59-l^
2 Th 3^). Body and mind can move towards
perfection only under the guiding hand of the
Holy Father. Pain and sorrow, frustrated hopes,
long delays, loneliness, changed circumstances,
persecution, the death of loved ones, and other
'dispensations of Providence,' are designed to
chasten and ennoble the soul. Character, not
creed, is the final aim. Having begun a good work
in His children, God wiU ' perfect it until the day
of Jesus Christ' (Ph 18).
(6) The Christian must also discipline himself.
Through the crucifixion of his lower nature he
rises into newness of life. St. Paul describes (Tit
2^2) the negative side as 'denying ungodliness and
worldly lusts,' and the positive as to 'live soberly,
and righteously, and godly in this present world '
('sobrie erga nos; juste erga proximum ; pie erga
Deum' [St. Bernard, Sermon xi., Paris, 1667-90]) ;
see Ro 129, xit 212 ; cf. 2 Ti 2^^, 1 P 42, 1 Jn 2}^ ;
also Lk V\ Ac IT^" 2425. The Christian must put
away anger, bitterness, clamour, covetousness,
envy, evil-speaking, falsehood, fornication, guile,
hypocrisy, malice, railing, shameful speaking,
uncleanness, wrath (Eph 4"-32, Col S^-n ; cf. Ja I*',
1 P 2'). Then he must acquire and mature posi-
tive virtues. This involves at every stage self-
discipline (see Ro 6"* S^^, 1 Co g^^a. Col 3^ : cf. Mt
523 18", Mk 9«, Gal 52^).
Many elements enter into this discipline of self.
Amongst others the following deserve special
mention : prayer, ' the hallowing of desire, by-
carrying it up to the fountain of holiness' (J.
Morison, Com. on St. Matthew^, 1885, p. 89) ; see
Ro 12'2 ; cf. Ac 1", Eph 6^3, Col 42-^, 1 P 4^ ; cf.
Mt 26«, Lk 18' 2136. Fasting is frequently as-
sociated M'ith prayer : e.g. Ac 13^ 142"-*, Did. vii. 4,
viii. 1, and many other passages. Ramsay {St.
Paul the Traveller and the JRoman Citizen, London,
1895, p. 122) speaks of the solemn prayer and fast
which accompanied the appointment of the elders,
and says that 'this meeting and rite of fasting,
which Paul celebrated in each city on his return
journey, is to be taken as the form that was to be
permanently observed.' Sobriety in thought and
action is commended (Ro 12^ ; cf. 1 P 4^ [Gr.], 1 Th
56. 8^ 1 Xi 2**- 16 ; cf. Sir 183" [Gr.]) ; loatchfulness (Ac
24'6, Ro 8'9- 23, 1 Co V 16l^ 2 Co 418, Eph 6i», Col 42,
Tit 213, He 13", 1 P 4^ 2 P 312 ; cf. Mt 24^2 26^1, Mk
13-*3, Lk 2136) . obedience (Ro 13'-^ 2 Co 2« 71* 106,
1 Ti 21-3, Tit 31, 1 P 213- 14 31, 1 Jn 2^ 3-2) ; patience
(Ro 53 8'-' 15^ 1 Th 13, 2 Th P-s 3«, He W^, Ja P ;
cf. Mt 1022 2413, Lk 21 '9) ; conflict against error and
evil forces and on behalf of the truth (Eph e'l'i^
1 Ti l'8-2o 612, 2 Ti 23-4 4^'-, Philem2, Jude3) ; work
(Ac 183, Eph 428, 1 Th 41', 2 Th 38-12) . almsgiving
(Ac 2417, Ro 1213 15-5- 26, 1 Co 16i-S 2 Co 96- 7, Gal 610,
1 Ti 6i''-i^ He I316, Ja 2i5- 16, 1 Jn 3" ; cf . Mt e'"- 20, To
4''-ii) ; temperance (Ac 24'-^, 1 Co 925, Gal 5-3 ; cf.
Sir 1830 [Gr.], Tit 1«, 2 P P); chastity (Ro W\ Gal
52^ 1 P 211, 1 Jn 216 ; cf. Sir 18-^'') ; meekness (Ro
12i«, Eph 42 52, Ph 23, Col 312, 1 Ti 611, j p 55. 6).
In Ph 4** and 2 P \*'^ there are inspiring direc-
tions for this same self-discipline. 'If there be
any virtue, and if there be any praise,' the
brethren are to 'think on,' or 'take account of,'
'whatsoever tilings are true, honourable, just,
pure, lovely, of good report.' If men are to become
partakers of the Divine nature, and to escape the
corruption that is in the world by lust, they must
heed the injunction: 'For this very cause adding
on your part all diligence, in your faith supply
virtue ; and in your virtue knowledge ; and in
your knowledge temperance ; and in your temper-
ance patience ; and in your patience godliness ;
and in your godliness love of the brethren ; and in
your love of the brethren love ' (see also 1 Co 13
and 1 Jn 416). This will save from idleness and
unfruitfulness. They will give the more diligence
to make their calling and election sure.
No doubt the expectation in the Apostolic Age
of the cataclysmic and immediate coming of Christ
led to rigour and austerity of life, which were
afterwards relaxed in many places. The moral
necessity of discipline is always the same, even
though the power of belief in the second coming of
Christ in spectacular fashion wanes or departs.
After the close of the 1st cent, the development
of asceticism and penance became pronounced.
The NT gives little or no countenance to the
extreme forms that these disciplinary systems
assumed.
2. Ecclesiastical discipline. — For self-protection
and self-assertion the early Church had to exercise
a strict discipline. Its well-being and very life
depended upon the suppression of abuses and the
expulsion of persistent and gross offenders. In
some cases toleration would have meant unfaith-
304
DISCIPLINE
DISPERSIO:^
fulness to Christ and degradation to the community.
The duty of maintaining an adequate discipline
vas one of the most diflBcult and most important
tasks that confronted the primitive Ecclesia.
Jesus Himself gave to the apostles (Mt 18^*- '^, Jn
202-- 2^) and to the Church (xMt 18i*-'8) a disciplinary
charter. The Church follovred the main lines of
guidance therein contained. Only public sins were
dealt with in the ecclesiastical courts. Private
offences were to be confessed to each other (Ja 5'^),
that prayer might be offered for forgiveness (5'^
1 Jn 5'®), and also confessed to God (1 Jn 1^).
Further, Christians were discouraged from carry-
ing disputes to the civil courts {1 Co 6^ ; cf. 5^- 6-*).
' Let not those v. ho have disputes go to law before
the civil powers, but let them by ail means be re-
conciled by the leaders of the Church, and let them
rightly yield to their decision' (see Clem. Ep. ad
Jacob., 10). The object of ecclesiastical discipline
was to prevent scandal and to restore the offender.
"When private rebuke and remonstrance failed (Mt
18^'; cf. 1 Th 5"), the wrong-doer was censured by
the whole community (cf. 1 Ti S^", Gal 2"). This
sentence might be pronounced by some person in
authority, or by the community as con:munity.
If the accused person still remained obdurate, and
in the ease of heinous sin, the Church proceeded to
expulsion and excommunication (Ro 13-^, 1 Co
52. 11. 13^ o ju io)_ ^ rrte offender was thrust out from
religious gatherings and debarred from social inter-
course. To such excommunication might be added
the farther penalty of physical punishment (Ac
51-10 824^ 1 Co 5^ 1 ti 520) or an anathema {c.v6.9iiJ.a,
1 Co 16", Gal 1^). Kno\ying the great influence
of the mind over the body, one can readily under-
stand that disease, and even death, might follow
such sentences. It was fully belisved that the
culprit was exposed, without defencej to the attacks
of Satan (1 Co -5'^).
The whole Church exercised this power of dis-
cipline. St. Paul addresses the community in
1 Cor., v/hich is our earliest guide on the subject.
Laj-men on occasion could teach, preach, and exer-
cise disciplinary powers. In the case of excom-
munication it was not necessary that there should
be unanimity. A majority vote was sufficient (2
Co 2«). It was believed that Christ was actually
present (Mt IS"-"] to confirm tiie sentence, which
was pronounced in His name (1 Co 5^ 2 Co 2'").
No dcubt the procedure followed in the main
that of the synagogue, where expulsion was of
three types — simple putting forth, 'excommunica-
tion witli a curse, and a final anathema sentence.
Discipline was designed to be reformatory and not
simply punitive or retaliatory. There must be, if
jiossiljle, ' rectification ' (see 2 Ti 3^^, where iiravop-
dwa-is is significantly joined with Traidda). llepent-
anf;e is to be followed by forgiveness (2 Co 2^'",
Gal 6\ Jude^-). The penitent was probably re-
ceived into the Church again by the imposition of
hands (cf. 1 Ti 5").
Owing to persecution, the discipline of the Church
became mure and more simply moral induence.
The demand for it vras more urgent than ever ;
but, while some communities remained faithful to
this duty, others grew more lax (e.g. the practice
of obtaining libelli).
See also Admonition, Anathema, Chastise-
ment, and Excommunication.
Literature.— J. H. Kurtz, Church History, Eng. tr., i.2,
London, 1891 ; F. J. A. Hort, Tha Christian Ecclexia, do. 1897;
C. V. WeLzsacker, Ajiot^tolicA^e.Eng. tr..i.2, do. 1897, ii., ls9o ;
P. Schaff, Histunj of the Apostolic Age, Edinburgh. ISS'i ; E.
Hatch, Ornanizallon of the Early Chrixtian Churches, London,
IS^'i; A. C. McGiffert, Chrintianity in th'- A/joxtolic Aqe,
Erlinburj,'h, 1S9/ ; J. B. Lighr.foot, Dlsaertatiom, on the Apos-
tolic A;je, London, 1892 ; H. H. Henson, Apostolic Chrmtianity,
do. 1898; art 'Discipline (Christian)' in ERE.
H. CARISS J. SiDNELL.
DISPERSION. — ^ Smairopi (from Siaairdpu 'to
scatter,' as dyopd from dysipw ' to gather ') is used
collectively in the LXX and the NT for the Jews
settled abroad. The most important NT reference
occurs in Ja 7^ : ' "»"Vhither will this man go that
we shall not find him ? Will he go unto the Dia-
spora among the Gentiles, and teach the Gentiles ? '
This splenetic utterance was an unconscious pro-
phecy of the course our Lord actually followed,
when, having reached the goal of His public minis-
try, and having received ' all authority in heaven
and on earth,' He went on ' to make disciples of all
the nations.'* The first line of advance was al-
ready marked cut by the Diaspora. It was the
bridge between the Jew and the Greek, and soon
the sound of many feet speeding over it with
their message of good tidings was heard ; or it was
the viaduct by which the living waters that went
forth from Jerusalem were led to the cities of the
Koman Empire.
The Diaspora partly originated from ca.uses over
which the Jews had no control, and was partly the
result of a, spontaneous movement outwards. It
was largely due to the policy adopted by the great
conquerors cf antiquity of deporting into exile
a considerable number of the population of the
countries which they subdued. The various trans-
plantations suflered by the Jews need not be re-
counted here. But their dispersion was still more
largely due, in Greek and Roman times, to volun-
tary emigration from Palestine. The conquests of
A]esa,nder the Great turned what had hitherto
been barred avenues and dangerous tracks into
safe and open roads, and the Jews were not slow
to take advantage of the openings, both in the
direction of secular culture and of commercial
enterprise, that lay before them. In NT times,
they were domiciled in all the countries along the
shores of the Mediterranean. The accounts of Philo
and Jcsephus, of which the substantial accuracy is
attested by inscriptions [HDB v. 92*), enable us to
see how much at home the Jew^swerein Syria, Egypt,
Asia Minor, and the Greek cities and islands, and
all the data now available aftbrd grounds for be-
lieving that they numbered at this period from
three to four and a half millions, and that they
formed about seven per cent of the population of
the Roman Empire [EBi i. 1112 ; Harnack,
Mission and Expansion^, i. 10, 11).
Following Jeremiah's advice to the exiles in
Babylon, they 'sought the peace' of the cities
they settled in, without, however, amalgamating
with the other inhabitants. The dislike created
by their aloofness gave way a little before the invol-
untary respect commanded by their intelligence,
their aptitude for Avork, and their exemplary
family life, but was never completely overcome.
Yet they had the art of conciliating the great, and
of gaining povi'erful patrons. Several of the Syrian
and Egyptian kings were their warm friends.
Amongst their friends must also be included Julius
Caesar, v/ho with the prescience of genius saw in
them the true connecting link between the East
and "West, and would not have relished their being
made the butt of Roman wits. Their mourning
for his death (' noctibus continuis bustum frequent-
arunt,' Suet. C lulius Ccesar, 84) reminds us of the
mourning of the Jews in London for Edward Vll.
The Jews could not carry on their sacrificial
worship in foreign lands — we may let pass the
schismatic attempt to do so at Leontopolis in
Egypt — but they kept in full communion with
Jerusalem by making pilgrimages to the great
feasts, and by sending the yearly poll-tax of half a
shekel for the upkeep of the Temple (cf. Mt 17").
'Tlie Law and the Prophets and the Psalms' went
" ' The secrei which malice had divined within the Saviour's
lifei;irae' (Gwatlcin, Early Church Hist. i. 18).
DISPERSION
DISPEESIOJ^
305
with them everywhere, but ' in the Greek Diaspora
. . . strict canonicity was accorded only to the
Torah' (ERE ii. 580''). The observance which
attracted most notice from their Gentile neighbours
was that of the Sabbath rest. On the day of rest
all classes of the Diaspora were ' gathered into
one,' and felt that they were indeed ' the people cf
the God of Abraham.'
That Julius Cessej had regarded them as his
friends was not forgotten by those w^ho came after
him. It was a precedent that proved of immense
advantage to the Jews settled in Rome. The free-
dom he granted them in the exercise of their re-
ligious customs was endorsed by his grand-nephew
Augustus (Jos. Ant. xiv. 10, xvi. S), and, after
weathering some dangerous storms, became the
settled policy of the Empire. In Roman law,
Jewish societies were collegia licita, privileged
clubs or gilds. Meetings in their synagogues,
or irpotrevxaL, or (ra^jSareia [op. cit. xvi. 6. 2) were
not hampered with any troublesome restrictions.
They could settle matters pertaining to their law
without going to the Roman tribunal (cf. Ac 18^*- '*),
and were apparently permitted to inflict punish-
ment for what they looked upon as schism or
apostasy (Ac 26", 2 Co 11-'^). They had a coinage
of their own for sacred purposes [HDB v. 57*). In
the region beyond the Tiber, ' in the neighbourhood
of the v/harfs where the barges from Ostia were
accustomed to unlade' (F. W. Farrar, Life and Work
of St. Paul, 1 vol., 1897, p. 585); many of them
found employment, or drove a brisk trade. The
only occasion on which they were seriously threat-
ened with the loss of their privileges occurred
under Claudius, who, in the words of the historian,
' ludaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes
Roma expulit ' (Suet. Claud. 25). The meaning of
these words is uncertain (HDB iv, 307% v. 98* ;
EBi i. 757 ; JE iv. 563 ; Gwatkin, Earlj/ Church
Hist. i. 40 ; Z?Am Jntrod. to NT, i. 433), but if they
refer to tumults in the Jewish quarter caused by
the preaching of the gospel, we may conjecture
that Aquila, a Jew ci the Dispersion, had been
one of its preachers (Ac 18"^). The edict of Claud-
ius was probably found unworkable (Ramsay, St.
Paul, 254). This Emperor seems to have been as
favourable to the Jews as his predecessors (Jos.
Ant. xix. 5. 2, 3).
Long before they had acquired a political status
in Rome, a great inward change had been working
among the Jews of the Dispersion. As may be in-
ferred from the fact already mentioned, that strict
canonicity was accorded only to the Torah, they
carried abroad with them an intensely legal con-
ception of their religion. It was conceived as
consisting simply in the observance of a definite
code of laws as to worship and life, given by God
on Mount Sinai. So long as this conception pre-
dominated, their relations with their non-Jewish
neighbours were little more tlian ordinary business
relations. But as soon as the stimulus exerted by
the higher culture of the Greeks was felt, an in-
ward change began to work. Habitual intercourse
with a people so advanced in civilization could not
fail to have its etlect. They were captivated by
the freedom and range of Greek thought. Thej'
recognized in their philosophical and ethical ideas
a manifestation of the Divine Wisdom, There
was thus evolved a tendency to tone down what
was repellent in Judaism in order to bring their
faith into harmony with the Greek mind. Illustra-
tions of this tendency are found in the Prophetic
and Wisdom literature, in the modification of
OT anthropomorphism by the LXX, in the serious
attempt of Philo to find the philosophy of Plato
and the Stoics in the narratives of Genesis by tlie
method of allegorical interpretation [HDB v. 199).
The LXX itself was the outcome of the keen de-
VOL. r. — 20
sire to make their religion understood, as well as
to guard and preserve it from influences hostile
to it. The favourable reception which it met with
brought to the front an aspect of their religion
yet scarcely apprehended, viz. that it was a re-
ligion of hope for mankind. The words of the
prophets concerning toe future of the human race
began to be read v/ith a more open mind. There
it was found that Israel v.'as called to be the mis-
sionary to the nations. Many in the Dispersion
realized that they were in a specially favoured
position for undertaking this missionary duty.
In spreading the knowledge of their faith, they
laid stress, not upon ritual details, but upon the
great central principles of the unity of God, and
the cleansing and saving power of His word. As
they went on communicating those spiritual prin-
ciples to others, they became more spiritual them-
selves, and also more expectant of 'the good things
to come.' A large number of high-minded Greeks
were convinced of the truth cf their doctrine of
God. Those whom they won over, the ae^dfievoi
or (pofjovfxevoi rbv 6e6i> of the Apostolic Age, were al-
ready far on their way to the more complete satis-
faction of their spiritual wants that was to be
found in Christianity.
From the founding of Alexandria and Antioch,
the Jews were TroXIrai (cives), but in the older
Greek cities, except those of which the constitu-
tions were altered by Alexander or his successors
(HDB V. 104 f. ; Expositor, 7th ser., ii. 37 f.), they
were .simply /jl^tolkoi. (incolce, ' residents'). The Jews
of Rome whom Cicero mentions as possessing the
Roman civitas (pro Flacco, 28) probably belonged
to the class of libertini or enfranchised slaves (cf.
Ac 6*). Jews of Ephesus, Sardis, Delos, etc., had
the Roman civitas, as appears from the edicts pre-
served by Josephus (Ant. xiv. 10). St. Paul's citi-
zenship (y.u.) of the Hellenistic city of Tarsus (Ac
21*^) is to be distinguished from his Roman citizen-
ship (Ac 22-' ; cf. 16^'). The latter right may have
been conferred by some Roman potentate on cer-
tain important Tarsian families (Ramsay, Ex-
positor, 7th ser., ii. 144, 152 ; cf. Schlirer, HDB v.
105 f.). It was not the least important of St.
Paul's providential equipments for the Apostle-
ship, and was recognized as entitling him to re-
spect from Roman officials. The laws of the Em-
pire ha,d a high moral value for the Apostle, and
he repaid what he owed to them by fervent inter-
cessions for those who administered them (Ro 13'"'',
1 Ti 2'- 2).
In St. Paul himself — his training, his conversion,
his missionary calling, his Christian achievement
— we can study, as in a single picture, the service
rendered by the Dispersion to the free course of
the gospel. Himself a Jew of the Dispersion,
educated in a strict Rabbinical school, he had
the two-fold advantage of becoming proficient in
Judaism, the religion of his fathers (Gal 1'^), and
of growing up in his CUician home under the pene-
trating influence of Greek civilization. The ques-
tion of Ro 3-*, ' Is God the God of the Jews only ?
Is he not the God of the Gentiles also ? ' was
one that he must have often asked himself in his
Pharisaic daj's ; and when the sight and the call
of Jesus had given him the decisive answer, ' Yea,
of the Gentiles also,' this became the moving force
of his strenuous life (cf. Jch. Weiss, Paul and
Jesus, p. 67). He had been a traveller from his
youth, for the journey from Tarsus to Jerusalem
was not a short one ; but now he took a wider cir-
cuit (Ro 15'^), and would fain have embraced the
whole world in his travels (v.^), so anxious was
he to proclaim what he believed to be the religion
of redemption for all mankind. The highest ser-
vice that the Dispersion has up till now rendered
to the world is its becoming the starting-point of
306
DISPERSION
DIVINATION
the aggressive Christian movement of St. Paul and
his fellow-apostles ; what further service it may
be designed to render, in the form in wliich it now
exists, is yet hidden in the counsels of the Eternal.
It may cause some surprise that St. Paul never
visited Alexandria, where the freest develoi^ment
of pre-Christian Judaism took place. This develop-
ment, however, was in many respects alien to St.
Paul's mind. Alexandrian Judaism was ' a cul-
tured Unitarianism with strong ethical convic-
tions. The old dream of a theocracy was forgotten,
and Messianism aroused no interest' (Inge, ERE
i. 309 ; cf. Wernle, Beginnings of Christianity, i.
177). This brief account must be qualified, liow-
ever, by the statement in Acts (18'-^), that it was
a gifted Alexandrian Jew, Apollos, who, after
' the way of God had been expounded to him more
carefully,' demonstrated the Messiahship of Jesus
publicly, before the Jews in Corinth, with energy
and success (cf. Harnack, Acts of the Apostles, p.
121). The illustrious Church of Alexandria must
have been founded, like other churches, on ' the
Rejected Stone.'
Manj' traits of the Diaspora mentioned above
are illustrated by the Acts and the Epistles. The
long list of foreign Jews present at Pentecost
shows how widely scattered their settlements were.
Was it by means of some of these (Ac 2^"), return-
ing to their native synagogue ' in the power of the
Spirit,' that the faith of Christ first reached the
city of Rome? At Antioch, some Cyprian and
Cyrenaean Cliristians were the first to take the
bold step of ' speaking unto the Gentiles also,
preaching Jesus as the Lord' (Ac 11-", 'where the
sense of the passage seems to require "EWrjuas'
[Gwatkin, Early Church Hist. i. 56n.]). The
names of Barnabas of Cyprus, Philip of Csesarea,
Lucius of Cyrene, Timothy of Lystra, Jason of
Thessalonica, Sopater of Beroea, Crispus of Corinth,
Aquila of Pontus, illustrate how largely the
Church's assets consisted of Jews settled abroad.
Tlie tent-making of Aquila, in which St. Paul
joined him, gives a glimpse into the industrial life
of the Diaspora. Amongst his ' kinsmen ' in Asia
and Europe the Apostle found some of his most
efficient coadjutors ; from them too, and not only
from the unbelieving portion of them, there came
some of his most fanatical opponents.
In Ja P St. James may be addressing the Chris-
tian Jews of the Eastern Dispersion, and in 1 P P
St. Peter those of the Western (J. B. Mayor, Ep.
of Jame^, 1910, p. 30) ; but in 1 P lUt is much
more probable that the whole body of Christians
living at the time are addressed as being now,
spiritually, ' the Israel of God' (Gal &^ ; cf. Hort,
First Epistle of Peter, I. l-II. 17, 1898, p. 7).
There are few data to satisfy our curiosity about
what happened to the Jewish Diaspora from A.D.
70 to 100. The rebellion against the Roman
authority seems to have met with no sympathy on
the part of the Jews of Rome. They had no share
in the insurrections under Vespasian, Trajan, or
Hadrian, and were left unmolested (JE iv. 563).*
We even liear that 'after A.D. 70 till perhaps 100,
Judaism made many converts especially in Rome'
[Parting of the Roads, pp. 286, 305). Those Jews
who had had their home in Jerusalem were com-
pelled after A.D. 70 to live after the manner of
their brethren of the Diaspora [EBi ii. 2286). The
story of the re-organization of Judaism on a non-
sacerdotal basis by Jochanan ben Zakkai, the
founder of the School of Jamnia near Joppa, and
his successors, has recently been re-told by E.
Levine in a manner that commands attention and
respect (Parting of the Roads, 299 f.). But to
• ' Even the destruction of Jerusalem scarcely endangered the
toleration of the Jews at Rome ' (Gwatkin, Early Church Hist.
i. 40).
pursue this interesting line of study would take
us far beyond the limits of the Apostolic Age.
Literature.— H. M. Gwatkin, Early Church HUtory to A.D.
SIS, 1909, i. 1-72 ; A. Harnack, The Mins-ion and Expansion of
Christianity in the First Three Centuries-, 190S, i. Iff., Acts of
the Apostles, 1909, p. 121 ; The Parting of the Roads, 1912,
Essa3' iv. : ' Judaism in the Days of the Christ ' (Oesterley),
Essay ix. : ' The Breach between Judaism and Christianity '
(Levine) ; W. M. Ramsay, Expositor, 6th ser., v. [1902] : 'The
Jews in the Grajco- Asiatic Cities,' 7th ser., ii. [1906]: 'Tarsus,'
§§ xi.-xvii. ; H. Schultz, OT Theology, 1S92, i. 423 ; J. AA/^eiss,
Paul and Jesu^, 1909, pp. 59, 67 ; P. Wernle, Beginnings of
Christianity, 1903-04, i. 177 ; Th. Zahn, Introd. to NT, 1909, i.
433, ii. 134 ; artt. on ' Dispersion ' or * Diaspora ' in EBi i. 1106
(Guthe), UCG i. 465 (M'Neile), ^^iv. 559 (Reinach), HDB v. 91
(Schurer), Smith's DB i. 787 (Westcott). See also HDB ii.
60Sb (Sanday), iv. 307 (Patrick and Relton), v. 57" (Buhl), v.
199 (Drmnmond); EBi ii. 2286 (Guthe), ERE L 309 (Inge), ii.
530b (von Dobschutz). JAMES DoNALD.
DIVINATION.— 1. Definition.— Primitive man,
under the influence of animatism and animism,
came to think of himself as surrounded by in-
numerable spirits. These in course of time became
diflerentiated into gods, goddesses, demons, ghosts,
etc. These beings could influence, enter into, and
animate not only each other, but human beings,
beasts, and things. Man gradually realized that
it was his duty to discover and cultivate relations,
friendly or defensive, with these — a duty intensi-
fied by his covetousness of good and his aversion
to calamities or privations. Some of the methods
he employed for doing this became regulated and
systematized into forms of worship, i.e. approved
methods of approaching and propitiating the
spirits. As tliese forms became more and more
universally recognized, they acquired a sacred
character, which differentiated them from, and
placed them on a higher level than, other cere-
monies. Still the latter continued to be practised,
because the forms of worship did not meet all
men's necessities. Unusual circumstances occurred
through which, or on account of which, the di-
vinities communicated with men, or by reason of
which men felt the need of communicating with
those beings in whose hands lay the destinies of
their lives. These survivals of the lower culture,
from which the regular forms of worship had
shaken themselves free, may be grouped under
the name ' Divination.'
The Latin name for a divine being was deus.
Divtis indicates the quality possessed by a thing
which makes it 'godlike ; divinus rather the
qualities which make a being 'divine'; divinitas
means ' the divine nature ' ; divinare, ' to see like a
god ' ; and divinatio, ' the power of seeing like a
god.' This came to be confined, in ordinary use, to
the power of foreseeing. But the word has a much
wider meaning. To Chrysippus and the Stoics,
' divination ' was the means of communication
between the gods and men. Cicero {de Div. i. 38)
argues that, if there are gods, there must be men
who have the power of communicating with them.
In English 'divination' has the wider meaning
akin to the original significance. Divination then
rests on the idea that, apart from forms of wor-
ship, a divinity and a human being can, when
necessary, come into living touch with each other,
the divinity acting on or through the man, thus
revealing his mind to him ; or the man by ap-
proved methods so revealing his mind to the
divinity that the latter acts on or through him.
2. Divination and magic. — Just as worship, by
becoming systematized, left behind it the forms of
communication called 'divination,' so divination,
as it became more regulated and elaborated in the
hands of professional diviners, left behind it
cruder and lower forms of communication which
may all be included under the term 'magic.'*
* A. C. Haddon, Magic and Fetishism, 1S06 ; F. B. Jevons,
Comparative Religion, 1913.
DIYIXATIO^'
DrVINATIOX
307
The distinction betAveen divination and magic may
be briefly and not inaccurately stated tlius : the
diviner is in touch with the divinities because he
is their servant ; the magician, because, for tlie
time being, he is their master. Thus, each of
these forms of communication, though existing
alongside of each other and accepted by the same
people, has its own distinctive features.
3. Development. — If we think of the above three
methods of communication between the divinities
and men as existing, in embryo, in the earliest
ages, we can realize how they were each developed
by such great races as the Semites and the Aryans,
and how the common inheritance of each of these
was developed along distinctive lines by the
difl'erent nations springing from them. Thus, to
confine our attention to divination, we have that
of the Semites,* developing into that of the Meso-
potamians,t Persians,^ Jews,§ and Arabians ; |1 and
that of the Aryans,^ developing into that of the
Vedas,** Greeks,tt Romans.tJ Celts,§§ Teutons, ||||
and Lithuanians ; ^H while that of the Egyptians
strongly influenced and was influenced by many of
these.***
The Pax Romana and the toleration of the
Roman Government permitted the cults of in-
numerable divinities and all these forms of divina-
tion to spread throughout the Empire ; and Jews,
Christians, worshippers of all kinds of Eastern and
Egyptian deities, diviners, ' magicians, astrologers,
and wizards jostled each other in a theological con-
fusion to which no parallel can be found ' (K. Lake,
The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, 1911, p. 47).
4. Divination in the Apostolic Age. — It is diificult,
but necessary, to realize this amazing profusion of
divinities as a distinct feature of the Apostolic Age.
BesidesmentioningJahweh, the God of the Hebrews,
Jesus Christ, and the Hol}^ Spirit, Avorshipped by
the Christians, and some of the innumerable ethnic
deities, the literature of the Apostolic Age contains
references to angels, archangels, living creatures,
Satan, the Devil, the Wicked One, the Antichrist,
demons, unclean and evil powers, dominions, princi-
palities, authorities, thrones, and glories.
It is not easy to decide how far belief in these
aflected the various classes. But practically this
is true : each man had his favourite di\dnity to
which all Gentiles added a select gi'oup of deities
whom they reverenced. Rationalists like the Sad-
ducees denied the existence of d-/yeXoi and irvevfiara
(Ac 23*) ; many of the more educated viewed the
existence of the minor supernatural beings with
• W. Robertson Smith, iJ.S2, 1894 ; Th. Noldeke, Sketches from
Eastern History, Eng. tr., 1S92 ; ERE i. 390 ; J. E. Carpenter,
Comparative Religion, 1913; HDBv.SSS. and the Ldterature
there mentioned.
t J. E. Carpenter, op. cit. ; A. H. Sayce, Religion of the
Ancient Baht/lonians, 1S87 ; G. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization^,
1896; Stephen Langdon, 'Private Penance,' in Transactions of
the Third International Congress tor the History of Religions,
1908, p. 249 ; L. W. King, £ab. Magic and Sorcery, 1896, Bab.
Religion and Mythology, 1S99 ; L. R. Farnell, Greece and
Babylon, 1911; ERE i. 316, iv. 783, and Literature there
mentioned ; R. C. Thompson, The Report of the Magicians and
Astrologers of Nineceh and Babylon, 1900, also The Devils and
Evil Spirits of Babylonia, 1903-04.
: ERE iv. 818 ; J. H. Moulton, Early Religious Poetry of
Persia, 1911.
§ ERE iv. 806 ; S. A. Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine,
1908 : T. W. Davies, Magic, Divination, and Demonology among
the Hebrews and their Neighbours, 1S98 ; EDB i. 611 ff.
II ERE i. 655.
•; R. V. Iherin<r, The Evolution of the Aryan,tr. Drucker, 1897 ;
I. Taylor, The ifrigin of the Aryans, 1SS9 ; ERE i. 11 and the
Literature there mentioned.
•* lb. iv. 827.
ft W. R. Halliday, Greek Divination, 1913; ERE iv. 796, vi.
401 ; Gilbert Murray, Four Stages of Greek Religion, 1912.
XX \V. Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman
People, 1911 ; ERE iv. 820.
§■; lb. iii. 277, iv. 787. |i|| 76. iv. 827.
Ht 76. iv. 814.
*** lb. vi. 374 ; F. Cumont, The Oriental Religions in Roman
Paganism, Eng. tr., 1911, p. 73fif.
more or less scepticism ; but the mass of people lived
in the belief and the fear of these divine beings.
In that age men felt themselves surrounded by a
great cloud of witnesses (He 12'), living in a world
where the gods appeared (Ac 14^^ 28^), where Jesus
appeared to St. Paul (Q''^- ^ 26'6) and to Stephen
(T''"), and His Spirit prohibited action (16'), where
an itinerant preacher was received as a messenger of
God, or even as Christ Jesus re-incarnated (Gal 4''*) ;
where the Holy Spirit was a distinct living person-
aJitj-, where the assertion that a man was the Son of
God made a Roman governor tremble (Jn 19®), and
the patience of His death caused a Roman centurion
to exclaim: 'This was a Son of God' (Mt 27^'').
In sucli a world the Satan fashioned himself into
an d77eXos (j)on6s (2 Co 11'*), oaltxoves entered into
men, and were cast out by men (Lk IP**, Mk 9^),
converts to the religion of Jesus who had believed
and were baptized proposed to purchase the ability
to confer the Holj' Spirit (Ac 8'^), the power of the
evil ej^e was exercised (^Ik 7"-), and apxa-l and bwa-
/iets, 'principalities' and 'powers' (Ko 8^), 'mus-
tered their unseen array.' Nor must we think that
the Christians stood far removed from the common
beliefs of the age. This is clear from many things.
Think of their belief in the Satan, the antagonist
who stood over against God. He was conceived as
a huge dragon, or old serpent (Rev 12^ 13'' [as
amended by Charles in his Studies in the Apoca-
lypse, 1913, p. 100] 20"), and as such was identified
with otd/3oXos. He was regarded as having his
abode in the skies, in which he and his dyyeXoi. had
been defeated by an apxiyyeXos IMichael and his
ayyeXoi, and thrown down on the earth (12'-'') to be
flung into the abyss for a thousand years (2U^- ').
He had his subordinate spirits. Special mention
is made of 'the Lawless One' [according to hf B]
(2 Th 2^), and the £776X01 who fought for him
(Rev 12'-^), and afllicted men's bodies (2 Co 12"),
and even destroyed them (1 Co 5^). He himself
could masquerade as dyyeXos (puros (2 Co 11'*), and
could equip his servants with full powers, the
miracles and portents of falsehood, and the full
deceitfulness of evil (2 Th 2"- '"). The Satan was
the adversaiy of men ; his chief aim was to seduce
to wrong (Rev 20^- *• '", Eph 2^) by tempting to such
sins as lying, cheating (Ac 5^), incontinence (1 Co 7°,
1 Ti 5'^), gross sexual excess, ' his deep mysteries '
(Rev 2-*, Eph 2^). He gains advantages by clever
mancEuvres (2 Co 2"). He is the accuser of the
members of the Christian brotherhood (Rev 12"*).
He hinders good endeavours (1 Th 2'®), but the
God of peace crushes him under His people's feet
(Ro 16'-"). Jews hostile to the religion of Jesus are
thought of by the Christians as his servants who
form his synagogue (Rev 2^ 3^), and in places noted
for wickedness he dwells in power as a king on his
throne (2'^). By a deliberate act of judgment an
otlender could be consigned to the Satan's power
for the destruction of his body (1 Co 5^, 1 Ti 1-°). _
The natural and inevitable outcome of this
multiplicity of divinities was the universal practice
of divination. The testimony of history to this
fact is fully confirmed by the discovery of con-
temporary texts, among which are ' innumerable
. . . horoscopes, amulets, cursing tablets, and
magical books. . . . The whole ancient world is
full of miracles' (Deissmann, Light from the
Ancient East'-, 1911, pp. 284, 393). Divination
and magic were prevalent not merely among sects
like the Essenes, but among the Jews generally
(Schurer, HJP II. iii. [1886] p. 151 fl'., II. ii. [1885]
p. 204). The writings of the Apostolic Fathers
show the relation of the Christians to these arts.
In the Didache among other commandments are
these, ' thou shalt not practise magic, thou shalt
not use enchantments,' ov p-ayevoeis, ov <j>apfj.aKevaeLS
(ii.), and this entreaty, 'become not an omen-
308
dwi:n-atiox
DOCTOR
watcher, nor one who uses charms, nor an astro-
loger, nor one who purifies,' i.e. one who averts
disease or removes sin by sacrifices, ixt] yivov oluvo-
(TKOTTOS , . , firjS^ iwaoiSbs, fi.T)5k fiadruaaTiKos, ijl7]5^
■n-epiKadalpuv (iii.). Hermas (Mand. xi, 4) cautions
Christians not to consult soothsayers (iiavTevovTai).
The Didache describes the Way of Death as full,
among other things, of ' magical arts and potions,'
/j.ayeiai, (pap/naKiai (v.), while in the Way of Dark-
ness, among other things that destroy the soul, are
' potions and magical arts,' (pap/maKeia, fiayeia (Up.
Barn. xx.). Ignatius speaks of the birth of Jesus
as destroying or making ridiculous every kind of
magic, Trao-a fiayeia. (Eph. xix. ), and exhorts his
readers ' to flee evil arts,' raj KaKorexvlas (pevye, but
all the more to discourse in public regarding them
(Ep. to Poly carp, v.). In Ps. -Ignatius, Ep. to the
Antiochians, xi., 'the practice of magic,' 7oi;Teiaj,
is a vice forbidden even to the Gentiles. Aristides
(Apol. xi. ) in indicating the things which Christians
should not do, omits all reference to divination or
magic, and a similar omission is noticeable in Ep.
Barn. xix. and in 1 Clement, xxx. xxxv. Hero
is warned (Ps. -Ignatius, Ep. to Hero, ii.) to dis-
trust any one teaching beyond Avhat is commanded,
even 'though he work miracles,' k5.v a-rifieia Troiy.
In the description which Aristides declares the
Greeks give of their gods, he writes that they say
some of them were ' sorcerers,' (pap/^aKoOs (Apol.
viii.), ' practising sorcery,' <pap/jiaKeias (xiii.), and he
calls Hermes ' a magician,' /xdyov (x.). But it is
noticeable that in Ps. -Ignatius, Ep. to the Anti-
ochians, xii., among the Church officials is 'the
exorcist,' iiropKicrTris, and in the Ep. to the Philip-
pians, v., Christ is by way of honour called ' this
magician,' fidyos oSros, while in Ephesians, xx., the
sacramental bread is called ' the medicine of im-
mortality,' (pdpfjLaKov ddavaaiai. Pagan testimony
is to the same effect. The Emperor Hadrian (A.D.
117-138), writing to the Consul Servianus on the
state of Egypt, says : ' There is no ruler of a
synagogue of Jews, no Samaritan, no Presbyter of
the Christians who is not an astrologer, a sooth-
sayer, a quack [mafhematicus, haruspex, aliptcs] '
{Script. Hist. August. ,1774, ' Vopisci Saturninus,' 8).
These supernatural beings communicated with
men by means of dyyeXoi ('angels' or ' messengers')
or prophets, by possession, by means of the hand,
tongues, dreams, visions, trances, voices, sounds.
The human beings in touch with these super-
natural beings were variously named exorcists,
soothsayers, sorcerers, enchanters ; and, lower still,
magicians, witches, and wizards. They had various
methods of bringing the power of the divinities to
act on men, all of which may be classed into two
groups : (a) regular : blessing, cursing, pronoun-
cing anathema, invoking the Name, embracing,
laying on of hands, shadowing, signs and wonders,
as e.g. healing, or smiting with disease such as
blindness; (6) exceptional: the lot, the vow, the
oatli, and committing to Satan.
As religion has become spiritualized, divination
has more and more lost its hold on the minds of
men. The ultimate end will be reached when
worship shall be the approach to the One Father
by a man, who, because he is taught and led by
the indwelling Spirit of Jesus, needs no divination,
and who, because he can proffer his requests to the
Fatlier in prayer, scorns aU magic. But the end
is not yet.
Literature. — There is no book dealinpr with Divination in the
Apostolic Age. Reference to its various phases will he found
in modern Commentaries and in works on Comparative Rilif,'iori,
and Anthropolo^'y, as those of E. B. Tylor, A. E. Crawley,
J. G. Frazer, F. B. Jevons, J. H. Leuba, and R. R. Marett.
In addition to these and the authorities cited throughout the
art., reference may be made to F. W. H. Myers, on 'Greek
Oracles,' in Essays, 1883, and to the series of articles in EliE
vi- 775 fl. P. A. Gordon Clark.
DIYINITY.— See Christ, Cheistology.
DIYISIONS.— The work of the Apostle Paul was
much hindered by divisions in the Church. There
are many passages in his Epistles which refer to
this, but the subject cannot be better studied than
in 1 Co lio«f-. The Corinthian Church, though
outwardly united, was divided in its allegiance to
different teachers — ' I am of Paul, and I of Apollos,
and I of Cephas, and I of Christ.' Much ingenuity
has been expended in sketching the characteristics
of these four parties, but it is not easy to be certain
of them. Apollos was a Jew of Alexandria (Ac
18-^"-^), a disciple of the Baptist, who, being more
fully instructed by Aquila and Priscilla, was bap-
tized into the Christian Church. At Corinth his
learning and eloquence made a great impression, and
there might be many who would regard him as a
leader in the faith ; but there need not have been
any serious division in the Church on this account.
Far greater difficulty would be experienced be-
tween those who are generally known as the Juda-
izing party and those who accepted the teaching
of the Apostle.
The question of Gentile converts being free from
the yoke of the Law of Moses had been settled by
the Council held at Jerusalem (Ac 15^"^^), but the
Judaizing party had not acquiesced ex animo in
that decision. The Epistle to the Galatians gives
us an insight into their tactics then, and it is highly
probable that in the 'Christ' party of 1 Co 1'*"^-
we meet with the same line of action. In the
Second Epistle to the Corinthians the Apostle
defends his authority and apostolicity in much the
same way as he does in the Epistle to the Gala-
tians (2 Co 10. 11. 12, Gal lii22i).
This party would perhaps point to the obedience
of Christ to the Law during His life, and would
strongly advocate the position that Christianity
was an outcome of Judaism, and that the Gentile
in accepting Christ must i bow his head to the yoke
of the Law as well. In 1 Cor. we see this party in
its infancy ; but in 2 Cor. it has grown to much
more dangerous proportions. From the internal
evidence of the latter Epistle we may gather some-
thing of their claims. They were Hebrews ; they
claimed to be apostles ; they preached another
gospel and another Jesus (2 Co 11). Their insistence
upon obedience to the ceremonial Law brought
them into direct conflict with St. Paul's teaching
on justification. They made many grievous and
unjust charges against him, and sought in every
way to discredit him and to belittle his authority.
The Epistle makes it clear that they met with
considerable success. The Corinthians were in-
fatuated with their new teachers, and turned
against the Apostle. In some way the news of
the defection reached St. Paul, and led to his paying
a visit to Corinth. This visit is not recorded in
the Acts but is alluded to in this Epistle (2 Co 13).
This was followed by a stern letter which some
think is preserved in 2 Co 10-13 ; and finally, on
receipt of the good news of their rejientance, St.
Paul wrote with thankfulness the Epistle which
we have in 2 Co 1-9. MORLEY STEVENSON.
DIVORCE.— See Marriage.
DOCTOR. — 'Doctor' (Lk 2« 5", Ac 5") =
'teacher.' The 'doctor' was ascribe. Till 40
years old he Avas tnlmid ('scholar'). Probably
after examination he became tabnid hdkJidm (' sage
scholar'). On receiving a call from a particular
community, he was solemnly ordained to ofhce
with laying on of hands, and became rabbi
('master'). Such was the process after A.D. 70.
In the XT rabbi has not so specialized an applica-
tion. The Law, especially the oral tradition, was
DOCTEIXE
DOMITIAX
309
the great subject of study ; it was learned by in-
defatigable memorizing. Discussions were held
at which listeners might put questions (cf. Lk 2^).
LiTEBATTTRE.— E. Schiirer, HJP ii. i. §25 (n.); W. Bonsset,
Religion des Judentums im neutest. ZeitoUter, 1903, ii. o, p. 147 ;
art. ' Doctor' in HDB, DCG, and CE.
W. D. NiVEX.
DOCTRINE.— See Teaching.
_ DOG {kvwv, Ph 32, 2 P 2", Rev 221").— In Pales-
tine the dog plays a very insignificant and con-
temptible part, and is in consequence the symbol
for all that is ignoble and mean. The ordinary
pariah street -dogs are from two to three feet long,
tawny in colour, have small eyes, short fur, and
comparatively' little hair on the tail. They act as
scavengers, clearing away carcases and offal, which
form the staple of their food, and which, but for
them, might create pestilence (cf. H. B. Tristram,
Natural History^'', p. 78). They bark and howl
all night (cf. Ps 59^- "), but as a rule are afraid of
men, though on occasions they attack travellers
in lonely places. Sometimes they are trained to
act as sheep-dogs (cf. Job 30^), not, however, for
driving the sheep, as with us, but for guarding
them against the attacks of wolves and jackals at
night. Dogs were seldom regarded or treated as
pets ; this was perhaps due to the fact that the
Jews were not a hunting people. Tristram, how-
ever, informs us that he had no difficulty in mak-
ing a pet of a puppy taken from pariah dogs [op.
cit. p. SO), while we have clear evidence in Mt 15^
II Mk 7^^ that they sometimes became household
pets ; it is, however, noticeable that the term used
in these two passages is the diminutive Kwdpiov.
The only other breed of dog known in Palestine
is the Persian greyhound, which resembles our
grej-hound in general form and appearance, but
is larger and stronger, though not so swift. This
dog is used by shaikhs for hunting the gazelle.
When used as a personal epithet in OT and NT,
'dog' is a term of absolute contempt when applied
to others, of extreme humility when applied to one-
self. In Ph 3'-, St. Paul applies the term to his
Judaizing opponents — ' Look to, be on your guard
against, the dogs, the workers of mischief, the con-
cision' (cf. Lightfoot, Philippians*, 187S, p. 143) —
a party, clearly, well-defined and well-known to
the members of the Philippian Church. In 2 P 2--
the 'dog' is mentioned along with the 'sow' as
in Horace [Epp. i. ii. 26) — the dog turning to his
own vomit again, and the sow that hath bathed
itself (in mud), to wallowing in the mire. The
reference is to apostates — those who, after being
converted to the way of righteousness and having
abandoned the filth in Avhich thej' had once so
zealously ' bathed,' return again to wallow in the
mire of their former delights. In Rev 22'^, the
' dogs ' are those who are corrupted by the foul vices
of the heathen world, many of whom were doubt-
less to be found within the pale of the Church (cf.
214. 2of.^ 2 Co 12-').
Literature. — For the do^ in Palestine see H. B. Tristram,
Natural History of the Bible^o^ 1911, p. 78ff. ; also SWP : ' The
Fauna and Flora of Palestine,' 1SS4, p. -21 ; P. G. Balden-
sperger, 'The Immovable East,' in PEFSt, 1903, p. 73, 1904,
p. 361 ; J. E. Hanauer, ' Palestinian Animal Folk-Lore,' in
PEFSt, 1904, p. 265 ; W. M. Thomson, The Land and the
Book, new ed., 1910, pp. 178-179. On the texts see especially
J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians*, 1878, p. 143 f. ; C. Bigg, Epp.
of St. Peier and St. Jude {ICC, 1901). p. 2S7f. ; H. B. Swete,
The Apocalypse of St. John, 1907, p. 308.
P. S. P. Haxdcock.
DOMINION.— This word is used, though not in-
variably, in tlie translation of three Gr. expressions :
(1) the verb Kvpieveiv, 'to be lord of,' 'to have do-
minion over' (Ro G^-" 7^ AV and RV ; 2 Co l'^ AV,
where RV has ' have lordship ') ; (2) rd Kparos ; (3)
Kvpi&rrjs.
TO Kpdros is rendered thus in the doxologies in 1 P
4" 5", Jude2«, Rev 16 o^^ (KV). In the only other
doxology where it occurs (1 Ti 6'*') RV strangely
retains ' power ' of AV. Lightfoot (on Col pi) says
that 'the word (cpdros in the NT is applied solely to
God,' Thayer {s.v. 8\jva/jLLs], more cautiously, that
the word is used 'in the NT chiefly of God' ; He
2^-' is an exception.
KvpidTTis is found in four passages, viz. Eph 1^',
Col ps (plural), Jude 8, 2 P 2'o ; RV in all cases
gives ' dominion,' AV in the first three, and in the
margin of 2 P 2" (text, 'government'). In Eph.
and Col. a class of angels is meant (Milton's ' Dom-
inations ') with which compare 1 Co 8^, where angels
are called Kvpioi (Grimm-Thaj'er, Lexicon, s.v.
Kvpiorrjs). The meaning of the word in Peter and
Jude presents some difficulty, (a) Many suppose
that here also angels are referred to, which 2 P 2'^
and the reference to the sin of the Sodomites seem
to support. Cremer (Lexicon, s.v. kvplottjs) says
that in Peter evil angels are implied from the con-
text, though not in Jude. But, as Bennett {Cen-
turij Bible: /The General Epistles,' 1901, p. 334)
points out, ' it does not seem likely that blasphemy
against angels would be so conspicuous a sin of
licentious men as to call forth this emphatic con-
demnation.' (b) KvpioTTis may be understood of the
power and majesty of God (Bigg, St. Peter and St.
Jude[lCC, 1901], p. 279), or the Lordship of Christ,
in support of which 2 P 2'-^ Jude*-^^ may be quoted,
(c) It may refer to authorities in the Church whose
legitimate power these men despised and spoke
against. Bennett inclines to this interpretation
in Jude and regards it as included also in 2 Peter,
where he gives the general principle of the argu-
ment thus : when good angels withstand dignities,
i.e. evil angels, although the good are the more
powerful, they do not abuse their opponents; how
absurd and wicked for evil men to abuse good
angels, or perhaps even the legitimate Church
authorities. J. R. Lumby (in Speakers Comment-
ary : ' Heb. to Rev.,' 1881, p. 395) combines (6) and
(c) above : ' the railing at dignities, though its first
exhibition might be made against the Apostles and
those set in authority in the Church, yet went
further and resulted in the denial of our only
Master, God Himself, whose dominion these sinners
were disregarding, and our Lord Jesus Christ,
whose glory these men speak evil of or rail at.'
In the RV of 1 Ti 2^^ avQevTdv dvopbs is translated
'to have dominion over,' AV ' to usurp authority
over.' See also art. Principality.
W. H. Dundas.
DOMITIAN Titus Flauius Domitianus, second
son of Titus Flauius Vespasianus (Emperor A.D.
69-79 ; see Vespasian) and his kinswoman Flauia
Domitilla, and brother of Titus Flauius Vespasianus
(Emperor A.D. 79-81 ; see TiTUS), was Roman
Emperor from A.D. 81 to 96. He was bom on 24
October A.D. 51 in Rome, during the principate of
Claudius, almost twelve j-ears after his brother
Titus. He lost his mother and only sister in early
life, and when his father and brother entered on
the Jewish War in A.D. 66, Domitian was scarcely
fifteen years old. When his father was called to
the Imperial throne on 1 July 69, his sons received
corresponding honours, each being named Casar
and princeps iunentutis. Domitian had a narrow
escape at the hands of the Vitellians, being com-
pelled to leave the Capitol in the robes of a priest
of Isis, which a freedman had procured for him.
On his father's accession Domitian received the
prsetorship, which he held from 1 January 70,
but exercised for the most part by deputy. Follow-
ing the fashion .set by Augustus, he robbed L.
Lamia .^niilianus of his wife Domitia Longina,
and, after living with her for some time unmarried,
finally married her. It was unfortunate for his
future career that his father and elder broth e:
310
DO.MITIAX
DOMITIiJN"
were absent for a lengthy period from Rome and
Italy, being detained by the Jewish AVar. The
sudden accession to power and influence of a youth
of barely eighteen years of age ended, as might
have been expected, in a disastrous perversion of
character. The comi)laints against him served to
hasten his father's return. Before 21 June 70,
Domitian and Mucianus, the most prominent sup-
Ijorter of the Flavian house, left Rome for the
Gallo-German war. A change in the situation
caused Domitian to return. He lived for a period
in his Alban villa in retirement from public life.
On the return of his father he received much dis-
tinction, but so far as direct government of the
Empire was concerned he was kept in the back-
ground. He was, however, six times consul before
he became Emperor. On tiie death of Vespasian
(79) Titus became Emperor ; Domitian, though
openly spoken of as consors imperii, was wisely
kept in an inferior position.
On the death of Titus through fever, Domitian
became Emperor (13 September 81). Henceforth
his title was Imperator Csesar Domitianus (Domi-
tianus Ca?sar) Augustus. The title Germanicus
was conferred upon him in 84, and he became
censor perpetuus {after 5 Sept.) in 85. Certain of
the important events of his reign may be enumer-
ated. It was probably very soon after the death
of Titus that the decree for the construction of the
arch in his honour, still standing at the Summa
Sacra Via, was passed. On it are the famous
representations of the Golden Candlestick, etc. (see
art. Rome). His first year was also signalized by
the victories of Cn. lulius Agricola in Scotland
and the establishment of fortitied posts as far as
the line of the Forth and Clyde. In 82 the rebuild-
ing of the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill,
which had been destroyed by fire in 80, was com-
pleted. In the same year the roads in the Imperial
provinces of Asia JNIinor were repaired, and Agricola
carried out his fifth campaign, planning also an
invasion of Ireland which never took place. In
83 au expedition to Germany took place as the
result of which victories were gained over the
Chatti. Territory was added to the Empire in the
region of Taunus and Wetterau on the right bank
of the Rhine, and secured by a fortitied rampart
{limes). This success brought the title Germanicus
to Domitian on 3 September 84 (cf. Statins, Sihice
[passim] for the use of the name ; passages in
Klotz's index, p. 187). About this time Domitian
also allowed himself to be appointed consul for ten
years, and received the censona potestas for life,
and other honours. The pay of the soldiers was
increased by a third. In 83, on his sixth campaign,
Agricola had been able, Avith the co-operation of
his fleet, to extend his hold over our island. He
marciied as far north as Inchtuthill near Dunkeld,
and made a lasting camp there. In 84 occurred
the battle of Mons Graupius (locality uncertain),
by which the Caledonians received a crushing blow.
Agricola left Britain in a pacifled state, when
Domitian's jealousy recalled him soon after this
victory. In the period 85-87 Domitian led in
person two expeditions against the Dacians, who
had provoked war. They crossed the Danube and
invaded the province of Mcesia. The governor of
Moesia, Oppius Sabinus, was defeated and killed.
The Dacians thereupon ravaged the territory on
the right bank of the Danube and destroyed towns
and forts. About the end of January 86 Domitian
himself took the held. Of the details of the war
almost nothing is known. It appears that Domitian
issued his commands for the most 2>art from the
Imperial camp in the province of Moesia. The
Decebalus was conquered, and Domitian took the
credit of the victory to himself. He was back in
Rome in the summer of 86, but the war was con-
tinued by Cornelius Fuscus, who appears to have
sutt'ered a heavy defeat.
About the same period the Romans Mere engaged
in warfare against the Nasamones on the African
coast, and against the Germans. It was in
Domitian's reign that the custom of buying off"
the opposition of Rome's enemies began. During
tliis period the Emperor became more and more a
tj'rant and less and less a constitutional prince.
It is significant that he allowed himself to be called
dominus ac dcus (A.D. 85-86). Tyranny aroused
the more republican of the senators, and many were
condemned ; a conspiracy against the Emperor was
discovered and crushed. Probably about the end
of 89 Domitian triumphed over the Dacians and
the Germans, whose governor, L. Antonius Satur-
ninus, sought to dethrone him. Domitian had
taken part in both these wars himself. We learn
also of an expedition against the Quadi, the
Marcomani, and the Sarmatians, all of whom were
allies of the Dacians. Domitian was recognized
as victor, peace was made between the combatants,
and large sums of money were sent by Domitian to
the Decebalus. The year 89 was marked by further
condemnations of distinguished persons and the
confiscation of their property. Twenty years after
Nero's death (9 June 68) a false Nero appeared,
and caused an uprising among the Parthians which
it was extremely difficult to quell. It is not im-
possible that some reference to this occurrence is
latent in Rev 13^. In the year 91 a Vestal virgin,
charged with having broken her vow of chastity,
was by the orders of the ' censor ' Domitian sub-
jected to the ancient penalty of being buried alive.
In this year also was unveiled the great equestrian
statue of Domitian in the Forum (celebrated by
Statius in his Siluce, i. 1), the base of which is
still in position. In 92 (or, strictly, in the period
Oct. 91 to Sept. 92) there was a good vine crop
but a bad cereal ci"op. Domitian in consequence
ordered that no new vineyards should be laid out
in Italy and that the vines of the provinces should
be reduced to one half their former number. This
measure, intended to improve agriculture, was not
carried out strictly. The provinces complained,
among them Asia Minor. M. Salomon Reinach
pointed out in 1901 (in BA, reprinted in Cultes,
Mythes et Religions, ii. [1906] 356-380) that there
is a reference to this edict latent in the difficult
passage Rev 6® (see Sanday in JThSt viii. [1906-
07] 488 f. ). In tlie same year Domitian conducted
war against the Sarmatians with success. Next
year (93) was marked by more condemnation of the
nobility, and among others tiie great Agricola fell
a victim. Now began the reign of terror which
ended only with the death of Domitian. Among
those who sutt'ered were some of the noblest Romans,
men and women, that ever lived.
It was in the year Oct. 93 to Sept. 94, according to
the Chronicle of Eusebius, as translated by Jerome,
that the Domitianic persecution of the Christians
began, and tiiat the Apostle John, being ban-
ished to the island ' Pathmus,' saw the Apocalypse
(cf. other ancient references recorded in the intro-
ductions to theCommentaries by Swete,Bousset,and
Hort, to which add pseudo-Augustine, Qucestiones
Veteris et Novi Testamenti CXXVII, Ixxvi. [Ixxii.]
2 : ' ista Reuelatio eo tempore facta est, quo apos-
tolus lohannes in insula erat Pathmos, relegatus a
Domitiano imperatore fidei causa '). For the diffi-
culty in dating the Apocalypse see art. Apoca-
lypse. There must have been a fierce persecution
of Christians in Domitian's time, and the Apoca-
lypse would seem to be the mirror of it. The
Cliurch always believed Domitian to have been the
second great persecutor. The wonder is that the
outbrealc did not come earlier, in view of Domitian's
assumption of the titles ' Lord and God ' referred
DOOR
DORCAS
311
to above. It has been usual to connect with this
persecution the charge of ' atheism' (by which, of
course, the Romans meant the worship of no god in
visible form : they had long charged the Jews
with the same [cf. Lucan, ii. 592-3 : ' dedita sacris
incerti ludaea dei']) brought against two relations
of the Emperor. These were Flauius Clemens,
the consul of the year (95), first cousin of the
Emperor, and his wife, FlauiaDomitilla, niece of the
Emperor. Clemens was beheaded, and Domitilla
was banished to Pandateria. A grave in the cata-
combs near Rome belonged to the latter. Before
the summer of this year 95 the Via Domitiana
connecting Sinuessa and Puteoli was completed
(celebrated by Statins, Siluce, iv. 3). This meant
a saving of time for journeys from Rome to Naples
and beyond (see art. Roads and Travel). In
the year 96, on 18 Sept., the much-hated Emperor
met his death at the hands of his friends, his
freedman, and his wife.
LrTERATrRE. — Among the ancient authorities, his beneficiaries
Statius and Martial say all and more than all the good there
is to be said of Domitian ; the part of Tacitus' HUt. dealing
with him has perished ; there are occasional references in con-
temporary authors, and there are the biot^raphy by Suetonius
and parts of Dio Cassius, Orosius, etc. The best modern work
is S. Gsell, Ensai sur le regne de I'empereur Dmnitien, Paris,
1894 ; there is an excellent r6sum6 with references and literature
in Weyaand's art. in Pauly-Wissowa, vi. [1909] 25-11-2596 ; A.
V. Domaszewski, Gisch. d. rom. Kaiser, Leipzig', 1909, vol. ii. ;
general histories of the Empire. On Domitian and Christianity
see W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire,
London, 1893, cha. xiL and xiiL A. SOUTEK.
DOOR.* — The examples of the concrete use
of Ovpa, 'door,' are all found in Acts, and may
be treated under three heads; (1) house door.s,
(2) prison doors, (3) Temple doors. The first two
occur in the narratives of miraculous events.
1. In Ac 5* the feet of them that buried Ananias
are said to be i-rrl ry dupg., nigh at hand, if not act-
ually heard by those within. More vivid still is
the instance of 12'^ where one required to knock
at, or beat, the door, to make oneself heard with-
in. (The presence of a knocker for the purpose is
not to be inferred, for Jewish doors at least.) rr]v
dvpav Tov TruXwfoj (cf. Ezk 40" [LXX]) is best under-
stood as a door abutting on the street or lane,
which gave the entry to a covered passage com-
municating with the court of the house, in which
the living rooms were situated (see G.\te). Rhoda
stood in this passage, hearing, but seeing not (be-
sides, it Avas night), the Apostle Peter, who was
without, and being in command of the way so
long as the door, not the gate, remained locked
or barred, dvoi^avres (v.'^) implies door, which is
rightly not expressed in RV. For modem usage
see Mackie, Bible Manners and Customs, 1898, p.
95.
2. With one exception (Ac 12®) the doors of
prisons are found in the plural (Ac 5'^- ^ 16^- '-^).
The indications afibrded by the narrative of Acts
are too meagre to enable us to reconstruct the
form of these places of detention, either in Jeru-
salem or at Philippi. Security seems to have been
given by guards, chains, and stocks rather than
by any peculiar strength of door. Of necessity
the bolt or bar was attached to the outside, of cell
doors at least. For the situation at Philippi, see
Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 1895, p. 220 f.
3. In Ac 3- the Beautiful Gate of the Temple
(cf v.") is described by the word for 'door,' which
RV brings out. As in the private house, so here,
the door forms part of the gate, the latter being
in reality a portal. This particular gate of the
Temple is now believed to be the Corinthian Gate,
which is identical with the Nicanor Gate, on the
east side of the Temple precincts. Its doors, and
* This art. deals with ' door ' as distinct from ' gate,' ' gate-
way,' or ' porch,' of which it forms a part (see Gate).
other parts, were of Corinthian brass (or bronze),
probably solid, being shut with difficulty by twenty
men (Josephus, BJ Vl. v. 3 j cf. Ant. XV. xi. 5, B.J
11. xvii. 3, V. v. 3, c. Ap. ii. 10). They seem to
have been double doors {EBi, art. ' Temple '), stand-
ing at the entrance to the portal. Compare, for
Babylonian Temples, PSBA, 1912, p. 9uti'. For
the Beautiful Gate of the Temple see the full and
illuminating account by A. R. S. Kennedy in
ExpTxx. [1908-09] 270 f. ; also art. Temple.
We read (Ac 2P^) that the people laid hold on
St. Paul, and dragged him out of the Temple, and
straightway the doors were shut. Farrar {Life
ojid Work of St. Paul, lb97, p. 532) locates this
turmoU at the Beautiful Gate, but, considering the
number of doors that gave access to the Temple
precincts, there are other possibilities.
In Rev 21^ we can picture the gates as provided
with doors, although these were not in use.
The metaphorical use of dvpa. in Acts, Epistles,
etc., may be briefly noted. In this sense the word
appears without the definite article, Ac 14-'' being
no exception: 'a door of faith' (RV). In St.
Paul's Epistles mention is made of a great door
and effectual (1 Co 16^), a door being opened (2 Co
2'-), a door for the word (Col 4^), all with the
notion of opportunity and facility. The idea of
the nearness of judgment is brought out by Ja sr'
(cf. Mt 24^) : ' The judge standeth before the
doors,' Avhere RV replaces the singular of AV by
the plural, following the Greek.
In Rev 3^- ^ a door is set or given, •^vetfyfjuivrjv
(note peculiar verbal form), i.e. a door already
opened, which none can shut (see Key), and in 4^
a door is already opened in the heavens at the
moment the vision commences. In contrast to
this is the closed door of Rev 3-°, a passage in
which is concentrated great wealth of meaning.
W. Ceuickshank.
DORCAS. — This name occurs in the narrative of
St. Peter's sojourn in the plain of Western Palestine
after the dispersion of the Jerusalem Church on
the martyrdom of Stephen (Ac 9^"*^). It is given
as a translation of the Aramaic proper name
Tabitha ' ('Tabitha which is by interpretation
Dorcas,' Ac 9*"). The word tabitha' («?'=£:) is
Aramaic corresponding to the Heb. fbi ('??), and
is either the term applied to an animal of the deer
species, ' roebuck ' or ' roe ' in AV, ' gazelle ' in RV,
or a proper name borne by women. The word is
translated in the LXX by the term Sop/cds [oipKopat,
' see ' — a reference to the large eyes of the animal).
Both the Aramaic and the Greek terms were used
as proper names for women, and the writer of the
Acts gives the translation for the benefit of his
Greek readers, though the woman was probably
known as Tabitha.
The bearer of the name was a dweller in Joppa,
a female disciple who had devoted herself to ' good
works ' and to ' almsgiving.' One feature of her
benevolent activity was the making of garments
which she distributed among the poor, a circum-
stance which is regarded as indicating special
goodness, as a woman with means adequate to
provide such benefactions might have been content
with merely giving her money. This circumstance
has in later Christianity given the inspiration and
the name to the so-called Dorcas societies devoted
to providing garments for the poor. There is no
ground for concluding that Tabitha was a deacon-
ess, nor can we tell whether she was one of the
widows or married.
This disciple fell ill and died when St. Peter was
in the neighbouring town of Lydda, nine miles
distant. The believers in Joppa at once sent for
the Apostle. Their motive for so doing is not
apparent, but it is unlikely that they expected him
to work a miracle. More likely the sorrowing
312
DOXOLOGY
DOXOLOGY
friends tnmed to St. Peter for comfort in their
bereavement, and his proximity led them to send
for him. On his an-ival the mourners showed the
Apostle the garments Dorcas had made and spoke
of her alms. The narrative then tells how St.
Peter put them all out of the room, knelt down
and prayed, and turning to the woman said, ' Tabirha,
arise ! ' when she opened her eyes, sat up, and was
handed over to the widows. This raising of Tabitha
is reported to have become widely known and to
liave led large numbers to attach themselves to
the Church.
The account of the raising of Dorcas has obvious
points of similarity to that of the raising of Jairus'
daughter (Mt 9^-^, Mk 5^"-«, Lk S^-*), but there is
sufficient dissimilarity in details to cause us at
once to dismiss the notion that the one is a mere
imitation of the other. It is natural that St. Peter,
who was present at the raising of Jairus' daughter,
s?iould follow the method of his Master, while we
see how, with the humility of Elijah or Elisha (1 K
17-", 2 K 4^3), he does not at first speak the word of
power but kneels down in prayer. Holtzmann and
Pfleiderer regard the raising of Tabitha as parallel
to tlie restoration of Eutychus by St. Paul (Ac
20'*-^2), but beyond the fact that these commen-
tators suppose both Tabitha and Eutychus to have
been only apparently dead, there is no similarity
between the two cases.
Literature.— R. J. Knowlingr, E6T, • Acts,' 1900, p. 247 f. ;
A. Edersheim, Jevrish Social Life, 1908, p. 78; HDB, art.
'Dorcas'; Comm. of Holtzmann, Zeller, Meyer- Wendt, in
'o""- W. F. Boyd.
DOXOLOGY [So^dKoyla, only in eccl. Greek).—
The name is given to brief forms of praise to God
(or to Christ, or to the Trinity) used in early
Christianity, the models of which were taken
over from Judaism. They sometimes occur as a
momentary interruption in the midst of a dis-
course, a sudden breaking forth of praise at the
mention of the name of God, of which 2 Co Ipi
is an example. We shall consider the most im-
portant of these in chronological order. 1. Gal l^.
— The appropriate ascription of praise to the
Father for His redemption of mankind according
to His will, wherein is revealed His attributes of
wisdom, holiness, love, in which for us His glory
chiefly consists. 2. Ro 113«.— The 'all things' are
the things which have to do only with the king-
dom of grace to which He has invited Jew and
Geritile, and the doxology is the natural climax of
praise for such wisdom and love ; the ' Him ' refers to
God, not to Christ ; v.=" is an echo of Is 40^^ and
V.S5 of Job 41>i, and the first part of v.^ cannot
have Trinitarian reference, as the context does not
suit. ' It is the relation of the Godhead as a whole
to tlie universe and to created things. God (not
necessarily the Father) is the source and inspirer
and goal of all things.' * 3. Ro le^^.— While gram-
matically the ' to wliom ' (y, if it be retained) could
refer to Clirist, and while according to the spirit
and even language of the NT there is no objection
to such reference, it is quite certain that the
pronoun refers to the ' only wise God,' as that is
in accordance with the whole purpose of the writer.
It is the most fitting close to the Epistle, as it
embodies the faith from which its central chapters
proceed.t The dislocation of the language is
probably to be explained by the intense spiritual
feeling of the writer, who, without waiting to
clear the matter up, bursts out into the u.sual
doxology to God. 4. Eph 321.— It is the glory
which is due to God and befits Him. It is rendered
• Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ (ICC, 1902), p. 840.
t See K. J. A. Hort in JPh iii. [1870] 56 ; and for a con-
vincinfr discussion of the genuineness of this doxology aee E. H.
Gi£ford in Speaker's Com., ' Romans,' 1881, pp. 22-27.
'in the Church' as the special domain where God
is interested, viz. in a social brotherhood having
organic life in Christ — the praise not being a thing
of secular or voluntary ritual, but having its life
and reason only in Christ and in a society redeemed
and possessed by Him. 5. Ph i^o,— Notice here
also the emphasis : the glory, that glory which is
His attiibute and element. 6. 1 Ti 1". — Here we
find echoes of Jewish forms : To 13^- ^'^, Enoch ix. 4,
Rev 15^ The thought and phraseology are
Hebraic. Bengel thought the «ons had indirect
reference to Gnosticism, but this is not necessary.
7. 2 Ti 418.— 'The Lord' here refers to Christ (cf.
17), to whom this doxology is addressed.* 8. He
13^^. — This doxology may be to the ' God of peace '
of V.20, but it is both more natural and more gram-
matical to refer it to Christ, immediately pre-
ceding. Throughout the whole Epistle the latter
has been constantly before the mind of the writer.
9. 1 P 4". — Hart well remarks that the insertion
of ' is ' {idTiv) changes the doxology to a statement
of fact, and thus supports the interpretation of
' whose ' (<J) as referring to the immediate ante-
cedent, Jesus Christ, which seems also otherwise
required. The thought is : already He possesses
the glory and victory ; therefore (v. ^2) Christians
endure joyfully their present suffering.! 10. 1 P
5^. — This refers to God, and 'dominion' is em-
phasized as a consolation on account of the per-
secution. 11. 2 P 3^. — Here we have another
doxology to Christ. ' For ever ' signifies lit. ' unto
the day of eternity,' and occurs only here. Cf.
Sir 18'". Bigg makes the point that ei's toi>s alCivas
('unto the ages') became so immediately the
ruling phrase that this doxology cannot have been
written after liturgical expressions became in any
degree stereotyped. 12. Jude^. — 'Majesty' (else-
where He 1^ only) and ' power ' are unusual in
doxologies. 13. RcY l^- ^ — ' The adoration of
Christ, which vibrates in this doxology, is one of
the most impressive features of the book. The
prophet feels that the one hope for the loyalists of
God in this period of trial is to be conscious that
they owe everything to the redeeming love of
Jesus. Faithfulness depends on faith, and faith is
rallied by the grasp not of itself but of its object.
Mysterious explanations of history follow, but it
is passionate devotion to Jesus, and not any skill
in exploring prophecy, which proves the source of
moral heroism in the churches. Jesus sacrificed
himself for us ; airi^ ij 56^a. From this inward
trust and wonder, which leap up at the sight of
Jesus and His grace, the loyalty of Christians
flows.' + a. Rev 513.— God and Christ ('the
Lamb') are linked together in this doxology, as
often in thought among the early Christians (Jn
17*, 1 Ti 2^, Rev 7^° : 'salvation unto our God who
sitteth on the throne, and unto the Lamb '). 13.
Rev 7^. — It is a fine saj'ing of Rabbi Pinchas and
Rabbi Jochanan on Ps 100- : ' Though all ofierings
cease in the future, the offering of praise alone
shall not cease ; though all prayers cease, thanks-
giving alone shall not cease.'
A famous passage often interpreted as a doxology either to
Christ or to God the Father is Ro 95. For refeniiig all words
after 'of whom' (or 'from whom,' ef oiv) to Christ it may be
argued that : (a) it supplies the antithesis which ' according to
tlie flesh' supports, and (0) it is grammatically better, for 6 iov
('he being') naturally applies to what precedes : the person who
is over all is naturally the person first mentioned. If we
punctuate so as to read 'God who is over all,' there are objec-
tions : (1) uii' would in that case be abnormal, and (2) ' blessed '
would be unparalleled in position, as it ought to stand first in
the sentence as in Eph 1* and in the LXX. Besides, the
doxology to God seems here without a motive, without either
ps3'cliological or rhetorical reason, a solecism which jars on the
• See N. J. D. White, EGT, '2 Tim.,' 1910, p. 183.
t J. H. A. Hart, EGT, ' 1 Pel.,' 1910, p. 73.
J J. Mofifalt, EGT, 'Rev.,' 1910, p. 339, also art. in Expositor,
6Lh ser., v. 302 ff.
DRAGON
DREAM
313
harmonies of St. Paul's pen. Then almost all the ancient inter-
preters, whatever their views, referred the whole to Christ.
From consideration of lantjuage Socinus consented. Against
this Stromann argues* that (i.) 'God blessed for ever' occurs
frequently in the OT (though that does not prevent the predicate
from being also used for Christ in the XT); (ii.) 'blessed for
ever' is used for God in Ro 125 (but similar expressions are also
given to Christ in the NT [see above], and when once the possi-
bility is granted, each case must be judged on its merits) ; (iii.)
where ' blessed ' is used in the NT it is always used of God (but
exactly equivalent expressions are used also of Christ). It is
true that the fact of St. Paul's not calling Christ ' God ' outright,
but even making a distinction (1 Co S**), strikes Meyer and
Denney t so strongly that they cannot allow the interpretation
here. But to this theological argument it may be replied that
passages like 2 Co 4* 131^, Col 113-20, Ph 25-11 ascribe no less
dignity to Christ than if St. Paul had used ' God ' of Him.
While a Christian Jew would ordinarily use 'God' for the
Father, and ' Lord ' for Christ, he might also use ' Lord ' for the
Father (1 Co 3^) and ' Spirit' for Christ (2 Co 317). As soon as
the religious idea that njeant the Divinity of Christ reacted in
the use of names, the word 'God' would be used of Him, as we
see in John, Ignatius, Ac 202'i (the two oldest MSS), and Ti 213.:
There is no impossibility in such a use here, therefore, and we
are again driven back to the natural, and grammatical, inter-
pretation.
In the sub- Apostolic Age we have in Clement of
Rome (A.D. 97) 'to whom (God) be the ,qlory for
ever and ever,' chs. 3S, 43, 45, 50 perhaps of Christ.
58 'through whom (Christ) is the glory, etc.,' and
65 ' through whom (Clirist) be glory and honour,
power and greatness and eternal dominion unto
him (God) from the ages past and for ever and ever.
Amen.' Ignatius uses none of the doxologies.
The Didache (c. A.D. 100 to 125) adds to the Lord's
Prayer : * For thine is the power and glory for ever
and ever' (cli. 8) ; gives in the Eucharistic prayers
twice : ' Thine is the glory for ever and ever,' and
once : ' For thine is the glory and the power
through Jesus Clirist for ever and ever ' (ch. 9). In
the post-Eucharistic prayer it gives twice the same
benediction again: 'Tliine is the glory for ever
and ever,' and once : ' Tliine is the power and the
glory for ever and ever.' The do.xologies in the
Martyrdom of Polycarp and in Justin Martyr are
too late for this work.
Literature. — Besides the books referred to above, see F. H.
Chase, The Lord's Pratjer in the Early Church { = TS\.Z [1 S91]),
168-178 ; and, especially for liturgical use, Thalhofer in Wetzer-
Welte2, iii. 200t)-10 ; " P. Meyer in PRE-^ v. 593-4; H.
Fortescue in CE v. [1909] 150-1 ; WolfF in RGG ii. [Tubingen,
1910]930£E. ; G. Rietschel, Lehrbicch der Liturqik, Berlin, 19U0,
p. 355f. J. Alfred Faulkner.
DRAGON (5pd/twi').— The word is found in the
NT only in Rev 12^-" 13--*-" 16'=* 20^. In each
case, with the exception of 13^^ ('as a dragon'),
the reference is to the sj'mbolical ' great red dragon '
with seven heads and ten horns (12^) who is ex-
pressly identified with ' the old serpent, he that is
called the Devil and Satan' (v.^; cf. 20-). When
inquiry is made into the origin and meaning of the
symbolism, it becomes evident that what we find
in Rev. is an adoption and application to Christian
purposes of certain conceptions that played a large
part in the literature of pre-Christian Judaism,
and had originally been suggested to the Jewish
mind by its contact with tlie Babylonian myth-
ology. The Apocrj'phal book of Bel and the Dragon
testifies to the existence in Babylon of a dragon-
worship that must have been associated with be-
lief in the ancient dragon-myth which forms so
important a feature of the Babylonian cosmogony.
In the Creation-epic Tiamat is the power of chaos
and darkness, personified as a gigantic dragon or
monster of the deep, Avho is eventually overcome
by Marduk, the god of light. In the post-exilic
Jewish apocalyptic literature a dragon of the
* ZNTW, 1907, pp. 4, 319.
t Meyer, Com. in loc. ; Denney, EGT, 'Rom.,' 1900, p. 658.
t See Sanday-Headlam, Romans^, pp. 233-238 ; GifFord,
Speaker's Com., ' Romans,' pp. 18, 168, 178-9. Lepsius, Bischoff,
and Stromann (ZXTW, 1907, p. 319, 1908, p. SO) conjecture that
the true reading is uiv 6 (instead of 6 oiv) : i.e. ' oJ whom (of the
Israelites) is God over aU, blessed for ever.'
depths becomes the representative of the forces of
evil and opposition to goodness and God. But it
was characteristic of Judaism, v ith its fervent
Messianic expectations, that the idea of a conflict
between God and the dragon should be transferred
from the past to the future, from cosmogony to
history and eschatology, so that the revolt of the
dragon and his subjection by the Divine might be-
came an episode not of pre-historic ages but of the
last days (cf. Is 27S Dn 7^). In Rev. the visions
of non-canonical as well as canonical apocalyptists
have been freely made use of ; and the Jewish
features of the story of the dragon are apparent
(cf. 12^ with Eth. Enoch, xx. 5, Assumption of
Moses, X. 2). But what is characteristic is that
the figure and functions of the dragon are turned
to Christian uses, so that they have a bearing
upon Christ's earthly birth and heavenly glory
(12^), upon the present conflict of Christianity
with the world's evil powers and its victory over
them by ' the blood of the Lamb ' and ' the testi-
mony of Jesus Christ' (vv."- i^- ^7)^ and above all
upon the assurance of Christian faith that God
will destroy the dragon's present power to accuse
His people and persecute them even unto death
(yy 10. 11. 13. 17)^ and will at the appointed time send
forth His angel to subdue him utterly (20^'^).
LiTER.iiTtJRE. — H. Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos, Gottingen,
1895; AV. Bousset, The Antichrist Legend, Eng. tr., London,
1896 ; art. 'Dragon' in EBi. J, C. LAMBERT.
DKEAM. — 'Dream' may be defined as a series
of thoughts, images, or other mental states, which
are experienced during sleep. The words that are
most frequently translated ' dream ' in the Bible
are oi'^n and 6vap. In the OT dreams are described
somewhat in detail, especially those of Jacob
(Gn 28^"-^-), of Joseph (Gn 37^-'"), of Nebuchadrezzar
(Dn 2 and 4), and of Daniel (Dn 7). In the NT, the
only instances given are those of the appearance of
the angel to Joseph (Mt po-23 2^^- ^^- -"), the dream
of the Magi (Mt 2^^), and the notable dream of
Pilate's wife (Mt 2V^). In spite of the fact that
certain dreams are set out with considerable fullness
of detail, the instances recorded are not numerous,
which seems to indicate that God's revelations by
this medium are to be regarded as exceptional and
providential rather than as the usual means of
communication of the Divine will. The Fathers
were in the habit of warning the Christians against
the tendency to consider dreams as omens in a super-
stitious sense.
The only references to dreams or dreaming in the
apostolic writings are Ac 2" ' your old men shall
dream dreams' (quoted from Jl 2^), and Jude^
' these also (the false teachers of v.^) in their dream-
ings defile the flesh': the reference is understood
by Bigg (Second Fet. andJude[ICC, 1901]), follow-
ing von Soden and Spitta, to be to the attempt of
the false teachers to support their doctrines by
revelations.
The earliest theories present the dream-world as
real but remote — a region where the second self
wanders in company with other second selves.
The next stage is that of symbolic pictures unfolded
to the inner organs of perception by some super-
natural being. The general depression of vital
activities during sleep may produce complete un-
consciousness, especially during the early part of
the night, but portions of the brain may be in
activity in dreaming, with the accompanying
partial consciousness. It was asserted by the Car-
tesians and Leibniz, and as stoutly denied by
Locke, that the soul is always thinking ; but many
modem writers consider that dreaming takes place
only during the process of waking. It is gener-
ally admitted that, whilst for the most part the
material of our dreams is drawn from our waking
3U
DRESS
DRUi^KEN:N"ESS
experiences, the stimuli, external or internal, act-
ing upon the sense organs during sleep produce the
exaggerated and fantastic impressions in the mind
which are woven into the fabric of our dreams.
On the other hand, F. W. H. },lyeYs {H unmn Fer-
sonality) regards dreams, with certain other mental
states, as being ' uprushes ' from the subliminal
self, and sleep with all its phenomena as the re-
freshing of the soul b_y the influences of the world
of spirit. This view, if correct, would afford scope
for the revelation of God's will as narrated in the
biblical accounts, if not in exceptional experiences
of the present time. At anj- rate, there is nothing
in modern psychology to preclude the possibility
of Divine manifestations in dreams. Many recent
writers enjoin the cultivation of restfulness and
repose of the soul in order that sleep may be bene-
ticial and may not be disturbed by unpleasant
dreams. George Macdonald sings in his Evening
Hymn :
' Nor let me wander all in vain
Through dreams that mock and flee ;
Buc even in visions of the brain
Go wandering toward Tliee.'
LrrBBATtTRE. — Art. ' Dreams ' in HDB, ' Dream ' in DCO, and
'Dreams and Sleep* in ERE; J. Sully, Illusions (ISS, 1SS2) ;
F. W. H. Myers, Huirum Personality, new ed., 1907 ; G. T.
Ladd, Doctrineof Sacred Scripture, 1SS3, ii. 429— to6; S. Freud,
Die Traiimdeutung, 1900 (Eng. tr.. The Interpretation of
Dreatns, 1918). A full bibliography will be found in Baldwin's
Diet, of Philosophy and Psychology, vol. ill. pt. ii. [1905] p.
1034. J. G. James.
DRESS.— See Clothes.
DRUNKENNESS.— It may be taken for granted
that the wine of the Bible was fermented, and
therefore, when taken in excess, intoxicating.
Unfermented wine is a modern concept. The
ancients had not that knowledge of antiseptic pre-
cautions which would iiaye enabled them to pre-
.serve the juice of the grape in an unfermented
state. It was the inebriating property of wine
that constituted the sting of the calumny with
which the sanctimonious tried to injure our Lord —
'loov dvdpuiroi olvoTr&T-qs (Mt 11'^, Lk 7*^). There
would have been no scandal in His habitually
partaking of a beverage which was never harmful.
Christ bade men take heed lest their hearts should
be overcharged with surfeiting and drunkenness
(KpanrdXy Kai (J-iBrj, Lk 21^), but He evidently
regarded it as possible to draAV the line between
the use and the abuse of wine. He was not a
Nazirite, Rechabite, or Essene. A Palestinian
movement against -wine and strong drink might
conceivably have been begun by the Baptist
(Lk P'), but not by Christ. His religion was not
in its essence a system of ascetic negations ; it was
much more than one of the ' creeds which deny
and restrain.' In His time and country, drunken-
ness, however pernicious in individual cases, could
not be regarded as one of the deadly national
sins.
'Orientals are not inclined to intemperance. The warm
climate very quickly makes it a cause of discomfort and disease '
(Mackie, Bible Manners and Customs, 1898, p. 46). .Moreover,
' the wines of Palestine may be assumed on the whole not to
have exceeded the strength of an ordinary claret' (A. R. S.
Kennedy, EBi iv. 5319).
It was Gentile rather than Jewish wine-drinking
habits that Apostolic Christianity had to combat,
and Bacchus ( Dionysus) was notoriously one of the
most powerful of the gods of Greece and Rome.
The apostles did not tight against the social
customs of pag<an nations with a new legalism. It
was not the Christian but the Judaizer or the
Gnostic who repeated the parrot-cry, ' Handle not,
taste not, toucn not.' Christianity goes to work
in a wholly different manner. It relies on the
power of great positive truths. It creates a passion
for high things which deadens the taste for low
things. Its distinction is that it makes every man
a legislator to himself. The inordinate use of wine
and strong drink becomes morally impossible for a
Christian, not because there is an external law
which forbids it, but because his own enlightened
conscience condemns it. St. Paul does not say to
the Roman Christians, 'Let us walk lawfully, not
in revelling and drunkenness,' but ' Let us walk
becomingly ' {ev^xvi^'^''^^? Ro 13'^). This mean*
that there is a beautiful new crxijA'a, or ideal of
conduct, of which every man becomes enamoured
when he accepts the Christ in whom it is embodied.
Thereafter he feels, with a shuddering repulsion,
how ill it would become him to walk in ' revelling
and drunkenness, chambering and wantonness.'
He abjures the thought of being at once spiritual
and sensual. Having put on the Lord Jesus Christ,
he cannot continue to make provision for the flesh,
to fulhl its lusts.
It is true that the moral verdicts of the Christian
are not always immediate and sure. ' Manifest
are the works of the flesh,' wrote St. Paul, naming
among them 'drunkenness' [fiidai, Gal 5'^- -'), but
they were far from being so manifest to all his
converts. The Christian conscience needed to be
educated, the spiritual taste to be cultivated. At
Corinth the aya-n-r], or love-feast, which ended in
the Lord's Supper, all too readily degenerated into
something not very unlike the banquets in the idol-
temples. ' One is hungry, and another is drunken '
{fieduei, 1 Co 11-^). ' Paul paints the scene in strong
colours ; but who would be warranted in saying
that the reality fell at all short of the description ? '
(^Nleyer, Coin, in loc). It has always been one
of the enchantments of Bacchus and Comus to
make their devotees glory in their shame, so that
they
• Not once perceive their foul disfigurement.
But boast themselves more comelv than before'
(Milton, Comus, lit.).
That this is true of the vulgar and of the educated
alike, both in pagan and in Christian times, is
attested not only by a thousand drinking-songs but
by the orgies of the ' Symposium ' and the ' Noctes
AmbrosianiE.' Yet even Omar Khayyam, after
all his praise of the Vine, is obliged to confess that
he has ' drowned liis glory in a shallow cup ' ; and,
in the light of Christianity, drunkenness stands
condemned as a sin against the body which is a
' member of Christ.'
Christianity is a religion of principles, not of
rules, and in Ro 14-^ St. Paul states a principle
which justifies any kind and thoughtful man, apart
from considerations of personal safety and happi-
ness, in becoming an abstainer. In doing this tlie
Apostle is far from imposing a new yoke of bondage.
He does not categorically say to the Christian,
' Thou shalt not drink wine,' but he reasons that
it is good {Ka.\6v) — it is a beautiful morale — in
certain conditions and from certain motives, to
abstain. There was evidently a tendency among
Christian liberals, who rightly gloried in their
free evangelical position, to say, ' If men tvill per-
vert and abuse our example, we cannot help it ;
the fault is their own, and they must bear the
consequences.' St. Paul, the freest of all, sees a
more excellent way, and chooses to walk in it,
though he does not exercise his apostolic authority
to command others to follow him. What is his
own liberty to drink a little wine in comparison
with the temporal safety and eternal salvation of
thousands who are unable to use the same freedom
without stumbling ? He cannot — no man can — live
merely unto himself, and he would sooner be so far
a Nazirite or an Essene than do anything to hurt
a brother.
It is noticeable that there was never any organ-
DRUNKENi^'ESS
EAGLE
31;
ized movement in the Apostolic or post-Apostolic
Church against the use of strong drink. Many of
the Fathers, following the example of Philo — who
wrote a book nepl pUdris on Gn 9-^ — dealt with the
subject at length. Clement, Cyprian, Chrysostom,
Jerome, and Augustine all preached moderation to
every one and abstinence to some. But neither the
apostles nor the lathers ever dreamed of seeking
legislation for the prohibition or even the restric-
tion ot the sale and use of intoxicating liquors.
Since their time two things — the discovery of dis-
tilled liquors in the 13th cent., and the trend of
civilization northward — have greatly altered the
conditions of the problem.
' Extremists now place all alcohol-containing drinks under
the same ban, hut fermented liquors are still generally held to
be comparatively innocuous ; nor can any one deny that there
is a difference. It is safe to say that if spirits had never been
discovered the history of the question would have been entirely
different ' (A. Shadwell, EBr^l xxvi. 578). ' The evils which it is
desired to check are much greater in some countries than in
others. . . . The inhabitants of south Europe are much less given
to alcoholic excess than those of central Europe, who again are
more temperate than those of the north ' (i6. xvL 759).
Just where the temptations to drunkenness are
greatest, the Apostle's principle of self-denial for
the sake of others is evidently the highest ethic.
No drunkard can ' inherit the Kingdom of God '
(1 Co 6'"), and the task of Christian churches and
governments is ' to make it easy for men to do
good and diHicult for them to do evil.'
Since, however, it is notoriously impossible to
make men sober merely by legislation, the main
factors in the problem must always be moral and re-
ligious. The Apostolic Church found the true solu-
tion. The Christians who were hlled with the Holy
Spirit on the day of Pentecost were mockingly said
to be filled with wine (yXevKos, Ac 2'^ perhaps
' sweet wine ' ; not ' new wine,' as Pentecost took
place eight months alter the vintage). St. Peter
tried to convince the multitude that it was not a
sensual but a spiritual intoxicatiun, and St. Paul
gives to all Christians the remarkable counsel, ' Be
not drunken with wine, wherein is dissoluteness
{dcruTia ; cf. dcrwrajs in Lk 15'^), but be hlled with
the Spirit' (Eph 5'*). It is presupposed that every
man naturally craves some form of exhilaration,
loving to have his feelings excited, his imagination
fired, his spirit thrilled. And drunkenness is the
perversion of a true instinct. It is the fool's way
of drowning care and rising victorious over the ills
of life. Intoxication is the tragic parody of in-
spiration. What every man needs is a spiritual
enthusiasm which completely diverts his thougiits
from the pursuit of sensuous excitement, on the
psychological principle that two conflicting passions
cannot dominate the mind at the same time. That
enthusiasm is the gift of the Divine Spirit.
The injunction to Timothy to be no longer a
water-drinker {fM-qK^n {/dpoTrorei) but to use a little
wine (1 Ti 5^) is now generally regarded as post-
Pauline. It is ' evidently, in the context in which
it stands, not merely a sanitary but quite as much
a moral precept, and thus implies that Timothy
had himself begun to abjure wine on grounds of
personal sanctity' (F. J. A. Hort, Judaistic Chris-
tianity, 1894, p. 144). The words were probably
written about the time of the hrst appearance of
the Encratites [ERE v. 301), who made abstinence
from flesh, Avine, and marriage the chief part of
their religion, seeking salvation not by faith but
by asceticism. Water-drinking thus for a time
became associated wdth a deadly error. This was
a situation in which Christians felt it to be their
duty to assert their right to use what they re-
garded as the creature and gift of God (1 Ti 4*'*).
See, further, art. ABSTINE^'CE.
James Strahan.
DRUSILLA (Ac 2424). — The youngest of the
three daughters of Herod Agrippa I. She was but
six years old when her father died in A.D. 44
(Jos. Ant» XIX. ix. 1). He had betrothed her to
Epiphanes, son of the king of Commagene. This
marriage did not take place, as Epiphanes refused
to undergo the rite of circumcision (Ant. XX. vii.
1). Drusilla was given by her brother Agrippa il.
to Azizus, king of Emesa. The marriage took
place seemingly in A.D. 53. Very shortly afterwards
the procurator Felix, who had lately come to
Juda>a, met the young queen and was captivated by
her charms {' She did indeed exceed all other women
in beauty' [Ant. XX. vii. 2]). Employing as his
emissary one Simon, a Cypriote, he persuaded her
to leave her husband and to join him as his third
wife — and third queen (' trium reginarum maritum,'
writes Suetonius of Felix [Claud, xxviii.]). Of
this union there was issue a son, who was given
the name Agrippa, and of whom Josephus (Ant.
XX. vii. 2) records incidentally that he and his
wife perished in the eruption of Vesuvius in the
reign of the Emperor Titus, i.e. in A.D. 79. Of
Drusilla herself nothing is recorded later than the
statement in Acts, which permits us to assume
that she was present when St. Paul had audience
of Felix, and used the opportunity to reason ' of
righteousness, and temperance, and the judgment
to come.' G. P. Gould.
DYSENTERY (AV * bloody flux'; Gr. Bvaev-
Tipiov, Ac 28*). — When St. Paul and his com-
panions, on their way to Rome, were shipwrecked
on the island of Malta, the father of Publius who
was governor of the island was suttering from this
malady in an aggravated form. The sjmptoms of
the disease are inflammation of the mucous mem-
brane of the large intestine, mucous, bloody, diffi-
cult, and painful evacuations, accompanied with
more or less fever. Owing to Publius' kindness
to the little group of delayed travellers, the Apostle
visited his father, ' prayed, and laid his hands on
him, and healed him.' This was evidently a case
of mental healing, made efi'ective by prayer and per-
sonal contact. C. A. Beckwith.
E
EAGLE (deriy, Rev 4' 8" 12^*).— There can be but
little doubt that the ' eagle ' of the EV ought in
most cases rather to be rendered ' vulture.' Both
the Hebrew word •\m (in the OT) and the Greek
word deros (in the NT) are used to designate
' vulture ' as well as ' eagle,' and it is a bird of this
species rather than an eagle that is generally re-
ferred to both in the OT and the NT, though in
the above-mentioned passages it is just possible
that derds may denote an eagle.
Four kinds of vultures are known in Palestine
(cf. Tristram, SWP : 'The Fauna and Flora of
Palestine,' 1884, p. 94), viz. (1) Gypcetus barbatus ;
(2) Gyps fulvus, or ' griffon' ; (3) IS'eophronp&rcnop-
terus, the 'Egyptian vulture'; (4) Vnltur munachiis
(cf. Post in EDB i. 632). The Gyps fulvus or
316
EAGLE
EAR
' griffon ' is supposed to be referred to in most of the
passages in the OT and the NT.
There are said to be eight different kinds of eagle
in Palestine: (I) Aquila chryscetus, or 'Golden
Eagle.' This is seen in winter all over Palestine,
but in summer it is only to be found in the
mountain ranges of Lebanon and Herrnon. (2)
Aquila heliaca, or 'Imperial Eagle,' which is more
common than the Golden Eagle, and does not leave
its winter haunts in summer time. The Imperial
Eagle prefers to make its nest in trees rather than
cliff's, and in this respect differs from the Golden
Eagle. (3) Aquila clavga, or 'Greater Spotted
Eagle.' (4) Aquila rapax, or 'Tawny Eagle,'
which is found fairly frequently in the wooded
districts of Palestine. This bird breeds in the
cliffs, and plunders other birds of their prey. (5)
Aquila pennata, or ' Booted Eagle,' which is found
chiefly in the wooded parts of Galilee, the Lebanon
and Phoenicia. (6) Aquila nipalensis, or ' Steppe
Eagle.' (7) Aquila bonelli, or ' Bonelli's Eagle,'
which is not uncommon in the wadis and rocky
districts of Central Palestine. This bird is more
like a falcon than an eagle. (8) Circcetus gallims,
or ' Short-toed Eagle.' This is by far the common-
est of all Palestinian eagles. They remain from
early spring to the beginning of winter, when
most of them migrate, probably to Arabia. This
fearless and digniffed bird is easily recognized by
its large flat head, huge yellow eyes, and brightly
spotted breast. Its short toes and tarsi are covered
with scales which afford it protection against the
serpents on which it prej^s. The abundance of this
species is doubtless accounted for by the large
number of lizards and serpents found in Palestine.
It is found throughout Central Europe, but only
rarely ; on the other hand, it is seen fairly often
in the countries bordering on the Mediterranean.
It breeds in trees and not on rocks.
In Rev 4P the eagle plays a part in the vision of
the throne in heaven : ' And the first creature was
like a lion, and the second creature like a calf, and
the third creature had a face as of a man, and the
fourth creature was like a flying eagle.' These four
forms, which suggest all that is strongest, noblest,
wisest, and swiftest in animate nature, are the same
as those in Ezekiel's vision (Ezk 1^"), but here the
order is different, and each ' living creature ' has
six wings, while in Ezekiel each has only four
wangs. Nature, including man, is thus represented
before the Throne as consciously or unconsciously
taking its part in the fulfilment of the will of the
Divine.
In Rev 8'^ : ' And I saw, and T heard an eagle,
flying in mid heaven, saying with a great voice,
Woe, woe, woe, for them that dM'ell on the earth,
by reason of the other voices of the trumpet of the
three angels who are yet to sound,' the eagle ap-
pears as the herald of calamity. The first series
of four trumpet-blasts have gone forth, and the
forces of Nature have done their work rutlilessly,
but the worst is yet to come. The eagle — which,
it will be noted, was heard as well as seen — is
chosen on account of its swiftness as a fitting
emblem of the judgment about to fall upon the
jjagan population of the world.
In Rev 12^^ the eagle is the means whereby the
woman — i.e. the Christian Church — is conveyed
away from the dragon and his fury to a place of
safety in the wilderness. The actual event alluded
to was no doubt the escape of the Church of Jeru-
salem to Pella (cf. Mk 13'* ' then let them that are
in Judffia flee unto the mountains'), though the
life of the Church and her members must always
to some extent be a solitary life — i.e. in the world
but not of it — and her vocation will, from one
point of view, always be that of a ' voice crying
in the wilderness.' Again, in the early days of
Christianity persecution made secrecy necessary
for the very existence of the Church. The figure
in Rev 12'^ is paralleled in the OT. Thus in Ex
19'' Jahweh is represented as saying, ' Ye have
seen what I did unto the Egyptians, and how 1
bare you on eagles' wings, and brought you unto
myself,' Avhile in Dt 32" He is likened unto an
eagle : ' As an eagle that stirretli up her nest, that
fluttereth over her young, he spread abroad his
wings, he took them, he bare them on his pinions.'
Lastly, in Is 40^^ the promise to those who shall
' wait upon the Lord ' is that ' they shall renew
their strength,' and ' mount up with wings as
eagles.' In all the passages in Revelation, it is pro-
bable that de7-6s denotes ' vulture ' as elsewhere.
Literature. — For the eagle in Palestine see H. B. Tristram,
SWP, 'The Fauna and Flora of Palestine,' 1SS4, pp. 94-101,
NaUiral History of the Bibleio, 1911, p. 172 ff. ; W. M. Thom-
son, The Land and the Book, new ed., 1910, p. 150 f. ; E. W. G.
Masterman, in SDB, 200 ; G. E. Post, in HDB i. 632 ; A. E.
Shipley and S. A. Cook, in EBi ii. 1145. On the texts see
especially H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John^, 1907,
ttof ioc. P. s. p, Handcock,
EAR. — The finer shades of biblical statement are
discerned only as we succeed in placing ourselves
at the contemporary point of view. This is par-
ticularly the case with references to personality
and its elements or manifestations, since primitive
or ancient psychology differs so gre.atly from the
psychology of the present time. For example,
primitive psychology, in its ignorance of the nervous
system, distributes psychical and ethical attributes
to the various physical organs. There are tribes
that give the ears of a dead enemy to their youths
to be eaten, because they regard the physical ear
as the seat of intelligence, which thus becomes an
attribute of the consumer (J. G. Frazer, The Golden
Bough-, 1900, ii. 357 f. ). Though the Bible contains
nothing so crude as this, yet the same idea of local-
ized psychical function underlies its references to
the ear. The high priest's ear is consecrated by
the api)lication of ram's blood, that he may the
better hear God (Lv 8^*) ; the slave's ear, on his
renunciation of liberty, is pierced by his master,
as a guarantee of his permanent obedience (Ex 21®,
Dt 15'^). Such practices help to give the true line
of approach to many biblical references to the ear,
the full force of which might otherwise be missed.
The 'periplieral consciousness' of the ear (cf. 1 S 3",
Job 12^', Ec 1^, etc.) must be remembered in regard
to phrases Avhich have become to us simply conven-
tional, such as the repeated refrain of the Apoca-
lypse, ' He that hath an ear, let him hear' (Rev 2^,
etc. ; ovs). This greater intensity of local meaning
gives new point to the Pauline analogy between
the human body and the Church. Since ' the body
is not one member, but many' (1 Co 12'*), in a
psychical and moral, as well as in a physical, sense,
it is more readily conceivable that the ear might
resent its inferiority to the eye (v.'®). Its actual
co-operation with the eye is therefore a more effec-
tive rebuke to the envy springing from Corinthian
individualism.
Moral or spiritual qualities are assigned to the
ear in several passages, according to the frequent
OT usage (Pr 15^', Is 59', etc.); one example is
quoted from the OT and applied by St. Paul to
the Jews of Rome : ' their ears are dull of hearing'
(Ac 28^^ ; cf. Ro 11®). The same charge is brought
l>y the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews against
those to whom he writes (5'' ; aKoal, not oi;s). This
attribution of quality to the organ does not, of
course, imply naturalistic determinism ; the ear is
part of the responsible personality. If men ' hav-
ing itching ears, will heap to themselves teachers
after their own lusts,' it is because ' they will turn
away their ears from the truth ' (2 Ti 4"' ; d/co^).
The OT reference to the ' uncircumcised ' ear ( Jer 6'*)
EAEKEST
EARTHQUAKE
317
is several times repeated (Ac 7'^ ; Ep. Barn. ix. 4,
X. 12).
The only significant a«t named in this literature
in reference to the ear is that of those who hear
Stephen declare his vision of Jesus at the right hand
of God : they stop their ears, that the blasphemy
may not enter (Ac 7"). Ignatius writes to the
Ephesians (ix. 1), with reference to false teachers,
' ye stopped your ears, so that ye might not receive
the seed sown by them.' Irenaeus (ap. Eus. HE
V. 20) says of Polycarp that ' if that blessed and
apostolic presbyter had heard any such thing [as
the Gnosticism of Florinus], he would have cried
out, and stopped his ears.' The baptismal practice
of a later age protected the ear of the candidate by
the Effeta {Ephphatha), a rite based on the miracle
recorded in Mk 7^. The priest touched the ear
with his finger moistened with saliva (Duchesne,
Origines du Culte Chretien*, 1908, p. 311). The posi-
tive side of the baptismal anointing of the ear seems
to be implied in the Odes of Solomon, ix. 1 : ' Open
your ears, and I will speak to you' (cf. J. H.
Bernard, TS viii. 3 [1912] ad loc). For the
apostles, therefore, the ear forms the correlate to
'the word of faith which we preach' (Ro 10''"^^),
which is conceived with equal pregnancy of mean-
ing as the vehicle of the Spirit (E. Sokolowski,
Die Begriffe Geist xmd Leben bei Paulus, 1903,
pp. 263-267). Through the response of the con-
scious ear to the spoken word, an experience is
begun which eventually passes into the realm of
those 'things which ear heard not' (1 Co 2^ ; cf. 1
Clem, xxxiv. 8, 2 Clem. xi. 7), and of those ' un-
speakable words which it is not lawful for a man
to utter ' (2 Co 12^). H. Wheeler Robinson.
EARNEST [appa^div). — The word occurs three
times in the NT, viz. 2 Co 1^ 5' 'the earnest of
the Spirit,' and Eph 1'* ' the earnest of our inherit-
ance.' The word means ' pledge,' ' surety,' ' assur-
ance,' and is taken from an old Hebrew term used
in connexion with the transference of property.
The Hebrew equivalent fu-ij? is found in Gn 38'^- ^^- ^
referring to the pledge of a staff and a signet-ring
given by Judah to Tamar as an assurance that she
would receive her hire. Probably the word came
into Greek through Phoenician traders, and we
find it in Latin in three forms : arrhabo, arrabo
(e.g. Plautns, True. III. ii. 20), and arrha [e.g.
Aulus Gellius, XVII. ii. 21). It is found in tlie
form arra or arrhes in the languages most directly
derived from the Latin. The Scotch word 'arles'
—the coin given by a master to a servant on en-
gagement as a pledge that the fee will be duly
paid — is derived from the same source, and corre-
sponds to the obsolete English word 'earlespenny.'
The word signifies, not merely a pledge, but also
a part of the possession. In the conveyance of
property in ancient times it was usual for the
seller to give the buyer a handful of earth or part
of the thatch of the house as a token that the bar-
gain would be binding, and that the whole pro-
perty, of which the buyer thus received a part,
would be delivered over in due course.
In Scripture the idea underljdng this conception is
frequently referred to. Thus in Gn 24-^- ** the ear-
rings and the bracelets given by Eliezer to Rebecca
are tokens of the wealth of his master and evidence
of a comfortable home in Canaan. In the NT
passages the Holy Spirit which is given to believers
is regarded by the Apostle as both the pledge and
the first-fruits of the inheritance that awaits them.
In 2 Co P^ 5' 'the earnest of the Spirit' is the
earnest which is the Spirit. The present posses-
sions of Christian believers imparted by the Spirit
are both pledge and foretaste of the future bliss
that awaits them. They are the ' earnest ' of the
'inheritance' (Eph 1'^). W. F. BOYD.
EARTH, EARTHEN, EARTHY, EARTHLY.—
Earth (7^) is used in a variety of meanings, which
may be distinguished as follows : (1) the dust or
matter of which the first man was made (1 Co 15'*'') ;
(2) the fertile soil which yields grass and herbs
and fruit (He 6^ Ja 5^ Rev 9'*) ; (3) the solid
ground upon which men stand or fall (Ac 9'*' ^) ; (4)
the land in contrast with the sea (2 P 3*, Rev 10*) ;
(5) the whole world as the abode of men (Ac P,
etc. ; equivalent here to the more frequent oIkov-
u.ivr\) or beasts (Ac 10^^ IP) ; (6) the earth in space,
in contrast with the visible heavens — skies and
stars (Ac 2'^, Rev 6'^) ; (7) the earth in contrast
with the invisible heavens — the dwelling-place of
God and Christ, of aniiels and perfected saints
(Ac 7^", 1 Co 15^^ Eph 3'''5, He 8^ ; cf. v.i) ; (8) the
earth in contrast with the underworld (Ph 2'**,
Rev 5^" ^^) ; (9) the earth with a moral connota-
tion, as the sphere of a merely worldly life to
which is opposed the heavenly life with Christ in
God (Col 3-- *).
Earthen [oarpa.Kivo'i, fr. ScrrpaAcoi' = ' burnt clay,' or
anything made therefrom). — The Gr. word occurs
twice in the NT, but in EV is only once translated
'earthen.' In 2 Ti 2-" the rendering is 'of earth,'
and the reference is simply to the material of the
earthen vessels in contrast with those of gold and
silver and wood. In 2 Co 4'', where ' earthen ' is
used, there appears to be a suggestion not only of
the meanness of the earthen vessels in contrast
with the preciousness of the treasure they con-
tain, but of their frailty in contrast with the ex-
ceeding greatness of the Divine power of God who
uses them as His instruments.
Earthy (xo''^o5, ' made of earth,' fr. xoi'J = * earth,'
'dust,' by which in the LXX -i^'j, is rendered in Gn
2'', etc. ; though in other passages 777 is frequently
employed for the same purpose, just as it is by
St. Paul in 1 Co lo'"). — The only occurrence of the
word is in 1 Co 15*^- ^ •"*, where Adam is called
'earthy,' i.e. consisting of earth-material, in con-
trast with Christ, the 'heavenly,' i.e. of heavenly
origin. The meaning of ' earthy ' here is thus sug-
gested by (7) above as well as by (1).
Earthly {iiriyei.os, 'upon the earth,' 'terrestrial,'
2 Co 5', Ph 318, Ja 3'5).— Outside of the Fourth
Gospel ' earthly ' occurs only 3 times in the NT,
but e7ri7«os is found also in 1 Co 15*", where EV
renders ' terrestrial,' and Ph 2'", where EV gives
' things on earth.' In all these passages there is
a contrast of the earthly with the heavenly. In
1 Co Xh'^, 2 Co 5^ the contrast is that suggested
under (7). In Ph 3'8, Ja 3'^ it is that suggested
under (9). In Ph 2^", while 'things on earth' are
contrasted with 'things in heaven,' the meaning of
i-rrlyeLos itself is that suggested by (5), the ' things on
earth ' being the inhabitants of the whole world ;
and there is a further contrast with the ' things
under the earth,' the inhabitants of the under world
(cf. (8)). J. C. Lambert.
EARTHQUAKE (o-ettr/wj, from o-et'w, ' to shake ').
— In the ancient East all abnormal phenomena
were regarded as supernatural, and any attempt
to explain them by secondaiy causes was dis-
couraged as savouring of irreverent prying into
hidden things. Being at once so mysterious and
so terrible, earthquakes and volcanoes were traced
to the direct activity of One ' who looketh upon
the earth and it trembleth ; he toucheth the
mountains and they smoke ' (Ps 104^-). Minor
tremors were not, indeed, always interpreted as
signs of the Divine displeasure ; sometimes quite
the contrary. When a company of disciples were
praising God and praying after the release of St.
Peter and St. John from prison, the shaking of
the room was regarded as a token that the Lord
Himself was at hand to defend His cause. But
31S
EASTER
EBIONISM
more severe shocks were always apt to cause a
panic fear, which was naturally greatest in the
breasts of those who were conscious of guilt.
When St. Paul and Silas were praying and singing
in a Philippian gaol, the place was shaken by an
earthquake violent enough to open the doors and
loose every man's bands (Ramsay's explanations
[Si. Paul, 1895, p. 221] are interesting) ; but terror
prevented the prisoners from seizing the oppor-
tunity of escaping, and the chance was past before
they had recovered their Avits.
Earthquakes play a great r6Ie in prophetic and
apocalyptic literature. God's last self-manifesta-
tion, like the first at Sinai, is to be in an earth-
quake, and His voice will make not only the earth
but also the heaven tremble. While the things
that are shaken will be removed, those that are
unshaken (rd /irj <Ta.\ev6iJ.eva) will remain, the tem-
poral giving place to the eternal (He \<2r^-^^; cf.
Hag 28'-), When the sixth seal of the Book of
Destiny is opened, there is a great earthquake
(Rev 6'^). When the censer filled with fire is cast
upon the earth, there follow thunders and an
earthquake (8®). In another earthquake the tenth
part of a great city falls (probably Jerusalem is
meant, though some think of Rome) and 7000
persons are killed (11"). When the last bowl is
poured upon the air, the greatest earthquake ever
felt cleaves Jerusalem into three parts, and en-
tirely destroys the pagan cities (16'^*').
The writer of the Revelation may himself have
experienced many earthquakes, and at any rate he
could not but be familiar with reports of such
visitations, for in Asia Minor they were frequent
and disastrous. In a.d. 17 ' twelve populous cities
of Asia' — among them Sardis and Philadelphia —
' fell in ruins from an earthquake which happened
by night ' (Tac. Ann. ii. 47). In A.D. 60 ' Laodicea,
one of the famous cities of Asia,' was ' prosti'ated by
an earthquake' {ib. xiv. 27). Palestine and Syria
were very liable to similar disturbances ; regard-
ing earthquakes in Jerusalem see G. A. Smith,
Jerusalem, 1907-08, i. 61 ft".
The religious impression made by earthquakes
in pre-scientific ages was profound (see e.g. Mt 27"^).
They were regarded as judgments or warnings, it
might be as signs of the approaching end of the
world, ' the beginning of travail ' (Lk 138=Mt 24^).
Even Pliny, the ardent student of Nature, asserts
that they are invariably precursors of calamity
(HN ii. 81-86). The just man of the Stoics was
undismayed by them : ' si fractus illabatur orbis,
impavidum ferient ruinae' (Hor. Car. III. iii, 7f.).
Jesus assured His disciples that amid all the 'Mes-
sianic woes' not a hair of their head should perish
(Lk21'8).
It was not till the middle of the 19th cent, that
a careful investigation of the phenomena of earth-
quakes was begun. Seismology is now an exact
science, in wliich remarkable progress has been
made in Japan, a land of earthquakes. But while
man rationalizes such calamities, and can no longer
regard them as strictly supernatural, he is practi-
cally as helpless as ever in their presence. In the
(iarthqualce of 1908 which destroyed Messina and
Reggio (tlie Rhegium of Ac 28'^) the loss of life
was appalling. JAMES SXRAHAN.
EASTER.— See Passover.
EBIONISM. — Ebionism is best understood as the
.^^eneric name under which may be included a
variety of movements, diverging more or less from
Catholic Christianity, and primarily due to a con-
ception of the permanent validity of the Jewish
Law. Of tliese, some were merely tolerable and
tolerant peculiarities ; some were intolerable and
intolerant perversions of Christianity.
As soon as Christianity became conscious of its
world-wide mission, the problem arose as to its
relation to the Judaism out of which it sprang.
This produced what we might a priori expect — a
ditlerence within the primitive Christian com-
munity between a liberal and a conservative
tendency. It was a liberalism which steadily
advanced, a conservatism which as steadily hard-
ened and became more intolerant, and drifted
further out of likeness to normal Christianity.
Jewish Christian conservatism in its different
degrees and phases gives rise to the various species
of Ebionism.
1. Characteristics. — All Ebionites are distin-
guished by two main and common characteristics :
(1) an over-exaltation of the Jewish Law; (2) a
defective Christology. We may take the first as
fundamental. The second is deducible from it.
To hold by the validity of the LaAV is obviously to
find no adequate place for the work of a Redeemer
(Gal 5'*). Christ tends to be recognized merely as
a new prophet enforcing the old truth. And de-
fective views of the work of Christ logically issue
in, if they are not based upon, defective views of
His Person. It is clear also, that those who hold
the Law to be permanent, cannot consistently
accept the authority of St. Paul, so we find that
(3) hostility to St. Paul, involving the rejection of
his Epistles, was a characteristic common, not to
all, but to many, Ebionites.
2. Main groups.— There are three distinct classes
of Ebionites. Ancient authorities speak of two
sects of Ebionites, the more nearly orthodox of
which they call Nazarenes. It is necessary, how-
ever, to add as a third group those Ebionites whose
system results from a union of other elements with
the original mixture of Judaism and Cliristianity.
Our classification, therefore, of the Ebionite sects
is: (1) Nazarenes, (2) Ebionites proper, (3) Syncre-
tistic Ebionites.
The clear division into two sects, named Naza-
renes and Ebionites, appears in the 4th cent, in
Epiphanius [Ucer. xxx. 1) and Jerome (Ep. 112, ad
August. 13). But in the preceding cent. Origen
speaks of ' the two-fold sect of the Ebionites ' (c.
Cels. V. 61), though he has not the name Nazarene.
In the 2nd cent. Justin Martyr divides Jewish
Christians into two classes : those who, while they
observed the Law themselves, did not require
believing Gentiles to comply therewith, and who
were willing to associate with them ; and those
who refused to recognize all Avho had not complied
with the Law (Dial. c. Tryph. xlvii.). Justin has
neither name. At the end of the same cent., we
find the name Ebionite for the first time in Irenaeus
{adv. Hcer. I. xxvi. 2, etc.). He has no distinction
Ijetween Ebionites and Nazarenes, and in this
Hippolytus and Tertullian follow him. It is not
surprising that only writers who had special oppor-
tunity of familiarity with Palestinian Christianity
should be aware of the distinction.
8. Name. — In all probability both names, Naza-
renes and Ebionites, applied originally to all Jewish
Christians, It was not unnatural that they should
be called Nazarenes (Ac 24') ; it was not unnatural
that they should call themselves Ebionites, a name
signifying ' the poor ' (Heb. |V3x, 'ebyon). We know
that the Ebionites identified themselves with the
Cliristians of Ac 4*'"-, and claimed the blessing of Lk
62°(Epiphan. xxx. 17). (Gal2"'is an interesting verse
in this connexion. It seems clear that ' the poor,'
if not a name for the whole Christian community
of Jerusalem, is to be understood at least of Jewish
Christian poor.) Or, on the other hand, the name
may iiave been attached to Jewish Christians in
contempt. At all events, ■we may take it as highly
probable that the two names were originally desig-
nations of Jewish Christians generally, and the
EBIO^^ISM
EBIOKISM
319
retention of those primitive names is in keeping
\\ith the essentialiy conservative character of
Ebionism.
Some of the Fathers (the earliest of them
TertuUian) derive the name Ebionite from a
certain teaclier, Ebion. In modern times Hilgen-
feld is inclined to support this view {Ketzer-
geschichte, 1884, p. 422 tt.). hut it is liiglily probable
that this is a mistake, and that Ebion had no more
existence than Gnosticus, the supposed founder of
Gnosticism. Origen has another exjjlanation of
the name Ebionite as descriptive of the poverty
of the dogmatic conceptions of the sect. This is
but an interesting coincidence.
4. Nazarenes. — We begin with the Nazarenes,
who came nearest orthodoxy, and are to be con-
sidered not as heretics, but as a sect of Jewish
Christians. Our information regarding them is
scantj', and several details are obscure. Our main
and almost sole authorities are Jerome (de Vir.
illustr. iii., and some references scattered in his
Commentaries) and Epiphanius (Hcer. xxix.). The
latter, who on almost every subject must be used
with the greatest caution, is in this particular case
specially confused, but has the candour to admit
that his knowledge of the Nazarenes is limited.
Jerome had opportunity of gaining accurate ac-
quaintance with their views, and unless we admit
his authority, we have practically no knowledge
of the sect at all.
Mainly from Jerome, then, we learn that the
views of the Nazarenes on the three important
points (bindingiiess of the Law, Christology,
authority of St. Paul) were as follows :
(a) As to the Law, they held that it was binding
on themselves, and continued to observe it. They
seem, however, to have distinguished the Mosaic
Law from the ordinances of the liabbis, and to
haverejected the latter (so Kurtz, Hist, of Christian
Church, Eng. tr., 1860, vol. i. § 48, 1). They did
not regard the Law as binding on Gentile Chris-
tians, and did not decline fellowship with them.
They honoured the Prophets highly.
(b) As to Christ, they acknowledged His
Messiahship and Divinity. They termed Him the
First-born of the Holy Spirit from His birth. At
His baptism the whole fount of the Hoi}' Spirit
[ovinis fons Spiritus Sancti) descended on Him.
They accepted the Virgin-birth. They looked for
His millennial reign on earth. They mourned
the unbelief of their Jewish brethren, and prayed
for their conversion.
(c) They bore no antipathy to St. Paul, and
accepted his Epistles. They used a Gospel ac-
cording to Matthew in Hebrew (see below). We
shall comment on these views below, in connexion
with those of the Ebionites proper.
6. Ebionites proper. — In strong contrast to the
Nazarenes stand the Ebionites proper, regarding
whom our information is fuller and clearer. Our
main authorities are Irenaeus [adv. Hcer. I. xxvi.,
III. XV., V. iii.), Hipjwlytus [Hcer. vii. 22, x. 18),
Epiphanius [Hcer. xxx.), and TertuJlian {de
Prcescr. Hcer. xxxiii. ). Eusebius {HE iii. 27)
and Theodoret (Hcer. Fab. ii. 2) may also be
mentioned. In the main these give a consistent
account, which may be summarized as follows :
(a) The Ebionites not only continued to observe
the Law themselves, but held its obser\'ances as
absolutely necessary for salvation and binding on
all, and refused fellowship with all who did not
comply with it.
[b) As to Ciirist, their views were Cerinthian
(see art. Ceeixthus). Jesus is the Messiah, yet a
mere man, born by natural generation to Joseph
and Mary. On His bapttism, a higher Spirit united
itself with Him, and so He became the Messiah.
He became Christ, they further taught, by per-
fectly fulfilling the Law ; and by perfectly ful-
filling it they too could become Christs (Hippol.
Fhil. vii. 22). They agreed with the Nazarenes in
expecting a millennial reign on earth. In their
view, this was to be Christ's compensation for His
death, which was an otlence to them.
(c) The Ebionites denounced St. Paul as a heretic,
circulated foolish stories to his discredit, ami re-
jected all his Epistles as unauthoritative. They
agreed with the Nazarenes in accepjting a Hebrew
gospel, and in addition had certain spurious writ-
ings which bore the names of apostles — James,
Matthew, and John (Epiphan. Hcer. xxx. 23).
This Hebrew gospel used by Nazarenes and
Ebionites was in all probability the Gospel accord-
ing to the Hebrews, of which only fragments have
survived. With this work we are not here con-
cerned. It is in place to say that most likely it
was a Nazarene pji'oduction. In ancient writers
it is sometimes attributed to the twelve apostles,
more often to Matthew. The Ebionite version was
accommodated to their peculiar views by both muti-
lation and interpolation ; thus it omitted the first
two chapters, and began the life of Jesus with the
baptism. For full treatment of this subject see
E. B. Nicholson, The Gospel according to the
Hebrews, 1879.
From the information at our disposal we cannot
say how rapidly Ebionism developed, nor estimate
the position it had reached by the close of the 1st
century. No doubt all the essential elements were
active before then. In the NT itself we see the
process well begain. Dating from the Council of
Jerusalem (Ac 15), we can see not only the possi-
bilitj- but the actuality of the rise of three distinct
groups of Jewish Christians : (a) those who em-
braced Christianity in all its fullness, and developed
with it ; (6) those who accepted the indefinite com-
promise represented in the finding of the Council,
and did not advance beyond it, which is essenti-
ally the position of the Nazarenes; (c) those who
did not agree with the finding, and continued to
protest against it, which is . the starting-point of
the Ebionites proper. We see them carrying on
an active propaganda against the liberal school
whose leader was St. Paul. The Epistle to the
Galatians [q.v.) is St. Paul's polemic against them.
In Corinth, too, they have been active (2 Co 10-13).
After the Fall of Jerusalem, just as Judaism
became more intolerant and more exclusive, so we
may suppose this judaizing sect followed suit, and,
retiring more and more from fellowship with the
Church at large, and seeking to strengthen theu
own position, they by degrees formiilated the
system we have described.
In brief, then, while the Nazarenes are only
Christians of a stunted gi'owth, the Ebionites
proper are heretics holding a system that is false
to the real spirit of Christianity. While the
Nazarenes are Judaistic, the Ebionites are Juda-
izers. Neither Nazarenes nor Ebionites seem to
have been of great influence. The latter were the
more wide-spread, and, we may suppose, the more
numerous. While the Nazarenes Mere practically
confined to Palestine and Syria, Ebionites seem to
have been found in Asia Minor, Cyprus, and as far
west as Kome.
6. Syncretistic Ebionites.— The most conserva-
tive movement could not escajie the syncretistic
tendencies of the age with which we are dealing.
We have notices of several varieties which we class
together as Syncretistic Ebionites.
(a) The first of these we may term the Ebionites
of Epijihanius. Epiphanius agrees with Irenseus
in describing the Ebionites as we have done above.
But he adds several details of which there is no
trace in Irenseus. Making all allowances for the
generally unsatisfactory character of Epiphanius
320
ECSTASY
EDIFICATION
as an accurate historian, we cannot set aside what
he reports so clearly. The easiest explanation is
that the Ebionites of Irenajus developed into the
Ebionites of Epiphanius, i.e. Ebionisni as a whole
became syncretistic. The Ebionites of Epiphanius
show traces of Samaritanism and an influence
which we may with great probability term Essenic.
The former is shown in their rejection of the
Prophets later than Joshua, and of Kings David
and Solomon (Seer. xxx. 18). The latter is mani-
fest in their abstinence from flesh and wine, their
rejection of sacrifices, their oft-repeated, even
daily, baptism (xxx. 15, 16).
The siege and fall of Jerusalem were events
of the greatest importance for Judaism (see art.
Pharisees) and Jewish Christianity alike. Jews
and Christians, including Ebionites, settled east of
the Jordan. There they came into close contact
with a Judaism that was far from pure. The most
important form of this was Essenism (see art.
Essenes). There were also the Nasareeans, who
exhibited the very peculiarities described in the
Ebionites by Epiphanius, except perhaps as regards
the baptisms (Epiphan. Hcer. xviii. ). If, as seems
probable, the Order of Essenes was broken up after
the Fall of Jerusalem, it is very likely that many
of them would associate with the Ebionites, who
held the Law in such esteem, and would be able to
impress their own customs on their associates.
(6) A still more pronounced Essenic influence is
patent when we consider the Elkasaites. The Book
of Elkesai was in great repute among Essenes,
Nasarjeans, and other trans-Jordanic sects, and
Ebionites accepted it also (Epiphan. Hmr. xxx. 3).
The book appeared about A.D. 100. Hippolytus
(Phil. ix. 8-12) gives details regarding it. Its
main points are : bindingness of the Law ; sub-
stitution of frequent baptisms for sacrifices ; re-
jection of the Prophets and St. Paul ; Christ's
appearance in Adam and others ; permissibility of
formal idolatry in times of persecution ; magic,
astrology, proiihecy. This is specially interesting
because we trace here a germ of Gnostic doctrine.
Gnostic tendencies are still more pronounced in
the Ebionisra of the Clementine Literature, which,
however, falls outside the period we are concerned
with. Gnosticism has there advanced sufficiently
to induce even a more favourable view of St. Paul.
The union of Ebionism with Gnosticism is one of
the strangest cases of extremes meeting. In most
things the two movements are completely antitheti-
cal : one practically denied Christ's humanity, the
other His Divinity ; one made salvation depend on
obedience to the Law, the other on speculative
knowledge. Yet the two met in a strange amalgam.
The explanation lies in the Essenism with which
Ebionism entered into relation. It was already a
Gnosticism of a sort. Ebionism ran its course till
about the 5th cent., when in all its forms it was
extinct. It was despised by Jews and Christians
alike, and had no strength to maintain itself, as is
shown by the unnatural union it entered into witli
its own antithesis.
Literature. — Besides the works mentioned in the art., see F.
C. Baur, de Ebionitarwn Origine, 1831, and Doginengeschichte,
1865-08 ; F. C. A. Schwegrler, Das nachapustol. Zeila'.ter,
1846 ; A. Ritschl, Die EntM.ehvng der altkathol. Kirche\ 1857 ;
A. Harnack, DogmenrtesMchte'^, 1893 ; G. P. Fisher, Hist, of
Chrixtian Doctrine, 1S96; C. v. Weizsacker, Apostol. Age,
Eng. tr., ii. [1895] 27 ; E. Reuss, flist. of Christian Theol. in
Apostol. Age, i. [1872] 100 ; Church Histories of Neander, Kurtz,
Schaff, and Moeller ; artt. 'Ehionism' and 'Elkcsaites' in
KtlE; ' Ebioniten ' and ' Elkesailen ' in PHE'i; 'Ebionites' in
J E ; ' Ebionisra ' in DCG ; ' Ebionites ' in CE.
W. D. NiVEN.
ECSTASY.— See Rapture and Tongues, Gift
OF.
EDIFICATION.— The term (olKoSoix-f,) means liter-
ally ' building up.' The figurative sense of building
up spiritually has two applications in apostolic
usage. (1) It signifies the spiritual advancement,
in a general way, of the Cliurch. (2) It is the
special process or didactic means whereby the
faith, knowledge, and experience of individuals
were established and enlarged.
In AV oiKodo/xTj and the cognate verb olKodofiiu,
in the figurative sense, are translated ' edification '
or ' edify ' 19 times. The two meanings indicated
above are more apparent in RV, where ' building
up ' is often employed to express the more general
idea, especially where, as in Eph 4^^, ' the pictur-
esqueness of the metaphor must be preserved '
(Armitage Robinson, Ephesians, 1903, p. 182),
while 'edification' or 'edify' occurs 14 times.
Half of these are found in 1 Co 14, where they bear
the special meaning.
1. General. — The figurative use of the term
olKo5o/j.rj for that which builds up generally the
Church and the spiritual life of individuals within
the Christian community is almost exclusively
Pauline. The germ of the idea is probably to be
found in the saying of Christ (Mt 16^*) concerning
the building of His Church (Lightfoot, Notes an
Epistles of St. Paul, 1895, p. 191). But St. Paul
frequently applies the metaphor of building to the
structure and growth of the Christian life (1 Co
3«-, Eph 220£-, Col 2^ ; cf. 1 P 2'). Edification is
the promotion of this building up process by speech
(Eph 4-'') or conduct (Ro 15"). Three elements in
the Church contribute to it — peace, both external
(Ac 9=*!) and internal (Ro W^) ; love (Eph 4'"-), in
contrast especially with boasted knowledge (1 Co 8')
or self-seeking (lO-*'*) ; and service (diaKovia) wherein
each may share in tlie ministering of all (Eph 4'"-,
1 Th 5>').
2. Special. — In its specialized use, oIko8o/j.i^ is a
technical term for the exercise of ' spiritual gifts '
(xapia/jLara) within the Christian congregation by
its members, for the mutual ' edification ' of in-
dividuals. St. Pauls description of the variety
and exercise of these endowments in Corinth (1 Co
12 and 14) is probably true of most places in which
the Church was established. There were evidently
meetings held almost exclusively for 'edification,'
to which unbelievers were admitted (1 Co M-"'-).
It was not a formal service for Divine worship, but
rather a fellowship meeting with the practical aim
of atibrding members with a ' gift ' an opportunity
of using their supernaturally bestowed powers for
the spiritual welfare of all present (1 Co 12^ ; cf. 1
P 4^"'-). At such times the most notable contribu-
tions would be : (a) teaching (StSax^y), which included
the ' word of wisdom ' and the ' word of knowledge*
(1 Co 12^) ; (b) prophecy (irpocprjTeLa), which dealt
with future events (Ac 11-") or revealed an in-
sight into the needs of those present (1 Co 14*- ^'■);
(c) glossolalia or tongues (■yiv7)y\i>}(T(rC)v), which were
probably incomprehensible utterances expressive
of prayer or praise (v.^^).
Closely connected with prophecy was 'discerning
of spirits,' and with glossolalia ' the interpreta-
tion of tongues' (1 Co 12i" M^^ff-). In addition
there would be prayer, the reciting or singing of
hymns, the reading of Scripture, and the ' word of
exhortation' (1 C0I426, Eph 5'«, Col 3'6, Ac 131^).
In order that genuine edification might result
from such a variety of gifts, exercised often under
stress of great excitement, two rules were laid
down for the Corinthian Church : (1) the compara-
tive value of x'^P'o'M'^''"'* must be recognized — e.g.
prophecy is sujierior to 'tongues' for purposes of
edification (1 Co 14'--^); (2) there must be an
observance of due order in the meetings (vv.^"**).
LiTERATnRE. — HDB, artt. ' Church,' • Edification ' ; H.
Cremer, Bibl.-Thenl. Lex. of NT Greek, s.w. oiicoSo/u.e'(o, o'tKoSoiiri ',
O. Pfleiderer, Paulinism, Eng. tr.2, 1891, i. 229-238 ; C. voa
Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, Eng. tr.2, u. [1899] 248-279 ; A. C
EDUCATIOif
EDUCATION
321
McGiffert, History of Christianity in tTve Apostolic Age, 1897,
pp. 520-535 ; E. von Dobschiitz, Christian Life in the Primitive
Church, Eng. tr., 1904, pp. 16-20; T. M. Lindsay, The Church
and the Ministry in the Early Centuries^, 1907, pp. 41-60,
69-109. M. Scott Fletcher.
EDUCATION.— 1. Jewish.— The Jews from early
times prized education in a measure beyond the
nations around them. It was the key to the know-
ledge of their written Law, the observance of whicli
was required by the whole people without respect
of rank or class. They were tlie people of a Book,
and wherever there is a written literature, and that
religiously binding, elementary education, at least
in the forms of reading and writing, is imperative
and indispensable. The rise of the synagogue, and
of the order of Scribes in connexion tlierewith,
exercised a powerful influence upon the progress
of education among the mass of the people. In the
4th cent. B. 0. there was a synagogue in every town,
and in the 2nd cent, in every considerable village
as well. To the synagogues there were in all pro-
bability attached schools, both elementary and
higher, and the hazzdn ('the attendant,' Lk -i-"
II V) may well have been the teacher. The value
of education was understood among the Jews before
tiie Christian era. In the Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarclis we read : ' Do ye also teach your chil-
dren letters, that they may have understanding
all their life, reading unceasingly the Law of God '
(' Levi,' xiii. 2). In the P.salnis of Solomon the fre-
quent use of ira-iSeveiv , TratSei/rrjs, and 7rat5e/a (with
the significant addition of pd/SSos, vii. 8, and of
fidffTi^, xviii. 8) points to the existence of schools
and of a professional class of teachers. By the
Apostolic Age there is abundant evidence of the
general diflusion of education among the people.
' Our principal care of all,' says Josephus (c, Ap. i.
12), comparing the Jews with other nations, 'is to
educate our children well, and to observe the laws,
and we think it to be tlie most necessary business
of our wliole life to keep this religion which has
been handed down to us.' Among the Jews every
child had to learn to read ; scarcely any Jewish
ciiildren were to be found to whom reading of a
written document was strange, and therefore were
there so many poor Jewish parents ready to
deny themselves the necessaries of life in order to
let their children have instruction (c. Ap. ii. 26 ;
of. B. Strassburger, Gesch. der Erziehung bei den
Isracliten, 18S5, p. 7). The result of instruction
from the earliest years in the home, and of teaching
received on the Sabbath, and on the frequent oc-
casions of national festivals, is, according to the
Jewish historian, ' that if anybody do but ask any
one of our people about our laws, he could more
easily tell them all than he could tell his own
name. For because of our having learned them as
soon as ever we became sensible of anything, we
have them as it were engraven on our souls ' (c. Ap.
ii. 19).
Education began, as Josephus says, 'with the
earliest infancy.' Philo speaks of Jewish youth
' being taught, so to speak, from their very swad-
dling clothes by parents and teachers and inspectors,
even before they receive instruction in the holy laws
and unwritten customs of their religion, to believe
in God the one Father and Creator of the world '
{Legat. ad Gaium, 16). 'From a babe thou hast
knoM-n the sacred Avritings,' Avrites St. Paul to
Timotliy (2 Ti 3^^), recalling his disciple's early ac-
quaintance with the OT Scriptures. At the age of
six the Jewish boy Avould go to the elementary
school (Beth ha-Sepher), but before this he would
have received lessons in Scripture from his parents
and have learned the Sh^md and the Hallcl. From
the sixth to tlie tenth year he would make a study
of the Law, along with writing and arithmetic. At
the age of ten he would be admitted to the higher
VOL. L — 21
school (Beth ha-Midrdsh), where he would make the
acquaintance of the oral Law, beginning with the
Mishna, ' repetition,' the oral traditions of the Law,
At the age of thirteen he would be acknowledged
by a sort of rite of confirmation as a ' Son of the
Commandment' (Bar-misvdh), and from this point
his further studies would depend upon the career
he was to follow in life. If he was to become a
Rabbi, he would continue his studies in tlie Law,
and, as Saul of Tarsus did, betake himself to some
famous teacher and sit at his feet as a disciple.
Although schools were thus in existence in con-
nexion with the synagogues, it was not till compara-
tively late that schools, in the modern sense, for
the education of children by themselves, seem to
have been instituted (see art. ' Education ' in HDB).
They are said to have been first established by
Simon beu-Shetach in the 1st cent. B.C., but this
is disputed. However this may be, schools were
placed upon a satisfactory and permanent footing
by Joshua bgn-Gamaliel, who is said to have been
high priest from A.D. 63 to 65, and who ordained
that teachers of youth should be placed in every
town and every village, and that children on arriv-
ing at school age should be sent to them for in-
struction. Of him it is said that if he had not lived,
the Law would have perished from Israel. The love
of sacred learning and the study of the Law in
synagogue and school saved the Jewish people from
extinction. When Jerusalem had been destroyed
and the Jewish population had been scattered after
the disastrous events of A.D. 70, the school accom-
panied the people into the lands of their dispersion.
Jamnia, between Joppa and Ashdod, then became
the headquarters of Jewish learning, and retained
the position till the unhappy close of Bar Cochba's
rebellion. The learned circle then moved north-
wards to Galilee, and Tiberias and Sepphoris
became seats of Rabbinical training. Wherever
the Jews were settled, the family gathering of the
Passover, the household instruction as to its origin
and history, and the training in the knowledge of
tile Law, served to knit them together and to in-
tensify their national feeling even in the midst of
heathen surroundings.
While the great subject of school instruction was
the Law, the work of the elementary school em-
braced reading, writing, and arithmetic. To make
the Jewish boy faiuiliar with the Hebrew charac-
ters in every jot and tittle, and to make him able
to produce them himself, was the business of the
Beth ha-Sejjher, ' the House of the Book.' Reading
thus came to be a universal accomplishment among
the Jewish people, and it was a necessary qualifi-
cation where the sacred books were not the exclu-
sive concern of a priestly caste, but were meant to
be read and studied in the home as well as read
aloud and expounded in the synagogue. The case
of Timothy already referred to is evidence of this ;
and the Scriptures which the Jewish converts of
Beroea ' examined daily' were no doubt the OT in
Greek which they were trained to study for them-
selves. Writing may not have been so general an
accomplishment, but it must also have been in con-
siderable demand. This can be inferred from the
numerous copies of the Scripture books which had
to be produced ; and from the prevalence of tyhilltn
('phylacteries') and 7n<'ziiz6th, little metal cases
containing the Sh^md , the name of God, and texts
of Scripture, fastened to the ' doorposts ' of Jewish
houses, which were in use before the Apostolic Age.
The simple rules of arithmetic would be wanted to
calculate the weeks, months, and festivals of the
Jewish year.
In the higher school, BHh ha-Midrdsh, ' the
House of Study,' the contents of the Law and the
Books of Scripture as a whole were expounded by
the authorities. It is said to have been a rule of
322
EDUCATIOii
EDUCATION
the Je^vish schools not to allow all and sundry,
without regard to age, to read all the books of
Holy Scripture, but to give to the young all those
portions of Scripture Avhose literal sense com-
manded universal acceptance, and only after they
had attained the age of twenty-five to allow them
to read the Avhole. Origen tells of the scruples of
the Jewish teachers in regard to the reading of
the Song of Solomon by the young (Harnack, Bible
Reading in the Early Church, 1912, p. 30 f.)- But
there was no lack of materials for reading and ex-
position. In course of time there grew up tlie
great and varied literature now contained in the
Talmud — the Mishna, the Gemara, and the Mid-
rashic literature of all sorts — narrative, illustra-
tive, proverbial, parabolic, and allegorical (see I.
Abrahams, Short History of Jeiuish Literature,
1906, ch. iv. ; Oesterley and Box, Religion and
Worship of the Synagogue", 1911, ch. v.).
_ In the school tlie children sat on the floor in a
circle round the teaclier, who occujiied a chair or
bench (Lk 2^8 W\ Ac 22^). The method of instruc-
tion was oral and catechetical. In the schools at-
tached to the synagogues of Eastern Judaism to
this day, committing to memory and learning by
rote are the chief methods of instruction, and the
clamour of infant and youthful voices is heard re-
peating verses and passages of Scripture the whole
school day. This kind of oral repetition and com-
mitting to memory undoubtedly occupied a large
place in the earliest Christian teaching, and had
an important influence in the composition of the
gospel narratives. The purpose of St. Luke in
writing his Gospel was that Theophilus might
know more fully tlie certainty of the things con-
cerning Jesus wherein he had been instructed
{KaTTixvOv^) (Lk V). Apollos having been thus in-
structed in the way of the Lord (Ac IS''^^) taught
Avitli accuracy the facts concerning Jesus. But
whilst the method had great advantages, it had
also great dangers, tending to crush out all origin-
ality and life, and to result in barren formalism.
In the education of the Jewish boy, punishment,
we may be sure, was not withheld. The directions
of the Book of Proverbs, which is itself a treasury
of sound educational principles, were carried out
not only in tlie home but in the school (Pr 12'^'*
1918 23i»). St. Paul, addressing a self-righteous
Jew, exposes the inconsistency of the man who
professes to be a guide of the blind (odrjybv rvtpXuv),
a corrector of the foolish {Trai8evTT]v dcppdvwv), and
a teacher of infants (SiodaKoKou v-q-rrLuv), and yet does
not know the inwardness of the Law (Ro '2}^'-).
Games had some part in the life of Jewish
schoolboys. One game consisted in imitating
their elders at marriages and funerals (Mt 11 1'*^-).
Riddles and guesses seem to have been common,
and story-telling, music, and song were not want-
ing. But when, under the influence of Antiochus
Epiphanes, a gymnasion for the athletic perform-
ances of the Greeks was set up in Jerusalem and
the youth of the city were required to strip them-
selves of their clotliing, it became a grievous cause of
offence to the pious among the people (1 Mac l""'-).
See art ' Games ' in HDB.
Whilst the education of Jewish youth on the
theoretical side centred in the Law and was calcu-
lated to instil piety towards God, no instruction
was complete without the knowledge of some
trade or liandicraft. To circumcise him, to teach
him the Law, to give him a trade, were the
primary obligations of a father towards his son.
' He that teacheth not his son a trade doeth the
same as if he taught him to be a thief,' is a Jewish
saying. Jesus Himself was the carpenter (Mk 6^),
and Saul of Tarsus, the scholar of Gamaliel, was a
tent-maker (Ac 18^). We hear of Rabbis who were
needle-makers, tanners, and followed other cccnua-
tions, and who, like St. Paul, made it their boast
that their own hands ministered to their necessities
and to them that accompanied them (Ac 20^^).
The education of the Jewish youth began at
home, and the parents were the first instructors.
Of a noted teacher of the 2nd cent. A.D. it Avas
said that he never broke his fast until he had first
given a lesson to his son. But in due course the
children were sent to school, in Rabbinic times
apparently under the protection of a pcedagogue,
better known, however, in Greek family life
(Gal S^'*). The teacher was required to be a man
of unblemished character, of gentle and patient
disposition, with aptness to teach. Only married
men could be employed as teachers. Women and
unmarried men were excluded from the office.
The office itself was full of honour : ' A city which
neglects to appoint teachers ought to be destroyed,'
runs the saying. One teacher Avas to be emjiloyed
where there were 25 scholars (with an assistant
where the number exceeded 25), and two where they
exceeded 40. In the 2nd and 3rd centuries of the
Christian era teachers received salaries, but the
remuneration was in respect of the more technical
part of the instruction. Nothing was to be charged
for the Blidrdsh, the exposition of Scripture.
The girls in Jewish families were not by any
means left without instruction. The women of the
household, like Eunice, the mother, and Lois, the
grandmother, of Timothy (2 Ti 1^), who at least in-
fluenced the boys, would have a more active part
in the instruction of the girls. This means that
they were not themselves left without education.
The example of Priscilla, the wife of Aquila,
shows that a Jewess (who did not owe all her train-
ing to Christianity) might be possessed of high
gifts and attainments (Ac 18'-®). In the Talmud
similar instances of gifted and accomplished women
are to be found. One of the most notable features
in what is knoAvn as the Reform movement in
modern Judaism is the earnestness with which its
adherents insist upon the more general and the
higher education of women.
Literature. — Relevant articles in J. Hamburger, Real-En-
ci/clopddie fiir Bibel und Talmud^, lSS4ff. ; S. S. Laurie,
Jlist. Survey of Pre-Christian Education, 1895 : 'The Semitic
Races ' ; A. Biichler, The Economic Conditions of Judcva after
the Destruction of the Second Temple, 1912 ; art. ' Education
(Jewish)' by Morris Joseph in ERE v. [1912] 194, and Litera-
ture there cited.
2. Greek. — Among the Greeks education was
the affair of the State. Its purpose was to prepare
the sons of free citizens for the duties awaiting
them, first in the family and then in the State.
Whilst among the Jews education was meant for
all, without respect of rank or class, among the
Greeks it was intended for the few — the wealthy
and the well-born. Plutarch in his treatise on the
education of children says : ' Some one may object
that I in undertaking to give prescriptions in the
training of children of free citizens apparently
neglect the training of the poor townsmen, and
only think of instructing the rich — to which the
obvious answer is that I should desire the training
I prescribe to be attainable alike by all ; but if any
through want of private means cannot attain it,
let them blame their fortune and not their adviser.
Every eii'ort, however, must be made even by the
poor to train their children in the best possible way,
and if this is beyond them to do it according to
their means' (de Lib. Educ. ii.). Down to the
Roman period at least, this educational exclusive-
ness was maintained, and only the sons of those
who were full citizens were the subjects of educa-
tion, although there were cases in which daughters
rose to distinction in letters, and even examples
of slaves, like the philosopher Epictetus, M'ho
burst the restraints of their position and showed
themselves capable of rising to eminence in learn-
EDUCATIOI^
EDUCATION
323
ing and virtue. We even read of bequests being
made to provide free education to children of both
sexes, but the rule was that women needed no
more instruction than they were likely to receive
at home. Being an afiair of the State, education
was under the control of officials appointed to
superintend it. Gymnastic, for the training of the
body, and mxisic in the larger sense, including
letters, for the training of the mind, were the sub-
jects of instruction. These — athletics, literature,
music — were regulated by a body of guardians of
public instruction (iraiZov6iJ.oi). We hear of an
Ephebarch at the head of a college of ^(p-q^oi, or
youths who have entered the higher school, and of
a Gymnasiarch who superintends the exercises of
the va\aii7Tpa and pays the training-masters.
The stages of education Avere practically the
same in all the different branches of the wide-spread
Grecian people. First, there was the stage of home
education, extending from birth to the end of the
seventh year, when the children were under paren-
tal supervision ; second, the stage of school educa-
tion, beginning with the eighth year and lasting to
the sixteenth or eighteenth year ; thirdly, there
was the stage from the sixteenth or eighteenth to
the twenty-first year, when the youths were ?^7?/3ot,
and were subjected to strict discipline and training.
Before a youth was enrolled among the ^^jy/Sot he
had to undergo an examination (So/ct/tacrta) to make
sure that he was the son of an Athenian citizen
and that he had the physique for the duties now
devolving upon him. This was really the univer-
sity stage of his career, for he then attended the
class of the rhetors and sophists who lectured in
such institutions as the Lyceum and the Academy,
and devoted himself to the study of rhetoric and
philosophy (cf. Ac IQ'-*). On the completion of this
course he was ready to enter upon the exercise of
his duties towards the State.
When the boy, at the age of seven, went to
school — the grammar school and the gymnastic
school — he was accompanied by a servant called
a TTCLi-dayoyyos who carried his books and writing
materials, his lyre and other instruments, and
saw him to school and back (see Schoolmaster,
Tutor). The school-rooms of ancient Athens seem
to have been simple enough, containing little or
no furniture — they were often nothing but porches
open to wind and sun, where the children sat on
the ground, or on low benches, and the teacher on
a high chair. At first the child would be exer-
cised in 'the rudiments,' ra (TTotx^a (cf. Col 2^ and
Xen. Mem. II. i. 1). Great stress was laid upon
reading, recitation, and singing. In particular, the
memory was exercised upon the best literature,
and cultivated to an extraordinary degree of re-
tentiveness. The works of yEsop and Theognis
were much in use in the class-rooms. Homer was
valued not merely as a poet but as an inspired
moral teacher, and the Iliad and Odyssey were the
Bible of the Greeks. Great pains were also taken
with the art of writing. Tablets covered with
wax formed the material to receive the writing,
and the stylus was employed to trace the letters.
By apostolic times papyrus or parchment was in
use, written upon with pen (KaXa/jLos) and ink
{^liXap) (2 Jni2, 3 Jni3 ; cf. 2 Co 3^ and 2 Ti 4i3).
Sherds (Scrrpa/ca) were a common writing material
— that used by the very poor in ancient Egypt.
Exercises in writing and in grammar have been
preserved to us in the soil of Egypt written on
ostraca, on wooden tablets, on tablets smeared over
with wax, and have now been recovered to let us
see the performances of the school children of
twenty centuries ago. Among them are school
copies giving the letters of the alphabet, syllables,
common words and proper names, conjugation of
verbs, pithy or proverbial sayings as headlines.
and there are even exercises having the appearance
of being school punishments (E. Ziebarth, Aus der
antiken Schule, 1910, in Lietzmann's Kleine Texte).
The mention of school punishments leads to the
subject of school discipline. At home, at school,
and in the palaestra, the rod and the lash were
freely used. It is from school life, both Jewish and
Greek, that St. Paul, as noted already, derives the
imagery of a well-known passage in his Epistles
(Ro 2^^"2'). In the Psalms of Solomon, a Jewish
book written under Greek influence, there is refer-
ence both to the rod {pd^dos, vii. 8) and to the lash
(AtdoTil, xviii. 8) as instruments of punishment ;
and ' chastening,' 'correction ' (7rat5e/a), occurs again
and again in this sense (Eph 6*, 2 Ti 3i«, He 12" ;
cf. Didache, 4).
•We are given over to grammar,' says Sextus
Empiricus [adv. Math. i. 41), 'from childhood, and
almost from our baby-clothes.' Grammar was
succeeded by rhetoric, which had accomplished its
purpose when the student had acquired the power
of speaking offhand on any subject under discus-
sion. In addition to these subjects, philosophy
was also taught, its technical terms being mastered
and its various schools discriminated. Arithmetic,
geometry, astronomy belonged to the programme
of secondaiy education, and from Plato and Aris-
totle there nave come down to us the seven liberal
arts — the trivium, and the quadrivium of the Middle
Ages. All the while gymnastic training went
hand in hand with the training of the intellect.
The gymnasion, where the youths of Greece exer-
cised themselves naked, was enclosed by walls and
fitted up with dressing-rooms, bath-rooms, and
requisites for running, leaping, wrestling, boxing,
and other athletic exercises, and there were seats
round about the course for spectators, and porticoes
where philosophers gathered.
By the Apostolic Age it had become the practice
for promising students to supplement their school
education by seeking out and attending the lectures
of eminent teachers in what we should call the
great universities. Eoman Emperors like Claudius
and Nero had done much to encourage Greek
culture and to introduce it into Rome itself, where
the Athenaeum was a great centre of learning.
At this epoch Athens and Rome had famous
schools, but even they had to yield to Rhodes,
Alexandria, and Tarsus ; and Marseilles, which
had been from the very early days of Greek history
a centre of Greek influence, was in the time of
Strabo more frequented than Athens. The idea
that Barnabas of Cyprus and Saul of Tarsus had
met in early life at the university of Tarsus is by
no means fanciful, and it was to his education at
Tarsus that St. Paul owed the power to ' move in
Hellenic Society at his ease' (W. M. Ramsay,
Pictures of the Apostolic Church, 1910, p. 346).
That St. Luke had received a medical education
and was familiar with the great medical writers of
the Greek world is now almost universally ad-
mitted ; his literary style and the frequent echoes
of Greek authors, at least in the Acts of the
Apostles, prove him to have been a well-educated
and cultured Hellenist. Of the various philosophic
schools then exercising an influence upon thought
in the Greek world two are expressly mentioned
in the Acts (17^^) — the Stoics and the Epicureans.
St. Paul must have received Stoic teaching at
Tarsus, where the school flourished, and he knew
and quoted at least one Stoic poet (Ac 17*^). A
century later Marcus Aurelius endowed the four
great philosophical schools of Athens — the Aca-
demic, the Peripatetic, the Epicurean, and the
Stoic. Justin Martyr, a little earlier, in the ac-
count he gives of his conversion to Christianity
{Dial, cum Tryph. 2 If.), shows how the representa-
tives of the Stoic, the Peripatetic, the Pythagorean,
324
educatio:n"
EDUCATION
and the Academic (Platonic) Schools in turn failed
to satisfy his yearning after trutli, and satisfaction
came to him when lie found Christianity to be the
only philosophy sure and suited to the needs of
man. Christianity, brought into contact with
tiie society in which this philosophical habit of
mind had established itself, modified, stimulated,
and elevated it, and in turn was modified by the
habit of mind of those who accepted it, ' It was
impossible for Greeks, educated as they were with
an education which penetrated their whole nature,
to receive or to retain Christianity in its primitive
simplicity. Their own life had become complex
and artificial : it had its fixed ideas and its perma-
nent categories : it necessarily gave to Christianity
something of its own form' (E. Hatch, Influence
of Grade Ideas and Usages tipon the Christian
Church [Hibbert Lectures, 1888], 1890, ch. IL
p. 48 f.).
LiTERATtTRE. — T. DavidsoH, Aristotle (in Great Educators),
1892 ; S. S. Laurie, Hist. Survey of Pre-Christian Education,
1895: 'The Hellenic Race'; J. P. "Mahaffy, The Greek World
under Roman Sway, 1890; art. 'Education (Greek)' by W,
Murison in ERE v. 185 and Literature there cited.
3. Christian. — The sentiment which caused
education to be so prized among the Jews must in
course of time have caused it to be greatly desired
among the followers of Christ. To the first Chris-
tians, as to the Lord and His apostles, the OT
Scriptures were the Bible, and, outside the Holy
Land at least, the Bible in the LXX translation.
No doubt it was a roll of this translation
which the Ethiopian eunuch was carrying back
with him to his home far up the Nile, when Philip
the Evangelist joined him in his chariot on the
Gaza road (Ac 8'^^^-). It was the same Scriptures
wherein the youthful Timothy was instructed from
infancy in the home of his Greek father, under the
guidance of Eunice and Lois (2 Ti 3'*). St. Paul,
in the many quotations he makes from the OT,
quotes from the LXX rather than from the Hebrew
original. ' The LXX was to him as much " the
Bible " as our English version is to us ; and, as is
the case with many Christian writers, he knew it
so well that his sentences are constantly moulded
by its rhythm, and his thoughts incessantly
coloured by its expressions' (Farrar, St. Paul,
1879, i. 47). It was not till the second half of the
2nd cent, that most of the NT books were recog-
nized in the Church as the Oracles of God, and on
the same level of authority as the books of the OT.
' Among the Jewish Christians,' as Harnack points
out, ' the private use of the Holy Scriptures simply
continued ; for the fact that they had become
believers in the Messiahship of Jesus had absolutely
no other eti'ect than to increase this use, in so far
as it was now necessary to study not only the Law
but also tiie Prophets and the Kethubim, seeing
that these afforded prophetic proofs of the Messiah-
ship of Jesus, and in so far as the religious inde-
pendence of the individual Christian was still
greater than that of the ordinary Jew' (Bible
Beading in the Early Church, p. 32).
That tiie private study which had been devoted
to the OT came in due course to be given to the
books of the NT may be seen from the use of them
in the writings of the Apostolic Fatliers. The OT,
the Gospels, and the Epistles of St. Paul had a
wide circulation at an early period, in all the
provinces of the early Church, and were perused
and applied to their spiritual needs by multitudes
of Cliristians, not clerical only, but lay ; not men
only, but women. ' Ye know tlie Holy Scriptures,'
writes Clement of Rome to the Corintliian Chris-
tians (1 Clem. liii. 1), 'Yea, your knowledge is
laudable, and ye have deep insiglit into the Oracles
of God.' 'What are tliese articles in your hand-
bag?' asks the proconsul Saturninus when ex-
amining Speratus, one of the band of Scillitan
martyrs in N. Africa. ' The books and epistles of
St. Paul,' Avas the reply [TS i. 2 [1891], p. 114).
Tlie feeling grew and spread that it was at once a
privilege and a duty thus to make acquaintance
with the meaning and teaching of Holy Scripture.
In Asia Minor and in Gaul, in Syria and Egypt,
this feeling prevailed. Men like Justin Martyr,
Tatian, Theophilus of Antioch, became Christians
— such is their own acknowledgment — by reading
the Scriptures for themselves. By and by wealthy
Christians had Bibles copied at their own expense
to be given or lent to their poorer brethren.
Pamphilus, the friend of Eusebius, whose library
at Csesarea was famous, had Bibles copied to keep
in stock and to be given away as occasion demanded,
' not only to men but also to women whom he saw
devoted to the reading of Scripture ' (Jerome, Apol.
c. Rufin. i. 9).
All this intellectual activity devoted to the
study of the Scriptures implies throughout the
early Church a considerable level of educational
attainment. That many of the poorest and least
educated found in Christ and His teaching the
satisfaction of their deepest needs is manifest from
the NT itself (1 Co P^er.)^ ^^^^ Celsus sought to dis-
credit the Christian system by aspersing the in-
tellectual as well as the moral character of its ad-
herents. Origen in answer points to the passages
of the OT, especially in the Psalms, which the
Christians also use, which inculcate wisdom and
understanding, and declares that education, so far
from being despised among the Christians, is the
pathAvay to virtue and knowledge, the one stable
and permanent reality (c. Cels. iii. 49, 72). We
must not suppose, however, that the Church of the
first days took any steps to provide schools and an
educational system of her own. Members of the
Christian community had no alternative but to
send their sons to the schools of their localities to
receive instruction along with scholars who were
heathen and accustomed to the usages and customs,
the superstitions and fables, often corrupt and un-
clean, of paganism. Although the Fathers of the
Church did not permit their youth to become in-
structors in pagan schools, they did not consider it
wise to deny them the advantages of a liberal
education, even though associated with falsehood
and idolatry. If they had forbidden their attend-
ance they would have justly incurred the charges
made by Celsus of hostility to learning. Christian
parents made a virtue of necessity, which Tertullian
approves, only recommending Christian pupils to
accept the good and reject the bad [de Idolatria, x. ).
Scarcely less pressing and even more difficult
was the question of the propriety of studying the
productions of the great pagan writers. Among
those who took the liberal view was Justin Martyr,
who held that ' those who lived with Logos are
Christians, even if they were accounted atheists :
of whom among Greeks were Socrates and Hera-
clitus ' (Apol. i. 46). Clement of Alexandria was
conspicuously broad in his Christian sympathies,
and his quotations from classical writers have
preserved to us fragments of authors whose
works have otherwise perished. Others, like
Cyprian, drew a sharp dividing line between
pagan philosophy and Christian doctrine.
But though the circumstances of the times
rendered separate Christian elementary instruc-
tion impossible and inadvisable in the early Church,
the Church was not indirterent to the Christian
instruction of her members. Foremost among
the members belonging to the Body of Christ are
' teachers,' mentioned along with ' apostles ' and
' prophets ' (1 Co 12^^). Elsewhere they are classed
with 'pastors' (Eph 4"). Among the gifts that
minister to the upbuilding of the social fabric of
EGYPT
ELECT LADY
325
Christianity is 'teaching' (Ro 12'). Power to
teacli was a qualification whicli Timothy was
charged to look for in the bishops whom he should
appoint (1 Ti 3"), and he was told that the servant
of the Lord in any office must have aptness to
teach (2 Ti 2"*). The teacher as a separate func-
tionary seems early to have disappeared from the
Church, his functions being absorbed by the more
official presbyter or bishop {q.v.), who was always
required to be able to teach (Charteris, The Church
of Christ, p. 32). The need, however, for institu-
tions for higher instruction in the things of Christ
came to be felt early. Out of the training of the
candidates for baptism grew the catechetical
schools in great centres of pagan learning. The
first and most notable of them was the catecheti-
cal school of Alexandria, of whicli Pantsenus was
the founder, and Clement and Origen were the most
distinguished ornaments. This was the counter-
part of the pagan university, ofiering to philo-
sophic pagans an academic and articulated view of
the Christian system, and to earnest Christians of
intellectual gifts and tastes training for the offices
of preachers and teachers. Gregory Thaumaturgus
commends Origen as having taught him philo-
sophy, logic, mathematics, general literature, and
ethics as the ground-work of tlieological training,
after which he proceeded to the exposition of the
sacred Scriptures. Under Clement and Origen
the school was great and prosperous, and schools
at Ca'sarea, Jerusalem, and elsewhere w^ere founded
upon its model.
The share which woman had in the work of
Christian education apart from her influence and
work in the home is not made clear in the records
of Church history. In the Syriac Didascalia
Apostolorum, however, translated by Mrs. M. D.
Gibson (1903), we have an official document of the
3rd cent, directing the deaconesses to assist in the
baptism of women, to teach and educate them
afterwards, and to visit and nurse the sick.
Literature. — A. Harnack, Bible Reading in the Early
Church, 1912; A. H. Charteris, The Church of Christ, 1905,
under 'Education' and 'Teaciiers'; P. Monroe, Text-Book in
the History of Education, 1905 ; art. ' Bible in the Church ' by
E. von Dobschiitz in ERE ii. 579. THOMAS NiCOL.
EGYPT [MyvwTo^]. — NT references to Egypt occur
mostly in historical retrospects. As the land which
was friendly and hospitable to tlie Hebrews in the
time of Joseph, but cruel and oppressive in that of
Moses, it is mentioned twelve times in Stephen's
address before the Sanhedrin (Ac 7), once in St.
Paul's speech at Lystra (13'''), and four times in
Hebrews (3'^ 8^ ll-^'--'^). _ There is a single allusion
to contemporary Egypt in the account of the first
Christian Pentecost : among the Jews and prose-
lytes who were ' sojourning in Jerusalem,' and who
formed St. Peter's audience, were ' the dwellers (oi
KaroiKovvres) . . . in Egypt ' (Ac 2^* '**).
Philo estimated that there were not fewer than
a million Jews in Egvpt in his time {in Flaccum,
6; see Schurer, HJF il. ii, [1885] 229). The
movement from Palestine into Egypt, partly
by voluntary emigration and partly by forcible
deportation, had been going on for six centuries.
Aristeas (Epist. 13) states that Psammeticus (pro-
bably the Second, 594-586 B.C.) had Jewish mer-
cenaries in his army. A company of Jews fled
to Egypt after the Fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C.
( Jer 42-43). Some Aramaic papyri found at Assuan
and ElephantinS show that a colony of Jews Avas
settled at this garrison and trading post (590 miles
S. of Cairo) in the 6th and 5th centuries B.C., and
that they had built a temple to Jahweh. Many
Jews were attracted to Alexandria at the time of its
foundation by the ofler of citizenship (Jos. c. Ap.
ii. 4, Ant. xix. v. 2). Ptolemy Lagi carried a vast
number of Jews captive to Egypt (Aristeas, Epist.
12-14). Philo mentions that two of the five quarters
into which Alexandria was divided were called ' the
Jewish' (in Flaccum, 8). In no country were the
Jews so prosperous, so influential, so cultured as
they were in Egypt, where some of them held im-
portant offices of State under the Ptolemys (Jos. c.
Ap. ii. 5, Ant. XIII. x. 4, xiii. 1, 2), and where an
attempt was made to fuse Hellenic with Hebrew
ideals.
History gives no trustworthy account of the
evangelization of Egypt. The statement found in
Eusebius [HE ii. 16) that St. Mark was the first
missionary who went thither, and that he preached
there the Gospel which he had written, is con-
fessedly legendary, and the idea that Apollos had
some share in the enlightenment of his native city
is no more than a natural conjecture. There are
few materials to fill the gap between apostolic
times and the beginning of the 3rd cent., when
Alexandria [q.v.), the home of Clement and Origen,
became the intellectual capital of Christendom.
Even till the days of Constantine the progress of
Christianity in Egypt was almost confined to this
one Hellenistic city.
' The great city which spiritually is called Sodom
and Egypt' (Rev 11*) is probably Jerusalem, regarded
as the latter-day enemy of righteousness and of
God's people, such as Sodom and Egypt had been
in ancient times. The alternative view is that
Rome is the great city which is allegorically or
mystically named. If the addition ' where also
their Lord was crucified ' were original, it would
of course decide the point ; but this may be a gloss.
Literature. — A. Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of
Christianity in the First Three Centuries^, Eng. tr., 1908; A.
H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri discovered at
Assouan, Oxford, 1906 ; artt. in SDB, DCG, EBi, and HDB,
with the Literature there cited. J AMES SXRAH AN.
EGYPTIAN, THE.— See Assassins.
ELAMITES.— Elamites are mentioned in Ac 2»
among the sojourners in Jerusalem on the Day of
Pentecost. Jews settled in Elam during the post-
exilic period, whence they and their descendants
came up to the Holy City for the annual religious
festivals. Elam lay due east of Babylonia and the
lower Tigris, and corresponds to the modern
Khuzistan. Its ruling cities were Shushan (or
Susa) and Ansan (or Anzan), and the earliest
native rulers called themselves^atois, or ' viceroys,'
in acknowledgment of dependence upon Babylonia.
The native Elamites had been gradually en-
croached upon, from the west, by invading Semites,
who brought their own system of writing with
them. This system was adopted by the Elamite
princes for many of their votive tablets and in-
scribed monuments. For a brief period after
2300 B.C. Elamite chieftains ruled in Babylonia,
but their power was broken by Hammurabi,
whose son Samsu-iluna finally restored Babylonian
supremacy.
Literature.— L. W. King: and H. R. Hall, Egypt and
Western Asia in the Light of Recent Discoveries, 1907, eh. v. ;
H. Winckler, History of Babylonia and Assyria, Eng. tr., 1907,
ch. ii. ; artt. ' Elam' in PRE'^ and JE, and ' Elam, Elamites ' in
HDB. A. W. Cooke.
ELDER. — ' Elder ' preserves better than ' presby-
ter ' the history of the title, which goes back to
the fact that tribes were governed by the heads of
their component families. ' Elder ' is probably
the earliest name, after 'apostle,' for a Christian
official (Ac IP"). See Bishop and Church Govern-
ment. A. Plummer.
ELECT LADY.— See John, Epistles of.
326
ELECTIO^^
ELECTIOX
ELECTION. — 1. Definition. — Election, in the
teaching of the apostles, is the method by which
God gives effect to His eternal purpose to redeem
and save mankind ; so that the elect are those who
are marked out in God's purpose of grace from
eternity as heirs of salvation.
2. Election in the OT.— The doctrine of a Divine
election lies at the very heart of revelation and
redemption. Abraham was chosen that in him
all the families of the earth should be blessed (Gn
12^). It was through the chosen people, the seed
of Abraham, that God was pleased to make the
clearest and fullest revelation of Himself to man
and to prepare the way in the fullness of the time
for the world's redemption. Through their patri-
archs and their Divinely guided history, through
the laws and institutions of the Mosaic economy,
through tabernacle and temple, through prophets
and psalmists, through their sacred Scriptures, and
at length through the Incarnate Word, born of
the chosen people, the world has received the
knowledge of the being and spirituality of God,
of the love and mercy and grace of our Father in
heaven. To Israel their great legislator said :
' Thou art an holy jjeople unto the Lord thy God :
the Lord thy God hath chosen thee to be a peculiar
people unto himself, above all peoples that are
upon the face of the earth. The Lord did not set
his love upon j^ou, nor choose you, because ye
were more in number than any people ; for ye
were the fewest of all peoples : but because the
Lord loveth you ' (Dt 7"")- Israel was chosen to
spread abroad the Di\'ine glory, and God desig-
nates them by His prophet ' My chosen, the people
which I formed for myself, that they might set
forth my praise' (Is 43-"- -0. They were taught,
also, to realize how great were their privileges :
' Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord ; the
people whom he hath chosen for his own inherit-
ance ' (Ps 331- ; cf. 135^). Their very position on
the face of the earth, placed in the midst of the
nations, was chosen with a view to their discipline
and sanctiiication, for thus the Maccabtean annal-
ist puts it : ' Howbeit the Lord did not choose the
nation for the place's sake, but the place for the
nation's sake' (2 Mac 5^^). And the destiny of
the elect people was to culminate in the Elect Ser-
vant of the Lord : ' Behold my servant whom I up-
hold ; my chosen (Tn?, 6 €k\€kt6s /jlov) in whom my
soul delighteth : I have put my spirit upon him ;
he shall bring forth judgement to the Gentiles'
(Is 42^ RV ; ' the Elect one ' appears as a INIessianic
designation in the Book of Enoch, xl. 5, xlv. 3,
4, 5, xlix. 2, 4, and is found applied to Christ in Lk
9^ 23^'). This conception of Israel as the people
of God's election colours the whole of the teaching
of the apostles and forms the subject of St. Paul's
gi-eat discussion in the chapters where he deals
with the problem of their rejection (Ro 9-11).
That the Jewish people had come to attribute to
it an exaggerated and erroneous value is clear not
only from St. Paul's argument but also from the
Rabbinical literature of the time (see Sanday-
Headlam, Roman^, p. 248 tf.).
3. Biblical use of the word.— In biblical Greek
the word iKkenrol {iKKiyeadai, eKXoyn']) is of frequent
occurrence. In the OT we find ^/cXe/cros used in the
sense of picked men (Jg 20^*, 1 S 24^) ; of indi-
viduals chosen by God for special service (Moses,
Ps 10623 [LXX 105] ; David, Ps 89-«- 21 [LXX 88]) ;
of the nation Israel (Ps 106" [LXX 105], Is 45*
659- 1*) ; of the Servant of the Lord (Is 42i ; cf. 52^).
In the NT we find the verb used, always in the
middle voice, of our Lord's choice of the Twelve
from the company of tlie disciples (Lk 6'^ Jn 6™
13^8 IS''-*, Ac 1'-') ; of the choice of an apostlu in the
place of Judas (Ac 1^^) ; of Stephen and his col-
leagues (Ac 6=) ; of God's choice of the patriarchs
(Ac 13''') ; and of the choice of delegates to carry
the decisions of the Ajjostolic CouncU to the Gen-
tile churches (Ac 15~- ^). It is used of God's
choice of the foolish things of the world to put to
shame them that are wise, and the weak things to
put to shame the things which are strong (1 Co 1^) ;
and of His choice of the poor to be rich in faith
and heirs of the kingdom promised to them that
love Him ( Ja 2=).
In the Gospels iKXeicrol and kKtjtoI are distin-
guished : kXtjtoL, as Lightfoot puts it (Colossians^,
1879, p. 220), 'being those summoned to the privi-
leges of the Gospel, and ^/cXe^TOi those appointed to
final salvation (Mt 242^- ^*- '^\ Mk 13^- 2-- ^\ Lk 18'').
But in St. Paul no such distinction can be traced.
With him the two terms seem to be co-extensive,
as two aspects of the same process, kXtjtoL having
special reference to the goal, and iKXeicroi to the
starting-point. The same persons are "called"
to Christ and "chosen out" from the world.' It
is to be noticed in the Epistles that while 6 KaXQv
is used of God or Christ in the present tense (1 Th
2^- 5-*, Gal 5®), 6 iKXey6jj.€vos is never used, nor the
present tense of any part, the aorist being em-
ployed to describe what depended upon God's
eternal purpose (Eph 1", 2 Th 2^3). In St. Peter's
Epistles KXrjTds is not found, nor iKXiyecrOai, but the
verbal adjective iKXeKTos is found four times, once
of 'elect' people (V), once of Christians as an
' elect race ' (2^), and twice, following the OT, of
Christ as the Living Stone, choice and ' chosen ' to
be the corner-stone (2''- ^). iKXoyf) is found of the
Divine act (Ac 2^^ Ro 9" IP- ^, 1 Th l^ 2 P l^\
and once as the abstract for the concrete iKXeicrol
(Ro IV).
4. St. Paul's doctrine. — It is St. Paul who most
fully develops the doctrine in its strictly theological
aspects. His teaching, however, only expands that
of our Lord on the same subject, as when He speaks
of those whom the Father had given Him (Jn G^'^' 3"
17-' -*), to whom He should give life eternal, and
whom He should keep so that they would never
perish (Jn 10^^). St. Paul from an early period
of his missionary labours saw results which were
recognized in his circle to be due to an influence
higher than man's — to the predestinating counsel
of God. For the historian tells how, on St. Paul's
preaching for the first time to Gentiles at Antioch
of Pisidia, * as many as were ordained to eternal
life believed' (Ac 13*^). This was on his first
missionary journey. On his second he preached
to the Thessalonians among others, and in the
two Epistles written to them on that extended
journey there is the clear recognition of the same
influence. Giving thanks to God for them, St. Paul
in the opening Avords of the First Epistle discerns
in their experience, and sets forth for their comfort,
the proofs of their ' election ' ( 1 Th l"-'"). From their
response to the gospel call, their acceptance of the
gospel message, their patient endurance of affliction,
and the joy they had in their new spiritual life, a
joy begotten in them of the Holy Spirit, St. Paul
inferred and knew their election. And not long
after, when he wrote tlie Second Epistle to correct
misapprehensions produced by the First, he set
before the Thessalonian Christians, in language
still loftier and more explicit, this profound and
encouraging truth of a Divine election (2 Th 2^3-i5)_
God is liere represented as taking them for His own
(the verb is eTXaro, not i^eXi^aro), and it is 'from the
beginning,' from eternity (there is a reading
airapxnv, ' firstfruits,' instead of air^ &PXV^)^ that
the transaction dates. It is not to religious
privileges merely, nor even to a possible or con-
tingent salvation, that they have been chosen,
but to an actual and present experience of its
blessings, felt in holiness of life and assurance of
the truth. This was, indeed, what they were called
elections'
ELECTION
327
L
to enjoy through the gospel preached by St. Paul
and his colleagues, so as at length to obtain the
glory of the Lord Jesus Christ. In his Epistle to
the Komans, ^^Titten not long after, St. Paul, in ch.
8, rising to the loftiest heights of Divine inspira-
tion, and penetrating, as it might seem, to the secret
place of the counsels of the Most High, apprehends
for himself, and makes known for the encourage-
ment of faith, the links of the great chain of the
Divine election by which the Church of believers
is bound about the feet of God — ' foreknown,'
' foreordained,' ' called,' ' justified,' ' glorified ' (Ro
g28-30)_ Here ' they that love God ' are co-extensive
and identical with ' them that are called according
to his purpose.' They are 'foreordained,' so that
they may attain the likeness of God's Son, and,
further, that He may be glorified in them and see
of the travail of His soul and be satisfied. God's
elect (Ro 8^^) may have the assaults of temptation
and trial to face, and tribulation, anguish, perse-
cution, famine, nakedness, peril, and sword to en-
dure ; but nothing can separate them from the love
of God which is in Christ Jesus.
These disclosures regarding God's eternal pur-
pose of grace are continued and extended by St.
Paul in the Epistle to the Ephesians, Avhere the
spiritual blessings enjoyed in such abundance by
them are traced up to their election by God — ' even
as he chose us in him (Christ) before the founda-
tion of the world, that we should be holy and with-
out blemish before him in love : having fore-
ordained us unto adoption as sons through Jesus
Christ unto himself, according to the good pleasure
of his will, to the praise of the glory of his grace'
(Eph I^'®). It is a further development of this
when St. Paul says again in the same Epistle :
' We are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus
for good works, which God afore prepared that we
should walk in them ' (Eph 2i"). The unconditional
character of the Divine choice, emphasized in these
statements of the Apostle, is affirmed again when,
writing to Timothy, he bids him suffer for the
gospel ' according to the power of God, who saved
us and called us with a holy calling, not according
to our works, but according to his own purpose
of grace which was given in Christ Jesus before
times eternal ' (2 Ti P).
In a separate passage of the Epistle to the
Romans (chs. 9-11) St. Paul deals with the mystery
of the call of the Gentiles to take the place of gain-
saying and disobedient Israel. In so doing he first
vindicates God from the reproach of having de-
parted from His ancient covenant — a reproach which
would be well-founded if the covenant people were
rejected and the Gentiles put in their place. Such
a rejection, he contends, would not be altogether
out of keeping -with God's treatment of His people
in the course of their history.
' There was from the first an element of inscrutable selective-
ness in God's dealings within the race of Abraham. Ishmael
was rejected, Isaac chosen : Esau was rejected and Jacob chosen,
antecedently to all moral conduct, thoug'h both were of the
same father and mother. Such selectiveness ought at least to
have prevented the Jews from resting their claims simply on
having "Abraham to their father'" (Gore, 'Argument of
Romans ix.-xi." in SUidia Bibtica, iii. 40 ; cf. A. B. Bruce, St.
Paul's Conception of Christianity, p. 312 fli.).
•The election within the election' here, St. Paul
argues, is the Christian Church — the Israel after
the Spirit ; and the reproach of the objector falls
to the ground (Ro d*'-^). Besides, the Apostle
further maintains, God, in His electing purpose, is
sovereign, as is seen in the difierence between the
two sons of Rebecca ; in the Divine word to jNIoses :
' I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy ' ;
and in the hardening of the heart of Pharaoh (Ro
gio-24)_ And after all, if the election were cancelled,
the blame would be Israel's own, because of un-
belief and disobedience, such as Moses denounced,
and Isaiah bewailed when he said: 'All the day
long did I spread out my hands unto a disobedient
and gainsaying people ' (Ro 10-^).
But, despite appearances, Israel was not cast off.
Their rejection was not final. There were believing
Israelites, like St. Paul himself, in all the churches ;
and he could say : 'At this present time also there
is a remnant according to the election of grace'
(Ro IP). Meanwhile the problem of Israel's un-
belief and of the passing over of spiritual privilege
to the Gentiles (Ro 11") is to be solved by the
Gentiles provoking Israel to jealousy — appreciat-
ing and embracing and profiting by the blessings
of the Christian salvation to such an extent that
Israel will be moved to desire and to possess those
blessings for their own. When Jews in numbers
come to seek as their own the righteousness and
goodness which they see thus manifested in the
lives of Christians, and are stirred up to envy and
emulation by the contemplation of them, the time
will be at hand when all Israel — Israel as a nation
— shall be saved. Of that issue St. Paul has no
doubt, for ' the gifts and calling of God are with-
out repentance ' (Ro 11-^).
To sum up St. Paul's teaching, election (1) is
the outcome of a gracious purpose of the heart of
God as it contemplates fallen humanity from all
eternity (Ro 8-^- ^ ; cf. Ro 5''-^'>) ; (2) is a display of
Divine grace calculated to redound to the glory
of God by setting forth His love and mercy toAvards
sinful men (Eph P"^^) ; (3) is not conditioned upon
any good foreseen in the elect, nor in any faith or
merit which they may exhibit in time (Ro 9""'^),
but is ' according to the good pleasure of his will '
(Eph P), 'according to his own purpose of grace'
(2 Ti P), of God's sovereign purpose and grace
(Ro 9'5 lp-7) ; (4) is carried out ' in Christ ' (Eph 1^
21") through the elect being brought into union
with Him by faith, that they may receive forgive-
ness of sins and every spiritual blessing in the
heavenly places (Eph 1^^) ; (5) issues in sanctifica-
tion by the Spirit and assurance of the truth (2 Th
2'^^-) and heavenly glory (Ro 8^) ; and (6) is proved
by acceptance of the gospel call and by the trust
and peace and joy of believing and obedient hearts
(1 Th 1^6).
5. St. Peter's doctrine. — If St. Peter's allusions
to the subject of election are few they fully support
the teaching of St. Paul. In his addresses at
Jerusalem after Pentecost, he speaks of ' the
determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God '
(Ac 2'--*) with reference to Jesus. It is fitting that
the Apostle of the Circumcision should speak of
Him as ' a living stone, rejected indeed of man,
but with God elect, precious' (1 P 2* ; cf. dTrooedeiy-
IjAvov, ' approved,' Ac 2^^), and even quote concern-
ing Him the prophetic Scripture : ' Behold I lay in
Zion a chief corner-stone, elect, precious ' (2^ ; cf.
Is 28^^). Of Christ he speaks, too, as ' foreknown '
(P**; Hort, adloc, 'designated afore') before the
foundation of the world.
St. Peter gives manifest prominence to the
doctrine of election when, in the opening words of
his First Epistle, he addresses the Jewish Christians
of Pontus and other Asiatic provinces as ' the elect
who are sojourners ' there (^/cXe/crois irapeTnS-rifjLOLs
Siaa-TTopds IlovTov, kt\.}. 'Elect' they are because
their lot is cast in favoured lands where the
messengers of the gospel have proclaimed the good
tidings — still more because they have obeyed and
believed the message, and have had experience of
the blood of sprinkling and of the sanctifj-ing
power of the Holy Spirit — yea, because they have
been ' designated afore,' not to service as Christ
was from the foundation of the world (P"), but to
blessing, even all the blessings of the Christian
salvation by God the Father Himself (l'-''^). Con-
ceived of as the Christian Israel, the Israel after
328
ELEMENTS
ELEIklENTS
the Spirit, these Jewish believers are, as St. Peter
elsewhere calls them, ' an elect race, a roj-al priest-
hood, a holy nation, a people for God's own
possession ' (2^, where election is seen to be not
simply to privilege, but to character and service,
to holy living and the setting forth of the Divine
glory). Although they are an ' elect race ' they are
also in the same context described as 'living
stones' (2'), and Hort is right when he says 'the
whole spirit of the Epistle excludes any swallowing
up of the individual relation to God in the corpo-
rate relation to Him ; and the individual relation
to God implies the individual election' {First
Epistle of St. Peter, I. l-II. 17, 1898, p. 14),
Few as are St. Peter's utterances regarding the
doctrine, they entirely support St. Paul, even when,
emphasizing the urgency of the matter as a part
of practical religion, he bids his readers give
diligence to make their ' calling and election sure '
(2 P 11").
6. St. John's doctrine. — It is from St. John that
we have the record of our Lord's most impressive
teaching on the subject of those M'hom the Father
had given Him (Jn 6=»^- ^^ 17'- ^*). In his Gospel he
uses iKKiyeffOai, always, hoAvever, as employed in
His discourses by the Lord Himself and witli a
definite reference to the TAvelve, or to the company
of the disciples. In his Second Epistle (vv.'- '^) he
has iKKeKTrf. Whether the word desci'ibes an indi-
vidual or a society it is not easy to say, but at
least it has the same theological signification as in
St. Paul and St. Peter. In the Apocalypse (17'**) e/c-
XeKTol is used in a very significant connexion, where
they that are with the Lamb in His warfare against
the poAvers of evil, and in His victory over them,
are 'called and chosen and faithful.' They are
' called ' (kXtjtoO in having heard and accepted the
gospel message ; ' chosen ' [iKKeKTol] as thus having
given evidence of their Divine election ; ' faithful'
(iriaToi) as having yielded the loyal devotion of
their lives to their DiA^ne Leader, and persevered
therein to the end. That ' the elect ' are the same
as 'the sealed' (Rev 7*) may be inferred from the
manner in which the 144,000 pass unscathed
through the conflicts and terrors let loose upon
them(14J).
From this passage apparently comes the thought
of the ' number ' of the elect as in the Book of Com-
7non Prayer (' Order for the Burial of the Dead ') :
'that it may please Thee to accomplish the number
of Thine elect.' The thought appears early in the
sub-Apostolic Church, for in Clement's Epistle to
the Corinthians he urges them to ' pray with
earnest supplication and intercession that the
Creator of all Avould preserve uniiarmed the con-
stituted number of His elect in all the Avorld
through His beloved Son, Jesus Christ, through
Avhom He called us from darkness to light,
from ignorance to knoAvledge of the glory of His
name' (lix. 2; cf. ii. 4, Iviii. 2; Apostol. Const, v.
15, viii. 22). No countenance is given in the Early
Church to the idea that 'the elect' may live as
they list and at last be saved. ' Let us cleave to
the innocent and the righteous,' says Clement of
Rome, ' for such are the elect of God ' (oj). cit. xlvi.
4). 'It is through faith,' says Hernias {Vis. III.
viii. 3), ' that the elect of God are saved.' ' In love
all the elect of God were made perfect,' says
Clement again (xlix. 5), ' for without love nothing
is Avellpleasing unto God.'
Literature.— C. Hodge, Systematic Theology, 1874, ii. 333 ff. ;
H. C. G. Moule, Outlines of Christian Doctrine, 18S9, p. 37ff. ;
C. Gore, in l^tudia Diblica, iii. [1801] 37 ff. ; Sanday-Headlam,
Uomans->(ICC, 1!)02), 248 £f. ; A. B. Bruce, St. Paul's Concep-
tion of Christianity, 1894, p. 310 ff. ; Commentaries on passages
noticed above, especially Lightfoot and Hort, ad locc.
Thomas Nicol.
ELEMENTS [aroixe'ia, elementa). — cxtolx^Zov is
properly a stake or peg in a roAV [aTolxoi) ; then,
one of a series, a component part, an element. The
special meanings of o-rotxeta are : {«) the letters
of the alphabet ; (6) the physical elements or con-
stituents of the universe ; (c) the heavenly bodies ;
[d) the rudiments ox principia of a subject ; (e) the
elementary spirits, angels, genii, or demons of the
cosmos. Each of these meanings, Avith the excep-
tion of the first, has been found by exegetes in one
or other of the NT passages in which cToix^la
occurs. In one case (He 5^") the interpretation (d)
is beyond dispute ; the others have given rise to
much discussion.
From Plato dowuAvards ffroixela frequently de-
notes the elements of Avhich the Avorld is composed.
Empedocles had already reckoned four ultimate
elements — fire, Avater, earth, and air — but called
them pi^db/j-ara (ed. Sturz, 1805, p. 255 fi".). Plato
preferred to speak of the flTTOtxeta roO iravrds (Tim.
48 B ; cf. Themt. 201 E). In the Orphic Hymns
(iv. 4) the air [ald-qp] is called k6<tij.ov crroixeLov
dpiarov. Aristotle distinguished o-roixeta from dpxal
(though the terms were often interchanged) as the
material cause from the formal or motive [Metaph.
IV. i. 1, iii. 1). The Stoic definition of a aToixelov
is ' that out of Avhich, as their first principle,
things generated are made, and into Avhich, as
their last remains, they are resolved ' (Diog. Laert.,
Zeno, 69). aToix^'ia. has this meaning in Wis 7^^:
' For himself gave me an unerring knowledge of the
things that are, to knoAV the constitution of the
Avorld, and the operation of the elements' {koX
ivipyeiav aroix^lwv ; cf. 19^*). In 2 Mac 7^'^ a mother
says to her seven martyr sons : ' It was not I that
brought into order the first elements {aroix^iuinv)
of each one of you.'
This is probably the meaning of the terra in 2 P
3^° : ' The day of the Lord shall come as a thief ;
in Avhich . . . the elements shall be dissolved Avith
fervent heat' (crrotxeia 5^ Kavcro6fieva XvOrjaerai [or
\v9ri(TovTai]) ; and v.^^: 'the elements shall melt
(TTjKerai) with fervent heat.' Here RVm gives
the alternative ' heavenly bodies,' Avhich is a mean-
ing the Avord came to have in early ecclesiastical
Avriters. The stars Avere called a-Toixela either aa
tlie elements of the heavens, or — a less likely ex-
planation — because in them the elements of man's
life and destiny were supposed to reside. Justin
speaks of ra ovpdvia ffroLxela (Apol. ii. 5). Theoph.
of Antioch has a-Toix^ia 0eov (ad Atitol. i. 4), and the
Avord bears the same meaning in Ep. ad Diog. vii.
2. In 2 P 3^" the situation of (XToixeia betAveen
oiipavol and yrj favours this interpretation ; the
universe seems to consist of the vault of heaven,
the heavenly bodies, and the earth. But as the
AATiter of the Epistle is not methodical, and as, in
painting a lurid picture of final destruction, he
evidently uses the strongest language at his com-
mand, it is probable that the aroix^ia whose burn-
ing he contemplates are the elements of the whole
universe.
The Gr. word frequently denoted the rudiments
or principia of a science, art, or discipline. The
a-Toixeia. of geometry, grammar, or logic are the
first principles ; aroixe'^a- t^s X^^ewy are the parts of
speech (Aris. Poet. xx. 1) ; ffroixela t^s dperrjs, the
elements of virtue (Plut. de Lib. Educ. xvi. 2).
The Avord unquestionably has this meaning in
He 5^-, 'the rudiments of the first principles (to,
(XTOLxela T??s dpxv^) of tbe oracles of God ' — the A B C
of Christian education, Avhat is milk for babes but
not solid food for men (v.^^).
The phrase in regard to Avhich there is most
division of opinion is rd ffroLX^M roD Kda/iov (Gal 4',
Col 28- 2»; rod Kda-fiov is clearly implied in Gal 4^).
(i.) Many take a-roixe'ia in the intellectual sense:
' the elementary things, the immature beginnings
of religion, Avhich occupy the minds of those who
are still without the pale of Christianity ' (Meyer
ELEMENTS
ELIJAH
329
on Gal 4') ; ' the elements of religious training, or
the ceremonial precepts common alike to the wor-
ship of Jews and of Gentiles' (Grimm-Thayer, s.v.).
To this view there are strong objections. Those
who are in bondage to the (rroixeia. of the world are
compared with heirs who are still under guardians
and stewards (Gal i^'^), where the parallel suggests
the personality of the crroix^Ta. To serve the
(jToixeta. is the same thing as serving them that by
natui'e are no gods (4^) — a statement by no means
evident if the (TToixela are the rudiments of religious
instruction. The relapse from God to the crrotxera
(4^) can scarcely be a return to a mere abstraction.
The observance of times and seasons is according to
the ffToixeta of the world, not according to Christ
(Col 2*) — a contrast which suggests that the (TToixeta-
and Christ are personal rivals. When men died
with Christ from the crrot%era of the world (v.^"),
this was more than a death to rudimentary teach-
ing. The aTOix^ia are apparently identical with the
principalities and powers of which Christ is Head
and over which He triumphs (vv.i'*"^^). Finally, a
man's knowledge of tlie (rro£x«a is not approved
as his beginning of religious education, but con-
demned as his 'philosophy and vain deceit' (v.*).
(ii.) Those interpreters come nearer the facts of
the case who suggest that the o-rotxeia to which the
Galatian and Colossian Christians were reverting
were the heavenly bodies conceived as animated
and therefore to be worshipped. Such worship
was certainly common enough among the Gentiles.
' They say that tlie stars are all and every one real
parts of Jove, and live, and have reasonable souls,
and therefore are absolute gods' (Aug. de Civ. Dei,
iv. 11). Nor was the belief in astral spirits confined
to pagans. In the Prcedicatio Petri (ap. Clem.
Alex. Strom, vi. 5) the Jews are represented as
Xarpevovres dyy^Xoti Kal dpxo-yye^ots, /x-qvl Kal (reXiji/p,
and this worsliip is classed with that of the heathen.
Clear evidence of this belief is found in Philo {de
Mundi Op. i. 34) and in the Book of Enoch (xli.
xliii.). The animated heavenly bodies, however,
would rather be described as to. ffroixeia tov ovpavoD,
and the crTotxe'^a. of the ' cosmos ' must include those
of earth as well as those of heaven.
(iii.) Many recent expositors therefore maintain
that the a-Toixf^O' are the angels or personal elemental
spirits which were supposed to animate all tilings.
There is evidence that tliis view was wide-spread.
The Book of Enoch (Ixxxii. 10 f.) speaks of the
angels of the stars keeping watch, the leaders
dividing the seasons, the taxiarchs the months, and
the chiliarchs the days. Stars are punislied if they
fail to appear when due (xviii. 15). The Book of
Jubilees (ch. ii.) refers to the creation of the angels
of the face (or presence), and the angels who cry
' holy,' the angels of the spirit of wind and of hail,
of thunder and of lightning, of heat and of cold, of
each of the seasons, of dawn and of evening, etc.
The same species of animism is found in the As-
cension of Isaiah (iv. 18), 2 Es 8-^^*, Sibyll. Orac.
(vii. 33-35). In the Testament of Solomon (Migne,
Patr. Gr. cxxii. 1315) the spirits who come before
the king say : ' We are the aroLxeta, the rulers of
this under world ' (ol Kocr/xoKpaTope? rod ctkotovs toijtov).
The belief survives in modern Greek folk-lore, in
which the tutelary spirit who is supposed to reside
in every rock, stream, bridge, and so forth, is called
a cTToixe^ov.
Not a few passages in the NT indicate the pre-
valence of this conception. Tlie four winds have
their four angels (Kev 7^* ^), and the fire has its
angel (14'^). Each of the Seven Churches has its
angel (2. 3). Angels take the form of winds and fire
(He 1' II Ps 104^). _ The inferiority of the law to the
gospel is due to its administration by angels (Gal
3^^). The belief in a world of intermediate spirits
is the basal thought of Gnosticism, wliich St. Paul
encounters in its incipient forms. • Jewish wor-
ship of law and pagan worship of gods are for him
fundamentally the same bondage under the loAver
world-powers which stand between God and men.'
Grant that this language is paradoxical, ' it is
still extremely significant that Paul dares to speak
in this way of the law ' (Bousset in Die Schriften
des NT, ii. 62).
Even in 2 P 3'°- ^ it is possible that the ffToixela
which are to be • dissolved,' or * melted,' are ele-
mental spirits. ' This may or may not seem strange
to us, but \ve must ever learn anew that bygone
times had a different conception of the world ' (Holl-
mann in Die Schriften des NT, ii. 594). Schoettgen
quotes the Rabbinical words: 'No choir of angels
sings God's praises twice, for each day God creates
new hosts which sing His praises and then vanish
into the stream of tire from under the throne of His
glory whence they came.' A closer parallel is found
in Test, of the XII. Patr., 'Levi,' 4, where it is said
that on the Judgment Day all creation will be
troubled and the invisible spirits melt away (/cai tuv
dopdruv 7rv€V/ji.dT(i)v TrjKO/xivuv}.
LiTERATTTRE. — Hermann Diels, Elementum : Eine Vorarbeit
zitm griechischen vnd late.iniitchfn Thesaurus, 1S99 ; E. Y.
Hinks, 'The Meaning of the Phrase rd crroix^la. tov Koaiiov'
in JBfj, vol. XV. [ibiJti], p. 183ff. ; artt. bj' G. A. Deissmann in
EBi ; by M. S. Terry in SBB ; by J. Massie in UI)B.
James Strahan,
ELIJAH ('HX/as). — One incident in the life of
Elijah is recalled by St. Paul (Ro IP"*) and another
by St. James (5™-)-
(1) Much is to be learned from a great man's
mistakes ; the memory of his lapses may save
others from falling. In a mood of despair Elijah
imagined that the worst had happened to Israel,
and that the worst was likely to overtake himself.
The prophets were slain, the altars were digged
down, he was left alone, and his enemies were
seeking his life. Ahab and Jezebel and the false
prophets had triumphed ; it was all over with the
cauise of righteousness and truth for which he
had laboured. Seeing that all Israel had proved
unfaithful to God, there was nothing for the lonely,
outlawed prophet to live for, and he requested that
he might die. But the answer — 6 xP'?MttT"i£r/a6s, the
Divine oracle — proved him to be the victim of a
morbid fancy, and brought him back to facts.
Among the faithless many others were as faithful
as he. God had reserved for Himself seven thou-
sand men who had not bowed the knee to Baal.
All Israel had not forsaken Him, and — what was
still more important — He had in no wise forsaken
Israel. There is but one thing that could ever
conceivably justify pessimism — the failure of
Divine power or love ; and the fear of that calamity
is but a human weakness. Now St. Paul could
not help seeing the close analogy between the
conditions of Elijah's critical time and those of his
own. Lsrael as a whole seemed once more to have
forsaken God, in rejecting the Messiah. In certain
moods St. Paul might be tempted to compare
himself — lonely, hated, hunted— to the sad prophet.
But did the ' great refusal ' of the majority prove
either that all Israel Avas unfaithful or that God
had cast oft' His people? No, for (a) now as in
Elijah's time there were splendid exceptions, form-
ing a remnant (Ae7/x/xa = iNp^^) which was the true
Israel ; and (b) God's immutable faithfulness made
the idea of a rejection incredible and almost un-
thinkable.
(2) St. James (5^"') takes an illustration from
the story of Elijah, and in doing so reminds his
readers that, though so great in life and so remote
from ordinary humanity in the manner of his
exodus from the world, the prophet was yet a man
of like passions (or 'nature,' RVm) with us —
&v6po}iros 6/jLoioira6^s ijfjup — so that his experiences
330
ELYMAS
ElMPEEOK-WORSHIP
may serve as a help to weak, ordinary mortals.
The success of his prayer for a time of drought,
and again for rain in a time of famine, is cited as an
evidence of the fact that ' the prayer of a righteous
man availeth much in its working.' It has to be
noted, however, that the OT narrative (1 K 17)
contains no reference whatever to the former
petition, while the latter is scarcely deducible from
1 K IS'*^, where it is only stated that the prophet
bowed himself down upon the earth and put his
face between his knees. Sirach (48^- ^), however,
affirms that he 'brought a famine,' and ' by the
word of the Lord he shut up the heaven.' In
4 Ezra (vii. 109) Elijah is cited as an example of
intercession joro his qtiipluviam arceperunt.
James Strahan.
ELYMAS.— See Bar-Jesus.
EMERALD (a-fidpaydos). — The emeraldis a mineral
of the same species as the beryl. It owes its value
as a gem to its extremely beautiful velvetj'^ green
colour, which is ascribed to the chromium it con-
tains. The primary form of its crystal is a hexa-
gonal prism variously modified. It is electric by
friction, and frequently transparent, but sometimes
only translucent. Flinders Petrie (HDB iv. 620)
suggests that the a-/ji.dpay5o? with which the rainbow
(Ipis) round about the throne is compared (Rev 4')
was rock-crystal, as only a colourless stone could
throw prismatic colours. But the nimbus or halo
may have been emerald in colour and only like a
rainbow in form. The fourth foundation of the
wall of the New Jerusalem is emerald (Rev 21'**).
James Strahan.
EMPEROR.— See Augustus.
EMPEROR-WORSHIP. — One of the most in-
teresting and important facts in the inner history
of the Roman Empire prior to the adoption of
Christianity as the State-religion was the rise of
Emperor-worship. Only in recent years have the
facts regarding it been adequately investigated,
and their importance for the early history of Chris-
tianity recognized and appreciated.
1. Origin and development. — Emperor-worship,
like many other strange phenomena, was first of
all a product of the contact and fusion of Oriental-
ism and Hellenism, which for all practical purposes
may be dated from the conquests of Alexander the
Great. In each of these modes of thought it had a
root ; and, before the advent of Roman power, the
reigning monarch had been regarded as divine in
those regions where Greek and Oriental thought
had blended. In Oriental societies generally — e.g.
Egypt, Babylon, Persia, China — it was the custom
from early times to speak of the ruler as ' son of
God,' and in other ways to pay him divine honour
— a custom which may easily be derived from the
general tendency there to cringing adulation and
extravagant flattery on the part of the subject (in
Ac 12^^ we have a good example), and from a natural
desire on the part of the monarch to confirm so
\iseful a sanction of his authority. In the Hellenic
Avorld an approach to this is found in the custom
of raising to divine rank after death those who in
their lifetime had been pre-eminent for bravery or
other qualities of great service to the community.
To such men sacred rites and festivals were decreed,
and in one formula used in inscriptions they are
spoken of as ' gods and heroes ' (E. Kolide, Psyche'^,
Tiibingen, 1903, ii. 353). As noted above, in the
kingdoms formed out of the Empire of Alexander
in which Orientalism was hellenized, the deification
of the monarch was definitely carried out. An in-
scription of Halicarnassus, c. 306 B.C., describes
Ptolemy I. as Swttj/) Kai Ge^j, ' Saviour and God '
(Dittenberger, Orient. Gr. Inscr. Selectm, 1903-05,
xvi. 2, 3). Tlie Syrian kings named Antiochus are
termed 0e(5s (God), the infapious Antiochus IV. being
designated on his OAvn coins as Geos'ETrt^ai'Tjs (' the
God who has appeared among men ').
It was in hellenized Asia that the deification of
the Roman power began. In 195 B.C. Smyrna in-
stituted the worship of the power of Rome, and
from 95 B.C. ouAvards we find in Asia the worship
of various beneficent Roman officials, e.g. Scsevola,
Q. Cicero (cf. Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches,
p. 117). Julius Cpesar was honoured in his lifetime
in an Ephesian inscription as ' the God descended
from Mars and Venus, who has appeared in human
form, and the universal Saviour of the life of men '
(Dittenberger, Sylloge Gr. Inscript.^, Leipzig, 1898,
347, 1. 6 [vol. i. p. 552]). Upon his successor, the
great Augustus, the East showered divine honours
in pi'of usion. A temple was dedicated at Pergamum
to Rome and Augustus with a gild of choristers
'for the God Augustus and the Goddess Rome.'
A similar temple rose at Ancyra in Galatia, and
the recognition of the deity of Caesar became wide-
spread in the Orient.
It is to be noted that it was no mere flattery
that was expressed in this deification. It was a
sincere sentiment of gratitude that led the East
to confer on CiBsar the highest honour conceivable.
The pax Bomana which he gave them and preserved
for them was an inestimable boon. He did for
them what their gods seemed unable to do : he put
an end to their constant dread and frequent experi-
ence of warfare, tyranny, injustice. He gave them
security of life and goods, kept safe the highways,
fostered their commerce, and developed their re-
sources. And all those benefits were safeguarded
to them by a might which seemed invincible and
irresistible. Viewed through a medium of Eastern
poetic emotion, Caesar easily appeared invested
with essential qualities of godhead — limitless power
wielded for the good of the subject. Many inscrip-
tions might be quoted which show that the Eastern
pagan world found its Messiah in Caesar, the
language in some cases bearing a resemblance to
Jewish Messianic psalms and prophecies. The
following will serve as illustration. It is an in-
scription of date 9-4 B.C. (Ramsay) in honour of the
birthday of Augustus, and is a decree of the com-
mune of Asia, instituting the Augustan era, and
ordered to be put up in all the leading cities
(Ramsay, op. cit. 436). We give only an extract :
'This day has given the earth an entirely new aspect. . . .
Rightl}' does he judge who recognises in this birthday the
beginning of lite and of all the powers of life, now is the time
ended when men pitied themselves for being- born. . . . All-
ruling Providence has filled this man with such gifts for the
salvation of the world as designate him the Saviour for us and
for the coming generations, of wars will he make an end, and
establish all things worthily. By his appearing are the hopes
of our forefathers fulfilled. . . . The birthday of God has
brought to the world glad tidings. . . . From his birthday a
new era begins.'
(For whole inscription see Mitteilungen Inst. Athen,
xxiv. [1889] 275 If.)
Nor was it only in the Orient that Caesar ap-
peared a being worthy of divine honour. The
establishment of his power meant the restoration
of tranquillity and security to Italy after a reign of
terror. The last two centuries of the Republic
were marked by a constant succession of revolu-
tions, each of which drenched Rome with Roman
blood, and none of Avhich coxild produce a just or
stable government. The patience with which the
tyrannies and cruelties of the bad Emperors were
endured is eloquent testimony to the lasting im-
pression of horror which the nightmare of the
expiring Republic had produced. And tiie early
years of the Empire seemed full of promise. A
new era seemed begun in Italy no less tlian in the
East. Vergil wrote his well-known ' Messianic '
fourth Eclogue predicting the birtli of a son who
should ' put an end to the age of iron, and cause
E^iPEROR-WOESHIP
EMPEROR- WORSHIP
331
the- age of gold to arise for the whole world,' the
reference being, according to the most probable
view, to a son of Augustus whose birth was ex-
pected A.D. 40. The Senate decreed that the birth-
place of Augustus was a holy place (Suet. Ccesar
Octav. Aug. o). Stories of portents and miracles
at his birth grew with the years. The new name
Augustus borne by Octavian and his successors
connoted from the first something of superhuman
dignity. Thus Rome was prepared for the deifica-
tion of the reigning Ca?sar ; in fact, it was reluctance
on the part of Augustus to accept it tliat somewhat
retarded the process. He limited the worship of
Romans to the dead Julius Caesar who had received
apotheosis in 42 B.C. under the title Divus. As
early as a.d. 14, however, Augustus accepted dei-
fication from Beneventum.
Thus we see that deification was an honour
spontaneously offered to Caesar by grateful, enthusi-
astic, and devoted subjects. What was the attitude
of the Roman Government towards it ? Not too
much weight is to be laid on the rehictance with
which Augustus accepted the dignity. Reluctance
in accepting offices and honours offered was his
settled policy. On the other hand, it may be that
the practical mind of a Roman did honestly feel
that there was something embarrassing, ludicrous,
or even impious in his own deification. But the
same practical mind, with its genius for govern-
ment, soon perceived that in Ca'sar-worship the
Empire would secure what it lacked — a bond of
unity and a powerful safeguard of loyalty. In the
East especially this was eminently desirable and
conspicuously lacking. We must simply refer the
reader to Ramsay's demonstration {op. cit. pp.
115, 127) of the place filled by Caesar-worship as
the great bond of Empire in that region. It was
because of this special need of the Eastern pro-
vinces that Augustus accepted deification from
them, while ostensibly refusing it from Italy. But
the principle once adopted as part of Roman state-
craft could not be limited spatially as matter of
practice, still less as matter of theory. Caesar
could not be a god in one province if he were mere
man in another. Hence Caesar-worship rapidly
became organized and highly developed as the
State-religion of the Empire ; the Caesars so far
conquered their reluctance to pose as gods that
Domitian proudly designated himself as Dominies
et Deus, 'Lord and God' (Suet., Domitian, 13).
Caesar- worship was enforced by the whole might
of the State ; refusal to worship the Emperor
was high treason. The Jews alone were exempt.
For details as to the organization of the new re-
ligion, its priesthood, the pomp of its ritual, etc., we
must refer the reader to Mommsen, The Provinces
of the Roman Empire ; and Lightfoot, Apostol.
Fathers, pt. ii. : ' Ignatius and Polycarp.'
2. Caesarism and paganism. — It is necessary to
make a few remarks on the relation of the new
religion to the old paganism, because in sermons
and other popular treatments of the subject the
facts are often mis-stated. In no sense was the
worship of Caesar either enforced or adopted as a
substitute for other religions. It did not displace
or quarrel with any of them. The old gods did
not leave the stage to make room for Caesar.
Contrary to what is often asserted, the old religions
were very far from having lost their power. The
satirical strictures of Juvenal and Martial on
Roman city-society are no proof that the old
Roman religion was powerless. The fact that
several of the Emperors acted munificently towards
the temples of the old gods shows two things — that
the old religion was still in force and far from
negligible, and that the new religion was not at all
a rival to it (cf. S. Dill, Roman Society from Nero
to Marcus Aurelius, London, 1904, bk. iv. ch. 3).
Indeed, the very Augustus who was the first, and
remained the ideal. Emperor-god, was also the
restorer to the ancient Roman religion of the
dignity it had lost in the troublous times of the
dying Republic.
But a further stage was reached, and first of all
in Asia, at which the new religion became con-
scious that it could maintain itself only by closely
allying itself with other religions, by associating
Caesar with the local divinities. How Caesarism
came to need this buttress is intelligible enough.
It was only one or two generations that could have
adequate experience of the vast benefit that Caesar's
rule brought with it. The previous state of social
misery became more and more a dim memory as
time passed, and the fervour with which Caesar
was greeted as divine could not and did not last.
Hence, while during the 1st cent, the State-religion
Avas simply the worship of Rome and Caesar, in the
2nd cent, a modification was necessary ; and, as
indicated, this consisted in associating Caesar Avith
a local god who could call forth a genuine religious
feeling. On coins we find Rome and Augustus
associated with Diana, Persephone, etc. (see
Ramsay, op. cit., p. 123 f.). Thus it is entirely
erroneous to say that the new religion owed any
of its strength to the decay of the old paganism ;
it Avas only in close alliance with the old that
Caesarism as a religion could continue in exist-
ence.
3. Caesarism and Christianity. — It will be con-
venient to treat of this under three heads : (a) the
antagonism ; {b) the resemblances ; (c) Caesarism
in the NT.
(a) The antagonism,. — This is the most obvious
and familiar point in the relation of Caesarism to
Christianity. It is knoAvn to all that Rome per-
secuted Christianity. What needs to be noted is
that persecution Avas not a spasmodic thing due to
the Avhini and caprice of specially ' bad' Emperors,
as has sometimes been represented. Persecution
of Christianity Avas the deliberate and settled
policy, not of this or that tyrant, but of the Roman
State. From the time that Christianity attained
any great dimensions to the day of Constantine's
Edict of Toleration, there existed betAveen it and
the Roman power a relation of antagonism ; and
a condition of persecution resulted for the Church.
The persecution might be wide-spread or local, feAv
or many Christians might be involved : that de-
pended entirely on the diligence and zeal of Roman
officials. From Avhat has been said above, the
reason for this state of matters is quite plain.
Rome had no option but to persecute. Cajsar-
Avorship Avas the bond of Empire, the test of loyalty,
and Christians refused to Avorship Caesar. They
Avere, therefore, a danger to the State. Other
charges Avere preferred against them, but this
came to be the one capital charge — treason to the
State manifest in refusing to Avorship Caesar. The
story of persecution, of course, is a varied one ; we
cannot trace its development here. But Ave have
indicated its rationale — the principle Avhich from
the first underlay it, and gradually became explicit.
With Christianity as one religion among others
Rome Avould not have concerned herself. Because
Christianity threatened Avhat had been adopted as
a political safeguard of the first importance for the
coherence of the Empire, Rome, Avithout a reversal
of her adopted policy, could do nothing else than
attempt to extirpate this dangerous sect.
'The Christian who refused this sacrifice (to the image of
Caesar) tell automatically under the charge of majestas, i.e. of
mortal insult or treason to the Emperor, who represented in
his own person the majesty, wisdom, and beneficent power of
Rome' (Workman, Persecution in the Early Church, p. 101).
Thus the fact that the great and good Marcus
Aurelius was a persecutor of Christians does not
332
EMPEROR- WOESHIP
ENLIGHTENMENT
require the Laboured explaining a^vay it has often
received, e.g. from Farrar in Seekers after God,
1891, p. 257 ff. The fact may be fully accepted
and easily explained. Just because of his good-
ness as a ruler, he was a persecutor. His first
duty was to suppress anarchy, and in the view of
the Roman Government Christians were anarchists.
We do not need to expound here the inner, in-
herent antagonism of the two religions. It was
that of the material and the spiritual, the seen
and the unseen, the temporal and the eternal, the
glorification of success and the exaltation of ser-
vice even when it meant renunciation, loss, and
self-sacrifice ; the one boasted of a throne, the
other of a Cross.
(b) Resemblances. — The opposition of Christian-
ity and CfEsarism becomes more marked when we
consider their resemblances, (a) Both were uni-
versal religions ; we do not need to dwell on that.
(/S) Each proclaimed and honoured a ' Messiah.'
As noted above, Caesar's praise was celebrated in
phrases closely parallel to the praises of Messiah
in Isaiah or the Psalms. The prosperity and peace
of Messiah's reign as pictured in Isaiah have been
regarded by many as the basis of Vergil's Eclogue,
though there is no probability in the view. Simi-
lar ' Messianic ' passages are by no means rare in
the Latin literature of the period. Throughout
the world, indeed, there was an expectancy of
some great deliverer. The Church proclaimed
Jesus, the pagan world acclaimed Cfesar. (7) All
the great designations by which Christians ex-
pressed the dignity of Christ had already been
used of Caesar. This is the most striking, as it is
the least familiar, thing to be noted. ' Lord,'
'our Lord,' 'Saviour,' 'Son of God,' 'Image of
God,' ' God manifest ' — precisely the greatest names
applied to Christ in the NT — were all familiar,
throughout the East at least, as usual terms in
which to speak of the Emperor (for details see H.
A. A. Kennedy, in Expositor, 7th ser., vii. [1909]
289 fF.). While some of the terms, e.g. 'Son of
God,' certainly had a root quite independent of
Csesarism, and all as applied to Christ and Chris-
tians had a diflerent content from the same terms
applied to Caesar by pagans, the parallelism is too
complete to be pure coincidence. To seize as emi-
nently suitable for their own purpose the whole
vocabulary of Caesar-adoration was a bold and
brilliant stroke of policy on the part of the preachers
of Christianity. The humble missionaries, speaking
of Jesus as the Emperor was spoken of, must have
made a startling and very profound impression.
On the one hand, keen hostility would be aroused,
but on the other, in many cases an eager curiosity
and interest would be awakened. Any religiously-
minded pagan must have felt the difficulty of the
real godhead of Caesar. Caesarism after all could
not satisfy any religious instinct. To any deep
reflexion it must appear in reality the negation of
religion.
' It was only a sham religion, a matter of outward show and
magnificent ceremonial. It was almost devoid of power over
the heart and will of man, when the first strong sense of relief
from misery had grown weals, because it was utterly unable
to satisfy the religious needs and cravings of human nature'
(liamsay, op. cit., p. 123).
The proclamation of a spiritual Kingdom with a
King to whom all the highest titles borne by
Caesar really applied cannot but have made a
strong appeal to the interest of many of the more
serious in pagan cities (cf. Kennedy, loc. cit.).
From another point of view this strange parallel-
ism may be regarded as one among many aspects
of a providential preparation of the pagan world
for Christianity. Men were familiar with its
greatest conceptions before it appeared ; their con-
ceptions required only to be spiritualized.
(c) NT references. — Outside the Apocalypse there
is only one clear reference to Caesarism, and it is
slight, viz. the mention in Ac 19^1 of the ' Asiarchs '
who were friends of St. Paul. The provinces were
united in communes for Caesar-worship, and the
president or high priest of the commune of Asia
was termed ' Asiarch.' So in Galatia there was the
' Galatarch,' in Bithynia the ' Bithyniarch,' etc.
The Asiarch held office for a limited period, but re-
tained the honorary title, hence there might be
several Asiarchs in Ephesus (see EGTin loc). Cf.
art. Asiarch.
It is scarcely too much to say that in Caesarism
we have a key to the Apocalypse. With that key
many obscurities disappear, and the value of joart
of the book as a sober historical document becomes
plain. Knowledge of the history of Caesarism makes
it clear why Pergamum is described as ' Satan's
seat' (Rev 2^^). At Pergamum, the administrative
capital of the province, the first temple to Augustus
was built. For 40 years it was the sole centre of
Caesarism for the province ; and, after other temples
were established, it retained its primacy. ' Satan '
is a symbolic expression for whatever was the great
obstacle and hostile influence to Christianity ;
hence Pergamum was Satan's seat par excellence
(see Ramsay, op. cit., p. 294). We cannot here deal
with the whole subject of Caesarism in the Apoca-
lypse. We must be content to refer briefly to ch.
13, which Caesarism explains, and which makes a
contribution to our knowledge of Caesarism. The
'first Beast' is the Imperial power, the 'second
Beast ' is the government of the Province of Asia,
with its ' two horns,' proconsul and commune.
The chapter proceeds to record how the commune
maintained the Imperial religion, the worship of
' the first Beast.' ' It maketh all to worship,' and
orders images of Caesar to be made (vv.^- ^*).
Verses 13-15 add to our knowledge the fact that
pseudo-miracles were practised by the priests of
Caesarism. The miracles in question were the
familiar accomplishments of the priests of many
faiths — fire-producing and ventriloquism ; and, as
Ramsay shows [op. cit., p. 99 ft".), there is no reason
to doubt the accuracy of the account here given,
though it is our sole authority on the point. Verses
16-17 indicate a policy of ' boycott' against Chris-
tians. This might quite possibly be not ordered
by the proconsul, but recommended by the com-
mune. Other points in this interesting chapter
deserve notice ; every phrase is significant ; but the
reader must be referred to Ramsay's exposition
[op. cit. ch. ix.).
Literature. — The general reader will find the following sufH-
cient : W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire,
London, 1893, The Letters to the Seven Chiirches 0/ Asia, do.
1904; H. A. A. Kennedy, art. 'Apostolic Preaching and Em-
peror Worship' in Expositor, 7th ser., vii. 2S9ff. ; T. R. Glover,
The Conflict of Religions in the Early Romayi Empire, London,
1909 ; J. Iverach, art. ' CsBsarism ' in ERE in. [1910J 50 ff.
For further study may be mentioned : T. Mommsen, The
Provinces of the Rom. Empire:^, Eng. tr., London, 1909 ; J. B.
Lightfoot, .4 posioZic Fathers'-^, pt. ii.: 'S. Ignatius and S. Poly-
carp,' do. 1889; B. F. Westcott, 'The two Empires: the
Church and the World,' in Epistles of St. John, do. 1883, p.
237 ff. ; C.J. i:ievima.nn, DerrbmischeStaatund die allgeineine
Kirche, Leipzig, 1S90; C. Bigg, The Church's Task under the
Roman Empire, Oxford, 1905 ; E. G. Ha.rdy, Studies in Roman
History, London, 1905 ; H. B. Workman, Persecution in the
Early Church, do. 1906. W. D. NiVEN.
ENLIGHTENMENT {<pu,Ti(rfi6s).—'En\ightenment
is the intellectual and moral eliect produced in the
spiritual experience of believers by the reception
of the Christian revelation. Objectively, it is
called 'the light {(puTi(r/j.6s, RVm 'illumination')
of the knowledge of the glory of God in the face
of Jesus Christ' (2 Co 4«). The gospel is God
calling us 'out of darkness into his marvellous
light '(IP 2"). In the Fourth Gospel Christ claims
to be ' tiie light of the world,' t6 (jtws rod k6(t/xov
( Jn 8^2 9^). Even before His Incarnation, as the
ENLIGHTENMENT
ENMITY
333
Divine Logos, He is said to have been the inform-
ing princij^le of both life and truth within humanity,
* the true light which lighteth (^wrZfei) every man '
(Jn P). Subjectively, specific Christian enlighten-
ment arises in the consciousness of those who
actually embrace the truth revealed in the person,
teaching, and work of the historic Christ. It is no
mere intellectual illumination whereby abstract or
doctrinal truth is understood. St. Paul regards it
as a gift of spiritual insight into the Divine nature
and redemptive purposes. It is God's bestowal of
' a spirit of wisdom and revelation in the knowledge
of him ' ; it is ' having the eyes of your heart en-
lightened {TrecpcoTicr/jLevovs) that ye may know' (Eph
I"'-). This spiritual insight manifests itself in
action. It has ethical as well as intellectual results.
' The fruit of the light (6 Kapwbs toO (purbs) is in all
goodness, and righteousness, and truth ; ' hence
the enlightened 'walk as children of light' (Eph
5*'*). St. Paul calls his early converts 'sons of
light,' viol (puTos, and concludes, ' Let us, since we
are of the day, be sober' (1 Th 5'" ^).
Two passages in Hebrews (6'"° 10^^), which pre-
suppose thisenlightenment, call for special attention
because thej' have been thought to contain refer-
ence to baptism on the one hand, and to the pagan
Mysteries on the other. That there is some
allusion to baptism in 6^ is quite probable, for the
two expressions, 'once enlightened,' and 'made
partakers of the Holy Ghost,' correspond respec-
tively to the preceding expressions in v.^, ' teaching
of baptisms ' and ' laying on of hands.' As in-
struction in Christian truth formed part of the
preparation of catechumens for baptism, the rite
itself attested the enlightenment resulting there-
from. It is a well-known fact that the terms
' baptism ' and ' enlightenment ' soon after apostolic
times became synonymous. Sjn-iac versions of the
NT render the word ' enlightened ' in both 6^ and
10*2 \yj 'baptized.' As early as Justin Martyr
(150) 'enlightenment' had become a recognized term
for baptism. In his Apology (i. 61), after speaking
of b<aptism as a 'new birth' [a.va'yivvT)(ns), Justin
says : ' And this wasliing is called enlightenment
[KokeLTai 5i TovTo rh Xovrpbv (piortafids) because those
who learn these things [i.e. the Christian teaching]
have their understanding enlightened.' He also,
in the same passage, calls the recently baptized
' the newly enlightened.' Later patristic writers,
understanding ' enlightened ' in He 6* to mean
' baptized,' inferred from the expression, ' those
who were once {dira^, 'once for all') enlightened
. . . it is impossible to renew,' that it was inad-
missible to rebaptize, while the Montanists and
Novatians went so far as to deny the possibility of
absolution for those who sinned after baptism,
holding that baptism in the blood of martyrdom
alone would avail in the case of flagrant sin.
In reference to the Mysteries, it may be said to
be probable that the term 'enlightened,' occurring
in these two passages, is one of the many NT
words which reproduce the phraseology made
current by these pagan cults. In He 6^""* 'en-
lightened ' occurs among quite a number of other
terms or ideas which were current in connexion with
the Mysteries. For instance, 'perfection' (reXet-
6Tr]s), or 'full growth' (RVm), was the technical
term for the state of the fully initiated {ol riXeioi)
into one or other of these cults. The mention of
'baptisms 'in this connexion reminds us that the
Mysteries also had lustrations among their initia-
tory rites. The twice-mentioned 'tasting' sug-
gests the symbolic tasting and eating in the pagan
ceremonies. The expressions ' made partakers of
the Holy Ghost ' and tasting ' the powers of the
age to come' recall the fact that the ideas of a
possible participation in the Divine nature and a
future life were central in the symbolism of all the
Mysteries, however crudely or even repulsively set
forth. A. S. Carman draws attention {Bibliotheca
Sacra, vol. 1. [1893]) to the use made by the
NT of terminology drawn from the Mysteries.
G. Anrich contends (Das antike Blysteriemveseriy
1893) that no direct dependence of Christianity
upon the Mysteries could be established. A
more complete knoAvledge of the nature and
diffusion of mystery-cults in apostolic times,
together with the recognition of additional terms
in the NT vocabulary drawn from them, makes it
easier to accept the recent opinion of Clemen
(Primitive Christianity and its non- Jewish Sources,
1912, p. 345) concerning He Q* that ' the expression
(pwTil'eLv, which also occurs in 10^^ and then in Eph
ji8 39^ 2 Ti P", is borrowed from the language of
the Mysteries : and this is the more probable
seeing that in the Mysteries there was also a
sacred meal, and in He 6^ "tasting" and "en-
lightened" are associated.'
In relation to the dependence which the NT
shows in this subject, as in others, upon both the
phraseology and religious ideas of earlier and
lower cults, it must be borne in mind that a richer
and fuller content has been poured by Christianity
into those pagan forms of expression, and that
here, as in the case of the Jewish Law, Christ
came ' not to destroy, but to fulfil.'
LiTBRATtiRK. — On the relation of enlightenment to baptism in
He 6-» 1032 see Coniui. of B. F. Westcott, F. W. Farrar,
A. B. Davidson, A. S. Peake, E. C. Wickham, and art.
'Baptism (Early Christian)' by Kirsopp Lake in ERE. On
the connexion between Christianity and the Mysteries generally
see, in addition to works mentioned above, S. Cheatham, The
Mysteries, Pagan and Christian, 1S97 ; R. Reitzenstein, Die
hellenistischen Mysterienreliijionen, 1910 ; P. Gardner, The
Religious Experience of Saint Paul, 1911, ch. iv. on 'The
Pauline Mystery'; H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul and the
Mystery -Religions, 1913 ; artt. by W. M. Ramsay on
'Mysteries' in jBiJr9 and 'Religion of Greece and Asia Minor'
in HDB, vol. v. p. 109 ; artt. on ' Mysterv ' by A. Stewart in
HDB, by G. A. Jiilicher in EBi, and by B. W. Bacon in
DCG. See also A. Loisy's art. 'The Christian Mystery' in
HJ, Oct. 1911. M. Scott Fletcher.
ENMITY i^x^pa). — Human life is disquieted and
embittered by enmities, active and passive. (1)
Men are enemies of God in their mind (ry Siavolq.)
by their wicked works (Col 1^'). This is not to be
taken in a passive sense, which would imply that
they are hateful to God (invisos Deo, says Meyer,
ad loc). Their enmity is active. The carnal
mind {(ppSvyj/xa), caring only for the gratihcation of
the senses, is hostility to {els) God (Ro 8''). The
friendship (<pi\la, which implies 'loving' as well as
' being loved ') of the world, which loves its own
(Jn 15^^), is enmity with God (Ja 4^ Vulg. inimica
est dei). Some who profess Christianity are sadly
called enemies of the Cross (Ph 3^*) ; and a man
may so habitually pursue low ends as to become
an enemy of all righteousness (Ac 13^"). It is the
work of Christ to subdue this active inward enmity
to God and goodness, and thus to undo the work
of the Enemy who has sown the seeds of evil in the
human heart (Mt 13^^). While sinners are recon-
ciled to God, it is nowhere said in the NT that
God, as if He were hostile, needs to be reconciled
to sinners. It is the mind of man, not the mind
of God, which must undergo a change, that a re-
union may be effected' (J. B. Lightfoot, Col.^, 1879,
p. 159).
(2) The enmity of Jew and Gentile was notorious.
After smouldering for centuries, it finally burst
into the flames of the Bellum Jvdaicum. The con-
tempt of Greek for barbarian was equally pro-
nounced. Christ came to end these and all similar
racial antipathies. By His Cross He ' abolished '
and ' slew ' the enmity (Eph 2^^- ^% creating a new
manhood which is neither Jewish, Greek, nor
Roman, but comprehensive, cosmopolitan, catholic,
fulfilling the highest classical ideal of human
334
ENOCH
ENOCH, BOOK OF
fellowship — ' humani nihil a me alienum puto '
(Terence, Heaut. I. i. 25) — all because it is Christian.
(3) The Christian, however, cannot help having
enemies. Just because he is not of the world, the
world hates him (Jn 15'®^- )• But the spirit of
Christ that is in him constrains him to feed his
enemy when hungry, give him drink when thirsty
(Ro 1220), and so endeavour to change him into a
friend.
(4) Every preaclier, because he is bound to be a
moralist and reformer, runs a special risk of being
mistaken for an enemy. Truth, though spoken in
love, may arouse hatred : Cbtrre ix^pbs vfiQv yiyova
d\r}9e^wv v/xTv ; (Gal 4'*). Yet a moment's thought
would make it clear that the aim is not to hurt
but to heal, and the surgeon who skilfully uses the
knife is ever counted a benefactor.
(5) The courageous faith of the early Church
assumed that Christ would put all His enemies
under His feet (1 Co IS^^; of. He V^ W^), i.e. that
every form of evil, moral and physical alike, would
finally be subdued. 'The last enemy that shall
be destroyed is death ' (1 Co 15"^).
(6) A single passage seems, 'prima facie, to imply
that men may sometimes be enemies of God sensii
passivo. To tlie Romans St. Paul says of the
Jews, ' They are enemies for your sake' (Ro IP^).
They are treated as enemies in order that salvation
may come to the Gentiles. But the enmity is far
from being absolute ; they are all the time ' beloved '
(ayainjTol dia roiis Traripas, 11"^).
James Strahan.
ENOCH CEj'wx)-— Enoch (along with Elijah) was
regarded as having a unique destiny among the saints
of the OT, in that when his earthly life was ended he
was taken directly to heaven. Gn 5^ is referred to
(1) by the writer of Hebrews (IP), who gives Enoch
the second place in his roll of the faithful. Instead
of the Hebrew text (' and Enoch walked with God,
and he was not, for God took him '), the writer had
before him the LXX version : Kal evripiar-qaev 'Evcix
tQ deifi' Kal ovx rjvpicrKeTO, didri ixeriO-qKev avrbv 6 debs.
The phrase ' he pleased God ' — which is used in
other places (Gn 17^ 24^" 48^®, etc. ) where the original
has ' he walked with (or before) God' — is regarded
by the author of Hebrews as a testimony to
Enoch's faith. To the statement that ' God took
(or translated) him ' the writer adds the explanatory
words ' that he should not (or did not) see death.'
The idea of immortality has rather to be imported
into the original words, which, as Calvin saAV,
might imply no more than ' mors quaedam extra-
ordinaria.' But the thought that Enoch escaped
death had already been suggested by Sirach (49^'')
in his eulogy of famous men: 'No man was
created upon the earth such as was Enoch ; for he
was taken up {dve\ifi/x(pdT)) from the earth.' In 4
Ezr. vi. 26, Enoch and Elijah are spoken of as
men 'who have not tasted death from their birth.'
Josephus preserves the ambiguity of the original
in a characteristic phrase, ' he departed to the
deity' (dvexi^pv^f '"'pbs rb Oelov), but instead of
venturing to infer that this implies actual death-
lessness, the historian merely adds : ' whence it is
that his death is not recorded' (Ant. I. iii. 4).
The 'two witnesses' in Rev 11^ are generally re-
garded as Enoch and Elijah.
(2) In later Judaism the words 'and Enoch
walked with God' were interpreted as meaning
that he was made the recipient of special Divine
revelations. In the recovered Hebrew text of Sir
44" he is described as ' an example of knowledge'
(changed in the Greek into {nr65eiyij.a /xeravoias rah
yeveais), and the Book of Jubtlecs says, ' He was
the first among men . . . who learned writing and
knowledge and wisdom. . . . And he was witii
the angels of God these six jubilees of years, and
they showed him everything which is on earth and
in the heavens ' (ch. iv. [Charles, Apoc. and Pseud-
epig., 1913, p. 18 f.]). Enoch the saint was thus
transformed into the patron of esoteric knowledge,
and became the author of apocalyptic books. In
Jude" he is designated ' the seventh from Adam,'
a phrase taken from the Book of Enoch (Ix. 8,
xciii. 3), and a passage is quoted in which he is re-
presented as threatening judgment upon the false
teachers of the early Christian Church.
'The extraordinary developments of the Enoch-legend in
later Judaism could never have grown out of this passage
[Gn 521-24] alone ; everything goes to show that the record has
a mythological basis, which must have continued to be a living
tradition in Jewish circles in the time of the Apocalyptic writers.
A clue to the mystery that invests the figure of Enoch has been
discovered in Babylonian literature ' (Skinner, Genesis [ICC,
1910], p. 132). He is there identified with Enmeduranki,who is
described in a ritual tablet from the library of Asshurbanipal
as a favourite of the gods, and is said to have been initiated into
the mysteries of heaven and earth, and instructed in certain
arts of divination which he handed down to his son.
James Strahan.
ENOCH,BOOK OF.— Introductory.— The Ethiopic
Book of Enoch (or 1 Enoch, as it is now more con-
veniently denominated) is the largest, and, after
the canonical Book of Daniel, the most important
of the Jewish apocalyptic works which have so
recently come to be recognized as supplying most
important data for the critical study of NT ideas
and phraseology. The Book — or rather the Books
— of Enoch the reader will find to be a work of
curious complexity and unevenness. It is a wonder-
ful mass of heterogeneous elements ; in fact, it is
quite a cycle of works in itself — geographical,
astronomical, prophetic, moral, and historical. In
this medley we find certain recurring notes. The
temporary success and triumph of the wicked,
idolaters, luxurious, rich, oppressors, rulers, kings,
and mighty ones, and the present sufferings of the
righteous, are continually contrasted with their
future destiny — after death or after judgment,
according to the views of the particular author as
to the moment at which moral discrimination will
begin. Another recurring note is the subservience
of natural phenomena to spiritual and quasi-per-
sonal forces, which in turn are responsible and as
a rule obedient to God. Repeatedly and with
dramatic force the unfailing order of Nature is
contrasted with the disobedience of man. Yet
another recurring feature, and one common to
this apocalyptic literature, is the reserving of the
visions and the books of Enoch for the last days,
for the elect to read and understand. On the
other hand, there is ever and anon a baffling change
in the presentation of ideas about the Kingdom,
the Messiah, the form of the future judgment and
life after death. The pictures of the Messianic
Kingdom take on a shifting, ever-changing form,
in accordance with the views of the author and
the particular tribulations under which each indi-
vidual writer was labouring. Judgment is medi-
ated noAv by angels of punishment, now by the
archangels, or the sword of the righteous or inter-
necine strife, or by the Son of Man, or exercised
immediately by God Himself. Darkness and
chains and burning fire, valleys and the abj'ss,
loom large in all descriptions of the place and mode
of punishment. There is a highly developed angel-
ology, in keeping with the general conception of
God's transcendence, and an equally developed
demonology, which is connected with the interest
of the various authors in the problem of the seat
and origin of evil. The power of prayer — whether
that of the angels, the departed holy ones, or the
righteous on earth — is recognized, especially in the
bringing in of judgment. The space devoted to
the calendar, however, and the movements of the
heavenly bodies, and the secrets of natural forces,
stands in sheer contrast to the NT silence on those
subjects.
ENOCH, BOOK OF
ENOCH, BOOK OF
335
We cannot close without quoting Cliaiies's words
in his introduction [Book of Enoch, 1912, p. x) :
'In the age to which the Enoch literature belongs there is
movement everywhere, and nowhere dogmatic fixity and final-
ity. And though at times the movement may be reactionarj',
yet the general trend is onward and upward.' This work is the
most important historical memorial ' of the religious develop-
ment of Judaism from 200 B.C. to 100 a.d., and particularly of
the development of that side of Judaism, to which historically
Christendom in large measure owes its existence.'
We have only to take the single example of
the unique portrait of the ' Son of Man ' in the
Parables — eternally pre-existent with God, recog-
nized now by the righteous, and hereafter to be
owned and adored by all, even His foes — to be
assui'ed of the truth of this verdict.
1. Contents. — Section i. : chs. i.-xxxvi.
i,-v. — Enoch takes up liis parable : God's com-
ing to judgment to help and bless the righteous
and destroy the ungodly (i. 1-9) ; Nature's un-
failing order (ii. 1-v, 3) contrasted with sinners'
disobedience ; a curse on them, but forgiveness,
peace, and joy for the elect (v. 4-9).
vi.-xi. (Noachic fragment). — Fall of certain
angels, through union with women (vi. 1-vii. 1);
birth of giants who devour mankind and drink
blood (vii. 2-6). Knowledge of arts, magic, and
astronomy imparted by fallen angels (viii. 1-4).
Cry of souls of dead for vengeance (viii. 4, ix. 3,
10) heard by the four archangels, who bring their
cause before God (ix. 1-11). God sends Uriel to
Noah to warn him of approaching Deluge (x. 1-3).
Raphael is to bind Azazel in desert in Dudael till
judgment day, and heal the earth (x. 4-7) ; Gabriel
to destroy giants by internecine strife (x. 9-10, 15),
Michael to bind Semjaza and his associates for
seventy generations in valleys of the earth (x.
11-14). AH evil is to cease, and the plant of
righteousness {i.e. Israel) to appear (x. 16). All
tiie righteous are to escape and live till they beget
thousands of children (x. 17), the earth is to yield
a thousandfold, all men are to become righteous
and adore God (x. 21). Sin and punishment will
cease for ever (x. 22). Store-chambers of blessing
in heaven will be oj^ened (xi.).
xii.-xvi, — A Dream Vision of Enoch. — Enoch is
hidden from men (xii. 1) and is sent to the fallen
angels ('Watchers') with the message : 'no peace
nor forgiveness' (xii. 4-6), which he delivers to
Azazel (xiii. 1, 2) and the others (xiii. 3) ; they
beseech Enoch to write a petition for them (xiii.
4-6) ; as he reads it he falls asleep and sees visions
of chastisement, which he recounts to them (xiii.
7-10). The message of the vision is given in xiv.
1-7 ; the manner of it in xiv. 8-xvi. 4. He ascends
in the vision to heaven, past crystal walls into a
crystal house and a greater house beyond, to the
blazing throne of the Great Glory (xiv. 20), whom
no angel can behold. He entrusts Enoch with
the message to the Watchers ; they had sinned
in taking wives (xv. 3-7) ; from the dead giants'
bodies proceed evil spirits which, remaining on
earth, do all harm with impunity till the Great
Judgment (xv. 8-xvi. 1) ; the Watchers' doom is
repeated (xvi. 2-4).
xvii.-xxxvi. — Enoch's two journeys : through the
earth and to Sheol. — (a) xvii.-xix. — Enoch is
brought to the ends of the earth and views trea-
suries of stars, and the winds that uphold heaven
(xvii. 1-xviii. 3), and seven mountains of precious
stones (xviii. 6), and beyond, a deep abyss of fire
(xviii. 11), and further, an utter waste (xviii. 12)
with seven stars like burning mountains, bound for
ten thousand years for not observing their appointed
times (xviii. 13-16). Here stand the fallen angels,
whose spirits seduce men to idolatry (xix. 1)
and their wives, turned into sirens (xix. 2). — (b)
xx.-xxxvi. — The seven archangels — Uriel, Raphael,
Raguel, Michael, Saraqael, Gabriel, Remiel — and
their functions (xx. ). Enoch proceeds to chaos and
the seven stars and the abyss of xviii. 12-16 (xxi.
1-7), which is the final prison of the fallen angels
(xxi. 8-10). Elsewhere in the west he sees a
great mountain with three ('four' in text) hollow
places ( = Sheol), to contain men's souls till the
Great Judgment — one for martyrs like Abel and
other righteous men, with a bright spring of water
(xxii. 5-9), one for unpunished sinners (xxii. 10, 11),
one for sinners (who suffered in life), who never
rise (xxii. 12-13). Thereafter, still in the west,
he sees the fire of the heavenly luminaries (xxiii.),
and elsewhere again, beyond a mountain range of
lire, seven mountains of precious stones, the central
one to be God's throne on earth, with the tree of
life (xxiv. 1-xxv. 3) to be transplanted after the
judgment to the holy place, where the righteous
shall eat of it and live a long life on earth (xxv. 4-6).
In the middle of the earth Enoch sees a holy moun-
tain (Zion) with its surrounding summits and
ravines (xxvi. ), and the accursed valley (of Hinnom)
which is to be the scene of the Last Judgment
(xxvii.). Thence he goes east (xxviii.-xxxiii. ), past
fragrant trees and mountains, over the Erythrsean
Sea and the angel Zotiel (xxxii. 2), to the garden of
the righteous, and the Tree of Wisdom, which is
fully described (xxxii. 3-6). Thence to the earth's
ends whereon heaven rests, with three portals for
the stars in east and west (xxxiii. 3, xxxvi. 2, 3)
and three in north and south for the winds (xxxiv.
1-3, xxxvi. 1).
Section ii. : chs. xxxvii.-lxxi. — The Parables.
— xxxvii. 1 commences ' the second vision ... of
wisdom ' ; till the present day such wisdom has
never been given as is emboilied in these three
Parables recounted to those that dwell on the
earth (xxxvii. 4, 5).
xxxviii.-xliv. — The First Parable. — When the
Righteous One appears, where will the sinners'
dwelling be? Then shall the kings and mighty
perish and be given into the hands of the righteous
and holy (xxxviii.). [Descent of the Watchers —
an interpolation (xxxix. 1, 2).] A whirlwind
carries off Enoch to the end of the heavens ; he
views the dwelling-places of the holy who pray for
mankind, and the Righteous One's abode under the
wings of the Lord of Spirits (xxxix. 3-14) ; an
innumerable multitude, and four presences ( = arch-
angels) — ISIichael, Raphael, Gabriel, and Phanuel
— and their functions (xl.); heaven's secrets and
weighing of men's actions (xii. 1, 2) ; secrets of
natural phenomena and sun and moon ; their
chambers and weighing of the stars (xii. 3-9, xliii.
1, 2, xliv.) ; the stars stand for the holy who dwell
on the earth (xliii. 4). A fragment. — Wisdom goes
forth, and finds no dwelling-place among men,
so returns to heaven ; while unrighteousness is
welcomed and remains with men (xiii.).
xlv.-lvii. — The Second Parable. — The lot of the
apostates : the new heaven and earth. Those
who deny the name of Lord of Spirits are preserved
for judgment (xiv. 1, 2). 'Mine Elect One' on
throne of glory shall try men's works ; heaven and
earth transformed (xiv. 3-6). The Head of Days
and Son of Man (xlvi. 1-4) shall put down the kings
and the mighty ; they have no hope of rising from
their graves(xlvi. 5-8). ' In those days 'the prayer of
the righteous united with angelic intercession was
heard (xlvii. 1, 2) ; the Head of Days on the throne
of His glory, books of the living opened, vengeance
of righteous at hand (xlvii. 3, 4). Enoch sees the
inexhaustible fountain of righteousness : ' at that
hour ' the Son of Man was ' named ' in the presence
of the Lord of Spirits ; he is a staff to the righteous,
the light of the Gentiles : in His name the righteous
are saved ; kings and mighty are to burn like straw
(xlviii.); infinite wisdom and power of the Elect One
(xlix.). [1. — An interpolation t — In those days the
336
EXOCH, BOOK OF
ENOCH, BOOK OF
lioly become victorious ; the others (i.e. Gentiles)
witness this and repent — they liave no lionour, but
are saved in the name of the Lord of Spii'its.] In
those days eartli, Slieol, and Abaddon give up what
they hold. The Elect One arises, sits on God's
throne, and cliooses out the righteous amid uni-
versal rejoicing (li.). Enoch sees seven metal
mountains (symbols of world-powers) : they will
serve the Anointed's dominion (lii. 4), and melt
before the Elect One (lii. 6). Next he sees a deep
valley with open mouths, and angels of piinishment
preparing instruments of Satan to destroy the
kings and the mighty (liii, 1-5) ; after this the
Righteous and Elect One shall cause the house of
His congregation to appear (liii. 6). In another
part he sees a deep valley with burning fire; here
the kings and the mighty are cast in (liv. 1, 2),
and iron chains made for Azazel's hosts, whom four
archangels •will cast into the burning furnace on
that great day (liv. 3-6), after judgment by the
Elect One (Iv. 3, 4) ; angels of punishment with
scourges are seen proceeding to cast the Watchers'
children into the abj'ss (Ivi. 1-4). {^Fragments. — (a)
liv. 7-lv. 2 (Noachic). — Punishment by waters im-
pending, promise of non-recurrence, [b) Ivi, 5-8. —
The angels are to stir up the Parthians and Medes
to tread upon the land of God's elect, but ' the city
of my righteous' shall hinder their horses ; they shall
slay one another, and Sheol shall devour them in
presence of the elect, (c)lvii. 1-3. — Ahostof wagons
is seen, earth's pillars are shaken by the noise
(return of Dispersion).]
Iviii.-lxxi. — The Third Parable. — Endless light
and life for righteous (Iviii. ). [Secrets of lightnings,
anintrusion{\\x.).'\ [Noachic fragment(iov 'Enoch'
read ' Noah' in Ix. 1). — The Head of Days on the
throne of glory announces the judgment (Ix. 1-6, 25) ;
Leviathan a female monster, and Behemoth a male,
parted, one in the abysses of the ocean, the other
in the wilderness to the east of the garden (Eden)
where Enoch was taken up; they shall feed . . . (pre-
sumably till given as food to the elect as in S Bar.
xxix. 4 ; 4 Ezr. vi. 52) (Ix. 7-10, 24) ; chambers of
winds, secrets of thunder, spirits of the sea, hoar-
frost, snow, mist and rain (Ix. 11-23).]
Third Parable resumed. — The angels are seen
with long cords ; they go to measure Paradise
(Ixx. 3) and recover all the righteous dead from sea
or desert (Ixi. 1-5) ; the Lord of Spirits places the
Elect One on the throne of glory to judge (Ixi. 6-9) ;
all the heavenly hosts. Cherubim, Seraphim, and
Ophannim, angels of power and of principalities,
the Elect One, the powers on earth and over water,
the elect who dwell in the garden of life, and all
flesh shall join in praising God (Ixi. 10-13). The
kings and the mighty are called upon to recognize
the Elect One, now seated on the throne ; pained
and terrified, they glorify God (Ixii. 1-6) and adore
the Son of Man ; but are delivered to the angels
for punishment (Ixii. 9-12) ; the righteous had
previously known the Son of Man, though hidden
from the beginning, and shall eat and lie down and
rise up for ever with Him, and be clothed with
garments of glory and of life (Ixii. 7, 8, 13-16) ;
unavailing rejientance and confession of the kings
and the mighty (Ixiii.) ; vision of fallen angels in
prison (Ixiv.). [Noachic fragment (Ixv.-lxix. 25). —
Noah calls on Enoch at the ends of the earth ; he
is told judgment is imminent because of sorcery and
idolatry, and the violence of the Satans ; Noah is
to be preserved : fiom him shall proceed a fountain
of righteous and holy ( = Israel) for ever (Ixv. ) ; the
angels of punishment hold the Flood in check
(Ixvi.); Noah is told that the angels are making
an ark for him (Ixvii. 1-3) ; God will imprison tlie
angels, who had taiight men how to sin, in the
burning valley, which Enoch had shown Noah ;
thence proceea waters which now heal the bodies
of the kings and the mighty (Ixvii. 8), but it will
one day become a fire ever-burning (Ixvii. 13).
Enoch gives Noah these secrets in the book of
Parables (Ixviii. 1). Michael and Raphael are
astonished at the sternness of the judgment upon
the fallen angels (Ixviii. 2-5) ; the names of the
fallen angels and Satans who led them astray and
taught men knowledge and writing (Ixix. 1-13) ;
the hidden name and oath which preserve all things
in due order (Ixix. 14-25).]
Close of Third Parable. — Universal joy at the
revealing of the Son of Man, who receives 'tiie
sum of judgment ' (Ixix. 26-29). [Two fragments
belonging to Parables: (a) Ixx. — Enoch finally
translated on the chariots of the spirit, and set
between the north and the south (i.e. in Paradise).
(b) Ixxi. — ' After this ' he is translated in spirit ; he
sees the sons of God, the secrets of heaven, the
crystal house, and countless angels and the four
archangels, the Head of Days, the Son of Man,
who brings in endless peace for the righteous.]
Section hi. : chs. lxxii.-lxxxii. — The Book of
the Courses of the Heavenly Luminaries. — The sun
(Ixxii.), the moon and its phases (Ixxiii. ), the lunar
year (Ixxiv.), the stars, the twelve winds and their
portals (Ixxvi.), the four quarters of the world, the
seven great mountains, rivers, islands (Ixxvii. ), the
moon's waxing and waning (Ixxviii. ), recapitulation
(Ixxix., Ixxx. 1), perversion of Nature and the
heavenly bodies owing to man's sin (Ixxx. 2-8).
Enoch sees the heavenly tablets containing men's
deeds to all eternity, and is given one year to
teach them to Methuselah (Ixxxi.); his charge to
Methuselah to hand on the books to the genera-
tions of the world ; blessing on the observers of the
true system of reckoning — year of 364 days (Ixxxii.
1-9) ; stars which lead the seasons and the months
(Ixxxii. 10-20).
Section iv. : chs. Ixxxiii. -xc. — Two Dream
Visions: (a) Ixxxiii., Ixxxiv. ; (6) Ixxxv.-xc. — (a)
Vision of earth's destruction : Mahalalel bids
Enoch pray that a remnant may remain (Ixxxiii.
1-9) ; prayer of Enoch for survival of plant of
eternal seed ( = Israel) (Ixxxiii. 10-lxxxiv. 6). (b)
Second dream, in which Enoch sees Adam and other
patriarchs under symbolism of bulls, etc. (Ixxxv.) ;
stars (= angels) fall from heaven, and unite with
cattle (Ixxxvi., Ixxxvii. ) ; the first star is cast into
the abyss ; evil beasts slay one another (Ixxxviii.).
In symbolism Enoch sees the history of Noah and
the Deluge ; Israel at the Exodus, crossing the
Jordan, under the Judges ; the building of the
Temple ; the two kingdoms ; the Fall of Jerusa-
lem (Ixxxix. 1-67). Israel is entrusted to the
Seventy Shepherds ( = angelic rulers) from the Cap-
tivity to the Maccabaean revolt (Ixxxix. 68-xc. 12) ;
the enlightened lambs (=Chasids) and the great
horn (= Judas Maccabaeus) (xc. 6-12). The final
assault of the heathen ; a great sword is given to the
sheep ( = Jews) ; the Lord of the sheep intervenes
(xc. 13-19) ; a throne is erected in the pleasant
land for Him ; the sealed books are opened ; the
sinning stars are cast into the abyss of fire, also the
Seventy Shei)herds ; the blinded sheep into the
abyss in the midst of the earth ( = Gehenna) (xc.
20-27) ; the old house ( = Temple) is removed ; the
Lord of the slieep brings a new house, greater and
loftier ; the sword is sealed up ; all the sheep
'see ' [i.e. are enlightened) ; a white bull ( = Messiah)
is born, and is adored by all ; the others are all
transformed into white bulls, and the Lord of the
sheep rejoices over them all alike ; Enoch awakes
and weeps (xc. 28-42).
Section v. : chs. xci.-civ. — (a) Enoch's Book for
his Children (xcii. 1). — God has appointed days for
all things ; the righteous are to arise from sleep
and walk in eternal light, and sin is to disappear
(xcii.). Methuselah and his family are summoned
ES'OCH, BOOK OF
KN'OCH, BOOK OF
33:
and exhorted to love righteousness ; violence must
increase, but judgment will follow ; idols ■will fail,
and the heathen be judged in tire for ever ; the
righteous are to rise again (xci. 1-11).
(6) Apocalypse of Weeks. — 1st week : Enoch bom.
2nd : the first end ; Noah saved. .3rd : Abraham
elected as the plant of righteous judgment. 4th :
the law for all generations made. 5th : house of
glory . . . built. 6th : all Israel blinded ; Elijah
ascends to heaven ; the Dispersion. 7th : general
apostasy; the elect righteous elected to receive
seven-fold instruction concerning all creation ( =
Enoch's revelations). 8th : week of righteousness
and of sword ; Temple rebuilt for ever ; all mankind
converted. 9th : righteous judgment revealed to
the whole world ; sin abolished. 10th : great eternal
judgment on angels ; new heaven ; thereafter
weeks without number for ever (xciii., xci. 12-17).
(c) Warnings and woes. — Warnings against
paths of unrighteousness (xciv. 1-5) ; woes against
oppressors and rich (xciv. 6-11) and sinners (xcv.
2-7) ; hope for righteous (xcvi. 1-3) ; their prayer
heard (xcvii. 5) ; woes against the luxurious and
the rich (xcvi. 4-8, xcvii. 1-10). "Warnings against
indulgence ; sin is of man's own deviling, and
every sin is every day recorded in heaven (xcviii.
1-8) ; sinners are prepared for the day of destruc-
tion ; they will be given into hands of righteous
(xcviii. 9-16). Woes on godless and law-breakers
(xcix. ) ; the righteous are to raise prayers and
place them before the angels, who are to place the
sin of sinners for a memorial before the Most High
(xcix. 3). Sinners are to destroy one another
(c. 1-3) ; angels descend into secret places and
gather all who brought down sin (i.e. fallen angels) ;
the righteous and holy receive guardians till an end
is made of sin ; though the righteous sleep long,
they have nothing to fear ; angels, sun, moon, and
stars will N^itness to the sins of sinners (c. 4-13) ; God
is obeyed by all Nature, therefore His laAv should
be observed by men (ci. ). Terrors of the judgment-
day ; the righteous who died in misery are not to
grieve but await judgment (cii. 1-5). Taunts of
sinners — after death we and the righteous are equal
(cii. 6-11). Enoch knows a mystery from the
heavenly tablets — the spirits of the righteous dead
shall live and rejoice (ciii. 1-4) ; woes of sinners
who died in honour — their spirits descend into
darkness, chains, and burning flame (ciu. 5-8) ;
•woes of the righteous (ciii. 9-15) ; yet in heaven
the angels remember them for good, and their
names are written ; they shall shine as lights of
heaven (civ. 1, 2) ; 'cry for judgment, and it shall
appear' (civ. 3). The writings of Enoch are to be
given to the righteous — they give joy, uprightness,
and wisdom (civ. 9-13).
[Messianic fragment (cv.).— God and the Messiah
to dwell with men.] [Noachic fragment (cvi.-
cvii. ). — Lamech lias a wondrous son ; Methuselah
inquires of Enoch at the ends of the earth about
him ; Enoch replies that a Deluge is to come
because of sin introduced by the fallen angels ;
this son shall alone be saved — sin will arise again
after him till the final annihilation of evil.]
An independent addition (cviii. ). — Another book
written by Enoch ' for his son and those who keep
the law in the last days ' ; the righteous are to wait
for the destruction of the ungodly, whose spirits
suffer in tire (cviii. 1-6) ; the spirits of the humble
who lived ascetic lives and belonged to the genera-
tion of light shall God bring forth in shining light
and seat each on the throne of his honour in never-
ending splendour (cviii. 7-15).
2. "Title. — The work is referred to under several
titles. Of these the oldest are (a) the Books of
Enoch {Test. Jud. xviii. 1, Test. Lev. x. 5 [A];
Origen, c. Celsum, v. 54, in Num. Horn,, xxviii. 2 —
this title is implied in the division of the work into
VOL. I. — 22
books; 1 En. xiv. 1, Ixxii. 1, Ixxxii. 1, xcii. 1,
cviii. 1 ; Syncellus, Chronographia [ed. Dind., 1829,
i. 20, etc.]) ; (b) the Words of Enoch (Jub. xxi. 10 ;
Test. Benj. ix. 1 ; cf. i En. L 1, xiv. 1). Other
titles are (c) the Book of Enoch [Test. Lev. x. 5 [a] ;
Origen, de Princ. I. iii. 3, etc. ) ; (d) the Writing of
Enoch [Test. Lev. xiv. 1 ; Tertullian, de Cultu Fern.
L 3); (e) £'nocA ( Jude " ; Ep. Barn. iv. 3; Clem.
Alex., Eclog. Proph. [ed. Dind., 1869, iii. 456, 474] ;
Origen, in loannem, yx. 25, c. Celsum, v. 54 ; Ter-
tullian, de Cultu Fern. ii. 10, de Idol, iv., xv.).
3. Canonicity. — That the work was recognized
as inspired in certain Jewish circles appears from
the above references in Jubilees and the Test. XII.
Patriarchs. St. Jude quotes a passage from it as
an authentic prophecy of Enoch. The Epistle of
Barnabas (xvi. 5) refers to it in the words \eyei. yap
i] ypacpT] ; Athenagoras {Leg. pro Christianis, 24) as
4 To:s irpo<pi^ais ^KTrecpuvrjrai ; Tert. {de Idol. XV.),
' Spiritus . . . prececinit per . . . Enoch ' ; {de Cultu
.Fe7rt. i. 3), ' scioscripturamEnoch . . . non recipi a
quibusdam, quia nee in armarium Judaicum admit-
titur . . . cum Enoch eadem scriptura etiam de
Domino praedicarit, a nobis quidem nihil omnino
rejiciendum est, quod pertiiieat ad nos. ... A
Judaeis potest jam videri propterea reiecta, sicut
et cetera quae Christum sonant. ' Origen, however,
in c. Celsum, v. 54, says : ^v rah iKKXrjcriais oii iravv
(piperai tliy dela to. hriyeypanijAva rod 'Evix /3i/3Xia.
Chrj'sostom {Horn, in Gen. vi. 1), Jerome {Com. in
Ps. cxxxii. 3), and Augustine {de Civ. Dei, XV.
xxiii. 4) denounce the work as apocryphal, and this
opinion henceforward prevails.
4. Critical structure and dates. — That the work
was composite might be inferred from the external
evidence of the titles, ' Books ' or ' Words of Enoch,'
under which the work is quoted in other writings.
But internal evidence is more decisive. The fre-
quent headings, such as 'the book written by Enoch'
(xcii. 1), 'another book which Enoch wrote' (cviii.
1), and the divergence of historical outlook, of
method of treatment, of ideas and phrases, in the
various parts, point even more clearly to the fact
that the work in its present form is a redaction of
several of the more prominent writings belonging
to a diffuse and varied cycle of literature passing
under the name of Enoch. The work as we have
it falls naturally into five quite distinct main
sections as shown in 1 above :
Section i. : Visions and journeys (for contents
see above). — xii.-xxxvi. belong to the earliest
Enochic portion of this section ; they are pre-
Maccabaean, as, unlike Ixxxiii.-xc, they make no
reference to Antiochus' persecution. They fall
into subsections : xii.-xvi. (out of their original
order), xvii.-xix., xx.-xxxvi. Chs. vi.-xi. belong
to the earlier Book of Noah (see below). Chs. i.-v.
appear to be an introduction written by the final
editor of the entire work. The problem in this
section is the origin of e\al, which is traced to the
fall of the Watchers. There is no Messiah ; God
Himself is to abide with men (xxv. 3) ; all the
Gentiles will become righteous and worship God
(x. 21) ; the righteous are admitted to the tree of
life and live patriarchal lives with very material
joys and blessings.
Section ii. : The Parables (formerly known as
'the Similitudes'). — There are three Parables
(xxxviii.-xliv., xlv.-hii., Iviii.-IxLx.), while xxxvii.
forms an introduction, and Ixx. a conclusion to
them. Ch. Ixxi. belongs to the Third Parable.
There are many interpolations. Some are from
the Book of Noah — Ix., Ixv.-lxix. 25 confessedly,
and probably xxxix. 1-2, liv. 7-lv. 2 as well.
Behind the Parables proper lie two sources, as Beer
(Kautzsch's Apok. unci Pseud, ii. 227) has shown :
one deals with the 'Son of Man' — xl. 3-7, xlvi.-
xlviii. 7, liL 3-4, Ixi. a-4, IxiL 2-Lxiii., Ixix. 26-29,
338
ENOCH, BOOK OF
ENOCH, BOOK OF
Ixx.-lxxi., and has 'the angel who went with me'
as Enoch's interpreter ; the other deals with ' the
Elect One'— xxxviii.-xxxix., xl. 1-2, 8-10, xli. 1-2,
9, xlv., xlviii. 8-10, l.-lii. 1-2, 5-9, liii.-liv. 6, Iv.
3-lvii., Ixi. 1-2, 5-13, Ixii. 1, and has the 'angel of
peace' as interpreter of the vision (so Charles,
Enoch, p. 65). Only the former source attributes
pre-existence to the Son of INIan (xlviii. 2). This
section is full of peculiar features, e.g. ' Lord of
Spirits ' as a Divine title ; Phanuel replaces Uriel
as the fourth archangel. The angelology is more
developed : besides Clierubim, we have Seraphim,
Ophannim, angels of power and of principalities.
And so is the demonology : the origin of evil is
traced back to the Satans and an original evil
spirit- world. The Messiah is eternally pre-existent,
and all judgment is committed to Him. The date
of this section appears to lie between 95 and 64
B. C. and probably between 95 and 79. ' The kings
and the mighty ' are evidently the later Maccabsean
princes and their Sadduc-ean supporters. The
mighty cannot refer to the Komans ; it must refer
to the Sadductean nobles, who did not support the
Herods. The problem is the oppression of the
righteous by tlie kings and mighty, and the
solution consists in a vision of the coming liberator
and vindicator, the Messiah of supernatural power
and privilege.
Section in. : The Book of the Heavenly Lumin-
aries. — Chs. Ixxii.-lxxviii., Ixxxii., Ixxix. are
original to this section ; Ixxx. and Ixxxi. are in-
terpolations. The conceptions at times approach
those of i.-xxxvi., but the points of divergence are
very numerous. The date is not ascertainable.
The object is to establish the solar year of 364 days
as a Divine law revealed as early as the time of
Enoch (Ixxiv. 12 as emended. Cf. Jub. vi. 32-36).
Sectiox IV. : The Dream FisJo?i5.— There is only
one interpolation — xc. 14>5. xc. 13-15 and xc. 16-
18 are doublets. There is close agreement with
and evident knowledge of vi,-xi., but no depend-
ence on them. The conceptions are more spiritual
and developed. The date would be before 161 B.C.,
as Judas Maccabseus is still warring (xc. 13) ; the
end is expected to be about 140 B.C., as the fourth
period of twelve shephei'ds would end then. The
problem is the continued depression of Israel after
the Return, which is attributed to the neglect of
its seventy angelic guardians.
Section v. — This section really commences with
xcii. 1 (see heading), and the original order of the
lirst four chapters was xcii., xci. 1-10, 18-19, xciii.
1-10, xci. 12-17, xciv. ; of these xciii. 1-10, xci. 12-
17 form the short 'Apocalypse of Weeks.' There
is a close resemblance throughout xci.-civ. to i.-
xxxvi., in phrases, references, and ideas, but the
divergences are not less numerous (see Charles, p.
219 tf.). The righteous alone rise, and in spirit
only, not in body, to walk in eternal light in heaven.
Contrast the crude materialism of i.-xxxvi. The
date is determined by the interpretation we put on
ciii. 14, 15 — 'the rulers . . . did not remove from
us the yoke of those that devoured us and dispersed
us and murdered us.' If the massacre of the
Pharisees by John Hyrcanus is meant, the date
must be later than that year — 94 B.C. (cf. Parables).
Otherwise, 104-95 B.C. (so Charles). The problem
is ethical (the seeming impunity of the prosperous
wicked — who, however,atdeath descend toSheoland
the flame for ever), not national, as in Ixxxiii.-xc.
cv. — An independent Messianic fragment ; cvi.-
cvii. — part of the earlier Book of Noah ; cviii.
])resuppose3 i.-xxxvi. and xci.-civ., and is later in
date, and strongly ascetic, if not Essene, in tone.
Book of Noah. — Scattered through the work we
find a aeriea of more or less fragmentary passages
— vi.-xi., liv. 7-lv, 2, Ix., Ixv.-lxix. 25, cvi.-cvii.,
and probably xxix. 1, 2") — which generally refer
to Noah and the Deluge. Their inclusion appears
to be due to the final editor, who forced into what
are often awkward contexts fragments of this
earlier work, or series of works, which we also
know from Jub. vii. 20-39, x. 1-15, xxi. 10.
5. The text.— The text is not extant in the
original Semitic form, but we possess a Greek
translation of a part, and an Ethiopic version of
the whole.
(1) The Greek version exists in duplicate to some
extent, (a) The superior in point of text is to be
found in Syncellus (Chronographia, ed. Dind. i.
20-23, etc.), who quotes vi.-x. 14, xv. 8-xvi. 1, and
also gives viii. 4-ix. 4 in variant form. He also
gives a quotation ' from the first book of Enoch
concerning the watchers' (ed. Dind. i. 47) which
does not occur in our present text, (b) The longer
but less accurate text for i.-xxxii. (and xix. 3-xxi.
9 in duplicate) was discovered in 1886-7 at Akhmim,
and published by Bouriant in 1892. Another
fragment, in tachygraphic characters, exists in a
Vatican Greek MS — no. 1809 (see at end of this art. ).
(2) The Ethiopic version, which is a translation
from the Greek, is known in 29 MSS, of Avhich 15
are in England. The best are numbered gg^mqtu
in Charles's Ethiopic text {g.v.). This text is in-
ferior to that of the Syncellus Greek and is much
nearer to that of the Akhmim Fragment (known
generally as the ' Gizeh Greek').
(3) The Latin version is a mere fragment, cvi.
1-18, discovered in 1893 by M. R. James in the
British Museum and published by him in that
year in TS ii. 3.
(4) The quotations, both Greek and Latin, except
for those in Syncellus, add little to the restoration
of the true text. See Lawlor, art. in Journal of
Philology, xxv. [1897] 164-225, and Charles's Intro-
ductions under ' Influence on Patristic Literature'
in his two recent editions.
6. Original language. — The original language is
now admitted to be Semitic — either Hebrew or
Aramaic. Chs. vi.-xxxvi. were almost certainly
in Aramaic. The transliterations 4>ovKd (xviii. 8),
/xav5o^apd (xxviii. 1), and ^a^S-qpci (xxix. 1), all
show the Aramaic termination ; while in vi. 7 and
viii. 3 the proper names are only appropriate in
Aramaic. To the rest of the book (except Ixxxiii.-
xc, which was possibly in Aramaic) Charles un-
hesitatingly assigns a Hebrew original. In xxxvii.-
Ixxi. ^c\\m\dit (OT and Semitic Stiidies, 1908, ii. 336-
343) argues for Aramaic, but is answered by Charles.
7. Poetical element. — This bulks largely in
1 Enoch, but was hrst recognized by Charles, who
prints it in verse form in his two recent editions.
Its recognition is of use in helping at times to
restore the true order, and at times to excise
dittographs.
8. Influence on NT.— (1) Diction and ideas.—
(a) The Epistle of St. Jude is remarkable for con-
taining, with the possible exception of 2 Ti 3^, the
only two direct citations from pseudepigraphs in
the" NT. And of these two citations the only one
made by name is from the Book of Enoch, which
is quoted as though it possessed much the same
authority as a canonical book of jirophecy. It may
be instructive to compare the words in Jude with
the text of Enoch as restored by Charles :
Jude I'l- 18 — 'ISou ?iK9iv Kupios Iv 1 En. i. — 'l&ov epxercu (riiVTOui
ayt'ais fivpiacnv avTov, ixvpiaaiv ayi'ais avTOV,
jTOirjirat Kpicriu Kara. navrMv, Troifjcrai Kpiaiv Kara navTiav,
KoX eAe'yf ai Travras Tous aae- KoX aTroAeVai jrai/ras tous a(re-
fieU jScw
Kal eAe'yf at natrav crapKa
nepl Tra.vTtav tmv epytav a(rt' jrepl TraiTiov epytov rrj? curt-
/Sei'a? avTuiv SiV T](7i^i)<7av ^ei'a? avTMV u>u ■}]<TfPr)ira.v
Kal Trepl Trai'Tioi' tu>v <TK\iripu)V Kal (rKKrjpuiv Siv e\d\r](rav ko-
S)v e\d\r]cTav Kar' avTOV ofi- yioi' ko-t' aiiTOV aiiapTotKoi,
apTtoKol acrejSeis. dcrt^ets.
For the vkK-npol \6yoi cf. 1 En. v. 4, xxvii. 2.
Further, St. Jude's description of Enoch as ' the
ENOCH, BOOK OF
KN"OCH, BOOK OF
339
seventh from Adam ' is identical witli that in the
Noachic interpolation in the Parables (Ix. 8).
The Epistle is full of reminiscences of Enoch.
Cf. Jude ■*, ' denying our only Master and Lord,
Jesus Christ,' with 1 En. xlviii. 10, 'they have
denied the Lord of Spirits and His Anointed';
Jude ^, ' angels which . . . left their proper habita-
tion,' with 1 En. xii. 4, ' the Watchers . . . Avho
have left the high heaven,' and xv. 7, ' as for the
spiritual ones of the heaven, in heaven is their
dwelling' ; Jude*, ' kept in everlasting bonds under
darkness unto the judgment of the great day,' with
1 En. X. 4-6, 'Bind Azazel . . . and cast him into
the darkness . . . and cover him with darkness,
and let him abide there for ever . . . and on the
day of the great judgment he shall be cast into
the fire,' and x. 11, 12, 'Bind Semjaza . . . bind
them fast for seventy generations . . . till the
judgment that is for ever and ever is consum-
mated '; Jude '^, ' wandering stars,' with 1 En, xviii.
15, xxi. 2, 3, 6.
(b) 2 Peter is closely related to Jude, and 2 P 2^
is more than an echo of Jude ^ The fuller details,
indeed, may be due to 1 Enoch, while the juxta-
position of the first judgment on the angels in 2 P
2^ with the Deluge in 2 P 2^ is characteristic of 1
Enoch as it stands, especially in its Noachic interpo-
lations, e.g. X. 1-16, Ixv. 1-lxvii. 4. AsNoah iscalled
' a preacher of righteousness' in 2 P 2^, we might
venture to assume that this title implies that he,
and not Christ, was taken to be the preacher to
the spirits in prison in 1 P 3^^ by the author of 2
Peter. If this be admitted, 1 PS'^- 20 might pos-
sibly be claimed as witnessing to the original form
of the Noah Ajjocalypse in which it was not Enoch
but Noah who was sent to reprimand the Watchers
(see 1 En. xii. 1-4, ' Enoch Avas hidden . . . and
his activities had to do with the Watchers. . . .
"Enoch, thou scribe of righteousness, go declare
to the AVatchers" '). In support of this view we
may note (a) that the references to the sin of
the angels are all (except Ixxxvi. 1) in Noachic
passages ; {^) that in defiance of chronology and
tiie context the name ' Noah ' has been altered to
' Enoch ' in Ix. 1 ; that ' the longsufiering of God
waited ' in 1 P 3^" seems to echo 1 En. Ix. 5, ' until
this day lasted His mercy ; and He hath been
merciful and longsuflfering. . . .' Cf. too Ixvi. 2
and Ixvii. 2, where angels hold the waters in
check and other angels are constructing the ark,
with 1 P 3-°, 'while the ark was a-preparing.'
On the other hand, of course, there are great
exegetical difficulties in 1 P 3'^' ^^ in the way of this
view, though ' the spirits . . . which aforetime
were disobedient' suggests angelic and not human
offenders, and the prison of the angels is a common-
place in 1 En. (x. 4, 12, xix. 1, xxi. 10, Ixvii. 4,
etc.).
(c) In St. John's First Epistle we have the fre-
quent contrast between light and darkness so
characteristic of 1 Enoch : e.g. 1 Jn F ' walk in the
light ' II 1 En. xcii. 4 ; 1 Jn 2^ ' the darkness is pass-
ing away ' || 1 En. Iviii. 5. The warning in 1 Jn
2^^, ' love not the world, neither the things that
are in the world,' has a close parallel in 1 En.
cviii. 8, ' loved not any of the good things which
are in the world,' and in xlviii. 7.
{d) For St. James's woes against the rich (5^"^),
only paralleled in the NT by our Lord's words on
the danger of trusting to wealth, cf. 1 En. xlvi. 7,
Ixiii. 10, xciv. 8-11, xcvi. 4-8, xcvii. 8-10.
(e) The Book of Bevelation is naturally full of
Jewish apocalyptic phraseology and imagery, and
parallels are abundant with 1 Enoch, (a) Angel-
ology. — 'Seven (arch)angels ' (Rev 8- and? 1* A^)\\
1 En. XX. 1-8, xc. 21 ; 'four living creatures' (Rev
4*) II 'four presences' (1 En. xl. 2-9); 'have no
rest day and night' (Rev 4^) || 1 En. xxxix. 13;
angels ofier men's prayers to God (Rev 8^-^; cf.
58) II 1 En. ix. 1-3, xlvii. 2, xcix. 3 ; angels of
winds (Rev 7') and of waters (lO^) 1| 1 En. Ixix. 22.
(/3) Demonology. — 'A star from heaven fallen unto
the earth ' (Rev 9')— for phrase cf. 1 En. Ixxxvi.
1 ; ' Satan . . . accuser of our brethren . . . be-
fore our God ' (Rev 123- ") || ' Satans . , . before
the Lord of Spirits ... to accuse them who dwell
on the earth ' [1 En. xl. 7) ; the false prophet ' de-
ceiveth them that dwell on the earth ' (Rev IS^-*) ||
the ' hosts of Azazel . . . leading astray those
who dMell on the earth ' (1 En. liv. 56) ; idolatry as
demon worship (Rev 9-") || 1 En. xix. 1, xcix. 7.
(7) Boasting of rich. — ' I am rich and have gotten
riches ' (Rev 3") || ' we have become rich with riches
and have possessions' (1 En. xcvii. 8). (5) Stages of
judgment. — Prayer of saints for vengeance (Rev
6'") II 1 En. xlvii. 2, etc. ; terror of the kings and
the great at the sight of ' iiim that sitteth on the
throne' and at 'the wrath of the Lamb' (Rev 6'*)
II ' when they see that Son of Man sitting on the
throne of His glory ' [1 En. Ixii. 5) ; the sinners'
blood rises to the horses' bridles (Rev \A"^) \\ to the
horses' breasts (i En. c. 3) ; books opened (Rev
20'^) II 1 En. xc. 20; book of life (Rev 20^^) y
books of the living {1 En. xlvii. 3) ; Satan bound
for a thousand years (Rev 20'-) and then cast into
lake of fire (20'") || Semjaza and his associates
bound for seventy generations (i En. x. 12) and
then led off to the abyss of fire (x. 13). (e) Pesur-
rection. — The sea, death, and Hades give up their
dead (Rev 20^=*) || the earth, Sheol, and hell (1 En.
li. 1), the desert and the sea (Ixi. 5) restore their
dead, (f) The future rewards of the righteous. —
' Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord ' (Rev
14'*) II ' Blessed is the man who dies in righteous-
ness' {1 En. Ixxxi. 4); saints in white raiment
(Rev 3^) II angels clothed in Avhite (i En. xc. 31)
and saints (clad) in shining light (cviii. 12) ; ' foun-
tains of waters of life ' (Rev 7") 11 a ' bright spring
of water ' (i En. xxii. 9; cf. xlviii. 1); eat with
Christ (Rev Z-^) \\ ' with that Son of Man shall they
eat and lie down and rise up for ever' {1 En. Ixii.
14) ; sit on throne with Christ (Rev 3-i ; cf. 20-')
II 'I will seat each on the throne of his honour'
(cviii. 12) ; Christ will spread His tabernacle over
them (Rev 7'^) 11 ' I will cause my Elect One to
dwell among them ' (1 En. xlv. 4) ; ' no curse
any more ' (Rev 22*)ll ' no sorrow or plague,' etc.
(i En. XXV. 6).
(/) In Acts we have a parallel with 1 Enoch : Ac
lO'* 'thy pi-ayers . . . are gone up for a memorial
before God '|| 1 En. xcix. 3 ' raise your prayers as a
memorial. . . before the Most High.'
ig) Hebrews.— With He 4'=* cf. 1 En. ix. 5 'all
things are naked and open in thy sight, and thou
seest all things and nothing can hide itself from
thee' ; cf. also He 1P° 12-' (the heavenly Jerusalem
built by God Himself) with 1 En. xc. 29 ; IP refers
to the translation of Enoch and understands 'walked
with God' in Gn 5^'' as 'pleased God.' Cf. 1 En.
XV. 1.
(A) .S"^. Paul's Epistles.— 1 Th 5* || i En. Ixii. 4
' then shall pain come upon them as on a woman in
travail' ;Ro83«(cf. 2Thr,Epli P', Col P«) |U£??. Ixi.
10 ' angels of power and . . . of principalities.' With
2 Co 4'' cf. 1 En. xxxviii. 4 ' the Lord of Spirits has
caused his light to appear (so Charles) on the face
of the holy, righteous, and elect' ; 2 Co IP^ || 1 En.
Ixxvii. 1 ' H e who is blessed for ever ' ; Gal 1* || 1 En,
xlviii. 7 'tliis world of unrighteousness' ; Ph 2^" ||
1 En. xlviii. 5 ' shall fall down and worship before
him ( = Son of Man)'; Col 2^ || i En. xlvi. 3 'the
Son of Man . . . who revealeth ail the treasures
of that which is hidden ' ; 1 Ti 1" || 1 En. xciii. 4 ' a
law shall be made for the sinners' ; 1 Ti V^ \\ 1 En.
xciv. 1 ' Avorthy of acceptation ' ; 1 Ti 5^^ || 1 En.
xxxix. 1 ; 1 Ti 6'* ll 1 En. xiv. 21 ' none of the angels
340
E^'OCH, BOOK OF
EXOCH, BOOK OF
could enter and could behold his face by reason of
the mai4nitlcence and glory, and no flesh could be-
hold him.'
(/) XT in. ffeneral.—T?hra.ses which recur in the
NT are ' Lord of lords and King of kings ' (1 En. ix. 4,
Kev IT^'* ; cf. 1 Ti 6^=) ; ' holy angels ' {1 En. Ixxi. 1,
etc., Rev 14", etc. ; cf. Ac 10'--); 'the generation
of light' (^ En. cviii. 11): cf. Eph 5^ 'children
of light,' 1 Th 55 'sons of light' (so Lk 16«
Jn 12^").
(2) Theology.— («) The Messiah.— The 'Son of
Man ' in the Parables is pre-existent : ' before the
sun and the signs were created, before the stars of
tiie heaven were made, his name was named before
the Lord of Spirits ' (xlviii. 3), ' for this reason hath
he been chosen and hidden before him, before the
creation of the world and for evermore' (xlviii. 6),
' for from the beginning the Son of Man was hidden,
and the Most High preserved him in the presence
of his might, and revealed him to the elect' (Ixii. 7 ;
cf. xxxix^e, 7, xlvi. 1-3). For ' before the creation '
cf. Col I'^, and for ' from the beginning' cf. Jn P,
1 Jn \\ Rev 1" 218 22'^, and for ' revealed ' cf. 1 Ti 31^,
1 Jn 3^-*, and esp. 1 P 1-". He is a supernatural
being. In Dn 7'^ the ' one like unto a son of man '
is brought before God and dominion is bestowed on
him. In 1 En. xxxix. 6, 7, xlvi. 1, 2, Ixii. 7 the
'Son of Man' is with God (cf. Jn P) and will
sit on His throne (li. 3). He is the ideally Right-
eous One{x-s.x^viii. 2) — 'the Righteous and Elect One
(liii. 6 ; cf. xlvi. 3) ; cf. Ac 3^^ V^ 22" 1 Jn 2i. He is
the Elect (xl. 5, xlv. 3, 4, xlix. 2, 4, etc.) ; cf. Lk 9=*^
23^5; the Anointed or Christ (xlviii. 10, lii. 4). He
has all knowledge (xlvi. 3, xlix. 2, 4), all vnsdoni
(xlix. 1, 3, li. 3), all dominion (Ixii. 6 ; cf. Mt 28^^).
' The sum of judgment ' is ' given unto the Son of
Man' (Ixix. 27 ; cf. Jn 522- ^). God ' appoints a judge
for them all and he judges them all before Him '
(xli. 9 ; cf. Ac 17^^. He judges both men and
angels ( li. 2, Iv. 4, Ixi. 8, Ixii. 2, 3). He is Vindicator
of the righteous (but not redeemer of mankind). He
has ' preserved the lotof the righteous ' (xlviii. 7) and
will be ' the hope of those who are troubled of heart '
(xlviii. 4). He has been revealed to the righteous
(Ixii. 7) and in due time will ' cause the house of
his congregation to appear ' (liii. 6). Outside the
Parables God Himself is the Judge (cf. 1 P V^,
Rev 20^2) . jn the Parables it is the Son of Man
(cf. 1 P 4^ Rev 6i«-i7 22'2, etc.). It is an unforgiv-
able sin to deny the Anointed One (xlviii. 10). The
words ' in his name they are saved ' in xlviii. 7
must refer to the Lord of Spirits, not to the Son of
Man, as Charles takes it. For the phrase, however,
of. Ac 412, 1 Co 6".
{b) Messianic Kingdom. — Whereas in i.-xxxvi.
there is a very sensuous conception of Messianic
bliss, and the scene of the Kingdom is the existing
Jerusalem and Holy Land purified from sin, in
Ixxxiii.-xc. Ave find a more advanced concei)tion.
The centre of the Kingdom is now to be a new Jeru-
salem brouglit to earth by God Himself (cf. He 12-2,
Rev 3^2 21-!), and tlie citizens of it are to be trans-
formed after tiie likeness of tlie Messiah, whose
origin is, however, natural and human. In xci.-civ.
we have a Kingdom of limited duration, followed
by the last judgment (cf. Rev 2Q^-5.n-\5y j^ ^j^g
Parables we have a new heaven and a new earth,
under a supernatural head, the fount of wisdom,
righteousness, and ])ower.
(c) The Restirrection in i.-xxxvi. is of soul and
body to a limited life in an eternal Messianic
Kingdom on earth. In the Parables the resurrec-
tion is to a spiritual Kingdom, in which the holy
are clothed with a sjtiritual body, 'garments of
life ... of ^dory ' (Ixii. 16; cf. 1 Co 15'3- ^^ 2 Co
5'"^). In xci.-civ. there is a resurrection of the
spirit only.
(d) The Judgment in 1 Enoch precedes the King-
dom, except in xci.-civ. (for which cf. Rev 21'^-'^).
See under 8 (2) (a) above.
(e) Sheol or Hades in 1 En. xxii. is a place of souls,
good and bad, in the intermediate state, in 1 En.
Ixiii. 10, xcix. 11, ciii. 7 of wicked souls in their
final state of woe ; cf. Rev 20^^*" (of wicked only (?)
in intermediate state).
(/) Retribution and salvation. — In xci.-civ. the
tone is extremely ' other-worldly,' and the contrast
between the present prosperity of the wicked and
the suti'erings of the righteous and their future
destinies is emphasized throughout. Judgment
will be according to works, which ' the Son of
Man will try' (xlv. 3) and judge, 'and in the
balance shall (men's) deeds be weighed' (Ixi. 8 ; cf.
xli. 1). These works, however, are the outcome of
faith on the part of ' the righteous whose elect
works,' as also they themselves, ' hang upon the
Lord of Spirits' (xxxviii. 2 ; cf. xl. 5, xlvi. 8). The
' elect ' is a frequent title of the righteous, and im-
plies dependence upon God's grace.
[g) Sin and repentance. — Man's will is free, and
the two ways of righteousness and violence lie
before him for his choice (xci. 18, xciv. 3). Though
sin goes back in origin to the fallen angels and the
Satans, ' man of himself has created it ' (xcviii. 4 ;
cf. Ja P^-'^). 1 En. xl. 9 assigns to Phanuel the
oversight of ' repentance unto hope of those who
inherit eternal life.' On the other hand, repent-
ance will be unavailing for men after the manifes-
tation of the Son of Man on the throne of glory
(Ixiii. 1-11), and at all times for fallen angels (xii.
6, xiv. 4, Ixv. 11).
(A) Angels. — Marriage is forbidden to them (xv.
7 ; cf. Mt 2223-33) ; 1 Co IP" possibly refers to the
seduction of angels by women, which, however,
agrees with the nai'rative of the angels' fall in
Jtibilees rather than in 1 Enoch.
{i) The conversion of the Gentiles is expected
generally in i jEwocA, e.g. x. 21, 1. 2, xc. 30, 33,xci. 14.
Literature. — L Chief editions of the text. — (i.) In the
Greek verxions. — U. Bouriant, Fragments du texte grec d%t
Livre d' Henoch { = M6moires publics par leg membres de la
mission archeologique franqaise au Carre, Paris, 18ii2-99, torn.
ix. fasc. i.), pp. 91-136 ; A. Lods, L'fjvangile et I'Apocalypse
de Pierre avec le texte grec du Livre d'Henoch. Fac-simiU du
manuscrit reproduit en SU planches doubles, en heliogravure
{=Memoires publics par les membres de la mission arcMo-
logique frangaise au Caire, torn. ix. fasc. iii.), also Le Livre
d'Hinoch : Fragments grecs dicouverts d Akhmim, publics
avec les variantes du texte ithiopien, traduils et amiotis, Paris,
1892 ; A. Dillmann, ' tjber den neugefundenen griechischen
Text des Henochbuches ' in Sitzungsberichte der kgl. preuss.
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, li.-liii. [Berlin, 1892],
pp. 1039-1054, 1079-1092; R. H. Charles, The Book of Enoch,
Oxford, 1893, pp. 318-370, 21912, pp. 273-30.5 ; H. B. Swete,
OT in Greek, vol. iii. [Cambridue, 1905], pp. 789-809 ; J. Flam-
ming' and L. Radermacher, Das Buck Henoch, Leipzig, 19(il,
pp. 18-60, 113-114. For the Vatican Fragment, see A. Mai,
Patrum Nova Bibliotheca, Rome, 1844-71 ; J. Gildemeister,
in ZDMG ix. [1855] pp. 621-4, and O. von Gebhardt in Merx'
Archiv fUr wissenschaftl. Erj'orschungen des AT, Halle, 1872,
ii. 243.
(ii.) In the Latin version.. — M. R. James, in TS ii. 3 : Apoc-
rypha Anecdota, Cambridge, 1893, pp. 146-150 ; R. H. Charles,
Bookdf Enoch^, pp. 372-375, 2pp. 264-268 ; Anecdota Oxoniensia.
The Ethiopic Version of the Book of Enoch, Oxford, 1906, p.
2 if. ; Apocrjipha and Pseudepigrapha, Oxford, 1913, pp. 278, 279.
(iii.) Ill the Ethiopic version. — R. Laurence, Libri Enoch
Versio Aethiopica, Oxford, IS.iS ; A. Dillmann, Liber Henoch,
Aethi.opice, ad quiiupie rodleum fidein editus, cum variis lee-
tionibus, Leipzig, Is'il ; R. H. Charles, Anecdota Oxoniensia.
The Ethid/iic Vcrsiim (it'llir Honk of Enoch; J. Flemming:, Das
Buck Henoch: Act/iiapischcr Text ( = T(T, new sen, vii. 1)
Leipzig, 1902.
(iv.) hi translations. — R. Laurence, The Book of Enoch ._. .
now first translated from an Ethiopic MS in the Bodleian
Library, Oxford, 1.S21 ; A. Dillmann, Das Buch Henoch iiber-
setzt und erklnrt, Leipzig, lsr,3 ; G. H. Schodde, The Book of
Enoch translated with I iilnnliiction and Notes, Andover, 1882 ;
R. H. Charles, Thr l:»<il.- if Enoch translated from Dillmann's
Ethiopic Text emendeil und nri.sed . . ., Oxford, 1893, translated
anew from the Editor's Ethinpic Text . . ., Oxford, 1912; G.
Beer, in Kautzsoh's Apok. vnd J'snal., Tiibingen, 1900, ii. 236-
310; J. Flemming- and L. Radermacher, Das Buch Henoch;
F. Martin, Le Livre d'Henoch tntdiiit sur le texte Miopien,
Paris, 1906 ; R. H. Charles, Apocn/pha and Pseudepigrapha,
ii. 188-281.
ENVY
EP.ENETUS
341
II. Chief critical inquiries. — G. C. F. Liicke, Einlcitung in
die Offenbarung des Johannes-, Bonn, 1852, pp. 89-144, 1071-3 ;
A. Dillmann, Das Buck Henoch ubersetzt und erklcirt, also in
PREi xii. [1860] 308-310, PRE"^ xii. [1883] 350-352 ; G. H. A.
Ewald, Abhandlung iiber des dthiopischen Buches Hendkh
Entstehung, Sinn und, Zusammcnsetzung, Grittingren, 1854 ;
History of Israel, London, 1869-80, v. .345-9 ; A. Hilgenfeld,
Die judische Apokalyptik, Jena, 1857, pp. 91-184 ; J. Halevy,
' Kecherches sur la laiig-ue de la redaction primitive du livre
d'Enoch, in J A, 1867, pp. 352-395 ; O. von Gebhardt, ' Die 70
Hirten des Buches Henoch . . .' in Merx' Archiv filr wissen-
schaftl. Erforschung des AT, vol. ii. pp. 163-246 ; Tideman, ' De
Apokalypse van Henoch en het Essenisnie,' in Theol. Tijdschri/t,
1875, pp. 261-296 ; J. Drummond, The Jeicish Messiah, London,
1877, pp. 17-73; E. Schiirer, HJP ii. iii. [Edinburgh, 1886]
pp. 54-73 ; W. Baldensperger, Das Selbstbeivusstsein Jesu,
Strassburg, 1SS8, pp. 7-lG ; R. H. Charles, Book of Enoch ;
Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, ii. 163-185 ; C. Clemen, 'Die
Zusammensetzung des Buches Henoch,' in Theologiscke Studien
und Kritiken, Ixxi. [Ia98], pp. 211-227 ; G. Beer, in Kautzsch's
Apok. und Pseud, des AT ii. 224-230; J. Flemming and L.
Radermacher, Das Buck Henoch ; F. Martin, Le Livre
d'mnoch. A. Ll. DaVIES.
ENVY. — Envy is the feeling of mortification or
ill-will occasioned by the contemplation of the
superior advantages of others.
' Base envy withers at another's joy,
And hates that excellence it cannot reach'
(Thomson, Seasons, ' Spring,' 283).
In the NT the word is used to translate two Gr.
terms, (pdovos and ^rfKos, the former of which is
invariably (with the possible exception of Ja 4^)
taken in malam partem, while the latter is fre-
quently used in a good sense.
(1) Those who are given up to a reprobate mind
are ' full of envy ' {fiecrrovi <f>d6i'ov, Ro 1^), and the
character of the word is strikingly indicated by
the company it keeps, <pd6uos and <p6vos (' murder')
going together. Among the works of the flesh
are ' envyings ' (Gal 5^^), such as are occasioned by
quarrels about words (1 Ti 6*). Christians can
recall the time when they were ' living in malice
and envy ' (Tit 3^) ; and even now they need the
injunction to 'put away all envies' (1 P 2^) ; it ill
becomes them to be seen ' jirovoking one another,
envying one another' (Gal 5'^^). In Rome St. Paul
found, with mingled feelings, some men actually
preaching Christ from envy, moved to evangeli-
cal activity by the strange and sinister inspiration
of uneasiness and di.spleasure at his own success as
an apostle (Ph l^^) (see FACTION). If the RV of
Ja 4^ is correct, (pOov^ui has its usual evil sense, and
this difficult passage means, ' Do you think that God
will implant in us a spirit of envy, the parent of
strife and hate?' But it maybe better to trans-
late, either, ' For even unto jealous envy (' bis zur
Eifersucht' [von Soden]) he longeth for the spirit
which he made to dwell in us,' or ' That sjjirit
which he made to dwell in us yearneth for us
even unto jealous envy.' If either of the last two
renderings is right, (pdovos is for once ascribed to
God, or to a spirit which proceeds from Him, and
the word has no appreciable difference of meaning
from the ^rjXos ('jealousy') which is so often at-
tributed to Him in the OT {debs ^rikwr-qs. Ex 20^
etc.). He longs for the devotion of His people
Avith an intensity which is often present in, as
well as with a purity which is mostly absent from,
our human envy. Very different from this passion
of holy desire was the <p9hvos of the pagan gods (to
delov irav icm <pdovep6v, says Solon, Herod, i. 32 ; cf.
iii. 40) — that begrudging of uninterrupted human
happiness which Crcesus and Polycrates had so
much reason to fear.
(2) In the RV of Ac V 13^^ 175^ j^q 1313^ 1 q^ 33^
Ja 3'4. 16 'jealousy' is substituted for AV 'envy,'
in Ac 5^'^ for 'indignation,' and in 2 Co 12^0 for
'emulation.' In all these instances the word is
f^Xos (vb. f??Xdw), used in a bad sense, though in
many other cases it has a good meaning and is
translated ' zeal ' (Ro 10^, 2 Co T'- " 9'^ Ph 3«). In
2 Co ir-^ f^Xcjj ^eoO means a zeal or jealousy like
that which is an attribute of God, most pure in its
quality, and making its possessor intensely solici-
tous for the salvation of men.
In 2 Co 9^ the RVm suggests ' emulation of you '
as the translation of 6 vij.G)v ^rjXos. William Law,
who calls envy ' the most ungenerous, base, and
wicked passion that can enter the heart of man '
(A. Whyte, Characters and Characteristics of
William Laiv^, 1907, p. 77), denies that any real
distinction can be drawn between envy and emula-
tion.
' If this were to be attempted, the fineness of the distinction
would show that it is easier to divide them in words than to
separate them in action. For emulation, when it is defined
in its best manner, is nothing else but a refinement upon envy,
or rather the most plausible part of that black and poisonous
passion. And though it is easy to separate them in the notion,
yet the most acute philosopher, that understands the art of
distinguishing ever so well, if he gives himself up to emulation,
will certainly find himself deep in envy.'
If this were the case, there would be an end of
all generous rivalry and fair competition. But it
is contrary to the natural feeling of mankind.
Plato says, ' Let every man contend in the race
without envy' (Jowetf-, 1875, v. 75), and St. Paul
frequently stimulates his readers with the lan-
guage of the arena. The distinction between
(pd6vos and f^Xos (in the good sense) is broad and
deep. The one is a moral disease — ' rottenness in
the bones' (Pr 14^"), ' aegritudo suscepta propter
alterius res secundas ' (Cicero, Tusc. iv. 8) ; the
other is the health and vigour of a spirit that
covets earnestly the best gifts. Nothing but good
can come of the strenuous endeavour to equal and
even excel the virtues, graces, and high achieve-
ments of another. Ben Jonson has the line, ' This
faire semulation, and no envy is,' and Dryden ' a
noble emulation heats your breast.' f7?Xos (from
f^w, 'boil') is, in fact, like its Hebrew equivalent
.iN:p ('heat,' ' ardour '), an ethically neutral energy,
which may become either good or bad, according
to the quality of the objects to which it is directed
and the spirit in which they are pursued. It in-
stigated the patriarchs (^rjXdjaavTes, Ac 7^) to sell
their brother into Egypt, and the Judaizers (f7?Xoi}-
aiv, Gal 4''') to seek the perversion of St. Paul's
spiritual children. Love (dyaTrr]) has no affinity
with this base passion (oi f'l^Xo?, 1 Co 13*). Love
generates a rarer, purer zeal of its own, and ' it is
good to be zealously sought in a good matter at all
times' (KoXbi' di ^TjXovcrOai iv /caXy -rravTOTe, Gal 4^^).
James Steahan.
EPiENETUS ('ETratVeros, Ro 16^— a Greek name).
— Eptenetus is saluted by St. Paul and described
as 'my beloved' and as 'the firstfruits of Asia
unto Christ ' {rbv a-ya-rr-qTbv fiov, 6s iffriv airapXTl rrjs
'Aulas els Xpiarbv). The only other persons de-
scribed in Ro 16 as 'my beloved' are Ampliatus
(t6v dyaTrrjTdv /nov iv Kvpli^, v.*) and Stachys (v.^).
Persis, a woman, is saluted perhaps with inten-
tional delicacy as 'the beloved' (w.^'^). Epa^netus
was probably a personal convert of the Apostle's,
and as such specially dear to him. He was the
first to become a Christian in the Roman pro-
vince of Asia (the TR reading 'Axai'as must be re-
jected in favour of 'Aaias, supported by the over-
whelming authority of }«fABCD). Assuming the
Roman destination of these salutations, Eppenetus
must have been at the time of writing resident
in or on a visit to Rome. (The discovery of an
Ephesian Epa?netus on a Roman inscription is
interesting but unimportant [Sanday-Headlam,
Boman.-^ {ICC, 1902), p. 421].) But the reference
to Epajnetus, together with the salutation of
Prisca and Aquila (v.^), who appear in 1 Co 16"*
and again in 2 Ti 41^* as living in Ephesus, has
given rise to the suggestion that this section of
Romans was originally addressed to the Church of
Ephesus. Epsenetus, however, is not said to have
342
EPAPHEAS
EPAPHRODITUS
l>een an Ephesian (see Lightfoot, Biblical Essays,
1S93, p. 301).
For the designation ' firstfruits ' we must com-
pare the description of the ' household of Stephanas '
(1 Co 16^^) — 'the firstfruits of Achaia' (d7rapx'7 t^s
'Axi^'^'s) — a-nd note the suggestion that ministry in
the Church was connected at first with seniority
(if faitli, a suggestion more than supported by
Clement of Rome, Up. ad Cor. xlii. Nothing
could be more natural than that the work of sujjer-
intending the local Christian communities should
be entrusted to those among the first converts who
were found capable of undertaking it. The term
'firstfruits' had a special religious significance —
that of dedication to God — and this idea must have
been present when the original nucleus of a church
was so called. Epoenetus, as the senior Christian,
had a position of responsibility ; and that he was
actually a leader would appear from his place
in these salutations — second only to ' Prisca and
Aquila my fellow-Avorkers ' (Ro 16®). Cf. also
Andronicus and Junias (or Junia), who are said to
'have been in Christ' before St. Paul, and the
possibility that tliey were known as apostles
(v.^) ; also the prominence given to Mnason as an
'original' disciple in Ac 21'^. The position thus
given to the earliest converts of the missions and
the services demanded from them may have been
analogous to the privileges and obligations of the
relations of the Lord. Blood-relationship ^^^th
Jesus gave to those who could claim it an official
status in the Church which was handed on to tlieir
descendants (see A. Harnack, Constitution and
Law of the Church, Eng. tr., 1910, pp. 32-37).
T. B. Allworthy.
E PAPER AS (shortened probably from Epaphro-
ditus, but not to be identified Avith the evangelist
so named). — Epaphras was a native or citizen of
Colossae (Col 4^^), the founder, or at least an early
and leading teacher of the Church there (Col V,
where Kal, 'also,' is omitted in the oldest MSS),
who had special relations with the neighbouring
churches of Laodicea and Hierapolis (4'^). St. Paul
had not yet visited this community when he wrote
Col. ; but if the reading vir^p i^ixCbv (' on our behalf,'
'as our delegate') be accejrted in V (as by RV on
the authority of the three oldest MSS), the Apostle,
during his long residence at Ephesus, when ' all who
dwelt in Asia heard the Word' (Ac 19^"), must have
specially commissioned Epaphras to evangelize
Colossoe in his (St. Paul's) name (Col 4'2- 'S).
Epaphras' intimate association with St. Paul is
shown by the designations ' beloved fellow-bonds-
man ' (P) and 'fellow-captive' (Philem^S). The
latter word (cf. Col 4i», Ro 16^), if it be not here
used metaphorically, suggests either that Epaphras'
friendship with St. Paul created suspicion and thus
led to his arrest, or that he voluntarily shared the
Apostle's captivity (Lightfoot, Colossians^, 1879,
p. 34f.).»
When Col. was written, Epaphras liad recently
arrived in Rome, and had given St. Paul a report
of the Church of Colossa;. The Apostle assures
the Colossian Christians of Epaphras' great zeal
as well as fervent prayers for them ; and he conveys
to them the friendly greeting of their townsman,
who remained in Rome with St. Paul (Col 4^-- i^).
The report about the Church of Colossse was on
the whole favourable. Epaphras testifies to the
spiritual life and fruitfulness of its members ; to
their conspicuous faith, hope, and charity (1*-^).
There was, however, a disquieting account of a
peculiar heresy, which had broken out in the com-
munity — a combination of Judaistic formalism with
Oriental theosophy (see COLOSSIANS). Epaphras,
* Jerome (Com. on Phileni 23) mentions, without endorsing it,
a tradition that St. Paul and Epaphras, in boyhood, were
carried tofjether as captives in war from Judaea to Tarsus.
filled with anxiety, had wrestled (dyuvii^SpLepos) in
praj'er for his converts ' that they mightstand fully
assured in all the will of God ' (4*-). Probably one
reason of his visit to Rome was to consult St. Paul
about this new peril. The solicitude of Epaphras
was shared by the Apostle, who, amid thanksgiving
for the spiritual progress of the Colossians, ad-
monishes them (p2) to abide in the ti'uth, ' grounded
and stedfast.' Epaphras sends salutations to the
household of Philemon, the letter to whom was
dispatched along with the Epistle to the Colossians.
Thenceforth Epaphras disappears from reliable
history ; later traditions represent him as ' bisliop '
of Colossaj, as sutt'ering martyrdom, and eventually
having his bones interred under the Church of Sta.
JNIaria Maggiore in Rome.
Literature.— J. D. Strohha.ch, de Epaphrd, 1710; Commen-
taries of Lightfoot, Ellicott, Eadie, Abbott, Wohlenberg,
Maclaren, Haupt, etc., on Colossians ; F. Vigouroux, Diet, de
la Bible, 1891-99 ; art. 'Epaphras' in BDB, SDB, and EBi.
Henry Cowan.
EPAPHRODITUS ( = ' favoured by Aphrodite
[Venus],' 'comely'). — Epaphroditus Avas a leading
member and delegate or messenger of the Pliilip-
pian Church, mentioned only in Ph 2** and 4''*.
He arrived in Rome during St. Paul's earlier im-
prisonment with a substantial 'gift' (presumably
of money) from the Philippian Christians to the
Apostle, of whose impoverishment they liad heard.
After fulfilling his commission, and strengthening,
through his own warmly affectionate personality,
the bond of communion between the Apostle and
his ' dearly beloved ' Philippian converts, Epaphro-
ditus remained in Rome partly to render personal
service to St. Paul, as the representative of the
devoted Philippians, and partly to take a share in
the ' work of Christ ' as the Apostle's colleague in
missionary ministry. St. Paul describes him as
' my brother, and fellow-worker, and fellow-soldier,'
implying at once ' common sympatliies, labours
undertaken in common, and community in suffer-
ing and struggle' (J. S. Howson, Companions of
St. Paul, p. 235). The ' true yoke-fellow,' also, of
Ph 4^ is believed by Lightfoot {Philippians*, 1878,
p. 158) to be most probably Epaphroditus, since 'in
his case alone there would be no risk of making
the reference unintelligible by the supj^ression of
the name.' His evangelistic zeal, however, com-
bined with devotion to St. Paul, over-taxed his
strength, and became the occasion of severe illness
which almost issued in death (2-''- '^^). It is notable
that St. Paul, whose })Ower of working miracles is
frequently referred to (Ac W> 28^, 2 Co 121^), did
not exercise it in the case of Epaphroditus. It
was a power which, ' great as it was, was not liis
own, to use at his own will' (Barry in Ellicott's
Com. on NT, 1884, Ph 2-^). Some inner voice
doubtless enabled apostles to know when the time
for working a miracle had come. But ' the prayer
of a righteous man availeth much ' ; and earnest
supplications were doubtless offered up in Rome by
St. Paul and the Church there for the recovery of
Epaphroditus. These prayers were heard. ' God
had mercy upon him, and not on him only but on me
also, lest I should have sorrow^ on sorrow' (Ph 2^).
Meanwhile the Philippians had heard of their
delegate's illness, and by and by their an.viety
became known at Rome. Partly to relieve that
solicitude and to satisfy the 'longing' of Epaphro-
ditus ; partly to convey the Apostle's grateful
acknowledgment of the recent gift ; partly also,
we may presume (although Avith delicate considera-
tion this reason is not expressly stated), in order
tliat the invalid's health may be fully restored
tiirough entire rest such as he Avould not take in
Rome, the Apostle sends him back to Philippi
with a cordial testimony to his zealous labours and
chivalrous service. Epaphroditus thereafter dis
EPHESIAI^S, EPISTLE TO THE
EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 343
appears from NT history, leaving behind him the
fragrant memory of self- forgetful and self-sacri-
ficing devotion a% once to the person of St. Paul
and to the cause of Christ.
Theodoret (Com. on Ph 2^) represents Epaphro-
ditus (with some hesitation) as ' bisliop ' of Philippi.
Pseudo-Dorotheus includes him (without proba-
bility, however, since nothing suggests that he
was a Hebrew) among the Seventy of Lk 10' ; and
he calls him ' bishop ' of Andriace, the port of
Myra in Lycia. In virtue of the designation
dirSiTToXos (Ph 2'-^) the Greek Church places Epaphro-
ditus in the same ranlc Avith Barnabas, Silas, and
others ; but the context suggests the original
meaning, ' messenger.'
Literature. — H. S. Seekings, 3Ien of Pauline Circle, 1914 ;
J. S. Howson, Companiiins of St. Paul, 1S71 ; E. B. Redlich,
St. Paid and his Companions, 1913, p. 230; J. A. Beet, in
Expositor, 3rd ser. ix. [ISSO] 64 ff. ; Commentaries of EUicott,
Eadie, Lightfoot, Vincent, Weiss, von Soden. See also
artt. in HDB, SDB, and EDi. HeNRY CoWAN.
EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE.— 1. Date and
place of writing. — From internal evidence, there
is little difficulty in determining the circumstances
under which Ephesians was written. St. Paul is a
prisoner at the time (3' 4' 6^"), and writes from
prison to ' the saints which are in Ephesus.' His
imprisonment has lasted long enough to give rise
to grave anxiety among the Christian communities
(313 622j_ jjg speaks of himself as 'the prisoner'
(3' 4'), as though that were a title of honour con-
secrated by long use. This in itself makes it
natural to date the Epistle from Rome rather than
from Cfesarea. Other internal evidence, though
slight, points in the same direction. St. Paul's
captivity permits at least some liberty in preaching
(6'»-2» ; k. Ac 2S30-31, Ph 1'3- "). The phrase * I am
a chained ambassador' (6'°) certainly has more
point after the appeal to Ceesar, and suggests that
St. Paul has reached Rome to bear witness for the
gospel 'before kings.' And the grand, almost im-
perial, width of outlook which the Epistle shows
may well have been inspired in the provincial
citizen from Tarsus when he came at last to see
with his OAvn eyes the city which ruled the world,
with its centralized authority and its citizenship
open to every land and race (cf. Lock, art. ' Ephes-
ians' in HDB). It is thus natural to date the
Epistle c. A.D. 60.
This result would be quite inevitable if it could
be maintained that Eph. is a later work than Phil.,
which must certainly have been written from Rome
(Ph P^, etc.). This has been argued by such writers
as Bleek, Lightfoot {Philippians\ 1878, p. 30 ff.),
Sanday (Smith's DB^ i. [1893] 627), Hort {Jiidaistic
Christ ia nit J/, 1894, p. 115f.), Lock (loc. cit.). It is
true that Phil, resembles the earlier Epistles in
style and manner more than do the other Cap-
tivity Epistles. But it is impossible to postulate
an orderly development in these things in such a
writer as St. Paul. There is nothing in Eph. or
Col. more startling as a development of Pauline
doctrine than Ph 2^-". And the note of urgency
and anxiety in Phil, marks it out as dating from
the last days of the captivity at Rome (cf. iNIolfatt,
LNT, pp. 168-170 : Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller
and the Roman Citizen, 1895, p. 357 f. ).
A more certain result as to Eph. is given by its
relation to Col. and Philemon. The three Epistles
are all sent by the hand of Tychicus to the same
district. Col. and Philem. at least were sent to-
gether, and the literary connexion between Col.
and Eph. is so close that it seems inevitable to
associate Eph. with the other two. Philem. at
least must have been sent from Rome, despite the
arguments of Reuss and Meyer; and this carries
with it the conclusion that Eph. was sent from the
same place (see art. Colossians).
2. Occasion and purpose.— This Epistle stands
alone among the Pauline literature. The other
twelve writings ascribed to St. Paul have all some
special and more or less urgent occasion and purpose,
whether personal or controversial. Here neither
purpose nor occasion can be clearly traced. The
writer is not concerned to press his claims against
rivals or opponents. The bitter controversy with
Judaizing teachers lies in the past, and only faint
echoes of the battle can be heard (2i'-"-"). The
troubles at Colossse are in the background (lii^-^i
2-". 8 310 612), but do not ruffle the serenity of the
writer's mind. No special dangers seem to lie be-
fore the readers. Apart from the address, indeed,
it would be difficult to see that any special readers
are intended, though in the main the Epistle is
addressed to Gentile converts (P' 2'* "• '^ etc.).
Some danger of false teaching is perhaps suggested
in 4"' '^ but the references are quite general in
character. Controversy is laid aside for the time
being, and the writer deals with the problems of
the Gentile Church in a spirit at once detached
and lofty. Two special points emerge, half the
Epistle being devoted to each. Chs. 1-3 deal with
the respective positions of Jew and Gentile in the
unity of the Church, from wiiich we may conjecture
that this was one of the main difficulties in the
churches founded by St. Paul. It was, indeed,
inevitable that it should be so, as the controversies
of a few years before had shown. But now the
position is changed. The danger is no longer that
of the Judaizing teacher, but rather lest the grow-
ing Gentile communities should tend to despise the
Jewish Christians in their midst {2^-^- I'-'s ; cf. p2-i4)_
Chs. 4-6 deal with the most constant danger of the
Gentile convert — the danger of relapse into the vices
of paganism.
But neither of these dangers has come to the
front in any special form, and the dominant note
of the Epistle is not one of warning, but one of
praise and thanksgiving. The writer's mind is
full of one great theme — the unity of the Church
in Christ, predestined from all eternity to all
eternity, bound together in faith and love. And,
as he takes up his argument, the style rises in
dignity and strength until we seem to be listening
to a Eucharistic hymn. Against the dangers of
the hour he sets the inspiration of a great ideal,
the One Body of Christ who died for Jew and
Gentile alike, the One Church, ordered by Christ
Himself, in which every man, if he will, may lead
the life of the Spirit.
3. Analysis.— (A) Chs. 1-3. The unity of the
Church, regarded as that in which Jew and
Gentile are at last one. The whole of this section
is an expansion of the typical thanksgiving and
prayer with which St. Paul usually opens his
letters.
(1) P-2. Salutation.
(2) 1^"'^ Thanksgiving for the privileges be-
stowed in Christ upon the Church. This sec-
tion falls into three strophes, marked by the
refrain ' unto the praise of his glory,' and cor-
responding to the three Persons of the Trinity.
(a) vv.3-6. Thanksgiving for the ' adoption as sons,' pre-
destined by the Father before the foundation of the
world.
(6) vv.7-12. Thanksgiving for the revelation of God's good
pleasure in Christ, in whom we have redemption from
sin, grace to live anew, and knowledge of our place in
God's purpose to sum up all things in Him.
(c) VV.13- J'l. Thanksgiving that in the Holy Spirit both
Jew and Gentile have even here and now an earnest
of that great heritage.
(3) li5-23_ Prayer that the readers may grow to
a fuller understanding of the work of Christ,
(a) w.15-19. Prayer that they may realize more fully the
threefold blessing of vv.3-1*— their adoption as sons,
their heritage in Christ, their new life in the Spirit.
3U EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
EPHESIAKS, EPISTLE TO THE
(b) vv. 20-23. Prayer that they may come to see Christ as
He really is, the consummation of all thinjrs in heaven
and earth, and supreme Head of His Church.
(4) 2^"^-. A further thanksgiving for all that is
implied in this conception of the Church,
■worked out especially in relation to the position
of Jews and Gentiles therein.
(a) vv.i-iO. The power of God which was shown in Christ
has been shown too upon all individual Christians,
whether Gentile (vv.i- 2) or Jew (v.-*), raising them from
the death of sin (v.6 ; ct. l^U), causing them to ascend
with Christ into the heavenly sphere (v.6 ; cf. 1-''), and
giving them a place in the Church, through which
God has purposed to work (vv.'^-io ; cf. 1-1-23).
(6) vv.ii--. Thus the divisions of humanit.y are healed.
The Gentile who was once far off is ' made nigh in the
blood of Christ' (vv.iii-*). The barriers set up by the
Jewish Law are broken down (vv.^-f- 15). Jew and
Gentile now stand together in one fellowship, both
having their access to the Father through Christ in one
Spirit (vv.16 18). So is the Temple of God built, with
Christ as its chief corner-stone (vv.i9"-2).
(5) 3^""^ A further prayer that the readers may
apprehend the fullness of this great life in
Christ, in which all the saints join (vv.'^i''),
and a doxology, closing this section of the
Epistle (vv.2"- 21).
This section is interrupted by a passage ( vv. ^-i^)
in which the writer dwells upon his own posi-
tion as the ' chosen vessel ' through whom this
mystery of the Church was to be preached to
the Gentiles. The appointed time and means
had been fixed by the purpose of God, and the
revelation given in the Church affected not
only earth but also all heaven. The sufferings
of the ^vriter are thus no cause for discourage-
ment. They too lie in the purpose of God.
(B) Chs. 4-6. The unity of the Church, regarded
as a principle of conduct, enabling all to lead the
higher life.
(1) 41-5-1. A general appeal addressed to the
whole Church.
(a) 41-3. Exhortations to lead the life of love, which is
the life of the Spirit.
(6) vv.4-16. The unity of the Church, upon its practical
side, which rests upon the unity of God (vv.-4-6). It is
b.v God's gift that the organization of the Church
e.\ists in diverse ministries (vv.7-11). And the purpose
of it all is ' the perfecting of saints,' that each may
take his place in the livirtg whole of the Body of
Christ.perfect in faith and knowledge andlove (vv.i2i6).
(c) vv.i'7-'-4. The old Gentile life, based upon ignorance
and resulting in impurity, contrasted with the new
life, based upon knowledge of Christ and resulting in
' righteousness and hohness of truth.'
(d) 4'-5-r)2i. A more detailed description of the Christian
life as it should be lived by members of the Church.
(i.) 425. Truthfulness — a lie to another Christian is
a lie to oneself.
(11.) vv.26. 27. Control of temper, for fear of the
accuser, i.e. either of the Satan in heaven, or of
calumniators on earth.
(iii.) v. 28. Honesty, as the basis of right giving.
(iv.) VV.29. 30. Pure conversation, lest others be in-
jured, and the Holy Spirit be grieved.
(v.) vv.31-32. Gentleness, as God was gentle in
Christ.
(vi.) 51-2. Love, as Christ loved.
(vii.) vv-Si*. Purity of speech and action, even to
the avoidance of the foolish word and jest, as un-
worth.y of our calling (vv.3. 4)^ as incurring (Jod's
wrath (vv.5- 6), as wholly foreign to the life of light
in Christ (vv.7-i4).
(viii.) vv.1517. Wise use of time, since the days
are evil.
(ix.) vv.18 21. Temperance and orderl.v thanksgiving
in public worship, and in particular at the love-
feasts (in the spirit of 1 Co 11-14).
(2) 5^'-6^. An exhortation to members of Chris-
tian families. The writer takes the family as
the type of the Cliurch (cf. 3"^), and ajiplies
the general princii)les of the unity of the
Spirit to the details of family life.
(a) 522-24. Wives are to recognize the position of the
husband as head of the family, as Christ is head of the
Church.
(6) vv. 25-33. Husbands are to love their wives, with whom
they have been made one, as Christ loves the Church,
with which He is one.
(c) 613. Children must obey their parents, as is naturally
right, and as God has commanded.
(d) v.*. Parents ought to train their children wisel.v.
(e) vv.5-8. Slaves are to obey loyally, since their obedi-
ence is to God Himself.
(/) v. 9. Masters must treat their slaves justly, since they
themselves are but slaves of a Master in heaven.
(3) 6"-2^ A general exhortation to all Chris-
tians to fight God's battle in His strength (v.i")
and clad in His armour (vv."- 1^""), seeing that
the enemy is more than man (v.'-). The sec-
tion passes into a request for prayer for tlie
writer in prison (vv.^**- ^O), and thus it naturally
leads up to a commendation of Tycliicus, the
bearer of the letter, and then to a final
greeting.
i. Authorship. — The above analysis will make it
clear how carefully constructed and worked out
Ephesians is. The long sentences, cumbrous and
difficult to follow as they are, are yet almost
rhythmic in their balance. Everything is con-
nected and co-ordinated with the one great idea,
and the result is a composition quite unlike any
other writing assigned to St. Paul. Yet the claim
to Pauline authorship is quite explicit. It not
only occurs in the address (V) and in the final
messages (6^"), but is woven into the very structure
of the Epistle in 3^ and 4^, Either we have a
genuine work by the Apostle or else a pseudonymous
writing, composed at a very early date by a disciple
upon whom had fallen a double portion of the
Apostle's spirit. And of such a disciple we have
no other trace.
(1) Internal evidence. — The very simplicity of
the references to St. Paul is a strong argument for
the authenticity of the Epistle. There is a great
contrast between Eph. and 2 Pet. in this respect.
The laboured allusions of the latter to St. Peter's
life are not convincing ; but could even a close
disciple have coined the beautiful and simple
phrase, 'I Paul, the prisoner of Christ Jesus'?
Or would he have been likely to refer to his great
master as 'less than the least of all saints' (3*)
even with 1 Co IS** before him? On the other
hand, there are one or two phrases, apart from
questions of style and doctrine, which will be dis-
cussed later, which seem to some critics to be
' watermarks of a later age ' (Moffatt, LNT, p. 386).
Such is the phrase, ' built upon the foundation of
the apostles and prophets' (2-'*), an expression not
very suspicious in itself, but rendered suspect by
the phrase ' his holy apostles and pro])hets ' (3^).
Such language would certainly be natural at a
later date, and it is hardly like St. Paul to include
him.self under the term ' holy apostles.' Two ex-
planations have been given, {a) It is suggested
that the word aylois is not part of the original text.
It? is true that Origen and Theodoret show traces
of a text which omitted the word, but this is not
very strong evidence. Yet it might easily have
been added at an early date by a reverent scribe,
or liave crept in by dittography from airoffroXois
(TOICAnOICAnOCT . . .), or by confusion
with Col 1-®. (b) It is pointed out, e.g. by Salmond
('Ephesians 'in EOT, pp. 223 and 304), that Hyios
does not mean 'holy' in our modern sense, but
simply 'consecrated to God's service.' This is its
sense in the Pauline salutations and in 3^, and it
is tluis possible to conceive St. Paul including him-
self under tlie phrase in 3^ But (c) it is not
obvious that he does do so. St. Paul had always
stood apart from the original Twelve, and tliough
sometimes, as in Gal. and 2 Cor., he is concerned
to defend his commission, he was fully aware of a
real ditt'erence of position (1 Co 15"). Here some
real point seems to lie in the distinction. St. Paul
EPHESIAJfS, EPISTLE TO THE
EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 345
is arguing that he was specially chosen of God for
this ministry. Humble though he was, he had
shared the revelation given to the Twelve (cf. St.
Peter and Cornelius), and he, and not they, had
been called to proclaim the mystery of the Church
to the Gentiles (3**). The words in S'-*^ seem to
distinguish him from the 'holy apostles' of 3^
where St. Paul is not thinking of himself at all.
If this is so, 3'', though certainly unique, is not
unnatur,al. In any case, whatever be the explana-
tion of 3'', 3^ remains a ' watermark ' of St. Paul
himself, as indeed does the whole passage, 3-"^^, in
its abrupt intrusion into the sequence of thought.
The passage ' whereby, when ye read, ye can per-
ceive my understanding . . .' (S'') also sounds to
Molfatt characteristic of a disciple of St. Paul
rather than of St. Paul himself, but the conclusion
is not at all necessary.
(2) Externdl evidence. — This preliminary inves-
tigation, then, rather favours the authenticity of
the Epistle than otherwise, and this result is en-
tirely borne out by the external evidence of early
writers. Epliesians is one of the best-attested
books of the NT. By the middle of the 2nd cent,
it was widely known. Both the Old Latin and the
Syriac Versions had it. The evidence of Hippolytus
shows that it was used by the Ophites (PhUos<fphou-
mena, v. 8), the Valentinians (vi. 34, 35), and per-
haps by Basilides (vii. 25, 26). Marcion included
it in his Pauline Canon, under the title 'to the
Laodiceans ' (see below). It seems to be quoted
by Hennas (cf. 4* with Sim. ix. 13). Earlier
still Polycarp quotes 2^- ^ in Phil. i. 3, and, still
more definitely, 4-® in Fkil. xii. 1 (Lat.). The
evidence of Ignatius is almost equally certain :
Polyc. V. 1 is a delinite quotation of 5-^, and allu-
sions may be seen to P^ and 2^^ in Sinyrn. i. 4, to
4^-3 in Polyc. i. 2, to 5^ in Ejih. i. 1, x. 3. The
passage in Eph. xii. ' Paul . . . 6^ iv irdar] €iri(TTo\y
jiivTjfjLoveiiei ' caimot be translated as a definite refer-
ence to our Epistle, and is indeed evidence (see
below, §5) tliat the traditional address is in error.
Traces of Ej)!!. have been found in Clement of
Rome and in the Didache, but they cannot be called
certain.
This evidence is sufficient to throw the Epistle
into the 1st cent., and provides at least a strong
presupposition that it is Pauline.
5. Destination. — An immediate difficulty arises
with the acceptance of Eph. as the work of St.
Paul. He was very well known in Ephesus. He
had spent over two years of his ministry there (Ac
298-io)_ f\^Q leaders of the Church there had been
his close friends, and had parted from him at
Miletus with every display of affection (20^^"^^).
And yet Eph. conveys no personal greetings. There
is no hint that St. Paul was known to the readers,
or they to him. All that we can gather from the
letter is that they are Gentile Christians (Eph V^
21. 11. 13. 17 31). St. Paul has heard of their faith in
Christ (1'^). He does not seem certain whether
they all know how delinitely and specially he had
been commissioned to preacli to the Gentiles (3-, and
hence the whole digression 3-"'^). If the letter was
actually sent to Ephesus (so Schmidt in Meyer^ ;
Alford), this is incredible. And even if the Pauline
authorship is given up it remains quite impossible
to think that a disciple of St. Paul should have
written in his master's name so cold a letter to St.
Paul's friends. The evidence of Ignatius raises
a further difficulty, since he definitely writes to
Ephesus about 'all the letters' of St. Paul (Eph.
xii.), without any hint that the most sublime of
tliem all had been definitely addressed to the
Ejihesians themselves.
This being so, it is a relief to find that the ad-
dress is very doubtful. The title ' to the Ephesians,'
though known toTertullian {adv. Marc. v. 11) and
given in the Muratorian Canon, does not go far
back into the 2nd century. There is very little
doubt that the original text of 1' had no allusion
to Ephesus at all. The vast majority of MSS have
Tols aylois Tois odcriv iv 'E<p^(rti} Kai iricrroLS iv Xpicrri^
'Irjaov, but the words iv 'E^^aqi are absent in the
first hand of K and B. They are cancelled by the
corrector of 67, who had access to very good textual
material. The more ancient copies known to Basil
omitted the words. Origen evidently did not read
them in his text, since he translates rots oda-iv ' those
that have real existence,' illustrating the meaning
from the use by Christ of the phrase ' I am.'
Jerome and others repeat this interpretation, which
was also known to Basil. Most important of all,
Marcion's copy evidently lacked the words, since
he regarded the Epistle as addressed to the Laodi-
ceans. And that Tertullian's text was the same
is shown by the fact that Tertullian only abuses
Marcion for changing the title, but says nothing
about corruption of the actual text {adv. Marc. v.
11, 17).
This evidence makes it almost impossible to think
that any place-name, whether Ephesus, or Laodicea,
or another, stood in the original text of 1^ since
no reason is apparent for its wide-spread omission
and corruption. The evidence of Basil shows that
our present reading grew up only shortly before
A.D. 370. And in any case it is most unnatural
Greek. Harnack {Die Adresse des Epheserbriefs
des Paid/iis, 1910) has recently argued that Eph.
was originally addressed to Laodicea, being in fact
the letter 'from Laodicea' of Col 4^®. He conjec-
tures that the change in the address took place
about the beginning of the 2nd cent., with the de-
cline of the Church of Laodicea (Rev 3'^* '®), on the
grounds that such a church had no claim to own a
Pauline letter. The conjecture is certainly bril-
liant, but there is no parallel for such treatment of
the NT books, and the MSS with no place-name at
all remained unexplained (see Moffatt, Expositor,
8th ser. ii. [1911] 193 f.). What then maybe in-
ferred from the textual evidence ? Three alterna-
tives are possible.
{a) It is suggested that the words ii> 'E^^o-y
should be omitted, and that our present text is
then correct (so e.g. Moffatt, and the majority of
those who reject the Pauline authorship). Un-
fortunately, as indeed Origen's attempt at explana-
tion shows, the reading so obtained gives rather
poor sense. The translation ' the saints who are
also believers . . .' (Meyer) is hardly possible, and
' the saints who are also faithful . . .' (Light-
foot, Salmond) is still difficult. It is very hard to
suppose that St. Paul would make so pointed an
allusion at this stage to ' saints ' who were unfaith-
ful. The difficulty arises not so much from the
meaning of ayiois, which here, as in 3^, has the
Jewish sense of ' consecrated,' as from the general
force of the passage.
(6) Again, omitting the words iv'E(l)i(x<j), we may
supjiose that a blank was left after oSaiv in which
Tychicus could insert the names of different
churches. This view presupposes, with Beza, that
Eph. Avas sent not to any one church, but to the
group of churches in Asia founded, like Colossse,
Laodicea, and Hierapolis, not by St. Paul, but by
such agents as Epaphras. This Avould account for
the impersonal tone of the Epistle, and for the
absence of any clear trace of special local problems.
The view that Eph. is such a Pastoral, with a
blank left for the address, is due to Archbishop
Ussher, and has been held by most conservative
critics {e.(j. Hort). In its broad outline this theory
is probably right. The Avhole character of the
Epistle shows that it is addressed to a wide circle of
readers, and not to any one church. That the
readers addressed lived in the neighbourhood of
346 EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
Ephesus is suggested (1) by the relations, especially
in ti)ought, with Col. ; (2) by the fact that Eph. is
sent by the hand of Tychicus ; and above all (3) by
tlie tradition associating it with Ephesus, where
tlic oi'iginal was probably preserved (Haupt and
Zalin). This view relieves the ditiiculty as to the
I 'auline authorship due to the impersonal tone of
the letter.
It does not, however, solve the problem of P
(see Zahn, Introd. to NT, i. 479-483, 488 f.), for
(1) there is no parallel for such a method of corre-
spondence ; (2) if the blanks had been tilled in with
different names in different copies, we should not
have had MSS with no name at all ; (3) the order
in the Greek is unnatural. The place-name should
come elsewhere (cf. Col 1*, Ph V).
(c) These difficulties have driven many scholars
to think that the text of 1^ is unsound, whether,
as P. Ewald suggests, through the wearing of the
papyrus or otherwise. Ewald himself suggests
rots ay (xirriTols odcnv Kal ttkttois, ' those who are be-
loved and faithful.' Zahn prefers to follow the
reading of D, rots ayioi^ odatv Kal TnaToii, ' those
who are holy and faitliful.' This is at least easy,
but hardly accounts for the corruptions (though
dittograpliy miglit have brought in the second
Tois). Others think that St. Paul, in accordance
with his general custom, must have mentioned
some definite destination. The most ingenious
conjecture of this kind is that of R. Scott {The
Pauline Epistles, p. 182) — iv ^dveaiv ior iv'E(pe<T({3,
i.e. 'the saints among the Gentiles.' This, however,
is not free from some of the above objections, and
is wholly without supporting evidence.
Holtzmann's effort to explain V as a bung-
ling attempt by the writer to adapt Col V to his
more general purpose is effectively refuted by
Zahn {op. cit. p. 517 f.).
As a result of the above discussion, 1^ remains
an unsolved problem, but it is clear that the tra-
ditional address of Eph. is no part of the text of
the Epistle. Its existence is best explained on
the hypothesis of a circular letter, sent by the
hand of Tychicus to the churches in the neighbour-
hood of Ephesus. To explain the early title ' to
Ephesians,' as does Baur, from 6^' and 2 Ti 4}^
(' Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus') is far-fetched.
Wlietlier, as Harnack thinks, Eph. should be
identitied with the letter 'from Laodicea' to be
brought, presumably, by Tychicus to Colossse,
must remain doubtful (see art. Colossians).
Whatever be the exact facts, no objection to the
Pauline authorship of Ephesians remains on the
score of the destination of the Epistle.
This view of Ephesians as a Pauline pastoral
has been held (with varying theories of V) by, e.g.,
Bengel, Reuss, Lightfoot, Hort, Weiss, Abbott,
Salniond, Zahn, Peake. Nevertheless, its authen-
ticity has been widely disputed since the time of
Schleiermacher, on three main grounds : (a) the
doctrinal standpoint ; (&) the vocabulary and
style ; (c) the connexion with Col. and with other
NT writings.
6. The doctrine of the Epistle. — Few scholars
still support the view of the Tubingen School that
Eph. sliows traces of both Montanisni and 2nd
cent. Gnosticism. Schwegler saw Montanism in
the emj)liasis on the Holy Spirit {e.g. V^ 2'*, and
especially 3^ 4'*), and in the position given to the
])rophets (2-" 3' 4'^). Gnosticism was said to be
the source of such terms as 'pleroma' and 'seon.'
Baur argued that Eph. was not written against
Gnosticism, but that it showed signs of its early
phases. As we now know, the date(A.D. 130-140)
which he gave on this hypothesis would be much
too late. Gnosticism was fully developed before
the middle of the century. Hilgenfeld and 0.
Plleiderer see in both Eph. and Col. a polemic
against Gnosticism. Pfleiderer, e.g., sees in 4^''''
an allusion to ' a Gnostic theory which separated
the Christ of speculation from the Jesus of the
evangelical tradition' {Primitive Christinnitij, iii.
3U3). He finds that the quotation of Ps 0S'« in 48'-
depends on tiie ' Gnostic myth of the victorious de-
scent to hell and ascent to heaven of the Saviour-
god to which allusion is also made in Col 2'^ ' ( p.
311). He traces the use of 'pleroma' to Gnosti-
cism, ignoring the fact that it was a good Pauline
word {e.g. Ro 11-®), and that it is certainly not
used in any Gnostic sense.
The external evidence alone is sufficient to rule
out such theories, throwing the Epistle back to a
date before the technicalities of Valentinianism
had been developed. More plausible is the view
of Holtzmann, who regards Ephesians as written
at about the end of the 1st cent., in view of
incipient Gnosticism and of ecclesiastical needs.
He thinks that an old letter to Colossfe by St,
Paul existed and that Eph, and Col. were composed
by a single writer, in the one case using its ideas
and in the other expanding it. The proof, how-
ever, that there is nothing necessarily un-Pauline
in Col. (see art. COLOSSIANS) does away with the
need for this theory, which is in any case hampered
by two difficulties : (a) that of finding a writer
capable of composing such a work and at the same
time of being so servile in his adherence to the lan-
guage of Colossians ; and {b) that of finding a his-
torical setting for the Epistle. There must surely
be a greater gulf between it and Ignatius with his
violent attacks on Judaizers and Docetists and his
emphasis on the monarchical episcopacy.
It is, therefore, more common nowadays among
those who find difficulties in the Pauline author-
ship to assign Eph. to a Paulinist writing quite
soon after St. Paul's death (see e.g. Mofiatt, op.
cit. p. 388). It is argued that the theology of the
Epistle marks a transition stage between St. Paul
and the Johannine literature.
' This does not involve the assumption that Paul was not
oriijinal enoug:h to advance even beyond the circle of ideas
reflected in Colossians, or that he lacked constructive and broad
dideas of the Christian brotherhood. It is quite possible to hoi
that he was a fresh and advancing- thinker, and yet to conclude,
from the internal evidence of Ephesians, that he did not cut the
channel for this prose of the spiritual centre ' (Moffatt, op. cit.
p. 389).
Upon this view, the theology of Eph., though
quite continuous with that of St. Paul, is a later
development, under the influence of Johannine,
and possibly Lucan, ideas.
Such a view is too intangible to admit of very
easy refutation. At the same time, it should be
noted that it provides very little ground for dis-
puting the strong and early tradition of the
Pauline authorship of the Epistle. A discussion
of the doctrinal standpoint of Eph. will serve to
put the matter in a clearer light.
{a) The Church. — The whole Epistle turns upon the
doctrine of the unity of the Church. This is made
the key both to the relations of Jcav and Gentile
(2""-'^) and to the problems of the Christian life (4
and 5). Its unity is not merely that of any human
organization, but rests directly upon the unity of
God— Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (4^-«). That
unity is derived from the Father (3^"), by_ whom it
was fore-ordained in Christ (l"*-"'*). It is ideally
complete in Christ and in Him is to become
actually complete (1»- '^"" -* 2^'* 4i--'«). Even now it
has as its principle of life the One Spirit (1" 2'** 3"*
4^). In some sense it is the completion of the
Incarnation (P^; cf. Armitage Robinson, ' On the
meaning of TrXijpw/ta ' in Ephesians, p. 255 ff.), for
in it Christ comes into all the saints (3") and all
the saints into Him (2'^- ^^ 4^--i*). The organization
of the Church is simply the expression of this
unity, and the means, given by Christ Himself,
EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
EPHESIAlsS, EPISTLE TO THE 347
■whereby it is being actualized (4^"^2). Baptism is
the door of the Church (4^ 5'-^), faith its bond of
union (4''), love the expression of that union
(4^5-, etc.). The unity even extends beyond this
earth into the heavenly regions (2'' ; cf. l'-^" 3^*).
Such an emphasis upon the Church is certainly
not found elsewhere in St. Paul. Yet there is no
one feature which is specifically un-Pauline, and
no reason can be given why St. Paul should not in
a time of leisure, undisturbed by the clash of con-
troversy, have set down for the churches he had
founded those principles which had underlain all
his ministry.
It has been urged that St. Paul dealt only with
individual churches, and that the use of the term
' church ' (iKK\i]a-ia) in Eph. is foreign to his writings.
But as a matter of fact the idea of one Church
Universal underlies all St. Paul's thought. Especi-
ally in 1 Cor. he appeals throughout to general
church practice {e.g. 1 Co lO^^ jjis 1433. 36)_ jjg
speaks of the churches as a whole (Ro 16^*, 1 Co
417 'jn>j_ They are 'one body in Christ,' with an
articulated, organized membership (Ro 12^), and
this conception is expanded in 1 Co 12'-^-. They
form one Church {iKKX-rjaia, in the singular ; cf. 1
Co 12^, Gal V^). The same conception and usage
are repeated in the later Epistles (Ph 3^ Col
118.24^^ The statements in Col. are, indeed, quite
as full in idea as those in Ephesians. The con-
ception of Christ as awaiting ' fulfilment' or com-
pletion in some sense in His Body, tlie Church, is
present in Col !-■•. The organic unity of Christ
with the Church as its Head is in Col P^ The
conception of the Church as extending into the
heavenly regions is directly involved in St. Paul's
answer to the Colossian heretics (Col P** ^). This
adaptation of his thought is quite natural, though
its first clear formulation in his mind may have
been due to the troubles at Colossre, leading him
to correlate his views on angelology (see art.
COLOSSIANS) with his views on Christ and the
Church. The thought is present, in an unapplied
form, in Ph 3^° (with which also cf. Eph 2^»,
Ph 1^7).
It is urged that it is new in St. Paul to find the
unity of the Church traced back to Christ's cosmic
position (Moffatt, op. cit. p. 393). But this is
really rather a question of Christology than of the
doctrine of the Church. Solidarity in Christ is
the most characteristic part of St. Paul's teaching.
The thought of the early chapters of Romans is
simply its application to anthropology, the problem
of sin. In Eph., with a wider purpose in view, it
is applied to the problems of humanity regarded as
a Avhole in its relation to God. The cosmological
form which the argument takes is doubtless due in
part to the situation at Colossre. But Ro 8^*- 2' is
a hint that there were similar elements in St.
Paul's thought at an earlier date.
The fact that in Eph. the writer seems to pose
as the defender of Jewish against Gentile Chris-
tians has been regarded as proof that he is not the
St. Paul of the Galatian controversy. But it may
well have been that by A.D. 60 there was danger
that the Gentile Christians in the churches of Asia
might outnumber and tend to despise their Jewish
brethren. St. Paul's concern was always to secure
the position of both Jew and Gentile in the Church.
His argument in Eph. is really exactly like that
in Romans. Both Jew and Gentile are brought
down to one level by sin (Ro S^-^", Eph 2'-" ; cf. Gal
S-'^), and are therefore joined in one redemption
(Ro 101-1132, Eph 2'8-'8). In Ro 11 we find the
same attitude of apology for the Jews as in Eph 2
(cf. also Ro V 9"^-). Gal S^^^-^s also gives an
argument practically identical in substance with
that of Ephesians.
Some have thought that the interest in church
organization is un-PauIine, and that the details
mentioned involve a later date. It would be
possible to argue that the very reverse is tlie case.
The mention of ' apostles and prophets ' as fore-
most in the ministry of the Church (4") is exactly
paralleled by 1 Co 12-^ Thus there is nothing un-
natural in the special position given to them in
2'" 3*. From the earliest days the ministry of
prophets had existed in the Church, and it is very
doubtful whether by the end of St. Paul's life the
beginnings of the organization which superseded
them were not beginning to appear. By the time
the Didache was written the position of the prophet
was becoming equivocal, and the allusions in Eph.
could hardly have been written. The mention of
' evangelists ' (4") is no mark of a later date, since
no such ofifice became definitely established. The
general interest in church order shown in Eph. is
no greater than in 1 Cor. (especially 1 Co 12).
It has been noted as curious, in the light of 1 Co
10^^, that the Eucharist is not mentioned in con-
nexion with church unity. The reference to 1
Cor., however, is not quite in point, since the
passage is concerned not with unity but with the
dangers of idolatry. And there is no other hint
either in St. Paul or in Acts that the Eucharist was
regarded as a bond of union among the churches.
[b) God the Father. — This doctrine receives no
peculiar expansion in Eph., though it is certainly
emphasized, the title ' Father ' occurring eight times
as against four in Romans. It is brought into
direct connexion with the ideal unity of the Church
(4''), which springs from the eternal purpose of the
Father acting through and in the Son (l"*- ^ -^-^
2i«.n). The unique Fatherhood of God is the
principle underlying all human or angelic solidarity
(3'^), and it is for this reason that St. Paul treats
the family, in which this solidarity is exhibited on
a small scale, as an exemplar of the Church itself.
There is no real inconsistency, as has been alleged,
between the view of family life in 5--- "* and
the personal preference for celibacy expressed in
1 Co 78.
The emphasis on God's eternal purpose is also
found in Romans. Its effect in the ultimate re-
storation of all creation appears in Ro 8'^*', its
efiect in uniting Jew and Gentile in Ro 9-11.
(c) Christology. — The Christology of Eph. isclosely
akin to that of Colossians. In both Christ is pre-
sented as being, in the eternal purpose of God, the
bond of union for a divided creation, including
within His unity heaven and earth alike, which
were created not only in Christ but also for Him
(P", Col P^i''). This consummation and restora-
tion of all things, including the angelic world, in
Christ is to come about through the restoration of
man in the Church, which is His Body, His fullness
(14.21-23 39-11^ Col 118-10), The emphasis on Christ's
pre-existence is much more clearly marked in Col.
(Ii5(?). 16. 17)^ though in Eph. it is perhaps implied
in God's purpose 'in him' (1*- ^^ 3^' ; cf. also 2}'^
49W), and in the title 'Beloved' (18). In this,
however, there is nothing really new, except that
the Pauline angelology, of which traces appear in
the earlier Epistles, is here clearly coiTeiated to
the doctrine of Christ. It was at Colossse that the
angels were being exalted almost to the position
of Christ Himself, and it is in Col. that the state-
ments of Christ's eternal supremacy take their
highest form. But the restoration in Christ of the
dislocated creation appears in Ro 8^®^. The share
of the angels in this is alluded to in 1 Co Q^-* 15^*.
The pre-existence of Christ finds expression in Ro
8^ 9» (probably), 1 Co 10^ 15^^ (and context), 2 Co
8^, and is clearly connected with His relation to
the Creation in 1 Co 8", where the emphasis on
unity closely resembles the thought of Ephesians.
At a slightly later date, almost every point in
348 EPHESIA2fS, EPISTLE TO THE
EPHESIAJ^S, EPISTLE TO THE
the Christology of Col. and Eph. is embodied in
Ph 2*'^'.
It has been noted as un-Pauline that the result
of the Cross should be seen in the reconciliation of
Jew and Gentile ratlier than in relation to sin.
But this objection is due to imperfect exegesis.
It is because the Cross frees all, both Jew and
Gentile, from sin that they are able to come into
the unity of Christ. The emphasis on individual
redemption is just as much present in Eph 2''^** as
in Ro 1-7. The Pauline doctrine is stated directly
in F (cf. 2^^). The annulling of the Law by the
Cross (2^^) is the very point of St. Paul's argument
in the Galatian controversy (Gal 3'^, etc. ; cf. also
the parallel passage in Col 2'^). The thought in
Ephesians may be carried rather further, but it is
wholly Pauline. That there is no definite allusion
to expiation or propitiation is not of any real
significance. The idea was unnecessary to the pur-
pose of Ephesians.
Again it is said that there is in Eph. no hint of
the Parousia, the coming of Christ in the near
future, and that the idea is replaced, on Johannine
lines, by a vista of long ages before the final
judgment (2" 3-'). But the reference in 2'' is pro-
bably to ages afto' the Second Coming, as is perhaps
shown by the parallel in 1-' (see § 3 above), and
this niaj' also be the meaning in 3^^. In any case,
the same language occurs in Ro 1-^ 9^ and in
Gal P, a close parallel to 3^'. References to the
Parousia may perhaps be seen in 4^" 5®. It is true
that there is no emphasis on the doctrine, but St.
Paul was never a fanatic about it, as 2 Thess. shows
(cf. Ro 11-5).
Other points which are said to be rather Johan-
nine than Pauline also find parallels in the earlier
Epistles. Love is emphasized as the relation of
Christ to us (2^ 5-- ^s ; cf. Gal 22», Ro S^s- 37), as our
relation to Christ (6^ ; cf. 1 Co 16''^-) and to one
another (42- is 52- ^s ; cf. 1 Th 5'^). Cf. the Hymn
to Love in 1 Co 13. The emphasis on the liglit of
Christ amid the darkness (5^''* ; cf. 4^^), while
typical of St. John, is found in 1 Th 5^- ^, 2 Co 6'^
Ro 1312.
(d) The Holy Spirit. — Great stress is laid in Eph.
upon the Holy Spirit as inspiring the life of the
Church (1'3 21s 35- 1« 43-4-30 5.8 giT), xhis is quite
Pauline (cf. l'^-" with 2 Co p2, 43-4 with 1 Co
12^-'3 ; see also Gal 5i« 24, Ro W^).
(e) Man and sin. — This is the special subject of
Rom. and not of Ephesians. Yet the hints in
Eph. are quite in accordance with St. Paul's earlier
teaching. The doctrine of the cdp^, the root-idea
in the conception of original sin, appears in 2^.
The characteristic emphasis on the grace of God
which saves man by faith and not by works is
found in 2^"^ (cf. 3'2). Predestination to life is the
theme of !■*• ""i'*, though the problem of free-will
is not raised, being unessential to the matter in
hand.
It has been suggested that there is an un-Pauline
emphasis on knowledge, more on the lines of the
Fourth Gospel [e.g. Jn 17*), in P- "' 4'3. But this
does not really conflict with St. Paul!s opposition
to the wisdom of this M'orld in 1 Co 1-4, from
which the knowledge alluded to (iiriyvwffis ; cf.
Armitage Robinson, Ephe-iians, p. 248 ft'. ) is a very
different thing. Cf. also Ro lO^, 1 Co 1-* 2^- \ Ph
P, Col P- 1» 22 S'o.
This sketch of the doctrine of Eph. will serve to
show how closely it resembles in most of its details
the doctrine not only of Colossians, but of the
earlier Pauline Epistles. It is only in em])liasis
and in the sustained, almost lyrical, exposition
that there is any real contrast. And this may
well be explained by a difference of circumstances
both in St. Paul's own position and in the audience
to which he is writing.
7. Style and language.— (1) Language. — The
vocabulary as a whole presents jihenomena very
similar to those of the other Pauline letters.
There are 37 words not used elsewhere in the NT
(as compared with 33 in Gal., 41 in Phil., 95 in 2
Cor.), and 39 Mhich occur elsewhere, but not in the
recognized Pauline writings (Holtzmann, Kritik
der Epheser- nnd Kolosserbricfe, p. 101 f., wiiose
list is critically discussed by Zahn, op. cit. pp. 518-
522; cf. also Mofiatt, 0/7. cit. p. 385 f.). This
number is not in itself suspicious, and Zahn's
analysis has shown that the majority of the words
are of little significance. Some are due to the
occasion and the turn of the metaphor, e.g. those
that occur in the account of the Christian armour.
Some — e.g. dve/jLos (4^"*), iiSojp (52") — are terms for
which no synonym was readily available. Some
are cognate to forms used elsewhere by St. Paul,
e.g. KaTapricr/MOS (i^-), TrpocTKapTiprjcrts (6^*), dyvoia (4'*).
And against these are to be set about 20 words
found only, outside Eph., in the earlier Pauline
Epistles.
Some special cases have been thought suspicious
The phrase ' holy apostles ' (3') has been dealt with
above (§ i). The use of Sid^oXos (42' 6'i ; cf. 1 Ti 3\
2 Ti 22") is curious, as St. Paul elsewhere employs
the name ' Satan ' (also in the Pastorals, 1 Ti 1'-'").
But there is no reason why he should not have
varied in his usage in this way (as happens in 1
Tim.). And, indeed, the reference in 42^ may not
be to Satan but to human calumniators ; or perhaps
both ideas may be present, and the usage here may
also have affected 6''. The phrase 'in the heaven-
lies,' which occurs 5 times, is curious, but might
well have been coined by St. Paul in working out
the theme of Eph. (cf. 1 Co 15*'- '•s- ***). The word
' mysterj' ' is difficult in 5*2, but is used in the
ordinary Pauline manner in P 3*- ■*• *. oiKovofxla has
a somewhat changed sense in 3". The unique use
of irepnroir](7is in P"* is paralleled by other trans-
ferences of words from an abstract to a concrete
sense. On the whole, then, the peculiarities of
language are no more than might be expected in
any one short document.
(2) Style. — This problem presents more difficul-
ty. The sentences are unusually long and cum-
brous, subordinate clauses being strung together
in a loose connexion which is frequently difficult
to analj'ze, e.g. P"" 2^-'^ 3^'"'. Yet they are most
carefully wrought and in places are almost poetical
in form and balance (esp. P"i^, which falls into
three 'stanzas'). There are one or two elaborate
parentheses (2'^'^- ^- 3-'^'^). These features are only
partially paralleled in Col., and present a wide con-
trast to the impassioned rhetoric of the earlier
letters. In this respect Eph. stands by itself. To
many critics the general impression produced by the
style and tone of the letter is the strongest argument
against its authenticity. Yet it is very rash to
make assumptions as to the possibilities of so mobile
and powerful an intellect as that of St. Paul. In
none of his other writings is the clash of controversy
or the appeal of friendship wholly absent. At
leisure in his prison he may well have looked
Vjack over the triumphs of his life and have sat
down to write in a mood of quiet yet profoiind
thanksgiving for which his earlier career had seldom
given opi)ortunity.
8. Relation to other NT writings. — (a) Relation to
Colossians. — The relation of E]ih. to Col. is, from
the point of view of literary criticism, its most
striking feature. It has been estimated that 78
out of the 155 verses of Eph. contain phraseology
which occurs in Colossians. This is not merely
due to the connexion of ideas, which is also close
(see above), but is of a character to show tliat the
two Epistles are closely connected in their com-
position. The details have been elaborately worked
EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
EPHESUS
349
out by Holtzmann, De Wette, and others (for a
good summary of the facts see Mofiatt, op. cit. pp.
375-381 ; Holtzmann's results are criticized by
Sanday, art. ' Colossians ' in Smith's Z)£^ and by
von Soden in JPTh, 1887 ; cf. his Hist, of Early
Christian LiteraUire. The ivritings of the NT).
Results differ widely. Holtzmann's discussion Avent
to show that neither Epistle could be regarded as
wholly prior, and therefore he postulated a Pauline
Col., expanded at a later date by a writer who also
composed Eph. upon its basis. But the evidence
for the division of Colossians has very largely
broken down, with the wider view of the Pauline
angelology (see art. Colossians). The tendency
among scholars is now to assert the authenticity
of Col. (so, among those who reject Eph., von Soden
[in the main], Klopper, von Dobschiitz, Clemen,
Wrede, Moff'att). This, if Holtzmann's results are
accepted, proves the authenticity of Eph. also.
The two Epistles must have been written by one
author at about the same time. The alternative
is to regard Eph. , with De Wette, as a weak and
tedious compilation from Col. and the earlier
Epistles — a position which will appeal to few — or,
more sympatlietically, with Moff'att, ' as a set of
variations played by a master hand upon one or
two themes suggested by Colossians ' (op. cit. p. 375).
But this does no justice to the real independence
of thought in Ephesians. The two main themes —
tlie reconciliation of Jew and Gentile in the Church,
and the fact of the Church as influencing Christian
life — do not appear in Colossians at all, or only by
allusion. The theology is the same, the applica-
tion very different. Further, it is hard to tliink
that so original a writer would have followed the
very structure of Colossians. The rules for family
life, e.g., are an integral part of Eph., but have no
very clear connexion with the rest of Colossians.
It is most natural to suppose, e.g. in Col 3^*'-\ that
the writer is summarizing what he has written in
Eph 5^^-6^, even at the risk of some obscurity. So,
too. Col 2''' has no clear connexion with its context,
and must depend upon the fuller Eph 4'^- ^^ for its
explanation.
No parallel for the curious inter-connexion of
language is to be found in the employment of
sources by Matthew and Luke or of Jude liy 2
Peter. There we have frank copying. Here
there is nothing of the kind. Again and again
phrases are used in Eph. to express or illustrate
ideas with which they are not connected at all in
Col. (cf. Eph. 2'5- 16 II Col 2''' l-», Eph. S'^ 4^3 || Col
29, Eph 2'« 1-* 5^ II Col 1-'*). The writer's mind is
steeped in the language and thought of Col., but
he is writing quite indeijendently. The only
probable psychological solution of the problem is
that one writer wrote both Epistles, and at no
great interval. And if so, that writer must have
been St. Paul. It is quite likely, indeed, that
Col. was composed while Eph. was still untinished,
since the latter is clearly the careful work of many
hours, perhaps of many days.
(b) Relation to 1 Peter. — There is a considerable
amount of resemblance of thought, structure, and
language between Eph. and 1 Peter. This is
especially obvious in the directions for family life
(note the curious phrase ' your own husbands ' in 1
P 3\ which seems to depend on Eph 5--). Other
parallels quoted are P with 1 P P, 3^'- with 1 P
I'of. (where it is quite unnecessary to argue that
1 Pet. is prior : the two passages may be inde-
pendent), P with 1 P 119-20, 2-1 with 1 P 2S 1"
with 1 P 2" (the use of irepnroiriais in Ejjh. is not
dependent on that in 1 Pet. , being quite diff"erent ;
the former is concrete, the latter not), 1-"'- with
1 P 3^-^ ; 6i»'- with 1 P 5^- » ; 4^ with 1 P y^ 4«.
These analogies are not unnatural, on the assump-
tion that St. Peter knew Eph., and certainly do
not demand the priority of 1 Pet., as Hilgenfeld
and others have argued.
(c) Relation to the Lucan and Johannine writ-
ings. — Numerous analogies, mainly of thought,
have been found in Eph. to almost every book of
the NT, but esi)ecially to those connected with the
names of St. Luke and St. John. Parallels of
language and idea have been seen in the farewell
address at Miletus (Ac 20^^-'^^; cf. Mottatt, op. cit.
p. 384) ; and Lock [loc. cit.) draws out the parallels
of thought with the Eucharistic prayer in Jn 17. It
is true that many of the conceptions of Eph. are
found in the Fourth Gospel, but this is not at all
unnatural. The parallels of language are by no
means striking. The connexion with Rev., empha-
sized by Holtzmann, is very slight, and that with
Heb. is not much more definite (details in Salmond,
'Ephesians,' in EOT, p. 212ff-.).
The general impression made on the present
writer by the study of these various affinities is the
outstanding resemblance in general thought, and
even in expression, between Eph. and Romans — a
resemblance which the difference of style does not
obscure. This in itself is a strong witness to the
authenticity of the Epistle.
Literature. — The following is only a small selection from a
very voluminous literature. L Commentaries. — Besides the
older Commentaries, such as E. W. E. Reuss (1878), H. Alford
(71874), and C. J. EUicott (31864), the most notable are those of
A. Klopper (18'.n), G. G. Findlay {Expos. Bible, 1892), H. von
Soden {Haiid-Koiiiittentnr, 1893, also artt. in JPTh, 1887, and
Hint, nf Early Christian Literature. The W riling sof the NT, Eiig.
tr., lyuo), T. K. Abbott {ICC, 1897, largely linguistic), E.
Haupt (in Meyer's Krit.-exeg. Eommentar iiber das HT, 1902,
very valuable" exegetically), J. Armitage Robinson (1903,
exegetical and philological, no introduction), S. D. F. Sal-
mond {EGT, 1903), B. F. Westcott (190G), P. Ewald (in
Zahn's Konnnentar zum iVr, 1910). Fundamental for modern
critical studies is H.J. Holtzmann's Kritik der Epheser- und
Kolosserhriefe, 1872.
IL Against Pauline authorship. — Besides Baur, Schwegler,
Hitzig, are S. Davidson, Introd. to iVT^, 1894 ; C. v. Weiz-
sacker,2'Ae^po.sto/tc^//<', Eng.tr., 1894-95; E. von Dobschiitz,
Christian Life in the Primitine Church, Eng. tr., 1904 ; O.
Pfleiderer, Primitive Christianity, Eng. tr. , 190G-11 ; R. Scott,
The Pauline Epistles, 1909; J. Moffatt, Z/A'T-, 1912.
in. For Paulinr authorship. — F. J. A. Hort, I'rolegomena
to Romans and Ei'/ii'siaiis,\>i'.)5 \ A. Robertson, art. ' Ephesians'
in Smith's DB-, is'.ci ; W. Lock, art. ' Ephesians' in HDB; T.
Zahn, Introd. to J\'T, Eng. tr., 1909 (a storehouse of facts);
A. S. Peake, Crit. Introd. to NT, 1909.
L. W. Grensted.
EPHESUS ("E^eo-os, a grsecized form of a native
Anatolian name). — The town of Ephesus was a little
south of latitude 38° N., at the head of a gulf situ-
ated about the middle of the western coast of
Asia Minor. It lay on the left bank of the river
Cayster, at the foot of hills which slope towards
the river. In ancient times the river reached to
the city gates, but its mouth has gradually silted
up so that the city is now some four to six miles
from the sea. The effect of the river's action has
been to raise the level of the land all over. The
ruins, the most extensive in Asia Minor, give an
idea of how large the ancient city was. The
extent of the area covered by it cannot now
be exactly estimated ; but, as the population in
St. Paul's time was probably about a third of a
million, and in ancient times open spaces were
frequent and ' sky-scrapers ' unknown, the city
must have been large, even according to our
standards. Tlie temi^le of Artemis (see Diana), the
ruins of which were discovered by Wood, lies now
about five miles from the coast, and was the most
imposing feature of the citj'. Its site must have
been sacred from very early times, and successive
temples were built on it. Other notable features
of tlie city were the fine harbour along the banks
of the Cayster, the aqueducts, and the great road
following the line of the Cayster to Sardis, with a
branch to Smyrna. The heat in summer is very
great, and fever is prevalent. The harvest rain
350
EPHESUS
EPHESUS
storms are violent. The site was nevertheless so
attractive that it must have been very early oc-
cupied. The ancients dated the settlement of
Ionian Greeks there early in the 11th cent. B.C.,
and the city long before St. Paul's time had be-
come thoroughly Greek, maintaining constant in-
tercourse with Corinth and the rest of Greece
proper.
The history of the city, with its changing
government, need not be traced here. It fell under
Roman sway, with the rest of the district, which
the Romans called 'Asia' {q.v.) by the will of
Attalus III. (Philometor), the Pergamenian king,
in 133 B.C. In 88 B.C. the inhabitants sided with
Mithridates, king of Pontus, and slaughtered all
resident Romans. They were punished in 84 by
Sulla, who ravaged the city. During the rule of
Augustus the city was embellished by a number of
new buildings.
y When Ephesus came into contact with Christi-
anity, it still retained all its ancient glory. With
its Oriental religion, its Greek culture, its Roman
government, and its world-wide commerce, it stood
midway between two continents, being on the one
hand the gateway of Asia to crowds of Western
officials and travellers^ as Bombay is the portal of
India to-day, 'and on the other liand the rendezvous
of multitudes of Eastern pilgrims coming to wor-
ship at Artemis' shrine.' Traversed by the great
Imperial highway of intercourse and commerce, it
bad all nationalities meeting and mingling in its
streets. No wonder if it felt its ecumenical im-
portance, and believed that what was said and
done by its citizens was quickly heard and imitated
by ' all Asia and the world ' (^ okovfx^vrj, Ac 19'^).
« In Ephesus a noble freedom of thought and a
vulgar superstition lived side by side." The city
of Thales and Heraclitus contained many men of
rich culture and deep philosophy, who were earnest
seekers after truth. - Prominent citizens like the
Asiarchs {q.v.), who were officially bound to foster
the cultus of Rome and the Emperor, yet regarded
St. Paul and his message vnth marked friendliness
(Ac 19*'). Nothing but a wide-spread receptivity
to fresh ideas can account for the wonderful success
of the first Christian mission in the city, and for the
reverberation of the truth ' almost throughout all
Asia' (v.^^). The best mind of the age was wist-
fully awaiting a new order of things. Having
tried eclecticism and syncretism in vain, it was
* standing between two worlds, one dead, the other
poAverless to be born.' When, therefore, the
startling news came from Syria to Ephesus that
the Son of God had lived, died, and risen again,
it ran like wildfire ; its first announcement created
another Pentecost (v.^) ; and in two years ' all they
who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord, both
Jews and Greeks' (v.^").
Every spiritual revival has ethical issues, and
Ephesus quickly recognized that the new truth
was a neAv ' Way ' (v.-^). The doctrine now taught
in the School of Tyrannus, formerly the home of
one knows not what subtle and futile theories, had
a direct bearing upon human lives. That was why
it made ' no small stir' (v.-*). The message which
St. Paid delivered ' publicly and from house to
house' (20^), admonishing men 'night and day
with tears' (v.^i), was morally revolutionary. It
was a call to repentance and faith (v.'") ; and,
though no frontal attack was made upon the estab-
lished religion of Ephesus, and no language used
which could fairly be construed as ofiensive (19"),
yet it soon became apparent that the old order and
the new could not thrive peacefully side by side.
The gospel of mercy to all was a gage of battle
to many. St. Paul, therefore, found that, wliile
Ephesus opened 'a door wide and effectual' (^vep-
T^s) there were 'many adversaries' (1 Co 16").
This did not surprise or disappoint him. The
fanatical hatred of Ephesus was better than the
polite scorn of Athens. As the city of Artemis
lived largely upon the superstition of the multitude,
not only the priests who enjoyed the rich revenues
of the Temple, but also the artisans who made
' shrines ' for pilgrims, felt that if Christianity
triumphed their occupation would be gone. Re-
ligion was for Ephesus a lucrative ' business '
(ipyaaia, Ac 19-'*' ^), and the ' craft' (t6 fxipos, this
branch of trade) of many Avas in danger. Indeed,^
the dispute Avhich arose affected the whole city,
being regarded as nothing less than a duel between
Artemis and Christ. If He were enthroned in the
Ephesian heart, she would be deposed from her
magnificence, and the greatest temple in the
world 'made of no account' (19^). The situation
created a drama of real life which was enacted in
and around the famous theatre of Ephesus. The
gild of silversmiths, led by their indignant presi-
dent Demetrius {q.v.); the ignorant mob, excited
to fanatical frenzy ; the crafty Jews, quick to dis-
sociate themselves from their Christian compat-
riots ; the brave Apostle, eager to appear before
'the people' {r&v S^/xov) of a free city ; the friendly
Asiarchs, constraining him to temper valour with
discretion ; the calm, dignified, eloquent Secretary
iypafipMTevs), stilling the angry passions of the
multitude ; and behind all, as unseen presences,
the majesty of Imperial Rome, the sensuous charm
of Artemis, the spiritual power of Christ — these
all combined to give a sudden revelation of the
soul of a city^ The practical result was that a
vindication of the liberty of prophesying was
drawn from the highest municipal authority, who
evidently felt that in this matter he was interpret-
ing the mind of Rome lierself. To represent
Christianity as a religio licita was clearly one of
the leading aims of St. Luke as a historian.
The fidelity of St. Luke's narrative in its politi-
cal allusions and local colour has received confirma-
tion from many sources. As the virtual capital of
a senatorial province, Ephesus had its proconsuls
{avdviraToi, Ac 19^^), but here the plural is merely
used colloquially, without implying that there
could ever be more than one at a time. As the
head of a conventus iuridicns, Ephesus was an
assize town, in which the judges were apparently
sitting at the very time of the riot (v.**). Latin
was the language of the courts, and dyopaioi dyovrai
is the translation of conventns aguntur. As a free
city of the Empire, Ephesus had still a semblance
of ancient Ionic autonomy ; her att'airs were
'settled in a regular assembly' (v.^^), i.e. either at
an ordinary meeting of the Demos held in the
theatre on a fixed day, or at an extraordinary-
meeting called by authority of the proconsul.
Irregular meetings of the populace were sternly
f)rohibited (v.**) ; and, indeed, the powers of the
awful assembly were more and more curtailed, till
at last it practically had to content itself with
registering the decrees of the Roman Senate. The
proud claim of Ephesus to be the temple- warden
{veijiK6pov, lit. ' temple-sweeper') of Artemis (v.**) is
attested by inscriptions and coins (W. M. Ramsay,
Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, 1895, i. 58 ; Letters
to the Seven Churches, 232). The Asiarchs who be-
friended St. Paul had no official connexion with tlie
cult of Artemis; they were members of the Commune
whose function it was to unite the Empire in a re-
ligious devotion to Rome.
St. Paul's pathetic address at Miletus to the
elders of Ephesus (Ac 20'*"^), in which he recalls
the leading features of his strenuous mission in
the city— his tears and trials (v.^*), his public and
private teaching (v.*"), his incessant spiritual and
manual toil (vv.^i-**)— and declares himself pure
from the blood of all men (v.'"), presents as high
EPICUEEAXS
EPICUEEA^^S
351
an ideal of the ministerial vocation as has ever
been conceived and recorded. There is no reason
to doubt that it gives an approximate sumniarj- of
his original words (cf. J. Mofiatt, LNT, p. 306).
With the religious history of Ephesus are also
associated the names of Priscilla and Aquila
(Ac W% Apollos {l8-\ 1 Co W-), Tychicus
(Eph 6^^), Timothy (1 Ti P, 2 Ti i^), and especially
John the Apostle and John the Presbj-ter.
After the departure of St. Paul the Ephesian
Church "was injured by the activity of false
teachers (Ac 20-"- •*», Rev 2''), but the Fall of Jeru-
salem greatly enhanced its importance, and the
influence of the Johannine school made it the
centre of Eastern Christianity. In tlie time of
Domitian it liad the primacy among the Seven
Churches of Asia (Rev 2^). The Letter to the
Church of Ephesus is on the whole laudatory.
The Christian community commanded the writer's
respect by its keen scrutiny of soi-disant apostles,
by its intolerance of evil, and its hatred of the
libertinism which is the antithesis of legalism.
But it had declined in the fervent love which alone
made a Church truly lovable to the Apostle. A
generation later, however, Ignatius in his Ep. to
the Ephcsians uses the language of profound ad-
miration :
' I ought to be trained for the contest by you in faith, in ad-
monition, in endurance in lonp-suffering' (§ 3); 'for j-e all live
according to the truth and no heresy hath a home among you ;
nay, ye do not so much as listen to any one if he speak of aught
else save concerning Jesus Christ in truth' (§ 6); 'you were
ever of one mind with the Apostles in the power of Jesus Christ '
(§ 11).
Ephesus had a long line of bishops, and was the
seat of the council which condemned the doctrine
of Nestorius in A.D. 431. The ruins of the ancient
city, on Coressus and Prion, are extensive and im-
pressive. The theatre in which the riot (Ac 19)
took place is remarkablj- well preserved, and in
1S70 the foundation of the Temple of Artemis was
discovered by J. T. Wood. The modern village
lying beside the temple bears the name of Ayaso-
luk, which is a corrtiption of ayios dedXbyos, the
title of St. John the Divine which was given to
the Church of Justinian.
Literature. — W^. M. Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches,
1904 ; Murray's Handbook to Ana Minor, 1895 ; G. A. Zim-
mermann, Ephesos iiii ersten christl. Jahrhvndcrt, 1874; art.
' Ephesus 'in Pauly-Wissowa, v. [1905] ; J. T. Wood, Discoveries
at Ephesus, lb76; E. L. Hicks, Ancient Greek Inscriptions in
the Drit. Museum, iii. 2 [1890]; D. G. Hogarth, Excavations
in Ephesus : the Archaic Artemisia, 2 vols., 1908.
Alexander Souter and James Strahan.
EPICUREANS.— The Epicurean philosophers are
mentioned only once in the NT, viz. in Ac 17'^
During his second missionary journey St. Paul met
with them in Atliens. Though he stayed there
not more than four weeks, the Apostle was deeply
moved by tlie sight of so large a number of statues
erected in honour of various deities. Not content
with preaching in the synagogue to Jews and prose-
lytes, he sought pagan hearers in their famous
market-place, thus imitating Socrates 400 years
before. The market-place was ' rich in noble
statues, the central seat of commercial, forensic,
and philosophic intercourse, as well as of the busy
idleness of the loungers ' (Meyer, Coyn. on Acts, Eng.
tr., 1877, ii. 108). As the 'Painted Porch' in
which the Stoics taught was situated in the
market-place, and the garden where the Epi-
cureans gathered for their fraternal discussions
was not far away, it is not surprising that some
members of these two schools of philosophy were
among the Apostle's listeners. Atiiens was the
home and centre of the four great philosophies
founded by Plato, Aristotle, Zeno, and Epicurus.
The two first, however, had at this time been
supplanted by the two last ; thus, in encountering
the Stoics and Epicureans, St. Paul was face to
face with the most influential philosophies of the
day. Unfortunately, we know but little of the
character of the interview or its results. The
discussion was probably not hostile on the part of
the philosophers, though Chevne seems to incline
to this view (EBi, vol.'ii. col." 1323 n.). That St.
Paul's teaching must have been antagonistic to
theirs seems obvious.
1. Epicurus and the Epicureans. — [\) Epicurus. —
Epicurus was bom in 341 B.C., probably at Samos,
an island ott' the coast of Asia INIinor, and lived
about 70 years. His father Neocles was an
Athenian, who had gone to Samos as a colonist
after the Greeks had expelled a large number of
the natives. His occupation was that of a humble
schoolmaster, and his son is said to have assisted
him for some time. At the age of 18 Epicurus
left for Athens, returning home a year later to
Colophon, Avhere his father now lived. Of the
beginnings of Epicurus' acquaintance with philo-
sophy our knowledge is slight and uncertain. Two
of his teachers were Nausiphanes, a disciple of
Democritus, and Pamphilus, a Platonist. But, as
the former owed much to Pyrrho, the well-known
Sceptic, it is hardly likely that Epicurus failed to
share in that obligation. He claims to have Ijeen
his own teacher, and this is true to the extent that
he rejected the prevalent philosophies of his time
and turned to such predecessors as Democritus,
Anaxagoras, and Archelatis. It was at Mitylene
that he began to teach philosophy, and at Lamp-
sacus his position as the head of a school was
recognized. He returned to Athens in 307 B.C.,
and settled there for the remainder of his life.
There he purchased a house and garden, the latter
becoming famous as the home of a large band of
men and women who became his devoted disciples
and friends. He died in 270 B.C. He had never
enjoyed robust health, and his general feebleness
and ailments were the ground upon which his
enemies based charges of evil living.
(2) The Epicureaiu. — The community lived its
own separate life. The calls and claims of public
life were ignored and the usual ambitions of men
stifled. From all the political upheavals through
which Athens passed tlie Epicureans held strictly
aloof, exemplifying their principles by indiflerence
to environment and the endeavour to extract the
maximum of tranquil gratification from life by the
prudent and unimpassioned use of it. They passed
their time in the study of Nature and ]\lorality,
and their friendly intercourse Avith each other
supplied the necessary human elements. Most
serious charges Avere made from time to time
against both Epicurus himself and the community,
but the accusers were generally either disaflected
ex-disciples or rivals, and their motives were
malicious. One cannot but admit that the ideal
of 'pleasure' was well calculated to produce the
most disastrous results except in the case of the
noblest of men ; and it is hard to believe that the
garden contained only such. Yet consideration
must be given to the extraordinary devotion of the
brotherhood towards their head, in whom they
recognized their deliverer from the worst fears and
desires of life. An example of their unceasing
allegiance to their master may be found in the
statues erected in Epicurus' honour after his death.
Simplicity was the note of the community's life.
For drink they had water with a small quantity
of wine on occasion, and for food barley bread. In
a letter Epicurus writes : ' Send me some Cynthian
cheese, so that, should I choose, I may fare sumptu-
ously.' And during the severe famine which
attiicted Atliens, Plutarch informs us that the
Epicureans lived on beans which they shared out
from day to day {Demetrius, 34). But the bond
352
EPICUEEAXS
EPICUKEANS
■which held this remarkable company together was
the personality of Epicurus, who regarded his
followers not only as disciples but as friends.
2. Teaching. — Epicurus is said to have written
300 books, but all have disappeared, and we are
dependent for our knowledge on writers two
centuries later. This misfortune is probably due
to the teacher's habit of summarizing his system
so that the disciples might commit it to memorj'.
His reputed lack of style may have contributed to
the same end. Nevertheless, the main outlines of
his teaching are clear enough, though on import-
ant details uncertainty prevails. Epicurus had no
interest in theories, except as they aided practical
life. Mere knowledge was worthless, and culture
he despised. His tlieoretical teaching treated of
Man and the Universe (his Physics) ; his practical
teaching used the knowledge so gained for the
regulation of human conduct (his Ethics). Under-
lying these was his peculiar Logic. Real Logic of
the Aristotelian type he could not tolerate. All
he wanted was a criterion of truth, or to ascertain
the grounds on which statements of fact could be
based. This is usually called the Canonic.
(a) Canonic. — The criteria of truth or reality
according to Epicurus may be grouped under two
heads. — (1) Sensation. Every sensuous impression
received by the mind is produced by something
other than itself, and is infallibly true. When
these feelings are clear, distinct, and vivid, the
knowledge they attbrc. is real. Even the sensations
of the dreamer and lunatic are true, since they are
caused by some other object operating on the mind.
Any error arising from sensations is due not to the
sensations themselves but to the mind's misinter-
pretation of them. But Epicurus does not make
clear what that vividness is which is reliable and
incapable of misinterpretation. (2) Conceptions or
pre-conceptions, i.e. ideas which have been left in
the mind by preceding sensations. Here memory,
which recalls past impressions, and reasoning,
which interprets them, have been active, with the
result that the mind unconsciously confronts every
new sensation with impressions which may modify
any effect it may make. Tliese conceptions, the
repetition of earlier observations, are true. But it
is well that they should be brought from time to
time into immediate connexion with the sensation
itself. Thus, if a distant square tower appear
round, closer examination will discover the error
and modify the impression for the future. It is
difficult to see how Epicurus would apply this
admirable criterion to his tiieory of the ' atoms '
and the ' void.'
(6) Physics. — Epicurus relied on the senses alone
as the true basis of knowledge, and they reveal
only matter in motion. Consequently, matter is
the only reality. The incorporeal is the same as
the non-existent, i.e. void, and this applies even to
mind. When Epicurus explains the nature of
matter, the inthionce of Democritus is at once
evident. The immediate impression of the senses
suggests large masses of matter, but this is not
reliable. In reality the apparent masses are com-
posed of extremely minute, invisible particles or
atoms which ditter only in weight, size, and siiape,
and, thougli near to each other, do not touch.
Around each is a void. By analogy he argues that
this is true not only of the nearer world but also of
that wliich is most distant. He reaches this ex-
planation by the elimination of all other possible
theories. Atoms then being presumed, in what
way do they move? Aristotle had taught that
celestial bodies move in a circular manner, and
fire upwards. But Epicurus claimed that the only
movement of which we are aware is that of the
fall of bodies to the earth — downward movement.
All atomic movement then is eternally straight
downward. But this brings us to the conception
of relative stagnation, as every body is moving in
the same direction and at the same rate. To avoid
this difficulty, Epicurus fell back upon our in-
dividual experience of power to resist forces and
cause them to deviate from their original direction.
He then claimed for atoms something of the same
power. How, where, and when this strange power
operates we are not informed ; but, by assuming
it, Epicurus arrives at an explanation of those
vast aggregates of apparently concrete combina-
tions of which our senses are conscious. The only
ditt'erence between mind and matter is that the
former is composed of minuter and rounder particles
which pervade the body like a Avarm breath. To
explain our consciousness of taste, colour, sound,
etc., Epicurus resorts to a curious theory. In
addition to the primary particles which each body
possesses, there are secondary particles which vary
in each case. These ' thin, filmy images, exactly
copying the solid body whence they emanate,' are
continually floating away from it ; and when they
reach the various human organs, they produce with-
in the mind the sensations of which we are conscious.
This theory also accounts not only for our visions
of the ghosts of departed friends, whose secondary
particles may float about long after their death,
but also for our perceptions of the gods ; for,
though they are composed of much finer particles
than mortals, their ' films ' may fall with impact
upon the human organism.
Though charged with atheism, Epicurus never
questioned the existence of the gods, though he
taught their remoteness from, and indiH'erence to,
human concerns. He ridiculed ancient mythology,
whose ettect on men had been wholly injui-ious,
and explained such portents as eclipses, thunder,
etc., on purely natural grounds. He likewise
denounced the belief in fate — a belief he con-
sidered even more hurtful than the belief in Divine
intervention. His teaching being frankly material-
istic, Epicurus naturally disbelieved in immortality.
For these reasons, he argued, man need have no
fear : the gods do not concern themselves with
him ; there is no such thing as fate ; and death
is nothing but the end of all.
(c) Ethics. — Passing by the idealism of Plato
and Aristotle, Epicurus had recourse to the doctrine
of Aristippus of Gyrene, who taught that ' pleasure '
is the supreme good and ' pain ' the sole evil.
Socrates, while admitting the importance of
pleasure, regarded the pleasures of the mind as
greater than those of the body. Aristippus pre-
ferred the latter because of their greater intensity.
His ideal was the intensest pleasure of the passing
moment, entirely undisturbed by reason, its greatest
foe ; not merely the absence of pain, but pleasure
that was active and positive. The difficulty he
found in attaining this ideal led him to allow some
value to prudence as an aid thereto.
Epicurus dittered from Aristippus in the follow-
ing respects : men should consider less the fleeting
pleasure of the moment and aim at that of the
wiiole life ; intense, throbbing ecstasy is less desir-
able than a tranquil state of mind which may
become perpetual ; indeed, at times, the highest
possible pleasure may be merely the removal of
pain ; tlie pleasures and pains of mind are more
important than those of body, because of tlie joy
or distress wliich may be accumulated by memory
and anticipation. Much greater emphasis is like-
wise laid on the virtue of prudence, which he calls
' a more precious tiling even than philosophy.*
Prudence is in fact tlie chief virtue of all. By
its means rival pleasures are judged ; and even
momentary pain may be chosen, that a tranquil
life may be furthered.
Epicureanism does not indulge in high moral
EPIMENIDES
ERASTUS
35^
ideals or insist upon any code of duties, whether
public or private, save as these may minister to
one's own pleasure, but neither does it inculcate
{in theory) low, sensual delights. These have their
l^lace, but what that place is must be decided by
prudence, with a view to securing a complete life
of tranquil pleasure. Epicurus is to be regarded
as the founder of Hedonism.
Literature. — Lucretius, de Rerum Natura ; Diog-. Laert.
de Vitis Philosophoruin, bk. x. ; Cicero, de Finibus, de Natura
Deorum, Tuscidance Disputationes ; Plutarch, Disputatio qua
doceturne suavitcr quidem vivi posse secundum Epicuri decreta,
adv. Colotem ; E. Zeller, Stoics, Epicxireans and Sceptics, Eng.
tr., London, 1S80 ; W. Wallace, Epicureanism, do. 1880; J.
Watson, Hedonistic Theories, Glasgow, 1895 ; artt. in EBr^^,
HDB, EBi ; Histories of Philosophy, by Ritter, etc.
"J. W. LiGHTLEY.
EPIMENIDES.— See Quotations.
EPISTLE. — In dealing with ancient literature
we have become accustomed to make a distinction
between the epistle and the letter. In that sphere
we frequently meet with a so-called letter, which,
from the purely external point of view, shows all
the characteristics of a genuine letter, and yet is
in no sense designed to serve as a vehicle of tidings
jind ideas between one person and another, or
between one person and a definite circle of
persons, but on the contrary has been written in
the expectation, and indeed with the intention,
of gaining the notice of the public. Now, in de-
signating such a document an ' epistle,' and re-
serving the term 'letter' for a letter in the true
sense, we must remember that, while the distinc-
tion itself was quite familiar to the ancients, our
terminology is modern. By ' epistle ' we mean,
accordingly, a letter expressly intended for the
general j)\iblic. Yet it must be admitted that, in
the sphere of ancient literature, it is not always
easy to decide whether a particular document is a
letter or an epistle, as will ap[)ear from the follow-
ing considerations. (1) In many such compositions
there is nothing to indicate wliether the writer de-
sired to address the general public or. not. (2) The
art of the epistle-writer consisted very largely in
his ability to personate a true letter-writer, so
that the reader should never have the faintest
suspicion that the writing in his hands was any-
thing but a genuine letter. (3) Even in letters
properly so called the writer did not always allow
his words and thoughts to flow freely and spon-
taneously, but sometimes — and especially in the
latter part of the ancient era, when rhetoric pre-
vailed everywhere — as we find even in correspond-
ence whose private and confidential nature is
beyond doubt, invested the structure and style of
his letter with rhetorical features such as we might
expect to meet with in writings designed to in-
fluence the public mind, and therefore of necessity
far removed from the free and easy prattle of a
letter. (4) Finally, it is not easy to s[)ecify the
point of transition between the limited circle to
which the private letter may be addressed and the
general public to which the epistle makes its
appeal. In most cases, no doubt, it is possible to
decide whether an epistle is meant for the public
eye, but it is frequently far from certain whether
a particular letter addressed to a limited public, as
e.g. a church or a group of churches, or, say, the
bishops of a metroiiolitan province, has not lost all
claim to be regarded as a real letter. Notwith-
standing these considerations, however, the dis-
tinction between epistle and true letter has every
right to be retained. Like all such distinctions, it
doubtless fails to make due allowance for the
living current of literary development, but it
teaches us to keep an open eye for the diversities
and gradations of literature, and thus also, when
rightly used, helps us to define more accurately
VOL. I. — 23
the character of the epistolary writings in the
NT.
Now, as the Christian writers of the Apostolic
Age adopted the ' epistle, ' and, we may even say,
made use of it with a zest that may be inferred,
in particular, from the fact that they enriched the
literary side of the Gospel and the Apocalypse by
means of the epistolary form (cf. Lk P"'-, Rev 1**^*)j
it is necessary to give due weight to the following
points: (1) that in this as in other respects the
Apostolic Age was embedded in the same literary
tradition of later antiquity as we are able to trace
in various Greek and Latin prototypes of non-
Christian origin ; (2) that, nevertheless, the
structure, style, and diction of the primitive
Christian epistles nearly always carry us into a
ditterent sphere of culture from that associated
with the extant post-classical epistolary litera-
ture composed on classical models ; and, finally,
(3) that the influence of the hortatory addresses
of Christian preachers in the primitive Church is
clearly traceable in these Christian epistles.
Among the ' epistles ' of the Apostolic Age the
present writer would include the following : James,
1 Peter, Jude, Hebrews, 1 Jolm, and Barnabas.
These for the most part differ in no essential point
from hortative addresses to a congregation, and
the epistolary form, where it is present at all, or
where, as in Hebrews, it is no more than suggested,
is merely a form, which, in fact, is completely
shattered by the contents. Among these Epistles
there is not one wliich in virtue of a refined or
even well-schooled art could claim to be considered
a true letter. But this is itself a striking evidence
of the significant fact that the Christian writers
of the Apostolic Age, greatly as they had been
attected by the stream of literary activity in the
grander style of the ancients, were now feeling
their way towards new forms in which to com-
municate their religious ideas to a wider public.
With this end in view, therefore, they had re-
course to the epistle, as the literary eidos at
once of the simplest character and lying closest to
their hands ; but here — even in the case of a writer
like the author of Hebrews, who has obviously
been powerfully influenced by the elements of
Greek rhetoric — the substance of the message was
for them of much greater importance than the
form. The fictitious, pseudonymous epistle is a
literary phenomenon that first makes its appear-
ance in the post-Apostolic Age.
LiTERATDRB. — R. Hercher, Epistolographi Grceci, Paris, 1873
(a collection of Greek letters) ; H. Peter, Der Brief in der
romisclien Litteratur, Leipzig, 1901 ; E. Norden, Die antike
Kunstjjrosa^, do. 1909 ; G. A. Deissmann, Bibelstudien,
Marburg, 1895, pp. 187-225 (Eng. tr., 1901, pp. 1-59) ; C. F. G.
Heinrici, Der litte.rarische Character der neutest. Schriften,
Leipzig, 1908, p. 56 S. ; J. Weiss, ' Literaturgesch. des NT,' in
RGG iii. [1912] 2175-2215 ; H. Jordan, Gesch. der altchristlichen
Literatur, Leipzig, 1911, p. 123 8. (containing alsoa history of the
Christian Epistle till a.d. 600) ; P. Wendland, Die hclienistisch-
rbmische Kultur in ihren Beziehungen zn Judentinn und
Christe7itum, 'Die urchristliche Literaturformen,' Tubingen,
1912, pp. 342-381. H. JORDAN.
ERASTUS ("Epao-Tos).— 1. In Ro 16-3 Erastus is
'the treasurer of the city' (6 oiKovdfios ttjs TroXeus,
arcarius civitatis) of Corinth, who sends saluta-
tions with ' Quartus the brother.' His office was
an important one. He stands almost alone in the
NT as a convert of position and influence.
2. In Ac 19-' the name is given to one of two —
Timothy being the other — who ' ministered ' to St.
Paul in Ephesus, and Avho were sent by him on
some errand into Macedonia.
3. In 2 Ti 4^'' Erastus is a companion of St. Paul,
said to have remained in Corinth, i.e. during the
interval between the first and second imprison-
ments.
Are these three to be identified ? It is possible
354
ESAU
ESCHATOLOGY
that 2 and 3 are the same man, but on account
of the nature of the othce held by 1 it seems un-
likely that he could have been a missionary com-
panion and messenger of the Apostle. To meet
this difficulty, it might be suggested that he had
resigned the treasurership on becoming a Christian.
Again, if 1 and 3 are identical, there would seem
to be little point in St. Paul's informing Timothy
that an important citj^ official ' abode at Corinth.'
It is held by some scholars that these salutations
from Corinthian Christians in the postscript of the
' Roman ' Epistle point to an Ephesian destination
of the passage. It is easier to believe that the
members of tbe Church at Corinth had friends at
Ephesus than at Rome ; but, as Lightfoot reminds
us, personal acquaintance was not necessary in the
Apostolic Church to create Christian sympathy.
Also, 'the descriptive addition "tlie steward of
the city " is much more appropriate if addressed to
those to whom his name was unknown or scarcely
known, than to those with whom he was personally
acquainted' (Lightfoot, Biblical Essays, 1893, p.
305). If we could accept the theory of the Ephesian
destination, Ave should be more inclined to identify
all three names. T. B. Allavoethy.
ESAU CHo-aO).— (1) St. Paul (Ro O^O'i^) uses the
pre-natal oracle regarding Esau and his brother
(Gn 25--- *•*) as an illustration of the princijjle of
Divine election. Before they were born, when
neither had any merit or demerit, the elder was
destined to serve the younger. As the prophet
Malachi (l'-^) has it, 'Jacob I loved, but Esau I
hated.' In both of the OT passages quoted there
was a reference not merely to the children but to
their descendants. The hrst part of the oracle
runs, ' Two nations are in thy womb, and two
peoples shall be separated from thy bowels '
(Gn 25-'^) ; and the Prophet's words are, * Was (or
'is,' RVm) not Esau Jacob's brother? saith the
Lord : yet I (have) loved Jacob ; but Esau (have) I
hated, and made his mountains a desolation, and
gave (given) his heritage to the jackals of the wilder-
ness. Whereas Edom saith,' etc. (Mai P-^).
St. Paul is engaged in proving that the Divine
promise has not failed though the majority of the
children of Abraham have been excluded (or have
excluded themselves by unbelief) from a share in
its fulhlment in Christ. His pur^wse is to sweep
away a narrow, particularistic doctrine of election,
according to which God's action ends in Israel, and
to replace it by a grand universalistic conception,
according to which the world, or all humanity, is
the end of the Divine action, and election itself
is controlled by an all-embracing purpose of love.
He accomplishes his purpose partly by a very
ettective argumentum ad homincm. The Jews so
little understood the humbling principle of election,
which ascribes all the merit of salvation to God,
that they ])rided themselves on having been chosen,
while their neighbours, Ishmael and Edom, had
been rejected. Since Jacob — in the prophetic
words M-hich were so dear to them — had been
loved and Esau hated, it was clear to them that
they were the objects of a peculiar Divine favour.
To turn the edge of this argument, St. Paul had
only to remind them that many of the rejected —
e.g. Esau and all his descendants — were children of
Abraham. If God could make a distinction in the
cliosen family in former times, without being un-
true to His covenant. He might do so again. A
whole nation might lose its birthright like Esau.
(2) The writer of Hebrews (12"*) instances Esau
as a profane person, wjio for a single meal {dvTi
/3pu)(rews fuds) sold hisbirthright. ' Profane ' (^ejirjXos),
when applied to things, means 'unconsecrated,'
' secular.^ The word occurs in the LXX of Lv lU^",
'ye sh.all put diflerence between the holy and the
common (tuv 0e^ri\wp).' It was the fault of Esau,
who was not without admirable qualities, that he
made no such distinction. To him the most sacred
things were common, because he had no spiritual
discernment. He despised ' this birthright ' (Gn
25^-) as a thing of no worth. He did not despise
the blessing which had material advantages at-
tached to it, and he imagined he could retain it
even after he had sold the birthright. But the
l^oignant moment of disillusionment came, when
he realized that the blessing was gone beyond re-
call. His regrets were vain : ' he found no place
for repentance.' This signihes that there was no
means of undoing what he had done ; the past was
irreparable. James Strahan.
ESCHATOLOGY.—
I. The earliest Christian eschatology.
1. Sources.
2. The Jewish background of ideas.
3. The new Christian niessacfe.
4. The chief doctrines of the Last Things.
6. Extent and importance of the apocatyptic element.
6. Relation to tlie teaching of our Lord.
7. Decluie of the earliest type of Christian eschatology.
II. The christian afocalvftjc literature.
1. Revelation of St. John.
2. Non-canonical Christian apocalyjises.
III. THE JOHANXINE TYPE OF EARLY CHRISTIAN ESCHAT-
OLOGY.
1. ' Spirituality' of the teaching.
2. The place of the sacraments.
3. Later history of this tipe of eschatology.
IV. The Pauline tyre of larly Christian eschatology.
1. Eschatology of St. Paul.
2. Eschatology of early Gentile-Christian churches.
Scope of the article. — Our subject is the eschat-
ology of the Apostolic Church down to A.D. 100.
By ' eschatology ' we understand (1) the doctrine of
a certain series of events associated with the end of
this world-era and the beginning of another ; and
(2) the destiny of the individual human soul after
death. We shall deal first with the earliest tj'pe of
Christian eschatology, as it Avas taught bj^ the first
disciples of our Lord, in the primitive Judteo-
Christian communities ; and then we shall en-
deavour to trace the various lines along which this
primitive teaching was developed and modified.
1. The earliest Christian eschatology.
— 1. The sources. — In studying the characteristics
of the earliest Christian doctrine of the Last Things,
it seems not unreasonalile (in view of the trend of
recent scholarship) to base our conclusions with
some confidence upon the Acts of the Apostles, as a
history ' which in most points, and those essential
points, stands the test of reliability' (Harnack,
The Acts of the Apostles, Eng. tr., 1909, p. 303).
The evidence from the speeches must, perhaps, be
used with a little more reserve, but even here
there appears to be a growing tendency to recog-
nize a real historical value. Evidence supplement-
ing that of Acts may be drawn from the Epistles of
the NT, particularly James, Hebrews, and 1 Peter,
all of which belong to a Judaio-Christian type of
thought, though somewhat later in date than the
earliest preaching recorded in Acts (see artt. on
James, Ep. of ; Hebrews, Ep. to ; Peter, Ep. of).
From these NT writings it is possible to gain a
fairly clear and definite conception of the earliest
Christian eschatology.
2. The Jewish ' background of ideas.' — The type
of thought reflected in these earlj- Chi'istian writ-
ings is thoroughly and distinctively Jewish. Es-
]iecially is this the case in the earlier chapters of
Acts, where the ideas of Jewish apocalyptic form
the ' background ' of the i^reaching — a background
so familiar that it never needs to be explained or
expounded in detail, but yet never allows itself to
be altogether forgotten. The men who preached
the earliest Christian doctrine of the Last Things
had for the most part been brought up in a religious
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
ooo
atmosphere impregnated ^vith eschatological ideas.
The Judaism in which they ■were living was tlie
Judaism which produced apocalyptic writings such
as the Book of Jubilees, the Assumption of Moses,
the Apocalypse of Baruch, 4 Ezra, etc. ; and
they were accustomed to think and speak of their
religious hopes in the terms of Jewish apocalyptic.
Now, although the details of apocalyptic eschat-
ology vary from book to book (see e.g. R. H.
Charles in HDB i. 741-749), yet a few fixed points
stand out in every case, arranged according to a
scheme which had become almost stereotyped in the
apocalypses, and which is accepted as axiomatic in
the apostolic preaching. This scheme is as follows :
(1) the signs foreshadowing the end, (2) the Com-
ing of the Messiah, (3) the resurrection of the
dead, (4) the Last Judgment, (5) the inauguration of
the Kingdom of God. The NT passages in which
this 'eschatological scheme' is implied are too
numerous to be cited ; for tj-pical examples, see
Ac 2"-3« S2»f- 42 10*2 15^5-18 1731^ ja 53-9, He 1 and 2,
1 p 4 6. 7. 17^ 1 Th 4 and 5, 2 Th 2i-i-, etc.
The comparative uniformity with Avhich these
'fixed points' recur in the Jewish apocalyptic
eschatology may be traced in part to the Jewish
idea of predestination. The events Avere conceived
of as already fixed in the mind of God, and (in a
sense) already pre-existent in heaven ; so that the
progress of history may be regarded as an ' apoca-
lypse' or unveiling of the Divine plan Avhich is
even now ' ready to be revealed in the last times.'
It is necessary to realize this if we would under-
stand the force of the Judaeo-Christian appeal to
the Old Testament. Modem writers generally hold
that the value of prophecy consists primarily in its
insight into spiritual truths, and onlj^ indirectly in
its foresight into the future ; but to the Jew, a co-
incidence between a prophetic prediction and a subse-
quent event was a signal proof of Divine inspiration,
for it showed that God had ' unveiled ' before the
vision of His prophet some detail of that future which
was already predestined and lying spread out before
His all-seeing eyes (cf. Ac V^«- 2'^-« y^-^ 425-28 1128
1332.41 173. a 1828 2622^ etc., He 4^ 92^, and esp. 1 P
11-').
But, while emphasizing the background of ideas
common to primitive Christianity and Jewish
apocalyptic, we must not ignore the distinctive-
ness of the former ; and this now claims our at-
tention.
3. The new Christian message.— (1) The Messiah
has come, in the Person of Jesus. — The belief
that Jesus of Nazareth was and is the Christ, and
that His life fulfilled the Scriptural prophecies, is
the central truth of the apostolic preaching (Ac
236 322 542 i72f.^ Ja, 21, He 1, 1 P 3^2 4', etc.). In the
Jewish apocalypses, two Messianic ideals are mani-
fested. On the one hand, there was the old pro-
phetic expectation of a warrior-king of David's
line, raised up from among God's people to rule
them in righteousness and truth (Pss.-Sol. xvii.
23-51, etc.). On the other hand, there was the
purely apocalyptic conception of a heavenly Being
descending, like Daniel's Son of Man, from the
clouds of heaven, endowed with supernatural
powers, and presiding as God's viceroy at the
Great Judgment. It is to be noticed that the NT
conception of our Lord's Messiahship, while higher
than any previously set forth, is much more nearly
related to the Danielic ' Son of Man ' than to the
political type of Messiah (Ac 3-i, 1 Th 4'^, 2 Th 1^
etc.). Now, if Jesus was the Messiah, then, since
He had actually come, and had been rejected by
His people, several consequences seemed (to Jew-
ish minds) to follow inevitably, viz. :
(2) The Last Days are now in progress. — In
Jewish apocalyptic, the coming of the ilessiah is
invariably associated with the end of this world
and the beginning of the New Era. So, when the
apostles i^roclaimed that the Messiah had come,
they thereby conveyed to their Jewish hearers the
impression that the Last Days had also come —
not merely that they were at hand, but that they
had actually begun and were in progress. And in
fact this belief is implied in many NT passages,
the full meaning of which often escapes the notice
of the casual reader, who is full of modern ideas.
But if once this eschatological outlook is realized,
the early narratives of Acts are filled with new
meaning. In particular, it will be noticed that
the ' appeals to prophecy,' which occur so fre-
quently in Acts, are often connected with the de-
sire to prove that the Last Days have at length
come ; e.g. the outpouring of the Spirit at Pente-
cost is hailed by St. Peter as the fulfilment of
Joel's prophecy, which expressly referred to ' the
Last Days ' (Ac 2^8"^ ; cf. Jl 2^-^-). His argument
is that, since the prophecy has been fulfilled, it
follows that the ' Last Days ' foretold therein must
have come. Similarly, the charisnuita, and the
gifts of healing and of tongues, which were pre-
valent in the early Church, lent themselves readily
to the view that they were a part of the miraculous
' signs of the end ' foretold by prophets and apoca-
lyptists (Ac 218- ^^ ^ 4^0^- S^^-ib iqis 196 219). Again,
the Death, Eesurrection, and Ascension of our
Lord were proclaimed by the apostles, not merely
as interesting historical events, but as part of the
miraculous portents which were to form the ' birth-
pangs of the Kingdom of God' (Ac 2"^-^^ 3"-26 268).
All these things combined to deepen in the minds
of the first disciples of our Lord the conviction
that 'it was the last hour.'
(3) The Messiah is immediately to return as
Judge. — Jesus, the ISIessiah, has been rejected by
His people, but there remains yet another act in
the great drama of the Last Things. His life on
earth has fulfilled some of the Messianic pro-
phecies ; but others {e.g. Daniel's vision of the Son
of Man) are still awaiting fulfilment. So the
Messiah is about to come again immediately in
glory on the clouds of heaven to judge all man-
kind (Ac 1" 10*2 1731 2426, Ja 58- 9, 1 P 4') and to
destroy the apostate city of Jerusalem and the in-
habitants thereof (Ac &*). Thus the apostolic
preaching w-as in part a stern denunciation and a
warning of judgment to come. But it did not end
here.
(4) God is granting one more opportunity. —
Herein lay the 'good tidings' of the apostolic
preaching. Although the Jews had incurred the
severest penalties of the Divine judgment by cruci-
fying the Messiah (Ac 3^'*^-), yet another opportun-
ity is being oflered, by which all men may escape
' the wrath to come,' and receive the Divine for-
giveness. The only conditions demanded by God
are {a) belief in Jesus as Lord and Messiah (Ac
le^ot- ; cf. 23'ff-, etc.), and [b) repentance (Ac 2^8 318
2021). Those who 'believe' and 'repent' will be
saved in the Judgment from the condemnation
which is impending over all the world (Ac 2*"
319. 23-26)^ and will be forgiven by the Lord Jesus,
who, as Messianic Judge, alone has the authority
to grant such pardon (Ac 5^^ 10"*^). Thus it Avill be
seen that ' salvation ' and ' forgiveness,' as terms
of Christian theology, are in their origin eschato-
logical, though they have been found capable of
development along non-eschatological lines (see
below). And it was just because of this eschato-
logical background that the apostolic ' gospel '
was so intensely fervent and urgent ; for there
was not a moment to spare ; ' the Judge was stand-
ing before the doors' (Ja S^ ; cf. 1 P 4"- ''• "), and
every convert was indeed a brand plucked from
the burning (Ac 238-»o- *' 3^3-2«). So the apostolic
preaching was transformed from a denunciation and
356
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
a warning of impending judgment into an evangel
of salvation and forgiveness.
(5) The free gifts of God. — To describe the
apostolic gospel simply as a promise of escape from
the wrath to come would be inadequate; it was a
promise rich with new gifts and blessings — e.g. the
outflo\%'ing of the Divine Spirit (Ac 2^- ^®'* 5^^), and
the ' seasons of refreshing,' which would sustain
the elect until the return of the Messiah and the
'restoration of all things' (Ac S'^-^i ; see below, I.
4 (5)). And these blessings were not to be labori-
ously earned, but were freely offered to aU who
would 'repent' and 'believe.'
4. The application of the apostolic message to
the chief doctrines of the Last Things. — The ideas
underlying the most primitive Christian eschato-
logy, as we have outlined it above, are so unfamiliar
to us that their bearing upon the great problems of
the future life is not at first sight evident, and
requires a brief consideration.
(1) The Second Coming of our Lord. — Most early
Christians doubtless conceived of this in the
traditional dramatic form, in accordance with the
teaching of Enoch and other Jewish apocalypses.
On the other hand, it should be remembered that
(a) the ' unearthly ' conception of the Messiah set
forth in the Enochic ' Son of Man ' would be modi-
fied by the recollection of the historical human
personality of Jesus the Messiah ; and (b) the
apocalyptic idea of Messiahship, though one-sided,
and therefore inadequate for a satisfactory Christo-
logy, was yet a high and transcendent ideal — one
wliich needed to be supplemented and enlarged,
rather than corrected. It formed a good founda-
tion, upon which Christian thought and experience
were able to build a fuller and truer doctrine of our
Lord's Person and Second Coming.
(2) The Last Judgment. — This also was, in
primitive Christian thought, closely linked with
the Person of our Lord as Messianic Judge. It
was thought of as limited in time to a date in the
near future, and probably localized at some place
on the earth (perhaps Jerusalem ; cf. Ac 6'*, I P
4^^). Such ideas, however crude, were capable of
being ' spiritualized ' in course of time, without
any breach in the continuity of Christian teaching.
A more serious problem is raised by the difficulty
of reconciling the ddctrine of a universal Judgment
(Ac 17^', I P 4') with the doctrine oi forgiveness,
by which some men are ' acquitted ' beforehand in
anticipation of the Judgment. This is a hard,
perhaps an insoluble, problem ; but it is not
peculiar to eschatology ; for it confronts us wher-
ever the ideas of forgiveness and justice are placed
side by side.
(3) The. Intermediate State. — So long as the
Return of the Lord was expected to occur immedi-
ately, theie was little room for any speculations
with regard to the state of those who had ' fallen
asleep in Christ.' The 'waiting-time' seemed so
brief that it did not invite much consideration.
To expect to find in the NT authoritative state-
ments either for or against prayers for the dead,
or formal distinctions between an intermeiliate
state of purgation and a final state of bliss, is to
forget the peculiar eschatological outlook of primi-
tive Christianity, and to look for an anachronism.
The beginnings of Christian speculation concerning
the Intermediate State come before us at quite an
early stage (e.g. in 1 Thess.) ; but they do not be-
long to the earliest stage of all.
The case was somewhat different with regard
to the faithful who had died before Christ came.
Christians naturally wished to know how these
would be enabled to hear the 'good tidings,' and
share in the forgiveness and salvation now ofFered
by Christ. Two well-known passages in 1 Peter
bear upon this point : the ' preaching to the spirits
in prison * (1 P 3^^), and the ' preaching to the dead '
(1 P 4*). A detailed discussion is impossible here ;
see the Commentaries ad loc. In the present
wx'itex^s Primitive Christian EscJiatology, p. 254 tf.,
it is contended that the passages should be inter-
preted in accordance with the methods of Jewish
apocalyptic ; and that their main purpose is to
teach that the ' good tidings ' have been proclaimed
by Christ to those who had died before His Coming,
so that at His Return they may have the same
opportunities of repentance as those who are alive
at the time. Broadly, too, we may see in these
passages Scriptural warrant for the view that there
may be opportunities for repentance after death.
(4) The Resurrection. — Questionings with regard
to the nature and manner of the resurrection are
scarcely seen at all in the earliest eschatology as
reflected in Acts and the Judseo-Christian Epistles
(see Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paid, p. 91 f.).
Generally the references apply to our Lord's Re-
surrection, and even where the general resurrection
is implied (Ac 236-8 24^6 266-8) no details as to the
manner thereof are forthcoming. In Ac 24" its
universal scope ('both of the just and unjust') is
asserted ; and in He 6'* ^ dfdo-rao-ts veKpQv is in-
cluded among ' the principles of Christ ' which
are too well known to need a detailed exposition.
But we find nothing corresponding to the Pauline
discussion as to the nature of the resurrection-body.
In the Jewish apocalypses, the doctrine fluctuates
from an extremely material conception to one
which is purely spiritual ; and probably the early
Christians inherited various views on this point.
The idea that our Lord's Resurrection was a ' first-
fruits ' of the general resurrection is implied in Ac
26*^^, and this was destined in time to influence the
Christian doctrine of the resurrection.
(5) Final destinies. — Here again, no detailed
scheme of doctrine is yet put forward. Broadly,
it is implied that supreme joy will be the reward
of the ' believers,' and that a dreadful fate awaits
unbelievers (Ac 3^*). The phrase 'restoration of
all things' (Ac 3^') might be taken to imply a
' universalistic ' view of future destinies, or even
some idea of 'world-cycles' by which the eras that
are past are brought back in course of time ; but
a similar phrase is found in Mai 4^ (LXX), and may
be no more than a general term for the perfection
of the Messianic Kingdom.
5. The extent and importance of the apocalyptic
element in the earliest Christian eschatology. —
Until recent years, the apocalyptic element in the
NT received but scant notice ; but of late a new
theory as to the teaching and ' tone' of apostolic
Christianity has been put forward (see e.g. Lake,
The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, or Schweitzer,
Paul and his Interp^'eters). It is contended that
the 'gospel' of primitive Christianity was ex-
clusively an eschatological message, foretelling,
in terms of current Jewish apocalyptic, the ap-
proaching end of this world-era and the beginning
of the next. If the interpretation given above be
correct, there is a measure of truth in this ' Con-
sistent Eschatological ' view of apostolic eschato-
logy ; for the new faith did not at once sweep away
the old methods of thought, and we should miss
the force and full significance of NT eschatology
unless we interpreted it in the light of Jewish
apocalyptic.
On the other hand, the 'Consistent Eschato-
logists' do not appear to give sufficient place to
other factors: e.g. (1) tlie 'political' type of
Jewish thought, in which the Mjessiah is conceived
of as an earthly Monarch, and the Kingdom of God
as an extensive Jewish Empire. Some such political
ideas were clearly in the minds of tlie apostles at
the first (Ac 1*), and they may well have existed in
the primitive Church side by side with the purely
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
357
apocalyptic eschatology. And (2) the ' Consistent
Escbatologists ' under-rate the importance of the
new and distinctively Christian element in the
apostolic eschatology. Also (3) a study of the NT
shows that, from the very first, moral teaching
held a place second to none in the apostolic preach-
ing. In view of these facts, it would appear to be
an exaggeration to speak of the primitive apostolic
'gospel' as though it were exclusively, or even
predominantly, an eschatological message.
6. The relation of the primitive apostolic
eschatology to the teaching of our Lord. — It was
from the teaching and work of our Lord that the
apostolic preaching derived its primary inspiration,
and hence it is evident that the apostolic doctrine
of the Last Things was intended to be founded
upon His. And since recent study of the NT
seems to have shown that eschatology held an
important place in our Lord's teaching, we may
not regard the eschatological ' tone ' of tlie primi-
tive apostolic message as an element foreign to
the mind of Christ, or one invented by the apostles
merely to satisfy their own predilections. It does
not follow, however, that the apostolic teaching
coincided precisely with that of our Lord. It was
only natural that the apostles should tend to
emphasize those aspects of His teaching which were
most full of meaning to themselves, and to lay
but little stress upon whatever appeared to them
unfamiliar or incomprehensible. And so the pro-
portions of the message undergo some modification :
for instance, in the apostolic preaching, the ex-
pectation of the Second Coming is set forth more
definitely than in the words of the Master Himself.
But in one point the community of spirit between
the eschatology of Christ and His followers is most
noteworthy : the close link between the eschatology
and practical morality. From the first, the call to
repentance always accompanies the eschatological
message (Ac 2^^, etc. ) ; and the ' repentance ' of the
primitive Christians involved a very real change of
life. Herein, from the very first, lay a ditl'erence
between Jewish and Christian eschatology : the
former was often only a comfortable theory, to give
encouragement in times of trouble ; the latter was
always an inspiring call to a new life of faith and
love. This was an essential element of the apos-
tolic eschatology, destined to survive when the
forms and phrases of Jewish apocalyptic gave way
under the trials of the long delay in the Master's
Return.
7. The decline of the earliest type of Christian
eschatology. — The form of the earliest Christian
doctrine of the Last Things, as we have estimated
it above, was congenial only to Jewish surround-
ings, and it soon began to undergo some modifica-
tion. Some of these lines of development may he
traced to the influence of Gentile thought, as
reflected, e.g., in St. Paul's Epistles ; to the deepen-
ing of the spiritual ideas underlying the dramatic
eschatology, as we see in the Johannine writings ;
and to the rise of the Christian apocalyptic litera-
ture, with its close resemblance to Jewish apocalyp-
tic. For the present, our consideration of these
may best be deferred. But in certain quarters
the primitive Judseo-Christian eschatology appears
to have been but little modified by external in-
fluences ; only it shows a steady decline and a
gradual loss of its original vitality and power.
The beginnings of this decline may be seen even
in the NT writings which we have already been
considering, viz. Acts, James, Hebrews, 1 Peter ;
its later stages are reflected chiefly in Jude, 2 Peter,
the Didache (if the early date be accepted), and
some of the Apostolic Fathers. The Johannine
and Pauline writings also indirectly throw light
upon this subject.
(1) Causes of the decline. — (a) The recollection of
our Lord's teaching. — If, as we have contended, the
eschatology of our Lord was wider and deeper
than the apostolic interpretation of it, it was
natural that some of the half-understood sayings
of the Master — particularly the parting commis-
sions, Mt 28-", Ac V- ®, which are so notably non-
eschatological — should remain in the memory of
the apostles, and that in cour.se of time a fuller
meaning should dawn upon their minds. So it
would come to pass that the moral and spiritual
aspects of the gospel, and the world-wide scope of
its mission, would claim an increasing pre-eminence
in the apostolic preaching. (For the influence of
our Lord's teaching on St. Paul, see Kennedy, St.
Paul's Conceptions of the Last Things, pp. 96-101.)
(b) A keen sense of moral values. — ' Practical
morality' was from the first held in the highest
esteem in the Judseo-Christian communities (see,
e.g., the Epistle of James), and this tended to draw
the centre of Christian interest away from escha-
tology to morality. It is difficult to illustrate this
by detailed quotations ; perhaps the best proof may
be obtained by a rapid perusal of Acts, by means of
which the steady diminution of the eschatological
expectation as the narrative proceeds is readily
noticed. In the later speeches of St. Paul, at
Miletus (Ac 2Q^^-'^) or at Jerusalem (Ac 22), escha-
tology is almost ignored ; and St. Paul before Felix
reasons of ' righteousness and temperance ' as well
as of 'judgment to come' (Ac 24^). Also the
teaching of 1 Peter, and most of all of James, suggests
that moral and spiritual values are far more es-
teemed than eschatological problems.
(c) The charismata. — The spiritual gifts, e.g. of
healing or of tongues, while originally regarded
hy Je\vish Christians as ' signs of the end ' (see
above, I. 3 (2)), soon began to acquire an intrinsic
value of their own in the eyes of the Christian
community. Men knew, as a fact of Christian
experience, that they had heen freed from the power
of sin and from the sense of guilt before God ; and
so they hegan to use the terms ' salvation,' 'justi-
fication,' etc., to describe their own spiritual experi-
ences rather than purely eschatological hopes. (In
Ac 16^', e.g., 'salvation' scarcely seems eschato-
logical ; and in Ac 10^ our Lord is described simply
as 'one who went about doing good and healing.')
It will be noticed that the influences we have
been considering tended to alter the proportions of
Christian teaching by emphasizing nc?i-eschato-
logical factors at the expense of eschatology. But
there were also other influences at work, directly
tending to break up the primitive doctrine of the
Last Things.
(d) The delay in the Return. — This was the
most potent of all the factors which changed the
' tone of Christian eschatology. As the days and
months passed, and the Son of Man did not appear
on the clouds of heaven, it was impossible to repeat
with the same assurance the old message : ' The
time is at hand.' Yet the old hope persisted long
in Judseo-Christian circles, not only in the earlier
writings, e.g. Ja 5*, 1 P 4'', but until the close of
the 1st cent., e.g. 1 Jn 2^^ Didache 16, and even in
the Apology of Aristides.
But we see the change of 'tone' in St. Paul's
charge to the Ephesian elders (Ac 20^-^^), which,
so far from anticipating an immediate Return of
the Lord, looks forward to a period of apostasy,
and to an extended ministry in the Church. We
see it even more plainly in 2 P ^^^-f where the
mocking question, 'Where is the promise of His
coming ?' is met by the old answer of Jewish apoca-
lyptists : ' One day is with the Lord as a thou-
sand years, and a thousand years as one day ' (2 P 3^ ;
cf. Slavonic Enoch, § 32). Such an argument vir-
tually implies that the primitive confidence in an im-
mediate Return had been surrendered. The gradual
358
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
weakening of that confidence will come before us
again in St. Paul's Epistles [see below]. In Didache,
16, the Return, though near, is to be preceded by
the rule of Antichrist ; and the rise of ' Chiliasm '
in the 2nd cent, thrust the final consummation still
further into the future.
(e) The problem of sin in the Christian community.
— Tliis, though not at first sight an eschatological
question, indirectly lielped to modify tlie primitive
doctrine of the Last Things. Tlie early Christian
conception of final destinies was simple and con-
sistent : those who believed and repented would be
saved ; those wlio believed not would be condemned.
This view assumed that Christian practice would
always be in complete accord with Christian pro-
fession ; and, so long as this was the case, it was
not open to objection. But in practice it was soon
found that professing Christians were not always
consistent in their lives ( Ja 3^ 4^* - ; cf. Ac 20^").
So the simple two-fold division of mankind into
' saved ' and ' not-saved ' became unsatisfactory to
man's sense of justice, for it did not correspond to
the facts of experience ; and similarly the two-fold
division of final destinies into ' eternal bliss ' and
' eternal woe ' became open to the charge that it
imputed to God a line of action not wholly just.
This difficulty was met in two ways, (a) The
sti'icter minds insisted that post-baptismal sin for-
feited the right to salvation, and incurred con-
demnation (He 6'*"®). By this means all Christians
guilty of sin were classed among the ' not-saved,'
and the two- fold division of retribution could logi-
cally be maintained. (/3) A more lenient view
admitted the possibility of a second repentance
after post-baptismal sin, at least if the sin were
atoned for by penance. Soon after the year A.D.
100 we find this view prevalent (2 Clem. 7 ; Shep-
herd of Hernias: Vis. iii., Sim. vi., etc.). This
view, while rich in charity, surrendered the ideal
of a consistent Christian life, and is far removed
fi-om the logical simplicity of primitive Christian
eschatology. A further application of the idea of
' penance ' to the future life resulted in the doctrine
of purgatory, whereby the primitive two-fold divi-
sion of tlie other world becomes three-fold. (For
the beginnings of the doctrine of purgatory, see
Shepherd of Hermas : Vis. iii. 7 ; Clem. Alex.
Strom, vi. 14 ; and some of the Christian apoca-
lypses.)
[f) The influence of Jewish apocalyptic. — We have
already referred in general terms to this influence
under ' the Jewish background of ideas ' (see above,
I. 2), and its full results will come before us at a
later stage, under II. At this point, however, it is
worth noting that a deliberate imitation of the
Jewish apocalypses in writings not themselves
apocalyptic marks the decline of the JudiBO-Chris-
tian type of eschatology. Jude and 2 Peter are the
most notable instances in the NT. Although the
language is at first sight that of primitive Chris-
tianity, there is a real difierence. Instead of the
bold outlines of the good tidings concerning Jesus
the Messiah, we find a mass of detailed revelations
about angels, and fallen stars, and cosmic convul-
sions (Jude«-i», 2 P 2^-" 35-"), such as the Jewish
apocalyptists delighted to describe, but which had
ceased to attract the first generation of Christians,
because of the all-absorbing interest of the ' good
tidings.' The general tone of these Epistles is also
far more pessimistic than that of the earliest
Christian preaching, and reflects the position of
men conscious of a reaction after a great spiritual
revival (Jude ^'^ "'•, 2 P 2"- 3'"^). This again agrees
with the normal characteristics of Jewish apoca-
lyptic. It should be noted also that Jude ^^* is a
direct quotation from Enoch i. 9.
A stili later stage in the decline of the primitive
Judoeo-Christian eschatology under apocalyptic
influence is seen in Papias, where the apocalyptic
details have become simply puerile, and the old
virility and strong moral associations of eschatology
have practically vanished (see, e.g., the quotation
from Papias in Iren. adv. Hcer. V. xxxiii. 3f.).
(2) Results of the decline, — A number of causes,
some of which we have briefly considered above,
slowly but surely modified the primitive doctrine
of the Last Things, as preached in Juda?o-Christian
circles. The expectation of an immediate Return
of the Messiah, which had been its main inspira-
tion, died away; and nothing replaced it. The
result was that this type of eschatology ceased
to be a living force in the Christian Church.
Where it was elaborated by apocalyptic details, it
continued for a time (as we shall see in the case of
the Christian apocalypses) to enjoy some measure
of popular favour ; or again, where it was inter-
preted and re-stated by master-minds, such as St.
Paul and St. John, its abiding value was revealed,
and has never ceased to be recognized by thoughtful
minds. But in its original form it was not fitted
to survive, and so, unless it was transformed, it
slowly expired.
II. The Christian apocalyptic literature.
— So far, we have been considering what appears
to have been the ' normal ' type of early Christian
eschatology ; and Ave have seen that the ideas and
phraseology of the Jewish apocalypses often occur
in Christian literature which is not properly ' apo-
calyptic' in its literary form (e.g. Acts, 2 Peter,
etc. ). In these cases the apocalyptic influence may
be called indirect or incidental. But there are
other Christian writings in which the literary form
of Jewish apocalyptic is deliberately imitated in
detail ; and in these writings — especially those of
later date — we see a distinct modification of the
earliest type of Christian eschatology, such as we
have considered above.
1. The Revelation of St. John.— (1) General
scheme of the book. — This, the greatest, and per-
haps the earliest, of tlie Christian apocalypses,
contains such a wealth of material bearing upon
eschatology that a detailed treatment is here
impossible. If (as the majority of scholars hold)
the book belongs to the times of Nero, Vespasian,
or Domitian (c. A.D. 65-70, or 95), it is an ex-
tremely important witness to the history of early
Christian eschatology, wliatever be the final
decision with regard to its authorship.
Various attempts have been made to dissect the
book into strata of diflerent dates ; but, viewed as
a whole, the book conveys a strong impression of
literary unity. In particular, with regard to the
eschatology, the various parts resemble each other
in tone far more nearly than they resemble any
other known apocalypse. Also, the book, if re-
garded as a whole, oilers an intelligible scheme :
(a) the Introduction (1^*^) ; (b) the letters to the
Seven Churches (1^-3^^), which show the immediate
l)urpose for which the author wrote the book ; (c)
the vision of the opening of the Sealed Book
(4'-lP^), which enforces the general message that
' the end is at hand ' (see below) ; (d) the vision of
the Fall of Rome (12i-18-*), which sets forth in
detail the particular element of the last great
crisis which for the moment seemed the most
important ; (e) the vision of the Last Judgment
(19'-20'^); and (/) the vision of the new City of
God. These may be regarded as component parts
of one great apocalypse. It will be seen that they
form, broadly, an intelligible and progressive
narrative, on the lines of normal Jewish apocalyp-
tic ; and though it may be that in parts the visions
are 'concurrent rather than successive* (Mac-
Culloch in EEE v. 387), there seems no sufficient
reason to postulate a ' literary patchwork.'
(2) The book as a type of apocalyptic literature. —
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
359
The writer is steeped in apocalyptic thought and
language, to a greater extent tlian any other NT
Avriter. To the average modern reader the book
appears strange and unintelligible ; but to those
familiar with Jewish apocalyptic there is scarcely
a phrase altogether new or without parallel. From
this, two important consequences follow, (a) The
interpretation of the details should accord with
tlie methods of interpretation applied to apocalyp-
tic literature in general. It should be remembered,
e.g., that the apocalyptists were in the habit of
'heaping up' details in their description of the
Messianic woes and the last catastrophe, rather
with a view to creating a vivid picture of chaos
and terror than with the intention of depicting
some definite event by each separate illustration.
So it is probable that many of the details of the
NT Apocalypse are not intended to bear a too
careful analysis or interpretation. (b) If the
author of the Apocalypse be identified with the
author of the Fourth Gospel and the Johannine
Epistles, it is clear that the primitive Christians
were able to ' put aside ' their apocalyptic language
and ideas at will, and to see behind the dramatic
Imagery to the underlying spiritual truths thus
symbolized. And, conversely, in early Christian
writings which are apparently non-apocalyptic, it
is likely that eschatological ideas are never far
absent from the mind of the writer, and may
appear incidentally at any point.
(3) The writer's hope of an immediate JReturn of
the Lord. — The writer begins by claiming to reveal
' the things which shall shortly come to pass '
(Rev V), and closes with the Divine promise: 'I
come quickly' (Rev 22-°). Clearly, then, the hope
of the Second Coming in the near future had not
yet faded from liis mind. Indeed, the main pur-
pose of the book is similar to that of all apoca-
lypses — viz. to encourage tlie faithful in times of
trouble with the assurance that the hour of de-
liverance is at hand. In particular, this may
be seen in the vision of the opening of the Sealed
Book (chs. 4-11). We read that the opening of
the first five seals is followed by victory (6'' ^), war
(vv.^-^), famine (vv.^-*'), death (w.^-^), and the cry
of martyred saints (vv."-"). So far, the vision may
well be taken as describing the position of the
Church at the close of the 1st cent. A.D., when
Rome's victories had brought famine, war, death,
and persecution in their train. But when we pass
to the opening of the sixth and seventh seals, we
are at once confronted with cosmic convulsions
and miraculous portents, which form the ' birth-
pangs ' of the New Era (Gi^-i? 8. 9). If we inter-
pret this vision as we interpret other apocalypses,
we shall conclude that the writer was living in the
times of the breaking of the fifth seal, so that the
vision up to that point is an apocalyptic retrospect
of history, and after that point is an apocalyptic
prediction of the ' Messianic woes,' which were
about to begin immediately. This leads on to the
vision of the two witnesses, their destruction by
the Beast, their resurrection (IP"^*; probably a
picture of the last great struggle with Antichrist),
and the inauguration of the Kingdom of God
mi5-i9j_ jn other words, the gist of these chapters
is a message of encouragement, assuring the per-
secuted Christians that the time of their redemp-
tion has come.
(4) The political element in the eschatology. —
The Roman Empire was, to the mind of the writer,
the greatest enemy of Christ — almost, indeed, the
Antichrist himself. So he devotes seven chapters
(12-18) to a vision of the Fall of Rome, which
forms a kind of supplement to the vision of the
opening of the Sealed Book, and deals with the
political aspect of the Last Things. The details
oflFermany difficult problems for solution ; we find
a medley of ideas, mainly from Jewish apocalyptic,
blended perhaps with the popular expectation that
' Nero ' would return once more as a great world-
ruler (13"'^' ; see Swete's Apocalypse, Introduction,
ch. vii.). The political outlook of these chapters,
with their intense hostility to the Roman Empire,
is widely different from that of most NT writers
[e.g. St. Paul in 2 Th 2«- or Ro IB^-^). In so far
as the spirit of opposition to Christ was at that
time bound up Avith the policy of the Empire, the
vision is true to deep principles of Christian escha-
tology ; but some of the passages have lent them-
selves to political or ecclesiastical bias and party-
spirit.
(5) The doctrine of the Millennium. — The vision
of the Last Judgment in chs. 19 and 20 contains a
doctrine of the Millennium. There is to be a first
resurrection of the faithful dead, who will ' reign
with Christ a thousand years,' during which time
' the rest of the dead live not till the thousand
years are finished ' (20^- ^). Then follows a second
resurrection, and a second judgment of all man-
kind, when the assignment of final destinies is
made to each soul (vv.'^"^^).
The idea of a Millennial reign of the Messiah on
earth is found in Jewish apocalypses [e.g. cf. 4
Ezra vii. 28-31 ; Slav. Enoch, 33) ; but there is no
authority for it in the teaching of our Lord. It
seems difficult to attach to it any meaning of per-
manent spiritual value ; moreover, in its material-
istic forms it has been a source of weakness rather
than of strength to Christian eschatology. For
the later iiistory of Chiliasm, see Didache, 16
(closely based on Rev 19 and 20) ; Papias (quoted
Iren. adv. Hcer. V. xxxiii.); Ap. Bar. xxxix. 5;
Ep. Barnabas, 15 ; Justin, c. Tryph. 80 ; Iren.
adv. Hcer. V. xxxiv. f., etc. Justin, while hold-
ing strongly to a belief in the Millennium on
earth, admits that the belief was not held 'ubique
et ab omnibus ' in the Church.
(6) The distinctiveness of the Johannine Apoca-
lypse. — The resemblance between the NT Apoca-
lypse and other apocalypses is, as we have seen,
striking ; but not less striking are the distinctive
features of the former.
(«) Alone of all tlie apocalypses, Jewish or Chris-
tian, it is given under the name of the writer, and
not under an assumed name of some great hero of
the past. This is most significant ; for it shows
the prophetic character of apostolic eschatology.
Unlike apocalyptists in general, the writer did
not shelter himself under the authority of the
past ; but he dared to speak boldly in his own
name, under a strong conviction that he had a
new message from God to deliver.
(6) The central position given to the Person of
Jesus the Messiah is also of importance. The
writer seems to feel that no language is too lofty
to describe the Person of our Lord. At the very
outset, the Danielle vision of the Almighty is ap-
plied to our Lord without the least hesitancy ;
and throughout the book the Christology, though
apocalyptic in form, implies the most exalted con-
ception of Messiahship (Rev p-^- "f- ^^•^■^* 19"-^
etc. ). This is the more noteworthy when we re-
member that in many of the Jewish apocalypses,
especially those contemporary with primitive Chris-
tianity [e.g. 4 Ezra and Apoccdypse of Baruch), the
figure of the Messiah plays but an insignificant
part.
(c) The lofty spirituality of the book is another
distinctive feature. No book of the NT has given
more noble expression to the highest aspirations
of man for the future life than the Apocalypse of
St. John. Certainly no other apocalypse offers
anything to rival its masterly word-pictures of the
Kingdom of God (see, e.g.. Rev 7 21i-7 21-2-22^).
Such passages show us the heights to which the
360
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
apocalyptic type of Christian eschatology could
attain in the mind of an inspired master-thinker.
2. The non-canonical Christian apocalypses.
— (1) The chief writings of this type. — The Apoca-
lypse of St. John stands as the only representa-
tive of Christian apocalyptic in the NT ; but one
or two other Christian apocalypses appear to be-
long — at least in part — to the 1st cent. A.D. The
determination of their dates is, however, a difficult
matter, and by no means established beyond doubt.
Such are :
(a) Parts of the Sibylline Oracles (e.g. the ProoBmium, bk. iv.
and bk. viii. 217-429 ; see HDB v. 6S).
(6) Parts of the Ascension of Isaiah. Charles (Introd. to
Asc. Is.) assigns chs. iii.-v. and vi.-xi. to the close of the 1st.
cent. A.D. ; but Armitage Robinson (HDB ii. 500t>) assigns the
Christiau element in Asc. Is. to the middle of the 2nd cent. A.D.
(c) The Epistle of Barnabas, though not strictly an apocalypse
in form, is apocalyptic in tone, and has been assigned to the
times of Vespasian (so Lightfoot), Nerva, or Hadrian. There
are also several Christian apocalj^pses which probably contain
elements belonging to the 2nd. cent. A.D. — e.g. the Apocalypse
of Peter, the Testament of Abraham, the Testament of Isaac,
the Vision of Paul, etc. These help us to realize more clearly
the distinctive features of the Christian apocal3T)tic literature,
as it developed in later times.
(2) The eschatology of these writings. — The
Christian apocalypses, like most of the Jewish
apocalypses, were probably designed for circula-
tion among the less educated sections of the com-
munity. The average tone is puerile and petty ;
we find a mass of trivial details and crude dram-
atic colouring, but an entire absence of deep or
illuminating thoughts. Nearly all these books
bear the marks of Egyptian or Alexandrian origin ;
and it M'ould seem that the religious atmosphere
of these parts was favourable to the growth of
' apocalj-ptic ' (cf. many of the Jewish apocalypses
— Slav. Enoch, parts of Sib. Or., etc.). The most
noteworthy features of the escliatology are :
(a) The profusion of detailed 'revelations.' —
While the normal Jewish scheme of eschatology is
retained, the broad outlines are almost obscured
b^^ the mass of detailed description and prophecy ;
and the result is a type of eschatology very far
removed from that of our Lord, or of the ma-
jority of NT books. In Asc. Is. we find graphic de-
scriptions of the Seven Heavens (Asc. Is. iii. and iv.)
and of the manner of the resurrection, which is
apparently to be bodiless (iv. 14 f.). In the later
apocalypses these details become more and more
profuse : the conditions of the Intermediate State,'
tlie punishments of the wicked, the geography of
the other world, are expounded with minute pre-
cision. But a full discussion of these does not
properly belong to 'apostolic eschatology.'
(6) The prevalence of foreign ideas. — In these
apocalypses Babylonian, Egyptian, and Zoro-
astrian legends are found strangely mingled with
Christian ideas, just as they were doubtless
mingled in the minds of the cosmopolitan populace
of Alexandria.
(c) The coining of Antichrist. — This is a feature far
more prominent in these apocalypses than in any
other known group of writings. The idea seems
derived from various sources : e.g. the Jewish ex-
pectation of a last leader of the hosts of evil
(Ezk 38. 39, Dn Ipe, Apoc. Bar. xxxix.,4 Ezra v. 6,
Pss.-Sol. ii. 33, etc.); the Zoroastrian 'Satan,'
cliief of the evil spirits (of Asc. Is. ii.) ; the Baby-
lonian Dragon-myth (see Bousset, Antichrist
Legend, 1896) ; and, in particular, the expectation
of Nero's return to resume the sovereignty of tbe
world (see Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul,
p. 78 IF.). This dread of Nero's return seems to
have been an outstanding feature of Cliristian
eschatology as reflected in tliese apocalypses— see,
e.g., Asc. Is. iii. and iv.. Sib. Or. iv. 117-122, 137 11".,
V. 138-141, 413-422, viii. 88-90, 169-213, etc. For
other early Christian conceptions of Antichrist
cf. 2 Th 2'- * (see below, and article Man of Sin),
1 Jn 4' 2 Jn' (see below) ; Didache, 16 (where he
is to appear 'as Son of God,' i.e. as a pseudo-
j\Iessiah) ; Ep. Barn. 4. The conception (like the
corresponding one of the Messiah) varies from that
of a human monarch to that of a supernatural being,
sometimes closely akin to 'Satan.' Various titles
are used — e.g. 'Beliar' (Asc. Is.), 'the World's
Deceiver' (Didache), 'the Black One' (Ep. Barn.),
'the Man of Sin' (2 Thess.) ; but in all cases the
destrnction of Antichrist is set forth as one of the
last and greatest acts of the true Messiah. The
idea of a coming reign of Antichrist tended to
' throw back ' the Second Coming of the true
Messiah into a somewhat less immediate future
than it occupies in the earliest Christian message.
(d) The allegorical interpi'etation of Scripture. —
By allegorizing the narratives of Scripture, some
of the Christian apocalyptists were able to find
prophecies of the Last Things in unpromising fields
of study. In Ep. Barn. 15, e.g., we find Gn 1 in-
terpreted as an ' apocalypse ' of the world's histoiy,
in a manner that reminds us of both the Alexand-
rian-Jewish apocalypses (e.g. Slav. Enoch) and the
Christian Fathers of Alexandria.
(3) Value of the Christian apocalypses. — These
Christian writings are valuable, because they
show us one of the lines along which the primi-
tive JudiBO-Christian eschatology developed and
decayed. The primitive enthusiasm for the few
great truths of the gospel faded away, and it
was replaced by a dilettante curiosity about the
things of the other world, which ran riot in ex-
travagant superstition, and eventually died — as
it deserved to die. In these writings we may also
see the beginnings of doctrines absent from primi-
tive Christian eschatology, but prevalent in later
ages of the Church, e.g. purgatory ( Vis. Patdi, 22),
or prayers for the dead (Test. Abr. 14). But
these, again, scarcely fall within our present scope.
III. The Johannine type of early Chris-
tian ESCHATOLOGY.— The Gospel and Epistles
traditionally ascribed to St. John so far resemble
each other in their eschatological outlook that for
our purpose it seems best to consider them to-
gether, as expressing a distinctive type of escha-
tology (see A. E. Brooke, The Johannine Epistles
[ICC, 1912], Introd., p. xxi). As illustrations of
the history of Christian doctrine, the Johannine
Epistles are easier to interpret than the Gospel,
because in the latter it is often exceedingly diffi-
cult to differentiate between the purely historical
element, based upon the teaching of our Lord
Himself, and the ' Johannine' element, due to the
Evangelist. But since the eschatology in both
Gospel and Epistles partakes of the same ' tone,*
which is not found (to the same extent) elsewhere
in the NT, it seems reasonable to attribute this
distinctive element to the writer in both cases,
although not therefore denying the likelihood that
it may be indirectly due to our Lord's own teach-
ing and influence. The chief points to note are :
1. The ' spirituality ' of the teaching. — ' Spiritu-
ality ' is perhaps the best word to describe the dis-
tinctive characteristic of the Johannine eschatology.
It bears the impress of a mind retentive of tradi-
tional forms of belief, but not content with the
s«irface-meaning of current teaching. The old
phraseology is not rejected ; but it is regarded as
a parable, half concealing and lialf revealing the
deep spiritual truths over wliich the writer had
pondered in the hours of meditation. The signs of
foreign influence in the Johannine writings are
very slight ; the signs of the inner working of the
writer's mind are very marked indeed. Hence we
find the following characteristics :
(a) The Jezvish phraseology retained. — The 'dra-
matic setting ' of Jewish eschatology is as vividly
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
361
displayed in the Johannine writings as in any part
of the NT. Our Lord is portrayed as the Messianic
' Son of Man,' who has ' descended out of lieaven '
(Jn 3"* 6^8.43 823.88). ^vho is the Messianic Judge
( Jn 5-^ ^'') ; who has returned to heaven (Jn 6*^2 20'''),
and thence as glorified Messiah pours out the
Spirit on His disciples (Jn 7^") ; and who will one
day come again (Jn 21^^)^ jjig Return will be pre-
ceded by the Messianic woes (Jn 15'-^" 16^- ^^ etc.),
by the Coming of Antichrist (1 Jn 2-- 4^, 2 Jn^),
and by the general Resurrection (Jn 5-^) ; and will
be followed by the Last Judgment (Jn 12''8). The
writer of the Epistles believes he is living in ' the
last hour' — i.e. the 'interim' between the First
and Second Comings of the Lord (1 Jn 2'^). In
the Gospel the time of the Return seems more
distant ; e.g. in Jn 14 and 15 the instructions given
do not suggest a very brief ' interim ' on earth.
(i) The inner meaning of eschatology emphasized.
— Although the Johannine eschatology so far
agrees with the normal Jewish doctrine, there is a
difference. The writer does not seem to regard
this ' dramatic eschatology ' merely as a prediction
of coming events, but rather as a parable or illus-
tration of great spiritual principles, which are
continuously at work in all history, albeit specially
manifest in the spiritual experiences of Christians.
In this sense, the Johannine eschatology may be
called ' timeless ' ; the Resurrection, the Judgment,
the Coming, are always taking place, though they
will attain their consummation at the Last Crisis
(cf. Brooke, The Johannine Epistles, p. 37). Specu-
lations regarding the time of the Second Coming
are discouraged (Jn 21'^-). The gift of eternal life
in the present (Jn 2,^ 1P«- ; cf. 1 Jn 3** 4^^) tends to
displace the dramatic picture of ' entering into the
Kingdom' at the Last Day, while spiritual union
with Christ at once endows the believer potentially
with the resurrection-privilege, which, to the Jew,
was as yet in the unexperienced future (Jn G^"'^"*
7S7f. 1125 173).
Again, while the word ' Antichrist ' (1 Jn 2'"', etc.)
is taken from Jewish apocalyptic, the idea is com-
pletely 'spiritualized' — so much so that com-
mentators have found it most difficult to be certain
what the writer himself intended to signify by the
term. Broadly, it appears here to designate the
spirit of evil in its most dangerous form, and, in
particular, the danger which came from perverted
ideas concerning the Person of our Lord ( 1 Jn 2-^
42^-, 2 Jn ''). Throughout, the writer makes us
feel that, while he uses Jewish phraseology, he is
not enslaved to it. He realizes the folly of idle
speculations regarding the future (cf. Jn 21^^-) ; he
feels the need for reverence and restraint ; yet he
is sure that Heaven will not fall short of our
deepest spiritual experiences, nor of the highest
ideals we have known — ' Beloved, it is not yet made
manifest what we shall be. We know that, if he
shall be manifested, we shall be like him ; for we
shall see him even as he is.'
(c) Apparent paradoxes. — Hence the paradoxical
nature of the Johannine eschatology ; the writer
feels that the whole truth is beyond the grasp of
the human mind, and he sets forth first one aspect,
then another, prepared to appear inconsistent
rather than one-sided. Our Lord's First Coming,
e.g., was not for the Judgment (Jn 3^^), yet it was
a judgment ( Jn 3^^ 9^* 12^') ; the hour of the general
resurrection is still to come (Jn S-^'- 6*"), yet the
resurrection is a fact of Christian experience in the
past ( Jn 5^'- ^), and this latter is the more important
of the two truths (Jn IP^-ss).
2. The place of the sacraments in the Johannine
doctrine of salvation. — Schweitzer has recently
maintained that in the Fourth Gospel the sacra-
ments are regarded as the normal channel by which
eternal life is bestowed on the believer [Paul and
his Interpreters, pp. 200-203). 'The elements of
the Lord's Supper, . . . being the flesh and blood
of the Son of Man, possess the capacity of being
vehicles of the Spirit. As a combination of matter
and Spirit which can be communicated to the
corporeity of men, they execute judgment. The
elect can in the sacrament l^ecome partakers of
that spiritual substance, and can thus be prepared
for the resurrection' (p. 200). And Christ, we
are told, taught ' that in the future, water, in
association with the Spirit, would be necessary to
life and blessedness. . . . Jesus came into the
world to introduce the era of effectual sacraments'
(p. 202 f.). This theory, if true, would introduce
into the scheme of Johannine eschatology a factor
which has commonly been supposed to be of later
origin in the history of the Church.
Certain passages may seem to lend themselves
conveniently to this theory : e.g. Jn 3^ G^'"^**, 1 Jn
5^, and the use in the Johannine Epistles of
phraseology suggestive of the Mysteries (e.g. xpt<T/,ta
in 1 Jn 2-''- '^ ; ayvl^o} in 1 Jn 3^) ; but they are far
from conclusive. On the other hand, we find many
passages where the gift of ' eternal life ' is described
simply as a free gift received by faith, without any
mention of a sacramental medium (Jn I'^f. 336
O'*') ; and the idea that eternal life is normally
bestowed by sacraments seems distinctly contrary
to such passages as Jn 3^ : ' The wind bloweth
where it listeth, and thou hearest the voice there-
of, but canst not tell whence it cometh, and whither
it goeth ; so is every one that is born of the Spirit ' ;
or Jn 6^^ : ' the words that I speak imto you are
spirit and are life ' (cf. 1 Jn 1^ ' the word of life ').
In these passages the gift of eternal life is con-
veyed through the influence of Glwist's, personality
upon the human mind, either by the spoken word
or by some unseen method, not through a visible
ceremonial act. And in the Johannine Epistles
' eternal life ' has a strong ethical content (1 Jn 3'*) ;
it is ' in Christ ' (1 Jn S^^- ^o ; cf. 2-^), but no reference
is made in this connexion to the sacraments.
Under the circumstances, it seems that Schweitz-
er's theory of ' eschatological sacraments ' in the
Fourth Gospel is not supported by the evidence.
3. The later history of the Johannine type of
early Christian eschatology.— Just as there is no
real parallel in the sub-apostolic literature to the
Johannine books of the NT, so there is no real
parallel to the Johannine eschatology — at least,
none worthy to be compared with it for width of
outlook and depth of feeling. Generally, the
traditional eschatology is interpreted very literally,
even prosaically. But the emphasis on the spiritual
significance of eschatology recurs wherever the
writers show signs of deep meditation on the
problems of life. In the Pauline Epistles we shall
meet with a similar tendency in places. In the
Odes of Solomon it is very noticeable (see e.g. Odes
iii. and xv.), and in the Alexandrian Fathers an
allegorical interpretation of eschatology is found
[e.g. Clement, Exhort, ad Gentes, 9), which, though
widely different from the Johannine doctrine, re-
sembles it in so far as it seeks to go behind the
purely chronological aspect of eschatology.
IV. The Pauline type of early Christian
ESCHATOLOGY, AND THE ESCHATOLObrY OF THE
Gentile-Christian churches.— i. The escha-
tology of St. Paul.— In view of the trend of recent
criticism, it seems reasonable to accept as a work-
ing hypothesis the view that all the 'Pauline'
Epistles of the NT are genuine letters of the
Apostle, though in the case of the Pastoral
Epistles the verdict can hardly be regarded as
decisive. This long series of letters is of unique
value as an illustration of the history of early
Christian doctrine, as taught by one of its greatest
exponents. Several problems of considerable im-
362
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
portance demand consideration in connexion with
St. Paul's eschatology.
(1) The development of thought in St. Paul's
Epistles. — Several recent writers, approaching
the subject from widely different standpoints,
have urged that the supposed change in St. Paul's
outlook as time went on is mainly a phantom
of the critical imagination {e.g. Schweitzer, Paul
and his Interpreters, p. 75 f. ; S. N. Rostron,
The Christology of St. Paul, 1912, pp. 23-28). To
the present writer, however, the signs of a real
development of doctrine are unmistakable, if the
Epistles are studied broadly in their generally
accepted chronological order. The divergence of
opinion regarding the date of Galatians — before or
after the Thessalonian Epistles — does not seriously
atiect the problem, because Gal. is dominated by
one problem of immediate urgency, and does not
deal at length with other topics, such as eschato-
logy. In Gal. the supreme emphasis is laid on
moral virtues, faith and love (5*^ ; cf. 2'° 3-- ^®) ;
neither ' dramatic eschatolog^y ' nor ' eschatological
sacraments ' receive any detailed notice. But if
we study the rest of the Pauline Epistles under
the four main groups — [a] 1 and 2 Thess. ; [b) 1 and
2 Cor., Ptom. ; (c) Col., Eph., Phil. ; [d) 1 and 2
Tim., Tit. — the outlines of St. Paul's change of
standpoint seem clear beyond doubt.
(a) 1 and 2 Thessalonians. — In these Epistles the
outlook is as purely and consistently Judaeo-Chris-
tian as in the earlier chapters of Acts. The hope
of an immediate Second Coming of the Lord holds
the front place in the interests of both St. Paul
and his readers. The ' wrath ' of the Last Crisis
is impending (1 Th P" 2"^) ; the Christians are
waiting for the Son of Man to descend on the
clouds of heaven, while they are yet alive on earth
(1 Thli» 413-18 51-11. 23^ 2 Thl=-i» 21-"). The language
which St. Paul uses in these Epistles to describe the
Second Coming is such as any Jewish apocalyptist
who accepted the Messiahship of Jesus might have
used ; there is no trace of Gentile influence, and
he himself expects to be 'in the body ' at the time
of the Return (1 Th 4^ ; cf. 5^). Again, the
eschatological problems discussed in these Epistles
are such as would present themselves to Jewish
minds ; and St. Paul answers the difficulties as a
Jew speaking to Jews. The problem of the faith-
ful departed (1 Th 4i2"i8) was one that inevitably
arose as soon as some of the ' brethren ' had died
before the Lord returned. How would they be
enabled to siiare in the joy of the Parousia ? St.
Paul's answer is that tliey will be raised in time
to join in the Lord's Coming (1 Th 4i«). That
such a question should have already come to the
front is significant, because it marks perhaps the
earliest of the many perplexities which arose in
the minds of the faithful when the Lord did not
return at once, and when consequently the simple
scheme of the primitive Christian esciiatology no
longer sufficed to solve every difficultj'. The
gradual change of doctrinal outlook which resulted
from this ati'ected the whole Cliurch, and there is
no reason to doubt that St. Paul himself was in-
fluenced by it.
In 2 Thess. the perplexity caused by the delay
has become much graver, and St. Paul counsels
patience. Again he adopts a thorougiily Jewish
line of argument : his language still implies that
the Return will be comparatively soon ; but he
reminds his readers that certain of the ' signs of
the end ' have not yet been fulfilled ; and these
must precede the final consummation. The ' signs '
which he mentions are: (a) tlie falling away (r)
dTToaTaala, 2 Th 2^), (^) the revealing of the 5lan
of Sin (2 Th 23'- ^-S), (7) tlie taking away of 'the
Restrainer ' (6 Karix^v, or rb Karixo", 2 Th 2®). St.
Paul implies that he is speaking of ideas familiar
to his readers (2 Th 2^^-), and similar phrases are
found in tlie descriptions of the signs of the end
in the Jewish apocalypses; e.g. an 'apostasy' is
part of the Messianic woes in Jubilees, 23 ; Test.
XII. Pair. (Levi 10, Dan 5), etc. Again, the de-
scription of the ' ]\Ian of Sin ' offers close parallels
to the figure of Antichrist [alias ' Beliar ' or Satan)
in many of the apocalypses [e.g. in the contemporary
writings of the Ap. Bar. xxxix. and ^^'^ra v. 6, and
also in the later Christian apocalypses, notably Asc.
Is. iii. and iv., and Sib. Oracles [see above]). (For
fuller details, see article Man OF SlN, and Kennedy,
St. Paul's Conceptions of the Last Things, pp. 207-
221.) For the 'taking away of the Restrainer' it
is not easy to find an exact parallel in Jewish
apocalyptic ; but from Daniel onwards we find that
the close of a dynasty is often regarded as one of
the signs of the end ; and so the use of 6 narix'^^
might well suggest to St. Paul's readers the idea
of Imperial Rome, whose downfall would surely
mark the close of a world-epoch. The important
point to realize is that in this passage, so obscure
to us, St. Paul is not inventing a new doctrine of
the Last Things, but is taking familiar phrases and
ideas and applying them to the problems which
were then confronting the Christian community.
Thus the characteristic of 1 and 2 Thess. is that
the eschatology is the ' central ' theme, and is
completely Judseo-Christian in form. At the same
time, it is closely linked with moral teaching (1
Th 312 4^^ etc. ) ; and this practical aspect of St.
Paul's eschatology (which in this respect is in
complete accord with that of our Lord) remains
unclianged throughout all his writings,
{b) 1 and 2 Corinthians, Romans [and perhaps
Galatians). — In these Epistles, which form the
second gioup of Pauline writings, the Jewish form
of eschatology is still prominent, especially in 1
Corinthians. The Christians addressed are 'wait-
ing for the apocalypse of our Lord ' (1 Co 1'), which
is near at hand (Ro 13'i, 1 Co 7"'^- '^^), and will be
associated with the Resurrection (Ro 8^) and the
Judgment (1 Co 4^ 62, Ro 2'^% All this resembles
1 and 2 Thess. ; yet the eschatology no longer
occupies the centre of interest in these Epistles ;
other themes receive a larger share of attention.
The spiritual gifts which the Christians possessed,
and the spiritual power Avhich had transformed
their lives, begin to claim a pre-eminent place ;
and phrases originally eschatological are adopted
to describe spiritual experiences in the past and
present ; e.g. 2 Co li", 6s . . . eppvaaro ri^ds, Kai
pvaerai (cf. 31^ 4i^'^* 51^). And in Romans we see
how 'justification,' which is properly an eschato-
logical term (signifying the act by which the
Messianic Judge pi-onounces the believer 'not
guiltj'' at the Great Judgment [Ro 2^^-'^^]), is be-
coming weaned from its. old associations. For St.
Paul teaches that the believer who has faith is
pronounced 'not guilty' here and now, in anticipa-
tion of the final verdict ; and so 'justification' be-
comes severed from eschatology, and linked with
the spiritual experience known to Christians as
'the sense of forgiveness' or 'assurance' (cf. Ro
51, etc.).
In tliis group of Epistles we also see signs of
Gentile influence, modifying the Jewish methods
of thought. In dealing witii the Resurrection, St.
Paul uses a distinctly non-Jewish line of argument
(see below), and his vision of the final consummation
(Ro ll^*'-, etc.) is far wider than that current in
Jewish circles. Moreover, in I Co 15^--^ St. Paul
teaclies that a 'kingdom of Christ' on earth must
precede the final consummation when ' he shall
deliver the kingdom to God, even the Father' (15-'* ;
cf. the Parable of the Tares, Mt 1.3^'-«). Su-ii a
conception implies that the certainty of an im-
mediate coming of the end is being abandoned.
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
363
(c) Colossians, Ephcsians, Philip2)ians. — In this
group of St. Paul's letters ■vve find the modify-
ing tendencies noted above still further developed.
The ' dramatic ' eschatology, though still present
(Col P 3^ Ph 1«- '» 3-^ Eph 4^"), has receded still
further from the central position it held in 1 and 2
Thess., and the use of eschatological terms in a
non-eschatoloaical sense becomes more and more
frequent (Col l'^, Ph 3^0, Eph P 2«-, etc.). There is
no distinct assertion that the Return is near at
hand (it may be implied, Ph 3^") ; and some passages
suggest that a prolonged future lies before the
Church on earth (e.g. ' the building up of the body
of Christ,' Eph 4^'"'^, and the ingathering of the
Gentiles, Eph 2 and 3). In such passages St.
Paul's thoughts seem to be far from the normal
tone of Jewish apocalyptic.
(d) The Pastoral Epistles. — Here eschatology
appears to rise once more into greater prominence ;
but it is not quite the same as before. The earlier
Christian eschatology had sprung from enthusiastic
hopes : ' The Last Days have come, because
Messiah has appeared.' But in the Pastoral
Epistles the message is sadder, and more like that
of the Jewish apocalyptists : ' The Last Days are
at hand, because the times are evil' (I Ti 4\ 2 Ti
31-5 4i-8)_ There is a note of disappointment, as
the Apostle speaks of prevalent apostasy (2 Ti 2'^),
which accords well with the supposition that these
Epistles were written in a period of spiritual re-
action, when the early hopes were being strained
by the prolonged delay. Under such circum-
stances, it was necessary to guard against one-sided
doctrines of the resurrection (2 Ti 2'^) and to em-
phasize the objectivity of the Last Things (1 Ti 6^^
2 Ti 41-8, Tit 1-).
A broad survey of the Pauline Epistles thus
shows that the Apostle's eschatological teaching
underwent considerable modification in tlie court<e
of time, from the somewhat conventional Jewish
outlook of 1 and 2 Thess. to the broad and deep
spiritual teaching of Eph. ; and finally, in the
Pastoral Epistles, we see signs of a renewed em-
phasis upon old truths which were in danger of
being obscured.
(2) St. Paul's doctrine of Judgment, Interme-
diate State, Resurrection, Final Destinies. — [a)
Judgment. — The ' dramatic ' conception of the
Judgment recurs frequently in the Pauline Epistles
(2 Th I'ff-, Ro 25-»--6, 1 Co 45), but there are very
few signs of the Johannine idea of a continuous
judgment-process being worked out in historv.
The Judgment is to be universal (1 Co 62, 2 Co o^'^) ;
but the Christian is free from condemnation (Ro
8'"^), and indeed has already been ' justified ' (see
above).
(b) The Intermediate State. — As long as St. Paul
expected the Return in the immediate future, there
was no logical place for any thought of the Inter-
mediate State of the 'dead in Christ.' Probably
St. Paul, like many Jews, believed in a ' waiting-
place ' for the faithful souls of former generations,
who had been evangelized by the ' Descent into
Hell ' (Eph 49 ; cf. 1 P S^^ ^% But the Christian,
when he departs, will be ' with Christ' (Ph 1-'^) — a
phrase scarcely applicable to an ' Intermediate
State' (cf. 2 Co o^"^''). If (as seems most probable)
Onesiphorus was dead when 2 Ti V^ was written,
St. Paul did not scruple to pray for the dead. Yet
such a prayer is but the instinctive act of a spiritu-
ally-minded man, to whom friendship is a bond too
strong to be severed by death ; and it would be
unwise to deduce from it that St. Paul held a
reasoned-out theory concerning the possibility of
moral change in the life to come, to say nothing of
a clear-cut doctrine of 'purgatory.'
(c) The Resurrection. — To the Jews a doctrine of
the resurrection did not appear strange, though
the question 'In what shape shall the dead rise?'
is found, e.g. in Apoc. Baruch, xlix. 2. But among
the Gentiles, even where a belief in immortality
was present, a resurrection was incredible (Ac 26*).
So, as long as St. Paul 'spake as a Jew,' he simply
affirmed the resurrection without comment [e.g.
1 Th 4'^'-); but, when he had to conmiend the
gospel to educated Gentiles, a new line of argument
became necessary, such as we find in 1 and 2 Cor-
inthians. A brief outline of the famous passages
1 Co 15, 2 Co 4 and 5 is all that can be attempted
here. The chief points to note are : (a) he bases
the Christian hope on the historical fact of Christ's
Resurrection (1 Co lo'*"") ; (^) he argues from the
analogy of the seed (1 Co 15^"'-) — an argument
which would appeal to the Gentile no less than to
the Jew ; (7) he teaches an upward movement in
history (1 Co 15^), implying that the resurrection-
life will be no mere replica of this life, but some-
thing higher and greater ; (5) the resurrection-
body will not be 'flesh and blood' (1 Co 15^°), but
a 'spiritual' body (1 Co IS""^). Herein St. Paul
difiers alike from the materialistic conception of
the resurrection and from the Gentile idea that
the soul at death is freed from the encumbrance of
a body. In some passages St. Paul does indeed
seem to disparage the body (2 Co 5^) ; but he clearly
teaches that the highest ideal is not to be stripped
of the body, and lead a bodiless existence (which
would render self-expression unthinkable), but
rather to be ' clothed upon ' with a higher type of
body, adapted to be the organ through whicli the
'ego' may fully express itself in the 'spiritual'
sphere of existence (2 Co 5--^; cf. 1 Co32i)- This
' transformation ' of our mode of life is to take place
at the Last Day (1 Co lo^^'-) ; yet the spiritual trans-
formation of the believer in this present life is
described in similar language (2 Co 3'*) ; and indeed
the two are not irreconcilable, for the last-named
is an 'earnest' of the future resurrection (cf.
Ph S'"- '1, 2 Ti 2'8),
The Chiliastic doctrine of a reign of Christ on
earth, in an intervening period between a ' first '
and 'second' Resurrection (cf. Rev 20^''^), does not
appear in St. Paul ; the ' reign of Christ ' in 1 Co 15'-'
is far more applicable to the working of Christ
through the Church, which was in progress when
St. Paul wrote.
Whether St. Paul believed in a gener-al resuiTec-
tion of all men seems doubtful ; some passages (e.g.
Ro 8^') suggest that the resurrection is conditionnl
upon the possession of the Spirit of Christ ; but
since he taught that the judgment is to be universal,
we may perhaps infer that the scope of the resurrec-
tion will be co-extensive.
((/) Final destinies. — Normally St. Paul adopts
the usual view that the wicked go to ' eternal
destruction' and the believers to 'eternal life'
(2 Co 2'^'-, etc. ) ; but the latter aspect receives much
greater emphasis than the former. The thought
of the ' unendingness ' of final destinies is not pro-
minent in the Pauline Epistles ; sometimes the
word aidbvtos seems used to express intensity rather
than interminable duration (e.g. ' eternal destruc-
tion,' 2 Th P, or ' an eternal weight of glory,'
2 Co 4^^). There are some passages where St. Raid's
words suggest the hope of the final salvation of all
men (1 Co 15-*; cf. Ro 11^^). Such a conclusion
seems naturally to follow from the infinite love of
God ; but it is hard to reconcile with the fact of
human sin.
(3) The influence of Gentile thought upon St.
Paul's eschatology. — (a) Greek influence. — On this
subject various views are held : some contend
that ' the eschatological views of Paul mark a
transition from purely Jewish to Hellenistic
notions' (P. Gardner, The Religious Experience of
St. Paul, 1911, p. 126) ; others will scarcely admit
364
ESCHATOLOGY
ESCHATOLOGY
the possibility of any Gentile influence, and main-
tain that St. raul, from first to last, lived and spoke
and wrote as a Jew (Schweitzer, Paul and his Inter-
prefers, pp. 94, 227, 240, etc. ). On the whole, the
change which came over St. Paul's theology seems
explicable simply as the natural development of an
active mind constantly reconsidering the problems
of Christian experience. On the other hand, St.
Paul's avowed championship of the rights of Gentile
Christianity may well have led him to be favourably
inclined to Gentile ideas, and to loosen his aliection
for purely Jewish methods of thought. But the
actual proofs of non-Jewish ideas are to be seen in
the gradual modification of his teaching to which
we have referred above, rather than in the presence
of distinctively Hellenic language. The latter may
perhaps be seen in the depre(;iation of the body
(2 Co 5^'^), in tlie description of transformation
(2 Co 3'* 5'* ; cf. Seneca, Ep. vii. 1, 'non emendari
tantum, sed transfigurari'), in the comparison of
the body to an earthen vessel (2 Co 4^ 5'), and in
the distinction between the l|w dvOpwiros and the e<rw
dvOpcawos (2 Co 4'^ ; see Clemen, Primitive Chris-
tianity and its non-Jewish Sources, p. 68 ff.). But, in
so far as Greek influence is visible in these passages,
it is rather due to unconscious than to conscious
borrowing {ib. p. 204).
(b) Influence of the Oriental cults. — Apart from
the Mysteries (see Itelow), these exercised veiy
little influence on St. Paul's eschatology. The idea
of being ' clothed upon ' (2 Co 5^^-) is perhaps derived
from Parsiism (Clemen, op. cit. p. 174), and other
parallels have been traced ; but they may be mere
coincidences [ib. pp. 171-198).
(c) The influence of the Mysteries upon St. PauVs
eschatology. — The Mysteries claimed to make men
partakers of immortality, by means of initiatory
rites and ceremonies, through which a ' sacramental
grace' was conveyed to the worshippers (see Cumont,
Oriental Religions in Homan Paganism, pp. 91 f.,
151). It has recently been maintained (e.g. inLake's
Earlier Ejnstles of St. Paul) that Christianity was
commonly regarded among the Gentiles as ' a
superior kind of Mystery-Keligion,' and that, to
them, its central message Avas the promise of
eternal life given through the Christian Sacra-
ments. Thus the Sacraments were intimately con-
nected with eschatology, and the Gentile-Christian
gospel, like the Jewish -Christian gospel, was
essentially eschatological. But there was this
distinction between the two types of Christianity :
' to the average Gentile Christian in, for instance,
Corinth . . . the centre of Christianity was the
Sacraments. . . . On the other hand, for a Jewish
Christian, the expectation of the Parousia was
probably quite central' (Lake, op. cit. p. 437). Of
St. Paul's own view Lake says : ' Baptism is, for
St. Paul and his readers, universally and unques-
tioningly accepted as a "mystery" or sacrament
which works ex opere operato ' {op. cit. p. 385).
Schweitzer, in Paul and his Interpreters, adopts
a line of argument which is somewhat diflerent ;
but his conclusions as to the substance of St.
Paul's teaching show some notable points of
resemblance to Lake's view. Though he utterly
denies the possibility that St. Paul was influenced
by Greek thought or by the Mysteries {op. cit.
Ep. 208, 240, etc.), yet he aflirms that the Apostle
eld a doctrine of ' eschatological sacraments '
which, after all, would make the sacraments not
unlike the rites of a ' Mystery.' ' In Paul we find
the most prosaic conception imaginable of the onus
operatum (p. 213). ' Everywhere in the Pauline
sacraments the eschatological interest breaks
through. . . . Their power is derived from the
events of the last times. They put believers in
the same position as the Lord, in that they cause
them to experience a resurrection a few world-
moments before the time, even though this does
not in any way become manifest. It is a precursory
phenomenon of the approaching end of the world.
. . . The sacraments are confined to the time
between the resurrection of Jesus and His parousia,
when the dead shall arise ' (p. 216 f.). During this
'interim' period, the present world-era and the
world to come are ' in contact,' and only while this
contact lasts can men pass by means of the sacra-
ments from one world to the other (p. 224). Simi-
larly, of St. Paul's doctrine of baptism he says :
' The dying and rising again of Christ takes place
in him without any co-operation, or exercise of
will or thought, on his part. It is like a mechani-
cal process' (p. 225f.). This doctrine of ' eschato-
logical sacraments' can be understood, according
to Schweitzer, ' entirely on the basis of Jewish
primitive Christianity' (p. 240). On the other
hand, Clemen {Primitive Christianity and its non-
Jewish Sources, p. 266) affirms that ' it is simply
false to say "that baptism as well as the Lord's
Supper already within the books of the NT under-
went the fateful transformation from symbolic act
to sacramentum eflicax." ' But, if St. Paul's teach-
ing is rightly interpreted either by Lake or by
Schweitzer, it would follow that the doctrine of
the sacraments was a more important factor in
early Christian eschatology — and indeed, in early
Christianity at large — than has commonly been
supposed.
An adequate discussion of the problem thus
raised is impossible here; but one or two points
may be noted :
(a) St. Paul certainly associates baptism with 'death' and
'resurrection' (Bo 63, Col 212), and with the reception of the
Spirit (1 Co 1213). But, while these passages, and certain others
reu^arding the Eucharist (1 Co 1016 ii2r. aO)^ rnay be consistent
with Schweitzer's theory of 'effectual sacraments,' they are
also explicable on the view that St. Paul is regarding the rite as
the symbol of grace conferred — a symbol normally linked with
the spiritual gift, but not so necessary that without the rite the
gift cannot be conveyed, nor yet mechanically convejing the
gift ex opere operato. In one of the above passages (Col 2i'-')
the context (2i'*f.) is full of highly metaphorical language. From
these passages we are driven to conclude that the theory of a
Pauline doctrine of ' effectual sacraments ' is ' Not proven.'
(/3) But, further, there are other passages where St. Paul's
arguments are definitely against the view that sacraments con-
vey the new life ex opere operato. In 1 Co S^-is ioi*-32 he
clearly teaches that the effect of partaking in a communion-
feast is dependent on the state of mind of the recipient. The
partaking becomes serious if it arouses uneasy doubt in the
mind of the ' weaker brother ' who witnesses his act ; but, apart
from this possibility, and if the recipient is clear in his own
conscience, the partaking will have no effect ex opere operato.
The argument here refers to non-Christian 'sacraments,' hut
it is consistent with the Apostle's general attitude towards
external rites and ceremonies : ' In Christ Jesus neither cir-
cumcision availeth anything, nor uncircumcision, but faith
working through love '(Gal 5*> ; cf. 61*32, etc.). The omission
of any reference to the Christian sacraments in such passages
would be strange indeed, if the future salvation of the Christian
was normally conveyed to him only through baptism and the
Eucharist.
(y) The references to the sacraments in St. Paul's Epistles,
viewed as a whole, are hardly sufficient to warrant the theory
that the sacraments held a central place in his theology.
Lake contends that this silence shows that the importance of
the sacraments was universally accepted in the Church, and
needed no further emphasis {op. cit. p. 233 n.). But we may
reasonably ask for some positive evidence that the sacraments
had already sprung into a position of central importance in the
Church, before we set aside tlie ' argument from silence.' 1 Co
in, ' I thank God that I baptized none of you,' does not suggest
that St. Paul put baptism in the place of central importance in
the gospel.
(5) When Schweitzer tells us that St. Paul 'found already
existing a baptism and a Lord's Supper which guaranteed sal-
vation (op. cit. p. 215 ; cf. p. 242), and that his doctrine of the
sacraments ' is intejjrally, simply, and exclusively eschatological '
(p. 244), we may reasonably ask what evidence is forthcoming
from the Jewish apocalypses to justify such assertions.
Schweitzer adduces no such evidence ; nor is the present
writer acquainted with any.
We conclude, then, that the evidence does not
support the theory that the primitive Church as a
whole believed that eternal life was conveyed
normally by the sacraments, but rather that it
ESCHATOLOGY
ESDRAS, THE SECO^^D BOOK OE 365
was a free gift received immediately by faith. At
the same time, it is likely enough that the less
educated Christians did regard Christianity as a
kind of Mystery-Religion, with sacraments of a
magical character. The obscure custom of ' bap-
tism for the dead ' may have been associated with
some such ideas (1 Co 15^), but it does not appear
that thej' were shared by St. Paul, or by any of
the NT writers. (For a careful discussion of this
subject, see Clemen, Primitive Christianity and its
non-Jewish Sources, pp. 223-250.)
2. The eschatology of the early Gentile-Chris-
tian churches. — (1) The fruit of St. Paul's teaching.
— St. Paul may fairly be regarded as the precursor
of a Gentile type of Christian eschatology ; for,
although the instances of definitely Greek ideas in
his writings are but few, he was in sympathy with
non-Jewish ways of approaching the problems of
life, and he was the champion of Gentile claims
within the Church of Christ. Without his efforts
Gentile thought would have been debarred from
having free scope in the Church. But in the
Apostolic and sub-Apostolic Ages, as we trace the
doctrine of the Last Things through Clement of
Rome, Ignatius, 2 Clement, Aristides, and Justin,
down to Irenteus at the close of the 2nd cent.,
there is but little evidence of a distinctively Gentile
type of Christian eschatologj'. Jewish ideas and
phraseology' show no signs of disappearing entirely ;
and indeed Christian eschatology is never likely to
lose all traces of its Jewish antecedents.
(2) Distinctive features of Gentile-Christian escha-
tology. — Yet the following changes may be attri-
buted in great measure to the influence of Gentile
thought, (a) The technical Jewish terms are
replaced by others of a more ' prosaic ' character :
e.g. in Clem, ad Cor. we find the Return described
as an fKevcns (17) rather than as a irapovcrla or an
diroKaXvypLS. And in Ignatius the term 'Parousia'
is applied to the First Coming of our Lord at His
Nativity (ad Phil. 9). Such changes show that
the traditional Jewish scheme is undergoing a
measure of ' re-statement ' at the hands of men who
were unaccustomed to the apocalyptic scheme of
the Last Things.
(b) Occasionally we meet with clear signs of
Greek thought, e.g. Ign. ad Bom. 3, ' Nothing
visible is good.' And some thirty years later we
find the Epistle to Diognctus reflecting a thoroughly
Greek theory of the relation of the soul to the
body (7, 10).
(c) The conception of the Eucharist as a
' Mystery,' through which immortality is conveyed
to the believer, though (as we have contended
above) not sanctioned by St. Paul himself, seems
to be implied in some of the sub-apostolic writings :
e.g. Ign. ad Eph. 20, ' Breaking one bread, which
is the medicine of immortality, and the antidote
that we should not die, but live for ever ' ; cf . Iren.
adv. Hcer. iv. 8, ' Our bodies, when they receive
the Eucharist, are no longer corruptible, having
the hope of resurrection to eternity.'
(d) The idea that ' salvation ' is a future blessing,
to be gained by external acts, or by membership of
an organized society, may also be traced to the sub-
Apostolic Age : e.g. Ign. ad Phil. 3, 'If any man
foUoweth one that maketh a schism, he doth not
inherit the Kingdom of God.'
As a result of these and other modifications,
early Christian eschatology in the Gentile churches
gradually assumed a form which, though Jewish in
phraseology, was sufficientlj^ intelligible to those
who were not familiar witli the presupposition of
Jewish apocalyptic. With the exception of a few
doctrinal features, such as Chiliasm, which proved
to be but temporary phases of thought, the escha-
tology of the Church of the 2nd. cent., as seen, e.g.,
in Irenseus, had discarded its distinctively ' primi-
tive 'characteristics, and was not far from the normal
type of Christian eschatology as it has been taught
in subsequent ages of the Church.
Literature. — For apostolic eschatology in general, see S. D.
F. Salmond's art. on ' Escliatology of the NT ' in HDB, and
J. A. MacCulloch's art. on 'Eschatology' in the ERE; also
R. H. Charles, Eschatoloay : Hebrew, Jewish, and ChrUtian'^,
1913 ; E. C. Dewick, Prunitiue Christian Eschatology, 1912 ;
S. D. F. Salmond, Christian Doctrine 0/ Immortality, 1904 ;
etc.
For the Jewish 'background of ideas,' see Charles, op. eit.,
and the same writer's editions of the Jewish apocalypses,
especially his Book of Enoch-, 1912 ; V. H. Stanton, Ths
Jewish and Christian Messiah, 18s6.
For the eschatology of the N'T books,see the Comm. and Artt.
ad toe, especially H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John,
1909, and R. H. Charles, Studies in the Apocalypse, 1913 ; and
for Pauline eschatology, H. A. A. Kennedy, St. PauCs Con-
ceptions of the Last Things, 1904 ; the same writer's artt. on
'St. Paul and the Mvsterj-Eeligions' in the Expositor, Sth ser.,
iv. [1912] 60, 212, 306, 434, .539 ; K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles
of St. Paul, 1911 ; A. Schweitzer, Paul and his Interpreters,
Eng. tr., 1912. 'The two last-named works apply the 'Consist-
ent Eschatological theory ' to the apostolic writings.
For the influence of Gentile thought on Christian eschatology,
see C. Clemen, Primitive Christianity and its non Jewish
Sources, Eng. tr., 1912 ; F. Cumont, The Oriental Religions in
Roman Paganism, 1911 ; E. Hatch, The Injluence of Greek
Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church, 1890 (Hibbert
Lecture, IS&S).
Of the Christian apocalypses, many are edited in TS, vols. ii.
and iii. ; The Ascension of Isaiah, bv R. H. Charles, 1900 ; The
Sibylline Oracles, by Alexandre, 1841-56, and Rzach, 1892.
For particular aspects of apostolic eschatologj', see the
articles in this Dictionary on Antichrist, Heaven, Hell, Mam
OF Sis, Spieits is Peisos, EESUEaEcrioN, etc.
E. C. Dewick.
ESDRAS, THE SECOND BOOK OF.— This book
is quite difi'erent in character from 1 Es. , which it
follows in the English Apocrypha. It belongs to
the apocalyptic order, and is closely related in time
and thought to the Apocalypse of Baruch (q.v.).
Some early writers cite it as prophetical — Clement
of Alexandria (Strom, iii, 16) and Ambrose (de
Excessu Satyri, i. 64, 66, 68, 69) in particular ; but
Jerome speaks slightingly of it as a book he had
not read or required to read, because it was not re-
ceived in the Church (c. Vigilant, ch. 6). In the
authenticated edition of the Vulgate, it is relegated
to an appendix, along with 1 Es. and the Prayer of
Manasses. It is not reckoned canonical by the
Church of Rome, nor is it used in the English
Church.
1. Contents. — As it stands in our Apocrypha,
2 Es. consists of 16 chapters ; but the first two and
last two are separate works which have been added
to the original book, and have no inward connexion
with it. The prefixed cha])ters (1. 2), though
written in the name of Esdras, exhibit an anti-
Jewish spirit, in striking contrast to that of the
chapters that follow. They speak of the rejection
of the Jews and the call of the Gentiles as a
Western Christian of the 2nd cent, might have
done. A connexion has been suggested between
them and the Apocalypse of Zeplianiah, of which
fragments are extant in Coptic. The subjoined
chapters (15. 16) make no mention of Esdras, and
their contents are colourless enough to admit of
either a Jewish or a Christian author. In imita-
tion of Jeremiah's prophecies, they predict wars
and tumults, denounce God's A\Tath on the wicked,
and encourage the righteous to endirre. The pro-
bable quotation of W''^ in Ep. xxix. of Ambrose —
'extendit coelum sicut cameram' — would indicate
that tlaese chapters were known in the middle of
the 4th century. Possibly they had their origin
about a century previously, in the wars of the
Arabian Odenathus and Sapor I. of Persia.
Divested of these additions, 2 Es. is a series of
seven visions, separated for the most part, in the
experience of the seer, by periods of fasting and
prayer. Their purpose is to shed light on the
mysteries of the moral world, and restore the faith
in God and reliance on His justice which had been
shaken by the downfall of Jerusalem. At the out-
366 ESDRAS, THE SECOND BOOK OF
ESDEAS, THE SECOND BOOK OF
set the seer announces himself as Salathiel, with
the parenthetical explanation that he is also Esdras.
In the first four visions (chs. 3-10) the angel
Uriel appears, to resolve the doubts of the seer,
and comfort him with the hope of God's speedy
intervention. In the fifth (chs. 11. 12) a great
eagle is seen, with three heads, twelve wings, and
certain wings of smaller size. She is encountered
and annihilated by a lion, and Esdras learns that
the eagle is the fourth kingdom of Daniel, and the
lion the Messiah. The sixth vision (ch. 13) reveals
the Messiah as a wondrous man, coming out of
the sea, destroying His enemies, and gathering
the righteous and peace-loving to Himself. In tiie
seventh (ch. 14) Esdras is warned that the end is
near, and instructed to have ninety-four books
written, but only to publish twenty-four of them
(the usual Talmudic reckoning of the books of the
OT). On the accomplishment of his task, Esdras
is translated to heaven.
2. Text and versions. — The original text no
longer exists ; but versions are extant in Latin,
Syriac, Ethiopic, Arabic (two), and Armenian.
Some fragments in Sahidic have also come to liglit
(in 1904), and traces have been found of an old
Georgian translation. The Latin version is in
every respect the most important, as well as the
only one which contains the four additional
chapters. It was through this version that the
book found its way int.o the appendix of the Vul-
gate, and thence into our Apocrypha. The Oriental
versions are of value chiefly for the assistance they
afford in testing and correcting the Latin. A
curious illustration of their usefulness in this way
was given by Bensly in 1875, Avhen he discovered a
missing fragment of the Latin text consisting of 70
verses, the existence of which had been suggested
by the presence of these verses in the Oriental
versions. This long passage has now been restored
to its place in our Apocrypha, between verses 35
and 36 of the seventh chapter. The basis of all the
existing versions, with the possible exception of the
Armenian, is generally acknowledged to be a Greek
text, now lost ; but some ditt'erence of opinion has
arisen as to whether that was the original text.
While the more prevalent view that the book was
composed in Greek has found such defendei's as
LUcke, Volkmar, and Hilgenfeld, some recent
scholars, including Wellhausen, Charles, Gunkel,
and Box, contend for a Hebrew original.
Some confusion of nomenclature has been caused
by the varying titles of the versions. The Latin
MSS mostly distinguish five books of Ezra : the
first being the canonical Ezra-Neheraiah, the second
the prefixed chapters of 2 Es., the third the 1 Es.
of the Apocrypha, the fourth chs. 3-14 of 2Es.,
and the fifth its subjoined chapters. According
to this arrangement, our book is now commonly
denominated 4 Ezra, although the title Ezra-
Apocalypse, suggested by Westcott as the prob
able form in the lost Greek text, has also come
into use.
3. Literary structure. — Of late years, the ques-
tion of the literary structure of the book has as-
sumed increasing prominence. Its essential unity,
as coming from the hand of a single writer, who
may, however, have used and failed to assimilate
adequately material previously existing, is still
maintained by such scholars as Gunkel, Porter,
and Sanday. On this theory, its date is fixed
with some degree of unanimity between A.D. 81
and 96, the Fall of Jerusalem, which gives occasion
to it, being rigiitly referred to the destruction by
Titus in A.D. 70, and the ditticult Eagle Vision
being inteijpreted of the succession of Roman
Em[)erors (Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian) after
that event. Another theory, however, ascribing a
composite character to the book, has recently been
worked out with much ingenuity by Kabisch,
Charles, and Box. The last-mentioned finds five
independent works in our Apocalypse: (1) a Sala-
thiel Apocalypse (S = chs. 3-10), composed about
A.D. 100; (2) the Eagle Vision (A = chs. 11. 12),
belonging to the time of Domitian or possibly
Vespasian ; (3) the Son of Man Vision (M = ch. 13),
written before A.D. 70 ; (4) the Ezra Legend (E''^
ch. 14), dating about A.D. 100; and (5) extracts
from an old Ezra Apocalypse (E), interpolated in S,
and belonging to some period before A.D. 70.
These separate documents were welded into a
single book by a redactor (R), and published about
A.D. 120. Whatever may be said for this analysis,
it Iielps to elucidate certain features of the book
which have hitherto been puzzling and obscure :
divergent eschatological conceptions, varying his-
torical situations, breaks of thought, and linguistic
transitions.
i. Value and relation to NT.— On either theory,
the book remains of great importance, especially
for the understanding of later developments of
Judaism, and the environment of the early Chris-
tian Church. A fine expression of later Judaism,
it reveals a passionate clinging to the merciful
goodness of God, notwithstanding a measure of
disappointment with the Law, and the most dis-
astrous experience. Its spirit may be somewhat
narrow, its style not infrequently tedious, its later
visions lacking in imaginative power, and its solu-
tions of the moral problem disappointing ; yet it
strikes a truly reflective note, and breathes through-
out an unconquerable faith in God and the vindica-
tion of His righteousness. In these characteristics,
perhaps, no less than in its unconscious admission
of the weakness of Judaism, lay the strength of its
appeal to Christian readers ; but its present-day
value is chiefly historical, as it is practically con-
temporaneous with the NT literature, and shows
points of contact with it. Direct dependence can
hardly be established, yet there are similarities of
thought and language to most of the NT books,
while, as Gunkel has clearly shown, there are
marked affinities with the Pauline letters and the
Book of Revelation.
(a) The speculations of St. Paul are closely
paralleled by the discussions of moral and religious
problems in the earlier part of 2 Esdras. Our
author presumably belonged to the school in which
the great Apostle was trained ; and, especially in
his treatment of sin and the weakness of the Law
as a redemptive power, has much in common with
him. Sin is essentially transgression of the Law,
and alienates from God (2 Es <i'^ 7'« ; cf. Ro 5'3- 20).
Its origin is to be found in the Fall of Adam and
the evil heart {cor malignnm) which he has trans-
mitted to his descendants (2 Es 7"« ^■•^- ^^-ss 4^" ;
cf. Ro 5'^ 1 Co 15'^'). Accordingly it is universal,
and has universally as its result not only spiritual
corruption and infirmity, but physical death (2 Es
3^; cf. Ro 512. 14. 16. 17. 2i)_ In further agreement
with St. Paul, and in opposition to the usual
Rabbinical doctrine, our author despairs of the
efficacy of the Law to redeem and save the sinner
(2 Es 9^*^ ; cf. Ro 3-"). Its promised rewards have
little encouragement or inspiration for beings so
constituted as to be unable to keep it (2 Es 7118-13').
At the best, though the world is perishing, it may
still be hoped that a few may be saved (9'^- -'-). It
is all a puzzle and pain to tlie apocalyptist. Un-
acquainted with the great solvent ideas in which
tlie Apostle found satisfaction for heart and mind,
he resigns himself to the inscrutableness of God's
Avays, the limitations of human intelligence, and
the pre-determined Divine purpose in the history
and end of the world, while taking what comfort
he may from the assurance of God's faithfulness
and love to His ancient people (47-"- "s-si- 83-48 531.40).
ESSEXES
ESSENES
367
This attitude of mind may not have been uncommon
among the Jews of his time.
(b) Tlie points of comparison with the Johannine
Apocalypse are of an eschatological kind, and
appear most prominently in the later chapters of
2 Esdras. Tlie same visionary metliod of Divine
revelation is pursued ; the schemes of the Last
Things run upon similar lines ; Kome is again the
hostile world-power standing in the background ;
and there are not wanting resemblances of diction
close enough to suggest a common source (cf. 2 Es
9^ and Rev Q^'^^, 2 Es 4« and Rev l^^). In 2 Es.,
too, especially when the earlier chapters are com-
pared with the later, an inconsistency of eschato-
logical representation is revealed, which is reflected
not only in the Book of Revelation, but in other
NT books as well. Probably it attached to the
current conceptions of the time, and did not greatly
trouble the author or redactor of our book. In
the earlier chapters, the eschatology is entirely of
an individual character, concerning itself with the
future of the soul, and postulating, immediately
after death, a personal judgment and entrance into
an eternal world of punishment and reward (l'^^'^-).
The later chapters (11. 12) are prevailingly political,
and revive the old eschatology of the nation, with
its scheme of preliminary woes, world- judgment,
and earthly Messianic kingdom of indefinite dura-
tion. Some attempt is made in the book to adjust
these points of view by the introduction of a
temporaiy reign of the ^lessiah before the hnal
consummation, Avhich ushers in the glorious
Heavenly Kingdom. This reign seems to have
been expected to compensate tlie nation for the
years of oppression in Egypt ; and, by a comparison
of Gn 15"* with Fs 90^^ its length was fixed at 400
years (7-*'^"). By a similar process of inference
Slavonic Enoch had determined the duration of the
temporary Messianic kingdom as 1000 years, or a
millennium. On this matter the Book of Revela-
tion follows Enoch.
Withal, there are still left in 2 Es. a number of
divergent ideas. At one time the Messiah is pre-
sented as a purely human being, an earthly, tem-
poral ruler of the line of David (12^^''^') ; at another
time he appears as a superhuman, pre-existent
being, to whom the title ' Son of God can be ap-
plied (7^^- ^ 133" 37. 53 i49)_ In some passages the
Judgment is personal and individual, and takes
place immediately after death (T^s-ioi. in. 126) . j^
others it is universal, and reserved for a great day
at the end of the world {V''- *^- « S^). Now the
Messiah is Judge (12^"^^), now God Himself (6^).
Side by side with the old restricted view of a
resurrection of the righteous only stands the later
view of a general resurrection (7-^"'*^), the one at
the beginning, the other at the close of the Mes-
sianic period, as in the Book of Revelation. These
discrepancies belonged to the environment of the
early Church, and it was part of her intellectual
task to combine them into a harmonious belief.
LiTERATUEE. — G. Volkmar, Das vierte Buck Esra, 1858 ; A.
Hilgenfeld, Messias JudcBorum, 1869 ; F. Rosenthal, Vier
apokryphische Bucher, 1885 ; R. Kabisch, Das vierte Buck
Esra, 1889 ; J. 'Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, 1899 ;
R. H. Charles, The Apocalypse of Baruch, 1896, and Eschato-
logy : Hebrew, Jewish, and Christian, 1899 (21913); R. L.
Benslyand M. R. James, The Fourth Book of Ezra (= TS
iii. 2 [1895]) ; H. Gunkel, ' Das vierte Buch Esra,' in Kautzsch's
Die Apokryphen und Pseudepviraphen des AT, 1900; Leon
Vaganay, Le Prohlime eschatologique dans le I Ve Um-e
d' Esdras, 1906 ; F. C. Porter, The Messages of the Apocalyp-
tical Writers, 1905 ; Bruno Violet, Die Esra-Apokalypse, 19i0 ;
G. H. Box, The Ezra-Apocalypse, 1912, and 'IV Ezra' in R.
H. Charles's Th9 Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the OT,
1913. D. Frew.
ESSENES. — The Essenes were a Jewish monastic
order, probably long preceding, not long surviving,
the founding of Christianity.
1. Authorities. — Essenes are not mentioned
either in the NT or in the Talmud. Our chief
authorities are (1) Josephus [BJ II. viii., Ant. xviii.
i. 5, XIII. V. 9, XV. X. 4ff.) ; (2) Philo [Quod omnis
probus liber, 12, 13) ; (3) Philonic fragment in
Eusebius (Free]}. Evang. VIII. xi. ) ; (4) Pliny [HN
V. 17, probably drawn from Alexander Pol^'histor).
Some additional details are to be found in the
Fathers (esp. Hipjjolytus) who deal with Judajo-
Christian heresies. Probably there is need of
criticism of the main sources, but we may take
them as trustworthy as to the facts adduced.
2. Name. — This occurs as Essenoi (Jos. 14 times,
HippoL, Synesius) ; Essaioi (Philo, Hegesippus,
Porphyry, Jos. 6 times) ; and in varying forms in
Epiphanius — Ossaioi, Ossenoi, lessaioi. For a dis-
cussion of various etymologies see Lightfoot ( C'o^cj-
sians, 1875, p. 115 ti'.). The name is best taken
from Syr. lulse, in plur. absol. husen, emphat.
hasaia ; ' Essene ' thus= ' pious.' For our purpose
we are not concerned with giving a full account of
the Order, nor with tracing its history, and specu-
lating as to the origin of its peculiarities. "VVe
have merely to give a brief outline of its main
features, and deal chiefly with the influence it
exerted on the development of Christianity.
3. Organization and characteristics. — The
Essenes were organized as a close Order on a
basis of celibacy and absolute communism (Jos.
BJ II. viii. 3 f . ; Philo in Euseb. Prcep. Evang.
VIII. xi. 4). Josephus speaks of a branch who
allowed marriage (BJ II. viii. 13), but this must
have been a minority. The officials were elected,
and were implicitly obeyed (II. viii. 6). The Order
was recruited by voluntary adhesions, or by adopt-,
ing children (viii. 2). Candidates passed through
a two-stage novitiate. For a year they lived under
discipline, then they were admitted to the solemn
initiatoiy ablution which separated them from the
world, and after other two years they received full
privileges of table-fellowship. They bound them-
selves by a fearful oath to reverence God ; to do
justice ; hurt no man voluntarily or on command ;
obey the officials ; conceal nothing from fellow-
members, and divulge nothing of their ati'airs even
at the risk of death ; be honest and humble ; com-
municate doctrines exactly as they had been re-
ceived ; and preserve carefully the sacred books
and the names of the angels (II. viii. 7).
For morality the Essenes ranked high. ' In
fact, they had in many respects reached the very
highest moral elevation attained by the ancient
world' (EBr^^ ix. 780^). Their lives were ab-
stemious, humble, helpful. Sensual desires were
sinful ; passions were restrained. Their word was
as good as an oath, and they forbade swearing.
Their modesty was excessive. They condemned
slavery (BJ II. viii. 2, 5, 6 ; Philo in Euseb. Prcep.
Evang. VIII. xi. 11).
In devotion to the Law and in ceremonial cleans-
ings they out-Phariseed the Pharisees. The Order
was in four grades, and contact with one of a lower
grade constituted a defilement. Where the Pharisee
washed, the Essene bathed. Their food was care-
fully prepared by priests. Their Sabbatarianism
was extreme, and their reverence for Moses was
such that they treated any disrespect to his name
as blasphemy worthy of death (BJ II. viii. 9).
As to worship, they dittered from normal Judaism
in two important points : (a) they rejected animal
sacrifice, and sent to the Temple only oflerings of
incense (Jos. Ant. XVIII. i. 5) ; (b) in some sense
they worshipped the sun ; ' daily before the rising
of the sun, they address to it old traditional prayers
as though supplicating it to rise ' (BJ II. viii. 5).
In doctrine they held strongly a doctrine of
Providence, appearing to Josephus to be fatalists
(Ant. XIII. V. 9). They took a dualistic view of
man's nature. Through evil desire souls fell into
368
ESSEI^ES
ESSENES
uniting themselves with bodies. Free from the
body, the soul of the good will rise joyously, as if
delivered from long bondage, and find a resting-
place of felicity beyond the ocean, whereas for the
bad is reserved a dark, cold region of unceasing
torment (^J" II. viii. 11).
Tliey revered certain esoteric books Avhich pro-
bably dealt with angelology, magic, and divination.
They were in repute as prophets {BJ II. viii. 12).
They commended speculation in theology and
cosmogony, and made researches into medicine
(viii. 6), proliabl}' magical. They abhorred the
use of oil (viii. 3) ; and that they abstained from
flesh and wine has been often asserted, but is very
uncertain.
i. Relation to Christianity. — That in several
points Essenism, as described, is in agreement
with Christianity, is beyond question. On the
ground of tliose resemblances, some, (;.^. DeQuincey,
have held that the Essenes are but Christian monks.
This view cannot be taken seriously. Others, e.g.
Ginsburg, have made Christianity a development
of Essenism, and represented Christ as a member
of the holy Order. With the question as to the
relation of Jesus to Essenism we are not concerned
(Lightfoot, Colossians, p. 158 ff., maybe consulted).
We merely note that the ditlerences between the
two are as pronounced as the resemblances.
(1) Was James anEssene? — We may, however,
deal with an assertion, sometimes made, that
James, the writer of the canonical Epistle, was
an Essene. Those who believe so found their belief
upon the account of James given by Hegesippus
(in Euseb. HE ii. 23), who flourished about A.D. 170.
He asserts that James abstained from flesh, wine
and strong drink, and the bath ; that he allowed
no razor to touch his head, no oil to touch his body,
and that he wore only tine linen (which was the
dress of the Essenes). If this account were reliable,
it would not prove that James was an Essene.
Those who believe so must hold the common, but
quite wrong, opinion that all Jews were Pharisees,
Sadducees, or Essenes, and that all sliowing asceti-
cism were Essenes. James might be an ascetic with-
out being an Essene, as one may to-day be an
abstainer without bein» a Good Templar. In the
notice of Hegesippus itself we have conclusive
evidence that James could not be an Essene, for
he abstained from the bath, which to the Essenes
was of such importance. Besides, as Lightfoot
shows [Col. p. 168), Hegesippus is far from trust-
worthy here. There is no evidence at all for the
identification of James with the Essenes.
(2) Did the Apostolic Church copy the Order? —
The resemblances are striking, and we shall mention
and examine the most important.
(a) The temporary communism of the early
chapters of Acts reminds us of tlie communism of
the Essenes. But the Christians were a brother-
hood, not an Order, and the surrender of property
was a voluntary act, not necessary for recognition as
a brother (Ac 5''). Tlie Christian communism admits
of easy explanation from the belief in the almost
immediate Return of the Lord. (6) Celibacy is
recommended as a 'counsel of perfection' in 1 Co
7'* *. It is clear from v.'® that this too depends
on the belief in the nearness of the end. (t) The
Essenes substituted a, sacramental for a sacrificial
worship. The importance of this has very seldom
been appreciated, though it is a point which makes
the Order of great interest in the liistory of religion.
Apart from their multitudinous ordinary lustra-
tions, there was the solemn initiatory ablution at
the end of tlie tirst novitiate. It cleansed outwardly
and inwardly and made the ordinary man an
Essene (so Bousset, Reliqion des Judentums, p. 436).
Here we have a parallel with Christian baptism
and baptismal regeneration. In their common meal
we have a parallel with the Christian love-feast,
if not with the Eucharist. We quote Josephus's
description :
'They assemble together In one place, and having clothed
themselves in white veils, they bathe their bodies in cold water.
After this purification, they assemble in an apartment of their
own, into which it is not allowed to any stranger to enter . . .
They enter as if it were some holy temple, and sit down quietly.
. . . The priest prays before meat, and none may eat before
prayer is offered, and when they have made their meal, he again
prays over them. . . . And when they begin and when they
end, they praise God. . . . Nor is there ever any clamour or
disturbance . . . which silence appears to outsiders as some
tremendous mystery ' {BJ u, viiL 6 ; of. Ant. xviii. i. 6).
As noted above, novices were not admitted to
the Table ; similarly Christian catechumens retired
before the celebration of the Eucharist. It must
be admitted that here we have a striking resem-
blance, but to conclude that the Church owed its
sacraments to the Essenes is a rash proceeding.
The love-feast has many other parallels elsewhere,
and could grow up independently of any of them.
Any association of men will naturally develop
something similar. Baptism, too, is no rare phe-
nomenon. We conclude that, while the parallel is
interesting, the Christian development cannot be
shown to be borrowed from Essenism, and is intel-
ligible without any reference to it.
Other resemblances have been noted (a list will
be found in HDB, art. 'Essenes'), but they are
trifling and unconvincing. The fact, e.g., that
Christians are admonished to obey them that have
the rule over them gives a point of resemblance to
the Essenes certainly, but also to every human as-
sociation that ever was organized on principles of
common sense. It is useless to draw out laborious
parallels of this sort. We may hold that the early
Church cannot be proved to have owed anything
to Essenism, and can be explained without it. On
the other hand, Essenism, in its super-Pharisaism,
its retirement from the world, its avoidance of the
Temple (cf. Ac 3^ 21-"), its views of the body, its
sun-worship and magic, is in sharpest contrast to
Christianity. Of the silence of the NT regarding
the Essenes there are only two possible explana-
tions. One is that Christianity is one with Essen-
ism — a view we have rejected. The other is that
Essenism was so uninfluential, so entirely out of re-
lation to Christianity, or any active movement of
the time, that there was no occasion to mention
it. When we remember that Pliny knows of
Essenes only as inhabiting the desert shore of
the Dead Sea, we are contirmed in choosing this
alternative.
5. Influence on heresies. — If it is doubtful
whether tiie Church in her normal development
owed anything to Essenism, it is not doubtful that
its influence is discernible in the rise of a number
of heresies. Here too, however, its influence has
sometimes been exaggerated. It is highly question-
able whether Essenes have, or possibly could have,
any connexion with the 'weaker brethren' of
Romans or the errorists of Colossians. The
former, as seems indicated in Ro 15^ are probably
Gentiles given to the asceticism which was not un-
common in the heathen world at that time (A. C.
McGittert, Christianity in the Apostol. Age, 1897,
p. 337). The latter, though scholars like Lightfoot
and Weiss regard them as clearly Essen ic, are
really as likely to be Alexandrian as Palestinian
Jews (p. 368). According to all our authorities,
Essenes were confined to Palestine. We have
stated Pliny's view above ; Philo knew of them
in many towns and villages of Judaea; Josephus
knew them all through Palestine. The last two
authorities are obviously anxious to make tlie
most possible of the Essenes, and, had they had a
wider distribution, we may be sure we should have
been informed of it. The Essenes arrived at their
ESSENES
ETERNAL, EVERLASTING 369
Seculiarities by uniting heathen elements with
udaism ; and wherever Jews came in touch with
like influences, similar results might be produced.
Leaving out the Roman and Colossian errorists as
doubtfully Essenic, to say the least, we proceed to
those heretical movements where, with great pro-
bability, Essenism is influential.
(a) Tlie Essenes are of undoubted interest for the
history of Gnosticism (q.v.). They may be called
'the Gnostics of Judaism.' Their fondness for
speculation on cosmogony, their allegorizing of
the OT, of which Philo speaks, their dualistic
views, which involve a depreciation of matter,
their magic and their esoteric books — all connect
them with Gnosticism. And they are important
as showing that in essence there was a pre-Chris-
tian Gnosticism, (b) They influenced those Jew-
ish Christians who came into contact with them
(see art. Ebionism). The Ebionites, as described
by Epiphanius, show traces of Essenic influence in
their asceticism and frequent baptisms. The Elke-
suites are Essenized Ebionites. Epiphanius (Hcer.
xix. 2, XX. 3) identifies Elkesaites with Sampsceans
(sun-worshippers), and calls them a remnant of the
Essenes who had adopted a debased form of Chris-
tianity, (c) The history of the Essenes after the
Fall of Jerusalem is obscure. They suffered severely,
and endured bravely, in the persecution, and pro-
bably their Order was broken up (Lightfoot, Col.
p. 169). Many would attach themselves to the
neighbouring Christians, with whom they would
find several affinities, and carry elements of their
Essenism with them. In the Palestinian Judceu-
Christian heresies, then, we may, with practical
certainty, trace Essenic influence.
6. Conclusion. — The whole subject of Essenism
is wrapped in obscurity : the Essenes remain, and
will remain, the 'great enigma of Jewish history.'
The obscurity is all the more tantalizing because
we know enough to perceive that for the history of
religion the Essenes are of surpassing interest and
importance. In them the Western world saw for
the first time a monastic Order and a sacramental
worship. In them, too, Gnosticism began its
career. These are three points of vast importance.
The 'regions beyond Jordan' are of special in-
terest for the syncretism of which they were the
scene. There, first Judaism and later Christianity
were unable to maintain themselves in their original
form. In a general way, we can understand the
process of this syncretism. In that region Perso-
Babylonian, and even perhaps Buddhistic, influ-
ences, pressing westward, impinged upon Judaism,
and Essenism is the most prominent of the various
amalgams that resulted. In the more obscure
Sampsseans, Nasaraeans, Hemerobaptists, etc., we
have, no doubt, other examples. And as it was
with trans- Jordan ic Judaism, so it was with trans-
Jordanic Judaistic Christianity. It found in
Essenism and its cognates what they had found in
eastern heathenism — an influence too strong to be
resisted. But as to the precise details of both
syncretisms, we are left in ignorance, and nearly
every statement must begin with ' probably.' As
has been indicated, in estimating their influence on
Christianity, Catholic and heretical alike, we must
beware of the tendency to exaggerate it. Our
view is — the Essenes had no appreciable influence
on the development of Catholic Christianity, but
in Judaeo-Christian heresies their influence is con-
siderable, while for the history of Gnosticism
they are of great interest.
LiTERATDRB. — This IS Very abundant. We mention only P.
E. Lucius, Der Essenismus, 1881 ; J. B. Lightfoot, Colossians,
1875; E. Schurer, HJP ii. ii. [1885] 188 ff.; A. Hilgenfeld,
Ketzergeschichte des Urchrintentums, 1884 ; W. Bousset, Re-
Ugion des Judentnms im NT Zeitaiter, 1903 ; artt. in HDB,
EBi, JE, CE, and EBr^^, where further Laterature is mentioned.
VV. D. NiVEN.
VOL. I. — 24
ETERNAL, EVERLASTING.— ' Eternal' and
' everlasting ' are employed in the AV of the NT
somewhat indiscriminately to render three Greek
words — di'Stos, aiuv (used adjectivally in genitive
plural), and aiwvtos. d.i5ios is found only in Ro 1^*
and Jude ®, AV rendering ' eternal ' in the first case
and 'everlasting' in the second. 'Eternal' is the
translation of twv alijvwv in Eph 3^^ 1 Ti 1'^.
aldivLos is of very common occurrence ; but while
AV in most cases gives ' eternal,' it not infrequently
substitutes 'everlasting,' and sometimes does so,
apparently, for no other reason than to avoid the
repetition of the same English word (cf., e.g., Ac
U^ with v.*8 ; Ro 622 ^Yith V.23). For dtStos (a con-
traction for df iStos, fr. ad ' ever ') RV properly re-
serves 'everlasting.' For tG>v aiuvwv it gives the
literal meaning ' of the ages.' For altivios (fr. alu)v)
it regularly gives ' eternal,' except in Philem ^',
where alihviov is treated as an adverb and rendered
'forever.' 'Eternal' for aluvios is etymologically
correct, since Lat. ceternus (for ceviternus) comes
from oevum, the digamniated form of alwv, from
which al(Jjvios is derived. Moreover, no better
English word can be suggested— unless the trans-
literation 'seonian' could be accepted. None the
less, ' eternal ' is misleading, inasmuch as it has
come in English to connote the idea of ' endlessly
existing,' and thus to be practically a sjoionym for
' everlasting.' But this is not an adequate render-
ing of alLovios, which varies in meaning with the
variations of the noun alJiv, from which it comes.
The chief meanings of aiuv in classical Greek are :
(1) a lifetime ; (2) an age or period ; (3) a period of
unlimited duration. In the LXX, which is largely
determinative for NT usage, aluv (usually repre-
senting Heb. cViy) is employed with the same
variations as in the older Greek literature ; and
the length of time referred to must be determined
from the context. In some cases eU rbv cUQva
refers to the duration of a single human life (Ex
19* 21^) ; in others it is applied to the length of a
dynasty (1 Ch 28'*), the lasting nature of an ordin-
ance (2 Ch 2*), the national existence of Israel (2
Ch 9«), the perpetuity of the earth (Ec V), the en-
during character of God (Ps 9^) and of the Divine
truth and mercy (117^ 118>). Similarly aluvios is
applied to the ancient gates of Zion (Ps 24'), to
certain Levitical ordinances (Lv 16'^- **), to the
covenants of God with men (Gn 9^^ 17', etc.), to the
Divine mercy (Is 54^) and love (Jer 31^). Only
rarely do we 6nd the word applied directly to God
Himself (Gn 21^, Is 40^8). Passing from the LXX,
we have to notice the bearing upon NT usage of
the distinction made in the later Jewish theology
(see Schiirer, HJP IL iL 133) between the present
age (nin oViy) and the coming or Messianic age
(x^n dVij;), a distinction which reappears in the NT
in the expressions 6 a'ujv oStos and 6 alup 6 fiiSXui'
or 6 ipx6iJ-evot.
Coming now to the NT with the previous history
of aidiv and aldvios in view, we find that the terms
are still used as before with various connotations.
In 1 Co 8'3, unless St. Paul is writing by way of pure
hyperbole, aluv can refer only to his own lifetime.
In Ac 32' it refers to the age of prophecy. Its fre-
quent employment in the plural suggests that in
the singular the word denotes something less than
unending time ; while the phrases irpd tQv alwvwv
(1 Co 2') and rd riXr] tQv aiuivwv (10") point to ages
that were conceived of, not as everlasting, but as
having a beginning and coming to an end. Even
the coming or Messianic alihv, as contrasted with
the present time (Mk 10*", Eph pi, etc.), is not con-
ceived of by St. Paul as endless. In 2 P 1" Christ's
Kingdom is described as aiutvios ; but St. Paul
anticipates a time when Christ shall deliver up
His Kingdom to God the Father (1 Co 15^).
The use of the adjective is again similar to that
370
ETEENAL EIRE
ETHICS
of the noun. Whether alujviov is treated as an ad-
verb or an adjective in Pliilem ^^, it is evident that
the meaning must be restricted to the lifetime of
Onesimus and Philemon. The xpi^""' aiuvLoi of E,o
16-^ are the ages during which the mystery of the
gospel was kept secret, in contrast with the age of its
revelation. Those xpo''"' o.Iuivloi, moreover, are not
to be thought of as stretching backwards everlast-
ingly, as is proved by the irpb xp^vuv aluviuv of 2 Ti
P, Tit P. The al^vios 6»e6s of Ro W^ carries with it
unquestionably the idea of everlastingness ; but it is
worth noting that this is the only occasion in the NT
when the term is applied to God, and that the dox-
ology in which it occurs is of doubtful genuineness.
It is when we come to consider the expression
^(i)r) aiwvios (cf. awrr^pia [He 5^], Xijrpwcris [9'-], KK-rjpO'
vofjiia [v. '^]), which is of very frequent occurrence
in the Joliannine and Pauline writings, together
with the contrasted conceptions irOp alwviov (Mt 18^
25"'^ Jude^), KdXaais aluivios (Mt 25'*^), 6\edpos aiw^tos
(2 Th P), Kp?fj.a alwvLov (He 6"), that we find the
real crux of the difficulty of translating the term.
It has often been insisted that the meaning of the
word is the same in either case, and that if ' seonian
fire ' is less than everlasting, ' seonian life ' must
also be less. Sometimes this argument has been
met by the objection that aluvios is not a quantita-
tive but a spiritual and qualitative term, express-
ing a kind rather than a length of being. That
the word is frequently so used in the Joliannine
writings appears evident (e.g. Jn 17^, 1 Jn 3'''- ^^ 5^^) ;
and in the Pauline Epistles also we have various
examples of it.- employment in a sense that is in-
tensive rather than extensive — notably the equation
in 1 Ti 61-- ^^ (KV) between ' eternal lile' and ' the
life which is life indeed.' And yet it must be ad-
mitted that tlie whole history of the term points
to the underlying idea of duration, and not of
duration only, but of a duration that is permanent.
With equal clearness, however, that history shows
that the permanence affirmed is not absolute, but
relative to the nature of the subject. When ap-
plied to the loving service of a Cliristian slave to
a Christian master, aldivios denotes a permanence
as lasting as the earthly relation between master
and slave will permit. When used of the ages be-
fore the gospel was revealed, it means throughout
the whole length of those ages. When applied to
God or to the Spirit (He 9'"*), it means as ever-
lasting as the Divine nature itself. And when we
come to ' eternal life ' on the one hand and ' eternal
fire " or ' eternal destruction ' on the other, they
also must be rendered according to our conception
of the inherent nature of the thing referred to.
And many will hold that while good, as emanat-
ing from God, is necessarily indestructible, evil, as
contrary to the Divine nature and will, must even-
tually cease to be — ' that God may be all in all '
(1 Co 15^). 'Ionian fire,' therefore, may mean a
fire that goes on burning until it has burned itself
out; 'aeonian destruction,' a destruction that con-
tinues until there is nothing left to destroy. But
'itonian life,' being life in Christ Jesus our Lord
(Ro 6-* ; cf. 1 Jn 5"), must be as enduring as the
Divine immortality. If the spirit of life in Christ
Jesus dwells in us, nothing shall be able to separ-
ate us from the love of God (Ro S^- "• 8«-3S). See,
further, LiFE AND DEATH.
LiTERATiTRE.— S. D. F. Salmond, Christian Doctrine of
Iiiinwrtaliti/, Edinburgh, 1895, p. 64!) ff. ; G. B. Stevens,
Tfieol. of iST, do. 1899, p. 224 ff., Cliristian Doctrine of Salva-
tion, do. 1905, p. 526 f. ; Expositor, 1st. ser. vii. [1878] 405-424,
Srd. ser. vL [1887] 274-286, vii. [1888] 266-278 ; EBi ii. [1901]
1108- J. C. Lambert.
ETERNAL FIRE.— See Fire.
ETERNAL LIFE.— See Eternal and Life and
Death.
ETHICS. — It is proposed in the present article
not to discuss the vast subject of ethics in genei'al,
but to attempt to ascertain what Avere the most
striking points in which the ethical ideas of the
Christians of the Apostolic Age diflered from those
of earlier speculators on the subject.
1. Sources of information. — All our first-hand
information is contained in the writings of the
NT and of the Apostolic P'athers. Indirectly the
works of later Christian authors, who treated the
subject more systematically, may throw some light
bj' way of inference on the conceptions of the Apos-
tolic Age : for instance, if the treatment of the
cardinal virtues by St. Augustine and others shows
a marked difi'erence from the treatment found in
pre-Christian writers, it may perhaps be rightly
inferred that the difi'erence is due to ideas which
already prevailed in the first generation of Chris-
tians. But inferences of this sort are precarious,
for it is hardly possible to ascertain accurately how
far the other influences which contributed to the
thought of the later writers were operative in the
earliest age ; and in any case it is probable that
later writings would not add anything of great
importance to the general outline, which is all that
is being attempted here. Attention will therefore
be confined to the contemporary documents. And
with respect to these, critical questions may be
ignored. The accuracy of the historical narrative
is not in question, and whatever may be the
authorship or the precise date of the documents
reviewed, they are all sufficientlj' early to reflect
ethical ideas which belong to the Apostolic Age,
and not those which belong to a later period.
2. General characteristics of ethical thought. —
(1) Absence of systematic treatment. — Ethical ques-
tions are constantly touched upon in the NT, but
always more or less in connexion with particular
cases as they arise, and never in connexion with a
complete and thought-out system. Here there is
a striking contrast with Greek philosophy. The
f)hilosophers tried to find a rational basis for human
ife in all its relations. In ethics they discussed
the question of the supreme good^whether it was
knowledge, or pleasure, or virtue ; they classified
the virtues, and discussed in the fullest manner
their various manifestations. There is nothing of
this sort in the NT. The morality of the Jews,
again, was very different from that of the Greeks,
for the Jews took little interest in purely philo-
sojihical problems ; but they also had a system,
and a very elaborate one, of law and of ceremonial
observance, with which their morality was closely
bound up. Although the Christians inherited so
much from the Jews, this system, after being, as
it were, raised to its highest power in the Sermon
on the Mount, was definitely set aside in the
Ajjostolic Age. And in the place of a system we
find an overpowering interest in certain historical
facts. The Synoptic Gospels are occupied with a
fragmentary narrative of the life of Christ, in
which a good deal of moral teaching is contained.
But it is such as arises incidentally from the facts
recorded in the narrative, and it is not jn-esented
as part of a scheme of etliics. In the Fourth
Gosjiel there is something more nearly resembling-
systematic moral discussion, but even here the
discourses arise out of a historical framework, and
the prevailing interest is not ethical but spiritual
and mystical. The Acts contains little but narra-
tive, and the teaching recorded in it centres almost
monotonously around facts. In the Epistles ethical
questions are constantly dealt with, but the pro-
blems are practical, and arise out of the circum-
stances of the time. This is not to say that in
these writings there is no new point of view, but
that ethics is nowhere treated in a comjjlete and
systematic way, and that there apjiears to be no
ETHICS
ETHICS
371
consciousness on the part of the writers that they
are in possession of a new ethical theory or philo-
sopliy. Tlie difference, therefore, between pre-
Cliristian and Cliristian ethics does not consist in a
new theory or system. The subject was treated in
the Apostolic Age from the practical point of view.
(2) The moral ideal. — A new element is, however,
introduced into ethics by that very concentration
upon a single historical life which has been noted
above. The ideal man had figured largely in
earlier ethical systems, but the ideal man of philo-
sophy had been entirely a creation of the imagina-
tion, and his actual existence never seems to have
been thought of as a jjractical possibility. Now,
liowever, an actual human life is put forward as a
model of perfection, and it is assumed without dis-
cussion that all ethical questions, as they may
happen to arise, may be, and must be, tested by
this.
(3) The new life. — There is, moreover, in the
consciousness of the Apostolic Age something more
potent than belief in a historical example. There
is a sense which pervades every writing of this time
that a new force has come into existence. It is not
necessary to insist ujion the prominence in early
Christian teaching of the belief in the Ilesurrection.
The continued life and activity of the Person who
is the centre of all their thought were the greatest
of all realities to the early Christians. \Vith it
was combined the belief in the continual indwelling
and inspiration of the Holy Spirit. And this seems
to exjilain the apparent indifference to ethical
theory which has been noted. For to the early
Christians 'outward morality is the necessary ex-
pression of a life already infused into the soul '
(Strong, Christian Ethics, p. 69). It is in this
respect that the Christian conception presents the
most marked contrast to pre-Christian thought.
There was a note of hopelessness in the moral
speculation of the Greeks. Even a high ideal was
a thing regarded as practically out of reach for
the mass of mankind. Plato looked ujDon the
ideal State as a necessary condition for the exercise
of the highest virtue, and its conception was a
wonderful effort of the philosophical imagination ;
Imt it was not considered possible. Even the
aj)parently practical conceptions of Aristotle re-
quire a complete reconstruction of society. The
Stoic philosophers abandoned this dream, and could
suggest nothing better than the withdrawal of the
wise man from all ordinarj' human interests. The
Neo-Platonist went further, and sought complete
severance from the world of sense. Jewish thought
was on different lines, but there was an even keener
sense of sin and failure, although this was redeemed
from despair by the hope of a Messianic Age which
would redress all the evils of the existing order.
Above all there was no sufficient solution, and
among the Greeks little attempt at a solution, of
the problem of how the human will was to be
sufficiently strengtliened to do its part in the
realization of any ideal. In the writings of the
Apostolic Age, on the other hand, there is found
not only a belief in a perfect ideal historically
realized, but also a belief in an indwelling power
sufficient to restore all that is weak and depraved
in the human will.
(4) The evangelical virtues. — In the NT there is
no regular discussion of the nature of virtue, and
no formal classification of virtues. The Greek
philosophers, while they dittered in their views
of what constituted the chief good, were agreed
in accepting what are known as the four cardinal
virtues — prudence, temperance, fortitude, and
justice — as the basis of their classification. This
division, from the time of Plato onwards (and
he appears to assume it as famili.ar), is generally
accepted as exhaustive, and other virtues are made
to fall under these heads. But although this classi-
fication must have been familiar to a large number
of the early Christians, and although it had been
adopted in the Book of Wisdom (8"), it is not men-
tioned in the NT. The cardinal virtues reappeared
in Christian literature from Origen onwards, and
were exhaustively treated by Ambrose, Augus-
tine, Gregory, and medifeval writers, but this kind
of discussion does not make its appearance in the
Apostolic Age. Such lists of virtues as that which
occurs in Gal 5--'' are clearly not intended to be
exhaustive or scientific, and the nearest approach
to a system of virtues is made by St. Paul in 1 Cor.,
where he exjjounds what became known as the three
theological virtues of faith, hope, and love. These
three are also closely associated in Bo 5^"^, 1 Th
r-^-, and Col 1^"*; and two other NT Avriters (He
10--'-^ and 1 P l^^'-) mention them in conjunction
in a suggestive manner. It seems that they were
generally recognized as moral or spiritual states
characteristic of the Christian life. And the reason
for this appears to be that they are regarded as the
means by which the Christian is brought into
personal relation with the historical facts, and Avith
the new life brought by them into the world, which
have been spoken of above as the point on which
the Christians of the first age centred their atten-
tion. The insistence on these spiritual virtues
brings out two distinct characteristics of the ethical
thought of the Apostolic Age, which are nowhere
defined or discussed in the NT, but which neverthe-
less appear to be consistently implied. These char-
acteristics are a new doctrine of the end of man,
and consequently a new criterion of good and evil,
and a new view of human nature.
(a) These three virtues all take a man outside
himself, and make it impossible for him to be merely
self-regarding. They bring him into close relation
not only with his fellow-men but with God. So
union with God becomes the highest end of man.
This union, moreover, is not absorption : whatever
may have been the case of some later Christian
mystics, the most mystical of the early writers, St.
Paul and St. John, never contemplate anything but
a conscious union with God, in which the whole in-
dividuality of man is preserved. * From first to last
the Christian idea is social, and involves the con-
scious communion between man and man, between
man and God. And no state of things in which the
individual consciousness disappears will satisfy this
demand ' (Strong, op. cit. p. 88). Faith, hope, and
love all relate to a spiritual region above and beyond
this present life, but the existing world is not ex-
cluded from it. The Kingdom of God, Avhich oc-
cupies 60 large a place in the thought of the
Apostolic Age, is regarded as future and as tran-
scendental, but it is also regarded as having come
already, so far as the rule of Christ has been made
efi'ective in this life. Thus a new standard for moral
judgments is set up : those actions and events are
good which advance the coming of the Kingdom,
and those are evil which impede it.
(b) Further, the evangelical virtues assume a
unity in human nature which i^re-Christian sj-stems
of thought failed to recognize. Greek thought
either regarded human nature as unf alien, or it
adopted more or less an Oriental view of evil as im-
manent in matter. When evil could not be ignored
it might be ascribed either to ignorance or to the
imprisonment of the soul in an alien environment.
In neither case could human nature be regarded as a
whole which in its OAvn proper being is harmonious.
The body and the emotions which are closely con-
nected with it were looked upon as things which
must either be kept in strict subjection to the in-
tellect, or, as far as possible, be got rid of altogether.
In earl^' Christian thought, on the other hand, hope
and love are mainly emotional, and faith is by no
372
ETHICS
ETHIOPIANS
means exclusively intellectual. In St. Paul's use
of the tenn it includes a strong element of emotion —
it ' worketh through love ' (Gal 5*) ; and it is almost
more an act of the A\'ill than of the intellect. And
although asceticism played a great part in some
departments of later Christian thought, in the
Apostolic Age there can be no doubt of the import-
ance assigned to the body. The conspicuous Chris-
tian belief in the resurrection of the body assumes
a very different point of view from that of Oriental
or even of Greek philosophy. It is clear that the
first generation of Christians regarded human
nature as fallen indeed, but as capable in all its
parts of restoration, and they believed that none of
its parts could be left out from the salvation of the
whole.
(5) The conception of sin. — Speaking generally,
it may be said that the non-Christian view of sin
regards it as natural, and that the Christian view
regards it as unnatural. This is, however, a broad
generalization, and requires further definition. No
system of ethical thought can altogether ignore the
fact of sin, though it is sometimes minimized. But
there are wide difi'erences in the way in which it is
regarded. In pre-Christian thought it was often
almost identified with ignorance. It was assumed
that a man cannot sin willingly, because no man
desires evil for himself. Virtue is therefore know-
ledge, and the possibility of knowing what is right
and doing what is wrong need not be considered.
This was the teaching of a large section of Greek
philosophy. Again, wherever Oriental ideas had
influence, the seat of evil was thought to be in
matter. Sometimes the strife between good and
evil was explained as a contest between two rival
and evenly-balanced powers. Sometimes a good
deity was conceived as acting upon an intractable
material. The practical conclusion was usually
some form of asceticism — an attempt to be quit of
the body and all that it implied ; and this asceti-
cism, by a process easy to be understood, not infre-
quently led to licence. These tendencies often
make their appearance in Church history, and
traces of them are to be found in the writings of
the NT, but during the Apostolic Age the dangers
of Gnosticism and Antinomianism were but rudi-
mentary. In modern times the view of evil which
regards it as undeveloped good, or as the survival
of instincts that are no longer necessary or bene-
ficial, has some points in common with the old
dualisms. The common feature of all these
views is that they regard evil as more or less in-
evitable and according to nature. It would not be
true to say that they altogether disregard the
human will, or deny human responsibility, but
they treat the body rather than the will as the seat
of evil, and they tend to look upon evil as, upon the
whole, natural and necessary. The Christian view
of sin, as it appears in the writings of the Apostolic
Age, is in the sharpest contrast to this. It is the
Jewish view, carried to its natural conclusion, and
its chief characteristics may be set down under
three heads.
(a) First, the freedom of the will is not considered
from the philosophical point of view at all. Tlie
metaphysical difficulties are not even touched upon,
nor is any consciousness shown of their existence.
But the responsibility of man is always assumed.
Nor is it for his actions alone that he is responsible.
The Sermon on the Mount Inings home to him
responsibility for every thought, and for his whole
attitude towards God. And in doing so it brings to
its natural conclusion the course of ethical thouglit
among the Jews. If, however, the root of sin is
in the will, it follows that it is not in matter, or in
the body, or in anything distinct from the will of
man. The whole universe is good, because it is
created by God, and sin consists in the wilful misuse
of things naturally good. Asceticism therefore,
except in the sense of such training as may help to
restore the will to a healthy condition, is excluded.
(6) Secondly, the idea of the holiness of God, as
forming a test of human action and a condemna-
tion of human shortcomings, is another conception
inherited from Judaism. Early Jewish ideas
about God are anthropomorphic, but the anthropo-
morphism is of a very different kind from that of
the Greeks. The deities of Greek mythology who
aroused the contemptuous disgust of Plato were
constructed out of human experience with all the
evil and good qualities of actual men emphasized
and heightened. To the Jew God is an ideal, the
source of the Moral Law, rebellion against which is
sin. So in the Sermon on tlie Mount the perfection
of God is held up as the ideal for human perfection,
and St. Paul makes the unity of God the ground
for belief in the unity of the Church.
(c) Thirdly, sin was regarded as a thing which
afi'ects the race, and not only individuals. The
beliefs of the Apostolic Age with regard to Christ's
redemptive work imply that there is a taint in the
race, and that human nature itself, and not only
individual men, has to be restored to communion
with God, and requires such a release from sin as
will make communion with God possible. Some
practical results of this belief in the solidarity of
mankind are conspicuous in early Christian writ-
ings. One is the exercise of discipline. It was
felt that the actions and character of individuals
compromised and affected the whole body, and
that they could not therefore be left to themselves.
The injury done by the rebellion of one injured
and imperilled the whole community. Both for
his own sake and for the sake of the Church a cor-
porate censure was required, extending if necessary
to the cutting oft' of the ofl'ending member (1 Co 5,
2 Co 2, Mt I8i5-2», etc.). Another result of the
belief in solidarity is the emphasis laid upon social
virtues in connexion with the corporate character of
the Church [e.g. Ro 12, 1 Co 12-14, Gal 5, etc.). It
partly accounts for that special prominence of
humility in Christian ethics which has been so
often commented on from diSerent points of view,
for humility is regarded not only as a duty enforced
by the example of Christ, but also as the practical
means for preserving the unity and harmonious
working of the body (Ph 2^■^ etc.).
3. Conclusion. — Ethics in the Apostolic Age did
not consist in a re-statement of old experience or
in a system of purely ethical theory, but in the
recognition and acceptance in the sphere of conduct
of the practical consequences of what was believed
to be an entirely new experience of spiritual facts.
LrrERATTTRB. — A. Neander, ' Verhaltniss der hellen. Ethik zur
christlichen,' in WissenschaftUche Abhandlungen, 1851, also
Qeschichte der christl. Ethik\ = Theoloq. Vorkmingen, v. [1864]) ;
W. Gass, Geschichte der christl. Ethik, ISSl ; C. E. Luthardt,
GescJiichte der christl. Ethik, 1888; H. Martensen, Christian
Ethics, En^. tr., (General) 1885, (Individual) 1881, (Social)lS82 ;
J. R. illin^worth, Christian Character, 1904; T. B. Strong-,
CAjv'.s^fVrji /i7/t ('c.s, 1896 (to which this article isespeciallyindebted);
H. H. Scullard, Early Christian Ethics,l907 ; T. v. Haering:,
The Ethics oj tlie Christian Life, Eng. tr.2, 1909.
J. H. Maude.
ETHIOPIANS. — Ethiopians are only twice men-
tioned in the NT, and then in the same passage,
viz. Ac S'-', where Candace, queen of (the) Ethio-
pians, and her evvovxo$ dwdarrj^ are mentioned
in connexion with Philip the Deacon (see artt.
Candace, Ethiopian Eunuch, and Philip).
The word is there doubtless, as in the OT, the
Greek equivalent of the lieb. Knshl. It seems
probable that AWioxJ/ (?== ' Redface') is only a
Gra'cized form of some native word, not a proper
description of their facial characteristic, but what
that word was can only be conjectured. ' Ethiopia '
in NT times would appear to mean the southern
ETHIOPIAN EU]S"UCH
EUCHARIST
373
Eart of Egypt, now called the Sudan, the ancient
ingdom of Meroe. In earlier days Napata, a
town on the Nile, somewhat north of Meroe, which
was likewise on the Nile, had been the capital ; but
though Napata still retained some of its jjrestige
as the sacred city, yet the seat of government had
been removed to Meroe. Another kingdom, that
of Axum in the mountain region of Abyssinia
proper, seems to have taken its rise about the
middle of the 1st cent. A.D., but that does not
come into view in our present inquiry.
O T "P'p'T TOP*
ETHIOPIAN EUNUCH.— PhUip ' the Deacon's
convert (Ac S^^-) is described as Aidio\p evvovxos
Swdarris Kai'od/ojs ^a<ri\icr(n]s AlOtdiruiv, &s Tjv iirl irdarjs
T^s ydtvs avTTjs. AWlo-ip has been briefly discussed
above, ewoDxos implies that he was one of the
Court officials and perhaps subject to the physical
disability Avhich the name ordinarily implies, but
not ' chamberlain ' in the strict sense of the term,
as he *was in charge of all her treasure' (see
Candace). Becker {Charicles, Eng. tr., 1895, p.
365) notes that eunuchs were prized for their re-
puted fidelity {irapa. rolai ^apjidpoiai [Herod, viii.
105]), and hence were employed as treasurers
(fTTteu-ws yap elwOecrav eiivovxavs Sx^'" ya^o(pvXaKai
[Plutarch, Demetr. 25]). Zvvd<T-n]% suggests that he
possessed unusual power and influence at Court ;
the word is not found in a similar connexion else-
where in the NT (it is used of God in 1 Ti 6^^ and
of kings in Lk 1^^), but we have two good instances
in Xenoplion (Anab. I. ii. § 20 : tGiv \jirdpx<^v riva
ovvd<jT7)v, and Cyrop. IV. v. § 40 : toO ^aciXiui /cat
dWup ovvaaTGiv ; cf. Herod, ii. 32 and Plato, Rep. 473).
There are no means hitherto available for identify-
ing this personage who so early in the history of
the Church was admitted to her fold by holy
baptism* from the Gentile world; but the fact
that he was returning from worship at Jerusalem,
and was reading Is 53'- ^ in the LXX version, Avhich
here differs somewhat from the Hebrew text, shows
that he was acquainted with the Greek language
and had been drawn to the religion of the Jews,
although he was not very deeply versed in the
Scriptures (v.^*). He was not actually a proselyte,
and in any case his physical condition probably
disqualified him. C. L. Feltoe.
ETHNARCH. — This comparatively rare term is
derived from ^dvo$, 'a race,' and S.pxei.v, 'to rule';
perhaps the nearest English equivalent is 'chief.'
The word is not known before the 2nd cent. B.C.,
and appears to indicate a ruler appointed by or
over a people who were themselves part of a larger
kingdom or empire, the appointment being made
or recognized by its overlord or suzerain as valid.
The purpose of such an appointment was perhaps
primarily to safeguard the religion of a people.
The earliest instance of an ethnarch known to us
is that of Simon Maccabceus. In 1 ISIac \4:'" Simon
accepts from the people the following oflices — dpxt-
eparevcrai Kal eluaL arpaTr]y6s /cat idvdpxv^ tQv ' lovdaLuii>
Kal iepiwp Kal rod TrpocrTaTrjcrai irdvToiv ('to be high
priest and to be general and ethnarch of the Jews
and their priests and to rule over all ') ; and in 15^
a letter of King Antiochus of Syria is addressed to
him as lepeZ /xeydXip Kal iOvdpxv ( ' great priest and
ethnarch '). From 15^'^ it is clear that the edfos
was the Jews themselves, and indeed almost every-
where where the term ' ethnarch ' occurs, it refers
to a ruler over Jews. Josephus [Aiit. xiv. vii. 2)
shows us that the large Je^v■ish community in the
great city of Alexandria had an ' ethnarch ' over
it, and he defines his duties precisely thus : dioiKel
re t6 ^dvos /cat diaiTa Kpicreis Kal a-vf.i^6\aiwv iirineXelrai
* The formula of faith contained in v.37 is not found in the
oldest MSS, but cannot be later than the 2nd cent., as it is quoted
by Irenseus (Boer. in. xii. 8).
Kal irpoarayfJidrwv, (is Siv iroKirelas S.px'^v avroreXoOj
(' he governs the race and decides trials in court
and has charge of contracts and ordinances as if
he were an absolute monarch ').
An inscription (Le Bas-Waddington, Voyage
arcMologiq^ie en Gr^ce et en Asie Mineure, Paris,
1847-77, vol. iii. no. 2196 = W. Dittenberger,
Orientis Grceci Inscriptiones Selectee, Leipzig, 1905,
vol. ii. no. 616) from a village, El-MS,likije in the
Hauran, mentions by the names 'ethnarch' and
' general (or praetor) of nomads ' a chief of nomad
Arabs of the time of Hadrian or Antoninus Pius
who must have submitted to the Emperor.
These passages will help to illustrate the refer-
ence in 2 Co IP^. The man there mentioned was
doubtless ruler of the Jews in Damascus and its
territory, who were 'permitted to exercise their
own religious law veiy freely and fully' (Ramsay,
Pictures of the Apostolic Church, London, 1910,
p. 99). He was under Aretas, who has the title
^aai\ev% (' king,' i.e. of Arabia), and, indeed, as has
been said, the ethnarch was always lower than a
king. This fact is illustrated by interesting pas-
sages in Josephus [BJ II. vi. 3, Ant. XVII. xi. 4),
where Caesar Augustus makes Archelaus not /Sao-t-
XeiJy, but edvdpxv^, of half of the territory that; had
belonged to Herod, promising him the higher title
later, if certain conditions were fulfilled ; and in
Pseudo-Lucian (Macrob. § 17, ed. Jacobitz, Leip-
zig, 1896, vol. iii. p. 198), where a man is ' pro-
claimed jSao-iXeiJj instead of idvdpxv^ of the Bosporus.'
A. SOUTER.
EUBULUS (Ed'/SouXoj).— A friend of St. Paul and
Timothy, Eubulus was present with the Apostle
in Rome during his last imprisonment, and along
Avith Claudia, Pudens, and Linus sent greetings
to Timothy (2 Ti 4^'). Probably he was a member
of the Church of Rome ; and, as liis name is Greek,
he may have been a slave or a Roman freedman.
Nothing, however, is known regarding him.
VV. F. BOYD.
EUCHARIST.— 1. Scope of article.— The scope
of this article is limited to the observance of the
Eucharist in the Apostolic Church, with especial
reference to St. Paul. The Gospels are expressly
excluded. Therefore the question as to the possi-
bility of the accounts in the Synoptic Gospels
having been influenced by Pauline ideas, and the
many questions which are raised by the Gospel
according to St. John, will not be treated in this
article. The evidence which will be used will be
that which is furnished by the Acts of the Apostles
and the Pauline Epistles. Other evidence will
only be adduced in so far as it has a direct bearing
upon this.
2. The Acts of the Apostles. — In Acts we have
a description of the life of the earliest Christian
community in Jerusalem. We are told that ' they
continued stedfastly in the apostles' teaching and
fellowship, in the breaking of bread [ttj KXdaei. toO
dpTov) and the prayers' (Ac 2'^'^). Furtlier, we read
that ' Day by day continuing stedfastly with one
accord in the temple, and breaking bread {KXwvres
apTov) at home, they partook of food with gladness
and singleness of heart, praising God and having
favour with all the people' (vv.^-«). The latter
passage contrasts their breaking of bread at home
with their attendance at the Temple-worship.
But the passage may be no more than a general
description of the life of the community— that it
was cheerful and social. In the former passage,
however, it is difficult to resist the conclusion
that 7) K\d(n% rod dprov must have some religious
significance. It has indeed been held that it has
nothing to do with the Last Supper, that com-
munity of goods led to community of meals, and
that no more than that is intended by the phrase.
But the growing belief in the fact of redemption
374
EUCHAEIST
EUCHARIST
through the Death of Christ, together with certain
visions of the Risen Lord, who appeared to His
disciples, on some occasions, according to our ac-
counts, at meals, led to a connexion being estab-
lished, in the minds of Christians, between the
Last Supper and the common meal. Thence the
development is clear; and there is no difficulty
in seeing how they came to believe in some mys-
terious Presence of Jesus. Thus was evolved the
Pauline doctrine.*
It is true that it is impossible to prove any con-
nexion between the ' breaking of the bread ' of
Ac 2*'' and the Last Supper. But that there was a
religious signiKcance attached to the former seems
clear from the way in which it is mentioned.
And the general course of the history is most
easily explained if we suppose that ah'eady in the
Ijrimitive community at Jerusalem the connexion
existed. It does not seem probable that St. Paul's
churches ditiered wholly in their usage from other
churches, and the facts are best explained by the
supjjosition that, from the first. Christians com-
memorated their Master at their common meal.
The suggestion, to which allusion has been made,
that visions of the Risen Christ led to the con-
nexion being established, fails to account for the
fact that it is Christ's Death that came to be com-
memorated, and that, because of this, the Euchar-
ist bore from very early times a sacrificial char-
acter. The evidence is not sufficient to lead to
any certain conclusions ; but on the whole it seems
to point to the germ of the later conception being
contained in these earliest 'breakings of bread.'
Whether the ' breaking of bread ' denotes the
common meal, or a particular action at the common
meal, is again not clear. Batitfol t maintains the
latter, but hi.'< arguments are not conclusive; J
and the matter must be left doubtful.
In Ac 20^"^^ we read that the Christians of Troas
met together on the first day of the week in the
evening to 'break bread.' That is stated to be
the purpose of the meeting. The writer of the
Acts is himself present, and gives an account of
the scene. There are many lights in the upper
room. St. Paul, who is leaving Troas the next
day, discourses until midnight. Then he breaks
bread, and tastes it, and, after a further long con-
versation, departs at dawn. There is no indica-
tion here of a common meal ; for the inference
drawn from the use of the word ' tasting ' {yevad-
fxevoz), which is said by some§ to imply a meal, is
surely unjustified. The ' breaking of bread ' here
appears to denote a ceremonial action. The lan-
guage employed does not indeed exclude the pos-
sibility that this action, and the partaking by
those present of the bread so broken, may have
taken place during a meal which was held about
midnight. But there is no hint of any such meal.
It is noteworthy that this meeting takes place on
a Sunday. There does not appear to have been
a similar one daily during St. Paul's stay. And
the whole narrative, with its mention of the ' many
lights,' suggests a solemn gathering for worship.
It must be remembered that in this passage we
have to do with a Pauline church ; and therefore
we cannot safely argue back to the passages in Ac
2. But there can be no question that the ' break-
ing of bread' in tliis passage does denote a signifi-
cant religious act ; and, in the light of the evi-
dence which we possess in 1 Cor. about the customs
of St. Paul's churches, we conclude that the ' break-
ing of the bread ' derives its significance from the
Last Supper, and is in some way a commemoration
of the Lord's Death. Significant it certainly was ;
• Of. M. Gopruel, L'Eucharistie. Des originea d Justin,
martyr, Paris, 1910.
t L'Exicharigtie^, Paris, 1913. t See art. Love-Feast.
§ e.g. JI. Goguel, op. cit. p. 142.
and its significance is fixed by our evidence about
the Church of Corinth.
3. St. Paul's doctrine. — "We owe to purely ac-
cidental circumstances the preservation of an ac-
count of St. Paul's doctrine of the Eucharist, and
a description of the Eucharist in the Church of
Corinth. Disorders had arisen in that Church in
connexion with the attitude of Christians towards
meals in idol- temples and in connexion with the
Eucharist. St. Paul finds it necessary to deal
with these matters in 1 Corinthians. Had it not
been for this necessity, we might have supposed
that the Pauline churches were without any sjjecial
sacramental teaching, for in none of the other
Pauline Epistles is there any allusion to the sub-
ject. This, however, is accidental. For St. Paul's
language to the Corinthians makes it certain that
he must have given similar teaching to his con-
verts elsewhere, and indeed the account of the
' breaking of bread ' at Troas, when read in the
light of the passage in 1 Cor., makes it clear that
there too the Eucharist was the central point of
the Christian assembly.
It appears from 1 Co Ipo-s^ that from time to
time — presumably on Sundays — the membei-s of
the Church met together ' to eat the Lord's Supper.'
This snipper was a real meal, and the food was
provided by those who attended it. But, whereas
it ought to have been a fraternal gathering, a
bond of unity, the selfishness and greed of the rich
made it most unsatisfactory ; for they insisted
upon keeising for themselves the food they brought,
whereas all the food brought ought to have been
put together and divided among the whole number.
The result of tiiis was that some who attended had
not enough to eat and drink, and some had too
much. There were even cases of drunkenness.
This conduct of the rich naturally led to divisions.
Groups were formed, and the general spirit of
fraternity was bioken.
St. Paul reminds the Corinthians of the great
solemnity of the Lord's Supper. He reminds them
how he had told them before of the Last Supper
itself, and how Jesus had instituted there a rite by
which Christians were to proclaim His Death until
He should come again. He reminds them that
they came to enter into communion with the Body
and Blood of Christ ; that this is a solemn matter ;
that self-examination is necessary, and care to re-
cognize the distinction between what is received
and common bread ; that those who fail to come up
to what is required of them in this matter, those
who receive unworthily, have in many cases already
received striking punishments from God, for the
objects to be received are so holy, that not only
does worthy reception bring great benefits, but un-
Avorthy reception brings stern judgment.
In 1 Co 10 St. Paul warns the Corinthians of
the dangers of idolatry. He holds up before them
the example of the Israelites, who, though they were
' bajjtized unto Moses in the cloud and in the sea,'
and ate the same spiritual food and drank the
same spiritual drink, yet died in tlie wilderness
because of their sins (vv.'"^). There is a clear
analogy M'ith the case of Christians, who receive
spiritual food and drink, and yet are liable
to perish, in spite of their privileges, if they too
sin. The particular sin of which he warns them
is idolatry. He afiirms that those who partake
of a meal in an idol's temple really enter into
communion with the demons who are at the back
of idolatrous worship. Communion with the Body
and Blood of Christ is incompatible with communion
with demons. ' You cannot drink the Lord's cup
and the cup of demons. You cannot share the
Lord's table and a table of demons' (v.''^'). In his
conception the meat is oliered to the idol and be-
comes the i)roperty of the demons, so that the
EUCHAEIST
EUCHAEIST
375
demons are, as it -were, the hosts at the sacrificial
banquet. It is their cup which is drunk by those
■who attend. It is their table at which the guests
sit. The parallel which St. Paul draws betAveen
these demonic banquets and the Lord's Supper sug-
gests that in the same way the bread and the cup
are ofiered to the Lord, so that He becomes the
host. Therefore the Supper is His Supper, and it
is His Cup and His Table. But the thought goes
further than this. For not only do the communi-
cants enter into communion with Christ by being,
as it were, His guests at Supper ; but they enter
into communion with His Body and His Blood.
The use of these expressions makes it clear that
what is meant is that the communicant enters into
communion with Christ's Death. It is the language
of sacrilice which is here employed. The sacrihcial
Death of Christ is an essential part of St. Paul's
thought. The worthy communicant feeds upon
that sacrifice, and so appropriates the blessing won
thereby.
But while it is true that it is only the worthy
communicant who obtains the blessing, St. Paul's
language clearly implies that the bread and the
wine are not merely symbols. They are really
to the communicant the Body and Blood of
Christ — the Bodj'^ broken and the Blood shed in
His sacrificial Death. They have this wonderful
character in themselves, apart from the faith of
theconmiunicant. For the unworthy communicant
receives them at his peril, and the dangers of ir-
reverence are very great. The communicant must
discern the Body. The suggestion which has been
made that ' the Body ' in this phrase means Christ's
mystical Body, the Christian Church, is worthy of
very little attention. It is true that the word is
sometimes so used, but here the context makes it
necessary to understand by it the Body of Christ
which is represented by the bread and partaken of
by the communicant.
This communion takes place at a common meal.
The Ciiristians of the community^ come together,
probably on the first day of the week, to a common
meal. The question arises as to whether the whole
meal is a communion, or whether communion takes
place during or after the meal, v.^^ suggests that
the latter is the true view. ' The cup of blessing
which we bless,' ' the bread whicii we break,' sug-
gest that during or after the meal there was a
solemn blessing of a cup, and a solemn breaking of
bread, in virtue of which the cup becomes ' the cup of
blessing,' and both it and the bread which is broken
assume their special character. It seems clear
that the' 'blessing' is a solemn liturgical act, and
the parallelism with the breaking of bread indicates
that that has the same character. The ' cup of
blessing' is the cup over which a blessing has been
said, or the cup wiiich has been blessed. There is
no necessary reference to any cup used in the Pass-
over. St. Paul speaks of the cup whicli 'we
bless,' but this does not necessarily mean that the
Avhole assembly blessed the cup, or broke the bread.
In fact, the language of Ac 20^', where it is said
that at Troas St. Paul himself 'broke the bread,'
suggests that the ' liturgical ' action Avas performed
by a single person, who was presiding. A definite
' blessing ' of a cup and ' breaking of bread ' would
seem to imply tiiat the supper as a whole was not
the communion, though the supper as a whole was
the Lord's Supper, for the Lord was host. But dur-
ing supper, or more probably after supper (cf. 1
Co IP^), the president blessed the cup and broke the
bread ; and the cup so blessed and the bread so
broken assumed their special and sacred character.
As we have seen, the supper is a real and not a
symbolical meal. But St. Paul's suggestion that
the Corinthians' own houses are the proper places
in which to eat and drink, and his injunction that
if they are hungry they should eat at home (IP--^'*)
indicate the way in which the setting of the
Eucharist came so soon to be altered. For these
injunctions lead straight to the conclusion that the
Christian assembly at which the Lord's Death is
shown forth is not a suitable occasion for the satis-
faction of bodily needs. It is therefore not surpris-
ing that we find, when next we have any evidence,
that the Eucharist has been detached from its set-
ting as part of a common meal.
There are two further points which deserve notice
before we come to consider in further detail St. Paul's
view of the effects of communion. The first is the fact
that in 10^" St. Paul puts the cup before the bread.
We find the same thing in the Didache ; and if the
shorter text of St. Luke's Gospel be the right one,
we find it also there. This is certainly a noticeable
point. But, whatever may be the explanation in
St. Luke and in the Didache, it is not possible to
suppose that at Corinth the cup actually did precede
the bread. For the form of the naiTative of the
Last Supper which St. Paul gives (IP^"^^) places
the bread before the cup, and it is most unlikely
that that order was reversed in the Corinthian
Church. The explanation may be, as jSI. Goguel
suggests,* that the parallelism between the Lord's
Cup and the cup of libation at a heathen sacrifice
M'as closer than that between the eating of a
piece of bread and anything that took place
there. It may be for this reason that the cup
is mentioned before the bread. Or it may be
merely that the bread is put second because St.
Paul IS to speak at further length about it in the
next verse. But in any case it is misleading to
regard 10^* as having any real connexion with a
tradition of the cup having preceded the bread at
the Last Supper.
The second point is the phrase in 11^': 'Ye pro-
claim the Lord's death till he come.' The addi-
tion 'till he come' is reminiscent of Mk 14-^ and
parallels, though the saying, as recorded in the
Gospels, says nothing about the Lord's return, but
speaks only of the joys of the Messianic Kingdom,
to be shared by Him with Christians. The idea
implied in the phrase ' till he come ' is similar —
namely, that the Eucharist is but a provisional rite,
and looks forward to the day when communion with
Him shall be more direct in His Kingdom.
V\Q may now consider St. Paul's view of the
effects of communion, and here the main thing to
notice is the realistic character of St. Paul's thought.
Participation in the one loaf produces a unity
among Christians. ' Because there is one bread, we
who are many are one body, because we all partake
of that one bread' (10"). This unity is not the
cause but the eflect of the communion. There is
a close parallel to the eflect produced by participa-
tion in an idol-sacrifice, in which the worshippers
are united to one another as well as to the demon.
Besides this unity of believers which is produced
by participation, there is of course the communion
with the Body and Blood of Christ. It seems clear
that the parallel with the heathen sacrifices still
holds good. The communicant really enters into
communion with Christ conceived as a sacrificial
Victim. Whether this will be for his benefit or for
his undoing depends upon his own disposition ; but,
whatever his disposition may be, in no case is that
which he receives ordinary food. The bread since
it has been broken, and the cup since it has been
blessed, have assumed special characters. And it
is no light matter for anyone to partake.
Here the question must be faced whether St.
Paul's views on the subject of the Eucharist differed
from those of the Corinthians. It has been held
by W. Heitmiillert that St. Paul's conception
* Op. cit. p. 144, following Heinrici.
t Taufe und Abendmahl bei Paulus, Gottingen, 1903.
376
EUCHAEIST
EUCHAEIST
differed from theirs in that he believed that it Avas
tlie dying Christ -with whom the communicant
entered into communion, whereas they thought
rather of the glorified Christ. According to this
idea, in ch. 10 St. Paul adopts the view of the
Corinthians, but in ch. 11 he gives them his own
view. It is true that the behaviour of the Corinth-
ians at the supper would suggest at first sight that
their beliefs about it were of no very solemn charac-
ter, and it may seem strange that men who believed
that they were actually commemorating Christ's
Last Supper and Death, should treat the meal as
an opportunity for self-indulgence ; but it is by no
means impossible that this may have been so. St.
Paul's attitude throughout is that of a man who is
reminding others of what they already know rather
than of one who is giving new instruction. His
view of the nature of the Eucharist rests ultimately
upon his view of the institution, and as to this he
expressly states that he had given them instruction
before (11^). It is not an uncommon thing for men
to need to be reminded of a fact with which they
are perfectly well acquainted, nor indeed is it un-
common for men to act in a way which is quite
inconsistent with their religious beliefs, even though
these beliefs are quite honestly held. What the Cor-
inthians had learned about the Eucharist they had
learned from St. Paul. It is therefore unlikely that
their view of the Eucharist was essentially different
from his, though no doubt they may not have wholly
understood it. Some of his language suggests that
they thought that communion would benefit them
mechanically, and that their dispositions did not
much matter. This is in line with the general
view of them which we get from the Epistle as a
whole.* They laid stress on the value of yvQcns
and attached insufficient importance to morality.
If there is any point in which their views difiered
from St. Paul's, it is probably to be found here.
It may be that when he speaks of the possibility
of eating and drinking judgment unto themselves,
he is giving them new teaching. But this does not
involve the consequence that their intellectual
belief about the Eucharist was seriously different
from his, but rather that their conscience needed
to be awakened.
i. St. Paul's account of the institution of the
Eucharist. —The investigation of the relation be-
tween the various accounts which we possess be-
longs properly to the study of the Gospels. It
will be sufficient here to notice that, in spite of
verbal differences, St. Paul's account is much the
same as that of St. Mark and St. Matthew, except
that it contains the command of repetition, ' L)o
this in remembrance of Me,' which is otherwise
found only in the longer text of St. Luke. "Wiiether
this indicates Pauline influence upon the Gospels
is a difficult question, but one which does not fall
Avithin the scope of this article. St. Paul refers
the communion at Corinth back to an institution
by our Lord on the night of His betraj-al — an in-
stitution at which He alluded to His Death in
sacrificial terms, and commanded the performance
of the rite in memory of Himself. This narrative
of the institution (1 Co H^s-si) jg introduced by the
words iyco yap vapiXa^ov dirb rod Kvpiou, It has been
supposed that by this expression St. Paul means
to claim that he had received the whole narrative
of the institution, which he goes on to give, by
direct revelation from Christ. If this were bis
claim, it would very seriously affect the historic
value of St. Paul's evidence in the matter. But
his words do not necessarily bear any such mean-
ing. The theory has been put forward that we
have in these words an indication that the Eucliar-
ist as a rite was invented by St. Paul, and that he
was the first to connect the social meal of the Chris-
* See art. Cobinthians, Epistles to the.
tians with the Last Supper of the Lord. But it
seems by no means improbable that the words
imply merely that he had received it from the
Lord through tradition. There is no indication of
any disagreement between St. Paul and the other
apostles on this subject. And it has been pointed
out that it is most improbable that we owe to St.
Paul the mention of Christ's Body and Blood. If
he had himself been inventing his terms, he would
in all probability have spoken of Flesh and Blood.*
He seems to be lollowing tradition, or, at any rate,
to be under the impression that he is following
tradition, in his account of the Eucharist. The idea
that St. Paul's own views Avere much influenced by
conceptions current among Corinthian Christians
has no support in our authorities. He explicitly
states that the account of the institution is no new
teaching, but that he has taught it himself to the
Corinthians before ; and it is on this account of
the institution that his doctrine is based.
Moreover, the theory that St. Paul's doctrine of
the Eucharist was peculiar to himself, and arose in
the first place owing to purely local causes at
Corinth, fails to account for the universality of the
Eucharist. If it was only St. Paul and some of
his converts for whom the Eucharist was a real
religious rite — if, that is to say, it was St. Paul
who gave a religious significance to what was at
first merely a social meal — the universal adoption
of St. Paul's ideas constitutes a serious historical
problem. Other doctrines of St. Paul by no means
met with such wide-spread acceptance. His doc-
trine of justification was hardly understood at all
by anyone until the time of St. Augustine. But
we know of no church without a Eucharist. Even
in the Didache it is a definite rite, though its
significance is doubtful. It stands with Baptism
as one of the two rites which belong to Christianity.
Development no doubt there was. The ' breaking
of the bread' in the primitive community at
Jerusalem did not carry with it all the ideas which
were associated with the Eucharist at Corinth.
But even there it is a religious rite, and not a mere
social meal.
The Didache appears to show us a community
where the doctrine of the Eucharist had not
developed on Pauline lines. There is no clear re-
ference to its connexion with the Last Supper. It
is tempting to bring into line with this the 'break-
ing of the bread ' in the Acts, and to suppose that
there too there was no thought of the Last Supper,
And in favour of this view might be alleged the
fact that there is no mention of the Eucharistic
cup in the Acts of the Apostles, which may be sup-
posed to indicate an absence of sacrificial concep-
tions. But all this is a most dangerous form of
the argument a silentio. For the writer of the
Acts has no occasion to speak of the ideas which
Christians associated with the 'breaking of the
bread.' So his silence on the matter is absolutely
worthless as negative evidence. And, though there
is no mention of a Eucharistic cup, it is extremely
unlikely that at Troas there was no such cup, in
view of the fact that Troas was a Pauline church.
The Acts makes no mention of a cup. This is
natural enough, for the writer is not giving a full
account of the proceedings. But exactly the same
consideration aijplies to the ' breaking of the bread '
at Jerusalem. The fact that no cup is mentioned
is no sort of evidence that the meal did not include
the blessing and partaking of a cup. If it did so,
the writer of the Acts could hardly have framed
his sentence so as to include a mention of it ; and
there is no reason why he should have done so.
As has been pointed out above, if it had not been
for accidental circumstances at Corinth, we should
not have heard anything about the Eucharist in
• Heitmiiller, op. eit. p. 26.
l.U(JHAKiST
EUODIA
377
St. Paul's Epistles, and should have supposed that
the Pauline churches in St. Paul's time knew of
no such rite. This fact is in itself a sufficient
warning against the danger of drawing conclusions
from the silence of a "writer.
In the absence of more definite evidence, no
theory can be more than a hypotliesis. But the
facts are best accounted for by the hypothesis that
the ' breaking of bread ' was from the beginning a
religious rite associated with a social meal, in which
Christians commemorated the Last Supper of our
Lord with His apostles. As Cliristians came in-
creasingly to realize the significance of our Lord's
Death as a sacrifice, a conception which was popu-
larized bj' St. Paul, but which had its roots in the
consciousness and teaching of Jesus about the
necessity of His Death for the coming of the King-
dom, they came to realize increasingly the signifi-
cance of this rite, and of the words which Jesus
had spoken at the Last Supper. These words could
not be understood until the sacrificial aspect of the
Lord's Death was realized. But, when that was
understood, then the rite of the ' breaking of the
bread ' was bound to be seen by Christians to have
the significance which St. Paul attached to it and
which was implicit in it from the first, although
not fully understood — the significance of the parti-
cipation by the communicant in Christ, conceived
of as the sacrificial Victim. It may be supposed
that the Church represented by the Didache had
not attained to the understanding of the sacrificial
character of Christ's Death, and therefore had
failed to appreciate the meaning of the Eucharist.
S. The Greek mystery-religions. — The view
which has been widely held, that St. Paul derived
his conceptions about the Eucharist from the Greek
mystery-religions, is excluded by the hypothesis
which has just been put forward. No doubt there
is a real sense in which Christianity is a mystery-
religion. It meets and satisfies the same needs
which are met by mystery-religions in the Graeco-
Roman world, and it is certainly possible that St.
Paul may have been influenced by the intellectual
and religious atmosphere of the world in which he
was born and in which he laboured. But it must
be remembered that he was educated in Jerusalem
at the feet of Gamaliel. And his Rabbinical
training certainly exercised a great influence upon
his mind. It is hardly conceivable that the author
of the 1st chapter of Romans would have allowed
himself to be directly influenced by any particular
heathen cult. It is true that he treats the Eucha-
rist as analogous to the heathen sacrificial feasts,
but it is only to emphasize the contrast between
them. H e is certainly unconscious of any borrowing
from them.
We know exceedingly little about the mystery-
religions which were current in the time of St.
Paul.* But it may be noted that Johannine
Eucharistic teaching has at first sight much more
in common with the later mysteries than that
of St. Paul. The very able argument of A.
Schweitzer, t by which St. Paul's Eucharistic doc-
trine is explained on the basis of Jewish eschato-
logy, perhaps hardly carries conviction as a whole,
but his criticism of those who allege Greek influence
is very telling. He points out that St. Paul's
theology exercised very little influence on the
Grseco-Roman world, and was not understood by
the Greek Fathers. This carries with it the strong
probability that St. Paul's theology was not really
Greek, but Jewish. Schweitzer's interpretation is
that we are to look for an explanation of St. Paul's
sacramental doctrine in the condition of the world
between the Death of Jesus and His Coming, ex-
pected to be immediate. ' The Apostle asserts an
* See art. Mystery, Mysteeies.
t Paid and his Interpreters, Eng. tr., London, 193 2.
overlapping of the still natural, and the already
supernatural, condition of the world, which becomes
real in the case of Christ and believers in the form
of an open or hidden working of the forces of death
and resun-ection.'* He maintains that this is not
Greek, but Jewish. It should, however, be admitted
that the form of some of St. Paul's statements may
be due to the atmosphere in which he lived and
worked. What is here maintained is that the
general teaching of St. Paul on the subject is more
easily explained by the hypothesis that it is not
drawn from Greek sources, but is an explication of
something that was already implicit in the ' break-
ing of bread ' of the earliest community, and was a
true interpretation of the actual intention of Jesus.
LirERATTRE. — To the books mentioned in Ihe tert and foot-
notes of the article, the following maj- be added : HDB, art.
' Lord's Supper ' (A. Piummer) ; ERE, art. ' Eucharist (to end
of Middle A^es)* (J. H. Srawley) ; EBi, art. 'Eucharist' (J.
Armitage Robinson) ; PRE'^, arte. ' Abendniahl' (Cremer and
Loofs) ; F. Spitta, Ziir Geschichte und Litteratur des Urchris-
tentums, i., Gottingen, 1893 ; C. Gore, Dissertations on Subjects
connected tvith the Incarnation, London, 1S95, p. 308, also The
Body of Christ, do. 1901 ; A. Schweitzer, Das Abendinahl im
Zusammenhang mit dem Leben Jesu U7id der Geschichte des
Urchristentnm-s, Tiibingen, 1901 ; W. B. Frankland, The Early
Eucharist, Ijondon, 1902 ; J. F. Bethune-Baker, An Introduc-
tion to the Early History of Chri-slian Doctrine, do. 1903, p. 393 ;
J. C. Lambert, The Sacraments in the ST (Kerr Lecture),
Edinburgh, 1903 ; R. M. Adamson, The Christian Doctrine of
the Lord's Supper, do. 1905; P. N. Waggett, The Holy
Eucharist, London, 1906 ; J. V. Bartlet, in Mansfield College
Essays, do. 19()9, p. 43 ; D. Stone, A History of the Doctrine of
the Holy Eucharist, do. 1909 ; J. Wordsworth, The Holy Com-
munion-), do. 1910; F. Dibelius, Das Abendmahl, Leipzig,
1911 ; P. Gardner, The Religious Experience of St. Paiu,
London, 1911 ; W, Heitmiiller, Taufe und Abendinahl im
Urchristentum, Tiibingen, 1911. G. H. CLAYTON.
EUNICE {E^vvIkti ; the spelling E^yef/cij of TR is
erroneous). — Eunice, the mother of Timothy (2 Ti
P) is referred to in Ac 16^ as a Jewess who believed.
Her husband, however, was a Greek, and we find
that, although she was a Jewess, she had refrained
from circumcising her son, probably out of respect
for her husband's opinions. The grandmother of
Timothy is alluded to as Lois [q.v.], and she was in
all likelihood the mother of Eunice. Some have
put forward the conjecture that, as both Lois and
Eunice are Greek names, the women were Jewish
proselytes, but this is improbable ; nor is it likely
that the father of Timothy was in any way attached
to the Jewish religion. The Apostle refers to the
faith of both Lois and Eunice (2 Ti P) and to their
careful training of Timothy in the Jewish scrip-
tures (3'^). As we find Eunice described as a ' Jew-
ess who believed,' on St. Paul's second visit to
Lystra (Ac 16^), she was probably converted to
Christianity on the Apostle's first visit to the
town. One of the cursives (25) adds the word
XTjpas in Ac 16^ ; and although this is undoubtedly
a marginal gloss that crept into the text, it may
refer to an early tradition that Eunice was a
widow at the date of the Apostle's visit to Lystra,
and would give added emphasis to the injunction
of 1 Ti 5* regarding the treatment of widows by
their children or grandchildren. W. F. Boyd.
EUNUCH.— See Chamberlain and Ethiopl^
Eunuch.
EUODIA (EuoSta). — The AV reads Euodias.
The word in the Greek text occurs in the accusative
case, 'EvoUav, and the translators mistakenly re-
garded this as the accusative of a masculine form
Ei^oSias, and supposed the bearer of the name to be
a man. But the word is the name of a woman
corresponding to the male form Ei}65ios, which is
also found in Greek literature, several early
Christian bishops being so called.
Euodia was a woman, prominent in the Church
of PhUippi, who had a difi'erence of opinion with
* Op. cit. p. 244 f.
378
EUPHKATES
EUTYCHUb
Sjmtyche (q.v.). The Apostle exhorts them to be
' of the same mind in the Lord' (Ph 4-). We have
no means of ascertaining the nature of the con-
troversy between the two women, who may have
been deaconesses, but were more probably prominent
female members of the Church, of tlie tyjte of
Lydia of Ac 16"' '^ In fact, it has been sugj^ested
that one of the two may have been Lydia [q.v.)
herself, as the term ' Lj'dia ' may not be a personal
name at all, but may mean simply ' the Lydian,'
or the native of the province of Lydia in which
Thyatira, the home of the woman, was situated.
This, however, cannot possiblj^ be verified. The
difference between the two was more probably of the
nature of a religious controversy than of a personal
quarrel. The Apostle in the following verse refers
to their previous services on behalf of the gospel
as a reason why they should be given every assist-
ance to come to a better state of mind. The
Synzygus (AV 'true yoke-fellow,' but probably a
proper name), whom the Apostle exhorts to help
the women towards reconciliation and who is re-
minded of their previous assistance to the Apostle,
may have been the husband of one or other of the
women (see SYNZYGUS). The theory of Baur and
the Tubingen school that Euodia and Syntyche
are symbolical names for the Jewish and Gentile
tendencies in the early Church is untenable, and
has fallen into disrepute. It is inconsistent with
the simple tenor of the Epistle as a whole, and
such a mysterious reference would certainly not
have been understood by the first readers.
W. F. Boyd.
EUPHRATES.— The Euphrates was a famous
river of ^Mesopotamia, Its chief interest for us
in the Apostolic Age is its adoption as a term in
the allegorical apparatus of Christian polemic and
apologetic. In Rev 9^^ the sixth angel is ordered
to release the four angels who were bound at the
river Euphrates, and in 16^'^ the sixth angel dries
up the Euphrates for the coming of the kings of
the East. We have here an allusion to the Nero-
legend which told that Nero had fled to the East,
to the jNIedes and Persians, beyond the river
Euphrates, and would again cross the river accom-
panied by myriads of soldiers and make war on
Rome (Sib. Or. iv. 119-122, 137-139), In accord-
ance with this legend, a second pseudo-Nero ap-
peared on the Euphrates under Titus in A.D. 80
(cf, R. H, Charles, The Ascension of Isaiah, 1900,
pp. Iviii-lxi), In both the Apocalyptic verses,
however, we have more than an allusion to a
Parthian incursion. In the allegorical language of
the period, as Egypt was the type of bodily life, so
was Mesopotamia of spiritual (cf. Hippol, Bef. v,
3 : * Mesopotamia is the current of the great ocean
flowing from the midst of the Perfect Man '). On
the other hand, by another symbol the Euphrates
stood for the power of the earthly kingdom and the
waves of persecutors [e.f/. in Bede, Explan. Apoc.
ii. 9 [Migne, Patr. Lcit. xciii. 159]), or for the
human as opposing the Divine,
Thus, interpreting the mind of the apostolic
period by its legacy to subsequent ages, Rupertus
understands the waters of Euphrates in the Apoca-
lypse as the foolish reasonings of men dried up by
tlie judgment of God in order that the saints of
Ilim who is the 'East' may destroy 'the deceits
of the magi, the vain inventions of philosophers
and the lictions of the poets' (Com. in Apoc. ix. 16
[Migne, Patr. Lat. clxix. 1123]). Also, as the
iMiplirates was the boundary of Paradise and of
tlie realm of Solomon, it came to signify the reason
of man as the boundary to be passed by the
si)iritual man before he could see the light of the
eternal day. In this way the evil condition of
Hiiphrates passed easily into the conception of it as
the water of baptism, Philo has yet another inter-
pretation (de Sornn. ii. 255), Referring to Gn IS'**,
he says that the river of Egypt represents the body
and the river Euphrates the soul, and that the
spiritual man's juristliction extends from the world
of change and destruction to the world of incor-
ruption, the two terms 'river of Egypt' and 'river
Euphrates ' being thus opposed as blame and praise
are opposed, so that man may choose the one and
eschew the other. W. F. Cobb.
EURAQUILO {eipaK6\u}v).—1\\\s, word is found
nowhere in ancient literature except in Ac 27'^.
It is the name given to the tempestuous wind
(dvefios tv<Pwvik6s, vorticosus, 'whirling') which,
suddenly beating down from the central mountains
of Crete, caught St. Paul's ship in its passage from
Fair Havens to Phcenice, drove it to the island of
Cauda, and finally wrecked it on the coast of Malta.
The word is a hybrid, made up of Eurus (evpos),
the east wind — an ordinary meaning in the Latin
poets, though edpos properly meant the south-east
— and Aquilo, the north-east wind, so that it de-
notes the east-north-east wind, ' Euro - auster '
( = e{ip6voTOi) is an analogous compound, Enraquilo
corresponded to the Greek Kaidas, for which the
Latins had no specific name : ' Quem ab oriente
solstitiali excitatum Graeci KaiKidv vocant, apud
nos sine nomine est' (Seneca, Nat. Quaest. v. 16).
St. Luke avoids the correct Greek term, character-
istically preferring the vivid language which he
had doubtless heard the mariners themselves use.
His addition 6 KaXorj/j.ei'os perhaps indicates that he
knew the word to be confined to nautical slang.
It was doubtless coined by the sailors and traders
of the Levant, whose successors at the present day
still call the dreaded wind the ' Gregalia ' — the final
form of the corruption of 'Euraquilo,' just as
' Egripou ' is of ' Euripus.'
€vpoK\v5uv (TR ; ' Euroclydon,' AV) is one of a
great number of textual variants. It appears in
two 9th cent, uncials, H and L, and the majority
of the cursives. The oldest authorities, NAB,
have evpaKvXuv ; in the Codices Beza3 and Ephra?mi
the account of the voyage is wanting, A reviser
of the Vaticanus has inserted T over A and A after
K, and has altered AflN into AfiX, but in so doing-
he has left the right foot of the A visible beyond
the corner of his own A.
Lfterature. — J. Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul,
1880, p. 119 f. ; E. Renan, St. Paul, 1869, p. 551 ; Conybeare
and Howson, St. Paul, 1S77, ii. 402.
James Strahan.
EUROCLYDON.— See Eueaquilo,
EUTYCHUS (EvTvxos). — A young man who
listened to St, Paul preaching at Troas on his final
journey to Jerusalem (Ac 20''^-). As tlie Apostle
was leaving the next day, he continued his speech
till midnight, evidently in a crowded and over-
heated upper room where many torches were burn-
ing. Eutychus, who was seated at the window, fell
asleep, and, falling down from the third storey, was
' taken up dead ' (ijp0T] veKp6s). The narrative states
that St, Paul went down, embraced the lad, and
told the company not to trouble themselves as life
was still in him. Then he went upstairs, broke
bread, and continued speaking till morning. As they
weredeparting Eutychus was brouglit to them alive.
Various theories have been put forward to explain
or explain away this incident. Some suppose that
the youth was only stunned by his fall, and
appeai'ed to the spectators to be dead ; others that
the whole story is unhistorical, and merely intended
as a parallel to the narrative of St. Peter's raising
of Dorcas (Ac 9'""''^). But the narrative leaves
little doubt of the intention of the historian to
relate a miracle. As Ramsay (St. Paul the
Traveller, p. 291) points out, the passage belongs
EVANGELIST
EVE
379
to the ' Ave ' sections of Acts, and Luke, as a medical
man, uses precise medical terms, and as an eye-
witness certainly means to state that Eutychus
was really dead. The words ijpdri veKpos can
only bear that significance, otherwise we should
have, as in Mk 9-*^, uael veKpos, ' as one dead.' There
is no doubt tiiat the incident is related as an
instance of the power of the Apostle to work
miracles, and that the historian believed him to
have done so on this occasion.
LiTERATrRE. — W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 1895,
p. 290 ; E. Zeller, Acts, Eng. tr., 1875-76, ii. p. 62 ; H. J
Holtzma.nn, Hand-Kommentar'^, 'Die Apostelgesch.,' 1892, p.
402 ; R. J. Knowling, EQT, ' Acts,' 1900, p. iii.
W. F. Boyd.
EYANGELIST. — 'Evangelist' comes from ei;a77eX-
i^eaOai, ' to evangelize ' or ' publish good tidings,'
a verb which is fairly common in the LXX, and
is very frequent in the writings of St. Luke and in
the Epistles, especially the four great Epistles of
St. Paul. This verb is derived from evayyeXiov,
' good tidings,' especially the good tidings of the
evangel or gospel. ' Evangelist ' is found in only
three passages in the Bible. Philip, one of the
Seven, is so called in one of the 'we' sections of
Acts (2P), which may mean that he was the evan-
gelist out of the Seven, i.e. the only one, or far the
best. Again, St. Paul, in his list of live kinds of
ministers which have been given by Christ to His
Church (Eph 4^'), places ' evangelists' after ' apostles'
and ' prophets ' and before ' pastors ' and ' teachers ' ;
and ' evangelists ' may be classed with the two
groups which precede. ' Apostles, prophets, and
evangelists' were itinerant ministers, preaching
wherever they found a door opened to them, while
' pastors and teachers ' were attached to some con-
gregation or locality. Philip was a travelling
missionary. He went from Jerusalem to preach
in Samaria, was on the road to Gaza when he
converted the eunuch, was afterwards at Azotus
(Ashdod), ' and passing through he preached the
gospel to all the cities, till he came to Ctesarea '
(Ac 8*' ^'^- ^*'). Possibly prophets commonly preached
to believers, evangelists to unbelievers, while
apostles addressed either. This would agree with
the frequently quoted dictum, that ' every apostle
is an evangelist, but not every evangelist is an
apostle.' There is at any rate some evidence that
those who acted as missionaries to the heathen
were called evangelists. The word itself points to
this — ' publishers of good tidings.' It is when the
first Christians were ' scattered abroad, and went
about preaching the word' after the martyrdom
of Stephen, that the verb ' to publish the good
tidings ' is often used by St. Luke (Ac 8^- ^2- ^- ss. •lO) .
and Philip ' the evangelist ' is one of these preachers.
An evangelist would know the gospel narrative
thoroughly, and would be capable of explaining
it, as Philip did to the eunuch. But we need not
suppose that Eph 4'^ gives us five orders of ministers
specially appointed to discharge five ditlerent kinds
of duties. No such organization existed. The
distinctions of ministry lay in the work that was
done by individual workers, and that depended on
their personal gifts, which often overlapped (West-
cott, Epkesians, 1906, pp. 169-171). Philip was
called ' the evangelist' because of his good work in
preaching to the heathen. The third passage is
2 Ti 4^, where Timothy is charged to ' do the work
of an evangelist ' in addition to his other duties.
He is in charge of the Church at Ephesus in place
of St. Paul ; but he is not to omit the work of en-
deavouring to convert unbelievers.
'Evangelist,' rare in the NT, is not found in the
Apostolic Fathers or in the Didache. The use of
the word for a writer of a Gospel is later, and the
use for one who read the gospel in public worship
is perhaps later still. AVhen the reader (ava-yvthaT-qs
or lector), an official first mentioned by Tertullian
(de Prcescr. 41), expounded what he read, he re-
sembled the evangelists of apostolic times ; but the
latter had no written gospel to expound ; they
expounded the oral gospel, which they knew by
heart. The description of them given by Eusebius
[HE iii. 37), though somewhat rhetorical, is worthy
of quotation.
' They preached the gospel more and more widely and
scattered the saving seeds of the Kingdom of Heaven broadly
throughout the whole world. For, indeed, very many of the
disciples of that time (i.e. disciples of the apostles), whose soul
had been stricken by the Divine Word with a more ardent love
for philosophy (i.e. the ascetic life), had previously fulfilled
the Saviour's injunction by distributing their possessions to the
needy. Then setting out on long journeys they performed the
dutj' of evangelists, being eager to preach Christ to those who
had never yet heard anything of the word of faith, and to pass
on to them the Scripture of the Divine Gospels. These men
were content with simply laying foundations of the faith in
various foreign places, and then appointed others as pastors,
entrusting them with the husbandry of those newly reclaimed,
while they themselves went on again to other countries and
nations with the grace and co-operation of God.'
Harnack {Mission and Expansion of Christi-
anity'-, 1908, i. 321 n.) thinks that 'evangelists' has
been inserted in Eph 4^^ into the usual list of
' apostles, prophets, and teachers ' because this
circular Epistle is addressed to churches which
had been founded by missionaries who were not
apostles ; also (p. 338) that ' evangelists ' were not
placed next to the ' apostles,' because the combina-
tion ' apostles and prophets ' was too well estab-
lished to be disturbed. There was no such close
connexion between ' prophets ' and ' teachers.' The
shortness of the list of gifted and given persons in
Eph 4" as compared with the three lists in 1 Co 12
may be taken as evidence that the regular exercise
of extraordinary gifts was already dying out. Yet
in the short list in Eph 4'^ there are two items
which are not found in any of the other lists, viz.
' evangelists ' and ' pastors. '
LiTERATURB. — In addition to the works quoted, see J. H.
Bernard on 2 Ti 45 (The Pastoral Epistles [Camb. Gr. Test
1899]) ; R. J. Knov7lingr on Ac 218 jn EGT, 1900 ; P. BatifFol,
Primitive Catholicism, Eng. tr., 1911, p. 51 ; artt. in HDB,
SDB, DCG, and EBi. A, PLUMMEE.
EYE (E£>a).— Eve was (according to J, Gn 3^° 4})
the wife of Adam [q.v.) and the mother of the
human race. (1) St. Paul recalls the story of her
fall as a warning to his young and attractive, but
weak and unstable, Corinthian Church. As God
presented Eve, a pure virgin, to Adam, so St. Paul
has espoused his Church to Christ, and hopes to
present her as His bride at His speedy return. He
fears, however, that as the serpent beguiled Eve
in his craftiness, so the Church may be corrupted
from the simplicity and purity of her devotion to
Christ. St. Paul's noun iravovpyia (craftiness) re-
presents the Heb. oni; of Gn 3^ better than the
adjective (f)p6vi/j.os of the LXX does. It was appar-
ently the teaching of the Rabbis that the serpent
literally seduced Eve (4 Mac 18""^ ; cf. Iren. c. Hccr.
I. XXX. 7) ; and a Church which should let herself
be drawn away from Christ, who has the right to
His bride's whole-hearted love, w^ould be guUty of
spiritual fornication. The identification of the
serpent with the devil, which was far from the
thoughts of the writer of Gn 3, first appears in
Wis 2--', ' But by the envy of the devil death
entered into the world' (cf. Eo W>, Rev W 20^).
(2) The writer of 1 Tim. (2i3-i'») uses the story of
the Fall for the purpose of proving woman's natural
inferiority to man. He remarks that man was
not beguiled, but that 'the woman' — a word
spoken with the same accent of contempt as in
Gn 3^2 — being beguiled, fell into transgression.
The writer appears to think, like Milton, that the
man knew better, and sinned, not under stress of
380
EVERLASTING
EVIL
temptation, but in generous sympathy vnth his
frail partner, whose fate he resolved to share.
This is, of course, a man's account of the origin of
f;in, and happily the original story, with all the
Rabbinical and other unworthy inferences that
have been dra^^^l fi'om it, is no longer among the
Christian credenda. James Stkahan.
EVERLASTING.— See ETERNAL.
EYIL. — This article is not a study of the word
'evil' as substantive, adjective, or adverb in the
two senses of 'bad 'and 'hurtful,' for which the
use of a concordance may suffice ; but of the con-
ception of evil in the apostolic writings. Three
senses of the term have been distinguished by
Leibniz : metaphysical — the necessary imperfection
of the creature as compared with the Creator ;
physical — pain, suffering, sorrow, death ; and moral
— sin. Although the NT does assert the difference
between God and the world and man, and the in-
feriority of the made to the Maker, it does not
conceive creatureliness as itself evil, but expresses
its limitation and impotence in the term 'flesh.'
For this aspect see art. Flesh, The art. Sin deals
with the third sense of the word ' evil.' It is thus
with physical evil alone that we are here concerned.
Its existence in manifold forms is assumed by all
the apostolic Avriters ; but generally it is with the
sufferings of Christian believers, including persecu-
tion, that they are concerned, in order to encourage
patience, offer comfort, or assure deliverance.
What these sorrows were, Paul's account of his
own experience shows (Ac 20^^'^^ 2 Co P^" 6^'^"
1123-33. (,f_ jiq 8^36)_ This experience is regarded
as a sharing of Christ's sufferings (2 Co P, 1 P 4^^),
and even as a completion of that suffering for the
good of the Church (Col 1^). ' Paul does not
claim to fill up the defects in Christ's earthlj^ suffer-
ing or in the sufferings of the Church, but in the
sufferings which he has to endure in his flesh,
which are Christ's sufferings, because he and Christ
are one ' (Peake, EGT, ' Col.,' 1903, p. 515). Suffer-
ing is a means of entering into closer fellowship
with Christ (Ph 3^°). As suffering was a condition
of perfecting Christ Himself for His work (He
210. 14.15 415 58.9 728)^ gQ ^Iso it pcrfccts Christian
character if properly endured (Ito 5^, 1 Th P, He
10^, 1 P 5^°). It is to be regarded not as penal,
but as chastening (He 12'-", Ja l--* 5^^). It can-
not separate from the love of God (Ro S^'-^^), and it
prepares for, and secures, the glory hereafter (Eph
3'*, Rev 7'^), with which it is not worthy to be
compared (Ro 8^^), since the companions of Christ's
sufferings will also be the partners of His reign
(Ro 817, 2 Co P, Ph 3»«, 2 Ti 2"-i3, i P 4^3). Of all
evils death is regarded as the greatest, and in Paul
we find a painful shrinking from it (2 Co S'^^) ; ac-
cordingly, it is evident how precious a comfort was
the Christian hope of immortality and resurrection
(Ro 8"''^). Since death is regarded as the penalty
of sin (Ro 512-21 6^1-23, 1 Co 15-i- - 56)^ tj^e salvation
in Christ includes deliverance from death for the
believer, and finally the abolition of death (1 Co
1521-28, 2 Ti po) and all other evils (Rev 2P).
Behind death, sin, and all evil, the Apostolic
Church saw the devil and other powers of wicked-
ness (Eph 427, 1 Th 3«, He 2", Ja 4^ 1 P 5^ 1 Jn 5^^,
Rev 12^), and accordingly Christ's work, especially
His death (Col 2i*), Avas regarded as a victory over
all evil powers (1 Jn 3^).
This teaching is for the most part experimental
and practical, and can still minister comfort and
encouragement to the Christian believer. There
are two speculative elements in it which modern
Christian faith cannot unquestioninglj' accept — the
connexion of death with sin as its penalty, and the
existence of the devil and other evil powers. As
regards the first point, the writer ventures to re-
peat a few sentences he has written elsewhere.
' It is generally admitted that death is a natural
necessity for animal organisms such as man's, and
that before man was in the world death prevailed.
It seems vain to justify Paul by speculations such
as these : that God anticipating sin introduced
death into the natural order as a penalty already
prepared for sin, or that, had man preserved his
innocence, he might have risen above this natural
necessity. Paul's interest is primarily in the moral
character and the religious consciousness. What
he was concerned with Avas man's sense of the
mystery and dread of the desolation of death,
man's looking for judgment after death. In such
totality, including Avhat man thinks of, and feels
about, death, surely Paul's view of the connexion
between sin and death is not altogether false. It
is man's sense of guilt that invests death with its
terror (1 Co 15^^). Nor are we warranted in say-
ing that conscience here is playing tricks on man,
frightening him with illusions. If there be indeed
a moral order in the world, an antagonism of God
to sin, and if, as there is reason to believe, there is
a moral continuity between this life and the next,
such a change as death is may be conceived as
fraught Avith moral significance, as introducing the
soul into such conditions as have been determined
by the judgment of God on the moral character of
this life' (Studies of Paul and his Gospel, 1911, pp.
146-7). As regards the second point, one sentence
regarding Paul Avill suffice. ' In his cosmology,
angelology, and demonology, as Avell as his eschat-
ology, he remains essentially JeAvish' (q;>. cit. p. 17) ;
and this is equally true of the Avhole Apostolic
Church. Christian faith need not burden itself
Avith this load of Jewish beliefs.
There are tAvo passages in Avhich Paul attempts
a theodicy (Ro 8*^-2^ and 9-11), the first dealing
Avith Nature and the second Avith human history.
In the first passage he attributes to Nature con-
sciousness of, and a dissatisfaction Avith, its present
imperfection — a desire for, and an expectation of,
its completion. He includes Nature in man's griev-
ous disaster, but also in his glorious destiny. As
by the sin he has committed he has brought misery,
so by the grace he avLU receive he Avill impart bless-
ing. We are unable to accept ' Paul's account of
the origin of physical evil as altogether due to man's
sin. There can, hoAveA^er, be no doubt that man
has a vital, organic relation to his environment.
The evolution of the Avorld and the development of
humanity are not independent but connected pro-
cesses. If Ave are Avarranted in believing in the pro-
gress of the race, we are justified in hoping for a
correspondent and consequent transformation of
the universe. For the perfect man Ave may expect
the perfect home' (Romaics [Century Bible, 1901],
p. 193). In the second passage Ave are not here con-
cerned Avith the argument as a Avhole, but only with ■
Paul's conclusion, that, as the unbelief of the Jews
has opened the door for the faith of the Gentiles, so
the gathering in of the Gentiles Avill lead to the
restoration of the Jcavs. ' For God hath shut up all
unto disobedience, that he might have mercy upon
all ' (Ro 1 p2). Without ascribing to Paul on the
ground of this and similar passages a dogmatic
universalism, against which tliere is contrary evi-
dence throughout the NT, we may assign to the
Apostolic Church the hope of the final victory of
Christ over all evil. The apostolic attitude toAvards
the problem of evil cannot be described as optimism,
for the reality of sin and pain is too seriously and
sympathetically recognizetl, nor as 'pessimism, for
tne possibility of redemption is too confidently and
persuasively urged, but it may be s])oken of as
Tueliorism, iox it has the faith Avhich claims a
present salvation for every believer, and the hope
EVIL-SPEAKING
EXCOI^aiUJSICATIO^S^
381
of a final fulfilment of God's purpose of grace, and
both are linked -with a love that sees in human
need and pain an opportunity for service and sacri-
fice, in which man can regard himself as a fellow-
worker with God in the solution of the problem
of evil. To revert to the distinctions made in
the beginning of this article, the apostolic view
recognizes no metaphysical evil, for to be the
creature, subject, and child of God, is for man only
good ; it lirxks physical with moral evil, and makes
deliverance from pain dependent on salvation from
sin ; and it throws all the emphasis on moral evil ;
for it is concerned not with the speculative intellect,
but only with the moral conscience and religious
consciousness of man.
LrrEBATURB.— W. Beyschlagr, NT Theology, Eng. tr., 1895,
L 228, iL 107 ; G. B. Stevens, Theology of the ST, 1899, pp. 187,
375; T. V. Haering, The Christian Faith, En^'. tr., 1913, ii.
562-577 ; J. Martineau, A Study of Religion'^, lsS9, ii. 49-132 ;
A. B. Bruce, Apologetics, 1892, p. 63 ; A. M. Fairbairn, The
Philosophy of the Christian Religion, 1902, pp. 94-168 ; G. W.
Leibniz, Es'sais de Thiodicee sur la Bonti ds Dieu, la Liberie de
rhomme et I'Origine du mal, 1710.
Alfred E. Garvie.
EYIL-SPEAKING.— In Greek, as in English,
there is a rich vocabulary expressive of dili'erent
shades of this prevalent sin.
(1) KaraXaXeitf is 'to speak do-\\Ti,' 'to detract.'
KardXaXot is translated 'backbiters' (Ro P"), and
KaraXaXiai ' backbitings ' (2 Co 12-"), but evil-speak-
ing does not necessarily take place behind the back,
or in the absence of the person hated. KardXaXoi form
one of the many types which are the outcome of the
reprobate mind (Ko 1*°), and Christian converts, as
new-born babes, must put away all KaraXaXiai. (1 P
2^' ^ ; cf. Ja 4"). The best people in the world cannot
escape the breath of detraction, and in the Apos-
tolic Age the Christians were regarded as ' genus
hominum superstitionis novae et maleficae' (Suet.
Nero, 16), accused of ' odium generis humani ' (Tac.
A7171. XV. 44), and suspected of committing the most
infamous crimes in their secret assemblies. In such
an atmosphere of calumny they made it their en-
deavour to live in such a manner that their detrac-
tors should not only be put to shame (1 P 3'^), but
even constrained by their good works to glorify
God (212 . cf, Mt 5i»).
(2) ^Xaacp-qfieiv {j3Xd<r<prifios, pXacr<p7jfj.la) is a stronger
term, including all kinds of evil-speaking against
men as well as against God. In a number of pas-
sages it is difficult to decide whether ' blaspheme '
or ' rail ' is the precise meaning of the word (Ac
13^' I8« 26" etc.). St. Paul has a full share of
fi\a(T(py}iJ.la ; he is 'evil spoken of (1 Co ICP) and
'slanderously reported' (Ro 3*). While the Gen-
tiles speak evil of the followers of Christ (1 P 4^),
the latter must calumniate no man (Tit 3*) ; railing
(BXaa-<p7]ixia) is one of the sins of temper and tongue
which they are repeatedly enjoined to put away
(Eph 4^^, Col 3^). At the same time tney must
strive to prevent their ' good,' or ' the word of God,'
or 'the way of truth,' or 'the name of God and
the doctrine,' from being blasphemed, or evil spoken
of (Ro 14i«, Tit 25, 2 P 22, 1 Ti 6^). St. Paul affirms
that the name of God is blasphemed among the
Gentiles because of the Jews (Ro 2^^). The false
teachers and libertines of the sub-Apostolic Age
spoke evil of the powers of the unseen world (2 P
2"*, Jude '") ; and their empty logomachies gave
rise to mutual railings {^Xaa-iprifilai, 1 Ti G'*). See,
further, art. Blasphemy.
(3) Sid^oXos (from dia^aXXu, Lk 16'), which de-
notes, /car' i^oxv", the ' chief slanderer,' or ' devil,' is
applied also to any ordinary calumniator. Women
who are called to the office of the diaconate must
not be slanderers (1 Ti 3''), and the same applies to
aged women who are to influence the younger by
their words and example (Tit 2^). In grievous post-
apostolic times, which seemed the last, many bad
types of character became prominent, including
didl3oXoi (2 Ti 3^).
(4) XoiSopelv (a word of uncertain derivation) is
invariably translated ' revile ' in the RV, whereas
the AV nas 'rail' and 'speak reproachfully' as
variations. St. Paul says of the apostles that
being reviled they bless (1 Co 4 '2) ; that the so-
called brother who is a reviler {Xoidopos) is to be
shunned (5") ; and that revilers shall not inherit
the Kingdom of God (6"^). For seeming to revile
the high priest Ananias in a moment of just anger,
St. Paul was quick to make apology (Ac 24*). In
a time of persecution St. Peter turns the minds of
his readers to the perfect example of Christ, who,
being reviled, reviled not again (1 P 2^), and bids
them render, as He did, ' contrariwise blessing '
m.
(5) Analagous terms are KaKoXoyetp, ' to speak
evil of (Ac 19**), avriXiyeiv, 'to speak against'
(2822), and 5va-<pr]fj.La, ' evil report,' which the servant
of Christ learns to accept, equally with eicpij/Mla, as
part of his lot (2 Co 6®). ' Being defamed (5i/cr-
(jiriixovixevoi), we bless' (1 Co 4'^).
James Strahan.
EXALTATION.— See Ascension.
EXCOMMUNICATION.— Excommunication is a
form of ecclesiastical censure involving exclusion
from the membership of the Church. Such ex-
clusion may be temporary or permanent. It may
cut oti' the oflender from aU communion and every
privilege, or it may be less severe, allowing some
intercourse and certain benefits.
1. The term. — The word 'excommunication' is
not found in AV or RV, nor are the obsolete forms
' excommunion ' (Milton), 'excommenge' (Holin-
shed), ' excommuned ' (Gayton). There are general
references to the subject, and one or two cases are
mentioned with some detail. The Greek verb
d(popi^u) signifies ' mark ott' from (dv6) by a boundary
(fipos).' It is used sometimes in a good sense (e.g.
Ac 132, Ro 1\ Gal 1'^), and sometimes in a bad one
{e.g. Lk 6-2 ; note the three degrees of evil treat-
ment — d<popiao}(nv, oveidicruaiv, iK^dXwaiv rb 6vo/j.a).
See also Mt 13^9 25='2, 2 Co 6I', Gal 2 '2. It is em-
ployed by various Greek writers — Sophocles,
Euripides, Plato, and others— and is found fre-
quently in the LXX. Excommunicatio is a Latin
word of later origin. It is used in the Vulgate.
2. Warrant for the practice in the Apostolic
Church. — Excommunication in apostolic times
rested upon a threefold warrant.
(1) Natural and inherent right. — Every properly
constituted society has the right and power to ex-
clude members not conforming to its rules. The
Church has authority to exercise a right which
every society claims. An analogy is sometimes
drawn between the Church and the State. The
State has power to send into exile, to deprive of
civil rights, and even claims and exercises the
power to inflict a death-sentence. So, in spiritual
matters, the Church may pass sentences of separa-
tion more or less complete, and though the
supreme judge alone can pronounce the sentence of
death in an absolute sense, yet the Church can
pass such a sentence in a relative sense — the
ofl'ender being regarded as dead from the stand-
point of the ecclesiastical court. Upon this point
— whether in excommunication and in ' binding
and loosing ' the power of the Church is final and
absolute — two divergent views have been held.
As typical of these two schools of thought, see
Dante, de Mon. III. viii. 36 ft'., and Tarquini,
Juris eccl. Inst.*, Rome, 1875, p. 98. The former
declares it is not absolute, ' sed respective ad
aliquid. . . . Posset [enim] solvere me non poeni-
tentem, quod etiam facere ipse Deus non posset ' ;
the latter states that St. Peter (Mt W^) is invested
382
EXCOMMUA^ICATIOK
EXCOMMUNICATION
with 'potestas clavium, quae est absoluta et
monarchica.'
(2) The example of the Jewish nation and
Church. — In the Pentateuch it is stated that certain
heinous sins cannot be forgiven. By some form of
excommunication or by death itself the sinner is
to be 'cut off.' Thus the sanctity of the nation
is restored and preserved. In the later days of
Judaism the penalties became somewhat milder as
a general rule. The foundations of Jewish excom-
munication are Lv 13^«, Nu 5'^- 3 12'^- 1« 16, Jg 5^3,
Ezr 7'-®, Nell 13-^. The effects are described in
Ezr 7-^ 10^. The Talmud mentions three kinds of
excommunication, the tirst two disciplinary, the
third complete and final expulsion. There was
separation, separation with a curse, and final
separation with a terrible anathema. For Gospel
references see Lk 6--, Jn 9^^- ^- s* 12^2 152^ The
sentence might be pronounced on twenty-four
different grounds.
(3) T/ie authority of Jestis Christ. — The main
basis of authority for the Christian Church is the
teaching of its Founder. The passages of most
importance on the subject under consideration are
Mt 16'* 18'*, Jn 20^. Excommunication must be
preceded by private and public exhortation, con-
ducted in the spirit of love, with caution, wisdom,
and patience. Only as a last resort, and when all
else has failed, must the sentence of banishment be
pronounced (see Mt IS^^"'"'- 36-«- «-50). From Christ
Himself the Church received authority, not only to
' bind ' the impenitent and unbelieving and to
' loose ' the penitent believer, but also, in its
properly constituted courts, to condemn and expel
gross offenders and to forgive and re-instate them
if truly penitent.
3. Legislation in the Apostolic Church. —
The general methods of procedure are made clear
by St. Paul's method of dealing with the case of
the incestuous person at Corinth (1 Co 5, 2 Co 2^"'^).
The excommunication of the oti'ender Avas a solemn,
deliberate, judicial act of the members of the Church
specially gathered together ' in the name of the Lord
Jesus Christ' for the purpose, and equipped with
the authoritjr and ' power of our Lord Jesus Christ.'
The act of exclusion was that of the Church itself
and not of the Apostle Paul. The power was not
in the hands of an official, or body of officials.
Wherever it has become the prerogative of a
priesthood it has led to great abuse and the results
have been disastrous both to priests and people.
The object of this act of discipline was to reform
the sinner (1 Co 5^), and to preserve the purity of
the Church. Where a difference of opinion existed
as to the course to be pursued, the verdict was
decided by the majority (2 Co 2^). The sentence
might be modified or rescinded according to sub-
sequent events (2''-8). «To deliver such a one unto
Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the
spirit majr be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus '
(1 Co 5^), is an obscure passage. Perhaps St. Paul
thought that a sin of the flesh was more likely to
be cured by bodily suttering than in any other
way. In his opinion certain afilictions of the body
were due to the operations of Satan (2 Co 2'^ 12^,
1 Ti 1""). Probably he thought that, in accordance
with the sentence of the Church, God would allow
Satan to inflict some physical malady that Avould
lead the offender to repentance. If we may take
2 Co 2®"" to refer to the same case, the desired
result was reached.
'It cannot have been unknown to Paul that he was hero
using a form of words similar to the curses by which the
Corinthians had formerly been accustomed to consign their
personal enemies to destruction by the powers of the world of
death. It seems not open to doubt that the Corinthians would
understand by this phrase that the offender was to suffer
disease and even death as a punishment for sin ; and Paul goes
on to add that this punishment of the tlesh is intended to bring
salvation ultimately to his soul (iVa rb in/evixa. a-iodfi) '. by
physical suffering' he is to atone for his sin. . . . The whole
thought stands in the closest relation to the theory of the
confession-inscriptions, in which those who have been punished
by the god thank and bless him for the chastisement ' (Ramsay
in ExpT X. [1S9S-99] 59).
For cases in which physical ill followed ecclesi-
astical censure see Ac 5^ 8-" 13"*. Some hold that
the ' delivery to Satan ' was by virtue of the special
authority of St. Paul himself, while the Church
had power to expel only. There is nothing in the
text to support such a view. This punishment
must not be confounded with the anathema of Ko
93, I Co 16-2, Gal l«-9. 'The attempt to explain
the word [avdOefia) to mean "excommunication"
from the society — a later use of the Hebrew in
Rabbinical writers and the Greek in ecclesiastical
— arose from a desire to take away the apparent
profanity of the wish ' (Sanday-Headlam, Romans^
[ICC, 1902], p. 228). Calvin and some other re-
formers thought the expression dvdde/jLa. Mapdv
add (I Co 16'^^) was a formula of excommunication.
Buxtorf (Lex. Chald., Basel, 1639, pp. 827, 2466)
says it was part of a Jewish cursing formula from
the Prophecy of Enoch ( Jude'*). There is no reason
for such an opinion. It was not held until the
meaning of the Avords was lost or partially so.
They are neither connected nor synonymous as
some have supposed, and are rightly separated in
RV — ' If any man loveth not the Lord, let him be
anathema. Maran atha ' (cf. Ph 4^).
In addition to the specific case at Corinth and
general references in such passages as 1 Th 5^^,
2 Th 3" (cf. Ro 16", Ja 5'«), we find more precise
directions in later books — the Pastoral Epistles
and General Epistles of St. John (see 1 Ti 5'9- 20 6^,
Tit 3'", 1 Jn !"• 5's, 2 Jn '«, 3 Jna-'"). Heresy,
schism, insubordination, usurpation of the auth-
ority of the Church by a section, became grounds
of excommunication. The morals, doctrine, and
government of the Church were all imperilled at
times and could be preserved only by strict dis-
cipline and severe penalties upon wrong-doers. As
in the Jewish community, the sentence of excom-
munication might be lighter or heavier, the ex-
clusion being more or less complete. It might
mean only expulsion from the Lord's Table,
but not from the Lord's House ; or it might be
utter banishment from the Lord's House and an
interdict against all social intercourse with its
members.
It is beyond the scope of this article to trace
the history of excommunication in the Christian
Church. Suffice it to say that the distinction be-
tween the minor (d0opt(r/t6s) and major (wavTeXrii
dcpopia-fibs dvddefia) forms of it, which existed from
very early times, if not from the Apostolic Age it-
self, Avere continued for centuries with a wealth of
elaborate detail as to the exact penalties involved
in each, and as to the attitude of those within the
Church to those without its pale. Unfortunately,
excommunication often became an instrument of
oppression in the hands of unworthy men. In
mediwval days it frequently entailed outlawry
and sometimes death.
'The censures of the Church, reserved in her early days for
the gravest moral and spiritual offences, soon lost their salutary
terrors when excommunications became incidents in territorial
squabbles, or were issued on the most trivial pretext ; and when
the unchristian penalty of the interdict sought to coerce the
guilty by robbing the innocent of the privilege of Christian
worship and even of burial itself (A. Eobertson, Regnuin Dei
[Bampton Lectures, 1901], p. 257).
See also Anathema, Chastisement, Disci-
pline, Restoration of Offenders.
Literature. — Artt. 'Discipline' in HDB, DCO, 'Discipline
(Christian)' in ERE, 'Excommunication' in DCG, Smith's
DI^, JE, CE, 'Bann (kirchlicher) ' in PRE3; E. v. Dob-
schiitz, Christian Life in the Primitive Church, Eng. tr., London,
1904 ; H. M. Gwatkin, Early Church Hiistory, do. 1909 ; E.
Schurer, HJP, Edinburgh, 1885-1890; C. v. Wei2s£cker,
EXHOETATION
EXOKCISM
383
Das apostoUsche Zeitalter^, Tubingen, 1902 (Eng. tr. of 2nd ed.,
London, ]894-95);A. Edersheim, LT*, London, 1887 ; J.
Bingham, Origine.s Ecclesiusticoe, do. 1708-1722 ; H. Hallam,
View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages^'>, do.
1853. H. CaRISS J. SiDNELL.
EXHORTATION. — Exliortation (irapa.KX'nais)
played an iuiijortant part in the apostolic ministry.
As a technical term for a specilic kind of Christian
teacliinf,% it first emerges in Acts and in the Epistles,
No mention of it (as such) aj^pears in the Gospels.
They record the facts and teaching of Christ upon
which the later exhortations were founded. Ex-
hortation, or TrapdKXrjaLs, may be described as a
summons to the will, an appeal — urgent, per-
suasive, and even authoritative — A\hich was based
sometimes on Scripture (Ac 13^*) or apostolic
teaching (1 Ti 6^, 2 Ti 4'-), but more especially on
Christian prophecy (Ac 15^-, 1 Co 14^- ^^). It was
what we call in modern sermons the ' application.'
Prophesying and exhorting naturally went to-
gether in the proclamation of salvation. Cremer
holds that exhortation belongs ' to the domain of
prophecy, and is like this a special charisma (Ro
12**), though it does not appe<ar to have manifested
\\jSQ\i se2}arately as such' (Bibl.-Theol. Lex. of NT
Greck^, p. 337). Generally, no doubt, it was given
by the Apostle or prophet hiniself, e.g. by St.
Peter (Ac 2^"), by Barnabas (Ac ll-^), by St. Paul
(Ac I3^^''^')) but at times, so it would appear from
Ro 12*, the one who did the 'exhorting' might be
a different speaker from the one who gave the
'prophecy' or 'teaching.' Frequently, indeed,
especially in times of persecution or unrest, it con-
sisted in a mutual exchange of encouragement or
warning among believers (1 Th 4^* 5'S He 3^^ 10"^).
As the word TrapaKX-rjcns has many shades of
meaning, so the ' exhortations ' referred to in the
NT have many tones of emotional stimulus. In
fact, the character of the exhortation was deter-
mined by the circumstances which called it forth.
In times of threatened apostasy it was admonitory ;
amid persecution and danger it promoted comfort.
Often TrapdK\7]cns can only mean 'comfort' {q.v.),
and in all such instances it is so translated in both
AV and RV (Ac 9^\ Ro 15\ 2 Co P^-) ; but in all
cases where the AV renders it ' exhortation ' the
RV does the same (excejjt in 1 Co 14^ where it
might with advantage be retained instead of
' comfort '). Similarly the verb Trapa/caX^w is often
appropriately translated 'comfort 'in both versions,
but, again, wherever in AV the sense requires
' exhort ' it so appears in the text of RV (except
in Ac 18^ ' encourage' and 2 Co 9' ' intreat'). To
grasp the meaning of 'exhort' and 'exhortation,'
as technical terms, it should be noticed that the
verb TrapaKaXeu is, in many cases, translated ' pray '
or ' desire ' in AV, and ' beseech ' or ' intreat ' in
RV when, however, the appeal so expressed springs
from some personal wish or judgment, whereas
the terms ' exhort ' and ' exhortation ' are retained
for instances where the basis of appeal is some
Divinely-given truth or revelation (cf. -rrapeKaXovv,
' besought,' Ac IS'*-, and TrapaKaXovvTfs, ' exhorting,'
Ac 14-''). Exhortation proper (i.e. as part of the
apostolic ministry), while it contained elements of
personal entreaty ('we beseech and exhort' [1 Th
4']), partook more of the nature of a spiritually
authoritative message ('as though God were in-
treating, or exhorting [Oeod vapaKaXovi/Tos], by us,'
2 Co 5-«; cf. 1 Th 2-«-), reproving (Tit 2^5), en-
couraging (1 Th 2"), commanding (2 Th 3^-),
strengthening (Ac 14^^, 15^-), edifying (1 Th 5^'),
and, where successful, leading the hearers to a
proper state of mind or to right conduct (Tit 2^^-,
1 P 5"-).
It might be given to individuals, e.g. to Titus
(2 Co 8"), to Timothy (1 Ti P), to Euodia and
Syntyche (Ph 4-) ; or it was a message addressed
to the congregations, generally in their meetings
for edification, either verbal (Ac 13^^ 20-, 1 Co 14^)
or epistolary (Ac lo^^'"-, He 13--, 1 P S^-, Jude^).
Naturally exhortation was prominent at a time
when a speedy Second Coming of Christ was ex-
pected ('exhorting ... so much the more as ye
see the day drawing nigh,' He 10-^ ; cf. 1 Th 41**).
The power of exhortation was regarded as one of
the charismata, or ' gifts ' bestowed by the Holy
Spirit, for the edification of believers (Ro 12*, 1 Co
14^). Barnabas, or ' son of exhortation,' was so
surnamed by the apostles (Ac 4-*8 RVm) because
he was endowed with a large measure of this gift
(Ac 11-^). But it was a gift that could be culti-
vated. Its intensity and power could be increased
by proper attention, and so St. Paul urged Timothy
to ' give heed to exhortation ' as wxll as to reading
and teaching (1 Ti 4'3).
Literature. — H. Cremer, Bibl.-Theol. Lex. of NT Greek^,
18S0, s.v. irapa.K\r)<ji.'; ; O. Pfleiderer, Paulinism~, Eng. tr.,
1891, vol. i. eh. vi. p. 236 ; see also Literature under art. Com-
fort. M. Scott Fletcher.
EXORCISM. — 1. Origin and definition.— It is
pointed out in the art. DIVINATION that man, at a
very early period, came to think of himself as sur-
rounded by innumerable spirits, many of whom
could enter into and influence him. He realized
that it was his duty, and for his advantage, to
cultivate friendly relations with these spirits, and
one of the forms which this etibrt took developed
into divination. The coming of a spirit into close
relations with a man brought on him either calami-
ties or blessings, and from these opposite results
the spirits came to be grouped into good and bad.
The entrance of a good spirit — a spirit of j^urity or
truth— caused health of body or clearness of mind.
Such indwelling in its highest form is insjjiration
(Job 32*), The entrance of a bad spirit — a dumb,
imclean, or evil sjjirit — caused disease of body or
disorder of mind. In its most decided form this is
possession {q.v.). The spirits, and the divinities
into wliicli some of them developed, were free to
enter into or leave a person, but their freedom was
limited. As ' the sj)irits of the prophets are sub-
ject to the prophets ' (1 Co 14^^), so certain persons
came to know liow, by a proper use of special words
and acts, to make the spirits, within certain limits,
obedient to them. (1) Such experts were able to
bring a jierson into such close contact with a spirit,
or the thing in which a spirit or divinity dwelt,
that the spirit could deal efl'ectively with the person.
Such, bringing into contact developed, (a) where
the person was able or willing, into administering
to him an oath ; (b) where unable or unwilling, into
solemnly adjuring him. (2) An expert could call
up, call upon, or permit a spirit to enter another
person, to work his will in him ; or enter into him-
self to work with him or reveal secrets to him. (3)
He could compel a spirit to come out of a person
or thing into which it had entered ; with the result,
if the spirit was an evil one, that the baneful con-
sequences of possession immediately ceased. The
expert who could do this was an exorcist, and his
work was exorcism.
2. Deriyaticn. — The word SpKos seems primarily
to have referred to a spirit, or an object made
sacred by the indwelling of a spirit, and so came
to mean the thing that brought a spirit into efl'ec-
tive touch with a j^erson, hence ' an oath.' opd^eiv,
in the same way, came to mean to bring these two
together, hence [a) ' to administer or cause to take
an oath ' (Gn 50^ Nu 5i«) ; or (6) ' to adjure ' (Jos &\
1 K 22^\ 2 Ch 18'5, Ac W% When the high priest
said to Jesus bpni^u) * ae Kara rod deov rod ^Qvtos
(Mt 26^^), he thereby brought the prisoner into
* This, not efopKi'^w, is the reading of D L. The reading in
Gn 24^ is efopxio).
384
EXOKCISM
EXORCISM
such effective touch -with Jahweh that the latter
could punish him if he did not speak the truth.
i^opdieiv, on the other hand, meant the separating
of the spirit from the person, and from it conies
i^opKiff/ibs, the Latin exoreismus, and the English
'exorcism.'
' The formula i^opxiiia is of Oriental origin. It is absolutely
unknown in Greek and Italian tabellse from the fifth century
B.C. to the second century a.d. ; and, when it does appear, it
appears only in tablets which make mention of Oriental deities '
(F. B. Jevons, 'Deiixionum Tabellae,' in Transactions of the
Third International Congreffifor the History of Religions, 190S,
vol. ii. p. 138). A heathen amulet has the inscription efopKifoj
v/nas Kara rov ayCov ovofLaTO? depaTrevirai. toi/ Aiovvatov ; and ' the
adjective is of consUuit occurrence in the magic papyri ' (Moulton
and MUligan, ' Lexical Notes from the Papyri ' in Expositor,
7th ser. vii. [1909] S7G).
3. History. — As the cause of disease Avas the
incoming of an evil spirit, so the cure of the dis-
ease consisted in its expulsion. All exorcists were
not equally clever at their Avork ; but, though a
patient might, like an old Babylonian, complain
that ' the exorcist has not handled my illness suc-
cessfully' (F. B. Jevons, Comparative Religion,
1913, p. 7), still failures were overlooked and for-
gotten, and exorcism prevailed among all the
nations of antiquity, and prevails among all un-
civilized peoples to-day (G. T. Bettany, Primitive
Religions, 1891, pp. 20, 113, 128; The Book of Ser
Marco Polo, tr. H. Yule, 1871, vol. ii. pp. 71, 78).*
Sometimes, as in the histratio of the Romans (W.
Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the
Roman People, 1911, p. 209) and the Anthesteria
of the Greeks (Gilbert Murray, Four Stages of
Greek Religion, 1912, p. 30), the exorcism Avas
national and periodic.
In private life, when a person became ill ('was
possessed '), an exorcist was at once called in who
by various means attempted a cure. David by
music expelled the evil spirit from Saul (1 S 16''*'^^),
though, when the spirit came mightily, he failed
(199; Jos. Ant. VI. viii. 2 and xi. 3). Embracing
(another form of exorcism) is mentioned in 1 K 17'-^
2 K 4**, Ac 20"*. Solomon, according to tradition,
acquired a great reputation as an expert prac-
titioner of the art — ' a science,' says Josephus (Ant.
VIII. ii. 5), 'useful and sanative to man.' He com-
posed incantations by which cures were effected,
and also formulas by which demons could be ex-
pelled. These were used as late as the time of
Vespasian, a notable instance being recorded by
Josephus [loc. cit. ; see also his account of the root
of Baaras [BJ VII. vi. 3]). In the OT Apocrypha
there are such references to the art as that in
To 6i«-i7 82-3. Our Lordt accepted the beliefs of His
time on this as on other matters. His words and
deeds show us the evil spirits going out of a patient
(Mt 17i«, Mk 58, Lk 8^9, Mk 9-5-2"6) ; entering into
lower animals (Mt 8^2^ Mk 5^3, Lk 8^3) ; wandering
through waterless places (Mt 12'*^ Lk IP^) ; co-
operating with other spirits (Mt \2^^, Lk IP'') ; and
re-entering the patients from wliom they had been
expelled (Mt 12-'^ Lk ll-«). In contrast to the
exorcists of His time (Mt 12^7, Lk ll'S), our Lord
exhibited exceptional skill and unbroken success
in the expulsion of evil spirits. He healed ' all
who were tyrannized over by the devil ' (Ac lO''*^).^
Exorcism, it must be observed, is not nearly so
proininent in the First Gospel as in the Third, and
all instances of its use are omitted in the Fourth
(J. Moaa.tt,The Theology of the Gospcls,\2l2, pp. 13,
• Fora psychological explanation of exorcism see W.McDoiigall,
Psychology, 1912, p. 190; Andrew Lang, Makinci of Reliiion-,
p. 129 ; T. J. Hudson, The Law of Psychic Phenomena,
1893.
t P. Dearmer, Body and Soul, 1909, p. 146 ; T. J. Hudson,
op. cit., chs. xxiii., xxiv. ; G. J. Romanes, Thoughts on lie-
ligionfi, 1896, p. ISO and Gore's note.
J (caTaJucao-Tevo^eVovs. The word here employed is used in
the papyri thus : ' I am being harshly treated in prison, perish-
ing with hunger,* and indicates the physical sulfering arising
from possession (Moulton and Milligan, loc. cU. p. 477).
120 ; J. M. Thompson, Miracles in tlie NT, 1911,
p. 63). It is especially noteworthy that our Lord in
expelling evil spirits employed no outward means
(except once, the spittle [Jn 9"]) ; He simply com-
manded and it was done.* Perhaps the secret of
His power, His triumphant and universal success,
and of the failure of others, is revealed in His
words, ' this kind cometh not out except by prayer '
(Mk 9'-^9).| Prayer is the complete opening up of
one's entire personality to the incoming of the
entire personality of God. Jesus was able to do
this and did it ; others failed and fail.
The Twelve, after being chosen, were ordained to
be with Jesus in order that they might go forth
{a) to preach, (b) to have power to heal diseases,
and (c) eK^aWeiv to. 5aLix6via (Mk Z^*-^^, Mt 10').
When He did send them forth. He gave them power
to cast out all unclean spirits (Mt W, MkG'', Lk 9^).
St. John reported to Jesus that he and other disciples
saw one casting out demons in His name (Mk Q'^^,
Lk 9-'9) ; while, on the other hand, the disciples
sometimes failed in their eflbrts at expulsion (Mt
17^9). Our Lord sent out the Seventy (a) to heal,
(b) to proclaim thenearness of the Kingdom (Lk 10").
When they returned, they reported that the spirits
were subject to them in His name J (Lk lO^').
Finally, Jesus bequeathed to those who should
believe power in His name+ to cast out daemons
(Mk 16^^). After the death of Jesus the apostles
continued to cure those troubled (or 'roused,' 6x-
\ovuLevovs, Lk 6'*) with unclean spirits (Ac 5'*), and
a similar power was exercised by other Christians
over spirits which came out ' shouting with a loud
cry ' (Ac 8').
When the Christian missionaries penetrated into
the Roman Empire, they met the victims of pos-
session, and had to deal with them. At Philippi,
St. Paul and Silas encountered a young girl, the
slave of a group of masters, who was possessed by
a spirit — a Python, § which enabled her to utter
predictions.il The girl so forced herself upon the
missionaries' attention that at last St. Paul, ' in
the name J of Jesus Christ,' commanded the spirit
to come out of her, which it immediately did (Ac
J6I6-18) Again, at Ephesus, a city in which exor-
cism flourished, St. Paul seems to have cast out
spirits in the name J of Jesus. Further cures of
a somewhat uncommon (0^ ras Tvxovaa^) character
were eftected, for on certain articles of dress which
had been in immediate contact with the body [airb
Tov xP'^TisIT) of St. Paul being applied to those
afflicted, the evil spirits came out of them (Ac
191").
Such success roused a competitive spirit in the
minds of other exorcists and revealed to them the
power which lay in the use of the name of Jesus.
Seven sons of Sceva, a Jewish high priest, who
formed a company of strolling exorcists, determined
to utilize the new power. Over a man afflicted
with an evil spirit they pronounced this formula :
opKl^Ci) iifjLcis TOV 'li^crovu dv IlaOXoy K-qpiicrcret.. The
effort proved more than futile, for the recitation of
the formula, instead of bringing Jesus into such
effective touch with the man that the evil spirit
had to yield possession to Him, roused the spirit
to stir into activity that abnormal muscular
strength often possessed by those mentally de-
ranged (cf. Lk 8-9), and, leaping on the exorcists,
the man assaulted them and drove them out of the
house stripped and wounded (Ac 19"*"^*). The men
* Dearmer, op. cit., p. 168.
t N and B omit xal vrjo-rei^ and along with A the whole of
Mt 17^1.
I See art. Name.
§ The correct reading, according to .^AB, is nuBuua ; see art.
Python.
II navTevofieinj ; see art. S0OTII8AYINO.
51 xp"?, literally ' the skin.' See Nestle in ExpT, voL xiiL
[1901-02] p. 282, and art. Apron.
EXPEDIEXCY
EXPEDIEXCY
385
who had become Christians realized the incompati-
bility of loyalty to Jesus and the practice of such
magical arts, and they publicly burned their copies
of the famous 'E^eaia ypd^i/xara (v.^^).
That this did not mean tlie absolute abandonment
of exorcism the subsequent history of the Church
all too clearh' proves. The reference to ' doctrines
of dccmons' (1 Ti 4^) and 'the spirits of daemons
performing signs' (Rev 16''*) shows how exorcism
still lingered in the Church. The words which
shed light on the struggle from the higher Chris-
tian standpoint are those in Ja 4'' : ' resist the devU,
and he will flee from you ' — words which were an
exhortation to the Christians not to resort to exor-
cism, but to rely on the successful resistance
which sprang from a strong exertion of their
sanctified ^\-ills aided by the power of God. The
means employed by exorcists differ in different
times and countries. Four only are referred to
in the Apostolic Age — hands, cloths, the name of
Jesus, and shadowing.
When we pass to the literature of the Fathers,
we cannot help being struck with the almost total
absence of references to exorcism. This is possibly
to be accounted for by the fact that the work of
these writers forced them to think more of evan-
gelism and apologetic than of combating the evils
of the heathen world. In the spurious Ignatian
Epistle to the Fhilippians (ch. v.) Christ is by way
of honour called ' this magician ' {/xdyos o5tos), and
in the spurious Epistle to the Antiochians (ch. xii.)
we find 'the exorcists ' {iiropKiaras) mentioned among
the Church officials.
The practice of exorcism continued in the Church.
The ordinary Christian practised it, Gregory
Thaumaturgus even casting out devils by sending
letters to the person possessed. As a rule, how-
ever, the practice was confined to the clergy, and by
A.D. 340 the iiropKi(TTri% constituted a special order,
some of whom were ordained, others merely recog-
nized. The rescripts of the Emperors granted to
them, as well as to the other ordersof clergy, exemp-
tion from civil offices. Their work was the care of
the possessed, the evepryovfievoi., the catechists, here-
tics, and schismatics, the exorcism being in each
case connected with the rites of exsufflation and
insufflation (?,eQ ^ . Bingham, Oriqines Eci-lesiasticce,
1843. vol. i. p. 362 fl'. and vol. iii. p. 277 ti'. ; Smith
and Cheetham, DCA, 1875, vol. i. p. 650; ERE,
art. ' Abrenuntio,' vol. i. p. 38). The office of ex-
orcist continued to be important : we read, e.g., of
St. Patrick landing in Ireland with a number of
officials among whom were skilled exorcists (A. R.
Macewan, History of the Church of Scotland, vol. L,
1913, p. 36).
liiTERATTTRE. — See the Literature mentioned in the foot-notes
of art. DrTiNATlos, and in addition W. M. Alexander, Deinonic
Possession in the XT, 1&02 ; H. A. Dallas, Gospel Records in-
terpreted by numan Experieyice, 1903, p. 2L'l ; Andrew Lang:,
The Making of Religion^, 1900, p. 12S ; R. C. Thompson, The
Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia, 1903-04, vol. i. p. Uii ; J.
G. Frazer, The Golden Boiighs, ' The Magic Art," 1911, i. 174 ff. ;
E. B. Tylor, Primitive Cultures, 1S91, ii. 124fF. ; artt. in BCG,
i. 43Sff., and ERE, iv. 565, 578, 612, with tlie Literature there
mentioned. P, A. GOEDON CLARK.
_ EXPEDIENCY.— In the NT 'expedient' is several
times used in translating the Gr. avfj.(pipei, or neut.
avficpepov (2 Co 12'). Other translations of the word
are 'it is profitable,' 'it were better,' 'it is good.'
It will be seen when we come to consider some
of the passages in which (Tv/Mcpepei, occurs that it is
always used in its better sense, or, we may say,
in its original sense, i.e. without that element of
selfishness, or the attainment of personal advan-
tage at the expense of genuine principle, in which
sense the word 'expedient' is mw generally
employed. It is never found in the sense of what
is convenient, as against what is right ; nor has
VOL. I. — 25
it the meaning of 'expeditious,' as e.g. in Shake-
speare :
' Expedient manage must be made, my liege.
Ere further leisure yield them further means'
(Richard II., h iv. 39).
"We shall first of all refer briefly to some of the
passages in the Gospels and the Acts where avpupipei
occurs, and then examine the general question of
Christian expediency as it is treated in the Epistles.
1. The Gospels.— (1) In Mt 5-"^^ we have what may
be called the expediency of self-denial. Here Christ
deals with the question of adultery, and shows hoM-
certain members of the body, such as the eye and
the hand, which are in themselves serviceable and
necessary, may become the occasion of sin for us,
and, therefore, it is expedient (avixcpipei) for a man
that one of his members should perish and not his
whole body be cast into hell. There is no need to
ask here how far these words of Christ are to be
understood literally (cf. A. Tholuck, Sermon on the
Mount, 1860, p. 211 K). They certainly mean that
whatever may bring temptation to a man, it is
expedient — it is the best and wisest course — for
him to resign ; that it is better to live a maimed
life, than with all our faculties about us to be
destined to moral death. Christ here gTounds His
precept of the most rigid and decisive self-denial
on considerations of the truest self-interest.
(2) In Mt 19^* we have a reference to the ex-
pediency of celibacy. The teaching of Christ con-
cerning divorce led His disciples to the conclusion
that, without freedom to divorce, 'it is not good
(RV 'expedient') to marry.' Jesus then refers to
three classes of persons for whom marriage is in-
expedient : {a) eunuchs ' which were so bom from
their mother's womb,' i.e. those whose physical
constitution unfitted them for marriage ; [b] eunuchs
'which were made eunuchs of men,' i.e. those who
by actual physical deprivation or compulsion from
men are prevented from marrying ; (c) eunuchs
' which made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom
of heaven's sake,' i.e. those who voluntarily abstain
from marriage, not for their own sake only, but
also for the sake of all that the Kingdom of Heaven
implies. In the case of these three classes it is
expedient that they live a celibate life (cf. 1 Co 7^).
(3) In Jn 11* we ha%'e the expediency of
Christ's death spoken of by Caiaphas. Here we
have ' a good principle basely applied, not in the
interests of self-sacrifice, but to cover a violation
of justice and truth ' (J. A. McClymont, St. John
[Cent. Bible, 1901], p. 245). For the preservation of
his power and influence, together with that of his
confederates, Caiaphas says that it was expedient
to put Jesus to death. "The falsity of this state-
ment, says F. W. Robertson {Sermons, 1st ser., 1875,
p. 132 fl'.), lies in its injustice. Expediency can-
not obliterate right and wrong. Expediency may
choose the best possible when the conceivable best
is not obtainable ; but in right and wrong there
is no better and best. Better that the whole Jewish
nation should perish than that a Je-wish legislature
should steep its hand in the blood of one innocent.
That this saying of Caiaphas has made a deep
impression upon St. John is evident from his refer-
ence to it again in 18'*. He regards the words
as having an origin higher than him who spoke
them. It was an unconscious prophecy.
(4) In Jn 16' Christ refers to the expediency of
His Ascen-'tion. ' Nevertheless I tell you the truth ;
it is expedient for you that I go away,' etc. How-
ever much the disciples might regi-et their Master's
departure from them, this was not only necessary,
but would also be to their advantage, inasmuch
as the glorified Christ working in them would be
better than the visible Jesus present among them
(cf. 14i«-).
2. The Acts. — In Ac 20^ we have the expediency
386
EXPEDIENCY
EXPEIJIEXCY
of discrimination in teaching. Here St. Paul re-
minds tlie elders of Ephesus that he had kept back
nothing that was proHtable (tu>v (rv/M(pep6vTwi') unto
them. As in the case of the Corinthians (1 Co 3"-)
the Apostle confined his statement to the things
that were prolitable or expedient. In each case he
considered what was required by the capacity of
his disciples. It is the question of expediency in
the matter of truth to be declared. The teacher
must discriminate. He must, on the one hand,
not cast his pearls before swine, must not give to
men what they are incapable of appreciating (Pr 9'*',
^It 7®) ; nor must he, on tlie other hand, give strong
food to the weak (He 5-*''-). He must consider what
is expedient, profitable.
3. The Epistles. — (1) St. PauVs general attitude in
1 Corint/iuins. — Here we shall have to deal chiefly
with the Epistles to the Corinthians, more especially
1 Corinthians. These Epistles represent the cam-
paign and slow victory of the new Christian spirit
over the debasing influence of the Corinthian ideal,
which was the relentless pursuit of his own life by
each individual. In 1 Cor. the question of expedi-
ency is treated in connexion with several matters
relating to Christian conduct. This Epistle has
been aptly called ' the Epistle of the doctrine of the
cross in application' (Findlay, The Epistles of Paid
the Apostle, p. S3). Social and other questions
are discussed in tlieir bearing on the relationship of
men to Christ, and upon principles deduced from
the word of the Cross. And so the keynote of the
Epistle is found in 16^* ' Let all you do be done in
love.' The first direct reference to expediency is
found in 6'- 'AH things are lawful Tinto me, but
all things are not expedient ' (aXK ov irdvTa (TVfx<p€p€i).
It is probable that St. Paul here refers to some
saying of his, which was subsequentlj' drawn out
of its limiting context by some members of the
Corinthian Church who were inclined to exaggerate
Christian liberty, so that they could please them-
selves in the matter of food, drink, etc. ; or, still
worse, that with an easy conscience they might
satisfy tlieir own sinful lusts. Consequently, the
Apostle shows that, while he still held to what he
had said, the words have by no means an unlimited
application. It was necessary to show the Cor-
inthians that there is an essential contrast between
things in themselves indifferent and things in
their very nature evil. The latter can be neither
lawful nor expedient to the Christian, since
they are grossly inconsistent with his union
with Christ.
It must be remembered that pagan sentiment viewed ordinary
sexual laxity in anything but a serious lisrht : in fact, it was a
prevalent belief anion<r the heathen in apostolic times that for-
nication was no sin. Hence the need for its prohibition by the
Council of Jerusalem (Ac 15).
On the other hand, there are many things lawful
which are not always expedient. Meyer {ad loc.)
describes expediency as 'moral profitableness
generally/ in eveiy respect, as conditioned by the
special circumstances of each case as it arises.' In
all things must the Christian ask not only, Is it
lawful ? or Does it lie within the range of my
liberty? but also, Is it calculated to promote the
general welfare of those around me? There is no
place for individualism in tlie Christian life. One
must ask not merely, What does my liberty permit ?
but. How will my conduct help or hinder my
brotlier? While all tilings that are in themselves
inditlerent (d5td</>opa), i.e. not anti-Christian, are
lawful, still it must be remembered tliat tliis liberty
is the minister of love. For example, although in
itself one kind of meat is neither better nor worse
than another, the law of Christian love imposes
restraint where indulgence would cause offence or
lead to a violation of conscience. Tliis love enables
the Christian to take tlie right attitude to what is
allowed ; he will solve the questionable (casuistic)
cases and collisions, not by rules which only lead
into endless reflexions about their applicability or
inapplicability, but by immediate tact, and by' the
power of the jjersonality.
Again, this limited freedom is also in truth the
highest freedom. ' All things are lawful for me,
but I will not be brought under the power of any'
(6^-). St. Paul's was not a freedom to destroy
freedom. That some at Corinth exposed them-
selves to this danger is quite evident. By indul-
ging in imjjurity of life, as though that were as
legitimate as eating and drinking, they tended to
alienate their liberty, and bring their soul into
bondage to sin. It is when one recognizes those
limits within which freedom is to be exercised that
one enjoys that perfect freedom which knows no
subjection save to Christ alone.
Christian freedom, then, is a freedom which
must not be applied to the injury of others or of
oneself. In the exercise of liberty one must have
regard to expediency ; one must consider what
course is the most likely to promote the best
interests of oneself and others. In this section
(chs. 6-10) in 1 Cor. St. Paul tells us again and
again how in all things indifl'erent he thought of
others. All his actions were founded on the ground
of the higher expediency. Being free from all
men, yet he made himself servant unto all, that he
might gain the more (9^^). He became all things
to all men (9"). He pleased all men in all things,
not seeking his own profit {rb i/j-avrov cxvfKpipov), but
the profit of many (10^^).
By some modern critics St. Paul is described as
hard and inflexible, and as incapable of anything
like compromise and accommodation under any
circumstances. But the above passages, as well
as many others Avhich could be quoted, by no
means confirm this judgment. That he could be
as Arm and as inflexible as a rock where a question
of principle was at stake is amply proved by his
statement in Gal 2', e.g., in the matter of the
attempt to compel Titus to be circumcised : ' to
whom we gave place in the way of subjection, no,
not for an hour.' In his teaching of principles he
was from first to last most resolute and uncom-
promising. But in things indifl'erent he was ever
ready to go any length in order to avoid giving
oflence to others. In such matters it was with
him always a question of expediency, not of rights ;
what was prohtable, not what was lawful. To the
Romans he says (Ro 15'): 'We then that are
strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak,
and not to please ourselves.' And again, he tells
the Corinthians (I Co 8"): 'Wherefore, if meat
make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh
while the world standeth, lest I make my brother
to offend.' While he held tenaciously to great
principles, and Avas even ready to sacrifice life
itself in their defence, yet in practical conduct he
was willing to submit to any privation and suffer-
ing to meet the scruples and prejudices of the
weak. And in this mode of conduct he claims
to be following the example of Christ (Ro 15'°'*,
1 Co 11').
It will be seen that consideration must be had,
not only for the weak members of the Church of
Christ, but also for those who are without the pale
of the Church. Cf. 1 Co 10^-, where the sjihere of
moral oltligation is enlarged. Jew and Greek, as
well as the Christian Church, are to be objects of
our Christian solicitude.
(2) The dangers of expediency. — (a) As regards
what is immoral, and so, strictly prohibitive. The
question of expediency involves that of accom-
modation and conii)iomise. Hence in an endeavour
to win men over one must always guard against
allowing oneself to countenance what is unlawful.
EXPEDIEN'CY
EYE
387
It is evident that some at Corinth had taken St.
Paul's words ' All things are lawful unto me ' as a
general maxim. Such persons are always inclined
to have regard to the lawfulness of an action rather
than to its expediency, and so require, for their
own good, to be firmly treated. 'A great many
cannot be pleased unless thou cocker their lust ; so
that if thou wilt be gracious with a many, thou
must not so much regard their salvation as satisfy
their folly ; neither mayest thou respect what is
expedient, but what they covet to their own
destruction. Thou must not, therefore, study to
please such as like nothing but that is evil ' (Calvin
on Ro 152 [ed. Beveridge, 1844, p. 396]).
(6) As recjai'ds what is indifferent, (i.) It is
possible for the Church to show itself over-
scrupulous — a thing which would lead to govern-
ment by the weak, and legislation by the unin-
telligent. And so, while the law of love calls upon
the strong not to use their liberty in a reckless
manner, and demands that in certain cases they
should abstain from certain disputed modes of
action, in order not to shock the weak members,
and thus to break down the Church instead of
building it up, still this love requires that this
submission shall not be unlimited. For then the
weak would only be confirmed in their mistake,
whilst the strong would be hindered in their pro-
gress. It is for the strong, therefore, to seek to
lead the weak to a clearer knowledge, and to show
them that the matters in dispute may be contem-
plated from another point of view than the merely
worldly and unethical. Thus accommodation is to
be combined with correction.
(ii. ) But perhaps there is less danger of this than
of over-assertiveness, i.e. a strong and persistent
maintaining of one's rights, against which St. Paul
again and again warns his readers. By indifference
to external observances we may injure another
man's conscience. To ourselves it is perfectly in-
difl'erent whether we conform to a certain obser-
vance or not. But we are called upon to conform for
the sake of our weak brother. Still, this call to sub-
mission is not to be always or in all circumstances.
(iii. ) Another danger to which a man who always
considers the expediency of his actions is exposed
is that of being misjudged. A mode of conduct
largely regulated by consideration for others is
always open to misconception. And that St. Paul
did not escape the charge of being a mere obsequious
time-server, with no steadfast principle, aiming only
at pleasing men, is evident from his writings. We
can easily understand how readily such accusations
would be set on foot, and how plausible they could
be made to appear. That they painfully affected
the Apostle's mind is evident from the frequency
of the references he makes to them, and from the
earnestness and deep pathos of feeling which not
infrequently mark these references. It is to such
sinister criticism that he alludes when in 2 Co 5^',
after saying 'we persuade men,' he adds, 'but we
are become manifest unto God'; i.e. although he
did make a habit of aiming at persuading ( = making
friends of) men, still the unselfishness and sincerity
of his action were known to God. Another refer-
ence to this matter is found in Gal P" ' For am I
now persuading men, or God ? or am I seeking to
please men ? if I were still pleasing men, I should
not be a servant of Christ.' Possibly the reference
here is to his action in the matter of the Jerusalem
Decree (Ac 15) and the circumcision of Timothy
(Ac 16»).
It will be observed that the case of Timothy and that of Titus
(Gal 25) are totally different. The former being by birth ' a son
of the law ' on his mother's side, mi^ht naturally conform to
the usaares of what was so far his national reli},'ion. Titus, on
the other hand, was a pure Gentile, and his circumcision was
urged as necessary, on principle, and not as a voluntary sacrifice
to expediency for the greater good of others. Hence it is clear
that St. Paul acted with perfect consistency. There is no
betrayal of principle, no unworthy endeavour to win the
approval of men.
To sum up, we see that expediency in its NT
sense is quite consistent with loyalty to principle.
It denotes the noble aim of one seeking ' the
greatest good of the greatest number.' It is not
the action of a trimmer ever seeking the applause
of men, but rather of a strong man willing to curb
his own personal inclinations for the sake of others.
And it may be said that the more steadfast one is
when principles are at stake the more ready one is
to give way on non-essentials.
Literature.— Newman Smyth, Christian Ethics, 1892; H.
Martensen, Christian Ethics {Social and Indioidual), 1881-82 ;
G. G. Findlay, The Epistles of Paul the Apostle, 1895. See
also the various NT Commentaries.
Robert Roberts.
EXPIATION.— See Atonement, Propitiation,
Sacrifice.
EYE. — In the analogy drawn by St. Paul be-
tween the human body and the Church, the eye
{6(p6a\fj.6s) is named as a member superior in rank
to either the ear or the hand (1 Co 12'^- ^^), though
dependent on the co-operation of both. In virtue
of this superiority, the eye becomes proverbial for
that which is precious (Ep. Barn. xix. 9), and St.
Paul writes of the affection of the Galatian Chris-
tians, ' ye would have plucked out your eyes and
given them to me ' (Gal 4'^). Partly in view of
those words, many have argued that St. Paul's
' stake in the flesh ' (2 Co 12^) was ophthalmia {e.g.
Creighton, EBi ii. col. 1456; Macalister, HDB
iii. p. 331 ; against this view, see the weighty argu-
ments of Lightfoot, Galatians^", 1892, p. 191 n.).
The blindness with which St. Paul was seized on
the way to Damascus has been medically described
as ' a temporary amaurosis, such as that which has
been caused by injudiciously looking at the sun'
(Macalister, loc. cit.) ; the reference to the re-
moval of ' scales ' in the account of his recovery is
a comparison, not a pathological detail (Ac 9*- ^^).
Elymas was smitten with temporary blindness as
a punishment for his opposition to St. Paul (13^*).
The account of the miraculous restoration of Dorcas
to life (9^") shows that it was customary in Pales-
tine, as elsewhere, to close the eyes of a corpse.
The eyes are frequently named by apostolic
writers in connexion with spiritual blindness or
sight. St. Paul sees the fulfilment of prophecy in
the closed eyes of the Jews in Rome (Ac 28^'' ; cf.
Ro 11^* ^"), and is sent to open the eyes of the Gen-
tiles (Ac 26^^). Hatred of a brother is a darkness
blinding the eyes (1 Jn 2"). Christ says to the
Laodicean Church, ' buy eye-salve to anoint thine
eyes, that thou mayest see' (Rev 3'^). On the
other hand, he who knows Christ has the eyes of
his heart enlightened (Eph 1^^ ; cf. 1 Clem, xxxvi.
2, lix. 3 ; also the reference in Mart. Polyc. ii. 3
to tortured martyrs, who, ' with the eyes of their
heart,' gaze upon the good things reserved for
them). The realities revealed by the Spirit of
God are 'things that eye saw not' (1 Co 2^; cf.
Ep. ad Diognettim, ii, 1), But these spiritual
realities are built upon historic facts ; the basis
of the Christian gospel was that which apostles
had seen with their eyes (1 Jn V). As a cloud hid
Jesus from their eyes at His Ascension (Ac 1^), so,
when He comes with clouds, every eye shall see
Him (Rev 1^), When He is seen in vision, His
eyes are (searching) as a flame of fire (Rev 1'* 2^^
19'^) ; so, to the eyes of God, all things are naked
and laid open (He 4" ; cf. 1 P S'^). The many
eyes of the ' living creatures ' and of the Lamb of
the Apocalypse symbolically denote vigilance and
range of vision (Rev 4^- ^ 5^),
There are several references to the psychical and
388
FABLE
FACTION
moral qualities of the eye, according to that ' peri-
pheral consciousness' of Hebrew psychology (see
art. Ear), which is so amply illustrated in the OT
(examples in Mansfield College Essays, 1909, p.
275). No doubt, ' the lust of the eyes' (1 Jn 2'«)
can be satisfactorily explained to a modem mind
as ' all personal vicious indulgence represented by
seeing' (Westcott, ad loc), but a deeper meaning,
corresponding to St. Paul's idea of sin in the flesh
(see art. MAN), underlies this phrase, as also that
referring to ' eyes full of adultery ' (2 P 2'* ; read
fioLxeias with Bigg, ad loc). The most striking
apostolic reference to the eye is that in which St.
Paul rebukes the Galatians for letting themselves
be bewitched by (the ' evil eye ' of envious) false
teachers, when he had already ' placarded ' Christ
crucified before their eyes, who should have arrested
their gaze and averted peril (Gal 3^ ; cf. Lightfoot,
ad loc). This expresses the characteristic em-
phasis in apostolic teacliing on the positive side
of truth, the expulsion of the false by the true.
Those whose eyes are turned to Christ are trans-
formed into the same image, from glory to glory
(2 Co 3'^ ; cf. Odes of Solomon, xiii. 1) ; those who
look at things unseen find their inward man re-
newed day by day, even in the midst of visible
affliction (2 Co 4^6-^8).
H. Wheeler Robinson.
F
FABLE.— In the NT (AV and RV) ' fable' is the
translation of /xvOos. But it is not the myth
charged with high moral teaching as in Plato, for
both word and thing have degenerated into the
expression of fantastic, false, and profitless opinions.
fivdoi is opposed to the historic story (\6yos) or to
actual fact {dXridfia) ; cf. art. ' Fable ' in HDB, vol. i.
This is seen in the references : 1 Ti 1* ' Neither
to give heed to fables . . . the which minister
questionings rather than a dispensation of God'
[RV] ; 1 Ti 4^ ' profane and old wives' fables ' ; 2
Ti 4* ' turn aside unto fables ' ; Tit 1^* ' not giving
heed to Jewish fables' ; 2 P 1^8 « We did not follow
cunningly devised fables.'
The Pastoral Epistles give a vivid picture of the
state of religious feeling in Ephesus, and the
Roman Province of Asia generally, in the years
A.D. 60-70. It was a favourable soil for the rank
growth of the fables and curiously wrought em-
bellishments of OT history, mention of which we
find in the Pastorals. There is no difference of
opinion as to their origin. They were Jewish, and
the Gnosticism supposed to be found in them is as
yet incipient and hardly conscious of itself.
For an explanation of the origin of these fables
we must turn to the accretions of legend and
allegory that grew up in the Jewish mind round
the great scenes and personages of the OT. It
■was said that an oral law, ' the law that is on the
lip,' supplementary to the written law, had also
been given on Sinai, and handed down by teachers
from Moses through the centuries. This was added
to and illustrated by the teaching of the Rabbis,
and in course of time became a supplement to the
wi-itten law of the Pentateuch — a supplement so
ponderous that often the text was overlaid and
almost buried in the commentary. To this our
Lord made reference when He asked ' Why do ye
also transgress the commandment of God because
of your traditions ? ' (Mt 15^). These rank growths,
in deference to which they * paid tithes of mint
and anise and cummin and left undone mercy and
faith,' had run riot in the Asian Church. Men
were turning back from the worship of ' the King,
eternal, incorruptible, invisible, the only God,' to
old wives' fables, the profane and senile curiosities
of people in their dotage. Jewish and heathen
speculations had seduced their minds from the
essential parts of the Christian faith.
We have specimens of these 'feigned words' in
the numerous legends of the Talmud, the far-
fetched subtleties of Rabbinical teaching, and in
the allegorizing of Pliilo. Timothy, therefore,
was sent to recall the Ciiurch to the pure milk of
the word, and to nourish it on ' the words of the
faith.' 'Such,' says J. H. Ne^vman, 'was the
conflict of Christianity with the old established
Paganism ; with the Oriental Mysteries, flitting
wildly to and fro like spectres' [Development of
Christian Doctrine, 1878, p. 358). In 2 P V^ the
writer is replying to a taunt by which the opponents
of Christianity tried to turn the tables on the
teachers of the Faith. These had denounced the
religious fables with which men were deluding
themselves, and to that the reply was a ' tu quoque.'
The Christian doctrine, they said, was also built
upon fable, and its preachers were fraudulent and
sopliistical persons {(Te(TO(pi(TixivoL) who for ambition
or filthy lucre's sake were exploiting the churches.
To this the author of 2 Peter replies : ' We did not
follow cunningly devised fables.' In proof of his
religious certainty — certitudo veritatis — he writes,
'we were eye-witness of his majesty'; and for
certitudo salutis he adds, ' we have the day-star
rising in our hearts.' The answer is still valid.
Against the charge of following sophistical fables
the modern apologetic turns to ' the fact of Christ,'
and the heart stands up and answers, ' I have felt.'
W. M. Grant.
FACTION. — Among the works of the flesh are 'ipi^
and epidelai, 'strife' and 'factions' (Gal 5-"). epidelais
selfish intriguing for office (Aristotle, Pol. v. 2, 3),
partisanship, party-spirit.
(1) Faction was rampant in the free cities of
Greece. Personalities were frequently exalted
above principles, and the public good was sacrificed
to private ends. Men were partisans before they
were patriots. The same spirit penetrated the
Church. While St. Paul, Apollos, and Cephas,
differing only in personal idiosyncrasies, preached
essentially the same gospel, their names quickly
became the party-cries of wrangling sects in the
Corinthian Church. ' There are contentions (^ptSes,
' rivalries ') among you ' (1 Co 1") ; ' there is among
you jealousy and strife' (?pis, 3^), wrote St. Paul to
these typical Hellenes. He had to use all his re-
sources of reason and appeal to overcome their
'strife, jealousy, wi-aths, factions' (2 Co 12-").
(2) St. Paul's arrival in Rome awoke another,
stranger kind of partisanship in the Roman Church
(Ph P^"'8). His presence moved the preachers of
the city ; it quickened the evangelical pulse ; but,
while some began to preach Christ in good-will to
him (St' eiiSoKlav), others did it through envy and
strife (did. <p6bvov ko-I ipiv), out of faction (i^ iptdelas),
not purely or sincerely (aYvtDs). They emulated
his labours in the hope of robbing him of his
laurels ; then actually imagined that their brilliant
successes would ' add affliction to his bonds.' But
the Paul whose amour propre might have been
FAIE HAVENS
FAITH
389
wounded by shafts of that kind had long ago been
'crucitied with Christ.' The Paul who lived, or
rather in whom Christ lived (Gal 2-"), only rejoiced
if there were indeed gi-eater preachers than himself
in Rome. Among true apostles and evangelists
there is no room for jealous contention, ignoble
rivalry, in the publication of the gospel. Only one
thing matters— that Christ be preached and His
name gloritied. St. Paul's great-mindedness is
similar to that expressed in Browning's Paracelsus :
' Lo, I forgeb my ruin, and rejoice
In thy success, as thou ! Let our God's praise
Go bravely through the world at last 1 What care
Through me or thee?'
James Steahan.
FAIR HAYENS (KaXol Atyt*^''").— Fair Havens is
a small bay in the S. coast of Crete, where St.
Paul's ship, after working slowly westward under
the lee of the island, found shelter in rough weather
(Ac 27^). It is not referred to in any other ancient
writing besides Acts, but its name is still preserved
in the modern dialect — At/^ewj'as KaXoi5s. While
exposed to the E., it was protected on the S.W.
by two small islands. In this roadstead the
Apostle's ship remained *a considerable time'
{iKavov xpovov) weather-bound, strong N.W. winds
apparently continuing to blow. Two leagues west-
ward is Cape Matala, where the coast abruptly
trends to the N., so that if an attempt were
made to round the point the ship Avould certainly
be exposed to the full force of the wind. But as
it was feared that Fair Havens was not commodious
enough to winter in, a council was held, the ac-
count of which aflbrds a vivid and instructive
glimpse into life on an ancient government trans-
port. While the captain and ship-master (6 vav-
K\r]pos) thought it better to make a dash for Port
Phoenix {q.v.), St. Paul considered it more pru-
dent to remain where they were. The Koman
centurion naturally ' gave more heed ' to the
nautical experts than to the landsman, as did the
majority {ol irXelovs); but, as Smith remarks, 'the
event justified St. Paul's advice.'
' It now appears . . . that Fair Havens is so well protected by
islands, that though not equal to Lutro, it must be a very fair
winter harbour ; and that considering the suddenness, the fre-
quency, and the violence with which gales of northerly wind
spring up, and the certainty that, if such a gale sprang up in
the passage from Fair Havens to Lutro, the ship must be driven
off to sea, the prudence of the advice given by the master and
owner was extremely questionable, and that the advice given by
St. Paul may probably be supported even on nautical grounds'
(J. Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, 1880, p. So).
LrrERATURE. — W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the
Roman Citizen, 1895, p. 320 f. See also artt. in Bible Diction-
aries, esp. HDB i. S26 (W. Muir).
James Strahan.
FAITH.— 1. In the Acts of the Apostles.— In the
Acts faith is spoken of as (1) inspired by Christ,
(2) directed to Christ, (3) corresponding to Christian
teaching.
(1) After St. Peter had healed the lame man, he
explained that the miracle had been wrought by
the power of God by faith in the name of the
• Prince of life, whom God raised from the dead ' ;
'yea, the faith which is tlirough him (t) 5t' avrov)
hath given him this perfect soundness in the jire-
sence of you all' (3^^). The health-bringing faith
both in the apostles and the cripple had been in-
spired by Jesus, the Holy One.
(2) More frequently the faith is directed to Jesus
Christ. Thus the general statement is made :
'Many believed on (iirl) the Lord' {Q*% St. Paul
enjoins the Philippian jailer : ' Believe on the Lord
Jesus Christ' (16^^). Similarly Crispus, the ruler
of the synagogue, 'believed in the Lord with all
his house' (IS** ; eirlarevffev ti$ Ki'pio;= ' believed the
Lord'). In all these cases the faith is directed to
the Lord Jesus Christ.
(3) In several passages ' the faith ' is equivalent
to the Christian faith or Christian religion. In
describing the multiplying of the disciples in Jeru-
salem it is said : ' A great company of the priests
were obedient to the faith ' (6''). In Cyprus Elymas
opposed the apostles, ' seeking to turn aside the
proconsul from the faith' (l^^). St. Paul returned
to the towns in Asia, ' confirming the souls of the
disciples, exhorting them to continue in the faith '
(14--). In each of these cases 'the faith' has
already become the phrase to express all that is
implied by believing in Christ.
We can see the transition from (2) to (3) in the
expression used by St. Peter when speaking of the
work of God among the Gentiles. He says that
God made no distinction, ' cleansing their hearts
by faith ' or ' by the faith ' (15^).
This leads us to note that in Acts faith is made
the medium for healing, cleansing, and salvation.
The largest result of faith is announced by St. Paul
when he promises to the jailer salvation for him-
self and his household as the blessing given to
faith in Jesus Christ. The gift of the Holy Spirit
is associated with faith in Christ, as in the case of
Cornelius and his friends who welcomed the preach-
ing of the gospel by St. Peter, so that ' while Peter
yet spake these words, the Holy Spirit fell on all
them which heard the word ' (10"). More generally
the gift of the Holy Spirit follows baptism and
the laying on of hands, as in the case of the disciples
of John the Baptist (19'^) and the Samaritans whom
Philip had led to believe in Jesus Christ (8").
It is noteworthy that in describing both Stephen
and Barnabas it is said of each that he was ' full of
faith and of the Holy Spirit ' (6' ll^^), and probably
it is implied that each had received not only the
permanent gift of the Spirit {duspeav, 2^") but also
the graces (xapiV/xara, 1 Co 12") imparted by Him
through a full and obedient faith.
2. In the Epistle of St. James.— This Epistle must
have been written either in the very earliest apostolic
times or in a period that is almost post-apostolic.
The whole Epistle is practical and undogmatic,
and lajs the chief emphasis on ethical observance.
The writer appreciates the value of faith when he
refers to those who are ' rich in faith ' (2^) and to
the ' prayer of faith ' (5^^) ; but in the section of
the Epistle which deals with faith and works, it is
not too much to say that he looks upon faith with
a measure of suspicion. In this argument (2^'*-^)
the writer evidently defines 'faith' in his own
mind as intellectual assent to Divine truth, and
with his undogmatic prepossessions he becomes
almost antidogmatic in tendency. The Apostle
describes this faith not as false or feigned, but as
having such reality only as the faith of demons in
the oneness of God. To him ' faith ' is far from
being an enthusiastic acceptance of a Divine Ke-
deemer.
If the Epistle Avas written in very early times,
the argument must move more on Judaic than on
Christian grounds, and a certain corroboration of
this is found in the fact that the illustrations are
taken from OT examples like Abraham and Kahab,
and that the typical example chosen is belief in the
unity of God, which was the war-cry of the Jew as
it became in later days that of the Muhammadan.
If the later date is chosen, then time must be left
for a general acceptance of Christian truth so that
' faith ' had become assent to Christian dogma. In
either case the argument of the Epistle cannot be
regarded as a direct polemic against the teaching
of St. Paul. The two writers move in different
spheres of thought, so that, while words and
phrases are alike, theu* definitions are as the
poles asunder. An instance of this is found in the
words with which St. James closes the section on
'faith.' The Apostle has already declared : 'Faith,
if it have not works, is dead in itself ' (2"), so now
390
FAITH
FAITH
he sums up : ' As the body apart from the spirit is
dead, even so faith apart from works is dead ' (2-^).
Here we find tliab so far from faith being the in-
spiration of works, as St. Paul might suggest, St.
James teaches that works are tlie inspiration of
faith. Faith may be a mere dead body unless
works prove to be an inner spirit to make it alive.
This declaration agrees with the writer's whole
attitude, for throughout this letter he insists that
the practical carrying out of * the faith of our Lord
Jesus Christ' is found in obedience to 'the royal
law ' : ' Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.'
This practice of the will of Christ makes faith to
be alive.
3. In the Epistles of St. Paul. — In the writings
of St. Paul ' faith ' and ' grace ' are the human and
the Divine sides of the great experience that revolu-
tionized his own life and the lives of many to whom
the gospel was brought. Occasionally faith is
spoken of as being directed to God, but commonly
it is directed to Jesus Christ. Thus in Gal 2^'' St.
Paul writes : ' Knowing that a man is not justified
by the works of thelaw,save (but only, ^dr/iij) through
faith in Jesus Christ, even we believed on Christ
Jesus that we might be justified by faith in Christ.'
Here the reiteration is singular, but the insistence
on ' faith in Christ ' is characteristically Pauline.
To St. Paul the only faith that is of value is the
faith that rests on Jesus Christ our Lord, who was
made in the likeness of men, died for our sins, and
rose again from the dead. The Death of Christ
occupies so large a place in his thought that he is
determined to know nothing save Jesus Christ and
Him crucified (1 Co 2^), while he insists so strongly
on the Resurrection as to declare : ' If Christ hath
not been raised, your faith is vain ' (15'^).
This revolutionizing faith is awakened by the
preaching of the gospel : ' Belief cometh of hearing,
and hearing by the word of Christ ' (Ro 10'''), i.e. by
the word concerning Christ, or, as it is called earlier
(Ro 10*), ' the word of faith,' i.e. the word that deals
with justifying faith. This faith, according to St.
Paul, brings salvation. Thus in Eph V^ "the word
of the truth' is the medium by which faith comes,
and through faith comes salvation. So in Eph 2"* it
is said : ' By grace have ye been saved through faith '
{diaTTJs Tr/crrews, not dia t^v rrl<TTiv,i.e. through faith as
a means, not on account of faith as a ground of
salvation). Hearing and faith are associated in a
similar way in the Epistle to the Galatians, as the
means by which the gift of the Spirit came. ' Re-
ceived ye the Spirit by the works of the law, or by
the hearing of faith?' (Gal 3^), and the meaning
varies little whether we conceive of faith as the
accompaniment of hearing or as its product. It is
possible to infer from Eph l'^'- that the gift of the
Spirit was received after, not contemporaneously
Avith, the act of faith. ' Having also believed, ye
were sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise.' The
sealing with the Spirit is posterior to the act of
faith and may be associated with the rite of baptism,
which came to be known as a sealing ordinance.
St. Paul dwells frequently upon faith as a definite
act in his own life and in the lives of Christian
converts. Two instances only need be given. In
Gal 2^' he says : ' We believed on Christ Jesus,'
where the verb iiriffTeiaafiev denotes one definite
act in the past when they turned in faith to (eh)
Clirist Jesus. Even more marked is the sentence
in Ro 13'^ : ' Now is salvation nearer to us (^ 8re
^7rtc7-rei5(7a/nei')than when we believed,' i.e. tlian when
we by a definite act of faith became Christians.
In St. Paul's experience and teaching this act of
faith leads to a life of faith, so tliat he can write of
himself : 'That life which I now live in the flesh I
live in faith, the faith wliich is in the Son of God,
who loved me and gave himself for me' (Gal 2-").
Faith is not a solitary act but a continuous attitude
of the inner life towards Christ Jesus. But this
does not imply that either at the beginning or
during its course this faith is perfect ; it may be
halting even when real, and when living it grows
ever stronger • by faith unto faith ' (Ro 1"). Faith
is weak in the experience of many, sometimes in
opposition to the enticing power of evil when flesh
lusts against spirit, sometimes in opposition to law
as a ground of salvation, and sometimes in failing to
appreciate what Christian truth implies. This last
form of weakness is discussed by St. Paul towards
the close of the Epistle to the Romans (14), where
those weak in faith do not understand the extent
of their freedom in Christ, and find themselves
bound in conscience by irritating non-Christian
customs. St. Paul commends a faith that is stronger
and freer, but he declares that none must act in
defiance of their faith. They must be clear in
mind and conscience before they break even these
customs. 'Whatsoeverisnotoffaithissin'(Rol4^).
Even when Christians are perfect {riXeioi, Ph 3'^),
possessors of a mature faith as well as full knowledge,
they have not reached the goal, but they must
still press on toward the goal unto the prize of the
high calling of God in Christ Jesus (v.'*).
For St. Paul faith was an experience that
touched the inmost part of his nature, but it had
perforce to find outward expression. Faith and
profession are necessarily united. The believer in
Christ must be a witness for Christ. The state-
ment of Ro 10'*> puts succinctly what St. Paul con-
stantly implies : ' With the heart man believeth
unto righteousness, and with the mouth confession
is made unto salvation.' These are not so much
independent acts as two sides of the same act.
Internally faith in Christ brings a change of heart,
externally it implies confession of the Lord. This
confession finds its formal expression in baptism,
and the Apostle expected that in this way as well
as in more homely ways this public confession
would be made. In St. Paul's view the believer
in Christ must be a professing Christian.
If faith must be associated with such outward
testimony it must be even more intimately associ-
ated with many Christian graces, and especially
with love or charity, St. Paul in his eulogy of
love (1 Co 13) declares that among the great abid-
ing virtues love is the chief. ' If I have all faith
so as to remove moimtains, but have not love, I
am nothing' (1 Co 13^). This exalted praise of
love is the more remarkable because St. Paul is
the champion of faith in the great controversy of
which we get his own statement in the Epistles to
Galatians and Romans (Gal 2 and 3, Ro 1-5), St.
Paul's experience on the way to Damascus when
he was convinced of the Messiahship and Lordship
of Jesus of Nazareth became the dominant factor
in all his life, and led to his abandonment of al-
legiance to law and to the strenuous vindication
of the place of faith in the religious life. Before
his conversion St. Paul had sought justification
with God by a religious obedience to the Law, but
faith in Jesus Christ changed his whole attitude
and revolutionized his whole thought. Faith in
Christ was not conceived by him primarily as
bringing a new power in attaining the end that
he had previously kept in view, for now he be-
lieved that justification had been attained at once
through faith in Christ by the grace of God.
Justification was the beginning of true life, not a
blessing to be attained at the end (Gal 2'*).
The faith which receives this blessing is faith in
Christ Jesus. This faith is conceived by St. Paul
not as a mere intellectual assent or as a recogni-
tion of the unseen world, but as an enthusiastic
trust in Christ as Saviour, and as a complete devo-
tion to Him as Lord. The whole inner nature,
including mind, heart, and will, is committed to
FAITH
FAITH
391
Him in trust and devotion. In receiving Jesus as
Christ, St. Paul gave liimself to Jesus as Lord.
This saving faith became the medium of all Divine
blessing to St. Paul, and, drawing upon his own
experience, he taught that it would be and must
be the medium of blessing to all. Hence he gloried
in the gospel, ' for therein is revealed a righteous-
ness of God by faith unto faith' (Ro 1''). The
gospel could thus become a universal message for
mankind, for it dealt with all men alike as sinners,
and offered to all who believed in Christ the
righteousness of God, ' being justified freely by
his grace through the redemption that is in Christ
Jesus • (324).
After this illuminating experience of the grace
of God came to St. Paul he turned hack to the OT
and found in its pages that in the religious experi-
ence there narrated the blessings of God had come
also through faith. Thus ' to Abraham his faith
was reckoned for rigliteousness' (Ro 4^, Gal 3^).
So David pronounced blessing upon the man unto
whom God reckoneth righteousness apart from
works (Ro 4^). He found that God's method had
always been the same. His grace had reached its
end when a human heart had responded in faith.
This truth is utterly opposed to St. Paul's former
belief that righteousness came by the Law, and
both in Rom. and Gal. he labours to prove that,
whatever the work of the Law was, it was not
to gain a right standing with God. It had a
mission even concerning faith, but it was the
mission of an attendant slave to bring those who
were in ward unto Christ ; but when that mission
was fulfilled, they were no longer under law, but
were all sons of God, through faith in Christ
Jesus (Gal S'--*"""*). Thus the Christian life is re-
garded as a free, loving, spiritual service, of which
faith in Christ is the prime origin and the constant
inspiration.
In the Pastoral Epistles that are usually associ-
ated with the name of St. Paul we find ' the faith '
frequently used as equivalent to the Christian
faith or teaching. Thus in 1 Tim. we find :
'Some made shipwreck concerning the faith' (P^).
Deacons must hold the ' mj'stery of the faith in a
pure conscience ' (3^). ' In later times some shall
fall away from the faith' (4^). 'If any provideth
not for his own, and specially his own household,
he hath denied the faith ' (5*). It is inferred by
some that the use of ' the faith' in this sense im-
plies a late date for this Epistle, possibly consider-
ably after St. Paul's death ; but it is significant
that in Gal., which is among the very earliest of
the Pauline Epistles, there is found the expres
sion : ' Before the faith came, we were kept in
ward under the law, shut up unto the faith which
should afterwards be revealed' (Gal 3-^). Here
the Apostle describes the early period not as the
time before faith came, for faith was found already
in the OT, but as the time before the faith came,
i.e. the faith of Christ. Thus in this early Epistle
we have the starting-point for the later use.
i. In the Epistle to the Hebrews. — In this
Epistle faith has not the content that has been
found in the Epistles of St. Paul. It is true that
when the writer is speaking of ' the first principles
of Christ' he mentions first, in a manner sug-
gestive of St. Paul's phrases, the ' foundation of
repentance from dead works, and of faith toward
God' {iiri dedv, 6^). But even here 'dead works'
is not used in the Pauline sense as works done
apart from Christ or as works of themselves, and
' faith ' is not the enthusiastic trust in Christ
which St. Paul enshrines as the central feature
of experience and dogma. In Heb., faith may be
defined in general terms as the human response to
the word of God. When man refuses to respond,
he is guilty of unbelief and of hardness of heart ;
when he responds to God speaking to him, then he
believes. God sent His word through agents, such
as angels (2^) and prophets (V), but especially in
the last times He has spoken through His Son, and
has borne witness to this message by ' signs and
wonders, by manifold powers, and by gifts of the
H0I3' Ghost ' (2^* *). Faith is the obedient response
to this word of God, and has been found in all
those who have become ' the cloud of witnesses '
(12^). The secret of the assurance, devotion, and
endurance of the OT saints is found in their
unceasing confidence in the God who revealed
Himself to them (P). The greatest example of
this faith was Jesus Himself, ' the author and
perfecter of faith ' (12-), who led the way in the
career of faith and embodied in His own life its full
realization. This believing response to the word
of God produces within the mind certain activities,
the chief of which the writer describes when he
gives faith its well-known definition (11') : ' Faith
is the assurance of things hoped for (or it gives
substance to things hoped for), the proving of
things not seen (or the conviction of unseen
realities.)' Faith is the conviction of the reality
of things not made known through the senses, and,
so far as religion is concerned, it is produced by
the word of God.
It ought to be observed that throughout this
Epistle there is also implied a faith in the work
of God by Christ, the great High Priest and
Mediator of a new covenant. Possibly this work
ougiit to be regarded as a part of the word of
God, for the writer conceives of God's word coming
in the OT through such works as the arrangements
of the tabernacle (9^), as weU as by spoken message,
and the work of Christ may be conceived as in its
entirety the message of God to men. On the
other hand, it is possible that the writer, having
described the complete priestly work done by
Christ, regards faith as the response to the call
then made by God to enter into His immediate
fellowship. Those who respond will draw near
to God ' in full assurance of faith ' [if irX-qpo^opig,
irlareu'i, 10'"'-).
5. In the Epistles of St. Peter.— There is little
that is distinctive in the doctrinal teaching of
these Epistles, and analogies may be found with
both St. Paul and St. James. The writer of 1
Pet. makes Christ the object of faith, ' on whom (e/s
&v), though now ye see him not, yet believing, ye
rejoice with joy unspeakable ' (1*). He also makes
Christ the means of faith in God: Christ 'was
manifested at the end of the times for your sake,
who through him {5C avrov) are believers in God'
(ets 6ebv, 1-"- 21). Similarly those who are suffering
greatly are called upon to ' commit their souls in
Avell-doing unto a faithful Creator' (4^^), where in
a unique phrase God as Creator is presented as the
object of trust. Throughout 1 Pet. salvation is
regarded as future, certainly near at hand, but
still as an inheritance to which Christians are to
look forward. Hence those who are begotten unto
this living hope must look upon the trials they are
undergoing as tests of their faith (1^), and must
recall that, as Christ suffered in the flesh, they
must arm themselves with the same mind (4^).
But the real defence is the power of God, by which
they are guarded through faith (P). Faith brings
under the power of God those who are tried, so
that at last they will receive the end of their faith,
even the salvation of their souls (P).
6. In the Epistles of St. John.— ' Faith ' is not
tlie dominant conception in these Epistles, but
' light,' ' knowledge,' ' love.' Faith and love are pre-
sented as twin commands : ' This is his command-
ment, that we should believe in the name of his
Son Jesus Christ, and love one another' (1 Jn Z^).
The thouglit is somewhat varied when the "writer
392
FAITHFULI^ESS
FAITHFULNESS
says that a believer in Christ receives new life
from God, and one sign of that new life is that he
loves God who begat him, and also every other one
who is begotten in the same way (5^). True faith
includes genuine love. The knowledge of God, of
Christ, and of ourselves leads to faith. ' We know
and have believed the love which God hath in us '
(4^*) ; but faith also develops into a deeper and
surer knowledge : ' These things have I written
unto you, that ye may know that ye have eternal
life, even unto you that believe on the name of the
Son of God ' (5^%
Through faith there comes also victory over the
world and all the poAvers of the world. ' This is
the victory that hath overcome the world, even our
faith ' (5'*). Thus he that believes that Jesus is the
Son of God passes by the way of forgiveness, know-
ledge, and love into an assured confidence and a
great victory over the world and the things that
are in the world.
7. In the Apocalypse. — It is unnecessary to
examine the Apocalypse in detail, for it does hot
deal with either the nature or the defence of faith.
In some respects it rises to a higher level as poetic
and prophetic expression is given in it to the
energy of the deep religious faith that abounds in
the heart of the writer. In the Apocalypse we
have described for us in words and pictures the
unity and power of God, the dominion of Christ
over the Church and the world, and the triumphant
victory of the Kingdom of God over all the powers
of evil. With all its problems and mysteries, this
book has proved in times of despair the means of
begetting and sustaining faith in Jesus Christ as
'the ruler of the kings of the earth ' (V).
8. Conclusion. — In Avhatever ways the apostles
differ in their method of regarding faith, they
agree in the underlying thought that in and by
it there is oneness with Jesus Christ. This union
is dwelt upon by St. Paul especially in passages
that deal with the ' unio mystica ' (Eph V^, 1 Co 12^2,
etc.), but it appears also in the argument of 1 Jn.
(2**). To make this oneness real, there is required
less mere intellectual discernment than willingness
of heart to commit soul and life to God in Christ.
This faith is the answer of the heart to the grace
of God, and is associated always with repentance
and is accompanied by love and other Christian
graces. Thus the writer of 2 Pet. is at one with
all the apostles in saying to Christians that when
they become partakers of the Divine nature ( I'*) they
are bound to add to the faith— that is funda-
mental — virtue, knowledge, temperance, patience,
godliness, love of the brethren, love. Faith, that
makes a believer a sharer in Christ's salvation,
makes him also a sharer in Christ's mind and char-
acter.
Literature.— H. Bushnell, The New Life, 1860, p. 44 ; J. C.
Hare, The Victory of Faith\ 1874 ; J. T. O'Brien, The Nature
and the Effects of Faith*, 1877 ; N. Smyth, 2'he Reality of
Faith, 1888, also The Religious Feeling— a Study for Faith,
n.d. ; J. Kaftan, Glaube und Dogma^,'l8S9 ; C. Gore, in Luz
3/wndii2, 1891 , p. 1 ; J. W. Diggle, Religious Doubt, 1S!»5, p.
28 ; J. Haussleiter, ' Was versteht Paulus unter christlicliem
Glauben?' in Greifswalder Studien, 1895, p. 159 ff.; G. B.
Stevens, Doctrine and Life, 1895, p. 191 ; A. Schlatter, Der
and Verification, 1907 ; W. R. Inge, Faith, 1909 ; H. C. G.
Moule, Paith, 1909 ; P. Charles, La Foi, 1910 ; P. Gardner,
The Religious Experience of St. Paul, 1911^. 206; H. Marten-
sen-Larsen, Zweifel und Glaube, 1911 ; D. L. Ihmels, Fides
imijUcita und der evangelische Ueilsglaube, 1912 ; A. Nairne,
The Epistle of Priesthooil, 1913, p. 386 ff. ; W. M. Ramsay,
T/ie Teaching of Paul, 1913, pp. 56, 163, 176, ISi.'.
D. Mackak Ton.
FAITHFULNESS.— 1. Faithfulness of God.— The
apostolic writers agree Avith the general biblical
teaching in ascribing faithfulness to God as ' keep-
ing covenant and mercy with them that love him
and keep his commandments to a thousand gener-
ations ' (Dt 7*). Two general examples may be
given. (1) Among the faithful sayings in the NT
letters, there is found one in 2 Ti 2"-^*, where the
writer speaks of the sufferings that he gladly en-
dures, for ' if we died with him, we shall also live
with him ... if we are faithless, he abideth
faithful; for he cannot deny himself.' God's faith-
fulness rested upon His own nature and not upon
any human contingencies.
(2) The writer of Hebrews elaborated this truth
when he dealt with the blessings that were to come
in and through Abraham. In order that he and
all believers might have greater assurance, God
not only made gracious promises, but also inter-
posed with an oath so that He might show more
abundantly unto the heirs of the promise the im-
mutability of His counsel. God's faithfulness was
assured both by promise and by oath (He 6'^"^").
This Divine faithfulness was made by the apostles
the ground of forgiveness and cleansing to those
who confessed their sins (1 Jn 1®), of deliverance in
temptation from the power of evil (1 Co 6'^ 2 Th 3*),
and of confidence in the final salvation of those
Avho were called into the fellowship of Jesus Christ
(1 Co P, 1 Th 5-").
2. Faithfulness of Christ. — It is noteworthy that
in the Apocalypse, where Christians are being en-
couraged to endure, the faithfulness of Christ is
made prominent. Thus He is called the faithful
witness (Rev P 3"), and victory is ascribed to Him
who is 'faithful and true' (19^^). But it is in
Hebrews again that we find this faithfulness en-
larged upon. In the earlier sections of that Epistle,
where the writer is comparing the work of Christ
with that wrought by angels and prophets, he
shows that both Moses and Christ were examples
of faithfulness, but Christ excelled, insomuch as a
son's faithfulness over God's house excels in quality
that of a servant in the house. ' He hath been
counted of more glory than Moses, by so much as
he that built the house hath more honour than the
house' (He 3i-«).
3. Faithfulness of Christians. — In the back-
ground of every Christian life the apostles placed
the example of Christ and the attributes of God,
and thus the faithfulness they sought to practise
and instil was linked with the faithfulness of God.
For this reason St. Paul repelled with heat the
charge of fickleness that had been brought against
him by critics in Corinth (2 Co P'*""^). He acknow-
ledged that there had been an alteration in certain
details of his plans, but he asserted that this was
due not to any passing inconsistency in his mind,
but to greater faithfulness to his unchangeable
desire to help them. He had not changed his plans
capriciously, saying *Yes' to-day and 'No' to-
morrow, but he had adhered to principles as un-
changeable as the gospel he preached. As God
was faithful to His promise, so the Apostle did not
vacillate ; as Christ was unchangeable, so was St.
Paul. The steadfastness of St. Paul and of all
Christians found its source in the Divine stablish-
ing in Christ. This is only one example of the
apostolic belief that constant faithfulness in Chris-
tian life came from faith in Christ, ' the faithful
and true,' while apostatizing from the living God
came from an evil heart of unbelief (He 3^^).
The faithfiilness urged by the apostles covered
the whole of life. It must be shown by Christians
in their ordinary callings. When many were in-
clined, in view of the near approach of the Day of
the Lord, to abandon their ordinary occupations,
St. Paul wrote to the Thessalonians that all must
work with quietness and eat their own bread, and
that none must leave their common work and live
in idleness (2 Th 3). In like manner St. Paul wrote
more than once that those who were called to be
Christians must abide faithfully in their callings
FAITHFULNESS
FALL
3d-6
and perform their duties. Masters must put a new
spirit into their oversight ; slaves must become
only the more diligent and faithful in their service ;
husbands and wives must remain faithful to tlieir
marriage vows, even when the new bond to Christ
has been fashioned.
Within the Christian Church those called to any
duty were required to exercise their gifts faith-
fully. He who was called to be a minister of God
was reminded that a steward must be found faith-
ful (1 Co 4^). Each one must be faithful to the
graces given by the Spirit, whether of prophecy,
teaching, giving, or ruling (Ro 12^). St. Paul
claimed that he exhibited his faithfulness in teach-
ing when he was dealing with the case of fathers
and their unmarried daughters (1 Co 7^). When
he was expressing his judgment on this matter he
said that lie had no ' command ' {evLTayi^i') to con-
vey, but he gave his settled 'opinion' (yvwix-Qv),
conscious that in so doing he was faithful to his
stewardship under Christ.
As apostles were expected to be faithful in their
teaching, so all Christians were expected to be
faithful to the teaching they had received. As
some of them were in danger of being ' carried
about with every wind of doctrine, by the sleight
of men, in craftiness, after the wiles of error'
(Eph 4" ; cf. He 13"), they must all be on their guard
to hold fast the faith of Christ, and, in spite of all
anti-Christian influences, they must hold the tradi-
tions which they were taught, whether by word or
by Epistle of the Apostle (2 Th 2'»). Indeed, in the
Epistle to the Hebrews faith itself is almost iden-
tified ^^'ith steadfast loyalty to the Unseen God,
and thus passes into faithfulness, which marks the
believer under manifold trials.
In the apostolic life faithfulness to friends, and
especially to those who were fellow-workers, was
greatly prized. The first necessity for a Christian
worker is that he should be, like Lydia, ' faithful
to Christ' (Trt(TTT]v T(fi Kvplw, Ac 16^") ; but he should
be also, like Timothy, ' faithful in Christ ' (Tncrrou iv
Kvplq}, 1 Co 4"), i.e. faithful in the sphere of Chris-
tian duty. This faithfulness is required to be
shown not only to those for whom work is done,
but also to those with whom it is done. Thus when
St. Paul speaks in the Epistle to the Colossians of
Tychicus his messenger as ' the beloved brother
and faithful minister and fellow-servant in the
Lord' (Col 4''), and of Onesimus as 'the faithful
and beloved brother ' (4^), he has before his mind
chiefly the fidelity of these two brethren to himself
the apostle and prisoner of the Lord. In 2 Tim.
we have represented the unfaithfulness of Denias,
who had forsaken the Apostle, ' having loved this
present world ' ; the faithfulness of St. Luke his
companion — the beloved physician, who had re-
mained true to him to the end ; and the renewed
faithfulness of John ]Mark, who had deserted St.
Paul at one time, but who in later years was a
proved and faithful servant (2 Ti 4'"- ").
Christian faithfulness was to be observed through-
out the whole of life, and especially through the
many trials and tribulations of Christian experi-
ence. In the Epistles of St. Paul we find the
Apostle on no fewer than six different occasions
calling upon his readers to 'stand fast': 'Stand
fast in the faith' (crrriKere, ' stand firmly and faith-
fully.' 1 Co 16^3) . . stand fast in the ifberty ' (Gal
51) ; ' in one spirit' (Ph V) ; 'in the Lord' (Ph 4^,
1 Th 3^) ; ' and hold the traditions which ye were
taught '(2 Th 2'=). St. Paul was urgent that be-
lievers should be faithful to the highest in all
their varied experiences. In the Apocalypse we
find the same insistence. The Church at Smyrna
was exhorted to be 'faithful unto death' (Rev 2^°),
and the Church at Pergamum was commended
for faithfulness even in the days when ' witness-
ing' for Christ became 'martyrdom' in the later
meaning of that word (v.^^). This extreme faith-
fulness was founded on faith in God and love
to Christ, but it was glorified still further by the
expectation of 'receiving the promise' (He 10^),
of enjoying the 'great recompense of reward'
(v.35), and of being awarded 'the crown of life'
(Rev 2^"). Even when faithfulness meant for apos-
tolic Christians their resisting unto blood, they
were sustained by the thought of the Master, who
after enduring the Cross had entered into His
joy and was set down at the right hand of the
throne of God (He 12^).
Literature.— 'W. A. Butler, Sermons'^, 1st ser., 1852, p.
155 ; H. Bushnell, The Aew Life, 1860, p. 191 ; J. L. Jones,
Faithfulness, 1S90, p. 2 ; A. Shepherd, 'The ResponsibUity of
God, 1906 ; W. H. G. Thomas, in Westminster Bible. Confer-
ence, Mundesley, 1912, p. 143. D. MACRAE TOD.
FALL. — It is now generally recognized by
scholars that the story of the Fall in Genesis is to
be regarded neither as literal history, as Irenjeus,
TertuUian, and Augustine taught, nor as allegoiy,
as Clement and Origen, following Philo, held ; but
as a myth, common to the Semitic group of re-
ligions, in which an attempt is made to explain
the origin of the evils from which mankind sutlers.
This myth has, however, been transformed to bring
it into accord with the ' ethical monotheism ' of
the Hebrew religion. For the present purpose,
the exposition of the apostolic (in this case exclu-
sively the Pauline) doctrine, it is not necessary to
examine any alleged similar myth in other re-
ligions, to cite any of the supposed Babylonian
parallels, to enter into the details of the narrative
in Genesis, or to exhibit the truth under the mytho-
logical form, which expositors have found in the
story (for all these particulars the artt. in HDB i.
839, SDB p. 257, and DCG i. 571 may be con-
sulted).
There is no evidence that the teaching of the
OT as a whole on the subject of sin was in the
slightest degree attected by the narrative in Gn 3,
as the instances cited to the contrary disappear on
closer scrutiny ; but the universality of man's sin-
fulness is asserted as a fact, although no reason for
it is offered. It is only when we come to the
apocryphal Jewish literature that the story is given
the significance of doctrine. Although, as the
evidence from this source shows, Jewish theology
in the time of Jesus had taken up the question of
the origin of sin and death, yet in the teaching
of Jesus there is not the faintest echo of Jewish
thought upon the subject. His standpoint is that
of the OT, although His revelation of God's Father-
hood and man's sonship gives to the sin which
separates God and man a more tragic import. St.
Paul, however, has given a place in his theology to
this contemporary Jewish doctrine, and, on account
of the light it throws upon his teaching, it wUl be
necessary to examine it more closely.
1. The connexion of St. Paul's doctrine with
Jewish teaching. — (a) While in the OT we have
the beginnings, but only the beginnings, of the
later doctrine of Satan (Job P'^ 2'-", the unbeliever
in, and slanderer of, man's goodness and godliness ;
Zee 3^, the adversary of man to hinder God's grace ;
1 Ch 211, tiie tempter ; cf . 2 S 24^, where it is the
Lord who moves David to number the people), yet
it is not till Ave come to Wis 2-'* that he is identi-
fied with the serpent who tempted Eve: 'But by
the envy of the devil death entered into the world.,
and they that are of his portion make trial thereof.'
This identification is assumed in Ro IB"^" and Rev
129 202 and is also implied in Jn 8" (cf. 1 Jn S^-^^).
(b) Woman's share in this tragedy for the race is
mentioned in Sir 25^ : ' From a woman was the be-
ginning of sin ; and because of her we all die.' Of
this detail of the narrative St. Paul also makes use
by way of warning : ' But I fear, lest by any
means, as the serpent beguiled Eve in his crafti-
ness, your minds should be corrupted from the
simplicity and the purity that is toward Christ '
(2 Co IP). It is not impossible that in this allusion
St. Paul has in view the opinion of apocalyptic and
Rabbinic writers that the temptation was to un-
chastity.
' The thought which pervades this passage is that of conjuaral
loyalty and fidelity to one husband, and it is difficult to resist
the conclusion to which Everling {Die Paulinische Angelologie
M. Ddmoiiologie, 51-57) conies in his able discussion of the pas-
sage, that the mention of Eve in this connexion in a clause in-
troduced by (OS, makes it necessary to understand the sin into
which she was betrayed as similar to that into which the Cor-
inthian Church is, figuratively speaking, in danger of falling,
namely, unohastity and infidelity to her husband ' (H. St. J.
Thaclieray, The Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary Jewish
Thought, 1900, p. 62; cf. Tennant, TAe Fall and Original Sin,
1903, p. 251).
If this was St. Paul's belief, it adds force to his
argument for woman's subordination in 1 Ti 2'*
' Adam was not beguiled, but the woman being be-
guiled hath fallen into transgression.' Here again
St. Paul is either echoing, or in accord with, Jewish
thought, for in the Slavonic Secret.^ of Enoch, xxxi.
6, we read : 'And on this account he [Satan] con-
ceived designs against Adam ; in such a manner he
entered [into Paradise] and deceived Eve. But he
did not touch Adam' (cf. Tiiackeray, op. cit. pp. 51,
52). Such an opinion would explain the harshness
of his tone and the hardness of his dealing with
women.
(c) These are, however, subordinate features of
the narrative ; but St. Paul is, in his assertion of
human depravity, not only in accord with some
of the sayings in the OT, but with such explicit
teaching as is found in 2 Es 4" ' How can he that
is already worn out with the corrupted world
understand incorruption,' and 7®^ ' Por all that are
born are defiled with iniquities, and are full of sins
and laden with offences.' But such a view does
not seem to have been universal, for Edersheim
says expressly of the teaching of the Talmud : ' So
far as their opinions can be gathered from their
writings, the great doctrines of Original Sin, and
of the sinfulness of onr whole nature, were not
held by the ancient Rabbis ''(i^^ 1887, i. 165; cf.
Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ [ICC, 1902], p. 137).
(d) INIan's present racial condition is traced back
to Adam's fall (irapdirTUfjia ; Wis 10^ ' Wisdom
guarded to the end the first formed father of the
world, that was created alone, and delivered him
out of his own transgression'). The teaching in
Ro 512-21 is very fully anticipated in 2 Es S^i- ^ :
' For the first Adam bearing a wicked heart trans-
gressed, and was overcome ; and not he only, but
all they also that are born of him. Thus disease
was made permanent ; and the law was in the
heart of the people along with the wickedness of
the root ; so the good departed away, and that
which was wicked abode still ' ; 4^0 ' For a grain of
evil seed was sown in the heart of Adam from the
beginning, and how much wickedness hath it
brought forth unto this time ! and how much shall
it yet bring forth until the time of threshing come ! ' ;
7'^^ 'O thou Adam, what hast thou done? for
though it was thou that sinned, the evil is not
fallen on thee alone, but upon all of us that come of
thee.' While it is generally assumed that in these
passages man's moral corruption in the sense of
inherited depravity is traced to Adam's trans-
gression as its cause, yet Tennant maintains that
the available evidence does not support the view.
'The only parallels adduced by Sanday and Headlam from
approximately contemporary literature are the passages of 4
Ezra [the passages given above] relating to the cor 'riudignmn.
But the cor malignum is certainly the yezer hara of the liahbis,
retrardc'd by Pseudo-Ezra, as well as by talmudic writers, as in-
herent in .\dam from the first, and as the cause, not the con-
sequence, of his fall. St. Paul, curiously enough, nowhere
appears to make use of the current doctrine of the evil yezer ;
certainly not in connexion with the Fall. There would seem to
be no evidence that St. Paul held, even in germ, the doctrine of
an ioherited corruption derived from Adam ' (op. dt. p. 264 f.).
To the explicit challenge of a common under-
standing of St. Paul's doctrine we must return
when dealing with it in detail in the next section ;
but meanwhile it may be made clear that it is not
the assertion of a connexion between Adam's fall
and man's sinfulness which is denied in these
passages, but the inference from them that Adam's
fall is regarded as the cause of moral depravity,
and not merely as its first instance.
Support is given to this interpretation of the evidence by
Weber's summary of the teaching of the Talmud (Altsyn. Theol.
p. 216, quoted by Sanday-Headlam, op. cit. p. 137): 'By the
Fall man came under a curse, is guilty of death, and his right
relation to God is rendered difficult. More than this caimot be
said. Sin, to which the bent and leaning had already been
planted in man by creation, had become a fact ; the " evil im-
pulse" {=cor malignum) gained the mastery over mankind,
who can only resist it by the greatest efforts ; before the Fall it
had had power over him, but no such ascendancy {Uebermacht).'
After this quotation Sanday-Headlam continue the discussion
in the words : ' Hence when the writer says a little further on
that according to the Rabbis "there is such a thing as trans-
mission of guilt, but not such a thing as transmission of sin (Es
gibt eine Erbschuld, aber keine Erl>siinde)," the negative pro-
position is due chiefly to the clearness with whicli the Rabbis
(like Apoe. Baruch) insist upon free-will and direct individual
responsibility ' (op. cit. p. 137 f.).
The conclusion to which one is led is that a
common doctrine cannot be confidently affirmed ;
and that if St. Paul does teach that man's moral
nature was changed for the worse by the Fall, he
is not following a clearly expressed and generally
accepted Jewish doctrine on the subject. The
bearing of his distinctive doctrine of the flesh on,
and the meaning of, 1 Co 15^'^-'*® in relation to the
Jewish doctrine of the cor malignum must be re-
served for subsequent discussion, while the feature
referred to in the above quotation may here be
illustrated.
(e) There can be no doubt of the distinctness and
emphasis with which Jewish thought insists on
man's individual responsibility, sometimes even, it
would seem, in opposition to the view of a moral
solidarity of the race, as the following passages
show : 2 Es 3^ ' In all things doing even as Adam
and all bis generation had done : for they also
bare a wicked heart' ; S^^- «» 'The Most High willed
not that man should come to nought : but they
which be created have themselves dehled the name
of him that made them, and were unthankful unto
him which prepared life for them ' ; 9'^- '^ ' As
many as have scorned my law, while they had yet
liberty, and, when as yet place of repentance was
open imto them, understood not, but despised it ;
the same must know it after death by torment.'
The strongest assertion of the exclusion of the
derivation of any guilt from Adam is found, how-
ever, in Apoc. Bar. liv. 15, 19 : ' For though Adam
first sinned and brought untimely death upon all,
yet of those who were born from him each one of
them has prepared for his own soul torment to
come, and again each of them has chosen for him-
self glories to come. . . . Adam is therefore not
the cause, save only of his own soul, but each one
of us has been the Adam of his own soul ' (Charles's
translation in Apoc. and Psendcpig. of the OT,
1913, ii. 511 f.). While St. Paul is constant in his
assertion of individual liberty, yet he does not
think of opposing it to, or trying to harmonize it
with, the common sin of the race, sprung from
Adam. Either he was not conscious of any con-
tradiction, or regarded it as a problem insoluble by
man's wisdom.
(/) On the connexion between Adam's sin and
the introduction of death there is no such un-
certainty in the evidence. The curse that rests on
man since the Fall is mentioned in Sir 40^ : ' Great
travail is created for many men, and a heavy yoke
is upon the sons of Adam.' The connexion between
death and the woman's sin stated in 25^^ and
between death and the devil's envy affirmed in
Wis 2^* has already been referred to. More ex-
plicit is the reference to the narrative of Genesis
in 2 Es 3^ : ' And unto him thou gavest thy one
commandment: which he transgressed, and im-
mediately thou appointedst death for him and in
his generation.' So also the Apoc. Bar. xvii. 3 :
' Adam . . . brought death and ciit off the years
of those who were born from him ' (cf. xxiii. 4).
There are two passages, however, that seem to
teach that man was by nature mortal, and that
the Fall only hastened the process : ' Adam first
sinned and brouglit untimely death (mortem im-
maturam) upon all' (liv. 15); and ' OAving to his
transgression untimely death [mors quae non erat
tempore eins) came into being' (Ivi. 6). Apart
from the two classical passages in St. Paul's letter
on the relation of Christ and Adam in Ro 5 and 1
Co 15, which must be discussed in detail, death is
connected with sin as its penalty in Ro 6^ ' The
wages of sin is death,' and in Ja 1" 'Sin, when it
is fullgrown, bringeth forth death.' We must now
?ass to the discussion of St. Paul's doctrine of the
'all.
2. St. Paul's doctrine of the Fall.— Although
the classical passage on the subject is Ro 5'-''^',
yet there are references to Adam in 1 Co IS'^'* ^^' ^- **
which may be briefly examined in so far as they
present doctrine supplementary to that in Ro 5.
(a) 1 Co 15^'- ^^ states tlie same doctrine. The
contrast is emphasized in v.^^ by the description of
the first Adam, in accordance with the account of
his creation in Gn 2^, as living soul, while Christ,
the last Adam, is a life-giving spirit. Adam was
given life by the breath or spirit of God, but could
not impart any ; Christ not only has life, but
gives it. The psychic order of tlie first Adam
necessarily preceded the pneumatic order of the
last (1 Co 15'*'^): so far there is no moral censure
of the first Adam implied, and the Apostle's
statement corrects an error into which theological
speculation on man's primitive condition often
fell. 'The Apostle,' says Godet (ad loc), 'does
not share the notion, long regarded as orthodox,
that humanity was created in a state of moral
and physical perfection. . . . Independently of the
Fall, there must have been progress from an in-
ferior state, the psychic, which he posits as man's
point of departure, to a superior state, the spiritual,
foreseen and determined as man's goal from the
first' (quoted by Findlay, EGT, ' 1 Cor.,' 1900, p.
938). This inferior state did not include for St.
Paul the cor malignum, which Jewish thought
assigned to Adam. It is not so certain that the
next statement, ' The first man is of the earth,
earthy : the second man is of heaven ' (v.'*^), refers
only to physical origin, and does not indicate
moral character.
Xol/c6s, as Ph 3'^, Col 3^ suggest, seems to have
a moral connotation. But even if this be so, it
does not make certain that St. Paul assigned the
yezer hara to the unfallen Adam, as, since the
reference in the ' second man from heaven ' is not
to the pre-existent Wojrd, but to the Risen Lord,
the contrast is between Adam fallen as the source
of death to mankind and Christ risen as the foun-
tain of its eternal life. If v,^^ be not merely a
prediction, but an exhortation, as many ancient
authorities attest (see RVm), this moral reference
becomes certain. This whole passage, accordingly,
does disprove the view that man's primitive con-
dition was one of such perfection that there was
no need of progress ; but it offers no support to
the assumption that St. Paul regarded Adam's
position as so inferior morally that the Fall would
to him appear as inevitable. As Ro 5'^ shows, he
assigns to Adam a greater moral culpability than
to his descendants before the Law was given, for
he transgressed a definite commandment of God.
Nor does St. Paul's doctrine of the flesh (q.v.)
justify any such assumption about the moral de-
fect of man's state before the Fall, as it is not a
physical, but an ethical, conception, and relates
to mankind as it is for man's present experience,
not to any previous state of man. If we cannot,
therefore, identify the flesh with the yezer hara
of unfallen man, unless we leave in St. Paul's
system the antinomy of a two-fold origin of sinful-
ness, one individual, the other racial, we are forced
to conclude that in some way he did connect the
presence of the flesh in sinful mankind with the
entrance of sin at the Fall.
(b) The further discussion of this topic brings us
to the closer consideration of Ro 5^^'^^. (a) The
purpose of the passage must be clearly kept in
view. St. Paul is not proving man's universal
sinfulness — he has done that by an empirical
proof, a historical induction, in chs. 1-3 ; nor is
he concerned to explain the origin of sin. He
assumes as not needing any proof that man's sin-
fulness is the result of Adam's fall. From that
fact he deduces the conclusion that one person can
be so related to the race as to be the author to it
of both sin and death. If that be so in the case
of Adam, it can be and is so in the case of Christ
as the Author of righteousness and life, and even
so much more as Clirist is superior to Adam. The
purpose of the passage is to show that Christ can
and does bring more blessing to man than Adam
has brought curse. We go beyond what St. Paul's
own intention warrants in asserting that his doc-
trine of salvation in Christ rests on, and falls to
the ground without, his teaching on the Fall. As
his proof of the sinfulness of mankind is empirical,
so his certainty of salvation in Christ is rooted in
his experience, and not in the opinions he shared
with his contemporaries regarding the origin of
sin. It is important at the outset of this discus-
sion to assert this consideration, as it will relieve
us of the painful anxiety, which many exponents
of this passage hitherto have felt and shown, to
justify in some sense or another this story of the
Fall, in spite of the origin criticism now assigns
to it, as an essential constituent of Christian theo-
logy-
(|8) In v.^'^ St. Paul affirms the entrance of sin
into the world, and death as its penalty, as the
result of Adam's transgression, and the diffusion
of death among mankind in consequence either of
Adam's sin alone, or of the spread of sin among
all his descendants. There is this ambiguity
about the meaning in the clause ' for that all
sinned,' which is not only grammatically irregular,
but seems even to be logically inconsistent. To
fix his meaning we must examine his language
very closely. The connective phrase i<l> cp has
been variously interpreted. It is improbable that
y is masculine and the antecedent either Adam or
death ; taking it as neuter, the rendering ' because '
is more probable than 'in like manner as' or 'in
so far as.' In what sense did ' all sin ' (irdvTes
■i]/MapTov} ?
(1) The Greek commentators take the obvious
sense of the words, regarded apart from the con-
text : ' all as a matter of fact by their own choice
committed sin.* To this interpretation two objec-
tions from the context may be urged. Firstly, if
individual death is the penalty of individual sin,
Adam is not responsible for the sin or the death,
and so there is no parallelism with Christ as the
source of righteousness and life to all ; but the
purpose of the Avhole argument is to prove a con-
nexion between Adam and the race similar to that
between Christ and redeemed humanity. Secondly,
in the next verse St. Paul goes on to show that
till the time of Moses, in the absence of law, the
descendants of Adam could not be held as blame-
worthy as Adam himself was ; while sin was in
the world it could not be imputed as personal
guilt, incurring of itself, apart from the connexion
^^^th Adam, the penalty of death.
(2) Some connexion with Adam must be asserted ;
but of what kind ? An explanation accepted by
many commentators, while on grammatical grounds
not rendering ^<^' <? 'in whom' but ' because,' yet
treats the sentence as conveying the equivalent
meaning. Bengel presents this view in its classi-
cal expression: omnes peccarunt,Adamo peccante.
If St. Paul had meant this, why did he not supply
the words? it is often asked. But when we
observe the irregularity of the stnicture of the
very sentence, introducing such ambiguity into
St. PauFs meaning, we do not seem entitled to
expect him to express himself with such logical
precision. On this ground alone we must not set
aside the explanation. But even if we accept it,
what sense are we to attach to the statement that
in Adam's sin all sinned ?
(i. ) Firstlj', there is the realistic explanation :
that as Adam was the ancestor of the race, so all
his descendants were physically included in him,
even as Le\T. is represented to have paid tithes to
Melchizedek * in the loins' of Abraham (He 7*"^").
But such a physical explanation only increases the
difficulty of understanding the connexion.
(ii.) Secondly, there is the legal explanation, so
prominent in the federal theology of the Reformed
Church. Adam acted, not for himself alone, but
as representative of the race, and so the race shares
the responsibility of his act. But to this explana-
tion there is the obvious objection that a repre-
sentative must be chosen by those for whom he
acts, if they are to be in any sense responsible for
his acts ; and the race had no voice in the choice
of its first ancestor. If the objection is met by
appealing to a Divine appointment, the plea of in-
justice is not answered, but the will of God is re-
presented as overriding the rights of man. In a
Calvinistic theology alone could such an explana-
tion carry conviction.
(iii.) Thirdly, the explanation more generally
accepted is that from Adam all mankind has in-
herited a tendency to evil, which, while not
abolishing individual liberty and responsibility so
as to make individual transgression inevitable,
yet as a fact of experience has resulted in the uni-
versal sinfulness of the race. This is the view of
Sanday-Headlam (op. cit. p. 134), and they support
it with the references to Jewish literature already
noted. The writer of this article in his Com-
mentary on Romans (Century Bible, 1901) accepted
this conclusion. ' Without expressly stating it,
Paul assumes the doctrine of original sin in the
sense of an inherited tendency to sin, for what he
affirms beyond all doubt here is that both the sin
and the death of the human race are the effects of
Adam's transgression' (p. 154). A further study
of the problem has led him, however, to recognize
at least the possibility of another explanation.
Tennant, who of modern writers has made this
subject specially his own, in his three books, The
Origin and Propagation of Sin (1902), The Sources
of the Doctrines of the Fall and Original Sin
(1903), and The Concept of Sin (1912), has not only
contended against the doctrine of such an inherited
tendency, but has also maintained that this idea
is not present in St. Paul's mind in this pass-
age. Referring to Sanday-Headlam's objection to
Bengel's explanation that the words ' in Adam '
would have been given had St. Paul intended
that meaning, he presses a similar objection to
their view.
'That suggested by Dr. Sanday and Mr. Headlam, from whose
weighty opinion it is here ventured to diverge, is an equally
important element to be "supplied." Indeed, it may be asked
whether the idea of inherited sinfulness, as the cause of death
to all who come between Adam and Moses, does not call at
least as loudly for explicit mention, if St. Paul's full meaning
be expressible in terms of it, as that signified by Bengel's ad-
dition of "in Adam"? Would it not be equally novel to the
reader, so far as our knowledge of the thought of" that age goes,
and more remote from the actual language of the verse and its
context '? ' {The Fall and Original Sin, p. 261).
Reserving for subsequent treatment the wider
issue of whether this is or is not an inherited ten-
dency to evil, we must meanwhile look at the ex-
planation Tennant himself oti'ers of this verse.
(iv.) Though he rejects the realistic explana-
tion in any form, either as already mentioned or
as presented in Augustine's theory ' which makes
human nature a certain quantum of being and
treats descent from Adam as a division of this mass
of human nature into parts ' (Stevens, The Pardine
Theology, 1892, p. 136 f.), he accepts the following
explanation :
' Much more probable, in the opinion of the present writer, is
the suggestion that, in his identification of the race and Adam,
St. Paul was using a form of thought occurring by no means ex-
clusively in the particular verse of his writings with which we
are here concerned. Stevens has appropriately named it
"mjstical realism." "It is characteristic of Paul's mind, "says
this writer, "to conceive religious truth under forms which are
determined by personal relationship. These relations, especially
the two just specified (that of unregenerate humanity to Adam,
and of spiritual humanity to Christ), may be tenned mysticalin
the sense of being unique, vital, and inscrutable ; they are real
in the sense that sinful humanity is conceived as being actually
present and participant in Adam's sin . . ." (op. cit. p. 32 f.,
and elsewhere). This mystical realism is a style of thought, a
rhetoiical mode ; it is not a philosophy : the realism is only figu-
rative. St. Paul identifies the race, as sinners, with Adam in
the same sense that he identifies the believer with Christ. " The
moral defilement of man is represented as contracted in and
with the sin of Adam " (op. cit. p. 37). . . . This attractive in-
terpretation of St. Paul's meaning has the great virtue of ex-
plaming his words, which involve so many difficulties when
taken, as they generally have been, with too much literalness,
as only a particular case of a mode of speech which is character-
istic of the apostle. And so long as it is not so far pressed as
to lose sight of the undeniable connexion between the apostle's
teaching and the somewhat indefinite belief which he inherited
from Jewish doctors as to the connexion between the Fall and
human sin and death, it would seem to supply the best key to
the thought of this difficult passage' (TAe Fall and Original Sin,
pp. 262-3).
If it be the case that, as Tennant maintains,
Jewish thought assigned the cor maligiitim or the
yezer hara to Adam even before his Fall as well as
to his descendants, and so did not teach a moral
corruption of man's action as a result of the Fall (see
op. cit, pp. 264-5), it does appear more likely that
St. Paul did not hold the doctrine, and that ac-
cordingly it cannot be here introduced to explain
his meaning. If this alternative must be excluded,
although the writer is not finally convinced that it
must, the explanation Tennant accepts does appear
the most probable among all the others already
mentioned. It must be frankly admitted that we
cannot reach certainty on this matter, and it does
not seem at all necessarj^ for a modern reconstruc-
tion of Christian doctrine that we should. What-
ever St. Paul's view of the Fall and its consequences
may have been, seeing that it rests ultimately on a
narrative which modern scholarship compels us to
regard as a myth, however purified and elevated
in the new context given to it in the record of the
Divine revelation, and is infiuenced directly by
contemporary Jewish thonuht, it cannot be regarded
as authoritative for our Christian faith, however
great may be its historical interest as an instance
of the endeavour of a great mind to find a solution
for a great problem.
3. the doctrine of the Fall and modern Chris-
tian thought. — iUthough the writer holds the con-
viciion that it is not necessary for the Christian
theologian to try and save as much as he dare of
the wreckage of the doctrine of the Fall, after the
storm of literary and historical criticism has passed
over it, a few sentences may be added in closing
this article as to the relation of modem Christian
thought to the doctrine.
(a) What has already been urged must be re-
peated : that the teaching of the OT regarding sin
and salvation does not rest at all on the narrative
in Gn 3, but on the reality of human experience
and the testimony of human conscience ; that the
teaching of Jesus about man as the child of God,
though lost, has not this doctrine as its foundation,
but comes from the moral insight and spiritual dis-
cernment of the sinless Son of God and Brother of
men ; that, apart from a few casual allusions in
the rest of the NT, the two passages which have
been considered in Ko 5 and 1 Co 15 are the only
express statements of the connexion of sin and
death with the Fall ; and that when we look more
closely at the mode in which the classical passage
in Ro 5 is introduced we find that its primary in-
tention is not to prove either man's sinfulness or
to otier an explanation of its origin, but to demon-
strate the greater efficacy of Christ's obedience
than of Adam's transgression in their consequences
for the race. These are surely weighty reasons
■why modern Christian thought should no longer
assign to the doctrine of the Fall the prominence
hitherto accorded to it.
(b) It is with the presence, guilt, and power of
sin in individual experience and racial history, as
the human need which the Divine grace in Christ
meets, that Christian theology is alone concerned,
and all other questions of the origin of sin or death
are speculative, and not practical, and should be
assigned the secondary place that properly belongs
to them.
(c) Guided by these two considerations, we may
lastly ask the question. How much remains of this
doctrine for our modern Christian thought? (1)
While the unity of the human race has not been
demonstrated by science, this theory is not at all
improbable, and so descent from one pair of an-
cestors is not incredible. (2) While death as
physical dissolution is proved by science to have
been antecedent to man's appearance on earth, and
while death seems a natural necessity for man as a
physical organism, we need not try to justify St.
Paul by assuming either that God, anticipating
human sin, introduced death as its penalty into the
very structure of the world at the Creation, or that,
had man not sinned, he would so have developed
morally and spirituallj" as to have transcended the
natural necessity of death, and have attained im-
mortality (because these speculations have no con-
tact witli experience). But we may recognize that
for him death was not physical dissolution merely,
but death in its totality as it is for the human con-
sciousness, and may press the question. Can it be
denied that the terror and darkness of death for
the mind and heart of man are due in large measure
to his sense of guilt, and the effects of sin on his
reason, conscience, and spirit? Between death as
such an experience and sin we can even to-day
admit that there is a connexion. (3) While the
common assumption that the savage represents
primitive man is unAvarranted, and we may infer
that, since man's mental, moral, and spiritual de-
velopment in history proves the great distinction
between him in his natural endowments and all the
lower animals, man was even at the earliest stage
of that development already far removed from the
brute, yet all speculation as to what he originally
was is precarious, as it rests on no solid foundation
of assured knowledge. (4) While the dispute as
regards the inheritance of acquired characters does
not directly affect Christian thought (as it has yet
to be proved that the laws of physical and mental
or moral inheritance must be identical), yet the
Christian theologian is bound to admit that the
resemblances we do find between parents and
children may be explained by social as much as by
physical heredity, by the influence of the moral
environment in youth as much as by the inheritance
at birth of the moral characteristics of parents.
W^hile the writer is not convinced thatTennant has
proved his contention, that the appetites and im-
pulses of the child are entirely natural, and that
the factor of heredity may be excluded from the
origin of sin in the indiAddual, he has at least com-
pelled a reconsideration of the whole question.
The sin in the race does affect the development of
each member of it whether by social or by physical
hereditj- ; but when, where, or how sin first entered
we do not know, for that neither can man discover
nor has God revealed.
Literature. — In addition to the authorities cited throughout
the art., see J. S. Candlish, The Biblical Doctrine ojSiu, 1S93;
J. Laidlaw, The Bible Doctrine of Man, new ed., 1S95 ; H.
Wheeler Robinson, The Christian Doctrine of Man, 1911 ;
J. Orr, God's Image in Man and its Defacement in the Lioht of
Modern Denials, 1905 ; W. E. Orchard, Modern Theories of
Sin, 1909 ; F. J. Hall, Evolution and the Fall, 1910.
Alfred E. Garvie.
FALLING AWAY.— See Apostasy and Anti-
christ.
FALSE PROPHET.— See APOCALYPSE.
FAMILY.— 1. The idea of 'family' is repre-
sented in the NT by Trarptd, oikos, and oUta. — (a)
Trarptd is used in Lk 2* for 'lineage,' 'descendants'
(of David); in Ac 3^ (in plural) for 'races' of
mankind ; and in Eph 3^^, Avhere there is a play on
words between Trarrip and its derivative irarpid :
' the Father, from Avhom all fatherhood (RV text :
' every family,' AV wrongly : 'the whole family')
in heaven and earth is named.' Though 'family'
is here the literal translation, yet, since the
English Avord ' family ' is not derived from ' father,'
the above paraphrase suggested by J. Armitage
Robinson (Com. in loc), Avho here folloAVS the
Syriac and the Latin Vulgate, is best, and over-
comes the difficulty presented to the English
reader by the existence of ' families ' in heaven,
in opposition to Mt 22^. Fatherhood, in a real
sense, there must be in heaven, and it is ' named '
from God the Father. Thackeray, indeed, suggests
[The Belation of St. Paid to Contemporary Jewish
Thought, 1900, p. 148 f.) that orders of angels are
meant, and he quotes a Rabbinical phrase, ' His
family the angels'; but 'families' (plural) of
angels are not mentioned, and the suggestion is
hardly necessary. Another way out of the diflB-
culty is seen in the v.l. (parpia ( = cppdrpa), i.e. ' tribe,*
but this is an obvious gloss Avhich spoils the sense.
Cf. irarpidpxv^ in He 'i* ■ Abraham the ' father of
the whole family of faith ' (Westcott) ; the AA-ord is
used of David and of the sons of Jacob in Ac 2^ 7^
(b) OLKos, besides being used for 'house' in
the sense of a structure, represents (like dormis)
familia, the 'family' in its AA'idest sense (see also
Home). It is used fl) for all living tender one roof
— father, mother, near relations, and dependents —
fiequently in the NT : Ac 7'" (Pharaoh), 10^ and
11'* (Cornelius), 16^' (Philippian jailer : so v.^^
iravoLKl ' Avith all his house,' here only in NT), 18^
(Crispus), 1 Co l'« (Stephanas), 1 Ti 3^- (the
bishop), 5* (the AvidoAv), 2 Ti P" and 4'9 (Onesi-
phorus, Avho apparently Avas dead, and Avhose
household is nevertheless named after him : see
beloAv, 2 [d]), He 11^ (Noah), and, in plural, 1 Ti S^^
(deacons), Tit 1" (Christians generally) ; (2) for
descendants, Lk 1^ 2* ; (3) for God's family, the
house of God (see beloAv, 3).
598
FAINIILY
FAMILY
(c) o'lKia is similarly used for a ' household ' in Ph
422 (Cresar), Mt lO'^ 122s, Jn 45^ (the Capernaum
royal officer), 1 Co 16^^ (Stephanas) ; and therefore
for 'possessions' in the phrase 'widows' houses,'
Mk 12^", Lk 20", and inferior MSS of ]\It 23'*.
2. Members of the family. — (a) Father. — The
father, if alive, is the head of the family {pater-
familias), and exercises authority over all its
members.* He is the 'master' or 'goodman' of
the house {olKoSeaTrdrvs), Mt 24-*3, Mk W-^ (in Lk
22'^ olKoSecnroTTjs rijs oUias), and the 'lord' (K^pios)
of the household (oiKereia), Mt 24'*^ That in some
sense he is the priest of his own family appears
from He 10-\ where the spiritual family, the house
of God, has our Lord as 'a great priest over' it
(see below, 3). The subordination of the family to
the father is a favourite subject with St. Paul,
who, though the Apostle of liberty, carefully
guards against anarchy. His libertj' is that of the
Latin collect : ' Deus . . . cui servire regnare est '
(paraphrased : 'O God . . . whose service is perfect
freedom '). He lays down the general principle of
subordination for all Ciiristians in Ejjh 5'-^ (cf. Ro
13', 1 Co \5'^^, and 1 P 5^), and then applies it to
Christian families. The husband is the head of
the wife as Christ is Head of the Church ; husbands
must love and honour their wives, for they are one
flesh, and wives must be in subjection to their
husbands and reverence them (Eph 522-25 28-33^ (^qJ
SIS'-, Tit 2^^ ; cf. 1 P Si-'). For children and de-
pendents see below, and for the relation of husband
and wife, see Marriage.
{b) Mother. — On the other hand, the position of
the mother in the family is a very important one ;
to this day in Muhammadan countries, where the
women are more in the background than among
the Oriental Christians (for even there Christianity
has greatly raised the position of women), the
influence of the mother is immense. We find
many traces of this in the NT. In 1 Ti 5" even
young mothers are said to 'rule the household'
(olKoSeairoTelv). In 1 P 3^ the heathen husband is
gained by the influence of the Avife. The house-
hold at Lystra in which Timothy was brought up
was profoundly influenced by the ' unfeigned faith '
of his mother and grandmother, Eunice and Lois
(2 Ti 15 ; cf. 3'5), and the influence of the former
over her Greek husband (Ac 16') may have been
in St. Peter's mind. In Mt 2(P ' the mother of
the sons of Zebedee' (a curious phrase) is put
forward to make petition for her children.
Further, if the mother was a widow, she, rather
than one of the sons, seems, at least in some cases,
to have been the head of the household. Thus we
read of the house of Mary, the mother of John
Mark, not of the house of Mark (Ac 12^^) . ^nd of
the house of Lydia (Ac 16'"), who was probably a
widow, trading between Philippi and Thyatira, a
city famous for dyeing, witn a gild of dyers
evidenced by inscriptions (the supposition that
Lydia was the ' true yokefellow ' of Ph 4* rests on
no solid basis). It was Lydia who entertained St.
Paul and his companions, not her sons or brothers.
A similar case is perhaps that of Chloe ; she seems
to have been a widow whose liousehold ('they of
Chloe,' 1 Co 1") traded between' Ephesus and
Corinth. Other prominent women in the apostolic
writings are Damaris (Ac 17^), whom Kamsay
thinks not to have been of noble birth, as the
regulations at Athens with regard to the seclusion
of women were more strict than in some other
E laces, and a well-bom lady would hardly have
een likely there to come to hear St. Paul preach
{St. Paul the Traveller, 1895, p. 252); Phoebe, a
deaconess who had been a 'succourer of many'
• Ramsay points out {GalaUans, 1899, p. 343) that fiaUr has
a wider sense than our ' father' ; he was the chief, the lord, the
master, the leader.
(Ro 16"-) ; Euodia and Syntyche, who were pro-
minent church workers at Philippi (Ph 4*'- ), It has
often been noticed that the position of mothers of
families was especially strong in Macedonia and in
Asia Minor, and particularly in the less civilized
parts of the latter. Of this there are some traces
in the NT. Thus the influential \vomen at
Pisidian Antioch, the ' devout women of honour-
able estate,' are, with the chief men (n-pcDroi) of the
city, urged by the Jews to arouse feeling against
St. Paul and Barnabas (Ac 13^"), and the 'chief
women ' are specially mentioned at Tliessalonica
(17'*) and Bercea (17'-). There are even instances
(not in the NT) of women holding public offices,
and of descent being reckoned through the mother
(see further J. B. Lightfoot, Fhilippia7is, 1903 ed.,
p. 55 f.; Ramsay, The Church in the Roman
Empire, 1893, pp. 67, 160-2). It is curious that
Codex Bezae (D) waters down the references to
noteworthy women : e.g. in Ac 17** it omits
Damaris ; it seems to reflect a dislike to the
prominence of women which is found in Christian
circles in the 2nd century.
(c) Children. — The duty of obedience to parents
is insisted on by St. Paul in Eph &^-*, Col S'-"'-,
where the two-edged injunction of the Fifth Com-
mandment is referred to as involving duties of
parents to children as well as of children to
parents. The relation of tiie younger to the elder
in the family must have been greatly simplified by
the spread of monogamy in the OT (see MARRIAGE),
and in Christian times there would have been very
few complications in this respect. Yet it was often
the case, as it still is in Eastern lands, that
several families in the narrower sense made up a
' family ' in the wider sense, and lived under one
roof : thus a son would ordinarily bring his bride
to his father's house, as Tobias brought Sarah to
that of Tobit, so that his parents became her
parents, and the Fifth Commandment applied to
her relationship with them (To lO''"'-). So we note
in Mt lO^sf-, Lk \2P-^- that the mother-in-law and
daughter-in-law are of one family or household
{olKiaKoL Mt., 'in one house' Lk.). The brethren
of our Lord (whatever their exact relationship to
Jesus) appear during His ministry to have formed
one household with Mary (Jn 2'-, Mt 12«f- IS^^'-,
Mk &^ ; Joseph was probably dead), notwithstand-
ing that they themselves, or some of them, were
married (1 Co 9'). It is because of this custom
that jnn {hathdn, 'bridegroom') and n^3 {Jcalldh,
' bride ') and their equivalents in cognate languages
represent the relationship of a married man and
woman to all their near relations by affinity'. In
the case of a composite 'family' of this nature,
the father still retained some authority over his
married sons.
{d) Slaves and dependents. — These formed a large
portion of the more important families ; the ' de-
pendents ' would be chiefly freedmen. On the other
hand, it appears that hired servants were not
reckoned as part of the family {HDB iv. 461).
Among the Israelites the slaves were comparatively
fcAv, while in Greek and Roman families they were
extremely numerous. In Athens the slaves were
reckoned as numbering four times the free citizens,
and elsewhere the proportion was even greater.
Some Roman landowners had ten or twenty thou-
sand slaves, or more (Lightfoot, Colossians, 1900 ed.,
p. 317 fl".). Theseslaveswereentirelyattheirmaster's
disposal, and under a bad master their condition
must have been terrible (see Lightfoot, p. 319, for
details). Yet their inclusion in the ' family ' some-
what mitigated the rigours of slavery even among
the heathen in NT times ; and this mitigation was
much greater in Christian households. The Church
accepted existing institutions, and did not proclaim
a revolutionary slave-war, which would only have
FAMILY
FAMILY
399
produced untold misery ; but it set to Avork
gradually to ameliorate the condition of slaves.
On the one hand, slaves are enjoined by St. Paul to
obey and be honest to their masters, whether Chris-
tian or not, as in Eph 6^■^ Col 3^-^- (where the great
detail was doubtless suggested by the Onesimus
incident), 1 Ti 6'*-, Tit 2«'- ; cf. 1 P 2'^': These
exhortations were probably intended to take away
any misapprehension that might have arisen from
such passages as Gal 3^^, 1 Co 7^"*, which assert
that in Christ there is neither bond nor free. Chris-
tianity did not at once liberate slaves, and St. Paul
does not claim Onesimus' freedom, though he in-
directly suggests it (Philem ^^'O- On the contrary,
it taught those 'under the yoke' to render true
service. At the same time, St. Paul points out that
the Fifth Commandment lays a duty on masters as
well as on slaves (Eph 6^, where the double duty is
referred to just after the application of this Com-
mandment to fathers as well as to children). The
Christian head of the house must provide for his
own household, or be worse than an unbeliever (1
Ti 5**). By Christianity masters and slaves become
brethren (1 Ti 6-). In Philem ^^ Onesimus is said
to be ' no longer a slave, but more than a slave,
a brother beloved.' We cannot doubt that we have
here a reminiscence of such words of our Lord,
orallyhandeddown,as 'nolongerslavesbut friends'
( Jn 15" ; cf. He 2" ' not ashamed to call them
brethren '). It was owing to the good example set
by Christian slaves to their heathen masters that
Christianity, which at first took root in the lower
social circles of society (1 Co P®), spread rapidly
upwards.
The domestic servants of the family are called
' they of the house' — oiKirai, Ac 10' ; or ohdoi, 1 Ti
58 (cf. Eph 2i» fig.) ; or otKiaKoL, INIt lO^^- ^e (this in-
cludes near relations) ; or ' the household,' oUiTeia,
Mt 24'«5 RV ( = eepaveia, Lk 12^2)_ They included in
their number, in the case of great families, many
who would now be of the prof essional classes, but who
then were upper slaves, such as stewards or agents,
librarians, doctors, surgeons, oculists, tutors, etc,
(for a long list, see Lightfoot, Philippians, p. 172).
Thus in the NT we find (1) the steward, oIkov6hos,
Lk 12'*- (cf. Mt 24^^) ; such were the unjust steward
of the parable (Lk 16'^* ; the word otVoi'O/ueri/ is used
for ' to be a steward ' in v.^), and the stewards of
1 Co 42, Gal 42. The ' steward ' of a child was the
guardian of his property (Ramsay, Gal. p, 392),
Metaphorically oIkovo/xos is used of Christian minis-
ters (1 Co 41 ; of 'bishops,' Tit 1''), of Christians
generally (1 P 4^°) — the idea is doubtless taken
from our Lord's words about the 'wise slave
whom his lord had set over his household to give
them their food in due season ' (Mt 24^5). (2) The
guardian of a child, iirlTpoiros, was concerned with
his education (Gal 4^) ; perhaps this is the same as
the following. (3) The pedagogue or tutor (iraida-
ytiiybi. Gal 3^'"', 1 Co 4") was a slave deputed to
take the child to school (not a teacher or school-
master, as the AV) ; this was a Greek institution
adopted by the Romans, for in education Greece led
the way. (4) The physician (larpos. Col 4") was also
regarded as an upper slave. It has been pointed
out by Ramsay (5^. Paul the Traveller, p. 316) that
a prisoner of distinction, such as St, Paul un-
doubtedly was {ib. p. 310 f.), would be allowed
slaves, but not friends or relations, to accompany
him, and that St, Luke, who (as the prbnoun ' we '
shows) accompanied him on his voyage to Italy, as
also did Aristarchus (Ac 27^ Col 4^"), must have
done so in the capacity of a slave, taking this office
on himself in order to follow his master.
Under this head we may notice four households
mentioned in the NT : the ' household of Ctesar' (^
KaL<TaposoiKLa),Vh4^'^ ; 'theyof Aristobulus.'Ro 16"*;
' they of Narcissus,' Ro 16^^ ; and ' they of Chloe,' 1
Co 1^^. For the last see above (b) ; but the first
three households were probably all part of the
Imperial ' family ' at Rome. That ' Caesar's house-
hold ' does not necessarily or even probably mean
near relations of the Emperor is shoAvn by Light-
foot (Philippians, p, 171 ff.); the meaning seems
to be ' the slaves and freedmen of Ctesar.' Light-
foot with much ingenuity and probability identifies
several of the naiues mentioned in Ro 16 with the
household. The curious phrases in Ro 16^*"" are
probably due to the fact that Aristobulus and
Narcissus were dead (for their identification with
Avell-known characters see Lightfoot, and Sanday-
Headlam, Romans^ {ICC, 1902], p. 425), and that
their households were absorbed in that of Caesar,
but still retained their old names. ' They of
Aristobulus' would be equivalent to ' Aristobuliani,'
and ' they of Narcissus ' to ' Narcissiani.' (If
the view that Ro 16 is not a real part of the
Epistle be correct, this argument fails ; but its veri-
similitude is some ground for rejecting that view.)
3. The Christian Church as a family. — In the
NT the word ' house ' (okos) is used figuratively of
the Christian community, as in He 3^' * (Christians
successors to the house [of God] in the Old Cove-
nant), 10^' (see above, 2 (a)), 1 Ti 3'^ (where oUos is
explicitly defined as ' the Church of the living
God ' ; the phrase follows the instructions as to the
homes of bishops and deacons ; see Home), 1 P 2^
(a ' spiritual house '), 4". The metaphor is further
elaborated in Eph 2^""^ where the foundation,
corner-stone, and each several stone that is laid
(such is the best paraphrase of Tracra olKoSofiij) to-
gether result in a holy temple, of which Christians
are stones, ' builded together for a habitation of
God.'
The conception is based on the Fatherhood of
God and on our position as His children. It is
carried out by various analogous metaphors. The
Church is the Bride of Christ — this is the outcome
of Eph 522f- ; cf. Rev 19' 2P- » 22"— and He is the
Bridegroom, Mt 9" 222^- 258, ^^ 2i», Jn 329, 2 Co
IP ; Christians are the olKetoL, members of the
household, of the faith. Gal 6^"; Christ is their
brother. He 2"'- ; the Church is a brotherhood, 1 P
2", filled with brotherly love {(piXadeXrpia), Ro 12^",
1 Th 49, He 13', 2 P P ; cf. 1 Jn 5^. The most
usual desigTiation of Christians among themselves is
'the brethren' (Acts, passim); even heretics are
'false brethren,' 2 Co Il-«, Gal 2\ 'A brother,'
' brethren,' denote Christians as opposed to un-
believers in Philem ^^ 1 Ti 6^ ; and so in 1 Co 9'
' a sister, a wife ' means ' a Christian wife ' (the
' apostle ' may have a Christian wife ; cf, 7^* ' only
in the Lord'); in 1 Co 7^* 'the brother or the
sister ' means the Christian spouse of an unbeliever
(cf, V," and 5"); in Ro 16^ RV ('Quartus the
brother') the definite article seems to distinguish
this Christian from some unbelieving Quartus. Cf,
also 2 Co 8^8 ('the brother whose praise in the
gospel is spread through all the churches ' : but
some translate 'his brother' — i.e. the brother of
Titus, and interpret the phrase as applying to St.
Luke) 822'-, Philem ', Ro 16S Ja 2« 2 Jn^^, and 1
Th 4^, where see Milligan's note.
In this connexion also we may note the sym-
bolical use of words denoting family relationships.
The Israelites of old were ' the fathers ' (Ro 15^),
just as early Christian writers are called by us.
Abraham is father of spiritual descendants, believ-
ing Jews and Gentiles alike (Ro 4»"- '"•, Gal 3' ; in
Ac 72, Ro 4^ and probably in Ja 22', physical descent
is referred to). The teacher is father of his dis-
ciples (1 Th 2"), though sometimes he calls himself
' brother' (Rev 1*. 'I John your brother' ; cf. Ac
1523 RV, ' elder brethren'). Also ' father' is used
of any old man (1 Ti 5') ; in this verse (unlike v.")
irpea-^vTepos cannot refer to a'presbyter. So ' mother'
400
FAMILY
FAMILY
is used of any old woman in v.^ ; yonngermen and
women are ' brothers ' and ' sisters ' (v."-). Jeru-
salem is called 'our mother' in Gal 4^^, just as
Babylon in Rev 17® is called ' the mother of the
harlots.' In Ro 16'^ ' mother ' is a term of affection
(' Rufus and his mother and mine '). Similarly the
expressions ' without father,' ' without mother,' in
He 7^ must be taken figuratively. Melchizedek's
parentage is not recorded in Holy Scripture : ' he
is not connected with any known line : his life has
no recorded beginning or close' (B. F. Westcott,
Hebrcivs, 18S9, p. 172). Disciples, likewise, are
called ' sons ' or ' children ' of their master, as in 1
P 5i» (Mark), Gal 4i9 (the Galatians), 1 Ti P, 2 Ti 1^
21 and Ph 2-' (Timothy), 1 Co 4'«- (the Corinthians),
Philem " (Onesimus), 1 Jn 2^ etc., 3 Jn *.
4. The Christian family as a church. — We often
read in the NT of families or households becoming
Christian as a body ; e.g. those of Cornelius (Ac
10^ 1 1»), Lydia (\&^ : the first in St. Paul's history),
the jailer at Philippi (IG^i-^s), Crispus (18^). So in
Jn 4^* it is recorded that the king's ofiicer (paaCKiKbs)
at Capernaum believed 'and his whole house.'
Hence, in the absence of public churches, which
persecution made impossible till a later date, a
family became a centre of Christian worship, in
which not only the household itself but also the
Christian neighbours assembled. Thus, probably
the house of Lydia was the beginning from which
the Church at Philippi developed ; those of Steph-
anas, whose family was ' the firstfruits of Achaia'
(1 Co li« dlKo^, W^ oUia), Titus Justus (Ac 18''),
Crispus (18^ ot/cos), and Gains (Ro 16'-^) perhaps
became centres of worship at Corinth. Such, again,
was Philemon's house at Colossge (Philem^) ; pro-
bably Apphia was his wife, and possibly Archippus
his son ( Philem 2j Col 4"). Archippus was clearly
a church official ; he had received the ministry
(diaKovia) in the Lord, and was in some way con-
nected with Philemon ; we are led to think of him
as ' bishop ' of the Church at Colossse, or, less pro-
bably, with Lightfoot, of the neighbouring Church
at Laodicea (so Apost. Const, vii. 46, which makes
Philemon bishop of Colossse ; but it is more likely
that Philemon was a layman). At Laodicea we
read of Nymphas or Nympha (Col 4^'' ; the gender
is uncertain), and 'the church that is in their house'
(RV) — i.e. probably all who met to worship there
are regarded as one family. Lightfoot thinks
{Colossians, p. 241) that there were perhaps more
than one such ' church ' at Laodicea, as there
certainly were in Rome (see beloAv).
In Jerusalem such a private house was at first
used for the Eucharist (Ac 2^^: /car' oXkov, 'at
home,' as opposed to 'in the Temple'), and so
doubtless at Troas (20''). For preaching to out-
siders, the apostles made use of the synagogues
(17"-: 'as his custom was'), or the Temple at
Jerusalem, or the ' school of Tyrannus ' at Ephesus,
which was probably open to all (19^), or other
public places ; but for the instruction of the faith-
ful the Christians gathered in a private house (5'*^
' every day in the Temple and at home ' ; cf. 20-") ;
in Jerusalem probably in that of Mary the mother
of John Mark (12''-), for her family was certainly
such a centre of worship. As St. James the Lord's
brother was not present in the house where the
people were assembled to pray for St. Peter (v."),
it has been suggested that there were more than
one such iKKX-qaia in Jerusalem ; but this is uncer-
tain. At Ciesarea we are tempted to think of
Philip's houscliold as such a centre (21^) ; at
Cenchreae of that of Phoebe the deaconess (Ro 16').
For Ephesus we have mention of Aquila and Prisca
(or Priscilla), and 'the church that is in their
house ' — their ' family ' formed a Christian com-
munity (1 Co 16"*). Here we have a remarkable
feature, for about a year later we find these two
workers credited with another ' church ' in Rome
(Ro 16^"®), and this has been adduced as disproving
the integrity of Romans as regards the last chapter.
But it is not an improbable supposition that they
gatliered the Christians together in their own
household wherever they were ; and as Sanday-
Headlam remark (op. cit. p. 418 f.), they were, like
many Jews of the day, great travellers. We read
of Aquila in Pontus, then of him and his wife in
Rome A.D. 52, Avhen they were expelled from the
capital with their fellow-countrymen (Ac IS"-) ;
then we read of them at Corinth, where they met
St. Paul (Ac 18"-), and of their going with him to
Ephesus (v.'^f-)) where they remained some time.
Thence, probably, the old decree of expulsion having
become obsolete, they returned to Rome, between
the writing of 1 Cor. and Rom., and the ' church in
their house ' in Rome was then founded. Its site
has been identihed with that of the old church of
St. Prisca on the Aventine, and this is quite pos-
sible, though there is no evidence of importance to
support the identification. Hort suggests (Prole-
gomeva to Bomans and Ephesians, 1895, p. 12 fi".)
that Prisca was a Roman lady of distinction,
superior in birth to her husband ; and this would
lend probability to the supposition that their home
was a centre of Christian worship ; but Sanday-
Headlam think that they were both freed members
of a great Roman family.
There are traces of other centres of worship in
Rome. In Ro 16 both v.'* and v."* indicate com-
munities or 'families' of Christians at Rome in
addition to that of Aquila and Prisca in v.®. In
v." only men are mentioned, and yet they form a
community ; cf. 'the brethren that are with them.'
In V.'® Philologus and Julia were probably husband
and wife ; Nereus and his sister, and also Olympas,
would be near relations, living with them, but
hardly their children, for it would not be likely
that Philologus' daughter should be referred to
here as ' the sister of Nereus.' This household
seems to have been a large Christian centre : ' all
the saints that are with them * are mentioned.
The multiplying of centres in one city at a time
when persecution was present or imminent may be
illustrated by the account of the trial of Justin
Martyr before the prefect in Rome (T. Ruinart,
Acta Prim. Mart.^, 1713, p. 59). Justin tells the
prefect that the Christians in the city do not all
assemble at one place, for ' the God of the Chris-
tians is not circumscribed in place, but, being
invisible, fills heaven and earth, and everywhere
is adored by the faithful and His glory praised.'
Justin is pressed to say where he and his disciples
assemble, and he replies that hitherto he has lived
in the house of one Martin. The Acta may prob-
ably be said at least to contain the traditions
current in the 3rd cent, as to Justin's death (see
Smith's DCB iii. [1882] 562).
Another Christian family in Rome has left a
relic of its house as a centre of worship in the
church of San Clemente. This now consists of
three structures, one above the other ; the highest,
now level with the ground, is mediaeval, but con-
tains the Byzantine furniture (ambones, rails, etc.) ;
the middle one is of the 4th cent. (?) and used to
contain this furniture ; while underneath is the old
house, now inaccessible through the invasion of
water. This last building, there is little reason to
doubt, was the meeting-place of the Christians of
the 1st cent., and though now far beneath the sur-
face, was once level with the ground. Local tradi-
tion makes it the house of St. Clement the Bishop,
and it is highly probable that he worshipped in it ;
but it is not unlikely, as Lightfoot suggests, that
it was the house of Flavins Clemens the Consul,
whom tradition declares to have been buried in it,
and who was perhaps 'patron' to his namesake
the Bishop (Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, pt. i. :
' Clement/ 1890, vol. i. p. 91 ff. ). The Consul was a
near relative of the Emperor Domitian, and was
put to death by him, perhaps because he was a
Christian ; at least his Avife Domitilla was a be-
liever (ib. p. 53), and it is quite probable that their
household became a Christian e/cKXijcria.
A further illustration of the ' family ' as a Chris-
tian community is furnished by the Church of SS.
Giovanni e Paolo, in Rome. The present church
is built above the house of the martyrs so named,
who perished, according to tradition, in the reign
of Julian the Apostate. The house was probably
used at that time for Avorship.
On the other hand, Ro 16^* does not refer to a
numberof ^/c/cXTjo-i'atatEphesus. St. Paul here speaks
on behalf of the whole of the communities of Chris-
tians which he had evangelized, or perhaps of all
throughout the world, as in 16*, 1 Co 7'^. It
should be noticed that the word iKKk-qaia is not
used for a church building till a much later date.
In two places we read of private prayers at fixed
hours in houses: Ac 10* (Peter at the sixth hour,
on the flat roof : see HOUSE) and 10^'- ^ (Cornelius
keeping the ninth hour of prayer in his house).
But these were private prayers, not family worship.
Before public daily worship became generally
customary, in the 4th cent, after the cessation of
persecution, these and other hours of prayer, taken
over from the Jews, were frequently observed by
Christians, apparently in their families. See the
present writer's Ancient Church Orders, 1910, p.
59 tf.
LiTBRATURB. — This is given in the course of the art., but
special reference is due to the Prolegomena to J. B. Lightfoot's
Colossians and Philemon (1900 ed.) and Philippians (1903 ed.).
For other aspects of the subject see artt. on ' Family ' by W. H.
Bennett in HDB and E. G. Romanes in SDB (these both
deal almost exclusively with the OT) ; by C. T. Dimont in
DCG (especially for the teaching: of our Lord in the Gospels)
and J. Strahan in ERE (' Family, Biblical and Christian,'
dealing chiefly with the OT). There are several articles on
the ' Family ' in ERE from the point of view of other nations
of the world- A. J. MACLEAN.
FAMINE. — ' Famine ' is used throughout in the
RV to translate Xi/i6y, having taken the place of
'dearth' in Ac 7" and 11^ (AV). The remaining
passages are Ro 8'', Rev 6^ 18*. The most im-
portant of these references is Ac 1 1^, where fMeydXriv,
followed by i?Tij, the reading of the best MSS, pro-
claims the noun as feminine. In Lk 15^^ it is of
the same gender, but in i^ it is masculine. In
Josephus, Ant. XX. v. 2, t6v iiiyav \ifj.6v appears.
We deal first with the great famine which seems
to be common to Josephus and the Book of Acts.
As it is spoken of in both places in the same terms,
so both passages are taken to refer to one and the
same event. Uncertainty attaches to the scope of
the famine, which, according to St. Luke, was
spread over the whole world as then known, but
which, according to Josephus, was restricted to
Judsea. Schurer (GJV^ i. [1901] 567) is inclined
to regard the statement of Acts as unhistorical
generalization, and for this he compares Lk 2^
The Bible historian is defended by W. M. Ramsay
(St. Paul the Traveller, 1895, p. 49): 'he merely
says that famine occurred over the whole (civilized)
world in the time of Claudius : of course the year
varied in ditferent lands.' As a matter of fact,
local famines did frequently occur during that
reign (see Schiirer, loc. cit., and HDB, s.v.
'Claudius') in lands other than Judaea. The date
of the Judsean famine may be approximately
determined by Herod Agrippa I.'s death, which
took place in A.D. 44 (cf. Ac U^-^o and 12^-^-^).
The dates assigned by chronologists range from
that year up to A.D. 46 (see HDB v. 480, and
Ramsaj% op. cit. 68, 254). For the actual situation
in Palestine compare Josephus, Ant. III. xv. 3, XX.
VOL. I. — 26
FAST, THE
401
ii. 5, V. 2 ; in the last two paragi-aphs the succour
given by Queen Helena is detailed.
St. Luke, while careful to maintain the position
of Agabus as a prophet, here in the sense of one
foretelling the future (cf. Ac 21"), himself reviews
the situation from a point outside the reign of
Claudius, which terminated in A.D. 54. He there-
fore could survey the general feature of that reign,
viz. as being an age of famine, and at the same
time give particular attention to the local famine
in Judaea, which involved Barnabas and Saul.
The whole position during the Apostolic Age
may be regarded as perilous to the food supply.
It was so for the Empire, owing to State policy,
and for Palestine because of the insecui-ity of the
times, culminating in the siege of Jerusalem,
during which famine was extreme. Natural causes
may have added to the straits, as the allusions of
classical writers show. This matter has been con-
sidered from a novel point of view, viz. the relation
between famine and the rainfall, by Ellsworth
Huntin^on, who concludes that ' the second half
of the first century may have been slightly drier
than the first half, for at that time famines pre-
vailed to an unusual extent ' {Palestine ana its
Transformation, 1911, p. 327). He supports his
main theory of pulsatory changes in climate by
calling in the evidence of inscriptions, and he finds
that the decades A.D. 61-70, 91-100, are without
inscriptions (true for Syria), and these are taken
to be intervals of desiccation and consequent
scarcity. While illuminating the general situation,
this does not bring us nearer than the historians
do to fixing the date of specific famines.
The condition pictured in Rev 6^- ^ is one of
scarcity, when wheat and barley are to be weighed
out with care to prevent a worse condition arising.
In the next vision (v.*) this worse condition is
described, when death results from famine, among
other evils.
In the rhetorical appeal addressed by St. Paul
to the Christians in Rome famine appears in the
catalogue of afflictions (Ro 8^). Assuming that
Babylon the Great is to be identified with Rome, it
is a fitting sequel to the probable experience of the
Christians there, that famine should be one of the
plagues by which the Imperial city is to be finally
overtaken (Rev 18*).
Famines of OT times are recalled : (1) in Egypt
and Canaan (Ac 7") ; (2) in Israel ( Ja 5"- 1«, the
absence of rain implying lack of earth's fruit ; cf.
Lk 4^, where famine is named).
LiTERATtTRE. — HDB, art. ' CHaudius ' ; EBi, art. ' Chronolog^y '
(§ 76) ; E. Schurer, GJV3 \. [1901] 567, EJP i. ii. [1890] 169 n. ;
W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 1895, pp. 48-51 ; J.
B. Ligfhtfoot, Bihlical Essays, 1893, p. 216 f. ; A. Hausrath,
A History of NT Times, ii. [1895] 186 ff.; O. Pfleiderer, Primi-
tive Christianity, ii. [1909J 227 f. ; G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, ii.
[1908] 563. W. CRUICKSHANK.
FAST, THE (Ac 27*).— The passage in which the
reference occurs is part of the account of the
voyage of St. Paul. It reads : iKavoxi 5k XP^''0"
Biayevofxivov Kal ovros ifdr) iirtffcpaXovs toD ir\obs dia rb
Kal T7]v vTjffTelav ijdT] irapeXTjXvdivai, irapyvei 6 HauXos,
ktX. ('Seeing that a considerable time had elapsed,
and that already sailing was dangerous, and also
the Fast was by this time over, Paul exhorted,'
etc.). St. Luke is anxious to emphasize the fact that
the period when, according to ancient custom, navi-
gation must cease, was imminent. The Romans
reckoned the period of rnare clatisum from 11 Nov.
to 10 March (Vegetius, de Re Milit. iv. 39 ; Pliny,
HN ii. 47). Previous to this was a period (24 Sept.
[the autumnal equinox]-ll Nov.) when sailing
was regarded as attended with great risk (Caesar,
Bell. Gall. iv. 36, v. 23). For the Jew, navigation
was possible only from the Feast of Pentecost to
the Feast of Tabernacles (Lewin, Life and Epp. of
402
FAST, THE
FEAE
St. Paul, 1875, ii. 192 n., quoting Schottgen, HorcB
Heb. i. 482). By general consent the ' Fast '
referred to by St. Luke is regarded as tlie great
Day of Atonement (Lv 16'-" GS-*^"^^ ; Jos. Ant. XIV.
xvi. 4), although unsuccessful attempts have been
made to refer it to tlie third day of the Athenian
Thesmophoria, or to some nautical mode of ex-
pression{=extrc7mt7nautumni) (cf. Knowling, ^'GT,
1900, in loco). This Fast occurred five days before
the Feast of Tabernacles, when, according to
Jewish reckoning, sailing was no longer possible.
The problem to be solved is to account for the
emphatic way in which the language is heaped up,
so as to imply tliat the situation for those on board
was really critical, and to explain the advice given
by St. Paul to remain where they were, which was
disregarded (Ac 27^"- ^^). The sailing-master and
captain were anxious to reach Phoenix, a Cretan
port further on, not only because they thought it
a safer port to winter in, but also, no doubt, that
they might lose less time, and perhaps gain the
glory that accrued to the bringing in of the first
corn-ship to Rome in the spring (cf. W, M. Ramsay,
St. Paul the Traveller, 1895, p. 322 ff., where the
whole situation as between St. Paul and the re-
sponsible authorities is clearly explained). St. Paul
snowed himself not only the more prudent sailor,
but as having the greater regard not merely for
human life, but also for the guidance of God.
This purpose in St. Luke's mind is revealed in his
use of Kai before rrjv v-qcxTeiav, ' also the Fast was
now gone by.' In other words, less than five days
remained from the date (Feast of Tabernacles)
when to sail would be contrary to the will of God.
The implication is that they actually did set sail
within these five days.
Two questions of critical interest emerge from a
careful consideration of the use of v-qaTela. in this
passage.
1. Chronological. — The word seems to afford an
important clue to the exact year in which the
voyage of St. Paul to Rome took place. In this
connexion we must note that, in all probability,
the phrase ^vros t^'St; iiriaipaKoxJs toO irXods refers to
the Roman mode of reckoning, and that there is
a studied contrast (implied in Kal) in the verse
between the Roman and the Jewish Calendar.
The KaL reproduces vividly the note of apprehen-
siveness. ' It seems to follow, therefore, that Luke
is writing of a year in Avhich the Great Fast is
subsequent to the Autumnal Equinox, or is at
all events very late indeed ' (W. P. Workman, in
ExpT xi. [1899-1900] 317). Workman deduces,
after a careful examination of the various dates
proposed, especially of a.d. 56, 58, 59, that A.D. 59
is the one that fits in best with St. Luke's state-
ment. The Fast took place on Tishri 10, which is
calculated by adding 173 days to Nisan 14 ; the
calculation of the latter date presenting some
difficulty only in A.D. 56, which for other reasons
is unsuitable, although championed by Blass and
Harnack. Turner in HDB i. 862, art. ' Chrono-
logy,' argues for A.D. 58, but in that year Tishri
10 is 16 Sept., eight days previous to the equinox.
If Workman's interpretation of the contrast in St.
Luke's mind between the two modes of reckoning
is correct, A.D. 58 is therefore unsuitable, and the
only possible year is A.D. 59, in which Tishri 10
falls on 6 October. This is the year contended for
on other grounds by Ramsay and others. Anotlier
advantage is that, by this means, the chronological
difficulty created by the 'three months" stay in
Malta (Ac 28") is somewhat alleviated ; for the
party could not possibly set sail again until the
very beginning of February at the earliest. The
spring equinox occurred on 9 Feb. (cf. Turner,
HDB i. 422»; Zahn, IntroiL, iii. 454). St. Paul
would of course reckon after the JeAvish Calendar
(1 Co 16^), and it is quite natural that St. Luke,
a Gentile Christian, should also do so (Harnack,
The Acts of the Apostles [NT Studies iii.], p. 21
{ = Beitrdge zur Einleitung in das NT, iii. (1908)]).
2. Authorship of Acts. — Does the mention of the
Fast imply that St. Paul observed it ? This ques-
tion can be answered adequately only in connexion
with a full investigation of his attitude towards
Judaism. Such an investigation has a very import-
ant bearing on the question of the Lucan author-
ship, and cannot be entered upon here (see art.
Acts of the Apostles). It may, however, be
pointed out that, on the most probable supposi-
tion that St. Paul, along with his companions
Aristarchus and Luke, did observe the Fast, the
fact is illuminative for the question of his attitude
to Judaism generally, notwithstanding his principle
that the Law is abrogated. Waiving the general
question as to whether such conformity on the
Apostle's part is inconsistent with the doctrine of
the Epistles (cf. Ac 212^*^- 23" 266), and tlie assump-
tion that on this account the portrait of St. Paul in
Acts is therefore a Tendenz-^xo([\\ct, we may find
in this passage an important confirmation of Har-
nack's position that a mere theory of accommodation
to Jewish customs for the sake of peace on St.
Paul's part is neither worthy nor satisfying. No
such motive could be in place under such circum-
stances. He observed the Fast because he was a
Jew, who at the same time did not seek to bind
such observances on Gentile Christians. His one
aim was to promote a sense of brotherhood ' in
Christ ' between Jew and Gentile. ' St. Paul,
indeed, took up a position even then no longer
tenable when he regarded "Judaism" as still pos-
sible within the Christian fold, while he himself,
by his mission to the Gentiles, had actually severed
Judaism inside Christianity from its roots' (Har-
nack, Date of Acts and Synoptic Gospels INT
Studies, iv.], p. 76 [=Beitrdge, iv. (1911)]).
LiTERATtTRB. — For Chronology, see Literature mentioned in
the article ; and for the whole discussion of St. Paul's relation
to Judaism, see A. Harnaclt, Date of the Acts and of the
Synoptic Gospels, Eng. tr., 1911, p. 67 £f., also his Acts of the
Apostles, Eng. tr., 1909, p. 281 ff. ; T. Zahn, Introd. to the iV2',
Eng. tr., 1909, iii. 152; E. von Dobsciiiitz, Problems des
apostol. Zeitalters, 1904, p. 81 ff. ; J. Weiss, Uber die Absicht
und den literar. Charakter der Apostelgeschichte, 1897, p. 36 ff. ;
A. Jiilicher, Neue Linienind. KrUikd. evangel, tjberliefenmg,
1906, p. 59 f. R. H. STEACHAN.
FASTING.— See Abstinence.
FATHER.— See FAMILY.
FATHERHOOD OF GOD.— See GOD.
FATHOM. — The only instance of this measure-
ment is found in Ac 27^^, where by successive
soundings a depth of 20 and 15 fathoms is obtained.
The word employed (dpyvia. ; cf. Herod, ii. 149. 4)
denotes the length from finger tip to finger tip of
the outstretched arms, measuring across the breast.
In tables of length it appears = 4 cubits = 6 feet.
The actual measurement thus depends on the
length of the cubit or foot. According to recent
authorities, the Roman-Attic ft. is given as equiva-
lent to "971 English ft., which yields 70 in. (ap-
proximately) as the length of the fathom. This is
slightly under our present-day measure of 6 feet.
For the fathom of Julian of Ascalon (74*49 in.) see
EBi, art. ' Weights and Measures.'
W. Cruickshank.
FEAR (</)6i3os, ^o^elffOai, ^o^epSs ; d(p6j3us, ' without
fear ' ; ?/c0o/3os, ' exceedingly afraid '). — While there
is a natural fear in the presence of danger — e.g.
in a hurricane at sea (Ac 27") — which is not speci-
fically human, spiritual fear is distinctive of man,
whose motives and actions lack their finest quality
FEAR
FEASTING
403
unless they are influenced by it. The last count
in the indictment which St. Paul draws up against
both Jew and Gentile — comprehensive and explana-
tory of all the rest — is that there is no fear of God
before their eyes (Ro 3^^). This is the stupid, un-
thinking fearlessness of men who are blind to the
realities of the spiritual world to which they be-
long. If they but knew God, they could not but
fear Him, supposing they are guilty of even a frac-
tion of the sins which are here laid to their charge.
.So soon as their eyes are opened, and their con-
sciences quickened, they discover that it is a fear-
ful thing {(pojiepov) to fall into the hands of the
living God (He 10^^). But if, conscious of demerit,
they cry to Him for mercy, their sins are forgiven,
and henceforth they live as in His sight, recogniz-
ing that to fear God and keep His commandments
is the whole duty of man.
This was the religion of the devout JeAv, and
when the Gentile, dissatisfied alike with the old
gods of Olympus and the cold abstractions of philo-
sophy, came to the synagogues of the 'dispersion'
in search of a higher faith and a purer morality, he
was taught to ' fear God.' He became a (po^ovfievos
(or cre^ofxevos) rbv deov, though he might never com-
pletely judaize himself by accepting the mark of
the covenant. The God-fearer is very frequently
referred to in the Apostolic Age (Ac 10-- -2- ^ \Z^^- ^^
etc.), and many of the earliest Gentile converts to
Christianity were men and women whose fear of
God had prepared them for the reception of the
gospel. The Torah was thus a tutor to bring them
to Christ. The religion of law, in which God was
a Sovereign to be obeyed and a .Judge to be dreaded,
was consummated by the religion of love, in which
God is a Father and Christ a Saviour-Brother. It
is the distinctive message of Christianity that God
wills men to serve Him without fear (d(^6/3ws, Lk V*),
with a love which casts out fear (1 Jn 4'^), with a
Ijoldness which seeks His immediate presence (He
10^^), with a freedom and familiarity which prompt
tlie cry ' Abba, Father ' (Ro 8'^). ' Ye have not re-
ceived the spirit of bondage again to fear, but ye
have received the spirit of sonship.' 'EXei'^fpi'a, -nap-
pT](7la, and d7d7r7; — dominant notes in the gospel of
St. Paul, the writer of Hebrews, and St. John — are
all antipodal to fear. The atmosphere of the house-
liold of God is filial trust, not servile suspicion and
dread.
In the Christian life, nevertheless, there is a new
place for the old instinct of fear. Wearing a fresh
livery, it is transformed into a guardian of the be-
liever's dear-bought possessions. Godly repentance
has wrought — what fear ! (2 Co 7^'). Thus there
is an ethical fear Avhich accompanies a great re-
sponsibility, a passionate love, and a noble heroism.
There is a fear which is the opposite of high-minded-
ness (Ro 11-"), and without which no man can work
out his salvation (Ph 2^-) or perfect his holiness
(2 Co ?')• There is a fear of personally coming-
short and permitting others to come short {varepT]-
Kivai, He 4^). There is the paranymph's jealous fear
lest the Bridegroom should lose His bride (2 Co IP),
the Apostle's anxious fear lest his converts should
be found unworthy (12-°). There is the scrupulous
fear of Bunyan's INIr. Fearing, who ' was, above
many, tender of sin ; he was so afraid of doing-
injuries to others, that he often would deny himself
of that which was lawful, because he would not
offend ' (cf. 1 Co S^^). There is a fear, like that of
the angels in Sodom, animating those who snatch
erring ones as brands from the burning, while they
hate even the garment spotted by the flesh ( Jude -^).
F'rom the natural fear which listens either to the
whispers of inward weakness or the threats of out-
ward despotism, Christianity suffices to deliver
men. P'or the sensitive human spirit, which often
pathetically confesses its ' weakness and fear and
much trembling ' (1 Co 2^ ; cf. 2 Co 7^), Christ indeed
shows the utmost tenderness, and again and again
St. Paul received night-visions in which his Lord
bade him 'Be not afraid' (/tr? <po^ov, Ac 18^, 27^*).
But for the timidity which sacrifices principles and
shirks duties Christianity has no mercy. To this
fear it gives a special name, calling it not 0(5/3os
but deiXia (2 Ti V), a fearfulness which is synonym-
ous with cowardice, and the fearful {oeiXoi, Rev 21"),
who prove apostates in the hour of danger, denying
Christ and worshipping Cajsar, stand first in the
black list of those who go down to the second
death.
The NT shrinks from attributing (po^os to Christ,
yet something Avould have been lacking in His
matchless character if He had not given the best
illustration of the j^resence of fear in even the
most filial life. In the hour of His agony, when
His Father's Avill was the one certainty which
nothing- could obscure. His godly fear of swerving
an inch from the line of duty gave Him the su-
preme moral victory. He was heard for His evXd^eia,
that perfect reverence which dictated a perfect
submission : ' exauditus pro sua reverentia ' ( Vulg. ).
James Strahan.
FEASTING. — 1. Pagan feastings. — These are
dealt with in this article only in so far as they are
alluded to in the apostolic literature. The allu-
sions are incidental, and no attempt is made at
minute description.
(I) We find Kufioi. or drinking-bouts mentioned
(Ro 13l^ Gal 5-1, 1 P 4^), and the licentious con-
duct of those who participated in these orgies
may have suggested to St. Paul the famous pas-
sages in which he speaks of the works of dark-
ness (cf. Eph 5"-", 1 Th .5«-), for these bouts took
place at night as distinguished from the tempestiva
convivia which ended in daylight : ' those that be
drunken are drunken in the night' (1 Th 5^).
' When night
Darkens the streets, then wander forth the sons
Of Belial, flown with insolence and wine '
(Milton, Paradise Lost, 1. 500 £E.).
To Plato also they suggested a picture of the
licentious tyrannical soul {Rep. ix. 573) : ' there
will be feasts and carousals and revellings and
courtezans, and all that sort of thing ; Love
("Epojs) is the lord of the house within him, and
orders all the concerns of his soul.'
Flagrant, shameless immorality was the invari-
able result of such feasts, and so we find associ-
ated with them dcr^XyeLa, fxidai, oivo<p\vyia, daurla.
' Wine, women, and song' went together. Plato
speaks of oelwva koI avv avXryrplfft KuifioL (Thecct.
173 D), and it may be that, when St. Paul exhorts
Christians to use psalms, hymns, and spiritual
songs, he is contrasting the grand reverent music
of Christian meetings with the ribald songs of
pagan feasts. One may compare the phrase in
Pliny's correspondence (Epp. x. 97): 'carmen
Christo quasi Deo secum invicem.' A favourite
topic of conversation at such gatherings was 'ipw,
which is interesting when one thinks of the Chris-
tian Agape.
Although philosophers might be able to discuss
this topic on a high moral plane (cf . Plato, Sym-
posium), yet ordinarily the 'love' spoken of was
simply ' lust.'
St. Paul knew that just as Judaism could de-
scend to this worldly, sensual plane of living when
God was forgotten, so also could Christianity.
The motto of this kind of life was ' Let us eat and
drink, for to-morrow we die' — perhaps the philo-
sophic creed of a few, but certainly the practice of
many. Hence St. Peter calls it the 'will of the
Gentiles' (1 P 4^), and St. Paul contrasts it with
the ' will of the Lord ' (Eph 5"). Tlie great moral-
ists of paganism condemned these bouts, and St.
404
FEASTING
FEASTtN"G
Paul (1 Co 15^) quotes Menander (ace. to Jerome
on Gal 4"^) — himself an Epicurean — against the
view of life summed up in the aphorism, ' Let us
eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.' The Cor-
inthians, doubting the resuiTectiou-life, must
wake up from drunkenness in a righteous fashion.
Such deeds of darkness as were associated with
these /fw/tot were to be utterly left alone (cf. Ro 13'^'-,
a passage for ever associated with the conversion
of St. Augustine). Christians Avere to he liJled
with the Spirit, not witli wine, -wluc)! leads to
profligacy (daorria). Profligacy is associated with
drinking-bouts in 2 Mac 6^ and Test. Jud. xvi. 1:
' There are four evil demons in wine — lust, burn-
ing sensual desire, profligacy, base greed of gain.'
Disregard of a future life easily led to sensualism
(see Meyer's Kommentar on 1 Co 15^^ for in-
scriptions on drinking-cups recently discovered).
Christians would of course be looked on by their
former pagan associates as austere, gloomy Puritans
for leaving aside these practices. So St. Peter
declares, and Tertullian later on says : ' What a
jolly boon companion that young man was, and
now he is good for nothing ; he has become a
Christian. What a gay woman that was, how
agreeably wanton, and now one dare not utter the
least indecency in her presence ' (Apol. 3).
(2) It was not simply gross, licentious, heathen
feasts that came into conflict vnih. the moral
earnestness of Christianity, but also feasts con-
nected with religious cults. These cults were
everywhere, and the cult of the Emperor was some-
times associated with them. They constituted a
grave danger owing to the religious sanction they
gave to immorality and the easy path they opened
up towards virtual apostasy. To participate in
these religious feasts was distinctly forbidden, al-
though, according to St. Paul at least, the meat
offered for sale in the open markets could be
bought.
Christian converts had been brought up in an
atmosphere where the belief in the influence of
demons was taken for granted, and indeed the
common belief of Judaism was similar. The
Jew incurred pollution through partaking of food
oflFered to idols. It was believed that the evil spirit
entered the food and resided even in those portions
sold in public ; ' lying hid there for a long time,
they (i.e. demons) blend Mith your souls' (Clem.
Horn. ix. 9). An extreme form of this view is found
in Eusebius [Prcep. Evang. iv. 23— a quotation from
Porphyry) : ' Bodies are full of demons ; for they
particularly delight in foods of various kinds. So
when we eat they seize upon the body.' It was
therefore absolutely imperative to abstain from
festivals connected with idol- worship.
•Where the feast is held under the auspices of a heathen
god and as a sequel to his sacrifice,' then abstinence must
follow ; * participation under these circumstances becomes an
act of apostasj', and the feaster identifies himself with the idol
asdistinctlj as in the Lord's Supper he identifies himself with
Christ' (G. G. Fmdlay in EGT ii. [1900] 732).
(3) It was not as easy, however, to decide the
right Christian attitude in the case of civic and
business festivities. Trade-gilds and social clubs
were numerous and "ave their members many
social and commercijil advantages. They could
hold property, and they gave relief in cases of need
to their members. These gilds Avere under the
patronage of some deity who was honoured in
feasts — common meals of a sacramental kind at
which members ate and drank reclining on couches.
These meals were often scenes of revelry (see
Ramsay in EDB iv. 758-9), and it required great
constancy on the part of Christian members of
such gilds to keep tlieir faith. St. Paul recognizes
the impossibility of absolute aloofness from these
and from social gatherings ; but Avhile he maintains
the nonentity of idols, he recognizes the practical
power of demonic influence. He allows freedom
of intercourse to the strong Christian — provided he
keeps from idolatry and fornication — but he recog-
nizes the danger. This was threefold. The weak
brother might be made to stumble, the strong Chris-
tian might himself be enticed, and the heathen
might conclude that the Christianity of the Chris-
tian participant meant little. There were three
dangers the Apostle had to face in settling this
question. There was the danger of asceticism,
the danger of a relapse into Judaistic rites, and
the danger of antinomian laxity. The danger of
asceticism is met in the Colossian Epistle. St.
Paul combats abstinence (see art. Abstinence).
From his mention of angel-worship and aroixelo. it
seems clear that the demonic influences referred to
above were believed in by the errorists of Colossae.
Judaistic influence is also discernible (see art.
CoLOSSlANS) The Judaistic errors are met in the
Galatian Epistle. It is the libertine antinomian
error that seemed most likely to overcome the
Gentile Church. St. Paul meets it in 1 Corinth-
ians. The letters to Pergamos and Thyatira meet
it Avith forcible denunciation and threatening (see
such artt. as Balaam, Jezebel, Nicolaitans),
and in 2 Peter and Jude Ave have an attitude simi-
lar to that of St. John (Revelation).
2. Christian feasts (for the JcAvish feasts men-
tioned in the NT see artt. New Moon, Passover,
Pentecost, Sabbath, etc.). We have the Lord's
Supper as a distinctively Christian feast (see
Eucharist), and at least once Agape occurs (see
Love-Feast). The Avell-knoAvn Church festivals
are of later origin. St. Paul once (1 Co 5^) uses the
term ' feast ' in a metaphorical sense of the whole
life of the Christian community. Philo had inter-
preted in this fashion before him [de Migr. Abrah.
16). This is suggested to St. Paul by the Lord's
Supper, and the thought is found recurring in later
AA'riters. Clement of Alexandria speaks of the
Avhole Christian life of the true Gnostic as a holy
panegyric (joyful assembly) (Strom, vii. 7). Chry-
sostom also says that for Christians their Avhole
life is a feast OAving to the superabundance of the
good gifts bestoAved on them (quoted by Findlay,
EGT, on 1 Co 5*). This feast, says St. Paul, must
be held in sincerity and truth.
In 2 P 2^', Jude ^^ Ave have an account of liber-
tines Avho frequent the Christian feasts, but Avho
turn them into occasions of pleasure. The textual
questions involved need not be raised here. Even
if we read airdTais in 2 Pet. for afdwais (as in Jude '-),
the reference seems in both places to be to the
Christian love-feasts (the term euwxla. is used of
the love-feast by Clem. Alex. Posd. ii. 1. 6), and a
class of men is brought before us Avho IIa'o immoral
lives w'hile yet claiming the right to participate in
the Christian loA'e-feasts.
These Christian feasts were early misunderstood
by pagans. Christians were accused of .atheism, of
iiuiiiorality, and of cannibalism. Pliny, by speaking
of the innocence of Christian feasts, implies that he
had heard these accusations. Similar charges are
repudiated by Justin Martyr (Apol. i. 2G), and later
by Tertullian (Apol. 7, 8). The Christians defended
themselves on tlie ground that such accusations
AA'ere baseless, or else that they could only be brought
against heretics (cf. Iren. I. xxv. 3, and Justin
Martyr, Apol. i. 26). For a later defence see Euse-
bius, HE 4, 7. That there Avas some ground for the
charge of immorality, even Peter and Jude bear
Avitness, but they testify also to the stern morality
of true Christianity.
Literature. — For kujuoi see Classical Dictionaries ; E. Hatch,
The Organization of the Early Christian Chtirches, 1881,
Lecture ii. (gives references to associations) ; W. M. Ramsay,
artt. in HDB on 'Pergamus,' 'Thyatira,' etc., also The Church
FEET
FELLOWSHIP
405
in the Roman Empire, 1893, Index, s.v. ' Sodalitates.' Refer-
ence must also be made to NT Introductions like Zahn's (Eng.
tr., 1909) and works on the Apostolic Age.
Donald Mackenzie.
FEET. — The tendency to individual detail, which
gives so much vividness to Semitic narrative,
accounts for some of the references to the feet
(7r65es) in apostolic writings, as, for example, the
reference in St. Peter's judgment on Sapphira:
'the feet of those wiio buried thy husband are at the
door' (Ac 59; cf. 7^ He 12'3, Kev V^ 2'^ W). The
sinner's feet are 'swift to shed blood' (Ro 3^^), but
the Christian's are to be ' sandalled ' with readiness
to proclaim the gospel of peace (Eph 6^^), and are
made beautiful by that mission (Ro 10'^). Behind
such allusions, however, there is something more
than the love of graphic detail. The whole body
enters much more into biblical ideas of personality
than the modern reader usually recognizes (see artt.
Ear, Head). In St. Paul's analogy between the
human body and the Church, the head needs the
service of the feet, and the foot must not refuse
its ministry because its service is humbler than
that of the hand (1 Co 12'«-2i ; of. 1 Clem, xxxvii. 5).
In the mystical body of the Odes of Solomon (xlii. 18)
the feet represent the saints.
Other references to the feet are derived from
Oriental customs. The sandals are removed in
holy places (Ac 7^^), as before entering the mosque
of to-day. The removal of the master's sandals is
a slave's work (13-^). To wash the dusty feet of
guests is a rite of hospitality (cf. Lk 1**, Jn IS'*'-),
and the habit of rendering such service to the
'saints' is mentioned amongst the qualifications
of 'widows' (1 Ti 5^° ; see art. Widow). Since
the Jewish teacher taught whilst sitting, with his
scholars at a lower level around him, St. Paul can
say literally that he Avas ' brought up at the feet of
Gamaliel' (Ac 22^). Contributions to the common
fund are laid at tlie feet of the apostles, who are
thus represented sitting as teachers (4^^ ; see Holtz-
mann, ad loc. ). The clothes of the ' witnesses ' who
stoned Stephen Avere laid at the feet of Saul,
already prominent against the new sect (7^^). The
Oriental habit of prostration before the feet of a
superior, in fear or reverence, is illustrated by
Sapphira (5^»), Cornelius (10^8), John (Rev V igi" 22* ;
cf. 3^ ; Hermas, Vis. III. ii, 3). The ancient custom
according to which the victor literally trampled
the conquered under his feet (Jos 10'^ and the
monuments), to register and confirm the conquest,
accounts for the frequent phrase ' under the feet,'
to denote subjugation (1 Co 15-'-", Eph 1--, He 2^,
Ro 16"" ; cf. Rev 10^ 12i). In the spirit of dramatic
symbolism, Agabus {q.v.) bound his hands and feet
with St. Paul's girdle, to prophesy the Apostle's
coming bondage (Ac 21"). St. Paul and Barnabas
shook off the dust of their feet against Pisidian
Antioch (13^1; cf, Mt W*) in token of complete
separation from its doom.
H. Wheeler Robinson.
FELIX (Ac 23-*^-).—A freedman, and a brother
of Pallas, Felix was the favourite of the Emperor
Claudius. Tacitus {Hist. v. 9) calls him ' Antonius
Felix.' Of his public life prior to his appoint-
ment to his procuratorship in Palestine, nothing
is known ; of his private life, only that he had
married a granddaughter of Antony and Cleopatra,
whom Tacitus (loc. cit.) calls Drusilla, confusing
her, no doubt, with the Jewish princess with whom
Felix allied himself later. Suetonius knows of
yet another marriage — also to a princess {Claud. 28).
Josephus and Tacitus are at variance as to the
time and circumstance of the sending of Felix
to Palestine. According to Josephus {BJ ii. 12 ;
Ant. XX. 6f. ), Felix was appointed to succeed the
procurator Cumanus, when the latter was con-
demned and banished for his misrule. According
to Tacitus {Ann. xii. 54), Cumanus and Felix were
contemporaneously procurators, the one of Galilee,
the other of Samaria. It seems reasonable to follow
Schiirer {HJP I. ii. [1890] 174) in giving preference
in this matter to ' the very detailed narrative of
Josephus.' This fixes the arrival of Felix in
Palestine in A.D. 52, or early in the following
year.
The historians are entirely at one in their esti-
mate of Felix and of the manner in which he
exercised his functions. His countryman Tacitus
{Hist. v. 9) describes him as using 'the powers of a
king with the disposition of a slave,' and says
{Ann. xii. 54) 'he deemed that he might perpetrate
any ill deeds with impunity.' Under his govern-
ment the state of Palestine grew rapidly worse.
If there had been occasional disorders under
Cumanus, ' under Felix rebellion became perma-
nent.' The boundless cruelty with which he re-
pressed the more open opposition of the ' Zealots '
to the Roman rule stimulated the formation of the
secret associations of the 'Assassins ' {Sicarii), whose
hand was against all — Jew not less than Roman
— who did not further their designs. Not less
significant of the misery of the people was their
readiness to answer the call of religious fanatics
like ' the Egyptian ' mentioned in Ac 21^, whom
Josephus {BJ II. xiii. 5) credits with a following
of thirty thousand. In any such movement Felix
suspected ' the beginning of a revolt,' and adopted
measures which only served to increase the popular
disaffection. For the intrigue by which he pos-
sessed himself of the youngest daughter of Herod
Agrippa I. — the newly wedded wife of King Azizus
of Emesa — see art. Drusilla.
The cynical disregard of Felix for justice, and
his inordinate greed are alike brought to view
in his treatment of the Apostle Paul. Although
possessed of information 'concerning the Way,'
which would have justified him in releasing the
prisoner when he was first brought before him, he
decided to adjourn the case indefinitely (Ac 24-^),
partly to curry favour with the Jews, and partly
to serve his own rapacious ends. The interview
with the Apostle recorded in Ac 24^ was probably
intended by the procurator and his wife to be
somewhat of a diversion — it ended for Felix in
terror. He had frequent communings with St.
Paul during^ the time he detained him as his
prisoner at Cfesarea ; but seemingly on these later
occasions Felix kept control of the conversation
and directed it, though unavailingly, towards his
mercenary aim.
Tw^o years after St. Paul was brought to Csesarea,
Felix was recalled to Rome in connexion with a
strife which had broken out at Ca^sarea between
the Jews and the Syrians in that town — the Jews
asserting for themselves certain exclusive rights,
which the others denied. The matter was referred
to the Emperor. The investigation proved so
damaging to Felix that ' he had certainly been
brought to punishment, unless Nero had yielded to
the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas '
(Jos. Ant. XX. viii. 9).
Of the subsequent life of Felix, nothing is known.
Literature.— H. M. Luckock, Footprints of the Apostles as
traced by St. L/uke, 1905, pt. ii. p. 243 ; A. Maclaren, Exposi-
tions : 'Acts, oh. xiii.-end,' 1907, pp. 281, 287 ; G. H. Morrison,
The Footsteps of the Flock, 1904, p. 362 ; M. Jones, St. Paul
the Orator, 1910, p. 202 ; J. S. Howson, The Companions of St.
Paul, 1874, p. 145 ; H. Goodwin, Parish Sermons, 2nd ser.s,
1861, p. 179 ; W. H. M. H. Aitken, The Glory of the Gospel,
n.d., pp. 193, 208, 223; C. H. Turner, ' Eusebius' Chronology
of Felix and Festus' in JThSt, iii. [1901-02] 120; S. Buss,
Roman Law and History in the XT, 1901, p. 373.
G. P. Gould.
FELLOWSHIP. — Nothing is so prominent in
early Christianity as its sense of fellowship. The
Corinthians, with their extreme individualistic
406
FELLOWSHIP
FESTUS
tendencies, are an exception among the Pauline
communities. 1. This fellowship is primarily a
religious fact : it is fellowship with the heavenly
Lord, who, though hidden in heaven (Ac 3'-'), is
yet sensibly present to His followers (MtlS-" 28-").
Even the individual believer knows that he is in
fellowship with Christ. St. Paul, using a mystical
form of expression, says that it is Christ and not
himself who lives and acts in him (Gal 2^"). He
speaks also of • the fellowship of his sufferings '
(Ph 3'"), which allows his own sufferings to par-
ticipate in the saving power of Christ's afHictions
for His Church (Col p-», Eph S^% The fellowship
with Christ to which God has called Christians
(1 Co P) has not yet been fully realized, but is
still to be hoped for. To be with Christ for ever
is the whole desire of the Apostle (1 Th 4", Ph l^^) ;
in the present time he has but a foretaste of the
joy to come. St. John emphasizes the fact that
this present fellowshii) with Christ (1 Jn 1®) is
fellowship with the Father and with the Son (P).
Since it is the Holy Ghost who mediates between
Christ and His believers, St. Paul speaks of
'fellowship of the Spirit' (Ph 2^) as well as of
' communion of the Holy Ghost ' (2 Co 13i^), the
same Greek word (Koivcovla) being used in both
passages. Fellowship with the heavenly Lord,
who sits at the right hand of God, and makes in-
tercession for His followers (Ro 8^^ ; cf. 1 Jn 2^,
He 2^'' 4'^ 7"^ etc. ), is realized in prayers which are
heard (2 Co 128'-), and in revelations (2 Co 12', Gal
22 ; of. 1 Th 4'6). Fellowship with the Holy Ghost
is realized in certainty of salvation and boldness
in prayer (Ro S^^'- ^^ ; cf. He 4^^), in moral strength
(Ro 8'^^-, Gal 5^^*-)> and miraculous gifts of every
kind — the ecstatic gifts of prophecy and speaking
Avith tongues, and the natural gifts bestowed by
the Spirit, such as governing and helping in the
Church (1 Co 128ff- s^ff-).
2. Fellowship of the faith (Philem ^) is fellowship
of the faithful. This is an exclusive fellowship :
'what fellowship liave righteousness and iniquity?
or what communion hath light with darkness?'
(2 Co 6'*). _ St. Paul, and still more St. John, strive
hard to maintain thisexclusiveness in their churches
— not for reasons of utility, as in the case of the
Greek clubs ; not from national prejudice, as in
the case of the Jewish synagogues ; but from the
standpoint of Christian morals : the fulfilment of
the high ordinances of the gospel is only possible
in the midst of a Christian congregation (1 Co 6^"").
The separation of the members of the Church from
social relationship with the heathen world, which
St. Paul endeavoured to effect (cf. his scruples re-
garding invitations to heathen houses or temples,
1 Co lO'"), was carried out in later times (1 P 4*,
3 Jn ^) ; and the leaders in the Church even began
to insist on avoiding all fellowship with Chris-
tians of doubtful character (2 Jn '"'•, 1 Jn 4'*', Rev
2i4fr. 20ff.^ Jude '»«■•).
To this exclusiveness in externals there corre-
sponds an inward intensity : to be of one accord, to
have the same mind (1 Co l'«, 2 Co 13", Ph 2-, Ro
12'«), to love the brethren (Ro 121", 1 Th 4^, etc.),
are oft-repeated commands. ' Bear ye one another's
burdens' is a law of tiie Church (Gal 6'-); all are
members of one body (1 Co 12'-*''-), and so all have
joy and sorrow in coiniiion (I Co 12-®, Ro 12'').
One sign of this fellowship is mutual intercession
(2 Co 1", Col 4», 2 Th 3'), another is the kiss of
peace (2 Co 13'^ 1 Th 5^^). At the so-called Apos-
tolic Council, James, Peter, and John gave Paul
and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship in
token of their mutual recognition of one another
as fellow-workers in their different mission fields
(Gal 2''). Later on it became customary to send
messengers and letters from one church to another.
St. Paul mentions not only his fellow-workers (Ro
16^) but also his fellow-prisoners (Ro 16'' Col 4^").
Christianity is called a brotherhood (1 P 2'^ 5*, 1
Clem. ii. 4).
3. Fellowship— and this is the main point — is to
be exercised actively towards all members of the
community. In this sense fellowship is one of the
chief characteristics of the primitive Church of
Jerusalem (Ac 2*^) ; it is characteristic, too, of the
relationship between the Pauline communities.
St. Paul praises the Philippians for their fellow-
ship in furthering the gospel (Ph 1'), i.e. taking
part in the Apostle's missionary work by personal
activity, prayers, and contributions of money. In
this way they had fellowship with his afflictions
(Ph 4"). The churches of Macedonia besought
the Apostle ' with much intreaty in regard of . . .
the fellowship in the ministering to the saints ' (2
Co 8*), i.e. that they might be allowed to join in
the collection for the poor of Jerusalem. Thus
the word Koivuvla acquires a meaning which the
EW have tried to express by the rendering ' con-
tribution' (Ro 15-«, 2 Co 9^3. AV 'distribution')
or 'communicate' (He 13"). He that is taught in
the word is advised by St. Paul to communicate
unto him that teacheth in all good things (Gal 6®).
Fellowship, then, becomes a system of mutual help
— the care of the poor and the sick, the feeding
of widows and orphans, the visiting of prisoners,
hospitality, the procuring of labour for travelling
workmen {Didache, xii. 3ff.), are some of the
proofs of fellowship. By these means early Chris-
tianity showed itself to be a social power far sur-
passing all rival organizations and religions.
Literature. — E. von Dobschiitz, Christian Life in the Primi-
tive Church, Eng. tr., 1904 ; A. Harnack, Die Mission und
Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhun-
derten'^, 1906, i. 127-171 (Eng. tr., Mission and Expansion^,
1908, i. 147-198). Cf. also the Literature at the end of the art.
Communion. E. VON DOBSCHUTZ.
FESTUS. — No information is forthcoming con-
cerning Porcius Festus, who succeeded Felix in
the procuratorship of Judaea, other than that
supplied by Ac 24^'^ 26*^ and by Josephus, A^it. XX.
viii. 9f., ix. 1, and BJ IL xiv. 1. According to
Josephus, Festus set himself with vigour and
success to restore order to his province, which he
found distracted with sedition and overrun by
bands of robbers. ' He caught the greatest part of
the robbers, and destroyed a great many of them.'
More particularly it is added that he ' sent forces,
both horsemen and footmen, to fall upon those that
had been seduced by a certain impostor, who pro-
mised them deliverance and freedom from the
miseries they were under, if they would but follow
him as far as the wilderness. Accordingly, those
forces that were sent destroyed both him that had
deluded them and those that were his followers
also.' The only other incident in the administra-
tion of Festus which Josephus relates shows him, in
association with King Agrippa II., withstanding
'the chief men of Jerusalem' (Ant. XX. viii. 11),
and permitting an appeal to Caesar — an interesting
combination in view of the narrative in Acts. The
circumstances, as stated by Josephus, were these :
Agrippa had made an addition to his palace at
Jerusalem, which enabled him to observe from his
dining-hall what was done in the Temple. There-
upon ' the chief men of Jerusalem ' erected a wall
to obstruct the view from the palace. Festus sup-
ported Agripjia in demanding the removal of this
wall, but yielded to the request of the Jews that
the whole matter might be referred to Nero, who
upheld the appeal and reversed the judgment of
his procurator.
Josephus evidently regards Festus as a wise and
righteous official, affording an agreeable contrast
to Albinus, his successor, of whom he says that
' there was not any sort of wickedness that could
FEVER
FIRE
407
be named but he had a hand in it' [BJ II.
xiv. 1).
Turning to the Book of Acts, we find that there,
while justice is done to the promptness with which
Festus addressed himself to his duties and to the
lip-homage he was ready to pay to ' the custom of
the Romans,' he appears in a less favourable light,
and the outstanding fact meets us of the estimate
which St. Paul formed of him. St. Paul preferred
to take his chance with Nero to leaving his cause
to be disposed of by this fussy, plausible official.
•I appeal unto Caesar,' is the lasting condemna-
tion of Festus. He was persuaded that the Apostle
was innocent of the ' many and grievous charges '
brought against him, yet he was quite prepared
to sacrifice him, if thereby he 'could gain favour
with the Jews ' ; hence the preposterous proposal of
a re-trial at Jerusalem. The noble use which St.
Paul made shortly after of the opportunity given
him by Festus to speak for himself before Agrippa
and Berenice should not blind us to the callousness
of the man who planned that scene with all its
pomp and circumstance, and deliberately exploited
a prisoner in bonds for the entertainment of his
Herodian guests. Festus died after holding his
office for a brief term — ' scarcely two vears '
(Schurer, HJP I. ii. [1890] 185). See art. Dates for
discussion of the chronology of the procuratorship
of Festus.
Literature. — S. Buss, Roman Law and History in the NT,
1901, p. 390; C. H. Turner, 'Eusebius' Chronology of Felix
and Festus ' in JThSt iii. [1001-02] 120; G. H. Morrison, The
Footsteps of the Flock, 1904, p. 362 ; M. Jones, St. Paxil the
Orator, l9io, p. 212 ; A. Maclaren, Expositions : ' Acts, ch.
xiii.-end,' 1907, p. 322. G. P. GoULD.
FEYER.— In the single passage (Ac 28^) in which
the word occurs, it is associated with dysentery
iq.v.). Fever is a rise in bodily temperature above
the normal of 98 '4° F. It may be caused bj- physio-
logical conditions — a mechanical interference with
the nervous system which prevents heat-elimina-
tion, as in sunstroke. It is also a symptom of the
reaction of the body to infection by micro-organisms
or other poisons by which the heat-regulation
apparatus is disturbed. The effects of this are
evident in further derangements in the digestive
glands, the liver and kidneys, the alimentary
canal, the nervous organism, and the blood. The
name is given to many diseases of which fever is
the leading symptom, as e.g. typhoid fever. At a
time when it was not possible to explain diseases
by reference to a single cause, it was very natural
to describe the derangement by two or more of the
principal symptoms, as in the instance under con-
sideration. C. A. Beckwith.
FIELD OF BLOOD.— See Akeldama.
FIG, FIG-TREE {(rvKT], cvkov, SXw^os).— Apart
from the three references in the Gospels (Mt 7^^,
Mk 11'^ Lk e^'*), figs are mentioned only twice in
the NT (Ja 3'-, Rev 6^^) In James the ordinary
words ffvKri, ' fig-tree,' and avKov, ' fig,' are used,
but in Rev. oKwdos is the word emploj-ed to denote
the fruit. The latter term designates a fig which
grows during the winter under the leaves, but
seldom ripens.
The meaning of Ja 3^^ is clear : a tree is known
by its fruits ; a fig-tree cannot bring forth olives,
neither can an olive-tree bring forth figs ; a man's
'works' are, in short, an inl'allible index to his
; faith' (Ja 2^^). In Rev 6'3 fios form part of the
imagery in the vision of the Opening of the First
Six Seals. The Seer beholds the stars of heaven
falling to the earth ' as a fig-tree casteth her un-
ripe fi"s, when she is shaken of a great gale. ' In
the ordinary way these winter figs [SKwdoi.) did not
ripen, so here the judgment predicted is not about
to cut off prematurely those who if spared would
develop into matured and useful fruit, but those
who are ' without hope and without God in the
world' — in short, the ' cumberers of the ground.'
The fig-tree is native to Palestine and is found
either cultivated or wild all over the country.
Those which are wild are usually barren or at all
events bear no edible fruit, and they are known
as ' male ' fig-trees. There are many varieties of
fig-trees cultivated, some of which yield a sharp,
bitter fruit, and others a sweet, mellow one. It
is noticeable that in the description of the Pro-
mised Land (Dt 8^) fig-trees are mentioned as one
of its leading natural characteristics. They are of
moderate size, though sometimes attaining a height
of 25 ft., while the stem is sometimes over 3 ft. in
diameter. The bark is smooth, and the size and
thickness of the leaves readily explain the point of
the Jewish proverb — ' to sit under one's own vine
and one's own tig- tree' (1 K 4^5, Mic 4*, Zee S^").
As a matter of fact, its foliage affords better shade
and protection than any other tree in Palestine.
It is one of the earliest trees to shoot, and its first
fruit-buds appear before its leaves (cf. Mt 24^^,
Mk 13^, Lk 2129- 30). The fruit is an enlarged suc-
culent hollow receptacle, containing the imperfect
flowers in its interior ; consequently the flowers
are invisible till the receptacle has been opened.
The figs are eaten both fresh and dried, ana they
are often compressed into a cake (cf. 1 S 25^^ 30^^,
1 Ch 12^°). The time the tree comes into leaf and
fruiting varies according to the situation, and is
later in the hUl-country than in the plains. On
the hills, the branches which have remained bare
and naked all through the winter put forth their
early leaf-buds about the end of March, and at
the same time diminutive figs begin to appear
where the young leaves join the branches. These
tiny figs continue to grow with the leaves until
they reach about the size of a cherry, then the
majority of tliem fall to the ground or are blown
down by the wind. These are the SXwdoi of Rev
6^* (see above).
Literature. — H. B. TnstTa.m, Natural History of the Bible^O,
1911, p. 350 f. ; H. B. Swete, Apocalvpse of St. John^, 1907, p.
93 ; W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book, 1910 ed., p.
333 ; J. C. Geikie, The Holy Land and the Bible, 1903 ed.,
pp. 66, 74. Cf. also SDB, p. 262 f. ; HDB li. 5, 6 ; EBi ii. 1519-
1622. P. S. P. HANDCOCK.
FINISHER.— See Authoe and Finisher,
FIRE. — The term ' fire ' is used literally to denote
the familiar process of combustion, with its ac-
companiments of light and heat. In nearly all
the passages in which it occurs from Acts to Revela-
tion, it is used in a figurative sense. (1) A few of
these have affinity with passages in the OT in
which tire, as one of the most impressive of natural
phenomena, is a form of the Divine manifestation.
In some of the theophanies, in which tire is a
prominent feature, it seems to express the concep-
tion of God as He is in Himself and in His nature
(e.g. Ezk 1^' -'') ; in others it is a manifestation
of Him in His character as Avenger or Judge
(Ex 1916- 18, Ps 188 5f/, Is 30^). The NT furnishes
some analogous cases in which the theophanic fire
is simply a manifestation of the Divine presence or
attributes (Ac 2^, Rev 1'"- 4^), and others in which
it is an accompaniment of the Divine judgment
(2 Th 18, 2 P 31"-^-). (2) The use of fire as a testing
and purifying agent has led to its figurative appli-
cation as a criterion for distinguishing between
what possesses genuine moral worth and what does
not, and as a means of purifying human character
(iCo 312'-, 1 P V). (3) One of the most patent
characteristics of fire is its destructiveness, ■with
the inevitable effect of suffering in the case of all
forms of oiganic being. The vivid and forcible
appeal ■which it makes to the imagination is due
to the acute sensations it produces in the physical
organism by the combination of intense brightness
with intense heat. Fire is thus fitted to serve as
an appropriate symbol of the Divine judgment
upon sin. The OT frequently applies imagery
borrowed from this source to denote the punitive
aspects of God's nature, or punitive instruments
employed by Him, and thus lays the basis for the
use of similar imagery in the NT.
1. Fire as a form of Divine manifestation. — (a)
In this section may be grouped passages in which
fire is simply an indication of the Divine presence,
or symbol of Divine attributes other than those
specially displayed in the punishment of sin. (a)
In Ac 2* one of the two outward manifestations
attending the descent of the Spirit on tlie disciples
seated in the upper room is compared with fire.
The appearance of fire (wo-et wvpds) assumed by the
tongues referred to the Divine presence, which, in
this instance, conferred on those assembled together
tlie 'gift of tongues,' symbolized by the tongue-
like flames that sat on the head of each. The
reality corresponding to the appearance was the
miraculous power of ecstatic utterance, now dis-
played for the first time, but afterwards a familiar
feature in the worship of the Apostolic Church
{v.* ; cf. 10^'-, 1 Co 14: passim). That the gift thus
imparted had a Divine origin was certified by the
visible accompaniment of fiery tongues.
(^) The Christophany described in Rev 1""^' de-
picts the Risen Christ in the midst of the churches
with eyes like a flame of fire (cf. Dn 10^, ' his eyes
as lamps of fire'). The flame-like eyes {Rev 2'^
19'-) are emblematic of the glance of omniscience,
which penetrates the depth of the soul witli its
radiance, and reads the true meaning of the
thoughts and actions. 'AH things,' it is implied,
' are naked and laid open before the eyes of him
with whom we have to do' (He 4'*; cf. Ps 11^,
Pr 15^).
(7) ' The seven torches (AV and RV ' lamps ') of
fire burning before the throne' (Rev 4^) describe
the Spirit of God in His manifold powers, ' the
plenitude of the Godhead in all its attributes and
energies' (Alford, ad loc), under the emblem of
fire. ' Fulness, intensity, energy, are implied in
the figure, which reflects the traditional association
(in the primitive mind) of fire and flame wdth the
divinity, and especially with the divine puritv or
lioliness' (J. Moffatt, EGT, 'Rev.,' 1910, p. 379).
There appears to be a reference also to the illumi-
nating power of the Spirit, by which the prophets,
with whom the apocalyptic writer identifies him-
self, were qualified for bearing their testimony,
especially with regard to the future (Rev 2^ 4- ;
cf. 19").
(6) Passages in which fire is an accompaniment of
the Parousia. — (a) According to the rendering of
2 Th V^ in AV, fire is the instrument with whicli
Christ, at His Second Advent, executes vengeance
on Gentile and Jewish enemies of the Gospel. The
RV, more accurately, separates the first clause of
V.*, 'in flamin" fire,' from what follows, and con-
nects it Avith vX The ' flame of fire,' an expression
containing a reminiscence of OT theophanies of
judgment, is the element or medium by which the
glory of Christ is revealed at His Return, not the
means by whicli He inflicts punishment on the
wicked. Like the lightning, wiiich is everyAvIiere
visible at the same time (Mt24^), this feature is
fitted to arrest the attention and impress the mind
of all beholders.
(;3) Literal fire is associated in 2 P Si'-i* ^'ith the
Parousia ('the day of the Lord') as the means by
wliich the visible universe is to be destroyed.
Once temporarily destroyed by the waters of the
deluge, the earth and the heavens have l)een
' stored up for fire' (v.'^) and now at the Coming of
the Lord ' the heavens being on fire shall be dis-
solved, and the elements shall melt with fervent
heat' (V.1-). The old creation is to be dissolved,
and pass away in the final world-conflagration
which prepares the way for the advent of new-
heavens and a new earth. Other passages of
Scripture anticipate that the present material
order, having had a beginning, is destined to come
to an end. They also foreshadow the emergence
of a new order, free from the defects of the old,
which is to be the future abode of the redeemed
(Is 651^ 66-2, He 1226-28, Rgv 20'i 2P). In the NT
these great cosmic changes are associated with the
last Advent. In 2 Pet. alone are the means de-
scribed by which the transition destined to result
in a renovated universe is efl'ected. It is to be
by fire, which is the only agent adequate to the
accomplishment of a destruction so thorough and
complete. Science maintains that the end of the
universe, as at present constituted, is to be brought
about by the gradual loss of radiant heat. The
steady reduction of temperature is to render the
continuance of life on the planet impossible.
INIayor (Ep. of St. Jude and Second Ep. of St.
Peter, 1907, p. 209) suggests that this theory re-
quires revision, in view of ' the stores of energy in
the chemical elements, and of the varieties of
radiant energy to which attention has been promi-
nently directed by the discovery of radium. But
assuming the reasonableness of this conjecture,
the passage under discussion sheds no light on the
constitution of the new environment in which a
spiritual body takes the place of a natural body
(1 Co 15«).
2. Fire as a testing and purifying agent. — Fire
and water are the two elements used for purifica-
tion, and of the two, fire is the more drastic and
searching. In the process of refining, fire is the
means of separating the precious metals from dross
or alloys (Zee 13^). In the art of assaying, the
same agent is employed for testing the quantity of
gold or silver in ore or alloys.
(a) The use of fire for these purposes has led to
the word being figuratively applied to the trials,
especially in the form of severe persecutions, which
the early Christians were called on to endure at
the hands of their heathen oppressors (1 P V).
From the searching ordeal by fire, it was the
Divine design that their faith might emerge, more
precious than gold, thoroughly tested and approved
as genuine. In a later passage (4'^) the extremity
of their sufferings, arising from the same cause, is
compared to a burning or conflagration (Trvpoiiris)
by which character is tested and purified ; and the
sharp discipline they are undergoing is spoken of
appropriately, considering its extreme severity, as
judgment (Kplfia) already begun, from which the
righteous escajje with.difficulty (v."'- ; cf. 1 Co 3^).
(b) The figure is used in a somewhat similar
manner to describe the judgment by which the
work of Christian teachers is to be tested at the
Parousia. 'The day (of Christ's Second Coming)
is to be revealed in fire' (cf. 2 Th 1"'-), 'and the
fire itself shall prove each man's work of what sort
it is ' (1 Co 3'^-'5 RV). The fire in which the whole
fabric built on the One Foundation is involved,
detects and exposes the flimsy and worthless
materials by consuming them, but leaves uninjured
the solid and durable materials that are fire-proof.
In the one instance, the skilful builder has the
gratification of seeing his work survive, and him-
self rewarded. In the other, the unskilful builder
has the mortification of seeing his work destroj'ed
and his labour lost ; and although he himself
esc'ijies, it is with difficulty, as one escapes from a
Imrning house — 'saved, yet so as through fire.'
The picture presented is that of a general con-
FIKE
FIEE
409
flagration. It may have been suggested by ' the con-
flagration of Corinth under -Munimins ; the stately
temples standing amidst the universal destruction
of the meaner buildings ' (A. P. Stanley, Epistles to
the Corinthians'^, 1858, p. 67). The main point of the
illustration is not the purification of character, but
the decisive testing of the difference between solid
and worthless achievement. The fire is not dis-
ciplinary, and, needless to say, it contains no
allusion to 'purgatorial fire, whether in this or in
a future life' (J. B. Mayor, 'The General Epistle
of Jude,' in EOT, 1910, p. 276).
3. Fire as an instrument of Divine punishment.
— (a) In this section may be grouped together
passages in which fire is a symbol of God's temporal
judgments on human sin. Such passages have a
close attinity with frequent references in the OT,
in which God is represented ' as surrounded by, or
manifested in, fire, the most immaterial of elements,
and at the same time the agency best suited to re-
present symbolically His power to destroy all that
is sinful or i;nholy ' (S. K. Driver, Daniel [Cambridii^e
Bible for Schools, 1900], p. 85 ; cf. Gn IS^^ Nu \&^, Ps
50», Is 3027 3314^ jer 44 211-, Ezk 2I»i, Dn 7"'-, Am 5^ 7^).
(a) In accordance with this usage, fire is employed
in Jude^ to represent the present judgment which
overtakes the second of the three classes enticed
into licentious living by the antinomian teachers
(cf. v.*}. There is no reference here to the fire of
future judgment. There is an evident allusion in
the phrase, 'snatching them out of the fire' (RV),
to Am 4", where persons who had just escaped
with their lives from the earthquake, are referred
to ; and to Zee 3^ where the high priest Joshua is
described as a brand plucked out of the Babylonian
captivity. Fleshly indulgence exposes those ad-
dicted to it to present penalties as well as to future
ones, and it is from tliis perilous position that their
rescuers are to snatch them hastily, and almost
violently.
(§) Fire, as an image of God's temporal judg-
ments, appears in the symbolism of the Apocalypse.
When the Church was engaged in a life-and-death
struggle with Imperial Home, her members re-
garded terrible visitations, in the shape of the three
historic scourges, war, famine, and pestilence, as
signs of the approaching end of tiie age and Christ's
Return. The NT Apocalyptist heightens the eflect
of the lurid pictures in which he forecasts the
judgments impending on the enemies of Christ and
His Church, by the introduction of fire, in one
case literal, material fire, as a token of those
judgments. In answer to the prayers of suffering-
saints, the angel fills the censer with fire from the
altar, and casts tlie burning contents on the earth,
as a sign that the Divine vengeance is about to
descend upon it (Rev 8°; cf. Ezk 10^). The horror
which the countless host of horsemen is fitted to
inspire, is intensified by the circumstance that fire
and smoke and brimstone issiie out of their mouths
(9"'*). In 14^* it is the angel who has power over
the fire — in this instance the symbol of Divine
wrath — that brings the angel with the sickle the
message that the vintage is to begin, because the
world is ripe for judgment. The sea of glass before
the Throne, by the side of which stand the victors
in the conflict with the Beast, is flushed red with
the fire of impending judgments — the seven last
plagues which are the i)recursors of the downfall
of Babylon (15"- ; cf. 17M.
(7) Literal, material fire is the means by which
the total and final destruction of the harlot-city,
mystic Babylon, is eftected (18 passim). Nero
Redivivus and his Parthian allies, to whom the
burning of the city is attributed, are only the
human instruments in God's hand for executing
His judgment upon her {IS-"- -•» 19^).
(5) Supernatural fire is the agent by which the
nations, Gog and Magog, are consumed, and their
attempt to capture ' the beloved city' frustrated (20*).
(6) Fire is the syvihol of God's future and final
judgment on the wicked. — (a) In view of the near
approach of the Parousia (He 10^^), those in danger
of the wilful sin of apostasy from the Christian
faith are reminded of the terrible consequences
which await those succumbing to the great tempta-
tion — 'a fierceness of fire which shall devour the
adversaries' (v.^^ RV). The solemn reminder is
repeated in connexion with the declaration that
the present transient order of things must give
place to the new and eternal order (12^'). In con-
trast with the material tire that manifested His
presence at Sinai, God is Himself in His very
essence what that consuming fire denoted — im-
maculate purity which destroys everything in-
compatible with it (V.21* ; cf. Dt i^-*).
(/3) Outside the Synoptic Gospels, there is only
one explicit reference to the penal tire of the future
world as the tire of hell (Gehenna). The Epistle
of James traces to it as tiie ultimate cause the
wide-spread miscliief caused by the tongue, which
is compared to a spark setting tire to a gi'eat
forest (3").
(7) The only parallel to the expression Eternal
Fire, used in the Synoptic Gospels to denote the
future punishment of the Micked, is found in
Jude^, where the writer declares that the cities of
the Plain are ' set forth as an example, suflering
the vengeance (RV 'punishment') of eternal fire'
(irvp alwi'iof). According to the renderings of AV
and RV, which regard irvpds as grammatically de-
pending on diK7]v, the burning of these cities is
spoken of as still persisting. In favour of this idea
Wis W is cited, and appeal is made to the volcanic
phenomena in the region of the Dead Sea as likely
to suggest the continued existence of subterranean
tire. Further contirmation of the idea is sought in
the Book of Enoch (Ixvii. 6f. ), where it is said
that ' the valley of the angels burned continually
under the earth.' An alternative rendering to
that of the AV and RV, takes betyfxa Avith irvpds in
the sense of ' an example (or ' testimony ') of
eternal tire,' the punishment which began with the
destruction of the cities, and still continues, fitting
them to serve as such example. Whichever view
be taken, it is evident that the example, in order
to be efl'ective, must point to the fate which awaits
the wicked after the Last Judgment. Whatever
may be the condition of the impenitent between
death and the Judgment, it is implied by the
uniform teaching of the NT on the Last Things
that the decisive sentence which determines their
ultimate condition is not pronounced till the Last
Judgment. The irvp al<I>viov would have little
relevancy to the warning wliich the passage seeks
to enforce if that expression had no relation to
future retribution. That being so, the much-
debated question as to the meaning of aldivios arises.
' This verse,' remarks Charles [Eschatology", 1913,
p. 413), ' shows how Christians at the close of the
first century A.D. read their own ideas into the OT
records of the past. Thus the temporal destruc-
tion by fire of Sodom and Gomorrah is interpreted
as an eternal punishment by fire beyond the grave.'
The attempts made to substitute the expression
'age-lasting' for 'eternal' as the meaning of the
Greek adjective, so as to prove that it does not
imply the idea of unlimited duration, are not
particularly convincing. 'It is surely obvious,'
says Moflatt (British Weekly, 28 Sept. 1905), ' that
the NT writers assumed that the soul of man was
immortal and that its existence beyond death, in
weal or woe, was endless, when they used this
term (aiuvio's) or spoke of this subject. How else
could they have conveyed what corresponded in
their minds to the idea of "eternal"?'. It
410
FIRE
FIRST-BORi^', FIRST-BEGOTTEN
must be admitted, at the same time, that the term
takes us out into a region \s-here the categories of
time and space do not apply, and where ' objects
are presented in their relation to some eternal
aspect of the Divine nature' (A. Bisset, art.
'Eternal Fire,' in DCG vol. i. [1906] p. 537^; see
the whole article for a thoughtful and temperate
discussion of the expression ' eternal fire ' in its
eschatological bearings).
(5) In the Apocalj'pse the Lake of Fire is the
place of final punishment to which are consigned
(I) the Beast and the False Prophet (19-«), (2)
Satan (2u"), (3) Death and Hades (20'-»), (4) the
dupes of Satan, whose names are not written in
the Book of Life (20i= ; cf. 138 14«'- IQ^" 208). xhe
figure of ' the lake of fire,' otherwise described as
' the lake of fire burning with brimstone,' seems to
have been suggested by a shallow pool (Kifivq) of
blazing sulphur such as is sometimes found in
volcanic districts. Nothing is said as to its locality.
' Volcanic forces, indicating the existence of sub-
terranean fire, might well lead the ancients to place
their Tartarus and Gehenna in the under- world '
(W. Boyd Carpenter, 'Rev.' in EUicott's NT Com.
iii. [1S84] 622). Swete (Apoc. of St. John^, 1907,
p. 258) remarks that the conception of ' the lake of
fire' may have already been familiar to the Asian
Churches, and that ' possibly it was a local expres-
sion for the 7^£i';'a to\j Trvpds which was familiar to
Palestinian Christians.' The expression does not
occur in the apocalyptic writings, but in the Book of
Enoch ' the abyss of fire ' is the doom in store for
the fallen angels in the Day of Judgment (x. 13 ; cf.
xxi. 7-10), and in the Seci^cis of Enoch (x. 2), among
the torments of ' the place prepared for those who
do not know God ' is ' a fiery river.' The terse out-
line in the Apocalypse referring to the place of
woe, appears in these waitings as a finished
picture filled in with elaborate details. The refer-
ence in the imagery to ' fire and brimstone ' is
evidently derived from the historical account of
the destruction of Sodom in Gn 19^'*, mediated by
passages such as Is 30^, in which Topheth is a
symbol of God's burning judgments, and Is 66^,
in which the valley of Hinnom, with its fire con-
tinually burning, is the scene of final judgment on
God's enemies. In the interval between the close
of OT prophecy and the time of Christ, the idea of
penal fire, confined in the OT to the present world,
was projected into the unseen world as an image
of endless retribution. During this period the
writers of the apocalypses sought relief from the
glaring anomalj- presented by the contrast between
character and condition in the present life, by
transferring the scene of rewards and punishments
to the world beyond the grave. In accordance with
this view — the \'iew recognized throughout the NT
— the enemies of God and Christ, who often escape
His righteous judgments here, are reserved for the
severer penalties of the world to come. There,
deceivers and deceived together share one common
doom in ' the lake of fire,' which is identified in
20^'' with ' the second death,' ' the nearest analogue
[in the new order] of Death as we know it here '
(Swete, op. cit. p. 274). 'It is not certain,' says
Swete again, in his commentary on v.^* (p. 270),
' that these terrible words can be pressed into the
service of the doctrine of the Last Things. ... It
is safer to regard them as belonging to the scenery
of the vision rather than to its eschatological teach-
ing. But beyond a doubt St. John intends at
least to teach that the forces, personal or imper-
sonal, which have inspin d mankind Avith false
views of life and anta^onitm to God and to Christ
will in the end be completely subjugated, and, if not
annihilated, will at least be prevented from causing
further trouble. From the Lake of Fire there is no
release, unless evil itself should be ultimately con-
sumed; and over that possibility there lies a veil
which our writer does not help us to lift or pierce.'
Literature. — Artt. ' Eschatology of NT' (S. D. F. Salmond)
in HDB, ' Eternal Fire ' (A. Bisset), 'Eternal Punishment' (W.
H. Dyson) in DCG, ' Eschatologv ' (R. H. Charles), 'Fire'
(T. K. Cheyne), 'Theophany' (G. B. Gray) in EBi; Com-
mentaries on the relevant passages. For the meaning of aiulvtos,
and for the eschatological bearing of the passatres, see H.
Cremer, Bib.-Tlieol. Lex. of NT Greek^, 1S80 ; F. W. Farrar,
Eternal Hope, 1S78, Mercy and Judgment, ISSl ; J. A. Beet,
The Last Thhuis, new ed. 1905 ; C. A. Row, Future Retribu-
tion, 1SS7 ; J. Stephen, Easays in Ecclesiastical Biography,
1907, Epilogue ; A. Jukes, The Second Death and the liestitu-
tion of All Thinys^2^ 1SS7. W. S. MONTGOMEUY.
FIRST AND LAST.— See Alpha and Omega.
FIRST-BORN, FIRST-BEGOTTEN (TrpuirdroKos ;
Vulg. primogcnitus in the NT except in He IP^
j223)_ — 1, The privilege of the first-born: the
birthright [to. irpwroTdKia, Y u\g. primitiva) is spoken
of once in the NT, in He 12'^ which refers to Esau's
act in selling it (Gn 25'^) ; the act was profanity,
for the sacred privilege was despised. The first-
born was the heir to the headship of the family,
and received a double portion of his father's pro-
perty (Dt 2P^); this was alwaj^s the case unless
for some special cause the birthright was taken
from him, as in the cases of Esau, Reuben (1 Ch 5^),
and Manasseh (Gn 48"-'^). Ishmael, the eldest
son of Abraham, had not the birthright because
he was the son of a slave woman (Gn 21^"), though
he was not, according to Hebrew ideas, a slave
(see Roman Law).
2. Usage in the NT. — The word 'firstborn' is
used in the NT both literally and figuratively. In
Lk 2^ our Lord is spoken of as Mary's ' firstborn ' ;
in Mt 1^ the word, though found in CD and some
versions, is clearly an interpolation. It implies in
Lk. the privilege of the birthright ; but neither
there nor in the OT does it necessarily imply other
children, and therefore it has no bearing on the
identity of the ' brethren ' of our Lord. Another,
and still more important, deduction from this fact
is that there is no contradiction between ' Only-
begotten ' and ' Firstborn ' applied to the pre-
existent Christ (see below). The latter title does
not imply that there are other sons in the same
Divine sense. — For the 'redemption of the first-
born ' at the Presentation of Jesus in the Temple see
DCG i. 596 f. The word irpccTdroKa (Vulg. primitiva)
is used literally in He IP^, of men and animals,
■with reference to the Egyptians.
The title ' Firstborn ' is given figuratively to
our Lord in three difi'erent aspects. — {a) It refers
to His pre-existence in Col 1'^ ('firstborn of all
creation,' irpwrdroKOt Trdarjs KTicrews ; see Liglitfoot's
exhaustive note in Colossians^, 1879, p. 144), and
in He 1®, where it is used absolutely : ' the First-
born.' This interpretation of Col P^ is required
by the context : ' the image (elKiS:v) of the invisible
God ... in him were all things created ... all
things have been created through him, and unto
him, and he is before all things, and in him all
things consist (cohere).' This is also the exegesis
of all the earlier Fathers ; but, as the Arians used
the text to show tiiat our Lord was a creature,
several (but not all) of the Nicene and post-Nicene
Fathers interpreted it of the Incarnate Christ,
while the later Greek Fathers went back to the
earlier interpretation (see the references in Light-
foot, p. 146 f.). The phrase denotes that tlie Son
was before all creation ; to the Arians it Avas
pointed out that the word used is not TrpwroKTiaros,
which would have had the meaning they assigned
to wpuiTdTOKos. The phrase further denotes that
He is the Lord of all creation, for He has the rigiit
of the Firstborn. The title ' Firstborn ' was used
figuratively by the Jews of Messiah, from Ps 89^''
(wiiich they generally interpreted in a Messianic
riEST-FEUIT
FLESH
411
sense), and of Israel in Ex 4-^ ; this paved tlie waj'
for the NT usage. Lightfoot (p. 144) remarks also
that both TTpurroTOKos and elKuv were taken from the
Alexandrian doctrine of the Logos (see also Only-
Begottex).
(&) In Col p8 Jesus is called 'firstborn from the
dead,' because He Avas the first to rise ; for Lazarus
and others only rose to die again. So also in liev
1® : * firstborn of the dead.' The phrase is parallel
■with ' the firstfruits (d.Tapxn) of them that are
asleep' in 1 Co IS-''.
(c) In Ro 8-^ the relation of the first-bom to his
brethren is spoken of. Here, as in Col 1^^, ekuv
occurs, but it is the image of the Son, not of the
Father : ' whom he foreknew (took note of), he also
conformed to the image of his Son, that he might
be the firstborn among many brethren.' The
conformity of the Christian to the image of the
Son is parallel with the fact that the Son is the
image of the Father ; and the result of it is that
all Christians become members of the family of
God the Father, in which Jesus is the First-bom,
and brother of them aU (He 2'^).
The title is used in the plural of Christians in
He 12^: 'the church of the firstborn' (Vulg.
primitivorum). Here we have an extension of the
privilege ; there is not only one first-bom in the
family, but many. We may, with Lightfoot, take
the reference to be to all Christians as being first-
born because all are kings (Rev 1^) ; the idea of
ruling is so closely attached to the title that it can
be thus extended, though the metaphor becomes
confused — indeed, it was used by some Rabbis of
God Himself (Lightfoot, p. 145). Some, however,
interpret the phrase of the faithful departed who
have gone before, and so are in a sense the first-
born of the dead (cf. Grimm, Lex. in libros NT,
Leipzig, 1879, s.v. Trpwr&roKos). For some modifica-
tion of these views see AVestcott on He 12-^. In
any case the ' firstborn ' are men, not angels, to
whom the word would be inapplicable, and who
could not be described as 'enrolled in heaven'
(Westcott). A. J. Maclean.
FIRST-FRUIT {dirapxv, class. Gr. usually dirapxat,
from dTrd.pxo/j.ai, 'otter firstlings or first-fruits').
— The word occurs six times in the Pauline
Epistles, once in James, and once in Revelation.
Its significance depends largely on the belief, Avhich
the Hebrews shared with many ancient nations,
that first-fruits were peculiarly sacred, and on the
custom which prescribed them for the services of
Jahweh. The oft'ering of first-fruits made the rest
of the crop lawful. In LXX dTrapxv is the usual
equivalent of rrrxn. On the Jewish institution of
first-fruits, see EDB ii. 10 f. ; EEE vi. 46 f. ; and
Schiirer, HJP li. i. [1885] 237-242.
The reference to this institution is best seen in
Ro IP*^: 'and if the firstfruit is holy, so is the
lump,' where the allusion is to the heave-ofi'ering
mentioned in Nu 15^^"-^ The Pauline argument is
what Jowett has called ' an argument from tend-
encies' — ' as the beginning is, so shall the comple-
tion be ; as the cause is, so shall the efi'ect be ; as
the part, so the whole' {Epp. of St. Paul to Thess.,
Gal., Rom., 1855, ii. 273). There is exegetical
difficulty here, for dirapxv and pi^a seem to denote
difierent phases of the argument ; but there is little
doubt that St. Paul refers to the future when
mankind shall be redeemed, a future that is fore-
shadowed by the present conversion of individuals.
In the same manner other passages are to be
interpreted, though they have not obvious refer-
ences to Hebrew customs. In Ja V^ Christians of
apostolic times are called dvapx'n tls, ' a kind of
firstfruits.' From Clement of Rome's ^jo. ad Cor.
xlii., Ave learn that the apostles, during their mis-
sionary journeys, appointed their ' firstfruits,' Avhen
they had approved them, to be bishops and deacons ;
and it is interesting to find that St. Paul mentions
two men who Avere outstanding in their helpful-
ness — Stephanas and Epsenetus. Thus 1 Co 16^' :
' Ye know the house of Stephanas, that it is the
firstfruits of Achaia, and that they have set them-
selves to minister unto the saints.' In Ro 16^ the
same words are used, though here ' Achaia ' should
be 'Asia,' i.e. proconsular Asia, with the addition
of els XpLo-Tov. These men, Avith all likeminded,
Avere the first-fruits of a new creation achieved by
the spirit of Christianity, and they Avere the pledge
of others Avho Avould follow their inspiring example.
In Rev 14'* the reference is to a specially favoured
class Avho have been ' purchased from among men,
the firstfruits unto God and unto the Lamb.'
Ro 8^ speaks of Christians Avho have already been
blessed by the Spirit, and Avho have the sure hope
of a greater harvest of blessing Avhen mankind shall
be fully sanctified.
The most notable passage is 1 Co 15^"- ^, Avhere
Christ is called the ' Firstfruits.' There may be in
V."" a reference to the offering of a sheaf of ripe
corn on the second day of the Feast of Passover
(cf. Lv 23^'*' ^^) ; but even Avithout that reference
the exegesis is plain. Just as the first-fruits are
the earnest of later harvesting, so the Resurrection
of Christ is the guarantee of our resurrection.
' Christ is risen ! We are risen ! ', and we shall rise.
In the early Church the custom and doctrine of
first-fruits were used to support the practice of
levies on behalf of the priesthood (see Didache, § 13).
Archibald Main.
FLESH (crcipl, Kpias). — Of the tAvo Avords rendered
' flesh ' in the EV of the NT, /cpeas is found only
tAvice (Ro 14^1, 1 Co 8"), and in both cases applies
to the flesh of slaughtered animals eaten as food.
ffdpi occurs very frequently and in various signifi-
cations, of which the following are the most im-
portant.
1. Its most literal and primary meaning is the soft
tissues of the living body, Avhether of men or beasts
(1 Co 15^^ Rev 19^^), as distinguished from both the
blood (1 Co 15=°) and the bones (Eph 5^ TR ; cf.
Lk 243^).
2. As the chief constituent of the body, and that
which gives it its visible form, ' flesh ' frequently
indicates the whole body (Gal 4i3'-), Avhich it desig-
nates, however, not as an organism (crQfia, 1 Co 12^-),
but Avith reference to its characteristic material
substance (2 Co 12^).
3. It is further employed, just as in the OT (Gn
2914 3727)^ to denote relationship due to natural
origin through the physical fact of generation.
Thus St. Paul describes Jesus Christ as ' born of
the seed of David according to the flesh ' (Ro 1^),
and refers to the JeAvish people as ' my kinsmen
according to the flesh ' (9^), or even as ' my flesh '
(IP^). Similarly he calls Abraham ' our forefather
according to the flesh ' (4^), and the author of Heb.
characterizes natural fathers as ' the fathers of our
flesh ' in contrast Avith God as ' the Father of
spirits' (He 12^).
4. Again adpi, is used, in the same way as trcD/io,
to designate the lower part of human nature in
contrast Avith the higher part, Avithout any depre-
ciation of the corporeal element being thereby
intended. Thus 'flesh' is combined or contrasted
Avith ' spirit' (Ro 2-^- 29, 1 Co 5^ 1 P S^^), as ' body '
is with 'soul' (Mt 10^) or 'spirit' (1 Co ^-\ Ja
2-^), apart from any idea of disparagement, and
only by Avay of indicating the fact that man is a
unity of matter and spirit, of a loAver part Avhich
links him to the outer Avorld of Nature and a higher
part Avhich brings him into relation Avith God, both
of them being essential to the completeness of his
personality (1 Co <o'^^• ^\ 2 Co 5i-»).
5. In many instances 'flesh' assumes a broader
412
FLESH
FLOOD
meanins:, being employed to denote human nature
generally, usually, however, Avith a suggestion of
its creaturely frailty and ■weakness in contrast with
God Himself, or His Spirit, or His word. ' All
flesh ' (Ac 2", 1 P r-"*) is equivalent to all mankind ;
'no flesh' (Ko 3-«, 1 Co 1-^ Gal 2i«) has the force of
' no mortal man.' Similar to this is the use of the
fuller expression 'flesli and blood,' as when St.
Paul says that he 'conferred not with flesh and
blood' (Gal P**), and that 'our wrestling is not
against flesh and blood' (Eph 6'-). That this use
of ' flesh,' although pointing to human weakness,
is free from any idea of moral taint, is sufficiently
shown by the fact that it is employed to describe
the human nature of Christ Himself (Jn 1", Ro P
9^ 1 Ti 3'6, He 2") by writers wlio are absolutely
convinced of His sinlessness ( Jn 8^®, 1 Jn 3^ 2 Co 5-^
He 413 -26).
6. In Heb. we have a special use of ' flesh ' to
designate earthly existence — a iise which must be
distinguished from those that have been already
dealt with. ' In the days of his flesh ' (He 5') does
not mean in the days when He possessed a body,
or in the days M-hen He bore our human nature ;
for the author finnly believes in the continued and
complete humanity of our heavenly High Priest
(4"f-). It evidently means in the days when He
lived upon earth as a man amongst men. Simi-
larly, ' through the veil, that is to say, his flesh '
(10-") points to His life in those same ' days of his
flesh ' — the whole period of His suflering humanity ;
and when the writer describes the rites of the OT
Law as 'ordinances of flesh ' {diKaiu/u-ara aapKos, EV
' carnal ordinances,' 9^°) and contrasts these with
the blood of Christ in respect of atoning efficacy,
the antithesis in his mind, as the context shows, is
not so much between the material and the spiritual
as between the earthly and the heavenly, the pass-
ing and the permanent, the temporal and the
eternal. In the same way he draws a contrast be-
tween ' the law of a carnal {(xapKivrjs) commandment'
and ' the power of an endless life ' (7^®).
7. In addition to the foregoing, which may all be
characterized as natural meanings of 'flesh,' we
find the word used by St. Paul in a distinctly theo-
logical and ethical sense to denote the seat and
instrttment of sin in fallen humanity, as opposed to
the ' mind,' or higher nature of man, which accepts
the Law of God (Ro 7^), and the ' spirit,' which is
the principle of life in the regenerate (S'"^-, Gal
5i6fr. g8)_ Jq precisely the same Avay he emploj-s the
adj. 'fleshly' or 'carnal' in contrast with 'spirit-
ual ' (Ro 7'\ 1 Co 3\ etc. ; see, further, Carnal).
Pfleiderer and others have sought to explain this
peculiar usage by supposing that in the Pauline
anthropology there was a fundamental dualism be-
tween ' flesh ' and ' spirit,' and that the Apostle saw
in the phj^sical or sensuous part of man the very
source and principle of sin. Such a view, however,
is contrary to St. Paul's thoroughly Hebrew con-
ception of the unity of body and soul in the human
personality (see 4), and is expressly negatived by
his teaching on such subjects as the sinlessness of
Jesus (2 Co 5'-') and the sanctification of the body
(1 Co 6'3-i*), and by his application of tiie epithet
' carnal ' (3^) and of the expression ' works of the
flesh' (Gal o^^"'-) to sins in which any sensuous or
physical elements are entirely wanting. The most
probable explanation of this Pauline antithesis of
' flesh ' and ' spirit ' is that it amounts to a contrast
between the natural and the supernatural. Sin in
St. Paul's presentation of it comes in the case of
fallen man through natural inheritance — all man-
kind descending from Adam ' by ordinary genera-
tion ' — and is therefore characterized as ' flesli ' ;
while the life of holiness, as a gift of the Divine
Spirit, is described as ' spirit* with reference to its
source.
LiTKRATURE. — H. Cremer, Lex. of NT Greek^, Edinburgh, 1880,
s.v. adpi, and art. ' Fleisch' in PRE3 ; H. H. Wendt, Die Be-
griffe Fleisch u. Geist im hibl. Sprachgebrauch, Uotlia, 1878 ;
J. Laidlaw, Bible Doet. of Man, new ed., Edinburghi, 1S95, p.
109 ff., and HDB ii. 14 ; W. P. Dickson, St. Paul's Use of the
Terms ' Flesh' and '5?)tri«,' Glasgow, 1883; A. B. Bruce, St.
Paul's Conception of Christianity, Edinburgh, 1894, eh. xiv.
J. C. Lambert.
FLOCK. — One of the most familiar pictures in
the OT is that of the Church or people of God as a
flock. In Gn 48'° the correlative figure is found in
' the shepherding God,' and is repeated in the Bless-
ing of the Tribes (' the Shepherd of Israel,' Gn 49-* ;
cf. also Ps 23 and Ezk 34^'). In Is 401^ the figure is
directly employed : ' He shall feed his flock like a
shepherd ' (in the OT generally iroineves \aQv meant
'civil rulers,' as in Homer, but in the NT the phrase
stands for ' spiritual guides and teachers ').
The OT metaphor is carried over into the NT,
where to ttoI^vlov is used exclusively in the figura-
tive sense of ' church ' or ' congregation. ' It appears
thus in the tender address of our Lord : fi^ <popov,
TO /MLKpov TToifiviov, ' Fear Hot, little flock' (Lk 12^*).
The words continued to beat like a pulse in the
breast of the Church, and are renewed again and
again.
(1) St. Paul says to the elders of Ephesus : irpotri'
X^re iavTols Kal iravTi tw iroL.uviip . . . iroiixalveiv rrjv
(KKX-r]aiav rod Oeov, ' Take heed unto yourselves and
to all the flock ... to feed the Church of God'
(Ac 20'-^'-^). The overseers are themselves part
of the flock {ev y), and this suggests the insight,
sympathy, closeness of intimacy, and the personal
knowledge with which the flock is to be superin-
tended. ' The bishop is and remains a sheep of the
flock, and must thus exercise his oversight both
on himself and the whole flock' (Stier, The Words
of the Apostles, 1869, p. 328). 'Feed' and 'guide,'
tlierefore, include the two great tasks of the
ministry.
(2) Jesus had said to Peter : ^oa-Ke ra dpvia fiov . . .
irolfiaive to, irpd^ard fiov, ' Feed my lambs . . . tend
my sheep' (Jn 2P"- '"). Accordingly the Apostle,
' in a personal reminiscence ' (W. H. Bennett, The
General Epistles [Cent. Bible, 1901], p. 36) and, in
' unobtrusive allusions to Christ's life which har-
monize with his discipleship ' (Moft'att, LNT, 1911,
p. 335), says as a fellow-elder : iroi/j.dpaT€ rb iv viJ.lv
irol/nviov Tov 6eoO . . . rinroL yivofxevoi rod troifiviov,
' Tend the flock of God which is among you . . .
making yourselves ensamples to tiie flock ' (1 P 5^* ^ ;
cf. Fss.-'Sol. xvii. 45). ' To feed the flock ' takes in
the whole varied duties of the pastoral office. ' It
is not right that a man should only preach a sermon
every Sunday, and after that pay no regard to the
people ' (Stier, op. cit., 328, quoting Gossner). ' All
modes of watchfulness and help are to be displayed.
Fold as well as feed them ; guide and guard and
heal them ' (Hastings, Great Texts of the Bible, ' St.
John,' 1912, p. 422). In the AV of 1 P 5^ the flock
is called ' God's heritage,' but Bead is not in the text,
and it is better to read with RV ' the charge allotted
to you ' (cf . Tindale's Version : ' be not as lordes
over the parrishes '). * The charge allotted to you '
is therefore parallel to ' the flock of God which is
among you,' i.e. the particular Christian society
committed to your care. ' Each separate iKKXrjcria
was thought of as the "portion" (/cX^pos) of the
presbyter who watched over it' (E. H. Plumptre,
Camb. Bible, ' St. Peter and St. Jude,' 1880, p. 154).
It is evidence of how completely the thought of
the shepherd and the flock possessed the mind of
the earl}'' Church, that in the Catacombs the figure
of a shepherd with a sheep on his shoulder and
a crook in his hand is the most frequent of all
symbols. W. M. GRANT.
FLOOD {KaraKXva-fids, which is used in the LXX
for b^3C). — In exhibiting faith as the principle
FLUTE
FOEEKXOWLEDGE
413
which has all through historj' ruled the lives of
the saints, the writer of Heb. (11') instances
the faith of Noah, who, warned of things not yet
seen, i.e. of the coming flood, prepared an ark for
the saving of his house. 1 Pet. (3^) alludes to
the ark in which eight souls were saved through
Avater. 2 Pet. (2') illustrates the retributive jus-
tice of God by the fact that He brought a flood
upon the world of the ungodly, and (3^- '') contrasts
with the world which was overflowed with water
the heavens and the earth which are stored up for
fire. The Avriters of these Epistles, being apostles
and evangelists, not men of science, had no
thought of verifying historical documents or
investigating natural phenomena, their sole desire
being to awaken or strengthen the faith, to purify
and ennoble the lives, of their readers. Like the
writers and compilers of the deluge stories in Gen.
(6-9'"), they doubtless believed — as most Christians
did until a comparatively recent period — in a
universal flood which destroyed all men and
animals except those preserved in the ark. In
the light of science and criticism, the Gen. narra-
tives of the deluge are now regarded as a part of
the folk-lore of Babylonian or Accadian peoples,
from whom it was borrowed by the Canaanites.
liiTERATURE. — ^The discussion of the problems connected with
the story of the flood — whether, e.g., it is a highly coloured
legend based on actual occurrences or a Kature-myth which
has assumed the form of a history — is relevant to the interpreta-
tion of the narratives in Genesis, but would cast little or no
light upon the literature ot Apostolic Christianity. It is there-
fore enough to refer to F. H. Woods' art. 'Flood 'in HDB
and ' Deluge ' in ERE, and T. K. Cheyne's artt. ' Deluge ' in
the EBi and EBr^^ ; R. Andrea, Die Flutsagen, Brunswick,
1891 ; C. J. Ball, Light from the Ea-tt, London, 1899 ; Elwood
Worcester, Genesis in the Light of Modern Knowledge, New
York, 1901. James Strahan.
FLUTE See Pipe.
FOOL. — The diversity in the conceptions of
folly is strikingly illustrated by the use in the
writings of the Apostolic Church of the terms
'fool' and 'foolish,' translating the Greek words
a<ppwv, /jLupds, ddoipoL, ai/oTjTos, dauveros, and related
lurnis.
1. There appears to be a reference to folly as
intentional clownishness in Eph 5'*. The Christian
must avoid ' foolish talking or jesting ' {fjnopoXoyia
Kai evTpaireXla).
2. Unseemly and undignified conduct is folly.
Thus St. Paul, vindicating his apostleship, is re-
luctantly led to a self-commendation, such as, in
other circumstances, only a fool in the folly of
boasting would ofl"er (2 Co Ili6-i8-2i 12" ; cf. 5'^).
There is, however, a deeper folly— unwarranted
boasting (12^). TAvice in these 2 Cor. passages a
certain play on the idea of folly is presented. St.
Paul in self-defence is compelled to speak as a fool,
yet are not the real fools the Corinthians, ironi-
cally (ppovifioi., for tolerating fools, namely the
false teachers? (11". is. 20)_ Again the Apostle,
having acknowledged * I speak as a fool ' (in my
boasting), presently comes to the mere supposition
that these false teachers are servants of Christ —
the sense of the parenthesis changes — ' Now in-
deed, I do speak out of my mind' (vv.^i--^).
3. The term ' fool ' (S.(ppuv), signifying mental
stupidity, is applied to the imaginary controver-
sialist of 1 Co 15^, who finds unnecessary difli-
culties in the Resurrection (cf. the ' foolish con-
troversies ' of 1 Ti 6\ 2 Ti 2'^, Tit S^).
i. The 'foolish Galatians' [dvoTp-oi) appear to be
rebuked for bad judgment, rather than for moral
perverseness. They must be ' bewitched' to have
so readily accepted another teaching (Gal 3'"^).
5. Instances of moral folly are provided by those
who live without regard to the chief end of life.
These are a(70(poL and &<ppoP€s (Eph 5^*'^''). Foolish
are the lusts of the rich (1 Ti 6^), and the unre-
generate life is one of foolishness (Tit 3^).
6. Heathenism supplied a conspicuous and
illuminating case of moral and intellectual foUy
(Ro 118'-; cf. 2=''). To St. Paul, the worship of
wood and stone indicated an underlying moral
defect of liking for the unreal rather than for
the real — for make-belief rather than for belief
(v.^), which found expression in morality as well
as in worship (v. 2^-). This moral folly led to
intellectual foolishness, which 'learned disputa-
tions' disguised and fostered. There must be a
moral element in sane intellectual judgment (cf.
2 Th 2^°-^^, and Carlyle's comment upon Napoleon :
' He did not know true from false now when he
looked at them, — the fearfulest penalty a man
pays for yielding to untruth of heart ' [Heroes and
Hcro-ivorship, 1872, 'The Hero as King,' p. 221]).
7. In the judgment of the critical Greek in-
tellectualists, the preaching of ' Christ crucified '
was folly (1 Co !"*• ^'- -^- ^'). A gospel centred in the
person of an ignominiously executed criminal, and
finding indeed a mystic value in that death, was
likely to provoke the contempt of a highly philo-
sophical community. In contrast, St. Paul pre-
sents, as the true norm whereby wisdom and folly
are to be judged, a mystic 'yvQiai.s : to the un-
spiritual, foolishness (2'^), but to the initiated, the
power and wisdom of God (2®* '" 1^- ^) — a presenta-
tion which invites comparison with the vvtScrts
of the Mysteries. Probably the distinction here
suggested is that between the intuitional, mystic
experience of God and His power, and the in-
tellectual theorizing about God and His dealings
with the world. Religious 'wisdom' must be
judged primarily in terms of spiritual experience
rather than of theology. At the same time, St.
Paul had no love for obscurantism (1 Co 14).
8. The evil of the intellectualisra within the
Church, indicated in 1 Cor., was not that it
challenged the distinctive forms of Christian
faith, but that it gave rise to the bitterness of
religious controversy — sacrificed the love which
never failed in value for the sake of the mere
forms of knowledge, which at the best necessarily
passed awaj' in the coming of greater light (1 Co
13"). Let these childishly (1 Co 3'-^) 'wise'
become ' fools ' that they may gain the wisdom of
the childlike (vv.'8--2).
9. ' Fools for Christ's sake ' — so St. Paul de-
scribes himself and his fellow-evangelists in 1 Co
4^". The epithet maj' have been applied on
account of the ' foolishness ' of the preaching (7) ;
the contrast, however, with the (f)p6vLfj.ot. iv Xpiarw,
pncdeiites in Christo, suggests that the reference
is to the worldly-wiseman's view of the sanctified
'abandon' of St. Paul and his kindred spirits,
their flinging aside of policy and cunning, their
counting as nought the things which the world
deems precious. The Apostle is actually regarded
by Festus as out of his mind (Ac 26^).
H. BULCOCK.
FORBEARANCE.— See Loxgsufferixg.
FOREIGNER.— See Stranger.
FOREKNOWLEDGE.— 'Foreknowledge' is the
rendering of a Greek word [irpoyvusLs, Ac 2-'^, 1 P 1^,
the cognate verb being -KpoyLvilxTKeiv, Ac 26'', Ro 8^
IP, 1 P V^, 2 P 3") which occurs nowhere in the LXX
and not very often in the NT. In the apocryphal
book of Wis. it occurs three times (G^^S* IS*), always
in the plain sense of ' knowing beforehand.' In
this sense St. Paul uses the verb in his speech be-
fore Agrippa, when he tells him how his manner of
life was known to all the Jews, ' having knowledge
of me from the first, if they be willing to testify '
(Ac 26') ; and in this sense also St. Peter uses it in
4U
FOREKNOWLEDGE
FORGIVENESS
the concluding warning of his Second Epistle when
he reminds his readers of their ' knowing these
things beforeliand ' (3").
In tlie remainder of the references given above it
is the Divine foreknowledge which is in the mind of
the Apostle, the object or objects being not facts or
things but persons — these persons being objects of
favourable regard — and the theme under considera-
tion being some aspect of the Divine purpose of
grace towards men. When St. Peter, in addressing
the Jewish multitudes on the day of Pentecost,
describes them as having by the hand of lawless men
crucified and slain Jesus of Nazareth, he speaks of
Him as ' delivered up by the determinate counsel
and foreknowledge of God' (Ac 2-^). That death
had been designed and planned in the counsels of
eternal love, and the ' foreknowledge of God ' had
rested with satisfaction upon the Divine sufferer
who had undertaken, by the sacrifice of Himself,
to win redemption for men. Of the same purport
is the expression used by St. Peter when in his
First Epistle he speaks of the blood of Christ, a
Lamb without blemish and without spot, ' who
was foreknown indeed before the foundation of the
world, but was manifested at the end of the times
for your sake' (1-°). Mere prescience in the sense
of pi'evious knowledge does not exhaust the mean-
ing in either of the foregoing passages. Hort {The
First Epistle of Peter, 1898, ad loc.) sees in the
latter reference ' previous designation to a position
or function.' And he notes the pregnant sense of
' know ' in such passages as Jer P, ' Before I formed
thee in the belly I knew thee' ; Is 49S 'The Lord
hath called me from the womb ; from the bowels
of my mother hath he made mention of my name' ;
and Ex 33^" (spoken of Moses), ' I know thee by
name, and thou hast found grace in my sight ' (cf.
2 Ti 2^^). The pregnant sense belonging to ' know-
ledge' may well belong also to 'foreknowledge'
(1 P 1^, Kara, irpoyvwcnv deov irarpos).
'This knowledge,' says Hort in his note on the expression, 'is
not a knowledge of facts respecting a person, but a knowledge
of himself ; it is, so to speak, a contemplation of him in his in-
dividuality, yet not as an indifferent object but as standing in
personal relations to Him who thus " foreknows" him. It must
not therefore be identified with mere foreknowledge of existence
or acts (prescience) ; or again , strictly speaking, with destination
or predestination (opinio, Trpoopt'^u), even in the biblical sense, that
is, in relation to a Providential order, much less in the philo-
sophical sense of antecedent constraint.'
When we turn to St. Paul's more exact and precise
exposition of doctrine we see that 'foreknowledge'
is still directed to persons as its object, and also
that ' prescience,' ' knowing beforehand,' is inade-
quate to the expression of the mysterious thought
conveyed. With St. Paul ' foreknowledge ' is the
first link in the chain of the Divine purpose of
grace, the first step in the spiritual history of the
believer (Ro 8-''', oOs Trpo^yvu), ' f oreordination ' the
second, 'effectual calling' the third, 'justification'
the fourth, ' glory ' the fifth and last.
' Mere prescience [on God's part] of human volition,' says 0. J.
Vaughan, 'leaves man the originator of his own salvation, in
utter contradiction to Scripture here and everywhere. That
TTpdyi'axns which is made the first step in the spiritual history
seems to express, not indeed so much as predetermination (which
would confuse npoeyvu) with Trpowptcrei'), but yet a resting of the
mind of God beforehand upon a pemon with approval (cf. Ex 3312,
Ps 1^), wliich can only be menially and doctrinally severed from
the second step, npouipia-ev' (<S'f. Paul's Epistle to the Ro7nans^,
1S70, ad loc).
That the expression is used also of Israel by St.
Piiul is quite in keeping with this pregnant sense :
' God did not cast away his people which he fore-
knew' (Ro 11^). It is 'the chosen people,' 'the
covenant people ' (6 \a6s), of whom the Apostle de-
clares that God ' foreknew ' them. Here, again,
'foreknowledge' is thought of as directed not to a
person or a ijcople simply, but to a person or a
people in relation to a function, for Israel was
' designated afore ' to fill that place in the purpose
of God which has been theirs among the nations.
There is no ground in the teaching of St. Paul
for the view that because God foreknew that certain
persons would respond to the gospel call, and remain
true to their first faith to the end. He therefore
foreordained them to salvation. Those whom God
foreknew as His own of sovereign grace. He also
foreordained to be conformed to the image of His
Son ; but St. Paul makes this conformity to be the
result, not the foreseen condition, of God's fore-
ordination. ' Foreknew' points backward to God's
loving thought of them before time began; their con-
formity to the image of His Son points to the realiza-
tion of this thought of God and its being carried to its
furthest goal in the course of time. Of any ' fore-
knowledge ' by God of others than those who are
effectually called according to the Divine purpose
neither St. Paul nor any other NT writer has any-
thing to say. According to the teaching of the two
apostles already referred to, the Divine foreknow-
ledge represents the first step in the scheme of
redemption, marking out the Lamb slain from the
foundation of the world which taketh away the sin
of the world, and the first movement of grace in
the heart of God towards those who shall be saved.
The Patristic usage of the word takes no notice
of its theological significance as we find it in St.
Peter and St. Paul. Clement speaks of the first
apostles being endowed with ' perfect foreknow-
ledge ' to enable them to hand on to approved suc-
cessors the ministry and service they had fulfilled
(1 Clem. xliv. 2). Hermas attributes to the Lord
the power of reading the heart, and with foreknow-
ledge knowing all things, even the weakness of
men and the wiles of the devil {Aland. IV. iii. 4).
Literature. — F. J. A. Hort, 3%e First Epistle of St. Peter,
I. l-ll. 17, 1S9S, pp. 18, 80 ; Commentaries on Ro 829-30 by C. J.
VauB-han (31870), Sanday-Headlam (6/CC, 1902), J. Denney
{EGT, 1900), and T. Zahn (Introd. to AT, Eng. tr., 1909); C.
Hodge, Systematic Theology, i. [1872] 397-400, 545 ; A. Stewart,
art. ' Foreknowledge ' in HDB. THOMAS NiCOL.
FOREORDINATION.— See Predestination.
FORERUNNER.— This word occurs only in He
6^, where it is used of our Lord, who has entered
within the veil as the Forerunner of redeemed
mankind. It is a military term. {irp65poixos) used of
the troops which were sent in advance of an army
as scouts (Herod, i. 60, iv. 121, 122 ; Thuc. ii. 22,
etc.). Again, a forerunner was sent in advance
of a king to prepare the way for him (Is 40^). In
the NT the Baptist becomes the forerunner of the
Christ (Mt ll^"). The author of the Epistle shows
that the promise made to Abraham still awaits
its complete fulfilment — a promise which is made
doubly sure, being confirmed by an oath. This
promise has been fulfilled by Christ, so that hope
may now enter where Jesus, the Son of Man, has
already entered to make atonement for us.
The use of this term irp65pofj.o$ emphasizes the
fact that Jesus has entered heaven, not as the
Jewish high priest entered the Holy of Holies, to
return again, but to open a way by which His
people may follow, and to prepare a place for
them (Jn 14^). Morley Stevenson.
FORGIVENESS.— The purpose of this article is
not to discuss the large theological problems
involved (see Atonement), but to consider the
passages in which the term actually occurs in the
Acts and the Epistles. The general word is d^iij/xt,
of very common occurrence in the NT, especially
in the Gospels, meaning ' send away from oneself'
(Mt 13^«), 'let go' (4-"), 'turn away from' (192»,
1 Co 7"), ' pass over' or 'neglect' (He Q\ Mt 23^%
' relinquish one's prey ' (used of robbers [Lk 10^"] or
a disease [Mt 8" Mk 1", Lk 4^", Jn 402]), or simply
FORGIVENESS
FORM
415
' leave a person free' (Mk 10^^ 14^ Jn 11-", Ac 5^),
or treat him as if one had no more concern "with
him. Hence it is used of remitting a debt (Mt IS""^^
Qi>. 14)^ equivalent to ov Xoyl^eaOai (2 Co 5^* ; see also
Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ [ICC, 1902], 100); the
creditor tears up the bill, so to speak, or never
enters the debt in his ledger. The verb, however,
is rare outside the Gospels in the sense of ' forgive.'
It occurs in Ac 8-- (the forgiveness of the thought
of Simon's heart), Ja 5'% 1 Jn 1'-* 2^^ (in each case
with ' sins'), and, as a quotation, in Ro 4' (the for-
giveness of 'lawlessnesses,' auoixlai).
Side by side with these instances, however, we
must put the noun, dcpea-is. This is very rare in
the Gospels (it is never attributed to Christ Him-
self, save in quotations and in the institution of
the Eucharist in Mt 26'-* — not in the parallels). It
is more freqiient in the Acts — 2^® (baptism for for-
giveness of sins in the name of Christ), 5^^ (repent-
ance and forgiveness of sins), lO"*^ (forgiveness of
sins through His name), 13^^ (through Him the
forgiveness of sins is preached), 26'^ (forgiveness of
sins . . , by faith that is in Christ). Here, the
object is always ' sins ' ; forgiveness is sometimes
explicitly joined to repentance and baptism ; but
more particvilarly connected with Christ, Christ's
name, or faith in Christ. The procedure suggested
by these passages is simple : preaching Christ,
belief in Christ, and the resialtant acceptance of
tlie new position of freedom from sin. This might
be all that was explicit in the experience of the
early believers ; it is obviously not the last word
for the preacher, the theologian, or the believer
himself. Hence, the fuller expression of St. Paul
in Eph 1^, ' in whom we have our redemption
through his blood, even the forgiveness of our
transgressions ' (cf. Col V*). Here, the figure of
the cancelling of a debt is joined to another — rescue
from some usurping power ; and this (in the passage
in Eph., not in Col.) is definitely connected with
the shedding of the blood of Christ at His death ;
so in He 9^" (' apart from shedding of blood there is
no remission of sins'). The only other passage in
the Epistles where the word occurs is He 10'^
where forgiveness of sins and lawlessnesses is re-
garded as equivalent to their being remembered no
more (Jer 31^''), and so needing no further sacritice.
At first sight, it would seem strange that d(pitjfj-t
is not used oftener ; it does not occur at all in
Rom. in the sense of forgiveness, save in a
quotation (Ro 4'', from Ps 32'). But the reason is
not far to seek. The conception, as already said,
was not final ; it Avas a figure, and one of several
possible figures ; and it was a single term applied
to a mysterious and far-reaching experience which
required further analysis. The writers of the
Epistles do not neglect the experience, but they
pass beyond the expression. In the primitive
apostolic teaching of the Acts, it was enough to
announce that Jesus was the Messiah, that He had
risen from the death to which the rulers of the Jews
had condemned Him, and that in Him the old
promises of forgiveness of sins were fulfilled — for-
giveness even for the sin of putting Him to death.
The cai'dinal notes of the apostles' early preaching
are the facts of the Resurrection and ilessiahship
of Jesus, and the necessity of believing in Him for
the promised spiritual change. But it was in-
evitable that further questions should arise. How
can this forgiveness be reconciled with God's un-
changing abhorrence of sin ? "What is the con-
nexion between the death of Christ and the change
in me ? To answer these, St. Paul takes up the
suggestion implied in the word d(pecns, ' a cancelled
debt,' already familiar to Pharisaic thought, and
develops it into his doctrine of justification : there
is a debt — all men owe it — caused by the non-
performance of the necessary works ; judgment
must therefore be given against us ; but with the
Judge who would pronounce the sentence there is
also grace. Christ the Son of God dies for our sin ;
and this same death we also die, by faith, to sin ;
hence, we are justified before God — that is, we are
like men wlio have never contracted a debt; and
there is nothing for us but acquittal. This forensic
figure is worked out by St. Paul more fully than
any other ; but he lays equal stress on the more
mystical conceptions of redemption (see above) and
death to sin (Ro 6^^ 'estimate yourselves to be
mere corpses with regard to sin '). The importance
of faith, however, is never left unexpressed, faith
being at once surrender to, reliance on, and
identification with its object. Here, St. Paul
brings us to the circle of the thought of St. John,
which only once refers to forgiveness (see above),
but moves round the act of believing which joins
man to God.
As kindred expressions we may notice the words
Xo-pl^effdai — properly, ' do a favour to a person,' or,
with the accusative of the thing, ' make a present
of ' — sometimes in the sense of making a present
of an act of wrong-doing, i.e., not insisting on the
penalty for it (2 Co 12•^ Col 2'3) ; -n-apeais (Ro 3=^),
' a temporary suspension of punishment which may
be one day inflicted,' and therefore entirelj' distinct
from forgiveness (seeR. C. Trench, NT Synonyms^,
1876, p. 110 tt.) ; Ka\inrTeiv, ' to conceal, cover over '
(cf. the Hebrew kipper) (Ro 4' [quoting from Ps
321], 1 p 48) . and Xuetv, 'to loose' (Rev l^).
Literature. — Forgiveness has very little modern literature
devoted to it ; but it is discussed in all literature dealing with
Atonement and Reconciliation, and, at least indirectly, in that
referring to Sin and Conversion. See the artt. Atonement, Con-
version, Justification, Repentance, Sin, with the Literature
there cited. Reference mav also be made to G. B. Stevens,
Theology of the JN'r, 1899; A. Ritschl, The Christian Doctrine
of Justification and Reconciliation, Eng. tr., 1900; W. E.
Orchard, Modern Them-ies of Sin, 1909 ; W. L. Walker, The
Gospel of lieconciliation, 1909 ; P. T. Forsyth, The Work of
Christ, 1910; R. Mackintosh, Christianity and Sin, 1913.
W. F. LOFTHOUSE.
FORM. — The first occurrence of this word in the
Epistles is in Ro 2^", where St. Paul speaks of the
Jew as ' having in the law the form of knowledge
and of the truth.' The word he uses is fiSpcpwais,
which is found again only in 2 Ti 3^ (' having the
form of godliness'), where it clearly has a dispar-
aging sense and may be taken to mean an att'ecta-
tion of or an aiming at the iJ.op<pri of godliness.
/jLopipri itself is that which manifests the essence or
inward nature of a thing, * outward form as deter-
mined by inward substance,' in contrast with crxv/^"-
which means ' outward form as opposed to inward
substance.' fiSpcpwais occupies an intermediate
position between these words ; the Apostle hesi-
tates to use (TxvP'-^-t yst ^6 will not use p.opcfi'f). The
term happily expresses his meaning in Ro 2-" — the
Law, so far as it went, was an expression, one
might even say an embodiment, of Divine truth.
It did not go far enough to be called /j.op<pri, yet it
was more than mere outward fashion {<Txvf^<^)-
There is not the same note of disparagement about
the word here as in 2 Ti 3^ ; it is rather one of in-
completeness.
We may turn now to the well-known use of the
word nopcprj itself in Ph 2^*-, where Christ is said to
have been in the form of God and to have taken
the form of a slave. The first thing to bear in
mind is that St. Paul used the common speech of
his day, and this word, like many others, had
wandered far from the accurate metaphysical sense
in which it was used by Plato and Aristotle. The
lengthy and thorough discussions of the word and
its relation to ovaia, (pvcris, eWos, and similar terms
by Liuhtfoot (Philippians\ 1878, p. 127 tf.) and E.
li. Gi'fibrd {The Incarnation, 1897, p. 22 tt'.) remain
as examples of fine scholarship, but it is now
generally recognized that St. Paul uses nop<j>ii here
416
FOEMALIS^I
FORMALISM
in an easy, jaopular sense, much as we use the word
'nature.' Several passages in the LXX (c.<7. Job
4'«, Dn 5«, Wis 18'-^ 4 Mac 15^) witness to the
same tendency — fJ.op<pri is the appeai-ance or look of
some one, that by which onlookers judge. But,
while St. Paul avoids metaphysical speculations
on the relation of the Son to the Father, he implies
here, as elsewhere, that Christ has, as it were, the
same kind of existence as God. The closest
parallels are eiKuv rov Oeov (Col V^) and TrXovaLos &iv
(2 Co 8^), the latter passage reminding us of the
great antithesis in Ph 2®- " between the fxop(p7j deov
and the /j-oppij 5ov\ov. dovXos stands for man in
opposition to God and must not be pressed literallj'.
It is wortli noting that St. Paul insists on Christ's
direct exc'iange of the one form for the otlier, in
contrast to Gnostic views which represented Him
as passing through a series of transformations.
To return to M-op^Tj, which here denotes, as it usu-
ally does, an adequate and accurate expression of
the underlying being, and so points to the Divinity
of the pre-existing Christ, one may, without any
detraction from this honour, point out that St.
Paul always regards the Death and Resurrection of
Christ as adding something to it. It is after the
return to glory that Clirist is declared the Son of
God 'with power' (Ro P- ■*), and becomes Lord (Ph
2^"^^). It only remains to point out that Christ's
assumption of the ' form' or ' nature ' of a servant
does not imply that His ' Ego,' the basis of His per-
sonality, was changed. (See further art. Christ,
Christology, p. 193f.)
Before leaving this word, we may notice the use
of the verb fiopcpou in a beautifully expressive pas-
sage. Gal 4'^, wliere the Apostle adopts the figure
of a child-bearing mother ; he is in travail for the
spiritual birth of Christ within his Galatian friends,
straining every power to shape their inner man
afresh into the image of Christ. The use of the
word ' form ' in Ro 9^" and 1 Ti 2^^ (in each case
translating irXdao-o}) calls for no remark.
Two other passages in the Epistles demand con-
sideration. In Ro 6" St. Paul is glad that the
Romans have become sincerely obedient ' to that
form of teaching ' to which they were delivered ;
and in 2 Ti 1^^ there is an exhortation to ' hold the
form (RV 'pattern') of sound words which thou
hast heard from me.' The word used in Rom.
is Ti'TTos, which must be taken in its usual Pauline
sense of ' pattern,' ' standard.' No special type of
doctrine is meant (see F. J. A. Hort, Prolegomena
to Romans and Ephesians, 1895, p. 32) ; tlie refer-
ence is to a course of simple instruction, like that
in the first part of the Didache ('The Two Ways'),
which preceded baptism. In 2 Tim. we have the
compound vwoT'ilwwcns, lit. an ' outline sketch,' and
BO a 'pattern' or 'example.' It is the emphatic
word in the sentence, and the meaning is best
brought out by the translation, ' Hold as a pattern
of healthy teaching, in faith and love, what you
heard from me.' A. J. Grieve.
FORMALISM. — As thought needs language and
soul needs body, so tlie spirit of religion can main-
tain, manifest and propagate itself, can relate
itself to its environment, only as it is einbodied in
external form. It takes intellectual form in
doctrines and creeds ; its emotional necessities
create forms of worship ; its social instincts express
themselves in ecclesiastical organization and sacra-
mental rites, in all its instruments and symbols
of corporate action. Hence arises inevitably the
danfjer of formalism: the 'form of godliness'
(2 Ti 3") may persist after the power which origin-
ally created it has evaporated, and it may be in-
herited or adopted by those who have never had
experience of the inward reality. Formalism in
this proper sense of the word is to be distinguished
from hypocrisy (the consciously fraudulent assump-
tion of the externals of religion), and other varieties
of unreality in religion. The typical formalist is
the angel of the church in Sardis, of whom it is
written : ' Thou hast a name that thou livest, and
thou art dead' (Rev 3'). Unlike his Laodicean
neighbour, who is ' neither cold nor hot,' he sets a
liigTi value upon the Christian name, and firmly
believes that to do so is to be earnestly Christian.
He mistakes zealous performance of acts of worship
for real devotion, and punctilious orthodoxy for
living conviction. He sincerely respects the badges
and expressions of spiritual life, believes them to
be necessary and effectual unto salvation, while he
is ignorant of, and without desire for, the reality
which they express. He is a ' well without water '
(2 P 2").
In the apostolic writings formalism of various
kinds is detected and rebuked.
1. The substitution of religious observances for
religious reality. — [a] Such observances may be
sacramental, belonging to the prescribed ritual ;
and to these the danger of formalism always
attaches in a high degree, the performance of the
ritual act being always regarded by tlie unspiritual
man as setting him in a right relation to God.
Thus St. Paul accuses the Jews of formalism with
regard to circumcision (Ro 2-'"^'), admonishing
them tliat ' he is not a Jew who is one outwardly
. . . circumcision is that of the heart, in the
spirit, not in the letter.' Otherwise it is become
' uncircumcision,' a falsehood against which the
virtue of the unprivileged Gentile will rise up in
judgment. In St. Paul's controversy with the
Judaizers, the issue was between a legal and a
spiritual conception of religion rather than between
formalism and reality. Yet the latter element
also was involved, and is emphasized by his re-
peatedly contrasting both circumcision and un-
circumcision with the inward essence and ethical
manifestation of Christianity — ' a new creature '
(Gal 6'^), 'faith that worketh by love' (5"), ' keep-
ing the commandments of God'(l Co 7'^). Here
with deep insight St. Paul places 'uncircumcision'
on the same footing with 'circumcision.' If the
advocates of freedom supposed that there was any
virtue in uncircumcision per se, they were only sub-
stituting one fetish for another. As there are
persons who make a convention of unconventional-
ity, so in religion repudiation of form may become
only a different species of formalism.
(b) Not only ritual or sacramental acts, but all
observances which are labelled ' religious,' even
those which are most directly designed for instruc-
tion and edification, are exposed to the same
danger. Having exhorted his readers to 'receive
with meekness the implanted word,' St. James
^•21-25) hastens to preclude the notion that such
' hearing,' as a mere opus operatiim, has any re-
ligious value. Without ' doing ' it is no less barren
of good result than a cursory glance at one's own
image in a mirror (cf. Ro 2^*). Closely akin to
this formalism of 'hearing' is that which substi-
tutes fluent religious talk for religious conduct
(Ja P^-'-^). The pure undefiled Op-qa-Keia, the true
Christian cultits, is to ' visit the widows and the
fatherless in their affliction, and to keep oneself
unspotted from the world.'
2. The formalism of intellectual orthodoxy. —
The classical passage is Ja 2''''^''. Signifying by
' faith ' not the vital spiritual act, but tlie orthodox
confession which is its proper 'form,' the writer
vigorouslj' declares that such faith, 'if it have not
works,' is dead in itself (v.^"), a body uninhabited
by the quickening spirit (v.-^). St. Paul advances
even lieyond this position when (1 Co 13^^) he asserts
that one may have 'all faith, so as to remove
mountains,' yet if it be 'without charity, he is
FOENICATIOI^
FORMICATION
417
nothing.' The First Epistle of St. John is occupied
with the exposure of intellectual formalism (for
though the Gnostic tenets, against which it is
directed, are regarded as the rankest heterodoxy,
the principle *is the same). To imagine that we
'know God,' while not keeping His commandments
(2^"''), or that we are ' in the light,' while hating
our brother (2") ; to credit ourselves with ' knowing
Christ ' in whom is no sin, while continuing in tlie
practice of sin (3®), is to stand convicted of being a
' liar.' Only he who loves can know God, who is
Love (4^).
3. Formalism within the ethical domain. —
While religious observances and credal orthodoxy
are always to be submitted to the test of ethics, the
last hiding-place of formalism is within the ethical
domain itself. There is the formalism to which
the possession of a high moral ideal stands for high
morality. This is scathingly rebuked by St. Paul
in Ro 2i'-2*. The typical Jew gloried in the lofty
moral standards of his race, ' resting upon the law,'
' approving the things that are excellent ' ; but ac-
cording to the Apostle's indictment he too often
regarded an enlightened sense of duty as the goal
rather than as the starting-point of moral life. It
is a still subtler formalism when the ethical impulse
exhausts itself in lofty and generous sentiment, or
in clothing such emotion with appropriate verbiage
(Ja 21'-^^). This possibility is suggested, with a
touch of delicate irony, in 1 Jn 3^^"**, where the law
of self-sacrificing brotkerhood is first stated in its
highest terms — ' We ought to lay down our lives
for the brethren,' and then, lest anj' one should
mistake the emotion awakened by such magnificent
expressions of duty for the discharge of duty itself,
the issue is brought down to the pedestrian level
of the everyday use of ' the world's goods ' for the
relief of the need that is before one's eyes. Here,
again, St. Paul is still bolder (1 Co 13^), pointing
out that conduct may fill out to the utmost the
' form ' of self-sacrifice (' If I give all my goods to
feed the poor, and if I give my body to be burned '),
and yet lack the inward reality. Ethical reality
is attested not by the sensational exploit, but by
that 'walking in love' which is so inimitably
described in the following verses.
LrrERATTRE.— A. Whjrte, Bunyan Characters, {. [1895] 132,
271, Bible Characters : ' Our Lord's Characters,' 1902, pp. 150,
284 ; Stopford A. Brooke, T/ie Fu/ht qf Faith, 1877, p. 51 ;
John Foster, Lecturers, 1853, i. 131 ff.; J. H. Newman,
Parochial and Plain Sermons, new ed., 1868, i. 21, 124, iv. 66 ;
A. Maclaren, Christ in the Heart, 1S86, p. 226 ; J. B. Mayor,
The Epi.-itle of St. Jamex^, 1910; Robert Law, Tests of Life,
1909, pp. 208 ff., 231 ff., 279 ff. ROBERT LaW.
FORNICATION {tropvela, and cognates). — 1.
Meaning of term. — (1) iropvela is used sometimes in
the strict sense of ' prostitution ' or ' fornication ' (1
Co 6'^). It is thus diti'erent irom pioixeia, or 'adul-
tery ' (He 13^ [cf. Mk T^i] Didache, 2 f. ). This strict
sense, however, can be retained with certainty
only when the two words occur side by side. In
the pagan world, while ixoixela was regarded as
sinful on a woman's part mainly on the ground
that it infringed the husband's rights, fornication
or sexual intercourse outside the marriage bond or
even by husbands was allowable. St. Paul (1 Th
43ff.) demands chastity from married men. The
wife (interpreting cr/ceDos as 'wife' [see Milligan's
Thess., London, 1908, for opposite view]) is to be
had in holiness and honour. Christian morality
is contrasted with pagan in this respect. Illicit
sexual intercourse with a married woman is not
only an infringement of the husband's rights, but
violence done to the Holy Ghost. Christianity
regards fornication and adultery alike as sinful.
Cato looked on fornication as a preventive against
libidinous intrigues with married women (Horace,
Sat. i. 2). Cicero says it was always practised
VOL. I. — 27
and allowed {pro Ccelio, xx). It was defended not
only as customary but as a necessity of nature.
Alexander Severus furnished governors with con-
cubines. The Cynic and early Stoic philosophers
excused it on the ground that ' naturalia non sunt
turpia.' This St. Paul combats (1 Co e^^'-O). It
is not a natural thing like food ; for, while the
nutritive system of man belongs to the perishing
schema of this world, the body is the organ of the
spirit and the temple of the Holy Ghost, bought by
Christ for His o^^^l service. To unite it to a
harlot is an act of sacrilege, of self - violation,
and it breaks the union between Christ and the
believer.
How diflerent this is from the lame censure of
Epictetus {Enchir. 33) and the practice of Marcus
Aurelius, who had his concubine (see Lecky, History
of European Morals^, London, ISSS, ii. 314 ff.).
(2) iropvcia is used also in a generic sense, fioixeta
being specific. In Pauline terminology noLxevw is
found in quotations from the LXX (seventh com-
mandment), while TTopveia is used for immorality in
general (cf. Theophylact on Ro 1-^ : iraaav airXQs
TTjv cLKadapalav rif rrjs iropvdas ovbpxj/rL irepU\a.^ev).
This is probably the meaning in Ac 15-", though
some interpret it of marriage within the prohibited
degrees (Lv 18-"). The Jews allowed proselytes
to marry even with their nearest relatives, and,
according to John Lightfoot (Hor. Heb., new. ed.,
Oxford, 1859, iv. 132), the case of incest in Corinth
(1 Co 5"-), where a Christian had married his
father's wife, ^^ hile the father was possibly still
alive, arose out of this custom. This is highly
doubtful. In Ac 15^"- ^ iropveia is used in the
general sense of immorality. We are not con-
cerned in this article with the vexed question of
what constituted fornication in the case of re-mar-
riage after divorce. Our Lord's teaching on this
point is doubtful, owing to the absence of the
qualifying expression in Mark, although the exist-
ence of the qualification in Matthew indicates
that in the early Church re-marriage was allowed
to tiie guiltless party. Whether, again, marriage
within the prohibited degrees constituted iropvda
is not discussed in the NT.
But from the richness of the phraseology for
sensual sins we can gather how wide-spread and
multiform this evil was. We find uncleanness
[aKadapffia), licentiousness {aaiXyeia) often side by
side with -rropveia (2 Co 12^1, Gal 5^\ Eph 4'9). So
often is vXeove^ia. found alongside vopveia that
many are inclined to regard the former as itself a
form of sensuality. But it is best to regard both
as characteristic sins of heathendom. Others as-
sociate them psychologically, saying that forget-
fulness of God compels the creature to either one
or other (Bengel and Trench). The NT seems to
have a genetic account of this sin (fornication) in
more than one place. Our Lord (Mk 7) deduces it
from evil thoughts ; St. Paul from the desire of
evil things (1 Co 10*), from the lusts of the flesh
(Gal 5^8), and from adiKia. (1 Co 6^=^). The lists of
vices, however, are not arranged in groups follow-
ing a psychological order. They have their coun-
terparts in pagan literatui-e (see Dobschiitz, Chris-
tian Life in the Primitive Church, p. 406 ff. ; and
Deissmann, Licht vom Osten^, Tiibingen, 1909, p.
238 f.). They vary in different jjlaces. The con-
nexion between drunkenness and vice is also re-
cognized (Eph 5^^ ; cf. Test. Jud. xvi. 1). Group-
ings of vices and virtues early arose, arranged in
connected lists for catechetical and homiletic pur-
poses, but the order is variable (cf. Hermas, Vis.
3). There was no public opinion in paganism to
suppress fornication. Hetairai moved about the
streets freely, and often played a large role in
public afiairs. One thinks of Phryne and others.
Religious associations sanctioned vice. The temples
418
FOENICATIOX
FOUNDATION
had their courtesans {iep65ov\oi. ; see Ramsay, Cities
and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. [Oxford, 1895], 94 f.).
The cult of Aphrodite Pandenios at Corinth may
be mentioned, as well as smaller cults like that of
the Cabiri at Thessalonica and the Chaldaean
Sybil at Thyatira. Trade-gilds [ipyaalai), which
were numerous, afforded means of corruption.
Almost everywliere the air was tainted, so tliat
to have no intercourse with fornicators was like
going out of the world. Christianity never formed
itself into a ghetto, and so the danger of moral
pollution was always present. The very fact that
the pagan gods were represented as prone to sen-
suality had a degrading influence on ordinary
morality, however much the stories of the gods
may have been ridiculed or allegorized in en-
lightened coteries. ' If a god does so, why should
not I a man ? ' (Terence, Eunuch. III. v. 42).
Ancient custom, the callosity of public feeling, the
contamination of commerce and religion, the sanc-
tions of libertine enlightenment — all these had to be
combated and overcome in the interests of purity.
(3) iropveia is sometimes used also to indicate
apostasy from God— so often in Revelation. This
meaning lies very near the surface whenever the
word occurs in conjunction with idol- worship or
meats offered to idols. In the Apostolic Decree
this thought is latent. To buy meat in the open
market was dangerous— forbidden in Ac 15-", Rev
2'-'-2^', though by St. Paul it was allowed. He
bases the right on the law of expediency, but he
recommends regard for the weak brother's con-
science (1 Co 8^-'2 10'8, Ro 14-""-). The Greek
Church still regards this law of meats as binding,
though the Western Church followed St. • Paul
from early times. But everywhere fornication is
prohibited. At Thyatira, as at Corinth, some de-
fended fornication on Gnostic grounds, as Jezebel ;
but not only fornication but idol-meats also are
prohibited by the seer. The Christians had to
break away from their trade-gilds to avoid con-
tamination ; and this involved serious sacrifice.
The example of Israel tempted by Moabitish
women to apostasy and lust at Balaam's instiga-
tion was a warning (Rev 2'^, 1 Co 10). See art.
NiCOLAiTANS. It is probable that we can under-
stand the conjunction of fornication and idol-meats
in Rev 2''*--" and 1 Cor. only on the early Christian
view of demonic influence acting through food and
thus tempting to lust (see B. W. Bacon in Exposi-
tor, 8th ser. vii. [1914] 40 tt'.).
2. Attitude of Christianity towards fornication.
— Christianity opposed fornication in every form,
not only overt acts but even lustful thoughts.
There were things that should not even be named
among Christians. It saw in marriage a preven-
tive against fornication ; St. Paul, though desir-
ing the unmarried to remain as they were, yet,
rather than run the risk of incontinence or ' the
fire of lust, allowed them to marry. So strong
was tlie reaction against impurity that St. John
regards the chaste unmarried {wapd^voi) as a select
group (Rev 14^). Fornication is a sin against the
body ; it is a defilement of God's temple ; it is a
violation of the self in a special sense; for it the
wrath of God comes on men, and God's judgment
awaits it. The very beginning of sanctilicatioii is
incompatible with fornication. St. Paul condenses
into one sentence the Christian attitude : ' Flee
from fornication ' (1 Co 6'"*). It is directly opjjosed
to God's righteou.sness, and St. John brands forni-
cators witli the opprobrious terms Kijues,* 'dogs,'
'lieliled' (Rev 17^ 18^ etc.). These cannot enter
the city of God. St. I'aul's dealing with the Cor-
intlii;in case indicates that fornication excludes
from church fellowship.
* Perhaps he ha8 in mind sodomy (TraiSoAeopia or paederasty
of Ro 127, 1 Ti 110, 1 Co 6!', Didache, 2f.).
Literature. — See Commentaries on relevant passages; W.
M. Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, London, 1904; E.
V. Dobschiitz, Christian Life in the Primitive Church, Eng.
tr., do. 1904 ; J. G. W. Uhlhorn, The Con/lict of Christianity,
Eng. tr., New York, 1879; O. Zockler, Asheseund ilonchtum'^,
Frankfurt am M., 1897; and for literature fcn Apostolic Age
generally see Dobschiitz, p. 380.
Donald Mackenzie.
FORTUNATUS.— Fortunatus was one of three
deputies from the Church in Corinth who visited
St. Paul in Ej^hesus, perhaps bearing letters, and
to whom he refers in 1 Co 16^''- ^^. Nothing more
is known of him. It seems unlikely that all the
deputies would belong to one household, as Weiz-
sacker (Apostol. Age, Eng. tr., i.- [1897] 305) sug-
gests, or that all were slaves (so T. C. Edwards,
ad loc). Clement refers to a Fortunatus (in Ep. ad
Cor. § 65) as accompanying his messengers from
Rome to Corinth, but distinguishes him from them ;
the name, however, is too common for identification
(see AcHAicus and Stephanas),
FOUNDATION.— In the NT, '"foundation' re-
presents two different Greek words : (a) /cara^oX^
(active, except in He 11", and always in the phrase
Kara^oXri k6(X/j.ov) ; (b) de/x^XLOs, -ov (pass.), with both
a litei'al and a figurative meaning [HDB, art.
'Foundation'). Clieyne (£'5*, art. 'Foundations,'
1558) says ' " corner-stone" and "foundation-stone"
are synonymous terms in the Hebrew Scriptures.'
The metaphorical sense of the word chiefly has
religious importance for students of the NT, and
will be noted as it occurs in the apostolic writings.
The figurative use of BefxiXios goes back to our
Lord's Parable of the Wise Builder — 6s ^cr/ca^e Kal
e^ddvve, Koi idrjKe defiAXiov iirl rrjv TriTpav — ' who
digged and went deep and laid a foundation upon
therock'(Lk6<8).
The significance of the word in the Epistles will
be found in an exegesis of the passages, viz. : (1)
in Ro 15-** St. Paul expresses his determination not
to build upon another man's foundation : 'iva fj,r] iw'
dXXoTpiov defxiXiov oiKo5ofjLui. He covets the Avork of
a pioneer on new ground, for in the wide field of
evangelization {evayyeXL^eadat,), with so much to
do and so little done, all narrow jealousies are
senseless and to be avoided. He is not desirous to
preach in occupied fields ; his ambition is to spread
the gospel and not to make it the subject of rivalry.
The rivalries of the Christian Churcli in heathen
lands, while whole tracts are lying unevangelized,
are a sad sight.
(2) To the Church of Christian Corinth, St. Paul
writes : ws cro06s dpxi-TiKTuv deniXiov ^driKa, ' as a
wise master-builder, I laid a foundation' (1 Co 3'"),
and again : 6e/jL4Xiov yap dXXov ovdeh diivarat deivai
irapd rbv Kei/j.€vov, os iuTiv 'lijffovs Xpicrr6s, ' for other
foundation can no man lay than that which is laid,
which is Jesus Christ' (1 Co 3'^ RV). J. E.
McP'adyen {The Epistles to the Corinthians, London,
1911, p. 50) translates tiie phrase 'alongside of
{trapd with ace.) the one laid' and comments:
' Jesus is the foundation : the church is founded
upon a Person, not upon a system of truths , . .
so that this name is a confession, — the earliest,
simplest, profoundest of the church.' So F. W.
Robertson [Expos. Lectures on St PaiWs Epp. to
the Corinthians, London, 1873, pp. 48, 49): 'Chris-
tianity is Christ. . . . Christianity is a Life, a
Spirit' — "'That I may know Him, and the
power of His resurrec^tion, and the fellowship of
His sufl'erings, being made conformable unto His
death ". ' Thus St. Paul lays down once for all
' the absolute religious significance of Jesus, in all
the relations of God and man ' (J. Denney, Jesus
and the Gospel, London, 1908, p. 23). Denney (p.
380 ir.), in the interests of faith and Christian unity,
pleads for such a simplification of creetls as will
bind men to Christ in the light of St. Paul's
FOUNDATION
FOUNDATION
419
declaration that the building is related to the
foundation-stone alone, and not to anything laid
alongside : ' We remain loyal to our Lord and
Saviour only because He has apprehended us, and
His hand is strong' (p. 411).
(3) In Eph 2^'' St. Paul describes believers as
iiroiKoSon-qdivres iwl t<^ 0efji,e\l({) tGjv awoardXoiv Kal
irpo(pr]Ti2v, ' Being built upon the foundation of the
apostles and prophets.' The latter are of course
NT teachers and exhorters (the omission of the
article before prophets indicates members of the
same class). They had a special message and
function to the Church already gathered out of
paganism, in contrast to the missionary and
pioneer work of the apostles.
Considerable variety of opinion has been ex-
pressed as to the meaning of ' the foundation of
the apostles and prophets.' A careful summary is
given by Salmond (EGT, 'Ephes.,' 1903, p. 299) of
the possible interpretations of the article : (a) gen.
of apposition = the foundation which consists of
apostles and prophets ; (6) gen. of originating cause
= the foundation laid by them; (c) gen. oi posses-
sion = the apostles' foundation on which they them-
selves were built. Ellicott (Ephesians^, 1864, in
loc.) favours (a), so that St. Paul by a change of
metaphor (1 Co 3") presents the apostles and pro-
phets as themselves the foundation, and Christ as
the corner-stone ' binding together both the walls
and the foundations.' But the consensus of inter-
pretations tends to (6), the gospel of tiie apostles
and prophets (HDB, ii.), the doctrines which they
preached (H. C. G. Moule, Cambridge Bible, 1886,
mloc., also Appendix F, 168 f.). G. G. Findlay
(Expositor's Bible, 'Ephes.,' 1892, p. 152) combines
(a) and (b) — ' These men have laid the foundation
— Peter and Paul, John and James, Barnabas and
Silas, and the rest. They are our s])iritual pro-
genitors, the fathers of our faith. We see Jesus
Christ through their eyes ; we read His teaching,
and catch His Spirit in their words. . . . Nor was
it their word alone, but the men themselves — their
character, tlieir life and work — laid for the Church
its historical foundation. This " glorious company
of the apostles " formed the first course in the new
building. . . , They have fixed the standard of
Christian doctrine and the type of Christian char-
acter.' In a lesser degree this is true of all re-
ligious founders and teachers. For generations
the churches bear the impress of the men who
gave them their beginning.
(4) The figure of ' the foundation ' is used in an
unusual form (condensed metaphor) in 1 Ti 6'^ :
dwodrjcravpl^ovTas eavroh defxiXiov KaXbv eis rh niWov,
' laying up in store for themselves a good founda-
tion against the time to come ' (cf. Sir 1^^ : Kal heto.
dvOpiinrcov Ge/x^Xiov alQvoz ivbaaevae, 'and with men
slie [Wisdom] built a foundation of everlasting-
ness '). The somewhat involved metaphor is per-
haps due to a reminiscence of our Lord's Parable
(Lk 16«), but specially of Mt &-^ where the verb is
the same and also the duty enjoined : d-qaavpL^ere
5k iificp 6r](rcLvpovs iv ovpavi^, ' lay up for yourselves
treasures in heaven.' Bengel {Gnom., in loc.)
with a happy illustration gives the sense ' Mercator
naufragio salvus, thesauros domum praemissos
invenit.' Cheyne (loc. cit.) favours the emenda-
tion /cet/xr^Xto;/, 'gift' or ' valued memorial,' which
straightens out the metaphor but at the expense
of the text. If there were any authority for the
reading, one might agree that this 'must surely
be right.'
(5) In 2 Ti 2^^ 6 /xhroi. crepebs OefiiXios tov deod
'iarriKev, ' Howbeit the firm foundation of God
standeth' (RV), the Church itself is described as
the foundation of a still greater building — 'the holy
temple in the Lord in whom ye also are builded
together for a habitation of God in the Spirit'
(Eph 221-22). .-The term "foundation," here used
for the Church of God on earth, is remarkable, and
points to a great truth : that, after all, this life is
but a beginning, and that "His Church" here is
but a foundation — is only the first and early storey
of that glorious Church the Divine Architect has
planned, and will complete in heaven ' (Ellicott, in
loc; cf. also He IP"). This 'foundation,' in re-
miniscence of ancient custom as to foundation-
stones, bears a two-fold inscription, expressing
both its origin and purpose : ' The Lord knoweth
them that are his ' (' the Lord will show who are
his, and who is holy' [Nu 16^]) and 'let every
one that nameth the name of the Lord depart from
unrighteousness. '
(6) In He 6^ there occurs the warning jxt) irdXiv
df^iXiov KaTa^aWd/xevoi, ' not laying again (and
again) a foixndation.' The meaning is apparent
from the opening words of the chapter : ' wherefore
let us cease to speak of the first principles of Christ,
and press on unto perfection (full growth).' ' Let
us be borne on to perfection ' in ' personal surrender
to an active influence' (Westcott, Hebrews, 1892,
p. 143). The subject is the duty of progress, and
the contrast is between the elementary (v-^ttlos [5"])
and the full grown (riXeios) in the Christian life.
The ditt'erent elements that constitute the founda-
tion, which is not to be laid again, are three, taken
in pairs : (i) personal attitudes of heart and mind :
repentance from dead works and faith toward God ;
(ii) church ordinances : baptism and laying on of
hands ; (iii) leading beliefs : resurrection and judg-
ment. These are to be accepted once for all — they
are the foundation. In the subjects alluded to as
foundation facts there is perhaps a reference to
some well-known formula for the instruction of the
catechumen ; perhaps the allusion is to the usual
evangelistic presentation of the gospel. ' The phrase
imi)lies that certain things have been done and
certain teacliing has been given to the readers at
the outset of their Christian life as a basis on which
more advanced teaching may be built ' (A. S. Peake,
'Hebrews' in Century Bible, 1902, p. 141). But
such a foundation needs to be laid only once, and
the use of it is for subsequent building ; therefore
progress not only in knowledge, but towards the
full maturity of Chiistian character, is incumbent
on all believers.
He 6^ has, it may be feared, been but a counsel
of perfection in certain church circles, while ' to
preach the gospel ' has often meant a formal and
dry presentation of a few elementary truths, that
by wearisome repetition have had all their fresh-
ness rubbed away. Yet this has been called 'dwell-
ing on fundamentals.' But we do not dwell on
a foundation ; we build upon it. Many modern
evangelistic efforts split upon this rock, and the
falling away of professed converts has often arisen
from the refusal of them or their spiritual guides
' to have done with the elementary doctrines and
to go on towards full growth,' The complaint is
sometimes heard that the first fresh and joyful
emotions are so soon lost ; and to revive and re-
cover these, men are tempted, or invited, to go back
in thought and desire to some former visitation of
the Spirit. But the remedy is not back, but for-
ward. We cannot recover the emotions that are
behind, but we can have other emotions and more
joyful experiences new-born, by going forward to
explore more deeply the great things of God. There-
fore the Apostle says : let us surrender ourselves to
the influence which will carry us on. ' The influ-
ence and the surrender are continuous (4>epd)/jLeda)
and not concentrated in one momentary crisis'
(Westcott, op. cit. p. 143).
Literature. — In addition to the works cited throughout the
article, reference may be made to W. N. Clarke, What shall
we think of Christianity ? 1S99, pp. 56-105 ; Phillips Brooks,
420
FOUR
FREEDOM OF THE WILL
The Candle of the Lord, 1S92, pp. 6S, 69 ; S. A. Cook, The
Foundations of Religion, in The People's Books ; J. Alcorn, The
Sure Foundation, 1893, p. 3; W. E. Cha.Awick., Social Rdation-
ships in the Light of Christianity, 1910, p. 154.
W. M. Gkaxt.
FOUR.— See Numbers.
FRANKINCENSE (X/Soj/os).— Frankincense, which
is mentioned (Itev 18'^) as part of the vast merchan-
dise of Imperial Rome, is a gum-resin yielded by-
certain species of trees of the genus Boswellia. In
ancient times the most famous of these grew in
Hadramant, S. Arabia. To obtain the frankin-
cense a deep incision is made in the trunk of the
tree, and below the incision a narrow strip of bark
is peeled off. As the Heb. n:2^ (from which the
Gr. is derived) signities, the resin exudes as a milk-
like juice (spuma pinguis, Pliny, xii. 14), which
in about three months attains the necessary degree
of consist encj''. Frankincense was sold in semi-
opaque, round, or ovate tears or irregular lumps,
which were covered with a white dust as the result
of their friction against one another. It was valued
for its sweet odour when burned, and it often served
for illumination in place of oil lamps. As it was one
of the ingredients of incense, great quantities of it
were required for the sacrilieial ritual. As a per-
fume it was used for the care of the body and for
the flavouring of wine. It was also in high i-epute
as a medicine. James StKxVHAX.
FREEDOM OF THE WILL.— 1. Introduction.—
Properly speaking, the phrase ' the freedom of the
will ' is a misnomer. As Locke pointed out, the
question is not whether the will is free, but whether
man is free. Either the will is in the same psycho-
logical category as the desires, in which case it is
obviously limited by a man's mental universe and
his powers of concentration, or it is identical with
the man's self. It is quite evident that a man is
mt determined always by external force, and that
neither others nor he himself can always predict
what he will do. But this alone does not make
him free. On the other hand, set any two men
among the same alternatives, and their attitude
will be different ; in each case it Avill be conditioned
by education, tastes, habits, range of perceptions —
in fact, by the whole previous life, by all that goes
to make up what we call character. Yet the
consciousness of freedom persists ; we feel that
between given alternatives we have the power of
effective choice. Hence, the antinomy has often
been solved by the word ' self-determination ' ;
but this only moves the difficulty further back.
What of the self which determines ? Is that dis-
tinct from the other self t If so, what is its rela-
tion to environment and character? And if not,
how can anything be the agent of its own deter-
mination?
The interest of the question is great, but it is
.'speculative or else merelj' juristic ; that is, what-
ever the answer may be, men will continue to form
their own ends and pursue them, and to ' weight
the alternative' in trying to inlhience the conduct
of others. It is not determinism, but fatalism,
M'hich has any power to influence conduct, and
fatalism is something entirely different. The only
result of determinism in practical life is in the
formation of judgments with regard to personal
responsibility and the infliction of punishment.
Punishment would become, what it is indeed at
present often held to be, non-retributive ; it would
be only disciplinary and deterrent. But this too
would leave a man's way of conducting his o\vn life
untouched.
The theoretical problem is hardly noticed in the
NT. The interest of the NT writers is predomin-
antly y)ractical. All that does not directly or
indirectly affect a man's relation to his universe is
ignored. At tlie same time, the intellectual world
of the NT is identical with that of the OT, but
invaded and fertilized by the conceptions of the
Incarnation and Redemption of Christ. For the
thought of the OT, the problem of freedom did not
exist. Not only were there no practical considera-
tions to call attention to it ; it was excluded by
the heartiness with which the Hebrew mind ac-
cei)ted the two convictions of the responsibility
of man and the omnipotence of God. Even for
Ezekiel, mIio came nearest to realizing the anti-
nomy, the problem was one of individuafand social
responsibility rather than of freedom and necessity
(see 14,18, 33). On the other hand, God can always
intervene, though man may still be answerable
(1 K 22"'-, Am 3«, 2 S 24i, compared with 1 Ch 21i).
2. The attitude in Acts. — Tlie same ingenuous
yet serviceable attitude (to pass over instances in
the Gospels) is found in the Acts of the Apostles.
While actions are regularly spoken of (as in all
normal literature) as originated by their agents,
yet new powers, unattainable otherwise, are be-
stowed by the Spirit {e.g. 2*), whose coming, how-
ever, may be hastened or caused by prayer (8^'^).
Men may be frustrated in some purpose by the
Spirit of Jesus (16'^), constrained by the Word (18^),
or bound in the spirit (20--). So, too, they may
act in ignorance (3^^) ; or sin may even be the re-
sult of Satan's ' filling their heart ' (5*, but contrast
v."). But this interference with normal powers of
choice is neither felt to limit man's freedom, nor
does it affect the writer's faith therein. The con-
ception of some Divine power as temporarily dis-
placing a man's control over his speech or thought
was by no means strange to the Hebrews, or to the
Greeks and Romans, wlio had not learnt to think
in terms of the sub-conscious ; and Mhen we, for-
getting or improving on our philosophy, say ' he
was not himself,' they would have said ' God, or
some evil spirit, entered into him' (1 S 16'''; cf.
Verg. ^n. vi. 77 tt'. ). But while cases of more or
less permanent possession by demons were familiar,
the entrance of the Spirit of God was felt chiefly
on special occasions (Ac lO'^'''- ; cf. 4** 6^).
This persistence of familiar categories of thought
in the presence of new experiences is seen especially
in references to the Holy Spirit. He ' falls upon '
the disciples ; he gives them to speak with ' other
tongues' (cf. also 18* 20-^); but from the Acts
alone it is impossible to saj^ how far this is regarded
as permanent ; we must go to the Epistles for
descriptions of the power of the Spirit in renewed
lives, quickened hopes, and abiding impulses of
joy ; and although the choicest graces of the Chris-
tian life are set down as the fruit of the Spirit (as
opposed to the works of the flesh, Gal 5'"- --), yet
they are all subjects of exhortation as well [e.g.
Ro '1218, Ph 2i«).
3. St. Paul's view of the problem. — But Avhen
we turn to St. Paul, we find a deiinite recognition
and discussion of the problem of freedom. Yet it
is not the freedom of the will or even of the self.
It appears in two forms, each arising from St.
Paul's own experience or observation, and each
approached only when necessitated by some un-
avoidable antagonism. First, the actual experi-
ence of slavery to sin, or (what to St. Paul himself
was involved in this) to the Law. Second, the
apparent inability of an individual or groups of
individuals (Esau, Pharaoh, Israel) to will what is
right because of some dealing of God with tliem.
A tliird aspect is also suggested, though St. Paul
seems to oiler a formula for its solution without
recognizing its difliculty. What is the relation of
the redeemed soul to God's indwelling and inwork-
ing? Yet a fourth form of the problem appears,
which is predominantly ethical. What actions am
I as a Christian man at liberty to perform ? What
FEEEDOM OF THE WILL
FEEEDOM OF THE WILL 42]
restraints, if any, am I bound to observe? This,
however, springs naturally out of the first form of
the problem. It will be advisable to consider these
in order.
(1) The problem of freedom from sin and from
the Law. — To St. Paul, as a Hebrew sprung from
Hebrews, the great end of man is righteousness.
It was to him more than an end : it was a passion.
But lie felt it to be unattainable : a mountain
height which he had no strength to scale. His
life was one long fruitless struggle towards it. He
could only describe that life as a bondage, as if he
had been sold like a slave to a master who would
always prevent him from following his own wishes
(Ro 7^*), or as if he were actually tied to a weight
Avhich kept him from moving— the weight of a
dead body (v.^^). This master was sin ; but as in
a fevered dream the patient sometimes imagines
his own pain to be external to himself and tortur-
ing him, so St. Paul speaks of sin as something
external, exercising an alien and hateful tyrannj-
over him which can only end in death (5^'). It is
not that his will is not free ; it is not that he can-
not will in a particular way ; it is that he cannot
act as he wills. The compulsion is external. And
this tj'ranny further makes a tyrant of what should
have been a guide, namely, the Law. The term
' law,' it must be remembered, is used by St. Paul
in at least three ways : for the Law of Moses, for
the natural law, written ' on the heart ' of the
Gentiles, and for the Law of Moses considered as a
system of law in general. Now the Law, either as
known to the Gentiles, or revealed more fully to
the Jews, with its lists of forbidden acts, should
have helped man to righteousness ; but, enslaved
as he was, it only pointed out in detail what he
had no power to do, thus making his tyrant doubly
hateful, and himself doubly a slave (2''* 3-").
Now, it will be observed that there is no meta-
physics here, and no psychology, though it may be
thatSt. Paul is giving us data for both. He is simply
stating his own experience — an experience which
in his case was happily only temporary, and which,
as he believed, was intended to be only temporary
for others. No conclusions could be drawn from it
as to the will in general. For what happened ? In
this hopeless extremity a solution Avas fovmd in
Christ. St. Paul could not free himself ; but
Christ, as the Son of God, was free ; and through
His reconciliation the spirit of freedom, of sonship,
of life, was sent foi'th (8'^- ^', Gal 4'^). To exercise
faith in Christ was to be placed, so to speak, where
Christ was, i.e. in the position of one to whom
complete righteousness was possible and actual.
We cannot consider here the rationale of St. Paul's
conceptionof the Atonement (see art. ATONEMENT) ;
but just as his active and untiring mind worked
out into a Divine drama what to most of his con-
temporaries was the simple experience of the con-
sciousness of forgiveness of sins through Christ,
so, to him, ability to do right was imaged forth
as the change from being the slave of a tyrant to
being a son in the house of his father. He is no
longer kept from doing what he longs to do ; he
does it as if he had been born to do it. And this
is Avhat has happened : he has been born anew, he
is a new creature.
Yet we must be careful not to drive the figure
too far ; or rather, we must bt prepared to go far
enough. The change has not simply been wrought
for him, but in him. It is not merely a change
from a master to a father ; but from the spirit of a
slave to that of a son, by the spirit of sonship.
Cowed and overpowered before, acquiescing, M'ith a
true slave's mind, in the very things he hated, now
he is confident, self-controlled as a son ; not an
emancipated slave, apt to mistake a broken cliain
for a charter of licence ; his freedom from sin is
freedom for righteousness. He can thus speak of
the old Law as replaced by a new one. He is actuallj-
a slave once more ; but a slave to Christ. He has
gained his freedom, only to surrender it ; or rather,
he has surrendered it, only to find it in a form which
is entirely stable and absolutely satisfying (2 Co 3'^,
no more ' veils, reservations, inconsistencies ' now
[A. Menzies, Second Ep. to Cor., 1912, ad ^oc], 5",
Ko 7®, Gal 5* ; Christians are even slaves to one
another, because slaves to Him whose law is love .
Pto S- 6i« ; cf. 1 P 2*«, Jn S^^ff-).
This experience St. Paul regarded as normal for
all Christians. But in the Galatian church he was
confronted with a return to the Jewish Law by those
who ought to have learnt that circumcision could
profit nothing. This raised once more the question
of freedom. To go back to the Law was to go back to
bondage ; not,however,to the exact type of bondage
from which St. Paul himself had been delivered at
his conversion. Tliere, the real tyrant had been
sin, and the Law, coming in upon it, had made it
appear in its true character (Ro 5"" 7'^). But at the
same time its hold upon its prisoner was tightened.
Here the Law is regarded in its other aspect, as a
7rat5a7W7o's, a boy's slave-attendant ; and thus as
an integral part of the Divine plan (Gal 3'-^). Man
is intended to live as a son in his father's house,
with a son's freedom ; but before this is possible,
he must obej' ; he has to submit himself to at-
tendants (who, in a Hellenic or Roman household,
would themselves generally be slaves). Only as he
grows up and ' puts away childish things ' does he
leave behind him this regime, and become a son in
actuality. But, having once left this state of things
behind, to return to it is preposterous. It is like
preferring the state of the handmaid to that of the
wife, Hagar to Sarah ; or leaving Jenisalem, our
mother, for the barren heights of Sinai (4-'*"^*'). It
is not simply refusing to live as a son ; it is reject-
ing the spirit of sonship, bestowed on him, which
made such a life possible.
This is what the Galatians were doing in listen-
ing to their Judaizing teachers. It was more than
a relapse from freedom to bondage ; it was a relapse
from Spirit to flesh. Instead of the free impulse
of the Spirit within them, or of Christ's living in
them, they were being guided by rules which de-
manded a merely external obedience and appealed
to merely selfish desires, aptly symbolized by an
operation on the external surface of the body.
The case might not be so serious if entire obedience
to these rules could ever be given. But even if this
were possible, the spirit of a life so lived would
still be hopelesslj' wrong. Freedom is life ; and
its absence is nothing less than death.
This is not the place to discuss St. Paul's whole
view of the relation of the Law and the works of
the Law to grace. But the bearing of the question
on freedom will be best seen by comparing the
position of St. Paul with that of Kant. At first
sight, the two might seem to be absolutely opposed.
Kant finds freedom just where St. Paul denies its
presence — in strict obedience to the Moral Law. But
laAv has a very different meaning for Kant and for
St. Paul. Law to Kant is essentially that which
does not speak from without but from within. It
apjieals to no interested motives, either of hope or
fear ; it promises no rewards, threatens no jjunish-
ments. It speaks with the sole authority of reason ;
its voice is the voice of the man himself. It is the
experience of histrue and proper rational self. 'The
will is not subject simply to the law, but so subject
that it must be regarded as itself giving the law,
and on this ground only subject to the law ' (Kant,
' iNIetaph. of Morals,' in Theory of Ethics, ed. Abbott,
1879, p. 70f.). Hence, onlj- by obedience to it is free-
dom possible ; for freedom is not determination b\
oneself; it is obedience to oneself. To be influenced bj
422 FEEEDOM OF THE WILL
FREEDOM OF THE WILL
anything else is to recognize the right of an external
authority, to relate oneself, as a Stoic would say, to
things outside one's power. But this recognition of
external authority is just what St. Paul means by
the Law ; whether he thinks of it as the assessor of a
tyrant, as in Romans, or the slave-attendant in the
father's house, as in Galatians. And what Kant
calls law, St. Paul calls sonship. The difference —
for of course there is a difference — is that Kant
is barely a theist, St. Paul is wholly a Christian.
Where Kant is conscious only of an imperative
within his emancipated breast, St. Paul is conscious
of a Divine Power who has sent forth the spirit of
sonship into him, and a Saviour who has lifted him
clean out of the sweep of every influence of heter-
onomy. Freedom, for Kant, is obedience to self ;
for St. Paul, obedience to a Person in whose will he
acquiesces with enthusiasm. Both systems, how-
ever, are definitely opposed to Butler's expedient
of placing ' reasonable self-love ' on a level with
conscience. In so far as Butler's conception of
conscience corresponds with Kant's categorical im-
perative, reasonable self-love leads to sheer heter-
onomy ; and if we may compare obedience to con-
science with the new life of freedom which, in St.
Paul's view, is enjoyed by the Christian, self-love
is nothing more than obedience to the flesh which
the Christian has crucified with the passions and
lusts thereof (Gal 5-'*).
One word, liowever, may usefully be added at
this point with reference to Spinoza, as entliusi-
astic an exponent of freedom as Kant or St. Paul.
Human freedom Spinoza defines as 'a form of
reality M-hich our understanding acquires through
direct union with God, so that it can bring forth
ideas in itself, and efl'ects outside itself, in complete
harmony with its nature, without, however, its
eflects being subjected to any external causes, so
as to be capable of being changed or transformed
by them' [Short Treatise on God, Man, and Human
Welfare, ch. xxvi. ). In the moral system of Spin-
oza, God is as central as in that of Kant He is peri-
pheral ; and since God alone has freedom, the soul
can be really free only through union M-ith God.
Such a view lays every pantheist open to one re-
tort : if God is substance, or the All, and therefore
universally immanent, how can union with Him
be a thing which the soul may possess or lack?
Spinoza does not attempt to grapple Avith this
difficulty. St. Paul, on the other hand, does not
habitually think in terms of union with God, either
in the sense of Spinoza or of the Fourth Gospel.
The centre of his system is not God, as a Divinely
immanent Being, so much as the will of God, with
which his own will has been brought to move in
entire conformity. AVith St. Paul, freedom im-
plies no merging in a wider Being ; the man who
is a Christian is like the son who not only lives in
his father's house, but moves in the atmosphere of
perfect sympathy and understanding, confidence
and obedience (cf. also He S**). The thought under-
lying the references to freedom in Jn 8^^'^ is sub-
stantially the same. There is no mention of law,
but sin is felt to mean slavery ; and freedom is
only attained through the gift of the Son. Through
Him we know the truth, and recognize and receive
the message which the Son brings of the Father's
love and of His purpose that men through faith in
the Son should be, as He is, members of the Divine
family (cf. IS^'). This breaks the slavery : to be-
lieve in the Son makes the believer himself a son.
(2) Relation of individual tvill to purpose of
God. — We now pass to the second question, which
seems to touch more closely the familiar questions
of modern philosophy. Two things, however, are
here to be noticed. The discussion is not philo-
sophical, but religious : it deals with the relation
of the human will to the purpose of an omnijjotent
God. And it is not general but specific : how can
we explain the fact that the Jews have been re-
jected ? And this leads to a third point, namely,
that the question of freedom is raised only by ac-
cident. The real question is approached thus.
In Ro 8 the Apostle's thought has reached the vic-
torious love of Christ. But the Jews are outside.
Is then God's promise to them broken by the re-
jection of His people? No : to suppose this would
be to limit God's power ; for He was supreme
enough to put conditions on that promise (Isaac
was chosen, and notlshmael ; Jacob, and not Esau).
Thus, St. Paul carries the supremacy of God further
than his opponents ; his argument is similar to
that of the prophets, who had to oppose the rooted
Israelite belief that Jahweh nuist save His people.
But the argument does not stop here. God's will
is not capricious. His real purpose is to secure
' the righteousness which is of faith ' (9^"), which
the Jews rejected. Hence, a new element enters
into_ the discussion : human responsibility. As
far as the Jews themselves are concei-ned, faith is
open to all (10^), and preaching can be heard by
all (10-^). Thus, the Jews have only themselves
to thank for their fate. Then, St. Paul returns to
his original question. Are God's people rejected ?
(11'). No, their revolt was their own sin; the
salvation of the remnant is His grace. But if
there is revolt, God confirms, yet only so as to
over-rule ; it is all the better for the Gentiles, and,
in the end, for the Jews also. Next, St. Paul
turns to the Gentiles : ' You too will find that re-
sistance is followed by severity. But, behind all,
is goodness. If there has been blindness, it is in
part ; the gifts and calling of God are without re-
pentance ' (IP'"-^).
A contradiction between chs. 9 and 10 has often
been felt. This is because St. Paul in ch. 9 is
looking at only one side, viz. God's power to shut
out or reject. But we must remember that he is
arguing about Isaac, not Islimael ; Jacob, not
Esau. It is the same with his reference to Pharaoh
(9'^). He is writing as a Jew, and his purpose in
mentioning Pharaoh is to show the sweep of God's
power, not the limitations of Pharaoh's freedom.
Otherwise, he would doubtless have written in
accordance with the general principle which we
find in ch. 1 : ' God gave them up ' (vv.^^- ^s ; cf.
also Ac 13^, ' we turn to the Gentiles,' IS^). Two
analogies will illustrate St. Paul's thought : that
of a disease, in which morbid conditions and acts,
if persisted in, become hopeless ; and that of family
life, wherein conditions are laid down by a father
to fulfil his desire of mutual love — if the son re-
fuses to accept these conditions, he is rejected.
These are not analogies simply ; they show the
working of the same universal law. St. Paul's
view of freedom is not atomic. Are we free at
any given moment? No, we are conditioned by
our past, and by our environment. To St. Paul,
the past can be made up for ; and the environ-
ment is one of love. Hence, St. Paul's conclusion :
mercy is the supreme law. All are ' shut up ' unto
disobedience, in order to come under the scope of
mercy ; i.e. all are allowed to sutt'er the inevitable
results, both of ignorance and of rejection, so that
God's mercy may have its way with them (Ro IP-).
If, however, there were any inclination to press
ch. 9 as identifj-ing St. Paul with a specific specu-
lative opinion, it would be enough to point out
that his whole attitude, to both Jews and Gentiles,
belies it. Practice even went beyond theory :
men might be ' given up ' ; but this did not pre-
vent a single appeal to them. If St. Paul turned
to the Gentiles in one town, he would go straight
to the synagogue in the next. Thus the two ques-
tions, though api)arently unrelated in St. Paul's
mind, really point to the same general view. The
FEEEDOM OF THE WILL
FEEEDOM OF THE WILL 423
spiritual, like the natural, world rests on certain
sequences : if A takes place, then B follows. We
are responsible for choosing or not choosing A,
and so for the consequent presence or absence of
B. The only modifications are that («), if we may
judge from the practice of St. Paul and of all early
Christian evangelists, we are never justified in
acting as if the consequences of evil were finally
fixed ; and (6) even when the time for choice seems
to have gone by, and man, racially or individually,
is dead in trespasses and sins, the atoning death of
Christ provides means for another appeal to the
will (see art. Atonejient). In reality, therefore,
freedom and necessity are not exclusive states. If
psychology, in common with all observation, would
f)oint out that choice is never unconditioned, re-
igious insight shows that it is never to be treated
as non-existent.
(3) Relation of redeemed soul to God's indwelling
and inivorking. — The third form of the question
of freedom arises when St. Paul is analj'zing the
distinctively Christian experience. Here also
puzzling antinomies are met with. The Christian
is in Christ, saved ; he shows the fruit of the Spirit ;
all things are his. Yet he must watch and pray,
and 'butlet his body' (1 Co 9^'') : his salvation is
not complete ; it needs working out. Each Epistle
ends with practical exhortations, often quite ele-
mentary. Here St. Paul takes refuge in Avhat
seems a contradiction in terms : ' work out your
own salvation . , . for it is God that worketh in
you ' (Ph 2'-). The meaning here is, however,
' you must no longer be dependent on me ; you
must live your life yourselves as Christians ; and
you need not be apprehensive ; for it is God that
worketh in you.' The exact question of the rela-
tion of the human to the Divine will is not raised
here (see art. Will) ; but a conception is implied
which is of the first importance. When a man is
freed, i.e. made a son instead of a slave, he is not
simply transferred to a new kind of obedience ; he
is entered by a new spirit ; his freedom is the free-
dom of the Father Himself ; he sufiers no cancel-
ling of personality ; nor is he really subjected
again to law in any full sense ; he attains the onlj'
freedom which is complete. But this is obviously
not freedom of choice ; nor can God's freedom be
so described : it is rather freedom of unimpeded
activity ; not self-determination, but self-manifes-
tation (see artt. GoD, UxioN WITH GoD).
(4) What actions is a Christian at liberty to per-
form ? — The fourth form is practical and ethical,
raised by a community which, newly rescued from
the licence of heathenism, recognizes the need of
laws for its guidance as well as of guidance for
its attitude to law. This was particularly necessary
for a community of Gentile converts, at once con-
taining a Jewish leaven which held to the whole
body of INIosaic restrictions (cf. the discussions in
the Aboda Zara), and, apart from this, liable to
various puzzles, e.g. about food which, ottered for
sale in heathen markets, had been contaminated by
connexion with idolatry. On such points 'strong'
and ' weak ' brethren would easily ditier. ' We are
free from the Jewish Law ; but how far does that
freedom take us ? ' St. Paul is unhesitating ; he
does not even refer to the Jerusalem Decree (Ac
15-*) ; he replies : ' all things are lawful ; freedom is
absolute; but not all things are expedient ; and the
inexpedient must be avoided' (1 Co 6^^ 10'-^). Was
this a back-stairs way for the return of law ? Not
in reality. The contrast is expressed later in ' all
things do not build up' (v.^). There is for the
Christian no body of Jewish regulations ; but the
Christian is not therefore left to do as he likes.
That would, in the end, involve falling under the
old tyranny of desire and passion. He gained his
freedom from law by coming into the family of God.
The new relation to God means a new relation to
men. His freedom is that of a member of a free
society. Obviously this means that he will always
act in full recognition of his fellow-members. To
deny their claims would be to deny his own exist-
ence. It would destroy freedom and everything
else. He can no more do that which will hinder his
brother's life than he can take the limbs of Christ
and join them to a harlot. But is not this, then,
after all, simply exchanging one law for another?
Yes ; the difierence is that under the old Law there
could be no acquiescence, and hence there was
always a stimulus to disobedience and sin. The
essence of the new Law is that the Christian sees in
it the expression of the life that he has chosen. It
becomes once more the embodiment of the real
Torah (' law,' properly and by derivation 'instruc-
tion') as we meet it, e.g., in Ps 119, the actual out-
working in detail of the experience of the grace of
God in the heart.
i. Other NT books. — The remaining NT writings
call for little notice. The well-known passage in
St. James (1^) speaks of the law of freedom into
which the doer of the word looks, as opposed to
the careless glance at the reflexion of himself in a
mirror, as it were, which is cast by the man who
is only a hearer. There is nothing except propin-
quity to suggest that St. James is here referring to
what a few verses later he calls the royal law :
' thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself ' (2^) ;
and he says nothing further in explanation of a
phrase which would have aptly summarized St.
Paul's argument. But a metaphor which he had
just used (P^), though with no direct reference to
freedom, may be referred to at the close of this
article, as summing up one aspect of NT teaching :
'of his own will he brought us forth by the word
of truth.' The paragraph begins with a call to
resist temptation ; it goes on to show the inevitable
results of attending to the suggestions of evil ; it
ends with the assertion that God brought us forth to
be first-fruits, as it were, of His own creation — that
is, around man's freedom of choice lies God's pur-
pose of blessing and salvation ; and we complete
the NT view if we add that the fulfilment of this
purpose means a freedom which is no more of
choice but of absolute oneness with the great orbital
movement of God's love.
5. Apostolic Fathers. — These two views — of St.
Paul and St. James — are implied, sometimes more,
sometimes less clearly, in the Apostolic Fathers.
But they are only implied ; and in general, we find
the two opposite convictions, of man's choice and
God's omnipotence, held with hardly a suspicion
that they might be opposed. Here, as elsewhere,
the sub-Apostolic Age is far nearer to the OT, or
to the early chapters of Acts, than to the Pauline
and Johannine writings. In 1 Clem, the Corinth-
ians are said to have conflict for all the brother-
hood, that the number of God's elect might be
saved (2). We are not justified through ourselves,
but through faith (32). None can be found in love,
save those to whom God shall vouchsafe it (50).
A similar paradox is found in Ignatius, Ep. ad
Ephes. 8 : 'let none deceive you, as indeed ye are
not deceived, seeing ye belong wholly to God.'
Ignatius himself dies of his own free-will (iKiiv), yet
as a freedman (dn-eXei'^epos) of Christ ; and he will
rise free in Him {ad Bom. 4). So in the Ep. Barn. :
'Before faith, the heart is given up to evil' (16);
and even now, accurate knowledge of salvation is
necessary lest the Evil One should enter and fling
us away from our life (2).
Literature. — For an exposition of the relevant passages, see
the Commentaries, especially Sanday-Headlam on Romans
{pICC, 1902), and Lightfoot on Galatians (51876). For the
theory of Freedom as a part of Christian Ethics, see J. A.
Dorner, System o,1 Christian Ethics, Eng. tr., 1S&7, pp. 253-283 ;
T. B. Strong, Christian Ethics, 1896, pp. 245-251, pp. 35-46 ;
424
FEIENDS, FKIEXDSHIP
FEUIT
G. F. Barbour, A Philosophical Studtl of Christian Ethics,
1911, pp. 326-354. For fuller discussions of the Pauline doc-
trine, see J. B. Mozley, A Treatise on the Augustinian Doc-
trine of Predestination^, 1878; D. Somervilie, St. Paul's
Conception of Christ, 1897 ; F. R. Tennant, The Origin and
Propagation of Sin^, 1906 ; E. Weber, Das Problem der
Ileilsgesckichte nach Rom. 9-11, 1911 ; see also artt. (in addi-
tion to those referred Lo above) on Grace, Law, Liberty, Sin.
W. b\ LOFTHOUSE.
FRIENDS, FRIENDSHIP. — The terms them-
selves are rarely found in the apostolic writings.
^c lO'-'' mentions the friends of Cornelius, 19^^ the
Asiarchs as friendly to St. Paul in an hour of peril
at Ephesus, 27^ friends of the same Apostle at
Sidon ; 12-" reveals Blastus in the character of ' a
friend at court.' Ja 2-^ reminds us that Ahraliam
was called the friend of God, and no doubt inculcates
the lesson that tiiose who walk in the patriarch's
footsteps may attain the patriarch's blessing ; 4*
that 'the friendship of the world is enmity with
God,' and that ' whosoever would be a friend of the
world maketh himself an enemy of God.' The only
other reference is 3 -In", 'The friends salute thee.
Salute the friends by name.'
It has often been pointed out tliat friendship
occupies an apparently much smaller place in the
NT than in the OT or than in the writinos of
pagan antiquity. But this is only a superhcial
view. The name may not be conspicuous, but the
reality is there. There are some who hesitate to
speak of the relationship of Jesus to the Twelve
and to tlie wider circle of disciples which included
the household at Bethany, the goodman of Jeru-
salem at wliose house the Last Supper was eaten,
and the women who so affectionately ministered to
the Master, as one of friendship. To do this is to
deny the humanity of Jesus — a loss that nothing
can compensate. That there were elements in
this relationship that transcended friendship as
ordinarily conceived and experienced all will
admit ; but friendship as we know it was none the
less there, and Jesus was not only giver but receiver.
When, for examjile, Martha was feverishly busy
with domestic cares, Mary Avas with Jesus, not
saying mucli perhaps, nor even listening in that
hour to parable or precept, but ministering to Him
the ' one thing needful ' — the quiet, loving, sympa-
thetic response to One who eased a heavy spirit to
her as He could not do to His uncomprehending
apostles.
When we pass from the Gospels to the passages
enumerated at the beginning of this article there
are only two tliat need even a brief comment.
The 'friends' at Sidon whom St. Paul was per-
mitted to visit probably mean Christians in that
city; the more usual term would be 'brethren'
(dSeX^oi). In 3 Jn " the word may have the same
force, but there is probably behind it an allusion
to a more intimate and personal relationship. But
' friends' {ol (piXoi) did not become a technical name
for Christians in these early days. As Harnack
])Uts it (Mission mid Expansion of Christianity",
lilOS, i. 421 ), ' the term ol (f>l\oi did not gain currency
in tiie catliolic church owing to the fact that ol
doe\<poi was preferred as being still more inward
and warm.' The Gnostics of the 2nd cent., on the
other hand, were more addicted to its use, and
Valentinus wrote a homily 'On Friends,' while
P>pil>hanius, the son of Carpocrates, founded a gild
of friends on the Pythagorean model. Among the
first generation of Christians the glow of love was
cast over all the old relationships of life, and family
and friendly associations alike were sublimated in
the sense of belonging to the household of God.
The bond that held the soul to Christ held also all
who were thus bound ; and that which had hitherto
been called friendship was so enriched and quick-
ened that the old term was felt to be inadequate
for its newly reinforced content. Thus instead
of ' friends ' and ' friendship ' we read much of
'brothers' and 'fellowship' (Koivwvia).
As has been said, the reality was there — the
kinship of spirit, the association in service, the
giving and taking, the mutual self-sacrifice, the
oneness of aim and purpose, the reciprocal opening
of the heart — all that we associate with true friend-
ship. The greatest of that generation might in-
deed have said of himself, as Myers has said of
him in his St. Patil :
' Paul has no honour and no friend but Christ,*
and that :
' Lone on the land and homeless on the water
Pass I in patience till the work be done.'
But he would be quick to add :
' Yet not in solitude if Christ anear me
Waketh him workers for the great employ,
Oh not in solitude, if souls that hear me
Catch from my joyaunce the surprise of joy.
Hearts I have won of sister or of brother
Quick on the earth or hidden in the sod,
Lo every heart awaiteth me, another
Friend in the blameless family of God.'
We have only to think of the travelling comrades
of the Apostle — of Barnabas and Silas, of Timothy
and Mark, of Luke and Titus, of Priscilla and
Aquila — to realize that, so far from being friendless,
he enjoyed the richest resources of that relationship
that were to be had in that age. So far as we
know, he never laboured alone, except in Athens.
In his letters he nearly always associates with
himself one or more of his colleagues as joint
authors, and those who have been named above
were the ablest Christian thinkers and workers of
the time. And when he speaks of others, like
Urban, Epaphroditus, Clement, and Philemon, as
his fellow- workers, or, like Andronicus, Junias,
and Aristarchus, as his fellow-jDrisoners, or, like
Archippus, as his fellow-soldiers, it would be very
puerile criticism to say that because he does not
term them technically his friends there was no
friendship between him and them. In the vicissi-
tudes of travel, in the new campaigns that were
undertaken, in the different pi'oblems that each
province and city presented, in the failures and
successes that attended his mission, there must have
been that close-knit sympathy and entire fellow-
ship that mark the intercourse of friends. Nor
can we hesitate to apply the word to the intimacy
that existed between the Apostle and those v.ho
became responsible for the work of Christ and the
guidance of the Church in every place where it
was established. Wherever he worked there were
those who delighted to be known as the friends of
St. Paul and whom he was well pleased to call his
friends.
In the churches themselves the term ' brethren '
would be held to include all that was involved in
friendship. Despite the shadows of the Apostolic
Age and the imperfections of a nascent infantile
Christianity, it is not hard to discern the signs of
trne friendship. The records of the 2nd cent, con-
tinue the tale, and the affectionate loyalty of
Christians to each other in times of peril deeply
impressed their enemies and persecutors. In some
cases, as in earlier days with Peter and John,
Andi'ew and Philip, the friendship preceded and
was sanctified by the Christian tie, in others it
grew out of that bond. A. J. Grieve.
FRUIT.— 1. The word in its literal sense.—
Before ('onsidering the use of this term in sjiiritual
metaphor it will be convenient to enumerate those
passages in the apostolic writings where it is em-
ployed in its natural sense, (a) General. — These
are Ja 5^- '^^ (in illustration of })atience and prayer),
Ac 14''' ((tOiI's gift of rain and fruitful seasons), 1
Co 9^ (in support of the apostles' right to sustenance;
FRUIT
FULNESS
425
cf. 2 Ti 2®), Rev 18'^ 22^ — passages -which, like some
of the others, are on the borderland between the
literal and the symbolic. Jiide '^ compares the ' un-
godly ' of the day with ' trees in late autumn when
the fruit is past.' In Ac 2^" the word is used in its
physiological sense.
{b) Specific. — References to specific fruits are not
numerous. Ja 3^- asks whether a fig-tree can yield
olives or a vine figs. St. Paul in Ro ll'''^- uses the
curious idea of grafting a wild olive on to a good
olive tree ('contrary to nature,' v.-^) to illustrate
the participation of the Gentiles in the promises
made to Israel. Rev 11* identifies the 'two wit-
nesses' (perhaps St. Peter and St. Paul) with the
' two olive trees ' of Zee 4 ; and Rev 6'^ in its
mention of a fig-tree casting her unripe figs in the
spring tempests recalls Is 34*. Rev 14"'-" is a
vision of the harvest and vintage of the earth when
tlie grain and tlie grapes are fullj' ripe. St. Paul's
use of the grain of wheat in the great Resurrection
argument of 1 Co 15 is familiar to all, and is an
eclio of Christ's word in Jn 12-**^.
2. The term in spiritual metaphor. — We may
begin our study of the spiritual lessons inculcated
under the image of fruit with another passage from
Corinthians. In 1 Co 3^ the Apostle reminds his
readers that they are 'God's husbandry,' i.e. His
'tiltli' or 'tilled land.' This recalls the Parable
of tiie Vineyard spoken by Jesus (Mt 21, Lk 20);
Christian churches and lives are fields and gardens
from M'hich the owner who has spent love and time
and care over them may reasonably expect good
results, 'fruit unto God' (Ro 7*). And tiiose too
who are His overseers, those wlio plant and water,
naturally look for produce and the reward of their
toil. Thus the Apostle hopes, as he looks forAvard
to his visit to Rome, that he may ' have some fruit
among ' the people of that city as he had in Corinth
and Ephesus (Ro 1^^). Two passages in Phil, may
be glanced at here : (a) the difficult reference in 1--,
which probably means that, though death would
be gain, yet if continuance in living means fruitful
labour ('fruit of work' = fruit which follows and
issues from toil), St. Paul is quite ready to waive
his own preference ; {b) 4*^, where, thanking the
Philippians for their kindly gift, he says he wel-
comes it not so much for himself as on their behalf ;
it is a token that they are not unfruitful in love,
and it will, like all such evidences of Christian
thought and ministry, enrich the givers as much as
the recipient (cf. 2 Co 9^).
(1) The way is now clear for a brief survey of
the main topic — the fruits of the neiv life in Christ
Jesus. The 'fruit of the light,' says St. Paul
(Eph 5^), 'is in all goodness and righteousness and
truth,' and the more familiar passage in Gal 5-^
speaks of the 'fruit of the Spirit' as 'love, joy,
peace, longsufiering, kindness, goodness, faithful-
ness, meekness, self-control.' Trees are known hy
their fruit, and the existence of these virtues in an
individual or a community are the surest, if not
the sole, signs that the life is rooted with Christ in
God, that the branches are abiding in the True
Vine. It was the Apostle's greatest joy when he
could congratulate a church like that at Colossa-
on its share in the fruit-bearing which the gospel
was accomplishing wherever it was proclaimed and
accepted (Col 1*^), when it bore fruit in every good
work (v.i"). The fruit of the new life is re-
garded in Ro 6-^ as sanctification. On the other
hand, St. James (3''') gives it as one of the character-
istics of the ' wisdom that is from above' — which is
perhaps his way of speaking of the Spirit — that it
is ' full of . . . good fruits,' by wiiich he no doubt
means 'good works.' In the next verse he says
that ' the fruit {i.e. the seed which bears the fruit)
of righteousness is sown in peace for them that
make peace.' The 'fruit of righteousness' is an
OT phrase, and meets us again in Ph V-^ and He 12'^
where 'righteousness,' or conformity to the highest
moral standard, is described as the ' peaceful fruit'
of discipline patiently endured.
Returning to the Iocais classicus, Gal 5^2, it is
worth noticing that St. Paul introduces the nine
virtues which he enumerates as one ' fruit.' Like
the chain of graces in 2 P p-^, they are all linked
together as though to suggest that the absence of
any one means the nullity of all. We need not
press too heavily the suggestion that the nine fall
into three groups describing («) the soul in relation
to God ; (&) its attitude to others (this is to make
' faith ' = faithfulness, and though St. Paul usually
thinks of faith as the basis of Cliristian character,
he was not so rigidly systematic as not to see in it,
or at least in an increase of it, afrtiit of the Spirit) ;
(f) principles of daily conduct. There is more
perhaps in the antithesis between the 'works' of
the flesh (v.^^) and the 'fruit' of the Spirit. Yet
the dispositions enumerated show themselves in
good works, though these are not expressly specified,
being infinitely varied and adaptable to changing
conditions. The list may be supplemented, for
example, by He 13^^, where ' praise ' is the fruit of
a thankful heart expressed by the lips, and Ro 15-^,
where the generosity of the Gentile Christians to-
wards the Juda?an poor is the fruit of the spiritual
blessing which St. Paul's converts had received.
(2) The unfriiiffi(l. — The other side of the picture
can be briefly dismissed. Those who walk in dark-
ness are spoken of as unfruitful (Eph 5"). ' What
fruit had you then in those things of which you
are ashamed?' asks St. Paul in Ro 6-S though we
might possibly translate, ' What fruit had you
then? — Things (gratifications of sense) of wiiicli
you are now ashamed.' In Ro 7* the Apostle
describes the unregenerate life as producing fruit
'unto death,' and if we desire an enumeration of
these poisonous products we shall find them in Gal
r>''''-' (cf. Col 3^""). For the final harvesting we
have the picture of Rev 14.
(3) The time of fruit-bearing. — It is the will of
Jesus that His disciples should bear 'much fruit' ;
in His words on this theme (Jn 15) He does not
seem to contemplate the possibility of bearing a
little. It is much or none. The trouble is that
churches and individuals only too often look like
orchards stricken by a blight, and where a little
fruit is found it is not so mellow as it might be.
We need not be in too great a hurry to see the full
fruit in yoimg lives. There is a time for blossom
and a time for ripe fruit, and the intervening stage
is not attractive though it is necessary. There is
a time for the blade and a time for the full corn
in the ear, but before we get this harvest there is
the period of the green and unsatisfying ear. We
sometimes speak of a harvest of souls following on
a series of revival or mission services ; but it is
only the blade pushing up into the light — the
harvest is still far distant.
A daj' now and again with a fruit-grower on his farm will
have much to teach the preacher as to natural law in the
spiritual world. He will learn among-st other things how vital
is the process of priming, and how no stroke is made at random.
He will learn how to giiard the nascent life against frosts and
chills, its need of nutriment from soil and sun and rain. The
wonderful exploits of the Californian fruit-grower, Luther
Burbank, will open up a whole universe of possibilities ; the
story of what irrigation and scientific culture have done in
Australia will show how deserts may become orchards. And
as palm trees are said to bear their heaviest clusters in old age,
the life that abides in Christ may be confident of escaping the
reproach of crabbed and withered senility — it shall bring forth
fruit in old age. But it need not wait for old age — it shall be
like the tree of life that bears its fruit every month — fruit that
is for the delectation and the healing of the world.
A. J. Grieve.
FULNESS.— The word to be considered is
pleroma (■rrXrjpw/j.a). Nouns of the -fia termination
properly denote the result of the action signified
426
FULNESS
FUTUEE LIFE
by the cognate verb ; and therefore ir\-qpu}fxa (from
TrXTypow = ' to fill,' or, metaphorically, 'to fulfil')
primarily means that •which possesses its full con-
tent, an entire set or series, a completed Avhole re-
garded in its relation to its component parts, or in
contrast ■with a previous deficiency of any of these
parts. The full crew of a ship or 'strength' of a
regiment is a pleroma ; the soul becomes a
' pleroma of virtues by means of those three excel-
lent things, nature, learning, and practice' (Fhilo,
dc Prcemiis et Fosnis, 11).
This is the sense in Gal 4* : ' when the fulness of
the time came,' i.e. when the entire measure of
the appointed period had been filled up by the
lapse of successive ages. So the ' fulness ' of the
Jews (Ro 111-) and of the Gentiles (Ro U-^) is the
full complement, the entire number contemplated
(however determined — by predestination or other-
wise). Lightfoot in his classical discussion of the
word (see Literature) denies any other than this
passive sense ; but his argument is far from con-
vincing. When we think of a pitcherful of water,
we may regard the water as a completed entity,
which by successive additions has reached its full
quantity and become a pleroma of water ; but
much more naturally we think of it as that which
fills the pitcher, and is its pleroma. This active
sense must be accepted in Mt 9^^, Mk 2-\ where
rb Tr\r}pwiJ.a can only mean the patch that fills the
hole in the worn-out garment ; in Mk 8^", where
ffTTvpidujv ir\T]pw/LLaTa inevitably means 'basketfuls' ;
in 1 Co 10-", where ' the earth and the pleroma
thereof cannot be made to signify anything else
tlian ' the earth and all that it contains,' the
abundance that fills it. So also in Ro 13^*, ' love
is the pleroma of the law,' the context ('he that
loveth his neighbour has fulfilled the law ') shows
that pleroma is not to be taken passively, as the
law in its completeness ; but actively, as that which
fills up the whole measure of the law's demands.
The use of the word as a theological term is con-
fined in the NT to those closely related writings,
Colossians, Ephesians, and the Fourth Gospel. In
Col V^ it is predicated of Christ that 'it pleased
the Father that in him the whole pleroma should
dwell,' and in 2*, with greater precision of state-
ment, ' in him dwelleth the whole pleroma of the
Godhead in a bodily fashion' (cf. Jn P-*). Here
the meaning of the word is beyond dispute. All
that God is is in Christ ; the organic whole of
Divine attributes and powers that constitute Deity
{dedriji) dwells permanently in Him.
The term with such an application is a startling
novelty in NT phraseology, and is an instructive
example of the hospitality of early Christian
thought, of the promptitude with which it appro-
priated from its complex intellectual and religious
environment such categories as it could convert to
its own use. Since the connotation of the word is
assumed to be familiar to the Apostle's readers, it
is evident that it must have played an important
part in the speculations of the Colossian heresy,
as it did also in the Hermetic theology (R. Reitzen-
stein, Poimandres, l'J04, p. 26). In the developed
Gnostic systems of the 2nd cent., and especially in
the scheme of Valentinus, the conception of the
Pleroma became increasingly prominent, as signi-
fying the totality of the Divine emanations. But
for a full account of the Gnostic usage, the reader
is referred to Lightfoot's exhaustive note (see
Literature) or, in briefer compass, to the artt.
' Pleroma' in HDB and ' Fulness ' in DCG.
The problem with which religious thought was
wrestling, as for centuries it had done and was still
to do, was how to relate the transcendent God to the
existent universe, to effect a transition from eternal
spirit to the material or phenomenal, from the
absolutely good to the imperfect and evil. And in
Colossse the solution was sought not in a (inostic
series of emanations, but, on the lines of Judaistic
speculation, in a hierarchy of 'principalities,'
' dominions,' and ' powers,' the aroixela who ruled
the physical elements and the lower world, among
whom the Divine Pleroma was, as it were, dis-
tributed, and to whose generally hostile rule men
were continually subject. Against this doctrine,
without denying the existence and activity of such
beings, St. Paul lifts up his magnificent truth of
the ' Cosmic Christ ' and his vision of a ' Christian-
ized universe.' Christ is not one of a series of
mediators ; in Him the whole Pleroma dwells.
He is not only Head of the Church, but Head over
all things, delivering His people from bondage to
the hostile elements, and translating them into
His own Kingdom, that new cosmic order in which
God will finally reconcile all things unto Himself.
In Ephesians the emphasis is not so much upon
Christ's possession of the Divine Pleroma as upon
His communication of it to the Church. The
Church is His Body, 'the pleroma of him that
filleth all in all' (1'''^; for exegetical details, see
Armitage Robinson in loc). Whether vXripixifia be
understood in an active sense (the Church is Christ's
complement, that by which He is completed as the
head is by the body) or in a passive sense (the
Church is Christ's fulness, because His fulness is
imparted to it and dwells in it), the result is prac-
tically the same — the one sense implies the other.
The Church is the living receptacle and instrument
of all that is in Christ, all grace and truth, all
purpose and power. But the ideal character thus
claimed for the Church is yet to be achieved in
the sphere of human aspiration and effort. Its
rich diversity of gifts and ministries is bestowed
for this very end, that ' we all ' may be brought to
that unity and many-sided completeness of spirit-
ual life in which we shall collectively form a ' per-
fect man,' attaining thus to the ' measure of the
stature of the fulness of Christ' (4'^). And, as in
the Apostle's thought the fulness of the Godhead
descends through the One Mediator to the Church,
so again it ascends through Him to the first crea-
tive source. The end of all prayer and of all at-
tainment is ' that we may be filled unto all the
fulness of God' (3'*). The Church, redeemtd
humanity in its vital spiritual unit3% grown at
last to a 'perfect man,' to the 'fulness of Christ,'
which is the ' fulness of God ' ; God thus possess-
ing in man the fulfilment of His eternal purpose,
His perfect image, the consummate organ of His
Spirit — even this is possible to Him who is able to
do exceeding abundantly above all that we ask or
think (3-").
LiTERATiRE.— Artt. ' Pleroma ' in HDB, 'Fulness' in DCG;
C. F. A. Fritzsche, Pauli ad Romanos Epixtola, 1836-43, ii.
4G9ff. ; J. B. Ligiitfoot, Colosaiansi, 1879, p. 257 ff. ; J. Armi-
tage Robinson, Ephesians, 1903, p. 255 ff. ; H. A. W. Meyer,
Coiniiiriitari/ on the XT, ' Philippians and Colossians,' 1875,
' Eptiesians and Philemon,' 18S0 ; Erich Haupt,!/)('c (iefnngen-
schaj'tsbiiej'e'! in Meyer's Komme.ntar zurn NT, 1902 ; D.
Somerville, St. Paul's Conception of Christ, 1897, j). 156 ff. ;
J. Denney, Jesiisand the Gospel, 1908, p. 29 ff. ; M. Dibelius,
Die Geisterwelt im Glauben des Paulus, 1909 ; W. Bousset,
Hauptprobleme der Gnosis, 1907, p. 267.
Robert Law.
FUTURE LIFE See Eschatology.
GAD
GALATIA
42;
G
GAD.— See Tribes.
GAIUS (rdios = Caius, a Latin name, very common
as a lioman prtenomen). — 1. In 1 Co I''*, a member
of the Church of Corinth, baptized by St. Paul,
who points out that in his case, as in the case of
Crispus and in that of ' the liousehold of Stephanas,'
he thus deviated from his usual practice. Crispus
was ' the ruler of the synagogue ' (Ac 18*), and
Gains was presumably also a convert of some
importance.
2. In Ko 16^, a member of the Church of Corinth,
whom St. Paul in the postscript to Piomans calls
his ' host' and the host of 'the whole church,' and
whose salutations are sent to the readers of the
letter. He was evidently a man of position and
means (the greeting from him immediately pre-
cedes that from Erastus, ' the treasurer of the city '),
whether his hospitality took the form of keeping
open house for Christians and Christian visitors
like the Apostle at Corinth or of allowing the
Christians to meet for common worship and edifica-
tion under his roof.
Everything points to the identification of 1 and
2. The same Gains who was converted and bap-
tized on St. Paul's first visit to Corinth entertained
him on his second visit. Now it is perhaps easier
to believe that this Corinthian would have friends,
whom he would wish to salute, at Ephesus rather
than at Rome, and these salutations in Ro 16^ are
thought by some scholars to point to an Ephesian
destination of the passage. But as Lightfoot re-
marks, in the Apostolic Church personal acquaint-
ance was not necessary to create Christian sympathy
{Biblical Essays, 1893, p. 305).
3. In Ac 19^", a companion of St. Paul, who with
Aristarchus was seized at Ephesus. They are
described as • men of Macedonia ' (MaKeSdvas), there
being very little support for another reading, ' a
man of Macedonia,' referring to Aristarchus onlj'.
4. In Ac 20'*, a companion of St. Paul, who
accompanied him from Greece to Asia Minor. He
is described as 'of Derbe' (Aep^a7os), possibly in-
tentionally to distinguish him from 3.
Attempts have been made to identify 3 and i.
It is natural to do so, as the passages stand so close
together. Emendations of the text have been
suggested by which 'of Derbe' is taken with
' Timothy,' but these are purely conjectural, and
Timothy was apparently a Lystran (Ac 16'- -).
See W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the
Roman Citizen, 1895, p. 280.
5. In 3 JnS the person to whom 3 John is ad-
dressed. He is described as ' the beloved ' (6 aya-
7rr?T6s), and is commended for his hospitality (v.*).
Nothing is known of this Gains, and there is no
reason to suppose him to have been any one of
those of the same name associated with St. Paul.
T. B. Allworthy.
GALATIA (VaKaTia). — Galatia was the name
given by Greek-speaking peoples to that part of
the central plateau of Asia Minor which was occu-
pied by Celtic tribes from the 3rd cent. B.C. onwards.
It corresponded to the Roman Gallogrmcia, or land
of the Gallogi'feci ( = 'EXXTji'DYaXdrat [Diodorus, V.
xxxii. 5]), who were so named in distinction from
the Galli of Western Europe. Manlius in Livy
(xxxviii. 17) professes to despise them — 'Hi jam
degeneres sunt : mixti, et Gallogreeci vere, quod
appellantur.'
About 280 B.C., the barbarians who had been
menacing Italy for a century began to move east-
ward. A great Celtic wave swept over Macedonia
and Thessaly. Under the leadership of Leonorios
and Lutarios a body of 20,000 invaders— half of
them fighting men, the rest women and children —
crossed into Asia at the invitation of Nicomedes,
king of Bithynia, who desired their help in his
struggle with his brother (Livy, xxxviii. 16). His
success, however, proved costly both to himself and
to his neighbours, for his new barbaric allies
established themselves as a robber-State and be-
came the scotirge of Asia Minor, exacting tribute
from all the rulers north and west of Taurus, some
of Avhom were fain to purchase exemption from their
degradations by employing them as mercenary
soldiers.
Attains I. of Pergamos (241-197) was the first to
check the tierce barbarians. Defeating them in a
series of battles, which are commemorated in the
famous Pergamene sculptures, he compelled them
to form a permanent settlement with definite
boundaries in north-eastern Phrygia. The Gala-
tian country, an irregular rectangle 200 miles long
from E. to W. and about 100 miles wide, became
' in language and manners a Celtic island amidst
the waves of eastern peoples, and remained so in
internal organization even under the empire '
(T. Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Empire^,
1909, i. 338).
Like Coesar's Gaul, the country was divided into
three parts, formed by the rivers Halys and Sanga-
rius. The Tectosages settled round Ancyra, the
Tolistobogii round Pessinus, and the Trocmi round
Tavium. According to Strabo (XII. v. 1), the
three tribes ' spoke the same language and in no
respect ditiered from one another. Each of them
was divided into four cantons called tetrarchies,
each of which had its own tetrarch [or chief], its
judge, and its general. . . . The Council of the
twelve tetrarchies consisted of 300 men who as-
sembled at a place called the Drynemetum.'
The term ' Galatians,' which at first denoted
only the Gaulish invaders, was in course of time
extended to their Phrygian subjects, and the
'Galatian' slaves who were sold in the ancient
markets had really no Celtic blood in their veins.
For two centuries the proud conquerors formed a
comparatively small ruling caste in the country,
like the Normans among the Saxons of England.
As a military aristocracy, whose only trade was
Avar, they left agriculture, commerce, and all the
peaceful crafts to the Phrygian natives. Averse
to the life of towns and cities, the chieftains
established themselves in hill-forts ((ppovpia. [Strabo,
XII. V. 2]), where they kept up a barbaric state, sur-
rounded by retainers who shared witn them the
vast wealth they had acquired by their many con-
quests. For siding with Antiochus the Great in
his war with Rome, and frequently breaking their
promise to refrain from raiding the lands of their
neighbours, the Galatians ultimately brought on
themselves a severe castigation at the hands of Cn.
Manlius Vulso in 189 B.C. (Livy, xxxviii. 12-27,
Polyb. xxii. 16-22). About 160 B.C. they obtained
a large accession of territory in Lj-caonia, includ-
ing the towns of Iconium and Lystra. Thereafter
they came under the influence of the kings of
Pontus, but Mithridates the Great (120-63 B.C.),
doubting their loyalty, ordered a massacre of all
their chiefs, and this savage and stupid act at once
drove the whole nation over to the Roman side.
Their new alliance proved greatly to their advan-
tage, and at the settlement of the affairs of Asia
428
GALATIA
GALATIA
Minor by Pompey in 64 B.C., Galatia was made a
Roman client-State. Three chiefs (tetrarchs) were
appointed, one for each tribe, of whom the ablest
and most ambitious, Ueiotarus, the friend of Cicero
{ad Fam. viii. 10, ix. 12, xv. 1, 2, 4), contrived to
seize tiie territories of tlie others, and, in spite of
the hostility of Julius Ciesar, ultimately got him-
self recognized as king of all Galatia. He died in
40 B.C., and four years later his dominions were
bestowed by Mark Antony on Amyntas, the Roman
client-king of Pisidia, who had formerly been the
secretary of Deiotarus. This brave and sagacious
Gaul, ' whose career was in many points parallel
to that of Herod in Palestine' (H. von Soden, Hist,
of Early Christian Lit., Eng. tr., 1906, p. 59 f.),
transferred his allegiance from Antony to Augustus
after Actium, and became the chief instrument in
establishing the Pax Romana in southern Asia
Minor. Having overthrown Antipater the robber-
chief, he added Derbe and Laranda to his do-
minions, but lost his life in an attempt to subdue
tiie Homanades of Isauria. Galatia then ceased
to be a sovereign State, and was incorporated in the
Roman Empire (in 25 B.C.).
Ca>sar {Bell. Gall. vi. 16) says of the Western
Gauls, ' Natio est omnis Gallorum admodum dedita
religionibus.' But the faith which the invaders of
Asia brought with them did not live long in the
new environment. The un warlike Phrygians whom
they subdued were in one respect inflexible, and,
as in so many instances, ' victi victoribus leges
dederunt.' If the Phr^-gian religion, with its
frenzy of devotion, its weird music, its orgiastic
dances, its sensuous rites, made a profound impres-
sion even upon the cultured Greeks, one need not
wonder that the simple Gallic bai'barians were
fascinated by the cult of Cybele, and that their
chiefs were soon found by the side of the native
rulei-s in the great temple of Pessinus. There ' the
priests were a sort of sovereigns and derived a large
revenue from their otiice' (Strabo, Xll. v. 3).
When the old warlike spirit of the Gauls languished,
as it naturally did after the establishment of a
peaceful provincial government, the two races
gradually approximated in other things than re-
ligion, but a long time was needed for their com-
plete amalgamation. ' In spite of their sojourn of
several hundred years in Asia Minor, a deep gulf
still separated these Occidentals from the Asiatics'
(Mommsen, op. cit. i. 338). Even in the 4tli cent,
the far-travelled Jerome found at Ancyra, along-
side of Greek, a Celtic dialect differing little from
what he had heard in Treves (Preface to Comment-
ary on Galatians).
The province Galatia included the greater part
of the wide territory once ruled by Amyntas, viz.
Galatia proper (the country of the three Galatian
tribes), part of Phrygia (including Antioch and
Iconium), Pisidia, Isauria, and part of Lycaonia
(with Lystra and Derbe). For nearly a century
Galatia was the eastern frontier province, and
every fresh annexation to it marked the progress
of the Empire in that direction.
Paphlagonia was added in 5 B.C., Auiasia and Gazeloiiitis in 2
B.C., Komana Pontina (forming with Amasia the district of
Pontus Galaticus [Ptolemy, v. vi. 3]) in a.d. 34, and Pontus
Polemoniacus (the Ititigdom of Polemon ii. [Ptolemy, v. vi. 4]) in
A.D. 63. The south-eastern part of the province was somewhat
contracted in A.D. 41 by the ^ift of a slice of Lycaonia, including
Laranda, to Antiochus of Commagene (called after him Lycaonia
Antiochiana), so that Derbe became the frontier town and
customs' station. Ptolemy defines the province in his Geug.
V. 4, and Pliny in his UN v. 140, 147.
Antioch and Lystra {qq.v.) were made Roman
colonies by Augustus ; Iconinm and Derbe (<75'.i;.)
were remodelled in Roman style by Claudius, and
named Claud-Iconium and Claudio-Derbe. In
these cities, planted in the most civilized and ))ro-
gressive part of central Asia Minor— the region
traversed by the great route of traffic and inter-
course between Ephesus and Syrian Antioch —
many Greeks, Romans, and Jews swelled the native
Phrygian and Lyc.aonian populace.
The meaning of ' Galatia ' is one of the questiones
vcxata: of NT exegesis. Are ' the churches of
Galatia' (Gal 1- ; cf. I Co 16^) to be sought in the
comparatively small district occupied by tlie Gauls,
about Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium, or in the
great Roman province of Galatia, which included
Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe? In the
absence of definite information, we have to make
probability our guide, and to the present writer
the balance of evidence appears to favour the South
Galatian hypothesis. The chief difficulty is created
by the simultaneous use of a Roman and a non-
Roman nomenclature. It was the policy of the
Imperial government to stamp an artificial unity
upon all tiie diverse parts of a province, often with
but little regard to historical traditions and local
sentiments. The old territorial designations were
of course still popularly used, but among all mIio
looked at things from the Imperial standpoint —
e.g. the Roman governor, the coloni of cities
founded by the Romans, the incolce of semi- Roman
towns, and tlie Roman historians — such terms as
Galatia and Galatoe, Asia and Asiani, Africa and
Afri, denoted the province and the people of the
province.
Tacitus {Hist. ii. 9) mentions 'Galatiam ac Pamphyliam pro-
vincias' ; in Anii. xiii. 35 he says, ' et habiti per Galatiam Cap-
padociamque dilectus' ; and in Ann. xv. 6 he has ' Galatarum
Cappadocunique auxilia.' An Iconian inscription to an Imperial
officer (CIG 3991) designates his administrative district PoAa-
TiKij en-apxeia, or ' Galatic province '. Pliny frequently uses
'Galatia' as designating the province {HN v. 27, 95, etc.). For
other instances see T. Zahn, Introd. to the NT, 1909, i. 184 f.
The crucial question is whether St. Paul assumed
the Imperial standpoint and wrote like a Roman.
Zahn {op. cit. i. 175) holds that ' he never u.ses any
but the provincial name for districts under Roman
rule, and never employs territorial names which
are not also names of Roman provinces.' The
Apostle's employment of the terms Achaia, ISIace-
donia, Dalmatia, Judsea, Arabia, Syria, and Cilicia
is regarded as consistently Imperial. Of the divi-
sions of Asia Minor he names only Asia and Galatia,
and ' it is unlikely that he meant by these anything
else than the Roman provinces so called, for the
very reason that he mentions no districts of Asia
Minor whose names do not at the same time denote
such provinces ' {op. cit. i. 186). Ramsay similarly
maintains that St. Paul always thinks .and speaks
Avith his eye on the Roman divisions of the Empire,
i.e. the Pi"Ovinces, in accordance with his station
as a Roman citizen and with his invariable and oft-
announced principle of accepting and obeying the
existing government. This view is contested by
the South Galatian theorists. Mommsen, e.g. , held
that 'it is inadmissible to take the "Galatians"
of Paul in anything except the distinct and narrower
sense of the term ' (quoted in Moffatt, LNT, p. 96),
and P. W. Schmiedel contends that 'it is quite un-
l)ermissible to say of Paul that he invariable' con-
lined himself to the official usage' {EBi ii. 1604).
Poth the old, or North Galatian, h,ypothesis and
the new, or South Galatian, are championed by an
apparently equal number of distinguished scholars. *
It is certain that St. Paul's first mission north of
Taurus was conducted in the Greek-s]ieaking cities
of Antioch and Iconium (which were Phrygian),
* Among the North Galatian theorists are Lightfoot, Jowett,
n. J. Holtzmann, Wendt, Godet, Blass, Holsten, Lipsius, Sieffert,
Zockler, Schiirer, von Dobschiitz, Jiilicher, l?ousset, Salmon,
Gilbert, Findlay, Chase, Moffatt, Steinmann ; among the South
Galatians are Perrot (who first popularized the theory in his
de Galatia Provincia Romana, 1867), Renan, Hausrath,
Pfleiderer, Weizsiicker, O. Holtzmann, von Soden, J. Weiss,
Clemen, Belser, Gilford, Barllet, Bacon, Askwith, Kendall,
Weber.
GALATIA
GALATIA
429
Lystra and Derbe (which were Lycaonian) — all in
the Provmcia Galatia, but far from Galatia proper.
The liistorian gives a graphic account of the found-
ing of churches in these four cities (Ac 13''*-14-^),
and from these churches St. Paul got some of his
fellow- workers (16' 20^). What more natural, ask
the South Galatian theorists, than that this much-
frequented district should become the storm-centre
of a Judai.stic controversy, and that the Apostle
sliould write the most militant and impassioned of
all his letters in defence of the spiritual liberty of
the converts of his pioneer mission ? On the North
Galatian theory, the founding of churclies, .say in
Pessinus, Ancj-ra, and Tavium, and their subse-
quent development, had much more to do with the
extension and triumph of apostolic Christianity
among the Gentiles — whicli was St. Luke's theme —
than the planting of the South Galatian churches,
and the historian who manifests no interest in
North Galatia stands convicted of shifting the
centre of gravity to the wrong place. It is diffi-
cult, however, to believe that the mission in which
the Apostle was welcomed ' as an angel from heaven,
as Christ Jesus' (Gal 4"), and the thrilling exj^eri-
ences whicli must have lilled his mind and heart
at the moment when he joined St. Luke in Troas
(Ac 16"), are alluded to in no more than a single
ambiguous sentence (16"), which Ramsay character-
izes as ' perhaps the most difficult (certainly the
most disputed) passage' in the wiiole of Acts (C'/twrc-A
in the Roman Empire, 1893, p. 74 tl".).
The North Galatian school accounts for the his-
torian's neglect of Galatia proper, and for the curt-
ness of his narrative at this vital point (Ac 16°"*), by
his desire ' to get Paul across to Europe ' (Motiatt,
LNT, p. 94) ; but another explanation seems more
natural.
' I would rather say that the writer passed on rapidl.v, because
the journey itself was direct, and uninterrupted by any import-
ant incident such as the supposed preachin*^ and founding of
churclies in Northern Galatia. St. Paul's mission to Europe
was, according to the indications given in the narrative, the
divinely appointed purpose of the whole journey. Twice he is
forbidden to turn aside from the direct route between Antioch
and Troas. " To speak the word in Asia," " to go into Bithynia,"
would each have Vjeen a cause of much delay ; and in each case
the Apostle found himself constrained by tlie Spirit's guidance
to go straight forward on his appointed way. One of these
Divine interpositions occurred before, and one after the
supposed digression into Northern Galatia. Do they not make
ati intermediate sojourn in that district, which must, have been
of long duration, and of which the writer gives no hint whatever,
quite inconceivable?' (E. H. Gifford, in Expositor, 4th ser., x.
[1894] 15).
Similarly Renan (Saint Paul, 1S69, p. 12S): 'The apostolic
group thus made almost at one stretch a journey of more t han one
hundred leagues, across la little-known country, which, from an
absence of Koman colonies and Jewish synagogues, did not offer
tbtm any of the facilities which they had met with up to that
time.'
It is sometimes confidently asserted that the
South Galatian theory ' is shipwrecked on the rock
of Greek grammar' (F. H. Chase, in Expositor,
4th ser., viii. [1893] 411, ix. [1894] 342). On the
second missionary tour St. Paul and Silas ' went
through the region of Phrygia and Galatia {ttjv
^pvyiav Kai Ta\aTLKT]v xf^po-v), having been forbidden
of the Holy Ghost to speak the word in Asia'
(Ac 16*^), and in the third tour ' they went through
the region of Galatia and Phrygia (ttji' TaXariKi]!'
Xcipav Kal ^pvyiav) in order, stablishing all the
churches' (18-^). Ramsay interprets both the
Greek phrases as ' the Phrygo-Galatian country,'
i.e. the regio which is ethnically Phrygian and
politically Galatian, accounting for the variation
by the fact that in the one instance the district
was traversed from Avest to east, and in the other
from east to west. He takes the phrases to denote,
in part or in whole (here his exegesis wavers), the
South Galatian country which St. Paul had already
evangelized in his first tour. Now it must be
admitted that if the modern theory, which Ramsay
has so long and strenuously advocated, were bound
up with this interpretation, there would be no little
difficulty in accepting it. For the natural reference
of the words 'they went through (SLrjXdov) the
Phrj-go-Galatic region, having been forbidden (kw\v-
devT€s) ... to speak the word in Asia ' is to a
district east of Asia and north of Iconium and
Antioch, South Galatia being now left behind.
Ramsay, however, contends that KicXvdevres is not
antecedent to, but synchronous with, the verb
5i7j\dov, and translates ' they went through the
Phrygo-Galatic region forbidden ... to speak the
word in Asia.' The grammatical point is fully
discussed by E. H. Askwith {The Epistle to the
Gal., 1899, p. 34 ff.), who produces a number of
more or less similar constructions (cf. Giii'oid, loc.
cit. 16 ff. ). affTraad/xevoi. in Ac 25'^ would be the most
striking parallel, but here Hort thinks that some
primitive error has crept into the text. And at
the best the proposed exegesis, admittedly unusual,
is very precarious, while the South Galatian theory
is really independent of it. Many advocates of this
theorj" prefer the alternative offered by Giti'ord,
who holds [loc. cit. p. 19) that in the present con-
text ' the region of Phrygia and Galatia' can only
mean ' the borderland of Phrygia and Galatia
northward of Antioch, through which the travellers
passed after "having been forbidden to speak the
word in Asia."' This is substantially the view of
Zahn {op. cit. i. 176; cf. 189 f.), who is willing to
make a further concession. ' It could be taken for
granted, therefore, in spite of the silence of Acts,
which in 16® mentions mereh- a journey of the
missionaries through these regions, that Paul and
Silas on this occasion preached in Phrygia and a
portion of North Galatia; and that the disciples
. . . whom Paul met on the third missionary
journey to several places of the same regions
(Ac 18'-') had been converted by the preaching of
Paul and Silas on the second journey.' Only, as
Zahn himself is tlie first to admit, ' everyone feels
the uncertainty of these combinations.'
The present tendency of the North Galatian
theorists is greatly to restrict the field of the
Apostle's activity in Galatia proper. Lightfoot's
assumption that he carried his mission through the
whole of North Galatia is felt to be ' as gratuitous
as it is embarrassing' (Schmiedel, EBi, ii. IGOG).
Tivium and Ancyra are now left out of account,
and only ' a few churches, none of them very far
apart,' are supposed to have been planted in the
west of North Galatia {ib. ) ; but the more the sphere
of operations is thus limited, the more difficult
does it become to believe that ' the churches of
Galatia' are to be sought exclusively in this small
and hypothetical mission-field, while the great and
flourishing churches of South Galatia are heard of
no more.
The following points, though severally indecisive,
all favour the South Galatian theory. (1) The
baneful activity of Judaizers in Galatia suggests
the presence of Jews and Jewish Christians in the
newly planted churches, and there is abundant
evidence of the strength and prominence of the
Jews in Antioch (Ac IS'^'^i 141"), Iconium (14'), and
Lystra {W'^ ; cf. 2 Ti P 3'^), whereas even Philo's
inflated list of countries where Jews were to be
found in his time {Leg. ad Gaium, xxxvi.) does
not include Galatia proper, and among the Jews
who made the journey to Jerusalem at Pentecost
there were Asians and Phrygians but apparently
no Galatians (Ac 2^). (2) The writer of Acts, who
in general uses ethnographic rather than political
terms, avoids 'Galatia,' which would have been
taken to mean Old Galatia, and twice employs the
phrase ' Galatic region.' Ramsay's view is that
the term ' Galatic ' excludes Galatia in the narrow
sense, and that 16", in the light of contemporary
430
GALATIA
GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
usage, implies that St. Paul did not traverse
North Galatia (Chtirch in the Roman Emp.,
p. 81). The evidence for a definite usage, however,
IS scanty, ' Pontus Galaticus' (which occurs in
Ptolemy and inscriptions) not being quite a parallel
case ; and other explanations of the phrase ' Galatic
region' are certainlj' admissible (Motfatt, LNT, p.
93). (3) The pronoun u/uSs in Gal 2* seems to imply
that the Galatian churches existed when St. Paul
was contending for the spii^itual freedom of the
Gentiles at the Jerusalem Council, which was held
before the journey on which, according to the old
theory, he preached in North Galatia. Some think
that St. Paul here merely claims to have been
fighting the battle of the Gentiles, or the Gentile
Christians, generally ; but in that case he would
probably have said ' you Gentiles ' (Eph 2^' 3^). (4)
It is possible to make too much of the parallel
between Gal 4''*, ' ye received me as an angel of
God, as Christ Jesus,' and the account of the
Apostle's remarkable experience at Lystra, where
the people regarded him and Barnabas as gods (Ac
14""^'*). Still the coincidence, as Zahn says (op.
cit., p. 180), is probably more than ' a tantalising
accident.' The pagans who acclaimed the coming
of Jupiter and ^lercury would be likely enough,
when p.artially Christianized, to think themselves
recipients of a visit of angels. Even Lightfoot
(Galatian^, 1876, p. 18) admits that here is one
of the 'considerations in favour of the Roman
province.' (5) The charge which the Judaizers ap-
parently made against the self-constituted Apostle
of freedom of being still a preacher of circumcision
(Gal 5^') is best explained by a reference to the
case of Timothy (Ac 16^"*), in which the South
Galatian churches had a special interest, Timothy
being a native of Lystra. (6) The repeated allusion
to Barnabas (Gal 2'- **• '^), who was one of the
founders of the South Galatian Church, would
have much less appositeness in an Epistle addressed
to North Galatia, where that apostle was not
personally known. It is true that he is referred
to once in each of two other letters (1 Co 9®, Col 4'"),
but in both cases there were special reasons for tlie
mention of his name (Zahn, op. cit., p. 179). (7)
While some of St. Paul's helpers came from South
Galatia (Ac 16^ 20^), and while Gains and Timothy
may have been delegated by ' the churches of
Galatia' (1 Co 16') to carry their ott'erings to the
saints at Jerusalem (a somewhat doubtful inference
from Ac 20''), North Galatia did not, as far as is
known, provide a single person ' for tlie work of
ministering.' (8) There is evidence that Christi-
anity penetrated North Galatia much more slowly
than South Galatia. ' Ancyra and the Bithynian
city Juliopolis (which was attached to Galatia
about 297) are the only Galatian bishoprics men-
tioned earlier than 325 : they alone appear at the
Ancyran Council held about 314' (Ramsay, Hist.
Com. on Gal., 1899, p. 165).
The Roman character of the nomenclature in
1 P IMs rarely questioned. It is evidently the
writer's purpose to enumerate all the provinces of
Asia Minor, with the except ion of Lycia-Pamphilia,
where ' the elect' were still few (as may be inferred
from Ac 13'^ 14^'), and Cilicia, whicli was reckoned
with Syria (15-*- ■*'). And just as he includes the
Phrygian churches of the Lycus valley — Colossje,
Laodicea, and Hierapolis (Col P 2') — the Church of
Troas (Ac 20®''^), and the Churches of the Apoca-
lypse (Rev 1^'), in the province of 'Asia,' so he
reckons the Churches founded by St. Paul in
Lycaonia and Eastern Phrygia as belonging to the
province of ' Galatia.'
In 2 Ti 4i» the RV has 'Gaul' as a marginal
alternative to 'Galatia.' K and C actually read
VaWla instead of FaXar/a, and, besides, the latter
word was often applied by Greek writers to Euro-
pean Gaul. K it could be assumed that St. Paul
was able to carry out his purpose of going westward
to evangelize Spain, he might be supposed to have
visited Southern Gaul en route, and Crescens might
afterwards have gone to this region. Eusebius
(HE Ml. 4), Epiphanius (Hcsr. li. 11), and Theodoret
(in loco) certainly understand that Gaul is meant ;
and the early Christian inhabitants of that country
naturally liked to believe that their Church had
been founded by an apostolic emissary, if not by
an apostle. But they had nothing better to base
their belief upon than conjecture, and it is much
more likely that the reference is here to Asiatic
Galatia, since the other places named in the con-
text — Thessalonica and Dalmatia — are both east,
not Avest, of Rome.
The meaning of VaKaTai in 1 Mac 8^ is disputable.
The RV says that Judas Maccaba?us (c. 162 B.C.)
' heard of the fame of the Romans, that they are
valiant men. . . . And they told him of their wars
and exploits which they do among the Gauls,' etc.
A reference to Spain in the next verse might
suggest European Gauls, but on the whole it is
much more likely that reports of Manlius's victories
over the Celtic invaders of Asia Minor had come
to the ear of the Jewish leader.
Literature. — J. Weiss, art. ' Kleinasien ' in PRE^ ; W. M.
Ramsay, art. 'Galatia' in HDB; P. W. Schmiedel, art.
' Galatia ' in EBi. The chief contributions to both sides of the
Galatian controversy are given by J. Moffatt, LXT, 1911, pp.
90-92. The important monotjraphs of V. Weber — Die Abfass-
ung des Galaterbriefs vor dem Apostelkonzil (1900) and Der
heiliqe Pauliis vom ApostelUbereinkommen bis zum Apostel-
konzil (1901)— are South Galatian, while those of A. Steinmann
— Die Abfassungszeit des Galaterbriefes (1906), and Der Leser-
kreis des Galaterbriefes (1908>— are North Galatian.
James Strahan.
GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE. — 1. The
Apostle, the Galatians, and the Judaizers. — The
'churches of Galatia' to which the Epistle is ad-
dressed (1-) owed their Christianity to the preach-
ing of St. Paul (P). Humanly speaking, one may
say that their conversion was due to an accident.
Apparently the Apostle had set out with some
other goal in view, but he was led to visit Galatia,
or was detained there, because of some bodily ail-
ment (4'*). The nature of his malady was such as
made him painful to behold (4i'*), but in spite of
it the Galatians welcomed him ' as an angel from
heaven,' and listened eagerly while he proclaimed
to them Christ crucified as the only way of salva-
tion (3^). They accepted his glad tidings and
were loaptized (3^). They had made a good start
in the Christian race (5'), strengthened by the gift
of the Holy Spirit, whose presence within them
was visibly manifested in works of power (3^"^).
Once again * St. Paul visited the Galatian
churches. A little plain speaking was necessary
concerning certain matters of doctrine and con-
duct (P 5-1 4^8), yet on the whole it would seem
that he found no grave cause for alarm.
Subsequently, however, the steadfastness of the
Galatian Christians was greatly disturbed by the
appearance of Judaistic opponents of St. Paul (V
3' 5'"), who denied both his apostolic authority
and the sufficiency of the gospel which he preached.
From the form in which the Apostle cast his de-
fence of himself and of his teaching (Gal 1-2, 3-5),
it is not difficult to deduce the doctrinal position
of these disturbers and the arguments by which
they bewitched the Galatians (3').
'The promise of salvation,' said they, 'is given
to the seed of Abraham alone (3^- '"• ^^). Gentiles
like the Galatians, who wish to be included in its
scope, must first be incorporated into the family of
* The implied antithesis to to npoTepov (4^3) is not to SevTepof
but TO vvv. The contrast is not between the first and the
second of two visits, but between the former happy state of
things and the changed circumstances at the time of writing.
The expression TO npoTepov has no bearing on the number of St.
Paul's visits to Galatia (Askwith, Galatians, p. 73 f.).
GALATIAXS, EPISTLE TO THE
GALATIAXS, EPISTLE TO THE 431
Abraham. This means, not only that they must
he circumcised, but also tliat they must undertake
to keep the whole of the Mosaic Law (4i"- 21 52 e^^).
Only on these conditions, by exact performance of
all the works of the Law, can a Gentile win his
way to membership in the Christian Church {2^^-'^^).
St. Paul was silent about these conditions because
he wished to curry favour with you (1"^), yet on
occasion even he has declared by his action that
circumcision is binding upon Gentile Christians
(5"). But it must be remembered that he is not
an apostle in the same sense as our teachers, the
great apostles of the circumcision, Peter, James,
and John. They received their authority directly
from Jesus Christ ; his was derived from them.
They preach the whole truth, he withholds a part '
(l»-2'^).
The effect of this insidious reasoning was like
that of leaven in a lump of dough (5*). St. Paul's
authority was undermined, and it seemed likely
that his labour would prove to have been wasted
(4^^). With amazing rapidity {oihoji rax^ois [I^])
the Galatians were turning aside from the gospel
of Christ to the perverted gospel of the Judaizers
{V). They were minded to give up the freedom
Ciirist had won (5^), and to take upon them the
yoke of the Law with all its burdens (4'").
At the time when St. Paul first lieard of their
defection, he was for some reason unable to pay a
visit to Galatia (4^'^). To meet the needs of the
moment, therefore, he wrote a letter to the Gala-
tians, denying the insinuations of his opponents
with respect to his subordination to the a^iostles
at Jerusalem, and pointing out the fatal conse-
quences of the error into which the Galatians were
being led — an error which, pressed to its logical
conclusion, Avas equivalent to the statement that
Christ's death was gratuitous and unnecessary (2^^).
To the attack on his personal authority he re-
plies by stating the facts of his immediate Divine
call to apostlesliip, and of his relations with tlie
apostles of the circumcision (P-2'^). In answer to
the Judaizers' insistence on the necessity of cir-
cumcision and the observance of the Law, he sets
forth tlie true position of the Law in God's scheme
of redemption. It was a temporary provision,
inserted parenthetically between the promise to
Abraham and its fulfilment in Christ. The Law
itself bears witness of its own impotence ' to jus-
tify ' (S**'^^), and now that its purpose is served it
has become a dead letter. The gospel of Christ
declares that we are 'justified by faith and not by
works of law ' (2'^).
Finally, the Apostle meets the charge of pleasing
men by exposing the motives of the Judaizers,
whose main object was to escape persecution and
to gain applause (6^-- ^* 4") ; with this he contrasts
his own self-sacrificing love for his converts (4^^)
and the hardships he has suffered for his fearless
proclamation of the truth (5^^ 6'^).
2. Summary of the Epistle.— The Epistle falls
into three main divisions.
A. Chiejli/ historical (li-2").
P'^. The customary salutation is so framed,
with its insistence on the writer's apostolic author-
ity, as to lead up to the main subject of the Epistle.
j6-io_ fpi^e usual thanksgiving for past good pro-
gress is displaced by an expression of astonishment
at the Galatians' sudden apostasy, a denunciation
of the false teachers, and a declaration of the
eternal truth of St. Paul's gospel.
jii_2i4. This gospel was derived from no human
source, but was directly revealed by Jesus Christ.
Obviously it could not have been suggested by the
Apostle's early training, which was based on prin-
ciples diametrically opposed to the gospel freedom
(111-14^ Nor could he have learnt it from the
earlier apostles, for he did not meet them till
some time after his conversion (P^"^''). When at
length he did visit Jerusalem, he saw none of the
apostles save Cephas and James, and them only
for a short time. Finally, he left Jerusalem un-
known even by sight to the great majority of
Christians (II8-24).
When he visited Jerusalem again, fourteen years
later, he asserted the freedom of the Gentiles from
the Law by refusing to circumcise Titus.* On this
visit he conferred privately with the apostles of
the circumcision, on terms of absolute equality.
They on their side commended the work he had
already done amongst Gentiles, and treated him as
a fellow-apostle (2^-"*). His independent apostolic
authority was further demonstrated at Antioch,
where he publicly rebuked St. Peter for virtually
denying the gospel by refusing to eat with Gen-
tiles (2'^"i'*). The particular argument used by St.
Paul against St. Peter gradually expands into the
general argument which forms the second section
of the Epistle.
B. Principally docti-inal (2i^-4^').
2'»-2i. St. Peter himself and all Jewish Chris-
tians, by seeking justification through faith in
Jesus Christ, tacitlj' admitted the impossibility of
attaining salvation through works of the Law.
St. Paul's own experience had taught him that
only after realizing this impossibility, which the
Law itself brought home to him, had he come to
know Christ as a vital power within. If salvation
were attainable by dtedience to the Law, then
would the Cross be superfiuous.
3'"*. The Galatians must be bewitched, after
having experienced the reality of justification by
faith, to turn to works of law as a more perfect
way of salvation. Faith, not works of law, makes
men true children of Abraham and inheritors of the
blessing bestowed on him.
310-18 The Law brings no blessing but a curse,
to free us from which Christ died a death which
the Law describes as accursed. Through faith in
Him we receive the fulfilment of the promise
made to Abraham — a promise which is older than
the Law and cannot be annulled by it.
3i9_4ii ffj^g Law was a temporary provision to
develop man's sense of sin, and to make him feel
the need of salvation. It was the mark of a state
of bondage, not contrary to, but preparing for, the
gospel. Under the Law we were in our spiritual
minority. Now, as members 0/ Christ, we have
reached the status of full-grown men. Being one
with Him, we are the true promised seed of
Abraham. We have outgrown the limitations of
childhood and come to the full freedom of spiritual
manhood as sons and heirs of God. How then can
the Galatians desire to return to the former state
of bondage ?
4'-"-". The Apostle begs them to pause, appeal-
ing to their recollection of his personal intercourse
with them, which he contrasts with the self-in-
terested motives of the false teachers.
42i-3i_ 'pjje witness of the Law against itself is
illustrated by an allegorical interpretation of the
story of Sarah and Hagar. Hagar, the bondwoman,
and her descendants stand for the old covenant
and its followers, who are in bondage to the Law.
These are thrust out from the promised inheritance
and remain in bondage. But Isaac, the child of
promise, born of a free woman, represents the true
seed of Abraham, namely, Christ, and them who
are united to Him by faith. These possess the in-
heritance, for the}' are free.
C. Mainly hortatory (5^-6'®).
5^"^^. The Galatians should therefore cling to the
* The ' Western Text,' which omits ots ouSe (25), implies that
Titus was circumcised. This is also a possible interpretation
of the generally accepted reading. On the whole question
see K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, p. 275 £f.
432 GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
freedom -which Christ has won for them. To follow
the Judaizers and accept circumcision is to break
away from Christ and return to bondage under the
yoke of the Law.
gi3-26^ Yet liberty must not be confused with
licence. The fundamental Christian law of love
declares that true freedom is freedom to serve
others. The works which result from the indwell-
ing of Ciirist's Spirit cannot possibly be mistaken,
nor can those of the flesh.
gi-io_ fi^Q freedom of Christian service must be
in-actically manifested, in foi-bearance and brotherly
love and liberality.
gu-18 Peroration, summing up the main points
of the Epistle, and the final benediction. Tiie
Apostle calls attention to the fact that at any rate
for these closing verses he has dispensed with the
services of the customary amanuensis, and written
his message in his own large handwriting (6'^).
Possiblj- the words lypa^a rg ifiy x^'P^ may refer to
the whole Epistle.
3. Leading ideas. — (a) Righteousness and Jttsti-
fication. — St. Paul and his Judaistic opponents
alike expressed their teaching in conventional Jew-
ish terminology. Both agreed that the object of
all religion is the attainment of 'righteousness'
(oiKaioavur) [2-^ 3*' 5"]). The metaphor underlying
the word 'righteousness' is forensic, and has its
roots far back in the usage of the OT. In its most
)n-imitive sense the word ' righteous ' (5u-aioj, Heb.
P"^^) is used to describe that one of two litigants
whom the judge pronounces to be 'in the right.'
' Righteousness ' {diKaioa-vvri, Heb. pis or ni37¥) is the
status of one who is in the right. The verb which
denotes the action of the judge in pronouncing him
' righteous ' (Heb. P''=i¥n) is represented by the Greek
word diK-aiovp and the English ' to justify' (Lk 7^^).
Used in the religious sense, ' righteousness' means
the status of one who is in a right relation towards
God, in a state of acceptance with God. ' To
justify' {SiKaiovf) is to declare one to be in a state
of righteousness (cf. Sanday-Headlam, Romans^, p.
28 IT. ).
(6) Works and faith. — The fundamental differ-
ence between St. Paul and his opponents was not
concerning the nature of righteousness, but con-
cerning the way in wiiich it may be attained. The
Judaizers maintained that righteousness is the
reward of man's own effort. It is the fruit of
perfect obedience to the will of God. The Law of
Moses is the most complete expression of the Divine
will for man. Whether for Jew or Gentile, there-
fore, righteousness, the condition of salvation,
depends upon an exact performance of all the
Mosaic ordinances. We are 'justified by works of
the law' (216-2154).
St. Paul exposes the fundamental defect of this
position. The doctrine of ' justification by works '
takes no account of the inborn weakness of human
nature. If righteousness be attainable by perfect
obedience to the Law, then the Incarnation was
unnecessary. Christ's death was superfluous and
meaningless (2'i), for men can save themselves.
But experience shows that human nature is so con-
stituted as to be incapable of perfect obedience.
The search for justification by works has been
tried and has failed. Those who sought most
eagerly have been most acutely conscious of their
failure (2'^"i^). Tiie Law could not help them.
All it could do was to make clear the Divine com-
mands, and pronounce sentence on such as failed
to keep them (3'^). From its sentence no man
escapes. The actual result of the giving of the
Law was to teach man by bitter experience that ' by
works of the law shall no flesh be justified' (2^*).
But that righteousness which man cannot win
by his own individual efforts he can now receive
as a free gift won for him by Christ (P 3'^- ").
On man's side the one condition of justification
is ' faith.' Faith is much more than mere intellec-
tual belief. It is an entire surrender of the whole
self to Christ, the conscious act of entering into
vital union with Him. This union is no mere meta-
phor, but a living personal reality. At baptism
the believer ' puts on Clirist' (3-^). Thenceforward
he is ' in Christ,' 'Christ is formed in him' (41"),
until he can say, ' I live, yet not I, but Christ
liveth in me ' (21"--"). Thus ' they that are of faith '
(3**) are justified, not, as by a legal fiction, by the
imputation to them of a righteousness which is not
really their own, but because, as members of Christ,
tliey have become living parts of that perfect
human nature which alone is completely righteous,
i.e. in complete union with God. Christ's righteous-
ness is theirs because they are one with Him (3-^).
But there can be no justification without the
faith which is absolute self-surrender. Christ
must be everything or nothing. If men persist in
relying on their own unaided power to obtain
righteousness by works, they cut themselves oft"
from Christ and have no share in the righteousness
which human nature has achieved in Him (5^).
(c) The Law and the promise. — God made a
promise to Abraham, that in him and in his seed
all nations should be blessed (3"). That promise is
fulfilled in Christ. He is the true seed of Abraham
(3i^- -'*), and the blessing received by the human
race is the gift of the Spirit (3'^), which is the
evidence of man's justification. But, when the
promise was given, no mention was made of works
or law. The Scrijjture speaks only of the ' faith '
of Abraham (3''). The promise given to Abraham
was of the nature of a covenant signed and sealed.
The Law, therefore, Avhich came more than 400
yeai's later, cannot annul it or add to it a new
clause insisting on the necessity of works (3i^* ").
The promise came first ; the Law came later. The
promise is absolute, the Law conditional. The
promise was spoken directly by God ; the Law was
issued through mediators, human and angelic (S''*).
These facts prove that the Law is subordinate and
inferior to the promise, though it would be impious
to imagine a contradiction between the two, since
one God gave both (3'i). The Law had a real
purpose to serve. By its exact definition of trans-
gressions and the consequent deepening of man's
sense of sin and helplessness (3i"), it prepared the
way for his acceptance of the fulfilment of the
promise, the ofi'er of justification by faith in Christ.
But now that the promise is fulfilled the Law is no
longer necessary (3-^' -^).
(d) Christolvgy. — The Divinity of Christ is taken
for granted (4^). The reality of His human nature
is indicated by references to His birth of a woman
(4^), His nationality (31"), His Crucifixion (3'), and
His Resurrection (li). That He is man not individ-
ually but inclusively {i.e. not ' a man ' but ' man '),
is shown by the whole argument of the Epistle,
which rests on the conviction that 'by faith 'all
men may share the power of His perfect human
nature (2'»- 2« 4)9).
His redemptive work centres in His death. He
'gave himself for our sins,' thereby 'delivering us
from the present age with all its evils' (l-*). He
' redeemed ' us from the curse pronounced by the
Law, by Himself ' becoming a curse for us ' (3'^- 1* 4^),
i.e. by dying a death which the Law describes as
accursed (Dt2F3).*
(e) The Holy Spirit. — The indwelling of the Holy
*Dt212S '^i^ij Q'n^x n^^p means not that 'a curse rests on him
who is impaled,' but that 'his unburied corpse is an insult
to the God of the land which by its presence It defiles.' St.
Paul quotes the LXX, which takes D'hSn wrongly as subjective
genitive. St. Paul means simply 'Christ died a death in con-
nexion with the outward circumstances of which the Law
mentions a curse.'
GALATIAXS, EPISTLE TO THE
GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 43:^
Spirit is the evidence of our adoption into tlie family
of God (4'- "). His presence is manifested in the in-
ward sense of sonship (■i'^), and outwardly in works
of power (3^) and in the manifold Christian graces
(5-'-^-)- He is persoually distinct from the Father
and the Son, yet the three act as one, ' The Father
sends the Spirit of the Son ' (4'').
4. Relation to other books of the NT. — (n) Gala-
Hans and Arts. — The autobiographical details given
by St, Paul in Gal li-'-2''* cover a period of which a
second account is provided by the writer of Acts.
The task of reconciling the two narratives is beset
by many difficulties, most of which centre round St.
Paul's two visits to Jerusalem.
(1) The Epistle asserts that St. Paul's conversion
was followed by a visit to Arabia, a ' return ' to
Damascus, and then, ' after three years,' a visit to
Jerusalem. This visit is described as being of a
purely private nature. St. Paul saw none of the
apostles except St. Peter and St. James, and de-
parted to Syria and Cilicia unknown even by sight
to the faitliful in Judiea (P*'"-^).
Acts, on tiie other hand, seems to imply that after
his conversion St. Paul returned directly from
Damascus to Jerusalem (9'^"-^). The expression ws
5^ £Tr\r]povvTo iifiipai Uaval (9^) suggests that the
Apostle spent a considerable time at Damascus, but
nothing is said concerning any visit to Arabia.
Moreover, the description in Acts of his visit to
Jerusalem diti'ers considerably from tliat in the
Epistle. It speaks of a period of public preaching
suliiciently widely known to give rise to Jewish
plots against his life (9-^*-)- If this be true, it is
difficult to believe that St. Paul's stay in the city
was limited to fifteen days (Gal 1^*), or that he was
unknown by sight to the Cliristians of Judaea, un-
less it be assumed that ' Judtea' means the outlying
districts exclusive of Jerusalem (cf. Zee 12^ li^^^).
Yet it is clear that both accounts refer to the
same visit, for both place it between St. Paul's
return from Damascus and his departure to Cilicia
(Ac 9^", Gal 1-^). Nor do tlie two narratives appear
irreconcilable, when the difierent objects with which
they were Avritten are borne in mind. St. Paul's
purpose was to give a complete account of iiis move-
ments so far as they brought him into contact with
the apostles. Consequently, in connexion with
his visit to Jerusalem, he omits everything except
his intercourse with Cephas and James. The
object of the writer of Acts was to trace the growth
of the Church. He might well omit, as irrelevant
to his purpose, all mention of St. Paul's visit to
Arabia, which the Apostle himself describes as a
temporary absence in the course of a long stay in
Damascus {vTrearpe^a [Gal 1'']).
(2) Gal 2'""* describes a second occasion, when St.
Paul visited Jerusalem in company with Barnabas,
and interviewed the apostles of the circumcision.
According to Acts, St. Paul and Barnabas went up
to Jerusalem togetlier twice :* {a) during the famine
of A.D. 46 (A.C IP" 12-5) . (^) at the time of the so-
called Council of Jerusalem (Ac 15^) some years
later. By Ramsay, Lake, Emmet, and other
scholars, the visit of Gal 2^"^'* is identified with (a);
by Lightfoot, Zahn, and the majority of modern
critics with (b).
In favour of the former identification it is urged :
(i. )That the natural inference from the language of
the Epistle is that St. Paul's second interview with
the other apostles occurred during his second visit
to Jerusalem, and Acts places his second visit in
the time of the famine ; (ii.) that, in three details at
least, the circumstances of Gal 2^"^" agree with the
account of Ac H-'^-ao ; the journey was suggested
' by revelation ' (Gal 2\ Ac IP^) ; St. Paul's com-
* McGiffert (History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age, p.
172fE.) is almost alone in arguing that the two visits of Ac 15
and Ac 11 are really one and the same.
VOL. I. — 28
panion is Barnabas (Gal 2^ Ac IP") ; each account
mentions the relief of the poor (Gal 2", Ac 11-").
In support of the alternative view it is argued :
(i. ) That in Ac 15 and Gal 2^-i" the chief persons are
the same — St. Paul and Barnabas on the one hand,
St. Peter and St. James on the other ; (ii.) the sub-
ject of discussion is the same, i.e. the circumcision
of Gentile converts ; (iii.) the result is the same, i.e.
the exemption of Gentile converts from the enact-
ments of the Law, and the recognition by St. Peter,
St. James, and St. John of the apostleship of St.
Paul and Barnabas (Lightfoot, Gal.^, p. 123 tt'.)-
The acceptance of either view involves difficulties.
Against the former it has been objected :
(i.) That Acts does not mention any meeting be-
tween St. Paul and the three in connexion with the
' famine visit,' but rather suggests that they were
absent from Jerusalem at the time. This is not a
serious difficulty. The argument from silence is
always precarious, and the only passage which
suggests that the apostles were not in Jerusalem is
the statement that, from the house of John Mark's
mother, St. Peter went eis erepov Tbirov (Ac 121'^),
which need not necessarily mean that he left the
city.
(ii.) That the language of Gal 2- (Tpix<^ ^ ^dpa/xov)
implies that St. Paul had already done much mis-
sionary work amongst Gentiles, \\ hereas the events
of Ac 1127-3" took place before his first missionary
journey. It is doubtful, however, if this objection
has any weight, in view of the fact that at any rate
fourteen years had elapsed since the Apostle first
realized his special vocation to preach to the Gen-
tiles (Ac 222').
(iii.) That it is chronologically impossible. The
date of the famine (and therefore of St. Paul's
visit to Jerusalem) is fixed by the independent
evidence of Josephus between A.D. 46 and 48. On
this theory, therefore, the date of St. Paul's con-
version would be not later than A.D. 33, even if
the fourteen years of Gal 2^ are reckoned from that
event, and as early as A.D. 30, if the.y are reckoned
from his first visit to Jerusalem (Gal V^). Most
recent students of NT chronology, however (except
Harnack, who accepts the date A.D. 30), place St.
Paul's conversion between A.D. 33 and 37. The
difficulty is real but not fatal. All chronological
schemes for the period A.D. 29-46 are merely tenta-
tive, and those who argue for the later date usually
take their stand on the assumption that the visit
of Gal 2 is the same as that of Ac 15.
The alternative theory, that Gal 2 and Ac 15
refer to the .same occasion, presents special difficul-
ties of its own.
(i.) St. Paul's account of his dealings with the
mother church is incomplete. He is guilty of con-
cealing his second visit to Jerusalem, and thereby
his personal defence against the Judaizers is in-
validated. The usual answers to this objection are :
(a) St. Paul omits his second visit because he did
not meet the apostles on that occasion (see above),
or (^) St. Paul refers only to those visits of which
his adversaries had given a distorted account.
(ii. ) The most obvious inference from the narrative
of Gal 2 is that St. Paul's dispute with Cephas at
Antioch (2^^) took place after the apostolic meeting
at Jerusalem* (2^'^"). But such a dispute is quite
incomprehensible if the relation between Jewish
and Gentile converts had already been settled. It
is just possible, however, that the quarrel occurred
before the meeting. It may be that the absence
from 2^' of the ^Treira of the earlier sections {V^--^
2^) indicates that the writer is no longer following
strict chronological order.
(iii.) Ac 15 states that the Council of Jerusalem
* ' Gal 211-16 forms the climax, from St. Paul's point of view,
in his triumphant assertion of the free Christian rights belong-
ing to Gentile converts ' (Mofifatt, LSiT, p. 101).
434 GALATIAXS, EPISTLE TO THE
GALATIA^^S, EPISTLE TO THE
dealt with and settled the very question which St.
Paul discusses in the Epistle. It is incredible that
the Apostle should describe a private interview
with the three which occurred at the time of the
Council without alluding either to the Council
itself or to its decrees, although the official decision,
that Gentiles need not be circumcised, would have
provided a conclusive argument against the Juda-
izers. Again, St. Paul could not truthfully have
said ovd^v irpocxavidevTo (Gal 2"), after accepting the
'Gentile food restrictions'* passed by the Council
(Ac 15-^). These objections are as weighty as any
argument from silence can be. They are satis-
factorily met only by the assumption that the
Acts' account of the Council is wholly or partly
unhistorical.
The identity of the visit of Gal 21-'" must be left
uncertain. If it be that of Ac 11, the narrative of
Galatians is free from difficulties, but some altera-
tion is necessary in the generally accepted chrono-
logy of the primitive Apostolic Age. If it be that
of Ac 15, doubt arises as to the historicity of the
Acts' account of the Council, and the reason for
St. Paul's silence concerning his second visit to
Jerusalem must be left to conjecture.
See, further, Acts of the Apostles, II. 2 (b).
(6) Galatians mid Romans. — 'Almost every
thought and argument in the Epistle to the Gala-
tians may be matched from the other Epistle ' (sc.
Rom. [Lightfoot, Gal.^, p. 45]). A detailed com-
parison of the parallel passages shows that this
agreement exists not only in general ideas, but
also in unusual turns of exjjressiou and argument
such as would not arise inevitably from the nature
of the subject [ib.]. More or less consciously the
writer must have had the one Epistle in mind when
he wrote the other, and there can be no doubt as
to which is the earlier f of the two. 'The Epistle
to the Galatians stands in relation to the Eoman
letter, as the rough model to the finished statue '
(ib. p. 49). Yet it cannot be argued from the close
connexion between the two Epistles that they must
have been written about the same time. Even
after the lapse of several years, it would be quite
natural for a writer returning to an old topic to
slip into the old arguments and the old expressions.
(c) Galatians and St. James. — The subject of
' faith and works ' is treated in the Epistle of St.
James (2»-2C). The same OT illustration (Gn 15^)
is used as in Gal., but the conclusion— ' faith is
vain apart from works' (2-")— seems to be a direct
contradiction of St. Paul's teaching. Yet the con-
tradiction is only apparent, for the two writers use
the terms ' faith ' and ' works ' in totally different
senses. To St. James 'faith' means intellectual
assent to a proposition (2^8), ' works ' are the mani-
fold Christian virtues. To St. Paul 'M-orks' are
acts of obedience to the Law considered as the
ground of salvation, ' faith ' is a personal relation
to Christ. The statement that ' faith is made com-
plete by works ' (Ja 2--) is almost exactly equiva-
lent to the assertion, 'by the hearing of faitli ye
received the Spirit . . . the fruit of the Spirit is
love, joy, peace,' etc. (Gal 3- 5").
5. The locality of the Galatian churches.— The
question of the identity of tiie Galatian Christians
is the centre of a fierce controversy. The point at
issue is the meaning of 'Galatia' in 1^ (1 Co 16').
Two rival theories hold the field :
(1) The North Galatian theory — i.e. that 'Galatia'
means the old kingdom of Galatia, the region in-
habited by the descendants of the Gauls who settled
• This difficulty would disappear if we could accept as
original the ' Western ' text of Ac 1529, which by oniittiii;; the
words Ka\ nviKrCiv transforms the ' food law ' into a ' moral law '
(see K. Lake, op. cit. p. 48 ff.)-
t The only modern scholar of repute who places Romans
before Galatians is C. Clemen (Chronol. der paulin. Briefe.
Halle, 1S93). '' '
in Asia Minor in the 3rd cent. B.C. (see Lightfoot,
Salmon, Chase, Jiilicher, Schmiedel, etc.).
(2) The South Galatian theory — i.e. that ' Galatia '
signifies the larger Roman province of that name,
which included, together with Galatia proper,
those portions of the old kingdoms of Phrygia and
Lycaonia in which lay Antioch, Derbe, Lystra,
and Iconium. The Epistle to the Galatians was
addressed to the Christian conmiunities of these
cities (see Ramsay, Zahn, Rendall, Bartlet, Bacon,
Askwith, Lake, etc.).
In itself either meaning of ' Galatia ' is admissible.
Which one is intended by St. Paul must be decided
by the internal evidence of the Epistle itself, and
the information supplied by the account given in
Acts of St. Paul's travels.
(a) Evidence of Acts. — The Apostle undoubtedly
visited the cities of S. Galatia more than once (Ac
13. 14. 16). Have we any grounds for supposing
that he ever visited Galatia proper? This is the
first question to be faced. The only evidence for
such a visit is derived from two phrases of doubtful
meaning, which occur in the narrative of the second
and third missionary journeys (Ac 16^ 18^).
(a) The meaning of rriv ^pvyiau Kai Ta\aTiK7]i>
X w /) a V ( Acl6^). — The crucial point is the exact signi-
ficance of Ac 16®. The preceding verses tell how the
Apostle passed through Syria and Cilicia (15''^) to
Derbe and Lystra (16'). Thence, it seems to be
implied, he went on to Iconium (16-^-)- His next
undisputed stopping-place was somewhere on the
borders of Bithynia 'over against Mysia.' The
route by which he travelled thither is concealed
in the words, dirjXdov di rrjv <^pvylav /cat TaXaTiKrjv
Xi^po.v, KCiAvdevres vwb rod aylov Trvev/j-aros XaXijaai rbv
Xayov iv rfi 'Aaig.. What is the district described as
TTjv ^pvylav Kal TaXaTtKr]v xoJpai' ?
(i.) It is argued that the participle KwXvdivres
must be retrospective. The missionaries went
through rrjv ^pvyiav Kal TaXariKriv x'^P"-^ because
thej' had received the prohibition against preaching
in Asia, and consequently ctfter they had received it.
But such a prohibition was not likely to be given
before they had actually entered Asia, or were on
the point of doing so. It follows, therefore, that
the journey through ttiv ^pvylav Kal VaXariKriv X'^po-"
began only when the cities of S. Galatia Avere left
behind. Since, then, the ' Galatic region ' is dis-
tinguished from S. Galatia, it can onlj' be Galatia
proper, ^pvyiav must be a noun (cf. Ac 2"* 18^),
and the whole phrase t7]v ^pvyiav Kal TaXariKTjv
X^pav must mean ' Phrygia (Asiana) and (some
North) Galatic region.' The strength of this ex-
planation is that it needs no serious straining of
grammar or syntax. Its weakness is firstly that
it involves an inconsistency : diepxfcrdai in Acts
seems to have the special sense of ' making a
preaching journey,' and Phrygia Asiana, where ex
hypothesi such a journey was made, lay in the
region where preaching was forbidden ; secondly,
it gives no explanation of the absence of the article
before VaXaTLK7]v x^^pav, nor any real reason for the
use of TaXaTLKrji' x'^P^v instead of VaXarlav.
(ii. ) The alternative explanation rests on the
conviction that the single article in the phrase rr^v
^pvylav Kal TaXaTiK7]v x'^P^^v proves conclusively
that one single district is in view, ttj^ ^pvyiav Kal
VaXaTiKT]v xw/jav means that region which is both
Pluygian and Galatian, ' the Phrygo-Galaticregion.'
The only district which really answers to this de-
scription is that part of the old kingdom of Phrygia
which was included in the Roman province of
Galatia, i.e. the country which extended westward
from Iconium to Antioch and beyond, south of the
Sultan Dagh.
That St. Paul had passed through the whole
of S. Galatia before he was forbidden to preach
in Asia is a mere assumption. At Iconium two
GALATIAXS, EPISTLE TO THE
GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 435
roads lay before him — one to the north, leading via
Laodicea into Phrj-gia Asiana, the other to the
west, leading to Phrygia Gaiatica. It is permissible
to suppose that Iconium was the point at which he
became conscious of the Divine command not to
preach in Asia, and that, because of it, he chose
the western rather than the northern road. Sooner
or later he Mas bound to enter Asia ; but, by tak-
ing the western road, he was enabled to travel as
long as possible tlirough a region where missionary
work was allowed.*
The chief objections to this interpretation of the
plirase are : (a) in the NT i>pvyiav is elsewhere
used only as a noun (Ac 2^" 18-^) ; {b) it is straining
language to give /cat the force of ' or ' : KaL suggests
two districts, not one (cf. ttjj' 'MaKedoviav Kal 'Axaiav
[19^' and 273]).
(;3) The meaning of tt]v V oKo-t iktiv xuipav Kai
^pvyiav (Ac 18-^). — Of this phrase, which indi-
cates the route by which St. Paul started on his
third journey, only one translation is possible,
i.e. ' tlie Galatic region and Phrygia.' The
exact meaning attached to the expression will
depend on the interjjretation given to the words
of Ac 16". It can be adapted to either of the
alternatives.
(i.) On the first hypothesis, tt^v FaXartKTjc x^pai'
will mean ' Galatia jjroper' as in 16", and Phrygia
will be ' Phrygia Asiana.'
(ii.) On the second, ttjp VoKaTiKriv x^P"-^ signifies
that part of the province of Galatia in which were
Derbe, Lystra, and Iconium (Lj'caonia Gaiatica).
'Piirygia' means either 'Phrygia Gaiatica' {i.e.
the district described in 16" as Tr]v ^pvyiav Kal FaXa-
TLKr]v x'^P"-") ^^ ' Phrygia Gaiatica and Phrj'gia
Asiana,' for the Apostle would have to pass through
both regions in order to reach Ephesus by way of
TO. avwrepiKo. fxepr] (Ac 19'). The absence of any
further definition of Phrygia in Ac 18^ is naturally
explained by the fact that on this occasion preach-
ing in Asia was not forbidden.
Tlie im])artial critic must admit that the eW-
dence of these two passages is not sufficient to
prove conclusively whether St. Paul ever visited
N. Galatia or not. In favour of the N. Galatian
interpretation, it must be granted that it represents
the most straightforward and obvious reading of
the verses, and that it gives a uniform meaning to
the phrases rrjp Ta\aTiKriv x'^'P'^^ and ^pvyiav. Yet
it fails to explain some things — e.g. why the writer
of Acts should say ttjv YaKaTiKrjv x^pcf where FaXa-
rlav would be sutiicient, and why he should state
in the same verse that («) preaching in Asia was
forbidden, [b] therefore the Apostle preached in Asia.
Again, the Acts usually tells its story at greater
length when the gospel is being taken into a new
district fur the first time, but passes over as brieflj'
as possible second visits to places already evangel-
ized. The extreme brevity of the reference to t7]v
^pvyiav Kal FaXart/cTyv xt^pa" (16") suggests that it is
not new ground to the missionaries.
The S. Galatian interpretation avoids these
special difficulties, but only at the cost of some
forcing of interpretation and straining of gTammar.
The great stumbling-block to its acceptance is the
fact that when Acts is actually speaking of the S.
Galatian cities, it does not describe them politically
as 'Galatian,' but etlmographically — 'Antioch in
Pisidia'(13''*), ' Lystra and Derbe, citiesof Lycaonia'
(14"). The contribution of Acts towards the dis-
covery of the destination of the Galatian Epistle
is simply this. St. Paul certainly visited the cities
of S. Galatia ; he may or may not have visited N.
Galatia.
* The contention that KtoXv^e'fTe? may be predicative, and
therefore that the prohibition may have been given at the close
of the journey throug-h •riji' ^pvyiav Kal TaXariicriv x'^'pi" (Ask-
with, p. 35flE.), cannot be regarded as proved.
{b) Evidence of the Epistle itself. — This evidence
is slight, and is claimed by both sides.
(a) For the N. Galatian theory it is claimed that :
(i.) St. Paul addresses his readers as FaXdrai (3^).
This term applies only to the people of N. Galatia.
The inhabitants of Antioch, Derbe, and Lystra
were Phrygians and Lycaonians. But it is diffi-
cult to see what other general term could be used
to include the inhabitants of all these cities. It
was true politically if not ethnographically.
(ii.) Assuming that Gal 2'"'*^ refers to the time
of the Council, we should expect, on the S. Galatian
theorj', that some reference to the evangelizing of
Antioch, Derbe, and Lystra would follow Gal P^
It would also be natural to look for some mention
in Ac 13. 14 of the Apostle's illness (Gal i^^).
(;3) For the S. Galatian theory it is urged that :
(i.) The circumstances of the conversion of the
Galatians (4'-'^^) correspond closely to the account
of the evangelizing of S. Galatia given by Ac
13''*-14-'-. The arguments of St. Paul's sermon at
Antioch in Pisidia reappear in Galatians (Ram-
say, Gal., pp. 399-401).
(ii. ) The repeated mention of Barnabas (2^* ®- ^')
implies that he was personally known to the
readers. But Barnabas was no longer with St.
Paul on his second journey.
(iii.) The reference to the circumcision of
Timothy, supposed to lie behind Gal 5^', is more
naturally understood if St. Paul was Avriting to
Timothy's native place.
None of these arguments taken singly or com-
V>ined are strong enough to bear the weight of
either theory.*
(c) A priori argununts. — Zahn (Introd. to NT,
i. 177), who accepts the S. Galatian view of Ac
16" 18^^, brings against the N. Galatian theory of
the Epistle's destination two a, prioi'i arguments.
(a) It is not likely that the churches of N.
Galatia would have been dismissed so briefly in
Acts if they had been the centre of a fierce con-
troversy ; nor is it probable that the important
churches of S. Galatia should be left with scarcelj"
a trace of their subsequent development in tlie NT.
(|3) It is strange that Judaistic teachers from
Jerusalem, setting out to oppose St. Paul's in-
fluence, should have passed by the cities of S.
Galatia without starting any considerable anti-
Pauline movement, and begun their campaign in
the unimportant churches of a remote district.
The only force such arguments could have
would be to strengthen a theory proved independ-
ently. By themselves they have little weight.
Sitmmary. — The equal division of opinion even
amongst critics of the same school suggests that
the evidence is insufficient. Absolute impartiality
demands an open verdict. If St. Paul did actually
found churches in N. Galatia, it is the most natural
— though not inevitable — conclusion that the
Epistle was addressed to them. The Apostle un-
doubtedly founded the churches of S. Galatia, but
the arguments which have been advanced prove
no more than the possibility that they were the
recipients of the letter.
6. Date and place of writing.— It is generally
agreed that St. Paul wrote his letter to the Romans
from Corinth on the eve of his departure to Jeru-
salem at the close of his third missionary journey.
Most scholars fix the actual date + A.D. 58. This
gives the terminus ad quern for dating the Galatian
Epistle (see above, i).
The terminus a quo is not so easily determined.
* Arguments which have been used, but which are now
abandoned, are : (a) that the fickle temperament of Ihe Gala-
tians of the Epistle points to the X. Galatians, who were partly
of Celtic descent (Lightfoot) ; {h) that X. Galatia was not likely
to be visited by a sick man (Gal 4^3)^ owing to the ditficulty of the
journey ; (c) that the legal terms used in the Epistle would be
intelligible to S. Galatians but not to X. Galatians (Ramsay).
436 GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
The Epistle itself supplies but few hints. These
are : («) More than fourteen — perhaps more than
seventeen — years have elapsed since St. Paul's
conversion, during ■which he has paid at least tAVO
visits to Jerusalem (P^-2'^). (6) St. Paul has paid
at least two visits to his readers before writing the
Epistle (l» 5-1 4'«).
As to the place of writing, one suggestion alone
is given. St. Paul implies that some reason pre-
vented him from visiting Galatia when he wrote
the Epistle, though he longed for a personal inter-
view with his converts (4-").
(a) Date on the N. Galatian theory. — If the N.
Galatian theory be accepted, the choice of dates
is limited. The Epistle must have been written
during St. Paul's third missionary journey, after
his second visit to Galatia (Ac 18^), and before
the end of his sojourn at Corinth — i.e. either (i.)
while the Apostle was on his way from Galatia
to Ephesus, or (ii.) during his stay at Ephesus
(Ac 19'- '"), or (iii. ) during his journey through
Macedonia, or (iv.) early in his stay at Corinth
(Ac 20'ff).
There is little to choose between these sugges-
tions. The objection brouglit against (i. ) and (ii.),
that from Ephesus it would be easy to pay a visit
to Galatia, is not serious. The obstacle in St.
Paul's way (Gal 4^") need not necessarily have been
the length of the journey. On the other hand,
Lightfoot's attempt to prove by a comparison of
the thought and language of the two letters that
Galatians must be later than 2 Cor, cannot be
regarded as convincing (Gal.^, p. 49).
(/3) On the S. Galatian theory. — Some supporters
of the S. Galatian hypothesis are willing to agree
with their opponents as to the date of the Epistle
[e.g. Askwith, p. 99 ff.). Others avail themselves
of tlie opportunity given by this theory of placing
the Epistle earlier in St. Paul's career.
(i.) Ramsay suggests that it was sent from
Syrian Antioch just before tlie beginning of St.
Paul's third missionary journey (St. Paid the
Traveller, p. 189 ft'.). A serious objection to this
date is the fact that the Epistle does not suggest
that St. Paul is planning a visit to Galatia, but
rather the reverse (4'-").
(ii.) Various points in the course of the second
missionary journey have been suggested : (a) Mace-
donia (Hausrath), or (6) Athens (L. Albreclit,
Paulus, Munich, 1903, pp. 114 f. ; C. Clemen,
Paidus, Giessen, 1904, i. 396 f.), or (c) Corinth (Zahn,
Bacon, Kendall). The arguments used in favour
of ib) and (c) are that the Epistle must be placed
as soon as possible after St. Paul's second visit
to Galatia, and at a time which will exjilain the
absence of any mention of Silas and 'J'imotliy.
Silas and Timothy were not with St. Paul at
Athens or at the time of his arrival in Corintli.
(iii.) But any date subsequent to the Council of
Jerusalem makes it very dillicult to explain the
silence of the Epistle with regard to the Council
itself and to its decrees. To some scliolars this
argument alone seems sufficient to prove conclu-
sively that the Epistle was written before the
Council (see Calvin, Beza, Bartlet, Piound, Emmet,
Lake). Consequently, it is suggested that St. Paul
wrote from Antioch just before going up to the
Council of Jerusalem (W. A. Shedd, ExpT xii.
[1900-01] ,568 ; Round, Date of Galatians), or in the
course of his journey from Antioch to Jerusalem
(C. W. Emmet, Expositor, 7th sen, ix. [1910]
242 W. ; I>ake). This theory would be very at-
tractive if the absolute historicity of Ac 15 could
be established, but grave doubts exist on this
point (cf. EBi, art. 'Council of Jerusalem').
Summary. — The date of the Epistle is almost as
difficult to determine as its destination. To a
large extent the two queistions are intertwined.
If it can be proved, on independent grounds, that
the Epistle must liave been written before the
events which lie behind the narrative of Ac 15,
then the S. Galatian theory must be accepted, and
the visit of Gal 2'-'» identitied with that of Ac 11,
or with some visit unrecorded in the Acts. On the
other hand, if the N. Galatian theory can be es-
tablished on independent grounds, the date of
the Ejnstle is confined within narrow limits, and
is in any case later than the Council. Unfortu-
nately, conclusive proof of either position cannot
be obtained.
7. Authenticity and permanent value. — (a)
Authenticity. — That Galatians is a genuine
Epistle written by St. Paul to his converts has
never been questioned except by those eccentric
critics who deny the existence of any authentic
Pauline Epistles [e.g. EBi, art. ' Paul '). Such a
theory scarcely needs refutation. Its supporters
cut away the ground from beneath their own feet.
If no genuine works of St. Paul have survived, no
standard of comparison exists by M'hich to decide
what is genuinely 'Pauline' and what is not (cf.
Knowling, The Witness of the Epistles , pp. 133-243).
External testimony to the genuineness of Gala-
tians is as strong as can be expected in view of
the scantiness of the records of the sub-Apostolic
Age. It is quoted as Pauline by Irenaius [c. A.D.
180) and Clem. Alex. (c. A.D. 2U0) ; it is cited by
Justin Martyr (c. A.D. 150) and Athenagoras (c.
A.D. 170) ; it is included in the canon of Marcion
(c. A.D. 140) and in the old Latin version of the
NT. Earlier still, clear references to its phrase-
ology are found in Polycarp [Phil. iii. 5 [c. A.D.
110]).
The internal evidence of the Epistle is irresist-
ible. It is unmistakably the work of a real man
combating real opponents. It contains nothing
which would explain its motive if it were a forgery,
and much that no forger would be likely to have
written. The question with which it deals belongs
to a very early stage in the history of the Church.
The existence before A.D. 70 of large churches of
Gentiles who had not been comj>elled to accept
circumcision, proves conclusively that by that time
the controversy about Gentile circumcision was
a thing of the past. Consequently the Epistle
must have been written within St. Paul's lifetime,
and no valid reason remains for denying the tra-
ditional belief that he wrote it.
[b) Permanent value. — The value of the Epistle
is unattected by uncertainties concerning its date
and destinatioii. It is the most concise and vigor-
ous, as Romans is the most systematic, expression
of St. Paul's evangel. It displays the A^jostle's
power of penetrating to the heart of things. He
passes beyond the immediate question of circum-
cision and the observance of the Jewish Law to the
ultimate principle ■which lies beneath.
Universal experience has shown that men cannot
by their own efforts attain perfect righteousness.
The power to overcome the inherent weakness of
human nature is God's free gift to man in Christ.
But man must receive it on God's own terms, 'by
faith' — tliatis, by the complete self-surrender which
brings him into vital union with Christ's perfect
humanity. Such self-surrender is possible to all who
realize their own utter helplessness (cf. Mt. 18-) ;
but if 'life eternal' (6^) were dependent on the
complete obedience to God's will of unaided human
nature, it would be for ever beyond man's reach.
The truth on which St. Paul so strongly insists lies
at the very heart of the Christian faith, and is a
living message to all ages.
In pressing home his point, the Apostle uses the
dialectic methods of the Rabbinic school in which
both he and his opponents received their training
— e.g. the play on the word Kardpa (3*') ; the argu-
GALEA
GALILEE
437
raent of 3'^, which is based on the use of the sincul.ir
(Tirepfxa, although the noun is collective and in this
sense has no plural ; the allegorical use of the story
of Hagar and Ishmael (4-'^-).
This style of reasoning no longer appeals to us with
any force, but it must be remembered that these
are not tlie real arguments on which the Apostle's
teaching rests. He uses the OT in the manner
most natural to a Jew of the 1st cent, to support
and illustrate a conclusion really reached on in-
dependent grounds. The ultimate basis of the
Apostle's doctrine of 'justification by faith' is his
own personal experience, both of the hopelessness
of the search for righteousness by works, and of
the sense of peace and new power which came to
him Avhen he could say, 'I live, yet not I, but Christ
liveth in me' (2^; cf. Sanday-Headlam, Romans^,
p. 26 f.).
LiTKRATCRE. — I. COMMENTARIES : Lightfoots (1876) ; G. G.
Findlay (Expositor's Bible, ISSS) ; W. M. Ramsay (1899 ; also
St. Paul the Traveller, 1895, and The Church in the Roman
/•J mpi re, 1S93); F. Renda.l\ (EOT, lOOZ); T. Zahn(1905); A. L.
Williams {Camb. Gr. Test., 1910); C. W. Emmet (Readers
Commentary, 1912). Valuable notes on 'Riichteousness,' 'Faith,'
etc., will be found in Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ (ICC, 19U2).
II. General Ixtrodictions to NT : G. Salmons* (1904) ; A.
Jiilicher (Enfr. tr., 1004); B. W. Bacon (1000 ; a]so The Story
of St. Paul, 1005): Zahn(Eng. tr., 1909); J. Mofifatt(1911 ; also
The Historical ST-, looi).
III. Special Studiks : E. H. Askwith, The Epistle to the
Oalnlians : its Destination and Date, London, 1S99 ; Douglass
Round, The Date of St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, Cam-
bridge, 1000.
IV. Moke Ge.seral Sttjdies : A. C. McGiffert, A History of
Christlaniti/ in the Apostolic Aqc, Edinburcrh, 1S97 ; J. V. Bart-
let, The Apostolic A>je, do. 1900 ; R. J. Kiiowling, The Witness
o/thr Epist/es,Londoj), 1892, The Testimony of St. Paul toChrist-,
do. lOOG ; Kirsopp Lake, The Earlier Epp. o/St. Paul, do. 1911.
V. Articles : ' Galatia,' ' Galatians, Epistle to the," ' Chrono-
logy of NT,' in HDB; 'Galatia,' 'Galatians (the Epistle),'
'Council of Jerusalem,' in EBi.
A more complete bibliography will be found in J. Moffatt,
LNT, Edinburgh, 1911. F. S. MaRSH.
GALBA. — Seruius Sulpicius Galba (after his
elevation to the purple, Seruius Galba Imperator
Cfesar Augustus), son of Seruius Sulpicius Galba
and Mummia Acliaica, and great-grandson of
Quintus Lutatius Catulus, was born on 24 Dec. 5
B.C. and died in his seventy-third year (15 Jan.
a.d. 69). His native place was near Tarracina
(modern Terracina) on the Appian Way by the
sea. He was adopted by his stepmother, and took
the names of Lucius Liuius Ocella in consequence.
Both Augustus and Tiberius are said to have
predicted that he would become Emperor. He
attained the dress of maniiood in A.D. 14 and
married i*Emilia Lepida. After her death and
that of their two sons he remained unmarried.
His friendship with Liuia, the widow of Augustus,
gave him great influence from the start. On her
death (A.D. 29) he inherited largely, but his in-
heritance was reduced by the Emperor Tiberius,
Liuia's son. He was, however, permitted to hold
senatorial offices before tlie legal age. It is re-
corded that when as prtetor he gave exhibitions to
the people, he showed elephants walking on tight-
ropes, a sight up to that time unknown in Rome.
About A.D. 31 or 32 he was for one year legatus
pro prcetore (governor) of the province of Aquitania
(S.W. Gaul). He held office as consul for six
months of A.D. 33. Having been thereafter ap-
pointed legatus jjro prcstore prouincice Germanice
Sitpcrioris (governor of S. Germany), he held in
check the barbarians who had already invaded
Gaul. As legatus in 41 he conquered the Chatti
and gained a great reputation as a general. He
attended the Emperor Claudius on his expedition
to Britain (see under Claudius), and attained the
proconsulship of Africa, the blue ribbon of a sena-
torial career. Besides being awarded triumphal
ornaments, he was elected to various priesthoods.
His last ordinary promotion was to the governor-
ship of the province of Hispania Tarraconensis,
which he held for eight years, from A.D. 60 to 68.
In the latter year, as the result of long dissatisfac-
tion with the Xeronian government, C. lulius
Vindex, legatus pro prcetore p7'ouinci(s GallicB
Lugudunensis, revolted from Nero, and Galba
gave him his support. Vindex, however, was de-
feated by the legions in Germany, and committed
suicide. Galba was then himself saluted Imperator
by his soldiers. Though he declared himself repre-
sentative of the Senate and People of Bome, the
Senate adjudged him a public enemy. When the
news of the death of Nero reached him, he accepted
the title of Caesar from his soldiers, and marclied
to Rome. Elected consul for the second time for
A.D. 69, he Avas put to death on 15 Jan. 69, and
buried in his suburban villa near the Via Aurelia.
As Galba's rule lasted only seven months, there
is little to say about it. That he was an able
general there can be no doubt whatever. He is
credited also with other virtues, which, like those
of Vespasian, serve to recall the old Roman type.
He was the earliest of all the Emperors not of
Caesarian blood, and he first manifested clearly
that the election to the principate lay in the hands
of the army. Supported by the praetorian guards,
the ' household troops ' at Rome, he was recognized
by the Senate, a deputation from which met him
at Narbo Martius (Narbonne). A number of pre-
tenders arose about the same time, but were merci-
lessly crushed. What ruined Galba was on the
one hand his lack of the genius for rule, and on
the other his parsimony. One of Tacitus' immortal
plirases has reference to him : ' omnium consensu
capax imperii, nisi imperasset' {Hist. i. 49). He
used severity where it was uncalled for, and thus
alienated many who would have settled down
quietly under the new regime. He stirred up
against himself one of his supporters, M. Saluius
Otho (see Otho), who expected to be adopted by
Galba as Iiis successor in the Empire. The soldiers
declared him Imperator and put Galba to death.
Litbrature. — The chief authorities are Tacitus, Historice
bk. i. ; Plutarch, Galba (ed. E. G. Hardy, London, 1890) ;
Suetonius, Galba; Dio Cassius, Ixiii.-lxiv., etc., and inscrip-
tions. The facts are given most succinctly in P. de Rohden
and H. Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani scec. i. ii. Hi.,
liars iii., Berlin, 1808, p. 284 ff. (no. 723). See also the relevant
p.'irtsof the modern Histories of the Roman Empire (V. Duruy
[Eiig. tr., London, 1S83-SG], J. B. Bury (do. 1S93], etc.) ; A. von
Domaszewski, Gesch. der rijmischen Kaiser, Leipzig, 1909, ii.
79-85 ; E. G. Hardy, Studies in Roman History, London, 1906,
pp. 295-334 (a valuable comparison of the leading ancient
authorities), also 2nd series of the same work, do. 1909, pp.
130-157. A. SOUTER.
GALILEE.— Galilee is seldom mentioned in the
NT outside the Gospels. The only references are
in the early chapters of Acts (1" 53^ 9^1 10" 13^^).
Most of the apostles belonged to this northern
province (1" 13^^- Judas, the leader of an agita-
tion in the days of the enrolment of Quirinius, is
described as 'of Galilee' (5"). After Saul's con-
version, peace descended upon the Christians in
Galilee, as well as in Judaea and Samaria (9^').
Walking in the fear of the Lord and the comfort of
the Holy Spirit, their numbers greatly increased.
1. The name. — The name 'Galilee' is derived
from the Heb. '?'':; (Galil), through the Gr. TaXiXaia
and the Lat. Galilcea. The Hebrew word, denot-
ing 'ring' or 'circle,' was used geographically to
describe a 'circuit' of towns and villages. As
applied to this particular district in north-western
Palestine, the form used is either ^''rjn, ' the district'
(Jos 20^ 2F-, 1 K 9'i, 2 K 15^3, 1 Ch 6''^), or D^i-in h%
'district of the nations' (Is 9'). Given originally
to the highlands on the extreme northern border,
this nanie gradually extended itself southwards
over the hill-country till it reached and eventually
included the Plain of Esdraelon (G. A. Smith,
438
GALILEE
GALILEE
HGHL*, pp. 379 and 415). For the most part,
however, Esdraelon seems to have been a frontier
or arena of battle, rather than an actual part of
Galilee.
2. The boundaries. — The natural boundaries of
Galilee never agreed with its political frontiers.
The natural limits are Esdraelon, the Mediterranean
Sea, the Jordan valley, and the gorge of the river
Litany. But the actual borders have shifted from
time to time. At the period of widest extension,
they may be set down as the Kasiniiyeh or Litany
gorge on the N., the southern edge of Esdraelon
on the S., Phoenicia (which always belonged to
Gentiles) on the W., and the Upper Jordan (with
its two lakes) on the E. These boundaries, exclud-
ing Carmel and the area of the lakes, enclosed a
province about 50 miles long by 25 to 35 miles broad
— an area of about 1600 square miles. Within these
limits lay 'a region of mountain, hill, and plain,
the most diversified and attractive in Palestine'
(Masterman, Studies in Galilee, p. 4).
3. The divisions. — Josephus {IB J ill. iii. 1) gives
the divisions, in his time, as two, called the Upper
Galilee and the Lower. The ■\Iishna [Shebuth ix. 12)
states that the province contained ' the upper, the
lower, and the valley.' The latter are certainly
the natural divisions. The mountains separate
very clearlj* into a higher northern and a lower
southern group, and the ' valley ' is the valley of
the Upper Jordan.
(a) Upper Galilee is less easily characterized
phj'sically than Lower. ' It appears to the casual
observer a confused mass of tumbled mountains,
to which not even the map can give an orderly
view' (Masterman, p. 11). It is in reality 'a series
of plateaus, with a double water-parting, and sur-
rounded by hills from 2000 to 4000 feet' (G. A.
Smith, HGHU; p. 416). The central point is Jebel
Jermak (3934 ft.), the highest mountain in western
Palestine. The scantier water supply of Upper
Galilee is compensated for by the copiousness of
the dew-fall throughout the later summer months.
(6) Lower Galilee is easier to describe. It con-
sists of parallel ranges of hills, all below 2000 ft.,
running from W. to E., with broad fertile valleys
between. The whole region is of great natural
fertility, owing to abundance of water, rich volcanic
soil, the gentleness of the slopes, and the openness
of the plains. The great roads of the pro\'ince
cross this lower hill-country. The dividing-line
between Upper and Lower Galilee is the range of
mountains running right across the country along
the northern edge of the Plain of Rameh.
(c) The Valley consists of the Upper Jordan and
its two lakes, Huleh and Gennesaret. The river,
taking its rise from springs and streams in the
neighbourhood of Banias and Tel-el-Kadi, flows
south in a steadily deepening channel, through
Huleh, till it empties itself into the Sea of Genne-
saret, at a depth of 689 ft. below sea-level. It has
fallen to this depth in about 19 miles. Six miles
north of the lake, the river is crossed by the ' Bridge
of tlie daughters of Jacob,' on the famous Via Maris
of the Middle Ages, the principal thoroughfare be-
tween Damascus and the Mediterranean ports. The
Lake of Galilee could never be sutticiently praised
by the Jewish Rabbis. They said that Jahweh
had (;reated seven seas, and of these liad chosen
the Sea of Gennesaret as His special delight. It
liad rich alluvial pLains on tlie north and south, a
belt of populous and flourishing cities round its
border, abundance of lish in its depths, and a climate
that attracted both workers and pleasure-seekers
to its shores. At the beginning of the Christian
era, it presented a reproduction in miniature of the
rich life and varied activities of the province as a
wliole.
4. The physical characteristics. — These are
principally two : (a) abundance of water, and (h)
fertilitj' of soil. As to («), the words of the ancient
promise, ' for the Lord thy God bringeth thee into a
good land, a land of brooks of water, of fountains
and depths springing forth in valleys and hills'
(Dt 8'), are literally true of Galilee, particularly in
its southern half. Large quantities of water are
collected during the rainy season among the higher
slopes and plateaus, and are thence dispersed by
the rivers and streams over the lower-lying tracts,
where they become stored in springs and wells.
There are the two lakes already mentioned — Huleh,
3^ miles long by 3 miles wide (the Samechonitis
of Josephus, but probably not the Waters of Merom
of Jos W'-'' [cf. Masterman, Studies in Galilee, p.
26 f., and EBi iii. 3038]); the Lake of Galilee
(Gennesaret), 13 miles long by 8 miles broad at its
widest point. Round its shores are the ruins of
at least nine ancient cities or towns. These are
Chorazin, Capernaum, Magdala, Tiberias, Tari-
cheffi, Hippos, Gamala, Gergesa, and Bethsaida.
The principal rivers of the province are the Jordan,
the Litany, the Kishon, and the Belus. In addi-
tion to these lakes and rivers, there are many
greater streams and innumerable springs and wells.
These waters, together with the copious dews of
the summer, give Galilee the advantage over
Samaria and set it in marked contrast to Judaea.
As to (b), all authorities unite in celebrating the
natural wealth of Galilee. The other half of the
promise made to the Hebrews was also true of this
highly favoured province. It was ' a land of wheat
and barley, and vines and fig trees and i>omegran-
ates ; a land of oil olives and honey ; a land wherein
thou shalt eat bread without scarceness, thou shalt
not lack any thing in it ' (Dt 8'*- ^). Josephus bears
witness that the soil was universally rich and fruit-
ful, and that it invited even the most slothful to
take pains in its cultivation (Jos. BJ III. iii. 2).
Even to-day, when such large tracts lie unculti-
vated, no part of Palestine is more productive. The
chief products were oil, wine, wheat, and fish. ' In
Asher, oil flows like a river,' said the Rabbis, who
also held that it was ' easier to raise a legion of
olive trees in Galilee than to raise one child in
Judrt-a.' Gischala was the chief place of manufac-
ture. There were also large stores at Jotapata
during the Roman War. Considerable quantities
were sent to Tyre and to Egypt. Made from the
olive trees, the oil was used princii^ally for exter-
nal application, for illumination, and in connexion
with religious ritual. Wine was made in many
quarters of the province, the best qualities coming
from Sigona ; while wheat and otlier grains were
plentifully raised all over Lower Galilee, especially
round about Sepphoris and in the fields of the Plain
of Gennesaret. The fish, for which the province was
always noted in ancient times, M'as caught in the
inland lakes, particularly in the Lake of Galilee. It
formed a large part of the food of the lake-side
dwellers, and a considerable trade was carried on
by the fish-catchers and fish-curers of the large
towns on the shore. The best fishing-grounds were,
and still are, at el-Bataiha in the north, and in the
bay of Tabigha, at the N.W. corner. Tarichete,
in the south, was another centre of the industry.
In addition to the al)Ove-mentioned commodities,
Galilee produced flax from which fine linen fabrics
were woven, pottery, and a rich dj-e made from the
indigo plant. The prosperity of the province was
enhanced by its proximity to the Phoenician ports,
and by the network of highways which crossed it
in all directions.
5. The inhabitants. — To-day Galilee possesses a
remarkably mixed population, and its inhabitants
are physically finer than those of the southern pro-
vinces (cf. Masterman, pp. 17-20). In apostolic
times, the same was true. Along the western and
GALILEE
GALLIO
439
nortliern borders were the Syrophccnicians (MkT-''),
or Tyrians (as Josephus calls them), while from
the east nomadic Bedouins were continually press-
ing in upon the lower-lying tracts. But besides
these Semitic elements, Greeks and Graecized
Syrians were distributed over parts of the land
(Masterman, p. 120), and Romans made their in-
fluence felt throughout a large area of the province.
Only in the more secluded towns among the hills
would Jewish life be preserved in its characteristic
purity. In spite, however, of the mingling of
nationalities, the Galiheans were thoroughly and
patriotically Jewish during the 1st cent, of the
Christian era. Wherever a true Jew settled abroad,
he kept himself distinct from his neighbours, cling-
ing tenaciously to his religion and to his racial
customs. And the same thing happened with the
Jew at home, when Gentile immigrants settled
within his borders. His contempt for foreigners
and foreign ways helped him to keep his own
character and traditions intact. The Galilseans
were industrious workers — the bulk of them being
cultivators of the soil or tenders of the fruit-
trees. They were brave soldiers too, as may be
learned from the chronicles of Josephus.
' The GalUaeans are inured to war from their infancy, and
have been always very numerous ; nor has their country ever
been destitute of men of courage ' (Jos. BJ ill. iii. 2).
There does not seem to be any sufficient ground
for the dislike and contempt in which the Galilaeans
were held by their religiously stricter brethren of
Judaea. Possibly they were less exact in their ob-
servance of tradition. But they were devoted to
the Law, and their country was well supplied with
synagogues, schools, and teachers. If they were
less orthodox, from the Pharisaic standpoint, the
Messianic hope burned brightly in their souls, and
they crowded to the ministry of Jesus. They were
certainly more tolerant and open-minded than the
Judieans, and it was from them that Jesus chose
most of the men who were to give His teaching to
the world.
The population of Galilee in apostolic times
was considerably greater than it is to-daj'. At the
present time, it is estimated to be somewhere about
250,000 (including children), spread over an area of
1341 square miles and inhabiting some 312 towns
and villages. This gives 186 to the square mile.
Josephus' figures mean that the population in his
day amounted to something like three millions.
He speaks of 204 cities and villages ( Vita, 45), the
smallest of which contained above 15,000 inhabit-
ants {BJ III. iii. 2). This estimate, in spite of
the arguments of ^lerrill {Galilee in the Time of
Christ, pp. 62-67), can hardly be correct. Good
reasons have been given for believing that 400,000
is a much more likely figure, which means a popu-
lation of 440 to the square mile. A village of 1,500
inhabitants is reckoned to be a very large one to-
day, and the largest towns (with the exception
of Safed) contain fewer than 15,000 people. See
Masterman, pp. 131-134.
6. History and goYernment. — At the partition
of west Palestine among the twelve tribes, Galilee
fell to the lot of Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, and
Naphtali, who did not drive out the original in-
habitants. The population, therefore, continued
to be a mixed one, and the borders of the province
were constantly being pressed upon by foreigners.
In 734 B.C., Tiglath-Pileser III. carried away most
of the inhabitants, and after this depopulation
very few Jews re-settled in the district till the ex-
tension of the Jewish State under John Hyrcanus
(135-104 B.C.). At this time, or a little later,
Galilee became thoroughly judaized. The settlers
were placed under the Law, and quicklj^ developed
a warm patriotism, which made them ever after-
wards zealous and persistent champions of their
national rights and traditions. Later on, the pro-
vince was the principal scene of our Lord's life and
ministry. Later still, it succeeded Judsea as ' the
sanctuary of the race and the home of their theo-
logical schools ' (G. A. Smith, HGHL\ p. 425).
From 4 B.C. to A.D. 39, Herod Antipas was
tetrarch of Galilee and Persea, by appointment of
the Roman Emperor. Antipas appears to have
been a capable ruler on the whole. Like his father,
he was fond of building and embellishing cities.
He re-built and fortified Sepphoris, his first capital,
and a little later erected a new capital city on the
west shore of the lake, calling it Tiberias, after
the Emperor whose favour he enjoyed. Having
secured the banishment of Antipas in A.D. 39,
Herod Agrippa I. received the tetrarchy of Galilee,
in addition to the territories of Philip and of
Lysanias which he had previously obtained. From
Claudius (in A.D. 41) he also obtained Judsea and
Samaria, thus establishing dominion over all the
land formerly ruled by Herod the Great. After
Agrippa's death, in A.D. 44, Claudius reverted to
the method of government by procurator — a change
which greatly displeased the Jews as a whole and
especially stirred the animosity of the zealots.
Under the administration of the new procurators,
the people's patience became exhausted, and in the
time of Gessius Florus (A.D. 64-66) the revolt began
which ended in the destruction of the Jewish State.
In the spring of A.D. 67 Vespasian assembled his
army at Ptolemais and began the reduction of
Galilee. This was accomplished in the course of
the first campaign, despite the courage and per-
sistence of the inhabitants. But it was not till
after the lapse of another three years that
Jerusalem fell (A.D. 70) and the Jewish State was
dissolved.
Though the general administration of Galilfean
civil affairs lay (till A.D. 44) with the tetrarchs,
the details of daily life were regulated by the Jews'
own religious laws (DCG i. 633). The Sanhedrin
at Jeru-ralem exercised the chief authority, but
there were also local 'councils' (Mt 5^ 10^^) which
had limited jurisdiction. But, throughout the
whole period, over all and influencing all, was the
firm rule of Rome.
LrrERATURE.— Artt. in HDB ii. 98-102 (S. Merrill), DCG i.
632-634 (G. W. Thatcher), and PRE^ (Guthe) ; G. A. Smith,
UGHL*, 1897, chs. xx.-xxi. ; S. Merrill, Galilee in the Time o/
Chriet, Boston, IShl, London, ISSo ; V. Gu^rin, Description
. . . de laPalestine,pt.ni.: 'Galilee,' Paris, 1880 ; F. Buhl, GAP,
Freiburg and Leipzig, 1896, §§ lS-19, 68, 113-123 ; E. Schiirer,
HJP, 1885-91 (index); E. W. G. Masterman, Studies in
Galilee, Chicago, 1909; A. Neubauer, La Geog. du Talrrmd,
Paris, 1868, §§ 188-240 ; SWP i. [1861]. A. W. CoOKE.
GALLIO.— Gallio governed Achaia as a proconsul
of pnetorian rank. His name was Marcus Annaeus
Novatus ; but he was adopted by L. Junius Gallio,
a Roman orator, and took his name. He was the
elder brother of Seneca the philosopher, to whose
influence at court he may have owed his governor-
ship. There is no other direct evidence that Gallio
governed Achaia than St. Luke's statement (Ac
IS'-). But Seneca's reference to Gallio's catching
fever in Achaia and taking a voyage for a change
of air so far corroborates St. Luke. Gallio came
to Corinth, the residence of the governor, during
the time of St. Paul's labours there (c. A.D. 50-53).*
Angered by the conversion of prominent members
of the synagogue, the Jews took advantage of the
new governor's arrival to lay a charge against St.
Paul which they tried to put in such a serious light
as to merit a severe penalty. But Gallio was not
so complaisant or inexperienced as they hoped.
He elicited the true nature of their complaint, and,
cutting short the trial, he abruptlj' dismissed the
* On the exact date of Gallio's proconsulship see art. Dates,
III. 3-
440
GAMALIEL
GAMALIEL
case as referring only to interpretations of Jewisli
law, not to anj'^ civil wrong or any moral outrage
of which Roman law took cognizance.
Two efi'ects of this decision are noted, (a) It
was a snub which gave the Greek bystanders
grounds for venting their animus against the Jews,
by seizing and beating Sosthenes, the ruler of the
synagogue. This seems the true interpretation of
a scene which has been supposed to describe Jews
beating a Christian — or even their own leader — in
revenge for their defeat. But such a savage and
illegal protest against Gallio's decision could not
have passed unnoticed by him ; on the other hand,
a public demonstration against the unpopular and
disputatious Jews whom he had just dismissed
might appear to him a rough sort of justice which
he could atibrd to overlook, especially as it put
the seal of popular approval on his action (see
Sosthenes).
[b) The decision seems to have influenced St.
Paul in another direction. Gallio being governor
of Acbaia, his judgment would become a precedent
and would have far-reaching influence. It gave
St. Paul a new idea of the protection he could gain
from the Roman law. Although Judaism was a
religio licita, evidently the Imperial Government
did not consider Christian preaching illegal. This
amounted to a declaration of freedom in religion
of immense value to Christians. From this point
of view Gallio's treatment of the Jewish complaint
was a landmark in St. Paul's missionary labour,
and did a great deal to confirm his confidence in
Roman protection for his preaching.
Gallio's private character is eulogized by Seneca
in glowing terms. He was very lovable and fasci-
nating; amiable, virtuous, just, and witty. The
casual glimpse we get of him in Ac IS'-^"^'' shows
him in a favourable light as governor. The clause
'Gallio cared for none of these things' does not
bear in the least the interpretation put upon it by
proverbial Christian philosophy. No doubt he had
more than a touch of the Roman aristocrat's con-
tempt for religious quarrels and for all Jews. But
he appears as an astute judge, seeing quickly into
the heart of things, firm in his decisions, and not
too pompous or punctilious to turn a blind eye to
a bit of rough popular horseplay. He seems to
have shared the fortunes of bis more famous
brother, and was put to death by Nero.
Literature. — EDB, art. ' Gallio,' t6. art. 'Corinth,' i. 481;
W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 1895, pp. 257-261, The
Church in the Roman Empire, 1S93, pp. 250, 346-349; R. J.
Knowling-, EGT, 'Acts,' 1900, ad loo. ; F. W. Farrar, Seekers
after God, ed. 1S79, pp. 16-21.
J. E. Roberts.
GAMALIEL ('?K''?;?3, TaixaXi-ffk, 'reward of God').
— 1. Son of Simon and grandson of Hillel, a
' pharisee, a doctor of the law, had in honour of
all the people,' and a member of the Sanhedrin,
who intervened in the trial of St. Peter and the
other apostles (Ac 5^^'^^). He is also represented
by the Apostle Paul as his early teacher (Ac 22").
Gamaliel was a representative of a broader and
more liberal school among the Pharisees, the school
of Hillel as opposed to that of Shammai. He was
interested in Greek literature and encouraged his
students to study it. His teaching tended towards
a broader and more spiritual interpretation of the
Mosaic Law, and encouraged the Jews to friendly
intercourse with foreigners, allowing poor strangers
equal rights along with Jews to the gleanings of
the corn, while he exerted himself for the relief of
wives from the abuses of the law of divorce and
for the protection of widows from the greed of
children (Gittin 32, 34). He was held in such es-
teem that it is related in the Mishna (Sola ix. 15),
'with the death of Gamaliel the reverence for the
law ceased and purity and abstinence died away.'
Gamaliel's attitude towai'ds the apostles has
been variously estimated. His advice to let them
alone is supported by the reason ' if this counsel or
work be of men, it Avill come to naught : but if it
be of God, ye cannot overthrow it, lest haply ye be
found even to fight against God ' (Ac 5^^- ^'^). Some
see in this the mark of a humane, tolerant, gener-
ous, liberal-minded man (C. D. Ginsburgin Kitto's
Bibl. Cycl., s.v. ' Gamaliel I. ') ; others regard it as
the statement of a time-server without definite
convictions, and incline to compare him unfavour-
ably not only with the apostles, but with his col-
leagues in the council, who were consistent and
convinced traditionalists. Perhaps the view of
Milligan (in HDB ii. 106) is the most satisfactory.
He is of the opinion that Gamaliel's conduct is
to be attributed rather to a ' prudential dread of
violent measures than to a spirit of systematic
tolerance.' The persecuting zeal of his pupil Saul
of Tarsus does not seem to indicate that universal
tolerance was part of the systematic teaching of
Gamaliel, though a pupil may depart from the
views he has been taught.
The influence which Gamaliel on this occasion
exercised in the Sanhedrin has been explained by
the acceptance of a Rabbinic tradition to the efi'ect
that he was president of the Sanhedrin ; but not
until after the destruction of Jerusalem, when the
priesthood had lost its importance, do we find a
Rabbi occupying this position (cf. A. Edersheim,
History of the J eivish Nation, 1896, Appendix iii.,
p. 522 ff. ; also Schiirer, GJV* ii. 257, 431). The
influence of Gamaliel is better accounted for by
the predominating influence of the Pharisaic party,
which was represented in the Sanhedrin (Ac 23'' ;
Jos. BJ II. xvii. 3, Vita, 38, 39), and also by
the personal influence of the man himself. The
importance of this latter factor is borne out by
unanimous Rabbinic tradition and is attested by
the fact that Gamaliel was tlie first among the
seven teachers who received the title Rabban — a
higher form of Rabbi, which in the form Rabboni
is applied to the risen Jesus by Mary Magdalene
(Jn 20'^). Another incident bearing upon his com-
manding position in the Sanhedrin is related in
the Mishna {Edajoth vii. 7). The council had re-
cognized the need for appointing a leap-year, but,
as Gamaliel was absent, resolved that their decision
should take efiect only if it received the subse-
quent sanction of their leading man.
The tradition that Gamaliel was a secret Chris-
tian and was baptized by St. Peter and St. Paul
is purely legendary (cf. A. Neander, Hist, of the
Planting and Training of the Christian Church,
ed. Bohn, i. [1880] 46 ff.). He died c.A.D. 57-58.
The historical events referred to in the speech
ascribed to Gamaliel in Ac 5^^^* have given rise to
much discussion. According to St. Luke's narra-
tive, he speaks of a rising under Theudas as tak-
ing 2^1 ace before the rising of Judas of Galilee
(A.D. 6). Josephus (^n^. XX. v. 1) refers to arising
under a certain Theudas which was put down by
the procurator Cuspius Fadus (c. A.D. 46). Is the
Theudas of St. Luke identical with the Theudas
of Josephus? Has one or other historian erred as
to his facts, or were there two risings under two
men of the same name, one in A.D. 6 and the other
in 46 ? Or are we to suppose that the whole
s])eecli of Gamaliel in Acts is unhistorical ? For
further discussion of these questions see art.
Theudas.
2. Gamaliel II., grandson of the former and the
third teacher to receive the title Rabban, the most
outstanding Jewish scholar at the end of the 1st
century. He ]nesided over the court of Jabne,
recognized as the higliest Jewish authority of tiic
day. He is often confused with 1 (Schiirer, GJV*
ii. 35).
GABIES
GAMES
441
3. Gamaliel III., son of E,. Juda-ha-Xasi {Ahoth
ii. 2), the fifth scholar to receive the title Rabban.
He is credited with having expressly recommended
the combining of the study of the Law with manual
labour or business activity (Schiirer, GJV* ii. 379).
i. The last Ethnarch or Patriarch of the Jews,
deposed by the Emperor Theodosian II. in the year
415 (Schiirer, GJV* iii. 121).
Literature.— G. Milligran, in HDB ii. [1899] 106; C. D.
Ginsburg, in Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature'^, ii.
(1-1,4] GO-ei; E. Schiirer, GJV*, 1901-11; R. J. Knowlingr,
£GT, 'Acts,' 1900, p. 156. W. F. BOYD.
GAMES. — The Avord 'games,' which is not found
in the AV, appears twice in the RV, viz. in 1 Co
9'-^ and 2 Ti 2^. In the former passage ayuvigofxevos,
'striving,' is the Greek term employed, and in the
latter ad\^ (and ddXricrri), ' contend.' It will be seen
that in each case ' in the games' is supplied in ac-
cordance with the obvious sense of the verb. This
provides a starting-point for the discussion of the
numerous references to games that are found in
the NT, the Gospels being left out of account.
1. Metaphors of St. 'Pa.ul.—ayui', with derivatives,
both simple and compound, supplies most of the
material. This word is itself derived from dyu,
'gather,' which reveals the spectacular nature of
the games of antiquity. While private games of
many kinds were known and practised, either as
simple pastimes, or for the exhibition of skill, or
to satisfy the gambling instinct, games of a public
order predominated, and this was more than ever
the rule in tlie Apostolic Age. The difference re-
Tnarked by Gibbon {Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire, ch. xl. § ii. [ed. Bury, vol. iv.^ 1908, p.
218]) between the games of Greece and Kome was
now very pronounced : ' tlie most eminent of the
Greeks were actors, the Romans were merely spec-
tators.' "While the demand of the age was for
spectacles, a supply of competitors had still to be
found ; which means that professional athletes
existed, who in the case of Rome seem to have
been mostly imported from Greece. It is perhaps
significant of the spirit of the times that the strictly
])rofessional term (adXiu) is but rarely used in the
NT (2 Ti 26 ; cf. Ph V-'' 4^, He lO^-). Degeneracy
had set in, and the onlookers were out of all pro-
portion to the trained athletes who provided the
sport.
This being the case, it is all the more surprising
to find that metaphors and similes drawn from the
spliere of athletics should enter so largely into the
language of the NT, in particular into the letters
of St. Paul. It has been customary to explain this
feature of the Apostle's writings as the outcome of
his experience and from his actual presence at
great athletic assemblies, but now the idea is gain-
ing ground that he drew rather upon the word-
treasury of past generations, and used such figures
of speech because they had become stereotyped in
language and arose naturally to the mind. The
same fondness for the imagery of the athletic
ground has been remarked in Philo {HDB v. 206'' ;
W. M. Ramsay, Luke the Physician, 1908, p. 294),
and the opinion is widely entertained that St. Paul
owed the particular metaphor of the race {e.g. 1 Co
9^^^-) to the Stoics, with whom it was a favourite
idea (C. Clemen, Primitive Christianity and its
Non-Jewish Sources, Eng. tr., 1912, p. 67). Light-
foot has called attention to the striking similarity
in this respect, as in many others, between the
language of St. Paul and that of Seneca {Philip-
2nans\ 1878, pp. 288 and 290).
Modern exegesis has brought to view the full
scope of the imagery from games, obscured in the
renderings of the AV, which are retained for the
sake of euphony in the RV (e.g. 1 Ti e'^ and 2 Ti 4^
literally, 'strive the good strife,' *I have striven
the good strife '). It is not apparent that in 2 Ti
4^ tlie figure of speech in the first two clauses is
uniform and drawn from the athletic ground (con-
trast 2^"*). An improved reading of 1 Ti 41", in-
corporated in the RV, gives dywvi^6/xeda, 'strive,'
instead of 6veLOi'(;6ixeda, ' suffer reproach ' ( AV). The
same idea of contest or striving, with the same
basal form dywv, appears in Ro 15^", 1 Co 9''^, Ph 1^,
Col 1^ 21 41-, 1 Th 22, He \2^-\ Jude». Specific
features of the athletic contest are found in 'course'
[bpoixos ; Ac 1325 20--». 2 Ti 4^, ' run ' (rpexw ; Ro Q^^,
Gal 22 S', Ph 216, 2 Th 31, 1 P 4^), ' press on ' (oiwku, ;
Ph3i-ff-), 'stretching forth' {iweKTeivofievo^ ; Ph 3").
Kara (tkottov (' mark,' AV, 'goal,' RV ; Ph3'^), while
relevant, is not technical to racing [HDB iii. 244).
Thus far the language is suggestive of the stad-
ium, particularly of the foot-race, although it is
not forbidden to think of the hippodrome and of
chariot-racing. Another event in the games is
recalled by the expressive term irvKTevo) (1 Co 9^),
rendered by 'fight,' 'box' (RVm), and the no less
expressive depuiv {y.'^^), ' beating,' and xnrwTTLa^u} (v.^),
' bufl'et' or ' bruise' (under the eye), rnxiv i] TrdXt],
' our wrestling ' (Eph 6I-), seems like an intrusion of
the imagery of the athletic ground into the meta-
phor of the complete warrior.
Not the least interesting part of the Pauline
figures of speech now being considered is related
to the laws and regulations governing the public
games, both beforehand and during the actual con-
test (1 Co 9-^'). and the conditions attending the
giving of the prize {<rTe(pavos, ' crown ' or ' wreath ').
The reward to the victor follows upon the decision
of the umpires {^pa^evral}, and the herald's an-
nouncement (KTipi'Cffiiv ; cf. 1 Co 9^). ^pa^dov
(Ph SI'*) is the word used for the prize bestowed
according to the laws of the games (compare jSpa-
^ev^TO}, Col 316, ' rule,' ' arbitrate,' RVm, and Kara-
^pa^everu, 2"*, ' rob you of your prize '). The
immediate prize in the shape of a wreath suggests
the idea of something better than itself, not only
in connexion with the actual contest, where further
honours were afterwards bestowed upon the victor,
but also in the Christian thought of St. Paul
(1 Co 925, Ph 41, 1 Th 219, 2 Ti 4®) and other NT
writers (Ja V\ 1 P 5^ Rev 21" 3" 4* etc.). Some
reluctance has been felt to admit the use by Jewish
writers of this figure drawn from the ceremonial of
the heathen games (R. C. Trench, Synonyms 0/
the AT, 1865, p. 76 f.), but it is probable that they
were indirectly indebted to this outstanding phase
of ancient life {HDB iv. 555'' ; cf. Ramsay, op. cit.,
p. 290 f.).
While we are wUling to believe that the profitable
aspect of bodily training (1 Ti 4*) was not altogether
in abeyance during the Apostolic Age, we are
chiefly impressed by the historical evidence for the
gross degeneracy of the public games during the
1st cent. A.D. For this deterioration the Romans
must be held responsible. It is not necessary to
dwell on the details of the lust for blood, both
human and animal, which disfigured the public
displays of the Imperial city and to a less extent
of the provinces. The motto of the age Avas ' bread
and races ' (panis et circenses), and coupled with
this was the cry : ' The Christians to the lions ! '
{Christiani ad leones). The Christians thus had a
tragic interest in the ludi circenses, especially in
the cruel displays of the amphitheatre. St. Paul's
experience at Ephesus may be taken as typical.
There he fought with beasts (i67}pion6.xn<y'>; 1 Co
15^2), an expression which is generally understood
figuratively (see art. Beast), but which is considered
by McGiffert {Apostolic Age, 1897, p. 280) and von
Weizsacker [Apostolic Age, i.^ [1897] 385) as setting
forth actual fact. In the same city the Apostle
and his friends Gains and Aristarchus came near
experiencing the violence of the mob in the theatre
442
GAMES
GARLANDS
(Ac IQ-^**^), which was the recognized place of as-
sembly, and even of execution following judgment
(Jos. BJ VII. iii. 3). Originally designed for
scenic exliibitions of a bloodless type, the tlieatre
had developed, or rather had deteriorated, into the
amphitiieatre with its wliolesale butcheries.
The theatre supplies NT writers with two similes :
dearpov — Oea/xa, 'a spectacle,' 1 Co 4', and Oearpii^o-
/xevoiiKe 10^), translated by 'gazingstock.' In ad-
dition to this the atrocities of tlie amphitheatre
doubtless underlie many of the references to perse-
cutions, being most patent in 1 Co 15^^ and 2 Ti 4'" :
' I was delivered out of the mouth of the lion.' It
should be noted that this last-named experience
has also been refined into a proverb (C. Clemen,
op. cit., p. 134 ; EBiiv. 5090 n.). Considerable un-
certainty attaches to the language of He 12^ : ' Ye
have not yet resisted unto blood,' in which it is
tempting to see a repetition of St. Paul's metaphor
from boxing (I Co 9-'^'"), or even a reference to the
extreme penalty of martyrdom suffered by some,
after the example of ' the author and perfecter of
our faith.' The blood may have been shed in sight
of the circle of spectators in the amphitheatre (cf.
wepLKelixevov, He l2').
2. History and archaeology. — The Jews were not
exempt from the current treatment of those who
had incurred the wrath of the State. At Cfesarea
Titus caused more than 2,500 Jews to be slain in a
day, fighting with the beasts and with one another
(Jos. BJ VII. iii. 1 ; cf. VII. ii. 1). Under this same
monarch a commencement was made to the build-
ing of the Colosseum, which was dedicated and
first used for gladiatorial and other exhibitions
(e.g. venationes) in the reign of Vespasian (A.D. 80).
The provinces soon learned to copy the evil example
of the mother country (W. M. Ramsay, The Church
in the Ronuin Empire, 1893, p. 317 ff.).
Already in the East, under Hellenic influence,
ample provision had been made to satisfy the
craze for public amusements. In the cities of the
Decapolis there were in some instances two amphi-
theatres, while some possessed a vavixaxl<x ; and
annual HayKpana or games of all kinds were held
(G. A. Smith, HGHL\ 1897, p. 604). King Agrippa I.
continued the policy of Herod the Great, building
at Berytus a theatre and an amphitheatre, and
giving exhibitions both there and at Csesarea (Jos.
Ant. XIX. vii. 5, viii. 2;cf. Ac 12'^'^-^). When
Roman influence fully pervaded the East, the zest
for sports and for blood became still more pro-
nounced. Nero himself lent patronage, but not
lustre, to the Grecian games, and took a personal
part in them (A.D. 67). In the Roman province of
Asia festivals with games were held, probably
under tiie presidency of the Asiarchs {HDB i. 172).
The climax was reached in the 2nd cent. A.D. (see
Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, p.
317 f.). Confirmation of the wide-spread love of
sport at this time is found in the well-preserved
ruins of trans-Jordanic towns — e.g. Gerasa, Phila-
delphia, and elsewhere (G. A. Smith, op. cit., p.
598 ff. ; E. Huntington, Palestine and its Trans-
formation, 1911, pp. 280 f., 295).
Such facilities for games even on tiie verge of
tiie Empire speak for tiie universal practice of
lieathendom. The Cliristians stood aloof from
these displays, and became steeled against them
more anci more with tiie lapse of time. In the 3rd
cent. ' no member of the Christian Church was
allowed to be an actor or gladiator, to teach acting,
or to attend the theatre' (A. Harnack, The Mission
and Expansion of Christianity", 1908, i. 301).
According to the Talmud, the religious leaders
of the Jews were only slightly less rigid, although
they could not altogether prevent attendance at
the tlieatre and participation in games of chance
(E. Schurer, HJP ii. i. [1885] 32 f., 36).
Literature.— Art. 'Games' in HDB, SDB, Imperial Bible
Diet., Smith's Diet, of Class. Antiquities, Seyffert's Diet, o/
Class. Antiquities (ed. Nettlesliip and Sandys) ; ' Games,
Classical,' in £i>r>i ; 'Games and Sports' in JE, 'Games
(Hebrew and Jewish)' in EHE-, E. Gibbon, Decline and Fall
of the Roman Empire, ch. xii. (ed. Burj', vol. i.-*, 1906, p.
343 ff.) ; W. E. H. Lecky, History of European Morals^, ISSS,
i. 271 ff.; E. Renan, Les Apotres, 1866, cli. xvii. ; S. Dill,
Roman Society from yero to Marctis Aurelius, 1904, pp. 234-
244 ; F. W. Farrar, The Life and Work of St. Paul, 1897,
Excursus iii., p. 698 f.; W. Warde Fowler, Social Life at
Home in the Age of Cicero, 1908, pp. 285-318 ; L. Friedlander,
Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire, tr. J. H.
Freese and L. A. Magnus, ii. 1-130 ; T. G. Tucker, Life in the
Roman U'orld of Nero and St. Paul, 1910, p. 260 IT. ; S. Krauss,
Talmudisehe Archdoloaie, iii. [1912] 102-121 ; E. Schiirer, GJ I'-"
u. [1907] 47-52, 60 f., 67 (Eng. tr., HJP li. i. 23-28, etc.).
W. Cruickshank.
GANGRENE (Gr. ydyypaiva, ' an eating, spreading
sore,' from ypalveiv, ' to gnaw,' AV 'canker.' Two
very early translations of 2 Ti 2'^ may be cited :
'Ase holi writ sei5, " hore speche spret ase
cauncre'" [Ancr. Bales, 98, ann. 1225 ; see ' canker'
in OED]; ' Tlie word of hem crepith as a kankir'
[Wyclif, Bible, ed. 1382 ; changed to ' canker ' in
1388 ed. The Vulgate has ' ut cancer ']). — Until
about A.D. 1600, ' canker ' signified corroding ulcera-
tions generally, and was earlier derived from Italian
and medical Latin cancrena. ' Gangrene ' is the
term applied to necrosis or mortification of a part
of the animal body, attacking especially the ex-
tremities, which, as it moves upward, unless ar-
rested, involves more and more healthy tissue, and
finally results in death. In its figurative use it
symbolizes anything that slowly but surely and
malignantly corrupts, depraves, and consumes
what is good. The cause of the ' gangrene ' re-
ferred to in 2 Ti 2''^ is incipient Gnosticism, which
subverted the Christian teaching concerning the
resurrection, alleging that it had occurred already,
in opposition to the belief of the apostles that the
resurrection was future, being not merely sjiiritual
but involving the whole man. In Ja 5^ ' cankered '
in the AV is in the RV translated ' rusted.'
C. A. Beckwith.
GARLANDS (Gr. o-Wytt/uaT-a).— This word is found
only once in the NT, and it is used in connexion
with heathen sacrifices. In the temples of the
ancient world it was customary to make large
use of floral decoration, and especially of wreaths
or garlands, on the occasion of religious festivals.
Often the priests, the worshippers, and, in particu-
lar, the sacrificial victims, were adorned with such
wreaths of flowers or leaves at the time of sacrifice.
The Romans had a specific name for the wreath or
garland worn by the priest and worshippers when
taking part in sacrificial worship — the corona sacer-
dotalis, or 'priestly garland.' We have repeated
references in classical writers of both Greece and
Rome to the practice of adorning the sacrificial
beasts with garlands or fillets of flowers or leaves
(cf. Virgil, JEneid, v. 366 ; Euripides, Heracleidce,
529). This association of garlands with heathen
worship led the early Christians to object to their
use altogether (cf. TertuUian, de Corona Militis).
In Ac H'*''^ we are told that, on the healing
of a lame man by the Apostles Paul and Barna-
bas at Lystra in Asia Minor, the people imagined
the wonder-workers to be incarnations of the gods
Jupiter and Mercury, and declared, ' The gods are
come down to us in the likeness of men ' (v.^'). In
accordance with this idea, and probably also with
a view to reaping the fruits of the religious excite-
ment that had been aroused, the priest of Jupiter
brought forth oxen and garlands to the gates of the
city for sacrifice (v. '2). The garlands here were
Mreatlis or chaplets of flowers or leaves intended
for the victims and probably also for those taking
part in the service.
The Gr. word a-T4<pavos, which is usually trans-
lated ' crown ' in the English version, is more cor-
GAEAIE^sT
GENEALOGIES
443
lectly rendered 'wreath' or 'garland,' and, like
tiie (TTe/j-fxaTa (fillets) of Ac 14^^, consisted of leaves
or flowers, and was not onl}- used in sacritices but
awarded as a prize to victors in war or at the games
(cf. art. Crown). W. F, Boyd.
GARMENT.— See Clothes.
GATE. — Two terms, ttuXtj SLndirvXiiv, are rendered
'gate' in EV, but in certain cases the latter is
diti'erentiated by 'porch,' 'portals' (Mt 26'\ Rev
21, KVui passim). The distinction between the
two seems to turn upon architectural features.
AVhere the entrance alone is contemplated, wvXt] is
used ; but where the whole complex of buildings
bound up with the entrance is present to view,
TTvXwv is the term employed. The pylon is associ-
ated mainly with Egyptian Temples, and consists
of the imposing towers flanking the gate by which
access was given to the court. When the space
between these towers was filled in above, the en-
trance became a portal, and in this sense the term
is employed for private houses as well. An inter-
esting example falling within this period is Ac 12^^,
where mention is made of rrjv dvpav roO ttvXQpos.
This shows that the portal or gateway was closed
by means of a door placed at the end fronting
the street. The passage may have been closed in
similar fashion at the other end, which opened on
the court (see, further, DoOR). A similar use with
reference to a private house occurs in Ac 10'^. In
each case the singular is used. With these we
have to contrast Ac 14'^ where the plural is found.
Opinion is divided as to whether a private entrance,
or the city gate, or the sanctuary precincts should
here be understood. Tlie most reasonable inter-
pretation is tliat the irvXCJi/es go together with the
Temple buildings outside the city (Lystra), being
near the point where sacrihce was wont to be
made. Barnabas and Paul 'sprang forth,' or
' rushed out,' as probably from the city gate as from
a private house. The remaining instances may be
classed together (Rev 21'- is- is- 2i- 25 22'-«), where
the marginal reading ' portals' gives the best con-
ception of what is represented.
In cases where the gate of a city is referred to,
irtjXi] is the usual term. It is used thus of Damas-
cus (Ac 9-*) and Phiiippi (Ac 16^^ — here AV ren-
ders 'city' — a not unnatural substitution). With
these instances may be ranked He 13'- — Christ
suffering without the gate (of Jerusalem). We
remark the singular form in all but one instance
(Ac 9-*, where the plural is warranted). There is
one example to be classed alone, which shows how
an entrance was Hlled up. It is found in Ac 12'",
where the epithet ' iron ' applied to gate is attached
to TTvXr] (it would not suit ttvXwv). Modern struc-
tures lead us to think of iron throughout, but it is
more likely the gate was of wood and faced with
iron. That the more solid form was not impossible
we gather from the Temple doors (Jos. BJ VI. v.
3 ; cf. discoveries at Pompeii, and Vergil, ^n. vi.
552-4). If we accept the addition of Cod. Bezse,
seven steps led down from this gate to the level of
The Beautiful Gate of the Temple (Ac 3-- 1") has
been treated under art. Door. Although it is
spoken of as a gate (wvXt]), we have reason to think
this was a portal of a very elaborate type (SDB,
art. 'Temple'). W. Cruickshank.
GAUL.— See Galatia.
GAZA (Fdi'a). — Gaza, the most southern of the
five chief cities of Philistia, was important as the
last place of call on the road to Egypt. It was
'the frontier city of Syria and the Desert, on
the south-west, as Damascus on the north-east'
(Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, London, 1877, p. 259).
Writing about the beginning of the Christian era,
Strabo (XVI. ii. 30) describes it as ' once famous,
but razed by Alexander [the Great] and remain-
ing deserted ' (/cat fievovaa epiy/ios). The last clause
can scarcely be correct, for Gaza was a strong city
in the time of Jonathan the Maccabee (1 Mac
11^"-), and it stood a year's siege before it was
destroyed by Alexander Jannaus in 96 B.C. (Jos.
Ant. XIII. xiii. 3). This was Old Gaza (r/ TraXatd
rdfa), so called by Diodorus and Porphyry (see
the references in Schiirer, HJF II. i. [Edinburgh,
I8S5] 70). New Gaza (17 via Td^a) was built by
Gabinius, Governor of Syria (Jos. Ant. xiv. v. 3),
apparently at some distance from the former site
(Jerome, Onomast., ed. Lagarde, Gbttingen, 1870,
p. 125). In the time of Claudius, Mela describes
it as ' ingens et munita admodum' (i. 11). It is
said to have been destroyed by the Jews in A.D.
65 (Jos. BJll. xviii. 1), but the ruin cannot have
been more than partial. In the time of Eusebius
and Jerome it was still a notable Greek city,
where paganism s'toutly resisted Christianity ; and
it played an important part in the time of the
Crusades. To-day it is a flourishing town of 16,000
inhabitants, built on and around a hill rising 100
ft. above the plain, and separated from the sea by
three miles of j'ellow sand-dunes. Well watered,
with broad gardens, and a great olive grove stretch-
ing northwards, it drives a considerable trade with
the nomadic Arabs.
Gaza is mentioned once in the NT (Ac 8^) :
'Arise,' said the angel of the Lord to Philip, 'and
go toward the south (marg., at noon) unto the
way that goetli down from Jerusalem to Gaza :
the same is desert ' {avnj iariv ip-rjuos). It is a
much-disputed point whether ' the same' refers to
the way or to Gaza. (1) If the former interpreta-
tion, which is the ordinary one, is riglit, the tract
which the road traversed was ' desert ' only in
a qualitied sense, for the writer expressly states
that in passing through it Philip came upon water,
in which he baptized the eunuch. The guiding
angel's words may refer merely to the solitariness
of the road, being spoken ' to bring out Philip's
trustful obedience, where he could not foresee the
end in view' (J. V. Bartlet, Acts [Century Bible,
1901], p. 214), or simply to prepare him for the
uninterrupted interview which he enjoys with the
eunuch. It is always possible that ' the same is
desert ' is a remark added by the narrator himself.
(2) G. A. Smith {HGHL, London, 1897, p. 186 fl'.)
and Cheyne {EBi, 1650) hold that ' the same '
{avri)) refers to Gaza. The former, to whom it
seems impossible to describe any route from Jeru-
salem to Gaza as desert, suggests that while New
Gaza was built by the seashore, the road to
Egypt passed the inland and at least comparatively
deserted Old Gaza. This view, however, puts a
strained meaning upon ' the same,' while Schiirer
(II. i. 71) holds that the new citj', to which aiT?;
would naturally refer, also lay inland, probably a
little distance to the south of the old. Some scholars
(Beza, Hilgenfeld, Schmiedel, and others) have con-
tended that ' the same is desert' is an explanatory
gloss. Schmiedel suggests that it was set down in
the margin by a reader who had been misled by
Strabo, and then incorporated in the text.
Literature. — See, in addition to the works mentioned above,
E. Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, London, 1S41, p.
373 ff. ; V. Guerin, Description geographique . . . de la Pales-
tine, pt. i. : 'Judee,' Paris, 18ti9 ; L. Gautier, Souue-nirs de
Terre-Sainte, Lausanne, 1897, p. 116 if. ; T. Zahn, Introd. to
the yX, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1909, ii. 43S.
James Strahan.
GEHENNA.— See Hell.
GENEALOGIES. — The value attached by the
Hebrew people to genealogies is seen in the long
444
GENEALOGIES
GENERATION
and, to modern readers, somewhat wearisome, lists
of Scripture. Tlieir exaggerated importance was
in some measure due to family pride, which loved
an old descent ; and therefore it was considered a
laudable ambition to build up legendary pedigrees
of heroes and founders such as are met with, e.g., in
the Book of Jubilees. As Judaism became politi-
cally impotent, it took to dreaming of the glories
of the past, and there sprang up a ' rank growth of
legend respecting the patriarchs and other heroes '
(Hort, Jtidaistic Christianity, Cambridge and
London, 1894, p. 136). This genealogical matter
is found in Hebrew and in Greek, and. appears in
both Philo and Josephus.
In the genealogies a religious interest is also
apparent. We know from the NT how obstinately
the later Judaism clung to the merely positive and
perishable precepts of the Law, and how at the
same time, under a narrow and literal doctrine of
inspiration, tlie attempt was made to extract
nourishment for the spiritual life from every part
of the OT. The most fantastic doctrines were
drawn, even from the names in the genealogical
lists, in the interests of a supposed edification.
For a time Judaism bitterly opposed the Church ;
then, entering it as Judaistic Christianity, it sought
to capture the new movement, in the interests of
a sect, by binding upon it the yoke of the Law,
which Peter, in the Jerusalem Council, said ' neither
our fathers nor we were able to bear ' (Ac 15*").
' Lastly, it becomes a fantastic heresy inside the
Church, and sinks into profane frivolity. "Pre-
tended revelations are given as to the names and
genealogy of angels ; absurd ascetic rules are laid
down as ' counsels of perfection,' while daring im-
morality defaces the actual life " ' (Plummer, The
Pastoral Epp. [Expos. Bib., London, 1888], p. 34;
also Expositor, 3rd ser., viii. [1888] 42) ; cf. Eev 2"
' I know the blasphemy of them which say they are
Jews and tliej' are not.'
With this ' unwholesome stuff' (Hort, p. 137)
there was combined the doctrine of a;ons of the
Jewish philosopher Philo — the incipient Gnosti-
cism of the Colossian heresy. The yvQais of the
NT is the special lore of those who interpreted
mystically the OT, especially the Law (cf. Hort,
pp. 139-144). This so-called Gnosticism may be
traced through Philo, the Book of Wisdom, and
Sirach, 'back to the Persian speculations with
which the Jews became familiar during the Cap-
tivity' (Dods, Introd. to NT, London, 1888, p.
141 f.). This is the situation, atmosphere, and
tendency lying behind the steru rebukes of the
Pastoral Ejjistles.
In 1 Ti \* the warning is given, n7]ok -n-pocrixeiv
fivOots Kal yeveaXoyiais airepdvTOis, a'Crives iK^rjTTjcreis
irapixovat., ' neither to give heed to fables and
endless genealogies, the which minister question-
ings.' These genealogies are 'legendary pedigrees
of Jewish heroes' and 'haggadic embroidery of
Jewish biographies ' (Motfatt, LNT, Edinburgh,
1911, pp. 406, 408). They are called airipavToi
((XTraJ Xey. in NT)— ' endless,' because they led
nowhere, and, where all meanings were equally
possible and equally worthless, one interpretation
was as good as another, ' They minister question-
ings ' — that was tiieir end. ' Fanciful tales merely
tickle the ears and loosen the tongue. Tliej' have
no relation to the serious business of life. . . .
They end in conversation, not conversion ' (J.
Strachan, The Captivity and the Pastoral Epistles
[Westminster NT, London, 1910], p. 203, where
Koliler is quoted [p. 205] : ' the author can think of
no more striking contrast than that between the
endless prattle of the false teachers aiul the gospel
of the glory of the blessed God' [1 Ti l^']). Life is
a stewardship of God {olKoi>ofj.ia 6eoO), but tliis
' trashy and unwholesome stuff,' which occupied
'men's minds to the exclusion of solid and life-
giving nutriment' (Hort, p. 137), hinders the fulfil-
ment of the trust of life. It is contrary to sound
doctrine. It does not belong to the healthy {vyiai-
vovirrj) mind. In Tit 3* the warning is repeated :
'shun foolish questions and genealogies.'
The scornful method adopted by the Pastoral
Epistles of dealing with these ' silly questions and
genealogies' has been objected to as un- Pauline,
and is cited as an argument for the late date of the
Epistles. Without raising the question of author-
ship, one may feel, on general considerations, that,
in the interests of the Churcli, the question was a
vital one — should Christianity be allowed to de-
generate into a blend of Mosaism and Gentile
philosophy or theosophy ? Even in religious con-
troversy, rank growths are not to be eradicated
with a pair of tweezers. Motfatt's rejoinder {EBi
5083) to McGifi'eit {Apostolic Age, Edinburgh, 1897,
p. 402) may be regarded as justified and satis-
factory : ' This movement [represented by fables,
genealogies, etc.] is met by . . . methods, which
seem denunciatory merely because we no longer
possess any statement of the other side, and are,
therefore, prone to forget that such rotigh and
decisive w'ays are at times the soundest method of
conserving truth. . . . Firmness and even ridicule
have their own place as ethical weapons of defence.'
See Fable. W. M. Geant.
GENERATION {yeved, 1 P 2^ : 'a chosen genera-
tion,' AV=7^j'os iK\£KTdi'=' an elect race,' RV). —
The use of yeved in the NT closely reproduces, as
in the LXX it translates, the Hebrew nil. The two
words, however, reach their common significance
from different directions. Etymologically, 7€ved
expresses the idea of kinship. It signifies de-
scent, or the descendants, from the same ancestral
stock ; then those of the same lineage who are born
about the same time ; then the lifetime of such
(measured from birth of parent to birth of child),
or, more generally, an ' age ' or lengthened period
of time. The root-idea of nn, on the other hand, is
a period of time : hence it comes to mean the people
whose lifetime falls approximately within a given
period, and finally acquires the genealogical sense
of a ' generation ' (see Liddell and Scott and Oxford
Hebrew Lexicon, s.v.).
In the apostolic writings, the primary meaning
of the word is (a) the body of individuals of the
same race who are born about the same time (He 3'",
Ac 13^", AV and K.Vm); but this sense usually
passes into that of {b), the period covered by tlie
lifetime of such (Ac 13=« RV, 14'6 15-^ Eph 3«) ; and
thus the plural, yeveai, comes to mean (c) all time,
past or future, as consisting in the succession of
such periods. In Col 1-^, * the mystery hath been
hid from the ages and from the generations,' the
'generation' is a subdivision of the 'age' and is
added for the sake of emphasis, and in Eph 3'-^ the
Apostle, struggling to express the idea of the
Eternal Future, not only describes it as ' the age
of ages' (the age whose component parts are tliem-
selves ages), but adds to the picture the endless
succession of ' generations ' which constitute each
' age ' — ' unto all the generations of the age of ages '
(cf. Ps 102-'^ Enoch ix. 4). Finally {d) the word is
used, as often in the OT (Dt 325--", Ps 12' 24« etc.),
with a moral connotation, as in Ph 2*^ and Ac 2^".
In the latter passage the term has an eschatological
colouring. 'Tliis crooked generation' is the pre-
sent, swiftly transient period of the world's history,
which is leading up to the Day of Judgment and
the New Age.
Literature.— H. Cremer, Bibl.-Tkeol. Lexicon of NT Crreeki,
ISSO ; Grimm-Thayer, Greek-English Lexicon of the HT'^,
liUO; Theodor Keim, Jemsof Nazara, Engr. tr., 18S1, vol. v.
p. 245 n. Robert Law.
GEI^TILES
GENTILES
445
GENTILES {to. idv-q, 'the nations,' as opposed to
Israel, 6 Xa6s. The opposition comes out clearly in
Lk 2^2, Ac 26"- 23, Ro 15'". Cf. 'am and goytm in
Dt 2618- 19 32*3, ig 428. Jq Rq ips 1527 154^ Qal 2»2- ^*,
Eph 31 ?^»'7? = Gentile Christians; but in 1 Co 12^,
Eph 211 4}\ 1 Th 45 St. Paul lays stress upon the
moral separation of such from the idvri [cf. Harnack,
Expansion, i. 67, n. 1]. The Vulg. has gentes for
^dvq, but nearly always Gentilis iox"EKkr)v fEXXijyh].
This may have led our translators to render "EXXi?!'
six times by 'Gentile' [uniformly 'Greek,' how-
ever, in RV]. When the Koine [vernacular and
business Greek] became the international language,
those Jews who spoke it began to apply the handy
designation of ' Greeks ' to all non-Jews in order
to distinguish them from themselves ; hence the
phrase 'lovoaioi re Kal "^XKrjves came to be the col-
loquial equivalent of 6 Xa6s Kal to, Idvij. But there
are passages in the NT where "EXXijj'es appears to re-
tain its proper national sense [Ac 16^* ^ 21-^ Ro l^'*,
1 Co r-^^, Gal 23, Col 3" ; cf. Zahn, Jntrod. to NT, i.
373 ; Harnack, Acts of the Apostles, p. 51]). — Intro-
ductory. — The account of what occurred at Pisidian
Antioch when St. Paul and Barnabas preached
there the second time (Ac 13**'' ) may be taken as a
short outline of the principal part of the history of
the Apostolic Age. The Jews, filled with jealousy,
contradict and rail at the preaching of the gospel.
Tlie two apostles then speak out boldlj', and say :
' It was necessary that the word of God should first
be spoken to you. Seeing ye thrust it from you
. . . lo, we turn to the Gentiles.' The Gentiles
receive the word with joy, and many of them be-
lieve. The history of the Apostolic Age is mainly
the history of how Christ was brought to the
Gentile world, and how tlie Jewish nation ' hardened
its heart more and more against the appeal of
Christianity' (Harnack, op. cit. p. xxx). Addanother
imjiortant feature to the history of this period —
that the door which was set wide open for the ad-
mission of the Gentiles into the Kingdom of God
was kept wide open in spite of the attempt of a
large section of the Judseo-Christian Church to
shut it — and the outline is complete.
1. The Gentiles and the purpose of God. — When
we speak of God's revealing Himself, we mean His
opening man's eyes to such a sight of His nature
and will as meets a universal want of man's spirit.
We believe that, since man's history began, there
has never been an age or a country in which ' the
Father of spirits ' has not entered into close relation
with His spiritual children. We agree with Justin
]Martyr when he says that the wise heathen lived
in company Avith 'The Word,' and that all that
they have truly said is part of Christianity {Apol.
i. 46, ii. 13). The revelation which most concerns
us is the special one contained in the Holy Scrip-
tures. In the OT, it disclosed certain fundamental
principles which, when we study them in the light
of Christianity, we jjerceive to have been also
promises of a purpose of mercy for the whole world.
One is the Unity of God. This implied that God
should be the one object of worship to the whole
human race. Another is His entering into succes-
sive covenants with men of various periods. This
pointed to a progressive purpose M'hich should
finally be realized in His drawing all men unto
Himself. Further, the announcement of His design
of blessing all the families of the earth through
that family which He chose to be the special de-
positary of His revealed will, was virtually His
calling Abraham and his descendants to be fellow-
workers with Himself in bringing all nations to
love and obey Him. Those principles and promises,
understood now in the light of the gospel, convey
to us the assurance that the cause of the salvation
of the Gentiles is to be found ' in the bosom and
counsel of God.'
2. The OT and the Gentiles. — When we turn our
attention to the OT on its liuman side, we meet
with a confusing variety of opinions respecting the
Gentiles. There is no consistency of view, no
authoritative standard of judgment whereby con-
flicting utterances may be reconciled ; and the
etiect of this is often depressing to those readers
who do not bear in mind that ' we have the treasure
in earthen vessels,' or that the instruments whom
God employed in revealing His will were imperfect
men. OT writers often speak of the Gentiles in
the language of reprobation. In Ps 9^'' the goytm
are synonymous with the r'shaim, 'the wicked'
(cf. Dt 9^) ; they are the 'am-ndbhcil, ' the foolish
people,' in Ps 74^^ (cf. Sir 50'^^) ; they are the b^ne-
nekhdr, ' the strangers ' (in a hostile sense), ' whose
mouth speaketh vanity, and their right hand is a
right hand of falsehood,' in Ps 144^ (ct. Zeph 3^8).
Israel is strictly prohibited from ' walking in their
statutes,' or following their idolatrous practices
(hukkdth hag-goyim [Lv 18^ 20", 2 K 17«]).
The virtues of individual Gentiles, it is true, are
often referred to with approval. The native chiefs
of Canaan treat Abraham with respect ; the
Pharaoh who makes Joseph lord of his house calls
him ' a man in whom the spirit of God is ' ; the
daughter of the Pharaoh of the oppression is moved
with compassion at the sight of the child Moses,
and brings him up as her son ; Jethro receives
Moses when an exile into his family, guides him
in the desert, and instructs him in the art of
governing ; Rahab and Ruth ' take refuge under
the wings of the God of Israel,' and their names
are in the regal genealogy ; Ittai the Gittite cleaves
to David, when almost all have forsaken him ; the
Queen of Sheba comes to hear the wisdom of
Solomon ; the Tyrian Hiram supjjlies him with
materials when building tlie Temple, having been
' ever a lover of David ' ; the widow of Zarepiiath,
nearly destitute herself, feeds the famishing Elijah ;
and Naaman, the Syrian general, confesses his
faith in the God of Eiisha as the one true God ;
Ebed-nielech, an Ethiopian slave, rescues Jeremiah
from death, and is rewarded with a promise of
personal immunity from danger ; Job, an Arabian
shaikh, is tlie lofty teacher of how ' to sutler
and be strong ' ; Cyrus tlie Persian is the Lord's
anointed, and the deliverer of His people.
Nor is the fundamental principle of the unity of
the human race (Gn 1-11), or of God's having ' made
of one every nation of men for to dwell on all the
face of the earth' (Ac 17""), ever lost sight of by
OT writers. He who brought up Israel from Egypt,
Amos says (9''), is the same God who brought the
Philistines from Caphtor and the Syrians from Kir.
But neither in this saying nor in the later one
about ' all the nations over Avhom my name has
been called' (cf. Driver on Am 9^-) does the prophet
voice the belief that He who made all ' loveth all,'
or Avill admit all into the covenant of His grace.
Very little is taught by the pre-Exilic prophets
as to the Avorld being Israel's mission-field, but
much is said about God's chastising the nations.
In the great post-Exilic book of national consolation
the proof of Jahweh's Godhead is followed by the
proclamation of salvation to all mankind : ' Look
unto me and be ye saved, all the ends of the earth '
(Is 45^^). When we read those words, and ' the
Servant of the Lord Songs,' with their bright out-
look on the Gentile world, the expectation is raised
that the missionary calling of Israel is about to be
fulfilled. It is true that a beginning was made,
but only by the Jews of the Dispersion. The
home- Jews, led by Nehemiah, took the course of
setting up an impenetrable fence between them and
their nearest neighbours. E. G. Hirsch .says that
the necessities of the situation justified the narrower
policy in this case {JE v. 616*). But we cannot
446
GEIs^ TILES
GENTILES
fall in with tliis view, when we think of the books
of Job, Jonah, and Kuth — of the larger hope of the
later Psalmists (Ps 67, 87, 100, 117, 145), and the
remarkable assertion of Malachi (V^) that the name
of God is honoured by the sincere worship ofiered
to Him among the Gentiles from East to West.
From the Wisdom Literature the national feeling
against Gentiles is almost entirely absent. But it
is far otherwise witli Jewish apocalyptic, the Book
of Daniel and its numerous extra-canonical suc-
cessors — far inferior to it in religious value — in
whicii much true spiritual insight is mixed with
carnal views and human passion. The noble Mac-
cabtean struggle, which was contemporaneous with
the rise of this class of literature, saved Israel from
becoming hellenized ; but it had the result also of
intensifying the exclusiveness and intolerance of
which Tacitus speaks (Hist. v. 5 : ' adversus omnes
alios hostile odium').
The teaching of the OT respecting the Gentiles
may be characterized as hostile, hesitating, and
hopeful by turns. It is to be observed that in
many of its most liberal utterances a position of
superiority is assigned to Israel. The Gentiles are
still servants, not equals. In Is 60'^ they come
and bend at Israel's feet as suppliants and vassals.
Even in Is 19'-^"^, while Egypt and Assyria are
admitted into covenant with God, Israel is still
distinguished as His inheritance. His peculiar
possession. ' His house shall be called a house of
prayer for all peoples' (Is 56''), but it is Jewish
feasts that the nations shall keep there (Zee 14^^"'^),
and they shall be joined to Israel by absorption,
not by co-ordination (Is 452»-2b, Jer 12i8, Zeph 3*,
Zee 8^""-^). A great concession in the direction of
equality is made in Is 66-', if it be Gentiles whom
God is to take to minister in His sanctuary ; but
the promise may relate to Jews of the Dispersion.
In the magnificent prophecy of Is 2-"^, Mic 4'"* the
Temple-mountain is still the centre from which
the laws of God go forth to the subjects of a king-
dom of universal peace. But the material and
spiritual elements in this prophecy are combined
in a way that the Christian Church will not fully
comprehend before the coming of a glory that shall
be revealed.
3. Christ and the Gentiles. — Was there present
to the mind of Christ, while accomplishing the
work of Him that sent Him, a purpose of salvation
that included the Gentiles ? Did He look beyond
' the lost sheep of the house of Israel ' to other
sheep far off from the mountains of Canaan, who
had also to be sought and found ? When Satan
showed Him the kingdoms of the world, did He
turn away from the sight of the world with the
repugnance of a Jew of His time, or did the sight
move Him to compassion, and enkindle a great
hope in His heart? It is not easy to see how the
Christian Church can cease believing that Christ
had a purpose of mercy for the world, and the ex-
pectation of subduing it unto Himself, unless she
is to revise her wliole doctrine of the Person of her
Lord. 'The day and the hour' may be unknown
to Christ as the Son, but the Father's purpose of
love for tlio world cannot be unknown ; if He be
the Son, He must have made that purpose His own.
It has been contended that although His preach-
ing contained ' a vital love of God and men, which
may be described as "implicit universalism," the
Gentile mission cannot have lain within the horizon
of Jesus.' It was the Spirit of Jesus that led His
disciples to the universal mission, but He issued
no positive command to them to undertake it
(Harnack, Expansion, i. 40ff. ). This conclusion
is based upon an exhaustive, })ut biased, exposition
of the relevant texts in the Synoptic Gospels, the
Fourth being set aside with the frank avowal that
it ' is saturated with statements of a directly uni-
versalistic character' (p. 47). It is to be admitted
that the view in qiiestion largely owes its air of
ci'edibility to that perplexing feature of the narra-
tive of Acts — the delay of the original apostles in
undertaking the Gentile mission. On this delay,
which is one of the unsolved problems of Apostolic
Christianity, something will be said later. At
present, let us endeavour to appreciate the strengtli
of our position by surveying its defences.
(1) As the fundamental principle of the unity of
God implied that He was tiie God of all nations
upon earth, so our Saviour's calling Himself 'the
Son of man ' expressed His universal relation to
the human race. And if a reference to Dn 7'^'- be
admitted. His using the title also pointed to His
coming Lordship over the world. There is thus
an antecedent probability that Mt 28'^"^", which so
well agrees with the meaning of the title, is a
genuine utterance of the Risen Lord.
(2) He accepted the confession at Cresarea
Philippi, ' Thou art the Christ,' with an emotion
of which we feel the glow every time we read Mt
jgi6. i7_ j^ follows that, from the time when the
Voice from heaven had proclaimed Him to be
God's Beloved Son, and from the beginning of His
' training of the Twelve,' Jesus had been conscious
of His right to ' the name in which all the hopes
of the OT were gathered up ' (EBi iii. 3063). The
announcement of His Death and Resurrection
which immediately followed showed what His
being the true Messiah meant for Him, although
His disciples were ' slow of heart to believe ' that
it could mean what He said. The OT picture of
the suffering Saviour, placed as it was side by side
with that of the ruling descendant of David, be-
came, as Ed. Konig says (Expositor, 8th ser., iv.
[1912] 113, 118), dimmed in the centuries pi-eceding
His Advent. Christ relumined the Avhole picture
by His suffering, and then by His being 'the first
by the resurrection of the dead to proclaim light
both to the people and to the Gentiles' (Ac 26-^).
(3) To His limiting the mission of the Twelve to
Galilee and Judpea on His first sending them forth
(Mt 10^- ^), we may apply the words of Is 28'® : ' He
that believeth shall not make haste.' It was con-
sistent with the highest wisdom not to propel them
into a wider field than the one in which, with the
training they had hitherto received, they could
labour with profit. His words, ' Go not into any
way of the Gentiles,' reveal His wisdom in anotiier
way. By giving His disciples this charge. He
abstained from needlessly offending His fellow-
countrymen, to whom it was His first object to
commend the gospel. His heart's desire for them
was that they might be saved ; He called the
season of His earthly activity among them ' the
acceptable year of the Lord ' (Lk 4'^), and, after His
departure to heaven, extended their opportunity
of ' knowing the things which belonged unto their
peace ' (cf. Lk 19^^) foj. fo^ty years (cf. He 3^- "). In
the story of the Syrophcenician, Ave hear Jesus first
telling His disciples that He limited His own
mission of healing, as He had previously limited
theirs, to the afHicted in Israel ; but in another
moment we see Him recognizing in the illustrious
faith with which a poor Gentile woman met His
refusal of her petition the indication of His Father's
will that those limits should be transcended, and
that His saving mercy should go forth to all, with-
out distinction of race, who had faith like hers to
receive it. The words reported by St. Mark (T^),
' Let the children Jirst be filled,' also suggest that
Jesus had in view, when He spoke them, the
Gentiles, who should not have long to wait before
they too could come to His full table.
(4) If the Gospel of Mark was written 'at the
latest in the sixtii decade of the first century '
(Harnack, Date of the Acts, p. 126), and 'was known
GENTILES
GENTILES
447
to both the other Synoptists in the same form and
with the same contents as v,e have it now' (Well-
hausen, Einleitttng, p. 57, quoted in Burkitt, Gospel
Hist, and its Transmission, p. 6-4), it follows that
the sayinjjs, ' The gospel must hrst be preached
unto all tile nations ' and ' Wheresoever the gospel
shall be preached throughout the whole world '
(13'" 14^), were put on record in little more than
twenty years after they were spoken. 'The
Kingdom of God shall be taken away from you
and given to a nation bringing forth the fruits
thereof,' is, as Burkitt says {op. cit., p. 188), the
motto, the special doctrine, of St. Matthew's
Gospel. This sentence occurs in one of the last
parables of judgment (21''^), but other sayings re-
ported before lead up to it, as : ' ]\Iany shall come
from the east and west ' ; ' The field is the world ' ;
'The last shall be first, and the first last' (8" IS^s
20^®). From St. Luke's account of our Lord's dis-
course at Nazareth it is clear that His hearers
understood the references to the ministries of
Elijah and Elisha as pointing to the admission of
Gentiles into the Kingdom (4^). In Luke, too,
Samaritans are exhibited as excelling Jews in
compassionate and grateful love (10^ 17'^). The
value of his report of the commission given by our
Lord to His disciples in the upper room (24'*''"'*'*),
and rejieated at the Ascension (Ac P), is height-
ened by the fact that ' it seems now to be estab-
lished beyond question that botli books of this
[Luke's] great historical work were written while
St. Paul was still alive' (Harnack, Date of the
Acts, p. 124).
(5) Finally, as a historical account of certain
incidents and crises in the life of Christ which
showed Him to he the Son of God (Jn 20'''), the
F"ourth Gospel claims to have the authority of an
eye-witness behind it. The truth of this claim
has never been disproved. This Gospel is the
crowning proof that there Nvas present to the mind
of our Lortl from the beginning a purpose of salva-
tion which comprehended the Gentile world. It
clinches the argument, it is the keystone of the
arch. For here Jesus calls Himself ' the light of
the world,' speaks of 'giving his flesh for the life
of the world,' and of ' sending his disciples into
the world in like manner as the Father sent liim
into the world ' ; to the woman at the well He
speaks of the hour when, not the coming to God at
tlieancientsanctuaries, butthecomingtothe Father
'in spirit and truth,' will be the mark of the sin-
cere worshipper ; He resides two days with the
Samaritans ; He proclaims to the leaders of the
Jewish Church that He has 'other sheep, not of
this fold,' whom He must bring, and who will re-
cognize in His voice that of their Shepherd ; above
all, on the eve of those sutt'erings whereby He was
to enter into His glory, He beliolds in certain
Greeks desiring to see Him a prospect so satisfying
to His heart that, in the exultation of His saving
love. He cries : ' And I, if I be lifted up from the
earth, will draw all men unto me.' The preserva-
tion of such sayings as tiiese made the work of
this Evangelist a gospel of consolation to the Gen-
tile churches of Asia Minor at the close of the 1st
cent. ; and the assurance of the members of St.
John's immediate circle is now ours : ' We know
that his witness is true' (21--').
i. Preparation of the Gentile world for Christ.
— That Christ came into a world which God had
slowly been preparing in the course of ages for His
appearing was perceived by St. Paul and St. John,
each from his own special point of view. St. Paul
is thinking of Christ as the Redeemer from sin
and its curse when he says that ' God sent forth
his Son in the fulness of the time,' and again, that
'Christ died for the ungodly in due season' (Gal
4*, Ko 5^). St. John is thinking of Christ as the
Incarnate Word when lie says : ' There was the
true light, even the light which lighteth every
man coming into the world' (I'* B.V ; cf. 6^^ tr. by
Gwatkin : ' [The Bread] is ever coming down, and
ever giving life unto the world'). This fascinat-
ing subject also engaged the attention of many
early Christian writers. Its interest has been
heightened in our day by the fuller knowledge
brought us by archaeological research and the
study of comparative religion. Thus it is now more
clearly seen that Christianity, as Pfleiderer said,
came as ' the ripe fruit of ages of development in
a soil that was already prepared' (Early Christian
Conception of Christ, 1905, i>. 152).
(1) Philosophy. — The early Fathers often spoke
of Greek philosophy as a TrpoTrapaaKevrj or TrpoTraideia
for Christ. Plato, whose Timceus marks the trans-
ition from the polytheism of early Greek ages to
monotheistic belief, exercised a profound influence
on religious thought and speculation during the
two or three centuries preceding our Saviour's
birth ; and his teaching was still a living force,
although, when St. Paul visited Athens, 'its
Acropolis was still as full of idols as it could hold '
(Ac 17'® [Gwatkin]). The Epicureans and Stoics
who encountered the Apostle on that occasion
(v,'^) represented the two chief Schools of the
period ; and both Schools, the one by the gentle
humanity of its teaching, the other by its moral
earnestness, are justly regarded as having a place
in the preparation for the Christian faith. The
Stoic philosophy, with its watchwords 'Endure'
and 'Refrain,' was that with which the Roman
mind had most affinity ; and its great teacher
Seneca (t A.D. 65) commended self-discipline and
self-renunciation as the true healing of the dis-
eases of the soul, with a passion approaching that
of the Christian preacher (Dill, Roman Society,
298, 321 ; cf. Tertullian, de Anima, xx : 'Seneca
sajpe noster : . . .').
(2) Religion. — 'The world,' says Dill, 'was in
the throes of a religious revolution, and eagerly in
quest of some fresh vision of the Divine' ; and he
has traced in his great work the rise and progress
of that 'moral and spiritual movement which was
setting steadily, and wdth growing momentum,
towards purer conceptions of God, of man's rela-
tions to Him, and of the Life to come' [op. cit., pp.
82, 585). The old Roman religion, which from the
Second Punic War had been falling into decay,
was revived by Augustus as the formal religion of
the State, but could not retard the progress of this
movement. People sought satisfaction for their
religious cravings and emotions in the rites and
mj-steries of Eastern lands, which had little in
common with old Roman religious sentiment ;
especially in the worship of Mitlira, which, as
recent investigation has shown, contained a moral
element that made it a real help to a truer and
purer life, till in the light of the higher and more
effectual help to sanctification held out in Christ
it too faded away and was forgotten.
(3) The Empire and socicd life. — The most signal
illustration of the historical preparation of the
Gentile world for Christ is seen in the vast extent
and wonderful cohesion of the Roman Empire.
Its political unity, though not of such a nature as
to lead in any marked degree to the recognition
of human brotherhood, yet materially helped the
diffusion of the message of the Cross and the
Resurrection which made men conscious of a new
fellowship with each other. Communication be-
tween the Imperial city and her officials at a dis-
tance was easy and rapid : sandy wastes, trackless
mountains, and broad rivers presenting no barriers
which she had not been able to overcome. The
subject peoples enjoyed under the Romans peace,
prosperity, and freedom; and 'just and upright
448
GENTILES
GENTILES
governors were the rule and not the exception '
(Dill, p. 3). The good treatment which St. Paul
received from Roman officials has often been com-
mented upon ; less frequently has it been noted
that his missionary journeys were never impeded
by militarj^ movements or interrupted by an out-
break of hostilities in any part of the Empire.
As to the state of societj^ in Rome and the pro-
vinces, attention has been so concentrated upon its
darker side, that what there was in it of ' virtue
and praise' (Ph 4^) has been unduly lost sight of.
The lines of Arnold's well-known poem [Obcrmann
Once More), in wluch he depicts the ennui, hardness,
and impiety of the old Roman world (cf. Seneca,
de Brcv. Vit. xvi. ' tarde ire horas queruntur . . .
transilire diesvolunt'), are oftener quoted than those
in which he also does justice to the sense of void and
unslaked thirst which led it to the gospel whereby
hope lived again. The intense indignation at cor-
ruption and baseness that barbs the pen of a
Juvenal or a Tacitus bears witness that in a con-
sidei\able part of society a high standard of virtue
still existed. Roman inscriptions, though they
hold out no hope of a life beyond, testify to the
aftectionate regard in which family life was held.
Household slavery had its compensations : masters
often treated their slaves as humble friends, and
felt that they had a moral duty towards them apart
from the legal conventions of Rome (for instances,
see Dill, p. 181 f.). Many manumitted slaves rose
to honourable positions in the service of the State
[lb. p. 100). Still another kind of prejjaration for
Christianity is found in the institution of the
sodcditia or collegia, which were ' nurseries . . .
of the gentle charities and brotherliness ' which
' the young Church ' was able to teach with greater
effect and with more Divine sanctions (ib. p. 271).
Enough has been said to indicate the moral re-
sources that lay still undeveloped in Roman society,
waiting to be changed into the spiritual wealth of
the Kingdom of God (Is GO^- 'i RV).
5. The Gentile mission. — The call of Jesus, ' Lift
up your eyes, and look on the tields, that they are
white already unto harvest' (Jn 4^'; cf. Mt Q-*''-^'^),
was not addressed to the disciples with reference
to the coming to Him of the men of Sychar only.
It had a Avider bearing. At the great harvest
festival of Pentecost, which foUoAved the forty days
during which He had manifested Himself to them
as the Risen Lord, the Twelve made their first
day's ingathering of about 3,000 souls ; and it was
clearly foreshown to them by word and sign tliat
those that were far oft' were to be made nigh (Ac
23.5. a. i7.3y)_ \Yg should have expected that the
apostles, after having been so amply endowed and
encouraged for the work of ' making disciples of
all the nations,' would have proceeded to adopt
measures for entering upon that work. Their
delay in undertaking tlie Gentile mission has been
accounted for on the ground that the giving witness
at Jerusalem of the Resurrection of the Lord Jesus,
and the piloting of the newly launched vessel of
the Church, engiosscd their attention. But when
we study carefully the history of how the Gentile
mission was started, we perceive that the Twelve,
bold and resolute as the Spirit of Jesus had made
them in the face of Jewish opposition, were far
from being well qualified for immediately under-
taking it. Their question at the Ascension (Ac 1")
sliowed that they did not share tlie wide outlook
of Jesus ; their mental horizon was still limited by
their national feelings. They liad, as the event
proved, to count but loss much that at present ap-
peared gain to tliem, before they could go out into
the world and build a Church in which there
should be no middle wall of partition. The terms
on wiiicli Gentiles were to be received had not been
3xplicitly laid down by Jesus in His parting com-
mission : that He had given the apostles other
important directions besides those wliicli are re-
corded is an idea that we cannot entertain. He
had made them fully acquainted with the nature
of the work to be done, and had promised them
the guidance of His Spirit. But the guidance of
the Holy Spirit was not intended to sujjersede the
use of their own understanding, or the knowledge
that they Avere to gather from the teaching of
events, as to the practical form which this new
departure should take.
This is best illustrated by the case of Peter.
The lirst thing that seems to have shaken his Jew-
ish prejudices Avas the sight of Avhat the grace of
God ett'ected among the Samaritans through the
gospel (Ac S'""") ; the next, the miraculous conver-
sion of Saul the persecutor (9-^* ^^). We may con-
jecture that to have time for meditation upon Avhat
the latter event meant for the Church Avas one
purpose of Peter's residence at Joppa ; and there,
Avhile he gazed from the house-top over the Avaters
of the Mediterranean, he received his singular
vision, and heard the Voice that interpreted it,
' What God hath cleansed, that call not thou com-
mon.' But, having baptized Cornelius and other
Gentiles, he did not proceed a step further in the
direction pointed out by the Voice Avhich he had
heard ; the discouraging reception Avhicli his admit-
ting a Gentile met Avith at Jerusalem may partly
explain this. Philip the evangelist's baptism of a
Gentile had preceded Peter's ; Ave cannot help Avon-
dering Avhether some connecting link existed be-
tween Peter's visit to Cornelius of Ciesarea and
Philip's residence there (Ac S^''"'*" 2P).
As far as Ave can make out, it Avas not till eight
years after Peter's vision that some unknown
Cypriote and Cyrenian JeAvsof the Dispersion took
the momentous step of ' preaching the Lord Jesus '
to the Gentiles at Antioch (Ac 11'", Avhere"EX\r;i'aj
is the true reading). The Gentile mission is thus
for ever bound up Avith the very name of ' Chris-
tians '; for 'the disciples Avere called Christians
first in Antioch ' (11-^). We hear the decisive hour
of this mission strike in Ac 13'"* : these four verses
are among the most important that St. Luke ever
Avrote.
The Avork in 'the third city of the Empire' had
been greatly blessed. The question Avas, Could it
be extended ? Ought the Christians of Antioch to
make a serious ettbrt to propagate the gospel in
the lands beyond Syria, in Asia Minor and the
islands ? Barnabas and Saul Avere Avell aAvare that
the Lord designed them for a Avider mission than
that in Avliich they Avere now engaged ; had the time
for it arrived? They referred the matter to the
congregation, hoping that an expression of the
Divine will Avould be given through one of their
gifted prophets. This hope Avas fulfilled. The
Holy Ghost said : ' Separate unto me Barnabas
and Saul for the Avork Avhereunto I have called
them.' The way Avas then clear ; uncertainty Avas
at an end. Another meeting of the congregation
Avas held, probably on the next Lord's day, at
Avliich, with fasting and prayer, and by ' the laying
on of hands' — the already 'familiar and expres-
sive sign of benediction' — the two apostles Avere
solemnly set apart for the mission ; and, having been
' let go,* or ' bidden God speed,' by the Avhole con-
gregation [airiXvcrav ; Ramsaj^ St. Paul, p. 67), they
immediately set forth on their new enterprise.
' So they, being sent forth by the Holy Ghost,
AA'ent down to Seleucia, and from thence they sailed
to Cyprus' (Barnabas's island, to Avliich he Avould
naturally feel that missionary Avork Avas lirst of all
due). The Creator-Spirit, AA-ho Avith His Divine
breath called the Church into being at Pentecost,
thus proclaimed Himself to be the Author of
missions and the Patron of missionaries, signifying
GENTLENESS
GIFTS
449
that their work of showing the things of Christ to
all the nations upon earth was His work, and
making their preaching of them effectual unto
salvation in every part of the Empire. After this,
St. Luke's principal object is to describe the
triumphant progress of the gospel from Antioch to
Rome.
It does not fall within the scope of this article to
trace the liistory of the attempt made by a large
section of the adherents of Judaistic Christianity
to obstruct and even to wreck tlie Gentile mission.
Before St. Paul's missionary labours were ended, it
was evident that this attempt had completely failed.
The energetic remonstrance which he had addressed
to St. Peter at Antioch on his withdrawing himself
from table-fellowship with the Gentiles, and of
which we may infer from 1 Co 3^- that St. Peter had
acknowledged the justice, probably had an import-
ant effect in settling the question of Gentile rights.
Fourteen or fifteen years later, St. Paul had the
happiness of testifying to wdiat his eyes had seen
of ' the mystery of God ' now revealed, ' that the
Gentiles are fellow-heirs, and fellow-members of
the body, and fellow-partakers of the promise in
Christ Jesus through the gospel' (Eph S*^). While
Gentile Christianity increased, Judaistic Christian-
ity decreased, and, after losing its local centre at
Jerusalem, it became 'the shadow of a shade.' In
the striking words of Guthe {EBi 2211), ' When
Christianity and Judaism gradually separated, it
was as if a mighty river had changed its bed : a
feeble current still crept along the old channel, but
the main, the perennial stream flowed elsewhere.'
(For the countries in which the Gentile mission
had gained a footing before the close of the Apos-
tolic Age, see Gwatkin, Early Church Hist. i. 113.)
Literature. — J. Adam, The Rel. Teachers of Greece, Edin-
burg-h, 1908, pp. 2, 298, 373, The Vitality of Platovixin, Cam-
bridfje, 1911, pp. 179, 186, 228; W. H. Bennett, EFd 1679 fl. ;
A. Bonus, iJCGi. 641 f.; F. C. Burkitt, The Gospel History
and its Transmission, Edinburgh, 1906, p. 188 ; S. Dill, Roman
Society from Nero to Marciis Anrelius, rx)ndon, 1904; S. R.
Driver, Joel and Amos, Canibridpre, 1897, p. 223 ; EcpT xx.
[1908-09] 304 ; A. E. Garvie, HUB v. 323; Grimm-Thayer,
s.vv. eSi'os, Aaos ; H. Guthe, EDi 2277 ; H. M. Gwatkin, Early
Chtirch History to AD. 313, London, 1909, i. 1-114 ; A. Harnack,
Expansion of Christianity, Eng;. tr.,do. 1904-05, i. 1-S5, The Acts
of the AjMstles, do. 1909, pp. xxx, 51, Date of the Acts, do. 1911,
pp. 124, 126; W. J. Henderson, DOG ii. 193; E. G. Hirsch,
JE V. 615 ff. ; F. J. A. Hort, Judaistic Christianity, Cambridtre
and London, 1894, p. 35; J. Kelman, DCG ii. 296 ff. ; R. H.
Kennett, 7'he ' Servant of the Lord,' London, 1911, pp. 11-28,
55 ; E. Konig, 'The Consummation of tlie OT in Jesus Christ,'
Expositor, 8th ser., iv. [1912] 1, 97 ; A. C. McGiffert, EREi.
626 ff. ; J. Orr, HDR ii. 850 ff. ; W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the
Traveller, London, 1S95, p. 67, and 'The Thousrht of Paul,' Ex-
positor, 8th ser., ii. [1911] 289 ff.; J. Reid, bCG ii. 194; H.
Schultz, OT Theolofjij,Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1892, ii. 13, 373;
J. A. Selbie, HDB ii. 149; H. Sidgwick, History of Ethics,
London, 1886, pp. 96, 98 ; J. Skinner, Isaiah, Cambridire, 1896-
98, ii. 230 ; W. R. Smith, EBi iii. 3063 ; H. B. Swete, The Holt/
Spirit in the NT, London, 1909, pp. 78, 104 ; T. Zahn, Introd.
to i\T, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1909, L 373.
James Donald.
GENTLENESS.— See Meekness.
GHOST.— See Holy Spirit.
GIDEON (FeSeciv). — Gideon was a man of valour
who, according to Jg 6-8, received a visit from
Jahweh's messenger, overturned the altar of Baal,
saved Israel from the hand of Midian, chastised
the men of Succoth, and finally refused a crown.
He is merely named in Hebrews (IP-) among the
ancients who Avrought great deeds by faith, time
failing the author to recount the achievements of
all bis heroes. James Strahan.
GIFTS. — We may distinguish for the purpose of
this article between gifts and giving generally,
and the particular endowments which are connoted
by the term x°-p''-'^f^°-T°-j translated in AV and KV
•gifts.'
VOL. 1. — 29
1. General. — It is clear that in the Apostolic
Age the Church had learnt the implications of the
fact of the Incarnation. From the literature of
the time w^e note the connexion between the gift
of God's grace in Christ, the 'unspeakable gift'
(2 Co 9^^), and the ethical practice of Christ's
followers. The Greek verbs didwini and dwpiofxai
are hallowed by new associations and duties to
which both the theology and ethic of Christianity
give notable contributions. Specific deeds of
charity and kindness (see ALMS) enter naturally,
as the result of our Lord's teaching, into Christian
practice (see art. CHRISTIAN Life for the appoint-
ment of deacons and systematic giving in the
Church). The generosity of Stephanas (I Co 16'*),
which impelled him at his own expense to journey
to the Apostle with Fortunatus and Achaicus (his
slaves), is singled out by St. Paul for special men-
tion, as setting forth a new duty to the Church on
the lines of the old Greek Xeirovpyia or service done
to the State. The same Epistle (1 Co 16') empha-
sizes the duty of the Christian community in the
matter of the collection {q.v.) : St. Paul insists on
the duty of supporting not only the Church and
its ministry but also poorer churches at a distance
(2 Co 8'"* 9'-''*) and of supplying a portion for
the communion-meal, while his eulogy of cheer-
ful giving (2 Co 9') in general sets the standard
and model of Christian liberality and of systematic
gifts to spiritual objects, to the support of the
poor and helpless (cf. Aristides, Apol. xv. ), as well
as to the furtherance of the gospel. Philanthropy
is bound up with the Christian life and can never
be dissociated from it.
The group of words translated ' gift' {dOipov, duped,
86/xa., 86(ns, dwprjfjLa) forms an interesting study,
upon which see note on Ja V in J. B. Mayor's
Commentary (^London, 1910). ddiprj/jLa (Ja 1", Ko
5"*) is used of a gift of God, and so is duiped wher-
ever we find it in the NT ; dQpov is used of ofier-
ings to God ; ddpta (except in Eph 4^, a quotation
from LXX) is used of human gifts ; while 660-11
may refer to either a human or a Divine gift.
The use of duped as the ' free gift ' of God, spring-
ing from His x<^P'5, or ' grace,' is found in Ac 2^^ 8'^'
10^5 11", Ro 5'5- 17, 2 Co 9l^ Eph 3^ 4', He 6^ and
is also used by apostolic writers like Clement (cf.
I Clem. xix. 2, xxiii. 2, xxxii. 1) and Ignatius
[Smyrn. vii. 1).
Christ is pre-eminently the gift of God's volun-
tary favour to the race, and is at once the type
and source, along with the Holy Spirit, of all
spiritual impartations and endowments. It re-
mains to add that all gifts of love are gifts to God
in the apostolic teaching. Gifts of the sacrificial
order are mentioned by the author of Heb. in con-
nexion with the Jewish priesthood only to be ele-
vated into the region of Christian thought and to
be liberated from the externalism and legalism of
the Mosaic system. The gifts of the one High
Priest, 'the mediator of a better covenant,' are
inward ; the new law is written on the heart, and
the covenant is one of forgiveness and grace
(He 5' 8"^-). Likewise, the approach to God by
the believer is ' a new and living way' in that it
is by the medium of the soul and conscience, un-
accompanied by outward gift or sacrifice, except
that, like his Lord, the believer offers himself, or
rather his body (cf. Ro 12'). This is the founda-
tion of all giving, as St. Paul hints in 2 Co 8^, the
giving up of self to God being the act that hallows
all other gifts. The sanctions of Christian mag-
nanimity, practical sympathy, and liberality are
rooted in Christian doctrine, and especially its
doctrine of God as the eternal love eternally im-
parting itself and historically manifest in the gift
of His Son. The grace of God and His kindness
{(piXavdpojTria) have both appeared (Tit 2" S"*) ; and
450
GIFTS
GIFTS
the Apostle asks elsewhere ' shall he not with him
also freely give ixa-plfftTai) us all things?' (Ro 8^-).
2. Special. — The quotation last given reminds
us that xapicytiti ('charism'), formed from the verb
xapli'ofj.ai, means a ' free gift,' not of right but of
bounty. Unlike 8wped, Avhich has a similar mean-
ing, x^-P'-"'/^"- comes to be used almost in a technical
sense in Christian terminology, of gifts or qualili-
cations for spiritual service. F. J. A. Hort (The
Christian Ecclesia, London, 1897, p. 153 f.) thus
defines x^-p'-'^tJ^o. as used by St. Paul and by one
other Avriter only in the NT, namely St. Peter :
' In these instances it is used to desig'nate either what we
call " natural advantages " independent of any human process
of acquisition, or advantages freshly received in the course
of Providence ; both alike being rejrarded as so many various
free gifts from the Lord of men, and as designed by Him to be
distinctive qualifications for rendering distinctive services to
men or to communities of men."
Even in the passages in the Pastoral Epistles
which refer to the charism of Timothy (1 Ti 4^*,
2 Ti 1'^) Hort does not regard the specific gift of
the young Apostle as a supernatural endowment
suddenly or by miraculous means vouchsafed for
a special mission or service : ' it was a special gift
of God, a special fitness bestowed by Him to en-
able Timothy to fulfil a distinctive function' (p.
185) ; bnt also an original gift, capable of being
wakened into fresh life * by liis own initiative ; it
was so distinctive as to mark Timothy out as a
fit colleague of St. Paul himself, the fitness being
authenticated to the Apostle by a prophetic oracle
or message, and consecrated by a solemn act of
benediction — the laying on of the hands of the
body of elders. Schmiedel (EBi, s.v. 'Spiritual
Gifts') distinguishes between the non-technical
use of x°-P'-<^f^°- ill such passages as Ro 5'* (where
the term means ' the whole aggregate of God's
benevolent operation in the universe'; cf. Ro P'
g23 ip9^ 2 Co 1''), and its technical use elsewhere,
where ' charism ' and ' charisms ' denote distinc-
tive aptitudes on the part of Christians ; cf. Ro 12^
(where ' the grace of God ' is mentioned as the
source of the several capacities designated), 1 Co V
12J. 9- :;8. 31^ I p 4io_ In the great passage of Eph 4'i
(with which Justin Martyr, Dial. c. Trijph. xxxix.
is to be read) the term xaptcr/ia is not mentioned,
but it is implied in the words 'He gave' [avrbs
^5iOK€v) with which the specification of functions or
services commences. The term is not found in the
Apostolic Fathers ; in the Did. i. 5 it is used only
once, and then of temporal blessings in the general
sense.
The locus classicus for charisms is 1 Co \2*-'^^ and
v.2«, which has to be studied along with Eph 4".
The latter, which specifies the ministries of apostles,
prophets (see Prophecy, Prophet), evangelists,
pastors, and teachers, indicates the types of Chris-
tian service which tended to become permanent in
the life of the Church. The Corinthian passage,
on the other hand, in addition to the more stable
and authorized modes of ministry, mentions several
others of a special order, perhajjs peculiar to the
Corinthian Church with its exuberant manifesta-
tions of spiritual energy, and certainly, as the
evidence of later Church history shows, of a
temporary character, and exhausting themselves
(cf. H. B. Swete, The Holy Spirit in the NT,
London, 1909, p. 320) in the Apostolic or sub-
Apostolic Age. The Apostle mentions 'diversities
of gifts,' 'diversities of ministrations' (diaKoviGiv),
and 'diversities of workings' {ivepy7)n6.TU}v); these
are but diflerent aspects of the same function ; but,
whereas the two last are approi)riately related to
the Lord Christ and God the Father, xapia/jLara are
regarded as the graces bestowed by the Holy Spirit
* Cf. 1 Co 1231, where the two-fold idea of the Divine origin of
charisms and the necessity of human eSort to attain them is
suggested.
(cf. a similar three-fold relationship with the three
Persons of the Trinity in Eph 4^). St. Paul
mentions, first, charisms of the intellectual order,
' the word of wisdom ' and ' the word of knowledge' ;
second, miraculous gifts: (a) 'faith,' (b) 'gifts of
healing,' (c) 'workings of miracles'; third, 'pro-
phecy,' or the gift of spiritual instruction ; fourth,
' discerning of spirits,' or the gift of discrimination,
the discerning between the true and the false ;
and finally, ' tongues ' and ' the interpretation of
tongites' (see Tongues), or ecstatic powers and the
power of interpreting them. Then in 1 Co 12-'^ we
have the following classification : ' God hath set
some in the church, first apostles, secondly prophets,
thirdly teachers, then miracles, then gifts of heal-
ings, helps {dvTL\r}iJ.fei$), governments (Kv^epfrja-eis,
literally ' pilotings '), divers kinds of tongues ' ; this
is a classification of charisms in order of spiritual
rank and dignity. It has been suggested that
'helps' and 'governments' indicate the services
rendered respectively by ' deacons ' and ' bishops,'
in which case we have here ' the faint beginnings
of the separation of offices ' (T. C. Edwards, Com.
on 1 Cor.^, London, 1885, in loc). The absence
of any reference to otticials later designated as
'bishops,' 'presbyters,' 'deacons,' 'pastors' (in
Eph 4"), suggests a rudimentary church organiza-
tion, or rather a purely democratic government in
the Christian community at Corinth ; and it may
be that the profusion of services and functions with
the accompanying perils of spiritual pride and dis-
order suggested to the Apostle the necessity of the
more disciplined and edifying forms of service and
administration which afterwards prevailed in the
apostolic churches. In fact, this is the burden of
the Apostle's teaching in 1 Co 14, following on the
exhortation to 'covet earnestly "the greater char-
isms'" (1 Co 12!'i), and the noble hymn (1 Co 13)
which sets forth love as 'a still more excellent
way ' in that it transcends all the xa/jio-^xaTa and
is the real foundation of the Church. It is love
that is to regulate the use of the spiritual gif1;s,
inasmuch as under its influence the individual will
subordinate himself to another, will avoid ostenta-
tion and self-advertisement, and will do all things
' decently and in order ' — that is, he will keep his
own place and exercise his particular functions, so
that unity may be attained in variety, and each
several capacity may be subordinated to the good
of the Church as a whole.
As to the meaning and nature of the charisms,
guidance must be sought in the particular articles
which deal specifically with them ; nor can we
enter into a detailed examination of the problems
which such a classification as 'faith,' 'gifts of
healing,' 'workings of miracles' creates. Suffice
it to say that, though love is the charism par ex-
cellence, the fount and source of all others, faith is
second only to it in the order of ethical dignity.
It is a charism out of which spring others described
in 1 Co 12" as 'charisms of healing,' where the
plural appears to indicate diflerent powers for
healing diflerent forms of disease, and ' workings
of powers or miracles.' The relation of faith and
its ofl'spring prayer to healing and miracles gener-
ally is clearly seen in the Gospels which record our
Lord's cures and in His declaration that faith is
the sole condition of miracle-working (cf. Mt IT'-"*,
Mk U-^--^) ; while the use of physical means such
as oil (see the notable passage "in Ja a''*) in com-
bination with prayer is paralleled not only by our
Lord's method, biit by the method employed by
the Twelve in Mk 6'^. The charisms of miracle-
working lasted down to the 2nd cent., if we may
trust the evidence of Justin Martyr (Apol. ii. 6) ;
they never were intended, as the extreme faith-
healer of to-day contends, to supersede the ellbrts
of the skilled physician ; they represent the creative
GIFTS
GLORY
451
gift, the power of initiating new departures in the
normal world of phenomena, which is rooted in
faith (see A, G. Hogg, Christ's Message of the
Kingdom, Edinburgh, 1911, pp. 62-70) ; and as such
reveal a principle which holds good for all time.
To sum up, an examination of the passages in
apostolic literature which treat of spiritual gifts
inevitably brings us to the conclusion that the life
of the early Church was characterized by glowing
enthusiasm, simple faith, and intensity of spiritual
joy and wonder, all resulting from the consciousness
of the power of the Holy Spirit; also that this
phase of Spirit-eft'ected ministries and services was
temporary, as such ' tides of the Spirit ' have since
often proved, and gave way to a more rigid and
disciplined Church Order, in which the official
tended more and more to supersede the charismatic
ministries. At first, as E. v. Dobschiitz remarks
(Christian Life in the Primitive Church, Eng. tr.,
London, 1904, p. 283), this strikes us as * a limita-
tion and a moral retrogression ' ; but on reflexion
we see that while the principle of spiritual gifts as
originating in the individual with the immediate
action of the Holy Spirit is a permanent truth for
the Christian consciousness, the transient character
of many of the charismatic gifts is due largely to
the abuses to which they were liable. The growing
ethical standard of the Church rejected all self-
chosen teachers or ministers who were proved by
the test of character to be without a Divine call.
By their fruits they Avere known ; and the x°-P'-'^l^°->
which, however admirable in itself, was not associ-
ated with personal worth and holy influence, could
not in the nature of tilings be recognized as making
for ediiication and order in the Church life. The
particular injunctions in the Pastoral Epistles as
to the character of bishops and deacons point to a
developing sense of Christian fitness in the official
life of the Church and a growing feeling for the
iionour of Christianity. Thus, sooner or later, the
true charismatic was sifted from the false charis-
matic, whose personal vanity and self-seeking
nullified all usefulness. The increase of discipline
of course had its own perils. Sometimes, as in
Jn 3, we detect the narrow intolerance which re-
sented any new influence or development in the
Church life, Diotrephes being a type of mind
which is ecclesiastically conservative and ' so loses
impulses of the greatest value' (E. v. Dobschutz,
op. cit., p. 221 f.). To Diotrephes the Ephesian
John is a charismatic itinerant preacher, whose
letters must be withheld from the Church and
whose messengers must not be welcomed. Here
we see the seed of conflict, which was afterwards
to germinate into the Montanist controversy. But
the authority of St. Paul determined once for all
the inner character of Christian community life.
His symbol of the single body with many members
(Ro 12^, 1 Co 121--"^) shows that he aimed at a unity
in which the witness of the individual should have
free play and yet be subordinated to the welfare
of the community. The Christian Church gave
full scope to the individual xcipitr/ia ; nevertheless,
under the guidance of the Holy Spirit the impulse
towards association, so far from being overpowered,
was most powerfully intensified by the encourage-
ment which St. Paul (cf. Hamack, Mission and Ex-
pansion, Eng. tr.^, i. 433) gave to the development
of spiritual capacity in the individual. While
pointing to errors of unregulated spiritual enthusi-
asm, he none the less pleads with his converts to
' quench not the Spirit* and ' despise not prophesy-
ings'(lTh5^9).
Literature. — On the general subject of Christian giving the
following works may be consulted : G. Uhlhorn, Christian
Charity in the Ancient Church, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1883 ; A.
Harnack, Mission and Expansion of Christianity, Eng. tr.2,
London, 1908, vol. i. ch. 4. For spiritual gifts (xapia-ixaTo), in
addition to the works quoted above, the following authorities
may be consulted : R. Sohm, Kirchenreeht, Leipzig, 1892 ; H.
Weinel, Die Wirkungen des Geistes, Freiburg i. B., 1899 ; H.
Gunkel, Die Wirkungen des Heiligen Geistes'^, Gottingen, 1909 ;
T. M. Lindsay, The Church and the Ministry in the Early
Centuries", London, 1903 ; together with artt. by Cremer on
'Geistesgaben ' in PRE^ (Leipzig, 1899) and Gay ford in HDB
on ' Church.' U. MARTIN POPE.
GIRDLE. — The references to girdle (fti^i?), the
article itself being either expressed or implied,
admit of a three-fold classification : (1) The girdle
in everyday use, which (a) was put on before one
went forth (Ac 12^), and (b) was laid aside indoors
(Ac 21"). From the fact that such a girdle could
be used to bind hands and feet, we may infer that
it was of soft material, such as linen. (2) The
girdle as an article of military wear, which enters
into the metaphor of Eph 6'^^-. This transfers
us to quite another environment, and to a girdle
whose materials Avere stifler, e.g. leather or metal,
or a combination of these. Presumably (1) and
(2) were worn upon the loins, and their use was
such as to give rise to the figure of speech which is
found in 1 P 1'^ (cf. Lk 12*^), viz. girding up the
loins (of the mind). (3) The girdle in its orna-
mental aspect, as appearing in Rev 1^' 15*. The
epithet ' golden * is to be taken as applicable to
cloth and not metal, i.e. the gold was inwrought
in a girdle of linen material (cf. Dn 10^ a similar
passage, where 'pure gold of Uphaz' [Heb.] is
rendered ^va-a-lvq} in LXX). A noteworthy dift'er-
ence emerges in the location of the girdle, loins
(Dan.) being replaced by breasts in Rev. {wpbs rois
ixaaroh [1^*], nepl to. cT-qdi} [15^]). The girdle is
thus an ' upper ' girdle, and is suggestive of Greek
and Roman custom. See also the description in
Josephus, Ant. ill. vii. 2. Cf. art. Apron.
W. Cruickshank.
GLASS.— See House, Mirror, Sea of Glass.
GLORY.— It is not proposed to embrace in this
article all the words which our English versions
reniler by 'glory'; it is confined to the most im-
portant of these — d6^a.
As applied to men and things, S6^a has two
principal meanings : (1) honour, praise, good repute
(2 Co 68, 1 Th 2«) ; (2) that which by exciting
admiration brings honour or renown ; a natural
perfection (1 P l^^ : 'the glory of flesh'; 1 Co
1540. 41 . « glory of the celestial . . . the terrestrial,'
etc. ; 1 Co IP* : ' long hair is a glory to a woman ') ;
or a circumstance which reflects glory upon one
(1 Th 2^" : St. Paul's converts are a ' glory ' to him ;
Eph 3'^ : St. Paul's suflerings are a ' glory ' to his
converts ; 2 Co 8^' : worthy Christians are the 'glory '
of Christ; Rev 212^- 2« : the kings of the earth and
the nations bring their ' glory ' into the New Jeru-
salem. Cf. Hag 27-»).
jNIinor significations are {a) that which is falsely
regarded as bringing honour to oneself (Ph 3^*),
and (6) persons endued with glory (Jude^, 2 P 2'°3b
' dignities ' in both AV and RV, the reference prob-
ably being to angelic powers).
In the numerous and important passages Avhere
the idea of ' glory ' is associated with God and the
heavenly world, with Christ, Christians, and the
Christian life here and hereafter, we find the same
two principal meanings. There is the glory which
belongs to the Divine Being in itself, in Avhich
God manifests Himself to His creatures, so far as
such manifestation is possible, and the glory Avhich
He receives back from His creatures ; the out-
shining {Erscheinungsform) of the Divine nature,
and the reflexion of that outshining in the trust,
adoration, and thanksgiving of men and angels, as
also in the silent testimony of His works, and
especially by the results of the Divine redemption
in the character and destiny of the redeemed.
I. 1. The glory vhich is native to the Being of
452
GLORY
GLOEY
God. — To the modern mind the chief difficulty of
this conception, as presented in the NT, is due to
that fusion in it of the phj'sical, the rational, and
the ethical, which is characteristic of biblical
psychology throughout. In biblical thought these
elements are conceived not abstractly, as if con-
stituting separate spheres of being, but as they are
given in experience, as inter-dependent and integral
to the unitj' of life. Thus, whatever ethical con-
tent comes to be associated with the Glory of God,
the basis of the conception is physical — the splen-
dour which is inseparable from the Divine Presence
in the celestial world. In the OT, when Jahweh
lifts the veil that hides Him from mortal eyes, the
medium of theophany is always Light, a supra-
mundane but actually visible radiance (which is
localized and assumes a definite uniformity in the
Sliekinah-glory).
For later Judaistic developments, see Weber's Judische Theo-
logie, pp. 16-2 flf. , 275 tl. In apocalyptic the ' glory ' is definitely
associated with the sovereig-nty of God in the heavenly world
(1 En. XXV. 3), and is especially connected with the Divine
Throne (i6. ix. 4, xiv. 20). In the Ascension of Isaiah (x. 16,
xi. 32) it is equivalent to the Person of God ; God is ^ /neyoAij
So^a. So^a in this sense of ' radiance ' is unknown to ordinary
Greek literature. Deissinann's suggestion, that this may have
been an ancient meaning which survived in the vernacular and
so passed into the dialect of the LXX, seems more probable
than Reitzenstein's, who, on the ground of certain magical
papyri, claims for it an origin in Egyptian-Hellenistic mysticism.
In the NT the same idea lies behind the use of
the concept 56fa. Wherever the celestial world is
projected into the terrestrial, it is in a radiance of
supernatural light (Mt I7^ Ac 26^^ Mt 28^, Ac 12^
etc. ) ; and this is ultimately the radiance that
emanates from the presence of God, who dwells in
'light unapproachable' (1 Ti e^"). To this the
term 56^a is frequently applied — at Bethlehem
(Lk 2\ and at the Transfiguration (2 P 1") ; the
' glory ' of God is the light of the New Jerusalem ;
Stephen looking up saw the ' glory of God ' (Ac 7^*) ;
and the redeemed are at last presented faultless
before the presence of His glory (Jude^ ; cf. 1 En.
xxxix. 12).
With St. Paul the conception is less pictorial ;
the rational and ethical elements implicit in it
come clearly into view. With him also the d6^a is
fundamentally associated with the idea of celestial
splendour, to which, indeed, his vision of the glori-
fied Christ gave a new and vivid reality ; but the
idea of revelation, of the Glory as God's self-
manifestation, becomes prominent. St. Paul's
thought does not rest in the symbol, but passes
to the reality which it signifies— the transcendent
majesty and sovereignty that belong to God as
God ; and for St. Paul the most sovereign thing in
(iod, divinest in the Divine, is the sacrificial sin-
bearing love revealed in the Cross. God's glory is
displayed in His mercy (Ro 9'^), in the ' grace
which he freely bestowed upon us in the Beloved '
(Eph 1") ; its perfect living reflexion is in the face
of Jesus Christ (2 Co 4«). Yet it is the glory, not
of an ethical ideal, but of the Living God, God upon
the Throne, self-existent, su])reme over all being.
It is especially associated with the Divine /i-pdros
(Col I'l, Eph3'«) and TrXoOros (Ro 9-^ Ph 4'9, Eph
3^") by which the Apostle expresses the irresistible
sovereign power and the inexhaustible fullness of
God in His heavenly dominion. Believers are
* strengthened with all power, according to the Kparoi
of his glory,' i.e. in a measure corresponding with
the illimitable spiritual power signified by the
glory which manifests the Divine King in His
supra-mundane Kingdom. Every need of oelievers
is supplied 'according to his riches in glory, in
Christ Jesus '(Ph 4'"), i.e. according to the bound-
less resources which belong to God as Sovereign
of the spiritual universe, and are made available
through Clirist as Mediator. Christ is raised from
the dead through ' the glory of the Fatiier '
(Ro 6^). The precise sense of this expression has
not yet been elucidated (in Fss.-Sol. xi. 9 there is
what seems to be a parallel to it: dpaaTrjo-at Kvpios
rbv 'lo-paTjX iv dvd/xari t^s Sofijs avrov), but it would
seem that the 'glory of the Father' is practically
equivalent to the Kpdros, the sovereign act of Him
who is the ' Father of glory ' (Eph 1"). To formu-
late is hazardous ; but perhaps we may say that for
St. Paul the 56^a is the self-revelation of the tran-
scendent God, given through Christ, here to faith,
in the heavenly world to that more direct mode of
perception which we try to express by saying that
faith is changed to sight.
2. The Divine glory as communicated.— («) As
originally given to man, it has been lost (Ro S^^).
According to Rabbinic doctrine, when Adam was created in
the image of God, a ray (VI) of the Divine glory shone upon his
countenance, but among the six things lost by the Fall was the
VT, which went back to heaven (Weber, Jiidische Theologie,
p. 222). At Sinai the VT was restored to the children of Israel,
but was immediately lost again by their unfaithfulness {ib. p.
275). There can be little doubt that this pictorial rendering of
spiritual truth lies behind the Apostle's peculiar mode of ex-
pressing the fact of man's universal failure to represent the
Divine ideal (see Sanday-Headlam in lac). The same allusion
may possibly serve to explain the obscure passage, 1 Co 117.
(b) But the departed glory is more than restored
in Christ, the second Adam, to whom as the Image
of God it belongs (2 Co 4''), who is the Lord of
Glory (1 Co 2^), and in whose face it shines forth
in the darkened hearts of men, as at the Creation
light first shone upon the face of the earth (2 Co
4®). Here the conception is emphatically ethical ;
it is above all the glory of Divine character that
shines from the face of Christ and in the hearts of
believers. Yet here again the glory is not that of
an ethical ideal merely ; it is the full, indivisible
glory of the Living God of which Christ is the
eflulgence (dtravya(7fia [He P]).
(c) By Christ as Mediator the Divine glory is
communicated, not only to believers, but to every
agency by which He acts: the Spirit (1 P 4'^, Eph
318), the gospel (2 Co 4*, 1 Ti 1"), the 'mystery'—
God's long-hidden secret, now revealed, the eternal
salvation of men by Christ (Col 1^). The whole
Christian dispensation is characterized by ' glory '
(2 Co 3^"^*). As the inferior and temporary nature
of the old dispensation is typified in the veiled and
fading splendour of Moses, its mediator, the per-
fection and permanence of the new are witnessed
in the unveiled and eternal glory of Christ, which
is reflected partly here, more fully hereafter, on
His people (a merely figurative interpretation is
excluded by the very terms eUibv and 86^a). Their
transfiguration is in process — already the 'Spirit
of glory and the Spirit of God' rests upon them
(1 P 4''*) ; at His appearing it will be consummated
(Ph 3^1, Jn 3=*).
(d) In the majority of cases in which 'glory' is
predicated of Clirist, of Christians, and of the en-
vironment of their life, the sense is distinctly
eschatological. The sufferings of Christ are con-
trasted with their after-glories (1 P 1'^* -i) ; also
those of believers (1 P 4'8, 2 Th 21'', Ph 32'). As
already in Jewish eschatology, 56|a is a technical
term for the state of final salvation, the Heavenly
Messianic Kingdom in which Christ now lives and
which is to be brought to men by His Parousia.
This is the 'coming glory ' (Ro 8'*), 'about to be
revealed' (1 P 5'), the 'inheritance of God in his
saints' (Eph 1"*) unto which they are prepared
beforehand (Ro 9'^), called (1 P 5'"), led by Christ
(He 2'") ; it is their unwithering crown (1 P 5"),
the manifestation of their true nature (Col 3^),
their emancipation from all evil limitations (Ro
8'') ; in the hope of it thev rejoice (Ro 5'^) ; for it
they are made meet by the indwelling of Christ
(Col P") and by the discipline of the present (2 Co
4").
GNOSTICISM
GNOSTICISM
453
II. — The second chief sense in which 'glory 'is
predicated of God or Christ is that which may be
termed ascriptional in contrast with essential.
Passing over the strictly doxological passages, we
note that ' glory ' is given to God (or to Christ)
(a) by the character or conduct of men : by the
strength of their trust (Ro 4-"), in eating, drinking,
and all that they do (1 Co 10^^), by thanksgiving
(2 Co 415), brotherly charity (2 Co S'"), the fruits
of righteousness (Ph 1^^), repentance and confes-
sion of sin (Rev 16^) ; (6) by the results of God's
own saving work, the Exaltation of Christ (Ph 2'^),
the faithful fulfilment of His promises in Christ
(2 Co 1-"), the reception of both Jews and Gentiles
into the Church (Ko 15''), the predestination of
believers to the adoption of children (Eph P), the
whole aceomplishment of that predestination, by
faith, the sealing of the Spirit, and final redemp-
tion (Eph V-*), by the marriage of the Lamb, the
final and eternal union of Christ with the re-
deemed, sanctitied, and glorified Church (Rev 19^).
Literature. — There is, so far as known to the present writer,
no satisfactory monograph on the subject, either in English or
in German. W. Caspari, Die Bedeutungen der Wortsippe
^aD im Hcbrdiscken, Leipzig, 1908, is not without value for the
student of the NT. H. A. A. Kennedy, St. PauFs Conception
of the Last Things, London, 1904 ; P. Volz, Judische Eschato-
logie, Tubingen, 1903 ; F. Weber, Jildisehe Theologie:-, Leipzig,
1897 ; B. Weiss, Bill. Theol. of XT, Eng. tr.3, Edinburgh,
1882-83, i. 396, ii. 187; O. Pfle'iderer, Paulinism, Eng. tr.,
London, 1877, i.l35. Commentaries: Sanday-Headlatn (51902),
and Godet (1886-87) on Romans ; Erich Haupt, Die Gefangen-
schajtsbneJeT, in Meyer's Krit.-Exeget. Kommentar, 1902 ; J.
B. Mayor on James (31910), Jvde, and Second Peter (1907);
artt. 'Glory 'in i/DB. ROBERT LAW.
GNOSTICISM.— Gnosticism (Gr. yvGicris, 'know-
letlge ') is the name of a syncretistic religion and
philosophy which flourished more or less for four
centuries alongside Christianity, by which it was
considerably influenced, under which it sheltered,
by which at last it was overcome. Gnosis is first
used in the relevant specific sense in 1 Ti 6-" : yvQcris
\pev5wvviJ.os — 'science falsely so-called.' By Chris-
tian writers the word ' Gnostics ' was at first
applied mainly to one branch : the Ophites or
Naasenes (Hippol. Philos. v. 2 : ' Naasenes who call
themselves Gnostics ' ; cf. Iren. I. xi. 1 ; Epiphan.
Hcer. xxvi.). But already in Irenjeus the term
has a wider application to the whole movement.
Gnosticism rose to prominence early in the 2nd
cent, though it is much older than that, and reached
its height before tlie 3rd century. By the end of
the latter century it was waning.
The above description will require justification.
What may be termed the popular view of Gnosti-
cism has been to regard it as a growth out of
Christianity, an overdone theologizing on the part
of Christians, Avho under foreign influences simply
carried to extreme lengths what had been begun
by apostles. Meantime it may be said that, in the
view of the present writer, such a theory is an
entire misconception, and historically untenable.
Gnosticism and Christianity are two movements
originally quite independent, so much so that it
would scarcely be an exaggeration to say that, had
there been no Christianity, there could still have
been Gnosticism, in all essentials the Gnosticism
we know.
1. Authorities. — Of the vast literature produced
by Gnostics little has sui-vived, and what has sur-
vived is almost entirely from the last stages of the
movement. We may mention as survivals Pistis
Sophia, the Coptic- Gnostic texts of the Codex
Brucianits, the two Books of Jeu, and an unnamed
third book described by C. Schmidt, ' Gnost. Schrift-
en in kopt. Sprache aus dem Codex Brucianus '
(TU viii. [1892]). Then we know something of
works deeply tinged with Gnosticism, such as the
Acts of Thomas. But our chief sources of know-
ledge are the writings of those Fathers who oppose
Gnosticism, and who often give lengthy quotations
from Gnostic works. These fragments have been
carefully collected by Hilgenfeld in his Ketzer-
geschichte. Most important of the Fathers for our
purpose are Irenreus (adv. Hcer. i. 4), Hippolytus
{Philosophoumena), Clement of Alexandria {Stro-
7nateis, Excerpta ex Theodoto), Tertullian [adv.
Marcionem, adv. Sei'inogenem, adv. Valentini-
anos), Epiphanius (Panarion).
2. Main features of Gnosticism. — Gnosticism has
often been described as a hopelessly tangled mass
of unintelligible fantastic speculations, the product
of imagination in unrestrained riot, irreducible
to order. In its various, and especially its later
forms, it shows a wealth of details which are
fantastic, but, if we do not lose ourselves in too
keen a search for minutiae, we shall find in it an
imposing and quite intelligible system. Probably
Gnostics themselves regarded as unessential those
details which to us seem so fantastic (cf. Rainy,
Ancient Catholic Church, p. 119). Gnostic schools
generally were at one in holding a system the main
features of which were as follows.
(1) A special revelation. — The word yvCi(n% has
misled many into thinking that Gnostics are essen-
tially those who prize intellectual knowledge as
superior to faith. By gnosis, however, we have to
understand not knowledge gained by the use of the
intellect, but knowledge given in a special revela-
tion. Not greater intellectual power than the
Christians possessed, but a fuller and better revela-
tion, was what the Gnostics claimed to have. They
took no personal credit for it ; it had been handed
down to them. Its author was Christ or one of
His apostles, or at least one of their friends. In
several cases they professed to be able to give the
history of its transmission. Thus Basilides claims
Glaukias, an interpreter of St. Peter (Strom, vii. 17
[766], 106 f.), or Matthias (Hipp. vii. 20). Valen-
tinus claims Theodas, an acquaintance of St. Paul's
(Strom, loc. cit.). The Ophites claim Mariamne
and James (Hipp. v. 7). Or they appealed to a
secret tradition imparted to a few by Jesus Him-
self (so Irenaeus frequently).
(2) Dualism. — This is the foundation principle of
all Gnostic systems, and from it all else follows. In
the ancient world we meet two kinds of dualism,
one in Greek philosophy, the other in Eastern
religion. Greek dualism was between ^aivd/neva
and vov/j-eva, between the world of sense-appearance
and the realm of real being. The lower was but
a shadow of the higher ; still it was a copy of it.
The contrast was not, to any great extent at least,
between the good and the evil, but between the
real and the empty, formless, unreal. Eastern dual-
ism, on the other hand, drew a sharp distinction be-
tween the world of light and the world of darkness,
two eternal antagonistic principles in unceasing
conflict. In Gnosticism we have a primarily East-
ern dualism combined with the Greek form. The
world of goodness and light is the PleroTna ('full-
ness '), i.e. the realm of reality in the Greek sense ;
the kingdom of evil and darkness is the Kenoma
('emptiness '), the phenomenal world of Greek philo-
sophy. Hence the Gnostic dualism comes to be
between God and matter, two eternal entities, and
the uXt? (* matter ') is essentially evil.
(3) Demiurge. — As the Gnostic surveyed the
world of matter, he found patent traces of law and
order ruling it. How did matter, in itself evil and
lawless, come to be so orderly ? The Gnostic took
the view of Nature which J. S. Mill took, and
argued that either the Creator was not all-good or
He was not all-powerful. The Gnostic reasoned
that the world which with all its order is yet so
imperfect cannot be the work of God who is wholly
good and all-wise ; it must be the production of
454
GNOSTICISM
GNOSTICISM
some far inferior being. The world, then, it was
taught, was the work of a Demiurge — a being distinct
from God. The character of this Demiurge was
variously conceived by different schools ; some, e.g.
Cerinthus, made him a being simply ignorant of
the highest God. The tendency became strong,
however, to make him hostile to God, an enemy of
Light and Truth (the blasphemia Creatoris). The
God of the Jews was identified with this Demiurge.
As to the origin of the Demiurge, some held him to
belong ab initio to the realm of evil. But the char-
acteristic view was that he was a much-removed em-
anation from the Pleroma. This theory of emana-
tions is a prominent feature of most of the systems,
and it is here that Gnosticism ran into those wild
fancies that to some make the . whole system so
phantasmagoric. The view was that from God
there emanated a series of beings called '.iEons,'
each step in the genealogy meaning a diminution
of purity ; and the Demiurge was the creation of
an .^on far down, indeed the very lowest in the
scale. Nature and human nature, then, are produc-
tions of a Demiurge either ignorant of, or positively
hostile to, the true God. While in a few schools
there was only one Demiurge, most spoke of seven
as concerned in cosmogony. The origin of this
is clear. The seven are the seven astronomical
deities of Perso-Babylonian religion. The fusion
of Persian and Babylonian views resulted in those
deities, originally beneflcent, being conceived of
as evil (Orig. c. Cels. vi. 22; Zimmem, KAT^ ii.
620 tf. ).
(4) Redemption. — Christian and Gnostic agree in
finding in this world goodness fettered and thwarted
by evil. They differ entirely in their conception of
the conflict. The familiar Christian view is that
into a world of perfect order and goodness a fallen
angel brought confusion and evil. The common
Gnostic vieAv is that into a world of evil a fallen
^'Eon brought a spark of life and goodness. The
fall of this Mon. is variously explained in different
systems, as due to weakness (the iEon furthest
from God was unable to maintain itself in the
Pleroma), or to a sinful passion which induced the
yEon to plunge into the Kenoma. Howsoever the
Mon fell, it is imprisoned in the Kenoma, and
longs for emancipation and return to the Pleroma.
With this longing the world of .iEons sympathizes,
and the most perfect Mon becomes a Redeemer.
The Saviour descends, and after innumerable suffer-
ings is able to lead back the fallen .^on to the
Pleroma, where He unites with her in a spiritual
marriage. Redemption is thus primarily a cosmical
thing. But in redeeming the fallen Mon from
darkness, the Saviour has made possible a redemp-
tion of individual souls. To the Gnostic, the
initiated, the Saviour imparts clear knowledge of
the ideal world to be striven after, and prompts
him so to strive. The soul at all points, before and
after deatli, was opposed by hostile spirits, and a
great part of Gnostic teaching consisted in instruct-
ing the soul as to how those enemies could be over-
come. Here comes in the tangle of magico-mjstical
teaching, so large an element of the later schools.
All sorts of rites, baptisms, stigmatizings, sealing,
piercing the ears, holy foods and drinks, etc., were
enjoined. It was important also to know tiie names
of the spirits, and the words by which they could
be mastered. Some systems taught a multitude
of such 'words of power'; in other sj\stera3 one
master word was given, e.g. caulacau (Iren. I.
xxiv. 5).
(5) Christology. — Gnosticism in union with
Christianity identified its Saviour, of course, with
Jesus. As to the connexion see below. All Cliris-
lianized Gnostics held a peculiar Christology.
Jesus was a pure Spirit, and it was abhorrent to
thouglit that He should come into close contact
with matter, the root of all evil. He had no true
body, then, but an appearance which He assumed
only to reveal Himself to the sensuous nature of
man. Some, like Cerinthus, held that the Saviour
united Himself with the man Jesus at the Baptism,
and left him again before the Death. Others held
that the body was a pure phantom. All agi'eed
that the Divine Saviour was neither born nor
capable of death. Such a view of Christ's Person
is Docetism, the antithesis of Ebionism.
(6) Anthropology. — Man is regarded as a micro-
cosm. His tripartite nature (some had only a
bipartism) — spirit, soul, body — reflects God, Demi-
urge, matter. There are also three classes of man-
kind — carnal [vXlkoI), psychic (i/'uxu-o/), spiritual
{iTvevixaTtKol). Heathen are hylic, Jews psychic,
and Christians spiritual. But within the Christian
religion itself the same three classes are found ;
the majority are only psychic, the truly spiritual
are the Gnostics. They alone are the true Church.
(7) Esehatology. — While Gnostics alone were
certain of return to the Kingdom of Light, some
at least were disposed to think charitably of the
destiny of the psychics, who might attain a measure
of felicity. Gnostics denied a resurrection of the
body, as we should expect. The whole world of
matter was to be at last destroyed by fires spring-
ing from its own bosom.
(8) Old Testament. — While there existed a Juda-
istic Gnosticism, represented by Essenes, Gnostic
Ebionites, and Cerinthus [qq.v.), who with various
modifications accepted the OT, the great mass of
Gnostics were anti-Judaistic, and rejected the OT.
This followed logically from their identification of
the God of the Jews with the Demiurge, an ignor-
ant, and in some cases an evil. Being. No doubt
they found also some plausible support in Pauline
anti-legalism. We can see here what ground some
schools could have for making heroes of the char-
acters represented as wicked in the OT. If it was
inspired by an ignorant or wicked Being, truth
would be found by inverting its estimates.
Such in outline is Gnosticism as a system, though
schools varied in detail under every heading (cf.
Harnack, Dogmengeschichte ; P. Wernle, Begin-
nings of Christianity, Eng. tr., London, 1903-04;
Schaff, Church History, ' Ante - Nicene Christi-
anity').
(9) Gnostic cxiltus and ethic. — The full develop-
ment of these (as of the whole system), of course,
lies outside our period, but of the latter we see the
tendencies in the NT itself ; and it is desirable to
say something of the former, to make our sketch
of the main features of Gnosticism complete.
(a) As to cultus. Gnosticism produced two oppo-
site movements which are comparable with puri-
tanism and ritualism respectively. The abhorrence
of matter led some consistently to the utmost
simplicity of worship. Some rejected all sacraments
and other outward means of grace, and the Prodi-
cians rejected even prayer (Epiphan. Hcer. xxvi. ;
Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 15 [304], vii. 7 [722]). On the
other hand, many groups, especially the Marcosians,
went to the opposite extreme with a symbolic and
mystic pomp in worship. This, while inconsistent
with the Gnostic views of matter, is in line with
the ideas of magico-mystical salvation indicated
above. Sacraments were numerous, rites many
and varied. It seems clear that they led the way
in introducing features which became characteristic
of the Catliolic Church. They were distinguished
as hymn-writers (Bardesanes, Ophites, Valentin-
ians). The Basilideans seem to have been the first
to celebrate the festival of Epiphany. The Simon-
ians and Carpocratians first used images of Christ
and others (see Church Histories of Schafl, Kurtz,
etc.).
(6) The ethic also took two directions — one to-
GNOSTICISM
GNOSTICISM
455
wards an unbridled antinomianisni, the other to-
wards a gloomy asceticism. Antinomian Gnostics
{e.g. Nicolaitans, Ophites) held that sensuality is to
be overcome by indulging it to exhaustion, and they
practised the foulest debaucheries. The Ascetics
(e.g. yaturninus, Tatian) abhorred matter, and
strove to avoid all contact with flesh as far as
possible. This led them to forbid marriage and
indulgence in certain kinds of food. This ethic in
both branches is the unfailing outcome of the
primary dualism characteristic of Gnosticism.
Wherever dualistic notions are influential, we find
this twin development of antinomianism and asceti-
cism. In the NT we find both kinds of error
referred to (see below). It is to be remembered
that neither by itself is sufficient to indicate
Gnosticism. There are many sources conceivable,
for asceticism especially.
3. Origins. — The older view was that Gnostics are
Christian heretics, i.e. errorists within the Church
who gradually diverged from normal Christianity,
under an impulse to make a philosophy of their
religion. To fill up the blanks of the Christian
revelation, they adopted heathen (mainly Greek)
speciilations. Mosheim was among the first to
perceive that the roots of what is peculiar in Gnos-
ticism are to be sought in Eastern rather than in
Greek speculation. In recent times there has
taken place a thorough examination of all Gnostic
remains, and knowledge of Eastern speculation
has advanced. The result of the two-fold investi-
gation has been to show that Gnosticism is far
more closely in aflSnity with Eastern thought than
had been imagined, not only in its deviations from
Christianity, but as a whole.
It is well known that the age with which we
deal was marked by nothing more strongly than
by its syncretism. All the faiths and philosophies
of the world met, and became fluid, so to say.
Strange combinations resulted, and were dissolved
again for lack of something round which they
might crystallize. Alike in philosophy and re-
ligion, attempts were made to establish by sjti-
cretism a universal system out of the confusion.
Gnosticism owes its being to that syncretism. In
view of the lack of definite information, any
attempt to trace or reconstruct its actual history
must be made with diffidence. Probably we should
regard its primary impulse as philosophical rather
than religious. It was an answer to the problem,
AVhence comes evil ? (Tert. de Prase. Hcer. vii. ;
Euseb. HE v. 27 ; Epiphan. Hcer. xxiv. 6). This
led to the other question, What is the origin of the
world? Oriental thought identified the two ques-
tions. In the origin of the world was involved the
existence of evil. A full explanation of the one
included an explanation of the other.
In Perso-Babylonian syncretism, we take it.
Gnosticism has its primary root, and from that
alone many of its features may be plausibly derived.
To this is to be added some influence of Judaism.
There was a syncretistic Judaism of varied char-
acter. We know definitely of three forms: (I)
Es.-?enic (see art. Essenes) ; (2) Samaritan, which
had been going on for centuries B.C., and from
which spi'ang the system of Simon Magus (with
his predecessor Dositheus, and his successor Men-
ander), who is distinguished by the Fathers as the
parent of Gnosticism ; (3) Alexandrian, represented
mainly by Philo, who produced an amalgam of
Judaism with Greek philosophy. Probably it
would be justifiable to add as a fourth example the
Jewish Kabbala. It is a body of writings unfold-
ing a traditional and, partly at least, esoteric
doctrine. Its most characteristic doctrines are
found also in the two Gnostic leaders, Basilides
and Valentinus (A. Franck, La Kahhale, Paris,
1843, p. 350 tt'.). It is difficult, however, to prove
that the ^abbala is not later than Gnosticism,
though there is practical certainty that its history
was a long one before it took final shape.
A third and very important element manifest
in the fully developed Gnostic systems is Greek
philosophy. Genetically^ then. Gnosticism may be
defined as largely a syncretistic system rising from
Perso-Babylonian religion, modified to some extent,
difficult to estimate, by Judaism, and in some
particulars borrowing from, and as a whole clarified
by contact with, Greek philosophy. These ele-
ments might be effective in very varied degrees,
and produced varied systems as this or that element
predominated. But from those three soiuxes, apart
altogether from Christianity, Gnosticism in all
essentials may be derived. And all three were in
active interaction before the appearance of Chris-
tianity. An important consideration follows, viz.
that it is absolutely no proof of a late date for any
NT writing that it contains allusions to even a
comparatively well-developed Gnosticism.
i. Connexion with Christianity. — How is this
connexion to be conceived or explained? What
did Gnosticism owe to Christianity ? Before Chris-
tianity we picture Gnosticism as vague, fluid, un-
stable. When Christianity was thrown into the
mass of floating opinions in the ancient world, it
afforded the vague Gnostic movements a point
round which they could crystallize and attain a
measure of permanence and definiteness, so that
out of more or less loose speculations systems could
be built. Men imbued with Gnostic views (the
loose elements of the system described) would easily
find points of resemblance between themselves ana
Christianity. It dealt in a way with the very
problems that interested the Gnostic. And in
apostolic teaching, especially in St. Paul, there
were many points which it took little ingenuity to
transform into Gnostic views. The world was to
be overcome ; it lay in wickedness ; the flesh was
to be mortified ; there was a law in the members
warring against the spirit. Divorced from the
general teaching of the apostles, this could be
claimed as just the Gnostic position. It is, we
take it, a misconception to regard such apostolic
teaching as the starting-point of Gnosticism. In
our view Gnosticism had already a considerable
history, and had attained a considerable develop-
ment as a system, before Christianity appeared.
But in such teaching Gnosticism found points of
attachment to Christianity, and other points might
be adduced. Gnosticism then came to shelter
within the Chui'ch, never learning her essential
spirit, but going on its own evolution. Growing
at first from distinct roots of its own, it twined
itself about the Church and became a parasite.
It is not easy to ans%ver the question. Is the
soteriology of Gnosticism borrowed from Christi-
anity, or is it too an independent thing? Some
points are quite plain which may justify our
accepting the latter alternative. It is clear that
between the Gnostic Hurrip (Saviour) and the his-
torical Jesus there is no discernible likeness. The
redemption of the fallen .^on by the Soter has
nothing to do with a historical appearance on earth
and in time. The Gnostic redemption-story is a
myth, an allegory, not a historical narrative. But
under the influence of Christianity, laborious at-
tempts were made to bring this soteriology into
union with the Christian account of the historical
Jesus. The attempt was not a success. ' In this
patchwork the joins are everywhere still clearly to
be recognized' (£'5r" xii. [1910] 157»). _ Indeed
some Gnostics made no secret of the difference
between their Soter and the Christ of ordinary
Christians — the Soter was for Gnostics alone, Jesus
Christ for 'Psychics' (Iren. I. vi. 1). The fact
that one school required its members to curse Jesus
456
Gis^OSTICISM
GNOSTICISM
is not without significance in the same dii-ection.
The most probable view is that Gnosticism in all
its elements was independent of Christianity, but
strove to put over itself a Christian guise, and re-
present itself as a fuller Christianity. But even
the master minds which formulated the great
systems of the 2nd cent, were baffled to conceal
effectively what could not be hidden, the essenti-
ally alien nature and origin of their speculative
flights.
5. Allusions in the NT. — In the NT there are
several clear indications that the invasion of
Christianity by Gnosticism is already in progress.
(1) We note regarding Simon Magus (Ac 8^'-)
only this, that in the narrative we have an allegory
of what we conceive the relation of Gnosticism to
Christianity to have been. He was attracted to the
apostles, was baptized, and still remained in tiie
' bond of iniquitj%' For this alone he may well be
named the father of the Gnostics (see art. Simon
Magus).
(2) There are some passages which seem not only
to be designed to state the Christian position, but to
be directed against errors characteristic of Gnosti-
cism : (a) against Docetism ; most striking is He
214-18 . (J) against the demiurgic idea (Jn 1^ He 1^,
Col l'6f-).
(3) A definite polemic against errorists who are
almost certainly Gnostics is found in the following
passages :
(a) Colossians. — The errorists in question claim
a superior knowledge (2^*^*), j^ay great regard to
angels — beings intermediate between God and man
(v.i^) — teach asceticism (vv."'^i- ^s) ; and probably their
demiurgic notion is refuted in P^. These are the
elements of Gnosticism, and most likely the Colos-
sian errorists are Judaistic Gnostics of the same
type as Cerinthus.
{b) Pastoral Epistles. — The references to Gnosti-
cism are so clear here that some find in them
a main ground for assigning a late date to the
Epistles. Gnosticism has already appropriated
the name yvuiais (1 Ti 5-"). The errorists profess
a superior knowledge (Tit 1'^ 2 Ti 3^). Their pro-
fane and vain babblings (2 Ti 2^^), old wives' fables
(1 Ti 4^), foolish questions and genealogies (Tit 3®),
denial of the resurrection of the body (2 Ti 2^^),
asceticism and depreciation of 'creatures' (1 Ti
4^'*), and in other cases their antinomianism (2 Ti
3«, Tit P"*)— all are tokens of Gnosticism.
(c) Peter and Jude. — The gross errorists de-
nounced in 2 P 2 and Jude show close affinity with
the Ophite sect, the Cainites {q.v.) (Hippol. viii.
20; Strom, vii. 17 [767]; Epiph. JScer. xxxviii.).
They made Cain their first hero ; and, regarding
the God of the Jews as an evil being, and the
Scriptures as, in consequence, a perversion of truth,
honoured all infamous characters from Cain to
Iscariot, who alone of the apostles had the secret
of true knowledge. Naturally, they practised the
wildest antinomianism, holding it necessary for
perfect knowledge to have practical experience of
all sins. Tiie ' lilthy dreamers,' who ' speak evil of
dignities' and 'go in tiie way of Cain,' are cer-
tainly closely allied to this position.
(d) 1 John. — There is throughout a contrast be-
tween true knowledge and false. Beyond reason-
able doubt tlie Epistle has mainly, if not exclu-
sively, Cerinthus in view. He is interesting in the
history of heresy for his combination of Ebionite
Christology with a Gnostic idea of the Creator
(see art. CERINTHUS). It is mainly the former
tiiat is in view in 1 Jolin (2^2 43f-), but 2'»- » are
directed against Gnostic antinomianism.
(e) Revelation. — Here we have definite mention
of a Gnostic sect, by name the Nicolaitans (2^- '^).
They derived their name from Nicolas of Ac 6*.
' They lead lives of unrestrained indulgence, . . .
teaching that it is a matter of indifference to
practise adultery, and to eat things sacrificed to
idols' (Iren. Hcer. I. xxvi. 3). Clem. Alex. (Strom.
iii. 4 [436 f.]) says that the followers of Nicolas
misunderstood his saying that 'we must fight
against the flesh and abuse it.' What Nicolas
meant to be an ascetic principle, they took to be
an antinomian one.
We have notice of another branch of antinomian
Gnosticism in 2-", where the ' prophetess Jezebel ' in
Tliyatira is ' teaching and seducing ' the faithful.
Gnosticism thus plays no inconsiderable part in
the NT itself. It is, however, to exaggerate that,
to find references to Gnosticism in verses where
terms occur that afterwards became technical terms
in Gnostic systems, viz. pleroma (e.g. Eph P^),
ceon (e.g. Eph 2-), gyiosis (frequently). These had
meaning before Gnostic systems made them pecu-
liarly their own, and the passages in question may
be understood Avithout any reference to Gnosticism.
6. Concluding remarks. — If it be difficult to in-
dicate accurately what Gnosticism owed to Chris-
tianity, it is no less difficult to determine to what
extent Christianity was permanently influenced by
Gnosticism. Theological prejudice Avill always
affect the answer, and some will find in the Christo-
logical and other definitions of OEcumenical
Councils a fruit of Avhat Gnostics began. It is
easy to see Avhat indirect service Gnosticism
rendered Christianity. In opposition to Gnosticism
the Church was compelled (a) to develop into
clear system her own creed ; the true yvQais had
to be opposed to the false ; (b) to determine what
writings Avere to be regarded as authoritative ;
against the Gnostic schools, each Avith its OAvn
pretended special revelation, the Church formed a
Canon of Avhat Avere generally regarded as authentic
apostolic Avritings ; (c) to seek for a just vieAV of
the relation of Judaism to Christianity, and of the
permanent value of the OT Avhich Gnostics re-
jected. This is, it may be said, an unsolved prob-
lem still. In opposition to Gnosticism the Church
was perhaps betrayed into the other extreme, as,
to secure permanent authority for every part
of the OT, a fanciful system of allegorizing was
adopted.
As to direct influence, we have indicated above
that Gnostics led the Avay in some dcA^elopments of
Avorship Avhich found a permanent place in the
Catholic Church. Probably also thej' led the way
to the magical concejjtion of Sacraments Avhich
became so prominent. The clearness with Avhich
the false character of Gnosticism Avas perceived,
and the successful struggle against it, are among
the most remarkable and praiseAvorthy things in
the history of the early Church. It remains to be
said that the various phenomena Avhich constitute
Gnosticism have appeared again and again in the
history of the Church since then. Its speculative
flights into regions w here revelation does not giiide
and reason cannot foUoAv ; its special ncAV revela-
tions ; its view of the Avorld as essentially evil in
itself ; its stern asceticism or antinomian excess — aU
have appeared repeatedly.
LiTERATtiiiB. — J. A. W. Neander, Die genetische EnlwiekeU
ling der vornchinsten gnostiachcn Systeme, Berlin, 1818; F. C.
Baur, Die christliche Ononis, Tiibingren, 1S35 ; R. A. Lipsius,
Gnostic isimis, Leipzig, 18G0 ; H. L. Mansel, Gnostic Heresies
0/ the 1st ayid 2nd Centuries, London, 1875 ; A. Hilgenfeld, Die
Ketzergeschichte des Urchristenthums, Leipzig, 18S4 ; W. Anz,
Ursprung des Gnostizismus, do. 1897 ; R. Liechtenhahn, Die
Ofenbarung im Gnosticisimts, Gottingen, 1901 ; E. de Faye,
Introduction d I'itude du gnosticisme au He et au iii' siMe,
Paris, 1903 ; W. Bousset, Uauptjirobleme der Gnosis, Gotting-
en, 1907; A. Harnack, History of Dogma, Kng. tr., London,
1894-99 ; F. Loofs, Leitf. zum Studirnndcr Ddgmengeschichte^,
Halle, 1893; R. Seeberg, Lchrbuch der Dogmengeschichte,
Leipzig, 1895-98; Church Histories of P. SchafF (Edinburgh,
1883-93), W. Moeller fEng. tr., London, 1892-1900), G. P.
Fisher (do. 1894), R. Rainy (Ancient Catholic Church, Edin-
burgh, 1902). W. D. NiVEN.
GOAD
GOD
457
GOAD [KivTpov). — This was a pole about 8 ft. in
length, carried by Eastern ploughmen. Armed at
one end with a spike and at the other with a
chisel-shaped blade, it was used now to urge the
yoked beasts to move faster, now to clean the
share. Only one hand being required to hold and
guide the light plough, the other was free to wield
the goad. The kicking of oxen against the goad
(AV the pricks) suggested a popular metaphor for
futile and painful resistance — aKXrjpov <tol irpbs Kiv-
Tpa XaKTl^eiv (Ac 26^'* ; all uncials omit these words
in 9^). The same figure is found in Find. Pi/th.
ii. 173 ; JEsch. Protn. 323 ; Eurip. Bacch. 795 ;
Terence, Phorm. I. ii. 28. James Steahan.
GOAT (Tpdyoi). — The Greek word signifies a 'he-
goat' (Lat. hircus), and is used in the LXX as the
equivalent of the Heb. words n^ny, t?v, ^".^ (all =
' he-goat '). The only NT references to the ' goat'
outside the Gospels are in the Epistle to the Heb-
rews (91-- 13. 19 lO-*). In 912- 19 it is associated with
calves (i.e. bullocks), and there is doubtless an
allusion in these two passages to tlie sacrificial
rites of the Day of Atonement. On this occasion,
the high priest ofl'ered up a bullock as a sin-oft'ering
for himself (Lv 16^^), and a goat as a sin-otiering
for the people (Lv 16'"). The usual phrase to de-
signate sacrifices in general is used in 9'^ 10*, * bulls
and goats' or 'goats and bulls.'
The general meaning of Q^-^' is quite clear.
The writer says : ' if — and you admit this — the
blood of goats and bullocks, as on the Day of
Atonement, could sanctify unto the cleanness of
the flesh, how much more could the Blood of
Christ, the Divine-Human sacrifice, cleanse the
conscience from dead works to serve the living God ! '
In 10* the writer abandons his rhetorical style
.and categorically asserts that ' it is impossible for
the blood of bulls and goats to take away sins.'
He here uses the general term for sacrifices, and
thereby denies that any of the sacrifices of the old
Law ever did or ever could ' take away sins.'
Many different breeds of domesticated goats are
known in Syria, the most common of which is the
mambcr or ordinary black goat. These animals
attain a large size, and pendent ears about a foot
long are their most characteristic feature. Their
peculiar ears are apparently alluded to in Am 3'^.
They generally have horns and short beards. An-
other breed found in N. Palestine is the angora,
which has very long hair. Goats supplied most of
the milk of Palestine (cf. Pr 27*^), and the young
were often killed for food, being regarded as special
delicacies, as they are to-day (cf. Gn 27^ Lk IS-**).
Their long silky hair was woven into curtains,
coverings of tents, etc. (cf. Ex 35-^ Nu 31-"), and
as goat's-hair cloth, called cilicium, was made in
the province of which Tarsus, the birth-place of
St. Paul, was the capital, and was exported thence
to be used in tent-making, it is reasonable to sup-
pose that the Apostle was engaged in this very
trade (Ac 18^). Their skins were sometimes used
as clothing, and doubtless the hairy mantle of the
prophets (cf. Zee 13*) was made of this material
(cf. also He IP^), but they were more often con-
verted into bottles. The early inhabitants of
Palestine (cf. Gn 2\^^, Jos 9*, 1 S" 25>8, Mt 9", Mk
2", Lk 5^^), just like the modern Bedouins, utilized
the skins of their cattle and their flocks for the
purpose of storing oil, wine, milk, or water, as
the case might be. The animals whose skins were
generally chosen for the purpose were the sheep
and the goat as at the present day, while the skin
of the ox was used for very large bottles. The
legs, or at all events the lower part of the legs, to-
gether with the head, are first removed, the animal
is next skinned from the neck downwards, great
care being taken to avoid tearing the skin ; all
apertures are then carefully closed, and the neck
is fitted with a leather thong which serves as a
cork.
In view of the numerous uses which the goat
has been made to subserve, it is not surprising to
find that it was highly valued in ancient times
even as it is now. A large part of the wealth of
Laban and of the wages he paid to Jacob consisted
of goats, while 'a thousand goats' is mentioned
as one of the principal items in Nabal's property
(1 S 25-). They thrive in hilly and scantily
watered districts, where they are much more
abundant than sheep, and pasture where there is
much brush-wood, the luxuriant grasses of the
plains being 'too succulent for their taste' (Tris-
tram in Smith's DB^ 1200"). They are largely
responsible for the barrenness of the hills, and the
general absence of trees in Palestine.
Literature.— H. 'B.TristTa.m, Natural Eislory of the Bible^^,
1911, p. SSff. ; Smith's DB, s.v. ; SiVP vii. 6; E. C. Wick-
ham, The Epistle to the Uebrews, 1910, p. 68 ; B. F. Westcott,
The Epistle to the Hebreu-s'^, 1892, p. 258 S. ; R. Lyddeker, in
Murray's DB.s.u. ; UDBii. 195 f. ; SZ)£,p.298f. •,EBi\\.ni-2S.;
J. C. Geikie.rAe Holy Land and the Biblc,1903, pp. 40, 80-85, 113.
P. S. P. Handcock.
GOD. — 1. General aspects of the apostolic doc-
trine. — The object of this article is to investigate
the doctrine of God as it is presented in the Chris-
tian writings of the apostolic period ; but, in view
of the scope of this Dictionary, the teaching of our
Lord Himself and the witness of the Gospel records
will be somewhat lightly passed over.
The existence of God is universally assumed in the
NT. The arguments that can be adduced, e.g. from
the consent of mankind and from the existence
of the world, are only intended to show that the
belief that God is is reasonable, not to prove it as
a mathematical proposition. But undoubtedly the
fact that the doctrine is by such arguments shown
to be probable will lead man to receive with more
readiness the revealed doctrine of God's existence.
The biblical writers, however, did not, in either
dispensation, concern themselves to prove a fact
which no one doubted. Ps 10* 14^ 53^ are no excep-
tions to this general consent. The ungodly man
(the ' fool ') who said in his heart ' There is no God,'
did not deny God's existence, but His interfering
in the affairs of men. 'The wicked . . . saith.
He will not require it. All his thoughts are,
There is no God.'
The apostolic doctrine of God as we have it in
Acts, Itevelation, and the Epistles does not come
direct from the OT. It presupposes a teaching of
our Lord. At first this teaching was in the main
handed down by the oral method, and tiie Epistles,
or at least most of them, do not depend on any of
our four Gospels, though it is quite likely that
there were some written evangelic records in exist-
ence even when the earliest of the Epistles were
Avritten (Lk 1^). St. Paul, writing on certain points
of Christian teaching, tells us that he handed on
what he himself had received (1 Co 112-23 153 . ^j^q
expression cltto tou Kvpiov in ll^^ probably does not
mean * from the Lord without human mediation ' :
it was tradition handed on from Christ).
In approaching the apostolic writings we must
bear in mind two points, (a) The NT was not
intended to be a compendium of theology. The
Epistles, for example, were written for the imme-
diate needs of the time and place, doubtless without
any thought arising in their writers' minds of their
being in the future canonical writings of a new
volume of the Scriptui'es. We should not, therefore,
a priori expect to find in them any formulated state-
ment of doctrine, {b) There is a considerable differ-
ence between the Epistles on the one hand and the
Gospels on the other in the presentation of doctrine.
The Gospels are narratives of historical events, and
in them, therefore, the gradual unfolding of Jesus'
teaching, as in fact it was given, is duly set forth.
This is especially the case with the Synoptics,
tliough even in the Fourth Gospel there is a certain
amount of progress of doctrine. At the first tiie
doctrines taught by our Lord are set forth, so to
speak, in their infancy, adapted to the comprehen-
sion of beginners ; and they are gradually unfolded
as the Gospel story proceeds. In the Epistles, on
the other hand, the writer treats his correspondents
as convinced Christians, and therefore, though he
instructs them, he plunges at once in viedias res.
There is no progress of doctrine from the first
chapter of an Epistle to the last.
The question we have to ask ourselves is. What
did the apostles teach about God ? Or rather, in
order not to beg any question (since it is obviously
impossible in this article to discuss problems of
date and authorship), we must ask. What do the
books of the NT teach about God?
2. Christian dcYelopment of the OT doctrine of
God. — It is an essential doctrine of the NT writers
that a new and fuller revelation was given by the
Incarnation and by the fresh outpouring of the
Holy Gliost.
(a) The revelation by the Incarnate. — That the
Son had made a revelation of old by the part which
He took in creation (see below, 6 (e)) is not explicitly
stated, but is implied by Ro P", which says that
creation is a revelation of God's everlasting power
and Divinity (dei6Tri^, 'Divine nature and properties,'
whereas deoT-qs is ' Divine Personality ' [see Sanday-
Headlam, ICC, 1902, inloc.'\). But the Incarnate
reveals God in a fuller sense than ever before :
' God . . . hath at the end of these days spoken
unto us in [his] Son' (He P''). The revelation hy
the Incarnation is a conception specially emphasized
in the Johannine writings, not only in the Gospel,
but also in the First Epistle and the Apocalypse.
The Prologue of the Gospel says that ' God only
begotten' (or 'the only begotten Son' [see below,
6 (c)]) * which is in the bosom of the Father, hath
declared him ' ( Jn P^). * What he hath seen and
heard, of that he beareth witness ' (3^-). The reve-
lation of the Son is the revelation of the Father
(14^-11). The 'life which was with the Father'
was manifested and gave a message about God
(1 Jn r-"5). The revelation of eternal life which is
in the Son was made when God bore witness con-
cerning His Son (S'"'-). This new and fuller revela-
tion is that with which the Apocalyptist begins
his book (Rev P) : ' the revelation (apocalypse) of
Jesus Christ, which God gave him to shew unto
his servants' (see Swete, Com. in loc., who gives
good reasons for thinking that the revelation made
by Jesus, rather than that made about Jesus, is
meant ; cf. Gal 1^-).
We find the same teaching, though in a some-
what less explicit form, in tiie Pauline Epistles.
Christ is ' the power of God and the wisdom of
God. . . made unto us wisdom from God' (1 Co I-'*- 2"^).
In Him ' are all the treasures of wisdom and
knowledge hidden ' (Col 2^). In the new ' dispensa-
tion of the fulness of the times' God has 'made
known unto us the mystery of his will' (Eph P'-,
a passage where ' mystery ' specially convej's the
idea of a hidden thm^revealed, rather than one
kept secret). To St. Paul personally Jesus made
a revelation (Gal 1'^; see above). That our Lord
made a new revelation is also stated in the Synop-
tics : ' Neitiier doth any know the Father, save
the Son, and lie to whomsoever the Son willeth to
reveal [him]' (Mt 11-''; cf. Lk lO"). So in Acts,
Jesus bids the disciples ' wait for the promise of
tlie Father, which [said he] ye heard from me' (1^) ;
and St. Peter (10*') calls the new revelation 'the
word wliich [God] sent unto the children of Israel,
1 (reaching good tidings of peace by Jesus Christ
(he is Lord of all).' Sanday {IIDB ii. 212) points
out that the passages about our Lord being the
' image ' of God, and ' in the form of God ' (see •
below, 6 (c)), express the fact that He brings to
men's minds the essential nature of God.
(b) The revelation by the Holy Ghost. — The new
revelation of the nature of God by the full out-
pouring of the Spirit, in a manner unknown even
in the old days of prophetical inspiration, is also,
as far as the promise is concerned, a favourite
Johannine conception (see especially Jn 14-16).
The promise is, however, alluded to by St. Luke
(Lk 24^**, Ac 1^), and its fulfilment is dwelt on at
great length in Acts, which may be called the
'Gospel of the Holy Spirit,' and in which the
action of the Third Person in guiding the disciples
into all the truth (Jn 16^^) is described very fully.
Jesus gave commandment to the apostles ' through
the Holy Ghost' (Ac 1^). The guidance of the
Spirit is described, e.gr., in 2"'- S^ 10'» ll^^ WW^ 20-3
2P', though these passages speak rather of the
practical leading of the disciples in the conduct of
life rather than of the teaching of the truth. St.
Paul says that ' the things which eye saw not' (he
seems to be paraphrasing Is 64^) have been revealed
by God 'unto ms' {riixZv is emphatic here) ' through
the Spirit, for the Spirit searcheth all things, yea,
the deep things of God ' (1 Co 2«*- ; so v.^% It is the
Holy Spirit only who can teach us that ' Jesus is
Lord '(123).
3. Attributes of God in the NT. — Before consider-
ing the great advance on the OT ideas made by the
Christian doctrine of God, we may notice certain
Divine attributes which are emphasized in the NT,
but which are also found in the OT.
(a) God is Almighty. — The word used in the NT
(as in the Eastern creeds) for this attribute is wavro-
KpcLTiop, chiefly in the Apocalypse (1^ 4^ 11^^ 15^ 16''- ^'^
196. IS 2122)^ but also in 2 Co 6^^, as it is used in
the LXX, where it renders fbhri'oth and Shaddai.
We notice in each instance in Rev. how emphati-
cally it stands at the end : 'the Lord God, which
is and which was . . . the Almighty,' ' the Lord
God, the Almighty' ; not ' Lord God Almighty' as
AV (the AV translates the word by ' omnipotent ' in
Rev 19^ only). The word omnipotens occurs in the
earliest Roman creed. — But what does 'Almighty '
imply ? To the modern reader it is apt to convey
the idea of omnipotence, as if it were ■n-avToSivafios,
i.e. ' able to do everything,' on account of the Latin
translation omnipotens. So Augustine under-
stands the word in the Creed [de Symbolo ad Catc-
chumenos, 2 [ed. Ben. vi. 547]), exidaining it, ' He
does whatever He wills' (Swete, Apostles' Creed,
p. 22). Undoubtedly God is omnipotent, though
this does not mean that He can act against the
conditions which He Himself makes — He cannot
sin. He cannot lie (Tit 1^, He G^^ ; so 2 Ti '2'^ of our
Lord). As Augustine says (loc. cit.), if He could
do these things He would not be omnipotent. But
this is not the meaning of ' Almighty.' As we see
from the form of the Greek word [wavTOKpdTijjp), and
as is suggested by the Hebrew words which it
renders, it denotes sovereignty over the world. It
is equivalent to the 'Lord of heaven and earth' of
Ac 17-'*, Mt 11-^. Everything is under God's sway
(see Pearson, Expos, of the Creed, art. i., especially
notes 37-43). The Syriac bears out this interpreta-
tion by rendering the word ahidh kul, i.e. ' holding
(or governing) all.'
(b) God is 'living.' — He has 'life in himself
(Jn 5-«). He is 'the living God' (Rev V), 'that
liveth for ever and ever' (10''); and therefore is
eternal, the 'Alpha and Omega, which is and
whicii was and which is to come' (6 ibu Kai 6 rjv Kai
6 ipxifj-evos), 'the beginning and the end' (Rev 1"
21" ; cf. 10^)— these words are here (but not in
22'* ; see below, 6 (e)) rightly ascribed by Swete to
the Eternal Father. ' One day is with the Lord as
a thou>and years, and a thousand vears as one
day ' (2 P 3« ; cf. Ps 90^ ; see also Ro 1-").
(c) God is omniscient. — He knoAvs the hearts of
all men [KapSLoyvQara iravnav, Ac !-■* ; cf. 15* ; the
prayer in 1-^ is perhaps addressed to our Lord) ; He
knows all things (1 Jn 3-'^). St. Paul eloquently
exclaims : ' O the depth of the riches both of the
wisdom and the knowledge of God !' (Ro 11^), and
ascribes glory 'to the only wise God,' i.e. to God
who alone is wise (16-^ ; the same phrase occurs in
some MSS of 1 Ti 1", but ' Avise ' is there an inter-
polation). Even the uninstructed Cornelius recog-
nizes that we are in God's sight (Ac 10^). Such
sayings cannot but be a reminiscence of our Lord's
teaching that ' not one of them is forgotten in the
sight of God' (Lk 12''). They are summed up in
the expressions ' God is light' (1 Jn P) and * God is
true' ('This is the true God,' 1 Jn 5^; for the
reference here see A. E. Brooke's note in JCC,
1912, in loc). God 'cannot lie' ; see above (a).
(d) God is transcendent. — This Divine attribute
had been exaggerated by the Jews just before the
Christian era, but it is nevertheless dwelt on in the
apostolic writings. The 'things of God' are indeed
' deep,' so that man cannot, though the Spirit can,
'search them out' (1 Co 2i»'- ; cf. Job \V). God,
who 'only hath immortality,' dwells 'in light un-
approachable, whom no man hath seen nor can see'
(1 Ti 6ifi ; cf. Jn l'», 1 Jn 4i-- ''^»). He is spirit ( Jn 4^^
RVm) and invisible (Col 1^«, 1 Ti 1'^ He 11^), un-
changeable (He 61"- ; cf. Mai S^, Ps 102-*^), infinite,
omnipresent (Ac 7^^ 11-'-'" ; cf. Ps 139"'^-)- These
statements do not mean, however, that God is
altogether unknowable by men ; for God in His
condescension reveals Himself to man (see above, 2).
(e) God is immanent. — That God dwells in man
is stated several times. ' God is in you indeed,'
says St. Paul (1 Co 14-=« AV and RVm; RV text
has ' among ' ; the Gr. is eV iiixlv). ' There is one
God and Father of all, who is over all, and through
all, and in all' (Eph 4^). 'God abideth in us'
(1 Jn 4^2). His 'tabernacle is with men' and He
'shall dwell with them . . . and be with them'
(Rev 21"). For the immanence of the Son and the
Spirit in man see below, 6 (c) and 7.
(/) Moral attributes. — God is love (1 Jn 4^-^^);
love is His very nature and being, and therefore
love is the foundation of all true religion ; love is
of God (v.^ ; see Brooke's notes on these verses [op.
cit.]). The love of God is specially emphasized by
Christianity ; cf . also Jn 3^® (the kernel of the gospel
message), flo 5^- ^ S"-^, 2 Co 13'^ Col P^ (' the Son
of his love '), 2 Th S^, 1 Ti 2* (desire of universal
salvation), 1 Jn 2^ 3'. The ' love of God ' may be
God's love for us, or our love for God ; but the
latter, as St. John teaches (see above), comes from
the former.
God is holi/. This attribute is emphasized both
in the OT (Lv 11«) and in the NT (1 P l'^'-)- The
four living creatures cry ' Holy {dytos), holy, holy
is the Lord God, the Almighty' (Rev 4* ; cf. Is 6^).
' Thou only art holy ' (oaLos)* cry the conquerors
(Rev 15^ ; cf. 16') — a striking comment on the as-
cription of holiness to our Lord and to the Spirit
(below, 6 (e), 7). Brooke {op. cit.) thinks it un-
necessary to determine whether ' the Holy One' in
1 Jn 2-" is the Father or the Son.
God is Just ; He has no respect of persons (Ac 10^^
Ro 211, Gal 2«, 1 P 1" ; cf. Dt lO^'').
He is righteous (for the meaning of this see
below, 6 (e)) ; St. Paul not only speaks of the
'righteous judgment' (diKaioKpicria, Ro 2' ; cf. 2 Th
P), but of the ' righteousness ' {dLKaioffvvn), of God
(Ro 1" 3-2 10^). On this phrase, St/catoo-wTj ^eoO, see
an elaborate investigation by Sanday in HDB ii.
" The word ocrios (equivalent to the Latin phis) ' represents
God as fulfilling His relation to His creatures, even as He requires
them to fulfil theirs towards Himself ' (Swete, Com. in loc).
209-212 ; it was familiar to the Jews, and to them
meant the personal righteousness of God. Many
commentators take it, as used in the NT, to mean
the righteous state of man, of which God is the
giver. But in either case it predicates righteousness
of God. In Ph 3* we find ttjv iK dead diKaioaOvTiv,
'the righteousness which is of God.' The Apoca-
lyptist also emphasizes this attribute (Rev 15^ 16^-'').
God is merciful (Ro IP^ 15^, etc.). This is really
the same attribute as love ; but it is not the same
as the Musulman idea of the mercy of God, which
can scarcely be distinguished from indilference.
Love and justice combined produce the true Divine
mercy.
He is the God of hope (Ro 15'^). A despairing
pessimism is rebellion against the good God who
makes us to hope, and who promises to overthrow
Satan.
He is the God of peace (Ro 15^3 IQ^, 1 Th 5^3, 2 Th
3>8, He 132«).
{g) God is Creator and Saviour. — That God the
Father is the Maker of the world is again and again
insisted on (Ac H'^-i^ IT-^-^a, Ro l-""^ 1P«, 1 Co 3^,
Eph 2'" 39 [cf. v.i«-]. Col P"-, He P 4* 12^ [the spirits
of men], Ja !"'• [' the lights,' the heavenly bodies].
Rev 4'i 10®). Man was made in God's likeness
(1 Co IF, Ja 3^). That God made the world was
also much emphasized by the sub-apostolic writers
(Swete, Apostles' Creed, p. 20), in opposition to the
Gnostic conception of a Demiurge, an inferior God
who was Creator, and w-ho was more or less in
opposition to the supreme God. (For God the
Father as Saviour, see below, 6 (e) ; for the part of
the Son and of the Spirit in creation see below, 6
(e), 7).
i. The Fatherhood of God. — We now pass to the
great developments made by the Christian doctrine
of God. In the OT it had been freely taught that
God was Father ; but the conception scarcely went
further than a fatherhood of the chosen people.
'Israel is my son, my hrst born. . . . Let my son
go that he may serve me,' is Jahweh's message
to Pharaoh (Ex 4'^-). The Deuteronomist goes no
further (8^ 32®, and especially 14"*: 'Ye are the
children of the Lord your God . . . for thou art
an holy people unto the Lord thy God, and the
Lord hath chosen thee to be a peculiar people unto
himself above all peoples that are upon the face of
the earth '). The restrictive words of Ps 103^3 are
very signihcant : ' Like as a father pitieth his
children, so the Lord pitieth the^n that fear him.'
The prophets made no advance on this. To Judah
and Israel God says : ' Ye shall call me. My father '
( Jer 318 ; cf. Is 631" 391. 9^ jyial 1«) ; ' When Israel was
a child, then I loved him, and called my son out of
Egypt' (Hos 111).
The NT greatlydevelopsthisdoctrine. It teaches
that God is F"ather of all men, though in a special
sense Father of believers. But, above all, God is
the Father of our Lord in a sense quite unique.
(a) The Father of our Lord. — Jesus ever makes
a difference between the Father's relationship to
Himself and to the rest of the world. The striking
words of the twelve-year-old Child : ' Wist ye not
that I must be in my Feather's house?' (or 'about
my Father's business,' iv rois ro\j 7rarp6s yttoi;, Lk 2''®)
are the first indication of this. Jesus speaks of
' my Father ' and ' the Father ' and ' your Father, '
but never of 'our Father,' though He teaches the
disciples to use these words (Mt 6^). In Jn 20" the
Evangelist represents our Lord as using what would
otherwise be an unintelligible periphrasis: *My
Father and your Father, and my God and your God.'
This same distinction is kept up in the rest of the
NT. Thus in Ro & St. Paul calls our Lord God's
' own Son' (rbv iavroO vl6v), in a manner in which we
could not be desig-nated 'sons' ; we can only be
'conformed to the image of his Son, that he might
be the firstborn among many brethren' (v."^), while
Jesus is 'his own Son' (tov idiov vioD, v.^-; cf. Col 1'-*:
' Son of his love '). St. Paul exhibits a fondness
for the phrase ' the God and Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ' (Ro 15«, 2 Co P, Eph 1»; cf. Col P
• God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ'), which
is re-echoed by St. Peter (1 P P), and in the Apoca-
lypse (Rev 1^: 'his God and Father'). (On the
other hand, in Eph 1" we read : 'the God of our
Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of glory.') In Rev 3^^
our Lord is speaking, and uses the words 'my
Father.' This distinction is at the root of the
Johannine title ' Only-begotten,' applied to our
Lord (1 Jn 4«, Jn !"• is 316-18). ggg Adoption,
Only-Begotten.
(b) The Father of all men. — This relationship is
expressly affirmed by St. Paul in his speech at
Athens (Ac 17^^^). God has created us ; 'in him
we live and move and have our being, as certain
even of your own poets have said, For we are also
his oftspring.' And he endorses this heathen saying
by continuing : 'Being then the ofispring of God,'
etc. (v.-**). We maj' compare our Lord's saying:
' that ye may be sons of j-our Father which is in
heaven, for lie maketh his sun to rise on the evil
and the good, and sendeth rain on the just and the
unjust ' (JNIt 5^5) ; ' he is kind towards the unthank-
ful and evil ' (Lk 6^^). The same thought seems to
be at the root of St. Paul's saying that all father-
hood (Trao-a Trarptd) in heaven and earth is named
from God the Father (Eph 3^*^; see Family).
' There is one God and Father of all, who is over
all, and through all, and in all' (Eph 4^), 'To us
there is one God, the Father, of whom are all
things and we unto him' (1 Co 8^). In several
passages in the Epistles where we read ' our Father '
(Ro V, 1 Co P, 2 Co P, Eph P, Ph 42», etc.), there
is no special restriction to God's relationsliip to
Christians, such as we find with regard to the
chosen people in the OT passages. St. James
speaks of 'the Father of lights' (Ja 1"), i.e. of
the created heavenly bodies. And the Avriter of
Hebrews refers to a universal Fatherhood due to
creation. As contrasted with the ' fathers of our
flesh,' God is 'the Father of spirits' — the Author
not only of our spiritual being but of all spiritual
beings (He 12^; see Westcott, Com. in loc).
(c) The Father of believers. — Side by side with
the doctrine of universal fatherhood is the special
relationship of God to believers, not only as Saviour
(1 Ti 41") but as Father. Here the apostolic
writers ascribe to Christians the prerogatives of
the chosen people in the old covenant. This special
fatherhood is brought out in the passages where
St. Paul applies the metaphor of adoption to Chris-
tians (Ro 8i^-"-23, Gal 4^'-, Eph P ; see ADOPTION ;
cf. also 1 P 1", 1 Jn 3i'-, Jn P^, etc.).
(d) ' The Father' in general. — In many passages
we find the absolute expression 'the Father,' com-
prehending any or all of the above meanings, as,
e.g., 1 Co 8«, Gal P, Eph 5-» ('give thanks in the
name of our Lord Jesus Christ to God, even the
Father '), Col P^, Ja S" RV (' the Lord and Father '),
1 Jn 2'^-'5'- ; and 2 P 1", 1 Jn P, where there is a
special reference to our Lord.
The word 'Father' stands at the head of most Christian
creeds, but it is probable that it was not originally in that of
Rome. The Creed of Jlarcellus of Ancyra, an early Western
specimen, though coining from an Eastern bishop, begins : ' I
believe in Almighty {itavTOKpaTopa.) God ' (Epiphanius, Uaer.
Ixxii. 3). The language of TertuUian (de Virg. vel. 1 — one of
his later works) leads us to suppose that the creed used by him
began similarly ; he speaks of ' the rule of believing in one only
God omnipotent, the Creator of the universe, and His Son
Jesus Christ.' But thenceforward it appears in the Western
creeds (see Swete, Apostles' Creed, p. 19 f .).
5. The Holy Trinity.— (a) The technical terms by
which the Christian Church has expressed the faith
that it derived from the Scriptures were not in-
vented for a considerable time after the apostolic
period. Thus no one would expect to find the
terms ' Trinity ' and ' Person ' in the NT. It is
usually said that the word 'Trinity,' referred to
God, was first used by Theophilus of Antioch (ad
Antol. ii. 15; c, A.D. ISO), as far as extant Christian
literature is concerned. This is true, but tlie con-
text shows that it was not then an accepted techni-
cal term. The first three days of creation are said
to be ' types of the trinity (rpids), God, and His
Word, and His Wisdom.' Theophilus goes on to
say that the fourth day finds its antitype in man,
who is in need of light, so that we get the series :
God, the Word, Wisdom, Man. Swete justly re-
marks that an author Avho could thus ' convert the
Divine trinity into a quaternion in which Man is
the fourth term, must have been still far from
thinking of the Trinity as later writers thought'
{Holy Spirit in the Ancient Church, p. 47). Or we
should perhaps rather put it that TheophUus did
not use the icorcl ' Trinity ' in the technical sense
which immediately afterwards is found ; as when
TertuUian speaks of ' the Trinity of the one God-
head, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit ' (de Pudic. 21 ;
cf. adv. Prax. 2), and as when Hippolytus s.'iys :
' Through this Trinity the Father is glorified, for
the Father willed, the Son did, the Spirit mani-
fested ' (c. Noet. 14).
The words which we render ' Person ' [vTrbcTTaffis,
■n-poawTTov, jjcrsona) are of a still later date, and at
first exhibited a remarkable fluidity of signification.
Thus viroaraais was used at one time to denote
what is common to Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,
what we should call the Divine 'substance,' at
another it was used to distinguish between the
Three ; so that in one sense there is one virdaraai^
in the Holy Trinity, in the other there are three.
With regard to the word ' Person,' the student
must necessarily be always on his guard against
the supposition that ' Person ' means ' individual,'
as when we say that three different men are three
'persons' ; or that ' Trinity' involves tritheism, or
three Gods. These technical expressions are but
methods of denoting the teaching found in the NT
that there are distinctions in the Godhead, and
that, while God is One, yet He is not a mere
Monad. These technical terms are not found in
the apostolic or sub-apostolic writers ; with regai'd
to the second of them, it may be remembered that
the idea of personality was hardly formulated in
any sense till shortly before the Christian era ; and
its application to theology came in a good deal
later.
(6) The name 'God' used absolutely. — In con-
sidering the distinctions in the Godhead taught by
the NT, it must be borne in mind that, when the
name 'God' is used absolutely, without pronoun
or epithet, it is never, with one possible exception,
api:)lied explicitly to the Son as such or to the Spirit
as such. It is, indeed, most frequently used with-
out any special reference to the Person. But it is
often, when standing absolutely, used in contrast
to the Son or to the Spirit, and then the Father is
intended. Instances of this are too numerous to
mention ; but we may take as examples Ac 2'^'^
('Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved of God . . .
by mighty works . . . which God did by him'),
1330 ( ' God raised him from the dead '), Ro 2'^ ( ' God
sliall judge the secrets of men ... by Jesus
Christ"'), Eph 4=«' (' the Holy Spirit of God '). This
is sometimes the case also when ' God ' is not used
absolutely, as in Ac 3^=* ('the God of our fathers
hath glorified his Servant [iralba] Jesus'), 5=*" ('the
God of our fathers raised up Jesus'), 22'*, Ro 1*
(' I tiiank my God through Jesus Clirist'). In Rev
32- 1- our Lord calls the Father ' my Gud ' ; compare
the similar Pauline phrases quoted above, 4 (a).
See below, 8.
The one possible exception is Ac 2028; 'to feed the church
of God which he purchased with his own blood.' This is the
reading of KB and other weighty authorities (followed by AV
and RV text), but ACDE read ' the Lord ' instead of ' God.'
The balance of authority is in favour of the reading ' God,' and
it is decidedly more difficult than the other variant. At first
sight, to saj' the least, the word ' God ' (if read) must refer to
our Lord, and yet this usage is unlike that of the NT elsewhere,
and a scribe finding Oeov would readily alter it to KvpCov because
of the strangeness of the expression. Thus both because of
superior attestation, and because a difficult reading is ordinarily
to be preferred to an easier one, 9eov has usually been accepted
here (so WH, ii. [1882] Appendix, p. 98). To get rid of the
strangeness of the expression, it has been suggested that the
reference is to the Father, and that 'his own blood' means
'the blood which is his own,' i.e. the blood of Christ who is
essentially one with the Father ; but this seems to be a rather
forced explanation. A somewhat more probable conjecture
(that of Hort) is that there is here an early corruption, and
that the original had ' with the blood of his own Son.' The
best reading of the last words of the verse, supported by over-
whelming authority, is Sid toO alVaros tou l&Cov; and this
conjecture supposes that vioO has dropped out at the end (cf.
Ro 832). However this may be, it would seem that the verse as
we have it in KB was so read by Ignatius, and gave rise to his
expression ' the blood of God ' (Eph. l)^a very early instance of
what later writers called the coinmunicatio idiomatum, by
which the properties of one of our Lord's natures are referred
to when the other nature is in question, because of the unity of
His Person (see 6 (6)). Another early instance is perhaps to be
found in Clement of Rome {Cor. ii. 1) : ra 7r<i0ijfiaTa aiiTov (' his
sufferings'), flfoO having just preceded; but the reading, though
accepted by Lightfoot, is not quite certain. On these two
passages see Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, ' S. Ignatius and S.
Polycarp2,' 1889, ii. 29 f., ' S. Clement of Rome,' 1890, ii. 13-16.
Tertullian uses the expression 'the blood of God' (ad Uxor.
ii. 3).
(c) Trinitarian language. — In tlie NT teaching
the Son and the Spirit are joined to the Father in
a special manner, entirely ditlerent from that in
which men or angels are spoken of in relation to
God. Perhaps the best example of this is the
apostolic benediction of 2 Co la''*, which has no
dogmatic purpose, but is a simple, spontaneous
prayer, and is therefore more significant than if it
was intended to teach some doctrine. The ' grace
of our Lord,' the ' love of God,' and the ' com-
munion of the Holy Ghost' are grouped together,
aiul in this remarkable order. In many passages
Fatlier, Son, and Spirit are grouped together, just
as the Three are mentioned together in the account
of our Lord's Baptism (Mt S^**'-). only in a still
more significant way. Thus in Ac 5^"- we read
that God exalted Jesus to be a Prince and a
Saviour, and gave the Holy Gliost ' to them that
obey him.' Stephen, being full of the Holy Ghost,
saw the glory of God, and Jesus standing at the
right hand of God (7^). The Holy Ghost is in one
breath called by St. Paul the ' Spirit of God ' and
the ' Spirit of Christ' (Ro S^). See also 1 Co 123-«
{'the Spirit of God . . . Jesus is Lord . . . the
same Spirit . . . the same Lord . . . the same God '),
Ac 2^3, 1 P 12 ('foreknowledge of God the Father,'
' sanctification of the Spirit,' 'sprinkling of the
blood of Jesus Christ'), Tit S'*"^ (' the kindness of
God our Saviour ' [the Father], ' renewing of the
Holy Ghost,' ' through Jesus Christ our Saviour'),
1 Jn 4^, and especially Jude ^", where the writer's
disciples are bidden to pray in the Holy Spirit, to
keep themselves in the love of God, and to look
for the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ.
In the greeting of all the Pauline Epistles but
one, the Father and Son are joined together as the
source of grace and peace ; e.g. ' Grace to you and
peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ' (Ro 1^); the only exception being Col 1^
RV, which has ' grace to you and peace from God
our Father.' And this Pauline usage is also found
in 2 Jn^. It is difficult to conceive the possibility
of this zeugma unless our Lord be God. AVith
this compare St. James's description of himself
as ' a slave of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ '
(Ja P), and many other passages such as ' one God,
the Father, of whom are all things, and we unto
him ; and one Lord, Jesus Christ, through whom
are all things, and we through him ' (1 Co 8^ ; see
above, i {b)) ; 'in the sight of God and of Christ
Jesus' (2 Ti 4') ; 'fellowship with the Father and
with his son Jesus Christ' (1 Jn P) ; 'he that
denieth the Father and the Son ' (2~) ; ' the same
hath both the Father and the Son' (2 Jn^); 'the
Lord God, the Almighty, and the Lamb are the
temple thereof ' (Rev 21^) ; ' the throne of God and
of the Lamb' (22i- s).
These expressions are the counterpart of our
Lord's words in the Fourth Gospel : ' I am in the
Father and the Father in me' (Jn U"*). We
might try the effect of substituting for ' Son ' and
'Spirit' the names of 'Peter,' 'Paul,' or even of
' Michael,' ' Gabriel,' to see how intolerable all
these expressions would be on any but the Trini-
tarian hypothesis. St. Paul uses a similar argu-
ment in 1 Co P* : ' Was Paul crucified for you, or
were ye baptized in the name of Paul ? '
These passages are taken from the NT outside
the Gospels. The Fourth Gospel, which is full of
the same doctrine, is here passed by. But one
passage of the Sj'noptics must be considered.
How did St. Paul come by the phraseology of his
benediction in 2 Co IS^'* ? Some would say that he
invented it, and was the real founder of Christian
doctrine (see below, 9). For those who cannot
accept this position — and the Apostle betraj's no
consciousness of teaching a new doctrine, but, as
we have seen (above, 1), professes to hand on what
he has received — the only conclusion can be that
the benediction is based on teaching of our Lord.
In the Synoptics there is one passage (IMt 28^^)
Avhich would at once account for St. Paul's bene-
diction. According to this, our Lord bade His
followers ' make disciples of all the nations, bap-
tizing them into the name {d% to dvofxa) of the
Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost.'
This passage has been criticized on three grounds.
(1) It has been said not to be an authentic part of
the First Gospel. This, however, is not a tenable
position (see Baptism, § i) ; but it is important to
distinguish it from the view which follows. (2) It
has been acknowledged to be an authentic part of
Mt., but said to have been due to the Christian
theology of the end of the 1st cent., to the same
line of thought that produced the Fourth Gospel ;
and not to have been spoken by our Lord. (3) In
support of this it is urged that as a matter of fact,
the earliest baptisms, as we read in Acts, were
not ' in the name of the Father and of the Son and
of the Holy Ghost,' but 'in the name of the Lord
Jesus,' or the like. But may there not be a mis-
take here on both sides ? It is quite unnecessary
to suppose on the one hand that the passages in
Acts describe a formula used in baptism, or, on
the other, that our Lord in Mt 28^^ prescribed one.
All the passages may, and probably do, express
only the theological import of baptism (for authori-
ties, see Baptism as above).* It was not the custom
of our Lord to make minute regulations, as did
the Mosaic Law. He rather laid down general
principles ; and it would be somewhat remarkable
if He made just one exception, in regulating the
words to be used in baptism. (The justification of
the Christian formula is the general consent of the
ages, dating from immediately after the apostolic
period.) Nor is it necessary to suppose that Mt
28'^ gives us — any more than the other Gospel
records do — the ipsissima verba of Jesus. It is al-
most certain that such teaching, if given, would
be much expanded for the benefit of the hearers,
and that we have only a greatly abbreviated re-
cord. But that our Lord gave such ' Trinitarian '
teaching in some shape on the occasion of giving
* We are not here concerned with the meaning of 'in' or
' into the name.' The argument is independent of the disputed
interpretation of these words.
the baptismal command is the only Avay of ac-
counting for the phenomena of Acts, Epistles, and
Revelation. This would explain not only the apos-
tolic benediction, but also the whole trend of the
teaching of the NT outside the Gospels.
Having now considered the general scope of apos-
tolic teaching with regard to distinctions in the
Godhead, we must consider in particular the doc-
trine with regard to the Godhead of our Lord and
of the Holy Gliost.
6. The Godhead of our Lord. — In historical
sequence the realization of our Lord's Divinity
came before the teaching which we have already
considered. The disciples first learnt that their
Master was not mere man, but was Divine ; and
then that there are distinctions in the Godhead.
(a) Jesus is the Son of God. — Of this the apostles
were fully convinced. The passages are too
numerous to cite, but they occur in almost every
book of the NT, whether they give the title to our
Lord in so many words, or express the fact other-
wise (see above, 4 («)), Before considering the
meaning of the title, we may ask if the name wais
('child ' or ' servant ') applied to our Lord (Ac 3'^- ^^
427. 30) ],j^g ^}jg same signification. Sanday points
ont {HDB iv. 574, 578) that wolIs is taken in the
sense of 'Son' in the early Fathers, as in the
Epistle to Diognetus (viii. 9f. ; c. A.D. 150?).
This may also be the meaning of St. Luke in Acts ;
but it is equally probable that he refers to the OT
' servant of Jahweh.' This is clearly the meaning
in Mt 1218, -where Is 42^ is quoted : ' Behold my
servant whom I have chosen,' etc.
But what is the significance of the title ' Son of
God ' ? It was not exactly a new title when used
in the NT, though Dn 3-' cannot be quoted for it
('a son of the gods,' RV ; AV Avrongly, ' the Son of
God'). It is probable that Ps 2^ was the founda-
tion of the Jewish conception of Messiah as Son.*
And thei'efore the title ' Son of God ' had probably
a different meaning in the mouth of some speakers
from that which it had in the mouth of others.
Thus wlien the demoniacs called Jesus the Son of
God (Mk 3" 5^, Mt 14-^^ Lk 4«), they would mean
no more than that He was the promised Messiah,
without dogmatizing as to His nature. The
mockers at Calvary would use the word in the
same sense. ' If thou art the Son of God ' is
the same as / If thou art the Christ ' (Mt 27^"). The
Centurion, if (as seems probable) his saying as re-
ported in Mk 15^", Mt 27'^ is more correct than
that given in Lk 23'", where 'a righteous man'
is substituted for ' the Son of God,' would have
borrowed a Jewish phrase without exactly under-
standing its meaning, and thus St. Luke's para-
phrase would faithfully represent what was pass-
ing in his mind.
But Jesus gave a higher meaning to the title,
and this higher meaning is the keynote of the
teaching of His disciples. It is true that in Lk 3^^
the Evangelist calls Adam a [son] of God (for ' son '
see y."^), as being created directly by God ; but
this is not the meaning in the NT generally.
There seems to have been a suspicion in Caiaphas'
mind of the iiiglier meaning given to the title by
Jesus, when he asked Him whether He was ' the
Christ, the Son of God ' (Mt 26"^). There is almost
an approach here to the Johannine saying that the
Jews souglit to kill Him because He ' called God
his own Eatlier, making himself equal with God '
(Jn 5^8). To the disciples the confession that
Jesus was the ' Son of God' (W^, Martha) or ' the
Holy One of God' (G"" RV, Simon Peter) meant
the belief that He partook of the nature of God.
This, indeetl, might have meant only that Jesus
was a Divinely inspired man. But the teaching
* We are not here concerned with the connexion between the
thought of Israel as Son and Messiah as Son.
of Jesus lifts the title to the highest level (Mt 11-^
Jn 5'^"^" 9^5, etc. ; for St. John's own teaching see,
e.g., Jn 3^^'*). In this sense there is only one ' Son
of God,' who is the Only- begotten, the Beloved
(ixovoyev-fji and ayair-qris are both translations of
Tn; ; see Only-Begotten). And so in the Epistles
the title expresses the Divinity of our Lord, The
apostolic message was to preach that Jesus is the
Son of God (Ac Q^o, Jn 20^1). While the first
Christian teachers proclaimed the true humanity
of the Lord [e.g. Ro 1^ : ' concerning his Son who
was born of the seed of David according to the
flesh'), they also proclaimed His true Godhead
(v.* : ' declared to be the Son of God Avith power').
The saying of Justin Martyr [Apol. i. 22) exhibits
no advance on apostolic doctrine : ' The Word of
God Avas born of God in a peculiar manner ' (t'Si'ws).
The Arians distinguished 'Son of God' from 'God,' and de-
nied that the ' Son ' could be in the highest sense ' God.' The
Clemeiitine Homilies (which used to be thought to be of the
2nd or 3rd cent., but are now usually, in their present form,
ascribed to the 4th [JThSt x. (190S-09) 457]) make the same
distinction (xvi. 15). St. Peter is made to say : 'Our Lord . . .
did not proclaim Himself to be God, but He with reason pro-
nounced blessed him who called Him the Son of that God who
has arranged the universe.' Simon [Magus] replies that he
who comes from God is God ; but St. Peter says that this is not
possible ; they did not hear it from Him. ' What is begotten
cannot be compared with that which is unbegotten or self-
begotten.' Sanday (ZfDB iv. 577b) refers to this passage as an
isolated phenomenon ; but now that the book has been with
much probability assigned to the later date, we may say that
the teaching just quoted was not heard of, as far as the evi-
dence goes, till the 4th century.
(b) Jesus is the Lord. — The significance of this
title (6 Kiipios) in the Apostolic Age is not at once
apparent to the Eui'opean of to-day. The name
' Lord ' seems to him applicable to Jiny leader of
religious thought. To the present-day Greek
Kiipie is no more than our 'Sir, and 6 K(>pio% is the
way in which any gentleman is spoken of, as the
French use the word 3Ionsieur. But to the Greek-
speaking Christian Jew of the 1st cent., 6 Kvpios had
a much deeper signification ; deeper also than the
complimentary Aramaic title ' Rabbi ' (lit. ' my
great one'). For the Jews habitually used the
Avord 'Lord 'as a substitute for 'JaliAveh.' That
sacred name, though Avritten, Avas not pronounced.
In reading the HebrcAv OT, ' Adonai ' Avas substi-
tuted for it. And so the Hellenistic Jcavs, in read-
ing their Greek translation of the OT, found 6
Kijpios Avhere the original has 'JaliAveh.' When,
then, St. Paul declares that 'no man can say,
Jesus is Lord, but in the Holy Spirit' (1 Co 12^),
or bids the Roman Christian 'confess Avith thy
mouth Jesus as Lord' (Ro lO^ RV ; cf. Ph 2"), he
does not mean merely that Jesus is a great teacher,
but he identifies Him with ' the Lord ' of the Greek
OT, that is, Avith JaliAveh. St. Peter uses the
same identification Avhen he says : ' Sanctify in
your hearts Christ as Lord' (1 P 3^5 RV ; the AV
reading is not supported by the best autliorities) ;
here he quotes Is 8'* LXX (Kvpiov avrbv ayida-are),
actually substituting rbv Xptardv for avrov. (C.
Bigg [ICC, 1901, in loc.'] renders 'sanctify the
Lord, that is to say, the Christ,' but this does not
afiecf} the present argument.) This identification
is frequent in the NT. The title 'the Lord' is
used botli of the Father and of the Son. A re-
markable passage is Ja S'*'^^, Avhere Ave read in
quick succession of 'the Lord of Sabaoth,' 'the
coming of the Lord,' 'the Lord is at hand,' 'the
prophets spake in the name of the Lord,' ' the
Lord shall raise (the sick man) up'; 'the Lord'
means here sometimes the Fatlier and sometimes
the Son (in 3* RV it is explicitly used of the Father).
With this compare the Avay in Avhich in 4}'^ God is
said to be the one ' laAvgiver and judge, Avho is able
to save and to destroy,' Avhile in 5" Jesus is the judge
Avlio ' standetli before the doors.' The passage 1 Co
10" Avould be still more striking if we could be sure
of the text. According to the AV and RVm, St.
Paul speaks of tlie Israelites -who sinned against
Jahweh in Nu 2P*- as ' tempting Christ ' ; but the
reading rbv Xpiardv is not quite so well attested as
rbu KvpLov. Another identification of Jesus Avith
Jahweh is to be seen in the taking over of the
expression 'the day of the Lord' ('the day of
Jahweh') from the OT (cf. Am 5^^, etc.) and the
using of it to denote the return of Jesus, in 1 Th 5^
2 P 31", which have 'the day of the Lord,' and 1 Co
5^ 2 Co 1^*, which have 'the day of [our] Lord
Jesus.'
Again, Jesus is in the NT called 'Lord' in a
manner which is equivalent to ' Almighty,' i.e. ' all
ruling' (see above, 3 [a]) ; e.g. Ac lO''*^ (' he is Lord
of all'), Ro 14^ ('Lord of the dead and the living'),
Ph 3-"*- ('the Lord Jesus Christ . . . is able even
to subject all things unto himself), 1 Co 2^ (' cruci-
fied the Lord of glory ' — an approach to the com-
municatio idiomatum [see above, 5 (6)]), Rev 1*
('ruler of the kings of the earth'), 17'^ lO^*^ (the
Lamb, the Word of God, is ' Lord of lords and
King of kings ' — a phrase used in 1 Ti 6^^ of the
Father) ; cf. He P^^ (<the Son . . . upholding all
things by the word of his power') and Ro 9* (' who
is over all'). God is commonly addressed by the
disciples as ' Lord,' as in Ac 1-^ (but see above, 3
(c))4''' (explicitly the Father; see v.^") lO"*- " ll^ ;
and this is the way in wliich Saul of Tarsus and
Ananias address the Ascended Jesus in their
visions (Ac g'-^o-i^see v.i^'-] 228- lO'^^ 2Q^^ ; cf. Mt
25", etc.).
The title 'our Lord' for Jesus, which became the most
common desig;nation amonj; the Christians, is not very common
in the NT. In Uev ll's it is used of tlie Father (' our Lord and
his Christ')- I" tl^ AVit is used of Jesus, but all the best MSS
here have 'their Lord.' It is, however, found in Ja 2i ('our
Lord Jesus Christ [the Lord] of glory ') and in 2 Co 13i-», 1 Ti
in, 2 Ti IS, He 1^* IS'-^O, 2 P S'S, etc.
(c) Our Lord's Divinity stated in express terms. —
Many of the passages about to be given in this sub-
section have been keenly criticized, but it is im-
possible to pass over the whole of them. This
passage or that may possibly be explained other-
wise than is here done, or in some cases the reading
may be disputed ; but the cumulative ellect of the
whole is overwhelming. Yet it must be remarked
that the doctrine of the Godhead of our Lord does
not depend merely on a certain number of leading
texts. The language of the whole of the apostolic
writings is inexplicable on the supposition that
their authors believed their Master to be mere
man, or even a created being of any sort, however
highly exalted.
In Ro 9* St. Paul says that Christ is ' over all,
God blessed for ever.' Such is the interpretation
of the AV and RV (RVm mentions the transla-
tions of ' some modern interpreters '), adopted ' with
some slight, but only slight, hesitation ' by Sanday-
Headlam in their exhaustive note [ICC in loc).
The alternative interpretations insert a full stop,
and make the latter part of the verse an ascrip-
tion of praise to the Father.
In 2 Co 44, Col 1^0 Christ is called the * image '
(eUuiv) of God ; with this we must compare the re-
markable passage, He l*^*, where the Son is called
' the effulgence (dira&ya<r/j.a ; cf. Wis 7^^) of his
glory and the very image of his substance ' {xapaKTTjp
T^j viro<TTdaeu$ avrou), and is declared to be higher
than, and worshipped by, the angels, and to have
eternal rule ; the quotation from Ps 45^'-, begin-
ning 'Thy throne, O God,' is referred to the Son.
It is remarkable that whereas no Epistle empha-
sizes our Lord's humanity so strongly as Hebrews,
its beginning should dwell so forcibly on His
Divine prerogatives. The meaning of these ex-
pressions ' image,' ' efiiilgence,' is seen by studying
the passage Col l^'*^ with Lightfoot's notes {Colas-
sians^, 1879, in loc.). Christ is 'the image of the
invisible God, the firstborn of all creation' (see
FiRST-BoRN for Patristic interpretations). But
our Lord is not the ' image ' of God in the same way
as all men are (1 Co W, Ja 3^ Gn 12« ; Clement of
Rome uses x^P'^ktt^P in the same sense [Cor. xxxiii.
4] though he quotes Gn P^ with eUdbv). Christ is
the revelation of the invisible God because He is
His 'express image.' He is the 'firstborn of all
creation,' as being before all creation, and having
sovereignty over it (Lightfoot). There can be
little doubt that St. Paul here refers to the pre-
incarnate Christ as the earlier Fathers, and even-
tually the later Greek Fathers, held. He adds
that ' in him all the fulness {■n-X-ripu/j.a) dwells ' (Col
1'^), and that 'in him dwelleth all the fulness
of the Godhead bodily ' (2'') : the totality of the
Divine power and attributes (Lightfoot) are in the
Incarnate Jesus.
In Ph 2^'8 St. Paul says that our Lord ' being
(vTrdpxwj') in the form of God, counted it not a
prize [a thing to be grasped at] to be on an equality
with God, but emptied (iKivwae) himself, taking
the form of a servant, being made in the likeness
of man.' This passage, which has given rise to the
word ' Kenotic,' is elaborately treated by Lightfoot
(see his Philippians*, 1878, p. Ill f., and especially
liis appended Notes, pp. 127-137). It expresses
Christ's pre-existence, tor He 'emptied himself.'
Of what He emptied Himself is seen from the pre-
ceding words. He was originally (I'Trdpxw;',' denot-
ing ' prior existence,' but not necessarily ' eternal
existence' [Lightfoot]) in the form of God, partici-
pating in the ovala of God. Yet He did not regard
His equality with God as a thing to be jealously
guarded, a prize which must not slip from His
grasp.
We cannot lay great stress on Ac 20^^ for
which see above, 3 (6), because of the uncertainty
of the reading ; but by all grammatical canons
(though this has been denied) Tit 2'^ must apply
the name ' God ' to our Lord : ' our great God and
Saviour, Jesus Christ' (RV ; tov fieydXov OeoD Kal
ffwrripos ijfxCjv 'ItjctoO XpiffTov), and this interpretation
is borne out by the word iintpdveia (' manifestation ')
which immediately precedes, and by the whole
context, which speaks of our Lord (v.^^). The
plirase in 2 P 1' is similar : 'our God and Saviour
Jesus Christ '(RV text).
The explicit ascription of Divinity is found
frequently in the Johannine writings. In 1 Jn 5^",
indeed, the phrase ' Tiiis is the true God ' may be
applied either to the Father or to the Son (see above,
3 (c)) ; and in Jn 1'^ the reading is disputed (see
Only-Begotten) ; ' God only begotten ' (/jLovoyeviis
6e6s) is somewhat better attested than ' the only
begotten Son ' (6 iJ.ovoyei'r]^ vi6s) and is the more diffi-
cult reading ; Westcott {Co7n. in loc.) judges both
readings to be of great and almost equal antiquity,
but on various grounds thinks that the former must
be accepted. But, whatever view we take of these
two passages, St. Thomas's confession, ' My Lord
and my God ' (20^^), is quite explicit ; and so is the
preface to the Fourth Gospel : ' The Word was
with God, and the Word was God' (1^), and so are
our Lord's words, ' I and the Father are one ' {Sp
i(T/jL€v, W). The Johannine doctrine of the Logos
or Word, which cannot be altogether passed over
even in an investigation which deals chiefly with
the NT outside the Gospels (though the title
'Word of God' occurs only in Rev 19'^ outside the
Fourth Gospel, for He IP [p-qixan deov] is no excep-
tion to this statement), is equivalent to the Pauline
doctrine of the Image. The Logos is an eternally
existent 'Person' through whom God has ever
revealed Himself ; who was in a true sense distinct
from the Father, and yet 'was God' (Jn 1') ; who
was incarnate, 'became flesh and tabernacled [ivK'^v-
uTev) among us ' (1"). The Logos is identified with
Jesus Christ, whose glory the disciples beheld.
{(l) Pre-existence of our Lord. — This is stated
frequently in the NT. Besides the passages just
quoted in (c), we may notice Ro 8* {' God sending
his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh ') ; 1 Co
10* (the Israelites of old ' drank of a spiritual rock
that followed them, and the rock was Christ ' [note
the past tense ' was ' : it is not a mere type]) ; 15*^
('the second man is of heaven'; the best MSS
omit ' the Lord,' but this does not attect the
present point ; Robertson-Plummer, however \1CC,
1911, in loc], think that the reference is to the
Second Advent rather than to the Incarnation) ;
2 Co 8^ ('though he was rich, for your sakes he
bcca77ie poor ' (eirrajxeucre) — if He had no previous
existence, there never was a previous time when
He was rich) ; Col 1" (' he is before all things, and
in him all things consist ' [hold together] : see above
(f )) ; 1 Ti V^ (' Christ Jesus came into the world ') ;
3^^ (' He who was manifested in the flesh ' : the read-
ing deds for 6s [i.e. 6C for OC], which would have
made this verse an explicit statement of our Lord's
Divinity, has 'no sufficient ancient evidence'
[RVm], but this ancient hymn, as it appears to
be, is good witness for the pre-existence) ; 2 Ti P'*
(' which was given us in Christ Jesus before times
eternal, but hath now been manifested by the ap-
jjearing of our Saviour Christ Jesus ') ; He 1' ( ' when
he bringeth in the firstborn into the world ') ; 1 P
120 (' ^vlio was foreknown indeed before the founda-
tion of the world, but was manifested at the end
of the times for your sake') ; 1 Jn 3*"^ (He 'was
manifested'); 4* ('Jesus Christ is come in the
fiesh '). See also below (e). Some of these expres-
sions might have been interpreted, though with
diificulty, of an ordinary birth ; but such an inter-
pretation is impossible when we compare them all
together.
With these passages from the Epistles we may
compare a few examples taken out of the Fourth
Gospel. The Word was ' in the beginning ' and
'became flesh' (Jn P-"). Jesus speaks of Him-
self, or the Evangelist speaks of Him, as ' he that
Cometh from above, he that cometh from heaven '
(3^1), 'whom thou hast sent' (17^), as 'he that de-
scended out of heaven, even the Son of Man which
is in heaven ' (3'^ ; the last four words are omitted
by ^< B and some other authorities, and are thought
by WH [Appendix, p. 75] to be an early but true
gloss). Pre-existence does not in itself imply God-
head ; but, on the other hand, if our Lord was not
pre-existent, He cannot be God.
(e) Divine attributes ascribed to our Lord. — At
the outset of the apostolic period St. Peter speaks
of .lesus as the ' Prince' (or 'Author,' dpxvyos) 'of
life'; He coidd not be holden of death (Ac 2'^-^).
This resembles the sayings of the Fourth Gospel
that Jesus has 'life in himself ' (Jn 5^' ; see below, 8),
and th.at He has power to lay down His life and to
take it again (10'*). Jesus" ' abolished death and
brought life and incorruption to light through the
gospel' (2 Ti I'O). He is 'the first and the last,
and the Living One,' who ' was dead ' but is ' alive
for evermore ' and has ' the keys of death and of
Hades' (Rev !"'•) ; He is the ' Alpha and Omega'
(22'^), a title which had just before been given to
the Father (18 216; ggg above, 3 (6)). The Lamb,
as well as the Father, is the source of the river
(Rev 22^) which is the gift of the Spirit (see Swete,
Com. in loc. ; cf. Jn V^'-). Christ, being the Living
One, is called ' our life,' the giver of life to us, in
Col 3*; cf. 2 Ti po as above, and Jn 6" ('he that
eateth me, he also shall live because of me'; see 8).
And therefore He is 'in us' (Ro 8'", etc.).
Our Lord is represented as receiving the worship
of angels (He 1**), and of the four-and-twenty elders
(Rev 5^'-), and of the angels and living creatures
and elders (vv."""). He took part in the creation
of the world (Col P", He P- ^ 3^, 1 Co 8«, Ro ips,
Jn P). Both He and the Father are called ' the
Saviour.' The ascription of this title to the Father
is characteristic of the Pastoral Epistles (1 Ti 1^ 2'
4'", Tit P 2'« 3^ ; cf. 2 Ti P) and is also found in
Jude25 RV, Lk p7 (cf. Ja 4^^) ; but it is given to
our Lord in 2 Ti l'", Tit 1* 3" (in each case just
after it had been given to the Father), as it is given
in Eph 5^3, Pli 3'", 1 Jn 4'^ 2 P V- " 2-'^ S--^^, Lk 2'^,
Jn 4«, Ac 53> 1323 (cf. also Jn 1247, He V^). His
human name of Jesus was given Him with that
very signification (Mt 1"^'). It was the foundation
of the gospel message that ' Christ Jesus came into
the world to save sinners' (1 Ti P'). It is in the
same way that the Father is sometimes said to
be the Judge, sometimes our Lord. The Father
judges through the Son (Jn 5"^ ; cf. Ja 4^^ with 5*).
He that sat on the white horse ' doth judge and
make war' (Rev 19^'), though during His earthly
ministry our Lord did not judge (Jn 8^^). These
two considerations, that Jesus is Saviour and Judge,
might not be so conclusive as to His Divinity, if it
were not for another office ascribed to Him, that
of the One Mediator (1 Ti 2% He is Himself man
(v.^), or He could not mediate ; and by parity of
reasoning He is Himself God. A mediator must
share the nature of both parties to the mediation.
A mere man can only supplicate ; God not incar-
nate can be merciful ; but God incarnate alone can
mediate.
The great attributes of God — love, truth, know-
ledge, holiness, righteousness (including justice) —
are ascribed to our Lord. His love is spoken of in
some of the most pathetic passages of St. Paul :
' the Son of God who loved me and gave himself
up for me' (Gal 2-"), 'the love of Christ which
passeth knowledge ' (Eph 3^' ; cf. 5^'). The Apoca-
lyptist declares tliat ' he loveth us and loosed us from
our sins by his blood ' (Rev 1*). It is because of
this Divine attribute of love that ' Christ forgave '
sinners (Eph 4*^). His forgiving sins was a great
scandal to the Jews (Mk 2^-''-^'^). Well might they
ask, from their point of view, ' "Who can forgive
sins but one, even God ?' The forgiveness of sins by
our Lord ditt'ers in kind, not in degree, from human
absolutions pronounced by Christian ministers, who
do not profess to be able to read the heart or
to perform any but a conditional and ministerial
action. — For the attribute of truth see Rev 3^'"
('the Amen ') 6^" 19'^ (in these Jesus is [6] d\T]6iv6s,
the ' ideal or absolute truth,' not merely ' vera-
cious'), Jn P* (' full of grace and truth ') 14' (' I am
the way and the truth and the life'). Our Lord,
then, is absolute Truth ; and with this attribute
is associated that of knoidedge : ' He knew all men
. , . he himself knew what was in man' (Jn 2"^) ;
without this He could not be the Judge (see also
1 Co 12*- 30, Col 23).— Most emphatically is our Lord
called holy. His is an absolute sanctity (Rev 3^:
' He that is holy, he that is true ') ; not only the
holiness of a good man who strives to do God's
will, but absolute sinlessness. This attribute is
insisted on with some vehemence in 2 Co 5^', He 4'^
-jasf. ^1 holy ' [6(T(oj ; see 3 (/) note], ' separated from
sinners'), 1 P P^ 2^2, 1 Jn 3^ ; note also Ro 83
('in the likeness of sinful flesh'). Sanday-Headlam
justly remark (ICC in loc.) that * the flesh of Christ
IS " like " ours inasmuch as it is flesh ; " like," and
only "like," because it is not sinful.' For this
attribute see also Ac 3^* (' the Holy and Righteous
One') 42^ Rev 6'**; and, in the Gospels, Mk P*,
Jn 6^', etc. Both the demoniacs in a lower sense
and the instructed disciples in a higher one call our
Lord ' the Holy One of God.' It was announced
by Gabriel that from His birth Jesus should be
called holy, the Son of God (Lk l^ RV).— Lastly,
the attribute of righteousness is ascribed to our
Lord, e.g. in Ac 3" 22", 2 Ti 48, He P, Ja 5«, 1 P 3^8^
Kev 19", as in Jn 5^°. It is this attribute which
assures a just judgment ; but it includes more than
' justice ' in the ordinary human sense ; it embraces
all tiiat ' uprightness ' stands for. (With the whole
of this sub-section, cf. § 3 above.)
(/) Christ's Godhead is not contrary to His true
hmnanity. — In weighing all the above considera-
tions, we must remember the great stress that is
laid in the NT on the true humanity of Jesus {e.g.
Ac 1731, Ro P, 1 Ti 25, Rev V% though this does
not come within the scope of this article. The
apostles did not make their Master to be a mere
Docetic or phantom man. Jesus really suflered in
His human spirit as well as in His human body.
But when we review all the passages given in the
preceding paragraphs, and others like them, what-
ever deductions we may make because of a doubtful
reading here or a questionable interpretation there,
we cannot doubt that the apostles taught that
Jesus is no mere man, or even a created angel,
but is God. See further below, § 9.
7. Personality and Godhead of the Holy Ghost.
— Much is said in the OT of the Spirit of God, who
from the first had given life to the world (Gn P 2^,
Job 33^). The ' Spirit ' in Hebrew, as in Greek and
Latin, is the Breath of God (nn, TrveO/xa, spiritus),
who not only gave physical life at the first, but
is the moving power of holiness. The Psalmist
prays: 'Take not thy holy spirit from me' (Ps
51'^). But the OT teachers had not yet learnt
what Christian theology calls the personality of
the Holy Ghost (see above, 5 (a)), though in the
teaching about ' Wisdom,' which is in some degree
personified in the OT, e.g. in Pr 8 and the Sapi-
ential books of the Apocrypha, and also in the
phraseology of such passages as Is 48'* 63'", they
made some approach to it. In Christian times,
while there has been on the whole little doubt
about the Godhead of the Spirit (though in the 4th
cent, the Arians asserted that He was a created
being), yet men have frequently hesitated about
His distinct personality, and have thought of Him
merely as an Attribute or Influence of the Father.
It is therefore important to investigate the apos-
tolic teaching on the subject. We must first notice
that the NT writers fully recognize that the Holy
Spirit had worked in the Old Dispensation ; He
'spake by the prophets' [the enlarged 'Nicene'
Creed] ; the words quoted from the OT are the
words of the Holy Ghost (Ac l'« 28^, 1 P 1", 2 P
1-', Mk 12^", etc.). Tlie Pentecostal outpouring
was not the first working of the Spirit in the world.
But the apostolic writers teach a far higher doc-
trine of the Spirit than was known in the OT.
[a) The Godhead of the Holy Ghost. — We have
already seen (above, 5 (c)) that the Spirit is in the
NT teaching joined to the Father and Son in a
manner which implies Godhead. The ' Spirit of
God' (see below) must be God. When Ananias
lied ' to the Holy Ghost,' he lied not ' unto men
but unto God' (Ac S'"- ; cf. v.', where he and
Sapphira are said to have ' agreed together to
tempt the Spirit of the Lord '). With this we may
compare Mk 3^^ where blasphemy against the
Holy Spirit is said to have ' never forgiveness ' ;
the II ISIt 12^"- adds : ' Whosoever shall speak a
word against the Son of man it shall be forgiven
him.' The inference is that if the Son is God, the
Spirit is God. — Divine attributes are predicated of
the Spirit. In particular. He is throughout named
holy. We may ask why this epithet is so con-
stantly given to Him, for it is obviously not in-
tended to derogate from the Father or the Son.
May not the reason be sought in the work of the
Spirit ? It is through Him that man becomes holy,
through Him that God works on man. In this
connexion we may notice two points. (1) In the
VOL. I. — 30
OT we do not find the absolute title 'the Holy
Spirit,' though the Spirit is called ' holy ' in Ps 51"
('tiiy holy spirit') and Is 63"*'- ('his holy spirit').
The use of the title 'the Holy Spirit' is a token
of advance to the conception of personality ; see
below (b). (2) In the NT there is frequently a
difl'erence between the title when used without the
article and when used with it, so that irveC/m S.yiov
('Holy Spirit') is a gift or manifestation of the
Spirit in its relation to the life of man, while the
same words with the article (rb irpeOfia rb dyiov or
rb dyiov 7rvev/j.a) denote the Holy Spirit considered
as a Divine Person (Swete, The Holy Spirit in the
NT, 1909, p. 396 f.).— Again, knowledge of the deep
things of God is predicated of the Spirit (1 Co 2'*"-).
He is the truth (1 Jn 5^; cf. Jn 15-**). He is the
Spirit of life (Ro 8^), and immanent in man (Ro 5*
8« 14", 1 Co 6'3 [cf. esp. 2 Co 6'«] 7^ Gal 46, Jn 14'^
etc.). He is eternal (He 9'*; but on this verse see
Swete, p. 61).
{b) The Personality of the Holy Ghost. — This
needs careful consideration. Is He but an In-
fluence of the Father ? The NT writings negative
this idea ; for, though they join together the Spirit
with the Fatlier and the Son, as above, 5 (c), yet
they represent the Spirit as being in a real sense
distinct from both. In Jn 14'* our Lord says : ' I
will pray the Father, and he shall give you another
(dWov) Comforter.' He is sent by the Father (14-*),
proceeds from the Father (15^*), and is sent by the
Son from the Father (15-* 16^). He is called by St.
Paul in the same context ' the Spirit of God ' and
'the Spirit of Christ' (Ro 8*). The Father is not
the same Person as the Son, and if the Holy Ghost
is the Spirit of both, He must be distinct from
both. This is seen also, though in not quite so
close and striking a context, in many other passages.
He is called ' the Spirit of God ' also in 1 Co 2""- '■*
7^*, Eph 430, Ph 33, 1 Th 48, 1 Jn 42- '», as in Mt 12-'8
(wliere the 1| Lk IP" has ' the finger of God ' instead,
the meaning being that God works through the
Holy Ghost) ; He is called ' the Spirit of your
Father ' in Mt lO^** ; and ' the Spirit of Christ ' or
'of Jesus' or 'of the Son' in Ac 16' RV, Gal 4*,
Ph 1'9, 1 P 1"; note especially Gal 4*: 'God sent
forth the Spirit of his Son into our hearts.' Again,
that the Sj)irit is distinct from the Son is clear
from Jn \& ('if I go not away the Comforter will
not come unto you, but if I go I will send him unto
you') and v.'* ('he shall take of mine and shall
declare it unto you ').
Personal acts are frequently predicated of the
Holy Ghost. In Ac 13-- •'we read: 'They minis-
tered to the Lord, and the Holy Ghost said. Separate
me Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I
have called them. ... So they, being sent forth
by the Holy Ghost,' etc. In Ac 15"^ the formula
which became the common usage of later Councils
is used : ' It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to
us.' So we read that the Spirit wills (1 Co 12"),
searches (1 Co 2'*), is grieved (Eph 4^), helps and
intercedes (Ro 8^'), dwells within us (above (a)),
and distributes gifts (1 Co 12").
In the sub-apostolic period there is found some confusion
between the Son and the Spirit : e.g. Hernias, Sim. v. 6, ix. 1 ;
pseudo-Clement, 2 Cor. ix., xiv. ; Justin, Apol. i. 33. Thus
Justin says: 'The Spirit and the Power which is from God
must not be thought to be aught else but the Word who is
God's First-begotten.' Hermas seems to identify the Spirit
with the pre-existent Divine nature of Christ: 'The holy pre-
existent Spirit which created the whole earth God made to
dwell in flesh. . . . That Spirit is the Son of God.' But the
meaning of these writers seems to be merely that the pre-
existent Logos was spirit and was Divine. Swete {Holy Spirit
in the Ancient Church, p. 31) remarks of this period that ' there
was as yet no formal theology of the Spirit and no effort to
create it ; nor was there any conscious heresy. But the
presence of the Spirit in the Body of Christ was recognized
on all hands as an acknowledged fact of the Christian life.'
8. Subordination. — This is the term by which
Christian theology expresses the doctrine that
there are not three sources in the Godhead, but
that the Son and the Holy Ghost derive their
Divine substance from the Father, and that, while
they are equal to Him as touching their Godhead,
yet in a real sense they are subordinate to Him,
This, however, does not involve the Arian con-
ception of a Supreme God and two inferior deities.
It must be remembered that human language is
limited, and unable to express fully the Divine
mysteries ; so that just as the technical terms
' Trinity,' ' Person,' may be misused in the interests
of Tritheism, so ' subordination ' may be misused
in the interests of Arianism.
It is noteworthy that the 'spiritual Gospel,' as
Clement of Alexandria calls Jn. (quoted in Eusebius,
HE VI. xiv. 7), though it insists so strongly on the
Godhead of our Lord, yet equally emphasizes the
doctrine of subordination. It is the Father who,
having 'life in himself,' gave 'to the Son also to
have life in himself,' and 'gave all judgment unto
the Son' (Jn 5---^^). Jesus says: 'I live because
of the Father ' (e^^ ; cf. W% It has been disputed
whether Jn M^** (' the Father is greater than I ') re-
fers to Jesus' humanity, as the Latin Fathers ordin-
arily explain it, or to His Divinity, as the Greek
Fatiiers interpret ; if to the latter, we have here a
striking instance of subordination (see Liddon,
Bampton Lectui-es, 1866^, 1878, lect. iv. p. 199 f.).
We find the same thing in St. Paul : ' The head
of Christ is God' (1 Co IP); 'then shall the Son
also himself be subjected to him that did subject
all things unto him, that God may be all in all '
(1528); cf. 1 Co 86, 'of whom are al"l things.' Sub-
ordination is also suggested by the frequent phrase
' the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ ' and
the words ' my God ' used by our Lord in Rev 3^
RV 3^^, and especially in Jn 20^'', where Jesus dis-
tinguishes 'my God' and 'your God' just as He
distinguishes 'my Father' and 'your Father'
(above, i (a)).
Both the Godhead and the subordination of our
Lord are expressed by the phrases ' God of (iK)
God,' ' Very God of very God ' of the Nicene Creed.
The Father is the fount or source of Godhead, and
there is none other.
The subordination of the Spirit is implied in
much that has been quoted above. The very title
' the Spirit of God ' denotes that He is subordinate
to the Father and derives from Him. Note also
Jn 16'^*- : ' He shall not speak from himself, but
what things soever he shall hear, [these] shall he
speak ... he shall take of mine and shall declare
it unto you,' with which we must compare 15'^ :
' all things that I heard from my Father I have
made known unto you.' This refers to the tem-
poral mission of the Holy Ghost, and so, probably
(at least in its primary aspect), does the saying
that He ' proceedeth from the Father ' (15=^). The
procession of the Holy Ghost has been much dis-
cussed, and the controversy has been complicated
by the addition of a word (FUioque) to the Nicene
Creed by the Western Church ; but most of those
who have engaged in this theological warfare
might probably agree in the statement that He
who is ' the Spirit of Christ ' proceeds, in eternity
as well as in time, from the Father through the
Son. In any case, procession involves what is
meant by ' subordination.'
9. The Divine unity.— Although the apostolic
writers emphasize the distinctions in the Godhead,
they at the same time reiterate the OT doctrine
tliat God is One. They show no consciousness of
teaching anything but the unity of God. The
saying of Dt 6* (cf. Is 44^) that ' The Lord our God
is one Lord' is repeated by the Master in Mk
1229. 'There is no God but one,' says St. Paul (1
Co S* ; so v.«) ; 'Tliere is one God,' ' the only God'
(1 Ti 2* 1"). St. James makes the unity of God a
common ground between his opponents and him-
self ; even the demons believe [this] (Ja 2'^). As
a matter of fact, Christianity was never seriously
accused of polytheism. Aubrey Moore remarks
(Lux Mundi^, 1890, p. 59) that at the present day
polytheism has ceased to exist in the civilized
world; every theist is by a rational necessity
a monotheist. And this tendency had begun at
the commencement of the Christian era. But the
Jews of that day made the Divine unity to be self-
absorbed. The Divine attribute of love implies
relations within the Divine Being ; and hence the
Jewish idea of God was a barren one, as is the
Muhammadan idea to-day. The world needed a
re-statement of the doctrine of God, and this was
given by Christianity. The Christian doctrine
steers its way between Tritheism, which postu-
lates three Persons like three individuals, and
Sabellianism, which teaches that Father, Son, and
Spirit are but three aspects of God. It does not
profess to be ' easy " ; it was the desire for ' easi-
ness ' that led to Arianism and its cognates, which
taught that the Son and the Spirit were inferior
and created Divine beings ; and, indeed, it was
the same desire that led to all the old Christian
heresies. But we need not expect that the ' deep
things of God' (1 Co 2^"), which cannot adequately
be expressed in human language, will be readily
comprehensible to our limited human intelligence.
To whom is this re-statement of the doctrine of
God due ? Was it made in sub-apostolic times, or
by the apostles, or by our Lord Himself ? Those
who deny that St. Paul wrote any Epistles, or at
least any that have survived, and who make the
Fourth Gospel, and perhaps the First, to be 2nd
cent, writings, may take the first view. Only it
is difficult to imagine what unknown genius in the
sub-apostolic age could have made such a revolu-
tion in thought. This view, however, may safely
be passed over, as involving a thoroughly false
criticism of the NT books. More attention must
be paid to the view that the re-statement of doc-
trine is due to St. Paul ; that he was, in reality,
the founder of Christian doctrine, and that the
'original Christianity is better represented by
Ebionism.' It has been well pointed out by Gore
(Bampton Lectures, 1891, Appended Note 26, p.
254 ff.) that this view is contrary to all the evi-
dence. Those books of the NT which are most
independent of St. Paul, such as the Second
Gospel, the Epistle of St. James, and the Apoca-
lypse, give the same doctrine that the Apostle of
the Gentiles gives. There was no opposition on
the subject of the Person of Christ between St. Paul
and his judaizing opponents, as would certainly
have been the case had Ebionism been the original
Christianity. The re-statement of the doctrine of
God was fully received at least within a genera-
tion of the Ascension. For example, Sanday points
out (HDB iv. 573=^) that the use of 'the Father'
and ' the Son ' as theological terms goes back to a
date which is not more than 23 years from that
event (1 Th I'*'*). It is impossible to account for
such a rapid growth unless the re-statement came
from Him whose bond-servants the apostles loved
to profess themselves. The concurrence of so
many independent writers can only be due to the
fact that ' grace and truth came by Jesus Christ.
No man hath seen God at any time ; God only be-
gotten [or the only begotten Son], which is in the
bosom of the Father, he hath declared him' (Jn 1"'-).
Literature. — Out of a vast number of works it is not easy to
give a small selection which will be useful to the reader ; and
therefore only English works are here mentioned, and only
those which bear on the apostolic period. Reference may be
made to J. Pearson, An Exposition of the Creed (tirst published
in IG.VJ; a monument of theological learning, of which the
foot-notes, giving the Patristic quotations, are specially valu-
able) ; C. Gore, The Incarnation o/ the Son of God (Bampton
GODLINESS
GOG AND MAGOG
467
Lectures, 1891) ; H. P. Liddon, The Divinity of Our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ (Bampton Lectures, 1866) ; Lux Mundi^,
1890 (especially Essays iv., v., vi., viii.); H. B. Swete, The
Apostles' Creed'-'; 1S99", The Holy Spirit in the Xexo Testament,
19U9, and The Holy Spirit in the Ancient Church, 1912 ; R. L.
Ottley, Aspects of the OT {Bampton Lectures, 1S97) Cespecially
Lecture iv. on the ' Projf ressive Self-Eevelation of God'); R.
C. Moberley, Atonement and Personality, 1901 ; H. C. Powell,
The Principle of the I ncarnation, 1S96 ; A. J. Mason, The
Faith of the Gospel, 1887-89. Special reference must also be
made to artt. ' God ' and ' Son of God ' by W. Sanday in HDB
and 'Trinity' by C. F. D'Arcy in DCG.
A. J. Maclean.
GODLINESS.— This word appears in the EV of
the NT as the tran.slation of the Gr. evcri^eLa (1 Ti
2-3i«47-8, 2Ti3^Titl^2Pl3•6•7 3ll^alsoAc3l2RV).
In 1 Ti 21" it translates eeoai^eia. Cf. also 2 Clem.
xix. 1 (evaejieia), XX. 4 {Oeoae^eLa). ' ei)tr^/3eta is a
more general word than Beocre^eua, and is almost
equivalent to the Latin pietas, due esteem of
superiors, whether human or Divine, while deocr^^eia
is restricted to God as its ol>ject. However, in the
NT €v<T€^€ia always has reference to God' (J. H.
Bernard, The Pastoral Epistles [Camb. Greek
Test., 1899], p. 39 f.).
It will be seen from the above references that the
word eua^jSeia [deoai^eia) is particularly character-
istic of the Pastoral Epistles. H. J. Holtzmann
speaks of the idea represented by it as one of tlie
most individual ideas of these letters, and points
out that its appearance in them (cf. also evcre^Qs
^Tjp [2 Ti 3'-, Tit 2'-]) is connected with the recession
of tlie one-sidedly religious interest of the great
Pauline Epistles (Gal., Rom., 1 and 2 Cor.), and
the coming to the front of an ethical conception of
the business of life (see his NT Theol.^, Tubing-
en, 1911, ii. 306). In the original Paulinism the
supreme stress lies on the religious relation to God,
and the central idea is that of justification by faith ;
wliile the ethical note is struck only in the second
place, and in connexion with the peculiar Pauline
mysticism. The Christian united to Christ in His
Death and Resurrection is a new man, and must
accordingly live as such. In the Pastoral Epistles,
liowever, it is justification by faith and the specifi-
cally religious relation to God which are in the
background ; while the ethical demand of Christi-
anity comes to the front in connexion with a fresh
idea — that of adhesion to the Church, its doctrine
and practice. It is just this latter point of view
as a whole which is summed up in the word evai^eia.
' It is above all significant of the tendency of our
epistles, that this conception serves to gather up
in one both of these lines, in which the entire
thought and effort of the author moves, viz. the
ecclesiastical and the practical character of the
type of religion recommended by him ' (Holtzmann,
loc. cit.). On the one hand, therefore, godliness, as
adhesion to the Church, appears as guaranteeing
true doctrine (the teaching which is according to
godliness [1 Ti 6^], the knowledge of the truth
which is according to godliness [Tit P], the mystery
of godliness [1 Ti 3'^] ; cf. Ap. Const, iii. 5 : Karri-
Xe1crdaira.Tris evaejSeias 56yixaTa). On the other hand,
godliness evidences itself in good works and a life
without reproach (1 Ti 2^ 4''). It is in fact because
of the practical and ethical character of Christian-
ity that its doctrine in opposition to the heretical
speculations of Gnosis is sound speech (Tit 2**),
sound teaching (1 Ti l^", 2 Ti 4^, Tit 19 2^), sound
words (1 Ti 6^ 2 Ti l'^) ; cf. 'to be sound in the
faith ' (Tit 1'^ 2-). On all this see Holtzmann, op. cit.
Holtzmann, of course, does not accept the Pauline
authorship of the Pastoral Epistles. Bernard, who
does, says that the group of words connected with
evae^eia was within St. Paul's sphere of knowledge,
as they are all found in the LXX and are common
in Greek literature ; as a matter of fact, too, St.
Paul uses the corresponding forms dai^aa and
do-e/S^y in Romans. ' But why he should not have
used them before and yet should use them so often
in these latest letters is among the unsolved prob-
lems of the phraseology of the Pastorals, although
corresponding literary phenomena have been often
observed ' [oj). cit. p. 39). The problem created by
the use of these words is, however, only a part of
the larger problem of the whole change in thought
and atmosphere which has taken place between
the ' Hauptbriefe' and the Pastoral Epistles (see
the writer's Man, Sin, and Salvation, London,
1908, pp. 137-140).
In conclusion, it may be observed, and it has a
bearing on the question of the authorship of the
Pastorals, that the idea of 'godliness' serves to
bind these letters together with the certainlj' late
and unauthentic 2 Peter and 2 Clement. In 2 Pet.,
moreover, emi^fia serves to denote, just as in the
Pastorals, the religion of the Church, in opposition
to that of a heretical Gnosis (P^ 2"-).
Robert S. Franks.
GOG AND MAGOG.— In the Book of Revelation
(20'^- *) the seer tells that Satan, after being bound
for one thousand years, shall be loosed and go forth
to deceive the nations which are in the four quarters
of the earth, Gog and Magog, to gather them
together to battle. This is conceived in the Apoca-
lypse as the last great battle between the powers
of evil and the armies of God, and as the occasion
of the final overthrow of the wicked, when fire
comes forth from heaven to devour them. In this
passage Gog and Magog are represented as nations
dwelling in the four quarters of the earth and
symbolic of the enemies of the Lord, The names
are taken from the prophecy of Ezekiel (chs. 38
and 39), where Gog is represented as a person, ' the
prince of Rosh, Meshech, and Tubal,' and Magog
as the name of his land (38^). The prophet depicts
this prince as leading a great host against the
restored Israel, and being utterly defeated and
overthrown. In the ethnological table in Gn 10
Magog is represented as the son of Japheth and
brother of Gomer. As to the etymology of the
names, considerable difference of opinion exists.
Driver (in SDB, art. 'Gog') states that the name
Gog recalls that of Gyges (Gr. T&yrjs, Assyr. Giigu),
the famous king of Lydia of whom Herodotus
(i. 8-14) tells us, and who, Assurbanipal states
(KIB ii. 173-5), when his country was invaded
by the Gimirra (Cimerians), expelled them with
Assyrian help. The name may have reached
Palestine as that of a successful and distant king
of barbarian tribes and may have been used by
Ezekiel as symbolic of powers hostile to the King-
dom of God. Another interesting explanation is
that of Ulilemann [ZWT \. [ed. Hilgenfeld, 1862],
p. 265 fi'.). He points out that Magog originally
signified ' dwelling-place,' or ' land of Gog,' and that
the name Gog itself means ' mountain.' Accord-
ing to Uhlemann, all etymological and geographical
indications point to the nation of Gog being the
inhabitants of the Caucasus, as the KavKaaiov odpos
of Herodotus is simply the Asiatic ' Kauk ' or
the Asiatic ' mountain range.' Others, such as
Augustine and several ancient commentators, con-
nect the word with Heb. jj 'roof,' 'cover' or ' protec-
tion,' but it is unlikely that there is any connexion.
The Jews themselves regarded Gog and Magog
as vague descriptions of northern barbaric nations,
with whom they were very slightly acquainted.
Josephus [Ant. I. vi, 1) identifies them with the
Scythians — a term which was generally used to
describe vaguely any northern barbaric people.
Perhaps even in Ezekiel, where Gog is the prince
and Magog the name of his country, the terms are
little more than symbolic names for the opponents
of God and His people. The picture that Ezekiel
gave of their overthrow gave rise to the apocalyptic
conception that finally the enemies of God and His
people would be Txtterly overthrown in a great battle,
and the names Gog and Magog frequently appear
in later Jewish apocalyptic literature as leaders
of the hostile world powers (cf. Sib. Orac. iii. 319,
322; Mishna, Eduyoth, 2. 10). This hnal and abor-
tive attack on the part of the powers of evil is
referred to in Rev 19"*^-, Avhile in 20^* the names of
Gog and Magog appear as the description of hostile
nations. Probably Rev 19 and 20, like most of the
book, is part of a Jewish apocalypse which has
been transformed by the Christian writer. The
Christian seer, like the Hebrew prophet, looks for
a day when the enemies of God and His saints will
be utterlj' overthrown.
Many and varied are the interpretations that
have been given of Gog and Magog by those
who, ignoring the poetical and pictorial nature of
apocalyptic literature, regard the Apocalypse as a
Ei-ophecy of actual historic events. Thus the names
ave been applied to nations beyond the bounds of
the Roman Empire, to Bar Cochba, the Jewish
Messianic pretender, and frequently to the Turks.
These interpretations depend on the view taken of
the ' thousand years' and the ' first resurrection.'
For a full discussion of the subject, see artt.
ESCHATOLOGY, PaROUSIA.
Literature.— A. B. Davidson, ^zeifciW (Camb. Bible, 1892) ;
F. Diisterdieck, Uandbuch iiber die Offenbarung Johannis^
in Meyer's Kommentar tiler das NT, 1805 ; W. Bousset, Die
Offenbarung Johannis^ in Meyer's Kommentar, 1896, Der Anti-
christ, 1895, Reliuion des Jvdentumgim NT Zeitalter^, 1906 ; J.
Moffatt, ' Revelation ' in EGT, 1910 ; B. Stade. Geschichte deg
Volkes Israel, 1888 ; E. Schurer.GJ^ V*, 1901-1911 ; E. Sciirader,
KAT'-i, 1902-03; S. R. Driver, artt. ' Gog," U&gog' in SDB;
A. H. Sayce, artt. ' Gog,' ' Magog ' in HDB.
W. F. Boyd.
GOLD (x/>i'0'<5y, x/"'<''^<"'> 'gold'; xpf^^^o^ 'golden';
xpwow, 'adorn with gold,' 'gild'). — This mineral
may, from one point of view, be classed with ' any
other yellow pebbles' (Ruskin, Unto This Last,
§29), but as a universal standard of value and
means of adornment it claims a special attention.
From the earliest times the imagination of man
has been fired by the thought of reefs and sands of
gold. There is a naive wonder in the first and
last biblical references — ' and the gold of that land
was good ' (Gn 2i-), ' and the street of the city was
pure gold' (Rev212J). There are good reasons for
the unquestioned supremacy of gold among metals :
the supply of it is neither too great nor too small ;
its colour and lustre are permanent ; it is the most
malleable and one of the most ductile of substances ;
it can be melted and re-melted with scarcely any
diminution of quantity. In its state of perfect
purity it is too soft for most purposes, but a small
admixture of copper gives it sufficient hardness
for coinage and for jewellery.
Gold is often found in solid masses, but generally
in combination with silver and other ores, from
which it requires to be purified. Peter (1 P 1")
refers to ' gold proved by tire ' (xpwLov Sia. trvpos
SoKifML^ofiivov ; cf. Rev 3'^).
' Strabo states that in his time a process was employed for
refining- and purifj'ing gold in large quantities by cementing or
burning it with an aluminous earth, which, by destroying the
silver, left the gold in a state of purity. Pliny shows that for
this purpose the gold was placed on the fire in an eartlien
vessel with treble its weight of salt, and that it was afterwards
again exposed to the tire with two parts of salt and one of
argillaceous rock, which, in the presence of moisture, effected
the decomposition of the salt ; by this means the silver became
converted into chloride ' (EBr^^, art. ' Gold,' xii. 199).
India, Arabia, Spain, and Africa were the chief
gold-producing countries of the ancients. Arabia,
containing the lands of Seba, Havilah, and Ophir,
was the Eldorado of the Hebrews. Herodotus
(vi. 47) tells of the Phoenician quest for gold in the
island of Tliasos : ' a large mountain has been
thrown upside down in the search.' Pliny describes
the gold-mining of Spain {HN xxx. 4. 21). The
art of the goldsmith flourished in all the ancient
civilizations. The gold-work of the Greeks, Etrus-
cans, and Romans may be rivalled, but can scarcely
be excelled, and that of the Egyptians of 2,000
years earlier was no less exquisite.
Gold was used for many purposes, secular and
sacred. Crowns were made of it (Rev 4^ 9^ 14''*),
rings ( Ja 2'-), vessels of great houses (2 Ti 2^"), idols
(Rev 9-" ; cf. Ac 17"^). Many articles of gold were
in the merchandise of Rome (Rev 18'^) ; the great
city itself was decked with it (18'®) ; the scarlet
woman's cup of abomination was made of it (H'*).
Much of the furniture of the real Temple, as of St.
John's ideal one, was of gold — the ark of the cove-
nant (overlaid with it. He 9^), the censer (He 9^,
Rev 8=*), the altar of incense (8^ 9"), the bowls full
of incense (5*), the pot of manna (He 9*), the
candlesticks (Rev l'^. is. 2u 21). But servants of God
have a spiritual rather than a material standard
of values ; for tliem ' the true veins of wealth are
purple — and not in Rock, but in Flesh' (Ruskin,
op. cit. § 40). They have been redeemed not with
gold, but with blood (1 P 1'*). Apostles, though
poor, have something more precious to offer than
gold (Ac 3^). Women have a finer adornment than
jewels of gold (1 Ti 2^, 1 P Z% It is assumed that
even the noblest metal may be rusted (Ja 5^), and
if this is only a popular fancy, at any rate gold
is ultimately as perishable as all other material
things (1 P 1^).
It is natural, however, that gold should be a
universal symbol of purity and worth. The golden
age, the golden rule, golden opinions, golden oppor-
tunities are in common speech the best of such
things. Gold is likewise an inevitable category of
apocalyptic prophecy. The Son of Man wears a
golden girdle (Rev 1'^), as does each of the seven
angels of the seven golden bowls (15®" ''). The
twenty-four elders have on their heads crowns
of gold (4-'). An angel receives a golden reed to
measure the New Jerusalem (2P"), and the city
itself is pure gold (21i8- 21 . cf. To 13i«- "). The gold
of the Apocalyptist, moreover, has a transcendent
quality ; differing from our opaque yellow metal,
it is ' like unto pure glass,' clear and transparent
as crystal. The gold of heaven is finer than earth's
finest. James Strahan.
GOMORRAH.— See SoDOM.
GOOD. — The adj. 'good' [ayaObs, /caX6s) maybe
used of any quality, physical as well as moral,
thing, or person that may be a.pproved as useful,
fit, admirable, right. In the moral sense it con-
notes in the NT not only righteousness but kind-
ness, helpfulness, love. For Jesus, God alone was
good without limitation or qualification (Mk'lO^®,
Lk 18'^) ; and whUe His own moral discipline on
earth was going on. He disclaimed that epithet
for Himself (cf. Mt 19", with its attempt to escape
the apparent difficulty of the disclaimer). This
Divine perfection is shown in an impartial, uni-
versal beneficence (Mt 5^^), which men are to imi-
tate (v.''^). The same conviction of what God is,
and what man, therefore, should be, is found in
St. Paul's counsels (Eph 4^i-5^). Jesus Himself is
the expression and activity of this Divine perfec-
tion, and so it is characteristic of Him to go about
'doing good' (Ac 10^**), as He Himself indicates in
His reply to the Baptist (Mt \\*- ^) ; and this, too,
He enjoins as the practice of His disciples (Lk 6" ;
cf. iMt 25='iff-, :\Ik 14", Lk ig^- »). St. Paul echoes
the teaching of Jesus when he bids the Romans
'overcome evil with good' (Ko 12-'), and assures
them that such conduct will have its reward (2'°).
The distinction St. Paul makes between ' a righteous
man ' and ' the good man ' (Ro 5') deserves special
attention. Just as God because He is righteous
reckons rigliteons (Ro 3-®), so it is because God is
good in Himself that He is ever showing His good-
ness to all men, especially in Christ and His Cross
(Ro 5^ Eph 4^2) and calling all men to be the imi-
tators of His goodness (1 Co 13).
Although the following article is dealing with
the Christian moral ideal as 'goodness,' this brief
statement in introducing the subject of ' the good '
as man's ' chief end ' has been made for two reasons.
(a) In the Christian view, God Himself is man's
chief good, for in His fellowship alone is man's
perfection, glory, and blessedness, and it is God's
goodness that man enjoys for ever ; and (6) it is
because of this goodness — this self-giving of God's
perfection as love — that the chief good is given to
man. It is in Christ that man so possesses God,
and it is through Christ that God so communicates
Himself to man. The total impression of the
apostolic writings is that Christ Himself is the
Good, for in Him and through Him alone man has
God as Love.
We must note, however, that the chief good is
presented to us in three distinctive phrases in the
different types of teaching in the NT. In the
Synoptics, on the lips of Jesus Himself, it is 'the
kingdom of God ' (Mt 6^^) ; in the Fourth Gospel
it is 'eternal life' (Jn 20^°-^'), although we also
find the second representation in Mt 19"^, Mk 10^^,
Lk 18^^ and the first in Jn 3^; in the Pauline
Epistles it is ' the righteousness of God 'or 'of
faith ' (Ph 3"), or, more generally, salvation (Ro
JI6. 17\
The idea of the good combines character and
condition ; it includes Tightness and happiness,
holiness and blessedness, or, as the Shorter Cate-
chism puts it : ' man's chief end is to glorify God
and to enjoy Him for ever.' Man, by claiming
God's goodness, enjoying and praising it, and by
showing a like goodness, glorilies God : that is,
sets forth the honour, worth, beauty, and majesty
of God's moral perfection (Ro IS^- », 1 Co 6^", 2 Co
913 ; cf. Col 3^^ 1 P 4i»- "). As God is grace, God's
claim on man is for faith, and this is his supreme
duty (He 11*). Thus the two aspects of the good
pass into one another : man fulfils his obligation
to God by making fully his own the salvation God
offers in Christ. We need not then further pursue
the idea of the good as duty, but may confine our-
selves to it as boon.
(1) For Plato and Aristotle the good necessarily
included both well-being (eiidatnovia) and also well-
doing ; a man must have health, wealth, beauty,
and intellect as well as the virtues to attain fully
the good. Here the first great distinction of the
Christian view emerges. A man's good is inde-
pendent of his outward circumstances. As Jesus
taught His disciples not to be anxious about food
or raiment, but to leave all to the care and bountj'
of the Heavenly Father, who would add all these
things to those who first sought His Kingdom and
righteousness (Mt 6^^'**), so St. Paul assures Chris-
tian believers that even the very worst circum-
stances imaginable cannot really injure them, for
' all things work together for good to them that
love God' (Ro 8-*). The declaration has some
affinity with Stoic thought ; but the difference
lies in this, that for Stoic self-sufficiency there is
substituted the possession of the love of God in
Christ as the satisfying portion of the soul (v.^^).
While there is this independence of outward cir-
cumstances, there is no cynic-like contempt for
bodily needs, and the labour that meets these
(1 Th 4", 2 Th 310, Ro 12"- 1^). Private property
even may become part of the Christian's good, as
affording the opportunity for the generosity which
is so highly recommended as a Christian grace (Ro
128- 13, 2 Co 8i-'5).
(2) A second feature of the Christian view that
distinguishes it from the Greek is that the good
is not the result of fortune or the reward of merit,
but the gift of God's grace (Ro 5"^i 6^3). It does
include a duty to be done, but it is primarily a
boon to be claimed. Hence the pre-eminence of
faith as the primary, if not the supreme, grace
of the Christian life. For human self-sufficiency
there is substituted dependence upon God (2 Co 2^*
35.6 129).
(3) A third characteristic is the emphasis on sin
in the Christian view as the evil from which there
must be escape. The good includes deliverance
from sin in the two-fold sense, corresponding to the
two-fold reference of sin in relation to God, and in
relation to a man's own nature. There is forgive-
ness of sin, reconciliation with God, the peace of
God (Ro 3f^-2« 51" 1^ 210, etc.) ; a man is set in right
relation with God, so that God's approval and not
His displeasure rests upon him, and he does not
distrust, or feel estranged from, God, but is at
home with God as a child with a father. There
is also the breaking of the power of sin, and the
banishment of the love of sin, by a new motive
and a new strength (Ro 61-" 7^, 2 Co 5", Ph 4i3).
There is a present conquest of evil, and victory over
the world. This is a present good claimed more
or less, according to the measure of faith ; but as
Christians are not merely owners of the present
but also heirs of the future good (Ro 8", Tit 3^,
1 P 1* ; cf. He IP), hope as well as faith is neces-
sary to claim the full salvation (Ro 8", 1 Th 5*,
1 P P).
(4) Into the contents of the Christian hope, the
details of the apostolic eschatology {q.v.), it is
beyond the scope of this article to enter ; but one
feature, because of its distinction from, or even
opposition to, the Greek view, may here be men-
tioned. The Greek thinker, if he did hope for a
future life, looked for the release of the soul from
its imprisonment in the body — for a disembodied
immortality ; but the Christian good includes not
merely the survival of the soul in death, but resur-
rection — the restoration of the entire personality
(Ro 82», 2 Co 51-*, Ph 321), This does not involve the
absurdity of a material identity of the body buried
and the body raised, for St. Paul expressly distin-
guishes the one from the other as the natural and the
spiritual (1 Co 15^-"**), but only the conviction that
the future life will be a completely human one.
(5) As we may surely reckon as an element in
the Christian good the fellowship of believers, the
membership of the body of Christ (1 Co 12i^"3i, Eph
P^), the Koivuivia of the Spirit (2 Co 13^* : the com-
mon life of the Church in the Spirit), so the Chris-
tian life is not individual but universal ; it is the
subjection of all things to Christ, the destruction
of all evil, the cessation of all pain and grief, the
victory of the saints, and God all and in all. No
such wider hope inspired the Greek thinkers. It is
true that the expectation of an immediate return of
Christ in power and glory precludes our interpret-
ing this universal good as a historical evolution
of mankind in manners, morals, laws, institutions,
and pieties to so glorious and blessed a consumma-
tion, and we are left uncertain as to the mode in
which the process is to be conceived. But the hope
is a fact of apostolic life.
(6) There is one feature in the Christian good
peculiar to St. Paul, As a Pharisee he had felt
the burden and the bondage of the Law, and
groaned under its judgment, but he had discovered
its impotence, and so for him the Christian good
included the end of the Law (Gal 4^^-51), for Chris-
tian morality is not legal — the observance of the
letter — but spiritual — the expression of the new life
found in Christ (2 Co S^'^^). It may be doubted,
however, whether even all believers in the Apos-
tolic Age were morally mature enough to be re-
470
GOODNESS (HUMAN)
GOODNESS (HUMAN)
leased from all outward restraints, and to be left
only to inward constraint ; and St. Paul's counsels
and commands even in his letters show that this end
of the Law was ideal rather than actual. It is
certain that the Christian Church in the course of
its history generally has been legal rather than
spiritual in its morality, and so this part of the
Christian good has been unrealized.
(7) In the apostolic view of the Christian good
there are two features which may be regarded as
of temjjorary and local rather than of permanent
and universal significance for Christian faith : (a)
the expectation of the speedy Second Advent of
Christ in power and glory to usher in the Last
Things, which faded out of the Christian conscious-
ness, with from time to time futile attempts to re-
vive it, as the course of human history contra-
dicted it ; and [b) the belief which became more
prominent in subsequent centuries than it was in
the Apostolic Age, that the evil to be overcome
and destroyed was embodied in personal evil prin-
ciples and powers, over whom Christ gained the
victory, and from whom He efiected deliverance for
the believer (Ro S^^-ss, 1 Co IS^S Eph l^i, Col 2'5).
For the details on both these subjects the relevant
articles must be consulted, as all that is here neces-
sary is merely the mention of them for the com-
pleteness of the treatment of the present topic.
Such is the Christian good ; is it regarded as
destined to be universal ? Does the NT offer us
a theodicy? It has been already indicated that
the Christian hope does include the victory of
Christ over all His foes, and the subjection of all
things to Him, and at last of Himself to God
(1 Co IS'-""-^) ; but these confident predictions do
not clearly or fully answer the question whether
all men will at last be saved — that is, become sharers
of the good. While there are a few passages point-
ing towards universal restoration, there are others
indicating eternal punishment, and some even on
Avhich has been based a theory of conditional im-
mortality. This problem seems insoluble even
with the data not only of the Scriptures, but also
of human experience ; and accordingly, whatever
Christian wishes and hopes may be, we cannot
affirm that the Christian good presents the final
destiny of the race in cloudless sunshine without
any shadow ; and thus the believer must walk
not by sight, but by faith, in the belief that what-
ever the Heavenly Father does is wisest, kindest,
best. As has been shown in the art. Evil, the
Christian attitude is neither optimism nor pessi-
mism, but meliorism — the belief that the world not
only needs redemption, but is being redeemed in
Christ.
Literature.— W. Beyschlag, NT Theology, Eng. tr., 1895,
bk. i. ch. viii.,bk. ii. ch. v., bk. iv. chs. vi. ix., bk. v. ch.v. ;
G. B. Stevens, The Thevlogy of the NT, 1899, pt. i. chs. iii.
xii., pt. ii. chs. vi. vii., pt. iv. chs. v. viii. xii., pt. vi. ch. v.,
pt. vii. ch. iv. ; T. von Haering, The Christian Faith, Eng-. tr.,
1913, ii. 800-926 ; A. M. Fairbairn, The Philosophy of the Chris-
tian Reunion, 1902, pp. 94-168 ; O. Pfleiderer, The Philosophy
ofReligion'i, Eng. tr., 1886-SS, vol. iv. ch. iv.
Alfred E. Garvie.
GOODNESS (HUMAN).*— Two applications go
side by side in tiie general usage of the word
'goodness' and are also found in the NT. On the
one hand, it denotes an inliorent quality without
regard to its efiect ; on the other hand, the 'good-
ness' is predicated in view of the efiect. In the
latter case, however, the thought of the inherent
quality as producing the efiect is never quite
absent from the field of consciousness. It is not
possible to call either of these two uses the older
and more original one and to stamp the other as
secondary and developed. Already in Homer (Od.
XV. 324, //. xiii. 284) d7a06s occurs of iniierent
quality as a designation of the well-born class, as
* For Divine poodness, see art. God.
distinguislied from the common people (cf. our
'better class,' 'aristocracy'). When these are at
the same time called d7a^ot in the sense of ' brave,'
this but shows the close connexion between the
inherent and the transient reference of the word.
Bravery is the goodness of the aristocracy in
action. Hence in the frequent sense of ' efficient,'
' adequate,' the adjective does not describe a
momentary or spasmodic efficiency, but the habit-
ual one of quality. Good objects, good circum-
stances, 'goods,' in the sense of wealth or of
delicacies, are all so designated because of their
inherent adaptation to benefit the owner or re-
ceiver. The force of the word in such connexions
can perhaps be felt best from the opposite Trovrjpos.
Both meanings are transferred to the moral sphere.
The ethical use of the word is, however, in profane
Greek a comparatively late development, not being
frequent until the philosophical writers {e.g. Plato).
In the NT both the sub-ethical and the ethical
use are represented. For the former see Mt 7",
Lk ps 88 1218- 19 1625, Ro 828 IQis 13^ Gal G^, He 9",
Ja 1^', I P 3^". For the latter, used of persons,
see Mt 5« 12^^ 19'6- " 20^5, Mk lO's, Lk IS'^ 23^",
Jn 7^2, Ac U^\ Ro 5^ Tit 2^ ; of things, Mt 122^- ^
19'6, Lk 815 10^2^ Jn 5-^, Ac 23\ Ro 21" V^- '«• i^ 9"
129- 21 133 1416 1019^ 2 Co 51", Eph 429 6^ 1 Th 3^ 5^5,
2 Th 2>7, 1 Ti P- 19, Tit 2i», 1 P 3"- 1^- 1^, and fre-
quently in the formula ' good works.'
It will be observed that the ascription of good-
ness to persons is rare in the NT. The reason
for this is not to be sought in the biblical doctrine
of sin as excluding human goodness, for on that
view the affirmation of goodness with reference to
works ought to be equally rare, which is not the
case. The true explanation seems to lie in the
God-centred estimate which Scripture places upon
man's moral character. Man is measured with
strict reference to the nature and will of God as
his norm. The conception of ' goodness,' while
not excluding, and even presupposing, an objec-
tive standard of this kind, does not in itself ex-
press it. It describes the quality either as in-
herent or as affecting others, but does not explicitly
relate it to God. This the word Skatos does, for
diKaioavvri means goodness as conformity to the
Law of God and as approved by the Divine judg-
ment. The full and positive conception of diKaio-
avvTj therefore covers all that is aya66s and adds to
this the God-related element just named. It is
not at variance with this that dcKaios occasionally
occurs in a negative sense, more closely adhering
to the profane and popular usage — a sense which
places it below d7a^6s in the ethical scale. Thus
in Ro 5'' the SiKaios {'righteous') is one who merely
is free from fault, who does what in the ordinary
relations of life can be required of him, but does
not go beyond this to the spontaneous exercise of
virtue as the dyad6s does. The term 'good' is
reserved for the latter. But as a rule dlKaios is
not less comprehensive than dyaOds, covering the
Divine demand in all its reach (Ro 3'°).
In the ethical application the inherent and the
beneficent sense lie so close together that it is not
always easy to determine which stands in the
foreground and whicli is the mere concomitant of
thought. In the Hebrew ain, as used of God, both
meanings are present, but the sense of beneficence
preponderates (cf. Ps 34"). In regard to Mt 19'^
( = Mk 10'8, Lk W\ usually understood as raising
the question of absolute ethical perfection, G.
Dalman (Die Worte Jesu, 1898, i. 277) advocates
the same meaning of beneficence. Among the
passages which refer to human persons Ro b'' not
only extends the reach of ' goodness ' beyond that
of ' righteousness,' but also finds this overlapping
in the spontaneous, benevolent character of the
former. In Lk 235" the same distinction may be
GOODNESS (HUMAN)
GOSPEL
471
found, although here the sequence shows that the
rigliteousness before God is estimated higher than
the mere benevolence towards men. In 1 P 2^^
the ' good ' and ' gentle ' masters are so described
from the point of view of their treatment of ser-
vants rather than of inherent quality. In Jn 7'^
there is some doubt as to whether ' a good man '
(in opposition to one who 'deceiveth the people')
means a man of good character or one of good in-
fluence. Ac 11"^ and Tit 2^ seem to be the only
clear instances of the use of the word to describe
inherent goodness.
The same difficulty recurs where the predicate
applies not to persons but to things in the ethical
sphere. The ' good things ' and the ' evil things '
spoken of in INIt 12^^- ^^ are, of course, in themselves
morally right or wrong, yet in the context the re-
ference is to blasphemy, so that the element of
the good or bad intent and efiect can scarcely be
excluded. When St. Paul in Ro 7'" says that the
commandment is ayla Kal oiKala Kal dyad-q, the in-
herent perfection of the Law is affirmed not only
by the first and second but also by the third at-
tribute ; still the ensuing question, ' Was then that
wliich is good made death unto me?' proves that
* the good' is felt as that which has naturally com-
bined with it a good eflect. The same thought
must be present in Ro 12^^. The 'good' of the
neighbour which is to be promoted according to
Ro 1.5^ is his ethical good ('unto edification'), but
it is in part so called because it promotes his spirit-
ual welfare. In Eph 6* the element of profitable-
ness is plainly indicated by the context (cf. v.'').
The 'good work' which God began in the Philip-
pians (Ph 1') is good primarily because it has a
beneficent, saving purpose, but probably the notion
that it is productive of Avliat is inherently good in
them is also present. In Philem '■* (cf. v.*') the AV
renders to dyadov aov correctly by ' thj' benefit'
(RV 'thy goodness'). The context decides in
favour of ' beneficent' in 1 P3'^(cf. v." and 3 Jn").
' A good conscience ' (Ac 23S 1 Ti l^^, 1 P 3=') is a
conscience deriving its quality from its content,
and therefore presupposes that the acts approved
by it are good in themselves. The phrase ' good
works' admits equally well of both interpretations.
There can be no doubt that in Ac 9^^, Ro 13^, 2 Co
98, 1 Ti 2"' 5'", 2 Ti 2-^ 3", Tit V^ 3^ the reference
is mainly to the good intent and efiect of the deed.
In other passages, however, like Ro 2^", Eph 2'°,.
Col 1'**, 2 Th 2", the emphasis seems to rest not on
the outward beneficent tendency, but on the in-
herent good character of the work, as conformable
to the Divine Law.
The Jewish usage of the conception favours this,
for in it not the helpfulness, but the meritorious-
ness, the religious significance of the observance
of the Law, stand in the foreground. While St.
Paul denies, of course, the meritoriousness of good
works as a ground of justification, he nevertheless
is at one with Judaism in emphasizing their specific
religious importance. It is not in liarniony with
the Pauline teaching to deem of importance only
the spirit and intent of the deed, and not its external
performance. Such a judgment is possible only
Avhere the ethical point of view is man-centred and
virtue regarded as completed in itself. St. Paul's
point of view is God-centred — the virtue, the dis-
position exist for the sake of God ; and in order
that they may accrue to the full glory of God, it
is necessary that they shall issue into act. For
the reality of the good work the presence of the
disposition behind it is indisjiensable, but it is no
less true that, for the completion of the good as it
exists in the heart, its embodiment in the good
work is essential.
The noun dyaduaivq (Ro IS^S Gal 5^2, Eph b^,
2 Th 1" — not in classical Greek, but only in the
Greek translations of the OT and in St. Paul) pro-
bably in each case describes that form of goodness
which seeks the benefit of others. In Gal 5^,
standing among a number of other virtues, it
must have this specialized sense. This is favoured
also by the connexion in Ro 15'* ('able to ad-
monish one another'). In Eph 5^ there is at least
nothing to contradict this meaning. In 2 Th 1",
' Our God . . , may fulfil every desire of goodness
and every work of faith Avith power,' the desire
and the work stand related as the Avish and the
execution, which secures for dya6u<Tvv7) here like-
wise the same sense of beneficence as is asso-
ciated with the 'work of faith.' dyadt^avvq then
ditters from a.yad6T-t]% (likewise a word of the later
Greek) as benevolentia does from bonitas.
LrrERATURE. — J. H. A. Tittmann, De Synonymis in Novo
Testamento, \S29-o2, i. 19-27 ; R. C. Trench, Syno7iyms 0/ the
NT^, ISSO, pp. 231-235 ; H. Cremer, Bihl.-Theol. Lex. of NT
Greeks, ISSO, pp. 3-6, 1S3-193 ; T. Ziegler, Gesclnchte der
christlichen Ethik, 18S6, i. 56 ff. ; C. E. Luthardt, History of
Christian Ethics, Eng. tr., 1SS9, i. 98 ff. ; J. B. Lightfoot,
Notes on Epistles of St. Paul, 1S95, p. 2S6 f. ; W. M. Ramsay
in ExpT X. [1S9S-99] 107 ; A. Harnack, The Mission and Ex-
pansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries^, Eng. tr.,
1908, i. 147 fl., 199 flf. GEERHAKDUS VOS.
GOSPEL. — 1. The meaning of the term.—
'Gospel,' a compound of the O.E. gdd, 'good,'
and spel, 'tidings,' has been employed from the
beginnings of English translation of the NT to
render the Greek evayy^Xtov. In the classics this
term denotes (a) the reward for good tidings, and
is so used in the LXX (2 S 4'"), <^ ?5et fie doOvat ei;-
ayyeXia (pi.), ' the reward I had to give him for his
tidings'; but (b) in later Greek the word stands
for the glad message itself. In the NT, however,
evayyiXiov refers not to the written record, as in
the modern usage of ' gospel' = 'book,' but to the
message as delivered and proclaimed. The gospel
of >J., e.g., is the good news as N. announced it, and
St. Paul's gospel is the message brought by the
Apostle in his preaching. As long as oral teaching
and exhortation could be had from eye-witnesses
and intimates of our Lord's ministry, ' gospel ' was
reserved for thistestimony ; accordingly, the Apostle
John (1 Jn 1') writes, 6 171' air dpx'^^ ^ dKr^Koay-ev, &
eupaKafiev toIs 6<pda\iJ.ois rnj-Qv, S ideacrdfieGa Kal al
Xf'pes ijixQv i\l/ri\d(priaav, irepl tov 'S.6yov rrjs fw^s, ' that
which was from the beginning, that which we have
heard, that which we have seen with our eyes, that
which we beheld, and our hands have handled,
concerning the Word of life.' These are the cre-
dentials of his message, and the persuasion of it to
the hearts of his hearers. Among the early Chris-
tians these memories — dwoixv7]fiov€vjj.aTa — were most
prized, and that word rather than eiiayyiXiov was
the primitive term for the gospel (cf. Moflatt,
LNT, 1911, p. 44, with foot-note).
But as the eye-witnesses and their immediate
successors passed away, believers had to fall back,
perforce, upon a written record. The earliest
certain use of the word in the modern sense is
found in Justin Martyr (c. 150 A.D.) — ' The apostles
in the memoirs written by themselves, which are
called " Gospels" ' [Apol. i. 66 ; cf. SDB, DCG, and
HDB, s.v.y
The passage which rules the use of eiayyiKiov in
the NT is Mk 1", '}j\6ev b 'Iijo-oOy eh Trjp TaXiXalav
K-qpvaawv rb evayy4Xiov toD 6eo0 (the gen. is both
subj. and obj. ; all aspects are included), 'Jesus
came into Galilee preaching the gospel of God,'
The word, probably, came into favour through
the use by the LXX of the cognate evayyeXl(;'eiv and
iuayyeXigeadai. in 2 Is. and in the Restoration-
Psalms (cf. our Lord's discourse [Lk 4'^] in the
synagogue of Nazareth concerning the glad tidings
of His Mission, based on Is 61^. But, while the
term (noun and verb) is of fairly frequent occur-
472
GOSPEL
GOSPEL
rence in the Synoptics, it owes its predominance in
apostolic Christianity to the Apostle of the Gentiles.
' It evidently took a strong hold on the imagination
of St. Paul in connexion with his o^vn call to
missionary labours (evayyiXioi' sixty times in Epp.
Paul, besides in Epp. and Apoc. only twice ; ev-
ayyeXii^effOat, twenty times in Epp. Paul, besides once
mid. seven times pass. )' (Sanday-Headlam,jBomans^
p. 5f.).
In Mk V, dpxv Toi' e{iayye\lov'lT](rov XptffTov, and
Kev 14^, Kal eI5ov &\\ov dyyeXov . . . ^xovra ei-
aYyi\iovalwvi.ov evayyeXlffai, we see the word in almost
the transition stage between a spoken message and
a book. Before the Death and Resurrection of
Jesus, * gospel ' was the glad message of the King-
dom, brought and proclaimed by Himself and those
whom He sent out to prepare the way before Him.
But in Ac 20-* ' the gospel of the grace of God,' Ro
p-3 'the gospel of God regarding His Son,' and 2
Co 4'' ' the gospel of the glory (manifested perfection)
of Christ,' the second stage is approached.
2. The content of the gospel.— As to the subject-
matter of the apostolic gospel, one can scarcely say
that the content varied ; it was ratiier that the
emphasis was changed. In his synagogue ministry
to the Dispersion, St. Paul found the soil in some
measure prepared. The 7rat5a7ary6y had brought
men so far that certain beliefs might be taken for
granted as a foundation laid by the Spirit of
Revelation in the OT Scriptures both legal and
prophetic. This would rule the content of his
gospel message to them. The case was different,
however, in purely missionary and pioneer work,
not only in rude places such as Lystra, but also
among the more cultured, though equally pagan,
populations in the great cities of the Empire, both
in Asia and in Europe. The pioneer gospel, there-
fore, would have notes of its own. Then, again,
after a district had been evangelized and churches
planted, we can see how the emphasis of the
message would change, as apostolic men, prophets
and teachers, sought to lead the primitive Christian
communities up to * the measure of the stature of
the fulness of Christ' (Eph 4'»; cf. He 6^).
From 1 and 2 Thess. we may gather the content
of St. Paul's evangelistic gospel in his heathen
mission. ' Those simple, childlike Epistles to the
Thessalonian Church are a kind of Christian primer '
(A. B. Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Christianity,
p. 15 fl".). From the address on Mars' Hill (Ac
1730-31) ^yg have further indications of the staple of
his message to those outside. But, perhaps more
succinctly and perfectly than anywhere else, in 1
Co 15*"* we have the evangelistic Pauline gospel —
' for I delivered to you, among the most important
things {iv irpuiTois), that which also I received, that
Christ died for our sins according to the scriptures ;
and that he was buried ; and that he has been
raised on the third day according to the scriptures ;
and that he appeared unto Cephas ; then to the
twelve : then lie appeared to above five hundred
brethren at once ; of whom the majority survive
to this day, tiiough some have fallen asleep. Tlien
he appeared to James ; then to all the apostles.
And last of all, as to the one untimely born, he
appeared to me also.' This summary of the Chris-
tian Creed reveals what, to St. Paul, constituted
the essential content of the gospel (cf. J. E.
McFadyen, The Epistles to the Corinthians [Inter-
l.reter'sCom., 1911], p. 205 f!".).
To this synopsis of his gospel St. Paul adds (1 Co
15"), ' Whether then it be I or they, so we preach,
and so ye believed.' In all essentials St. Paul
stood on the same ground as the Twelve — St. Peter,
St. James, and St. Paul were absolutely unanimous.
Had it been otherwise, one can hardly see how he
could have won recognition among 'the pillars' or
been accepted by the Church. His gospel was not
a ditterent {irepos) gospel, though his rapidly chang-
ing spheres, and the pressing need of the occasion,
may have shifted the accent. This he acknow-
ledges when, speaking of the evangelical mission
of the Church, he says (Gal 2''), ' I had been entrusted
with the gospel of (for) the uncircumcision, even as
Peter with the gospel of (for) the circumcision.'
But it was the same gospel in all its manifold
adaptability. There is no schism in the NT as to
the content of the gospel message. The opinion
that there is has been well called a ' perversity of
criticism.' Thus [HDB, s.v.) the apostolic gospel
may be defined as ' the good tidings, coming from
God, of salvation by His free favour through Christ.'
But as the ' gospel ' of a church is to be sought not
only in the message of its preachers, but also in its
condensed creeds and in its hymns, there ought
to be added to the above summary at least two
splendid fragments that have the true liturgical
ring about them :
(1) Christ exalted: 1 Ti S^^ (Sx, not Oebs, is the
subject, RV) —
6j i<l>avepd)6T] iv capKl,
i5iKai(j3$rj iv irvevfiari,
(ji<p6r} dyyiXois,
iKTjpvxOv iv idve<nv,
iiriaTeidri iv Koafitf),
aveXi)fi,(pd7) iv 56^7],
'This fragment, in its grand lapidary style, is
worthy to be placed by the side of the Apostles'
Creed (Kohler, quoted by J. Strachan, Captivity
and Pastoral Epistles [Westminster NT, 1910],
p. 218 f.).
(2) God glorified : 1 Ti 6'»-i«—
6 /xaKapios Kal /iSvos SvvdarijSt
6 /3o(rtXei)j twv ^affiXevdvrav
Kal Kipios tCiv Kvpiev6vT(x)V,
6 fidvos ixuv ddavaaiav,
(pus oIkwv dirpdaiTov,
5v elSev ovSels dvdpthtrujv
ov5i ideiv dvvarat.
({> Ttf/ii} Kal Kpdroi alihviov,
8. The relation of the gospel to the Law.— Ao 13
records the opening of St. Paul's official missionary
labours, and there (vv.**- ^^) we have the first indica-
tion of the Pauline attitude to the Law. In his
address in the synagogue of Pisidian Antioch, he
generalizes the incident of Cornelius : 'Be it known
unto you therefore, brethren, that through this
man (Jesus) is proclaimed unto you remission of
sins : and by him everyone that believeth is justi-
fied from all things, from which ye could not be
justified by the law of Moses.'
But Ro 7, Avith its logical conclusion in eh. 8, is
the crucial passage for the understanding of the
relations of Law and gospel in the life of St. Paul,
and in that of the NT Church generally. It is the
Apostle's account of the struggle, 'often baffled,
sore baffled,' that filled the years before his conver-
sion. He also was a rich young ruler troubled with
tiie haunting question, ' What shall I do to inherit
eternal life ? ' For years he had struggled to put
down sin in his own heart, to be righteous in the
sight of God, passionately longing to have the
assurance of the forgiveness of sins, that in peace
he might will his will and work his work. In this
respect he is like his spiritual kinsmen, Luther and
Bunyan. In some respects, St. Paul sharpened the
antithesis between Law and grace to a point that
was extrenie, in that it did not take account of the
pro]>hetic element in the Old Testament which was
not legal. Jeremiah, 2 Isaiah, and Hosea may be
instanced.
But in his day, as a general rule, it was the le^al
aspect of the OT that held the thought of the Jewish
people. Judaism knew but one answer to such
GOSPEL
GOSPEL
473
questionings as St. Paul's — ' Keep the law ' ; and if
a man replied, 'I cannot,' the answer came back
remorselessly : ' Nevertheless, keep it.' ' Whosoever
shall keep the whole law, and yet stumble in one
point, he is become guilty of all ' ( Ja 2^°, Gal 3'").
As the Apostle looked back on the long, weary
way over which he had come, he found that he had
travelled into ' a dark and dreadful consciousness
of sin and disaster' (Rainy in The Evangelical Suc-
cession, p. 20). And this refers to the observance
not of one part of the Law but of the whole ; what
appealed to the conscience of men everywhere,
ceremonial Judaism, and the tradition of the elders
— all that i'6/xos means is included.
'All his experience, at whatever date, of the
struggle of the natural man with temptation is
here [ch. 7] gathered together and concentrated in
a single portraiture. [But] we shall probably not
be wrong in referring the main features of it especi-
ally to the period before his Conversion ' (Sanday-
Headlam, op. cit. p. 186). But of course, as St.
Paul presents it to the churches, it is his own ex-
perience universalized. There is no possibility of
winning a standing before God by the Law —
' For merit lives from man to man,
And not from man, O Lord, to Thee.'
He bad discovered also that there was no life to
be hoped for from the Law. Such had never been
its intention. The ' parenthesis ' of the Law had
for its purpose to create the full knowledge of sin
(5ta ydfiov iiriyvuffii a/xaprlas), to produce in the con-
science the conviction of it.
Moreover — such is the weakness of human nature
— the Law tended to stir sin into dreadful activity,
for every commandment seemed to bring up a new
crop of sins into his life.
But to the Law St. Paul held on as long as pos-
sible ; his sudden conversion means as much. The
Law was the one outlet to the hopes of Judaism ;
while to the patriotism of St. Paul Christianity
seemed anti-national. Therefore he hung on till
he could hold no longer — ' wretclied man that I
am ! Who shall deliver me out of the body of this
death?' (Ro 7^'*). ' Any true happiness, therefore,
any true relief, must be sought elsewhere. And it
was this happiness and relief which St. Paul sought
and found in Christ. The last verse of Ro 7 marks
the point at which the great burden which lay upon
the conscience rolls away ; and the next chapter
begins with an uplifting of the heart in recovered
peace and serenity; "There is therefore now no
condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus " '
(Sanday-Headlam, op. cit. p. 189). He had found
salvation by grace, redemption in Christ, and
righteousness by faith and union with Him ; ' the
law of the Spirit of life in Christ Jesus made me
free from the law of sin and of death ' (Ro 8^). The
very essence of St. Paul's gospel is to be found in
his conception of Christ's relation to the condemning
Law. There is no condemnation to them that are
in Christ Jesus, because He stood condemned in
their place, and took their condemnation upon Him-
self ; therefore St. Paul is bold to say, ' Christ re-
deemed us from the curse of the law, having become
a curse for us ' (Gal 3^^).
It is characteristic of his rebound and glad-
ness of spirit that he, by pre-eminence in the NT,
called his message the good news {eiiayyekLov), and
the discovery sent him out everywhere (' Woe is me
if I preach not the gospel') to the multitudes of
burdened souls, who were held, as he had once
been held, in this strange captivity. Through all
his letters, the contrast between Law and gospel
as mutually exclusive is developed in the anti-
theses, law and faith, works and grace, wages and
free gift — 'Ye are severed from Christ, ye who would
be justified by the law ; ye are fallen away from
grace ' (Gal 5*). In the Third, the Pauline, Gospel,
we have our Lord's story of the two debtors, butli
of whom, when they had nothing to pay, were
frankly forgiven. In the days before his conver-
sion, St. Paul had been painfully trying to pay
that debt. Brought to the knowledge that he had
nothing wherewith to pay, he made the great dis-
covery that Christ had paid the debt and set him
free. And, as he who has been forgiven much
will love much, therefore evangelical love burned
in St. Paul's heart, as perhaps never in the heart
of man besides, to the ' Son of God who loved me
and gave himself for me.'
Though the idea of the Law in the Epistle to the
Hebrews is so different that it is impossible for Gal.
and Heb. to have come from the same pen, yet the
contrast between the Law and the gospel is ' with-
out doubt identical with that of St. Paul, although
the writer of Hebrews possibly reached that posi-
tion by a different road ' (A. B. Davidson, Hebrews
[Hand books for Bible Classes], p. 19). Both writers
hold that Christ is the end of the Law to every one
that believeth, and through Him is the Atonement
made once for all. But inasmuch as the question
between Jews and Gentiles had in the days of
Hebrews passed beyond the stage of keen contro-
versy, and a free gospel was preached everywhere,
the writer did not feel it needful to develop the
contrasts between Law and gospel in the Pauline
manner. Yet ' the ceremonial observances are
in themselves worthless (He 7'^ lO^"*) ; they were
meant to be nothing more than temporary (9"'^" 8'*) ;
for God Himself in OT Scripture has abrogated
them (7'* 10") ; and the believing Hebrews are
exhorted to sever all connection with their country-
men still practising them (13^*)' (A. B. Davidson,
op. cit. p. 19). When the Sun has risen, all other
lights pale and fade. The substance has come, the
shadow disappears.
It has already been pointed out that there is no
sufficient reason for assuming a schism re Law and
Faith in the apostolic writings. St, Paul stood
on substantially the same ground as the Twelve ;
his recognition uy them (Gal 2^'^"), and much more
his acceptance by the Church, imply as much.
Nor is there on a fair and careful interpretation any
antagonism between the Epistle to the Romans and
the Epistle of James, The question turns on the
meaning of irio-rts, St. James is not denouncing
the Pauline Trlaris, but the caricature of it in a
narrow Judaism, which has reduced this noble
faculty of the soul to the mere intellectual accept-
ance of a dogma — a,Jides informis, ethically fruit-
less—a faith without works (Ja 2^^% St. Paul, on
the other hand, thinks of a fdes formata, ' faith
which worketh by love' (Gal 5*). Words mean
different things to different men. To St, Paul
' works ' mean fpya vdfiov, while to St, James they
correspond to what St. Paul calls ' the fruits of the
Spirit.' Thus, 'so far as the Christian praxis of reli-
gion is concerned, James and Paul are at one, but each
lays the emphasis on different syllables ' (Moffatt,
LNT, p. 465). It is nothing strange that both
go to the story of Abraham (Gn 15^) for an apposite
example, for it has been pointed out (Lightfoot,
Gal.'', 1876, p. 157) that this passage was a stock
subject of discussion in the Jewish schools and in
Philo. St. Paul, quoting Genesis, affirms that the
initial act for which Abraham was accepted in the
sight of God was his faith ; and St, James, thinking
more of Gn 22^^ than of Gn 15", says that his faith
was made clear, ' seeing thou hast not withheld thy
son, thine only son, from me.' ' Faith alone justi-
fies, though the faith which justifies does not
remain alone.' Thus we read (Tit 3^), ' I will that
thou affirm confidently to the end that they which
have believed God may be careful to maintain
good works ' (cf . the Scots Paraphrase [56], ' Thus
faith approves itself sincere, by active virtue
474
GOSPELS
GOSPELS
cro^vned "). But while all real opposition between
the apostles (whatever may be tlie temporal rela-
tion between liomans and James) may be dis-
allowed, it need not be denied that the formal
ditierences which appear in the Epistles may well
have risen from the extremities to which the con-
troversy was pushed in the diti'erent schools of
thought in the Church {paulinior ipso Pciulo).
The Apostle was not oblivious of misinterpretation
(Ro 6^- '^), and the school of St. James doubtless
had those who carried their master's doctrine to
extreme lengths. But in the balance of Holy
Scripture, the truths of which St. James and St.
Paul are protagonists are not contradictories, but
safe and necessary supplementaries in the body of
Christian doctrine. (For the relation between the
doctrines of St. Paul and St. James re the Law and
Faith, reference may be made to Romans^ [ICC], p.
102 fit". ; James [Cambridge Bible, 1878], p. 76 ti.;
The General Epistles [Century Bible, 1901], p.
163 ff. ; Motiatt, LNT, p. 465.)
LiTERATiJRE.— Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ {ICC, 1902), pp.
1S4-1S9; J. Denney, Studies in Theology, 1894, p. 100 ff.,
' Romans' in EGT, 1900, p. 632 ff., also art ' Law ' in HDB ; R.
Rainy in The Evangelical Succession (Lects. in St. George's
Free Church, Edinburgh), 1SS2, p. 20 ff. ; A. B. Bruce, The
Kingdom of God*, 1891, pp. 63-84, St. Paul's Conception of
Christianity, 1894, p. 293 ff.; ExpT vii. [1S95-96] 297 f., sii.
[1900-01] 482b, xxi. [1909-10] 497 1. For the Law in Hebrews,
see A. S. Peake, Hebrews (Century Bible, 1902), p. 30 ff.
W. M. Grant.
GOSPELS.— I. The First Three Gospels.— i.
Date. — («) The central factor here is the date of
the Second Gospel. The conspectus of dates given
in Motfatt (LNT, p. 213) will show that tliis Gospel
is dated by modern writers between A.D. 44 and
130, and that recent opinion narrows these limits
to 64-85. Moffatt himself decides on a date soon
after 70 on the following grounds: (1) Irenaeus,
adv. Hcer. III. i. 1, dates the Gospel after the
death of St. Peter and St. Paul. This is doubtful
(see below). (2) 'The small apocalypse' (ch. 13)
suggests a date soon after 70. This is based on
the very precarious inference that Mk 13 could
not have been substantial!}^ spoken by Christ. He
need not have had more than the prophetic insight
of a Jeremiah to have spoken everything contained
in this chapter.
Since the publication of Moffatt's book Harnack
has re-opened the whole question of the date of the
first three Gospels by arguing that Acts was written
at the end of St. Paul's imprisonment in Rome.*
It would follow, of course, that the Third Gospel
must be earlier, and the Second, since it is one of
the sources of the Third, earlier still. The funda-
mental question here is the evidence of Irenteus.
The whole passage should be read carefully. One
clause in it has generally been taken to mean that
St. Mark wrote his Gospel after the death of St.
Peter and St. Paul. But J. Chapman, f and now
Harnack, arg-ue that the words ' after the death of '
do not date the writing of the Gospel, but, taken
in the ligiit of the whole context, mean tliat the
apostolic preaching did not come to an end with
the death of the apostles, but was handed down
after their death, in written books, about the date
of the composition of which nothing is said.
Harnack is thus left free to place the Second
Gospel before St. Paul's imprisonment. He thinks
that the late evidence of Clement of Alexandria, J
which connects tiie Gospel with Rome, may per-
haps mean that Mark edited there his previously
written Gospel. Harnack does not attempt to date
the Second Gospel more narrowly.
But we may carry the argument further. If the
writing of Acts at the end of St. Paul's imprison-
• Beilrdge zur Einleitung in dot Neue Testament, iv., Leipzig!
1911.
t JThSt vL [1905] 563 ff. I Ap. Eus. HE vi. 14.
ment affords a limit after which the Second Gospel
could not have been written, the relationship be-
tween the Second Gospel and the First, which pre-
supposes it, may furnish another.
(b) The First Gospel is assigned by most modern
writers to the period 65-90 (see Moffatt). Harnack
thinks that it must have been written near the Fall
of Jerusalem, but not necessarily before it. Moffatt
is clear that it must have been written after that
event.
Apart from its relationship to St. Mark, the in-
clination to date the First Gospel relatively late is
due to a belief that it reflects the atmosphere of a
period in which the Church has become organized
and developed. It is, it is argued, 'Catholic' in
tone. This method of argument seems wholly due
to the fact that modern critics read the Gospel
through ' Catholic ' spectacles. Read it from the
standpoint of a Jewish Christian of Antioch about
the period of the controversy as to the admission
of Gentiles into the Church, and everything is in
place. In particular, two lines of thought in the
Gospel point to this period: (1) the writer's belief
in the permanent validity of the Mosaic Law, (2)
his eschatology. On the first see St. Matthew^
(ICC, 1912), p. 326, and FxpT xxi. [1909-10] 441.
As to the second point, a few words may here
be added in addition to what is written in .S'^.
Mattlmv^, p. Ixix, and ExpT xxi. 440.
The First Gospel is, as is well known, the most
apocalyptically coloured of the Synoptic Gospels.
But there are many who do not realize how deeply
the apocalyptic element penetrates the book. It
is, e.g., urged by E. Buckley * that the presence of
passages like 24^^'^'* does not presuppose an early
date for the Gospel, because the Evangelist, writing
comparatively late, might have preserved such say-
ings if he found them in his sources. He might of
course have done so, but the question is not one of
a few isolated passages ; it affects the whole Gospel.
V. H. Stanton t also says that the language of ch.
24 need not make for an early date, because the
writer could quite well have left unaltered expres-
sions of his source. This misses the whole point.
Not only does the editor leave unaltered expressions
of his sources, but he also alters St. !Mark in order
to bring that Gospel into line w'ith the idea of the
nearness of the Parousia which was so prominent in
his own mind (cf., e.g., Mt 16^^ y^i^^h. Mk 9^, Mt 24-^
with Mk 13^^). It is not only one or two isolated
passages in one of his sources, it is the Evangelist
himself giving preference to one eschatologically
coloured source (Q) and revising another source (St.
Mark) in accordance with its ideas. There are
many who think that the prominence of the apoca-
lyptic element in the First Gospel is due to the
Evangelist forcing it in upon the tradition of
Christ's sayings. The truth is rather that the
Evangelist had one source full of this element, and
that he was so heartily in sympathy with it that
he not only preserved large sections of it, but also
allowed iiimself to transfer sayings of an apocalyptic
nature from it into appropriate sections of St.
Mark's Gospel.
That the apocalyptic colouring of the First
Gospel, in so far as it is peculiar to that book, is
due to the Evangelist himself and not to one of his
sources seems wholly incredible. Allow that the
Gospel was written about the year A.D. 50 by a
Jewish Christian of the party who wished to enforce
the keeping of the Law upon the Gentiles, and the
Avriter, as one who was anxious to preserve all
those sayings of Christ which represented Him as
One who tauglit that He was the Messiah of the
Jews who would shortly inaugurate the Kingdom,
is in his natural place in the development of the
• Introduction to the Synoptic Problem, p. 278.
t The Gospels as Historical Documents, ii. 367.
GOSPELS
GOSPELS
475
Church. He is contemporaneous with the apoca-
lyptic period of St. Paul's teaching. Would the
Church ever have received a book into which the
writer had thrust his own conception of Christ as
an utterer of apocalyptic fantasies at a later period
when they had a Gospel of St. Luke ? Its reception
by the Church seems explicable only on the ground
that it was a book written early in the history of
the Church, received at first in the district where
it was written by a community Avhich was in agree-
ment with its apocalyptic teaching, and that it thus
held a place in the Church from which it could not
be deposed.
B. H. Streeter* argues that the Apocalypse,
written towards the close of the century, proves
that there were at that period circles with a strong
liking for apocalyptic literature, and seems to think
that the lirst Gospel may therefore have been
written comparatively late. But the two cases
are not in the least parallel. The Gospel was read
in the Church at an early date and everywhere
received. The use of the Apocalypse was long con-
tested. Moreover, it was one thing for the Church
to value an Apocalypse placed in the mouth of the
Ascended Christ ; it would have been quite another
matter for it at a date when, as the Third and
Fourth Gospels show, the tendency was rather to
diminish than to enhance the apocalyptic element
in the Lord's words, to accept a Gospel in which
(according to the theory) there were placed whole-
sale in His mouth during His earthly life sayings
couched in technical apocalyptic language which
He never used. A Gospel so judaized, as would
be the First Gospel on this theory, in idea and in
language, would have been recognized as alien to
the true tradition of Christ's life, and would have
stood little chance of being received as an apos-
tolic writing.
Notice may be taken here of a few passages which
are supposed to suggest a late date.
Chs. 1 and 2 are certainly early. Harnack
now recognizes that nothing in them need have
been written later than A.D. 70. The sayings
about the Church (16''^- IS'*"'-) are certainly early,
for they are couched in language in which the
Jewish colouring is very remarkable. The word
' Church ' is supposed to betray a late date, but
why? About A.D. 52 St. Paul was using it of
the Church at Thessalonica. When the Evangelist
wanted a Greek word to represent the Aramaic
word used by Christ, whatever that may have been,
what other word would he be likely to choose than
the iKK\ri(xla. of sacred usage ?
'As to the last point [the use of ' Church '] it is enough to
note that the word occurs nearly a hundred times in the LXX.
Not only is the rest of the vocabulary essentially Jewish, but it
must come from a quarter in which the Jewish "origin and rela-
tions of Christianity were strongly marked, i.e. from a source
near the fountain head.' t
The trinitarian formula in 28'^ need not be late.
St. Paul, saj-s Harnack, did not create it (op. cit.
p. 108 ; cf. also The Constittition and Law of the
Church, Eng. tr., London, 1910, p. 259 ft'.).
The narratives peculiar to St. Matthew are, as
Harnack recognizes, of a very archaic character.
If then we are right in dating the First Gospel
about A.D. 50, we have a further limit for St.
Mark. His Gospel must be prior to that date, and
fall between 30 and 50. Now it is clear from the
early chapters of Acts that St. Peter was prominent
in Jerusalem as leader of the little society of
disciples of Jesus the Messiah (the First Gospel
reflects this rightly). There about the year 39 St.
Paul stayed with him for a fortnight. But in 44
St. Peter was obliged to leave Jerusalem (Ac 12^^),
and we do not find him there again until the
* InUrpreler, viii. [1911] 3711.
t W. Sanday, in Minutes qf Evidence before Royal Com. on
Divorce, iii. 241.
Council some live years later (Ac 15). During this
interval the Second Gospel may well have been
written. The absence of Peter from Jerusalem
would suggest the writing down of his teachings to
compensate for the loss of his personal presence,
and no one was so htted for this work as John
Mark. If written at Jerusalem, the Gospel
would naturally have been composed in Aramaic,
and there is much in its style and language to
suggest this. But St. Mark did not stay long in
Jerusalem. He left with his cousin Barnabas for
Antioch, and there (c. 44-47) it may liave been
found desirable to translate the Gospel into Greek.
When the controversy between the Churches of
Antioch and Jerusaleru broke out a little later, the
writer of the First Gospel took St. jNIark's work as
his basis, and wrote a longer Gospel, inserting from
another source much of the Lord's teaching as
preserved at Jerusalem. The Second Gospel may
quite well have been re-edited at Rome ; but if so,
the changes made in it cannot have been many, for
it is clear that the editor of the First Gospel had
St. Mark before him much as we have it.
(c) The Third Gospel is generally dated c. A.D. 80
(see Moffatt). But if Harnack is right about the
date of the Acts, the Gospel must of course be
earlier, i.e. it must have been written somewhere
between A.D. 47 and 60.*
2. Authorship.— (a) The tradition which assigns
the Second Gospel to St. Mark is so strong that it
requires some boldness to set it aside. It goes
back as early as Papias (c. A.D. 140), who gives it
on the authority of ' the Elder' (Eus. HE iii. 39),
and it is now very widely accepted (cf., e.g., Peake,
[Critical Introd. to JS'T, p. 121], Harnack, Moflatt,
Bacon [The MaJcing of the NT, p. 159]).
(6) The majority of modern writers are also agreed
in referring the First Gospel to an unknown writer.
The reasons for this are the following. (1) The
earliest witness, Papias or the Elder quoted by him,
speaks of a work of St. Matthew which he describes
as rd Xo7ia. This term does not describe aptly such
a book as our First Gospel, but would more
naturally apply to a collection of utterances or
sayings (see Moflatt, p. 189). (2) Moreover, this
work is said by the same witness to have been
written in the Hebrew dialect ( = Aramaic ?). Now
our First Gospel is certainly not a translation of
an Aramaic or Hebrew work. It was written in
Greek by a writer who used at least one Greek
source, the Second Gospel, and who used also
the Greek OT (see St. Matthew^ [ICC], pp. xiii fl'.
Ixii).
But the inference is a natural one that the name
of St. Matthew was given to the book because it
largely embodies the work of that Apostle referred
to by Papias. Modern criticism has therefore been
largely absorbed in an endeavour to reconstruct
this Mattiisean work. Foreign scholars for the
most part refuse in any way to identify the dis-
course source which has been used in the First
Gospel Avith Papias' Matthsean Logia (Harnack,
however, admits that it may well have been an
apostolic work). They prefer to give it a name
which will beg no questions as to its authorship,
and call it simply Q { = Quelle, 'source'). Three
main views as to its contents exist: (1) that of
Bernhard Weiss, t ^vho assigns to it not only
material found in both Mt. and Lk., or in one of
them, but also a good deal that is common to all
three Gospels, because he believes that St. ^lark
borrowed from Q,J which therefore lay before
* For a refutation of the argument that the Gospel presup-
poses the Fall of Jerusalem see Harnack, Beitrcige, iv. 81 ff.
t Die Qttellen der synoptifchen Uberlieferung, Leipzig, 1908.
J The question whether St. Mark used Q has been much dis-
cussed recently. , F. Nicolardot (Les Procedes de redaction des
Irois premiers Evang^lisies, Paris, 1908) thinks that he did so
largely. B. H. Streeter (in Sanday, Oxford Studies in the
476
GOSPELS
GOSPELS
Mt. and Lk. in a double form — (i.) its original
form, (ii.) as reproduced in Mk. (2) Harnack,*
again, assigns to it only material found both in
Mt. and Lk. and not in Mk. (cf. also Hawkins
and Streeter in Sanday, Oxford Studies in the
Synoptic Problem). One serious objection to this
theory is that, since it is almost incredible that
Mt. and Lk. should either have both embodied the
whole of Q or both have selected the same sections
from it, a reconstruction on these lines must give
us an incomplete Q, and possibly one so incomplete
that no sure inferences can be drawn from it as
to the nature and character of the whole work.
(3) Finally, Allen (Oxford Studies, p. 236 ff.) be-
lieves that Q is best represented in the First Gospel.
He thinks that if most of the sayings and dis-
courses peculiar to Mt., and those common to Mt.
and Lk., are grouped together, the result forms a
collection of discourses of a very primitive char-
acter which may well be the Matthaean work re-
ferred to by Papias. He thinks that this work
was not used directly by Lk., but that many
sayings drawn from it passed through intermediate
stages into St. Luke s Gospel, one of these inter-
mediate stages being possibly the First Gospel.
(c) The authorship of the Third Gospel is bound
up with the question of the authorship of Acts.
Critics, like Jiilicher, who date Gospel and Acts
about A.D. 100 and deny that the writer of the ' we '
sections in Acts can be identified with the writer
of the whole book of Acts, cannot of course accept
the tradition that St. Luke, a companion of St.
Paul, wrote both Acts and Gospel. But recent
criticism has moved decisively in the direction of
affirming the truth of the tradition. Harnack,
following on the lines of W. K. Hobart,t argues
that the style and language of Gospel and Acts, in-
cluding the 'we' sections, decisively prove that
both works were written by one person and that he
was a physician. J Moliatt says that the supposi-
tion that both works did not come from a single
pen may nowadays be ' decently interred ' [LNT,
p. 298). It is probable that criticism, after long
wandering in a labyrinth of speculation upon this
point, will return to the traditional belief in the
Lucan authorship of both books. It is accepted in
such recent works as that of Peake. For a sum-
mary of the linguistic argument, see Harnack,
Luke the Physician, or Moftatt, LNT, p. 297 f.
Some of those who reject the Lucan authorship
of the two books are inclined to think that Luke
may have written the *we' sections (so Bacon,
Introduction to NT, p. 211).
3. Characteristics.— (a) The Second Gospel is
neither a history nor a biography. It contains
no dates, and the writer is at no pains to give any
details of time or place which would help to make
the narrative intelligible to a reader previously
unacquainted with it. The central figure of the
book is introduced under the description 'Jesus
Messiah, Son of God' (V), but nothing is said of
His human parentage, His early life, or the period
in which He lived. If we set aside the last live
chapters, which describe in detail, disproportionate
to the rest of the book, the last few days of the
Messiah's life, the account of His doings in I'^-IO''^
is strangely disconnected and without sequence.
No hint of the length of time occupied by the nar-
rative is given, long periods are passed over with-
out comment, whilst the events of a single day are
recorded in detail.
Synoptic Problem) argues that he did so only to a limited
extent. Harnack thinks that 'this assumption is nowhere
demanded ' {Sayingi of .Jesus, p. 226 : so Mofifatt, LNT. p.
* The Sayings of Jesus.
t Tlu Medical Language of St. Luke, Dublin and London.
1882. '
I See also J. 0. Hawkins, Horce Synopticce\ Oxford, 1909. I
This incompleteness and fragmentariness sug-
gest the writer's intention. He wished to put
into permanent form such of the incidents of the
Messiah's life as were well known from St. Peter's
teaching to the community in which he lived.
Behind the book there lies as the only explanation
of it the Christian community (at Jerusalem ?)
orphaned of its chief teacher. If this be lost
sight of, the book remains as a mere narrative
of disconnected incidents in the life of one Jesus
of Nazareth.
If a keynote to the Gospel be wanted, it may
be found in the phrase 'having authority' (1^^).
Jesus is depicted as one whose words and deeds
proved Him to be endowed with power, and so to
be the Son of God, Cf. the following :— p2 : ' He
was teaching as having authority ' ; \^ : 'a new
teaching, with authority he commands ' ; 21" :
' the Son of Man hath authority ' ; 5*'^ : ' knowing
the power which had gone forth from him ' ; 6^ :
' the powers (miracles) done by him.' In accord-
ance with this is the emphasis in the Gospel upon
the impression made by Him upon the peasantry.
Cf. the following : — l^-* : ' the crowds were aston-
ished at his teaching ' ; 2'- : ' all were astonished ' ;
5'*^ : ' they were astonished with great amazement ' ;
6^ : ' the populace were astonished ' ; 7^^ : ' they
were above measure astonished ' ; 11'^ : ' the crowd
were astonished at his teaching ' ; 1^^ : ' the whole
city was gathered at the door ' ; 1*^ : ' He could no
longer enter into a city, but Avas without in desert
places, and they came to him from all sides ' ; 2^ :
' They were gathered together, so that the space
about the door could no longer contain them ' ;
3" : ' He bade his disciples prepare a boat, because
of the crowd ' ; 3^" : ' the crowd again gathers, so
that they could not even eat ' ; 4^ : ' and there
gathers to him a very great crowd, so that he
embarked into a boat'; 6^': 'There were many
coming and going, and they had no opportunity
to eat.'
(b) If the Second Gospel is a book of remin
iscences, or rather of notes of a great teacher's
reminiscences of the life of his Master, the First
Gospel is a theological treatise in narrative form.
Its purpose is to prove that Jesus of Nazareth
was, though rejected by the rulers of His people,
the true Messiah, in whom were or would be ful-
filled all the Messianic expectations of the OT.
The phrase 'that it might be fulfilled' may be
taken as the keynote of the book. Characteristic
of the book are the following: (1) its apologetic
aspect ; it is a defence of the Messiahship of Jesus
against (i.) current slander (cf. esp. chs. 1, 2), (ii.)
the hard fact that the Jewish authorities rejected
Him ; (2) it#<!onsequent polemic against the recog-
nized authorities of the Jews ; (3) its conception of
the Church or Society of the Messiah as consisting
of Jews or proselytes still under the authority of
the Mosaic Law ; (4) its conception of the Kingdom
as to be inaugurated shortly when the Messiah
returned on the clouds of heaven. See on these
points iSif. Mattheiv^, pp. 309 fi., .326 ft'. ; ExpT xxi.
439 ft'. ; and art. ' Matthew (Gospel) ' in DCG.
(c) In the Third Gospel we come at last to a pro-
fessed biography or history of a life. It is best
treated when taken as the first part of a great his-
torical work of which Acts is the second volume,
and some of the following features characterize
both works: (1) if in the First Gospel Jesus is
' He who fulfils' and in the Second He is the one
having authority and power, in the Third He is
the Divine Healer ; (2) there is a strong universal-
is tic note. Jesus is the Second Adam, and His
gospel is for all peoples (cf. 2"- ^^ 3") ; (3) promi-
nence is given to women in both Gospel and Acts ;
(4) there is considerable emphasis upon prayer,
the inftuence of the Holy Spirit, and upon Chris-
GOSPELS
GOSPELS
477
tianity as being a religion marked by thanks-
giving, joy, and peace.
Out of his many sources St. Luke has composed
a wonderful book. About the first part of the
Gospel hangs the peace of God, clothing it like a
soft garment. Into the world has entered the
Prince of Peace, bringing healing to the souls and
bodies of men — not of Jews only but of all man-
kind, not for the rich and privileged classes but
for the poor and the outcast, not for men alone
but for women also. To those who are Christ's
disciples the gates of prayer are ever open, and
they live in an atmosphere where praise is upon
their lips and joy in their hearts. About the
second part hangs still the feeling of the joy and
peace which Christianity brings with it. But
there is now a new note of triumph. The Chris-
tian Church as St. Luke describes it in the Acts
marches victoriously through the Roman world
from conquest to conquest. Harnack somewhere
fitly quotes as a keynote to the work the words
of the old Latin hymn 'The Royal banners forward
go-'
II. The Fourth Gospel.— The Fourth Gospel
is dated by many modern writers in the early part
of the 2nd cent, (so recently Clemen * and Bacon t).
This of course precludes its apostolic authorship.
The line of argument which leads up to this posi-
tion is as follows, {a) The Fourth Gospel con-
flicts with the first three in facts such as the date
of the Crucifixion, the cleansing of the Temple,
and the account of John the Baptist ; it is there-
fore hopelessly unhistorical, and cannot have been
written by an apostle, (b) It conflicts with them
in its presentation of the Person of Christ. The
Christology is so difl'erent from that of the Synoptic
Gospels that the sayings put into the mouth of
Christ must be mainly the work of an author {not
an apostle) who is writing under the influence of
Jewish Alexandrian Philosophy and of Stoicism. J
(fi) What then of the 2nd cent, attribution of the
Gospel to the Apostle? This is hopelessly mis-
leading. Irenaeus misunderstood Polycarp and
attributed the Gospel to John the Apostle when
he ought to have assigned it to John the Elder.
Irenaeus is wrong again when he said that John
the Apostle lived to a good age and spent the last
part of his life at Ephesus. As a matter of fact,
he sufiered early martyrdom at the hands of the
Jews.§
We may consider further some points in this
argument, {a) Tlie historical inaccuracy in matters
of fact needs at least considerable qualification.
In many respects the writer is remarkably accu-
rate in his representation of Palestine as it was
before the Fallof Jerusalem, e.g. in geographi-
cal and topographical detail, in his knowledge of
Jewish custom, the relationship between Jewish
Earties, their religious beliefs. Moreover, the
ynoptic tradition is too one-sided to be taken as
a measure or gauge.
(b) The contrast drawn between the Christology of
the Synoptic Gospels and that of the Fourth Gospel
is open to the same criticism. What right have
we to regard the first three Gospels as an adequate
presentation of the Person of Christ, and not as
three slightly varying forms of a tradition which
represented a very meagre part of a life which was
many-sided? For hints in the Synoptic Gospels
of a Judaean ministry see Mott'att, LNT, p. 541.
AVith respect to the teaching of Christ, the Synoptic
Gospels give us a significant hint that there were
sides of this teaching which they have left almost
wholly unrecorded. The saying Mt 1 1^ = Lk 10-^
* Die Entstehung des Johannesevangeliums, Halle, 1912.
t The Making of the NT.
X See Moffatt, LNT, p. 522 ; Scott, Fourth Gospel, p. 29 fl.
§ Moffatt, LJST, p. 602 fl.
with its emphasis upon the unique Sonship of
Christ, implies the whole Johannine Christology,
and is no doubt a fragment from a whole cycle of
teaching such as that which has survived in the
Fourth Gospel. And St. Mark has another allusion
to this teaching in 13=*^ (' the Son'). The modern
critic fashions out of the first three Gospels a Jesus
after his liking, and then denies that the Christ of
the Fourth Gospel is compatible with this Jesus
whom his literary criticism has created. But is it
not more likely to be the case that the Jesus of
history was One too lofty in personality, too many-
sided in character, to be understood by His contem-
poraries ? The Synoptic tradition has given to us
one impression as it was left upon some of His
followers (though even here there are many aspects
of character — teacher of virtue, critic of Pharisaic
religion, mystic, doer of miracles, apocalyptic seer,
etc. ) ; the Fourth Gospel has preserved another
side of His character. It may well be that, had
others set themselves to describe the life, we should
have had information which would have given us
quite a fresh conception of Him. It is, moreover,
easy to draw quite false antitheses between tlie
Fourth Gospel and the Synoptics. It is, e.g., true
that the writer of the Fourth Gospel dwells by
preference upon the teaching as to the present
possession of Christian privileges rather than upon
that as to their future consummation (the apoca-
lyptic teaching of the Synoptic Gospels). But the
whole cycle of this apocalyptic teaching is pre-
supposed. There is to be a general resurrection
(5-"*). Eternal life involves a resurrection at the
last day (6^"). The very conception of eternal life
is apocalyptic, involving the thought of the per-
manence oi the individual life and its future entry
into a Kingdom which will be a fulfilment of the
partial manifestation of the kingdom in the present.
The retention of these passages in the Gospel is
not a deliberate departure from the writer's view
of life as present, and a falling back on a primitive
eschatological view (Scott, Fotirth Gospel, p. 249).
Rather they are a hint that there is another side
of the doctrine of eternal life which the author
knows to have been taught by Christ, and which
he will not altogether omit because it is the
necessary corollary of such teaching on eternal life
as he records. They who have eternal life cannot
die for ever, and there must be a sphere in which
their life will be manifested. That is pure apoca-
lyptic.
The conception of the Christology of the book as
being the work of a writer strongly influenced by
Alexandrian philosophy is probably a false one
due to the fact that modern writers on the Gospel
know something about Alexandrian philosophy
because Philo wrote in Greek, but little or nothing
about Jewish theology in the time of Christ, except
at second hand, or in so far as it can be ascertained
from Greek sources (the apocalyptic literature).
The Gospel is probably thoroughly Hebraic in
language, in method of argument, in idea, and
it will be seen to be so when Christian scholars
take the trouble to set themselves to the work of
critically editing the Rabbinical literature, with
a view to ascertaining how much of its theology
they must carry back into the period of the life of
Christ.*
(c) With regard to the 2nd cent, tradition, it is
significant that decision as to its value seems to
depend upon a prior question — that of the possi-
bility of an apostolic authorship for the Fourth
Gospel. That is, critics who find the Gospel so
unhistorical as to render its composition by an
apostle impossible all depreciate the value of the
2nd cent, witness to St. John as the author. And
* See I. Abrahams, in Cambridge Biblical Essays, London
1909, p. 181 ff.
478 GOSPELS (UI^CANOmCAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
indeed Avhat need to trouble about explaining away
this witness if the Gospel on its own showing can-
not be apostolic? On the other hand, all who do
not find the Gospel to be so unhistorical as to
make its composition by an apostle, or its depend-
ence upon him, incredible, find the 2nd cent,
attestation to be good. The most recent critical
work, that of Clemen,* decides in favour of the
literary unity of the Gospel ; denies a confusion
between two Johns, a presbyter and an apostle ;
arg-ues that there is no valid ground for denying
that the apostle settled in Ephesus at the end of
his life, and none for supposing his early martyr-
dom. Clemen believes the Gospel to be too far
removed from history to have been written by the
apostle himself, but thinks that Johannine tradi-
tion is a main element in it.
Recent attempts to analyze the Gospel into
sources seem to have f ailed, t and it is little likely
that for the present any fresh light on the book
will be forthcoming. It may be hoped that we
shall one day have an editor of the Gospel who is
trained in Rabbinic exegesis, as well as in Western
scholarship. Such a one may find that the Gospel
is certainly the work of a Jew, and may see no
reason for denying that its author may have been
Joim the son of Zebedee. If he prefer historical
evidence as to Christ's teaching and Person to pre-
conceived ideas about Him, he may also see no
reason for denying that both Synoptic and Johan-
nine pictures of Jesus are substantially true, yet
equally one-sided, and that the Jesus of history
must have been One of whom all our knowledge
can be only partial, enough to elicit our devotion
and to silence our criticism.
Literature. — This is enormous. The following are some
recent books in English : V. H. Stanton, The Gospels as His-
torical Documents, Cambridge, pt. i. [1903], pt. ii. [1909] ; J.
Moffatt, LNT, Edinburgh, 1911 ; A. S. Peake, A Critical
Introduction to the NT, London, 1909 ; W. Sanday, The Life
of Christ in Recent Research, Oxford, 1907, Oxford Studies in
the Synoptic Problem, do. 1911, The Criticism of the Fourth
Gospel, do. 1905 ; A. Harnack, Luke the Physician, Eng. tr.,
London, 1907, and Sayings of Jesu^, do. 190S ; F. C. Burkitt,
The Earliest Sources for the Life of Jesus, Boston, 1910; J. R.
Cohu, The Gospels in the Light of Modern Research, Oxford,
1909 ; E. R. Buckley, An Introductinn to the Synoptic Problem,
London, 1912 ; B. W. Bacon, The Making of the NT, do. 1912;
E. F. Scott, The Fourth Gospel, Edinburgh, 1906 ; J. Armit-
age Robinson, The Historical Character of St. John's Gospel,
London, 190S ; L. PuUan, The Gospels, do. 1912 ; W. C. Allen
and L. W. Grensted, Introduction to the Books of the NT,
Edinburgh, 1913. W. C. AlLEN.
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL).—/»«roc?Mc^ory.—l.
' Tlie Church,' as Origen said — or rather, as the
translator of Origen's Homilies on Luke (i.) said for
him — 'the Church has four Gospels, heresy has
many.' This could be said by the middle of the
3rd century. A century earlier, with the rise of
the Gospel canon, a sharp distinction had been
drawn between the four Gospels of the NT and all
other writings of this class. The present article
deals with the latter, not in relation to the former
but rather in the light of their own genesis and
structure as products of early Christian literature.
Still, two preliminary remarks must be made in
connexion with tlie distinction drawn by Origen.
One is, that while the Church liad only four Gospels
in the sense of Scriptures relating to tiie life of
Jesus, whicli were authorized to be used in public
worship and for purposes of doctrine, the early
Christians did not by any means confine their read-
ing to the canonical Gospels. Their piety was
nourished upon some Gospels which found no
place in the canon. And these Gospels were not
• Die Entstehung des Jnhannesevangelfums.
t J. Wellhausen, Eriveiterungi-n und Knderungen im vierten
Evangelium, Berlin, 1907, Dan Erangelium' Jahaiinis, do. 1908;
F. Spitta, Das Johannes-Eoangdium als Quelle dcr Geschichle
Jesu, Gottingen, 1910; Bacon, The Fourth Gospel in Jiesearch
and Debate, London, 1910.
always tinged with definite heresy. We can see,
for example, from the evidence which Eusebius
rather grudgingly furnishes for the repute of the
Gosjjel of the Hebrews in certain circles, that an
uncanonical Gospel like this had a vogue which
was only partially all'ected by the necessity of ex-
cluding it from tlie canon. Also, befvire the canon
gained its full authority, a Gospel like that of
Peter could still keep some footing within a com-
munity. The Church might have its four Gospels
as classical and standard documents for the life
and teaching of Jesus ; fortunately, it felt obliged
to stamp these with the special mark of inspired
authority. But Gospels already in circulation did
not disappear at once, even when they were ex-
cluded from ecclesiastical use. Nor again— and
this is the second remark to be made — did the
fixing of the canon put a stop to the composition
or the editing of such Gospel material. Literature
of this kind continued to be produced, not only in
circles which were more or less semi-Christian, but
especially in the Egyptian Church. It belonged
to the category of religious fiction for the most
part. Still, it followed in the wake of the canoni-
cal Gospels, and what has survived the wreck,
reaching us partly on the planks of versions and
partly on broken pieces of the original, forms a
considerable section of the material for our present
survey.
To study these Gospels against the background
of the canonical, and to measure them by the
standards of the latter, is to do them too much
honour. But it is also to do them, or some of
them, an injustice. As we shall see, it is a mistake
to speak of the uncanonical Gospels as if they were
a homogeneous product. They vary widely, not
only in age but in spirit. Some of them are docu-
ments of 'heresy,'* and were never meant to be
anything else ; the motive for their composition
was to adapt one or more of the canonical Gospels
to the tenets of a sect or party on the borders of
the catholic Church. But others were written to
meet the needs of popular Christianity ; their aim
was to supplement rather than to rival the c.inoni-
cal Gospels, and in some cases they can be shown
to be almost contemporary with the latter —
certainly prior to the formation of the canon itself.
The problem is still further complicated by the
probability that now and then a Gospel of un-
heretical character was re-issued in the interests
of later parties, while a Gospel originally Gnostic,
for example, may occasionally have been pruned of
its objectionable features and started on a career
within the Church. f Certain phenomena seem to
point to both of these practices in early Christian
literature. An uncanonical Gospel might experi-
ence either change ; it might rise or fall in the
world of the Church. And this would be all the
more possible just because it was uncanonical.
Neither its text nor its contents ensured it against
degeneration or stood in the way of its appropria-
tion by the hands of the orthodox. Either the
Church or 'heresy' could drag over a document
which lay close to the border, and fit it to strange
uses. However this may be, recent phases of
critical research in the uncanonical Gospels show
us pretty plainly that within as well as without the
early Church there was sometimes a good deal of
what not only later generations but even contem-
poraries did not hesitate to call ' heresy,' that this
'heresy' assumed many forms, and that the un-
canonical Gospels, as we now have them, often re-
present heterogeneous and varied interests of such
Christian or semi-Christian piety.
• i.e. of 'heresy' which repudiated the name of 'heresy'; of.
V. H. Stanton, The Gospels as Hist. Documents, i. [1903] 244 f .
t A similar process went on in the case of some of the un-
canonical Acts.
GOSPELS (UNCA1^"0NICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL) 479
2. The extant fragments, mainly Greek and Latin, were first
collected in a critical ediDion by J. A. Fabricius (Codez Apoc-
ryphus Hov. Test. . . . editio secunda, emendatior, Hamburg,
1719 [1st ed., 1703]); A. Birch {Aiictarium codicis Apocryphi
Ji'oui Testamenti Fabriciani continens plura inedita alia ad
fidem codd. mss. emendatixis expressa, Copenhagen, 1804) ; J. C.
Thilo (Codex Apocri/phus i\ovi Testamenti, Leipzig, 1832) ; and
C. de Tischendorf (Evangelia Apocrypha'^, Leipzig, 1876).
Later discoveries were mainly incorporated in the texts issued
by E. Nestle (Xovi Testamenti Supplementum, Leipzig, 1896);
E. Preuschen (Antilegomena : die Reste der ausserkanonischen
Evangelienuad urchristlichen Ueberlieferungen, herausgegeben
und uebersetzf-, Giessen, 1905); and E. Klostermann (in H.
Lietzmann's Kleine Texte, 3, 8, and 11, Bonn, 1903-04). But
Thilo and Tischendorf still form the basis for research, so far as
the Greek and Latin texts of several important documents are
concerned. In E. Henn&ck.&'s NetUcstamentliche Apokryphen
(Tiibingen and Leipzig, 1904) there are valuable translations,
with Introductions and notes, of the Gospel of the Hebrews, the
Gospel of the Ebionites, the Protevangelium Jacobi, and the
Gospel of Thomas (by A. Meyer), of the Gospel of Peter (by A.
Stiilcken), of the Traditions of Matthias and some Coptic frag-
ments, etc. (by the editor). The French edition in course of
preparation by J. Bousquet and E. Amann {Les Apocryphes
du ±\'oui-eaji Testament, Paris), includes the original texts, but
as yet only the Protevangelium Jacobi has appeared (1910).
The eighteenth century brought Augustin Calmet's Disser-
tation sur les Evangiles apocryphes in his ' Commentaire," Paris,
1709-16, vol. vii. ; Jeremiah Jones' Sew and Full Method
of Settling the Canonical Authority of the Neiv Testament,
London, 1726-27 (written on the basis of Fabricius, along
apologetic lines); and J. F. Kleuker's similar Ueber die
Apokryphen des NT, Hamburg, 1798 ; followed in the nine-
teenth century by Arens' essay de Evang. apoc. in canonicis
HSU historico, critico, exegetico, Gottiiigen, 1835 ; K. F.
Borberg's Bibliothek der neutestamentlichen Apokryphen,
gesammelt, vebersetzt, vnd erldutert, Stuttgart, 1841 ; J. Pons
(de N6gr6pelisse), liecherches sur les Apocryphes du Noureau
Testament {th&se historique et critique), ilontauban, 1850 ; and *
R. Clemens' Die geheimgehaltenen oder sng. apokryphen
Evangelien, Stuttgart, 1850 (volume of German translations). A
French tr. of Thilo was issued in 1848 by G. Brunei {Les
Evangiles apocryphes", Paris, 1863), and a poor English compila-
tion, based on Fabricius, Thilo, etc., was published four years
later by J. A. Giles {Codex Apocryphus Sovi Testamenti,
London). W. Hone's worthless and unworthy Apocryphal
AT, London, 1820, included the Protevangelium Jacobi. Useful
volumes of English t translations were published, however, by A.
Walker (in the Ante-yicene Chr. Lib., xvi. [Edinburgh, isi'3]);
B. H. Cowper (The Apoc. Gospels, London, 1867, ■'1874);
and B. Pick (Faralipomena : Remains of Gospels and Sayings
of Christ, Chicago, 1908). Two French treatises overshadowed
nny English criticism during this period, one a critical study by
M. Nicolas (A'iMde.s sur les ivanjiles apocryphes, Paris, 1865);
the ojher a Roman Catholic counterpart by Joseph Variot
{Les Evangiles apocryphes, Paris, 1878).
In W. Wright's Contributions to the Apocryphal Literature
of the New Testanunt, London, 1865, Syriac versions of the
Protevangeliinn Jacobi(a fragment)and the Gospel of Thomas the
Israelite were published and translated with notes. Otherwise,
the main contributions to the subject during the last century were
monographs upon special points and aspects, like P. J. Peltzer's
Ilistorische und dogmenhistorische Elemente in den apok.
Kindheits - Evangelien, Wurzburg, 1864 ; A. Tappehorn's
Ausserbiblische Sachrichten, oder die Apokryphen iiber die
Geburt, Kindheit und das Lebensende Jesu und Maria, Pader-
born, 1885; and J. Haver's Die apokry phischen Evangelien,
auch ein Beweis filr die Glaubwiirdigkeit der kanonischen,
Halberstadt, 1898-99;: with S. Baring-Gould's Lost and
Hostile Gospels, London, 1874, p. 119f. ; J. Chrzaszcz's Die
apokryphen Evangelien, insbesondere das Erangeliuni secun-
dum Bebrceos, Gleiwitz, 1888; and C. Bost's Les Evangiles
apocryphes de I'enfance de J.-C. avec une introduction sur les
recits de Matthieu et de Luc, Montauban, 1894.
The older monographs upon their relation to the sources for
the life of Jesus, by R. Hofmann {Das Leben Jesu nach den
Apokryphen, Leipzig, 1851); J. de Q. Donehoo {Apoc. and
Legendary Life of Christ, London, 1903); and L. Couard
{Altchristl. Sagen iiber das Leben Jesu, Giitersloh, 1905) have
been largely superseded by the exhaustive work of W. Bauer
{Das Leben Jesu im Zeitalter der neiitest. Apokryphen, Tubin-
gen, 1909).
An excellent survey of recent Oriental discoveries and dis-
cussions in this field is given in Felix Haase's Literarische
Untersuchungen zur orientalisch-apokrypken Evangelien-
literatur, Leipzig, 1913 ; the Slavonic versions are chronicled
by E. Kozak in JPTh, 1892, p. 127 f., as well as by Bon-
wetsch in Harnack's Altchristl. Litt. i. [Leipzig, 1893], p. 907 f.
The principal general articles on the subject are by G.
Brunet in Jligne's Diet, des Apocrvphes, i. [1856] 961 f. ; R. A.
Lipsius in DCB ii. [ISSO] 700-17 ; B. F. Westcott, Introd. to
Study of the Gospels^, London, 1S81, p. 466 f. ; Movers in Wetzer-
Welte2, i. [1882] 1036-84; T. 2ahn, Gesch. des Eanons, ii. [Leipzig,
* Tischendorf's prize essay, De Evangeliorum Apocryphorum
origine et usu, appeared in iS51 ; Hilgenfeld's serviceable Evan-
gelium sec. Hebrceos, etc., in 1866.
t C. J. Ellicott's ' Dissertation on the Apocryphal Gospels' in
Cambridge Essays, 1856, is apologetic.
I A translation of the Arabic Gospel of the Infancy, with notes.
1892] 621-97 ; A. Harnack, op. cit. i. 4-25, ii. 1. 589 f. ; R. Hof-
mann, in PRE^ i. [1896] 653 f. (Eng.tr. i. [1908] 225-29); M. R.
James in EBi i. [1899] 258-69 ; Batiffol, in Vigouroux's Diet, de
la Bible, ii. [1899] 2114-18; A. Ehrhard, Altchristl. Lit., Frei-
burg i. B., 1900, pp. 123-47; O. Bardenhewer, Gesch. der
altkirchl. Lit.\ L [do. 1913] § 31 ; J. G. Tasker in UDB v.
[1904] 420-38; A. F. Findlay in DCG\. [1906] 671-85; J.
Leipoldt, Gesch. des neutest. Kanons, i. [Leipzig, 1907] § 21 ;
R. Knopf in RGG i. [1908-09] 543 £f. ; H. Jordan, Gesch. der
altchristl. Lit., Leipzig, 1911, pp. 74-78; H. Waitz, in PRE^
xxxii. [1913] 79-93 ; and L. St. A. WeUs, in ERE vi. [1913]
346-352. The discussions of Lipsius, Zahn, and Harnack are
most important, together with the criticisms of Tasker andWaitz.
In several NT Introductions the uncanonical Gospels are
included, especially by F. Bleek {Einleitung in das NT*,
Berlin, 1886, p. 406 f.) ; G. Salmon {Introd. to the NT9, London,
1899, pp. x-xi) ; and J. E. Belser {Einleitung in das NT,
Freiburg i. B., 1905, p. 789 f.); there is a chapter on them in
E. Renan's L'Eglise chretienne, Paris, 1879, ch. xxvi., as well
as in F. C. Burkitt's Gospel Hist, and its Transmission,
Edinburgh, 1906, p. 324 f. ; and a recent Spanish monograph by
E. C. Carillo {Los Evangelios Ap6crifos, Paris, 1913); also
the relevant paragraphs in Resch's Agrapha {TU v. 4, Leipzig,
1889) and in Histories of Christian literature, e.g. C. T.
Cruttwell's lAt. Hist, of Early Christianitu, London, 1893, \.
160-174; G. Kriiger's Altchristl. Litt."^, Freiburg, 1898, §16;
and P. Wendland's Die urchristl. Literaturformen'^, Ttibingen'
1912, pp. 292-301.
3. Writing at the close of the 1st cent. A.D.,
St. Luke observes in the preface to his Gospel that
'many' had already undertaken to compose a
narrative of the life of Jesus : ttoWoI iirexelprjffav
dvaTd^aaOai dirjy-qcnv, kt\. (1'), He does not intend
to convey any impression of disparagement by the
term iirexelp-riffav. He is not satished with their
■work, but he does not dismiss his predecessors as
unauthorized. Nor does he claim for himself any
special inspiration. What others have done he
proposes to do ; only, it is to be in a more com-
plete and orderly fashion.
The Muratorian Canon, in its extant form, does
not happen to mention any uncanonical Gospels
which are to be avoided by the faithful, unless we
are meant to understand some of them as included
in the obscure closing words. But more than a hun-
dred years after St. Luke wrote his preface, Origen
commented on it as follows : ' Possibly the term
iTrexelpTT^o-v contains an implicit condemnation of
those Avho betook themselves hastily and without
any spiritual gift (xapicr/xaroj) to the composition
of Gospels. Thus jNIatthew ovk iTrex^lpri(7ev, but
wrote under the impulse of the Holy Spirit ; so did
Mark and John, and similarly Luke. But those
Avho composed the Gospel called Kar' A/yi^Trrioi/s and
that entitled Tau' Aw5e\-a, they iirex^lp-qixav. There
is also a Gospel Kara Qwixav current. Basilides has
also ventured to write a Gospel Kara Ba<nM8r]v.
Many indeed iirexeipyjcxav : there is the Gospel
Kara 'hlaOLav and many others ; but the Church of
God accepts only the four.' It is not certain
whether Origen intended to suggest that the first
two or three Gospels which he named were among
the uninspired predecessors of Luke. Probably he
did. But the interest of the passage for us lies
in the names of the Gospels which his erroneous
interpretation of iirexeipTja-av leads him to mention.
They must have been among the most prominent
of those known to him.
In the 4th cent, Eusebius {HE iii. 25) ends his
catalo,gue of the canonical or accepted Scrijjtures
with the remark that his object in drawing it up
has been ' that we may know both these works
and those cited by heretics under the name of the
apostles, including, for example, such books as
tlie Gospels of Peter, of Thomas, of Matthias, or of
any others besides them. . . . They are not to be
placed even among the rejected writings (iv vodoi^),
but are all to be put aside as absurd and impious.'
Further down in the same century we come upon
Ambrose (CSEL xxxii. p. 10 f.), in his prologue
to an exposition of Luke, following Origen almost
verbatim. He admits that some of these un-
canonical Gospels are read by orthodox Christians,
e.g. the Gospel of the Twelve, the Gospel of
480 GOSPELS (UjS^CANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANOJSICAL)
Basilides, the Gospel of Thomas, and the Gospel
of Matthias ('novi aliud scriptum secundum
Matthian '). But ' we read, lest we should be
ignorant ; we read, not in order to keep but to
repudiate them ' !
In the prologue to his commentary upon Matthew,
Jerome (A.D. 346-420) also mentions some of the
uncanonical Gospels, but his information adds
nothing to the data supplied by Origen, from
whom he probably derived in the main his know-
ledge of these documents. After quoting Luke's
preface, he applies its language to Gospels 'like
that according to the Egyptians, and according to
Thomas, and according to Matthias, and according
to Bartholomew, also the Gospel of the Twelve
Apostles, and of Basilides, and of Apelles, as well
as others which it would take a very long time
to enumerate.' Following Origen, he interprets
Luke's eir£X€Lpr}<rav of unauthorized, uninspired
attempts. To them the prophetic word of Ezekiel
applies (13*- ^) : ' Woe to them that prophesy out of
their own heart, wlio walk after their own spirit,
who say. Thus saith the Lord, and the Lord has not
sent them.' Also, the word of Jn 10*: 'all who
came before me were thieves and robbers.' Note,
says Jerome, ' they ca/7ie ' ; not ' they were sent' !
In Pope Innocent's Epistle (A.D. 405) to Jerome's
friend. Bishop Exsuperius of Toulouse, the canonical
list is followed by a note of ' cetera autem qute uel
sub nomine Mathiae siue lacobi minoris ; uel sub
nomine Petri et lohannis, quoe a quodam Leucio
scripta sunt ; uel sub nomine Andre£e, quse a
Xenocaride et Leonida philosophis ; * uel sub
nomine Thomae ; et si qua sunt alia ; non solum
repudianda uerum etiam noueris esse damnanda.'
This is a fair specimen of the opinions held by
the authorities of the Western Church ; but the
official view did not represent the popular, and, as
Leipoldt observes,t ' such opponents of the apoc-
ryphal Gospels were doubtless in the minority.
The majority of theologians treated books like
the Gospels of James and Thomas not indeed as
canonical but stilLas genuinely apostolic'
Finally, the so-called 'Decretum Gelasianum de
libris recipiendis et non recipiendis'+ includes a
list of apocryphal § Gospels which, by the 6th cent.,
were supposed to have been in existence :
'Evangelium nomine Mathiae
„ ,, Barnabse !|
„ „ Jacobi minoris
„ „ Petri apostoli
„ „ ThomiB quibus Manichei
utuntur
Evangelia nomine Bartholoraaei
,, ,, Andrea}
,, quae falsavit Lucianus
,, ,, ,, Hesychius
Liber de infantia salvatoris
,, nativitate salvatoris et de Maria vel
obstetrici.'
By a gross blunder, arising perhaps from a mis-
reading of Jerome's prologue to the Gospels, tlie
writer mistakes the textual recensions of the
Gospels made by Lucian and Hesychius for apoc-
ryphal Gospels. This does not encourage hopes
of accurate information with regard to the other
* For a defence of the genuineness of this clause, which refers
to the Acts of Andrew, see JThSt xiii. [1911-12] 79-80.
t Geschichle des neutest. Kanons, i. p. 179 (cf. below, p. 482).
t Ed. von Dobschiitz, rtTxxxviii. 4 [1912]. He arg-ues for its
pseudonymous character, and dates it between a.d. 51!) and 535.
5 ' Apocryphum ' ('apocrypha'), which is appended to each
title, has its later opprobrious meaning.
II If there ever was a Gnostic Gospel of Barnabas, it may have
supplied part of the basis for the Muhammadan (Italian) Gospel
of Barnabas — a curious, docetic production (ed. L. and L. Rairpr,
Oxford, 1907). Cf. W. E. A. Axon in JThSt iii. [l'JOl-02] 441-451.
The Gospels of Barnabas and Matthias appear also at the end
of the list of the 60 hooks in Cod. Barocc. 206.
works, particularly when this blunder is regarded
as a misunderstanding of what Jerome had written.
Thus the writer appears to have had no independent
knowledge of the Gospels of Bartholomew and
Andrew ; his allusion to the former, as well as
to the Gospel of Mathias ( =napa56o-ets Mar^ta), is
probably drawn from Origen, his reference to the
latter from Innocent. He also confines himself to
Gospels bearing apostolic names.
It is not necessary to go further down for ecclesi-
astical strictures upon uncanonical Gospels. Those
already mentioned will suffice to give a fair idea of
tiie principal writings belonging to this class which
were from time to time banned by the authorities.
Some, no doubt, were not Gospels at all ; * some
were only censured from hearsay ; others, as we
shall see, existed and flourished in a more or less
provincial or surreptitious fashion. But the point
is that they had to be banned, and that the ban
was often ineffective.
i. We now pass from verdicts upon the uncan-
onical Gospels to an outline of the information
yielded by their extant fragments. But before
turning into this rank undergrowth of popular
literature in early Christianity, we must state and
define one or two general principles and methods
of criticism Avhich are essential to any survey of
the position.
(a) The present state of research offers almost
as many problems as results. In five directions,
especially, further inquiry is necessary before the
materials which are now accessible can be criti-
cally arranged and assimilated, (i.) The Coptic,
Sahidic, and Ethiopic fragments, which are being
still recovered, require to be sifted. In some cases,
as e.g. with regard to the Gospel of Bartholomew,
they may prove to furnish data for reconstructing
Gospels which hitherto have been mere names in
early Church history ; in other cases, they may
compel the re-valuation of material already known,
(ii.) The entire problem of the Jewish Christian
Gospels has been re-opened by the researches of
critics like Schmidtke and Waitz ; the relevant
factors are mainly supplied by the higher criticism
of writers like Origen, Jerome, and Epiphanius,
but the outcome of the discussion seriously affects
the estimate of primitive Gospels like that of
the Hebrews or of the Egyptians. The subject-
matter here is not so much new material as
allusions and quotations which require, or seem to
require, fresh study. (iii.) Several uncanonical
Gospels are still unedited, from the standpoint of
modern critical research ; even the extant Greek
and Latin MSS are not properly collated, in many
cases. The Gospels of Thomas and of Nicodemus
are instances in point. There is some prospect of
these defects being remedied systematically by
French scholars, but English investigation has
been sadly indifferent to such pressing needs in the
field of early Christian literature, (iv. ) Even where
texts have been edited thoroughly, problems of
higher criticism arise. In the case of Gospels, e.g.,
like the Protevangelium Jacobi, we are confronted
witli composite productions whose sources go back
to different circles and periods ; literary problems of
structure have to be solved. The numerous ver-
sions of some uncanonical Gospels might seem to
compensate for the fragmentary condition of others,
but in reality the versions are often equivalent to
fresh editions rather than to translations, and in
this way the recovery of the primitive nucleus is
sometimes rendered more difficult than ever, (v.)
Finally, the form and the content of the uncanonical
* Tatian's 'Gospel,' e.g., was simply the Diatessaron ; the
Gospel of Andrew was probably the Gnostic IleptoSoi of that
apostle ; the Gospel of Nicodemus was part of the Acts-literature
of the 2nd cent.; and several so-called Gnostic 'Gospels'
were no more than treatises on religion, as, for example, the Val-
entinian ' Gospel of the Truth ' (Iren- iii. 11. 9).
GOSPELS (UisXANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UIs^CANONICAL) 48 1
Gospels open problems of their own. The stories
occasionally show the naive popular imagination
working upon the Old Testament, but their methods
are wider. There is more in them than merely
Haggadic fancy, ' Les evangiles apocryphes,' says
Renan, ' sont les Pouranas du christianisme ; lis
ont pour base les 6vangiles canoniques. L'au-
teur prend ces 6vangiles comma un thfeme dont il
ne s'ecarte jamais, quU cherche seulement kdelayer,
k completer par les procedes ordinaires de la legende
hebraique.' But it was not simply Semitic methods
of compiling a midrash that were followed by the
authors of the uncanonical Gospels. Allowance
has also to be made for the influence of Hellenistic
romances, particularly in the light of recent in-
vestigations by Norden and Reitz«nstein.* This
line of inquiry has not yet been followed up ; it
will lead probably to valuable conclusions with
regard to the literary texture of certain strata in
these Gospels. More attention has been paid to
the influence of Buddhistic and Egyptian religion
upon the matter of Gospels like those of the
Egyptians, of Thomas, and of Peter. Here also
problems are emerging which require careful
scrutiny, in view of contemporary research into
the syncretistic religious situation of the 2nd
cent., particularly but not exclusively with
regard to the elements of Gnosticism. In the
edifying romance of Barlaam and loasaph a later
writer adapted boldly tlie story of Buddha to the
ends of Christian monasticism. The Indian traits
in our uncanonical Gospels are less plain, but they
are probably present under passages which at first
sigiit are almost covered with Christian fancy and
doctrine.
(b) The close connexion between the extant frag-
ments and tiie agraplia renders it necessary to lay
down a special t principle of criticism, viz. that
wlien the same saying, in slightly diflerent versions,
recurs in more than one fragment, three possibili-
ties are open to the critic, (i.) The earlj' Christian
writer who quotes the saying as part of some
Gospel may be quoting loosely from memory, and,
either for that reason or for some other, confusing
one Gospel with another, (ii.) On the supposition
that the quotation is correctly assigned, it may
have been preserved in more than one Gospel ; it
is unlikely that certain sayings were monopolized
by one document. Or, when this possibility is set
aside, (iii. ) one Gospel may have borrowed from
another. There has been a tendency to ignore the
second of these possibilities, in particular. What
we know of certain Gospels may be enough to
show that a given quotation is incompatible with
their idiosyncrasies, but not all quotations possess
this characteristic quality, and room should be left
for the hypothesis that some allied Gospels con-
tained a good deal of common matter.
One illustration of this may be quoted, for the
sake of clearness. Take the well-known saying,
' He who seeks shall not cease till he finds, and
when he has found he shall wonder, and wondering
he shall reign, and reigning he shall rest.' The
last two clauses are cited by Clement of Alexandria
as part of the Gospel according to the Hebrews
(Strom, ii, 9. 45), but elseMhere (Strom, v. 14. 96)
he quotes the whole saying, without mentioning its
origin, in order to illustrate Plato's aphorism that
wonder is the beginning of philosophy. Independ-
ently, the entire saying has turned up among the
agrapha of the Oxyrhynchite Papyri, apparently
as part of a collection of words addressed by Jesus
to some disciples, including Thomas. In the later
* Cf . L. Radermacher's Das Jenseits im Mythos der Hellenen,
1903.
t But not, of course, an exceptional one. It bears also upon
the criticism of the Synoptic Gospels, particularly in the differ-
entiation of Mark and Q.
VOL. I. — 31
Acts of Thomas (ed. Bonnet, 1883, p. 243) an echo
of the saying also recurs : ' Those who partake
worthily of the good things there [i.e. in the
treasury of the holy King] rest, and resting they
shall reign,' and, as if this were not enough, the
problem is fmther complicated by what sounds
like an echo in 2 Clem. v. 5 (' know, brothers, that
the sojourning of the flesh in this world is little
and for a brief time, whereas the promise of Christ
is great and wonderful, is rest in the kingdom to
come and in eternal life '), and by a very faint echo
in the Traditions of Matthias, if we can trust Clement
of Alexandria (Strom, ii. 9. 45), who cites from the
latter, ' Wonder at what is before you,' to illustrate
again the Platonic doctrine of wonder.
Now it is tempting to deduce from this, among
otlier indications, that the common source of the
Oxyrhynchite Logia and the quotations in 2 Clera.
was the Gospel according to the Egyptians, or
that this saying is a water-mark of some Thomas
Gospel. The former hypothesis would be cor-
roborated if the source of the quotations in 2 Clem,
could be proved to be the Gospel of the Egyptians,
for the echo in 2 Clem, follows close upon one of
these quotations (see p. 495), and upon the whole
this is the least improbable hypothesis. But the
second of the possibilities (ii.) is as feasible as
the third (iii.). It is at any rate hasty to assume
that such a saying was only accessible in a single
document.
(c) It is also fair to remember that some of the
early uncanonical Gospels are known to us only in
fragments and quotations made usually for the
purpose of proving their outr6 character. This
easily gives a wrong impression of their contents.
Suppose, for example, that all we knew of the
canonical Matthew amounted to a few passages
like 2^ 5I8-19 76 s^t. i7L'4-a7 1912 ^nd 27^^-53^ sup-
pose that Luke's Gospel was preserved in stray
quotations of 2^^-49 45 6:0-21 g'" IG^ 18^^ and
24^'-'3 — would our impression of the Gospels in
question be very much more misleading than may
be the case with Gospels like those of the Hebrews
or of the Egyptians or of the Nazarenes ? It is
possible that some of the uncanonical Gospels may
not have been so eccentric as they seem to us.
But, even wlien allowance is made for this possi-
bility of an error in our focus, the general character
of most of the uncanonical Gospels must be recog-
nized (cf. § 1). When Archbishop Magee preached
before the Church Congress at Dublin, an Irish
bishop is reported to have said that the sermon
did not contain enough gospel to save a tom-tit.
An evangelical critic might say the same about
the uncanonical Gospels, for the most part, and
he would not be saying it in haste. It is rare,
upon the Avhole, to come across any touches or
traditions which even suggest that by their help we
can fill out the description of the Synoptic Gospels.
As we read Marlowe's Fanstus or Goethe's Faust
for reasons quite other than a wish to ascertain
the facts about the real Faustus of the 16th
cent., so it is with the majority of the un-
canonical Gospels. Their interest for us is not in
any fresh light which they may be expected to
throw upon the character of the central Figure,
but in the evidence they yield us for ascertaining
the popular religion of the early Christian Churches,
the naive play of imagination upon the traditions
of the faith, and the fancies which the love of
story-telling employed to satisfy the more or less
dogmatic or at any rate the pious interests of
certain circles in Syria and Egypt especially.
The large majority of the uncanonical Gospels
belong to Church history rather than to NT criti-
cism, and to a period of Church history which is
mainly post-apostolic. Their varying background
covers several centuries and soils. They were
482 GOSPELS (UNCAXONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
being produced as late as the Muhammadan era,
and as early as the 1st cent. A.D. But, with one
or two exceptions, we cannot do justice to them
unless we set them not over against the Gospel
literature of the first hundred years after the
Death of Jesus but among the currents and move-
ments which occupy the subsequent two hundred
years of Christianity in the Mediterranean basin.
The interests wjiich led to their composition were
sometimes doctrinal. There was a constant desire *
to convey esoteric teaching under the guise of
revelations made by the risen Christ to His
disciples, between the Resurrection and the Ascen-
sion, for example ; there was also a desire to re-
cast or amplify the Synoptic traditions in order
to express certain views of the Christian gospel.
Furthermore, dogmatic interests led to the elabora-
tion of stories about tlie birth of Mary as well as
of Jesus, and to the composition of tales which
filled up the childhood of Jesus. But the latter
were as often due to naive curiosity as to dogmatic
aim, and a much larger part must be assigned to
the former motive (if it can be called a motive)
than is usually allowed. Here the influence of
Oriental folk-lore and mythology would naturally
operate, in addition to the desire to mark the fulfil-
ment of OT prophecies. And it would operate not
as a purely literary motive but as one result of
preaching and teaching. The same interests which
led to the rise of midrashic literature among the
Jews led to the rise of uncanonical Gospel-stories
among the early Christians. The popularity of
the latter was too strong to be put down by ecclesi-
astical decisions. Not even the strict use of
the canonical Gospels in the worship of the
Churches was able to check the popular appetite
for such tales and traditions as survive in the un-
canonical Gospel literature ; they were read for
private edification + even when they were not used
in worship ; and recent discoveries have proved
how numerous and wide-spread were the versions
of such Gospels even Avhen the term ' apocryphal '
in its opprobrious sense was being applied to them
by the authorities. The historical critic has some-
thing better to do than look in tliese Gospels for
primitive, authentic traditions about the teaching
and ministry of Jesus, which may correct or
supplement the nucleus preserved in the canoni-
cal Gospels ; if he does so, he will be likely
as a rule to look for a kingdom and find asses.
On the other hand, he has something better to
do than to pour indiscriminate ridicule on these
popular documents. Their ends and motives,
however little they may appeal to a modern
mind, were not always perverse. For example, in
one of the extant Sahidic Gospel-fragments (TS
iv. 2 [1896], pp. 165, 237), the narrator, after de-
scribing (partly as in the Protevangelium Jacobi,
21 ; see below, p. 484) how the star of Bethlehem
had • the form of a wheel, its figure being like
a cross, sending forth flashes of light ; letters
being written on the cross, This is Jesus the
Son of God,' anticipates an objection. 'Someone
will say to me. Art thou then adding a supple-
ment to the Gospels?' Unfortunately, the frag-
ment breaks off here, and we have no means of
knowing how the writer answered his critic, unless
• Which, as we learn from Clement of Alexandria (Eus. UE
ii. 1), was by no means confined to Gnostic Christians (see W.
Wrede, Das Messias<jehe.imnis in den Enan'jelien, 1901, p. iU\ (.).
t There is a si^cnilicant indication of tliis in Jerome's letter
to Laeta, advising her how to bring up her daughter (Ep. cvii.
12). The girl is to read 'tlie Gospels, which are never to be
laid aside. . . . Let her eschew all apocryiihal writings ; if she
desires to read them not for the truth of their doctrines but out
of reverence for their miracles, let her understand that they
are not the work of those whose names they bear, that many
faulty things are mixed up in them, and that it requires great
discretion to look for gold among mud.' This was written in
A.D. 403.
from a Coptic sermon of Euodius, who praises
such supplements — evidently as justified by Jn
203i> 2P5. It is not often that we come upon any
such self-consciousness in the writers of the un-
canonical Gospels. Usually we have to infer their
spirit and aim from the contents of their work.
But even so, the naive temper which characterizes
several of the leading uncanonical Gospels is as
noteworthy as the theological tendencies which
dominate others.
5. The very fact that such Gospels were com-
posed is significant, in view of the fact that
' Gospel ' in the 2nd cent, began to be limited to
the sayings and deeds of Jesus.* It proves the
steady interest in Jesus, even in circles whei'e the
interest was due to tendencies more or less semi-
Christian in character. No doubt, several of the
uncanonical ' Gospels,' as we shall see,t were not
originally called Gospels at all, while even those
Avhicli professed to be such should be rather de-
scribed as religious handbooks or treatises ; still,
even after we make such qualifications, we must
recognize that, whether an uncanonical Gospel
wished to make Jesus more or less of a human
being than the Synoptic or Johannine tradition
presented, there was a wide-spread desire to convey
new ideas by means of a tradition about His
personality. Acts of various apostles were not
sutficient ; even apocalypses did not meet the
demand. Gospels were necessary, and Gospels
were supplied. t
This involved not only a dissatisfaction with
the canonical Gospels, on the score of what they
contained as well as of what they omitted, but a
certain dependence upon them, in several cases.
The unknown authors, as Renan neatly puts it,
' font pour les dvangiles canoniques ce que les
auteurs des Post-homerica out fait pour Hom^re,
ce que les auteurs relativement modernes de
Dionysiaques ou d'Argonautiques ont fait pour
I'epopee grecque. lis traitent les parties que
les canoniques ont avec raison negligees ; ils
ajoutent ce qui aurait pu arriver, ce qui paraissait
vraisemblable ; ils developpent les situations par
des rapprochements artificiels empruntes aux
textes sacres.' For a certain class of the uncan-
onical Gospels, this is fairly accurate, but others
make remarkably little use of the canonical nar-
ratives except as points of departure. Renan's
subsequent remark also requires modification :
' Comme le catholicisme degener6 des temps
modernes, les auteurs d'evangiles apocryphes
se rabattent sur les c6t6s puerils du christian-
isme, I'Enfant Jesus, la sainte Vierge, saint
Joseph. Le Jesus veritable, le J^sus de la vie
publique, les depasse et les effraye.' Renan is
thinking here of the Gospels of the Infancy.§ But
since his day discoveries of papyri and manuscripts
have shown that even the Mission and Manhood
of Jesus did not entirely escape the notice of the
uncanonical Gospels.
This enables us to fix upon a principle of
arrangement for these Gospels. It is open to the
critic at this point to follow one or other of three
paths. One is to group them on a principle which
partly estimates their form and partly takes into
account their character, viz. Gospels of the Syn-
• Cf. Harnack's Constitution and Law of the Church, 1910,
p. 308 f .
t E.g. the Gospels of Nicodemus and of Andrew (p. 4S0),
besides tlie later ' Eternal Gospel ' of Abbot Joachim (beg. of
loth cent.) based on Rev U*". The Gosi>el of Thaddajus o\ye3
ils existence apparently to a variant reading of 'Mathiio'
as ' Matthaji' in the text of the Decrettim Gelasianum (cf. ron
Dobschutz's note in TU xxxviii. 4 [1912J p. 293).
J The literary form of 'Gospel 'came to be indistinguishable
more tlian once from that of ' Acts ' (cf. the ' Gospel of Mary ')
as well as from that of 'Apocalypse.'
5 An admirable account of their motives and characteristics
is given by Meyer in Hennecke's Neutest. Apok., pp. 90-105.
GOSPELS (UXCA^sOXICAL)
GOSPELS (U:N'CAN0NICAL) 483
optic type which have some claim to represent
early tradition ; Gospels which are Gnostic or
heretical ; and Gospels which aim at supplementing
tJie gaps in the canonical stories especially of the
Birth and Resurrection. This is the usual method
since Harnack. Another is (cf. Nicolas, op. cit.
p. 17 f.) to divide them into [a) pro-Jewish, i.e.
Gospels mainly practical, in which Christianity is
presented as the renovation of the OT ; (b) anti-
Jewish ; and (c) unsectarian. But there are serious
difficulties in carrying out this arrangement, and
it is best, upon the whole, to classify them accord-
ing to their subject-matter, viz. those devoted to
the parents and birth of Jesus, those which cover
the course of His life, and those which narrate the
Passion and Resurrection. Tischendorf's plan was
different : ' Quod ita instituam ut tria liberorum
horum evangelicorum genera distinguam, quorum
primum comprehendit qui ad parentes Jesu atque
ipsius ortum, alteram qui ad infantiam eius,
tertium qui ad fata eius ultima spectant.' But
materials have accumulated since Tischendorf
wrote, which show that the middle part of the life
of Jesus was not left untouched by the authors of
this literature. It used to be argued, indeed, that
the uncanonical Gospels showed next to no interest
in the central part of the life of Jesus, between His
Baptism and the Passion. Even if this were the
case, it would not be quite so remarkable as
might appear. Such a concentration of interest
upon the beginning and end of the life was natural
to the early Church. For example, after finishing
an account of the origin of the four Gospels, the
author of the Muratorian Canon proceeds : ' Con-
sequently, although various elements are taught
in the several books of the Gospels, this makes no
difference to the faith of believers, inasmuch as by
one controlling Spirit all things are announced
in all of them with regard to the Nativity, the
Passion, the Resurrection, His intercourse with His
disciples (conversatione cum discipulis suis), and
His two-fold advent.' Here the salient points
selected lie outside the central part of the life of
Jesus, unless we admit a partial exception in the
allusion to intercourse with the disciples. But
the uncanonical Gospels do not entirely ignore
this section. Even apart from the famous corre-
spondence of Jesus * and Abgar (Eus. HE i. 13), or
— in the form which it assumes in the Doctrina
Addcei — His oral message to that monarch, we
possess several Gospels which must have covered
the ministry of our Lord, and the Oxyrhynchite
fragment (see below, p. 499) now swells their number.
Any classification has its own drawbacks, owing
to the heterogeneous and fi'agmentary character
of the extant materials ; but the triple arrange-
ment proposed has, upon the whole, fewer obstacles
than either of its rivals. In the following dis-
cussion, tlierefore, the uncanonical Gospels will be
treated as follows :
(1) Gospels relating to the Birth and Infancy of
Jesus ; (2) general Gospels, covering His entire life
and ministry, from the Birth to the Resurrection,
either on the type of Matthew-Luke or of Mark-
John ; (3) Gospels of the Passion and Resurrection.
I. Gospels relatisg to the Birth and In-
fancy of Jesus.— (a) The Proteyangelium Jacob!.
— A certain element of romance attaches to this
uncanonical Gospel. During his travels in the
East, "William Postel, a French humanist of the
16th cent., who devoted himself to Oriental lan-
guages and comparative philology, came across
an edifying treatise which was read in several
• For traces of similar epistles of Jesus, cf . Augustine, de Con-
sensu evang. 1. 9-10. For the ' epistle of Christ which fell from
heaven," cf. G. Morin in Revue Binidictine (1899), p. 217 f.,
and a monograph on its Eastern version and recension bj' M.
Bittner in the Denkschrifien der hail. Akad. der Wissenschaften
(PMlos. Hist. Klasse, vol. IL Abth. 1) for 1906.
churches. He procured a copy of the work, and
cherished great expectations about his find.*
Here was the original prologue to Mark's Gospel,
' evangelii ad hunc diem desiderata basis et funda-
mentuin, in quo suppletur summa fide quicquid
posset optari.'
Postel's Latin version was published in 1552 by Theodore
Bibliander (Proteuangclion seu de natalibxis Jesu Christi et
ipsius matris virginis Marioe sermo historicus divi Jacobi
minoris . . . ). The Greek text was first published by M.
Neander (Apocrypha ; hoc est narrationes de Christo, Maria,
Josepho, cognatione et familia Jesa Christi extra Biblia . . .
inserto etiam Prutevangelio Jacobi groece, in Oriente nuper
reperto, necdum edito hactenus . . . 1563, re-issued in 1567),
who did not share Postel's or Bibliander's enthusiasm t for the
treatise. One of Tischendorf's MSS (A) was edited by C. A.
Suckow in 1840 (Proteiangelium Jacobi ex codice ins. Vene-
tiano descripsit, prolegomenis, varietatelectionum, notis criticis
inslructum edidit), and a Fa^yfim parchment fragment con-
taining 72-101 was published iii 1896 by B. P. Grenfell (An Alex-
andrian Erotic Fragment and other Greek Papyri, pp. 13-19).
In spite of these and other contributions, however, ' the Greek
MSS — the oldest of which is a Bodleian fragment from Egypt of
cent, v-vi — are very numerous and verj' incompletely known ;
the versions have not been exhaustively studied ; and many
important questions, especially those affecting the integrity of
the book, must still be regarded as open' (il. R. James, in
JThSt xii.[1910-ll] 625).
The work itself professes to be a lo-ropla or Si-ffpiffn
(25' ), and the narrative runs as follows.
The first part (1-18^) opens by describing how the
wealthy Joachim and his wife Anna lamented
over the fact that they had no child. Joachim is
told, to his chagrin, by Reuben (the high priest?)
that his childlessness disqualifies him from pre-
senting his offerings to God. Anna, praying in
the garden and looking up to heaven, is reminded
afresh of her childlessness by the sight of a
sparrow's nest in a laurel bush ; she breaks into
the following lament (3 : spoiled in the Syriac, and
omitted in the Armenian, version) :
* Woe is me ! who begat me, and what womb produced me?
For I was born accursed before the sons of Israel,
I am reproached, and they have driven me with Jeers
from the Lord's temple.
Woe is me ! what am I like ?
I am not like the birds of heaven,
for the birds of heaven are fruitful before thee, O Lord.
Woe is me ! what am I like ?
I am not like the beasts of the earth,
for even the beasts of the earth are fruitful befor« thee, O
Lord.
Woe is me ! what am I like?
I am not like these waters,
for even these waters are fruitful before thee, Lord.
Woe is me ! what am I like ?
I am not like this earth,
for even this earth bears ita fruits in season and blesses
thee, O Lord.'
An angel assures her that God will give her a
child, and eventually Mary is bom — the idea of
the stoiy corresponding thus to that of John the
Baptist's birth in Lk P*-. Anna now proceeds to
fulfil her vow of consecrating the child to God.J
The baby is not allowed to walk on the common
earth till her parents take her, at the age of
three, to Jerusalem, M'here she is welcomed by the
priest and left in the temple, ' like a dove nestling
* Hallam describes him as ' a man of some parts and_ more
reading, but chiefly known ... for mad reveries of fanaticism '
(Introd. to the Literature of Europe^, 1847, i. 468).
t Henry Stephen, in his Introduction au traiti de la con-
formiti des merveilles anciennes avee les modemes, ou traiti
pr¶tif d I'apologie pour H&rodote (1566), openly expressed
his disgust at Postel's production, whose origin and popularity
he could explain only as a deliberate manoeuvre of Satan!
X Anna's song of praise (63) is more appropriate than is usually
the case with such songs in the Bible :
• I will sing a song to the Lord my God,
for he has visited me and taken from me the reproach ot my
enemies ;
the Lord has g^iven me fruit of righteousness, a single fruit
but many-sided In his sight.
Who wiU tell the sons of Reuben that Anna is suckling ?
Hearken, hearken, ye twelve tribes of Israel : Anna is
suckling.'
484 GOSPELS (U]S"CAN"ON"ICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
there.' Her pai-ents, in a transport of wonder at
her, depart. They vanish from the story,* which
at once (8) hurries on to describe the action taken
by the priests when this wonder-child reached the
age of puberty (twelve or fourteen years — the MSS
vary). An angel bids Zechariah, the high priest,
summon the widowers (' bachelors,' in the Armenian
version) of Israel : ' let each bring his rod, and
whoever has a sign shown him by the Lord, his
shall the woman be.' Joseph is then suddenly
introduced (9'). 'And Joseph, throwing aside his
axe' — it is assumed that the readers know he was
a carpenter or joiner — went out to meet the heralds
(or, the widowers). A dove emerges from his rod,
and he is reluctantly assigned the charge of Mary.
He protests, ' I have sons, and I am an old nian,t
while she is a girl. I am afraid of becoming
ridiculous to the sons of Israel.' But he is warned
of the penalties attaching to disobedience, and
eventually agrees. Only, to ensure the credibility
of the virgin-birth, the author observes that Joseph
left her at once in his house and went off to a
distant task of building. Meanwhile the Annun-
ciation takes place, Mary visits her kinswoman
Elizabeth, and returns home. When she is six
months pregnant, Joseph returns home, and is
distressed at her condition. He has been put in
charge of this virgin, and he has failed to keep his
charge ! ' Who has deceived me (her) ? Who has
done this evil deed in my house and defiled the
maiden ? Has not the story of Adam been re-
enacted in my case? As the serpent came and
found Eve alone, and beguiled her, when Adam
was singing praise, so with me.' In a dream,
however, an angel reassures Joseph. Neverthe-
less, when the authorities of the Temple discover
Mary's condition, Josej^h is charged with the crime
of having secretly married a virgin whom he under-
took to guard. First he, and then Mary, are made
to undergo the ordeal of Nu 5^^ They pass the
test scatheless. 'And the priest said, "Since the
Lord God has not disclosed your sins, neither do
I condemn you " (ovde iyCj Kplvu i>/ids ; of. Jn 8").
So he sent them away. And Joseph took Mary
and went home, rejoicing and glorifying the God
of Israel.' J
The story then (17-18^) describes Joseph and
Mary travelling to Bethlehem as in Lk 2^. On
the road, ' Joseph turned and saw she was sad ;
but he said to himself, " Perhaps what is in her is
paining her." Again Joseph turned and saw she
was laughing. So he said to her, " Mary, what
does this mean ? Why do I see your face now
laughing and now sad ? " And Mary said to
Joseph, "Because I see with my eyes two peoples,
one wailing and lamenting, the other rejoicing and
exulting." '§ As the time of her delivery is im-
minent, Joseph leads her into a cave ((nrifiXaiov),
leaves her in charge of his sons, and goes off ' in
search of a Hebrew midwife in the district of
Bethlclieni' (18').
A t this point ( 1 8^) the narrative || suddenly changes
to the first person : ' and I Joseph was walking and
not walking, etc' All nature is still and silent.
* The Armenian version (3) kills them both off ' in one year '
at this point.
t In his vehement attack on Helvidius, Jerome insists that
Joseph as well as Mary was a virjfin. The Protevancjeliuin is
content to show how he could not have been the real father of
Jesus.
J This must have been a serviceable episode for apologetic
purposes ; the story of Mt I'Sf- did not vindicate Mary to anyone
except her husband. But it was specially essential to the
argument of our author, who is at pains to show that there
was no question of a real marriage between Joseph and Mary.
§ This prophetic vision is a blend of L,k 234 and Gn 2.'i'-^ (where
the two nations are in Rebecca's womb). In pseudo-Matthew they
become the Jews and the Gentiles. Here they are probably no
more than the unbelieving and the believing. Mary suffers no
birth-pangs ; her sorrow is purely spiritual.
li Of. UeLacy 0*Leary in/»tt«m.youf7i.4poc.x3txv. [1913], p.70f.
The birds of the air are motionless ; so are all
animals and human beings within sight. Joseph
secures a midwife, carefully explaining to her that
Mary has conceived by the Holy Spirit. But in the
middle of their conversation the narrative again *
resumes the third person (19'), and a further abrupt
touch t occurs in 19^, where the midwife leaves the
cave ' and Salome met her.' Salome, like Thomas
(Jn 20^"), refuses to believe the story of the virgin-
birth without tangible evidence. This she receives,
with a temporary punishment for her incredulity.
She carries the child, in obedience to an angel's
command, crying, 'I will worship Him (i.e. God), J
for a great King has been born for Israel.' The nar-
rative then proceeds (20^) : ' and she went out of the
cave justified (SeStKatw/t^v??). And lo a voice said to
her, " Salome, Salome, do not proclaim the miracles
(TrapdSofa) you have seen, till the child reaches
Jerusalem.'"' And {2V) Joseph was ready to go
into Judaea,'
Here the line of the narrative is again broken
abruptly. Joseph is never mentioned again. 21'-
22- re-tells Mt 2"-, with elaborations. The magi
have seen ' a star of enormous size, shining among
these stars and eclipsing their light.' The star
conducts them to the cave, where the magi .see ' the
infant with his mother Mary ; and they brought
out of their wallet gifts of gold, incense, and
myrrh. And being instructed by the angel not
to enter Judaea, they went to their own land by
another road.' § The omission of Joseph would not
of itself be significant (in view of Mt 2'-'2), were it
not that in 22^'^ the initiative is assigned to Mary
instead of to Joseph (as in Mt 2'*'-). Hearing of
Herod's order to massacre all children of two years
and under, Mary hides the child Jesus in an ox-
stall. Evidently, the original narrative ignored
the flight to Egypt. But what it substituted for
this remains a mystery, for at this point (22^) the
story suddenly breaks into an account of John the
Baptist and his parents. The child John is among
the infants sought for by Herod, and Elizabeth in
despair prays to a mountain in the hill-country,
'O mountain of God, receive mother and child.'
The mountain immediately parts in two and
shelters them, protected by a light ('for an angel
of the Lord was with them, watching over them').
Herod, unable to make Zechariah (who is high
priest) confess the whereabouts of his child, has
him murdered inside the Temple, on the ground
that • his son is to be king over Israel,' At day-
break, as Zechariah does not come out, one of the
priests ventures inside ; he sees clotted blood beside
the altar, and hears a voice saying, ' Zechariah has
been murdered, and his blood shall not be wiped up
until his avenger comes.' His body is never found,
but his blood turned to stone. The Simeon of Lk
2"* is chosen by lot to succeed him, and with this
the story ends. The epilogue runs : ' I, James, the
writer of this history, when a riot arose in Jerusa-
lem at the death of Herod, withdrew myself to the
desert till the riot in Jerusalem ceased, glorifying
the Lord God who gave me the gift and the wisdom
to write this history.' The book thus professes to
be written not only by an eye-witness but imme-
diately after the event.
In spite of Zahn's and Conrady's arguments to
• The Syriac fragment passes straight from 182 to 19^.
t Possibly echoed in Clem. Strom, vii. 16. 93.
i Jesus, in the Syriac as in pseudo-Matthew (see below,
p. 488).
§ The simplicity of the story is noticeable ; in the primitive
form (expanded in the versions and later MSS) the magi do not
even adure the child, and no attempt is made to name them, as
in the Armenian version, which calls them Melchior, prince of
Persia, Baltasar, prince of India, and Caspar, prince of Arabia.
The angel goes to them at once after the Annunciation, ' and
they were led by the star for nine months, and then came and
arrived in time for the birth from the holy virgin.' This is
reproduced in the Coventry Nativity play.
GOSPELS (UNCAN0:N'ICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCA^ONICAL) 485
the contrary, it is almost necessary to postulate
the composite character of the Protevangelium,
although the sources cannot be disentangled with
much precision. Even in 1-18^ there are traces of
different strata, e.g. the sudden introduction of
Joseph in 9\ and the episode of Mary sewing the
purple and scarlet* for the veil of the Temple (10,
12). The latter episode could be parted from the
context not only without difficulty but with a gain
to the sequence of the narrative.! On the other
hand, neither 1-18^ nor 18^-22^ can be regarded as
complete sources. The legend of Zechariah's
murder in 22*- 24, on the other hand, is a water-
mark of late origin. In the light of the investiga-
tions by A. Berendts.J it is clearly subsequent to
Origen, who knows quite a different version of
Zechariah's death — one which connects it closely
with the virginity of Mary (he was murdered,
according to this tradition, between the Temple
and the altar, for having permitted Mary to enter
the court of the virgins after she had given birth
to Jesus). Had Origen read 22^-24 in his j8i'/3\os
'Ia/cw/3ou, he would not have written as he has done
upon Mt 23*^ For the existence of the legend in
the form of 22*-24 the first evidence is from Peter
of Alexandria (t A.D. 311), and even this evidence
is not absolutely decisive.
Whether the composite work underwent suc-
cessive expansions or, as is less likely, was recast
by a Gnostic author, P-18^ which is practically
a yivv7iffi,s Ma/jiay, probably belonged to the book of
James, from which Origen quotes. His quotation
is based on this part, and on this part alone ; the
rest of the book never mentions the other children
of Joseph. \i the conclusion (25) was part of the
original romance, the story must have included the
incidents of Herod's massaci-e, tliough in a form
difieriiig from that preserved in the Apocalypse of
Zechariah § as it now appears in 22^-24. For some
reason, the latter must have been substituted for
the original conclusion, or added to a narrative
which had lost its ending. Whether 18^-21^ was
also an extract from some Apocryphum Josephi,
which became appended to 1-18\ or whether the
author of the book of James himself combined the
fragment with his other source, is a problem which
cannot be decided definitely either way, in view of
the obscurity surrounding the literary origins of
this as of most other pseudepigrapha.
Here, too, as in the Oxyrhynchite fragment (cf.
p. 499), the attempt to describe the conditions of
Jewish ritual shows the writer's ignorance. That
Joachim should be repelled from his right to offer
in the Temple on the score of childlessness (P), and
that girls could remain within the Temple like
vestals, are only two of the unhistorical touches
which indicate unfamiliarity with the praxis of
Judaism. The romancer knows his OT better.
And he knows it in Greek. The attempt to
establish a Hebrew original for the Protevangelium
has been unsuccessful ; it is bound up with a
desire to put it earlier than the Synoptic Gospels,
on which, as on the LXX, it plainly depends. But,
as it is uncertain whether Justin Martyr owes to
it touches like that of the cave i| and the curious
* Perhaps, like the emphasis on the wealth of her parents, a
reply to the current depreciation (Orig:. Cels. i. 28 f.) of their
position. But the wealth of Joachim is probahly taken over
from that of his namesake in Sus !■•.
t The obscure sentence in 10, ' At that time Zechariah was
dumb, and Samuel took his place, until Zechariah spoke,' may
be an interpolation ; but even if ' Simeon ' (cf. Lk 225) \^ xg&A
for ' Samuel ' with some MSS, it remains an erratic block. It
seems to presuppose the story (or the tradition) of Lk 16f%
J Studien iiber Zachariaa • Apokryphen und Zachariaa •
Legenden, 1895, p. 37 f.
§ Some details from this seem to underlie the Armenian version
in ch. 3.
II According to Chaeremon, the Eg^yptian historian (quoted by
Josephus, c. Apion. 1. 32 [292]), the mother of Rameses also bore
him in a cave.
phrase about Mary in Dial. 100 (cf. Protev. 12'),
the date of the earliest section cannot be assigned
definitely to the first quarter of the 2nd century.
In the Armenian Church the Protevangelium formed the basis
for the first part of a large work which included a Gospel of the
Infancy and later apocrypha on the life and miracles of Jesus.
According to F. C. Conybeare, who prints one or two chapters of
the section based on the Protevangelium {AJTh i. [1897] 424-
442), the entire work consists of 28 chapters, and goes back to
an older S3riac text which was used by Ephrem Syrus. The short
S3'riac fragment published by \ir\%\\\, {Contributions to the Apoc-
ryphal Literature of the NT, p. 17 f.) gives merely a somewhat
abbreviated form of 17-25. The larger, complete, Syriac version
published by Mrs. A. S. Lewis (Studia Sinaitica, xi. [1902]), is in
all probability a version of some Greek text practically corre-
sponding to Tiscliendorf's. Both in the Syriac and in the
Armenian versions the Protevangelium forms only the intro-
duction for subsequent apocrypha on the Nativity or on Mary.
Versions of the Protevangelium abound, testifying to its wide
popularitj' as a reliirious story-book in the early Church. In
addition to the Armenian, there were Arabic and Slavonic
versions or editions, as well as Egyptian. A small Sahidic
fragment has been edited by Leipoldt {ZNTW, 1905, p. 106 f.).
The popialarity of the Protevangelium, even
apart from its advocacy of the absolute virginity of
Mary, is not unintelligible. The story is told with
much simplicity and pathos, in its original form.
There are vignettes of peasant life, of nature, and
of domestic all'ection, which single it out from the
other uncanonical Gospels — glimpses, for example,
of Anna standing at the door as her husband drives
home his flocks, and running to embrace him ; of
Elizabeth dropping her needlework and running to
the door when Mary knocks ; or of Anna (in the
Armenian text) tossing her baby merrily in her
arms. None of the Infancy Gospels is so free from
extravagance and silliness. The child Jesus is a
child, and, if the halo has begun to glow round the
head of Mary, she is still a woman. No tinge of
Docetism makes her unreal. Even the narrator
keeps himself strictly in the background. The
skill with which the author has contrived to tell
his story is best appreciated when we compare the
crude, coarse handling to which some of its materials
are subjected in the Gospel of Thomas or the Gospel
of pseudo-Matthew.
Occasionally there are touches which remind
the reader of Buddhistic legends ; e.g. in the 1st
cent. (A.D.) life of Buddha (cf. Chinese version in
SBE xix. [1883]) Buddha is born miraculously, 'with-
out causing his mother pain or anguish' (11*), and
at his birth ' the various cries and confused sounds
of beasts were hushed, and silence reigned ' (IP*).
But the proofs of Buddhistic influence are not
cogent (cf. von Dobschiitz in ThLZ, 1896, pp. 442-
446); the comparative study of folk-lore in its
modern phases renders hesitation on this point
prudent.
Special Literature. — L. Conrady's hypotheses of its Semitic
original and its priority to the birth-stories of Matthew and
Luke are printed in SK (1889) 728-784, and Die Quelle der
kanonischen Kindheitsgeschichte Jesus,, Qottingen, 1900. The
best editions are both French, by Emile Amann, Le Prot-
^vangile de Jacques et ses remaniements latins, Paris, 1910
(Greek text of Protev., Latin texts of pseudo-Matthew 1-17 and
the Nativity of Mary, with French translation, introduction,
and notes) ; and C. Michel, ProtAvangile de Jacques, pseudo-
Matthieu, £vangile de Thomas, textes annotin et traduits,
Paris, 1911 (with the Coptic and Arabic versions of the History
of Joseph the Carpenter, translated with notes by Peeters);
cf. Haase, pp. 49-60.
(b) The Gospel of Thomas.—
The UaiSixd, or Gospel of Thomas, survives in two Greek re-
censions, one (A) longer than the other (B),* but the MSS are
not earlier than the 14th or 15th century. The Latin version (L),
however, survives in a Vienna palimpsest as yet undeciphered,
and the Syriac (S) in a MS of the 5th or 6th century.
No satisfactory edition has yet appeared, but Tischendorf's
Greek texts have been edited and translated by C. Michel,
Evangilea Apocryphes, L (1911), Protdoangile de Jacques, pseudo-
* In Peregrinus Proteus, 1879, p. 39 f., J. M. Cotterill
tries to show that A and B are from the same hand, and
that the author not only uses the LXX of Ecclesiastes but
deliberately parodies some verses of Proverbs — two equally
hazardous hypotheses.
486 GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
Matthieu, Evangile de Thomas ; S is published in Wright's Con-
tributions to the Apocryphal Literature of the New Testament,
pp. 6-11, etc.
According to Haase (pp. 38-48), L represents in the main a
version of A, while S also, though independently, resembles A;
but all imply a common source which is not extant.
We know from Hippolytus {Philosoph. v. 2), that
theNaassenes appealed, on behalf of their tenets, to
apassagein 'tlie Gospel according to Thomas,' which
ran as follows : * He who seeks Me will find Me in
children of seven and upwards (iv iraidLois drrb izQv
iTTTd), for hidden there I shall be manifested in the
fourteenth age {or seon, alQui).' No other citation
has been preserved.* Indeed, apart from the
reference of Eusebius (HE iii. 25. 6), it is only-
mentioned again by Cyril of Jerusalem, who twice
warns Christians against it as a Manichsean produc-
tion {Catech. iv, 36, 'There are only four Gospels in
the NT ; the rest are pseudepigrapha and noxious.
The Manichaeans wrote a Gospel according to
Thomas which, invested with the fragrance of the
evangelic name, corrupts simple souls '; vi. 31, ' Let
no one read the Gospel according to Thomas, for it
is not by one of the Twelve, but by one of Manes'
three wicked disciples'). Since the Manichseans
possessed a Gospel of Thomas as well as a Gospel of
Philip (see below, p. 501), this Manichsean Scripture
may have been the Gospel mentioned by Hippolytus,
possibly in a special form.
Zahn attempts to date the original Gospel quite
early in the 2nd century. He regards the second
half of the quotation made by Hippolytus as a
Naassene comment, and thus is free to mini-
mize the Gnostic character of the work. He
further argues that Justin's description of Jesus
{Dial. 88) as a maker of ' ploughs and yokes ' in
His native village is derived from the story in A 13
= S 13 = L 11 (Joseph, who 'made ploughs and
yokes,' had an order from a rich man to make a
bench. One plank turned out to be too short, but
Jesus rose to the emergency, pulled the plank out
to the proper length, and thus relieved His father).
This maj^ be no more than a coincidence, and
Justin might have derived the touch from oral
tradition. But it is certainly remarkable how
little Gnostic fantasy pervades the Stori/ of the
Infancy, in any of its extant forms; apart from
the 'great allegories' of the letter Alpha which
the lad Jesus is reported to have taught His teacher,
the stories and sayings are naive rather than
speculative. On the other hand, the childhood of
Jesus is possibly filled with miracles owing to a
desire of heightening His Divine claims prior to
the Baptism. It is usually argued that this motive
ahso implies a Docetic interest, since the miracles
represent Jesus as not really a human child, but
exempt from the ordinary conditions of human
nature. This, however, is not a necessary or even
a probable interpretation of the stories. They
exaggerate the supernatural element, but they do
not suggest a wraith or phantom in the guise of a
child. In S 6-8, the reply of Jesus to His teacher
does recall dogmatic interests ('I am outside of
you, and I dwell among you. Honour in the flesh
I have not. Thou art by the law, and in the law
thou abidest. For when "thou wast born, I was . . .
When I am greatly exalted, I shall lay aside what-
ever mixture I have of your race'), but the tone
and even the wording are not remote from the
Fourth Gospel ; and, as the Gospel evidently passed
through several editions or phases, it may have
accumulated such elements in the gradual course of
its development. The above-quoted passage, for
example, is peculiar to S, as we can see from the
remark of Epiphanius (li. 20). There was even a
* Even this one is echoed only once, and that vaguely, in the
pert reply of Jesus to the Jewish schoolmaster preserved in
pseudo-Matthew 304 (' I was among you with children, and you
did not know me ').
tendency among orthodox Christians* to accept
stories of miracles during the boyhood, in order to
refute the Gnostic theory that the Divine Christ
did not descend upon Jesus until the Baptism — a
tendency which helps, among other things, to
account for the tenacious popularity of such tales.
From this very natural point of view, the rise of
these stories may have been due to interests which
were not distinctively Gnostic, whatever be the
amount of dogmatic tendency that must be ascribed
to their later form.t
There is no ground for denying that some Gnostic
Gospel of Thomas existed during the 2nd century.
The quotation preserved by Hippolytus does not
occur in any of the extant recensions of the Thomas
Gospel which afterwards sprang up ; but even these,
for all their size, cannot have corresponded to the
entire work, which (on the evidence of Nicephorus)
extended to no fewer than 1300 stichoi, almost
double the length of the longest extant recension.
Even in these extant recensions it is probable that
the orthodox editor (or editors) must have removed
the majority of Gnostic or Docetic allusions. And
the Hippolytus quotation would naturally be one
of these. Furthermore, we have an indirect proof
that such a Thomas Gospel did exist prior to
IrenfBus, In describing the tenets of the Mar-
cosians, that Church Father charges this Gnostic
sect with introducing apocryphal and spurious
scriptures (i. 20. 1), and with circulating the
following legend. ' When the Lord was a boy,
learning his letters, and when his master said to
him as usual, " Say Alpha," he said " Alpha." But
when the master went on and ordered him to say
"Beta," the Lord replied, " You tell me first what
Alpha means, and then I will tell you what Beta
means."' The Marcosians, Irenaeus adds, told this
story to show that Jesus alone knew the mysterious
significance of Alpha. The legend illustrates the
mystic content which the sect put into the letters
of the alphabet,! but its immediate interest for us
lies in the fact that this story occurs in the Story
of the Infancy.
Irenaeus proceeds (i. 20. 2) to show how the
Marcosians also misinterpreted the canonical
Gospels to suit their propaganda ; e.g. Lk 2*^ they
explained to mean that the parents of Jesus did
not know He was telling them about the Father ;
in Mt 19'*"^'' (quoted as, ' Why call me good ? One
is good, my Father in the heavens') the word
' heavens ' denotes ' aeons ' ; and the word ' hidden '
in Lk 19'*^ denotes the hidden nature of the Depth
(jSa^os). Among these quotations from ' the Gospel '
(i.e. the canonical Gospels) Irenaeus includes one
which does not occur in our four Gospels : ' His
saying, / have often desired to hear one of these
words, but I had no one to tell me, indicates (they
allege), by the term one. Him who is truly
one God.' This curious and unparalleled Logion
may have been quoted by mistake from an un-
canonical Gospel like that of Thomas, but we can-
not do more than guess upon a point of this kind.
In an 11th cent.Athos MS of the Gospels (cf. Stud.
Bib. V. [1901-03] 173) there is a note to the effect
that the pericope adulterce belonged to the Gos-
pel of Tiionias (t6 ^-e0d\a^o^' toDto roO /card Qup.av
evayyeXLov iarlv) ; if SO, it must have occurred in an
edition which has not been preserved.
The extant recensions, to which we have just
referred, are versions of a Story of the Infancy {rb.
IlatStKd Tou KvpLov) narrated by Thomas, which is,
and may have been intended to form, a sequel to
* Usually, Jn 2" was held, as e.g. by Euthymius Zigabenus,
to rule out such legends of miracles done by the boy Jesus.
t The influence of Egyptian mythology is asserted, but ex-
aggerated, by Conrady in SK (1903) 397-459.
J e.g. Alpha and Omega. One of the Marcosian fantasies was
that the dove at the Baptism indicated the perfection of Christ's
nature, the symbol of a dove being Omega and Alpha.
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL) 487
him do.' On the other hand, a better spirit is
shown in the folloAving anecdote (S 16): 'And
again, Joseph had sent his son Jacob (James) to
gather sticks, and Jesus went with him. And
while they were gathering sticks, a viper bit Jacob
(James) in his hand. And when Jesus came near
the stories of the Protevangelium Jacobi. The
resemblances and differences between the four
i-ecensions may be seen by comparing their accounts
of an incident which happens to be recorded by all
the four, viz. the unpleasant story of how Jesus
once became unpopular.
A 4-5
Again, he was passing through
the village, and a boy ran and
knocked against liis shoulder.
Jesus was angry, and said to
him, 'Thou shait not go back
as thou earnest.' And at once
he fell and died. Some who saw
what happened said, ' Whence
was this child born, for every
word of his becomes act and
fact?* And the parents of the
dead boy went to Joseph and
blamed him, saying, ' With
such a child, thou canst not
dwell with us in the village.
Or, teach him to bless and not
to curse ; for he is killing our
children.'
And Joseph called the child
apart and admonished him, say-
ing, 'Why doest thou such
thmgs? 'These people suffer,
and hate us, and persecute us.'
Jesus said, ' I know these words
of thine are not thine. Still, I
will say nothing, for thy sake.
But they shall bear theirpunish*
ment.' And immediately his
accusers were blinded. And
those who saw it were terribly
afraid and perplexed ; they said
of him, that every word ho
uttered, good or bad, became
fact and proved a marvel. And
when they [he ?] saw Jesus had
done such a thing, Joseph rose
and took hold of his ear and
pulled it hard. The child was
much annoyed and said to him,
' It is enough for thee to seek
and not to find. Certainly thou
hast not acted wisely. Knowest
thou not that I am thine ? Do
not vex me.'
1 L covers the childhood of Jesus from his second year, A from Iiis fifth to his twelfth year, and B from his fifth to his eighth.
B4-5
Some days later, when Jesus
was passing through the town,
a boy threw a stone at him and
struck him on the shoulder.
Jesus said to him, 'Thou shalt
not go thy way.' And at once
he fell down and died. Those
who happened to be there were
astounded, saying, ' Whence is
this child, that every word he
utters becomes act and fact ? '
And they went off and com-
plained to Joseph, saying, ' Thou
canst not dwell with us in this
town. If thou desirest to do so,
teach thy child to bless and not
to curse ; for he is killing our
children, and everything he says
becomes act and fact.'
Joseph was sitting on his seat,
and the child stood in front of
him ; and he caught him by the
ear and pinched it hard. Jesus
looked at him steadily and said,
' That is enough for thee.'
L5
A few days later, as Jesus was
walking with Joseph through
the town, one of the children
ran up and struck Jesus on the
arm. Jesus said to him, ' Thou
shalt not finish thy journey
thus.' And at once he fell to
the earth and died. But when
they saw these wonders, they
cried out, saying, ' Whence is
that boy ? ' And they said to
Joseph, 'Such a hoy must not
be among us.' Joseph went off
and brought him, but they said
to him, ' Go away from this
place; but ifyou must be among
us, teach him to pray and not
to curse. Our children have
been insensate.'
Joseph called Jesus and re-
proved him, saying, ' Why dost
thou curse? "These inhabitants
hate us.' But Jesus said, ' I
know these words are not mine
but thine ; for thy sake I will
say nothing ; let them see to it
in their wisdom 1 ' Immediately
those who spoke against Jesus
were blinded ; and they walked
up and down, saying, ' All the
words that proceed from his
mouth take effect.' But when
Joseph saw what Jesus had
done, he angrily caught him by
the ear. Jesus in a passion
said to Joseph, ' It is enough for
thee to see me, not to touch me.
For thou knowest not who I am ;
if thou kne west that, thou would-
est not irritate me. And al-
though I am with thee now, I
was made before thee.' i
S 4-5 (tr. Wright).
And again Jesus had gone
with his father, and a boy,
running, struck him with his
shoulder. Jesus says to him,
' Thou shalt not go thy way.'
And all of a sudden he fell down
and died. And all who saw him
cried out and said, ' Whence
was this hoy born, that all his
words become facts?' And
the family of him who was dead
drew near to Joseph and say to
him, 'Thou hast this boy ; thou
canst not dwell with us in this
village unless you teach him to
bless.'
And he drew near to the boy,
and was teaching him and say.
ing, ' Why doest thou these
(things)? And these people
reckon them, and hate thee.'
Jesus says, ' If the words of my
Father were not wise, he would
not know how to instruct child-
ren.' And again he said, ' If
these were children of the bed-
chamber, they would not re-
ceive curses. These shall not
see torment.' And immediately
those were blinded who were
accusing him. But Joseph be-
came angry, and seized hold of
his ear, and pulled it. Then
Jesus answered and said to him,
' It is enough for thee, that thou
shouldest be commanding me
and finding me (obedient) ; for
thou hast acted foolishly.
A fair idea of the characteristic contents of this
Gospel may be derived from one or two extracts,
such as the story of Jesus and the sparrows (B 3) :
' Jesus made out of that clay twelve sparrows. It
was the Sabbath-day. And a child ran and told
Joseph, saying, "Behold, thy child is playing
about the stream and he has made sparrows out
of the clay, which is not lawful." When he heard
this, he went and said to the child, "Why dost
thou do this, profaning the Sabbath ? " But Jesus
did not answer him ; he looked at the sparrows
and said, " Fly off and live, and remember me."
And at this word they flew up into the air. And
when Joseph saw it, he marvelled.' On the
strength of this anecdote Vaiiot (op. cit., p. 228 f.)
ventures to compare the Gospel of Thomas to the
Fioretti of St. Francis. Another tale is that of
Jesus and the boy's foot (L 8) : * A few days after-
wards a boy in that town was splitting wood, and
he cut his foot. As a large crowd went to him,
Jesus went with them. And he touched the foot
which had been hurt, and at once it was healed.
Jesus said to him, "Rise up, split the wood, and
remember me."' It is as a thaumaturgist that
Jesus appears in A 11 : 'When he was six years
old, his mother gave him a pitcher and sent him to
draw water and bring it into the house. But he
knocked against someone in the crowd, and the
pitcher was broken. So Jesus unfolded the cloak
he wore, filled it with the water, and carried it to
his mother.* And when his mother saw the
miracle which had taken place, she kissed him.
And she kept to herself all the mysteries she saw
• It is conjectured that this was suggested by Pr 30*.
him, he did to him nothing more but stretched out
his hand to him and blew upon the bite, and it
was healed' (from Ac 28^-'?).
A closes with quite a sober version of Lk 2^^'^'*,
which substitutes for v.*" the following passage :
'The scribes and Pharisees said, "Are you the
mother of this child ? " She said, " I am." They
said to her, "Blessed art thou among women, for
God has blessed the fruit of your womb ; such
glory, such virtue, such wisdom we have neither
seen nor heard."' S also ends in this way, but the
passage first quoted occurs at the close of L (in sub-
stantially the same form), to round off a miracu-
lous cure (15 : 'A few days later, a neighbouring
child died, and its mother grieved sorely for it.
On hearing this, Jesus went and stood over the
boy, knocked on his breast, and said, " I tell thee,
child, do not die but live." And at once the child
rose up. Jesus said to the mother of the boy,
"Take your son and give him the breast, and
remember me " ') which occurs earlier (in A 17).
The data are so scanty that even conjectures
must be tentative, but we may attempt to explain
the literary problems by assuming that an original
Gospel of Thomas was afterwards used (edited ?) by
the Marcosians and Naassenes, and that it subse-
quently formed the basis for the story of the
Infancy in its various recensions. Was another
version of it circulated among the Manichgean
Christians ? * Or was the Gospel of Thomas which
* The Manichaean literature is said by Timotheus to have
included also, among its ' devilish ' and ' deadly ' contents, ' the
living Gospel' (of. Photius, Bibl. 85). Diodorus devoted the
first seven of his twenty-five books against the Manichseans
488 GOSPELS (UlfCANOmCAL)
GOSPELS (U^CANONICAL)
they used an independent (native or Indian) work ?
These are questions to Avhich, in tlie present state
of our knowledge, no detinite answer can be given.
Protests were repeatedly made against the
UaidLKd, from Chrysostom onwards ; but the work
must liave enjoyed a popularity among Oriental
Christians which orthodox censures were unable to
check. One proof of this popularity may be found
in the Gospel of pseudo-Matthew and the Arabic
Gospel of the Infancy, wliich have worked up
materials furnished by the Thomas Gospel into in-
dependent collections of stories for the edification
of pious Christians. The second of these two
Gospels seems to have circulated among Jews and
Muhammadans as well.
(c) The Gospel of pseudo-Matthew. — The Gospel
of pseudo - Mattliew owes its present title to
Tischendorf, the first editor of the Latin text,
since the MS he used was headed : ' incipit liber
de ortu beatse jMarite et infantia Salvatoris a
beato Matthaeo evangelista hebraice scriptus et
a beato Hieronymo presbytero in latinum trans-
latus.' Thilo had already given this title to the
Gospel of the Nativity of Mary. Both pieces (the
former at least in one or two MSS) are prefaced by
the forged correspondence between Jerome and
two bishops, in which the latter plaintively bewail
the apocryphal and heterodox character of the
current books upon the birth of Mary and the
Infancy of Jesus ; they have heard that Jerome
has come into possession of a Hebrew volume on
the subject by the evangelist Matthew, and beg
him to translate it into Latin for the apologetic
purposes of the faithful. Jerome agi'ees, explain-
ing that the book was intended by Matthew for
private circulation, and that in making it public
he is not adding to the canonical Scriptures. This
is the author's adroit * way of winning a welcome
for his production and safeguarding it against
suspicion. He had the fate of the Protevangeliura
Jacobi and the Gospel of Thomas before his eyes.
But such a description of the writing's contents
as this correspondence presents is obviously more
suitable to the Gospel of pseudo-Matthew than to
the little treatise on the Nativity of Mary, which
never alludes to the Birth and Infancy of Jesus.
Tischendorf's nomenclature is therefore more cor-
rect than Thilo's.
The Thomas Story of the Infancy has been
exploited by the author in the third part of the
book (25-42), but this is only one of his sources.
The Protevangelium Jacobi is another (1-16). In
fact, the Gospel must have carried the name of
James occasionally ; Hrotswitha, for example, the
Abbess of Gandersheim (10th cent.), who para-
phrased it in Latin hexameters for the benefit of
her nuns, entitled her work, ' Historia nativitatis
laudabilisque conversationis intactce Dei Gene-
tricis, quam scriptam referi sub nomine sancti
Jacobi fratris Domini.'
In the first part (1-17), which describes the birth
and maidenhood of Mary, her marriage, the virgin-
birth, and the escape from Herod, tiie features
of moment introduced are as follows. The home
of Mary's parents is definitely Jerusalem (in the
Protevangelium this is only a matter of infer-
ence) ; Joachim does not otter sacrifices for forgive-
ness ; he absents himself for five months instead
of forty days ; Anna's vow to consecrate her child
is made before, not after, the angel's announce-
ment ; an angel bids her go to meet Joachim ; in
to refuting what he thought was their ' vivicium evangelium,'
but which waa really the ' modium evangelium ' written bv
Adda.
* Except in one point. He makes Jerome plead love for
Christ as the motive for his translation. Did he forget that the
author of the Acts of Paul and Thecla had been condemned in
spite of his plea that he had invented the Acts out of love for
St. Paul?
Protev. 7 Mary, aged three, dances when set down
on the third step of the altar, but here (4) she runs
up the fifteen steps to the Temple so rapidly that
she never looks back ; she is mature at the age of
three, remains in the Temple as a paragon of
virginal piety, fed daily by one of the angels, and
often in conversation with them ; any sick person
Avho touches her goes home cured ; her courteous
greeting instituted the custom of saying 'Deo
gratias ' ; she refuses to be married, and takes the
vows of virginity ; Joseph, already a grandfather,
is chosen from the widowers to take charge of
(not to marry) Mary ; the jealousy of her five
maids is rebuked by an angel ; the Annunciation is
made when she is working at the purple for the
veil of the Temple ; Mary does not hide during her
pregnancy, nor does she visit Elizabeth ; * Joseph
does not upbraid her, and he apologizes to her for
his suspicions ; after she successfully passes the
ordeal for virgins, the people kiss her feet and ask
her pardon ; the brilliant light in the cave at
Bethlehem does not diminish ; Salome adores
Jesus t (not simply God, as in Protev. 20), and is
not forbidden to declare the wonder of the virgin-
birth ; only angels witness the birth, and as soon
as Jesus is born He stands on His feet ; the star is
the largest ever seen in the world ; the magi offer
gifts to 'the blessed Mary and Joseph' as well as
to the child ; Mary's fear of Herod's fury (Protev.
22) is omitted.
The second part (18-24) describes with pictur-
esque detail the flight to Egypt and the residence
of the holy family there. Some of the legends
have sprung from the soil of the OT. For example,
when ^lary is ten-ified by dragons issuing from a
cave (18), the infant Jesus leaves her bosom and
confronts them, till they adore him and retire
(from Ps 148^). Docile lions accompany and aid
their oxen, and wolves leave them untouched (in
fulfilment of Is 65^^). Again, when Mary and
Jesus entered the Egyptian temple, all the idols
bowed and broke (in fulfilment of Is 19^). The
OT is enough to explain the last-named legend,
without recourse to the later and rather
ditt'erent Buddha-legend in the Lalita Vistara
(viii.). Athanasius, by the way, welcomes this
incident [de Incarnatione Verbi Dei, 36), wliich he
accepts without a shadow of suspicion, as a proof
of the supreme glory of Jesus. Another pretty
legend t occurs in 20-21, where Mary rests from
the heat under a tall palm-tree and longs to eat
some of the fruit hanging high overhead. Joseph
tells her he is more concerned about the lack of
water, since their water-skins are empty. ' Then
the infant Jesus, resting with happy face in the
bosom of his mother, says to the palm, " Bend thy
branches, O tree, and refresh my motlier with thy
fruit." Immediately, at this word, the palm
bowed its crest to the feet of the blessed Mary,
and they gathered from it fruits with which all
were refreshed. After they had gathered all its
fruit, it remained bent, waiting his command to
rise at whose command it had bowed down. Then
Jesus said to it, " Raise thyself, O palm, be strong,
and join the company of my trees which are in the
paradise of my Father. And open from thy roots
tlie vein of water Avhich lies hidden in the earth ;
let the waters flow, that we may be satisfied there-
with." At once the palm rose up, and at its root
a spring of water began to trickle forth, exceed-
* The cleaving of the mountain to shelter Elizabeth and John
the Baptist from Herod's fury, and indeed the whole Zechariah
legend, is omitted.
t Tlie angels sing Lk 21'* in adoration of the infant Jesus in
the cave ; the ox and the ass in the stable also incessantly adore
him (14)--in fulfilment of Is 1* and Hab 'i'^ (LXX, iv ii.i<Tu> Bvo
^OMV yi'aKrS^OT)).
■ : Which passed into the Qu'ran (ed. E. H. Palmer ISBB vL
and ix., 1900], xix. 20-26) in a simpler form.
GOSPELS (Ui^CANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UXCANONICAL) 489
ingly clear, cool, and bright.' Next day, before
leaving, Jesus rewards the palm by allowing an
angel to transplant one of its branches to paradise.
' This palm,' he tells the terrified spectators, ' shall
be prepared for all the saints in the place of bliss,
as it has been prepared for us in this lonely spot.'
The third part (25-42) describes incidents in the
boyhood of Jesus, from the return to Judaea, for
the most part on the unpleasant lines of the Gospel
of Thomas. The incident of the taming of the
lions is new, however (35-36). Jesus, a boy of
eight, went out of Jericho one day to the banks of
the Jordan, and walked deliberately into a cave
where a lioness lay vnth her cubs. The lions
adored him. Jesus then improved the occasion by
telling the astonished crowd, ' How much better
are the beasts than you ! They recognize the Lord
and glorify him, while you men, made in God's
image and likeness, do not know him ! Beasts
recognize me and are tame ; men see me and do not
acknowledge me.' Jesus then crosses the Jordan,
accompanied by the lions, the waters dividing to
right and left (cf. Jos 3'®, 2 K 2^), and dismisses his
wild companions in peace.
{d) The History of Joseph the Carpenter. — One
of the latest developments of the legends relating
to the Infancy of Jesus is represented by the
History of Joseph the Carpenter, which purports
to be the story, told by Jesus to the disciples on
the Mount of Olives, of the life and death of Joseph.
It is a genuinely native product of Egyptian piety,
not earlier tlian the 4th century. At several
points it recalls the 'Testament' literature, and
probably it belongs to that category rather than
to the Gospel category. Sahidic, Bohairic, and
Arabic versions (cf. Haase, pp. 61-66) are extant.
(e) Unidentified fragments. — The four Sahidic
fragments upon the life of the Virgin Mary, pub-
lished by Forbes Robinson {TS, iv. 2 [1S96],
p. 2ff.), maintain her virginity after the Birth of
Jesus, but abjure the ideas which afterwards
developed into the dogmas of the Immaculate
Conception ('Cursed is he who shall say that the
Virgin was not born as we are') and the Assump-
tion ('Cursed is he who shall say that the Virgin
was taken up into the heavens in her body. But
she died like all men, and was conceived by man's
seed as we are'). The outline of the fragments
generally resembles the story of the Protevangelium
Jacobi and pseudo-Matthew, with some curious
idiosyncrasies. Joachim her father was formerly
called Cleopas (according to Codex B of pseudo-
Matthew 32, Anna married Cleopas after the death
of Joachim) ; he and Zechariah were brothers, and
Anna was the sister of Elizabeth ; a white dove
( = Mary) flies to Anna in a vision; Mary in the
temple ' never washed in a bath ' (a favourite
ascetic feature of the Egyptian nuns), nor did she
use perfumes ; she conceived ' by the hearing of
her ears,' and she is the Mary who visits the tomb
and receives the commission of Mt 28'" (cf. Albertz
in SK [1913] 483 f., on this point); she works
miracles of healing after the Resurrection, but
modestly forbids the apostles to record them ;
when she dies, her soul leaps into the arms of her
Son. It is doubtful, however, if these fragments
originally belonged to a Gospel at all. Probably
they are part of the debris of the Mary litera-
ture (cf. Haase, p. 77 f.) which developed out of
the legends represented by Gospels like the Prot-
evangelium Jacobi, where the main interest is
really in Mary rather than in Jesus. It is through
the channel of such religious fiction, from the
Protevangelium Jacobi to the so-called Transitus
Marise, formed in part by local legends and pagan
views on the relation between sex and religion,
that the mythology of the early Church flowed
over into art and literature. Painters like Titian
and Perugino, poems like the Byzantine Christtis
Patiens, and stories like the Golden Legend, were
as indebted to this source as the calendar of the
Roman Ciiurch's festivals.*
II. General Gospels, covering tee entire
LIFE AND MINISTRY OF Jesus. — (a) The Jewish
Christian Gospels (the Gospel of the Hebrews,
the Gospel of the Nazarenes, the Gospel of the
Twelve, the Gospel of the Ebionites).
Spectal Literature. — The quotations from and the Patristic
allusions to the Gospel according to the Hebrews, together with
the Gospel of the Ebionites, are collected, with critical studies.t
by E. W. B. Nicholson (Gospel ace. to the Hebrews, London,
1879), Zahn (Gesch. des Kanons, ii. 642-723), R. Handmann
{TUv. 3, ISSS), J. H. Ropes {TU xiv. 2, 1S96, p. 77 f.), A. Meyer
(in Hennecke's Neutest. Apok.), and A. Schmidtke (' Neue
Frag^. u. Untersuchungen zu den judenchristl. Evangelien,'
TU xxxvii. 1, 1911) ; cf. also Waitz s important study, ' Das
Evangelium der zwolf Apostel' in ^A'Tir (1912, p. 338 f., 1913,
pp. 38 f., 117 f.). In the light of Schmidtke's and Waltz's re-
searches, it is no longer possible to treat the Gospel according
to the Hebrews without handling the Gospel of the Nazarenes
and the Gospel of the Ebionites, since the quotations usually
assigned to the first are disputed. In the following section,
therefore, these tlxree Gospels will be discussed together.
The general problem may be stated thus. Four
'Jewish Christian' Gospels are mentioned and
quoted in the literature of the early Church : the
Gospel of the Hebrews (HG), the Gospel of the
Nazarenes (NG), the Gospel of the Ebionites (EG),
and the Gospel of the Twelve, i.e. of the Twelve
Apostles (TG). J Were there really four Gospels of
this kind? Or are some of these titles no more
than ditt'erent descriptions of the same Gospel ?
This is a problem which goes back to the 5th
century. Jerome apparently held HG = TG, and
this equation has been accepted by critics like
Hilgenfeld, Cassels [Supernat. Bel., 1874-77, pt. ii.
ch. iii), Lipsius, and Resch, with varying defini-
tions of its age and content. One of the notable
features in Schmidtke's recent monograph is that
he not only challenges the ordinary equation of
HG = NG in recent criticism, but reconstructs an
HG which absorbs practically all the material
assigned to TG, so that HG becomes equal to EG,
as Nicholson had already argued. The usual
identification § of EG = TG (Hilgenfeld, Zahn,
Harnack, etc.) is combined by Waitz with a re-
fusal to equate HG and NG.
Of these four, TG is mentioned much less often
than HG ; our first knowledge of it is of a Gospel
bearing tliis title {i.e. with the twelve apostles as
its authors or authorities) which is mentioned by
Origen next to the Gospel of the Egyptians (see
above, p. 479). We hear of NG first in Jerome,
and for EG we are mainly indebted to Epiphanius.
But we do not know to what extent these titles
were interchangeable, and whether diff"erent writers
meant the same work when they mentioned HG
or TG, for example. The most hopeful method of
arriving at some solution of the problem is to ap-
proach it along the line of the allusions to Jewish
Christians in the early writers of the Church.
There were Jewish Christians, according to
Justin (Dial. 88) who maintained that Jesus was
born in the ordinary way. Whether all the JeAvish
Christians whom Justin knew held this position,
* There is a monograph by R. Beinsch on Die Pseudo-Evan-
gelien von Jesu und Marias Eindhcit in der romanischen und
germanischen Literatitr, Halle, 1879.
t The varying directions of criticism are traced by Handmann
(cf. Moffatt," LNT2, Edinburgh, 1912, pp. 259-261). Of the earlier
studies, one of the most acute is in chs. vii.-viii. of R. Simon's HU-
toire critique du texte du Nouieau Testament, Rotterdam, 1689.
J A later Svriac Church-compilation with this title has been
edited by J. Rendel Harris : The Gospel of the Twelve Apostles,
together with the Apocalypses of each one of them, Cambridge,
1900. Whether the Coptic fragments edited by Revillout (Pat-
rolog. Orient., ii. 2, Paris, 1903-05, p. 123 f.) belong to this, or to
some allied Gospel of the Twelve, is a moot point (cf. Haase,
p. 30 f.). It also seems doubtful whether this Syriac TG can
be shown to rest on a source akin to the EG of Epiphanius.
§ Occasionally in the sense that EG is no more than an Ebionitio
copy or edition of the original catholic HG.
490 GOSPELS (UNCAis^ONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCAXO^^ICAL)
or whether it was only some of them, is not quite
clear ; all he asserts is that the majority of Chris-
tians in his day prefen'ed to believe in the virgin-
birth. The real dividing line among Jewish
Christians was drawn by their view of the Law
{Dial. 47) ; the stricter party sought to enforce the
Law upon Gentile Christians, while the more
tolerant were content with obeying it themselves.
It was over this question of practice, not over a
Christological issue, that diflerences arose. With
Irenoeus the situation is different. Writing in
the West, he is not acquainted with the varieties
of Jewish Christians in Palestine and Syria ; to
him they are all ' Ebionites,' who believe Jesus was
the son of Joseph, reject St. Paul as an apostate from
the Law, and use no Gospel but that of Matthew
(ffce>'. i. 26. 2, iii. IL 7). Origen is better informed
(Cels. V. 61). He recognizes the two-fold classifica-
tion of the Ebionites or Jewish Christians, and holds
that both rejected St. Paul (v. 65), but says nothing
about any special Gospel used by those who re-
jected the virgin-birth. The difficulty presented
by the statement of Irenaeus remains, viz. how
could any party in the Church adhere strictly and
specially to the Gospel of Matthew, if they believed
(iii. 21. 1) in the natural birth of Jesus? Must
they not have omitted all or part of the first two
chapters ? Yet Irenaeus seems to imply that they
did not alter or abbreviate Matthew's Gospel,* for
he contrasts them favourably with Marcion. ' The
Ebionites, who use only that Gospel which is
according to Matthew, are convicted out of that
Gospel itself of holding wrong views about the
Lord ; whereas Marcion, Avho mutilates the Gospel
according to Luke, is shown by the parts that sur-
vive in his edition to be a blasphemer against the
only living God' (iii. IL 7; cf. iii. 21. 1). The
loose statement of Irenftus is corrected or ex-
plained by Eusebius of Ctesarea {HE iii. 27. 4) ;
he declares that the Ebionite Christians, who took
so low and ' poor ' a view of Christ's person as to
believe that He was born naturally, and who re-
jected St. Paul as an apostate from the Law, used
the so-called Gospel according to the Hebrews, and
attached little value to the other Gospels. But
this HG was not the special possession of these
Ebionite Christians. It was the particular delight
of Christian Jews (iii. 25. 5 : y ixdXLaTa'E^paluv 0^x61'
Xpiffrbv Trapaoe^d/Jievoi x'^'-P°^o'^)- More than that :
the last-named passage from Eusebius proves that
HG was ranked by the Church among the scrip-
tures which 'though not within the canon but dis-
puted are nevertheless recognized by the majority
of the orthodox (rrapa trXeiaTois rwv iKK\7i<Tia(riKwu
yi.yvcjaKOfji.evas}.' This class of scriptures includes
the Apocalypse of John {el tpaveirj, Eusebius puts
in). ' And nowadays {■fjdr)) some have also included
the Gospel according to the Hebrews.' By ' some '
Eusebius plainly means orthodox Christians, as
distinguished from the Christian Jews whose en-
thusiasm for this Gospel was natural and taken
for granted. He implies that this tendency to
disparage the Gospel was comparatively recent.
Here we begin to suspect confusion. What
Eusebius calls the Gospel Kad' 'E^paiovs was at once
the sole t Gospel of the Ebionites, who denied the
virgin-birth as well as the authority of St. Paul,
and the favourite Gospel of Christian Jews. It was
even regarded by some of the strictly orthodox as
only second to the four canonical Gospels and dis-
* Their Gospel must have been, apparently, EG ; NG contained
Sit 1-2, and HG could not be called a Matthacan Gospel.
t At the same time, strict Jewish Christians who held the OT
to be the revealed truth, and Cliristianity a consummation of
the Jewish religrion, would not necessarily attach the same
canonical value to a Gospel as other Christians (cf. Handniann,
p. 108 f.). This consideration may also serve to account for the
tarffumistic features of KG and "the freedom with which the
text is treated in EG.
tinctly above Gospels like those of Peter, Thomas,
and Matthias !
The suspicion that Ka9' "E^patovs * was being used
loosely to describe more than one Gospel t is con-
firmed by two other lines of evidence.
(1) The first of these runs parallel to the refer-
ences already quoted, and is derived from the
statements of Jerome. It is to Jerome that we
owe our knowledge of the existence of NG, but his
statements about this Gospel and the Nazarenes who
used it require to be carefully sifted, and when they
are sifted they witness to a ditt'erence between Hli
and NG which Jerome for some reason ignored.
At first sight, almost everything would seem to
turn upon the interpretation of Jerome's famous
allusion in his treatise contra Pelagianos, iii. 2 : ' In
the Gospel according to the Hebrews, written in the
Chaldaic and Syriac tongue [i. e. Aramaic, or Western
Syriac]i but in Hebrew letters, which the Nazarenes
use to this day, (the Gospel) according to the apostles
{secundum apostolos) or, as most suppose, according
to Matthew, (the Gospel) which is in the library at
Cajsarea, the story runs, '* Behold the mother of
the Lord and his brothers said to him, John the
Baptist is baptizing for the remission of sins ; let us
go and be baptized by him. But he said to them.
What sins have I committed, that I should go and
be baptized by him ? Unless perhaps what I have
just said is (a sin of) ignorance." And in the same
volume, " If your brother has sinned in word, he
says, and made amends to you, receive him
seven times in one day. Simon his disciple said to
him. Seven times in one day ? The Lord answered
and said to him. Yes and up to seventy times seven,
I tell thee. For even in the prophets, after they
had been anointed with the Holy Spirit, matter of sin
was found." ' The opening words § seem to suggest
that Jerome identified HG and TG ( = the Gospel of
the Ebionites), but he is simply reproducing at
second-hand the conjecture about HG and the
Gospel of the Ebionites, neither of which he seems
to have known ; as the only Semitic Gospel he
knew was NG, he naturally attributes to it the
floating titles and opinions which had gathered
round the others.
This is corroborated by the fact that he sometimes
uses ' Nazartei ' loosely for heretical Jewish Chris-
tians ( practically = the 'Ebionites' of earlier writers),
and sometimes speaks of them in special connexion
with thelocal Church at Syrian Beroea. Now, what-
ever Gospel or Gospels the former used, and whoever
they were, it is plain that the latter class of Jerome's
' Nazartei' could not have been the Ebionite Chris-
tians of Irenaeus, Origen, and Eusebius, for, accord-
ing to their interpretation of Is 8-*-9\ which
Jeromequotes, theyhonouredSt.Paul and his Gospel
(' per evangelium Pauli ... in terminos gentium
et viam universi maris Christi evangelium splen-
duit').|| They were Jewish Christians of non-
* The size of the HG known to Kicephorus in the 6th cent,
amounted to 2,200 stichoi, i.e. larger than Mark and smaller than
Matthew — though such comparative calculations depend on the
size of the writing being the same, which is not to be assumed
invariably.
t This was felt long ago by Gieseler (Uistorisch-kritisch Ver-
S^ick liber Entstehung dcr schrij'tl. Evaiigelien, 1818, p. 8 f.), and
elaborated by Credner {Beitriige, 1832, p. 399 f.), who almost dis-
tinguished EG, HG, and NG under the common title of KaO'
'EjSpat'ous. How easy it was for early Christians to fall into
confusion of this kind may be seen from the fact that in some
quarters Tatian's Diatessaron was actually called the Gospel
'according to the Hebrews' (Epiph. xlvi. 1).
t The meaning of Jerome's words may be seen by comparing
his remarks in his Pre/ace to 5am. and Eiiigs( = frolog.Galeatus):
'Syrorum quoque el'Chaldseorum lingua testatur, quae Hebrajaj
magna ex parte confinis est.'
§ Handniann (p. Ill f.) thinks that Jerome wrote 'secundum
a]x«lolos' to prevent this Gospel from being confused with the
heretical Gospel of the Twelve ('evangelium secundum xu.
apostolos').
II Their catholic attitude to the canonical Scriptures, including
not onlv Matthew but Acts, John, and even St. Paul's Epistles,
is excellently deduced by Schmidtke (p. 107 f.) from Jerome a
GOSPELS (UXCANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCAXOXICAL) 491
heretical opinions, as is implied in Jerome's account
in de Viris illu'itribus, 3: ' Matthew who is also Levi,
the apostle who had been a tax-gatherer, first in
Judrea composed the Gospel of Christ in Hebrew
letters and words for the benefit of those belonging
to the circumcision who had believed. It is not
quite certain who translated it afterwards into
Greek. Further, the Hebrew (original) itself is
kept to this day in the library at Ceesarea which
Pamphilus the martyr gathered most diligently.
I was also given permission to copy it, by the
Nazarsei who use this volume in Bercea, a town
of Syria.'
(2) The second line of proof which suggests that
HG and NG were not identical is as follows. In his
Epistle to the Church at Smyrna (iii. 1-2) Ignatius
■writes : ' I know and believe He was in the flesh
even after the resurrection. And when He came
to those with Peter, He said to them, " Take, handle
Me and see that I am not a bodiless phantom."'
This may be a loose paraphrase of the Synoptic
saying in Lk 24^^, but the early Church preferred
to regard it as a quotation from some uncanonical
Gospel. Unfortunately, the three writers who
mention it do not agree upon its origin. Origen
(according to the Latin version of the preface to his
de Principns) said it came from a little book called
the Teaching of Peter, which had no claim to be
authentic ('ille liber inter libros eeclesiasticos non
habetur . . . neque Petri est scripturanequealterius
cuiusquam qui spiritu dei fuerit inspiratus'). This
sounds so definite that we are surprised to learn
that Eusebius [HE iii. 36. 11) does not know what
source Ignatius used. Jerome, however, twice
asserts that it was the Gospel which he had trans-
lated. As both Origen and Eusebius knew HG,
Jerome's statement must be an error, if he is refer-
ring to HG. But it is very difficult to suppose that
he could have made such a mistake about a Gospel
which he had translated, and the inference must
be either that his HG was a difierent edition from
that known to Origen and Eusebius, or more pro-
bably that it was not HG but NG. This latter
hypothesis explains why Eusebius could not place
the quotation, for Eusebius knew HG but not NG.
There is no reason why such a quotation should not
have occurred both in NG and in the pseudo-Petrine
document mentioned by Origen. It is of course
possible that one of them borrowed from the
other ; perhaps Ignatius used the Petrine document
(Zahn), while NG used Ignatius or that document
(Schmidtke). But the last-named hypothesis im-
{)liesthat Jerome had an extremely superficial know-
edge of NG, and this is on other grounds unlikely.
It is true that Jerome required an expert to trans-
late the Chaldee or Aramaic text of Tobit into
Hebrew, that he might render it into Latin ; and
his acquaintance with the original of NG must
have been equally second-hand. But this does
not prove that he could not have known its contents
with sufficient accuracy. There is no obvious
reason to doubt his veracity, or to hold that he did
not know, e.g., that this or that quotation occurred
in NG, even supposing that he translated the latter
as rapidly as he did Tobit.
references in his Commentary on Isaiah. But we do not see why
it follows (pp. 125-126) necessarily that their Gospel could not
have included the unhistorical legend about the appearance of
the risen Jesus to his brother James. This was surely in line
with St. Paul's own tradition (1 Co 157). The latter no doubt puts
the appearance to James fourth instead of first in chronological
order, hut, in view of the very different accounts in the Gospels
(particularly Matthew and John), we can hardly lay stress upon
the prominence assigned to James as if this were incompatible
with the catholic position of the 'Nazaraei.' After all, as
Schmidtke himself admits, they were keen upon circumcision
and the Law as national traditions. As Matthew's Gospel had
no record of any appearances to individual disciples, the way
lay opeu for a harmless legend of this kind in honour of James
the Just. If St. Paul put the appearance to him before his own
vision, why should not the ' Nazarjei ' ?
Schmidtke's reconstruction is in outline as follows. At an
early period the Church at Syrian Serosa broke up — or, at any
rate, the local Jewish Christians soon formed a community of
their own, apart from the Gentile Christian Church. It was
these Jewish Christians who were the real ' Nazarenes' of the
earlj' Church. Outside Beroea there were none. When Epi-
phanius calls the Nazarenes a sect of the primitive Church, he
is simply confusing them with the Kazarenes of Ac 24i'*-i5,
where St. Paul protests, on being- charged with being a ring-leader
of rris TMi/ No^upoiwe aipeVecos, ' I cherish the same hope in God
as they (aiirol oSrot) accept.' Here avroi ourot means St. Paul's
Jewish accusers, but Epiphanius mistook the words for a refer-
ence to the Nazarenes. In reality, these Nazarene Christians
of BercEa preserved their consciousness of belonging to the
Church ; they accepted the virgin-birth of Jesus and honoured
St. Paul as an apostle (see above, p. 490 n.), though they retained,
like some of the Jewish Christians afterwards known to Justin,
a number of Jewish peculiarities of custom and belief. Their
Gospel was an Aramaic version (135-150 a.d.) of Matthew's
Gospel, which was a sort of targum ; it also included some
touches from the other canonical Gospels. Now it was this
document, according to Schmidtke, which caused all the subse-
quent misunderstandings of the Church about the Hebrew
Gospel which formed the basis of the canonical Matthew. This
version of Matthew was supposed to have been the original of
Matthew. Papias was the first to go wrong, and he misled
Eusebius and Apollinaris, as well as Irenaeus and Origen.
Even those who knew Hebrew and Syriac were misled into
calling NG a Hebrew document, since they assumed it was the
basis of the canonical Matthew with its Jewish Christian char-
acteristics. The only writer who had a first-hand knowledge of
it was Hegesippus (c. a.d. ISO). Eusebius secured a copy only
when he wrote the Theophania ; he did not know it when he
composed his Church History. And even when he did read it
he imagined, thanks to Papias and others, that it was the
Semitic original of Matthew.
The copy of Eusebius in the library of Caesarea fell into the
hands of Jerome. But Jerome, like Epiphanius, for the most
part depended not on this Gospel directly but on the information
supplied by the distinguished scholar, Apollinaris of Laodicea,
who had edited an exposition of Matthew, in which his Hebrew
scholarship enabled him to quote fragments of this Nazarsean
Gospel. "That dishonest and unreliable writer, Jerome, had no
first-hand acquaintance with the Nazarenes, of whom he says
so much. He was the Defoe of his age.
Hegesippus, as Eusebius points out, used both NG and HG.
The latter * was an independent Greek work, equivalent to TG
whereas NG was neither an independent work nor a Greek
composition, but a Syriac document reproducing Matthew's
Gospel in the main. The mistaken identification of HG and
NG was Jerome's fault. He imagined that this Gospel of the
Nazarenes which he saw in the episcopal library of Caesarea was
the Gospel according to the Hebrews, and Schmidtke bluntly
declares that his story about translating it (c. A.D. 390) is a
fabrication.t
It is not necessary here to discuss the details of
Schmidtke's brilliant and searching investigation.
His strictures on Jerome (pp. 66-69) are too sweep-
ing ; his conjecture about the relation between
Apollinaris and the extracts from the Nazarene
Gospel is hardly more than ingenious ; and his
tendency to attribute misunderstanding to early
Christian writers, although it is in the main justi-
fiable, carries him into some extreme positions.
But his analysis of the extant data has suc-
ceeded in showing afresh J the strong case for
regarding HG and NG as difierent works. So much
at any rate may be granted. On the other hand,
the identification of HG and EG breaks down ;
Waitz is probably right in regarding EG as an in-
dependent work. The difi'erentiation of HG, NG,
and EG is a precarious task, however, and in the
present state of our knowledge no reconstruction
can claim to be more than conjectural. The proba-
bility is that there were several Jewish Christian
Gospels approximating more or less closely to the
type of Matthew. Jewish Christians who claimed
* EG (see below) was also a Greek composition, but, unlike
HG and like NG, it was allied to Matthew, though not so
closeli' as NG.
t Bede, in the beginning of the 8th cent., made the
fact of Jerome having quoted and translated the Hebrew
Go.spel the reason for holding that the latter was to be ranked
' not among apocrj^jhal but among ecclesiastical histories' {in
Luc. i. 1).
J The loose usage of koB' 'EPpaCov? as a Gospel title was
seen by several earlier writers besides those already mentioned
(p. 490). Hollzmann, e.g. (Einleitung in dasSeue Testament^,
1892, p. 487 f.), suggested that it was applied to a whole series
of more or less cognate Greek and Aramaic compositions.
Lipsius preferred to regard HG as assuming different shapes in
different circles and at different times. This is almost inevit-
able, when HG and TG are identified.
492 GOSPELS (UI^CANOI^ICAL)
GOSPELS (UNGANONICAL)
to be the true * Hebrews,' and who saw in Christi-
anity the completed form of Hebrew religion,
could well, as Waitz observes, call their Gospel a
• Gospel according to the Hebrews,' even although
it was written in Greek. There were varieties of
such Jewish Christians, from the orthodox ' Naza-
rsei' to the extreme wing of the Ebionite Chris-
tians, and there is no reason to doubt that more
than one Gospel was composed and circulated by
them. If one of these was an Aramaic version of
Matthew, it would be particularly easy for later
writers to use Ka^"E/3/)aioi;s loosely as a linguistic
title, and thus to imagine that HG meant either a
Hebrew Gospel or the supposed original of Matthew.
One of the obstacles in dealing with the entire pro-
blem of the Jewish Christian Gospels is due to the
fact that some early Christian writers and fathers
often mention books which they seem never to
have seen, and that their references to the Gospel
books of the Jewish Christians are too loose
and vague to be taken at their face-value. This
applies particularly to Epiphanius and Jerome.
When the latter, for example (de Vir. illustr. 2),
introduces the quotation about the Lord's post-
Resurrection appearance to His brother James, by
declaring that it occurred in 'the Gospel called
"according to the Hebrews," which I recently
translated into Greek and Latin, and which Origen
often uses,' he is surely confusing HG and NG.
He is anxious to prove the importance of NG ;
that is why he says it was often cited by Origen.*
But what Origen cited was HG. There is an error
of memory here, at any rate. So with Epiphanius.
He explains [Hcer. xxix. 7, 9) that the Nazoraeans —
Jewish Christians who practised Jewish habits of
life, and who had their headquarters at Syrian
Beroea — possessed and used the Gospel of Matthew
in Hebrew ; he declares that their edition was
unniutilated {ir\ir]pi(TTa.Tov), but does not know if it
contained the genealogy itrom Abraham to Christ.
This is to distinguish the Nazoraeans from sectarian
Christians like the Cerinthians, who {Hcer. xxviii. 5,
XXX. 14) used a mutilated Matthew, leaving out
passages like P'^^ 10-^ and 26^^. Obviously, his
remarks are contradictoiy. If he knew that the
Gospel used by these Nazoreeans was unmutilated,
he must have known whether it contained Mt P'"
or not. He is speaking about this NG either
from hearsay or from a hasty perusal of Irenaius,
and, with a carelessness which is characteristic of
him, at several points confuses it with EG.
The rival theories thus are : (i. ) HG and NG
either identical or ditt'erent editions of the same
work; (ii.) HG and NG different works entirely.
The latter seems preferable, but in any case it is
essential to have the extant data before us.
(a) In the first place (cf. Schmidtke, pp. 1-31,
63 f.), we possess a number of marginal scholia on
Matthew from a group of minuscule MSS which,
partly on the basis of von Soden's researches and
discoveries, Schmidtke regards as witnessing to a
special type of text or a special edition of the
Gospels dating not later than A.D. 500. These
scholia are held to be exegetical notes, probably
drawn from the Commentary on Matthew which
Apollinaris of Laodicea wrote, prior to Jerome.
They profess to quote the reatlings of ri> 'lov5al'K6;>
(sc. evayyiXiov Kara Mardalov). Perhaps the discredit
into which the supposed Aramaic (original) Matthew
was falling, on account of its use by heretical
sects, led to the pious preservation of these brief
extracts on the margin of Church copies. There
is a good deal of speculation in the eye of this
hypothesis. The scholia, however, are unmis-
takable.
* According to Schmidtke (p. 134 f.), Jerome betrays here the
fact that he copied thia etory from Origen ; but tiiis is not a
necessary inference (cf. p. 490 n.).
In Mt 46 the ' Je\yish ' Gospel read ev 'lepovo-oA^fi for eU ■nji'
ayiav noKiv, in 6^2 it omitted etK-rj and in O'-* the doxology to
the Lord's prayer ; at 76 it read : * ' If you are in my bosom and
do not the will of mj- Father who is in heaven, I will cast you
out of my bosom'; in IQiSit read imkp octets for is oi o<^eis, in
1112 SiapTraferai for ^laferai, in 1126 eiiyaptcrTu) for ef o/ioAoyoOftat ;
in 12'W it omitted the second ' three days and three nights ' ; in
156 it read Kop^av 8 ii^^ecs ux^eArjS^o-eo-Se ef riixiav ; it omitted
162b-3 and read ' son of John ' for Bar-Jonah in 161' ; in 18'-2 after
' seventy times seven ' it read : xai yap crToij Trpoi^^rais tiera rh
XpL(r6rivai avToiis iv irveujiiaTi ayioi evpicrKero (v avToli Adyos
a/mapria; ; in 2&'^ it read : koI r^pvricraTO (cal w/xocrev (cai KarippacraTO ;
and in 27^ it had : xal irapt&aKev avrois ai/6pas ivdirkov^ iva
KoSeZiiVTOu, Kar ivavrCov toO <Tmi)Ka.iOV xal rqpixTiv auTOv ^fxepat
Kal WKTOi,
{b) The extant quotations may best be classified
according to the source :
Clbmbnt op Alexandria cites HG twice —
Strom, ii. 9. 45 : 'as it is written also in the Gospel according
to the Hebrews, " He who wonders shall reign, and he who
reigns shall rest."'
Strom. V. 14. 96 : 'He who seeks shall not rest until he finds ;
when be has found, he shall wonder, and wondering he shall
reign, and reigning he shall rest.'
Origen (in Joh. ii. 6) quotes a saying of the Saviour from
the Gospel according to the Hebrews as follows : ' My
mother, the Holy Spirit, took me just now by one of my hairs t
and carried me oflE to the great mountain Tabor.' He repeats
the quotation in his Homilies on Jeremiah (xv. 4). It is evi-
dently from a description of the Temptation, where Jesus had
not His disciples beside Him, as He had at the Transfiguration.
Origen quotes the passage in order to prove that the Word
came into being through the Spirit ; he adds that if one reads
Mt 1250 one cannot have any difficulty about understanding
how the Spirit could be called the mother of Christ. In the
Gospel, Jesus is the Son of the Spirit (= Wisdom ; cf. Wis 1*^ 9i7,
Lk 7aJ-B5)
The Latin version of his Commentary on Matthew (19i6ff.) has
the following passage : ' it is written in a Gospel called the
Gospel according to the Hebrews (if anyone cares to receive this
not as an authority but in illustration of the question before
us),t " the other § rich man said to him. Master, what good
thing shall I do to live? He said to him, Man, do the Law and
the prophets. He answered him, I have done them. He said
to him. Go, sell all you possess and divide it among the poor,
and come, follow me. But the rich man began to scratch his
head, and was not pleased. And the Lord said to him, How do
you saj', I have done the Law and the prophets? For it is
written in the Law, You shall love your neighbour as yourself.
And lo, there are many brothers of yours, sons of Abraham,
clothed in filth, dying of hunger, while your house is fuU of
many goods, and nothing at all goes out of it to them. And
turning he said to Simon his disciple, who was sitting beside
him, Simon, son of John, it is easier for a camel to enter by the
eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of
heaven."'
This popular version of the story recounted in the Synoptic
Gospels taUies partly with Mt. and partly with Lk. ; if it
represents a conversation at some rich man's table (Meyer), thia
is a Lucan affinity, for in Lk. (1818), as distinguished from
Mt. and Mk., the incident is not described as an open-air
episode.
EusEBius declares that the story of the woman accused of
many sins before the Lord, which Papias quotes, was contained
in the Gospel according to the Hebrews (BE iii. 39. 16). In
Theophan. Syr. iv. 12(ed. Gressmann,19U4, p. 183f.):|| 'the reason
of the divisions between souls that take place in households
[Mt 10 34-38] He taught — as we have found in one place in the
Gospel which exists in Hebrew among the Jews, where it is
said, " I (will) choose for myself the excellent [or, worthy]
whom my Father in heaven gave to me." ' On the authority of
Mai, another quotation from this Gospel has been usually
referred to the Theophania, viz. : 'Since the Gospel which has
reached us in Hebrew characters pronounces the threat not
against the man who hid the money but against him who lived
riotously — " for he had 1 three servants, one who spent the
master's substance with harlots and flute-girls,** one who
multiplied it, and one who concealed the talent ; the one
was accepted, the other was nierel3' blamed, and the third was
shut up in prison" — I judge that, according to Matthew, the
threat immediately following the conclusion of the word spoken
« Cf. below, p. 495.
t From the Jewish story of Bel and the Drarjon (v.36),
where an angel lifts Habakkuk by the hair of his head and
transports him to Babylon (cf. Ac 8-<^). In the Christian
Haggada, the hairs become a single hair, which reminds us of
Ezk 83.
X Origen hesitates to quote this Gospel as Scripture, not
because it is heretical, but because the canon of the four Gospels
was now dominant — as it had not been when Clement wrote.
§ So there were two : for Matthew's duplications, cf. 8®* 2030,
II On this passage, cf. J. A. Eobinson in Expositor, 5th ser.,
V. [1897J 194 f.
11 Or, ' it contained ' (irepieix^v) — in which case we have only a
eunmiary, not a verbal quotation.
** This phrase recurs in an Oxyrhynchite fragment (see
p. 499).
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL) 493
against him who did nothing does not apply to him, but was
spoken by way of epanalepsis with reference to the man
formerly mentioned, who had eaten and drunk with drunkards.'
But Gressmann shows that this passage does not belong to the
Theophania (cf. his ed. § 29) ; it belongs either to some other
author altogether or to some other treatise of Eusebius (TU
XXX. 3 [1906] 363). The version of the parable given in this ex-
tract witnesses to the dissatisfaction which was felt at an early
date with what seemed to be the severe verdict of Mt 2529-30.
In addition to corroborating the reading of the 'Jewish'
Gospel in Mt 4S \&7 and 26'?'i, and repeating (on Mic 76) Origen's
argument from and citation of the Tabor saying, Jerome affirms
that in Mt 25 it* read'Judah' not 'Judaea'; in the narrative
of the Baptism it contained the following conversation : ' Behold
the mother of the Lord and his brothers said to him, "John
the Baptist is baptizing for the remission of sins ; let us go and
be baptized by him." But he said to them, "What sin have I
committed that I should go and be baptized by him? Unless
perhaps what I have just said is (a sin of) ignorance "' — and the
following incident : ' But it came to pass when the Lord had
ascended from the water that the entire fountain t of the Holy
Spirit descended and rested on him, and said to him, " My
son, in all the prophets I looked for thee, that thou mightest
come and I might rest in thee.t For thou art my rest, thou
art my firstborn son, who reignest to eternity '" ; in Mt 6ii it
read mahar, i.e. (bread) for to-morrow ; at Mt 1210 it inserted,
' I was a stone-mason, seeking a livelihood by my hands ; I pray
you, Jesus, to restore mj- health, lest I beg food with shame ' ;
it also read (at the passage corresponding to Mt 1821-22?), < " If
your brother has sinned in word and made amends to you,
receive him seven times in one day." Simon, his disciple, said to
him, " Seven times in a day?" "The Lord answered and said to
him, "Yes, I tell you, and up to seventy times seven ! for even in
the prophets, § after they had been anointed with the Holy
Spirit, matter of sin was found " ' (cf. above, p. 490) ; in Mt 21'* it
read : ' Osanna barrama ' (i.e. Hosanna in the heights) ; instead of
'son of Barachiah ' II it read ' son of Jehoiada'at Mt 2335 ; at Mt
2751 it read, 'the lintel of the temple, which was of enormous
size, broke and fell in pieces ' ; and it contained (in the neigh-
bourhood of Mt 522 or lSic-17) a saying of Jesus to His disciples,
'Never be glad except when you look with love at your
brother.'
These Jerome quotations show a Gospel in which Jesus is
called 'Jesus' as well as 'the Lord' (only the latter in the
Gospel of Peter), where the narrative of the Baptism has an
apologetic purpose as Matthew's has (3l4f.) — although the two
differ — but which was characterized by naive, popular traits
rather than by any theological tendencies. It nmst have ad-
hered to the general order and even material of Matthew ;
otherwise, as in the case of the scholia, it would have been out
of place to chronicle slight variations of text.
It is more easy to feel that HG and NG were
different than to assign these fragments to one or
the other. This is the precarious side of the hypo-
thesis advocated by Schmidtke and Waitz afresh.
However, to HG we may assign the quotations of
Clement and Origen, to NG those of Jerome and
the Jerusalem scholia. But naturally there must
have been some material common to both Gospels,
and we have evidence of this in the fact that both
Origen and Jerome witness apparently to the in-
terpretation of Barabbas as ' son of (their) teacher'
and to the Tabor saying IT about the Spirit as
mother. How far, if at all, the scholia of the
' Jewish ' Gospel attest the text of HG as well as
of NG it is impossible to say. The daemon-saying
quoted by Ignatius came from NG, if it came from
either of these Gospels. Probably, though not
certainly (see note on p. 490), the following passage
belonged to HG : ' But when the Lord had given
the linen cloth to the servant of the high priest, he
* ' Sicut in ipso Hebraico legimus.' This might mean ' in the
original Hebrew of the OT,' but the analogy of the other refer-
ences favours the meaning of 'in the Hebrew Gospel.'
t For Jerome's argument (on Is 112), the emphasis falls upon
the word ' entire.' The spirit of wisdom is ' poured out like
water' on the Elect One in En. xlix. 1 f. (cf. LXZ of Is llif-).
Spitta (ZNTW, I904,_p. 316 f.) suggests that /o?is represents^
KokviJ.p-q9pa (n-aj/TOS ToO TTfev/naro? ayiov) in the original, and that
KoKvix^riBpa. may have been confused with /cdAv^^os (colicmba) —
which would explain the remarkable absence of the dove here.
X Of.En. xlii. 1-3.
§ The second allusion in these citations to the OT prophets.
II In a Coptic fragment of some late Egyptian (Gospel?)
treatise, Jesus denounces the Jews before Pilate for killing the
prophets down to ' Zechariah the son of Barachiah and John
his son' (Patrol. Orient, ii. 105) — identifying the Zechariah of
the canonical Matthew with the other (cf. above, p. 485).
IT As we can see from the Baptism-story in NG (see above,
p. 490), no difficulty was felt about calling Jesus the Son of the
Spirit and mentioning His human mother, any more than in the
Synoptic tradition about mentioning His father Joseph and His
Heavenly Father.
went to James and appeared to him ; for James
had sworn he would not eat bread from the hour
when the Lord had drunk the cup until he saw
him rise from those who sleep. . . . "Bring a table
and bread," the Lord says. He took bread and
blessed it and broke it and gave it to James the
Just, and said to him, " My brother, eat your bread,
for the Son of Man* has risen from those who
sleep " ' (quoted by Jerome). The Eusebius quota-
tions are doubtful ; the Theophania citations point
to NG, but wliether the story of the accused Avoman
corresponds to that of Lk 7^^'- or to that of Jn 7^*-
8'", the probability is that Eusebius means to say
that it occurred in HG — a fresh indication that HG
was not, like NG, a sort of ' Mattha^an ' composi-
tion or version. We do not know if HG had any
Birth-story ; t perhaps it resembled Mark or John
in this respect. And its contents seem to have been
different from the exact Synoptic or Johannine type.
Both HG and NG were known to Hegesippus,
who brought forward material from both, as
Eusebius informs us : iK re rod Ka6' ' E^patous eiiayyeXiov
Kal rod ^vpiaKou Kal ZStws ^k rrjs'E^patdos diaX^KTovTivii,
rid-Qijiv (iv. 22. 8 ; cf. iii. 25. 5). Unless we regard
the Kal between evayyeXlov and tov as an error or
interpolation (Nicholson, Handmann), the inference
from this passage is that ' the Syriac (Gospel)' was
used by this Jewish-Christian writer as well as
the Gospel of the Hebrews. J Furthermore, since
NG was probably used by Ignatius (cf. p. 491), it
may be placed not later than the end of the
1st cent., subsequent to the composition of
Matthew's Gospel. It was the special Gospel of
the Jewish Christians at Bercea, originally ; it was
not marked by anti-Catholic tendencies,§ but owing
to its language it never attained the popularity and
circulation of HG. The latter was not a translation
but a Greek Gospel. It received the name of nad'
"E^palovs or 'Hebrew Gospel' from Christians who
were not Jews ; the title no more meant that it
was written in Hebrew than the Go.spel according
to the Egyptians meant a Gospel written in Coptic.
It was tlie readers, not the language, that suggested
the sobriquet, in this case. Again, unlike NG or
even EG, it had not Matthew's Gosjiel as its basis
or prototype. Clement and Origen never quote it
or refer to it as a work allied to Matthew. So far
as we can judge from the few allusions and cita-
tions that may be accepted as belonging to it, the
contents of HG nmst liave been stamped with
characteristics which differentiated it from the
canonical Gospels and yet commended it for a time
to others than Jewish Christians both in Palestine
and Syria (probably its original home) and Egypt.
But we do not possess any means of determining
its date with certainty ; whether it was contem-
porary with NG or written early in the 2nd cent.,
remains an open question. Later || than NG at
any rate, and further from orthodox teaching than
either NG or HG, was EG, which seems to imply a
• This is one note of primitive origin or colour ; the title ' Son
of Man ' is extremely rare outside the Gospels, and later writers
of uncanonical Gospels never copied it.
t Hegesippus did say that Doniitian dreaded the second ap-
pearance of Christ as Herod dreaded the first (Eus. BE iii. 20.
2), but it does not follow that he owed to HG this reference to
Herod. Oral tradition (as Handmann suggests) might account
for it.
: Waitz (ZNTW, 1913, p. 121) thinks it was EG that Hegesippus
used, not HG ; but his reasons are unconvincing. There is no
ground for supposing that HG was confined to Egypt, and none
for assuming that James was a vegetarian (see below), whose
principles would be shared by the Jewish Christians — and ex-
pressed in their Gospel (i.e. EG).
§ It is still a question how far the text and traditions of NO
represent earlier forms than those of the Synoptic narrative.
ji But if EG is used in the pseudo-Ciementine Kijpvy/naTa
Tlerpov, and if the latter were written by the middle of the
2nd cent., as Waitz shows good reason for maintaining (cf.
ZNTW, 1913, p. 49 f.), our Gospel may be put in the first half
or even quarter of the 2nd century. This is corroborated by
Irenaeus (cf. above, p. 490), if his Ebionitic Christians used EG.
494 GOSPELS (UXCAI^"ONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
knowledge of Luke as well as of Matthew, although
it is Matthaean, as HG does not appear to liave been.
This early 2nd cent, production is known to us
from the quotations made by Epiphanius, which
enable the following outline to be drawn :
(b) The Gospel of the Ebionites.— According to
Epiphanius [Ecer. xxx. 3), the Ebionites accepted
no Gospel except that of Matthew. ' This alone
they use, like the adherents of Cerinthus and
Merinthus ; they call it " the Gospel according to
the Hebrews" — a correct description, since it was
Matthew alone in the New Testament who com-
posed the narrative and preaching of the Gospel in
Hebrew and Hebrew characters.' It is true, he
adds — and he repeats this in xxx. 6 — that Hebrew
translations of John's Gospel and of Acts were said
to be kept in the Genizah at Tiberias, which had
proved useful in the conversion of Jews. But
Matthew's Gospel was the only one originally
written in Hebrew. This idea of a Hebrew
Matthew obsesses Epiphanius among other early
Christian writers ; it is needless* to spend words
upon his explanation of Kad' 'E^palovs as suitable to
the original language of Matthew. What is more
important for our present purpose is to notice how
he proceeds to explain that this Gospel used by the
Ebionites was not the canonical Matthew, however,
but a mutilated and revised edition (xxx. 13). It
began at 3^. (1) ' The beginning of their Gospel is :
"It came to pass in the days of Herod king of
Judaea that John came baptizing with a baptism
of repentance in the Jordan river ; he was said to
be of the race of Aaron the priest, the son of
Zechariah and Elizabeth. And all went out to
him.'" The story of the Birth and the genealogy
were therefore absent from this Gospel. ' Cutting
off the genealogies in Matthew, they make a
beginning, as I have already said, in this way : "It
came to pass in the days of Herod, king of Judaea,
under the high priest Caiaphas, that a certain man
named John came, baptizing with a baptism of
repentance in the Jordan river"' (xxx. 14). This
suggests that the author had Lk 3' in mind, but
in the following extract (2), by making the
Pharisees accept John's baptism, he dillers from
the Lucan tradition (Lk 3"* T-s-so) : 'John came
baptizing, and the Pharisees went out to him and
were baptized, and all Jerusalem. And John had
raiment of camel's hair and a girdle of skin round
his loins ; and his food (says the Gospel) was wild
honey, t the taste of which was the taste of manna,
like a honej'-cake dipped in oil' (xxx. 13). The
account of the Baptism of Jesus, however, did not
immediately follow, as in the canonical Matthew,
but only after an interval (/texA t6 eliretv voWd).
The author first of all brought Jesus on the scene,
and placed the call of the twelve apostles prior to
the Lord's Baptism, possibly to make it clear that
they had not been originally disciples of John,
more probably to convey the impression that they
had been eye-witnesses from the very outset. (3)
' There was a man named Jesus, and he was about
thirty years of age ; he chose us . . . and entering
Capharnaum he went into the house of Simon
surnamed Peter, and opening his lips said, "As I
walked beside the lake of Tiberias:): I chose John
• Even after Zahn'a (Gesch. des Kanons, ii. 731 f.) argrument
that Epiphaniu8'9 statement is correct, and that since Origen the
Ebionitic Christians had begun to appropriate for their own
Gospel the honorific title of the Church's HO.
t The religious vegetarianism of the Ebionite Christians
(Epiph. xxx. 15) made them change 'locusts' (axpiSe^, Mt 3^)
into honey-cake (ey^pi?). The verse echoes LXX of Nu 11**
(»cai iji/ r; ifSour) auToO (io-el yeCua cyicpis e'f fKatov). Note James
was an ascetic but not a vegetarian. "The words of Hegcsippiis,
which Eusebius quotes (Z/JS ii. 23. 5), ovSe ifxi^vxov e4>ay(v,
mean that he was careful to eat only ' kosher ' meat (in the sense
of Ac 15'-s* and Jos. Ant. i. 102, x"p"'s alVaro?).
t This is almost the only touch in the extant fragments which
recalls the Fourth Gospel (6-'), and even this need not be a
and James, sons of Zebedseus, and Simon and
Andrew and Thaddaeus and Simon the zealot and
Judas Iscariot ; and I called thee, Matthew, sitting
at the receipt of custom, and thou didst follow me.
You then I desire to be twelve apostles for a testi-
mony to Israel"' (xxx. 13). The narrative of the
Baptism (4) diverges in order and in some details
from the Synoptic tradition. ' When the people
had been baptized, Jesus also came and was
baptized by John. And when he came up from
the water, the heavens opened and he saw the
Holy Spirit in the form of a dove descending and
entering into him. And a voice came from heaven
saying, " Thou art my Beloved, in thee I am well-
pleased" — and again — "to-day have I begotten
thee. " And immediately a great light * shone round
the place. Seeing this (says the Gospel), John says
to him, "Who art thou, Lord?" And again a
voice from heaven addressed him [or, said of him],
" This is my son, the Beloved, in whom I am well-
pleased." And then (says the Gospel) John fell
down before him and said, " I pray thee. Lord, do
thou baptize me." But he forbade him, saying,
" Come, this is how it is fitting that all should
be accomplished"' (xxx. 13). The divergence of
EG from NG at this point is clear : the one has
a dove, the other has not (cf. above, p. 493) ; and
EG conflates the voices from heaven.
The Gospel must have included the middle part
of the life of Jesus.t for two sayings are quoted,
one (5) a curious protest against sacrifices (' I came
to abolish sacrifices, and if you do not cease sacri-
ficing, the Wrath will not cease from you,' xxx. 16),
and the other (6) a version of Mt 12^»-5«=Mk S^'-^
= Lk 8^^"^^ ('They deny he is a man, on the ground,
forsooth, of the word which the Saviour spoke when
he Avas informed, "Behold, thy mother and thy
brothers are standing outside." " Who is my mother
and my brothers ? " And stretching his hand out to
his disciples he said, "These are my sisters and
mother and brother, who do the will of my Father," '
xxx, 14). If (5) was substituted J for Mt 5'^ (as in
the case of (7)), and if the plural 6e\qfw.Ta in (6) means
the various injunctions of the Law as God's will,
■\ve have two indications of the Jewish Christian
syncretistic and anti-sacrificial § tendency which
dominated the Gospel.
The sole saying (7) which has been preserved
from the Passion narrative illustrates the vegeta-
rian tendency which we have already seen in the
description of John the Baptist's food. The Lucan
saying, ' With desire have I desired to eat this
passover with you,' became : ' I have not desired
to eat this passover of fle.sh with you' (xxx.
22). II The Ebionites were vegetarians, probably
because they objected to sexual relations as im-
moral, and consequently to animal food as the
product of such relations even among the lower
creatures.
The accuracy of Epiphanius is seldom beyond
question, and it has been surmised that these
quotations in whole or part came from other sources
(so, e.g., Credner, Lijjsius, Westcott, Schmidtke).
Thus (5) may have come from the Clementine Re-
cognitions (i. 39, 54) and (6) from Origen's comment
on Jn 2'^ But it does not follow that they were
current only in these quarters. And as Epiphanius
does show some close acquaintance with the tenets
reminiscence. On the other hand, the Coptic fragments which
some pro]iose to connect with this Gospel (cf. 506) show
marked Joliannine colouring.
* See Justin's Dial. 88.
t Origen (rfc Prineip. iv. 22) also quotes the Ebionites' inter-
pretation of Mt 152^.
{ Nicholson (p. 77) suggests that it was part of a paragraph
answering to Lk 131-3.
§ This led them (Epiph. xviii. 2, xxx. 8, 18) to criticize parts of
the Law and even of the prophets, in spite of their admiration
of the OT.
il Or, ' Have I desired . . . you?'
GOSPELS (UNCANOXICAL)
GOSPELS (UXCAXOXICAL) 495
and practices of the Ebionites, it is fair to assume
that his citations from their Gospel are not invari-
ably inaccurate or imaginary. As the quotation (2)
shows, by the substitution of iyKpls for the Synoptic
cLKpides, the original text was Greek, not Semitic.
Origen (see p. 479) calls it t6 iTnyeypa/j.jj.ii>ov tCjv
dddeKa eiayyiXiov, instead of using Kara, as he does
in describing the other Gospels on his list, and as
the Latin translator renders it ( ' iuxta * duodecim
apostolos '). The probability is that a saying like (3)
gave rise to this title ; it would suggest, and perhaps
was intended by the writer to suggest, that the
Gospel was composed by Matthew in the name of the
twelve apostles, just like the Gospel of Peter or
(according to one legend) the Fourth Gospel. It is
true that a similar inference may be not unreason-
ably drawn, identifying this Gospel with HG, which
also claimed to be a Gospel of ^^lattliew ; but the
inference would not be so conclusive, for in any
case the Gospel of the Ebionites, like the other
Jewish-ChristianGospels, was based on the canonical
jNIatthew. Its original title may have been ' the
Gospel of the Twelve by Matthew ' or ' the Gospel of
the Twelve,' for 'the Gospel of the Ebionites' is
naturally no more than a description of it which
emanated from outside circles. It belonged to the
Synoptic type ; nowhere can it be proved to have
derived from the Johannine Gospel.
(c) The Gospel of the Egyptians.— The ' Gospel of
the Egj-ptians ' means a Gospel current among the
Egyptians, not a Gospel composed bj' them. The
title {rb Kar Alyvwriovs evayyiXiov) first occurs in
Clementof Alexandria, who observes that it was used
by people (the Encratites) ol iravra fidWov rj rw /card
TTji' dXrjdeiav evayyeXiKqi <TTOixf}<^o-vTes Kavovc {Strom, iii.
9. 66). By the time that Origen WTote, it had been
degraded to the rank of a heretical writing, but
Clement's language implies an earlier attitude
M-hich was more favourable. Thus in Strom, iii.
13. 92 he remarks, h. propos of one quotation, ' We
possess this saying (IxoM^*' Ti> p-nrdv) not in the four
Gospels which have been handed down to lis, but
in the Gospel according to the Egyptians.'
The extant quotations are for the most part taken from
dialogues between Jesus and Salome, (a) ' When Salome asked
" How long shall death prevail?" . . . the Lord said, "So long
as you women bear"' (Clem. Strom, iii. 6. 45). (6) 'Salome
says, " How long shall men die?" . • . The Lord answers, " So
long as women bear" ' (Strom, iii. 9. 64 ; similarly in Excerpta
Theod. 67). (c) '"Then," said she [i.e. Salome], "I would
have done well in not bearing?" as if child-bearing were not
allowed. The Lord replies, " Eat every herb, but do not eat the
bitter t one " ' {Strom, iii. 9. 66). (d) A fourth quotation is less
certain. ' Those who oppose what God has created, in their
specious (or fine-sounding, riK^^fiov) continence adduce the words
spoken to Salome which we have mentioned above. The\'
occur, I think (<#>e'peT<u 6e, oT^nu), in the Gospel according to the
EgjTDtians ; for they say, "The Sa%-iour himself said, 1 came to
destroy the xcorks of the female " ' (Strom, iii. 9. 63). The hesita-
tion is curious, but it hardly justifies us in arguing that the quota-
tion must have come from a work like the Exegetica of Ca,siianua
rather than from the Egyptian Gospel. In any case, the leading
idea of (c) and (d) is that the distinctions "of sex are to be
obliterated in the future kingdom, and that marriage as the
bitter herb of bodily passion is therefore to be avoided. This is
still more vi\'idly put in (e), a fifth quotation. In reply to another
question put by Salome upon the time when the kingdom was
to be revealed, 'The Lord said, "When you tread under foot
the garment of shame, when I the two become one, the male
with the female, neither male nor female " ' (Strom, iii. 13. 92).
Here the 'garment of shame' is the body, which Cassianus
regarded as the garments of skin in Gn 321. The perfect state
means the abolition of all sexual connexions and the phvsical
organism which forms their opportunity, according to the
Pythagorean theosophy or perhaps merely Philonic influence.
* By 'iuxta ' he meant to render Kara, for he goes on to trans-
late KOLTo. MafliW by 'iuxta ilathian.'
t G. Wobbermin's theory (Religionsgeschiehtliche Studien,
1S96, pp. 96-103) that Orphism has influenced this Gospel in-
volves, among other improbabilities, the literal meaning of
'herb' here, as an indication of vegetarian tendencies.
X This kind of rhetoric became common in some circles; cf., e.g.,
the Acta Phib'ppi, 140 (p. 9ii, ed.Tischendorf)and the J. ctaPefri,
38 (C. Schmidt, TU xxiv. [1903]). But the curious fantasy of the
Logion quoted in these Acta does not necessarily imply a use of
the Egyptian Gospel.
The dialogue form is common in contemporary
Rabbinic tradition, and Salome for some reason
was one of the Synoptic figures to whom the later
Gnostics (cf. her dialogues with Jesus in Pistil
Sophia, 102, 104, 114, 115, 343,381) and the Carpocra-
tians (Orig. Cels. v. 62) assigned an important r61e.
The allusions of Hippolytus and Epiphanius
suggest that the Gospel must have contained pas-
sages capable of a j^antheistic development, but
it is naturally impossible to determine, with the
scanty data at our disposal, how far these encratitic
and modalistic theories of the later Naassenes and
Sabellians were due to the text of the Gospel itself
and how far to later interpretations.
The Gospel of the Egj-ptians was probably used
by the author of the homily ( + A.D. 150) known as
2 Clement. This is not beyond question (cf. Zahn ;
Haase, p. 3 ; and Batiffol's plea in his study of the
Gospel in Vigouroux's Dictionnaire de la Bible, ii.
162.5-1627), but the evidence points strongly in favour
of such a hypothesis. Thus the saying quoted in
Strom, iii. 13. 92 reappears in 2 Clem. xii. 2 : 'When
questioned by someone when His kingdom would
come, the Lord said, " When the two shall be one,
the outward as the inward, the male with the
female, neither male nor female." ' If this is so, it
proves that the Gospel of the Egyptians had a high
place, next to the four Gospels, since it is quoted
alongside of them. The writer of 2 Clement gives
quite an orthodox and moral interpretation of the
saying which he cites, and this would again corro-
borate the impression that the Gospel of the Egyp-
tians was not originally Encratitic, but only that
some of its contents lent themselves to such views.
It is possible but hazardous to infer that the tliree
other uncanonical quotations in 2 Clement are also
derived from the Egyptian Gospel, viz. iv. 5 ('The
Lord said, "If you are gathered with me in my
bosom, and do not my commands, I will cast you
out and will say to you. Depart from me, I know
not whence you are, you workers of iniquity"'),*
V. 2-4 (' The Lord said, "You shall be as lambs in
the midst of wolves." And Peter answered and said
to him, "Supposing the wolves tear the lambs?"
Je.sus said to Peter, " Let not the lambs fear the
wolves after death ; and as for you, fear not those
who kill you and can do no more to you, but fear
him who after deatli has power over soul and body,
to cast them into the fiery gehenna"'), and viii. 5
('The Lord said in the Gospel, " If you did not guard
what is small, who shall give you what is great ?
For I tell you that he who is faithful in what is
least is also faithful in what is much " '). The
attempts to identify the Oxyrhynchite fragment
(see below, p. 499), the Oxyrhynchite Logia, the
Strassburg Coptic fragments (cf. p. 506), the Fayyftm
fragment, or the Gospel of Peter, witli this Gospel,
have not succeeded in almost any case in establish-
ing a proof which is beyond question, although the
affinities with the (first series of) Oxyrhynchite
Logia perhaps justify us in assigning the latter
provisionally to this Egyptian scripture (cf. J. A.
Robinson in Expositor, 5th ser., vi. [1897] 417 f.).
The use made of it by men like Julius Cassianus,
a leader of the Docetic movement who was tinged
with Encratitic tendencies, and Theodotus, the
Egj'ptian Valentinian, together with its popular-
ity among Christian circles like the Naassenes and
the Sabellians,t may have contributed to the dis-
* In the context of a passage like 5It 722f. ? Practically the
same Logion occurs among the scholia of the HG (cf. above,
p. 492). Does this mean that the Clement quotations go back
to NG, or that the scholia borrowed from 2 Clement, or that
the Logion lay in both XG and EG? Cf. Schmidtke, p. 297 f.
t According to Hippolytus (Philos. v. 7), it was one of the
writings exploited by the Gnostic Kaassenes ; according to
Epiphanius (Ixii. 2), the Sabellians used it(ToO KoAov/iieVou Aiyvi-
Tt'ou eiiayyeXiov) in support Of their tenets. Both noticea
corroborate the Egyptian provenance of the GospeL The
Sabellians used it along with the OT and the NT.
496 GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
favour into which it afterwards fell. Originally
its position relative to the canonical Gospels may
have resembled that of the Gospel according to
the Hebrews. Like the latter and the Gospel of
Peter, it circulated for a while without incurring
any suspicions or hostility on the part of the
authorities.
Unlike the Gospel of the Hebrews, it seems
neither to have been a translation nor to have
been translated. Ear' Aiyvn-Tiovs does not mean,
'in Coptic'; the most probable explanation is
that it denotes a Gospel meant for and used by
the native Egyptian converts, just as Ka^'"E,3paioiis
meant a Gospel originally designed for the Jewish
Christians of Palestine. It is possible that the
Gospel of the Hebrews reached the Jewish Chris-
tians of Alexandria (Egypt), and that the Gospel
of the Egyptians was so named in order to dis-
tinguish it from its contemporary ; but this is no
more than conjecture, although AlyinrrLos is known
to have meant ' provincial ' as opposed to ' Alex-
andrian.' Zahn accounts for the title and circula-
tion of the Gospel by supposing that already, as
in later days, the provincial churches of Egypt
did not invariably follow the Alexandrian Chuich,
and that, while the latter adhered more closely
to the canonical Gospels, the country churches
favoured the native product.* This meets the
requirements of the situation during the later
part of the 2nd cent, as fairly as any other
hypothesis, and may be accepted tentatively as
satisfactory. But there is no reason to suppose
that the Egyptian Gospel only followed in the
wake of the four canonical Gospels. Unfortun-
ately, our knowledge of the origins of Christianity
in Egypt is extremely scanty until the middle
of the 2nd century. There is, further, the lack of
adequate information about the exact contents of
the Gospel of the Egyptians. But if the latter
could be used by the author of a non-Egyptian
document like 2 Clement by the middle of the
2nd cent., the Egyptian Gospel may have been
current c. A.D. 125, if not earlier.
Special Literature. — M. Schneckenburgrer, Ueber das
Evanrjelium, der Aegypter, Bern, 1834 (edition of the Gospel
of the Hebrews, in the interests of an Ej;yplian Ebionitic sect) ;
Hilgenfeld, Ketzergesch. des Urchristenthums, Leipzig, 1884, p.
546 f. ; D. Volter, Petrusevanqelium oder Aegypterevangelium)
Tubingen, 1893 (cf. ZNTW, 1905, pp. 368-372) ; O. Pfleiderer,
Prim. Christianity, iii., London, 1910, pp. 225-228. It is pos-
sible (cf. Baumstark in ZNTW, 1913, pp. 232-247) that traces
of the use of the Gospel of the Egyptians are to be found in the
Ethiopia 'Testament of our Lord and Redeemer Jesus Christ,'
recently edited by L. Guerrier and S. Gr^baut in Patmlogia
Orientalis, ix. 3 [1913] ; and an attempt has been made (byF.
P. Badham and F. C. Conybeare, HJ yii. [1912-13] 805 f.) to
show that, like the ' Ascensio Isaiae,' it was read by the Cathars
of Albi.
{d) The Gospel of Peter.— The Gospel of Peter
was used, either for private reading or in
public worship, by the Church at lihossus on the
coast of Syria, not far from Antioch, in the last
quarter of the 2nd cent. Its use appears to
have occasioned some doubt and dispute, however.
Serapion, the bishop of Antioch (A.D. 190-203),
who seems to have been either a casual or a
tolerant person, at first declined to take any steps
in the matter ; he sanctioned the use of the Gospel,
without troubling to examine it carefully. Sub-
sequently, he borrowed a copy from some Docetic
Christians, and discovered that ' although most
of it belonged to the right teaching of the Saviour,
some things were additions.' By the time Eusebius
( HE vi. 12) wrote, it was definitely branded as
illegitimate.t It is doubtful whether Eusebius
knew it at first-hand, and the later allusions to it
• The author is unknown, and no name was ever connected
with it — which is one mark of early origin, at any rate of an
origin apart from any special sect or tendency.
t The harsh censure of Eusebius (,HE iiL 8) ia repeated by
Jerome {de Vir. iUuntr. 1).
are probably borrowed from him. At the same
time, it has to be remembered that the Gospel of
Peter was not obliterated by the episcopal censure
of Serapion. Its circulation was never wide, but
it was tenacious. The Syriac Didascalia (cf.
TU, new ser., x. 2 [1904], p. 324 f.) in the 3rd cent,
and Syriac Jewish Christians as late as the 5th
witness to its existence and popularity (cf. Theod.
Hmr.fabul. ii. 2)* in Syriac; and the discovery of
the Akhmlm fragment atte.sts its circulation in
Egypt. Still later traces are detected by Usener
{ZNTW, 1902, p. 353 f.), Stocks {ZKG, 1913, p. 3),
and Leipoldt [Geschichte des neutest. Kanons, i.
177 f.).
About A.D. 246 Origen, in his Commentary on
Matthew (x. 17) observes that 'The citizens of
Nazareth (Mt 13^*) supposed Jesus Avas the son of
Joseph and Mary ; as for the brothers of Jesus,
some say they were sons of Joseph by a former
wife who had lived with him before Mary, on the
ground of a tradition in the Gospel entitled /card
tiirpov or the book of James.' This tradition, we
now know, existed in the primitive source of the
Protevangelium Jacobi (cf. p. 484). But it does
not follow that it did not also exist in the Gospel
of Peter. If so, that Gospel belongs to our second
class ; and one consideration in favour of this is
the extreme unlikelihood of Peter's name being
specially attached to a Gospel which did not cover
the ministry of Jesus. Till the winter of 1886-
1887 this solitary reference was all that was
known of the Gospel ; but the discovery of an
8th cent, manuscript of fragments of Peter's
Gospel, Peter's Apocalypse, and Enoch in Greek, at
Akhmlm in Upper Egypt, revealed more of the
characteristics of this Gospel. Unluckily, the frag-
ment begins and ends abruptly. It opens with
the end of the trial ; Pilate has washed his hands,
but none of the other judges (including Herod)
does so. Herod takes the leading part in what
follows,t the aim of the author being to exculpate
the Romans and emphasize the responsibility and
guilt of the Jews. In the story of the Crucihxion
one of the malefactors reproaches not his fellow-
criminal but the Jewish by-standers, who retaliate
by leaving his legs unbroken in order to prolong
his agony. It is at this point that the Docetic and
semi-Gnostic tendencies of the writer begin to
show themselves. On the Cross the Lord ' was
silent, as having no pain ' ; his last cry is, ' My
Power, my Power, hast thou forsaken me?' When
His dead body is lowered to the ground, there
is an earthquake. The Jewish mob and their
authorities then J repent, crying, ' Alas for our
sins ! the judgment, the end of Jerusalem, is
nigh ! ' At this point the author § brings Peter on
the scene. ' I and my companions grieved, and,
struck to the heart, we hid ourselves, for we were
being sought for by them [i.e. the Jews] as male-
factors and as intending to set hre to the temple.'
Meantime Pilate has the tomb guarded, at the
request of the Jews. The author then ventures
to describe the Resurrection. || 'There was aloud
• But Theodoret's evidence is not above suspicion. How
could 'Nazarene' Jewish Christians make so anti-Jewish a
book their favourite Gospel ? Theodoret's reference, like several
other references of the same kind, may be to a different volume
from our ' Peter.'
t But it is difficult to understand why the writer did not
draw material for his anti-Jewish representation from the
vain appeals of Pilate to the Jews, or from their deliberate pre-
ference of Barabbas to Jesus. Perhaps these were noted in
sections which have not been preserved.
5 This is inconsequent ; but here as elsewhere the fragment
does not seem to have preserved the true order of the text.
Or, possibly, it has omitted connecting material.
§ This Gospel, like the Protevangelium Jacobi and the^Gospel
of the Twelve, is definitely pseudonymous.
II On the connexion between what follows and the Jewish
doctrine of the heavenly Adam, see Stocks' essay in NKZ, 1902,
p. 302 f., ib. 1903, p. 628 f. The Cross probably symbolizes the
soul of Jesus (see, further, p. 600).
OOSrELS (UN-CANOmCAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL) 497
voice in heaven, and they [i.e. the sentries] saw
heaven opened and two men descending thence,
with a great light, and approaching the tomb.'
The boulder at the opening moves of its own accord,
the two figures enter, and the astonished soldiers
(including the centurion and the elders) ' see three
men coming out of the tomb, two supporting the
third, and a Cross following them ; the heads of
the two reached as far as heaven, but the head of
the One whom they escorted was higher than the
heavens. And they heard a voice from the heavens
saying, " Hast thou preached to them that sleep ? "
And from the Cross the answer came, "Yes."'
The next vision is that of a man descending from
heaven and entering the sepulchre. The party of
soldiers and Jews then retreat, and agree to say
nothing about what they have seen. The following
paragraph describes how Mary Magdalene took
her friends on the morning of Sunday to wait at
the tomb. They find a comely youth inside [ = the
man who had entered '!] ; he tells them that the
Lord has risen to heaven [there is no Ascension],
and they fly in terror. The fragment then breaks
off abruptly : ' Now it was the last day of Un-
leavened Bread, and many went away home, since
the feast was over ; but we, the twelve disciples
of the Lord, wept and grieved. Each left for
home, grieved at what had occurred ; but I,
Simon Peter, and Andrew my brother, took our
nets and went to the sea, ana with us were Levi
the son of Alphseus, whom the Lord . . .'
According to ' Peter,' there are no Resurrection
appearances to the women or to the disciples in
Jerusalem. The fragment breaks off on the edge
of what seems to be an account of some appearance
at the Sea of Galilee to Peter, Andrew, Levi (and
some others ?). This would tally with the appear-
ance preserved in the appendix to 'John,' only, in
' Peter ' it would be an appearance of the Ascended
Christ, for the word of the young man (angel) to
the woman at the tomb is, ' he has risen and gone
away to where he was sent from ' (direffToXT], i.e.
from heaven, as in Lk 4^, where Mark's i^rjXdov, i.e.
from Capernaum , is changed in to dire(XTd\r}v, i. e. from
heaven). A further idiosyncrasy is the apparent
length of interval between the Resurrection and the
flight of the disciples from Jeiusalem to Galilee.
Did the writer really mean that a week elapsed ?
Or is his description due to chronological in-
accuracy ?
Whether the terminus ad quern for the com-
position of the Gospel can be carried back earlier
than the last quarter of the 2nd cent, depends
upon the view taken of its relation to Justin Martyr.
It had been already conjectured by Credner and
others that the Gospel of Peter might be one of the
apostolic memoirs used by Justin, and this con-
jecture seems corroborated by the Akhmim frag-
ment, which apparently supplies the basis for the
references in Apol. i. 35 (the seating of Jesus on
the/375/xa),i. 40 ('The Spirit of prophecy foretold . . .
the conspiracy formed against Christ by Herod, the
king of the Jews, and the Jews themselves, and
Pilate . . . with his soldiers'), and possibly i. 50,
as well as in Dial. 103 (where Herod is termed ' a
king'), Dial. 97 (\axfiov ^dWovres — the phrase in
' Peter '), and Dial. 108. Upon the whole, this
dependence of Justin upon the Gospel of Peter
seems preferable (so.e.g'., Harnack, von Soden,Lods)
to the alternative hypothesis of von Schubert and
Stanton (Gospels as Hist. Documents, i. [1903] 93 f.,
103 f.) that the coincidences between the two are
due to the use of a common source, viz. the Acts of
Pilate, an official report of the trial of Jesus pur-
porting to have been drawn up by the procurator
and perhaps underlying the references in the later
Acta Pilati and in TertuUian.
This fixes the date of the Gospel's composition
VOL. I. — 32
appi-oximately within the first quarter of the second
century. The terminus a quo depends upon the
view taken of its dependence on the canonical
Gospels. Those who find in it traces of all four —
as if the writer knew them and employed them
indifferently, quoting perhaps from memory, to
suit his own dogmatic ends — naturally place the
Gospel c. A.D. 125 as a very early attempt to employ
the canonical traditions in the interests of a Gnostic
propaganda. The dependence on Mark and even
Matthew is, we think, to be granted. The coinci-
dences between ' Peter ' and Luke and John (cf.
Lods, op. cit. 18 f.) are not quite so clear.* There
is room still for the hypothesis that ' Peter' repre-
sents a popular, early type of the inferior narratives
which Luke desired to supersede. At several points
' Peter' marks the same line of development which
recurs in Luke and John, and as a composition from
Syrian Antioch, with which the traditions of Luke
and John are independently connected, it may even
be conjectured to have arisen within the 1st cen-
tury. To a modern reader, a comparison of its
text with those of Luke and John seems at first
sight to put its dependence on them beyond doubt.
But doubts recur as soon as we recollect that the
specific traditions which for us exist primarily in
Luke and John were already in existence, at least
orally, and that touches which are extant in litera-
ture in these canonical Gospels for the first time
must have been current decades earlier. Take,
for example, a piece of evidence like that of the
' garden ' of Joseph. ' Peter ' mentions this. The
Fourth Gospel also does. Therefore, it is assumed,
' Peter ' used the Fourth Gospel. Why ? It is
surely illogical for those who believe that this
formed part of the authentic tradition to assume
that the only access to it was through the text of
a Gospel at the very end of the 1st century. And
even apart from this, such a tradition may have
been easily known orally decades before it was
committed to writing.f " The evidence generally
alleged for the dependence of ' Peter ' upon Luke
and John must be sifted in the light of this con-
sideration, and also with a desire to avoid the
mistake of supposing that inferior traditions are
invariably later, chronologically, than the written
forms of what is more authentic. ' Peter,' like the
Gospel of the Hebrews, is in danger of being read
in the light of an uncritical assumption that the 1st
cent. A.D. saw nothing but the circulation of good
traditions about the life of Jesus, that the canonical
Gospels swept up all of these into their pages, and
that the uncanonical Gospels represent invariably
the later, fantastic efforts of a generation which
had to make up by the exercise of its imagination
for the lack of sound materials.
The traces of Gnostic speculation confirm the
hypothesis of a date early in the 2nd cent, if
not within the 1st. They are too incipient and
naive to be described as related to the system of
Valentinus ; neither the personification of the
Cross nor the allusion to Christ's Divine Power is
much more than the popular setting of ideas which
form the basis for the doctrines attacked in the
First Epistle of John and in Ignatius. ' Peter' is
not the attempt of a Gnostic theorist to work over
the canonical texts in the interests of Docetism or
Valentinianism.
As soon as the Akhmim fragment was published,
* ' Peter,' e.g., introduces Herod among the Judges of Jesus.
So far he agrees with the tradition followed by Luke, but then
he calls Herod ' the king,' whereas Luke corrects this (9'0 Marcan
term (&*) at an earlier stage, and never uses it in the Passion
narrative.
t Even apart from the possibility of common written sources,
the factor of oral tradition must be estimated if we are not here,
as in the Synoptic problem, to be misled by the juxtaposition of
printed texts with hypotheses which are ultra-Iiterary and
artificial.
498 GOSPELS (U^^CAIsTONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCAJS"ONICAL)
it was conjectured by some critics that the Akhmlm
fragment of the Apocalypse of Peter might also be
a part, or an elaboration of part, of the Gospel.
The Apocalypse contains a vision of two righteous
saints in heaven granted to the twelve on ' the
mountain,' with a special revelation, granted to
Peter alone, of hell. A similar problem emerges
(cf. p. 504) in connexion with the so-called
' Gospel of Bartholomew.' The dividing line
between Apocalypses and Gospels of our third class
is naturally wavering, and if on other grounds it
could be established that the Gospel of Peter was
originally a Gospel of the Death and Kesurrection,
there would be less improbability about the con-
jecture that the Petrine Apocalypse and the
Petrine Gospel were either the same work, to begin
with, or organically related.
Repeated attempts have been made to connect
this Gospel with material extant in other quarters.
Vblter (cf. p. 496) actually identifies it with the
Gospel of the Egyptians ; Harnack suggests that
the Pericope Adulterse originally belonged to it ;
and H. Stocks (ZKG, 1913, pp. 1-57) argues that
lost fragments of it are embedded in Asc. Is. xi.
2-22, iii. 13Mv. 18 (the latter passage describes,
int&r alia, how the Beloved appeared on the third
day sitting on the shoulders of Gabriel and Michael,
who had opened the tomb).
The remarkable phrase about Jesus feeling no
pain (ws ixT]5h irbvov Ix^") on the Cross ought perhaps
to be taken in the light of the description of the
heroic Blandina amid her tortures (iJ-riU ata-Orjcnv
^n Tuv (Tvfi^aivdvTui' 'ix°^'^^ ^'^ '"'?'' eSiriSa kt\., Eus.
HE V. 1. 56).
Special Literature. — The Akhmim fragment, first published,
six years after its discovery, by U. Bouriant in Mimoirespubliis
par les membres de la mission archiologiqtie frangaise au Caire
ix. 1 (Paris, 1S92), 137-147, with a photographic reproduction
(ib. ix. 3, 1893, p. 217 f.), led to a series of critical editions by O.
von Gebhardt (Das Eoangelitnn und die Apokalypse des Petncs,
Leipzig, 1893) ; A. 'Lods * (L'Evangile et V apocaly pse de Pierre
. . . aoec un appendice sur les rectifica lions d apporter au texte
grec du lirrre d'U4noch, Paris, 1S93) ; H. von Schubert t (Die
Composition des pseudo-petrinischen Evangelienfragments, Ber-
Un, 1893) ; Zahn {Das Eimngelium des Petrus, Erlangen and
Leipzig, 1893); Harnack (TCix. 2, Leipzig, 1893, pp. 8f., 23 f.);
J. Kmuzq (Das neuaufgefundene Bruchsldckdes sogen. Petrus-
erangelium, do., 1S93) ; P. Lejay (in REG, 1893, pp. 59-84, 267-
270) ; van Manen {Het evangelie van Petrus. Tekst en Vertaling,
Leiden, 1893) ; and Semeria (in liB, 1894, pp. 522-560). English
editions by J. A. Robinson and M. R. James (The Gospel
according to Peter and the Revelation of Peter^, London, 1892);
H. B. Swete (The Apocryphal Gospel of St. Peter. The Greek
text of the newly discovered fragment-, London, 1893; also,
EvayyeKiov Kara Herpov. The Akhmim fragment of the Apoc-
ryphal Gospel of S. Peter edited with an introdtiction, notes,
and indices, London, 1893) ; the Author of ' Supernatural
Reliaion' (The Gospel according to Peter, London, 1S94) ; and A.
Rutherfurd (Ante-Nicene Chr. Lib. ix., Edinb., 1S97, pp. 3-31,
with J. A. Robinson's tr.). Critical studies by A. Sabatier
(L'Evangile de Pierre et les ivang. canmiiques, Paris, 1S93) ;
A. Hilgenfeld (ZWT, 1893, p. 439f.); von Soden (ZTK, 1893,
pp. 52-92); V. H. Stanton (JThSt iu [1900-01] Iff.); Vblter
(XSTW, 1905, p. 36Sf.) ; K. Lake (The Resiirrectitm of Jesus
Christ, London, 1907, pp. 148 f., 177 f.); and C. H. Turner
(JThSt xiv. [1912-13J 161 flf.).
(e) The Gospel of Basilides. — In Alexandria
Basilides and his scliool maintained their apostolic
succession along two lines. They claimed as their
authority for doctrine Glaucias, the interpreter of
Peter (Clem. Strom, vii. 17. 4), and they circulated
an edition of the Gospel or Gospels which had been
prepared in their own interests. This is the so-
called ' Gospel of Basilides,' though the title ((card
Bao-iXldrjv) was of course due to his opponents.
There seems no reason to doubt the accuracy of
Origen's reference to a Gospel of Basilides, which
that distinguished Egyptian Gnostic must have
composed before the middle of the 2nd cent.
• Besides an earlier study, Evangelii secundum Petrum et
Petri Apocalypseot qua supersunt . . . cum latina versions et
dissertatione critica, Paris, 1892.
t A smaller pamphlet by this writer (Das Petrusevangelium.
f^ynoptische Tabelle nebst Uebersetzung und kritischem Apparat,
Berlin, 1893) was translated by J. Macpherson (The Gospel of
St. Peter, Edinburgh, 1893).
(possibly under Hadrian, or even Trajan), but the
only means of determining approximately its
character is furnished by the quotations made by
Clement of Alexandria {Strom, iv. 12) from the
tAventy-third, and by the Acta Archelai (Ixvii., ed.
C. H. Beeson) from the thirteenth, of the twenty-
four books of Excgetica which Basilides himself
composed as a commentary upon it. These quota-
tions make it improbable that the Gospel was
merely a collection of sayings of Jesus, like the so-
called Q or second source of Matthew and Luke.
The glimpses we can gain of it* rather point either
(a) to a compilation or harmony based on the
canonical Gospels (Zahn, Kriiger, Bardenhewer), or
(6) to a more independent Gospel of the Synoptic
type. The similarities between the extant frag-
ments (e.g. that from the 13th book relates to the
Parable of Dives and Lazarus) and Luke's Gospel
have led some critics (e.g. Lipsius, Windisch, and
Waitz) to conjecture that Basilides simply prepared
an edition of Luke for his own purposes. In this
case, his Gospel would be, like that of Marcion, an
altered form of our canonical Third Gospel. Origen
more than once refers in his Homilies on Luke to
the numerous heretics who had recourse to this
Gospel, quoting it like the devil for anti-divine
purposes of their own. As Basilides is grouped
with Marcion in Origen's references, and as the
extant fragments can almost without exception t
be described as distinctively Lucan, it is not un-
likely that his e^a77Ato;' was an edition of Luke.
Special Literature. — Hilgenfeld's Einleitung in das Neue
Testament, p. 46 f. ; Zahn's Geschichte des Kanons, i. 763-774 :
'Basilides und die kirchliche Bibel'; and H. Windisch in
ZNTW, 1906, pp. 236-246 : ' Das Evangelium des BasUides.'
(/) The Gospel of Marcion. — Marcion's ' Gospel'
was certainly an edition of Luke, prepared for the
use of those who shared his antipathy to Judaism.
This dogmatic purpose explains most of the omis-
sions — e.g. of the first two chapters, of ips-ss, and
of 20^^'^. It is a further question whether his text
does not occasionally reproduce a more original
form than that of the canonical Luke. But in any
case his ' Gospel,' though to a slight degree harmon-
istic (i.e. introducing material from other Gospels),
is not in the strict sense of the term an inde-
pendent uncanonical production. Its title was
' the Gospel of the Lord.' The best critical recon-
struction is in Zahn's Gesch. des Kanons, i. 674 f., ii.
409f., together with Sanday's Gospels in the Second
Century (1876, ch. viii. ). Hahn's earlier reconstruc-
tion (1823) was translated into English by J. Ham-
lyn Hill (Marcion's Gospel, 1891).
(g) The Gospel of Apelles. — Apelles, Marcion's
disciple, is said by Epiphanius (xliv. 2) to have
quoted the Logion, yiveade ddKifioi rpaire^Tai, as
occurring iv ry evayye'Kiij}. If so, he must have
used other Gospels than that of his master, for the
saying does not occur in Marcion's Luke. But it
does not follow that he edited or composed a
Gospel of his own. The Logion was evidently
current in many quarters (cf. Resch, TU xxx. pp.
112-128), though it never occurs in any fragment
of an uncanonical Gospel. Apelles simply used it to
corroborate his principle of selecting from Scripture
the salient passages (xpw yap, (prtalv, d7r6 vdurTjs ypa(piji
duaXiywv to. xp^ct/xa).
(A) The Gospel of the Naassenes. — In the Philo-
sophoumena, Hippolytus quotes a number of Gospel-
• Jesus did not suffer on the Cross (Iren. i. 24. 4), but changed
places with Simon of Gyrene, and stood mocking those who
imagined they were crucifying Him. This Docetic representa-
tion of Irenseus differs from that of Hippolytus, according to
whom the Jesus of Basilides really died and rose (cf. p. 501).
t The fragment (Strom, iv. 12) which Zahn connects with Jn
91 3 may be connected equally well with Lk 21i2r. or 2338f. ; and
the other fragment, which seems to echo Mt 19i2(Stro?n. iii. 1-2)
probably was taken not from the "£.^rrp)ri.Ka. of Basilides but
from the 'HdiKa of Isidore his son (mentioned in the immediate
context).
GOSPELS (UA^CANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UKCANONICAL) 499
sayings from the usage of the Ophite Naassenes,
but whether they came from a special Gospel com-
posed by this Gnostic sect or whether they are
simply citations from some treatise like the Gospel
of Perfection or the Gospel of Eve, it is not possible
to say. In the former case, it must have been a
Gospel compiled from the uncanonical Gospels.
One citation is : ' Why call me good ? One is
good, my Father who is in heaven, who makes his
sun rise on the just and the unjust and sends rain
on the holy and on sinners' (Lk 18"*, Mt 5^»).
Another is : ' Unless you drink my blood and eat
my flesh, you shall not enter the kingdom of
heaven — and even though you do drink the cup
I drink, whither I go thither you cannot enter.'
Two are distinctively Johannine ; one runs thus :
' His voice Ave heard, but his form we have not seen ';
and the other, ' I am the true Door.' The follow-
ing are distinctively Matthjean : ' You are whited
sepulchres, inwardly full of dead men's bones, since
the living Man is not among you,' and ' The dead
shall leap from the tombs.' The Gospel — if it
was a Gospel — was a Gnostic compilation, but
neither its date nor its scope can be determined
from the few extant fragments. The general
tenets of the sect, as recorded by Hippolytus,
suggest that it had some affinities with the circle
which used the Gospel of the Egyptians.
(i) Three Oxyrhynchite (Greek) fragments. — (i. )
A small fragment of a Gospel in a papyrus roll is as-
signed by Grenfell-Hunt (Oxyrhijnchus Papyri, iv.
[1904], pp. 22-28) to a period not iater than A.D. 250.
The mutilated opening reads like a short para-
plirase of Mt G^^^Lk \^-^, Mt 6-8- ^e^Lk \2-^- ^\
Mt 627- 31-33 = Lk 1225- 29-31: 'from morning t[ill
evening, nor] from even[ing till m]orning, neither
[for your food] what you shall eat [nor] for [your
clothing] what you shall put on. [You are] far
better than the [lil]ies which grow but spin not.
. . . Having one garment, what [do you lack?].
. . . Who could add to your stature? He will
give you your garment.' Then follows (cf. Jn
14'"^-) a question put by the disciples, with the
answer of Jesus. ' His disciples say to him. When
wilt thou be manifest to us, and when shall we see
thee? He says, When you are stripped and yet
not ashamed. . . .'* Finally, a mutilated frag-
ment at the end may be deciphered so as to yield
a saying like that preserved in Lk IP^, but the
restoration is too conjectural to be of any service
in determining the original sense of the passage.
The editors think the Gospel of Avhich this
formed a fragment must have been composed in
Egypt prior to A.D. 150, and that it Avas closely
connected in some way with the Egyptian Gospel
and the uncanonical source of 2 Clement. The
fragment seems to be from some homily on the
passage Mt 6-^^*, in Avhich the preacher dramatizes
his teaching by putting it into the form of a
dialogue. The edifying tendency corresponds to
the primitive Christian instinct about marriage
and the sexes which afterwards developed into
Encratitism, but which neither then nor afterwards
has been incompatible with orthodox belief. The
question and answer at the close form a mystic ex-
pansion of the preceding saying about the garment
— an expansion which presupposes a verbal form
of the Logion like that of the Gospel of the Egyp-
tians as it appears in Clement's citation, not in
that of 2 Clem. (seep. 495), althoiagh here the ques-
tion is put by the disciples instead of by an indivi-
dual (Salome?). Kesch (TU new ser. xii. [1904]
593 n.) holds that the whole fragment comes from
the Egyptian Gospel ; but there is not enough evi-
dence as yet to show that the Oxyrhynchite Gospel
* i.e. when the Eden-innocence (Gn 37) is restored, and
sexual associations abolished. Cf. R. Reitzenstein's Bellenis-
tische Wundererzdhlungen, Leipzig, 1906, pp. 67-68.
was Identical with this early document. Such
ascetic tendencies were not confined to any one
circle, and it is uncritical to assume that the varied
expressions of them which survive in Gospel
fragments belonged to the same document, or even
to different recensions of the .same document. The
Oxj-rhynchite Gospel may have been the source
used in 2 Clement ; the difference in the wording
of the two passages is not conclusive against this
conjecture as it is against the theory that the
Oxyrhynchite Gospel or the Clementine source
is identical with the Gospel according to the
Hebrews.
(ii. ) A second Oxyrhynchite fragment was pub-
lished in 1907 by Grenfell and Hunt (op, cit. v. 840),
from a vellum leaf of the 4th (5th ?) century. It
begins with the conclusion of an address by Jesus
to the disciples and proceeds to a dialogue between
Jesus and a high priest in the temple * at Jerusalem
(cf. Mk 1P7), the theme of which (cf. Mk 7"-) is the
contrast between inward and outward purity :
' " . . . before doin;? wrong he makes all sophistical excuses
{navTo. cro<i)iieTa.i). But take heed lest you suffer like them, for
the evil-doers among men do not receive [their due] among the
li\ ing simply, but await punishment and sore torture." And
taking them [i.e. the disciples] he brought them into the sacred
precinct (to ayvevrnpiov) and walked within the temple. And
a Pharisee, a hi^'h priest named Levi (?), came up to them and
said to the Saviour, " Who allowed you to tread the precinct and
look at these holy vessels when you have not washed, neith"r
have your disciples bathed their feet? Kay, you are defiled and
you have trodden this holy Place which is clean, which no one
treads unless he has washed and changed his clothes, neither
does he [venture to look at] the holy vessels." And . . . (with ?)
the disciples . . . [the Saviour said], "Then are you clean, you
who are in the temple?" He says to him, "I am clean; for I have
washed in the pool of David, and after descending by one stair I
ascended by another, put on clean, while clothes, and then came
and gazed on these holy vessels. " The Saviour said to him in reply,
" Woe to you, blind folk, who see not I You have washed in
these running waters, in which dogs and swine have been flung
night and day ; and you have wiped clean the outside skin,
which even harlots and flute-girls t anoint and wash and wipe
and adorn to excite the lust of men, while within they are [full ?]
of scorpions and [all vice?]. Now I and [my disciples ?], who,
you say, have not bathed, have bathed in the [living ?] waters
which issue from . . . But woe to . . •" '
Like the four scraps recentlj' discovered (op. cit.
x. [1913] 1224), this extract cannot be assigned to
any of the 2nd cent, uncanonical Gospels. That
it belonged to this century is questioned by the
editors, who point out that the ecclesiastical vogue
of the canonical Gospels, which became strong to-
Avards the close of the 2nd cent., Avould make
it difficult for any document covering the same
ground to gain acceptance, and that ' after about
A.D. 180 authors of apocryphal Gospels renerally
avoided competition Avith the uncanonical Gospels
by placing their supposed revelations in the period
of the Childhood or after the Resurrection.' If
our fragment does not belong to the Gospel of the
Egyptians, it at any rate betrays no dogmatic or
heretical tendency. On the other hand, the author's
acquaintance Avith the local customs of the JeAvish
temple in the 1st cent, seems defective (cf. J.
Horst in *S'A', 1914, p. 451 f., and Preuschen in
ZNTW, 1908, pp. 1-12), though more favourable
verdicts have been passed occasionally on this
feature of the fragment (cf. A. Biichler in JQR
XX. [1907-08], 330 f.; Sulzbach in ZNTW, 1908,
p. 175 f.; and L. Blau, ib. pp. 204-215).
(iii.) A tattered leaf of papyrus, ' copied probably
in the earlier decades of the 4th cent.,' contain-
ing fragments of a Gnostic Gospel, has been pub-
lished by Hunti in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri,
viii. [1911], p. 16 f. From Avhat can be deciphered,
it is clear that the contents must have come from
some Valentinian or Marcosian source. Not only
* This is one of the most remarkable features in the fragment.
The uncanonical Gospels of the 2nd cent, very rarely furnish
any material for the Jerusalem ministry of Jesus.
t This curious collocation occurs in another fragment of an
uncanonical Gospel (cf. above, p. 492), probably NG ; Waltz
infers that our fragment came from the latter.
500 GOSPELS (UXCAI^OmCAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
is the Lord called cuyr-fip, as well as Kijpio^ (cf. Iren.
i. 1. 3),* but a distinction is drawn between Trari^p
and irpoTTCLTup (ib. i. 1. 1, 12. 3, etc.).t
'Lord, how then can we find faith? The Saviour says to
them, When you pass from things hidden [into the light of?]
things visible, then the effluence (diTrdppoia) of conception
(eiTota?) will show to you how faith ... He who has ears to
hear, let him hear. The Lord (5e<r7r6r))s) of [all things?] is not
the Father but the Fore- father ; for the Father is the source of
the things that are to come (apxh ia-rlv tuv lieXXovriav). . . .
He who has an ear for what is bej'ond hearing [i.e. for the
mystic or inner meaning. But the text is uncertain], let him
hear. I speak also to those who watch not. Again ... he
said, Everything born of corruption perishes, as the product of
corruption ; but what is born of incorruption (a.4>9apa-Ca^) does
not perish, but remains incorruptible as the product of incor-
ruption. Some men have been deceived, not knowing . . .'
{/) Three Sahidic fragments. — It may be no
more than a coincidence that Thomas should be
mentioned in the second series of the Oxyihj-nchite
Logia,t and that he § is also exceptionally import-
ant in the third of five Sahidic 1| Gospel fragments
published by Forbes Robinson (TS iv. 2 [1896],
pp. 168-176). The fragment is long and remark-
able. In the description of the feeding of the five
thousand, Jesus bids Thomas go to the man (lad)
who has the loaves and fishes. After the miracle,
Thomas asks for a further proof of the Resurrection,
in the raising of a man from the tomb, not merely
in the raising of a dead, unburied person like the
son of the widow of Nain. Then the dialogue of
Jn 20^'^^ is used to introduce the raising of Lazarus.
Jesus takes Thomas (Didymus) specially with him :
' Come with JNIe, O Didymus, that I may show
thee the bones which have been dissolved in the
tomb gatliered together again.' The entire story
(cf. Revillout, Les Apocryphes copies, p. 132 f.) is re-
told with the special motive of re-assuring Thomas,
It is Thomas who, at the bidding of Jesus, removes
the stone from the tomb.
This Gospel must have been comprehensive. It
included (fragm. 1) an account of tlie birth of
John the Baptist and of Jesus, and also the
Ministry, the Death, and the Resurrection. Thus
the second Gospel fragment describes the wedding
at Cana. The Johannine account is embroidered
with some fresh details ; Mary is the sister of the
bridegroom's parents, and it is they who appeal to
her for help when the wine fails, pleading that this
lack will disgrace them as the hosts of Jesus, and
that as the Saviour of the world He can do any
miracle. The Johannine replj'^ of Jesus to Mary
(here = ' Woman, Avhat wilt thou with me?') is
softened by the observation that Jesus spoke ' in a
kindly voice,' and by the repeated remark that
Marj' felt sure He would not grieve her in anything.
The rest of the story is told by one of the servants
who fill the waterpots. The fourth fragment IT
contains a conversation on the mount of Jn 6^* ^®
between the disciples and Jesus, in which Jesus
asserts that His kingdom is spiritual. Pilate and
the Roman authorities, however, propose to make
Him King of Judsea ; such is their admiration for
His miracles and character. Herod ** opposes this.
• This would not of itself mean much ; the same title occurs
in the earlier Oxyrhynchite fragment (cf. p. 499).
t ayivvTiTOi also occurs in the lacunae.
t In The Oxyrhynchus Loqia and the Apocryphal Gospels,
1899, C. Taylor connects the first series with the Gospel of
Thomas ; cf. Scott-Moncrieflf, Paganism and Christianity in
Egypt, 1913, p. 64 f.
§ Photiusquotes(Bt6ZtoJ^ecrt, 232)atraditionthatitwa8he, not
Peter, who cut off the ear of the high priest's servant (Jn 1810).
II The EgjT)tian colouring comes out in the cry of Lazarus,
when he is raised : ' Blessed art thou, Je&us, at whose voice
Amenti trembles.' The idea of Jn 11-5- ■is is expressed by say-
ing that the multitudes ' gathered together to Lazarus, like bees
to a honeycomb, because of the wonder which was come to pass.'
TI It corresponds to a Coptic fra^inent pulilished by Eevillout
(Apocryphescoptesdu itoureati Testament, I'aris, 1S76, p. 124 f.),
and is assigned by that scholar to his ' Gospel of Gamaliel' (see
below, p. 604).
** The anti-Herodian bias is even more marked than in the
Gospel of Peter.
'And straightway there was enmity between Herod
and Pilate because of Jesus from that day.' On
coming down from the mount, the disciples and
Jesus meet the devil in the guise of a fisherman,
with many demons ' carrying many nets and drag-
nets and hooks, and casting nets and hooks on the
mount' : Jesus explains this vision in terms of Lk
223i-32_ John, by permission of Jesus, challenges
the devil to a fishing-contest. The devil catches
' every kind of foul fish which was in tlie waters —
some taken by their eyes, some caught by their
enti'ails, others taken by their lips,' The fragment
then breaks ofi", before Satan's capture of sinners
by their members is outdone by the apostolic cap-
ture of the elect.
The Coptic counterpart of this fragment pub-
lished by Revillout is apparently followed {op. cit.
184) by a fragment corresponding to Jn 7^^* ***'
"* . . . the time is accomplished." When he said
these things, he went into Galilee. When his
brothers had gone up to Jerusalem for the feast, he
went thither also, not openly but in secret. The
Jews, however, sought for him, and said, "Where
is he ? " Now it was the house of Irmeel which was
his place of residence owing to . . . the multitude.
Then they said, " What are we to do ? " '
The fifth fragment describes the Resurrection
(p, 179 f.). The anti-Jewish tendency* which
emerged in the fourth fragment re-appears in the
determination of the Jews to bum the very wood
of the Cross — a plot thwarted by Joseph of Arima-
thsea and Nicodemus, who preserve the Cross, the
nails, and the written title. A rich Jew called
Cleopas, the cousin of the Virgin Mary, buries his
son Rufus near the Saviour's tomb. The imperfect
state of the text at this point leaves the course of
events obscure, but evidently Rufus was raised
from the dead by Jesus, in response to the prayer
of Cleopas, who sat with his back to the stone at
the tomb of Jesus. Cleopas *saw with his eyes a
figure of the Cross come forth from the tomb of
Jesus. It rested upon him who Avas dead [i.e.
Rufus]; and straightway he arose and sat.'
Whereupon Cleopas, who had hitherto been un-
able to Avalk, owing to a disease of the feet, leapt
up as if he had no disease at all. The description
of the Cross recalls the Gospel of Peter.
The fragments are all late ; they profess to quote
from Josephus and Irenfeus, and in any case must
be placed not earlier than the 3rd century. If
there was some connexion between later forms of
the Gospel of Thomas on the one hand and a
Gospel of the Twelve (see above, p. 486) on the
other, these fragments might be placed approxi-
mately in this quarter. But as the fragments are
embedded in homiletical material, there is always
the possibility that such stories were imaginative
tales, not necessarily drawn from any written
Gospel. They illustrate also the difficulty of
assigning material like this to our second or to our
third group ; the later fragments tally in several
respects with some Coptic fragments which fall to
be noted in our third section.
III. Gospels of the Passion and Resurrec-
tion.— (a) The Gospel of Philip.— The existence
of a Gospel of Philip is attested by the Pistis
Sophia, but the only extant quotation occurs in
Epiphanius (xxvi. 13): 'The Lord revealed to me
what the soul must say when she mounts to
heaven, and how she must answer each of the
Powers aljove. " I have known myself," she says,
"and gathered myself from all quarters, and have
not borne children to the Archon, but have torn
up his roots and gathered the scattered members.
And I know who thou art. For I," she says,
"belong to those above." So saying, she is re-
•'The abuse of the Jews is a favourite theme in Coptic
apocryphal sermons ' (cf, p. 187).
GOSPELS (UXCA^^OXICAL)
GOSPELS (UXCAXO>s"ICAL) 501
leased. But if it is found that she has borne a son,
she is kept below until she is able to recover her
children and attract them to herself.'
The fragment reflects the Gnostic idea (of.
Bousset's essay in Archiv fur Religionsvnssen-
schaft, 1901, p. 155 f.) of the ascent of the soul
through the heavens, and the magic pass-words re-
quired for the journey, but the characteristic feature
is the antipathy to marriage, which agrees with
the 2nd cent, conception of Philip the Apostle.
According to Epiphanius, this pseudo-Philip
Gospel was used during the 4th cent, by an
immoral sect of Egyptian Gnostics to justify sexual
vice instead of marriage [ol 5k Aevlrai irap a'urois
KoKovfievoi, oil jxiffyovrai yvvai^lv, dWa dWrfKois fiia-
yovTai). The Gospel of Philip, which, according to
the 6th cent. Leontius of Byzantium [ch Sectis,
iii. 2, Xeyovai yap IlvayyeXwv Kara. Qw,aS.y /cat ^i\nnrov,
direp 7]/j.eis ovk la-fiev),* was used by the Manichaeans,
may have been a special edition of the original
Philip Gospel.
The Pistis Sophia (69-70) proves that this Gospel
circulated among Gnostic Christians in Egj'pt
during the 3rd century. If it was the source of
Clement's tradition that Jesus spoke the words of
Lk g^" ('Let the dead bury their dead') to Philip
{Strom, iii. 4. 25), then the date could be brought
back to about the middle of the 2nd centviry.
It is no argument against this conjecture to say
that the Gospel of Philip did not contain Synoptic
material but was a Gnostic speculative work set
in the post-Resurrection period. We do not know
all that the Gospel contained, and while it professed
to have been written bj' Philip on the basis of
revelations made to Thomas, Matthew, and him-
self by the risen Christ, what Philip ■^^Tote was
not only the mysterious visions he was to see but
•all that Jesus said and all that he did' — which
might (cf. Ac V) readily include an incident like
that of Lk 9^". But tlie identification of the
anonymous disciple with Philip (which re-appears
in the later Acts of Philip) may have been derived
from some other source in written or unwritten
tradition ; the anti-marriage view of Philip was
probably older than the Gospel of Philip, and the
latter cannot safely be put much earlier than the
last quarter of the 2nd century. It is upon
the whole better to place this ^v^iting among the
Resurrection Gospels than in the second of our
groups.
Philip appears in a curious little Coptic fragment
of some Gospel (Revillout, Les Apocryphes copies,
131-132), where he is accused by Herod of seditious
conduct ; Herod persuades Tiberius to allow him
to confiscate all the Apostle's property. But it is
one thing to put Philip into a Gospel — he would
naturally appear in any later Gospel of the Twelve
— it is another thing to make him the author of a
Gospel.
(6) The Gospel of Matthias. — Neither Origen
nor any writer after him quotes from the Gospel
of Matthias. It is simply branded [e.g. by
Eusebius, HE iii. 25. 6) along with the Gospels of
Peter and Thomas. But Hippolytus (Philos. vii.
20) declares that Basilides and Isidore claimed to
have received Xo7ot dTr6Kpv<poi from Matthias, who
had been taught them privately by the Saviour.
Hippolytus argues that the contents of these so-
called apostolic XoyoL were really borrowed from
the philosophj' of Aristotle's Categories, t Again,
Clement of Alexandria quotes twice from the
Traditions {irapaddaeis) of Matthias, once [Strom.
* These Gospels seem to have been Docetic ; the Incarnation
was Kara (fiafTacriai' ; Jesus Changed places with a man (Simon 1),
and therefore escaped sufifering on the Cross ; Jesus became
invisible when transfigured, etc.
t As it happens, the saying about wonder as the gateway to
knowledge occurs in Aristotle (Metaphys, L 2. 15) as weU as in
Plato (Thecetet. 155 D).
ii. 9. 45) in illustration of the principle that wonder
is the beginning of knowledge ('as Plato says in
the Thecetetus and as Matthias advises in the
Traditions, " wonder at what is before you," laying
this down as the first step to any further know-
ledge '), and once to prove the responsibility of a
good example : ' If the neighbour of an elect
person sins, the elect person sins ; for, had he
behaved as the word [6 \6yos] prescribes, his neigh-
bour would have so esteemed his life that he would
not have sinned ' [Strom, vii. 13. 82). Elsewhere
Clement observes that, according to some [\iyovat.
yovv), ' Matthias taught that the flesh must be
fought against and denied, no indulgence granted
to its intemperate lust, and that the soul should
grow by faith and knowledge' [Strom, iii. 4. 26).*
Are the Traditions the same as the Gospel ? It is
not decisive against this, that Matthias is intro-
duced as teaching, for both Peter and Philip are
represented in their respective Gospels as giving
instructions. On the other hand, irapadocreis would
be a strange and superfluous title for a writing
which was known as a evayyfKwv. Clement, like
Hii^polytus, ranks the Basilidians among the
Gnostics who put themselves under the segis of
Matthias [Strom, vii. 17. 108, tt]v 'MarOiov ai;x<2<ri
irpoa-dyecrdai. 56^av) ; but this reference is not conclu-
sive, for he adds : ' as the teaching which has come
from all the apostles is one, so is their tradition.' He
objects to one apostle's teaching being singled out
for special purposes by any sect. But his own
references to the teaching of Matthias are upon
the whole respectful, and their tone does not
suggest a Gospel identical with the \6yoL dvoKpKpoi
of the Basilidians. We might conjecture that the
Gospel of the Basilidians (/card BaaiXid-rjp) was the
Gospel according to Matthias. But Origen's evi-
dence is against this, and such data as Ave can
gather for an estimate of the Gospel of Basilides
point in another direction. t Thei-e is no reason
why Traditions of Matthias should not have existed
alongside of a Gospel of Matthias, and the \6yoi
diroKpvcpoi may refer to the former.
Since Matthias was elected an apostle after the
Resurrection (Ac 123-26)^ i^ would be natural to use
his name and tradition as the vehicle of more or
less secret revelations made by the Risen Lord to
the disciples. Hence we may provisionally rank
his Gospel in our third class.
In a Coptic fragment, assigned by Revillout to
the Gospel of the Twelve [Les Apoci'T/phes copies,
157 f . ), Matthias appears at the Last Supper. ' The
Saviour set him with the twelve apostles, and the
table was before them. When the Saviour stretched
his hand towards the food, the table turned round,
so that they stretched all their hands towards what
the Saviour ate, and he blessed it. Matthias set
dovra a platter on which was a cock. The salt was
on the table. The Saviour stretched his hand to
take the salt first, and as the table turned
round all the apostles partook of it. Matthias
said to Jesus, " Rabbi, you see this cock. AVhen
the Jews saw me killing it, they said. They will
kill your Master like that cock." Jesus sighed.
He said, " O Matthias, they shall accomplish the
word they have spoken. This cock will give the
signal before the light dawns. It is the type of
John the Baptist who heralded me in advance. I,
I am the true light which has no darkness in it.
* This is also quoted (from Clement ?) as a word of Mattliias,
by Nicephorus Callistus, HE iii. 15.
t The one item of evidence that makes one hesitate is
Clement's version of Lk 19if- in Strom, iv. 6. 35, which begins,
' Zaccheeus (some say, Matthias) . . .' But even if this is any
more than an instance of the frequent confusion between
Matthias and Matthew, it might simply mean that, in the
Gospel of BasOides or of Matthias, Matthias occupied the r61e
of Zacchaeus. Elsewhere he became confused not only with
Matthew but with Simon the Zealot (cf. Schermann, TU 3rd
ser. i. 3 [1907], pp. 283-285).
502 GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
When this cock died, they said of me that I would
die, I wliom Mary conceived in her womb. I dwelt
there with the cherubim and seraphim. I have
come forth from the lieaven of heaven to earth.
It was hard for tlie earth to bear my glory. I have
become man for you. However, this cock will
rise." Jesus touched the cock and said to it, "I
bid you live, O cock, as you have done. Let your
wings bear you up, and fly in the air, that you
may give warning of the day on which I am be-
trayed." The cock rose up on the platter. It flew
away. Jesus said to Matthias, "Behold the cock
you sacrificed three hours ago is risen. They shall
crucify me, and my blood will be the salvation of
the nations (and I will rise on the third day) . . . " '
This fragment mtnesses to the prestige of Matthias
in the tradition of the early Church ; he is ad-
mitted to the fellowship of the Last Supper of Jesus,
beside the twelve apostles, instead of being merely
(Ac l^"'^^) added to their company after the Resurrec-
tion. It was an easy step from this to make him
the author of a Gospel or the vehicle of esoteric
revelations.
(c) The Gospel of Mary. — In SBA W (1896,
p. 839 f. ) C. Schmidt describes three fragments from
a still unedited Coptic MS of the 5th cent., and
shows that the title of the first, ' Gospel of Mary,'
covers them all. The alternative title, ' An Apoc-
ryphon of John,' belongs to the second fragment,
but this is intelligible, for the Mary literature
tends to be connected with apostolic apocalypses
(cf. p. 503). The passage in Ac 1", where Mary as-
sociates with the apostles, formed a suggestive point
of departure for this kind of religious romance.
The Gnostic references in these fragments tally
so exactly with some of the data supplied by
Irenseus in his refutation of the Barbelo Gnostics
(i. 29) that Schmidt and Harnack infer without
hesitation that this Gospel of Mary must have
been a document of the sect and known to Irenseus.
Hitherto, we had only the assertion of Epiphanius
(xxvi. 8) that certain Gnostic sects issued a number
of works in the name of Mary. The present find
ratifies this assertion.
' Now it came to pass on one of these days when John, the
brother of James — who are the sons of Zebedee — had gone up to
the temple [cf. Ac 3'], that a Pharisee named Ananias (?) drew
near to him and said to him, " Where is your Master, that you
are not following him ? " He said to him, " He has gone (?) to
the place whence he came." The Pharisee said to him, " By a
deception has the Nazarene deceived you, for he has . . . and
made you forsake the tradition of your fathers." When I heard
this, I turned from the temple to the mountain, at a lonely spot,
and was very sad in heart, and said, "How then was the
Redeemer chosen, and why was he sent to the world by his
Father who appointed him ? And who is his Father ? And how
is that a30n created, to which we are to come?"' Suddenly
heaven opens ; the Lord appears, explains matters, and with-
draws— the audience being not only John but the disciples.
They are dismayed at the prospect of having to preach Jesus
to the heathen. ' "How can we go to the heathen and preach the
gospel of the kingdom of the Son of Man ? If they refused to
receive him, how will they receive us?" Then Mary* rose,
embraced them all, and said to her brothers, " Weep not and
sorrow not, neither doubt ; for his grace will be with you all
and will protect you. Rather let us praise his goodness, that
he has prepared us and made us men."' The discussion pro-
ceeds, Mary remonstrating with the incredulous disci])les, and
finally bursting into tears at a sharp rebuke from Peter. Levi
stands up for her, however. But at this point our fragment
unfortunately breaks off, and the next episode is an appearance
of the risen Christ to John.
A fragment from 'the Wisdom of Jesus Christ'
then begins. 'After his resurrection from tlie
dead, his twelve disciples and seven women, his
women-disciples, repaired to Galilee, to the moun-
tain which . . .* Tlie Lord's appearance is de-
scribed as 'not in his earlier form but in the
invisible spirit ; his form was that of a great angel
of light.' The disciples question him on topics of
Gnostic speculation, and receive answers.
The third fragment is an episode from the
* She is evidently with them, as in Ac l^^.
miraculous career of Peter. As he is healing the
sick on the day after the Sabbath (i.e. the KvpiaK-rj or
Lord's Day), a man taunts him with failing to cure
his own daughter, who had been for long paralyzed.
Peter then heals her. The story closes Avith an
account of the conversion of a pagan, Ptolemoeus.
The Gnostic work from which these fragments
are preserved was, according to Schmidt, an
Egyptian 'Gospel of Mary' (j). 842 f.), and its
evident use by Irenseus proves its existence prior
to A.D. 130.
(d) The Gospel of Bartholomew.— When Bar-
tholomew evangelized India, according to the
tradition preserved by Eusebius (HE v. 10. 3), he
took with him Matthew's Gospel in Hebrew. This
is not what Jerome and the Gelasian Decree mean
by the Gospel of Bartholomew, which they rank
among the apocrypha. The latter may now be
recovered, in stray fragments from Latin, Greek,
and even Coptic sources, although the same kind
of problem emerges here as in the case of the
Gospel of Peter, viz. how far it is possible to
separate the extant fragments from a Gospel and
from an Apocalypse, and to assign them to either.
The Latin fragments are preserved in a Vatican
MS of the 9th cent. (Reg. lat. 1050), in which
a compiler of the 7th or 8th cent, has written
three episodes from that Gospel, containing con-
versations between Jesus and Bartholomew. Thus
Bartholomew asks Jesus to tell him who the
man was whom he saw carried in the hands of
angels and sighing heavily when Jesus spoke to
him. Jesus replies, ' He is Adam, on account of
whom I came down from heaven. I said to him,
"Adam, on account of thee, and on account of thy
sons, I have been hung on the cross." Sighing, he
said to me with tears, "Thus it pleased thee,
Lord, in heaven."' Bartholomew then asks why
one angel refused to ascend with the other angels
who preceded Adam, singing a hymn, and why, on
being bidden ascend by Jesus, a flame shot from
his hands as far as Jerusalem. Jesus explains
that the flame struck the synagogue of the Jews,
in token of the Crucifixion. 'Afterwards Jesus
said, " Await me in yonder place, for to-day the
sacrifice is offered in paradise." Bartholomew
said, " What is the sacrifice * in paradise ? " Jesus
said, " The souls of the just enter the presence
of the just to-day." Bartholomew said, " How
many souls leave the body every day?" Jesus
said, "Truly, I tell thee, 12,873 souls t leave the
body daily." ' The second fragment describes
Jesus reluctantly allowing Bartholomew and the
other apostles, with Mary, to see the devil, or Anti-
christ. Jesus places them on Mount Olivet, and
after a blast of Michael's trumpet and an earth-
quake, the Evil One appears, in chains of fire, under
a guard of 6,064 angels. He is 600 cubits high and
300 broad. Jesus then encourages Bartholomew
to strike Satan's neck with his feet, and to ask
him about his ways and means of tempting men.
Bartholomew kicks the devil, but returns in terror
to ask Jesus for something to protect him during
the conversation. Encouraged by Jesus, he makes
the sign of the cross, kicks Satan again, and forces
the furious creature to tell who he is. The tliird
fragment runs : ' Then Bartholomew approached
Satan, saying, "Go to thine own place witii all
like thee." And the devil said, "Wait till I tell
thee how I was caught when God made man. I
was then in the second heaven . . ." '
The extant Greek fragments, four in number,
are much larger than the Latin, but their character-
* For munus the Greek has Ovcria, and, in the reply of Jesus,
' Unless I am present, thev do not enter paradise.'
t The editors Wilmart-Tisserant {llli, 1913, pp. 161 ff., 321 fl.)
add M between XII and D, to approximate to the 3U,000 of the
Greek.
GOSPELS (Uls^CANOA^ICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL) 503
istica are the same. In the first, Bartholomew
asks the Lord after the Resurrection to show him
the mysteries of heaven. The apostle explains
that when he followed Jesus to the Crucifixion, he
saw the angels descend and worship Him, but that,
when the darkness came, He (Jesus) had vanished
from the Cross ; all that Bartiiolomew could hear
was a sound from the under world, loud wailing
and gnashing of teeth. Jesus explains, 'Blessed
art thou, my beloved Bartholomew, that thou didst
see this mystery. And now I shall tell thee all
thou hast asked me. When I vanished from the
Cross, then I went down to Hades to bring up
Adam, and all who are with him, thanks to
(Kark T^v TrapdK'\7j(nv) the archangel Michael.'
The sound was Hades calling to Beliar, 'God
comes here, as I see.'* Beliar thinks it may be
Elijah or Enoch or one of the prophets, and en-
courages Hades to bar the gates. Hades wails
that he is being tortured ; it must be God. ' Then,'
says Jesus, ' I entered, scourged him and bound
him with unbreakable chains, and took out all
the patriarchs,! and so returned to the Cross.' A
Greek replica of the first Latin fragment follows,
after which Bartholomew asks, ' Lord, when thou
wast teaching the word with us, didst thou receive
the sacrifices in paradise?' Jesus replies, 'Truly,
I tell thee, my beloved, when I was teaching the
word with you, I was also sitting with my Father.'
Bartholomew then seems to ask how many of the
souls who leave the world daily are found just (the
text is corrupt at this point) ; Jesus replies, 'Fifty.'
And how many souls are born into the world every
day? 'Just one more than those who leave the
world.' Then the conversation ends. 'And when
he said this, he gave them peace and vanished
from them.'
The second Greek fragment introduces Mary.
The apostles are in a place called Cheltura, when
Bartholomew proposes to Peter, Andrew, and
John that they ask Mary about the virgin-birth.
None of them cares to put the question ; Bartholo-
mew reminds Peter that he is their leader, but
Peter turns to John, as the beloved apostle and as
the ' virgin ' (irapdivos). Eventually Bartholomew
himself approaches Mary. The text becomes
broken at this point, but Mary evidently utters
an elaborate prayer, at the close of which she
invites the apostles to sit down beside her, Peter
at her right with his left hand under her arm,
and Andrew similarly supporting her on the left ;
John is to support her bosom, and Bartholomew to
kneel at her back, in case she collapses under the
strain of the revelation. She then tells them :
' When I was in the sanctuary of God, receiving
food from the hand of an angel, J one day there
appeared to me the shape of an angel, though his
features could not be fixed (? r6 5^ irpSa-UTrof avroO
fjv dxi^pv'o'') ; he had not bread or a cup in his
hand like the angel who formerly came to me.
And suddenly the veil of the sanctuary was torn,
and a great earthquake took place, and I fell on
my face, unable to bear the sight of him. But he
put out his hand and raised me, and I looked up
to heaven ; and a cloud of dew came . . . sprink-
ling me from head to foot. But he wiped me with
his robe and said to me, " Hail, O highly favoured
one, thou chosen vessel." And he put out his right
hand, and there was a huge loaf ; and he laid it on
the altar of incense in the sanctuary ; he ate of it
first, and gave to me. Again, he put out his left
* The Slavonic version, which differs considerahly from the
Greek text at this point, paraphrases Ps 247f.
t One of the themes which led to the composition of the so-
called Gospel of Nicodemus. This Harrowing of Hell became a
favourite theme of mediseval religious romance.
J As in the Gospel of pseudo-Matthew (see above, p. 488). The
first annunciation takes place earlier in the Gospel of Bartholo-
mew than in the other Gospels of this class.
hand, and there was an enormous cup, full of wine ;
he drank of it first, and gave to me. And I beheld
and saw the cup full and the loaf. And he said
to me, " Three years more, and I will send thee
my word, and thou shalt conceive a son, and by
him all creation shall be saved ; and thou shalt be
for the saving of the world. Peace to thee, my
beloved ; yea, peace shall be with thee evermore."
And he vanished from me, and the sanctuary be-
came as it had been before.' At this, tire issued
from her mouth, and threatened to put an end to
the world ; whereupon the Lord bids her keep
silence on the mystery. The apostles are terrified,
in case the Lord is angiy with them for their pre-
sumption in questioning her.
The third fragment is extremely brief and
broken. Evidently, the apostles (through Bar-
tholomeAV ?) had asked for a revelation of the
under world. ' Jesus said, " It is good for you not
to see the abyss. But if you desire it, follow and
look." So he brought them to a place called
Chairoudek, the place of truth, and nodded to the
western (dvriKoii) angels ; and the earth was rolled
up like a scroll, and the abyss was revealed, and
the apostles saw it and fell on their face. But the
Lord raised them, saying, "Did I not tell you, it
is not good for you to see the abyss?" '
The long fourth fragment corresponds to the
second and third Latin fragments. Jesus takes
them to the Mount of Olives, accompanied by
Mary. He is at first stern, when Bartholomew
asks Him for a sight of the devil and his ways, but
eventually leads them down and orders the angels
over Tartarus to make Michael sound his trumpet ;
Avhereupon the fearful figure of Beliar appears, to
the terror of the apostles. Bartholomew, as in
the Latin fragment, is encouraged by Jesus to put
his foot on the giant's neck and to question him
about his names. The reply is, ' First I was called
Satanael, which means angel of God ; but when in
ignorance I rebelled against God, my name was
called Satan, which means angel over Tartarus.'
He proceeds, against his will, to make further
disclosures. ' When God made heaven and earth,
he took a flame of fire, and fashioned me first, then
INIicliael, thirdly Gabriel, fourthly Raphael, fifthly
Uriel, sixthly Xathanael, and the other six thou-
sand angels, whose names I cannot utter, for they
are the bearers of God's rod {pa^dovxoi toD deov), and
they beat me every day and seven times every
night, and never let me alone, and waste my
strength ; the two angels of vengeance, these are
they who stand close by the throne of God, these
are they who were fashioned first. After them
the multitude of angels were fashioned. In the
first heaven there are a million, in the second
heaven a million, in the third heaven a million, in
the fourth heaven a million, in the fifth heaven a
million, in the sixth heaven a million, in the
seventh heaven a million. Outside the seven
heavens. . . . ' After a few more details on the
angels, the fragment then breaks off, in the MS
(lOth-llth cent.) from the library of the Orthodox
Patriarch at Jerusalem. The Vienna MS shows the
devil continuing the list of the angels of the elements.
The contents of these fragments correspond partly with what
we know elsewhere * of the ' questions of Bartholomew ' (for
the Ethiopia and Coptic versions and recensions of this litera-
ture, cf. Lichtenhan in ZNTW, 1902, p. 234 f., and Haase, p. 22 f.).
They also throw some light upon what lies behind the remark
of Epiphanius in the 11th cent, (de Vita beatae Virginia, 25)
that the holy apostle Bartholomew said, ' The holy Mother of
God made a will.' There seems to be some connexion between
the Gospel, whose fragments we have just cited, and the sources
of the later Mary literature which is preserved in Sahidic and
Coptic fragments (see below). Tbe Coptic fragments glorify
* There is another allusion in pseudo-Dionysius the Areopag^te
{de Myst. theologia, i. § 3 : ' Bartholomew says that theology is
both large and small, and that the gospel la broad and large
and, again, contracted').
504 GOSPELS (Uls^CANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
the primacy of Peter and the prestige of Marj', with Gnostic
and Egyptian colouring (Revillout, Les Apocrpphes copies, 185 f.);
they begin with an unsympathetic denunciation of Judas by
Jesus, one of the first things the Lord does, apparently, being to
reproach the traitor in Anient! and confirm his eternal doom.
The Gospel from which they are taken was a Gospel of Bartholo-
mew, for that Apostle spealts in the first person.
According to Wiliuart and Tisserant, the Jerusalem MS ap-
proximates more than the others to the primitive text. The
original Greek Gospel of Bartholomew, thej' conclude, appeared
' vers le IV* sifecle, dans quelque secte chritienne en marge de
r^glise d' Alexandria.' It was on the basis of this that the
Coptic Bartholomew compositions, whether in the form of
Gospel or of Apocah^jse, developed the literature whose debris
is now being recovered in still larger quantities.
(e) The Gospel of Nicodemus. — The Gospel of
Nicodemus really belongs to the uncanonical Acts.
The Acts of Pilate and its allied literature go
back to the 4th or 5th cent. — possibly, in some
primitive form, even to the beginning of the
2nd ; but while Nicodemus is associated with the
Acta (in one Greek edition of the text, they pro-
fess to be a translation of what Nicodemus wrote
in Hebrew ; in another Greek edition, Nicodemus
is a Koman toparch who translates the Hebrew
record of a Jew named iEneas ; in the Latin
version, .^neas is a Christian Jew who translates
the Hebrew record of Nicodemus), they are never
styled 'a Gospel of Nicodemus' till the 13th
century. It has been conjectured that the title
was due to the patriotism of the British, who
claimed Nicodemus as their chief apostle ('quae
coniectura inde aliquam probabilitatem habet quod
antiquissima omnium recentiorum versionum est
anglosaxonica : id quod documento est quanto
honore opus istud iam pridem in Anglia habitum
sit,' Tischendorf, i. p. Ix, n. 3) ; but wherever and
whenever it arose, it is quite adventitious.
Critical editions are promised by von Dobschiitz
{HDB iii. 545) and in the French series (cf. p. 479).
(/) The Gospel of Gamaliel. — In one of the
Coptic Gospel fragments edited by Revillout
{Patrologia Orient, ii. 172 f.), the phrase occurs,
' I, Gamaliel, followed them (i.e. Pilate, etc.) in the
midst of the crowd,' and it has been conjectured
[e.g. by Ladeuze, Bevue d'histoire eceUsiastique, vii.
252 f.,Haase, 11 f., and Baumstark in BB, 1906, pp.
245-265) that if these fragments belonged originally
to the Gospel of the Twelve, or if some other frag-
ments of the later Pilate literature can be referred
to such a source, there must have been a Gospel
of Gamaliel in existence, perhaps as a special
recension of the original Gospel of the Twelve.
To this some critics (e.g. Ladeuze and Baum-
stark) further propose to relegate one or more
of the Sahidic fragments which have been al-
ready referred to (cf. p. 500), placing the com-
position not earlier than the 5th cent., since
it implies the Acta Pilati. The ramifications
of the Pilate literature still await investigation,
especially in the light of recent finds (cf. Haase,
pp. 12f., 67 f.). It would be curious if it could be
proved that there was a tendency to use the
Gamaliel of Ac 5^^'* in favour of Christianity, as
was the case with Pilate. But the period of this
Gospel is very late and its reconstruction unusually
hypothetical. ' Si I'Evangile de Gamaliel est un
sermon compost au monastl^re de Senoudah, comme
porte k le croire la provenance des manuscrits, il
n'est pas Strange qu'on y ait voulu mettre en
Evidence, dans I'exposd de la vie du Christ, le role
de Barth^lemy dont on se flattait de poss6der le
corps au monastfere, et qu'on s'y soit servi des
apocryphes d6j^ txistants sous le nom de cet ap6tre '
(Ladeuze, loc. cit. 265). The fragments which may
be conjecturally assigned to this Gospel (?) tally
with the Coptic Bartholomew fragments in several
features, e.g. the description of Christ in Anienti,
the appearance of Christ after the Kesurrection
to his mother Mary first of all (cf. p. 605), the
narrative of the death of Mary, and the bless-
ing pronounced on Peter as the archbishop of
the whole world. Ladeuze's suggestion meets the
main requirements of the case better than Revil-
lout's conjecture (BB, 1904, pp. 167 ff., 321 iX.) that
some primitive orthodox Gospel of the Twelve (see
above) professes to have been edited by Gamaliel,
the teacher of St. Paul, who had become a Christian
(cf. Zahn's Gesch. des Kanons, ii. 673 f.). Even if the
fragments are assigned to a ' Gospel,' they repre-
sent a late compilation, based primarily on the
Johannine narrative, and expanded on the basis of
legends drawn possibly from a special source. The
tradition of Gamaliel's conversion is noted in Clem.
Becogn. i. 65 and quoted by Photius (Bihliotheca,
171) from earlier written sources : ' Reperi quoque
in eodem illo codice, Pauli in lege magistrum
Gamalielum et credidisse, et baptizatum fuisse.
Nicodemum item nocturnum (quondam) amicum,
diurnum etiam redditum, martyrioque coronatum,
quem et Gamalielis patruelem haec testatur
historia. Baptizatum vero utrumque a Joanne et
Petro, una cum Gamalielis filio, cui Abibo nomen.'
Nicodemus became a martyr to JeAvish fury, on
this tradition ; once the idea of his conversion
and authorship of a Gospel was started, it was not
unnatural that Gamaliel should also be brought
inside the Christian circle.
(g) The Gospel of Perfection. — ' Some of them,'
says Epiphanius (xxvi. 2), speaking of the Nico-
laitans or Ophite Gnostics, ' bring in a manufactured
sort of adventitious work (iyiiiycfidv ri iroliifxa) called
The Gospel of Perfection,' which, he adds ironically,
is the very perfection of diabolic mischief ! This
notice is probably derived from Hippolytus (Phil-
aster, Hcer. 33). If it was a Gnostic treatise in
Gospel form, it may have resembled, or been related
in some way to, the Gospel of Eve ; but no details
or quotations have been preserved, unless we may
suppose that allusions to it occur in the Pistis
Sophia, where uncanonical Gospel material is more
than once employed.
(h) The Gospel of Eve. — 'Others,* Epiphanius
adds (xxvi. 2f.), • are not ashamed to speak of the
Gospel of Eve,' who owed her gnosis to the serpent.
One quotation from this Gospel is given : ' I stood
on a high hill, and I saw a tall man and a short
man (SXKov KoXojSdv) ; and I heard as it were a voice
of thunder and drew near to listen, and it spoke to
me and said, "I am thou and thou art I, and
wherever thou art there am I also, and I am sown
in all (iv dvafflv elfii ifftrapfiivos). And wherever
thou gatherest me from, in gathering me thou
gatherest thyself." ' Probably the quotation which
follows, from the secret books of the Gnostics,
was also derived from this ' Gospel ' : (^i* d7ro/fpi50ots
dvayivdjcTKovTes 6ti) • I saw a tree bearing twelve
fruits a year, and he said to me. This is the tree of
life.' Epiphanius (xxvi. 6) explains that this meant
allegorically menstruation. But this so - called
' Gospel ' may have been either of an apocalyptic
character or simply, as Lipsius suggests, a doctrinal
treatise in more or less historical form. In any
case, its mysticism assumed a sexual form whicn
readily lent itself to obscene interpretation.
(i) The Gospel of Judas. — The Gnostic Cainites,
in the 2nd cent., composed 'a Gospel of Judas'
(Iren. i. 31. 1 ; avvrayp-aTibu rt, Epiphan. xxxviii. 1)
in the name of their hero, Judas, who was .supposed
to have alone penetrated the Divine secret, and
consequently to have deliberately betrayed Jesus
in order to accomplish it. Nothing has been pre-
served of this Gospel.
The fifth of Revillout's Coptic fragments (Lcs
Apocryphes copies, 156-157) contains a novel tra-
dition about Judas. The disciples speak : * We
have found this man stealing from what is put
into the purse every day, taking it to his wife, and
defrauding the poor in his service. Whenever he
GOSPELS (UN CANONICAL)
GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL) 505
returned home with sums of money in his hands,
she would rejoice at what he had done. We have
even seen him failing to take home to her enough
for the malice of her eyes and insatiable greed.
Whereupon she would turn him into ridicule.' His
wife then, like a Lady Macbeth, instigates him to
the crime of selling Jesus. ' " Look how the Jews
pursue your master. Up then and betray him to
them. They will give you plenty of riches, and we
will bestow them in our house, so as to live thereby."
He got up, the unfortunate man, after listening to
his wife, till he had consigned his soul to the hell
of Amenti,* in the same manner as Adam listened
to his wife, until he became a stranger to the glory
of Paradise, so that death reigned over him and his
race. Even so, Judas listened to his wife and thus
set himself outside the things of heaven and the
things of earth, to end in Amenti, the place of tears
and moaning. He went to the Jews and agreed
with them for thirty pieces of silver to betray his
Lord. They gave them to him. Thus was ful-
filled the word which was written : " They received
the thirty pieces of silver for the price of hira who
is appraised." He rose up. He carried them to
his wicked wife.'
Here the motive of Judas is not personal greed ;
he is a thief, as in the Fourth Gospel, but it is
owing to his wife's pressure. She is a temptress,
and the misogynism of the author leads him to
blame her more than her poor husband. But this
is a catholic exculpatory estimate of Judas, in
Egyptian circles, which is very different from the
Gnostic glorification of him ; he is not the author
of a Gospel, but he is made out to be not so de-
liberately the author of Christ's betrayal as in the
canonical traditions. We cannot tell whether the
Gnostic Gospel made use of any such motive to ex-
plain his conduct. It is unlikely that this would
be so, for his conduct, on the Gnostic theory, re-
quired no exculpation.
Another Coptic Gospel fragment, assigned doubt-
fully by Revillout (op. cit. 195-196) to the Gospel
of Bartholomew, belongs to the same line of
tradition. *The apostle Judas, when the devil
entered into him, went out and ran to the high
priests. He said, "What will you give me for
handing him over to you ? " They gave him thirty
pieces of silver. Now the wife of Judas had taken
the child of Joseph of Arimathsea to bring him up.
The day when the unfortunate Judas received the
thirty pieces of silver and took them home, the
little one (would not drink). Joseph went into
the woman's chamber . . . Joseph was utterly
distressed over his son. When the little child saw
his father (he was seven months old), he cried,
saying, " My father, come, take me from the hand
of this woman, who is a savage beast. Since the
ninth hour of this day, they have received the
price (of the blood of the just)." When he
heard this, his father took him. Judas also went
out. He took . . .' Tlien follows a broken pas-
sage belonging to the Acts of Pilate literature.
(j) Coptic fragments. — (i.) A Coptic Akhmim MS
(4th-5th cent. ) contains two fragments, which may
have belonged to an uncanonical Gospel of the
2nd century. The second is a fragment of pro-
phetic discourse by Jesus, predicting Ac 12^'- (?).
The first opens with Mary, Martha, and Mary
Magdalene going to the sepulchre to anoint the
body, and weeping when they find the sepulchre
empty. The Lord says to them, ' " Why do you
weep? Cease weeping, I am he whom ye seek.
But let one of you go to the brethren and say :
Come, the Master has risen from the dead."
Martha went away and told this to us. We said
to her, " What hast thou to do with us, O woman ?
He who died is buried, and it is impossible that
* An Egyptian touch as above (p. 500).
he lives." We did not believe her, that the Re-
deemer had risen from the dead. So she went to
the Lord and said to him, " No one among them
has believed me, that thou livest." He said, " Let
another of you go and tell it to them again. " Mary
went and told us again, but we did not believe her.
She went back to the Lord and told liim. Then
said the Lord to Mary and her other sisters, " Let
us go to them." And he went and found us within
and called us outside. But we thought it was a
ghost, and we did not believe it was the Lord.
So he said to us, "Come and . . . Thou, Peter,
who hast denied me thrice, dost thou still deny?"
And we went up to him, doubting in our hearts
whether it was he. So he said to us, " Why do
you doubt still and disbelieve ? I am he who told
you, 60 that on account of my flesh and my death
and my Resurrection you may know it is I. Peter,
lay thy finger in the nail-marks on my hands ;
and thou, Thomas, lay thy finger in the lance-
wounds on my side ; and thou, Andrew, touch my
feet and see that they ... to those of earth.
For it is written in the prophets : * phantoms of
dreams . . . on earth." We answered him, "We
have in truth recognized that ... in the flesh."
And we threw ourselves on our faces and confessed
our sins, that we had been unbelieving.'
This fragment professes to give the testimony to
the Resurrection which the disciples bore, based
on revelations received by them from the Lord.
As in the appendix to Mark's Gospel, their un-
belief is emphasized ; they refuse to believe the
story of the women, and it requires the direct
appearance of Jesus to convince them. 'There-
fore . . . we have written to you concerning . . .
and we bear witness that the Lord is he who was
crucified by Pontius Pilate.' The apologetic in-
terest of this emphasis on the original incredulity
of the apostles may be to heighten the importance
of the Resurrection appearances, as against the
denial of the bodily Resurrection by some Gnostics.
Even the disciples, it is said, held it impossible
once ! But they were taught the truth ! The
fragment mentions 'Corinthus' ( = Cerinthus) and
' Simon ' ( = Simon Magus), and the original Greek
Gospel writing, of which it is a translation, was
evidently a piece of apologetic fiction issued by
some pious (Gnostic?) Christian in order to refute
the heretical tendencies represented by these two
great names. It professes to be written in the
name of the Twelve, and probably appeared during
the first half of the 2nd century. The data do
not enable us to determine whether it belonged
to a Gospel of the Twelve or, as Schmidt thinks,
to the pseudo-Petrine literature.
SpeciaIi Literaturk. — The fragment was published first by
C. Schmidt in SBA W, 1895, pp. 705-711, but a full edition is still
awaited ; Hamack's essay appeared in Theolog. Siudien B.
Weiss dargebracht, Gottingen, 1897, pp. 1-8 ; of. Bardenhewer,
397-399, Haase, 36-37. Harnack dates it between A.D. 150 and
180, Schmidt somewhat earlier. The second fragment suggests
that the Gospel (if it was a Gospel) was a Peter Gospel, but
the extent and aim of its ' Gnosticism' cannot be determined
in the present state of our knowledge.
(ii.) Some lines of another Coptic papyrus (4th-
6th cent.) appear to contain debris of what was
once an uncanonical Gospel. The fragments are ex-
tremely mutilated, and the translators and editors
disagree upon their age and origin. The last runs
thus — evidently the close of a Gospel narrative
which described a post-Resurrection scene on the
mountain, prior to the Ascension: '(that I) may
manifest to you all my glory and show you all
your power and the mystery of your apostleship
• Wis 1817, in a description of the terrors that befell the
Egyptians during the plagues. The scriptural authority of
Wisdom in wide circles during the 2nd and 3rd centuries
is well known, but probably Origen is the only writer who ex-
pressly calls this literature prophetic (Horn, in Levit, v. 2, in
Exod. vi. 1).
506 GOSPELS (UNCANONICAL)
governjVIent, governor
... (on the) mountain. . . . Our eyes penetrated
all places, we saw the glory of his divinity and all
the glory (of his) dominion. He invested (us with)
the power of (our) apostle(ship).' The previous
fragment, whose contents are only separated from
the other by two or three lines, may be either a
piece from the same setting or a fragment of some
Gethsemane story. It runs thus : ' (that) he be
known for (his) 'hospitality . . . and praised on
account of his fruit, since . . . Amen.* Grant
me now thy power, O Father, that . . . Amen.
I have received the diadem of the Kingdom, (even
the) diadem of ... I have become King (through
thee), O Father. Thoushalt subject (all) to me . . .
Through whom shall (the last) Enemy be destroyed?
Through (Christ). Amen. Through whom shall
the sting of death (be destroyed) ? (Through tlie)
Only Begotten. To whom does (the) dominion
belong? (TotheiSon.) Amen. . . . When (Jesus
had) tinished all . . . he turned to us and said,
"The hour has come when I shall be taken from
you. The spirit (is) willing, but the flesh (is)
weak . . . then and watch (with me)." But we
apostles wept . . . said . . . (Son) of God. . . .
He answered and said (to us), " Fear not destruc-
tion (of the body), but rather (fear) the power (of
darkness). Remember all tiiat I have said to
you : (if) they have persecuted (me), they will also
persecute you. . . . Rejoice, then, that I (have
overcome) the world, and have . . ." '
The fragments are evidently based upon the
Gospels of Matthew and John ; so much is clear
even from Avhat can be deciphered. Possibly they
belonged to some uncanonical Gospel current in
Egypt during the 3rd or even the 2nd cent.,
but the internal data are too slender to support
any hypothesis which would connect them with
the Gospel of the Egyptians (Jacoby) or even with
tlie Gospel of the Ebionites = the Gospel of the
Twelve (Schmidt, Zahn, Revillout). The ' Gnosti-
cism ' of the fragments is mild.
Special Literature. — A. Jacoby, Ein neues Evangelienfrag-
ment, Strassburg, 1900; C. Schmidt {GGA, 1900, pp. 481-506);
Za.hn(NKZ, 1900, 361 f.); Revillout, Patr. Orient. 1907, pp. 159-
161 ; Haase, 1-11 (where further literature is discussed).
(iii. ) Another Coptic fragment from a narrative of
the trial is edited by Revillout (Pair. Orient. ,IQI f. ) :
' ... to Jesus who was in the prsetorium. He
said to him, "Whence do you come and what do
you say of yourself ? I am sore put to it in de-
fending you, and I . . save you. If you are king
of the Jews, tell us definitely." Jesus answered and
said to Pilate, " Do you say this of yourself, or
have other people told you about me ?" Pilate said
to him, " Am I a Jew ? — I ! Your own people have
handed you over. What have you done ? " Jesus
replied, "My kingdom is not of this world. If
my kingdom were of this world, my servants would
tight to prevent anyone handing me over to the
Jews. However, my kingdom is not of this world."
Pilate said to him, " Then you are a king?" Jesus
replied, "It is you who say so; I am a king."
Filate said to him, "If you are a king, let me
learn the truth from your own lips so that you
may be relieved of these troubles and these revolu-
tions." Tlien he said to him, "Behold, jou confess,
you say with your own lips that I am a king. 1
was bom and I have come into the world for this
thing, to bear witness to the truth. He who be-
longs to me hears my voice." Pilate said to him,
" What is truth ? " Jesus said to him, "Have you
not seen — you ! — that he who speaks to you is
Truth ? Do you not see in his face that he has
been born of the Father ? Do you not hear from
liis words that he does not come from this world?
Know then, Pilate, that he whom you judge,
* According to Revillout, these ' Amens' are not final but in-
troductory =' Truly.'
he it is who shall judge the world with justice.
These hands which you seize, O Pilate, have
formed you. This body you see and this flesh
which they . . ." '
The fragment is also assigned by Revillout to
Ills Gospel of the Twelve, but it may be no more
than a paraphrase of Jn 18^^'* from some early
Egyptian homily. The rest of Revillout's frag-
ments (cf. above, p. 503) are plainly from an Egyp-
tian treatise which belongs as much to the Mary
literature as to the category of the uncanonical
Gospels.
(k) An unidentified fragment. — In Augustine's
treatise contra Adversarium Legis et Proiyhctarum
(ii. 14), he quotes a saying from some apocryphal
scripture — evidently a Gospel, since he proceeds :
' but in the Gospel of the Lord, which is not
apocryphal' (i.e. esoteric), he taught the disciples
after the Resurrection about the prophets (Lk 24^').
The quotation is as follows : ' But when the apostles
asked what view should be taken of the prophets
of the Jews, who were thought to have sung
something about his arrival in the past, our Lord,
vexed that they still took such a view, replied,
" You have sent away the living One who is before
you, and you make up stories about the dead!"'
Tliis may have come from some Marcionite or
Ebionitic (cf. above, p. 493) Gospel. J. H. Ropes [TU
xiv. 2 [1896], 119-120) suggests that it would fit in
with the story of Mt S'^^, but the context in Augus-
tine points rather to a post-Resurrection dialogue
between Jesus and the disciples.
{I) The Fayyum fragment. — The Fayyftm frag-
ment, first published by G. Bickell (cf. Zeitschrift
fiir kath. Theologie, 1885, pp. 498-504, 1886, p.
208 f.), is a 3rd cent, scrap of papyrus which has
received more attention than it deserves ; it is no
more than a loose quotation of Mk l4-8--^- ^^-^^
(so Zahn, as against Bickell, Harnack [TU v. 4,
481-497], Resch [TU x. 2, 1894, pp. 28-34], P. Savi
[EB, 1892, 321-344], and others), and cannot be
assigned with any probability to tlie Gospel of
the Egyptians or any other uncanonical Gospel.
The fragment runs : ' And in departing he spoke
thus. " You will all be ofl'ended (o-/cai'5aXt<r0^creo-^e)
this night, as it is written : / will smite the shep-
herd, ami the sheep shall be scattered." Peter
said, "Though all [are offended], not I!" The
Lord said, " The cock will crow twice, and thou
shaltbe the first to deny me three times."' Revil-
lout (Les Apocryphes copies, 158-159) places it as
a sequel to the Matthias fragment quoted above
(pp. 501-502), assigning it to his ' Gospel of the
Twelve.' But it may have come from some Gospel
of our third group, if it came from any Gospel at all.
J. MOFFATT.
GOVERNMENT, GOVERNOR — (1) The term
'government' occurs twice in the AV of tiie NT,
in neither case with reference to civil government.
In the first passage, 1 Co 12-^ it occurs in the plural,
being a translation of the Greek Kv^epvriaeis, which,
like the English ' government,' is a metaphor from
steersmanship (see following article). In thesecond
passage, 2 P 2'" (cf. Jude^), the word appears to be
abstract, but to have an implicit reference to the
domination of angels (see art. Dominion).
(2) The word ' governor ' occurs many times in the
NT, In nearly every passage it is a translation of
Tj-yeuwi' or some word connected with it. This word
is tlie most general term in this connexion in the
Greek language ( = Lat. prceses). This can be seen
in two ways. In the first place, in ^Ik 13* (and
parallels) and 1 P 2'* the word is coupled with
'kings' (emperors), and the two words togetiier
include all the Gentile authorities before whom
the followers of Jesus will have to appear. In tlie
sticond place, the term, or its cognates, is used with
reference to authorities of such diverse status as
goveiinme:nts
GRACE
507
the Emperor Tiberius (Lk 3'), the legate P. Sul-
picius Quirinius (Lk 2^, a special deputy of consular
rank sent by the Emperor Augustus in an emergency
to have temporary rule over the great province of
Syria), and the successive procurators of the small
and unimportant province of Judsea, Pontius
Pilate and Eelix ; for 2 Co IP^ see Ethnarch.
It was in accordance with Greek genius to avoid
specific titles and to use general terms, and to
the Oriental the king (emperor) dwarfed everyone
else. The -procurator (agent) was really a servant
of the Emperor's household, never of higher rank
than equestrian, and belonged to the lowest class of
governor. He is never called by his own (Greek)
name {iirlTpoiros) except in a variant reading of
Lk 3\ A. SouTER.
(50YERNMENTS.— In each of the five lists of
spiritual gifts or of gifted persons which St. Paul
places in his Epistles (1 Co i28-io- ^s. ss-so, Ro 126-8,
Eph 4") there are at least two items which are not
found in any other list. In 1 Co 12^ we have
• helps ' or ' helpings ' (dvTL\ri/j,\}/€ii) and ' govern-
ments ' or 'go vernings' (Ki/^e/jvijo-ets). In 1 Co 12-^
'gifts of healings' are followed by 'helpings' and
'governings.' These two form a pair, and refer
to management and direction in things external.
' Governings ' is a word which comes from the idea
of a Kv^epvTjrrjt, a shipmaster (Ac 27", Rev 18") or
pilot (Ezk 27*' ^' ^*), directing the course of a ship.
The word occurs nowhere else in the NT, but in
the LXX we have it in the sense of * wise guidance '
in peace or war (Pr IV* 24^). St. Paul probably
uses it of those Avho superintended the externals of
organization. It would therefore denote those who
are over the rest, and rule them, the ■n-po'CcrT&fi.evoi of
1 Th 5^2^ Ro 12« and the ■^yoifxevoi of He IS^-"'^^,
Ac 15"^'^. The ' governors ' are directors and organ-
izers, not teachers ; still less are they ' discerners
of spirits,' as Stanley suggests. They are persons
with a gift for management. It is possible that
they afterwards developed into a class of officials
as 'elders' or 'bishops,' but that stage had not
been reached when 1 Cor. was written. See Helps
and Church Government. A. Plummer.
GRACE. — 1. General meaning and presapposi-
tions. — (a) Divine prevenience and generosity. —
Grace is a theistic idea. It emerges inevitably in
the progress of religious thought and practice with
the idea of God's separateness from man (cf. in
India, Brahmanisra ; in Greece, Orphism). It
deepens in character and content in the growing
sense of separateness, with the concurrent con-
viction, ever deepening in intensity, of the Divine
goodness in sustaining fellowship with man (cf. in
Israel, Hebraism, Judaism). It attains perfect
form in Christianity, whose Founder exhibits a
personal life so dependent on and penetrated by
God as to reach absolute maturity simply through
the Divine power immanent within it — the cease-
less sense, possession, and operation of the Divine
Spirit. Irresistibly the soul's interior experience
of that fellowship postulates a realm of Divine
prevenience and generosity. Generally the postu-
late embraces three features : the priority of God,
His self-donation to man, His regard and care for
man's salvation — all making emphatic the given-
ness of man's best life, the Divine action inviting
his. Grace is thus a purely religious affirmation
expressing the soul's assurance that God's good-
ness is the beginning, medium, and end of its life.
Here God is not simply a great First Cause : first
in time, foremost in space ; He is rather the back-
ground and dynamic force of man's inner being,
and, for its sake, of all created being ; enfolding
and comprehending it, giving it its origin, reason
of existence, unity, completeness, final end ; the
envelope of the whole by which the parts do their
best and issue in their most fruitful results, so
that the soul is a harmony of linked forces,*
Divine and human. Here, too, the soul's blessed-
ness is not simply the gift of God. The soul's life
is through Himself — ' His very self and essence
all-Divine.' t Its various stages, the growing pro-
cess of His grace, do not depend, nay, disappear
when made to depend, on merely mental reference
to His acts, or on merely self-originating impulses.
Such attachment of the human to the Divine is
too superficial. The inadequacy of man's spirit
to work out its own perfection is irremediable.
Salvation is only secure in utter and entire de-
pendence on the Divine Life, distinct from man's,
the life which precedes and from which proceeds
all his capacity for good : in which, truly, ' we
live and move and have our being.'
(6) The Christian experience. — The apostolic
doctrine of grace presupposes the distinctive Chris-
tian experience. The NT teaching falls into three
groups : Synoptic, Pauline, Johannine. The first
reproduces the most immediately and literally
faithful picture of Christ's sayings ; the second and
third present the earliest impressive developments
of His sayings in individual realization, and are
rich in exposition and explanation of the subjective
apprehension and appropriation of Divine grace.
It is the process in man's activity that is detailed
more than the analysis of the attribute in God.
Between the two types we are conscious of marked
contrasts, not only in their form but in the sub-
stance and mode. Along with a deep underlying
unity of fundamental thought, it is true to say
that the consciousness of the apostles is not
identical with the consciousness of Christ. Christ
is not repeated in them. J The teaching of both is
the direct transcript of their spiritual history ; but
their spiritual constitution is so radically different
that their teaching is bound to have radical differ-
ences. ' He spoke as the sinless Son of God ; they
wrote from the standpoint of regenerated men.'§
The principle of sin alters the whole position. The
view-points for estimating grace increase. Thus it
is that while Christ speaks little, if at all, of grace,
it is a central conception of the apostles. There-
fore also, while grace is in both, it is ' in Christ '
in a vitally intimate way such as cannot be predi-
cated of the apostles except ' through Christ.* It
is ' the grace of Christ,' as ' of God ' ; not the grace
of the apostles, whose it is only ' by his grace.'
Again we have to note in Christ's case no trace
of that separateness of the human from the Divine
Spirit in their communion and inter-operation in
the relationship of grace, which is so clear in the
case of the apostles, a distinction of which they
are so confident that they claim a special illumina-
tion and infusion of supernatural light and energy
in this experience. Christ's mediation of grace to
them is basic. It differentiates their doctrine not
only from Christ's, but from all ethnic and pro-
phetic ideas. The apostles are neither mere seekers
after God, nor simply seers or servants or inter-
preters of God : they are sons, the bearers of Him-
self ; II and the immensely richer experience is
reflected in the ampler refinement of their idea of
grace and its more commanding place in their
system. Nor should we fail to observe that the
term 'grace' denotes a new economy in human
history. Primarily it signifies a fresh advance of
the human spirit iinder the impetus of new Divine
• Cf. Tennyson's picture of 'the awful rose of dawn' in the
Vision of Sin.
t Cf. Newman's hymn : ' Praise to the Holiest in the height.*
t Cf., for an admirable discussion of this point, P. T. Forsyth,
The Person and Place of Jesus Christ, 1909.
§ W. P. Paterson, I'he Apostles' Teaching, pt. i. : 'The
Pauline Theology,' 1903, p. 5.
II Cf. the early Christian term for believers — Xpi(rro<f>6poi.
508
GRACE
GRACE
redemptive force. That fact implies a fresh out-
flow of energ}'' from God and a fresh uplift of the
world's life ; man is ' a new creation,' * the world
' a new earth ' ; t there is revealed a new stage in
the fulfilment of the eternal purpose. Grace here
has cosmic significance. Sin is over-ruled for good
in the whole world-order as it is in the individual
Christian heart. History, like the soul, is trans-
formed through Christ. The initial and control-
ling causes of that whole vast change are discovered
to the primitive Christian perception in a great
surprise of God's forgiveness, pronounced and im-
parted by Christ, and made efl'ective for regenera-
tion by a force none other than, not inferior to.
His Holy Spirit. Thereby a new era is inaugur-
ated — the dispensation of ' the gospel of the grace
of God.' J Grace, then, comprises three specific
moments : a supernatural energy of God, a
mystical and moral actuation of man, an immanent
economy of Spirit.
(c) Essential characteristics. — Grace, accordingly,
is erroneously regarded when defined as a substance
or force or any sort of static and uniform quantum.
It is ' spirit and life,' and as such its characteristics
ajQ personality , inutuality, individuality. The ex-
perience of grace is that of 'a gracious relation-
ship ' § between two persons, in which the proper
nature of either in its integrity and autonomy is
never at all invaded. The mode is not impersonal
or mechanical. The blessing is not an influx so
much as response to an influence ; a gift yet a
task ; a mysterious might overpowering, but not
with power, rather with persuasion ; the renewal
of the entire disposition through implicit trust in
God's goodness and by the diligent exercise of the
powers of Spirit, ever latent and now let loose,
with which He enables and quickens. It is not
only an awakening of the moral self into more
active freedom : it is first the conscious springing
up and growth of a new life, sudden or gradual and
wondrous, from immersion in the mystic bath,|| fed
by the heavenly streams, whose cleansing power,
if before unknown, is not alien, and invests the
finite life witli the sense of infinite worth and im-
perishable interest — a sense welcomed as native
and as needful for the life's predestined end. The
process is easily intelligible, yet readily liable
to misunderstanding. The traditional doctrine,
Catholic and Protestant, in its anxiety to safe-
guard both the mystical and moral constituents of
the experience, has tended towards two grave
defects — the separation of the two which in reality
are one, and the confusion of the mystical with the
magical.lT Grace then becomes a material quantity,
instead of spiritual quality. Psychologically a
Kerson is only inasmuch as he is living, growing.
Ian is, as he lives in God ; and his capture ** and
surrender are achieved not in a thing but in a
person, and not to a thing but to the One Person,
whose right to claim him and renew his life con-
sists precisely in this, that He is Himself absolutely,
infinitely, and actually what man is derivatively,
finitely, and potentially. Thus the act which binds
man to God does so for growth and enhancement
of life. All that comes from the living God is
worked out by living souls, and is ever living and
enlivening ; it is as varied and individual as the
variety of individuals concerned.
The apostles were Hebraic, and no true Hebrew
could misinterpret this. To the Fathers it was so
• 2 Co 5". GaUeiB. t Rev 211. o. j Ac 2024.
§ Cf . art. • Personality and Grace,' v., by J. Oman in Expositor,
Sthser. iii. [1912] 468 fl.
I Cf. St. Paul'3 ' baptism with Christ ' (Ro 6*, Col 2i2). Cf. for
the idea, art. 'St. Paul and the Mystery-Relifjions,' m., by
H. A. A. Kennedy, In Expositor, 8th ser. iv. [1912] 60 fl.
H This criticism does not apply to mystical piety or evangelical.
*• It is a seizing by God as well as a yieldiiig by man, 'appre-
henaion ' on both sides (Ph 3i2).
familiar. The covenant-relation was tho central
truth of their religion. Its very essence was this
inutualness of religious communion. Vital godli-
ness hinged on two realities — the Divine Being
willing to be gracious, and the no less ready
response man must make to Him. For God and
man to come together, both must be individually
active. To God's willingness to help, man comes
with his willingness to be helped. To God's desire
to forgive, man conies with a penitent mind. By
mutual love, the love of God to man meeting the
love of man to God, the two are reconciled. Com-
plete surrender (religion) brings with it growing
individuality and independence (morality). Herein,
further, let us note, rests the explanation of two
conspicuous facts in the life of grace — the fact, viz.,
that the inspiration of grace is neither infallible
nor irresistible ; * and the fact of the splendid out-
burst of fresh forms of goodness. The Clmrch in
her materialistic moods has been prone to forget
both. The Apostolic Age is so rich spiritually
just because so sensible of both. 'We have this
treasure in earthen vessels ' is the precise counter-
part of the psalmist's ' the spirit of man is the
candle of the Lord.' It is never forgotten that
while the Divine Life is the milieu of the human,
the human is the medium of the Divine, its assimi-
lative capacity adequate only to the present need,
not to the ultimate reality ; t while its readiness
to receive is never in vain in any event or circum-
stance or relation of life. The human spirit may
appropriate only within limits ; but the indefinite
variety of limits alone bounds the operation of
grace. Grace is all-sufficient ; the * fruits of the
Spirit ' correspond to its plenitude.
2. Specific redemptive content. — In seeking to
analyze the contents of grace, we have no lack of
material. What grace is is to be seen in the spiritual
personality it produces. The Apostolic Letters
furnish a complete, typical description, of rare
intensity and lucidity, of two such personalities
of the loftiest order — St. Paul and St. John, and
we possess abundant parallel records of Christian
sanctity of every later age, to verify our conclu-
sions. The letters are not so much doctrinal systems
as a sort of journal intime of soaring, searching
spirits : autobiographies of spirit, ' confessions ' of
what the writers saw and heard and knew of ' the
mystery of Christ.' J As Christ 'witnessed' of
Himself, the apostles 'witness' of Christ. Their
witness is oftered in two distinct types — the pre-
dominantly ethical and the predominantly con-
templative — neither of which has ever failed to
recur constantly in subsequent history. It may
therefore be taken as comprehensive and normative.
It is, moreover, offered with a minimum reference to
the material through which it has operated — the
psycho-physical organism and temperament in
which the gracious working has developed itself.§
The scattblding has been taken down, and the
building is disclosed unencumbered with immaterial
detail. From that fact we may trust in the apos-
tles' balance of mind and credibility, since the
very richness of their spiritual vision points to an
unusually large subconscious life of ' the natural
man' and its insurgent impulses, not easy to
subdue, yet whicli, instead of dominating, is so
exquisitely kept in place as to become a chief
instrument and material of their life's worth and
works. Regarding our data in this light, what do
• See art. Perseverance.
t Cf. a sermon by Phillips Brooks, 'The Candle of the Lord*
(The Candle of the Lord and Other Sennons, 1881).
t The recent extensive literature devoted to the study of the
apostles' teaching^ has for main result to cast into bolder relief
the splendid spiritual stature of, next to Christ, the two great
figures, St. Paul and St. John.
§ Hints occur in St. Paul's writings (Ro 7^ 121, l Oo 8",
2 Co 187-8 122).
GKACE
GRACE
509
we find ? — At once a continuity of experience and
an identity of essential fact.
(a) Supernatural principle of life. — To begin
with, we find the life of grace to be constituted by
the supernatural principle, and to be an indivisible
entity. The life of the believer is by a new birth
from above,* translating men into a new position
before God and a new disposition to sustain it.f
That is the consentient testimony of the apostles,
as of the saints, of the first and of every age. J
Grace is initially regeneration, the work of God's
Spirit, 'whereby we are renewed in the whole
man and are enabled more and more to die daily
unto sin and to live unto righteousness.' § Apos-
tolic and saintly biography shows that this con-
dition may have different levels and values in
different natures, and even in the same nature
at different times. It shows also that the main-
tenance of that condition means a constant and
immense effort, a practically unbroken grace-
getting and ever-growing purity in conflict with
the insistent lower self. But the characteristic
general fact of renewal remains, as something
constant and inalienable — in its inferior planes as
a fight against the devil ; in its higher, a struggle
with lower self, stimulated and impelled by God's
illumination working in and upon the soul : con-
stant and inalienable so long as the soul keeps
turning towards the Light. For the grace of
conversion II is the concomitant of regeneration.
Conversion is an act of the soul made possible by
the Spirit, and should be as continuous as an act
as regeneration is as a work.lT This experience,
which on one side is regeneration and on the other
is conversion, is one which leaves the soul different
for ever from what it was before ; yet not in such
wise as to prevent the soul itself living on, or as to
raise the soul above its limitations and failings, so
that it will not fall from grace, and will be kept
from sin. But the endeavour to keep from fall
and lapse is now on a larger and deeper scale, on
a higher plane, on a new vantage-ground. It is
always attended by the clear consciousness of the
effort being 'in God,' 'in Christ,' and as wholly
their work as the soul's.
This double consciousness of Divine and human
action, nevertheless, does not divide the soul. On
the contrary, the more deeply it proceeds, the more
does the soul wake up and fuse itself into single
vital volition to cast oft' what is inconsistent with
its growing self and to mould what remains into
better consistency. The soul as the subject of
grace is not an automaton but a person, and the
two actions are but two moments of one motion
whose activities are not juxtaposed but inter-
penetrate in an organic unity.** Spirit and spirit
can be each within the other ff — a favourite idea of
the apostles. :|:J In St. John the same thought is
ever present under the categories of life, light,
knowledge, love.§§ AH here comes from, and leads
to, a life lived within the conditions of our own
existence in willed touch and deliberate union
with God.
(6) Blessings of Christ's work and Person. — Next
* Cf. Jn lis 3S, 2 Co 517, Gal 6", Ja 118, i p i23, i Jn 39.
t Cf. Jn 146, Ko 52, Eph 28- 10. 18 312, Ph 320, Tit 35- 6, He T"
1019. 20.
J Cf. for the tjTiical instance of medisval piety — St. Catherine
of Genoa — the remarkable delineation in F. von Hiigel's
Mystlcnl Element of Religion, 1908 ; also Luther, Buiiyan, etc. ;
and for Reformation examples, the life story of Luther. See
also ' Studies in Conversion, by J. Stalker, in Expositor, 7th ser.
Vii. [1909] 118, 322, 521.
§ Shorter Catechism ; cf. Ro 122, 2 Co 4i6, Eph 423, Col 310.
II It belongs to the life of 'perseverance.'
H Cf. Jn 6«, Ac 238 319. 26 9 1121 1730 2618, 1 Th 19, Ja 48.
** Cf. 1 Co 1510, 2 Co 35 121-12, Eph 37. 20, Ph 212. 18.
tt Cf. Ro 89.
n Cf. Ro 63 81- »• 10. U 148 1 Oo 103- < 16S1, 2 Co 410- 11 135, Qal
327, Ph 121.
§§ Jn 414 621-29 635. 40. 44 IQIO 1260 I4IO Ifil. S 173. 23, 1 Jn 410- 19.
we find the life of grace to be a progressive process
of moral purification and mental enlightenment in
mystical union with Christ. It is a growth in
grace and in the knowledge of Christ,* in the
' grace and truth ' that are come hy Jesus Christ.f
St. Paul dwells on this grace as 'righteousness,'!
St. John dwells on it as 'truth' (light, know-
ledge) ; § never, however, in either case on the one
as exclusive or separate from the other. To St.
Paul Christ is wisdom as well as righteousness ; to
St. John He is righteousness as well as truth,
although in the former instance the point of
emphasis is on righteousness, in the latter on
light. For this reason, in the Pauline doctrine the
description of the source, sphere, and effects of
grace is mainly in juridical terms ; in the Johan-
nine, in abstract terms — true to the intellectual
influences to which they were subject. || The two
accounts necessarily differ, and in important de-
tails. The fundamental conceptions are identical.
A broad statement of their unity may well precede
the elucidation of their divergences. To both
types of idea: (1) Christ is not 'after the flesh,'
but is Spirit or Life.lT i.e. the Risen and Glorified
Christ who had met St. Paul on the way to
Damascus, converting him ; whom St. John saw in
the Vision of Patmos for his comfort ; ' the second
Adam,' ** 'the Man, the Lord ft from heaven ' ; ' the
Lord of glory.' XX (2) Righteousness and truth are
objective realities as well as subjective qualities,
powers of God and qualities in man : the righteous-
ness of God and the sanctity of man — the first
creative of the second through faith. §§ (3) Christ
is the Mediator of righteousness and truth, both
of which He is Himself ;|||| in virtue of which it
is said that ' the grace of God ' is the ' grace of
Christ,' nil and the life of grace is ' life in him ' or
' life in the Spirit.'*** (4) This Spirit creates or
awakes Spirit (irvfvfxa) in man through the infusion
of its supernatural principle in the gift of right-
eousness and knowledge ( = Spirit), so that men
are partakers of these as they are in God, in the
measure of men.fft The Apostle finds the possi-
bility, on man's side, of this infusion, in the
nature of the human irveviia^X+X which then becomes
the temple of the indwelling Divine irvev/xa, and
from which as basis proceeds the sanctification of
the whole nature. (5) The righteousness and
truth (which are Spirit, and Christ), mediated to
faith, are mediated by the human life and historic
work of Christ: in the Pauline statement, with
special relation to His Death and Resurrection ;
in the Johannine, with reference to the issues for
character which His Coming reveals and makes
acute. According to the former, the sacrifice of
Christ is deliverance from the curse that rests on sin
and the alienation from God. By His Resurrection
Christ so completely takes possession of the believ-
er's heart that he feels his life is not so much his
own as that of Christ in him — the indwelling
Spirit. According to the latter, the eternal life
of the pre-existent Logos, manifested in Christ's
historical Person, is in believing experience incor-
• 2 P 318. t Jn 117.
t Ro 117 104, 1 Co 130, 2 Co 521, Ph $9, etc.
§ Cf. Jn 19 319 1236, 1 Jn 15. 7 23 56, Rev 225. 6, etc.
II We take St. Paul's mind to be little influenced, the
Johannine writings to be much influenced, by Greek thought.
■1 Jn 146 1125, 1 Co Ib*^- 17, 2 Co 317, 1 Jn li-3.
•» 1 Co 1515. ft 1 Co 1547.
n 1 Co 28, Ja 21. §§ Ac 3I6.
III! Ro 5I8, 2 Co 521, Ph 111, 2 P 11, 1 Jn 227 520.
itil Christ is its bearer and bringer, having the pleroma ; see
esp. Col 1.
*** The Spirit of grace.
fit Jn 37 520, Ro 117 517 822, 2 Co 521, Ph 39.
{jjThe Pauline anthropology is an intricate subject. For a
remarkably interesting and clear statement see H. Wheeler
Robinson, Christian Doctrine of Man, 1911, pp. 104-136. St.
Paul teaches that in the natural Trveviia of man lies the ground
i of affinity with the Divine irvevixa.
510
GEACE
GRACE
porated through the mystical fellowship * of
believers with Christ, who are translated from
darkness into light, from death to life, fi'om sin
and unrighteousness to love.t (6) In the Epistle
to the Hebrews (of the Pauline type) the life of
grace is seen at work in Christ's Personal Life,
making it clear that the faith in Him that
is receptive of grace is the faith of Him ; so that
what He did and won for men He did and won
for Himself as a work of spiritual and moral
power exerted in Him, and not simply upon Him.
• The grace-enabling faith and the faith enabled
by grace to overcome sin and destroy death, the
Divine and human conspiring to produce and con-
stitute the new righteousness of God in man and
man in God, were so met in Jesus that He Himself
Avas the revelation because He was the thing re-
vealed.' J (7) The appearance of this Life and its
blessings of grace are traced to the spontaneous
and unmerited beneficence and initiative of God,§
who in Christ deals with sinful mankind not on the
ground of merit or after the mode of Law, as
though they were servants or subjects, but solely
from His own natural instinct of Holy Love, as
a father towards his sons. Hence the gracious
will of God is distinctive in the incomparable
fullness and excellency of the motives which it
comprehends.il (8) Divine grace consequently
underlies every part of the redemptive process,
in an imposing array of objective forces.lT What
are its parts ? Here the schemes of saving grace
in the two types widely diverge in their most
conspicuous features. St. Paul conceives of
the subject of grace thus — the sinner is a criminal
whom the Righteous Judge will of His clemency
save ; and his thought moves in a circle of juristic
terms. St. John's conception, on the other hand, is
of the world ( = human life) as marred by sin in
opposition to God, and his notion moves in a series
of antitheses reconciled finally by the manifesta-
tion of that pre-existent Logos who is the world's
fundamental principle. Under these leading con-
cepts let us classify the respective terms.
(a) The Pcmline scheme. — 'Justification' is the
point of stress in the Pauline list, and with it go
' redemption ' and ' righteousness ' ; ' adoption ' and
' reconciliation ' go together ; sanctification is their
result. The source of the Avhole is in the Divine
predestination, and the goal is man's glorification.
The briefest definitions must suffice. Predestina-
tion determines on God's part His purpose of
grace. Election expresses the soul's experience
and certainty of saving grace. Justification is
the grace which acquits and accepts the sinner
as righteous. By justification the redemption pur-
chased by Christ is made ett'ective. Adoption is
the grace that removes the obstacles debarring the
sinner fi'om fellowship with God, and inspires him
with filial trust, freedom, and inheritance. By
adoption reconciliation with God is made effective.
Sanctification is the issue of these already men-
tioned in the renewal of the whole man — spirit,
soul, body — a renewal leading eventually to
resurrection, life, glory. Though the parts may
thus be separated in thought, it is to Be remem-
bered that they are in-separable in the actual
process. The prescience and prevenience of God
are not otiose ; they are the active origin and basal
ground of man's salvation. Justification in its
attitude of faith implies the implicit energy of
sanctification. Sanctification is but a ' continuous
* Cf. the diflcoarses in the Upper Boom, Parable of the
Vine, etc.
t St. John's three great antitheses.
t W. P. DuBose, The Gospel according to Saint Paul, 1907,
pp. 85-86.
S Jn 112 637. 40, Ro 58- 10, Eph I* 28, Col 18, 1 Jn 818 410.
I 2 Co 98, Ph 419, 1 p 410 1 Jn 81.
UEoSSO.
justification.' • Imputed righteousness is vital and
is imparted. The ' peace with God ' which these
secure is, through a real remission of sins and
rescue from God's wrath, fitted to partake in the
ineffable nature of the Spirit of righteousness and
truth, Avho ettects salvation, and the bliss of the
Eternal Life, of which it is the foretaste and first-
fruit, t
St. Paul gives two ' sums ' of grace, the one in
1 Co P", the other in Ro 8^*, to Avhich elsewhere are
added 'adoption' and 'reconciliation' (Gal 4^-'',
Ro 511, 2 Co 5'3). We may tabulate thus :
A. Predestination and Election.
Justification Adoption Sanctification
B. and and and
Bedeniption. Reconciliation. Bighteousness.
0. Resurrection and Glory.
(/3) The Johannine scheme. — Eternal Life is the
point of stress in the Johannine scheme. It works
itself out in a series of three antitheses subsumed
under the general and inclusive one of God versus
the world, viz, light v. darkness, life v. death, love
V. sin = unrighteousness. God and Christ, working
in the Pauline scheme as righteousness and wisdom,
work here as light, life, love, driving away dark-
ness, death, sin ; restoring life to its full com-
pletion by this self-revelation of the Divine Life
which is at the same time the principle of the
world's real life (Logos). Resurrection here is just
fullness of life, the perfection of personality, which
we see in Christ (historic), who is the Resurrection
and Life, and who communicates it to believers,
with self -evidencing force, in the life of love. This
new life is attained from the new birth in an ex-
perienced succession J of ever-deepening intuitions
and acts of faith, in a rich immanence of Christ in
the believing soul,§ and of such a soul in Christ,
like that of the Father in the Son and the Son in
the Father. II We may tabulate thus :
A. Pre-existent Logos and Life.
God Light Life Love
B. V. " V. V, V.
World. Darkness. Death. Sin.
0. Locarnate Logos, Principle of Resurrection and Life.
The broad result of both descriptions of the life
of grace is notable. It vindicates the outstanding
fact of the Synoptic presentation of Christ : the
uniqueness of His self-estimate for salvation.
That is the conspicuous fact likeAvise of apostolic
experience : ' the mystery of Christ now revealed
to his holy apostles.' Unique as His life was, it
yet can be the very law of all life. And it is so,
when a relation between men and Christ is estab-
lished of such a nature as links them to Him, so
that they abide in Him as in their element. That
relation is not adequately expressed as simply
ethical harmony. It is rather an interpenetration
of essence, in which the soul, gathering up all its
faculties in unitary interplay and under His in-
fusion of His Spirit, enters on a progressive sanc-
tification, the illumination of the mind, the
cleansing of the Spirit, until the whole nature is
filled with the rich gifts of grace. Man in all this
is neither depersonalized nor self-deified. He is,
indeed, a self-contained system of spiritual opera-
tions — a little cosmos. But he is this in order to
take his rightful and ordained place in the larger
• The phrase is Flint's, in Sermons and Addresses, 18fl9, p.
230 — Christ our Righteousness. It is a merit of Ritschl to
have broken down the distinction between justification and
sanctification. Cf. hia chief work, Jiecht/ertigung und
Versohnung*, 1900.
t Ro 51.
t Cf. W. R. Inge, art 'John, Gospel of,' in DCO I 88611.,
where, however, the successiveness of the stages is overdrawn,
and the equally true simultaneity is obscured.
§ Too narrow a content is at times given to St. John's 'know-
ledge ' : it includes not only the mental part, but all the parts
of a man's self.
II Jn 1420. a.
GRACE
GRACE
511
cosmos ; for the fundamental energy in his new
life is the wider fundamental energj^ which is co-
extensive with creation vitalizing all that lives.
So large is God's gift.*
(c) The gift of the Holy Ghost.— We find the life
of grace to be consummated under the pre-ordained
Divine ideal by the indwelling of the Holy Spirit
and the hope of glorj-. The life of grace is the
eternal life in its earlier stage. The gift alone
corresponding to the requisite grace is the Holy
Spirit. It is a gift, the natural and necessary
sequel to the process just described.! For the
Spirit is the agent of the operations of grace. If
God justiHes, adopts, and sanctifies, regenerates
and converts, it is but fitting that He take means
to make known the fact to them who are subject
to these acts of grace : hence in justification the
Spirit ' sheds abroad in our hearts ' the love of
God ; X in adoption ' the Spirit beareth witness
with our spirits that we are the children of God.'§
St. John dwells on the importance of the sending
of the Spirit. II The Spirit is specially the gift
of God ; His mission tlie most important of the
consequences of Christ's Exaltation. As Christ
grew Himself in grace by the Spirit, so by the
Spirit He did His work for man, does His work in
man, and mystically abides in man. The Spirit
comes not to supply the place of an absent Christ
but to bring a spiritually present Christ. He
dwells in the believer as that Divine personal
influence that brings Christ into the heart and
seats Him there. He joins us to Christ, and in
Christ we are joined to God — hence the terms
'Spirit of Christ,' 'Spirit of the Son,' 'Spirit of
Jesus Christ.' Again, the Spirit does His work
not abstractly, but by producing conviction of sin,
righteousness, judgment to come, in relation to
Christ whom 'He glorifies.' H He makes the
historic facts of the Life, Death, and Resurrection
of Christ the vital points of connexion througli
which He acts ; and because it is so, men experi-
ence in grace those energies which constitute the
Spirit of the Son, the energies of God.
Hence His indwelling manifests itself in the par-
ticular dispositions and graces of character** which
He calls into existence, called 'the fruits of the
Spirit.' We need not trace the forms in which the
spiritual principle unfolds or the spheres within
which it operates. ft We point only to the infinite
variety and individuality of grace in its exhibition
here, and to its limitless prospect and horizon.
God in Christ through His Spirit is the Maker,
the Creator of this new spiritual character. :I:J It
is the production of the original and underived con-
ception of His mind, not an origination in man's
nature nor within its limits. Hence its freshness,
pregnancy, fruitfulness, and hopefulness. It is a
life to be worked up to (a Divine ideal), not
worked out from — and no man can fix the bounds
of its splendour.
It finds exercise in the natural virtues, in the
spiritual graces, in the service and worship of God,
in the religious emotions, and in the realization of
the blessings of salvation. It is ' unto good works,'
with sublime inclusiveness. There is no fixed
pattern. God has no set moulds for character to
run in : nothing is fixed but the predestined path
*Ro8.
t This is prominent in Romanist teaching of gratia, infusion
of saving energy by the work of the Spirit, just as in Reformed
doctrine 'grace' is the free favour of God, manifested in
justification, which brings with it assurance. St. Paul's idea
comprises both.
: Ro 55. § Ro 816- 17.
II Jn 14, 16, etc. •} Jn 1613.
** St. Paul g^ves a fine list (Gal 522. 23) ; st. John gives its no
less fine spirit— love (1 Jn 3i).
ft Briefly, the Spirit's 'manifestation' is (a) ecstatical, (6)
ethical, (c) religious. St. Paul g^ives the lowest place to (a), the
highest to (c) (1 Co 13).
It Eph 210, ' we are His " poem" created.'
' that God has ordained that we should walk in.' *
The same idea occurs in another fine setting in St.
Peter.t The greatness of grace lies quite as much
in what it is to be as in its present value ; in grace
there is an inherent, indefinitely prolonged, and
enduring propagativeness, another aspect of grace's
resources. In tliis regard the Spirit is ' an earnest.'
An earnest implies two things — more to follow,
and more of essentially the same kind. The pres-
ence of the Spirit in a man's life speaks to him
with assurance of the future, and the blessedness
awaiting ; and, if it does not enable him to forecast
the particulars of that life, yet it does enable him
to foretaste its nobleness and bliss. What grace
gives here J will be enjoyed there in perfect glory
and perfected fullness. Only let ns 'live in the
Spirit ' and ' walk in the Spirit.' §
3. Historical controversies.— The subject of grace
bristles with controversy. Every fresh epoch, bring-
ing larger thought and fresh foci of emphasis, sees
the recurrence of perplexities. The Apostolic Age
is no exception. Its apologetic protagonist, St.
Paul, discusses at least four points — grace in rela-
tion to (a) nature, (6) merit, (c) freedom, {d) the
Church and sacraments. A brief note on each may
fitly close this exposition.
{a) Grace and nature. — The question is in reality
part of the perennial problem of nature and the
supernatural, and their relation. With the Apostle
it ofi'ers two facets : (1) the extent to which unre-
generate man may be said to be under grace ; (2)
the conversion of sinful nature by grace. As to
the former, there have been in subsequent times
two attitudes : (a) man's unregenerate nature is
wholly outside grace, a massa perditionis (St.
Augustine), a 'total depravity' (Calvin), 'in bond-
age' (Luther); and (/3) it is only in part outside
the operation of grace ; grace includes natural
virtue as well as supernatural gifts ; in the work-
ing of reason and conscience we see the working of
God's Spirit; the question is one of degree. As
to the latter there have been also two attitudes : Is
sin radical or superficial, imperfection or perver-
sion? If it is a radical perversion, then the con-
verting grace required is above nature, tlie free
gift of God's mercy ; if a superficial imperfection,
moral influence by way of education will suffice to
eradicate it.
These attitudes in varying guise have divided
Christendom through the centuries. On which
side may we range the apostles? The question is
not easy to answer. They otier no systematic state-
ment. Two considerations are relevant. First,
they inherit the national attitude, the cardinal
feature of which is the natural affinity of man for
God and the easy access of God's Spirit to man.
The Spirit operated specially but also generally ;
His grace lay in the ordinary as well as in the ex-
ceptional facts of moral and religious life. There
is no sign that the apostles broke with this point
of view (nor did the Patristic age).|| They make,
however, a most significant addition, due to the
vital etiect of Christ's Personality in their experi-
ence, introducing an absolutely new strain, form-
ing a new centre round which the problem gathers.
The inherited theory is left unreconciled with the
new focus ; the new focus inevitably leads to the
profoundest widening of the gulf between nature
and grace ; and pre-Christian moral and religious
life is conceived of as, in its general disposition,
evil, abandoned of God, even if, in its higher
tendencies, especially in Israel under the Law, it
was propaedeutic and led to demands for revelation
• Eph 210. t 1 P 13^.
t ' The Spirit of glory and of God rests upon us now ' (1 P 4W).
§ The believer who has the Spirit thus has Him as ' a seal '
(2 Co 123, Eph 113 430).
II The Greek Fathers teach that the Greek philosophers are
I under the influence of the Holy Spirit.
of grace. In both St. John and St. Paul the con-
ception of sin is iinraeasurablj^ deepened^ts opposi-
tion, even enmity, to God and grace starkly ex-
pressed.
(6) Grace and merit. — The doctrine of merit in
its full technical sense belongs to later days. It is
fully developed in niediteval scholasticism, where
it occupies a large place. It was seriously assaulted
by the Reformers. It was prepared for by a long
anterior development from small beginnings as
early as the sub-apostolic teaching.* Many factors
entered in the course of history to enhance its tlieo-
logical interest. From tlie sub-apostoJic age there
begins the emphasis on ivorks. Again, increasingly,
Christianity tends to become a new Law, the Chris-
tian life its submissive acceptance. Still more, as
the Church - consciousness grew, there grew the
ecclesiastical idea of redemption as a great system
beginning in baptism and ending in resurrection ;
grace working not spiritually but mechanically in
its mode.t The Latin Fathers gave a strong im-
petus to the idea of merit in the doctrine and dis-
cipline of penance. In the Pauline anthropology
the idea is present and is opposed in its most rudi-
mentary form. It has a natural basis, which the
Apostle takes up, and, dissociating it from the
pojjular view, makes serve as the foundation of
his doctrine of faith as the human factor in the
renewal of the believing heart. It is not quite
true that in Pauline theology man 'can do nothing'
and 'needs to do nothing.' Grace requires maivs
co-operation in faith, which is not simply an initial
act, but a constant attitude. Faith, or the recep-
tive heart, implicit, humble trust in God, may be
all the sinner has to exercise — but it is a vast deal,
and has a distinct moral worth.J Its worth, how-
ever, is not extended to the good qualities or
good works of which it is the precursor ; these are
credited solely to the grace whose reception faith
renders possible.! The Pharisaic doctrine of merit
is before the Apostle's mind ; and his arguments
emphasize the gospel of absolute grace in reaction
from the conception of Law as conditional reward.
He labours to prove that the Law by its very nature
cannot unite the sinner to Christ or God, union
with whom is the proper idea of grace. The true
relation is reversed when character and conduct are
made pre-conditions of our obtaining Divine grace
instead of the joyous result of our having accepted
it. Besides, even faith is the gift of God. The
Spirit implants. For that express purpose Christ
is exalted. II These principles reappear in the
Reformers' polemic against the Catliolic dogma.
'Faith unites the soul to Christ.' That primary
fact it is that outcasts all merit, and faith is ' the
gift of God.'
(c) Grace avd freedom,. — In the life of grace as a
human experience God of His own motion takes
part. Another problem is : What is the part God
takes, and what is man's? The problem is one of
the most difficult. It is continually emerging in
the course of human tiiought, and, like all of these
OTace problems, has continuously divided Christian
loyalty. Two great answers have been given which
in their extreme statement are directlj' contradic-
tory of one another, but modifications of which are
continually proposed. The first is known as Peiagi-
anism, according to which the spiritual life of a man
is the direct result of his own choice. The second
is known as Augustinianism, according to which
the spiritual life is necessitated by God's will. The
best-known modification is Semi-pelagianism, which
• In ' Hermas' we have the idea of supererogatory merit ; and
also of some works better pleasing to God than others.
t Not the same as the mafjical working of the impersonal
' infusion ' of later scholasticism.
t He 116.
} This is all more fully considered under art. JnsTiFiOATiON.
II Ac 61.
finds prevailing favour in the Roman Catholic teach-
ing, as Augustinianism does in Reformation doc-
trine. It is a form of Synergism, according to which
Divine grace is insufficient till human effort con-
joins with it. The three may be thus defined — in
the Pelagian view, grace precedes and assists the
natural (unregenerate) will ; in the Augustinian,
grace prepares and assists the regenerate will ; in
the Semi-pelagian, grace is not operative at all till
man's will (indifferent) brings it into play. The
answer to the problem depends on the philosophy
of personality adopted.* What is here relevant is
the fact that the apostolic doctrine has nothing of
all this in view, however much it may suggest it.
These eternal values are carried up to the eternal
purpose of God and at the same time the ethical
basis of moral responsibility in human freedom ia
recognized. The Divine control of human life in
the whole of its activities is one of the great con-
ceptions of the OT. It is power animated by a
gracious and righteous purpose and conditioned by
the recognition of human freedom. The OT idea
of providence culminates in the NT idea of salva-
tion. The assertion of human freedom runs through
both OT and NT, Divine control and human free-
dom accompanying each other, in harmonious in-
timacy, regarded in a purely practical manner.
Whatever invasion of ' freedom ' there is, is due to
sin ; but the evil tendency is never pressed into
determinism. The apostles, as later the Fathers,
think in this ancestral descent. Religious depend-
ence has for necessary concomitant moral inde-
pendence ; the deeper the dependence (religious)
the richer the independence (morality). It is this
independence that St. Paul emphasizes in the bless-
ing which he terms ' the glorious liberty of the
sons of God,' ' the freedom wherewith Christ sets us
free't — a primary feature of the new life. Grace
is the personal relation to our moral self by which
that self attains emancipation. Modern moral
theory approves.
[d] Grace and the Church and sacraments. — In
apostolic thought the Church is a visible and
Divine institution : the Body and Bride of Christ.
It is the appropriate social environment for the
sanctified soul, wherein at once the gifts of each
are available for the profit of all and the spii'itual
atmosphere conduces to the uplift and sanctity of
all. It is specially the ' fulness of him that filleth
all in all,' J i.e. the complement of His purpose, the
means by which He accomplishes His loving sclieme
for man's salvation. There are two strata of con-
cepts concerning the Chmxh, one lower than the
other, which have given some justification for the
belief that the apostles describe the Church in two
aspects, visible and invisible, realistic and ideal-
istic. Rather they find in the Church as men see
it something evident only to spiritual insight.
To them the Church's life and spirit are but the
realization and extension of the Spirit of Christ
Himself, and the Church possesses, in the midst of
its variety of spiritual influence upon its members,
a mysterious unity, which is not only the sum-total
of all present variations, but something always be-
yond and far-reaching, inviting and calling and as-
sisting the believing members upward and onward
identically after the manner of Christ Himself
with the soul living in Him. To magnify the
Church is to magnify this Divine Spirit living and
working in the Body of Christ.
The ordinances of the Church possess a particular
character. They are not subordinate as mere
means of influencing the soul : they are means of
grace to the soul. They are of co-ordinate import-
ance with the Incarnation, whose effects they
continue, with the Atonement, which they com-
• A question into which we need not here enter,
t Gal 51. J Eph IM.
GRAFTING
GEAVE, GEAVITY
513
memorate, for they apply the graces of these.
Tliis efficacy hangs on the Living Presence of
Christ, whose grace they convey ; for the ett'ect of
sacraments depends on the action of Christ Him-
self. In them He communicates what He alone
can bestow, for the use of which faith and spiritual
affections are required, but which they cannot
create.* Through His Spirit's operation they
unite us with Him in the mystical union. The
Church in this sense was purchased by Christ's
blood t and is the object of justification. J Very
early the rapidly growing Christian society seized
upon this conception and began to relate the grace
of Christ through His Spirit to the sacraments as
feeders of the mystery of the inner life. The whole
ancient Church, e.g., connects the gift of the Spirit
with baptism. Yet there is no disposition to regard
the rite as magical or mechanical : the spiritual effi-
cacy of the ordinance is due to the Holy Spirit.§
Not the rite ex opere operato, not the minister, but
the Spirit dispenses grace ; the visible elements and
the ministerial action deiive their validity from
the Spirit alone. Soon pagan and superstitious
elements were to enter in, to alter this free spiritual
idea of sacramental gi-ace into 'another grace'
altogether — a lapse from personal to sub-personal
categories, in perfect consonance with the new and
attractive idea of the Church in its visibility and
authority as the exclusive custodian of grace.
Externally as that idea was formulated, and false
as its rapid development grew to be to the apostolic
mind, its opponents too often forget that to the
apostolic mind there is no idea so fundamental as
the reality of a great spiritual society living by its
own truth and liie, having its own laws, and these
exclusively spiritual. For the life of grace consists
not simply in the new life of the soul. It is the
new order of the world, a new permanent order
of life, a real supernatural constitution unfolding
itself in the world, in absolute rupture with the
present world, deeper and more comprehensive
than the life of believers, having objective substan-
tiality in the Life of God as the Life of Christ itself,
whose embodiment on earth it is — an idea whose
present and practical realization the modern social
necessities imperatively demand.
LiTERATTTRE. — Besides the books referred to in the body of
the art., the following will be found useful : the artt. ' Grace ' in
JE, CE, and ' Gnade ' in PRE-i ; the Commentaries on Romans,
particularly that of Sanday-Headlam in ICC, 1902 ; C. Pie-
pinbring:, J4stis et les Apotns, Paris, 1911 : A. E. Garvie,
Studies of Paul and his Go.'<pcl. London, 1911 ; J. R. Cohu,
St. Paulinthe Light of Modem Research, do. 1911 ; G. Steven,
The Psychology of the Christian Soul, do. 1911 ; W. A. Cor-
naby. Prayer and the Hitman Problem, do. 1912 ; a series of
artt. bv W. M. Ramsay, A. E. Garvie, and H. A. A. Kennedy
in the Expositor, 8th ser. iii. [1912], iv. [1912], v. [1913] ; the great
work of H. J. Holtzmann, Die Neutest. Theologie-, Tubingen,
1911, and an older work of great merit — J. W. Nevin, The
Mystical Presence, Philadelphia, 1846. A. S. MaRTIN.
GRAFTING — The Greek word used {iyKem-pl^co)
has two distinct meanings : (1 ) ' goad ' or ' spur on '
(cf. Ac 26^'*, ' It is hard for thee to kick against the
goad [Kivrpov]),' and (2) 'inoculate' or 'graft.' The
English word ' graff' is derived from the Gr. ypd(p-
eiv, ' to write,' and means a slip of a cultivated tree
inserted into a wild one, so called because of its
resemblance to a pencil. In the NT the word
occurs only in Ro ll"-24 . g^, Paul here follows the
Prophets (cf. Jer IV^) in likening Israel to an olive
tree (cf. art. Olive). Its roots are the Patriarchs,
the original branches are the Jews, and the
branches of the wild olive which have been grafted
* The point is not how Christ acts upon us by His Divine
Humanity in the Church ordinances, whether by transubstantia-
tion or spiritual power, but the fact that He does so act really
and trulv, whatever the mode.
t Eph 525, Tit 2".
t Cf. Ritschl, Rechtfertigung und Versohnung, ii. 217 fif.
§ Cf. H. B. Swete, Holy Spirit in the Ancient Church, 1912.
VOL. I.— 33
in are the Gentile Christians. Some of the original
branches have been broken ofi' owing to their lack
of faith, and by a wholly unnatural process shoots
from a wild olive have been grafted into the culti-
vated stock. But this is no ground for self-adula-
tion : all the blessings which the Gentiles derive
come from the original stock into which they have
been grafted through no merit of their own ; let
them beware, therefore, lest through pride and
want of faith they also are cut off, for it would, on
the one hand, be a much less violent proceeding to
cut off the wild branches, which have been grafted
in, than it was to cut off the original branches ;
Avhile, on the other hand, it would be far easier and
far more natural to graft the original cultivated
branches back into the stock on which they grew
than it was to graft the Gentiles, who are merely
a slip cut from a wild olive, in amongst the
branches of the cultivated olive. The olive, like
most fruit trees, requires a graft from a cultivated
tree if the fruit is to be of any value. A graft
from a wild tree inserted into a cultivated stock
would of course be useless, and such a process is
never performed; hence the point of St. Paul's
comparison.
LrxERATtTRE.— Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ (ICC, 1902), pp.
319-3;;0 ; HDB ii. 257 f . ; EBi 3496 ; SDB, p. 314 ; J. C. Geikie,
The Holv Land and the liible, 1903, p. 50; W. M. Thomson,
The Land and the Book, 1910, p. 33.
P. S. P. Handcock.
GRAYE, GRAVITY {(xe^lv6s, <Teixv6r7)s, 1 Ti 2^
34. 8. u^ Tit 22- ^ Ph 48).— The translation is, as a
rule, 'grave,' 'gravity' ; but in Ph 4* the AV has
'honest,' 'venerable' (marg.) (RV 'honourable,'
'reverend' [marg.]), and in 1 Ti 2^ 'honesty'
('gravity,' RV). The Y\i\ga,te\\a,s pudicus, except
in 1 Ti 3* [castitas) and in Tit 2^ {gravitas). ' The
idea lying at its root (cre^) is that of reverential
fear, profound respect, chiefly applied to the bear-
ing of men towards the gods' (Cremer, Lexicon^,
1880, p. 522). It is akin to the Latin serius,
severic.i, and the Gr. evai^ua.
1. The word was used in a local sense of places
haunted by supernatural powers — of caves,* of the
boundary t of heaven and earth — as pointing to
the Divine guardianship of the world. In the
LXX the word is used in this sense of the Temple
at Jerusalem, because it possessed a tlvo. deoD
bivanLv which miraculously thwarted Heliodorus
when he sacrilegiously tried to rob it (2 INIac 3).
In an inscription of the 2nd cent. Beroea is called
a-e/jLvoTaTr] because it was a Temple-guardian (veu-
Kdpos).
2. Akin to this was the religious application of
the word to Divine persons — a usage which is
common in early Christian literature. In Hermas,
Hand. iii. 4, it is used along with dX-nd^s of the
Holy Spirit. It is used of the name of the Deity
(2 Mac 8'*), just as in classical Greek the word
was applied to the gods, 'Epivijes — al (xe/jLval deai.
In the NT, while the word has not lost its re-
ligious meaning, it is used mainly in a moral sense.
It occurs only once outside the Pastorals (Ph 4*),
and probably was familiarized in common speech
through the influence of popular Stoicism. The
sophist claimed this title (Luc. Bhet. Prcec. i.).
In Hermas, Vis. III. viii. 8, Scyui'orTjs is one of the
daughters of Iltcrrtj, and thus has a place among
the Christian virtues. The word is applied to
persons or personal qualities in two senses — either
subjectively, of a conscious moral attitude of
gravity, or objectively, indicating the influence
produced on others by such a grave, decorous
behaviour. The best translation seems to be
'gravity.' Vergil (JEn. i. 151 ff.) speaks of a
'pietate gravem ac meritis virum.' At his
approach a seditious mob stands still, waiting
* Find. Pyth. ix. 50. t Eur. Eippd. 748.
514
GEAVE, GEAVITY
GRECIANS, GREEKS
silently to hear him ; and he rules their mind and
calms their passions by his word.
This gravity of behaviour eminently becomes
Church oHicials — bishops (Tit 2"), deacons (1 Ti 3^),
deaconesses (v.^^), and the aged in general (v.'*, Tit
2-). They are to act, in all their official duties,
with a sense that they are dealing with holy
things ; they are to teach with grave inipressiveness
(Tit 2'). It is tiuis the opposite of ligiit-hearted
flippancy or frivolitj'. It implies dignity, and in
tliis sense Aristotle uses it of the high-souled man
(Eth. A'ic. IV. iii. 26).
The home is a nursery for the training of gra-
vity (cf. 1 Ti S'*). Hence it is not altogether right to
say that 'gravity is hardly a grace of childhood'
(see N. J. D. White in EGT, 1910, on 1 Ti :i%
It is the ' " morum gravitas et castitas" which be-
hts the chaste, the young, and the earnest, and is,
as it were, the appropriate setting of higher graces
and virtues ' (C. J. Ellicott, The Pastoral Epistles
of St. FauP, 1864, p. 27). It befits all in the
home — children and women as well as the heads
of the household, and all Christians as Avell as
Christian officials (I Ti 2-). This aspect of gravity
is referred to by Clement more than once in his
First Epistle to the Corinthians (ch. i.). In an
inscription it is found applied to a wife (see J. H.
ISIoulton and G. Milligan in Expositor, 8th ser.
i. [1911] 479). Regard for becoming conduct must
be fostered in the home, and women and youths,
as perhaps more open to frivolity and disobedience,
must live a-efx.uQs.
So, in the Cliurch, gravity is the opposite of
disorder, of shamelessness of behaviour. It is the
opposite of dirdvoLa (see Theophrastus, Char. xiii.).
In 1 Ti 2'-, the Apostle inculcates gravity as a
Christian attitude towards the State, and for this
end prayer is to be made for kings and all in
authority. Christians are not to imitate the Jews,
who brought on themselves Roman hostility by
their religious contempt of authority (Jos. BJ
II. xvii. 2). Because God wills all men's salvation,
and Christ gave Himself a ransom for all. Chris-
tians are to respect sincerely all authority as such.
' Christian reverence . . . hallows to us evervthinjf in life.
The Christian regards himself as a valued work of God. His
body is a temple built through ages by the Almighty. His
race is a divine offspring. He loves even in the unvvorchy the
stamp of their Maker. Material nature, human history, daily
industry, the common intercourse of life gleam for him with
the \eiled light and movement of the Omnipresent' (G. G.
Flndlay, Christian Doctrine and Morals, 1894, p. 19).
Thus in Ph 4^ the word is very wide in meaning
— whatever demands and commands respect as
well as the 'noble seriousness' (M. Arnold, God
and the Bible, 1884, p. xvi) which such objects
produce. Christian gravity is not, however, ' tiiat
sham gravity which so often discredits the word ;
not . . . the gravity of self-importance, or narrow-
ness, or gloom ; but . . . a free and noble reverence
for ourselves (since God has made us and dwells in
us), and for all that is great and reverend around
us— the grace of thought that guards us from
mere stupid flippancy' (F. Paget, The Spirit of
Discipline, 1891, p. 74).
There was a tendency in Greece to oppose the
ffe/j.vds to the €'uwf)ocrriyopos, the 'afl'able' ; and tiius
grave persons got the rei>utation of being proud
and unapproachable (Thuc. i. 130\ of being in-
diderent to the public weal (pq.evij.ia), of being
incapable of action, of looking superciliously oii
enjoyment, and of casting disdainful looks on
tho.se who did not philosophize (cf. Hadley's note
[1896] on Eur. Alcest. 713 f.). The virtue of gravity
easily passes into the vice of pomposity. Aris-
totle says of the iiigh-souled man that he is digni-
fied towards persons of affluence but unassuming
towards the middle class. A dignified demeanour
towards tlie former is a mark of nobility, towards
the latter it is vulgarity (Eth. Nic. iv. iii. 26).
In modern times gravity has been looked on as a
flower that withers in the knowledge of natural
law and in the change of social and political con-
ditions (see W. E. H. Lecky, History of European
Morals^'\ 1897, i. 141 f.). St. Paul, however, adds
TrpocrcpiXrj to aefivd. ' By this the apostle seems to
advert to that in which religious persons are too
often deficient, who by an austere and ascetic
demeanour not a little prejudice the cause of re-
ligion' (S. T. Bloomheld, Gr. Test., 1832, nsss, on
Ph 48).
He also adds a\-qdri. ' Truth is the basis, as it
is the object of reverence, not less than of every
other virtue' (H. P. Liddon, Bampton Lectures
for 1S66\ 1878, p. 268).
For the difl'erence between the form and the
reality of reverence see Augustine on Seneca in
Westcott, The Epistles of St. John, 1883, p. 248.
Literature. — See the relevant Commentaries and Literature
referred to in the article ; HDB, art. 'Grave' ; B. Whichcote
has 13 sermons on Phil 4** (4 vols., Aberdeen, 1751) ; Isaac
Barrow, Sermons, London, 1861, i. 46. For a discussion on
Reverence, see J. Martineau, Types of EthicalTheory^, O.xford,
1898, vol. ii. ; E. Caird, The Evohition of Religion, Glasgow,
1893, Lectures vii. and viii. ; W. Paley, Moral Philosophy,
London, 1817, pp. 296-304. For Kant's view, see The Meta-
physic of Ethics, tr. Semple3, Edinburgh, 1871 ; J. Kidd, Moral-
ity and Religion, do. 1895, Lecture iv. ; H. Sidgwick, The
Methods of Ethics"^, London, 1907 ; A. Bain, Mental and Moral
Science, 1868, p. 249. DONALD MACKENZIE.
GRECIANS, GREEKS.— These two terms corre-
spond respectively to the Greek words 'EWrjvtffral
and "EWijves. The term "EXXTyyes is properly the
name applied by the inhabitants of Greece to
themselves, which the Romans rendered by the
word Grceci (Eng. ' Greeks '). In the NT the term
is correctly used of those who are of Greek descent
(Ac 16' 18^ Ro 1"), although we also find it used
as a general designation for all who do not belong
to the Jewish race. Thus the foreigners who came
desiring to see Jesus at the Passover are referred
to as Greeks (Jn 12-'*) ; so the Apostle Paul divides
mankind into two classes when he says (Ro 10^^):
' There is no difference between the Jew and the
Greek' (cf. Ro 1"*, Gal 3-^). In these passages the
term is practically equivalent to ' Gentile' (j.w.).
See also art. Greece.
The term ' Grecians ' f EXXijvto-raO, on the other
hand (Ac 6^ 9'-''), is applied to Greek-speaking Je\vs
as opposed to the Jews of Palestine, who spoke
Aramaic and are designated Hebrews. From the
days of Alexander tiie Great onwards, large
numbers of Jewish emigrants were to be found
all over the known world. In Alexandria in
particular a great number had settled, but in all
the cities of the West, in all the centres of trade,
Jews found a home. Many of these Jewish settlers
acquired great wealtii, and adopted Greek speech,
manners, and customs. They read the Greek
poets, and many of them studied Greek pliilosoiihy,
while at the same time they adhered to the Jewish
hopes and regarded Jerusalem as the centre of
their life and worship. They were free from the
narrowness and provincialism of the native Jews
of Palestine, and the message of the Christian
missionaries found much more willing hearers
among this class than among the prejudiced and
exclusive Palestine Jews.
A question of considerable interest has been
raised regarding tlie pro])er reading in Ac IP".
Are we to read here 'Grecians' or 'Greeks'?
Were those to whom the men of Cyprus and Cyrene
))reached Jews or Gentiles, Grecians or Greeks?
Internal evidence and the mass of MS autiiority
seem to conflict. The reading 'EXXijctcrrds of TR is
upheld by B D^ L and indirectly by K*, and has tlie
support of almost all the cursives. It is also
retained by WII. On the other hand, internal
GREECE
GREECE
515
evidence seems to demand the reading "EWrjves
of a^ A D, which is accepted by Scrivener, Lach-
mann, Tischendorf, Tregelles, and the text of the
IIV. Why call attention to the fact that the men
of Cyprus and Cyrene preached to Grecians when
that had already been done ? If the writer intends
to refer to a new departure in missionary enter-
prise, the context seems to demand the reading
' Greeks ' (cf. F. H. A. Scrivener, Introd. to Criti-
cism of NT-*, 1894, ii. 370 f.; for the other point of
view see Westcott-Hort, Introd. to Gr. NT, 1882,
App. p. 93f.). W.F.Boyd.
GREECE (or Hellas ; Lat. Grcecia, Gr. "EXXas).—
The southernmost part of Avhat is now called the
Balkan Peninsula was the cradle of a race whose
ideas contained the germs of our present W^estern
civilization. As the religious life of mankind
divides itself into the time before and after the
dawn of Christianity, so the rational and political
life of mankind divides itself into the time before
and after the expansion of Hellenism. The mental
activity of the Greeks in the great classical period,
culminating in the 5th and 4th centuries B.C.,
made not only the Hellas of later times but all the
world their debtor. The language they spoke, the
art and literature they created, the spirit of liberty
they fostered, and the philosophical temper in
which they faced the problems of life, form essential
elements in the finest modern culture. If criticism
is, as M. Arnold said, 'a disinterested endeavour
to learn and propagate the best that is known and
thought in i\\Q yio\:\di\Essays in Criticism, London,
1895, i. 38), the contribution of Greece can never
be neglected.
Like Palestine, the other ancient home of great
ideas, Hellas proper was a small country. The
Hellenic part of tlie peninsula (to the south of
Macedonia and Thrace), with the isles of Greece,
was much the same in extent as the modern Greek
kingdom — about 250 miles in greatest length and
180 in greatest breadth. In a large sense, how-
ever, Hellas was an ethnological rather than a
geographical term, for it embraced every country
inhabited by the sea-loving and enterprising
Hellenes — all their settlements on the coasts and
islands of the Mediterranean, on the shores of the
Hellespont, the Bosporus, and the Euxine Sea. As
the west coast of the homeland was mountainous
and harbourless, while the east was full of gulfs,
bays, and havens, Greece turned her back on Italy
and her face to the ^gean and Asia Minor, so
much so that in the 6th and the beginning of the
5th centuries B.C. the centre of gravity of Hellenic
civilization is to be looked for in Ionia rather than
in Attica, the most famous names in science,
philosophy, and poetry being at that time associ-
ated with the Asiatic coast or the neighbouring
Cyclades. But the Ionian Greeks, isolated by the
estranging sea and weakened by internal jealousies,
were unable to ofi'er a successful resistance to the
Persian advance, and the glory of saving European
culture is due to the Athenians who fought at
Marathon and Salamis.
In the classical period, Greece was an aggregate
of self-governing city-States, of which Aristotle
surveys no fewer than 158. These States combined
for once, with brilliant results, in face of the
Asiatic peril, but they never afterwards seemed to
be capable of united action. Wasting their
strength and resources in fratricidal wars which
gave now Athens, now Sparta, now Thebes, a
temporary hegemony, they proved in the day of
reckoning too feeble to resist the military power
either of the Macedonian monarchy or of the
Roman republic. The career of Alexander, the
pupil of Aristotle, closed the Hellenic and opened
the Hellenistic period of history. It created a
world-Empire and a world-culture, both of which
borrowed their best features from a Greece which
was 'living Greece no more.' While the new
order reinforced the old Hellenic elements in Asia
Minor, it brought into being a vast number of
Greek cities — the conqueror himself is said to have
founded seventy — in lands hitherto barbarian. It
made Greek the language of literature and religion,
of commerce and administration, throughout the
Nearer East. And when the Romans became the
sovereign people, it was Greek rather than Roman
ideals that they sought to make eflective through-
out their Oriental dominions. ' The desire to
become at least internally Hellenised, to become
partakers of the manners and the culture, of the
art and the science of Hellas, to be — in the foot-
steps of the great Macedonian — shield and sword
of the Greeks of the East, and to be allowed
further to civilise this East not after an Italian but
after a Hellenic fashion — this desire pervades the
later centuries of the Roman republic and the
better times of the empire with a power and an
ideality which are almost no less tragic than that
political toil of the Hellenes failing to attain its
goal' (T. Mommsen, The Proviiices of the Bom.
Emp.^, 1909, i. 253).
Neither the Macedonians nor the Romans ever
treated the conquered Greeks as ordinary subjects.
The sacred land of art and poetry was not ruled
like Egypt or Gaul. There was a province iof
Achaia, but never of Hellas. Such cities as Athens
and Sparta were spared the humiliation of being
placed under the fasces of a Roman governor and
having to pay tribute to Rome. New Corinth,
Caesar's Roman colony, the least Hellenic of the
cities of Greece, became the seat of government.
Nevertheless, the free communities had little more
than a simulacrum of their ancient power. The
Roman governor could always make his voice
heard in their councils, and a rescript from him
brooked no delay in obedience. The right of
bringing a proposal before the Ecclesia no longer
belonged to every citizen, but was confined to
definite officials, and the conduct of business was
])laced in the hands of a single arpaTTiyds. The
citizens were always liable to be called to account
for their proceedings (cf. Ac 19*), while the sovereign
power could at any moment cancel the constitu-
tion of a free city, and take the olt'enders under its
own direct administration. At the best, Hellenistic
life was now sorely cramped by the limitation of
its sphere ; ' high ambition lacked a corresponding
aim, and therefore the low and degrading ambition
flourished luxuriantly' (Mommsen, op. cit. i. 283).
Shadowy assemblies still convened, engaged in
grave debate, passed solemn resolutions, made
appointments, and distributed honours. But
political life of a serious kind was a thing of the
past. Hellenism as described by such a writer as
Plutarch already suggests ' a gilded halo hovering
round decay' (Byron, The Giaour). 'The general
eflect produced by the many pictures, allusions,
references, illustrations which he takes from the
Greek world of his times is that romantic adven-
tures, great passions, monstrous crimes, were
foreign to the small and shabby gentility of Roman
Greece. The highest rewards he can set before
the keenest ambitions are no better than if we
should now fire our youths' imagination with the
prospect of becoming parish beadles, vestrymen,
or at most town councillors' (J. P. Mahatt'y, The
Silver Age of the Greek World, 190p, p. 349). _
The twenty years' civil war, which ended in the
transformation of the Roman Republic into an
Empire, was calamitous to the Greeks, who seemed
fated to be always on the losing side. They pre-
ferred Pompey to Cpesar, Brutus to Antony, and
they were compelled in the end to raise levies for
516
GRxtiEGE
GRIEF
Antony's campaign against Octavian. The three
decisive battles of the war — Pliarsalus, Philippi, and
Actium — were fought on the soil or the coast of
Greece, and the contending armies almost bled the
poor country to death. ]\iany of its cities fell into
decay, vast tracts of arable land were turned into
pasture or reverted to the state of Nature, and
' Greece remained desolate for all time to come '
(Momrasen, op. cit. i. 268). The dawn of the Chris-
tian era saw the nadir of her fortunes, the hour
in which she was most neglected and despised.
Thinking that an improvement might be ett'ected
by a change of administration, the Greeks peti-
tioned Tiberius in A.D. 15 to transfer Achaia from
the senatorial proconsul to an Imperial legate.
This arrangement was sanctioned, and lasted till
A.D. 44, when Claudius restored the province to the
senate ; whence there was once more a proconsul
(avdviraro^) in Corinth (Ac 18'^). Nero, who posed as
a Philhellene, was accorded so flattering a reception
during a progress through Greece that ne bestowed
freedom and exemption from tribute upon all the
Greeks ; but Vespasian found it necessary to re-
store the provincial government in order to avoid
civil war. Greece received its greatest Imperial
benefactions in the beginning of the 2nd century.
' As Hadrian created a new Athens, so he created also a new
Hellas. Under him the representatives of all the autonomous
and non-autonomous towns of the province of Achaia were
allowed to constitute themselves in Athens as united Greece, as
the Panhellenes. The national union, often dreamed of and
never attained in better times, was thereby created, and what
youth had wished for old apre possessed in imperial fulness. It
is true that the new Panhellenion did not obtain political pre-
rogatives ; but there was no lack of what imperial favour and
imperial sold could give. There arose in Athens the temple of
the new Zeus Panhellenios, and brilliant popular festivals and
^ames were connected with this foundation, the carrying out
of which pertained to the collegium of the Panhellenes, and
primarily to the priest of Hadrian as the living god who founded
them ' (Mommsen, op. cit. i. 266).
Even in the period of greatest depression Hellas
still maintained her old pre-eminence in education,
though for a time the universities of Rhodes,
Alexandria, and Tarsus rivalled that of Athens.
The life of studious ease was to be enjoyed in the
cities of Greece as nowhere else, and Plutarch
clieerfully turned back from the vulgar splendour of
Imperial Rome to the quiet refinement of his native
Chseroneia. In all that pertained to good taste and
humanity the Hellenes continued to bear the palm.
Gladiatorial shows were never popular in Greece,
except in the Roman colony of Corinth, and Dio
Chrysostom (i. 385) expressed his disgust and horror
when these barbarities began on occasion to be seen
even in Athens.
In religious rites and ceremonies Greece was re-
markably conservative. Pausanias [Description of
Greece [ed. J. G. Frazer, 6 vols., London, 1898J)
records (passim) that as he went through tiie
country in the 2nd cent, of our era he found the
primitive worsliips faithfully maintained in every
city and village by the simple, unquestioning
natives. And the great religious festivals — Olym-
pic, Isthmian, Pj'thian — never failed to attract
crowds. It is a familiar fact that religious beliefs
which science has discredited may still have a long
life before them. Ever since the days of Plato
the traditional religion of Greece had been 'a
bankrupt concern ' (Gilbert Murray, Four Stages
of Greek Religion, 1912, p. 107). And among those
who not only doubted or denied the existence of
the Olympian gods, but turned in weariness and
disappointment from Stoic, Epicurean, and Aca-
demic systems alike, there was a thirst for some
ileeper satisfaction of the soul's wants. When
Alexander's emjjire extended the bounds of know-
ledge, attention began to be directed to foreign
faiths, and Oriental mysteries gradually came into
vogue. Sacrifice and prayer to Hera or Athene
were replaced by the orgiastic worship of Cybele or
the mystic rites of Isis. The Eleusinian Mysteries
— the cult of Demeter and Cora — constitute ' the
one great attempt made by the Hellenic genius to
construct for itself a religion that should keep pace
with the growth of thought and civilization in
Greece' (W. M. Ramsay, EBr^ xvii. [1884J 126).
The only native gods of Greece who could hold
their own against foreign rivals were the mystery-
deities, Dionysus and Hecate. The cult of Isis
secured a foothold in the yEgean islands, spread
to Attica in the 8rd cent. B. C. , to Rome in the 1st, and
ultimately established itself throughout the wide
Roman Empire, as the adoration of the Madonna
has done in the Catholic Avorld. ' The great power
of Isis "of myriad names" was that, transfigured
by Greek influences, she appealed to many orders
of intellect, and satisfied many religious needs or
fancies' (S. D'lW, Roman Society/ from Nero to Marcus
Atirelitis, 1904, p. 569). Christianity was preached
in some of the leading cities of Greece soon after
the middle of the 1st cent, (see Athens and
Corinth), but made slow progress throughout the
country, where paganism, in one form or another,
maintained itself till about A.D. 600.
Ionia (Javan) was known to the later Hebrew
prophets (Ezk 27'^, Is 66i9), and the Jews of the
2nd cent. B.C. came into touch with Greece proper.
References to Athenians and Spartans occur in
1 Mac 12-14, 2 Mac 6' 9'" ; a long list of Greek
cities is found in 1 Mac 15^^ ; and, according to
1 Mac 12^, Jonathan the Hasmoneean greeted the
Spartans as brethren and sought an alliance with
them against Syria. During the Maccabsean conflict
the term ' Greek ' came to be used by strict Jews
as synonymous with anti-Jewish or heathen (2 Mac
410. 'Is 09 iiJ4j^ an^ 'Hellenism' as identical with
heathenism (4'"). See Hellenism.
LiTERATtTRB. — A. Holtn, Eistovy of Greece, Eng. tr., London,
1894-98 ; J. P. MahafFy, A Sxtrvey of Greek Civilisation, do.
1897, Rambles and Studies in Greece^, do. 1897, and Proiiress
of Hellenism in Alexander's Empire, do. 1905; J. G. Frazer,
Pausanias and Other Greek Sketches, do. 1900 ; J. A. Symonds,
Sketches and Studies in Italy and Greece, do. 1S98 ; L. R.
Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, 5 vols., Oxford, 1896-
1909, The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion, London, 1912 ; artt.
'Graecia' in Smith's DGRG, 'Greece 'in HDB, EBi, 'Griechen-
land • in iJG?G. JAMES STKAHAN.
GRIEF (ir6vos, SdivT}, Xiirrj, irivdos, and cognate
forms). — In addition to the common vexations of life
(Ac 4^ ; cf. 16'*) and the griefs arising from mis-
fortune (2 Co 12'') and human mutability (deaths
and partings, Ac 20^), there are certain cases of
mental distress recognized in the NT, which are
significant of the life and thought of the early
Church.
(1) To the sorrows of transgression the Church is
naturally sensitive. Sin reaps grief among its sad
harvest. Esau's carelessness is followed by un-
availing tears (He 12^'). Those lustful after riches
pierce themselves with many sorrows (1 Ti 6'").
Proud Babylon despises God ; a day of sorrow and
mourning is at hand for her (Rev 18). The wide-
spread pain caused by transgression is illustrated
by the case of the incestuous member of the
Corinthian Church (2 Co 2^-''). First, St. Paul, as
a spiritual father of the Church, has been com-
pelled to write with tears, in deep sufi'ering and
depression of spirits (2 Co 2* : OX'i'pis Kal crwoxv
Kapdias), to admonish the careless Church which
has allowed the outrage to pass unrebuked (1 Co 5^);
then the Church itself, realizing its shame, is
plunged into sorrow (2 Co 2' ; cf. 7** ") ; and the
actual oflender is in danger of being driven to
despair by his excess of grief (v.^). Such distress
has, however, a redeeming feature, inasmuch as
it leads to repentance (7"-)- There is a worldly
sorrow (toO K6<r/iov \virri) which, embittering and
GROAi^'ING
GEOWTH, mCREASE
517
hardening instead of chastening (He 12'"", 2 Co 7^),
worketh death (2 Co V^).
(2) But the Christian life has its oivn set of mental
distresses. The anguish of persecution at the hands
of the world (Ro 8^5 ; of. 1 P 2^^) is but one of the
sorrows of the Christian's Via Dolorosa ; his in-
creasing moral sensitiveness enlarges the possibility
of mental pain. The spiritual life is one of travail
(Ko 8^2-26^ 2 Co 52-4; see art. GROANING). The
richer soul also bears the cross of a wide human
sympathy (2 Co IF", Ph 2^^'^^); and a conscientious
ministry is one of sufi'ering, anxiety, and tears (Ac
20i«- 3', 2 Co 2^-\ Ro 9- ; cf. He 13").
(3) For the Christian conquest over grief see art.
Comfort.
(4) The grief of God over human perversity is
recognized in He 3^"-" {irpocroxdi^cn}, and in Eph 4^"
the Cliristian is warned against grieving the Holy
Spirit.
(5) The grief of Jesus is cited in He S'"^" as an
indication that, so far from taking the priesthood
to Himself, He shrank from the sacrificial function
and ' accepted it only in filial submission to the
will of God,' or ' that the ottering of jjrayers and
supplications witli strong crying and tears corre-
sponded to the high priest's ottering for himself on
the Day of Atonement (Hofmann, Gess). . . . An
interesting parallel (also noted by Davidson) is
Hosea's reference to Jacob's wrestling( 12^), in which
he speaks of him as weeping and making suppli-
cation to the angel, of which we read nothing
in Genesis ' (A. S. Peake, Hebrews [Century Bible,
1902], p. 134).
LiTERATDRB. — A. Maclarcii, Expositions : ' 2 Cor. ch. vii. to
end,' 1909, p. 8 ; J. Martineau, Endeavours after the Christian
Life, 1876, p. 44: 'Sorrow no Sin'; A. W. Momerie, The
Origin of Evil, 1885, p. 12 ff.: 'The Mystery of Siifferinrr ' ;
H. B-ashneW, Moral Uses of Dark Thin<js,lS77 ; B. H. Streeter,
'The Suffering of God,' in HJ xii. [April, 1914] ; D. W. Simon,
The Redemption of Man, 1889, ch. vii. fl. BULCOCK.
GROANING. — The verb ffTevd^u occurs three
times in Ro 8 (vv.^^. 23. 26j g^^j twice in 2 Co 5
(vv.2- *), denoting the distress caused apparently
not so much by physical sutt'ering and material
decay as by the conflict in the present order between
matter and spirit. The whole creation is conceived
as involved in this painful struggle — it 'groaneth
and travaileth in pain together until now ' (Ro 8-^).
St. Paul's Hgure may have been suggested by the
Jewish tradition of the ' birth-pangs of the
Messiah': n^cn '■hzn (F. Weber, Altsyn. TheoL,
Leipzig, 1880, p. 350 f. ; cf. Mt 24^-8 : ' Nation shall
rise up against nation, and there shall be famines
and earthquakes in divers places. These things
are the beginning of travail'), although the
Apostle's thought is more psychological. For the
sympathy of Nature with man's fall and restoration
see Weber, pp. 222 f., 380 f., 398.
The larger life of the Spirit presses painfully
againstthelimitationsof the present material world.
Notcreation's physical sufl'erings under the bondage
of corruption, but her ' earnest expectation ' of
deliverance from it, creates the sense of almost in-
tolerable strain ; the ' hrstfruits of the Spirit' for
the moment intensify the burden of the ttesh ; the
deepest groanings of the saint arise from his sense
of exile, from his ' longing to be clothed upon with
his habitation from heaven' (2 Co 5'). The soul
in its lioliest moods groans in its impotence. Its
highest yearnings, though known to the Searcher
of hearts, have no language but a painful cry.
'The groanings which cannot be uttered' with
which 'the Spirit' maketh intercession for us (Ro
8^*) seem to be those of the saint's spiritual nature.
In St. Paul, man's higher faculties take highly per-
sonified forms — the indwelling Divine is the Spirit
of Christ (cf. Philo's Logos, identified with the
archangel, etc., or the Logoi, identified with Jewish
angels and Greek daimons. See J. Drummond,
Philo J%idceus, 1888, ii. 235 f., for a discussion
of ' the suppliant Logos,' rhv iKirrju X6yov). The
' Spirit ' of Ro 8 is distinguished from God ; the
' heart ' of man and the ' mind of the Spirit ' seem
synonymous, and the ' unutterable groanings ' suit
better a limited human soul than a heavenly power.
But the stirrings of the Spirit which make the
soul conscious of earth's ' broken arcs ' give
the promise of heaven's ' perfect round ' — of ' the
glory which shall be revealed to us-ward ' (cf. St.
Augustine's Confessions, bk. xiii. ; also Browning's
Alit Vogler). H. BULCOCK.
GROWTH, INCREASE (Gr. aii^-r)ais).—ln most of
the passages in which the idea of growth, growing,
increase, occurs in the NT the words in use in the
Greek are either parts or compounds of the verb
ai;^d>'w. The abstract noun 'increase' (af/'^ijo-is) is
found in only two passages — Eph 4^^, Col 2^* — but
the root of the word and the idea underlying occur
frequently all through the apostolic writings. We
also find TrepLacrevu}, ' abound,' 7rpo/c<57rTw, 'advance,'
TrXeovdj'w and ivSwa/ndw, ' strengthen,' translated by
tiie word 'increase.' Originally and in classical
Greek the word av^dvw signified 'increase by
addition from the outside,' used e.g. of a State
increasing by adding to its territory, but in the
NT the Avord is mainly used of seminal growth
from within, such as the growth of a plant, animal,
or person. The Hebrew writers were fond of com-
paring things natural with things spiritual, and
found frequent analogy between natural and
spiritual processes. They had a great wealth of
words to express the idea of growth, and most of
them signify the organic growth of living objects.
According to Hebrew ideas, the natural laws of
physical growth are made to apply to the spiritual
realm. God is supreme in the world of Nature and
the world of spirit alike. In both there is growth,
and that is represented as the gift and working of
God. He causes grass to grow (Ps 104'^ 147^), while
the growth of restored and penitent Israel (Hos
14^- '') is regarded as the result of the gracious
operations of the forgiving God who is ' as the dew
unto Israel.'
These ideas are carried forward to the NT, and
we have frequent references to the phenomena of
growth, while the comparison between growth in
the natural and in the spiritual world is fully de-
veloped. Four separate connexions in which the
idea of growth is applied can be distinguished.
1. In Jn 3'" the word av^dvo) is applied to the
growing power and authority of Jesus Himself as
a religious teacher. ' He must increase.' The
same idea is expressed in Ac 9"^^ where the growing
spiritual power of St. Paul as a preacher of the
gospel is referred to. The word used, however, is
€p8vvafj.6u, which emphasizes the aspect of power
rather than the growth of it.
2. In the Acts of the Apostles the idea occurs in
connexion with the progress of the Church as an
external organization. The phrase in Ac 6'' 12'^^
19^", ' The word of God increased ' or 'grew,' which
seems to be a formula used to close the various
sections in the history, refers to the growth of the
number of believers. Here the word used is av^dvw.
The statement in Ac 16®, ' The churches increased
in number daily,' which also closes the preceding
section dealing with the second visit of St. Paul to
Asia, varies slightly. The verb used is irepiaixevo},
but the idea is the same. As a result of apostolic
labours the number of believers increased. In the
same way we read in St. Stephen's speech that the
people of Israel 'grew and multiplied in Egypt'
(Ac V).
3. We find the word used in a theological con-
nexion referring to the growth of individual be-
518
GUAED
GUAED
lievers in Christian character and graces. The
apostolic preachers did. not regard their work as
finished when they liad converted Jews or heathen
to Christianity. The Christian life had to be lived,
and Christian character had to be formed. Growth
and increase must follow the new birth. This
growth is, on the one hand, regarded as a natural
development from the new seed implanted in the
new birth. The new creature must grow in faith,
in knowledge, in grace, in righteousness, in Chris-
tian liberality and brotherly love. Thus the Apostle
Paul rejoices that the faith of the Thessalonians
'groweth exceedingly' (2 Th l^). He prays that
the Colossians may increase in the knowledge of
God (Col 1^"), and beseeches the Thessalonians that
they increase (or lit. ' abound,' Gr. Trepicra-eOu) more
and more in brotlierly love, by which he means
Christian liberality (1 Th 4^"). For the purpose of
furthering this growth, God has given apostles,
prophets, evangelists, pastors, and teachers (Eph
4io-i5j_ jjj ^jjg same way St. Peter instructs his
converts to desire the sincere milk of the word, that
they 'may grow thereby' (1 P 2-), and directly
exhorts them to ' grow in grace and in the know-
ledge of our Lord and Saviour ' (2 P 3^^), On the
other hand, this increase in grace or Christian
character is at the same time the work of God.
Thus St. Paul prays that the Lord may make the
Thessalonians to increase and abound in love (1 Th
3'-). In writing to the Corinthian Church, he com-
pares the work done by himself and Apollos, and
declares, * I planted, Apollos watered, God in-
creased' (1 Co 3'^). The object of all three verbs
is the faith of the believers in Corinth, which St.
Paul's preaching had kindled and Apollos had
nourished ; but the work of both Avould have been
inettective but for God's working, His making the
seed to grow and increase (1 Co 3^). Likeness to
Christ is regarded by the apostolic writers as the
end of this growth (Eph 4'^).
4. But not only is the idea of gro^vth applied to
the Church as an outward organization, the visible
Church which grows in numbers, and to the Chris-
tian character of individual believers ; it is also
applied to tlie Church as a spiritual unity which
the Apostle Paul describes as the ' body of Christ.'
According to the Apostle, all believers are members
of that body ; but the growth of the individual
members in Christian character and especially in
love leads to the growth or increase of the body as
a whole. The Church will finally reach consum-
mation and completion by a long process of growth
and development. The nature, law, or order of this
growth of the Church as the body of Christ is de-
scribed in Eph 4'^ as 'proceeding in accordance
with an inward operation that adapts itself to the
nature and function of each several part and gives
to each its proper measure. It is a growth that is
neither monstrous nor disproportioned, but normal,
harmonious, careful of the capacity, and suited to
the service of each individual member of Clirist's
body' (S. D. F. Salmond, ' Ephesians,' in EG T, p.
33S). All the members are united to one another
and to Christ the Head, and draw nourishment
and inspiration from Him and from one another,
and thus increase ' with the increase of God ' (Col
2'^), by which we may understand eitlier the in-
crease which God supplies, or, better, simply the
increase such as God requires.
Literature.— S. D. F. Salmond, ' Ephesians,' in EGT, 1003 ;
A. S. Peake, 'Colossians,' in EGT, 1903; H. A. W. Meyer,
Dererste Brief an die Korinther* (Kommentar, 1861), Drr Brief
an die Epheser'^ (do. 1859), Die Briefe an die Philipper, Kulosser,
■und an PhilemmiS (do. 1865) ; J. B. Ligfhtfoot, Colossians and
Philemon, 1876; B. Whitefoord, art. 'Growing,' in J)CG.
AV. F. Boyd.
GUARD.— (1) In Ac 523, 126. 19 the AV renders
^i^Xa/ces ' keepers,' whicli the RV retains in the
former passage, where the watchmen are Jewish,
but changes into 'guards' in the latter, where
they are Koman, Arrested by the high priest
Annas, and put ' in public ward' (Ac 5^^ : ^f r-qp-qaei.
5r]/j.oaig.), Peter and John were not chained ; their
keepers merely shut the prison-house (Seo-yuwnjptoi')
and stood on guard outside. But when St. Peter
was arrested by Herod Agrippa, and imprisoned
in the fortress of Antonia or the adjoining barracks,
he was chained to two soldiers, while other two
kept watch at the door of the prison {(pvXaKri, Vulg.
career). The station of the latter two was appar-
ently 'the first ward' (^uXa/c^, Vulg. cxistodia),
which the prisoner had to pass before he could
eiiect his escape. The four soldiers together made
a quaternion {TeTp6.5i.ov), and four such bodies of
armed men were told off to mount guard in suc-
cession during the four watches into which, in
Roman fashion, the night was divided.
(2) The above-named Agiippa himself, having
incurred the displeasure of Tiberius, once had the
experience of being chained as a prisoner for six
months to soldiers of the Imperial bodyguard in
Rome. It was fortunate for him that the Emperor's
sister-in-law Antonia, who used her influence with
Macro, the prcefectus pi-oetorio, ' procured that
the soldiers who kept him should be of a gentle
nature, and that the centurion who was over
them, and was to diet with him, should be of
the same disposition' (Jos. Ant. xvill. vi. 7).
Tiberius' death restored him to liberty, and Cali-
gula consoled him with the gift of a chain of gold,
equal in weight to the one of iron which he had
worn (ib. vi. 10).
(3) To another such iron chain, which coupled
St. Paul to one soldier after another of the same
Imperial guard, allusion is made in each of the
Captivity Epistles. Thanks to the favourable
report given by the centurion Junius on handing
over his charge to the prsefect of the Pr£Etorians,
St. Paul probably received better treatment than
an ordinary prisoner ; but the fact remained that
in his own hired house he was the 5ia-fj.ios of Christ
Jesus, always wearing galling ' bonds ' {dea-fiol, Ph
17. 13. 14. 16^ Col 4i8^.piiiieni i»- 1^, 2 Ti 2^), called also
a ' chain ' (fiXvcrts, Eph 6-», 2 Ti 1^% Great good,
however, resulted from his imprisonment; for
through the frequent relief of the guard, and the
Apostle's skill in changing an enforced fellowship
with armed men into a spiritual communion, the
real significance of his bonds — their relation to his
faith in Christ — gradually became known among
all 'the PrjBtorians,' the finest regiment of the
Roman army (Ph l^^. i3)_ -phe arguments for this
interpretation of the word vpaiTuipiov are fully
stated by Lightfoot, Philippians^, 1878, p. 99 f.
Other possible explanations will be found under
Palace.
In the Republican days the cohors prcetoria, or
cohortes prcBtorice, formed the bodyguard of the
-praetor or proprietor, who was governor of a
province with military powers. Under the Empire
the Praetorians came to be the Imperial body-
guard, which, as constituted by Augustus, was
made up of nine coliorts, each of a thousand picked
men. They were distinguished from otlier legion-
aries by shorter service and double pay, and on
discharge they received a generous bounty or grant
of land. Tiberius concentrated the force in a
strongly fortified camp to the east of Rome, on a
rectangle of 39 acres, where the modern Italian
army also has barracks. One cohort, wearing
civilian garb, was always stationed at the
Emperor's house on the Palatine ; others were
often sent to foreign service. The Praetorians
were under a prcefectus prcetorio, or more often
two, sometimes even three prcefecti. These were
originally soldiers, but ultimately the office was
mostly filled by lawyers, whose duty it was to
GUARDIAN"
HAGAR
519
relieve the Emperor in certain kinds of civil and
criminal jurisdiction. One of Trajan's rescripts to
Pliny {Ep. 57) indicates that the pi'oper course to
take with a certain Bithynian prisoner is to hand
him over in chains 'ad prtefectos prsetorii mei,'
and the case seems to be parallel to that of the
Apostle, who m.ade an appeal unto Ctesar (Ac
25"- 2>), James Strahan.
GUARDIAN.— See Tutor.
GUARDIAN ANGELS.— See Angels.
GUILE. — Guile is the usual translation of 56\os
(Lat. dolus), which meant hrst ' a bait for fish ' [Od.
xii. 252), and then, in the abstract, 'wile,' 'craft,'
' deceit.' Guile is traced to the workings of that
' abandoned mind ' which is itself the punishment,
natural and in a sense automatic, of those who
reject God (Ro \^). The guile which character-
ized Jacob the Jew as well as Ulysses the Greek
was indeed often admired as a national trait by
which duller races could be outwitted. But it is
one of the unmistakable marks of a Christian
convert that he puts away all guile, and, like a
new-born babe, desires the milk that is without
guile {Q.5o\ov ydXa, 1 P 2^). Henceforth he refrains
his lips that they speak no guile (3^"). People who
are themselves guileful find it difficult to believe
that anybody can be disinterested, and St. Paul
the Apostle (like many a modern missionary) was
often suj^posed to be cunningly seeking some
personal ends. ' Being crafty, I caught them with
guile ' (2 Co 1218), jg g, sentence in which he catches
up some wiseacre's criticism of his actions, and
gives it a new turn. His own conscience was clear ;
his ' guile ' as a soul-winner was not only innocent
but praiseworthy. His exhortation (7rapd/c\7?<rty,
' evangelical preaching') was not of error nor (in any
bad sense) in guile (1 Th 2^) ; he was neither de-
ceived nor deceiver, neither fool nor knave. But he
had not infrequently encountered men of the latter
type. Bar-Jesus the Magian, who tried to under-
mine his influence at the court of Sergius Paulus (Ac
IS'^), was actuated by a mad jealousy, realizing as he
did that the position which he had skilfully won
was fast becoming insecure. Driven to his wits'
end, and seeing that exposure was imminent, he
felt the ground shaking beneath his feet. His
punishment had a Dantesque appropriateness.
' Full of all guile,' he was yet made a spectacle of
pitiful impotence : 'there fell on him a mist and a
darkness, and he went about seeking some to lead
him by the hand ' (IS'"' "). JAMES Strahah.
GUILT.-See SiN.
H
HADES. — Hades is a Lat. word adopted from
the Gr. "AtSijs (^'St;;), which is used in the LXX to
translate the Heb. Sheol and in NT Gr. to denote
the same idea as was expressed by Sheol in the OT,
viz. 'the abode of the dead.' The word has been
consistently used in the RV of the NT to render
^'5?;s on each of the 10 occasions of its occurrence
(Mt 1123 1618, Lk IQi* 16"', Ac 227- si [in l Co IS^s
critical texts give Odvare for qidrj of TR], Rev l'^ 6^
2013. 14)^ jn place of the misleading ' hell ' of the AV.
In Mt ir-^s (Lk IQi^) the word is employed in a
purely figurative sense. Capernaum, ' exalted unto
heaven,' is to 'go down unto Hades,' i.e. is to be
utterly overthrown. Figurative also is the state-
ment in Mt 16'8 that ' the gates of Hades shall not
prevail against' the Church of Christ. As the
strength of a walled city dei)ended on the strength
of its gates, ' the gates of Hades ' is a metaphor for
the power of death, and the promise amounts to
an assurance of the indestructibility of the Church.
In Lk 16'^^ the rich man lifts up his eyes in Hades,
being in torment, and sees Abraham afar off and
Lazarus in his bosom. Hades is used here in its
traditional sense of the under world of the dead,
whether righteous or unrigliteous. Not only Dives
but Lazarus is there. But it is no longer conceived
of in the negative fashion of the OT as a realm
of undifferentiated existence in which there are
neither rewards nor penalties. In keeping with
the pre-Christian development of Jewish thought
(cf. 2 Mac 12'i5, Eth. Enoch, 22), it is represented
now as a scene of moral issues and contrasted ex-
periences — the selfish rich man is ' tormented in
this flame'; the humble beggar is ' comforted ' in
Abraham's bosom. The moral lesson that the
recompense of character is sure and that it begins
immediately after death is very clear ; but it is
going beyond our Lord's didactic intention in a
parable to find here a detailed doctrine as to the
circumstances and conditions of the intermediate
state.
Ac 2" is a quotation from Ps 16^° which in v.'^
is applied to Christ, of whom, as risen from the
tomb, it is said that He was not 'left in Hades,'
i.e. in the regions of the dead. In the same
general and ordinary sense the word is used in
Rev 118 : < £ have the keys of death and of Hades ' ;
cf. the close association in the OT of death with
Sheol (Fs 116^, Pr55).'
In Rev 68 Hades is personified as a follower of
Death upon his pale horse. In the author's vision
of the Judgment (20ii*^-) the sea and Death and
Hades give up the dead which are in them (v.i^),
and finally Death and Hades are themselves cast
into the lake of fire (v.i^).
Literature. — H. Cremer, Bih.-Theol. Lexicon of NT Gr.,
Eng. tr.'i, Edinburgh, 1895, s.v. aS-q^; G. Dalman, art. 'Hades'
in PJIE3; S. D. F. Salmoncl, Christian Doctrine of Im-
mortality*, Edinburgh, 1901, p. 277 If., also art. 'Hades' in
aDB. J. c. Lambert.
HAGAR {"kyap). — After the manner of the later
Jewish interpreters of OT history, of whom Philo
is the best representative, St. Paul treats the story
of Hagar (Gn 16i"i* 218-21) ^g ^n allegory (dni'd
iffTLv d\\i]yopoviJ,eva, Gal 4^).
' Allegory (aAAo?, other, and ayopevetv, to speak), a figurative
representation conveying a meaning other than and in addition to
the literal. . . . An allegory is distinLruished from . . . an ana-
logy by the fact that the one appeals to the imagination and
the other to the reason ' (i'^r" i. 689^).
St. Paul neither affirms nor denies the historicity
of the Hagar narrative, but his imagination reads
into it esoteric meanings, which make it singularly
ettective as an illustration. Ishmael the elder
brother, the son of Hagar the bondwoman, the
seed of Abraham by nature, persecuted Isaac the
younger brother, the son of the freewoman, the child
of promise and heir of the birthright, and was
therefore cast out and excluded from the inherit-
ance of the blessing. This is interpreted as mean-
ing that the Christian Church, the true Israel of
520
HAIL
HALLELUJAH
God, endued wath the freedom of the Spirit, is
perseciited by the older Israel, which is under the
bondage of the Law. Hagar, the mother of bond-
men, answers to the present Jerusalem {rfi vDv
'lepovcraXrifi), but the Jerusalem which is above (i)
4cw 'lepovcraXifi/ji) is the mother of Christian free-
ly len.
Luther wisely says that ' if Paul had not proved the rigfhteous-
less of faith against the righteousness of works by strong and
I ithy arguments, he should have little prevailed by this allegorj'.
. . It is a seemly thing sometimes to add an allegory when
) he foundation is well laid and the matter thoroughly proved,
j/or as painting is an ornament to set forth and garnish a house
Jready builded, so is an allegory the light of a matter which is
.Jreadj' otherwise proved and confirmed ' (Galatians,in toe). So
• Jaur : ' Nothing can be more preposterous than the endeavours
)f interpreters to vindicate the argument of the Apostle as one
objectively true ' (Paw^MS^, 1866, ii. 312, Eng. tr., 1875, ii. 284).
If the words ' Now this Hagar is mount Sinai in
Arabia' are retained, they allude to the historical
connexion of the Hagarenes (Ps 83*') or Hagarites
(1 Ch 5^"), the'A7/)atot of Eratosthenes [ap. Strabo,
XVI. iv. 2) — of whom Hagar was no doubt a personi-
fication — with Arabia. (In Bar 3^^ the Arabians
are called the 'sons of Hagar.') But the Greek is
extremely uncertain, and Bentley's conjecture, that
we have here a gloss transferred to the text, has (as
Lightfoot says [Gal.^, 1876, p. 193]), much to recom-
mend it. The theory that ' Hagar ' (Arab, hajar,
' a stone ') was a name sometimes given to Mt. Sinai,
and that St. Paul, becoming acquainted with this
usage during his sojourn in Arabia, recalls it here
(A. P. Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, new ed., 1877,
p. 50, following Chrysostom, Luther, and others),
is unsupported by real evidence. Such an etymo-
logical allusion would certainly have been thrown
away upon St. Paul's Galatian readers.
To affirm that the Jews, who were wont to say
that ' all Israel are the children of kings,' were the
sons of Hagar the bondwoman, was to use language
which could not but be regarded as insulting and
oftensive. But in fighting the battle of freedom
St. Paul required to use plain speech and forcible
illustrations. If he was convinced that men niigiit
be sons of Abraham and yet spiritual slaves, he
was bound to say so (cf. the still stronger terms
used on the same point in Jn 8^*). St. Paul was
far too good a patriot to jibe at his own race, and
too good a Christian to wound any one wantonly.
But he saw the unhappy condition of his country-
men in the light of his own experience. He had
lived long under the shadow of Sinai in Arabia,
the land of bondmen, before he became a free citizen
of the ideal commonwealth — Hierusalem qum sur-
sum est — the mother of all Christians. Only an
emancipated spirit could write the Epistle to the
Galatians, or (as its sequel) Luther's Freedom of a
Christian Man. James Steahan.
HAIL (xdXafa). — The invariable biblical con-
ception of hail is correctly represented in Wis 5^ :
' As from an engine of war shall be hurled hail-
stones full of wrath.' Typical instances of the use
of hail as a weapon of Divine judgment and war-
fare are found in Ex 9"*'-, Jos 10'^. Like other
destructive natural forces, it is a familiar category
in apocalyptic prophecy. It is always regarded as
a 'plague' (ttXjjyt?, Ilev 16^'). 'Hail and fire,'
'lightnings . . . and great hail,' occur together
(8^ IP^), as in Ex 9-'* : ' hail, and fire mingling with
(flashing continually amidst) the hail.' Thunder-
storms often arise ' under the conditions that are
favourable to the formation of hail, i.e. great heat,
a still atmosphere, the production of strong local
convection currents in consequence, and the passage
of a cold upper drift' (EBr^^ xii. 820). True hail,
which is to be distinguished from so-called '.'soft
hail,' is formed of clear or granular ice. Impinging
hailstones are often frozen together, and sometimes
great ragged masses of ice fall with disastrous
results to life and property. The seventh angel
having poured his bowl upon the air, ' great hail,
every stone about a talent in weight, cometli down
out of heaven upon men' (Rev 16^^). Diodorus
Siculus (xix. 45) writes of storms in which ' the
size of the hail was incredible, for the stones fell
a mina in weight, sometimes even more, so that
many houses fell under their weight and not a few
men were killed.' The mina was about 2 lbs. — the
sixtieth part of a talent. James Strahan.
HAIR. — By primitive and ancient peoples in
general, the hair [6pl^, Tplx^s) is regarded as a
special centre of vitality, and to this belief the
various forms of the hair-otfering are ultimately
due. The only examples of this pi-actice in the
literature under review are afforded by St. Paul's
vow, according to which he cut off his hair at
CenchrefB (Ac 18^**), and by the similar vows of the
four men at Jerusalem, whose expenses St. Paul
paid as an evidence of his Jewish piety (21'^^).
These are to be explained from the Nazirite vow
of the OT (Nu 6). Josephus writes of his own
times that ' it is usual with those who had been
afflicted either with a distemper, or with any other
distresses, to make vows ; and for thirty days
before, they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain
from wine, and to shave the hair off their head'
(BJ II. XV. 1). St. Paul would accordingly offer
at Jerusalem the hair that had grown during the
month since the vow began at Cenchrese. The
same belief in the peculiar vitality of the hair may
underlie the proverbial reference to it : ' there
shall not a hair perish from the head of any of
you ' (Ac 27'^ ; cf. 1 S 14«, 2 S 14", 1 K p2, Mt lO'",
Lk 21'^), though the number and minuteness of the
separate hairs are also implied.
The elaborate arrangement and adornment of
the hair are found in primitive as well as in
advanced civilizations {e.g. see the illustrations of
male Fijians in Lubbock's Origin of Civilization^,
1902, pi. ii. p. 68). The art was highly developed
amongst Greek and Roman women, as may be seen
from coins, etc., belonging to this period (reproduc-
tions in Seyffert, Diet, of Classical Antiquities,
1906, pp. 266, 267 ; J. E. Sandys,^ Companion to
Latin Studies, 1910, p. 198). Ovid, in his instruc-
tions to Roman ladies on the art of winning lovers,
emphasizes the effect of an artistic and appropriate
arrangement of the hair (de Art. Am. iii. 136 f. ;
cf. Bigg, St. Peter and St. Jude, 1901, p. 152).
Judith ' braided the hair of her head ' when she
set out to fascinate Holofernes ( Jth 10'), and there
are Talnuulic references to the art (Buxtorf's
Lexicon, 1639, col. 389 ; Cheyne, EBi ii. col. 1941).
Against such elaborate adornment and all that it
might imply, the apostolic warnings (1 P 3', 1 Ti
2" ; see art. ADORNING) are directed.
The greater abundance of hair possessed by
woman as compared with man is mentioned by
St. Paul in an argument against the practice of
unveiled women praying and prophesying (1 Co
JJ14. 18^ K(5;itT?). Nature's covering, he says, shows
that the veil should be employed ; to be unveiled
is no better than to be shorn (vv.^-*'). The same
sexual difference is in view in the description of
the Apocalyptic locusts : ' they had hair as the
hair of women' (Rev 9^). In the Apocalyptic
vision of Christ, His hair is said to be ' white as
white wool, as snow ' (Rev 1'*), a detail of dignity
borrowed from the OT picture of Jahweh, as
' ancient of days' (Dn 7*).
H. Whekler Robinson.
HALLELUJAH.* — ' Hallelujah,' ' Praise ye
Jahweh,' is used as a doxology in some T Psalms,
e.g. 104^' 105^". In the song of the redeemed (Rev
* The form ' Alleluia' comes from the LXX.
HAMOR
HAEDENING
521
19^*') It appears as a triumphant acclamation
at the Wedding Feast of the Lamb. In later
Christian use it was attached to the Paschal Feast
as among the Jews to the Passover. If the Odes
of Solomon may be ascribed to an early date (see
art. Hymns), we may quote the frequent use of
' Hallelujah' at the end of these hymns as a mark
of the joyousness of early Christian worship.
Tertullian (On Prayer, xxvii.) quotes its use with
certain psalms, after the Jewisii manner, said or
sung by the whole congregation. A. E. Burn.
HAMOR.— See Shechem.
HAND. — Amongst the members of the body, the
hand (x^ip) is named by St. Paul as being superior
to the foot, and necessary to the eye (1 Co 12'^- ^^).
The work of human hands has its detinite limita-
tions, whether the product be idols (Ac 7"" 19-^) or
temples (17^* ; cf. Ep. Barn. xvi. 7) ; but, within
its true sphere, manual labour belongs to man's
dignity and duty (Eph 4-», 1 Th 4"). St. Paul
could display his toil-marked hands to the Ephesian
elders, as evidence of his example of unselhsh
service (Ac 20** ; cf. 1 Co 4^^), Xo defend them-
selves from political suspicion as descendants of
David, the grandchildren of Jude showed their
horny hands of toil to the Emperor Domitian (Eus.
HE III. XX. 5).
The hand is employed in significant gestures
both of ordinary life and of religion. It hangs
down in despair (He 12'^), is outstretched in
oratory (Ac 26^) or appeal (of God, Ro 10^*), is
waved to gain silence (Ac 12" 13'^ 19^^ 21^"), is
lifted in prayer (1 Ti2''; cf. Ps 134^) or in taking
an oath (Rev 10^ ; cf. Gn 1422). xhe giving of the
right hand (5e|t(5s) in token of fellowship (Gal 2" ;
cf. Pr 6') is not a specially Jewish custom, and may
be due to Persian influences (cf. Lightfoot, ad loc).
The Odes of Solomon show the early practice of
prayer with arms extended in the manner of the
cross : ' I stretched out my hands, and sanctified
my Lord ; for the extension of my hands is His
sign ' (xxvii. 1 ; cf. xxi. 1 and J. H. Beinard's notes
in TS viii. 3 [1912] ad loc). In a similar spirit
of symbolism, continuing that of OT prophecy,
Agabus (g-.v.) binds his own hands and feet with
St. Paul's girdle (Ac 21" ; see art. Feet). Those
who belong to the Apocalyptic Beast receive his
mark on hand and forehead (Rev 13^'^ 14** 20^).
Deissmann has given evidence for connecting this
mark with the Imperial seal placed on documents
of this period [Bible Studies, Eng. tr. ,1901, p. 241 f . ).
We may perhaps compare the three seals placed
on the disciple of Mani, i.e. on mouth, hand, and
bosom, as a converse dedication of the members to
purity.
The term 'hand' is employed in a number of
graphic or figurative phrases, relating either to
man (Ac 223 12^, He 8^, 1 Jn 1', Ja 4^) or to God.
The Hand of God appears in the activities of
creation (Ac 7™, He 1'" ; Ep. Barn. v. 10, xv. 3 ;
1 Clem, xxvii. 7, xxxiii. 4), or of providence (Ac
428 1121^ 1 p 56)^ or of jxxdgment (Ac 13", He lO'",
1 Clem, xxviii. 2).
The most striking and important references to
the hand in apostolic Christianity occur in con-
nexion with the ' laying on of hands.' This oc-
curs for three purposes, which help to elucidate
each other. By contact with apostolic hands is
wrought healing of the sick (Ac S' 5^2 912- 4i 14^ 28^),
transmission of the Spirit (Ac 8"* ^* 19^), and ordina-
tion to ' office ' or special work (Ac 6" 13^, 1 Ti 4^*
522, 2 Ti 1®, He 62). If these passages are ap-
proached, as they should be, from the general
standpoint of the OT, and from the particular
circle of ideas which constitutes primitive and
ancient psychology, the imposition of hands will
probably be seen to imply more than an outward
sign (ct. Swete, The Holy Spirit in the NT, 1909,
p. 384). In each of the three applications, the
conclusion reached by Volz in regard to the OT
seems fundamental in regard to the NT also : ' the
laying on of hands is the process by wliich the
sacred substance is conducted from one body into
another . . . the power passes not primarily
through the spoken formula, but through the
physical contact itseW (Z AT W, 1901, pp. 93, 94;
cf. P. Volz, Der Geist Gottes, 1910, p. 115).
H. Wheeler Robinson.
HANDKERCHIEF, NAPKIN.— The word (rovMpiov
( = Lat. sudariam) is translated by 'handkerchiefs'
(plur.) in Ac 19^2^ b^t elsewhere in the NT by
'napkin' (Lk 192«, Jn ll^* 20'). See DCG, s.v.
•Napkin.' Its equivalent appears in Talmudic
literature as an article of clothing (one of the over-
garments), which might be worn round the neck
(cf. Suet. Nero, 51) or carried upon the arm or
over the shoulder. It was also in use as a head or
face cloth, approximating in idea to ' veil ' (cf. Suet.
Nero, 48 ; Quintil. Instit. VI. iii. 60). The aovSapiov
appears among the items of dowry in marriage
contracts of the 2nd and 3rd cent. A.D. (A. Deiss-
mann, Neue Bibelstudien, 1897, p. 50). According
to the derivation of the word, it was a sweat-cloth,
corresponding in use to our handkerchief. Catullus
(Carm. xii. 14) speaks of the joke of abstracting a
neighbour's napkin at meals. According to this
passage the articles were of Spanish manufacture,
and the material linen. The aovdapioi/ was em-
ployed for waving in public assemblies. It served
humbler purposes as a strainer and as a wrapper.
See especially S. Krauss, Talmudische Archdologie,
i. [1910] 166 f. Cf. also art. 'The Aprons and
Handkerchiefs of St. Paul,' by E. Nestle, in ExpT
xiii. [1901-02] 282, and see art. Apron.
W. Cruickshank.
HANDS, LAYING ON OF.— See Ordination.
HANDWRITING.— See Bond.
HARAN (AV ' Charaan,' Ac V- *).— Haran was a
city of some importance, on a tributary of the
Euphrates. From Ur the ancestors of Abraham
emigrated to Haran (Gn IP^). Here one division,
under Nahor, remained. Hence it is called 'the
city of Nahor ' (24^"). It was a famous seat of the
worship of Sin, the moon-god. Abram left it to
enter Canaan. J. W. DUNCAN.
HARDENING.— The discussion of this subject
relates to a single striking case, which St. Paul
and later theologians have taken as typical. The
dramatic interest of the legend of the Exodus
(Ex 5-14) centres in a conflict between the Divine
and the human will. Pharaoh's successive pro-
mises and refusals to let the Israelites go into the
wilderness are the outward signs of an inward
vacillation under the alternate influences of in-
sensate pride and abject fear. It is stated that
his heart was hardened [l^^- "• 22 8'9 9' 9=*^)^ ^hat he
hardened his heart (8'^- ^2 9*4), and that Jahweh
said He would harden (42' 7* 14''), and did harden
(912 101-20.27 i]io 24«), his heart. In the NT the
proposition that God hardens the heart occurs
only in quotations from the OT {iruipdu being used
in Jn 12'*" and ffK\Ttpvv(o in Ro 9^*).
Critical exegesis makes no attempt to soften or
evade the natui-al meaning of this language, which
affirms, not that God merely permits (as Origen
and Grotius thought), or that He foreknows, but
that He effects, the hardening of the heart. If
such a statement is not to be explained away, can
it be explained in such a manner as to be credible?
The difficulty of accepting it is a particular phase
of the general difficulty of reconciling human
522
HARDENING
HARDENING
freedom with Divine sovereignty. It has been
truly said that
' the relation of man, as a free moral personality, to God is even
more difficult to conceive than his relation to nature ; theoloffy
has more perils for human freedom than cosmolog-y. To think
of God as all in all, and yet to retain our belief in human
freedom or personalitv, — that is the real metaphysical diffi-
culty • (J. Seth, Ethical Principles^, 1898, p. 395).
The assertion that God hardens a man's heart
shocks our moral sense, because it seems to deny
Divine love on the one hand and human freedom
on the other. It is partly explained by the
Semitic habit of recognizing- the First Cause of all
events and ignoring second causes. In Nature,
history, and personal experience the controlling
and directing hand of God was discei'ned by tlie
Hebrews. Now, ' piety demands such an em-
phasizing of God's action as would logically take
away man's freedom. Moral consciousness, on the
other hand, demands a freedom which, looked at
by itself, would exclude all divine co-operation
and order' (H. Schultz, OT Theol., Eng. tr., 1892,
ii. 196). The authors of the Exodus narrative,
most of which is by J or E, are typical OT writers,
in that they set the doctrines of sovereignty and
freedom side by side without betraying any con-
sciousness of a conflict between them and a need
to harmonize them. Their teaching is not fatal-
istic, for fatalism is the assertion of a superhuman
activity which leaves no room for moral freedom.
They take for granted that responsibility which
the conscience, unless corrupted by sophistry,
regards as the prerogative of every human being.
The tyrant whom they depict is anything but a
puppet in the hands of an absolute and arbitrary
will. The Divine sovereignty never excludes the
possibility of initiative on liis part. In every
retrospect of his own conduct he feels that he
could, and ought to, have chosen a difierent course.
He knows that he has failed to ' lay to heart ' the
judgments of God (Ex 7^). He confesses again
and again that he has sinned (9-'' 10^®), and he asks
Moses to forgive his sin and pray for him (10''').
He might at any moment humble himself before
God, but he stubbornly refuses to do it (10^). His
will is never coerced ; it is by his own deeds that
he merits the penalty which is ultimately inflicted
upon him. He sins and suffers, not as the victim
of a Divine good-pleasure which hardens whom it
will, but as a tyrant who, 'being often reproved,
hardeneth his neck,' and who is therefore ' suddenly
broken, and that without remedy' (Pr 29^).
While the religious leaders of Israel assert the
efficiency of God in unqualified terms, they lay no
foundation for that high predestinarianism which
maintains the Divine sovereignty and leaves only
a semblance of freedom to man. The theology
of the OT is not deterministic, as 'the accepted
Muhammadan theology is undoubtedly determin-
istic' (H. P. Smith, The Bible and Islam, 1896,
p. 137). All the prophets and prophetic writers,
among whom J and E may be included, accentuate
moral obligation ; they regard virtuous and vicious
acts as originating in the human will ; their whole
teaching is based on the conviction that men and
nations deserve rewards or punishments, and .are
in a real sense the authors of their own destiny.
The figure of the clay and the potter (Jer 18^
Is 64^ Ro 9^'), which clearly recognizes ' a divinity
that shapes our ends,' says nothing of the prin-
ciples according to which these ends are shaped
(A. B. Davidson, Theol. of OT, 1904, p. 131), and
all apparently' predestinarian language is meant
to be moralized.
' Nor does any one doubt that it is an effect intended by God,
when, at a certain stage in sin, His revelation makes the heart
harder. God's word can never return unto Him void. Whtre
it is hindered from bles«ing, it must curse. Light must make
weak eyes weaker ; nourishing food must ag^avate the viru-
lence of disease. That is a necessary moral ordinance — in
other words, one willed by God from eternity' (H. Schultz,
op. cit. ii. 207).
Moses' experience of the hardening effect of
Divine truth in the case of Pharaoh was one
which almost all prophets have shared with him.
There is biting satire, but not predestinarian
•doctrine, in the command which Isaiah (6'") puts
into the mouth of God : ' Make the heart of this
people fat, and make their ears dull, and besmear
their eyes, lest they see with their eyes, and hear
with their ears, and their heart understand, and
they turn again and be healed.' This prophet's
language is quoted with approval by our Lord
in Mk 4'-, Lk 8'" ; and with an important modi-
fication in Mt IS^''- 15.
' It is conceivable that Jesus might use Isaiah's words in
Isaiah's spirit, i.e., ironically, expressing the bitter feeling of
one conscious that his best efforts to teach his countrymen
would often end in failure, and in his bitterness representing
himself as sent to stop ears and blind eyes. Such utterances
are not to be taken as deliberate dogmatic teaching. If, as
some allege, the evangelists so took them, thej' failed to under-
stand the mind of the Master' (A. B. Bruce, EGT, 'The
Synoptic Gospels,' 1897, p. 196).
The hardening of Pharaoh's (or of any other
guilty man's) heart is a judicial, not an arbitrary,
act of God, who never hardens a good man's heart.
The process is, in Western language, natural and
inevitable. ' By abuse of light, nature produces
callousness ; and what nature does God does '
(M. Dods, EGT, ' The Gospel of St. John,' 1897,
p. 812). If He gives men up to punishment, it is
because they have deliberately given themselves
up to sin (Ro V*- 2«- 28). The story of Pharaoh's
overthrow has great and permanent value as a
drama of freedom abused, and its moral effect
would be ruined if we were to interpolate in it at
any point the words of the Qur'an (x. 88) :
' And Moses said, O our Lord, Thou hast given Pharaoh and
his nobles pomp and riches in this world, to make them wander
from Thy path ; O our Lord, destroy their riches and harden
their hearts, that they may not beUeve until they see exemplary
punishment.'
St. Paul uses the case of Pharaoh, as well as the
figure of the clay and the potter, to establish his
doctrine of God's sovereign right and power of
disposing of men's lives as He will. In the keen-
ness of his dialectic the Apostle employs expressions
which seem harsh : ' So then he hath mercy on whom
he will, and whom he will he hardeneth ' (5c 5^ dlXei
aKK-qpvvei, Ro 9'^). St. Paul
' has none of that caution and timorousness which often lead
writers perpetually to trim and qualify for fear of being
misunderstood. He lays full stress upon the argument in hand
in its bearing upon the idea to be maintained, without con-
cerning himself about its adjustment with other truths ' (G. B.
Stevens, The Pauline Theology, 1S92, p. 120 ; cf. 0. Gore, St.
Paul's Epistle to the Momaiis, ii. [1900] 37 f.).
He approaches the painful subject of the harden-
ing of the Jews under the preaching of the gospel
from two different sides. When his object is to
humble their pride and pretension, he emphasizes
(what no Jew would deny) the absoluteness of
God ; when his aim is to silence their excuses, he
shows tliem that it is for their own sins that they
are rejected.
'The hardening . . . against the gospel, which in Rom. ix.
and xi. he considers as a divine destiny, he characterises in
chap. X. as the self-hardening of Israel' (VV. Beyschlag, ,^^1*
Theol.^, Eng. tr., 1896, ii. 118).
There is, however, always a danger in the
dialectical use of the language of absolutism. If
the conversion of some and the hardening of
others are ascribed to the mere will of God, it is
clearly open to the hardened to say, 'Why dotii
he yet find fault ? ' (ri in fiificpirai, Ro 9'") ; and if
an inspired prophet is then quoted, ' Shall the
thing formed say to him that formed it (t6 TrXd(x/j.a
HARLOT
HARLOT
523
T(j vXda-avTi), "AVhy didst thou make me thus?'"
the answer must be that ' a man is not a thing,
and if the whole explanation of his destiny is to be
souglat in the bare will of God, he tvill say. Why
didst thou make me thus ? and not even the
authority of Paul will silence him ' (J. Denney,
EGT, ' Komans,' 1900, p. 663). If the Potter is a
God of infinite love, it is well with the clay, as
Rabbi Ben Ezra sees ; but if the Potter is a God
who for His mere good pleasure makes ' vessels of
wrath,' who would care to worship Him ?
' We must affirm that freedom i3 the fixed point that must be
held, because it is an inalienable certainty of experience, and
that predestination can be only such as is consistent with it :
else there is no rational and responsible life. . . . Predestination
in other fields of existence need not trouble us ; but perplexity
and anguish unutterable enter if we admit the supposition, or
even the genuine suspicion that God has so foreordained our
actions as to take away our freedom. To this the history of
Christian experience bears abundant witness ' (W. N. Clarke,
An Outline of Christian Theology, 1S98, p. 146).
It is certain that in his general teaching St. Paul
held fast both Divine sovereignty and human
freedom (see Ph 2'^). It is equally certain that he
left the speculative q^uestion of the relation of the
two where he found it — as an antinomy which he
could not transcend. Nor have any later theo-
logians or philosophers solved the enigma. Finite
thought is unable to comprehend that Divine
activity which works in a liigher way than any
other energy in the world. But ' even though the
ultimate reconciliation of divine and human
personality may be still beyond us' (J. Seth, op.
cit. 396), it is practically enough if Christianity
maintains that in relation to free beings the will
of God is never an arbitrary will, enforcing itself
without moral means.
' God shows respect for his creatures, and for himself as their
creator, and upon the iiiiiependeiice that he has fjiven them he
makes no attempt forcibly to intrude ' (W. N. Clarke, op. cit.
p. 138).
While the Qur'an (xiv. 4) teaches that 'God
leads astray whom He will and leads aright whom
He will ; He is the Powerful, the wise,' the God
revealed by Jesus Christ ' wishes not that any
should perish, but that all should come to repent-
ance' (2 P 3").
Literature. — In addition to books named in the art. see
Calvin, Institutes, ed. 1S63, i. 198 ff. ; B. Weiss, Bib. Theol.
of JSiT, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1SS2-S3, ii. 3ff. ; A. B. Bruce, St.
Paxil's Conception of Christianity, do. 1894, p. 121 ff.; F.
Godet, Romans, Eng. tr., do. 1881-82, ii. 15Sff.
James Strahan.
HARLOT (TTdpfT?, niasc. 7r(5/)i/os).— The RV has
dropped the words whore and whoremonger which
the AV used interchangeably with ' harlot ' and
' fornicator ' to translate the Gr. words irdpvq and
vopvos.
1. The word irdpvq is used in two passages (He
Ipi, Ja 225) t;o describe Rahab. This Rahab is
mentioned (Mt P) in the genealogy of Jesus ; and
although, as Calvin says (on He IP^), the term
'harlot' is applied only to her former life ('ad
anteactam vitam referri certum est'), yet difficulty
was early felt as to the propriety of giving her such
an honoured position as she has in the NT.
Theophylact in the 12th cent, expressed doubt
as to the correctness of identifying her with the
Rahab of Jos 2^ ('There are some who think that
Rachab Avas that Rahab the harlot who received
the spies of Joshua the son of Nave ' [Enarratio in
Mt P]). He has been followed in this by others,
notably the Dutch professor, G. Outhov ('Disser-
tatio de Raab et Racliab,' in Bibl. hist. -phil. -theol.
Bremensis, Bremen and Amsterdam, 1719-25, class
iii. p. 438), C. T. Kuinoel {Nov. Test. lib. hist.,
Greece, London, 1835, i. 2), and H. Olshausen (Com.
on Gospels and Acts'^, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1852-
54, in lac.). Valpy also contends that the two
cannot be the same (Greek Testament, London,
1836, i. 4). There is no reason, however, for doubt-
ing that the two are identical. Jewish tradition
makes the identification, although her entrance
into the Israelitish community is variously related
(see John Lightfoot, Horce Hebraicce, ed. Gandell,
Oxford, 1859, ii. 11, for details).
Various reasons have been suggested for Rahab's
•inclusion among the Saviour's forbears (cf. also
Tamar, Ruth, Bathsheba). Grotius suggests that
it in a, prohidium of the gospel of Him wiio saved
idolaters and criminals; Wetstein, that it might
meet Jewish objections to Mary's position — and
this seems most likely.
There have been attempts also to weaken the
force of TTopvT) as applied to her. Josephus (Ant.
V. i. 2) speaks of her house as a KarayJiyiov. She
is described as an inn-keeper in the Targum on
Jos 2^ — Nn'piJia (TravdoKeiTpia). In the NT also in
some texts of Heb. (K') she is so described, and in
Clem. Rom. (Ep. ad Cor. i. 12) various readings
show a tendency towards softening down Tr6pi'ri (see
J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 'Clem. Rom.,'
ii. [1890] 46 ff. ). The term, however, is really used
in the ordinary sense, and has to be so understood.
In He IP^ Rahab has a place in the catalogue of
the heroes of faith ; while in Ja 2^^ gj^g jg referred
to, beside Abraham, as an example of good works.
In the description given of her by Clem. Rom. she
is praised for both faith and works : ' For her faitli
and hospitality Rahab the harlot was saved ' (i. 12).
The scarlet thread which she hung out from her
house became typical, 'showing beforehand that
through the blood of the Lord there shall be re-
demption unto all them that believe and hope on
God.'
Zahn thus describes the reason why James
adopted her case beside that of Abraham: 'The
lesson from Abraham's example is developed to its
completion and finally stated in Ja 2^* ; then follows
the example of the heathen woman Rahab, which
neither substantiates what has been said before nor
develops a new phase of the truth, and appears to
be dragged in without purpose. It does have
point, however, if referring to a number of Gentiles
who had been received into the Jewish Christian
Churches, and if designed to say : the example of
Rahab has the same lesson for them that the history
of Abraham has for his descendants' (Introd. to
the NT, Eng. tr., 1909, i. 91). J. B. Lightfoot
(loc. cit.) thinks that Clement is trying by her
example to reconcile the Judaistic and Gentile
parties in Corinth. The truth is that Rahab's case
was well known and might easily suggest itself to
any one (along with Sarah, Abigail, and Esther,
she was considered a historic beauty). To try to
fix the date of James's Epistle from this incident is
precarious.
The term is not applied to any other person in
the NT unless, with some, we interpret He 12'" in
such a way as to make the irdpvos descriptive of
Esau. Wetstein (in loc.) gives citations to show
that later JeAvish tradition regarded Esau as a
fornicator. The text is not decisive (see Alford,
ad loc). It is probable, however, that Darnaris
(' heifer ') belonged to the class of educated Hetairai
(see W. M. Ramsay, .S'^. Paul the Traveller, 1895,
p. 252).
2. The attitude of the Christian Church in the
Apostolic Age towards fornication is given in art.
Fornication. In Hermas we find stress laid on
the sinful thoughts, while from the few references
to overt fornication it is thought that Christian
morality had succeeded in showing in practice its
victory over this sin. Hermas is concerned with
the question of divorce, from the point of view of
fornication ; and his teaching is that the husband
whose wife has been divorced for adultery should
524
HAB-MAGEDON
HARP
not re-marry, so as to give to the repentant
wife an opportunity of returning, and vice versa
(Mand. IV. i. 4-8) ; see K. Lake in Expositor, 7tli
ser. X. [1910] 416 ff., for an attempt to reconcile
Hermas and the Gospels on divorce, and C. W.
Emmet in reply (Expositor, 8th ser. i. [1911] 68 ff.).
In the Apocalypse (chs. 17-19) we have the
description and the doom of 'the great harlot' —
Babylon. There can be no reasonable doubt that
this Babylon is Imperial Rome. That the term is
allegorical is proved by 17^ ' On the forehead of
the woman was written a mysteiy — Babylon the
Great.' In the OT, Tyre and Nineveh have this
title of 'harlot' (Is 23'*"", Nah 3^); and even
Jerusalem is so called {Is 1-^). How and when the
title was first applied to Rome we cannot say, but
the OT would easily supply the analogy ; and very
likely this mysterious title would save the readers
of the book from persecution, because the term
would be intelligible only to the initiated (see A.
Souter in Expositor, 7th ser. x. [1910] 373 tf.). The
term is used in the Sibylline Oracles, bk. v. lines
137-143 and 158-160 (ed. Geffcken, Leipzig, 1902),
the date of which is disputed.
The harlot of the Apocalypse has, like a high-
bom Roman dame, a band round her forehead.
Her dress is royal purple — emblem of luxurious
pride (Juv. Sat. iii. '283). Like the harlot, she has
her name exhibited (see quotations in Wetstein,
who refers to Juv. Sat. vi. 123 and Seneca, Controv.
i. 2). She has a cup in her hand to intoxicate her
paramour's. J. Moffatt (in EGT, 'Revelation')
quotes a parallel from Cebes' Tabula : ' Do you
see a woman sitting there with an inviting look,
and in her hand a cup ? She is called Deceit ; by
her power she beguiles all who enter life and makes
them drink. And what is the draught? Deceit
and ignorance.' Her dress is luxurious, witii gold
and pearls (cf. Test. Jud. xiii. 5, where the harlot
once more has pearls and gold). She rides on a
wild beast, like a Bacchante ; and kings are her
paramours. But the harlot's doom awaits her
(17^®). The wild beast on which she rides has seven
heads (the seven hills of Rome [see Wetstein, in
loc.'\) and ten horns. We cannot enter here on the
vexed question of the seven kings, on which the
date of the book depends. The harlot is doomed.
Rome shall perish in the blood that she has spilt.
Her fall will cause lamentation among her allies,
but jubilation among saints on earth and angels
in heaven.
The language in which the harlot's doom is
described by the seer has been criticized as un-
christian. ' He that takes delight in such fancies
is no whit better than he that first invented them '
(P. Wernle, The Beginnings of Christianity, Eng.
tr., L [1903] 370). But the downfall of ii/3/)is in a
State or individual eased the conscience in the
ancient world, and here it vindicated the existence
of a righteous God who avenged the slaugiiter of
His saints. The language must not be interpreted
apart from the situation.
LiTEEATtJRE. — For Comtnenlaries on the Apocalypse see J.
Moffatt in EGT, ' Revelation,' 1910 ; A. B. Swete (21907) ;
H. J. Holtzmann (in Hand-Commentar, Tiibingen, 190S); W.
Bousset ("Gottingen, 1900). For Raliab see J. B. Mayor,
Epistle of James^, 1910 ; A. Martin, Winning the Smil, 1897,
p- 47. DoxALD Mackenzie.
HAR-MAGEDON (RV ; Armageddon AV).— Ac-
cording to Rev 16'® this is the name in Heb. of the
scene of 'the war of the great day of God, the
Almighty ' (v. 1*), against whom the three unclean
spirits (v.'*) have gathered together 'the kings of
the whole world' (v.'^). There are variations in
the form of the name in the Gr. texts and very
different interpretations of its meaning, but if *A/5
Ma7e5«ii' is accepted as the correct form, the most
satisfactory explanation is that which takes it to
mean 'the mount of Megiddo' ("Ap=Heb. in 'a
mountain '). By its geographical conformation and
strategical situation the plain of 3Iegiddo was
better suited than any other place in the Holy
Land to be the arena of a great battle, and the
historical memories that gathered round it would
fill the name with suggestion for the readers of the
Apocalypse. The primary reference, no doubt,
would be to Israel's victory ' by the waters of
^legiddo ' over the kings of Canaan ( Jg 5'^), which
might be taken as typical of the triumph of God and
His Kingdom over the hostile world-powers ; but the
defeat and death of Saul and Jonatlian at theeastern
extremity of the plain (1 S 31'), the disastrous
struggle of Josiah on the same field against Pharaoh-
necoh (2 K 23-^ 2 Ch 35'^-^), and Zechariah's
reference to ' the moui'ning of Hadadrimraon in
the valley of Megiddon' (Zee 12^'), would heighten
the suggestion of a great day of overthrow and
destruction. The chief objections offered to this
interpretation are that a mountain is an unsuitable
battlefield, and that the historical battles are
described as taking place ' by the waters of
Megiddo' (Jg S^") or 'in the valley of Megiddo'
(2 Ch 35-2). Against this, however, must be set
the statements that Barak with his 10,000 men
' went down from mount Tabor ' to meet Sisera
(Jg 4'"*), that Zebulun and Naphtali 'jeoparded
their lives unto the death in the high places of the
field ' (5'*), and that Saul and Jonathan fell ' in
mount Gilboa' (1 S 31i-8; cf. 2 S pi). And the
place given to ' the mountains of Israel ' in Ezekiel'a
prophecy of the destruction of Gog and Magog
(Ezk 38«- 21 39'- *• "), to which the Apocalyptist
subsequently refers in liis description of the final
overthrow of Satan and his hosts (Rev 20^), may
have served to confirm the idea that a mountain
would be the scene of ' the war of the great day of
God, the Almighty.'
Of recent years considerable support has been
given to the view, first propounded by Gunkel
(Schbpfung und Chaos, 268), that ' Har-Magedon '
preserves the name of the place where in the Baby-
lonian creation-myth the dragon Tiamat Avas over-
throAvn by Marduk, the passage Rev 16^^-^^ being
presumably a fragment from some Jewish apoca-
lypse in which the Babylonian mythology had
been adapted to an eschatological interest. This
theory, however, rests upon grounds that are very
speculative, and even its supporters admit that
the author of the Apocalypse would be ignorant of
the mythological origin of the name, and would
probably understand it to mean ' the mountain of
Megiddo.'
LrrERATURB. — The artt. ' Har-Magredon ' in HDB and ' Arma-
geddon' in EBi; J. Moffatt, EGT, 'Revelation,' 1910; H.
Gunkel, Schop/ung und Chaos, 1895. J. C. LAMBERT.
HARP (Kiddpa, also KiOapl^etv, ' to harp,' and KiOap-
(jiSds [KiOap + doiods] ' a harper'). — The word and its
two derivatives occur only in 1 Corinthians and
Revelation. In 1 Co 14'' : ' Even things without
life, giving a voice, whether pipe or harp, if they
give not a distinction in the sounds, how shall it
be known what is piped or harped ? ' St. Paul
by this musical illustration criticizes a prevalent
and unedifying speaking with tongues, though,
in tlie light of the phrase eandem cantilenarn
recinere, his figure of 'harping' has come in col-
loquial use to represent rather monotonous per-
sistency. In Rev 5* the four living creatures and
the four and twenty elders who abased themselves
before the Lamb have each of them a harp ; and
the voice which was heard, as the Lamb and the
hundred and forty and four thousand stood on
Mount Zion, is described as that of ' harpers
harping with their harps' (14-). The victors over
tiie beast, his image, and his mark, who stand by
HARP
HARVEST
525
' the glassy sea mingled \vith fire ' and sing the
the song of Moses, have ' harps of God ' to sing
His praise (15-). In 18'-^ the angel who doomed
the great city of Babylon declared that it would
hear no more the voice of harpers (cf. Is 23^^).
When we attempt to describe exactly the design
and manipulation of musical instruments in use
throughout the Apostolic Age, we are met with
almost insuperable difficulties. The apocalyptic
character of the book, which, as we have seen,
contains, with but one exception, the references to
harps, turns one to Jewish music ; but, though
there is much relevant information in Chronicles
and other OT writings, it is lacking in precision.
It is easier to describe the instruments of ancient
Egypt and Assyria, for we are helped by sculptures
and pictures, the like of which have not been found
in Palestine. We must rely, therefore, on analogy
guided by our inexact OT descriptions.
' To accompany singing, or at all events sacred
singing, stringed instruments only were used, and
never wind instruments' (Appendix to Wellhausen's
' Psalms ' [Haupt's PB, 1898]). It may be too much
to say that they were the only accompanying in-
struments, but they were certainly the principal.
In the OT there is mention of only two stringed
instruments (if we except the curious list which
appears in Daniel), and these are the ni33 and V^j.
The former is the older, and tradition points to
Jubal as its inventor (Gn 4-i) ; while the second
does not appear before 1 S 10*. These are trans-
lated in the EV as 'harp' and ' psaltery ' respec-
tively. From 1 K 10'^ we leam that their frame-
work was made of almug or algum ; from 2 Ch
20^^ that both were portable, and from many OT
passages that they Avere much used at religious
and festive gatherings. It is difficult to determine
with exactness the difference between these stringed
instruments ; but, although later tradition con-
fused them, they were certainly not identical,
nor were their names used inditterently to denote
the same instrument. There are several reasons,
however, for the belief that the nii? resembled a
lyre, and that the "^aj was a form of harp (the
question is discussed in HDB iii. 458 f. ). Amongst
these are (1) the fact that in the LXX Kiddpa, or its
equivalent (ctyiJpa, is thealmost invariable translation
of 1133 ; (2) the evidence of Jewish coins pointing to
a decided similarity of "I'u? and Kiddpa (see F. W.
Madden, Coins of 'the Jeiv^, 1885, pp. 231, 243);
and (3) the distinction emphasized by earh' Chris-
tian WTiters between instruments which had a
resonance-frame beneath the strings and those
which had it above (see St. Augustine on Ps 42).
Josephus, who has a description of the frame-work
andstrings of these instruments in Ant. Vlll. iii. 8,
distinguished the Kivvpa as ten-stringed and struck
with a plectrum from the va^Xa as twelve- stringed
and played with the hand.*
The Kiddpa was the traditional instrument of
psalmody, and the Ki6ap(ji56s, along with the oi^Xt;-
TTjs, performed at the festive seasons of Hebrew
life (cf. H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John^,
1907, pp. 80, 239). Being lighter in weight than
the ^5J, the lyre w^as much played in processions,
and, as we learn from Ps 137^ it could be hung on
the poplar trees of Babylon when the Hebrew
exiles were in no mood for songs of rejoicing.
The KiOdpa was of Asiatic origin, and was probably
introduced into Egypt by Semites. The earliest
representation of a stringed instrument is that
excavated at Telloh in South Babylonia, which
in size resembles a harp but is shaped like a lyre,
i.e. it has a resonance-body on which are set two
almost perpendicular posts between which are the
strings, upright and fastened to a cross-bar. A
* See S. B. Driver, Joel and Ajnos (Cambridge Bible, 1S9S),
p. 234 S.
picture which better illustrates the ordinary lyre is
that of three Semitic captives guarded by an Assy-
rian warrior while they played ; but perhaps the best
illustration is that on the Jewish coins mentioned
above. Archibald Main.
HARVEST {eepur/idi, eepl^u).—!. Use of the word
in the NT.— The Gr. verb {depl^eiv) for 'to har%est'
or ' to reap ' properly means ' to do summer work '
(from 64poi, 'summer'). In addition to the numer-
ous allusions to sowing and reaping contained in
the Gospels, there are several other references to
harvest-time in the pages of the NT. Thus St.
Paul, when finding it necessary to upbraid the
Corinthian converts for their meanness in regard
to this world's goods, sarcastically asks : ' If we
to you did sow (i.e. when we planted the church in
Corinth) spiritual things, is it a great matter if we
of you should reap material things?' (1 Co 9").
The sower is entitled to expect a harvest of the
particular crop which he sows — in this case a
spiritual harvest ; how much more is he entitled
to a mere worldly harvest as the compensation for
his toil, inadequate though the compensation be.
In 2 Co 9*^ St. Paul reverts to the same metaphor
and in the same connexion. Niggardliness would
appear to have been a besetting sin of the
Corinthians, as seemingly also of the Galatians
(cf. Lightfoot, Galatians^, p. 219). The proposi-
tion here set forth is similar to that enunciated in
Gal 6^ though the application is somewhat difler-
ent. ' He that soweth sparingly shall reap also
sparingly, and he that soweth 'bountifully shall
reap also bountifully.' In Gal 6^ this is compressed
into the single sentence : ' Whatsoever a man
soweth, that shall he also reap.' The Apostle then
proceeds to apply the truth embodied in the proverb
to the subject to which he is devoting his particular
attention : ' For he that soweth unto his own
flesh, shall of the flesh reap corruption ; but he
that soweth to the Spirit, shall of the Spirit reap
eternal life.' The proverlj itself is a common one,
and is found not only in the Bible but also in the
classical writers (cf. Lightfoot, op. cit. p. 219),
and the aptness of the simile is too obvious to
require any comment. Without abandoning his
metaphor, the Apostle next addresses those who,
though faithful up to a point, are apt to be faint-
hearted : 'in well-doing, let us not lose heart, for
at its proper time (i.e. at harvest-time) we shall
reap if we faint not.'
In Gal 6^- ^ the harvest is made to depend on the
nature of the gi'ound into which the seed is cast,
but in 1 Co 9^' the reference is rather to the par-
ticular kind and quality of the seed sown (cf. Job
4^), while in 2 Co 9^ the amount sown is the point
emphasized.
In Ja 5* we have another allusion to the agri-
cultural operations incidental to harvest-time :
'Behold, the hire of the labourers who mowed
your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud
(i.e. comes too late from you), crieth out : and the
cries of them that reaped have entered into the
ears of the Lord of Sabaoth.' The same love of
money evidently prevailed among those here
addressed as in the Galatian and Corinthian
churches. The particular manifestation of it
which the writer singles out as the object of his
special denunciation is the omission to pay the
labourers their wages promptly. In the eyes of
the law this was a heinous offence ; thus in Lv
19'^ it is enacted that 'the wages of a hired servant*
shall not abide with thee all night until the
morning ' (cf. also Pr 3^^- ^s, Jer 22i», Mai 3*).
In Rev 14^*- ^® the Parousia is represented as
ushering in the great harvest of the world's fruit
(cf. Mt 1339 'the harvest is the end of the world').
In INIt 13^®** the harvest consists in gathering up
526
HARVEST
HATRED
the tares as well as the wheat with a view to their
subsequent separation ; here, however, only the
wheat is reaped, and the eNal, which in the Parable
appears as tares, is treated under another metaphor
in Kev 14''^-. In the Parable again the angels are
the reapers, bat here the Son of Man Himself
gathers the fruit. Of that hour, 'the hour to
reap' (v.'®), ' knoweth no man, no not the angels
which are in heaven, neither the Son, but the
Father' (Mk 13^^), who sends an angel to announce
to the Divinely-commissioned reaper that 'the
hour to reap is come ; for the harvest of the earth
is over-ripe ' (better perhaps ' fully ripe,' though
the word used [e^Tjpdvdr]] properly refers to the
' drying up ' of the juices of the wlieat).
After the gathering in of all the wheat, another
angel comes forth from the Temple, ' he also
having a sharp sickle,' and a second reaping
follows the first. This second reaping follows the
first just as the vintage, with which it is here
associated, succeeded the wheat harvest (of. Jl 3'^).
It will be observed that the Son of Man reaps the
wheat, but the work of destruction is fittingly
consigned to an angel. The ' children of the king-
dom' are in this chapter identified with thewheat
as elsewhere in the NT, but the wicked are identi-
fied with the clusters of the vine destined to be
trodden in the winepress ' of the wrath of God '
(cf. ' the vine of wrath ' in Kev 14** ^°).
2. The harYBSt in Palestine.— Of the various
harvests in Palestine, that of barley takes place
first. Generally speaking, it begins about the
middle of April, but in the Jordan valley in March,
while in the coast districts, on the other hand, it
commences about ten days later, and in the
elevated regions sometimes as much as a month
later. Hence the labourers from the hills are free
to assist in reaping the harvest of the coast-
dwellers, while the latter in turn can lend a hand
in gathering in the harvest in the hill-country.
The wheat harvest commences about a fortnight
after the barley harvest ; the gathering of fruit
and vegetables takes place in summer, the
gathering of olives in autumn, and the vintage
fi-om August onwards. The harvest of course
depends on the rainfall, which, to render the
best results, must neither be very large nor very
small.
Barley is the universal food of asses and horses
and is also the staple food of the poor, who, how-
ever, generally mix it with wheaten meal when
they can atlbrd to do so. Wheat thrives well
in Palestine, thirty-fold being quite an average
crop. It is reaped with a sickle, and gathered
into bundles which are generally carried off at
once on the backs of camels to the threshing-floor,
where the heads are struck off the straw by the
sickle. The threshing-floor is generally common
to the whole village, and consists of a large open
space on the side of a hill, the surface of tlie rock
being levelled for the purpose, or, failing this, an
artificial mortar floor is prepared. The grain is
usually separated from the chafi" by oxen treading
it as they are driven round and round a circular
heap of corn in the centre of tlie floor. The oxen
as a rule are not muzzled (cf. Dt 25^, 1 Co 9®, 1 Ti
5'^). Sometimes, however, the wheat is threshed
by meana of a heavy wooden wheel or roller, or
else by a kind of drag consisting of two or three
boards fastened together, the under-surface of
which is studded with pieces of iron, flint, or stone.
It is drawn by a horse or an ass. This machine is
seen more frequently in the northern parts of the
country. After threshing comes the process of
winnowing. As soon as the straw has been re-
moved, the corn is thrown up into the air by shovels,
when the wind blows away the chaff and the gr<ain
falls back. When there is no wind, a large fan is
employed (cf. Mt 3^-). The chopped straw, called
tibn, is used as fodder for the cattle.
But, even after the winnowing, the grain is still
mixed with small stones, pieces of clay, unbruised
ears and tares, all of which must be removed be-
fore the corn is ready for use. Hence the necessity
of the further process of sifting. This work is
done by women. The sieve generally consists of
a wooden hoop with a mesh made of camel-hair.
The sifter is seated on the floor and shakes the
sieve containing the grain until the chatt' comes to
the surface ; she then blows it away, removes the
stones and other bits of refuse, after which the
gxain is ready for the granary. In modern times
it is always stored in underground chambers,
generally about 8 feet deep ; they are cemented
on the inside to keep the damp out, the only
opening being a circular mouth, about 15 inches
in diameter, which is boarded over and, if conceal-
ment is desirable, covered with earth or grass.
The grain thus stored will keep for years. See
also Sickle, Vine, Vintage.
LiTERATTTRB.— H. B. Tristram, Eastern Customs in Bible
Lands, 1S94, p. 123 f. ; J. C. Geikie, The Holy Land and the
Bible, 1903, pp. 53, 244, 252 ; W. M. Thomson, The Land and
the Book, lSti4, p. 543 f. ; G. Robinson Lees, Village Life in
Palestine, 1897, ch. iv. ; T. S. Evans, in Speaker's Commentary,
iii. [ISSl] 302; J. B. Lightfoot, Galatians^, 1876, p. 219 f.;
J. B. Mayor, The Epistle of St. James^, 1910, p. 157 f. ; H. B.
Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John'^, 1907, p. 188 ff. ; EBi i.
80 f. ; HDB i. 49 ff. ; DCG L 40 ; SDB 16.
P. S. P. Handcock.
HATRED. — In the time of Nero the Christians
of Rome ' were accused, not so much on the charge
of burning the city, as of hating the human race '
('baud proinde in crimine incendii quam odio
humani generis convicti sunt' [Tac. Ann. xv. 44]).
The indictment was the opposite of the truth.
Christianity is amor generis humani. Christ's new
commandment is ' that ye love one another' ( Jn 13^,
1 Jn2*), and it is fulfllled when an outward cate-
gorical imperative (e.g. Lv 19^^) is changed into an
inward personal impulse, the dynamic of which is
His own self-sacrificing, all-embracing love. ' We
love, because he tirst loved us' (1 Jn 4^^), and it
would be as right to insert ' the human race ' as
' him ' (AV) after the flrst verb. By precept and
example Christ constrains men to love one another
as He has loved them. To be Christlike is to love
impartially and immeasurably. Love is the sole
and sufficient evidence that a man 'is in the light'
( 1 Jn 2^"). There is a silencing flnality in St. John's
judgment of that profession of Christianity which
is not attested by love : ' He thatsaith he is in the
light, and hatet^h his brother, is in the darkness
even until now ' (1 Jn 2^). The negative p-rj ayawav
is displaced by the positive fiiaelv, for there is no
real via media, cool indifference to any man being
quickly changed under stress of temptation into
very decided dislike. 6 fiiffwv rbv ddeXcpbv aiiroO is
guilty of an unnatural hatred, and though 'brother'
refers in the first instance to those who are members
of the body of Christ, it is impossible to evade the
wider application. ' The brother for whom Christ
died' (I Co 8'^) is every man. In the searching
language of the Apostle of love, hatred is equiva-
lent to murder (1 Jn 3'*): the one concept lacks
no hideous element that is present in the other;
the animating ideas and passions of the hater and
the murderer are the same. The Christians of the
Apostolic Age could not but love the world which
' God so loved ' (Jn 3'"), and for whose sins Christ
is the propitiation (1 Jn 2^). Their 'world' hated
them, and, in many instances, ended by murdering
them ; but persecution and bloodshed only con-
strained them to love the more, in accordance with
the precepts of the Sermon on the Mount (Mt 5**).
The early Church extorted from that pagan world
the beautiful tribute, 'See how these Christians
HEAD
HEAD
527
love one another ! ' The Spirit of Christ moved
His followers to ' put away all bitterness and wrath
. . . with all malice,' to oe 'kind one to another'
(Eph 4^"-)i and 'put on love as the bond of perlect-
ness ' (Col 3"). While they could recall the time
when they were 'hateful, hating one another'
(GTvy-qTol, fiiaovvTes dXXrjXovs, Tit 3^ ; Vulg. ' odibiles,
odientes invicem '), the spirit of the new life was
<pi\a8e\<pia {\oYe of the brethren), to which was added
a world-wide dyd-m] (2 P 1'^).
To orthodox Judaism, as well as to cultured
Hellenism and the hard pagan Roman world, it
seemed natural to love only one's friends. When
the Eabbis quoted Lv 19'», 'Thou shalt love thy
neighbour,' they did not hesitate to add, on their
own account, the rider, ' Thou shalt hate thine
enemy ' (Mt 5'**). To Aristotle the only conceivable
objects of love were the persons and things that
were good, pleasant, or useful (Nic. Eth. viii. 2).
Sulla, a typical Roman, wished it to be inscribed
on his monument in the Campus Martins that
' none of his friends ever did him a kindness, and
none of his enemies ever did him a wrong, without
being fully repaid' (Plut. Sulla, xxxviii. ). Into a
world dominated by such ideas Christianity brought
that enthusiasm of humanity which is the reflexion
of Christ's own redeeming love. Associating the
ideas of hatred and death, it opposed to them those
of love and life. ' We know that we have passed
out of death into life, because we love the brethren.
He that loveth not abideth in death' (1 Jn S''*).
Cicero defines hatred [odium) as 'ira inveterata'
{Tusc. Disp. iv. 9), a phrase which Chaucer borrows
in Persones Tale, ' Hate is old wrathe.' But ira is
in itself a morally neutral instinct, which becomes
either righteous or unrighteous according to the
quality of the objects against which it is directed.
The dvfibs /cat 6fr/i) which the Christian has to put
away include all selfish kinds of hatred. But he
soon discovers that in his new life he must still be
a ' good hater ' if he is to be a true lover. He
must, with Dante, ' hate the sin which hinders
loving.' ' What indignation '{d7aj'dKr7;cris) is wrought
in him by a sorrow after a godly sort ! (2 Co 7^^).
The love which he feels as he comes nearer God is
hot with wrath against every 'abominable thing
which God hates.' The capacity for hatred is set
down by Christ to the credit of the Church of
Ephesus : ' Thou hatest the works of the Nico-
laitans, which I also hate' (Rev 2^). To Christ
Himself the words of Ps 45'' are applied, 'Thou
hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity ' (He 1^).
The writer of Revelation does not conceal his
loathing of pagan Rome, calling it ' a hold of un-
clean and hateful birds' (Rev 18-), and Jude (v.^)
bids evangelists who snatch brands from the burn-
ing ' have mercy with fear, hating even the garment
spotted by the flesh.'
If hatred not merely of evil things but of wicked
persons is anywhere ascribed to God, a difficulty is
at once felt. It is probably a mistake to take
ex^poL in Ro 5^" (cf. Col 1^', Ja 4^) in a passive
sense, though Calvin, Tholuck, Meyer, and others
do so. The meaning is ' hostile to God,' not ' hate-
ful to God' (Ritschl, Lightfoot, Sanday-Headlam).
God, who hates the sin, loves the sinner, and it is
only in the alienated mind of man that a KaTaWayh
needs to be effected. But in Ro 9^* the words are
quoted which Malachi (1-'*) attributes to Jahweh :
' Jacob have I loved, but Esau have I hated.' The
saying may be interpreted in the light of Lk 14^^,
where ' hate ' evidently means ' love less ' ; or it
may be taken as an imperfect OT conception,
which St. Paul uses in an argumentum ad hominem
without giving it his own imprimatur.
James Strahan.
HEAD. — The importance attributed to the head
in ancient psychology must not be supposed to
spring from scientific knowledge of the function of
the brain and nervous system. ' The psychical
importance of the head would be an early result of
observation of the phenomena and source of the
senses of sight, hearing, taste, and smell, and of
such facts as the pulsation of the fontanel in infants
and the fatal efl'ect of wounds in this complex
centre of the organism ' (A. E. Crawley, The Idea
of the Soid, 1909, p. 239). Plato assigned reason
to the brain, ' the topographically higher region
being correlated with the reason's higher Avorth '
(Aristotle, Psychology, tr. W. A. Hammond, 1902,
Introd. p. xxvi) ; but, to Aristotle, ' the brain is
merely a regulator for the temperature of the
heart' (ib. p. xxiv). By the time of Galen (2nd
cent. A.D.), sensation was located in the brain,
acting in conjunction with the nerves ; but there
is no evidence that such technical Greek knowledge
is implied in the literatureof apostolicChristianity.*
We are there concerned in general Avitli an extension
of Hebrew psychology, for which the brain was of
no psychical importance. In fact, there is no
Hebrew word for ' brain,' and we must suppose
that it would simply be called, as it actually is in
Syriac, the 'marrow of the head.' Certain (Ara-
maic) references to ' the visions of the head ' in
the Book of Daniel (2-^ etc.) merely refer to the
position of the organ of sight, and the phrase is
actually contrasted with ' the thoughts of the
heart' (4« ; cf. 2^%
The head (Kecpakii) is named as a representative
part of the whole personality in St. Paul's words
to blaspheming Jews at Corinth : ' Your blood be
upon your own heads' (Ac 18** ; cf. Jos 2'^, 2 S P^,
etc.), and in the proverb that kindness to an enemy
heaps coals of fire on his head (Ro 12-" ; cf. Pr 25^^).
The mourning custom of casting dust on the head
(Rev 18'" ; cf. Ezk 27^°) may spring from the desire
to link the dead with the living, if the dust was
originally taken from the grave itself, as W. R.
Smith and Schwally have supposed. (As to cutting
ott'the hair of the head, because of a vow, see art.
Hair.) St. Paul argues against the Corinthian
practice of allowing women publicly to pray or
prophesy with unveiled heads, on three gTounds
(1 Co IP'*): (1) there is an upward gradation of
rank to be observed — woman, man, Christ, God ;
(2) woman was created from and for man, and so
she must show by her covered head that she is in
the presence of her superior — man (cf. the covering
of the bride in presence of her future husband, Gn
24^5) ; + (3) the long hair of Moman shows that the
covering of the veil is natural to her. If she unveils
her head, therefore, she dishonours it by making a
false claim for the personality it represents, as well
as by outraging decency, which should be the more
carefully observed because of the presence of the
angels in public worship. ( No satisfactory explana-
tion of the phrase ' authority {i^owLa'] on her head '
[1 Co IP"] seems yet to have been given, but the
context seems to imply that the veil expresses the
authority of man over woman, in accordance with
which the RV inserts the words 'a sign of before
'authority.' See art. AUTHORITY.) It should be
noted that it is the whole head, and not simply
the face, that is covered in the East : ' The women
of Egypt deem it more incumbent upon them to
cover the upper and back part of the head than the
face, and more requisite to conceal the face than
most other parts of the person ' (Lane, Modern
Egyptians, 1895, p. 67).
The custom of anointing the head is mentioned
(figuratively) in 1 Clem. Ivi. 5 ; Ign. Eph. xvii. 1 ;
* Even if it were, Galen's ascription of psychical attributes
to organs otlier than the brain would show the wide gfull
between ancient and modern psychology.
t The original motive of this wide-spread practice is probably,
as Crawley suggests (ERE v. 64), ' the impulse for concealment
before an object of fear.'
528
HEAD
HEAET
it is crow-ned in token of honour (Kev 4* 9^ 12' 19^^ .
cf. lOM- The frequent references in the Odes of
Solomon to a crown on the Christian's head are best
explained from the Eastern practice of placing a
garland on the head of candidates for baptism (i. 1,
ix. 8, XX. 7, 8, and J. H. Bernard's notes in TS viii.
3 [1912] ad locc). The seven heads of the Apoca-
lyptic red dragon {i.e. Satan [Rev 12^]) apparently
denote the abundance of his power ; the seven heads
of his agent, the Beast (IS^ 17*), are explicitly re-
ferred both to the seven hills of Rome and to seven
Emperors. The head smitten to death, but healed
(13^), appears to be Nero, who was widely believed
not to have died in A.D. 68 (see Swete, nd loc).
The lion-heads and snake-headed tails of Rev 9"- ^^
merely heighten tlie horror of the scene.
The most remarkable use of the term 'head'
in apostolic literature is its application to Christ,
the 'body' being the Church. This analogy is
more than illustration ; it forms an argument, like
the psychological analogies of Augustine in regard
to the Trinity. Just as the lower level of primitive
thought represented by symbolic magic often finds
a real connexion in acts, because they are similar,
so ancient theology (cf. the ' Recapitulation ' doc-
trine of Irenseus) often finds positive argument
in mere parallelism. In the Pauline use of the
analogy between the human body and the Church,
Christ is sometimes identified with the whole body,
and sometimes with the head alone ; this will
occasion no difficulty to those who remember St.
Paul's doctrine of the believer's mystical union with
Christ, so that his life is Christ's. In the most
detailed application of the analogy (1 Co 12^2'- ; cf.
Ro 12*- *), the head is simply contrasted with the
feet, without special reference to Christ, the whole
Church-body being identified with Him. NT com-
mentators,* whilst often crediting St. Paul with
the knowledge of modem physiology, usually over-
look the contribution of Hebrew psychology to the
elucidation of this analogy. In the OT the body
is regarded as a co-operative group of quasi-inde-
pendent sense-organs, each possessed of psychical
and ethical, as well as physical, life (see artt. Eye,
Ear, Hand, and cf. Mt S^^-^"). This gives new
point to the comparison with the quasi-independent
life of the members of the Church ; in the social
as in the individual body, health depends on the
(voluntary )subordination of this q uasi-independence
to the common good. This unity of purpose St.
Paul elsewhere traces to the Headship of Christ.
Tlie Apostle can identify the head with Christ,
without at all thinking of the brain, because the
head is the most dignified part of the psycho-
physical personality. As a centre of life (cf. Mt
■5**), not specially of thought or volition (which St.
Paul located in the heart), the head dominates the
body, the separate organs of which each contribute
to the whole personality ' according to the working
in due measure of each several part' (Eph 4'* ; cf.
Col 2"*). Christ is ' the saviour of the body' (Eph
5-^), as it is the head on which the safety of the
whole body depends, because of the special sense-
organs located in it. On the other hand, llie body
is necessary to the completion and fullness of the
life of the head, as is the Church to Christ (Eph
J.S. 23) Elsewhere, this Headship of Christ over the
body denotes simply His priority of rank (Col 1'*),
and this is extended to His dominion over the
'principalities and powers' of the unseen world
(2'").
The bodily union of the members with Christ the
Head is conceived in close relation with the initial
* E.g. J. Armitage Robinson (Epkeidans, 1903, p. 103), who
bases the Pauline thouprht of Christ as Head of the body on the
fact that ' that Is the seat of the brain which controls and unifies
the orj^anisin, and goes on to apealt of ' the complete system of
nerves and muscles by which the limbs are knit together and
are connected with the head ' (p. 104).
act of baptism : ' in one Spirit were we all baptized
into one body' (1 Co 12"). St. Paul's doctrine of
the Spirit of God (or of Christ) as creating the
spiritual unity and efficiency of the body through
which it circulates from the head has an interest-
ing parallel in the Pneuma doctrine of contem-
porary physiology. According to this, ' spirit ' was
conveyed by the arteries to the different sense-
organs (H. Siebeck, Gesch. der Psychologie, 1884,
ii. p. 130 f. ; G. S. Brett, A History of Psychology,
1912, p. 286 f. ). Something of this popular doctrine
may, of course, have reached St. Paul through the
physician Luke. It would certainly have appealed
to him as an example of ' spiritual ' law in the
'natural' world, confirming and enforcing his own
moral and spiritual conception of the Hebrew doc-
trine of the Spirit.*
The Pauline analogy of ' body ' and ' Church '
is employed by Clement of Rome, though without
explicit reference to the Headship of Christ, the
head being named here simply as a higher member :
' The head without the feet is nothing ; so likewise
the feet without the head are nothing : even the
smallest limbs of our body are necessary and use-
ful for the whole body : but all the members con-
spire and unite in subjection, that the whole body
may be saved' (1 Clem, xxxvii. 5). The same
analogy re-appears in several of the Odes of Solomon.
Thus Christ says, ' I sowed my fruit in hearts, and
transformed them into myself ; and they received
my blessing and lived ; and they were gathered to
me, and were saved ; because they were to me as
my own members, and I was their Head ' (xvii.
13, 14 ; cf. xxiii. 16). Similarly, Christ speaks of
His descent into Hades, where He gathers His
saints and delivers them : ' the feet and the head
he [Death] let go, for they were not able to endure
my face' (xlii. 18). These passages continue the
mystic realism of Pauline and Johannine thought,
and throw an interesting light on the earlier ideas
of the relation of the believer to Christ, even though
they belong to the 2nd century.
H. Wheelek Robinson.
HEALINGS.-See Gifts.
HEART [KapSla). — 1. Its physical sense. —
' Heart,' which in the OT is frequently employed
to denote the central organ of the body, is not
found in the NT in this primary sense, though we
have an allusion to it in St. Paul's ' fleshy tables
of the heart ' (2 Co 3'). But the influence of the
old Hebrew view that 'the life of the flesh is in
the blood' (Lv 17") still persists; and in Ac 14",
Ja 5" 'heart' is used to express the physical life
that is nourished by food or surfeited with luxury.
Owing, however, to the close connexion in the
Hebrew mind between body and soul (see art.
Body), the transition was easy from the physical
life to the spiritual ; and in tlie NT it is a spiritual
use of ' heart ' with which we have almost wholly
to do.
2. Its psychological sense. — (1) The word is
frequently employed in a general way to designate
the whale inward life of thought and feeling, desire
and will, without any discrimination of separate
faculties or activities (Ac 5», 1 Co U^, 1 P 3^
He 13**). (2) In some cases it applies especially to
the intellectual powers (Ro 1", 1 Co 2», 2 Co 4«,
2 P P»), though elsewhere (He 8i» lO'', Ph 4'') the
heart and the mind are distinguished from each
other. It is in this intellectual reference that the
scriptural use of 'heart' differs from the ordinary
usage of English speech ; for though with us, as
with the biblical writers, the word is employed
with a wide variety of application as descriptive
* From this ' biolotfical ' Headship of Christ must be distin-
guished the purely architectural figure of Him as ' the Head of
the corner ' (Ac 4^1, 1 P 27).
HEATHEJT
heathe:n"
529
of the inner life and its various faculties, it is not
used so as to include the rational and intellectual
nature, from which, on the contrary, it is expressly
distinguished, as in the common antithesis between
the heart and the head. (3) In a few cases it
denotes the will or faculty of determination (1 Co
7", 2 Co 9^). In 1 Co 4^ §ov\al rGiv Kapolwv, which
EV renders 'the counsels of the hearts,' would be
more exactly translated by ' the purposes (o?' re-
solutions) of the hearts.' (4) It stands for the seat
of feelings and emotions, whether joyful (Ac 2^-*^)
or sorrowful (Ro 9^, 2 Co 2"*), and of desires,
whether holy (Ro 10') or impure (1-^). Especially
is it used of the atlection of love, whether towards
man (2 Co 7", 1 P P^) or towards God (Ro 5^
2 Th 3«).
3. Its ethical and religions significance. — (1)
Occasionally ' heart ' represents the moral faculty
or conscience (Ac 2=*^ He 8'" W^, 1 Jn S^O). In He
10^, ' having our hearts sprinkled from an evil
conscience,' the conscience, if not identified with
the heart, is thought of as inhering in it. (2) As
the centre of the personal life the heart stands for
moral reality as distinguished from mere appear-
ance (2 Co 5^2). The 'hidden man of the heart'
(1 P 3*) is the real man, the obedience that comes
from the heart (Ro 6'^) the true obedience. Hence
' heart ' becomes equivalent to character as the
good or evil resultant of moral activity and ex-
perience. Thus the heart may 'wax gross' (Ac
28-^) or may become 'unblameable in holiness'
(1 Th 3'3); it may be hardened (He S^i* 4^) and
'exercised with covetousness ' (2 P 2'*), or it may
bear the stamp of simplicity (Eph 6', Col 3^^) and
be purified by faith (Ac 15^). (3) But, as this
mention of faith reminds us, the heart in the NT
is especially the sphere of religious experience. It
is there that the natural knowledge of God has its
seat(Ro P'), and there also that the light of the
knowledge of His glory shines in the face of Jesus
Christ (2 Co 4^). There faith springs up and
dwells and works (Ro lO"-'", Ac 15*), and there
unbelief draws men away from the living God (He
3'*). It may become the haunt of unclean lusts
that make men blind to the truth of God (Ro 1-^) ;
but it is into the heart that God sends the Spirit
of His Son (Gal 4*), and in the heart that Christ
Himself takes up His abode (Eph 3"). This life
of the heart is a hidden life (1 P 3^ I Co 4«), but it
lies clearly open to the eyes of God, who searches
and tries it (Ro 8^, I Th 2*). And the prime
necessity of religion is a heart that is 'right in
the sight of God' (Ac S'*'). Such a heart can be
obtained only through faith (Ac I5», Ro lO^o, Eph
3''') and as a gift from God Himself (cf. the OT
saying, ' A new heart also will I give you,' Ezk
36-^) in virtue of that new creation in Christ Jesus
(2 Co 5'^) whereby a heart that is hard and im-
penitent (Ro 2^) is transformed into one in which
tlie love of God has been shed abroad through the
Holy Ghost (5^).
Literature. — H. Cremer, Lex. of NT Greek^, Edinburgh,
1880, s.v. KapSia, and PRE^ vii. 773 ; J. Laidlaw, Bible
Doctrine of Man, new ed., Edinburgh, 1895, p. 121 ; B. Weiss,
Biblical Theology of the NT, Eng. tr., do. 1882-3, 1. 348.
J. C. Lambert.
HEATHEN.— The word 'heathen' still finds a
measure of favour with the OT Revisers, and, in
order to prevent it from being entirely excluded
from the NT, it might well have been retained in
at least one or two of the passages where it occurs
in the AV (Mt 6^ 18^ Ac 4^, 2 Co ll^*, Gal l'« 2«
3^). ' Gentiles' is substituted for it throughout in
the text of the RV. It first appears in the Gothic
Version of Ulfilas (a.d. 318-388) in Mk 7^^, where
'EWrjvh is rendered by haibnO. The etymology is
uncertain. It was long Ijelieved to have come
from the Gothic haijpi, 'heath,' and to hare de-
VOL. I.— 34
noted the 'dwellers on the heath,' who, on the
introduction of Christianity, stood out longest in
their adherence to the ancient deities (cf. Trench,
Study of Words^, p. 77). Doubt has been cast,
however, on this derivation by S. Bugge (Indoger.
Forschungcn, v. [1895] 178), who takes haibno as
indicating a masc. hai\>ans, which he refers to
Armenian hetanos, ' heathen,' an adaptation of
Gr. 'iQvo's (cf. OED, vol. v., s.v. 'Heathen,' where
Bugge's theory is not accepted).
A similar etymological uncertainty presents itself in the
case of the synonym, 'pagan.' The application of this word to
non-Christians was long thought to be due to the fact that ' the
ancient idolatry lingered on in the rural villages and hamlets
\X>agi\ after Christianity had been generally accepted in the
towns and cities of the Roman Empire' (OED, vol. vii., s.v.
' Pagan '). But the application to non-Christians probably
arose at an earlier date, and in a diflferent way (££rii xx. 449).
In the course of the 1st cent., paganus came to mean in
classical Latin, 'a civilian,' as opposed to a miles. The 'raw
half-armed rustics who sometimes formed a rude militia in
Roman wars' were not looked upon as a regular branch of the
service, or as deserving the honourable appellation of milites,
soldiers of the standing army. They were pagani (Tac. Hist. i.
53, ii. 14 : ' paganorum manus . . . inter milites ' ; ii. 88,
iii. 24, 43, 77, iv. 20: 'paganorum lixarumque'; Pliny, Ep.
X. 18: 'et milites et pagani'). Christians, then, having taken
the title of milites Dei or milites Christi for their own, which
St. Paul had warranted them in doing (Eph 6'4f., 2 Ti 23), and
for which they found a further warrant in the early application
of the word sacramentum, ' the military oath,' to baptism, re-
garded as pagani ('outsiders,' not soldiers at all)* those who
had not abandoned heathenism and committed themselves to
Christ as tlieir leader. This derivation seems to have been first
suggested by Gibbon (Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,
ed. Bury, ii. 394 n., 176), and has been adopted by Zahii (NKZ
X. [1899] 28 f.) and Hamack (Expansion of Christianity, i. 316,
ii. 22).
Our Lord's three allusions to the heathen {ol
i6vtKoL,i rd iOvrj) in the Sermon on the Mount were
designed to illustrate His teaching respecting the
righteousness of the Kingdom of God, as a right-
eousness which demanded, in loving one's neigh-
bour, much more than that reciprocity of courtesy
which even heathens practised (Mt 5*^) ; in prayer,
a childlike trustfulness of asking, unlike the wordy
clamour of heathen worship (6'') ; and in work, a
loving dependence on God, which would exalt
work, and make it quite a different thing from
heathen drudgery (6^^).
The closing words of Mt 18" (^irrw aoi &a-irep 6
iOpiKbi Ktti 6 reXuiJ'Tjs) must give us pause. Had they
stood alone, we might have inferred that Jesus
acquiesced in the judgment which put the heathen
and the publican under the ban. But a publican
had already been taken into the number of the
Twelve (9"), and he is the very apostle who reports
these words. St. Matthew has also recorded before
this how Jesus had put forth His miraculous power
in response to the 'great faith' of a heathen
centurion and a distressed heathen mother (8^'
15-8). That the words imply personal contempt
or dislike for the heatlien and the publican, or
pronounce a sentence of exclusion upon thern,
is, accordingly, out of the question. This saying is
to be regarded as an obiter dictum of our Lord's,
spoken to His disciples from their present Jewish
standpoint, and therefore of use to them at the
moment in interpreting His meaning. Current
Jewish opinion is made the medium of conveying
moral and evangelical guidance.
The healing of the Syrophoenician's daughter is
another occasion on which our Lord appears to
speak the language of His time. Here, however,
the severity of the words, ' It is not meet to take
the children's bread and cast it to the dogs' (Mk
1^), is intentionally mitigated by the use^ of the
diminutive Kwdpia, which is just 'doggies' in our
language — no word of scorn, but one of afiection
* Of. Fr. pekin — a name originally given by the soldiers under
Napoleon i. to any civilian (OED vii. 622). „,, „ , ^
UeuiKdi occurs in the NT 4 times (Mt 6« (P 18", S Jn 7>
Neither i0vuc6s nor Wi-iKis (Gal 2") is found in the I . XX .
530
HEAVEjS^
HEAVEJf
and tenderness. Nor should we forget that the
saying which immediately precedes is, ' Let the
children ^rs^ be filled.' The Syrophcenician, with
the quick penetration of faith, perceived that the
two sayings were to be taken together, and knew
that she was not really repelled (of. Wendt, The
Teaching of Jesus, ii. 347).
The Third Epistle of St. John is ' a quite private
note' (EBi ii. 1327), recommending to the kind
attention of Gains, a friend of his, some ' travel-
ling missionaries,' described as men who ' for the
sake of the Name went forth, taking nothing of
the heathen' (v.^: /xTjSev \a,uj3dvoi'Tes awb tGiv idvi-
kCiv). Seeing that these itinerant preachers of the
gospel deem it most prudent not to accept hospi-
tality from ' them that arewitiiout' (cf. 1 Co 5'^,
Col 4^) — a course which St. John approves — they
are the more dependent on the (pCXo^evia of the few
fellow-Christians who come in their way (cf. Zahn,
Introd. to the NT, iii. 374). The cutting question
which St. Paul addressed to St. Peter in the pre-
sence of the congregation at Antioch (Gal 2'"') was
justly aimed against the moral inconsistency of his
first eating with the Gentile converts (av . . . idvi-
kG>s fjs; cf. v.^-) and then withdrawing from table-
fellowship with them. This vacillation, had it
been allowed to go on without remonstrance,
would have arrested the progress of the work of
Christ among the heathen. Few occurrences in
Church history are more full of warning than this
memorable crisis, which might have divided more
than the Christians of Antioch into two opposing
camps, and made the Lord's Supper itself a table
of discord (cf. HDB iii. 765").
Over against the dark picture of heathenism
which he draws in Ro ps-^^ St. Paul sets a very
diflerent presentment in 2"'-, where he depicts
heathen human nature as bearing witness to a law
written within, and being guided by it to well-
doing. The Apostle also does justice to heathen
ethics in Ph 4^ — 'an exhortation,' as Weizsacker
says [Apostolic Age, ii. 354), ' whose charm to this
day rests on the appeal to the common feeling of
humanity,' and on the principle that 'that which
was valid . . . among heathens was also truly
Christian ' (cf. art. ' St. Paul in Athens ' by Ernst
Curtius, in Expositor, 7th ser. iv. 441 f . ).
Literature.— J5Bi ii. [1901] 1327; EBr^i sdiL [1910] 159,
XX. [1911] 449 ; E. Curtius, in Expositor, 7th ser. iv. [1907]
441 f.; E. Gibbon, Decline and Fall of Roman Empire, ed.
Bury2, ii. [ib97] 394; A. Harnack, Expansion of Christianity,
Eng. tr., 1904-5, i. 315, ii. 22 ; E. Hatch-H. A. Redpath, Con-
eordancK to the LXX, ii. [1893] s.v. i0vo<;: HDB iii 705b;
J. Facciolati-A. Porcelliai, Latin Lexicon, 1828, ii., s.t). 'pa-
<;anus' ; OED v. [1901] s.v. ' Heathen," vii. [1909] s.vv. ' Pagan,'
'Pekiii ' ; W. A. Spooner, Histories of Tacitus, 1S91, iii. 24; R. C.
Trench, .'^tudy of H'orrfsS, 1S58, p. 76 f. ; C. von Weizsacker,
The Apostolic Age'^, Eng. tr., ii. [1S95] 352-354 ; H. H. Wendt,
The Teaching of Jesus, Eng. tr., 1S92, ii. 347 ; T. Zahn, Introd.
to the NT, Eng. tr., 1909, liL 374. JaMES DoNALD.
KEAVE^. — Introductory.— The subject of
heaven is difficult to treat fully without diverging
into the discussion of kindred subjects and tres-
passing on the province of other articles. The
reader is referred to the artt. EsCH.\TOLOGY, Hades,
Immortality, Paradise, Paeousia, and Kesur-
RECTION', in this and other Dictionaries for discus-
sion of various matters which are relevant to the
treatment of the conception of heaven.
Two broad general lines of development in things
eschatological were alreadj' at work at the begin-
ning of the Christian era. Palestinian Judaism
on the whole tended towards literalism and more
material conceptions of the Last Things, while
Alexandrian Judaism was moving towards a
spiritualization of the principal elements in the
future hope. Both these tendencies arediscerniide
in the development of Christian eschatology during
the Ist century. But the most important element
is the influence of the primitive apostolic beliefs
concerning _ the Resurrection of Christ and His
state of existence after death. Special attention
is dii-ected in this article to the influence of these
beliefs on the development of the Christian con-
ception of heaven.
1. Jewish apocalyptic— («) Alexandrian. — The
ju-incipal features of Alexandrian Jewish escha-
tology in relation to heaven are the view that the
righteous enter at once into their perfected state
of happiness after death, and the view that the
resurrection of the righteous is of the spirit only.
Hence the conception of heaven is wholly spiritual-
ized, and the thought of it as an intermediate
place of rest disappears. But it must not be sup-
|iosed that a wholly consistent view can be found
in the apocalyptic literature of the period, any
more than in the NT Avriters. It was a time of
change ; new forces were at work modifying the
older beliefs, and the above statement is simply a
broad generalization of the trend of Alexandrian
Judaism. When particular passages are examined
the difficulty of constructing a homogeneous
scheme of the Last Things becomes apparent at
once. The principal difficulty is the recurrence
of the idea of the earthly Messianic kingdom (cf.
Wis y^ with 5"*-)> which is incompatible with a
purely spiritual conception of resurrection and of
heaven. The chief passages are : Wis S^'" 4''"^^
5i5-i6^ ^ ^^ iii.-xxii. (account of the ten heavens
in order ; Paradise is in the third heaven, and also
the place of punishment for the wicked), Iv. 2,
Ixvii. 2, 4 Mac. xiii. 16, v. 37, xviii. 23 (note the
phrase 'Abraham's bosom' used for the place of
rest for the righteous after death).
(b) Pcdestinian. — The two important writings
belonging to this period are Apoc. Baruch and
2 Esclras. For a full treatment of their critical
analysis and eschatological system see Charles,
Eschatology, ch. viii., also Box, The Ezra-Apoca-
lypse, 1912, and the edition of both in Charles, Ap)oc.
and Pseudcpig. of the OT. The general view of
heaven in Palestinian apocalyptic as illustrated by
these two writings is as follows.
Heaven, also identified with Paradise, is the
final abode of the righteous [Apoc. Bar. Ii., 2 Es.
vii. 36, viii. 52). An intermediate place of rest for
the righteous [Apoc. Bar. xxx. 2) is described as
' the treasuries,' ' in which is preserved the number
of the souls of the righteous' (cf. also 2 Es. iv. 41).
Messiah comes from heaven to establish a tem-
porary Messianic Kingdom, and returns to heaven
at the close of it. The rigiiteous in heaven are
made like to the angels [Aiwc. Bar. Ii. 10).
2. Pauline literature. — In dealing with any
eschatological conception in the NT it is necessary
to consider first of all how much is due to the
Jewish background of thought ; then, in the case
of each writer, to see how far the conception
belongs to the common stock of primitive Christian
tradition, and how far it is peculiar to the writer
under discussion. In dealing with St. Paul it is
also necessary to examine the question of a possible
development of thought. In general the orthodox
Jewish view of heaven represented in the Sjaio^jtic
Gospels forms the background and starting-point
of all the NT writers. The principal jioints which
call for examination in St. Paul's correspondence
are the relation of the conception of heaven to
Clirist, and the conception of heaven as the future
place of abode for believers.
(a) Heaven in relation to Christ. — Two main
questions arise from St. Paul's treatment of this
subject. First, the question of the pre-existent
life of Christ ; and second, the question of His pre-
sent state of existence.
(1) For the first point the chief passages are
1 Co lb", Ro 10', and possibly in this connexion
HEAVEN
HEAVEN
531
Ph 2« and Col 1"-". In 1 Co 15", reading 'the
second man is from heaven,' it is quite possible to
interpret the passage as referring to the Parousia
rather than to the doctrine of a pre-existent
Heavenly Man. Ro 10", an application of Dt
30^'-- ^ to Christ, may be referred to the present
place of Christ ; i.e. it is unnecessary to bring
Clirist down again after His Resurrection and
Ascension. Ph 2^ is also capable of being inter-
preted as referring to Christ's moral likeness
to God. Thus St. Paul's testimony to the pre-
existent life of Christ as in heaven is not clear,
though it may be upheld on the ground of the
above passages.
(2) The second point is far more vital to St.
Paul's thought, and has largely influenced his view
of heaven in relation to the future condition of
believers. The words ' ascended into heaven '
clearly represent the consensus of primitive apos-
tolic tradition. To the Jewish view of the tran-
scendence of God, and of His dwelling in heaven as
in contrast to earth, the primitive tradition added
the doctrine of Christ's present existence there
with God. It is evident that St. Paul held the
common Jewish views of heaven (cf. 2 Co 12- : the
third heaven, or Paradise, regarded as God's
dwelling-place ; Ph 2'" : the division of the uni-
verse into things heavenlj', earthly, and infernal ;
Gal P : an angel from heaven ; Ro 1^* : God's
wrath revealed from heaven, etc.). But it is still
more evident that he had also thought deeply on
the question of Christ's Resurrection, its nature.
His i^resent state of existence, and the bearing of
these questions on the future state of believers.
This is not the place to discuss the possible con-
clusions at which St. Paul may have arrived. But
we can see that his thinking on this point tends
in the direction of a spiritualization of the whole
conception of heaven. He conceives of Christ's
present existence as spiritual ; Clirist and the
Spirit are identified ; Christ is for the present
' hid in God' (Col 3^) ; the dead believers are ' at
home with the Lord' (2 Co 5^). It is generally
conceded that Ephesians, even if not St. Paul's,
is certainly Pauline. Hence we may use it here
as evidence for the elaboration of the conception
of a quasi-material, quasi-spiritual region, to.
iirovpavLa. Here Christ is seated at God's right
hand ; believers have here their proper home and
their characteristic blessings ; and here is being-
waged the age-long conflict between the spiritual
powers of good and evil (Eph 6'-).
Lastly, tlie link which connects this side of the
.subject with the more purely eschatological use of
heaven as the future abode of believers is the
passage in 2 Co 5^"^. Here we have the conception
(possibly developed directly from St. Paul's view
of our Lord's Resurrection, although the conception
of a ' body of light ' found in Jewish and Gnostic
sources may have influenced his thought) of a
spiritual body laid up in lieaven for the believer.
This body was evidently after the pattern of our
Lord's Resurrection body or mode of existence (cf.
Ph 3-", 1 Co 15«). In thinking of it as laid up
or reserved in heaven, St. Paul is no doubt using
Rabbinical categories of thought. For example,
the Rabbinical tradition could think of the Law,
the Temple, and other central ideas of Judaism as
laid up with God before the creation of the world.
[b) Heaven as the future abode of believers. — This
conception is conspicuous by its absence from St.
Paul's thought. The Parousia is always ' from
heaven,' alike in the earliest (1 Th P") and in the
latest (Ph 3-'") of St. Paul's letters. But when he
speaks of the future place of existence of the
Christian it is always ' with the Lord,' ' witii
Clirist,' and apparently he has been chiefly occupied
with the fresh question of the mode of the Chris-
tian's future existence as determined by Christ's
existence. Possibly, also, he so takes it for granted
that believers will have their place in a Messianic
earthly kingdom that he does not think it necessary
to mention it. The grief of survivors in 1 Th 4^^
seems to imply this clearly, also the reference to
the judgment executed by believers in 1 Co 6'-.
But what seems most evident is that St. Paul
passed almost unconsciously from the traditional
and more material view of the future state implied
in 1 Th 4'^ to the simpler and more spiritual con-
ception of future likeness to Christ, and a blessed
existence with Him. This takes the place of all
sensuous joj-s of heaven.
3. Petrine literature. — If the Lucan record of St.
Peter's speeches may be taken as at least represent-
ing Petrine material, then we have one or two
passages relating to Christ's present place in
heaven. Ac 2*^"^ interprets Ps 110^ of the Ascen-
sion of Christ, and 3-^ adds that it was necessary
for the ^lessiah to return to heaven because the
OLTTOKaTacTTaais had not yet arrived. Both j^assages
show that the belief in the Messiah's present exist-
ence in heaven was an essential part of primitive
apostolic tradition, and also that the earlj' tradi-
tion was very little occupied with heaven as a place
of abode in the future, but rather as the place whence
God would intervene by sending the Messiah again
to establish the kingdom on earth. The few
passages in the First Epistle which speak of heaven
add nothing to this position. 1 P l* echoes Col P :
heaven is the place where the inheritance incor-
ruptible and undefiled is kept with care until the
moment for the revelation of Messiah. 1 P 3^
re-attirms the doctrine of Eph 1-" 4i°, etc. : the
Ascension of Christ to heaven and His Exaltation
over all the spiritual powers in the heavenly sphere.
Hence, as far as the literature attributed to St.
Peter is concerned, we do not find anything peculiar
to him, but onlj- a confirmation of the two main
elements of primitive Christian tradition — the
present existence of Christ in heaven conceived of
in a quasi-material way as a place or sphere con-
trasted with earth, ancl the revelation of Christ
from heaven bringing the accomplishment of all
hopes of blessing, all that is comprised in awrripia.
The connexion of the Holy Spirit sent from heaven
with the eschatological expectation of the early
Church is also characteristic both of the speeches
in Acts and of the Epistle (cf. Ac 2i6-i8, i p iis).
The same thought is frequent also in St. Paul
(Ro 8-^ where the Spirit is the awapxv, an anti-
cipatory guarantee of the blessings yet to come ;
and Eph P*, where the Spirit is the dppa^dbp).
i. Hebrews. — The author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews contributes much of importance to our
inquiry. Possibly he is the only one of the NT
writer's who shows clearly the influence of Alex-
andrian Judaism in his views on the Last Things.
St. Peter represents the primitive Jewish Christian
eschatology in its simplest form ; even in the First
Epistle, although Charles finds an advance on the
eschatology of Acts, the hope is still rather for the
kingdom on earth ; the heavenly nature of the in-
heritance is not to be understood as referring to
the place where it is enjoyed, but rather to the
place from which it comes. Even in St. Paul's
case, in spite of the clear advance towards a greater
spiritualization of the eschatology, this advance
seems to consist in the increasing emphasis laid on
the spiritual assimilation of believers to Christ as
the goal of hope, rather than in an abandonment of
the hope of an earthly kingdom. The idea of the
kingdom falls into the background, but its abandon-
ment cannot be proved conclusivel}- from St. Paul's
writings. But the author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews seems to liave arrived at this stage of the
development. There is no passage in his lettei
532
HEAVEN
HEAVEN
which points clearly to the belief that the righteous
share with Christ the joys of a kingdom on or over
the earth. The principal passages for consideration
are :
(a) Those which confirm the primitive apostolic
tradition of the present session of Christ in heaven
(414 726 81 92s. 24), The Avriter lays stress on the fact
that Christ is higher than the ' heaven ' ; he implies
a contrast in the phrase ' heaven itself,' avrdv rbv
oiipavdv, the special dwelling-place of God, with the
heaven, of Jewish theology. Jesus has passed
'through the heavens.' Of course this thought
is found in Eph 4*'* also, (b) The eschatological
passages (3> IV^ 12^-^*). Believers are parta'kers
of a ' heavenly calling.' This might be understood
as the source of the calling, but in the light of the
subsequent passages it is more naturally understood
as referring to the place and goal of the calling.
In IP* the writer represents the believers of old as
seeking a better and a heavenly country, and declares
that God has prepared a city for them. In 12^"^,
the climax of his appeal, he depicts the heavenly
city, the home of the Christians whom he is address-
ing. '_Ye have come,' he says, implying that the
city exists already, and that it contains the myriads
of angels, the assembly of first-begotten ones whose
names were enrolled in heaven (Lk 1(P), the spirits
of righteous men who have been 'perfected,' and
finally Jesus Himself, the Leader and Completer of
the faith. The sense of TereXeiu/jLivoi is a difficulty,
but its interpretation is clearly suggested by the
author's use of the word with reference to (jhrist
in 2"" 53 7^. The author implies that Christ's
present existence in heaven in a perfect state is the
result of His experience on earth. He is morally
and spiritually perfected as Man, and hence fitted
to be the Leader and Completer of the faith. His
present state is the witness and the guarantee of
the future state of those who follow His leadership.
God will do for them what He has done for Christ.
This order of things constitutes the heavenly
kingdom, the ' unshakable kingdom ' which vnll be
manifest at the Parousia, when everything that can
be shaken will be removed. The writer e\ddently
regards the Parousia as the moment when the
material heaven and earth will disappear, the
wicked and apostates will receive the just judg-
ment of God, and nothing will remain but the
heavenly order of things already revealed to faith
by the Resurrection and Attainment of Christ.
Here we have St. Paul's line of thought carried to
a clear and triumphant conclusion. Moral and
spiritual progress and ultimate full conformity to
the character of God are the true goal of hope.
The old words aurtipia, fKiris, KXrjpovofiia are being
filled \vith a definitely spiritual content, and have
practically lost their temporal and material signi-
ficance.
The Pastorals, James and Jude add nothing of
importance for the study of this particular con-
ception.
5. Johannine literature. — The treatment of the
Johannine literature as a whole is of course
impossible. While it still remains a tenable posi-
tion to regard the Apocalypse, the E])istles, and
the Gospel as the work of the same author, repre-
senting three diilerent stages of his spiritual
development (Ramsay), the question is too com-
plex to discuss here, and too undecided to assume
any position as certain. It will be sufficient,
therefore, to treat our subject as it appears in
each of the three divisions of the Johannine litera-
ture separately. On the surface, the diflerence
between the Apocalypse and the Epistles seems
to represent the extreme movement of Christian
thought from the most material form of Jewish
apocalyptic to the most deeply spiritual form of
the Christian hope.
(a) The Apocalypse. — The following is a summary
of the chief points regarding heaven as the writer
of t lie Apocalypse uses the conception. (1) There
is the current division into heavenly, earthly, and
infernal {o^- '^). (2) The principal part of the vision
implies a sharp contrast between heaven and earth
as spheres of moral activity. In heaven is the throne
of God ; His will is done in heaven ; Christ is
tliere ; the angels, and the OT symbols of the
power and presence of God in Creation, are seen in
heaven. The redeemed are seen there. Heaven is
the source of every action directed against the
power of evil. On the other hand, earth is the
scene of conflict between good and evil. Those
who maintain the cause of God and Christ are
a sufl'ering and persecuted minority. From the
abyss comes the moving power of the enmity
against God. In the writer's view, earth is ruled
by the abyss rather than by heaven. Even heaven
itself is invaded by the po\vers of evil, and we have
the Avar in heaven (12^) and the victory of Michael
and his hosts over the dragon and his hosts ; the
heavens and all those that dwell therein are sum-
moned to rejoice over the victory and the final de-
liverance of heaven from the powers of evil (12^^).
(3) The heavenly city, the New Jerusalem, the
dwelling of God, of Christ, and of the saved, comes
down from heaven, after the earthly kingdom is
over. It is only the new heaven and earth that
the prophet's vision conceives of as fit for the
coming of the holy city. Apparently during the
millennial reign, the city, in so far as it is conceived
of realistically, remains in heaven. We have, on
the one hand, a description of the earthly blessing
of the risen saints and martyrs during the mil-
lennial kingdom (20''"'') ; on the other hand, the
vision itself supposes that those who have attained
are already in heaven. The elders probably re-
present those who are ' perfected ' in the sense of
Hebrews. There are the multitudes of the re-
deemed (7^'") ; the souls of the martyrs are seen
under the altar in heaven ; they are granted white
robes, and rest until the appointed number of the
martyrs is made up. Further, the description of
the heavenly city supposes that there is built up
of the apostles and saints a spiritual city whose
place is heaven. The difficulty of distinguishing
between symbol and the literal meaning of the
vision makes it a hard task to sum up clearly the
writer's position. He is obviously heir to all the
visions of the prophets and the apocalyptists, and
master of them all. The spiritual and the symbolic
are so subtly blended that it is hard to think that
the writer is the slave of his symbols. He seems
rather to have brought all the symbols of the
previous apocalyptic, from Babylonia and Egypt
in the remote past down to the almost contem-
porary visions of Ezra and Baruch, under the sway
of the spiritual conception of the kingdom of God.
If we may read him so, then his view of heaven
must be so interpreted in terms of the ulti-
mate and fundamental contrast between good
and evil, progress and perfection, struggle and
attainment.
(6) The Epistles. — These add practically nothing
to our inquiry, although they are of importance
for the study of the Parousia [q.v.). The only
passage that calls for comment is 1 Jn 3^"^ where
the ultimate hope of the believer consists in being
like God (avrw really has Beod in v.^ as its ante-
cedent, but it is characteristic of the writer's
method of thought that lie often passes from God
to Christ without apparently being aware of &
change of subject; in 2'-**, e.g., the Parousia is
naturally interpreted as Christ's, but ' born of
liim ' in v.^ must refer to God ; cf. also 3^ with
4'^). We have alreadj' noticed the tendency in
St. Paul and Hebrews to represent the ultimata
HEAVEX
HEBREWS
533
goal of the Christian as conformity to God or
Christ.
(c) The Gospel. — In the Gospel we have : (1) the
passages which unequivocally represent heaven as
the dwelling-place of the pre-existent Christ — V^
3^^ (which retains the implication, even if we omit
6 Ssv ii> ry ovpavi^ with KBL 33 and good Western
support) 3^' 6^- ^^. Unlike the Pauline passages,
these examples are quite unequivocal evidence of
the writer's belief on this point.
(2) The eschatological passages— 14i-8 IV^'^. Here
it is worthy of note that the use of the term ' heaven '
is avoided. The nearest approach to a suggestion
of a place is the ])hrase 'in my Father's house are
many abodes,' which may perhaps be taken as a
spiritualizing of the Temple (cf. ' my Father's
house' in 2^*). Apart from this, the idea of a
place of material joy or rest does not appear.
We have instead the phrases ' where I am,' ' with
me,' 'receive you unto myself.' The satisfaction
of a personal relation is presented as the hope.
The enjoyment of Divine love without hindrance
is the ultimate goal, a spiritual union of character,
\xill, and affections whose type is the union that
exists between the Father and the Son. These
things constitute heaven. But a resurrection state
in the future is also implied by 6^^- ". Neverthe-
less, the enjoyment of the spiritual blessings
described in chs. 14 and 17 does not apparently
depend on this at all. For the writer of the Fourth
Gospel death is a mere incident that does not break
the continuity of eternal life ; and where such a
position is reached, the precise conception of heaven
has evidently become irrelevant.
6. The Apostolic Fathers. — («) Clement of Rome.
— In 1 Clement we have the following passages :
V. 4 : Peter ' went to his appointed place of glory';
v. 7 : Paul ' departed from the world and went
unto the holy place'; 1. 3: 'they that by God's
grace were perfected in love dwell in the abode
of the pious (^xo'^"'"' X^P°^ evae^wv), who shall be
manifested in the visitation of the kingdom of
God.' In 2 Clement we have — v. 5: 'the rest of
the kingdom that shall be'; vi. 9 : 'with what con-
fidence shall we . . . enter into the kingdom of
God ? ' {rb ^aalXeiov should perhaps be rendered
' the palace of God ') ; xvii. 7 : the righteous see
the torments of the wicked ; ix. 5 : the righteous
receive their reward 'in the flesh,' in the coming
kingdom.
No striking or original thoughts as to the future
place and state of believers are found here. We
have the simple acceptance of the doctrine that the
righteous enter after death into a place of rest and
glory with Christ. The resurrection of the flesh is
taught and apparently is referred to the Parousia,
but the nature of the intermediate condition is not
clearly stated.
(6) Ignatius. — In the Ignatian correspondence
there is no explicit doctrine of heaven, but the
implication of several passages seems to be that
immediately after death the believer is perfected,
'attains to God.' His emphasis is laid principally
on the resurrection, which is after the pattern of
Christ's ( Tra^/. ix. 2). He looks forward to receiving
his inheritance ; he will rise unto God {Rom. ii, 2);
' I shall rise free in Him ' (iv. 3); ' when I am come
thither then I shall be a man ' (\a. 2). Death for
him is new birth (6 ro/ceroj ix.ol ewlKeiTai, vi. 1). It
is difhcult to avoid the conclusion that Ignatius
thought of the believer, or at least the martyr, as
entering upon his perfect state and full reward
immediately after death. His view of heaven
would seem to coincide with the developed Johan-
nine conception, though several phrases, ' attaining
to resurrection,' and so forth, are Pauline.
(c) The Martyrdom of Polycarp contains one
interesting passage describing the condition of
Polycarp after martyrdom : ' Having by his en-
durance overcome the unrighteous ruler in the
conflict and so received the crown of immortality,
he rejoiceth in company with the Apostles and all
righteous men, and glorifieth the Almighty God
and Father, and blesseth our Lord Jesus Christ'
(xix. 2).
The Shepherd of Hermas lies outside our period,
and is more curious than valuable for information
as to the teaching of the Church of the Apostolic
Age. It is easy to see that we are no longer deal-
ing with a creative period. The doctrine of heaven
is becoming stereotyped. Such a man as Ignatius
is probably hardly representative of the general
thought of the Church. The passage from the
Martyrdom, of Polycarp probably gives the com-
mon view of the state of the believer in heaven
after death.
Conclusion. — In conclusion, it may be said that
for the Church in general during the 1st half of
the 1st cent, the centre of interest was not heaven
but the Parousia of Christ. Heaven occupied the
attention of the NT writers principally as tlie place
Avliere Christ was and whence He would come. St.
Paul and others, such as the author of Hebrews,
were interested principally in the spiritual conse-
quences of the Resurrection of Christ. The author
of the Epistle to the Hebrews presents the most
striking and consistent picture of the future state
of the believer.
As the century advances, the tendency appears
in the literature of the period to regard the Parousia
more as an article of the faith than as a fact of immi-
nent importance. Side h\ side with this tendency
we find the growth of firmly established ideas of
future blessedness based on the imagery of the
Apocalypse, crowns and harps, etc., and no search-
ing analysis of the reality of such ideas. It remained
for the fresh creative period of Clement of Alex-
andria and Origen to go over the stereotyped ideas
of heaven and transform them.
Literature. — R. H. Charles, Eschatologp^, 1913, Apocrypha
and Pseudepigrapha of the OT, 1913; P. Volz, Jiidische
Eschatolofiie, 1903 ; J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 1 vol.,
1891 ; C. Clemen, Primitive Christianity aiid its Non-Jewish
Sources, Eiifr. tr., 1912 ; E. F. Scott, The Fourth Gospel, 1906,
The Kingdom and the Messiah, 1911 ; W. O. E. Oesterley,
The Last Things, 1908 ; S. D. F. Salmond, The Christian
Doctrine of Immortality^, 1901 ; H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse
of St. Juhifi, 1907; B. F. Westcott, Gospel ace. to St. John, 1908,
Epistles of St. John, 1S83 ; Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ {ICC,
1902) ; artt in HDB and DCG. S. H. HOOKE.
HEBREWS.— The name 'Hebrew' (Lat. Heb-
ro'.us, Gr. 'E/3/)a7os) is a transcription of the Aramaic
'ebrdyA, the equivalent of the original word '"iny,
the proper Gentile name of the people who were
also described as ' Israelites ' or ' Children of Israel.'
The people themselves preferred as a rule the
designation ' I>-rael.' The latter was the name of
privilege and honour given to the race as the
descendants of Jacob and the people of God's choice.
Frequently, too, in the OT the term ' Hebrew '
occurs where foreigners are introduced as speaking
or spoken to [e.g. Ex 28- 7. u 318^ 1 S 4«- » IS^" 14"
29^ Gn 40^5, etc.). These facts have led to the
conjecture that the name 'Hebrews' was originally
given to the race of Abraham by their Canaanite
neighbours, and that this name continued to be
the designation of the race by outsiders all through
their history, just as the Magyars are known as
' Hungarians ' by other nations of Europe. This
conjecture, although it has much to commend it,
does not meet all the facts of the case, for the
name ' Israel ' is often found in the OT in the mouth
of foreignei-s, and it even occurs on the Moabite
Stone, while Israelites are found describing them-
selves as ' Hebrews' (1 S 13^ Jer 34"). Robertson
Smith jioints out that the whole usus loquendi i»
explained by the consideration that the regular
534
HEBREWS
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
Gentile name for a member of the race of Israel
is ' Hebrew ' and not ' Israelite,' the latter word
bein<j: rare and apparently of late formation {EBr^
xi. 594).
The derivation of the term does not render much
help in discovering its original significance. The
word presu^jposes a noun 'Ebcr as the name of the
tribe, place, or common ancestor from which the
Hebrews are designated. According to one pas-
sage in the OT (Nu 24-^), Eber figures as a nation
along with Asshur or Assyria, while in the genea-
logical lists of Gn 10 f. Eber is represented as
ancestor of the Hebrews and grandson of Shem.
The names in the genealogical tables — Eber, Peleg,
Reu, Serug, Nahor, etc. — cannot be regarded as
names of persons. Some of them are names of
places near tlie upper reaches of the Euphrates
and the Tigris, and the whole genealogy may be
regarded rather as a geographical account of the
wanderings of the Hebrews than as a statement of
racial affinities. Eber means 'the further bank
of a river,' from a root lay, 'to cross.' The LXX
in Gn 14'^ translates the term as 6 irepdrris, ' the
Grosser.' Jewish tradition gives the more accurate
form 6 TTepaiTTjs, ' the man from the other side,' i.e.
of the Euphrates. This theory, which has generally
been accepted by the Rabbis, carries with it the
implication that the name was originally given by
the original inhabitants of Canaan to the Hebrew
immigrants. A modification of this etymology is
found in the view which takes Eber in the Arabic
sense of a 'river bank' and makes the Hebrews
•dwellers in a land of rivers.' Ewald (Gesch.
Israeli, i. 407 ff.) discusses fully the meaning and
etymology of the term, and rejects the view that
the name was given by outsiders to the people on
their entry into Canaan. It was, he holds, rather
the name commonly in use among the people them-
selves from the earliest times up to the time of the
kings, when it was displaced by 'Israel' as the
name of national privilege, which again was in
turn displaced in common use by the term ' Jews '
from the time of the Exile. In the period imme-
diately before Christ, an artificial interest in the
past and a revival of ancient learning, coupled with
the exaggerated reverence for Abraliam ' the
Hebrew,' led to a revival in the use of this term,
and to the language of the race being designated
thereby, although Philo calls the language of the
OT, Chaldee (de Vita Mosis, ii, 5f.).
In the NT the word ' Hebrew ' is seldom found
applied to members of the ancient race of Israel,
' Jew ' having become the usual designation of the
period. In apostolic times the term became special-
ized, and was applied not to any member of the
ancient race, but to Palestinian Jews of pronounced
nationalsympathies who spoke the Aramaic dialect
and retained the national customs, in contrast with
the Hellenistic Jews (AV 'Grecians' [q.v.]), who
were scattered over the world, spoke Greek, and
were interested in the thought and life of Greece
and Rome. In Ac 6^ we read of a murmuring of
the Grecians against the Hebrews where this dis-
tinction obtains. In 2 Co IP^ St. Paul, in con-
trasting himself with false teachers, calls himself a
Hebrew, and in Pli 3-^ refers to himself as ' a Hebrew
of Hebrews.' Probablj^ in both cases the Apostle
wishes to emphasize his true Hebrew descent rather
than to distinguish between himself as a Hebrew-
speaking Jew and the Greek-speaking members of
the race. Eiisebius at a later date does not adhere
to the specialized use of tlie term as found in the
Acts, but designates Philo (HE II. iv. 2) and Aristo-
bulus (Prcep. Evang. xili. xi. 2) as ' Hebrews,'
although both were Greek-speaking Jews with
little knowledge of the Hebrew tongue.
The Hebrew language is on several occasions
referred to in the NT. What is meant is not the
ancient Hebrew of the OT but the Aramaic dialect
of Palestine which was understood by the Jews of
Jerusalem at the date of the apostles {Ac 21^" 22*
26'^).
Literature.— H. Ewald, Gescftic/itedes Volkea Israel^, i. [1864]
407 ff. ; W. Robertson Smith, art. ' Hebrew Language and
Literature ' in EBr^ xi. 594 ff. ; J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians'\
1869, p. 145 ; J. H. Bernard, E(iT, ' 2 Corinthians,' 1903, p. 105;
H. A. A. Kennedy, EGT, ' Philippians,' 1903, p. 451 ; artt. in
HDB and ££i. \V. F. BOYD.
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE.— 1. Form and
object. — Of all the NT writings which bear the
name ' Epistle,' that which is commonly called the
Epistle to the Hebrews presents the nearest,approxi-
mation to the form of an ordered treatise. The
Avriter pays great attention to style. His well-
balanced periods appeal to the ear as well as to the
intellect, and his argument is arranged with ex-
treme care. We do not find, as is sometimes the
case in the Pauline letters, several distinct ideas
all struggling for expression at the same time.
Each fresh notion comes in its logical order, and
the mind of the reader is first carefully prepared
to expect it.
' The whole argument is in view from the beginning. Whether
in the purely argumentative passages or in those which are in
form hortatory, we are constantl}' meeting phrases which are
to be taken up again and to have their full meaning given to
them later on. The plan itself develops. While the figures to
some extent change and take fresh colour, there is growing
through all, in trait on trait, the picture which the writer
designs to leave before his readers' minds ' (E. O. Wickham, The
Epistle to the Hebrews, p. xxi).
Yet, notwithstanding these general characteris-
tics and the absence of any opening salutation, the
Epistle is not to be regarded as a theological essay
addressed to Christendom in general. It is a real
letter, written to meet the needs of a definite and
limited circle of readers. Such a circle is presup-
posed by the personal touches of 13^^- "* and by the
repeated exhortations (2i-^ S^--'^^ 4^- ""i" 5"-6'- 10'^-
12-"), in which the writer displays too much personal
feeling and too exact a knowledge of the spiritual
condition.of his readers to permit the supposition
that he is speaking to the Church at large. But
even if these passages could be struck out of the
Epistle, the remaining doctrinal portions would
still point to the same conclusion. The pains taken
by the ^vriter to prove that the sufierings and
death of Christ were not only intelligible but also
a necessary part of His human experience, or again
that the Levitical order was a temporary, imperfect
arrangement, implj' that the readers were doubtful
about these things. Such doubts may well have
arisen in a small band of Christians, but they were
never characteristic of the Church as a Avhole.
The readers for whom the Epistle was intended
were Christians (2^- ■*), who at the first had shown
whole-hearted devotion to the faith (10^-"^'*). But
their minds were dull. They seemed incapable of
understanding anything beyond the merest rudi-
ments of their profession (5"- ^^ 6'). The earthly
humiliation of Je.sus, His sufferings and tempta-
tions, seemed to them unworthy of Messiah. To
them, as to the Jews, the Cross was a stumbling-
block, a suffering Christ no true Christ at all.
Nor was that their only difficulty. They felt the
novelty of Christianity. They found it hard to
believe that the new religion could really supersede
the ancient Divinely-given religion of the Jews.
They were conscious also of its lack of outward
aids to faith and worship. Christianity had, as it
seemed to them, no visible priesthood or sacrifice.
By these perplexities their faith in Christ was
being gradually undermined. Their minds began
to turn from their Christian inheritance, which
contained so much that was new and strange, to
the familiar splendours of the Temple and the
teaching of Judaism. But it was impossible for
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
HEBEEWS, EPISTLE TO THE 535
them to remain in a state of hesitation. A crisis
was rapidly approaching which must determine
their course of action (9^ 10^^). The Epistle to the
Hebrews was Avritten as a 'word of exhortation'
(13^^) to nerve them to meet that crisis. The
writer tries to explain their difficulties and to make
them realize the meaning of the earthly life and
death of Christ. He urges them to make the
venture of faith and take their stand by the
Master's side (13"), for there is no other place
where ' eternal salvation' can be found (6*'^). His
argument takes the form of a systematic contrast
between Christianity and Leviticalism. Yet its
logical conclusion is not simply that Christianity
is the better of the two, but tbat Christianity is
the best religion conceivable, the final, eternal
revelation of God to men.
2. Summary of contents. — (1) The theme: the old
dispensation and the new. — God has made two
revelations to men — the first partial and incom-
plete, the second perfect and therefore final. The
prophets at best could merely proclaim the will of
God, and that only so far as human limitations
allowed them to perceive it. In One who is Son the
very essence of the Father is revealed. Levitical
priests could only call attention to the sins of man ;
the Son has washed them away. In Him human
nature is raised to the right hand of God (P'^).
(2) The mediators of the old covenant {angels,
MoseSfJoshua, Aaron) inferior to theone Mediator of
the new. — The Law was spoken through angels.
The Son is greater than any angel, not only in His
Divine glory, but also in the glory of His humilia-
tion. For, as perfect man. He was the first to
achieve the high destiny of mankind set forth in
Genesis and in the Psalms (P-2'8). Jesus is the
Moses of the new dispensation, but greater than
Moses, as a son is greater than a servant. He
wrought a greater deliverance than that of Moses,
and led the way to a more perfect rest than that
which Joshua won for his people. To that rest He
will bring us, if only we remain constant. The
story of those who fell of old in the wilderness is
a solemn warning of the fatal consequences of
apostasy. Let us press on, remembering that the
Leader who has sufiered with us is also our High
Priest who will bring us to the throne of grace
{31-41S).
(3) The Son revealed as Priest after the eternal
order of Melchizcdck. — The essential conditions for
all priesthood are two — perfect sympathy with
sinful men, and a Divine call to the office of priest.
These conditions are perfectly fulfilled in Christ.
He is Priest not after the order of Aaron, but after
the eternal order of Melchizedek (5^'^"). Throw off
your dullness and lay hold on the meaning of
Christ's Priesthood, for therein lies the Christian
hope. Christ is man and one with us. We can
therefore follow Him into the inner sanctuary of
God's own presence whither as Priest He has gone
on our behalf (S^-e-"). The Psalmist declared that
the Christ should be Priest after the order of
Melchizedek. Notice that the promise of this new
priesthood, spoken while the Aaronic priests were
in possession, shows tbat the order of Melchizedek
is better than that of Aaron. Its superiority is
emphasized by the Divine oath with Avhieh the
promise is introduced. The account of Melchizedek
given in Genesis declares both by its statements
and by what it leaves unsaid what are the marks
of this priesthood. It is royal, righteous, peace-
bringing, personal, dependent not on lineal descent,
but on the inherent fitness of the priest ; it is
eternal. Abraham, and by implication Levi, did
homage to this priesthood when they paid tithes
and received a blessing, thereby acknowledging
the presence of something greater than themselves.
These marks of the eternal priesthood find their
perfect fulfilment in Jesus. Perfect kingship is
manifested in the royal condescension of His
earthly humiliation, and righteousness in His sin-
less life as man ; abiding peace is the result of His
cleansing of man's sin. He was not bom of the
tribe of Levi. His Priesthood is. inherent in Him-
self, working ' according to the power of an endless
life' (7^^). It can never be superseded because it
has perfectly fulfilled the object for which all
priesthood exists (7).
(4) The priestly ministrations of Aaron and of
Christ: their sanctuaries, their basal covenants,
their sacrifices. — We have, then, a High Priest who
has entered upon His regal state of Priesthood in
heaven, the true sanctuary. But priesthood im-
plies sacrifice. He must therefore have something
to ofler ; but what and where ? Not in the earthly
'Holy of Holies' — that is already occupied. Be-
sides, the Bible warns us that the earthly sanctuary
is only a shadow of the heavenly reality. Christ's
priestly ministry and sacrifice belong to the realm
of realities, just as He is the Mediator of a new
and better covenant than that of the JeAvs. For
we must face the fact already realized by Jeremiah
— the old covenant was imperfect and must pass
away when the new and perfect covenant is estab-
lished (8). The Levitical service of the old covenant
was not lacking in outward splendour, but its
magnificence served only to emphasize its ineffec-
tiveness. The structure of its sanctuary was
specially designed to illustrate its weakness. The
entrance to the Holy of Holies was covered by a
veil beyond which not even priests might pass.
One man alone could ever enter there, and for him
the way was beset with danger and open only once
in the year. Even so his annual sacrifice was no
real atonement. The material offerings — blood of
bulls and goats — professed to deal only with ritual
errors {dyvorj/xdrui', 9'). They could not cleanse
the conscience or take away real sin. All these
things — the inaccessible sanctuary, the sin-stained
high priest, the annual inefiective sacrifices —
clearly indicated that the true atonement was not
yet found (9^"^"). Christ our High Priest, on the
other hand, has found for men eternal salvation.
For He entered into no material sanctuary but
into the very presence of God once for all. His
sacrifice was no mere symbolical cleansing of ritual
errors. It efTected the actual taking away of the
accumulated sins of men, and opened the way of
free access to God. For it was not material but
spiritual, not annual but ofl'ered once for all ; it
was the ofiering of His own life (9'^"^').
Thus the new covenant rests on the death of its
Mediator. Does this idea seem strange ? The
following analogies may help you to understand :
(«) a testament is a covenant, but it has no value
unless the testator die ; (b) the old covenant was
inaugurated with the ofiering of the life of bulls
and goats ; (c) in the Levitical Law every atone-
ment is symbolized by the offering of the life of
beasts. By such offerings the earthly sanctuary
was cleansed. But nothing short of the most
perfect conceivable offering is sufficient for the
perfect heavenly sanctuary, and what ofiering could
be more complete than the voluntary laying down
of the High Priest's own life? Such a spiritual
sacrifice has eternal validity. It can never be re-
peated because by the taking away of sins it has
established for ever that perfect union with God
which all sacrifice symbolizes. When Christ next
appears it will be as Deliverer of those who are
expecting Him (9'5-28),
(5) Summing up of the argument: the shadow
and the substance. — The Law was only an outline
sketch of good things to come ; its repeated sacri-
fices were symbols, calling attention to man's sins,
but incapable of cleansing, for blood of buHs and
536 HEBKEVVS, EPISTLE TO THE
HEBKEWS, EPISTLE TO THE
goats could never take away sins. Christ long ago
declared this by the month of the Psalmist, and
added that the only valid ottering in God's sight
is tlie surrender of the will in complete obedience
to Him, Such an ottering Christ has now made.
That is why, in contrast to the Levitical priest
ever offering, never atoning, He sits enthroned at
the right hand of God, 'waiting till his enemies
become his footstool.' He has set up the perfect
covenant (10^*'*).
(6) Practical applications to present difficulties:
appeal to the example of the Fathers : renewed ex-
hortation and final greeting. — Jesus has rent the
veil and opened for all the way to the heavenly
sanctuary over which as Priest He presides.
Where He is, we too may go. Let us then imitate
His priestly consecration and press on in His foot-
steps, for our hope is certain. We must urge each
other on and not isolate ourselves, for the crisis
is very near (10^'"'^). Under the Law of Moses
apostasy involved terrible consequences. How
much worse to reject the perfect sacrifice, to wound
the personal Saviour (lO-^'*") ! Remember your
former steadfastness under trial. Do not throw
away your boldness. To receive the promises, all
that is needed is patience. Think of the words in
which Habakkuk speaks of the promise. They
who shrink back forfeit God's favour. His 'right-
eous ones' live by faith {W^-^% The faith he
means is unshaken confidence in the certainty of
God's promises, even though their realization seems
far off. It was such faith as this that inspired the
long roll of Jewish heroes (11). Wherever we turn
in the sacred records we meet these examples of
faith in the unseen, and the chief of them all is
Jesus. Let us fix our eyes on Him, and, stripping
off everything that encumbers, run boldly the race
He has run before us (12'^-*). Be not discouraged
at the prospect of suffering. Suffering sent by God
is a means of discipline ; it proves that we are really
His sons (12'>'^*). Seek peace and sanctification ;
never give up your eternal birthright for mere
present enjoyment (12"""). As the glories of the
heavenly Sion eclipse the terrors of Sinai, so is our
responsibility greater than that of Israel of old.
Sion too has its earthquake and its fire which
shatter and consume all that is unreal (12^8-2yj_
Do not forget your mutual responsibilities as
brethren. God's help is sufficient for all (IS'"").
Follow the example of your old leaders now de-
parted (13''). Be constant in your belief, for Jesus
Christ is eternally the same. Break loose from the
associations which would draw you away from
Him. He suffered as our atoning sacrifice outside
the city gate. We must be content to bear the
same reproach and take our place by His side.
The only 'abiding city' is where He is. Let us
then offer to God through Him the spiritual sacri-
fices He loves (13^'"). Obey your rulers ; pray for
us that we maj'^ be restored to you, even as we pray
for you that God may make you perfect in obedi-
ence and every good thing (13""^^'). Have patience
with my letter of exhortation. Timothy has been
released. He and I may visit you together. Greet
your rulers and all the saints. 'They of Italy'
send their greeting to you. ' The Grace ' be with
you (1.322-28).
3. Doctrine. — (1) Conception of Christianity.
— The writer of the Epistle thinks of religion as a
covenant. The religion of Jesus Christ is the new
eternal covenant (13^") of which the prophet spoke
(8^''^), for He alone has established a perfect
covenant relation between God and man. He has
opened for man the way of free and unrestricted
access to God. He has removed the great obstacle
— sin. The symbolism of the 'old covenant'
pointed to this ideal. But what was there set
forth symbolically as an unrealized hope, Christ
has made actual. In Him God and man are per-
fectly united ; His one sacrifice takes away sin, not
in symbol but in deed ; as High Priest He is not
simply the representative of the people but their
irp65pofj.os (6'") — where He has entered they too may
go ; and the sanctuary to which He leads them is
no material 'Holy of Holies' but the eternal
presence of God {9^% A covenant of this kind
leaves nothing to be added. It has eternal validity,
and must therefore supersede all the imperfect
religions which have gone before.
(2) Christology. — The finality of the new
covenant rests on the perfection of Him who is its
Mediator (S^ 9i» 122*) and Surety (722). It is natural
therefore that the main theme of the Epistle should
be the person and work of Christ.
(rt) Christ the Eternal Son. — Christ's perfection
may be expressed in one sentence — He is the Son
of God (P 41^ 58 66 73-28 1029). Others have been
described in the Scriptures as sons of God (cf. 1^- ^- ^*
21"), but His Sonship is difl'erent in kind from
theirs. He is the Son of God, inseparable from the
Father as the ray is inseparable from the light, re-
vealing the essence of the Father as completely as
the device engraved upon a seal is revealed by its
impress on wax (dTrat^yaC/ua t^s 56^r)s Kal x^paKTr^p
TTJs inrocrTaffeus airrov, 1^). As Son He is the Creator,
the Sustainer, and the Heir of all things (P- S). His
Sonship raises Him far above angels (P''*), above
Moses (3'), and above Aaron {T^). It gives Him
the right, now that His earthly task is completed,
to sit enthroned at the right band of the Majesty
on high (P).
{b) The Incarnation. — Having once clearly stated
at the outset the eternal Divinity of the Son, the
Epistle dwells almost entirely on His life, work,
and exaltation as man. The reason for this is to
be found in the apologetic aim of the writer. His
readers' perplexities centred round Christ's earthly
life of suflering and temptation, which they re-
garded as unworthy of one who occupied His high
position. The Epistle declares that such humilia-
tion was not only in the highest degree worthy of
Him who bore it and of God who sent Him {Ixpeirev,
2^" ; cf. 726), it was a necessary part of the ex-
perience of one who fulfilled the office of universal
High Priest. It was the ground of His subsequent
exaltation (cf. dii, rb wddrjfj.a toO Cavdrov ... iare-
(pavu/x^pov, 2®).
Nowhere in the NT is more emphasis laid on the
reality of His human nature and human experience.
He who bore the simple human name Jesus (2* 3* 4'*
620 722 1019 1312) was made like His human brethren
in all things (2ii' "). He partook of flesh and blood
as they do (2''') ; He could sympathize with their
sufferings and temptations, for He too, as man,
sutt'ered and was tempted (2^^ 4^*) ; like them He
had to conquer human weakness before He could
learn the hard lesson of obedience to God's will {S'- ^).
The only difference between their struggle and His
lay in the issue. They sometimes fail, but He always
conquered, for He was sinless (4''*). By His participa-
tion in human weakness and suttering and tempta-
tion Christ was 'made perfect' {reXeiwOels, 5* ; cf. 2"*).
By experiencing them in His own human life He
gained the perfect sympathy with mankind which
fits Him to be their' High Priest. By overcoming
them He realized in Himself as man the high
destiny of the race. He became the first-bom of
many sons who shall be led to glory (2'").
(c) The Priesthood and Sacrifice of Christ. — (i.)
The sufferings and death of Christ find their final
explanation in the thought of His High-Priestly
ottice. They are the necessary condition of His
call to that office. Any priest who is called to be
the representative of men must himself be man,
capable of sympathy with human weakness and
error (5'). The Levitical priests possessed sym-
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE 537
pathy with human weakness, but they were also
tainted with human sin (5*). The ideal priest must
combine perfect sympathy with the sinner with
complete freedom from sin (4'^). These qualifica-
tions were united in Christ, He was therefore
called by God to be Priest, not after the order of
Aaron, but after the eternal order of Melchizedek
{5*'^). The Aaronic order was only the shadow,
not the reality of priesthood. Only by way of
contrast could it set forth the character of the
eternal Priesthood. For the members of that order
held office by virtue of mere physical descent (7^^) ;
their ministry could call sins to mind but could not
cleanse them (lO^'^) ; they could not unite the
people to God — even into the earthly symbol of
His presence the high priest himself could enter
only once a year alone (9^) ; lastly, the Aaronic
priests were mortal — their work was confined to
one generation (7^).
By contrast with the Aaronic priesthood, it
follows that the perfect priest must be really, not
ritually, holy, his office resting on his own perfect
fitness to perform it ; he must be able to take away
sin and to unite men to God ; lastly, he must be
eternal — placed beyond the reach of sin and death.
The essential features of this perfect priesthood
are set forth, as in a parable, in the biblical por-
trait of the priest-king Melchizedek. The name
Melchizedek, which means ' king of righteousness,'
indicates the personal, not merely official, holiness
of the true priest ; his connexion with Salem,
which means ' peace,' points to the abiding union
between God and man which he effects ; the
absence from the record of any mention of Melchi-
zedek's parentage and of any references to his
birth or his death suggests that the perfect priest-
hood is eternal and exercised by right of the per-
sonal qualification of the priest (7^'*). Abraham,
the father of Levi, acknowledged the superiority
of the eternal priesthood when he paid tithes to
Melchizedek and received his blessing (7*"^"). The
eternal priesthood ' after the order of Melchizedek,'
as the Psalm foretold, is perfectly realized in
Christ. His office rests not on ' the law of a carnal
commandment ' (7^'^) — for according to the flesh He
was not bom of a priestly family (7^^) — but on ' the
power of an indissoluble life ' (7'®). He has perfect
sympathy with human weakness and temptation,
for He has felt them (2'^ 4'^), yet He is not tainted
with human sin (4^* 7^). He is really, not ritually,
holy and without blemish, blameless in His rela-
tion to God and to man (7"^). In His own Person
He has inseparably united man with God, and
opened a way of access into the Divine presence
which can never again be closed (6^ 10^^* ^). For His
Priesthood is inviolable and eternal (7^). He has
passed into the world of eternal realities, far be-
yond the reach of sin and death (1* 6^" 7^* 9^'*).
There He ever liveth to make intercession for us
(7^).
(ii.) The central function of priesthood is to offer
sacrifice. If Christ be perfect Priest, what has He
to ofi"er (8*) ? — The eternal Sacrifice which corre-
sponds to the eternal Priesthood. Once more the idea
is worked out by means of a contrast with Levitical
institutions and the exposition of a verse from the
Psalter. Levitical sacrifices were material and fre-
quently repeated. Frequent repetition was neces-
sary because they had no efficacy in the spiritual
sphere ; they could not take away sin or cleanse
the conscience (9* 10'"*). Long ago the Psalmist
recognized their futility and indicated the nature
of valid sacrifice. True sacrifice, he declared, is
spiritual ; its essence consists in self-sacrifice —
the complete surrender of the will in voluntary
obedience to God (10'"^"). Christ's oblation was a
sacrifice of self, the complete surrender of a per-
fect self in willing obedience (1^ 9"). ' The days
of His tiesh' were one long period of self-dedication,
and in the culminating moment on the Cross His
sacrilice was made complete [o'- ^ 9^^ lO^"- *"). Self-
sacrifice could be carried no further. Christ's
perfect spiritual Sacrifice — the entire devotion of a
perfect will — although its manifestation took place
on earth, belongs in all its stages to the world of
eternal realities (cf. did. weijfj.aTos aiuviov, 9^'*). It
has the power ' to cleanse the conscience from dead
works' (9") and 'to make perfect for ever them
that are sanctified' (10"). Because it possesses
eternal validity it can never be repeated (1'-^ 9^*^).
The 'indissoluble life' (7^^) of the Priest-Victim is
made available for all men by the one oflering.
The new covenant-relation between God and man
is established (9'-'^). Henceforth Christ sits en-
throned in the heavenly sanctuary in token that
His task is done, waiting until His enemies become
His footstool (10'--i^).
{d) The Death of Christ. — The supposition that
the death of Christ was a real stumbling-block to
the first readers of the Epistle is justified by the
evident pains taken by the writer to find reasons
for that death. Firstly, Christ died ' by the grace
of God ' (29) ; God willed that it should be so.
Secondly, Christ died as true man. To die once
and once only is part of the common lot of men
(9^). Thirdlj^ Christ died as testator, that we
might enter into the inheritance He has bequeathed
to us (9^^). Fourthly, the death of Christ was the
necessary climax of the experience of human
sufiering which qualified Him to be 'captain of
salvation' (2'"). Fifthly, Christ died to free us
from the fear of death. From the time of the Fall,
death was terrible because it was regarded as the
penalty of human sin. Jesus Christ, by dying
though He was sinless, broke the connexion be-
tween death and sin, and so robbed death of its
enslaving terrors (2^* ^). Finally, Christ's death
was the foundation of the new covenant, the
priestly act of self-sacrifice by which ' he hath
perfected for ever them that are sanctified' (9"
10"»).
That the voluntary laying down of Christ's life
was a sacrificial act is regarded as self-evident,
and no direct answer is given to the question, ' How
does His sacrifice make perfect His followers ? ' Yet
the WTiter provides the material for an answer
when he dweUs on the principle of Christ's ' solid-
arity with sinners.' ' He that sanctifieth and they
that are to be sanctified are all of one' (2", sc.
' one piece, one whole ' ; cf. Davidson, Hebrews, p.
66, n. 2). Christ's High-Priestly acts were not the
acts of an individual but of the representative
man. It was human nature which in Him was
perfected through obedience, entered the heavenly
sanctuary, and sat down on the throne of majesty.
What was actually effected in Him, was eftected
potentially in those who follow Him (cf. 10^").
Christians 'are included in that purpose of love
which Christ has realised ' (Westcott, Ep. to the
Hebrews^, p. 314). The High Priest is also the irp6-
Sponos (6^"), one of many sons who are being brought
to glory (2'"), who becomes the cause of salvation
to His human brethren because in Him the perfec-
tion of human nature has been realized (5^).
(e) The Parousia. — The Epistle speaks of ' the
day which is approaching ' ( 10^), when God ' will
shake not the earth only but also the heavens ' (12^),
and the glorified Christ ' shall appear unto salva-
tion for them that await him ' (9-*). ' The day' is
unquestionably the prophetic ' Day of Jahweh,'
but the idea of the day intended by the writer
seems to be that of the older OT prophets (cf. Am
5^^, Is 2^2), rather than that of the later apocalyp-
tists. It is ' a coming ' rather than ' the Coming '
of the Christ. About the final Coming the Epistle
has nothing to say. But a crisis is at hand ; the
538 HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
readers can already see its approach. To the
writer it is a real coming of Christ.
' The Master had said that He might come at even or at mid-
night or at cock-crowing or in the morning (Mk 1335). Xo the
writer of this letter the thought has occurred that those hours
may be not merely alternative but successive. And now that
the first of them has sounded warning, he bids his friends be
ready ' (Nairne, The Epistle of Priesthood, p. 210).
(3) The Christian Life.— The 'great salva-
tion' (2^) wrought by Christ is variously described
in the Epistle as the realization of man's lordship
over creation (2^- ^), deliverance from the fear of
death {•2^'*-^^), entrance into the perfect Sabbath-
rest of God (4:^). But its essence consists in cleans-
ing and consecration, the taking away of sin (9"),
and the opening of a \vay of free access into the
Divine presence (10-"), or, as it is expressed in one
passage, ' the perfecting for ever of them that are
sanctitied by the one ottering of Christ' (lO''*). In
one sense this ' perfecting ' is already accomi)lished
(TeTeXelcoKev, 10"). From another point of view it
is regarded as a hope yet to be realized. For there
is nothing mechanical about its working. Each
individual Christian must make it his own. If Ave
are to be perfected, our will must be united with
the will of Christ in perfect surrender to God {5^
10^"). Seen from this standpoint, the Christian life
is a progressive sanctihcation (2" 10" 12"), which
may be figuratively represented as a race or a
pilgrimage. Hence arises the need of solemn
^varnings. It is possible to drop out of the Chris-
tian race before the goal is reached, or to set out
on the pilgrimage and yet never arrive at the
heavenly city. The great danger which besets the
Christian is faint-heartedness {dma-ria, 3^-), the loss
of the vision of the land of eternal things, and
want of confidence in Him who leads us to that
land. The Christian safeguard is ' faith.' Faith
is the power which helps us to grasp the abiding
realities which lie behind the world of sense, and to
test the existence and character of things which
are for us as yet unrealized (11'). It is the faculty
by which, for example, we recognize the eternal
issues which were decided by the earthly life and
humiliation of Christ, and the futility of all hopes
that stand apart from Him. The practical result
of such faith will be unswerving devotion and
obedience to our Captain in the face of all trouble
and difficulty (5^), for He Himself has run the race
before us and stands waiting for us at the goal
(12^). If our eyes are fixed on Him, and all things
which might impede our progress are thrown aside.
He will make perfect the faith which He has
given (122), jjg y,^ii grant us the 'full assurance of
hope' (6"), which will bring us safely along the
path which He has trodden to the end, where the
fullness of His salvation is revealed in the eternal
sanctuary, tlie very presence of God (cf. 6'^- -").
i. Date. — The first generation of Christians had
passed away (2^ IS'') ; members of the Church had
already sutiered persecution, imprisonment, and
loss of property (10'^--^*); the relation of Gentile
and Jewish Christians Avas no longer a burning
question of the day. The Epistle cannot therefore
have been written long before A.D. 70. On the
other hand, it cannot be placed much later than
A.D. 90, for it was extensively used by Clement of
Rome in his Epistle to the Corinthians, c. A.D. 95-
9(3 (cf. ad Cor. 9, 12, 17, 36, 45).
Any more precise determination of the date
must rest chietiy on the view taken of the crisis
with which the first readers of the Epistle were
confronted. If the approaching 'day' (10-') be
taken to mean the Final Coming of Christ, the
exact date of the Epistle must be left uncertain.
But if it be riglitly interjireted as an allusion to
the inevitable culmination of some national move-
ment already active — a movement whicli forced
upon the readers a final choice between Christian-
ity and Judaism — it is most naturally regarded as
referring to the outbreak of the Jewish war which
led to the Destruction of Jerusalem. The date of
the Epistle would then fall between A.D. 63 and 70.
No chronological argument can be based on the
fact that the writer of the Epistle generally uses
the present tense in speaking of Levitical institu-
tions (78- ''° 83- * 98- 9- 13 1310). The use of the present
tense does not necessarily imply that the Temple
was still standing when he wrote. Similar lan-
guage is frequently emjjloyed in reference to the
Temple service in writings much later than A.D.
70 (e.ff. Clem. Rom. ad Cor. 40-41 ; Justin Martyr,
Dial. 117; Epistle of Barnabas, passim). But
Avhat the writer to the Hebrews has in mind is not
the service of the Temple but that of the Taber-
nacle. 'The references [of the Epistle] to the
Mosaic ritual are purely ideal and theoretical, and
based on the Law in the Pentateuch' (Davidson,
op. cit. p. 15).
Some commentators have found a further indica-
tion of date in the writer's application of the words
of Ps 95 to the circumstances of his own day (3'"'^).
Special emphasis is laid on the fact that he departs
from the construction of the original passage in
connecting the words 'forty years' with the pre-
ceding clause ' they saw my Avorks,' instead of with
that which follows. It is suggested that the
change was made intentionally, because the writer
Avished to point out that, as he Avrote, another
period of ' forty years of seeing God's Avorks ' Avas
rapidly draAving to a close, namely, the forty years
Avhich folloAA'ed the Crucifixion (c. A.D. 30-70).
Yet, even if it be permissible to take the number
forty literally, tliis argument has little value.
The language of the Psalm might equally Avell be
applied to the period A.D. 30-70 at a much later
date by a Avriter Avho considered that the ' to-da.y '
of unbelieving Israel's opportunity closed Avith the
Destruction of Jerusalem. The passage has even
been used to prove that the Epistle must have been
Avritten some years later than A.D. 70 (Zahn,
Introd. to the NT, Eng. tr., ii. 321 If.). But it
seems unlikely either in the original Psalm or in
the quotation that 'forty years' means any thing-
more definite tlian the lifetime of a generation.
5. The readers. — (1) Jeivs or Gentiles? — A unan-
imous tradition, reaching back to the 2nd cent,
and embodied in the title invariably given to the
Epistle, asserts that it was addressed a-/)6s'E/3patoi/s.
It may be granted that the title does not go back
to the original Avriter, and that it represents
nothing more than an inference from the contents
of the letter, but the inference is probably correct
if not inevitable. The traditional view remained
unquestioned until the 19th cent., but since then
it has frequently been maintained that the Epistle
Avas addressed to Gentiles, or at least to Christians
generally, Avithout regard to their origin. By
isolating certain incidental statements contained
in the Epistle, it is not ditticult to present a
plausible case for this opinion. It has been said,
for example, tliat no JcAvish convert Avould need to
be taught the elementarj^ doctrines enumerated in
6'* '^ ; that conversion from Judaism Avhich the
Avriter believed to be a Divinely-given religion,
Avoiild never have been described by him as turning
' from dead Avorks to serve a livingGod ' (9") ; that
the faults against Avhich the readers are Avarned
(12" IS'*) are the faults of heathen rather than of
Jews. It must be recognized, however, that the
details on Avhich the argument rests are capable of
more than one interpretation, and that similar
passages, equally dubious perhaps {e.r/. tlie use of
the terms ' seed of Abraham ' [2"'] and ' the nation '
[2^'], Avhere the argument rather requires ' man-
kind'), may be quoted on the other side.
But the traditional opinion is most strongly
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE 539
supported by the general drift and tendency of the
Epistle taken as a whole. The writer appeals to
the OT as to an independent authority which may
be quoted in support of the Christian faith. He
assumes that his readers take the same view of
the OT. This would be true of Jewish but not of
Gentile converts. To the Gentile the OT had no
meaning apart from Christianity. In the same
way the main argument of the Epistle, while in-
volving the conclusion that Christianity is the
perfect and final religion, yet formally proves only
that Christianity is superior to Judaism. This
method of reasoning, unaccompanied by any refer-
ence to paganism in any form, is only intelligible if
addressed to men who were either Jews by birth or
who had adopted Jewish ways of thinking so com-
pletely as to be indistinguishable from born Jews.
(2) Place of residence. — The Epistle contains no
opening salutation, and no direct information as to
its destination. This lack of evidence makes it
very difficult to locate the readers for whom it was
intended. The ancient title irpbs 'E^paiovs throws
no light upon the question, for the term ' Hebrews'
is national, not local. Many suggestions have
been made of ijrobable places where such a circle
of readers as the Epistle presupposes may have
existed. The claims most widely upheld are those
of (a) Jerusalem or some other Palestinian or Syrian
community, (b) Alexandria, (c) Rome or some other
church in Italy.
(a) In favour of the first hypothesis, it is argued
that Jei->isalem, or at least some Palestinian city,
would be the most likely place for a purely Jewish
community, and that there too the practical problem
with which the Epistle deals would be most keenly
felt. But the language used in the Epistle (2^),
which implies that the community addressed had
had no opportunity of hearing the gospel from
Christ's own lips, certainly does not favour the
theory of any Palestinian destination, nor do tlie
suggestions of the comparative wealth of the
readers (6'" 10^^'* ) agree with the known poverty
of the primitive church of Judjea. Palestine again
is not a place where Timotliy might be expected to
have much influence (13'^), and the absence of any
distinct mention in the Epistle of the Temple as
opposed to the Tabernacle would be, to say the
least, remarkable if it were addressed to Judtea.
(b) Alexandria has been suggested chiefly on
account of the affinities of thought and language
between the Epistle and Alexandrian Judaism as
represented by the writings of Philo and the Book
of Wisdom. Such affinities undoubtedly exist, and
may perhaps contain a hint concerning the writer's
own birth-place, but they supply no evidence as to
the destination of the Epistle. It must be remem-
bered also that the Alexandrian type of Judaism
was by no means confined to Alexandria. The
theory that the Epistle Avas written with particular
reference to the worship of the Jewish Temple at
Leontopolis falls to the ground when it is realized
that the writer had in view not the worship of any
particular Temple, but the Levitical service as it
is described in the Pentateuch (K. Wieseler, Unter-
suchung itber den Hebrderbrief, 1861).
(c) What little evidence the Epistle itself supplies,
may be quoted in favour of Home or some other
Italian community. For the words ' They of Italy
send greeting' are most naturally taken as imply-
ing that the letter was sent either to or from Italy,
and some less vague expression than ol dirb ttjs
'IraXias (13'-'*) might reasonably have been expected
if the writer were actually in Italy at the time of
writing. Corroborative evidence for regarding
Rome as the destination of the Epistle may be
found in the fact that the earliest known quotation
of its language occurs in the letter of Clement of
Rome.
But the question of the Epistle's destination
must remain without a final answer. It seems
clear that it was addressed not to a mixed com-
munity, but to Jews, and the general impression it
gives is of a limited circle of readers ratlier than of
a large and miscellaneous gathering (Zahn, op. cit.
ii. 349ft'.). Whether that circle was 'the church
in so-and-so's house,' or ' a group of scholarly men
like the author' (Nairne, op. cit. p. 10), cannot be
finally determined.
6. Author. — 'But who wrote the Epistle God
only knows certainly ' (ris di 6 ypdxpas tt]v ewicTToXriv
t6 /j.h d\T]dh Qebs oldev, Origen, ap. Euseb. HE vi.
25). These words were originally spoken with
reference to the amanuensis or translator of the
Epistle. Most modern scholars are content to ex-
tend their reference to the actual author. The
writer keeps himself in the background, and later
research has never finally discovered his identity.
In this respect students of the 2nd cent, were as
much in the dark as those of the present day. It
is significant that the Roman Church, which Avas
the first to make use of the Epistle, refused for
more than three centuries to grant it a place
amongst the NT Scriptures, on account of the un-
certainty of its authorship (Euseb. HE iii. 3). If
Eusebius is to be trusted, Roman opinion on the
subject did not go beyond a denial of the author-
ship of St. Paul. The only positive statement
made by any early Latin writer occurs in a work
of Tertullian, Avho attributes the Epistle without
question to Barnabas (de Pudicitia, xx.). This
belief may perhaps represent a Montanist tradition
generallj' current in North Africa. It is difficult
to see why it vanished so completely from the other
churches, if it had ever been more widely circulated.
It was in Alexandria, after the Epistle had
already been accejited as canonical on its own
merits, that the theory of Pauline authorship
gradually arose. The writings of Clement of
Alexandria (c. A.D. 200), Origen (c. A.D. 220), and
Eusebius (c. A.D. 320), display the theory in process
of formation. Clement put forward the suggestion
that St. Paul wrote the Epistle in Hebrew, and St.
Luke afterwards translated it into Greek. The
latter conjecture is based on the resemblance of
style between the Greek of the Epistle and that of
the Acts (Euseb. HE vi. 14). Origen expresses
his own opinion thus : • The thoughts are the
thoughts of the Apostle, but the language and
composition that of one who recalled from memory,
and, as it Avere, made notes of Avhat was said by
the master' (aTro/j.vrjfxoi'eljaavTds nvos to, diro<rTo\tKa
Kal diffTrepel o'%oXto7/)a077(jaj'7-osTa elprj/j.(va inrb rod di8a<T-
KdXov, ap. Euseb. HE vi. 25). Eusebius himself,
while admitting that the Roman Church did not
accept the Epistle because it was not St. Paul's
{HE iii. 3), yet declares that it is reasonable ' on the
ground of its antiquity that it should be reckoned
Avith the other writings of the Apostle' (iii. 37).
Clearly, none of the three Avriters regarded the
Epistle as being Pauline in the full sense, yet for
the sake of convenience it was their practice to
quote it as 'of Paul.' Later Alexa,ndrian Avriters
adopted this title as being literally true, and from
Alexandria belief in the literal Pauline authorship
of the Epistle spread throughout the Church. In
this, as in other matters, the Western Church
folloAved the lead of St. Hilary, St. Jerome, and
St. Augustine.
It is easy to imagine how the Epistle became
connected Avith St. Paul's name. When once an
anonymous letter bearing the simple title n-pbs
'Ej3paiovs Avas appended to a collection of acknoAV-
ledged Pauline Epistles, the addition to the head-
ing of the words tov UaiJ'Kov would only be a matter
of time.
Nevertheless, as Origen already felt, internal
540 HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
evidence makes the theory of Pauline authorship
untenable. It is incredible that St. Paul, who in-
sisted so strongly that he received his gospel by
direct revelation (Gal 1), could have written the
confession of second-hand instruction contained in
He 2^. Nothing, again, could be more unlike St.
Paul's method of expression than the elegant and
rhythmical style of the Epistle to the Hebrews ;
and behind the difference of style lies a real
difference of mental attitude. The characteristic
Pauline antitheses 'faith and works,' 'law and
promise,' 'flesh and spirit,' are replaced by new
contrasts — 'earthlj' and heavenly,' 'shadow and
substance,' ' type and antitype.' The difference of
thought which separates the two writers becomes
apparent when they meet on common giound.
' Faith ' and ' righteousness ' are key-words in St.
Paul's theology. The Epistle to the Hebrews also
speaks often of ' faith ' and sometimes of ' righteous-
ness' (P 5'^ 7^ 11"- ^^ 12^'), but the words have lost
their special Pauline sense. ' Faith ' no longer
means intimate personal union with Christ, but
expresses the more general idea of ' grasp on unseen
reality.' ' Righteousness' is stripped of its forensic
associations. It simply means ' ethical righteous-
ness,' not ' right standing in the eyes of God.' The
same contrast is visible in the different applications
made by the two writers of the only two OT pas-
sages quoted by both (Dt 32^^, quoted in Ro 12^^
He 10^0 ; Hab 2» quoted in Ro 1", Gal 3", He lO^''- 38).
The theory of Pauline authorship being therefore
necessarily abandoned, all attempts to discover the
author's name are reduced to mere conjecture.
Such conjectures have usually started from the
assumption that his acquaintance with Timothy
(13-'*) places the writer of the Epistle amongst the
circle of St. Paul's friends. The early Church sug-
gested, as having at least a share in the authorship,
St. Luke (Clem. Alex. ap. Euseb. HE vi. 14), or
Barnabas (TertuUian, de Pudicitia, xx. ), or Clement
of Rome ( ' some ' known to Origen [ap. Euseb. HE
vi. 25]). _ Luther [e.g. Enarr. in Gen. 482", Op.
Exeg. xi. 130) supported the claim of Apollos.
More recent conjectures have been Silas (e.g. C. F.
Boehme, Ep. ad Heb., 1825) ; Aquila (suggestion
mentioned but not approved by Bleek, Der Brief
an die Hebrder, i, 42) ; St. Peter (A. Welch, The
Authorship of Hebrews, 1898) ; Prisca and Aquila
in collaboration, Prisca taking the lion's share
(Harnack, ZNTW, 1900); Aristion, the Elder
known to Papias (J. Chapman, Eevue B6n6dictine,
xxii. [1905], p. 50) ; and lastly, Philip the Deacon
(Ramsay, Expositor, 5th ser, ix, 401-422). The
evidence in favour of any of these conjectures is of
the flimsiest description. The affinities of language
and style between the Epistle and the Acts, or
the resemblances of thought between the Epistle
and 1 Peter, are quite insufficient to prove com-
munity of authorship. The quotation of long pas-
sages from the Epistle by Clement of Rome serves
only to emphasize their difference from his own
way of thinking and writing, Barnabas, Silas,
Aquila, Philip, Aristion remain as possible authors
chiefly because next to nothing is known about
them. Apollos, the learned Alexandrian Jew,
mighty in the Scriptures (Ac 18^), companion of
St. Paul, is the sort of man who might have written
the Epistle, but no shred of positive evidence exists
which would justify the assertion that he actually
did write it.
That a leaf has been accidentally lost from the
beginning of the Epistle which would perhaps have
told of its authorship and destination (Fritz Barth,
Einleitung in das NT-, 1911, p. 114), is a hypothesis
which cannot be verified. It is at least more
probable than the suggestion that the author's
name was intentionally removed by the prejudice
of a later generation which demanded that all
canonical Epistles should be of apostolic origin.
But it is not necessary to assume that the Epistle
ever had a formal address. It is clear from the
contents that the readers knew who was addressing
them and by what authority, and many reasons
for the omission of any formal superscription can
be easily imagined (cf. Jiilicher, Introd. to NT,
Eng. tr., p. 153).
7. Affinities of thought and language.— (1) The
OT. — The Epistle makes extensive use of the OT,
Twenty-nine distinct quotations occur, twenty-one
of which are not found elsewhere in the NT, and
there are frequent allusions to passages of the OT
which are not definitely cited. The writer shows
no acquaintance with the Hebrew text, but follows
the LXX even where it differs materially from the
Hebrew {e.g. Ps 95i», Jer Spi^-, Ps 40«-«, Hab 2^-*,
Pr 3", quoted in He 3^ S^-i^ io^-t- 37-39 i25- % Three
of his OT quotations differ both from the LXX and
from the Hebrew (Gn 22i«-, Ex 24^, Dt 32^5; cf.
He 6^»'- 92» 10^"). The last of these occurs in the
same form in Ro 12^^. Amongst the more general
allusions to the language of the Greek Bible may
be noticed the reference to stories contained in 1
and 2 Mac. (He U^-^; cf. especially 2 Mac 6, 7),
and the possible reminiscence in He P of the words
of the Book of Wisdom in which Wisdom is de-
scribed as d7ratjya(TiJ.a . . . (poorbs di'dlov ... Kal elKdv
TTJt dyaOdTrjTos avToO (sc. tov deov. Wis 7"®).
The mode of citation employed in the Epistle
is worthy of note. The name of the individual
writer is never mentioned, but in every case (except
26ff.^ where God is directly addressed), the words of
the OT are ascribed to God, or to Christ (2"- ^^
lO^s'-), or to the Holy Spirit (S^*- 10i»), In striking
contrast to the allegorical method of Philo, and to
St. Paul's custom of adopting OT phrases to express
ideas different from those of the original writer
(e.g. 'The just shall live by faith'), the author of
the Epistle is true to the historical method of inter-
pretation, and uses OT passages in the exact sense
which the first writer himself put upon them. This
is true even of the chapter dealing with Melchizedek
(He 7), where the Epistle seems to approximate
most closely to the Philonic method of exegesis,
Melchizedek remains the priest-king of Salem, He
is not a mere symbol, still less is he identical with
Christ. Lastly, it may be observed that the Epistle
lays stress on the continuity of revelation. The
same God who spoke by means of the prophets
speaks in the Son, and the principles which the
prophets revealed in part are the same principles
which He reveals in full perfection. Thus, it
appears to the writer, Christhood is not a new
thing. The eternal Son ' inherited ' the name of
* Christ ' from partial and imperfect Christs who
went before Him(l^; cf, Nairne, op. cit. pp, 16 f,,
153, 249 ff".). Words, therefore, which in the first
place were spoken of God's anointed ones of past
ages— the king (is-e. 8. 9. js)^ ^j. ^^]^q nation (2''^), or
the prophet (2^^)— are unhesitatingly applied to
' the Christ ' in whom that which they dimly
shadowed is at last fully realized. (On the use of
the OT in the Epistle, see Westcott, op. cit. pp,
471-497 ; Nairne, op. cit. pp. 248-289,)
(2) Philo. — Much has been written about the in-
fluence exercised on the writer of the Epistle by
the Alexandrian school of pre-Christian Judaism,
whose chief representative is Philo, The evidence
bearing on the question may be arranged as follows.
(a) Besemblances. — (i.) Both use the LXX in a
recension closely resembling Cod. A (Bleek, op.
cit. i. 369 ff.), (ii.) The custom in the Epistle of
quoting the OT as the direct utterance of God,
without mentioning the writer's name, finds an
exact parallel in the works of Philo. (iii. ) Striking
and unusual words and phrases used in the Epistle
occur also in Philo's writings, e.g. iira&yaff/ia (He 1* ;
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE 541
de Mundi Op. 51), xo-P'^i^T'ip (He 1^ ; de Plant. ^ oe, 5),
Bvfitan^piov in the seuse of ' altar ' (He 9^ ; Quis rer.
div. hcBr. 46), TrapairXrifflus (He 2^* ; cf. rb vapair\-f]<Tiov,
Quis rer. div. hcer. 30), iierpioiraBeiv ['E.eS^;deA brah.
44), rpaxT^Xtfeij' (He 4^^ ; de Vita Mos. i. 53), derjaeis
re Kal CKerripias (He S' ; de Cherubim, 13), i/xadev dtp'
&p iirad€v(ilQ 5^ ; cf. fl vaOdiv dfcpt/Swy ifiadev, de Somn.
u. 15), iirpeirev used of God (He 2'"; de Leg. alleg.
i. 15), l\a(TT7)piov applied to the lid of the Ark (He 9^ ;
de Vita Mos. iii. 8). The Epistle describes Christ
as TrpuT&TOKos and dpxiepeiis (He 1^ 2^'' 3^) ; PhUo
applies the terms wpeff^vrepos vl6s, wpurSyovos {de
Agricult. 12), dpxiepetjs {de Somn. i. 38) to the Divine
Logos, (iv.) Both display the same habit of inter-
weaving doctrinal and practical passages, the same
uuusual transposition of words (cf. irdXt;', He 1^ ; de
Leg. alleg. iii. 9), the same use of Stj irov (He 2^^ ; e.g.
de Leg. alleg. i. 3) and ws ?7ros dirdv (He 7® ; e.g. de
Plant. Noe, 38). (v.) Both argue from the silences
as well as from the statements of Scripture, attach
importance to the meaning of OT names, and
emphasize the same particular aspects of the lives
of Abel, Noah, Abraham, and Moses, (vi.) Philo
speaks of an eternal universe (6 kIxthos vorjrds, de
Mundi Op. 4-6), of which the visible universe (6
K6<r/ios aiadtjrdi, ib. ) is a transitory copy. The ^vriter
of the Epistle mentions the ' heavenly ' Tabernacle,
a copy of which Moses reproduced on earth (8^),
and frequently alludes to earthly institutions as
copies or shadows of heavenly realities (9-^^^).
{b) Divergences. — (i.) While the Epistle resembles
Philo in its mode of citation of the OT, it presents
a radical ditierence in its method of interpretation.
Men and institutions remain what they are said to
be in the OT. They do not become mere symbols
of transcendental ideas, (ii.) In the Epistle stray
expressions may be applied to the Son which PhUo
a|iplies to the Logos, but the personal 'Son' of
Hebrews is essentially diflerent from the abstract
impersonal 'Logos' of Philo. (iii.) The writer of
the Epistle uses language which recalls the Alexan-
drian notion of the real invisible world which cor-
responds with the unreal world of sense. But that
idea is not the basis of his conception of Christianity.
' He does not identify Christian truth with an already exist-
ing system of thought : his Christian tho'iu:ht merely possesses
itself of the outlines of a mode of conception existing, which it
fiils with its own contents' (Davidson, op. cit. p. 201).
It appears, then, that the Epistle does show some
affinities with PhUo and the Alexandrian school.
It is at least probable that the writer was acquainted
with their ideas and their philosophical termino-
logy. But his message is all his own ; he owes little
to Alexandria beyond the outward expression. So
far as he borrows thoughts, he borrows from the
gospel tradition and the OT Scriptures (see G.
Millican, The Theology of the Epistle to the Hebrews,
pp. 203-211 ; Bruce in HDB ii. 335).
(3) The Synoptic tradition. — The author shows
considerable acquaintance with the facts of our
Lord's life on earth. He knows of His human
birth (2''*), of His descent from the tribe of Judah
(7"), of His human development (5^), of His tempta-
tion (2^^ 41*), of His fidelity (3^), of His sinlessness
(4'^), of His preaching (2^), of His gentle bearing
towards sinners (2'''), of the contradiction He
endured at the mouth of ignorant men (12^), of
His circle of disciples (2^ ^), of His agony in the
Garden (5"), of His Ascension {^^ 1^ 9'^*). Though
the Resurrection occupies no large place in the
■wTiter's doctrinal teaching, it is not because he
is ignorant of the fact (13^). These things are
mentioned in the Epistle quite incidentally and
because of their bearing on the general argument.
It is not likely, therefore, that they represent the
M'hole of the writer's information concerning tlie
earthly ministry of Jesus. The additional fact
that he takes it for granted that his readers need
no explanation of his allusions indicates that an
evangelic tradition, not unlike that of the Synoptic
Gospels, was already in circulation, but whether it
had yet taken the form of a written record cannot
be ascertained (see Westcott, op. cit. p. 465 ; Bruce,
The Epistle to the Habreivs, p. 63 f.).
(4) St. Paul. — Allusion has already been made
to the differences between the Epistle and the writ-
ings of St. Paul. Attention must now be directed
to their similarities. Definite reminiscences of the
language of Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians,
and PhLlippians have been discovered in the follow-
ing passages. He 1* || Ph 29'- ; 2- || Gal S^^ ; 2^ ||
I Co 1211 ; 21-* II 1 Co 152« ; 512 II 1 Co 32 ; 5'* || 1 Co 2^ ;
610 II 2 Co 8* ; 10»" || Ro 121^ ; lO^s || 2 Co 13^ ; lO^s
II Ro 1" ; 12'* II Ro 14=9 . 1222 1310 II Gal 425'- ; 1318 ||
Ph 4i=- 18 ; I3i8f. II 2 Co !"• 12 ; 132*' II Ro 1528 ; U-^ ||
Ph 4=1- 22 (Moffatt, LNT, p. 453). It may be doubted
whether direct literary connexion can be proved in
any of these cases. Even where such connexion
seems most certain — when the two writers agree
with each other, whUe differing both from the
LXX and from the Hebrew, in the text of an OT
passage (He 10^°, Eo 12i*) — it is possible that they
are quoting independently an interpretation which
is at least as old as the Targum of Onkelos. Yet
in many ways the Epistle presupposes the work
of St. Paul. Though they see things from a
different point of view, the two are in fundamental
agreement. Both display 'the same broad concep-
tion of the universality of the Gospel, the same
grasp of the age-long purpose of God wrought out
through Israel, the same trust in the atoning work
of Christ, and in His present sovereignty' (Westcott,
op. cit. p. Ixxviii). That the A^Titer to the Hebrews
can take up an attitude of wide universalism Avith-
out mentioning the question of circumcision or even
naming the Gentiles at all, and can calmly put
aside the Law almost as though its futility were
self-evident, implies that the Pauline battle of
Galatia and Rome has been fought and won.
(5) The Fourth Gospel. — In point of time the
Epistle to the Hebrews stands midway between
the Pauline Epistles and the Johannine writings.
In the development of apostolic theology it occupies
precisely the same place. St. Paul had a hard
struggle to establish the principle of the universal
application of the gospel to Jew and Gentile alike.
The Epistle to the Hebrews and the Fourth Gospel
both take this for granted. St. Paul, though he
does not dwell on the idea, occasionally speaks of
Christ's death in terms of sacrifice (Eph 1^ 2i^ 5'^
1 Co 5^ Ro 325 83 etc.). The Epistle to the
Hebrews deals fully with the sacrificial aspect of
Christ's death, and sets forth at length the corre-
sponding conception of His Priesthood. The root-
ideas contained in the doctrines of Christ's Priest-
hood and Sacrifice find their final expression in the
seemingly simple and unstudied language of the
Fourth Gospel, even though the terms ' priest ' and
'sacrifice' are never used (cf. Jn 10i'2i 12^2 jg? 27)^
Lastly, the description of the person and work of
Christ given in the opening verses of the Epistle (He
1^"*) might almost be taken to be a first sketch of
the completed picture of the ' Divine Word made
flesh' contained in the prologue to the Fourth
Gospel.
'The teaching which St. John has preserved offers the final
form of the Truth. St. John's theory (if we may so speak) of
the work of Christ is less developed in detail than that which is
found in the Epistles of St. Paul and in the Epistle to the
Hebrews ; but his revelation of Christ's Person is more complete.
He concentrates our attention, as it were, upon Him, Son of
God and Son of man, and leaves us in the contemplation of facts
which we can only understand in part ' (Westcott, op. cit. p. Ixf.).
8. Importance. — The Epistle to the Hebrews has
an interest peculiarlj* its own. It is the earliest
exposition of the Christian tradition by one who
had all the instincts of a scholar and a philosopher.
542 HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE
HEIFER
"Wherever the author may have been born, h.e may-
be regarded, as the NT representative of the tyjie
of mind which afterwaixls appeared in the great
teachers of the Cliristian school of Alexandria.
At the same time he is altogether free from the
particular limitations of that school. He agrees
w^ith the Alexandrians in his philosophical bent
and his love of cultured and scholarly expression,
but he is also of one mind Avith the school of
Antioch in his appreciation of the importance of
fact. His doctrine of the Person of Christ com-
bines the two central truths, the isolation of one
of which was the cause of disaster both to Alex-
andria and to Antioch. For while he insists,
equally with the Alexandrians, on the cosmic work
and pre-incamate glory of the Son, he is not less
emphatic than the Antiochenes in his statement of
the completeness of His participation in human
suffering and temptation and His exaltation in
human nature to the right hand of power. The
Epistle to the Hebrews rendered permanent service
to the Church by showing that the way to under-
stand something of the meaning of the Person of
Christ is not to minimize either the Divine or the
human nature, but to emphasize both.
In his interpretation of the OT, the writer of
Hebrews seems to be in sympathy much more with
Antioch than with Alexandria. His exegesis is
based on principles which have never been forsaken
without disastrous consequences. He recognizes
the OT as a Divinely-given revelation, and yet a
revelation which is partial and incomplete. He
realizes the true method of historical interpretation :
a passage of Scripture must be explained in the light
of its context ; its real nieaning is that which the
writer intended it to bear. These are the principles
which lie at the root of all sound biblical criticism.
But the greatest service which the Epistle to the
Hebrews has rendered to the Church is its inter-
pretation of the Death of Christ in terms of Priest-
hood and Sacrifice. The ideas so familiar to us
were new when the Epistle was written. The
writer was 'not repeating but creating theology'
(Bruce, The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 10). He
offers no formal theory of the Atonement, but he
reveals principles on which it rests, and states them
in a way which appeals to the common instincts of
mankind. Salvation of others can be wrought only
through sacrifice of self. The priest must be also
the victim. He must give his life to others as well
as for others, and his life becomes available for
others only through death — the death of self. The
priest who offers the perfect sacrifice must himself
be perfect — perfectly one with humanityin nature
and in all human experiences ; else the sacrifice
would be impossible. He must be personally sin-
less; otherwise the offering would be incomplete
and of partial efficacy. If his act of self-sacrifice
is to be eternally valid, he must himself be eternal.
Christ has fulfilled these conditions, and He will
never change : 'Jesus Christ, the same yesterday,
to-day, and for ever ' (13*). The principles here set
fortirieave some things unexplained, but they are
sufficient to strengthen faith to lay hold on what
must always remain deeply mysterious — the in-
expressible Divine love which made the Eternal
Son lay down His life as man. To enkindle faith
was the sole object of the writer. In one sense he
may be called a visionary, but it is a practical
vision that he sees — the vision of a few weak, halt-
ing Christians brought safely through an earthly
crisis by the outstretched hand of the eternal High
Priest who is enthroned in the heavenly sanctuary.
' Every student of the Epistle to the Hebrews must feel that
It deals in a peculiar degree with the thoughts and trials of our
own time. . . . The difficulties which tome to us through
physical facts and theories, through criticism, througli wider
riews of human history, correspond with those which came to
Jewish Christians at the close of the Apostolic age, and they
will find their solution also in fuller views of the Person and
Work of Christ' (Westcott, op. eit. Pref. p. v).
LrrERATURE. — I. CoMMESTARiES : F. Blcek (1828-40); F.
Delitzsch (Eng. tr., lSCS-70) ; A. B. Davidson (1882); F.
Rendall (1SS3); C. J. Vaughan (1890); H. von Soden(lS92);
B. F. Westcott (^1903) ; E. C. Wickham (1910).
II. Articles : ' Hebrews, Epistle to,' by A. B. Bruce in HDB
ii. (1899) ; ' Hebrews (Epistle),' by W. Robertson Smith and
H. von Soden in EBi ii. (19U1).
III. NT iNTROPiCTiONs: G. Salmon (71894); A. Jiilicher
(Ena. tr., 1904) ; T. Zahn (Eng. tr., 1909) ; A. S. Peake (19U9) ;
J. Moffatt (1911).
IV. Special Studies : E. K. A. Riehm, Der Lehrhegriff des
Hebraerbriefes, 1867 ; E. M6negoz, La ThMogie de Vipttre
aux Hibreux, lS9i ; A. C. McGiffert, A History of Christianity
in the Apostolic Age, 1897 ; G. Miiligan, The Theolofiy of the
Epistle to the Hebrews, 1899 ; A. B. Bruce, The Epistle to the
Hebrews: the First Apology for Christianity, lb'.)9 ; G. B.
Stevens, The Theology of the NT, 1899; W. P. DuBose, High
Priesthood and Sacrifice, 1908; A. Nairne, The Epistle oj
Priesthood, 1913. E. S. MaRSH.
HEIFER (dd/ia\is = m5, 'a cow') — The writer
of Hebrews finds a parallel between ' the water (for
the removal) of impurity ' (CSwp pavTio(xixoO = n-^i -s,
'water of exclusion') and the blood of Christ (He
gisf.)^ The former element was a mixture of run-
ning (living) water with the ashes of a spotless
heifer slain and burnt according to the ritual pre-
scribed in Nu 19. As contact with a dead body,
a bone, or a grave involved defilement, and en-
trance into the sanctuary in a state of uncleanness
made the offender liable to excommunication, the
use of this holy water was prescribed as a means
of purification. Every detail in the ceremonial
leads the student of origins back to the childhood
of the Semites. 'Primarily, purification means
the application to the person of some medium
which removes a taboo, and enables the person
purified to mingle freely in the ordinary life of his
fellows ' ( W. RrSmith, liS'^, 1894, p. 425). In those
days there was probably a cult of the sacred cow,
while juniper, cypress, and aromatic plants were
supposed to have power to expel the evil spirits
which brought death into the home. It is certain,
however, that, when Israel began to put away
childish things, the ancient consuetudinary laws
in regard to defilement came to be viewed by the
more enlightened minds as mere ' symbols of
spiritual truths.' To the awakened conscience
' sin was death, and had wrought death, and the
dead body as well as the spiritually dead soul were
the evidence of its sway ' ; while cedar-wood,
hyssop, and scarlet may ultimately have been
regarded — though this is more doubtful— as 'the
symbols of imperishable existence, freedom from
corruption, and fulness of life' (A. Edersheim,
The Temple, 1909, p. 305 f.). Discarding all magical
ideas, the worshipper of Jahweh thus endeavoured
to change the antique ritual into an object-lesson
or sacramental means of grace. The Avriter to the
Hebrews uses it as a stepping-stone to Christian
truth. Rejecting the Philonic distinction between
Levitical washings as directed to the purification
of the body and sacrifices as intended to effect
a purgation of the soul, he views the whole ritual
of lustration and sin-offering alike as an opus
operatum which can at the best purify only the
body. Accepting this idea on the bare authority
of Scripture, he makes it the premiss of an argu-
ment a minori ad majus. If (a particle which
posits a fact, and scarcely insinuates a doubt) the
blood of goats and bulls and the ashes of a heifer
cleanse the ffesh, defiled by contact with deatli,
much more does the life-blood of the Messiah
cleanse the conscience from dead works.
LrrKRATtJRB.— Maimonides, Moreh. iii. 47 ; K. C.W. F. Bahr,
Symbnlik des mosaischen Cultiis, Heidelberg, 1837-39, i. 493 flf.;
W. Nowack, LehrbuchderhebrdischenArchdoloqie, Freiburg i.
B. and Leipzig, 1894, ii. 288 ; art. 'Red Heifer' in HDB and
JE. James Strahan.
HEIE, HEEITAGE, tN"HERITA:N"CE
HEIE, HERITAGE, INHEEITA^'CE 543
HEIR, HERITAGE, INHERITANCE.— 1. Conno-
tation of the terms used. — The words K\T]pov6fj.os,
K\i]povo/j.la, K\T]povo/j.eu (derived from KXrjpos, ' a por-
tion') have, like the Heb. verbs v-\i, h-j and their
derivatives, which they render in the LXX, the
idea of a possession rather than of a succession, i.e.
of sometliing obtained from another by gift (and
not gained by oneself, KTTJfia) rather than of some-
tliing that one has become possessed of througli the
death of another (see "Westcott, Hebrews, 1889, p.
168). This is especially the case when Israel is
regarded as the ' heir ' of the land of Canaan ; suc-
cession to the Canaanites is not prominent in the
idea of this inheritance, for Israel inherited from
God, not from tlie people of the land. In this sense
KXripovofiia is nearlj' equivalent to ' the promise' ; it
is a free gift from God — a fact emphasized in Ac 7^,
where Canaan is spoken of, and 20^', where the
Christian promises are in question. We can trace
in the OT (see Sanday-Headlam on Ro 8") the tran-
sitions of meaning, from the simple possession of
Canaan to the permanent and assured possession,
then to the secure possession won by Messiah, and
so to all Messianic blessings.
On the other hand, the Latin heres with its
derivatives, used by the Vulgate, being a weak form
of xvpo^j ' bereft,' has the idea of succession ; it
means literally 'an orphan,' and so hints at the
death of the father. The English ' heir,' derived
from heres, usually suggests that the father is alive,
and that the son has not yet come into possession ;
while the verb ' to inherit ' and its derivative
' inheritor ' usually suggest that the father is dead
and that the son has come into possession. In all
these English words the idea of ' succession ' is
prominent. AVe njust, therefore, be careful to
bear in mind that thej' are not quite equivalent to
the Gr. and Heb. words, and that their connota-
tion is slightly different.
It may, liowever, be noticed that when kXtjpopo/jlo^,
etc., are used in the most literal sense (see below,
3 («)), the idea of succession is not altogether
absent ; it certainly is present when diaOrjKi] is used
in the sense of ' a will,' as in He 9^^'- (it is disputed
whether in Gal 3^^^-, etc., it means 'covenant' or
' will ' : for the latter meaning see W. M. Ramsay,
Galatians, 1899, p. 349 tf. ; also art. CovEXANT).
But it is obvious that where KXrjpovSfxos is used of
Israel's inheritance in Canaan, or metaphorically of
the Jewish and Christian promises of salvation
(below, 3), the idea of succession must pass into
the background, for the Heavenly Father does not
die ; and this fact causes the difficulty in the other-
wise more natural interpretation of diadi^Kr] as a
' testament ' or ' will.'
The word /cX%os in Ac 26^^ and Col P^ is rendered
' inheritance' in the AV and the RV ; and in 1 P
5^ KXrjpoi is in the AV ' [God's] heritage,' which is
the same thing. In the latter passage the RV
renders ' the charge allotted to you,' i.e. the per-
sons who are allotted to your care. It is easy
to see how KXrjpos, ' a lot,' came to mean ' that
which is obtained by lot' (Ac 1" 8^'), and so 'an
inheritance' with the connotation given above. In
Col V- the p.€pls Tov kXtjpov is equivalent to the fiepls
TYis KXi]povop.ias of Ps IG'. In Eph 1'^ iKXrjpilidrj/xev,
which in the AV is rendered ' we have obtained an
inheritance' (this appears to have no good justifi-
cation), is translated in the RV ' we were made a
heritage,' i.e. ' we have been chosen as God's por-
tion ' (J. A. Robinson, Ephesians, 1903, p. 34 ; for
the metaphor see below, 3 (h)).
2. Laws of inheritance. — («) According to Jewish
law each son had an equal share, except that the
eldest son had double the portion of the others
(Dt 21^''). This law did not ajiply to a posthumous
son, or in regard to the mother's property, or to
gain that might have accrued since the father's
death (A. Edersheim, i^^ 1887, ii. 243 f. note).
Thus the Prodigal Son (Lk W^^-), if he had only
one brother, would have received on his father's
death one third of the property. The father could
not disinherit by will, but in his lifetime he could
dispose of his property by gift as he liked, and
so disinherit. "\Yills might be made in writing or
orally [ib. p. 259). Daughters were excluded if
there were sons ; but if there were no sons, the
daughter — or, presumably, daughters — inherited,
failing whom brothers, failing whom father's
brothers, failing whom the next of kin (Nu 27*"'').
This is later legislation, for at first daughters
could not inherit ; when they were allowed to
become heiresses in the absence of sons, they
married in their own tribe, so as to keep the
inheritance within it (Xu 36-"^^). In the ordinary
case, however, wherethere were sons, the daughters
would naturally marry into another family, and
cease to belong to that of their father.
{b) The Roman and. the Roman-Greek laws of
inheritance considerably affected the NT language.
St. Paul, writing to persons who would not be
familiar with Jewish law, refers to customs and
laws which they would at once understand. Ac-
cording to Roman law, sons must inherit, and a will
leaving property away from sons was invalid
(Ramsay, op. cit. p. 344). Sons and daughters
inherited alike (Lightfoot on Gal 4''). Ramsay
draws out the differences between strictly Roman
law and the law in hellenized countries conquered
by Rome, which was founded on Greek law : the
Romans left much of the latter in force. Accord-
ing to Greek law, a son could be disinherited (Ram-
say, p. 367). In AsiaMinor and Athens adaugliter
could inherit, and an adopted son probably married
the lieiress {ib. pp. 340, 363). Daughters in Greek
law had an indefeasible right to a doAvry {ib. p.
367). A minor came of age at the time fixed by
his father's will ; if there was no will, the law fixed
the period of nonage, but the Greek (Seleucid) law
differed from the Roman as to the period [ib. p. 392).
See Roman Law.
These facts help us to understand some passages
in St. Paul whicli speak of the connexion between
sonship and heirship. In Ro 8^'', Gal 3^^ 4''
the latter is deduced from the former. We are
God's children, and therefore His heirs. ' Thou
art no longer a bondservant but a son ; and if a son
then an heir through God.' ' If ye are Christ's then
are ye Abraham's seed, heirs according to i)romise.'
Or the sonship is deduced from the heirship ; in
Gal 3' ' they which be of faith ' — who succeed as
heirs to Abraham's faith [here the idea of succes-
sion may be faintly seen] — ' the same are sons of
Abraham.' In Col 3^"* bondservants are promised
' the recompense of the inlieritance,' but this is
because by becoming Christians they become the
sons of God. Similarly in He 12^ though the idea
of inheritance is not explicitly mentioned, the
promise (11^) can be attained only by suffering (cf.
below, 3 (/)) ; and if Christians refuse this, they are
'bastards and not sons.' Bastards cannot inherit
the promise.
3. Usage in the NT. — [a] The words KX-qpovofios,
KXrjpovoiJ.ia, etc., are used literally, as in the Parable
of the Vineyard (Mk 12", JSlt 2138, l^; 2u"), where,
however, there is a metaphorical interpretation
(see (c)) ; so in Lk 12'^ where Jesus is asked to
divide the inheritance between two brothers,
apparently to settle a dispute, and in Gal 4^, where
the son, the heir, is as a servant during his nonage,
though lord of all the property, the reference being
to the Law and the Gospel. The words are also
used literally in the NT of Canaan as the land of
promise ; cf. Ac 7^ where it is meant that Abraham
did not actually enter into possession ; and He 11^'-,
where Isaac and Jacob are fellow-heirs {av/KX-qp-
544 HEIK, HEEITAGE, INHERITANCE
HELL
ov6iJi,oi) with Abraliam ; and He 12", wliere Esau
failed to inherit the blessing. So in Gal 4^" (a
quotation from Gn 21"') Ishniael, the son of the
handmaid, may not inherit with Isaac, the son of
the f reewoman ; this also is applied to the Law and
the Gospel.
(6) From the literal sense the passage is easy to
the metaphorical — the idea of the Messianic hope.
Noah became 'heir of the righteousness which is
according to faith' (He IF). Abraham was
promised that he should be ' heir of the world '
(Ko 4'^) — a passage which has given some difficulty
to commentators, as there is no such promise
explicitly made in the OT ; the reference is pro-
bably to Gn 12' 22'* and similar passages : in
Abraham's seed all the nations of the earth should
be blessed ; cf. Gn IS'*, and [of Isaac] 26^ This
promise is quoted in Ac 3"^^ by St. Peter, and in
Gal 3* by St. Paul. The reference in Ro 4^' can
hardly be to the possession of Canaan, which would
not be called ' the world ' (see also (d) below). By
a somewhat different figure Israel is said in the OT
to be God's inheritance or portion (Dt 9-^* ^^ 32") ;
and in the LXX addition at tlie end of Est 4 the
Jews are spoken of as ' thy [God's] original inherit-
ance' (ttjj" 6^ dpxv^ KXrjpovo/j.lai' crov). Conversely,
God is said to be the inheritance of the sons of
Aaron or of the Levites (Nu 18-», Dt lO^, etc.). In
the sense of the ' Messianic hope' (as in the more
literal sense of the possession of Canaan) the words
• inheritance ' and ' promise ' become almost identi-
cal, as in Gal 3^\ He 6''^.
(c) The ' promise ' is fulfilled by Jesus becoming
incarnate. He describes Himself as the Heir in the
Parable of the Vineyard. He is the Heir because
He is the Son, the First-born, as opposed to the
servants — i.e. the prophets. In He P Jesus is
called the ' heir of all things ' because He was the
Instrument in creation through whom the Father
made the worlds {tous alQvas). So in v.^ He is said
to have ' inherited ' a more excellent name than
the angels. The metaphor is doubtless based on
Ps 2^ : the nations are given to Messiah as His
inheritance (see Westcott, op. cit. p. 8).
(d) In Jesus, Christians are Abraham's heirs,
whether of Jewish or Gentile stock (Ro 48*^-). They
inherit Abraham's faith, and are therefore his sons ;
the promise did not depend on Abraham's circum-
cision, but was before it, though it was confirmed
by it ; nor was it dependent on the Law. Thus all
nations are blessed in Abi'aham, and he is the heir
of the world (see above (6)). In Eph 1" St. Paul
uses in regard to Gentile Christians the very words
which described Israel's privilege: 'promise,'
'inheritance,' 'emancipation,' ' possession' (Robin-
son, op. cit. p. 36). By adoption we were made
fellow-heirs with Christ (Ro 8^''), and a heritage
(Eph P^). Gentiles are fellow-heirs with Jews
(Eph 3*, Ac 26'*) ; and Christians are fellow-heirs
together of the grace of life (1 P 3^) — e.g. husbands
and wives are fellow-heirs because they are Chris-
tians. See art. Adoption.
(e) The inheritance is described as 'eternal life'
in Tit 3^ ('heirs according to the hope of eternal
life' ; cf. the Gosjiels : Mt lO^s, JNlk 10'^ [where 1| Mt
19'« substitutes ' have' for 'inlierit'], Lk 10-^ 18"*);
as 'the kingdom' in Ja 2^ Eph 5* ('kingdom of
Christ and God'), and by inference in Col 1'^'-
(these seem to be founded on our Lord's words
recorded in Mt 25**, where the predestination, and
the giving, of the kingdom are emphasized ; cf.
Dn 7^ and the Slavonic Secrets of Enoch, § 9 [' for
(the righteous) this place is prepared as an eternal
inheritance']). In He 1" the inheritance is ' salva-
tion,' and so by inference in 1 P P'-. In He 6"^
it is ' the promises.' In 1 P 3' it is the ' grace of
life,' i.e. the gracious gift of eternal life (Alford,
Bigg); in v.^it is 'a blessing.' It is the portion
{kXtjpos) of the saints in light (Col l'^), and is eternal
(He 9'5), incorruptible, undefiled, unfading (1 P 1*).
With the NT idea of an ethical inheritance or
portion we may compare Wis 5^, Sir 4'^ (glory) 31^
(confidence among his people), the Ethioplc Book of
Enoch, Iviii. 5 (the heritage of faith), Psalms of
Solomon, xii. 8 (inheritance of the promise of the
Lord), xiv. 7 (life in cheerfulness).
(/) One condition of inheriting is self-denial (Mt
19"«, where ' receive' of Mk lO^^andLk IS'" becomes
' inherit' when applied to ' eternal life '). We are
'joint-heirs with Christ, if so be that we sutler
with [him] ' (Ro 8'^). We must imitate those who
' through faith and patience inherit the promises '
(He 6'^) ; 'he that overcometh shall inherit and
become God's son ' (Rev 21^ — the only instance in
Rev. of KX-qpovofxeio). Other conditions are meek-
ness and humility (1 P 3^ 'not rendering evil for
evil or reviling for reviling, but contrariwise bless-
ing ; for hereunto were ye called that ye should
inherit a blessing' ; cf. Mt 5^ Ps 37'*) and sanctifl-
cation (Ac 20'-). The inheritance is forfeited by
self-indulgence ( I Co 6^*'-, Gal 5-'), and is not reached
by ' flesh and blood ' or by ' corruption ' (1 Co 15*")
— a spiritual regeneration is necessary for its
attainment.
(ff) In a real sense the inheritance is already
entered upon.* In He 6'^ the present participle
kXtjpovoijlovvtwv is used : ' those who are inheriting '
(the Vulg. has tiie future hereditabunt, but some
old Lat. MSS have the present potiuntiir) ; so in 4*
' we M'hich have believed do enter — are now enter-
ing {elcrepxofieOa) — into that rest,' not as Vulg. in-
grediernur, 'shall enter' (see Westcott, op. cit. p.
95). The kingdom has already begun (]\It 3^, and
the parables of ch. 13). Yet the inheritance will
not be fully attained till the Last Judgment (Mt
25'^). In Eph 1" St. Paul speaks of the sealing
' with the Holy Spirit of promise 'as 'an earnest
(appajSiiv) of our inheritance,' and in the same con-
text (v.i*^-) uses language which shows that in some
sense it is entered upon already (cf. 2 Co 1'-^ 5®).
The same thing is seen in Col l'^'- ; while in 3^
the promise to Christian bondservants that they
should receive from the Lord the ' recompense of
the inheritance ' rather points forward to the world
to come. So in IP l'*^- the reference seems to be
to the future : ' an inheritance . . . reserved in
heaven for you ' (so Bigg ; but this is denied by
Hort and von Soden). In this connexion we must
be careful not to confuse our thought by connect-
ing ' inheritance ' with our own death, or the
' death ' of this age. There is no idea here of ' suc-
cession' (see above, 1). A. J. Maclean.
HELL. — 1. Context. — The word most freqiiently
so rendered in the EVis the Gr. ^drjs (see Hades).
In the NT, outside the Gospels, ' hell' is also used
in translating the two Gr. words yiewa (' Gehenna ')
and the very rare verbal form TapTapbu ('send into
Tartarus').
The former occurs only once, viz. in Ja 3^
where it is obviously used metaphorically for the
evil power which is revealed in all forms of un-
licensed, careless, and corrupt speech. In the
figurative phrase ' set on fire of Gehenna,' the
author of the Epistle has clearly in mind the
original idea of that name in the associations of
the Valley of Hinnom, with its quenchless fire and
its undying worm (2 Ch 28' 33« Jer 7").
The name 'Tartarus' (2 P 2^) carries us out of
the association of Hebrew into the realm of Greek
thought. It is the appellation given by Homer {II.
viii. 13) to that region of dire punishment allotted
to the elder gods, whose sway Zeus had usurped.
* Cf. the conception of the heavenly citizenship and eternal
life having already begun in this world : Eph 2i9, Jn 62* 178, 1 J«
314 612£..
• I will take and cast him into misty Tartarus,' says Zeus,
• right far away, where is the deepest gulf beneath the earth ;
there are the gate of iron and threshold of bronze, aa far be-
neath Hades as heaven is high above the earth.'
The Greek word passed into Hebrew literature,
and is found in En. xx. 2, where Uriel is said to
have sway over the world and over Tartarus (cf.
Philo, de Exsecr. § 6). The passage in 2 Peter
shows evident traces of the etiect upon it of the
Book of Enoch, so it is not necessary to go further
afield in order to discover the source of the word.
In the Christian sections of the Sib. Or. the word
is of frequent occurrence, and appears sometimes to
be used as equivalent to Gehenna and at other times
as the name for a special section of that region.
Cf. 1. 126-129 :
• Down they went
Into Tartarean chamber terrible.
Kept in firm chains to pay full penalty
In Gehenna of strong, furious, quenchless fire.'
With this passage should be carefully compared
En. cviii. 3-6, where some exceptional features
occur in the description of hell. The passage is
in a fragment of the earlier Book of Noah, now in-
corporated in the larger work.
• Their names,' says the seer, ' shall be blotted out of the book
of life, and out of the holy books, and their seed shall be de-
stroyed for ever, and their spirits shall be slain, and they shall
cry and make lamentation in a place that is a chaotic wilderness,
and in the fire shall they burn ; for there is no earth there. And
I saw there something like an invisible cloud ; for by reason of
its depth I could not look over, and I saw a flame of fire blazing
brightly, and things like shining mountains circling and sweep-
ing to and fro. And I asked one of the holy angels who was
with me, and said unto him : " What is this shining thing? for
it is not a heaven but only the flame of a blazing fire, and the
voice of weeping and crying, and lamentation and strong pain."
And he said unto me : "This place which thou seest — here are
cast the spirits of sinners and blasphemers, and of those who
work wickedness, and of those who pervert everything that the
Lord hath spoken through the mouth of the prophets." '
As Charles points out in his notes on this passage,
the writer has confused here Gehenna and the hell
of the disobedient stars, conceptions which are
kept quite distinct in the earlier sections of the
book (cf. chs. xxi. and xxii.).
2. The idea in apostolic and sub-apostolic litera-
ture. — We have to pass beyond the strict use of
the word ' hell ' to discover the wider range of the
conception in the literature of the NT that comes
within the scope of our examination. There are
two or three terms found in the Apocalypse, to
which we must now turn.
(a) The Apocalypse of John.— {I) In Eev 9^ 'the
pit of the abyss' (see Abyss) is regarded as the
special prison-house of the devil and his attendant
evil spirits. This conception is probably derivable
from similar sources to those from which Tartarus
comes, though there are peculiar andinterestingfeat-
ures about it, details of which will be found in the
special article devoted to its explanation. Closely
connected with the idea of the abyss is its demonic
ruler Abaddon (v.ii, see Abaddon), whose name
figures frequently in the Wisdom-literature, and
is generally translated in the LXX by d7rwXeta =
' destruction.' According to one Hebrew authority,
Abaddon is itself a place-name, and designates the
lowest deep of Gehenna, fi'om which no soul can
ever escape (see H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St.
John, in loco). In the Asc. Is. iv. 14 is a somewhat
similar passage : ' The Lord will come with His
angels and with the armies of the holy ones from
the seventh heaven . . . and He will drag Beliar
into Gehenna and also his armies.'
(2) 'The lake of fire' is an expression found
several times in Rev. (cf. 19-*, etc.). It is described
as the appointed place of punishment for the Beast
and the False Prophet, for Death and Hades them-
selves, for all not enrolled in the Book of Life, and
finally for those guilty of the dark list of sins given
in 21^. It is questionable whether the original
VOL. I.— 35
imagery underlying the expression is derived from
the story of the Cities of the Plain, or the Pyri-
phlegethon — the fiery-flamed river — one of the tri-
butaries of the Acheron in the Homeric vision of
the under world (cf. Od. x. 513). Probably elements
from both enter into it. A passage in the Book of
the Secrets of Enoch, x. 1-6 — remarkable for the fact
that hell is here set in the third heaven (see W.
Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums, Berlin, 1903,
p. 273 n. ) — has close parallels with the passage in
Rev 21^ The following extracts will show how
close and suggestive the imagery is — and as it
probably dates before A.D. 70, the actual connexion
is not improbable.
'They showed me there a very terrible place . . . and all
manner of tortures in that place . . . and there is no light
there, but murky fire constantly flameth aloft, and there is a
fiery river coming forth, and that whole place is everywhere
fire . . . and those men said to me : This place is prepared for
those who dishonour God, who on earth practise . . . magic-
making, enchantments, and devilish witchcrafts, and who boast
of their wicked deeds, stealing, lies, calumnies, envy, rancour,
fornication, murder . . . for all these is prepared this place
amongst these, for eternal inheritance ' (cf. also Asc. I». iv. 15).
In the Sib. Or. we have similar language, e.g. iL
313:
' And then shall all pass through the burning stream
Of flame unquenchable.'
Again, in ii. 353 ff. we have :
• And deathless angels of the immortal God,
Who ever is, shall bind with lasting bonds
In chains of flaming fire, and from above
Punish them all by scourge most terribly;
And in Gehenna, in the gloom of night.
Shall they be cast 'neath many horrid beasts
Of Tartarus, where darkness is immense.' *
(3) In Rev 20" ' the lake of fire ' is further defined
as ' the second death ' — a phrase which recurs in
other passages of the book (e.g. 2"). The phrase
seems traceable to Jewish sources, for it occurs
frequently in the Targums (cf. Wetstein on Rev
2"). It seems likely that the Jews, in turn, de-
rived it from the ideas of Egyptian religion, since
we find Ani, seated on his judgment throne, say-
ing, ' I am crowned king of the gods, I shall not die
a second time in the underworld' (The Book of the
Dead, ed. E. A. Wallis Budge, London, 1901, ch.
xliv. ; cf. Moffatt in EGT, 1910, on Rev 2").
(h) St. Paul. — This idea of the 'second death'
leads naturally to St. Paul's use of ' death ' in such
passages as Ro 6-\ When the Apostle uses the
word, he evidently intends by it ' something far
deeper than the natural close of life. . . . For him
death is one indivisible experience. It is the cor-
relative of sin. . . . Death is regarded as separa-
tion from God. ... So death, conceived as the
final word on human destiny, becomes the synonym
for hopeless doom' (Kennedy, St. Paul's Concep-
tions of the Last Things, 1904, pp. 113-117).
(c) Other NT books.— This idea is also strongly
and strikingly put in Ja 1^^ : ' Sin, when it is full-
grown, bringeth forth death' (cf. 2 Ti P», He 2").
In Jude «• 12 and 2 P 2" we have the expressions
' darkness ' and ' the blackness of darkness ' used as
descriptive epithets of the place of punishment.
Once more we are face to face with the peculiar
imagery of apocalyptic, and we recall how the
word is employed in the Gospels, especially in the
phrase 'the outer darkness' (cf. Mt S^^). In E71.
X. 4 we read, ' Bind Azazel hand and foot, and cast
him into the darkness,' and throughout that book
the imagery frequently recurs. The figure is a
natural one, and needs no elaboration to make its
force felt.
(d) Apostolic Fathers. — In turning to the Chris-
tian literature of the 1st cent, that lies outside the
NT, we do not find any very striking additions to
• These translations are taken from the English version by
M. S. Terry, New York, 1899.
the ideas contained in the pages of the canonical
books. In Did. 16 we read, 'All created mankind
shall come to the tire of testing, and many shall be
offended and perish,' which is only a faint reflexion
of the Sj-noptic statements. In the Epistle of
Barnahas, xx., the way of sin is described as 'a
way of eternal death with punishment,' and then
follows a list of sins reminiscent of Rev 21*. In
the 8th Similitude of the Shtphcrd of Hennas —
that of the tower-builders — there are manj' refer-
ences to judgment, but they are couched in such
general terms as 'shall lose his life,' 'these lost
their life finally,' or ' these perished altogether
unto God.' In Sim. IX. xviii. 2 there is a striking
passage differentiating between the punishment of
the ignorant and those who sin knowingly : ' They
that have not known God, and commit wickedness,
ai-e condemned to death ; but they that have
known God and seen His mighty works, and yet
commit wickedness, shall receive a double punish-
nient, and shall die eternally.' In IX. xxviii. 7 it
is said : ' Confess that ye have the Lord, lest
denying Him ye be delivered into prison (efs
dea-/xix}T7]piov).' There can be no doubt here that
' prison ' is meant to signify the place of punish-
ment beyond death. Tlie imagery may be derived
from the saying in Mt 5-^"-^, but we must remember
that ' bonds and imprisonment ' were frequently
the terms in which the apocalyptic literature
figured future punishment.
(e) First-century apocalypses. — The conception
that meets us in the Parable of Dives and Lazarus,
viz. that tlie places of bliss and torment are visible
the one from the other, meets us in two or three
apocalypses of the 1st century. In the section of
2 Esdras discovered in 1875, we have one of these
passages (vii. 36-38) :
' And the pit (Lat. " place ") of torment shall appear, and over
against it sliall be the place of rest: and the furnace of hell
(Lat. "Gehenna") shall be shewed, and over against it the
paradise of delight. And there shall the Most High sav to the
nations that are raised from the dead, See ye and understand
whom ye have denied, or whom ye have not served, or whose
commandments ye have despised. Look on this side and on
that : here is delight and rest, and there fire and torments.'
In Ass. Mos. X. 10 occurs the passage :
' And thou wilt look from on high and see thine enemies in
Gehenna, and thou wilt recognize them and rejoice, and thou
wilt give thanks and confess thy Creator.'
Very similar passages are found in the Book of
the Secrets of Enoch, chs. x., xl., and xli.
This idea is even more clearly set forth in the
Apocalypse of Peter, and forms the beginning
of the famous passage in which is set forth the
punishment of sinners, in the manner that to later
ages is most familiar in the pages of Dante, where
the forms of torment bear an appropriate relation
to the sins committed. The i)assage begins at
§ 20, and follows immediately on the description of
Heaven, with these words :
'And I saw another place over against that, very dark : and
it was the place of punishment : and those wlio were punished
there and the punishing angels had a dark raiment like the air
of the place. And some were there hanging bv the tongue:
these were those who blasphemed the way of rii,^hteousness, and
under them was fire burning and punishing tiiem. And there
was a great lake, full of flaming mire, in which were certain
men who had perverted righteousness, and tormenting angels
afflicted them.'
In these verses we trace the similarity to ideas
and figures we have already discovered in the Apoc.
of John and elsewhere, but the further descriptions
of this Inferno borrow elements from Greek and
other sources, and are consideraljjy more extra-
vagant than anything within the limits of the 1st
century. It may, however, be only a development
of tlie conceptions found in such 2nd cent, docu-
ments as Jude and 2 Peter.
(/) Josephus. — An interesting Avitness to con-
temporary Jewish thought in the 1st cent, is
Josephus, wlio has two references to the belief of
the Pharisees in the matter of future punishment.
In Ant. XVIII. i. 3 we read :
'Thej' alpn bslieve that souls have an immortal vigour in
them, and ha under the earth there will be rewards or punish-
ments, acci rd ng as they have lived virtuously or viciously in
this life ; ai d the latter are to be detained iii an everlasting
prison, but tnat the former shall have ijower to revive and live
again.' Again in BJ ll. viii. 14, quoting the doctrine of the
Pharisees, he claims their view to be ' that the souls o£ bad men
are subject to eternal punishment.'
{g) Testament of Abraham and Pistis Sophia. —
Before our survey of the literature closes, note
must be taken of tM'O striking and somewhat
fantastic conceptions contained in two works,
which probably set forth, among their obviously
later material, elements of an earlier tradition.
The first is found in the Testament of Abraham,
which may date in its origin from the 2nd cent, of
our era, and doubtless some of its contents are
from a much earlier period. In its present foi'm it
appears to issue from a Jewish -Christian source,
and its place of origin seems to be Egypt. Ele-
ments of Egyptian thought enter into its literary
form, among the most striking of which is the idea
of the weighing of souls— a scene that often occurs
on the Egyjjtian pagan monuments. The trial of
souls is tihreefold — once before Abel, at a later
time by the twelve tribes of Israel, and finally by
the Lord Himself. Abraham is permitted to wit-
ness the procedure of judgment, and he finds two
angels seated at a table. The one on the right
hand records the good deeds, and the one on the
left tiie evil deeds of the soul to be tested. In
front of the table stands an angel with a balance
on which the souls are weighed, while another
has a trumpet having within it all-consuming fire
whereby the souls are tried. These more elaborate
and somewhat mechanical methods form a link
Avith the imagery of medi.'evalism, but also prove
the manner in which Christianity was proceeding
along eclectic lines, and taking to itself ideas and
figures from other religions.
In the curious work known as the Pistis Sophia,
probably of Valentinian, and certainly of Gnostic
origin, we have a bizarre conception of the place
of punishment — descril)ed as 'the outer darkness.'
It is presented in the form of a huge dragon with
its tail in its mouth, the circle thus formed en-
girdling the Avhole earth. Within the monster are
the regions of punishment — 'for there are in it
twelve dungeons of horrible torment.' Each
dungeon is governed by a monster-like ruler, and
in tliese are punished the worst of sinners, e.g.
sorcerers, blasphemers, murderers, the unclean,
and those who remain in the doctrines of error.
To express the awfulness of the torture, it is said
that the fire of the under world is nine times
hotter than that of earthly furnaces ; the fire of
the great chaos nine times hotter than that of the
under world ; the fire of the ' rulers ' nine times
hotter than that of the great chaos ; but the fire of
the dragon is seventy times more intense in its
lieat than that of the 'rulers' ! In 3 Baruch, iv.
and V. there is the mention of a dragon in close
connexion Avith Hades, and in the latter chapter
Hades is said to be his belly (cf. Hughes' notes
on the passage in Charles' A2')oc. and Pseudcpirj.).
We are at least reminded by such passages of the
Jonah legend, and it may well be that beliind all
three is a common origin. The dragon is obviously
an old Semitic myth, and this particular form of it
probably gives fresh significance to the Avords in
Rev 20-: ' tiie dragon, the old serpent, Avhich is
the Devil and Satan.'
3. General considerations. — Several points of
importance emerge froin our study of these refer-
ences in the literature of the 1st century.
(1) The surprisingly few passages in the NT in
HELL
HELLENISM
547
tahich the tcord 'hell' (or even the idea it conveys)
occurs. — Outside the Gospels and tlie Apocalypse,
there are practically no occasions on which we find
it employed. Its absence from the writings of St.
Paul, Hebrews, and the Epistles of John is most
noteworthy. Our surprise is not lessened by the
recollection of the fact that, according to the Rabbis,
'seven things were created before the world —
Torah, Gehnnna, the Garden of Eden, the Throne of
Glory, the Sanctuary, Repentance, and the Name
of Messiah.' In St. Paul at least, six of these are
frequently in evidence, and this gives more signifi-
cance to his silence about the seventh.
(2) The re.ffrained sanity of the references that
do occur. — ^Yhen we compare even the lurid
images of the Apocalypse with those we have cited
(and even more with those that may be found else-
where in the same books) from contemporarj- works
of a similar character, we cannot but be impressed
with the soberness of the language. There is noth-
ing of the morbid curiosity and unpleasant linger-
ing on horrors, to say nothing of the sense of gloat-
ing over vengeance and cruelty, that we find in
so many kindred passages. Terrible imagery is
sometimes employed, but it is clearly imbued with
a high moral aim, and designed to convey a clearly
spiritual purpose. The absence of such allegoriz-
ing methods as those of Philo is also noteworthy.
Imagery is the method in which the truths are here
convej^ed, not allegory.
(3) The obvious dependence on the teaching of the
Gospels for all that is said about hell. — It would be
hard to point to any passage in the NT that con-
veyed any fresh or fuller ideas about the place of
punishment, its nature and purpose, than are to be
found in words attributed to Jesus in the Gospels.
This is certainly noteworthy and significant, even
if the Gospel teaching on Gehenna is an echo of
current ideas. In form it probably is, but in
ethical content it surely goes deeper, and we are
made to feel that in the conception of the speaker
this place also is founded by the Eternal Love — it
too is part of the Father's Universe. Dante, the
greatest apocaly ptist of subsequent ages, had caught
the true evangelical spirit of this most awful doc-
trine when he wrote :
' Justice incited my sublime Creator ;
Created me divine Omnipotence,
The highest Wisdom and the primal Love '
{Inferno, iii. 4).
(4) The permanent spiritual lessons to be derived
from the descriptions of future punishment. — (a)
All evil powers — death, sin, and their forces — are
to be finally destroyed in the fires of Divine judg-
ment (Rev 20i»- i»-i», 2 P 2S Jude ^% According to
St. Paul, all powers that make against Christ and
His Kingdom are to come to final ruin (cf. 2 Th
28-i», 1 Co 15-^-26).
(b) Evil in the heart of men must entail punish-
ment and, if persisted in, eternal loss and shame,
and a death that is more than death (Ro 6"°"^, Rev
21*). The terrible nature of moral evil, and of the
heart's persistent rebellion against God, is the ap-
palling reality that renders these pictures of judg-
ment truly significant, and redeems them from
being the mere pageantry of a heated imagination.
Whatever we may say of their outward form, there
is an inexpressible gi'andeur behind them that rests
in a true conception and representation of the
Divine Holiness. ' The fear of hell ' in these pages
is much more than ' the hangman's whip ' ; it is the
cry of the soul in the presence of Him who is re-
vealed as of purer eyes than to behold iniquity,
but who is, nevertheless, the Redeemer of His
Universe.
LiTBRATtiRE. — See artt. Hades, Abtbs, Life and Death, etc.,
in this Dictionary, and also in HDB, DCG, EBr, and EBi. In
addition to the works referred to in the body of the article.
the following should be consulted : R. H. Charles's separate
editions of the various apocalvpses, the great work edited by
hira, The Apocrypha and Pse'udepi(irupha of the OT, Oxford,
1913, and Between the Old and Xew'J'eitcanents, London, 1914 ;
E. Hennecke, Seutest. Apokrpphen and Eandhuch zu den
ricutest. Apokryphen, Tubingen, 1904 ; J. A. Robinson and M.
R. James, The Gospel ace. to Peter and the Revelation of
Peter, London, 1&92 ; A. Harnack, tjler das gnost. Buc'h
Pistls-Sophia ( = TU vii. 2), Leipzig, 1891; R. H. Charles, A
Critical History of the Doctrine of a Fviure Life^, London,
1913 ; S. D. F. Salmond, The Christian Doctrine of Imrnor-
talityi, Edinburgh, 1901 ; E. C. Dewick, Primitive Christian
EschaUAogy, Cambridge, 1912 ; W. O. E. Oesterley, The
Doctrine of the Last Things, London, 1908 ; A. Schweitzer,
The Quest of the Historical Jesus, Eng. tr., do. 1910; G.
Dalman, The Words of Jesus, Eng. tr., "Edinburgh, 1902 ; P.
Volz, Jiidische Eschatologie, Tiibingen, 1903.
G. CuREiE Martin.
HELLENISM.— The word 'Hellenism,' which in
Greek writers stands for Greek civilization, has
now come to be used with a four-fold meaning.
(1) Since Droysen, it describes a particular period
of Greek history and civilization ; (2) it is a name
for the influence of this Greek civilization on the
Oriental world ; (3) it marks a certain stream in
Judaism ; and (4) it denotes a party in primitive
Christianity. (1) and (2) are closely related to one
another, and so are (3) and (4).
1. Hellenism as a period. — The reign of Alex-
ander the Great marks a period in Greek history,
not only by reason of the expansion of Greek
influence but also owing to the rise of a new spirit
which affected language, literature, art, philosophy,
science, civilization in general, and religion.
See J. G. Droysen, Geschichte des Hellenismtufl, Gotha,
1877-78; J. Kaerst, Geschichte des hellenistischen Zeitalters,
Leipzig, 1901-09 ; P. Corssen, ' Uber Begriff und Wesen des
Hellenismus,' ZSTiV ix. (190SJ 81-95.
(a) Language. — The Greek tribes, hitherto
separated by rivalry and difference of dialect and
customs, became mixed. A common language, the
so-called ' Koine,' combining in its vocabulary and
its grammatical forms elements from various dia-
lects, took the place of the local dialects, and
succeeded even in robbing the Attic of its domin-
ating position in literature. Words never used by
Attic writers but found in Ionic poets or in Doric
inscriptions became current : as, e.g., yoyyvl^u, k\1-
^avos, and so did forms like Xa6s, va6s, i^M" instead
of ^v, oida/xev instead of ia-pi.ev. The formation of
compounds went on ; as the prepositions had lost
somewhat of their meaning, two prepositions were
combined : i^airoariWu, iwidiaTaaaw, iiriavvdyu ;
and again nouns were formed from these com-
pound verbs : i^airoaroKri, iTrididTayiJ.a, itnawayuryri.
On the other hand, there was a tendency to use the
simple where in former times a compound would
have been used. The grammar lost certain moods
and tenses : the dual and the optative became
almost obsolete ; the pluperfect was rare. The
syntax tended to become more simple ; the beauti-
ful periods constructed by the Attic classics by
means of participles and infinitives used as nouns
disappeared ; the infinitive was generally expressed
by 'if a or Situs used without a final sense.
Most of these changes can be explained from
the point of view of the evolution of the Greek
language itself. A language is always growing
and changing, and the Koine marks only a step in
a long process from the Greek of Homer's time to
modern Greek. Of course this development did
not always follow a straight line : there was a
constant reaction, on. the part of certain authors,
against the popular current, in favour of cultured
literary forms ; besides the rich and flowerj'
Asiani'sm an artificial Atticism was cultivated by
the writers of the Hellenistic period.
Moreover, it is evident that an admixture of
Oriental elements also influenced the Greek
language. The vocabulary of this period shows
Persian words [irapdSeicros, dyyapeveiv), as well as
548
HELLEmSM
HELLEmSM
Hebrew and Aramaic (Trdo-xa, ad^^arov), Egyptian
{irdTTvpoi, ^apad)), and Roman (STjvdpLov, KovcrriijSia).
Many of the grammatical and sj^ntactical pheno-
mena may be explained more readily by refer-
ence to the parallels in these languages. One
Hebraism is irpoffwirov rivos Xap-^dveiv, whence come
irpoauiro\rjWT(j3p and TrpoawTro\r)\jyLa.
See H. A. A. Kennedy, Sources of NT Greek, Edinburgh,
1895 ; A. N. Jannaris, An Historical Greek Grammar, London,
1897; A. Deissmann, art. 'Hellenistisches Griechisch ' in PRE^
vii. 627-6311, Philology of the Greek Bible, Eng. tr., London,
1908 ; A. Thumb, Die griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des
Hellenismus, Strassburg, 1901 ; J. H. Moulton, Prolegomena
to the Grammar of the ATi*, Edinburgh, 1908. See afso next
article.
(b) Literature. — The period of Hellenism marks
a decrease in skilful composition, and at the same
time exhibits much artificiality. The writing be-
comes more popular in form as well as in contents :
romance and novel attain to a large circulation ;
there is a demand for biography, special history,
travellers' guide-books, and the like ; many subjects
are treated in the form of letters. Pseudepigrapliy,
i.e. writing under an assumed name of some gi-eat
authority of former times, is very common. By
indulging in this practice, writers acknowledge
their own lack of authority and originality. To
imitate classical models well is the great aim of
most of them, and this is what they are trained to
do in the schools. As a matter of fact, they do
their best work when writing in the ordinary style
of popular talk ; but tiiey are not aware of this,
and always aim at something more artistic, taking
the artificial for the artistic. Many Hellenistic
writers show a special interest in strange countries,
peoples, languages, and customs.
See U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Geschiehte der griech-
rschen Litteratur~ (Kultur der Gegenwart, i. 8, Leipzig, 1907);
F. Susemihl, Geschiehte der griechischen Litteratur in der
Alexandrinerzeit, do. 1891-92 ; W. Christ, Geschiehte der
griechischen Litteratur^, ed. O. Stahhn and W. Schmid, Munich,
1908-09.
(c) Art. — The same holds true of the fine arts.
It is a period of decadence, a natural decrease of
physical and mental energy following on a period
of highest achievement. In this special case the
movement was determined by Oriental influences.
The idealism of classic Greek art gave place to
realism and symbolism ; natural brightness was
turned into austere solemnity, beauty into mag-
nificence, charm into sensuality.
See Springrer-Michaelis, Handbueh der Kunstgesehichte, i.
{= Das AUertum^), Leipzig, 1911; L. von Sybel, Weltgeschichte
der Kunst im Altcrtum^, Marburg, 1903 ; S. Reinach, The
Story of Art throughout the Ages, London, 1904 ; J. Strzy-
gowski, Orient oder Rom, Leipzig, 1901 ; E. A. Gardner, art.
' Art (Greeli and Roman) ' in ERE i. 870.
{d) Philosophy.— TYiQ philosophers of Hellenism
are mostly eclectics ; the general tendency is to-
wards the practical questions of life. Stoicism
and Cynicism are the leading schools ; their
teaching is popular and, indeed, is very often a
kind of preaching. Philosophy becomes a sub-
stitute for religion : it is moral education. Here
again the lack of originality makes itself con-
spicuous by the fact that recent products appear
either under old names or as commentarits on old
books. Tlicre is a tendency to rely on the authority
of the ancients. Homer and Plato are treated as
the divine text-books from which one has to derive
all doctrines by means of allegorical interpretation.
Mythology is turned into metapiiysics and physics,
or psychology and morals. There is a particular
interest in psychological analysis.
See Ed. Zeller, Die Philosophie der Griechen*, Leipzig, 1909,
vol. iii.
(e) History and science.— The Hellenistic period
is one of collecting : Aristotle's work is continued,
but tlie power of pervading the materials collected
with a real constructive spirit is absent. There-
fore history becomes a collection of single tales of
various kinds and often of very difi'erent value, not
sifted critically, but put together without even an
eflbrt to connect them. Similarly science is no-
thing but a vast pile of collected materials, all
kinds of real observations being mixed up with the
most ridiculous superstitions. Great store is set
by what is extraordinary, and only the miraculous
is regarded as of any importance.
See J. P. Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought from the Death
of Alexander to the Roman Conquest'^, London, 1896.
{/) Civilization in general. — Hellenism marks
a period of the highest civilization, in the sense
that all the comforts of life wei'e highly developed.
Travelling had become fairly easy, and whatever
luxuries a refined life required were brought by
tradesmen from the remotest parts of the world.
Houses were furnished in the most costly way,
marbles, metals, ivory-carvings, and mural paint-
ings being frequently used in decoration. Even
the cheap furniture in daily use by poor people
was seldom without decoration.
The social difi'erences were enormous : there were
a few very rich people while the majority of men
were poor. Production was carried on by slaves,
who were imported in great numljers from the
East ; although there was also room for the work of
free labourers. Politics did not occupy the citizen
much, for power had passed from the democracy
to the monarchy. The free citizen devoted his
time mostly to athletics, and the games were
always attended by a large crowd. These people
were accustomed to be fed and entertained by the
government or by rich politicians. To musical and
theatrical performances were added competitions
between orators. The cruel and sometimes vulgar
amusements of the circus came more and more into
vogue, and the people even wanted criminals to be
executed in the arena. Hellenistic civilization
made people unfeeling and at the same time Aveak
and effeminate ; in spite of the humane doctrines
of the Stoa, many people were cruel to their slaves
and employees. Human life was not valued, and
suicide was frequent.
See P. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-romische Kultur^ s (jn H.
Lietzma,nn's Enndbuchzum NT, new ed.,Tuhingen, 1912); F.
Baumgarten, F. Poland, R. Wagner, Die hellenische Kultur'^,
Leipzig, 1913 ; J. P. Mahaffy, The Silver Age of the Greek World,
Chicago, 1906.
(g) Beligion. — The old family-cults and State-
cult were continued as a matter of course ; but
there was a notable reduction of local cults, the
greater gods, so to speak, swallowing up the minor
heroes. On the other hand, a tendency towards
deification and hero-worship was always introdu-
cing new objects of worship. The most prominent
was the worship of the kings, and, in the Koman
period, of the Emperor.
As early as Plato the old Greek religion had
changed from a more or less cheerful woi'ship of
Nature into a kind of gloomy mysticism. The
influence of the Oriental cults strengthened this
tendency. Man tried to get rid of his own mortal
nature by entering into mystical union with tlie
divine nature. Immortality, continuation of life,
became the prominent notions, and this brought
to the front the conceptions of the hereafter and
of the judgment, of a life of bliss and of penalties
in the otiier world. The feeling of guilt became
stronger and stronger. Men tried by all means to
get rid of sin, which, however, did not mean to them
moral so much as physical evil. Thus the Oriental
rites gained all the greater influence, because they
promised to relieve men from sin and death by
letting them share in the life of the deity. The
means to this end were mostly sacramental, i.e.
pliysical : communion with the god was effected by
eating and drinking at certain sacred meals, with
the use of certain sacred vessels, and certain sacred
HELLENISM
HELLENISM
549
fornniln\ by going through a number of symbolical
performances and keeping many rules, the reason
of which nobody could explain. The individual
rite ventured to give full assurance of life, but tiie
faithful usually resorted to a variety of rites, and
the priests could not object to this ; their religion
was tolerated and must be tolerant : this is implied
in the system of polytlieism. The important feat-
ure is not the individual rite, but the whole attitude
of mind produced by these Mysteries.
See F. Cumont, Les Religions orientales dans le paganisme
romain~, Paris, 1909 ; R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistinchen
Mysterienrelifiionen, Leipzig, 1910 ; L. R Farnell, art. ' Greek
Religion ' in ERE vi. 420-5.
2. Hellenism as hellenization of the Orient. —
Alexander had conquered the Orient, i.e. Asia
Minor, Syria, Egypt, Persia, etc., and his suc-
cessors founded there several kingdoms. But his
idea was not only to subdue the Orient by force for
political purposes, but to pervade it witii the spirit
of Greek civilization, and at the same time to make
Oriental and Greek culture a unity. A marriage
between East and West, symbolized by his own
wedding with Roxane at Persepolis, was his aim.
In fact, the Greek dynasties of the Attalids, Seleu-
cids, Ptolemys, etc., succeeded in imposing on their
respective dominions a veneer of Greek culture :
the Greek language was used at the court, in the
army, on the coinage, in inscriptions, and as the
common language in many of the colonies and towns
founded by tJiese kings ; Greek law was used — with
local modifications ; Greek cults were officially in-
troduced beside the native ones ; Greek artists
constructed the palaces and public buildings, and
decorated them in the Greek style with sculptures
and pictures.
This Greek culture, however, was but a veneer ;
it was only on the surface, and had only a temporary
existence. Underneath, the old Oriental civilization
still persisted, and came to the surface after a short
time — more especially in the 3rd cent. A.D. We
find many of the artificial Greek names of localities
disappear and the old place-names reappear ; we
find the vernacular, so far spoken only by illiterate
country folk,* recapture the cities and create a
national literature. The cosmopolitan feeling of
the Hellenistic period was replaced by an outburst
of nationalistic enthusiasm, which made it easy for
Muhammadanism to over-run all these Eastern pro-
vinces and sweep away the last remainders of the
Hellenistic civilization.
In the meantime, Hellenism had not only assimi-
lated many Oriental notions and beliefs : it had
opened the West itself to Oriental influence. This
is in fact what is usually called Hellenism — that
mixture of Greek and Oriental civilization which
characterizes the culture of the last centuries B.C.
and the first centuries A.D. We have already seen
how it influenced Greek language, literature, art,
science, etc. The most significant feature was re-
ligious syncretism. Not only were the Oriental
gods called by Greek names (Amnion and Baal
became Zeus ; Melkart, Herakles ; Astarte, Aphro-
dite ; Thoth, Hermes, etc.) — what is usually called
theocrasy — but the Oriental gods themselves under
their own names Avere introduced into the West and
worshipped by Greeks and Romans with no less
fervour than by their own countrymen. But it
was not the plain Egyptian cult of Isis, or the
Phoenician cult of Adonis, or the Phrygian cult of
the Magna Mater and Attis, or the Persian cult of
Mithra that made so many proselytes among the
Greeks and Romans : on their way to the West
these cults had been transformed into Greek
Mysteries, and it was in this form that they proved
* When St. Paul arrived at Lystra, the people there spoke
AuKaoi'icTTi.' (Ac 1411), but St. Paiil preached in Greek and was
understood.
SO attractive. The Greek notion of a Mystery — i.e.
the idea of a community of initiated believers who
sought to enter into union with the god for the
purpose of obtaining divine immortality — took
hold of these Oriental cults, whose myths were ex-
cellently adapted for this purpose, and whose strange
rites lent themselves to the sacramental methods
of such a communion. Moreover, the Orient had
produced a priestly wisdom which was easily trans-
formed into a Greek gnosis : Hellenism identified
the objects of this speculation with its philosophical
notions, hellenizing even their strange names into
psychological terms.
It is the special character of this Oriental Hellen-
ism that one can scarcely distinguish its separate
elements : they are borrowed from all parts of the
Eastern world, and so mixed up with Greek elements
that the whole mass appears as a homogeneous unity
in substance and form. Many of its features may
be explained as readily from the Greek as from
the Oriental point of view.
3. Jewish Hellenism.— Into this melting-pot of
Oriental and Greek civilization Judaism was thrown
in diflerent ways.
(a) Babylon, where the largest number of Jews
was settled, felt the Greek influence, after the
Persian period, but only for a comparatively short
time. Thus some Greek elements, besides the
Persian ones, may have been introduced even
here.
(b) Palestine itself, the native soil of Judaism,
came under the political and cultural influence of
the Ptolemys of Egypt and the Seleucids of Syria,
and this influence became so strong that we find the
religious leaders of the Jewish people, the priestly
aristocracy, calling their sons by Greek names
(Menelaus [Menahem] or Jason [Joshua, Jesus]),
and making them practise athletics according to
the Greek usage. They came very near to a hellen-
izing of their religion as well, until the ill-timed
attempt of Antiochus Epiphanes in 168 B.C. to
introduce Greek idol-worship in place of the Jewish
cult caused a reaction, when the Maccabees re-
volted and succeeded in delivering their country
from the political domination of the Seleucids.
They were less successful, and probably less zealous,
in their attempt at getting rid of Hellenistic civil-
ization. To learn the Greek language, to be in
touch with the Western culture, was still an aim
of most cultured Jews. All the time, until the
destruction of Jerusalem, two tendencies were at
work side by side : the tendency to isolate Judaism
by prohibiting all relations with Hellenistic sur-
roundings, and the tendency to give Judaism more
influence by encouraging Jewish boys to learn the
Greek language and to assimilate Greek ideas. It
is rather difficult to estimate the exact measure of
the Hellenistic influence on this Palestinian Juda-
ism ; but that it was great there can be no doubt.
We see it in the vocabulary of Rabbinical Aramaic
which includes terms like SLad-qKi), Kan'jywp, etc., ; we
see it further in many notions of Jewish psychology
and even eschatology : it is Hellenistic individual-
ism which distinguishes later from earlier Jewish
theories.
(c) The Greek Diaspora. — The real Jewish Hellen-
ism, however, was to be found among the colonies
of Jews scattered all over the Grseco-Roman world,
the so-called Diaspora.* These Jews, who in some
places — as, e.g., Alexandria and the Cyrenaica —
formed a third of the population and had a power-
ful organization, had opened their minds to the
spirit of Greek civilization. They not only spoke
* Besides the Jewish Diaspora there was a smaller Samaritan
one, which developed the same Hellenistic tendencies — a Greek
translation of the Bible, a poem on the history of Sichem,
chronicles, etc. (Schiirer, GJV'* iii. [Leipzig, 1909]. 51, 481 ff.;
P. Glaue and A. Rahlfs, Fragmente einer griech. Lfbersetzung
des Samaritan. Pentateuchs [A'GG, 1911, 167 ff.]).
550
HELLENISM
HELLENISM
the Greek language in addition to their vernacular ;
it loas tlieir vernacular: they used it in Divine
service, when they gathered in the synagogues to
worship the God of Israel ; tliey had the Holy
Scriptures, the Law of their God, translated into
Greek ; they had writers among themselves who
liad as great a mastery of the Greek language as
any Greek author ; they produced poems on the
liistory of the Jewish people in the style of Homer,
and even dramatized the Scriptures after the model
of Euripides. They made a real study of Greek
philosophy, and themselves contributed to the
development of philosophical thought. While the
unknown author of the Book of Wisdom under the
name of Solomon sets forth the Jewish wisdom as
it was influenced by Greek ideas, Philo, the famous
Jewish philosopher, finds in Greek philosophy the
real meaning of the Jewish Scriptures. He is, of
course, a Jew, and he remains so ; his heart belongs
to his people and to its religion, but his head is
filled with Greek notions and speculations, and it
is from the Greek philosophers that he derives what
he sets forth as the teaching of the ideal law -giver,
Rloses.
This Jewish Hellenism of the Diaspora was in
fact Judaism, akin to the true Palestinian Judaism
in substance, but it was a special kind of Judaism.
Its horizon was widened, and its strictness weak-
ened. Starting from an earlier form of Judaism,
it did not share in the specific Kabbinical develop-
ment of later Palestinian Judaism ; on the other
hand, it developed in its own way. Many things
were possible to these Hellenistic Jews which would
have been intolerable to the Palestinian Rabbis ;
and many things were uncertain to the former
regarding which there was no question among the
latter.
Hellenistic Judaism, therefore, was regarded by
pious Palestinians as a Judaism of lower rank, a
semi-heretical second-class Judaism. Nevertheless,
it was a very influential pioneer of Judaism among
the Greeks and Romans. The broader views proved
to be more attractive to the heathen. They took
the moral injunctions from the Law without being
compelled to take circumcision and other strange
rites ; they accepted these moral views, together
with the great hope of the Jewish people, from the
Greek Bible. They had thus the guarantee of an
old revelation transmitted in a most venerable
book, and yet it sounded quite modern when inter-
preted by men like Philo. The language of this
book was, of course, Oriental, but was this not in
itself a sign of something Divine or an evidence of
venerable age ? Thus many a heathen became an
adherent of this broad Judaism, being admitted as
a worshipper and supporting the Jewish congrega-
tion by means of his wealth, and lending it his
influence. It was for the benefit of such faithful
proselj^tes that the Jews composed a moral cate-
chism in poetical form under tlie name of Phoky-
lides, or wrote the Sibylline Oracles, embodying
the iaope of the Jewish people, or interpolated
hints to Jewish believers into the works of the
famous Greek authors. This Jewish propaganda
succeeded in gathering around tlie synagogues of
the Diaspora numbers of proselytes who approached
Judaism in various degrees.
Comparatively few Jews were led by contact
with Hellenism to apostasy, like Philo's nephew
Tiberius Alexander. For the most part tlie Jew
remained a Jew, faithful to his people and its re-
ligion even amidst Hellenistic surroimdings ; and
the hatred which the average Greek population
felt for this strange element in their midst caused
the Jews to cling together even more. The ideal
of many Jews of the Diaspora was to go to Jerusa-
lem, not only for a short pilgrimage, but with the
purpose of staying there and being buried there at
their death. Thus a considerable colony of Hellen-
istic Jews from all parts of the world settled in
Jerusalem : they had their own synagogues ; they
retained the habit of speaking Greek, and nourished
their peculiar notions about the Law and the uni-
versalism of salvation. It is from these circles
of Hellenistic Jews in Jerusalem that the name
' Hellenist ' is derived (Ac 6' D^s).
See C. Siegfried, 'Bedeutung und Schicksal des Hellenismus
im judischen Vo\k,' in J PTh, 18S6, p. 228 ff. ; E. Schiirer, GJV*
iii. [Leipzig, 1909] ; W. Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums
im neutest. Zeilalter'^, Berlin, 1906 ; O. Holtzmann, Neutest.
Zeitgeschichte^, Tubingen, 1906 ; W. Staerk, Neutest. Zeitge-
schichte, Leipzig, 1907, also ' Judentum und Hellenismus,' in Das
Christentum, do. 1908 ; A. Deissmann, 'Die Hellenisieiung des
semit. Monotlieisnius,' in Neue Jahrbucherfiir das kiass. Alter-
turn, 1903, p. 161 B. ; M. Friedlander, Die religiosen Beweg-
unpen innerhalb des Judentums im Zeitalter Jesu, Berlin,
1905 ; F. Buhl, art. ' Hellenisten ' in PRE^ vii. 623-627 ; cf. art.
Philo.
4. Hellenism in primitive Christianity. — The
gospel of Jesus was a Divine message to Israel ;
Jesus Himself had confined His ministry to the
lost sheep of the house of Israel ; it was only occa-
sionally that He dealt with pagans such as the
centurion of Capernaum or the Syrophcenician
woman ; it is an exceptional case also when we
read in Jn 12^" that there were certain Greeks who
wished to see Jesus. The primitive community
which arose in Jerusalem after Jesus' Death and
Resurrection was a purely Jewish one. But it is
remarkable that very soon, if not from the very
first, Hellenistic Jews joined this community of
Galiljeans. The very tendency of the gospel, uni-
versalistic as it was, appealed to these broad-
minded people, and they were ready to deduce the
consequences.
(a) The Hellenists in Jerusalem. — The first time
we liear of ' Hellenists ' is on the occasion of a
quarrel between the two sections of the Christian
community in Jerusalem, the 'Hellenists' com-
plaining against the ' Hebrews ' that their widows
were overlooked in the daily food-supply (Ac 6').
Here the term seems to point primarily to the
diflerence of language, but we remark a feeling
of solidarity, a certain party-spirit, among these
Hellenists aa opposed to the Hebrews. The
leaders of the community deal with the matter,
and, in order to satisfy the complaining party,
elect seven prominent men from among the Hellen-
ists to take care of the food-supply. The first
officials of the Christian Church — except the
apostles — were thus Hellenists.
It was the Hellenists that occasioned the first
struggle of Christianity with the Jewish authori-
ties ; St. Stephen, one of the Seven, was accused
of having spoken against the Temple and the Law,
and by a sudden outbreak of popular hatred he
was put to death (with no authorization on the
part of the Romans). This was the signal for a
general persecution of the Christians. Again, it
was the Hellenists who spread the gospel, not only
among the Samaritans (Philip the Deacon, Ac 8^"^^)
but also among the Greeks in Antioch (Ac IP").
This is the beginning of the Gentile mission : the
nameless men from Cyprus and Cyrene who are
mentioned hei'e are the forerunners of St. Paul, in
some sense the first apostles of the Gentiles, the
founders of the Gentile Church. The beginnings
were small, but the fact in itself is of great import-
ance. Having seen the propaganda carried on by
Jewish Hellenism among the Gentiles, we may
readily understand the attitude of the Christian
Hellenists. Their mission work was probably
of rather an occasional kind, and they did not
work systematically like St. Paul, but they were
creative.
{b) St. Paul himself, the Apostle of the Gentiles,
was not a Hellenist strictly speaking. Born in the
Diaspora, at Tarsus in Cilicia, he was nevertheless
HELLENISM
HELLEiJISTIC & BIBLICAL GEEEK 551
'a Hebrew of Hebrews' (Ph 3^) ; he had Pharisaic
surroundings, and was brought up in tlie spirit of
the Palestinian Rabljis : he even went to Jerusalem
to complete his Rabbinical education. In spite of
his writing Greek and using the Greek Bible, he
thinks in the way of a trained Palestinian Rabbi.
After a missionary period of about 25 years, he
was able to address the people of Jerusalem in
their own Hebrew {i.e. Aramaic) language (Ac 21^"
22-). Whether Hellenism — apart from general
culture — had any notable influence upon him is an
open question. From time to time the Hellenism
of St. Paul is spoken of as a prominent feature in
early Christian history ; then again his predomin-
antly Rabbinical training is insisted upon by another
generation of scholars. The facts are that Hellen-
ism, as we have seen, was in itself a mixture, which,
in addition to the Greek element, included much
that was Oriental ; the Rabbinical education also
comprehended a good many Greek notions ; and
the reasoning of the Jewish teachers was often
very similar to the Stoic philosophy, as the popular
Greek language of the Hellenistic peinod had a
Semitic tinge. Parallels to most of the Pauline
expressions may be adduced both from Rabbinical
and from Greek Avriters, as was shown long ago by
J. J. Wetstein (1751). It is, therefore, very diffi-
cult to tell exactly how far the influence of Hellen-
ism may be traced in St. Paul. The one thing
which seems certain, however, is that he did not
borrow consciously from the Mystery religions.
He is afraid of the demoniac influences in these ;
he tries to keep his faithful readers from any con-
taminating participation in idol-worship : for this
is the sphere where the demons exercise their
influence (1 Co lO^'*^-). Whatever may be said
about St. Pavil's indebtedness to the Mysteries —
and a good deal has recently been said by Percy
Gardner, R. Reitzenstein, and others — this must
always be borne in mind.
(c) St. PatiVs companions. — There is, however,
one point which has not hitherto received due
attention. That is the fact that St. Paul's com-
panions belonged more or less to the Hellenists,
and that he may thus have been unconsciously
subjected to the influence of Hellenistic notions.
Barnabas the Levite came from Cyprus (Ac 4^®).
Silas (Silvanus) also was evidently a Hellenist.
Timothy was the son of a pagan father and a Jewish
mother ; he had not been circumcised before St.
Paul took him into his company (Ac ]6^^*)- Titus
was a Greek (Gal 2^). ApoUos was a Hellenistic
Jew, born and trained at Alexandria (Ac 18-^).
Aquila and Priscilla were Jews from Rome, born
in Pontus (Ac 18-). In none of these cases (except
that of Apollos) can we make out exactly how far
the Greek influence went ; but it is probable that
most of the people referred to were much more
Hellenistic in their training than St. Paul him-
self, while Apollos was certainly an out-and-out
Hellenist.
We see the difl'erence when we turn from St.
Paul's letters to tlie Epistle to the Hebrews and
the so-called Catholic Epistles. Hebrews certainly
came from the pen of a Hellenist like Apollos : its
language and style, its interpretation of the OT,
its definition of faitli (11'), its psychology (cf.
214. 18 57. 14^ g^pg sufficient evidence of this. The
same is proved for 1 Peter by the metaphorical
language in l'^. 22 21, and the terminology taken
over from the Mystery-cults (2- [ditt'erent from
1 Co 3", He 5'2- 13] p. 23 320. 2i)_ The language of
Jude 12*- 1® points in the same direction. In 2 P 2'-^
a proverb is quoted which goes back to Heraclitus
(P. Wendland, Sitzungsberiehte der Berliner Aka-
demie, 1898, pt. xlix.), and the eschatology is partly
Stoic (this letter we should perhaps call Hellenistic
in the wider sense). The Epistle of James also is
Hellenistic in this broad sense, as may be seen in
the psychological analysis of temptation (1'^),
in the description of God's unchangeableness (1"),
in the notion of regeneration (V^), in the parables
(l--*' "^^ 3^- *) ; diroK^eiv (V^- ^^) belongs to the termino-
logy of the Hermetic literature ; the ' wheel of
nature ' (3^) is a Stoic term, etc. 1 Clement uses
the legend of the phoenix to demonstrate the
Christian hope of resurrection.
The Johannine literature, on the other hand,
originates in a Palestinian Judaism transplanted
into the soil of Asia Minor. There are Hellenistic
elements iu it {e.g. the notion of the Logos), but
they belong to the latest stratum in the develop-
ment of the Johannine doctrine.
Christianity was thus influenced by Hellenism
in various ways : after the Jewish Hellenists of
Jerusalem had started it on its world-mission, the
Hellenism of the Jewish Diaspora came to their
aid, and the Hellenism of the Greek- Roman world
received it gladly, after having prepared a way for
it. In receiving it, however, Hellenism turned the
gospel into a Mystery as it had done with the
other Oriental cults. From this point of view
Gnosticism and Catholicism are to be understood
respectively as a rapid and a slow hellenization of
Christianity.
Literature. — In addition to the works already cited, see
A. Harnack, Dogmengeschichte*, i. [Tubingen, 1909] ; E. von
Dobschiitz, Prnhleme des apostolischen Zeitalters, Leipzig',
1904, p. 97 £f.; The Apostolic Age, London, 1909 ; 'Christentuiu
und Griechentum,' in Das Christentum, Leipzig, 1908 ; G.
Hoennicke, Das Judenchristentum , Berlin, 190s ; C. F. G.
Heinrici, ' Ilelleniamus und Christentum,' in Bibl. Zeit- nyid
Streit/ragen, Leipzig, 1909; W. Glawe, Die Hellenisierung den
Chrikentums in der Geschichte der Theologie, Berlin, 1912. Cf.
artt. Stepuen, Paul. E. VON DOBSCHUTZ.
HELLENISTIC AND BIBLICAL GREEK.— 1.
Definition. — The term ' Biblical Greek ' denotes
the language of the Greek versions of the OT, and
more especially the LXX, as also that of the NT,
with which may be associated the Apocrypha and
the works of the Apostolic Fathers. This group
of writings, however, is separated from the world
of Hellenic culture not so much by any peculiarity
of language as by the ideas which Hnd expression
in them. In point of fact, Biblical Greek is a
deposit of the widely-diffused Hellenistic language
— the so-called Koine.
2. The term ' Koine.' — This term is used to
signify the Gr. language in its development from
the time of Alexander the Great to the close of the
ancient period, excluding, of course, the older dia-
lects so far as they survived at all, and excluding
also the language of the Atticists (2nd-5th cent.
A.D.), who sought to revive the Attic form of
speech, but, as children of their age, were unable
to free themselves wholly from the influence of the
living, i.e. the spoken, tongue. In designating the
common language of the Hellenistic period by
the single word ' Koine,' we are but following the
usage of the ancient grammarians, who employed
the expression ij kolvt) didXeKTos to differentiate the
language used by all from Attic, Ionic, Doric, and
^olic* But as the words kolvtj, kolv6v, koivQs were
not employed by the ancients in a uniform way,
we may venture to take the term ' Koine ' as
applying both to the spoken tongue and to its
literary form. The literary Koine, of which Poly-
bius may be called the most typical representative,
is a compromise between the spoken Koine and the
older literary language. This holds good of every
text written in the Koine, such works diflering
among themselves only as regards the degree in
which the two elements are intermingled. The
so-called Atticists, i.e. the grammarians, such as
* Cf. A. Maidhof, Zur Begrifsbestimmung der Koine,
Wijrzburg, 1912, and the criticism of Thumb, in Monatsschri/l
fur hohere Schulen, Berlin, 1913, p. 392 ff.
552 HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK
Moeris, who taught the rules of correct Attic,
usually distinguished such words and forms of the
Koine as they rejected, hy the term "EWrjves, as
contrasted with the 'AttikoI, the linguistic forms
they approved of ; and hence iXXi^vi^eiv means ' to
speak the Hellenistic language,' and the'EX\?7i'tcrra£
of Ac 6^ 9-^ are 'Hellenistic-speaking Jews' (pos-
sibly applied also to other Orientals).
3. The geographical domain of the Koine. — The
native soil of Biblical Greek, i.e. Palestine, Syria,
and Asia Minor, forms but a part of the great Hellen-
istic domain, the furthest boundaries of which
were nearly coincident with those of Alexander's
Empii-e. The hellenization of those parts of this
area which were originally non-Hellenic was, of
course, not uniform. It was most complete in Asia
Minor, which in the Middle Ages became the home
of Byzantine-Greek culture. Even in the Koman
Imperial period Asia Minor was almost entirely
Greek, and dominated by Greek civilization ; nor
is this contravened by the fact that the old in-
digenous languages, such as Phrygian, Cap-
padocian, etc., were still spoken sporadically
until the 5th and 6tli centuries. Lycaonian is
referred to as a spoken language not only in Ac
14^',* but, as late as the 6th cent., in the Legend of
St. Martha, while the Celtic dialect of the Gala-
tians was still a living vernacular in the time of
Jerome. Holl t rather overestimates the import-
ance of the evidences he gives of this fact, for the
dialects in question occupied a position in Hellenic
Asia Minor not very different from that of Albanian
in Greece at the present day ; and, in fact, the im-
portance of these tongues is hardly to be compared
with that of Welsh in England, the Phrygian
dialect alone surviving in a few short texts
(sepulchral inscriptions) dating from the Imperial
period. Tlie influence of the ancient languages of
Asia Minor upon Greek {i.e. the Koine) was like-
wise of the slightest. J In Syria, as in Egypt,
Greek was probably confined in the main to urban
districts. In the numerous Hellenistic towns situ-
ated between the Phoenician coast and a line to the
east of the Lake of Gennesaret and the Jordan —
cities like Antioch, Acco, Damascus, and Gadara —
the Greek language prevailed, as also did Greek
administration, law, and culture. As regards
Jewish Palestine, on the other hand, it can hardly
be said that there was any real hellenization there
at all. The Jews certainly learned Greek as the
medium of intercourse and commerce and also for
literary purposes, but they retained their Aramaic
mother- tongue as well. Jesus and His apostles
spoke Aramaic, and preached in Aramaic, though
they may not have been ignorant of Greek ; as a
matter of fact, the ability to use more than one
language is not uncommon in the East to-day, even
among the lower classes.§ From the fact that Jesus
and the apostles spoke Aramaic it is to be inferred
that the \6yia '1-qaov and the earliest records of
His life were originally composed in Aramaic, and
here too there emerges a special problem regarding
the character of NT Greek (as also the Greek of
the LXX) — a problem which will engage our
attention below. But the general character of
Biblical Greek can be understood only in relation
to its basis in the Koine, and accordingly we must
here deal first of all with the sources, the origin,
and the character of the latter.
4. Sources for the Koine. — The Koine was a
• Cf. J. H. Moulton, Einleitung, p. 9.
t ' Bas FortIet)en der VoIkssi)raohen in Kleinasien in nach-
christlicher Zeit,' in Ilermes, xliii. [1908] 2'4nff.
; Thumb, Die griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellen-
iamus, p. 139 ff.
_ § On the diffusion of Hellenistic Greek cf. Thumb, op.
eit. 102 £f. ; Mahaffy, The Progress of Uellenism in Alexander's
Empire, Chicago, 1905 ; on the language of Jesus see, most
recently, Moulton, op. cit. p. 10 f .
natural outgrowth of classical Greek, yet in its
written form, as has been said, it exhibits a com-
promise between the traditional literary language
and the vernacular of the time, and accordingly the
extant texts of the Hellenistic period afibrd at
most but indirect evidence as to the true character
of the vulgar tongue. It is only what is new in
these texts, i.e. what differs from Attic, that we
can without hesitation claim for the living language,
while, as regards the element in which the written
Koine agrees with Attic, we are uncertain to what
extent it is to be ascribed to tradition. Nor are
the various texts and classes of texts all of the
same value for our knowledge of the true forms of
the vernacular.
(1) This holds good in a peculiar degree even of
the literary productions of tlie Hellenistic period.
The LXX, the NT, and the earliest Christian
writings approximate very closely, in a linguistic
respect, to the contemporary papyri and inscrip-
tions, and may as a whole be regarded as the most
faithful literary reflex of the spoken tongue, while
the Atticism which prevailed about the same time
took an entirely different direction, and sought to
purge literature of all admixture with the ver-
nacular. But even the Atticists, of whom Lucian
of Samosata was the most brilliant representative,
were unable, with regard to either vocabulary or
syntax, to free themselves wholly from the influ-
ence of the speech of their day.* But they suc-
ceeded in arresting the movement that from the
time of Xenophon and Aristotle had been tending
to bring the literary language into line with the
cosmopolitan development of Attic, that is to say,
with the Koine, a development which had been
followed even by the New Attic Comedy. The
language of Polybius is closely akin to that of con-
temporary inscriptions; he does justice to the
demands which the spoken tongue in its develop-
ment laid upon literary diction. The philosopher
Epicurus,t and Teles the Cynic,! as also Philo of
Byzantium, the engineer (if he was a contemporary
of Archimedes), § may be regarded as the immediate
forerunners of Polybius.
(2) Our best sources for the common tongue,
however, are the papyri of Egypt and the inscrip-
tions — more especially those of Asia Minor. A
comparison of these two documentary groups shows
that the Hellenistic Greek of Egypt differs in no
essential respect from that of Asia Minor, and we
may therefore safely use the copious discoveries of
papyri as throwing light upon the general character
of the Greek spoken in the age in which they were
written (for details see below). Of papyri and in-
scriptions alike it may be said that, the less educated
the writers, the more faithfully do they reflect the
current speech, and accordingly we find great dis-
parity between, e.g., the documents of the Perga-
menian State and the sepulchral inscriptions of the
common people ; or, again, between the records of
the Egyptian government-offices and the letters
written by simple folk. These difl'erences have
not yet been studied in detail.
An excellent survey of these sources, with copious references
to the literature, is found in Jieissmann, Licht vom Osten-, p.
Off. (Eng-. tr.-, 1911, p. 9 fl.)- Detailed investigation of their
language has made remarkable progress in recent years, (a)
Inscriptions : E. Schwyzer (Schvveizer), Grammatik der per-
gamenischen Inschriften, Berlin, 1898 ; E. Nachmanson, Laute
und Formen der magnetischen Inschriften, Upsala, 1903 ; Dienst-
bach, De Titulorum Prienensiinn sonis, Slarburg, 1910. A
special study of the numerous Christian inscriptions of Asia
• Cf. W. Sehmid, Der Atticismus in seinen Hauptvertretern,
5 vols., Stuttgart, 1887-97.
t Cf. P. Linde, De Epicuri vocahulis ab optima Atthid$
alienis, Breslau, 1906.
J 3rd cent. B.C. ; cf. Teletis religtiioe, ed. O. Hense, Tiibingen,
1909.
§ Cf. M. Arnim, De Philonis Byzantii dieendi genere,
Greifswald, 1912.
HELLEmSTIC & BIBLICAL GEEEK HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GEEEK 553
Minor would be of great advantage in relation to the NT. (6)
Papyri : E. Mayser, Grarnmatik der griechischen Papyri aus
der Ptolemderzeit, Leipzig, 1906 ; VV. Oronert, Memoria grceca
Herculanensis, Leipzig, 1903. (c) From the mass of epigraphic
material are to be distinguished, as a special class, the impreca-
tory tablets, wliicli are composed in a very low tjpe of speech.
They have been collected by R. Wiinsch in the Appendix to the
CIA, and by Audollent, Defixionum tahelloe, Paris, 190i (cf.
Thumb, in Indorierm. Forsch. Anzeiger, xviii. [1905-06] 41 fif.) ; as
yet only the Attic tablets have been studied philologically : of.
E. Schvvyzer, ' Die Vulgarsprache der attischen Fluchtafeln,' in
Neue Jahrbilcher fur das klansische Altertum, v. [1900] 244 £f. ;
Rabehl, De sermone defixionum attic, Berlin, 1906.
(3) Excellent witnesses to the nature of the ver-
nacular are to he found also in the Grajco- Latin
conversation - books or colloquial guides [ip^-qvev-
nara) and glossaries used for the purpose of learning
either language, as e.g. the Colloquium Pseudo-
Dositheanum* and the Hermeneiimata Pseudo-
Dositheana.f The abundant Greek material found
in the Corpiis glossariorum latinorum still awaits
expert investigation ; it yields much fresh infor-
mation regarding the vocabulary of the colloquial
language.
(4) The remaining sources for the Koine are of
second-hand authority, but are not less important.
Thus we have the references of the Atticizing
grammarians of the Imperial period, as in the
Ae^f'J 'ATTLKal of Moeris, extracts from the gram-
marian Phrynichus, and the 'AvTiaTrLKiaTrjs. The
object of these writings was to formulate rules for
tiie correct use of classical Attic, and they contrast
the latter with the ' common ' language. What
they reject belongs to the Hellenistic vernacular,
as e.g. the forms ^/jlv (for ?jv), Kpv^u ( = Kp(nrT(>}),
ypaia (ypavs), <TLKXo.i-vo/j.ai (instead of ^deXvrTOfiai) ;
what they defend and explain is alien to it, as e.g.
rjv, icxTrfv, veoTTos (instead of voacros).
(5) ^ye have another source in the Greek elements
which have found their waj' into Latin, Gothic,
Ecclesiastical Slavonic, and Oriental languages.
Tliese elements exhibit the features of the lan-
guage current at the time of their adoption. The
Greek words in Gothic, and especially in Old Slavic,:;:
reflect certain phonetic characteristics of the Greek
current in the North, while those in Armenian,
Rabbinical Hebrew, and Coptic exhibit features
of the Greek spoken in Asia Minor, Syria, and
Egypt. These foreign sources have contributed
much to the Hellenistic vocabulary, which is en-
riched not only by fresh meanings, but also by
new words and new forms. The Greek elements
preserved in the Oriental sources are, as we should
expect, of special importance for the study of
Biblical Greek ; but so far Armenian alone has
been thoroughly studied in its bearings on the
history of the Greek language.!
(6) The two foregoing sources are surpassed in
the value of their contributions by Modern Greek.
For the student of the Koine, and therefore also
for the investigator of Biblical Greek, a knowledge
of Modern Greek is as necessary as a knowledge of
the Romance languages for the investigator of ver-
* Ed. Krumbacher, in the Festschrift fiir W. von Christ,
Munich, 1891.
t Ed. G. Goetz, in the Corpus glossai-iorum, iii. [Leipzig, 1892] ;
cf. J. David, in Comment, philologoe Ieneiises,x. [do. 1S94] 197 ff.
X Cf. Vasmer, G-rceco-Slavic Studies (Russ.), 2 pts., St. Peters-
burg, 1906-07.
§ Cf. Thumb, 'Die griechische Elemente im Armenischen,'
in Byzant. Zeitschrift, vs.. [1900] 388 ff. For the other
languages, cf. S. Krauss, Griechische und lateinische Lehn-
lobrter in Talmud, Midrasch und Targum, 2 vols., Berlin,
1898-99 ; also Thumb, Indngerm. Forsch. Anzeiger, vi. [1896]
56 ff., xi. [1900] 96 ff. ; Perles, in Byzant. Zeitsohrift, viii. [1899]
539 ff., X. [1901] 300 ff. ; A. Schlatter, ' Verkanntes Griechisch,' in
Beitrdge zur Furderung christlicher Tkeologie, iv. 4 [1900], 49 ff. ;
Fiebig, ' Das Griechische der Mischna,' in ZJNTH' ix. [1908] ; O.
von Lemm, ' Griechische und lateinische Worter im Koptischen,'
in Bulletin de I'Academiede St. Petersbourg, 5th ser. xiii. 1 [1900]
45 ff. ; Wessely, ' Die griechische Lehnworter der sahidischen
und boheirischen Psalmenversion,' in Denkschriften der Wiener
Akademie, liv. [1909]: Eahlfs,' Griechische Worter im Koptischen,'
in SB A W, 1912, p. 1036 ff.
nacular Latin.* The more thorough the study of
the modern tongue, the greater the gain for its
earlier phase. For Modern Greek, with its dialects
(exclu-sive, however, of the Tsaconic spoken in the
Parnon Mts. , a descendant of the Laconian dialect),
is a natural development of the Koine, and its
origins are to be sought therein. The knowledge
of Modern Greek, accordingly, enables us to under-
stand many features of the Koine, and to put a
proper estimate upon its recorded forms. With
the help of the modern language we may reconstruct
its Hellenistic basis and thereby supplement in
many points the knowledge derived from the con-
temporary Hellenistic texts. The character of the
Koine as a whole is in fact to be inferred from the
character of Modern Greek ; for, since the dialects
of the latter are to be traced, not to the various
types of the ancient language, such as Doric, /Eolic,
and Ionic, but to the Koine, the Koine, the direct
deposit of which we tind in the inscriptions and
the papyri, must have supplanted the ancient dia-
lects, and must have been a common language in
the proper sense, i.e. a language spoken by all, as
is affirmed by the ancient grammarians. And
what holds good of the language as a whole, holds
good also of its elements in detail. Thus certain
forms in Hellenistic documents — as e.g. ?\e7aj', and
the like, in MSS of the LXX and other texts — are
proved to have belonged to the spoken Koine by
the fact that they survive in Modern Greek. This
is true also of words like aLKxo-'i-voixai (Mod. Gr.
o-txa'»'OMttO> which is rejected by the Atticists,
and of Lat. loan-words like KaXavdat (in inscrip-
tions ; Mod. Gr. TO. KaXavra). Some Latin loan-
words, as e.g. {d)cnrLTi (hos])itiiim), 'house,' may of
course be regarded as having been introduced into
the Koine not later than the close of the ancient
period. The Hellenistic substitution of iva for the
infinitive culminates in the Mod. Gr. loss of the
infinitive, and it is therefore quite wrong to regard,
e.g., every iVa in Biblical Greek as having the force
of the classical final IVa — a fact which has a direct
bearing upon biblical interpretation. Thus the
study of Modem Greek may likewise be of con-
siderable service to the biblical scholar, and may
often enable him to decide a doubtful case. If, e.g.,
the form iJeXos is attested as Hellenistic by the
ancients, while the NT has iiaXos, the Mod. Gr.
7i'aXt (pron. yali) shows that the NT form too be-
longed to the Koine.
Moreover, the text of the Bible will occasionally
be elucidated by a knowledge of Modern Greek.
Thus Wellhausen (Das Ev. Matthcei, Berlin, 1904)
conjectures that the tj ibpa. irapfjKdev of Mt 14'^ means,
not ' the time is past,' but ' the time is advanced' —
an explanation which is supported bj^ the Mod. Gr.
use of Trapd in irapawdvu), ' above' ; while the Greek
writer Pallis renders the '^pibixara of Mk 7^^ not by
' meats,' but in the sense of the homonymous Mod.
Gr. word, i.e. as ' stench,' ' filth ' — an interpretation
which at least merits the attention of exegetes.
Modern Greek also throws light upon the question
of the Semitisms in Biblical Greek (see below). f
The projected thesaurus or idiotikon of Modern
Greek, the comjulation of which is being subsidized
by the Greek Government, will accordingly prove
of gi-eat service in the study of Biblical Greek,
especially as regards the vocabulaiy.J
5. Origin of the Koine. — In its essential character
* Cf. Thumb, ' Value of Mod. Gr. for the Study of Ancient
Greek,' in Cla^s. Quarterly, viii. [1914] 181 ff.
t On the subject of this paragraph cf. Thumb, Die griech.
Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus, p. 10 ff. ; also in A'eM«
JahrbUcher fiir das klass. Altertum, xvii. [1906] 247 ff.; A.
Pallis, A few yotes on the Gospels, based chiefly on Modem
Greek, Liverpool, 1903 (to be read with discrimination).
X Aids to the study of Modern Greek : G. N. HatzidakiS;
Einleitung in die neugr. Grammatik, Leipzig, 1892 ; Thumb,
Handbook of the Modern Greek Vernacular, tr. S. Angus, Ediu'
burgh, 1912 (with a bibliographical appendix).
554 HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK
the Koine is the natural development of Attic.
As early as the time of the Delian Confederation,
Attic had spread beyond the confines of its native
region, and Ionic elements — an important feature
of the Koine — had alread3' begun to find their way
into the Attic vernacular.* In the Attic spoken
outside Attica — ' Great Attic,' as we miglit call
it — the process of rejuvenescence and fusion was
much more rapid, and it was here that the founda-
tions of the Koine were laid.t Tlie resultant
modification of Attic appears most clearly in the
vocabulary. Similar features had already mani-
fested themselves in the diction of Xenophon and
the New Attic Comedy. This moditied Attic was
used at the Macedonian court before the time of
Alexander the Great. But it was in reality the
conquests of Alexander and the institution of
kingdoms by his successors that difi'used the new
idiom throughout the Oriental world, and made it
the universal language of Hellenism. It is never-
theless quite wrong to assert that this language
was created by the Macedonians. The INIacedonian
contribution is barely discernible, and cannot in
any case have been large ; it perhaps included the
suffix -ia<xa in /Sao-iXtcnra. In this process of expan-
sion the Attic, as might be expected, lost some of
its characteristic features. Thus the ff<T found in
most of the dialects, including Ionic, more and
more superseded the Attic tt (which is almost
obsolete in Mod, Gr.), and non-Attic forms showing
pa- intermingled with forms showing pp. Hence acr
prevails — in accordance with the papyri — in the
LXX, which, however, still retains t^ttuv and
iXoLTTUiv ; while we also find here dpajjv and (rarely)
&ppr)v, dappQ), and (rarely) OapffQ. In the NT like-
wise TT occurs rarely, while e.g. dappQ and dapaw
are both in use. That the use of pp was not due to
the influence of the literary language is shown
by Mod. Gr. dappQi alongside of crepvLKds {=a.p<Tei'iK6s).
Tlie Koine developed more rapidly in the
hellenized lands outside Greece than upon its
native soil, where the indigenous dialects offered
some degree of resistance to its growth. But by
the time when the uniform Ionic-Attic alphabet
was adopted (400-350 B.C.), the Attic was asserting
its power everywhere, and from the 4th cent. B.C.
till about the 2nd cent. A.D. the dialects were
gradually dispossessed, and at last swallowed up,
bj' the Koine ; in its foreign domains, however, tlie
Koine had prevailed from the outset, and had thus
gained a marked ascendancy alike as regards
culture and as regards the numbers of those who
spoke it. The absorption of the dialects did not
jjroceed everywhere at the same pace. The Ionic
succumbed most rapidly ; the Doric resisted longest :
in the Doric area, in fact, there emerged first of all
a Doric Koine, whicli wedged itself also into the
non-Doric Arcadia, between the ancient Arcadian
dialect and the common Attic tongue. The various
aspects of this whole process of development may
be traced in the inscriptions. In many localities,
as e.(f. Crete and Rhodes, the gradual subsidence
of dialectic forms which is traceable in the inscrip-
tions reflects the changes in the living language.
In other parts, as e.g. Bceotia, the inscriptions
reveal a marked linguistic break, thus indicating
either that the local dialect, though no longer
spoken, was kept alive for a time as a literary
language, or that the Koine had been introduced
as a written language before the dialect had en-
tirely disappeared. J
* Of. Xenoph. De Republ. Athen. ii. 8.
t Of. the researches of J. Schlapreter in his Zur Laut- und
Formenlehre der ausserha'b Attikas gcfundenen attischen
Inschriften, Profjrainm, Frtiburir i. B., 1908, and Der ]Vort-
schatz der aiisserhalb Altikan gej'undencn attischen Inschri/ten,
Strassbiirg, 1912.
I Of. Thumb, Diegrieck. Spracheiin Zet'talterdes IlelleniKmus,
p. 28 ff. ; Wahrniann, Prolegomena zueinerGeachickte der grieck-
The process of absorption, of course, could not
but react upon the Koine itself. But it is quite
wrong to suppose, with P. Kretschmer (Die Entsteh-
ting der Koine), that the Koine arose from a
manifold intermingling of the various Gr. dialects.
This hypothesis finds no real support either in the
documents of the Koine or in Modern Greek.
Thus, to take but a single instance, Kretschmer,
in citing the Mod. Gr. accentuation in dv6pi2-!roi
{ — di'dpuwoi), icpdyav {=i<pajoi') as a survival of the
ancient Doric accentuation, overlooks the fact that
other Mod. Gr. accentual changes of the same kind,
as in dudpioirov, ?<pa'ya/j.e, have nothing to do Mith
Doric at all ; so that, if the latter forms are due
to the operation of analogy (in conformity with
dvdpwTTos, ^(payav), the examples cited by Kretschmer
must be explained in the same way, i.e. as due to
accentual shifting on the analogy of 6.v6pihirov%,
icpdyaixev. What took place in the districts of the
ancient dialects was simply that the Koine was at
first slightly coloured by the native idiom ; and
doubtless this local character showed itself still
more plainly in the pronunciation, just as, e.g., the
domicile of those who speak English — whether it
be the north of England, the south of England,
Scotland, or North America — can be inferred from
their 'accent,' even though they use the forms of
the literary language. But the recognizable pro-
vincialisms of tliese local Koine types left only the
slightest traces in the process of development to-
wards Modern Greek, the reason being that they
had no source of support outside their native
region. Thus, e.g., as early as the 3rd cent. B.C.
the veterans in tlie Arsinoite Nome of Egypt— men
drawn from the most diverse quarters of Greece —
wrote the Koine without any admixture of dialectic
forms. Taken all in all, the elements derived from
the local dialects of the Koine — apart from the
Ionic — are confined to certain forms, such as Aaos,
j/afis, \aTo/j.ia, the preposition 'ivavn, and a fe^\'
special words, as e.g. ^owds (attested for Cyrene
and Sicily by the ancients).
We cannot easily determine the influence of the
vocabularies of the various dialects, as these voca-
bularies are much less known to us than that of
Attic. It was the Ionic dialect alone that, from
the period of the Attic naval league, made a
distinct contribution to the development of the
Koine. But even in the case of Ionic, the extent
of its dialectical influence cannot always be defined
with precision. Thus, while forms like <x<pvpr]s in
the LXX and the NT, or dpovpr]s in early Christian
literature, seem to bear a genuinely Ionic character,
they may well be later variations formed on the
analogy of 86^a, Si^T/j ; OdXaTra, OaXdTTTjs, and the
like (cf. Moulton, EinUitung, p. 70 f.). On the
other hand, words like ^ddpaKos, irddv-q, voaabs in-
dicate clearly the phonetic form of Ionic, while,
again, e.g. the aorist Svikov (in the papyri) instead
of ■fjveyKov, and the preference for nouns in -fia. are
Ionic, or at all events not Attic, features. A
specially characteristic indication of Ionic influence
appears in the inflexion of nouns in -as, -SiSos and
-ovs, -oOdos. Such syntactical usages as the pre-
ference of IVa to fiTTws and the final infinitive {e.g.
Mt 5^'' : ovK J)\6ov KaraXvaat, dWd TrXrjpLoaai) maj'
likewise be shown to be Ionic. Of most importance,
however, are the Ionic elements of the vocabulary,
as it is these that give the Koine a character
difierent from that of Attic. Thus a calculation
of Scldageter {Der Wortschntz, etc.) shows that
the Attic inscriptions outside Attica (till 200 B.C.)
contain 18% of Attic, 18% of new (Hellenistic),
and a little over 6% of Ionic, but only -75% of
ischp.n Diafekte im Zeilalter des Ilellenismns, Programm,
Vienna, 1907; Kieckers, 'Das Eindringen der Koine in Kreta,"
in rnilii'ierm. Forsch. xxvii. [1910] 72 ff.; Buttenwieser, 'Zur
Geschichte des bootisohen Dialekts,' in ib. xxviii. [1911] Iff.
HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK HELLE:N"ISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK 555
distinctively Doric words. The proportion of lonie
words increases till ahout 250 B.C., and then de-
creases, so that the process of interfusion virtually
ceased about the middle of the 3rd cent. B.C.
This feature of the Koine appears, as Ave might
expect, also in Biblical Greek. Words like dTraprtj'w
(in dTrapTi.crfj.6s), eKTpui/xa, KOTrd^cj (of the wind), oKvvdos,
(TavSd\i.ov, (TKopTrii'co, etc., in the LXX or NT are of
Ionic origin. The Ionic element includes, further,
the so-called poetical words of tlie Koine, i.e.
Hellenistic words which formerly were to be found
only in the poets, but which from the fact of their
occurrence in papyrus te.xts concerned with matters
of everyday life, and partly also from the fact of
their survival in Modern Greek, are now seen to
have belonged to the colloquial language. They
include, e.g., ^apiij, ifTpeTrofj-at, da/j.^eu3, iJ.ecrovvKTi.ov,
TreLpd^d}, pdicos, wpvofiai in the LXX and the NT, and
d^^KTCjp, ^aaTdi;'w, ipicpos, (pavTd^uj, (pruii'^d) in the NT.
Words of this class were imported, first, from the
literary Ionic of the earlier period into the language
of poetry, and then again from the vernacular Ionic
of the later period into the Koine, and there was no
direct link of connexion between the two processes.*
In the literary criticism of the Hellenistic writers,
and especially of the biblical books, the facts just
indicated yield an important guiding principle,
viz. that their use of Ionic words does not argue
a knowledge of, or any dependence upon, the earlier
Ionic literature. Thefact, e.^'., that St. Luke makes
use of medical terms found in Hippocrates and
other physicians in no way implies a studj' of
medical writings ('Luke the phj-sician'), but only
some acquaintance with the ordinary terminology
of his age; many such medical words, indeed, as
e.g. 'iyKvos, crTupa, or ^eXovrj (' the surgeon's needle')
had passed into such general use in the vernacular
that they prove nothing more than St. Luke's
familiarity with tlie language of his time.
6. The influence of foreign languages. — The
Koine may thus be defined as a development of
Attic under the influence of Ionic. But as it
spread to non-Hellenic lands, such as Asia Minor
and Egypt, we must, finally, inquire as to the in-
fluence upon it of the languages of these countries,
and as to foreign influence generally. Just as
the Celts of Gaul exercised an influence upon the
grammar and vocabulary of French (the vulgar
Latin of Gaul), so, we might expect, would the
Koine be affected by the native populations of Asia
Minor and Egj-pt. The Greek spoken by these
' barbarians ' shows traces of their own manner of
speech in the confusion of i and e sounds, and of
tenues, medite, and aspirates (r, 5, d). Of such
modification, however, very little found its way
into the general development of Greek. Probably
the pronunciation of irevTe as pende, and of Xa/xirpos
as lambros, and the like, which make their first
appearance in the dialect of Pamphylia, as also
the development of i; into t, arose in Asia Minor ;
the disregard of the distinction between long and
short vowels (w and o, etc.) perhaps in Asia Minor
and Egypt. It was once more the vocabulary that
was appreciably affected by foreign languages —
the natural result of intercourse. Yet, after all —
apart from the local use of Egyptian words in
Egyptian Greek — the Oriental languages contri-
buted to the Greek vocabulary in Hellenistic times
hardly any more than in the classical period ; the
converse influence, e.g. in Rabbinical Hebrew, was
incomparably greater. In Biblical Greek likewise,
Semitic elements are scarcely more prominent than
elsewhere. We note, e.g., dyyapeuu) and -n-apddeKxos,
which are of Persian origin ; dppa^uv, drj^-q, /cd^os,
* There exist as yet no works (except those of Schlageter,
mentioned above) dealing specially with the vocabulary of the
papyri and the inscriptions. For the NT of. T. Naegeli, Der
Wortschatz des Apostels Paulxis, Gottingen, 1905.
vd3\a, cihpaKos (Sem.), and ^d'iov, (ttIhixi (Egypt.);
but these words are also found in otiier documents
of the Koine; while, of course, words like d^^ds,
o-M", yeevva, Trdcrxo-, crd^^cLTov {(Tdp.^a.Tov) found their
way into the Greek world through the Jewish
Christian sphere of ideas. It was from this sphere
also that the names of the days of the week [rjkLov
^/j.€pa, cre\riv7]s VjJ-ipa, etc.), together with the week
of seven days itself, came to the Greeks, and then
spread to the rest of Europe.*
As contrasted with the Oriental, the Latin con-
tribution forms a noticeable element in the Koine.
Again, it is true, the grammatical influence was of
the slightest. A number of suffixes, such as -aros,
-apis, -ovpa, -laios (Lat. -atus, -arms, -ura, -ensis),
were introduced into Greek through the medium
of Lat. loan-words, and came to be used with Gr.
stems. From the beginning of the Roman SAvay
in Greece to the close of the ancient period, Roman
politics and traffic imported a constantly increas-
ing number of Latin words into Greek, and how
effectively many of these became naturalized is
shown by their survival in Modern Greek. In this
respect likewise Biblical Greek reflects the condi-
tions of the common Hellenistic language ; in the
NT we find, e.g., Koicrap, KevTvpiwv, \eyedjv, irpaiTijbpLov,
KTjvcros, KoopdvTTjs, o-qvdpiov, fj.L\iov, \ivTiov, croiddpLov,
cppayeXKiov. That ih.Q influence of Latin on Pales-
tinian Greek was by no means slight is attested
indirectly by the number of Lat. words more or
less naturalized in the Rabbinical literature, and,
as appears from theu- form, introduced through
the medium of Greek. Latinisms were occasion-
ally formed by translation ('loan-renderings'),
and just as the KevTvpiuv is called a sKaTdvrapxos in
Lk 23*', so we may regard to Uavbv iroielv (Mk 1.5^')
and ipyacriav oovvai as translations of Lat. satisfacere
and oj^eram dare respectively. The extra-biblical
literature of early Christianity likewise shoMS the
influence of Latin, and is as yet free from puristic
tendencies ; thus, e.g., Ignatius does not hesitate to
adopt oeadpTup, oeirocnTa ('pledge') from military
usage, or i^eixir\dpLov ('legally valid copy') from
the language of law.+
7. Local variations of the Koine. — In order to
answer the question whether Biblical Greek shows
a definite local character, we must first of all in-
quire whether local variations or even dialects
existed in the colloquial Koine. We certainly
cannot look for such diflerences in the written
texts of a cosmopolitan language, as it lies in the
very nature of a written language to tend towarcis
uniformity. Our investigation must therefore
carefully take account of all phenomena that could
be regarded as pointing to local variation. In view
of the wide expansion of the Koine, it is natural
to suppose that local varieties would exist, i.e.
that the common language would not be spoken in
exactly the same way in Egypt, Asia Minor (Syria),
and in the ancient Attic, Ionic, and Doric areas,
since the ancient dialects themselves or the lan-
guages of the barbarians who had just learned to
speak Greek would lend a certain colouring, in pro-
nunciation at least, to the Koine of the various
regions. And, as a matter of fact, we are able,
partly with the help of Modem Greek, to deter-
* Cf. Thumb, ' Die Namen der Wochentage im Griechischen,
in Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Wortforschttng, i. [1900] 163 ff.;
Schiirer, 'Die siebentagitre Woche in der christL Kircbe des
ersten Jahrhunderts,' in ZSTW vi. [1905] Iff.
t Cf. T. Eckinger, Die Orlnoorophie latein. Worter in grieck.
Inschriften, Munich, 1893; Wessely, ' Die lat. Elemente in del
Grazitat der Papyri,' in Wiener Stv.dien, xxiv. [19u2] 99 If., xxv.
[1903] 40 ff. ; D. Magie, De Romanorum iuris puUici sacrique
vocahidis sollemnibiis in groecum sermonein conversis, Leipzig,
1905 ; and especiallj- L. Hahn, Rom vnd Romanismus im
gricchisch-romiscken Onteii, Leipzig, 1906 (revie\ved by Thumb,
Indogerm. Forsch. Anzeiger, xxii. [1907-OS] 39 ff.), also 'Zuni
Sprachenkampf im romischen Eeich,' in Philologus, Suppl. x.
(1907).
556 HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GKEEK HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GKEEK
mine the existence of a number of such local varia-
tions. Thus the Greek-si^eaking Egyptians and
Asiatics could not keep the e and i sounds * distinct
(a phenomenon which, however, had nothing to do
with itacism), and confounded tenues, media;, and
aspirates, probably substituting tenues, or un-
voiced mediae, for the last two groups. The r; had
a close and an open sound, the latter probably in
the East, as may be inferred from the pronuncia-
tion of 9? as e in the modern dialect of Ponfcus ; w
was pronounced as i, u and ^l (iu), though it is im-
possible to define the local limits of the variations.
Similarly, the intrusion of an inter-vocalic 7 (as in
KXaiyu [=/c\aiw] found in a papyrus of the 2nd cent.
B.C.) was merely local, as is shown by Modern
Greek ; while the sound-change of \ into p as in
dd€p(f>6s = d8£\(p6s, and the substitution of a single
for a duplicated consonant, cannot have been
universal in the Koine, since the X is still retained
in the East (Cappadocia and Pontus), and the double
letter in the south-east (Cyprus, Rhodes, etc.), of
the Modern Greek area. Finally, the retention
and omission of final v must each have had their
own local distribution. As regards inflexions, we
may draw attention to the Egyptian declension in
-as, -5.T0S as compared with the Ionic -as, -ados (im-
parisyllabic nouns of this class are not found in
the NT). Further, forms like yiyovav on the one
hand, and iwrjXdacn on the other, as also ijKOoaav
and the like, indicate that, as in Modern Greek,
different regions of the Koine levelled the personal
endings in different ways. As yet, however, the
clearest evidence that by the end of the ancient
jieriod the Koine had already split up into actual
dialects, in which lay the germs of the dialects of
to-day, is found in the imprecation-tablets of Cyprus
(3rd. cent. A.D.), the language of which shows
traces of both the ancient and the modern dialect
of that island. t
But while recent investigation has thus succeeded
in proving the existence of local varieties of the
Koine, it must refuse to recognize the so-called
varieties whose existence has been maintained
from ancient times, viz. the Alexandrian and
Macedonian dialects. What was regarded, alike
in ancient and in modern times, as characteristic
of these dialects is found to have belonged to no
special region, but to the common Hellenistic
language. Not even the stock example ipawdca
( = ipevfdu) can be claimed for the Alexandrian dia-
lect — let alone Alexandrian Jewish-Greek — as that
phonetic form has been traced, e.g., in the Koine of
Thera.
8. Biblical Greek as a local variety of the
Koine. — We now come to the question how Biblical
Greek is related to these local idioms. It is not
possible to describe the Greek Bible as the monu-
ment of a distinct dialect of the Koine, and still
less as the monument of an Alexandrian or Pales-
tinian Jewish-Greek, or of a special ' Christian
Greek.' Of the existence of an Alexandrian Jewish-
Greek there is no real evidence at all, as was first
explicitly proved by Deissmann (see Lit. ). Psichari
(see Lit.), who has recently investigated the prob-
lem, could find no support for tiie theory that in
particular the translators of the OT spoke a Jewisli
Greek, and so occasionally introduced Hebraisms
into their version. The language of the LXX is
in reality a ' translation-Greek,' and cannot there-
fore be adduced as proving the existence of a
Jewish variety of the colloquial Koine ; nor is all
our wider knowledge of the Greek spoken in
Palestine, wiiether derived from direct or indirect
sources, sufhcient to warrant us in speaking of it
as a distinct tyjje ; at most it may be described as
* Vowels (a, e, i, etc.) as in German.
t Cf. Thumb, Nttte Jahrbiicher fiir das klass. Altertum, xvii.
[1906] 257.
the Syrian Koine. Biblical Greek, moreover, is
by no means identical with what we have been
able to establish regarding the Greek of the Pales-
tinian Jews, for the i^articular change of meaning
which certain Greek words underwent in Rabbini-
cal usage does not appear in those words as used
in Biblical Greek ; thus, e.g., Xeirovpyia in the
Rabbinical literature means ' service rendered ' ;
in the Bible (as in Greek generally), 'religious
service.'
It is a controversy some centuries old whether
the language of the Bible bears a ' Hebrew ' colour-
ing or not ; the so-called ' Purists ' sought to demon-
strate the classical, the Hebraists the hebraizing,
character of Biblical Greek. The theory of the
' specific quality ' of NT Gr. acquired a certain
theological importance in virtue of the pointed ex-
pression which it received at the hands of R. Rothe,
viz. that the NT speaks in the language of the Holy
Ghost, who 'framed for Himself a quite distinct
religious idiom by transforming the linguistic
elements which lay ready for Him, as also the
already existent concepts, into a medium appro-
priate to Him.' * The research of the last fifteen
years has shown more and more conclusively that
the question in debate was wrongly put, since
neither classical Greek nor a sujjposed Jewish
Greek is to be regarded as the foundation of Biblical
Greek. To Deissmann (see Lit. ) is due the merit
of having brought clear principles to bear upon the
subject, inasmuch as he showed that Biblical Greek
cannot be treated as an isolated phenomenon, and
assigned it a place in the general process of a great
natural development of language. First of all, as
regards the so-called Hebraisms, or, more accur-
ately, Semitisms, the examples usually adduced
are either simply fallacious or else indecisive.
Leaving out of account the pedantic and barbarous
litei'ality in translations of certain parts of the OT
(as e.g. the tr. of Aquila, who renders -nn, the
sign of the Heb. accusative, by crvv), we must admit
that the syntax of the LXX has not been modified
by the original in any undue degree ; thus even
the construction irpoaTidivai with the infinitive
(Heb. 'b igvi with inf.) cannot be regarded as non-
Greek.t Detailed investigation shows that the
translators were quite able to keep themselves free
from bondage to their original, and that they
strove with success to rejiresent the Hebrew form
of expression by an excellent Greek diction (cf.
Johannessohn, in Lit.). In the NT, again, evi-
dences of a Hebrew gi-ound-colour have proved even
less cogent, as is now increasingly recognized. The
statement of B. Weiss that the Fourth Gospel has
a ' hebraisierender Grundton ' has been recently
challenged by Wellhausen (Das Evangelhmi Johan-
nis, Berlin, 1908). In point of fact, the more
thoroughly we work through the papyri, the smaller
grows 1:he number of alleged Hebraisms ; we need
cite only the constructions iv /xaxalpri and ^v T(p
dvdfjiaTi. That modes of expression which really
occur in Greek, though but rarely, or only in special
circumstances, should be found more frequently in
Biblical Greek when they happen to coincide with
Hebrew usage (as e.g. looij) need occasion no sur-
prise ; it is natural enough in translations or repro-
ductions from foreign languages.^ Even the voca-
tive 6 6e6s, the use of which in Biblical Greek is
explained by Wackernagel§ as an imitation of
Hebrew, may be brought under this general law,
since 6 deds occurs as a vocative — though with a
different shade of meaning — also in Greek ; while
the predicative els, and such expressions as KpiTjjt
* Cf. Thumb, Die griechische Sprache im Zeitalterdes Hellen-
ismus, p. ISl.
t Ilelbing, Grammatik der LXX, p. 4.
i Cf. also Moulton, EinUitung, pp. 26, 31.
§ tjber einige antike Anrede/ormen, Gottingen, 1912.
HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK 557
d8iKias, 'the unjust judge,' have likewise certain
points of contact with Greek, and therefore cannot
riglitly be described as non-Greek Hebraisms or
barbarisms.
In the NT, the phenomenon just explained, viz.
that relatively rarer forms of expression occur
more frequently in Biblical Greek, is one that may
be expected with special frequency in those parts
that rest on an Aramaic original. But the ques-
tion whether certain parts of the NT go back to
an Aramaic original is one in which the Hebraisms
necessarily play a leading part, and which cannot
be effectively solved until the full complement of
the Hebraisms has been established beyond dis-
pute. Thus, e.g., the monotonous sequence of nar-
rative by means of Kai clauses in no sense proves the
presence of the Semitic genius of language — often
as that assertion has been made. Exact statistical
investigations, such as alone could avail us here,
are still lacking. Probablj- the best foundation
for such investigations would be the arrange-
ment of words, and especially the position of the
verb ; and, as a matter of fact, the frequent occur-
rence of the verb at the beginning of clauses in the
Gospel narrative seems to be at variance with
ordinary Greek usage, and to have been influenced
by the Hebrew diction, though at the same time it
is not unknown in Greek.*
The influence of Hebrew upon the phraseology
of Biblical Greek is clearly manifest only in the
LXX, though there also every particular instance
demands the most careful scrutiny.! In the NT
the formation of new words to represent special
Christian ideas is quite an imimportant element.
Deissmann estimates the number of ' biblical words'
in the NT as no more than one per cent. Chris-
tianity was able to formulate its distinctive con-
ceptions (e.g. ffioTTjp, evayyeXiov) in the spirit and
with the linguistic resources of the Koine ; as
Deissmann rightly observes, it had not so much a
word-forming as a word-transforming power. But
such alteration in the meaning of existent words
takes place in all cases where a profound change
occui's in the civilization — including, of course, also
the concepts and ideas — of a peojile. The discussion
of such phenomena forms a chapter of ordinary
semasiology, for Biblical Greek does not differ in
this respect from Gr. in general. In many cases
the NT merely carries forward in Christian con-
cepts the religious signification which had already
been fully developed in the extra-Christian Koine,
as e.g. in a-uirrip, ' saviour ' ; :!: for other examples see
the works of Deissmann.
How the study of the Koine texts furthers our knowledge in
this field is shown also by G. Thieme, Die Inschriften von
Magnesia am Miiander un'd das ST, Gottingen, 1906, and J.
Eouffiac, Recherches sur les caracteres du grec dans le 2iT
d'apris les inscriptions de Prihne, Paris, 1911.
Biblical Greek, then, corresponds to the Hellen-
istic Greek of the age in phonetics, morphology,
syntax, and vocabulary. As, however, the LXX
took form in Egypt and the NT on Asiatic soil, it
is of course conceivable that the pronunciation and
idiom of the Egyptian and Asiatic Greeks would
now and again assert themselves, just as, e.g., the
literary German of the Austrians can be distin-
guished from that of the Northern Germans. But,
for one thing, the written text is too imperfect a
representation of the actual pronunciation, and,
for another, our knowledge of the finer provincial
differences in the vocabulary and syntax of the
Koine is too meagre, to enable us to trace abnor-
malities in the biblical Koine with certainty. In
* Cf. E. Kieclcers, Die Stellung de-s Verbs im Grieckischen,
Strasshurg-, 1911, p. 5.
t Cf., e.jr., Thackeray, A Grammar of the OT in Greek, i. [Cam-
bridge, 1909], p. 31 fif.
X Cf. especiaUy Wendland, ZliTW v. [1904] 335 ff.
one respect, however, we may speak of a dialectical
modification in biblical texts : the MS tradition of
sounds and forms is not homogeneous. Each par-
ticular MS betrays the influence of the language,
the period, and the country of the writer ; while
in certain phonetic features, such as the confusion
of medise, tenues, and aspirates, or the confusion
of i (ei, t) and i;, oi, and of e and rj, some of the older
MSS of the NT (e.g. A and K) indicate their
Egyptian or Asiatic origin. It should also be
noted that in the LXX we find, e.g., the XeKavT] of B
appearing as XaKavr] in A ; that accusatives like
vvKTav and jSacriKeav are met with only in A and H,
and that differences appear even in the selection of
words, as where Kavovv and ivex^^v in A correspond
to Kocpivov and ^^a\ev in B. To what extent the
original text itself was affected by the local idiom
of the writers (or translators) can be determined
only by means of a detailed investigation of the
MSS. Thus the accusative form vvKrav may quite
possibly be due to the translators of the OT, or to
some of them, but that they actually used it (as
Psichari * believes) is meanwhile difficult to prove.
In view of the fact that the linguistic form of the
several MSS still awaits precise investigation, such
apparent trifles as, e.g., the v i<pe\Kv<!TiK6v or the
dropping of y between vowels, and such variants
as eXa^Sav, iXd^aat, iXd^oaav, must not be overlooked.
Possibly, however, we may be more successful
with the question regarding the provincial idiom
of the biblical writers, if we examine the syntactical
features, as the MS tradition would be less likely
to infringe upon the original text in that respect.
A noteworthy fact, observed by Radermacher,t is
that the use of the article as a relative — a usage
authenticated in Attic inscriptions of the 4th cent.
A.D. and here and there in Koine texts — seems to
be foreign to the NT. Further, the final infinitive,
w'hich is a favourite construction in the Ionic of
Homer, but is seldom used in Attic, appears with
great frequency in the NT, tliough the substitution
of 'iva for the infinitive in other constructions had
developed in a marked degree. Now it is a re-
markable fact that the final infinitive is found to
depend upon verbs of the same class alike in the
NT, in the early Byzantine author Malalas of
Syria, and in the Pontic dialect of to-day (the only
dialect that still retains the infinitive). This
suggests the inference that there was an eastern
Koine dialect marked inter alia by its retention of
the infinitive, and that the language of the NT
was more closely akin to that dialect than to the
other branches of the Koine, which discarded the
infinitive altogether, and in this respect paved the
way for Modern Greek usage. Another and per-
haps even more characteristic phenomenon is that
the Fourth Gospel makes very frequent use of
the adjectival pronoun ifibs, and that similarly the
Acta Johannis and Acta Philippi prefer the ad-
jectival ffo^, while the rest of the NT writings, like
Modern Greek, usually employ the genitives i^ov
and <jov. As the adjectival possessives are now re-
tained only by the dialects of Pontus and Cappa-
docia, we may regard the authors of the Fourth
Gospel and the other two works just named-— in
view of their preference for ifioi and a6s — as having
belonged to Asia Minor.
It is therefore possible, with the aid of gram-
matical characteristics, to assign a particular book
of the Bible to a definite portion of the Koine area.
We thus at the same time trench upon, and, in
principle at least, give an affirmative answer to,
the question whether the various constituent parts
of the Greek Bible may — not only as regards their
style but also as regards their grammar — be dis-
* ' Essai sur le Grec de la Septante,' in Revue de$ itv4e$
juives. 1908, p. 164 f.
t Neutest. Grammatik, Tiibingen, 1911, p. 62.
558 HELLE2s^ISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK
tinguished from one another in such a way as to
warrant us in associating their writers with different
districts. Investi.eation of the local varieties of
the Koine (see above) has not yet yielded such
results as would enable us to deal with the problem
on a comprehensive scale. So far as individuality
of diction has as yet been noted in the various
biblical ^^Titers, it would seem to involve nothing
more than differences in culture and in stylistic
tendencies : compare, e.g., the Gospels, the Pauline
Epistles, and tlie Epistle to the Hebrews. J. H.
Moulton has called attention to such differences,*
while H. St. J. Thackeray t has successfully utilized
the occurrence or non-occurrence of certain words
as a means of breaking up the Greek version of
the OT into groups which must have come from
distinct hands. The next task of the investigator,
however, will be to examine the syntax and voca-
bulary of the several parts of the Greek OT and
NT with reference to the question whether they
cannot be brought into relation also with local and
chronological modifications of the Koine. A begin-
ning has been made in the works of Thieme and
Rouffiac already named.
9. The more important grammatical peculi-
arities of Biblical Greek. — The definition of
Biblical Greek as a monument of the Koine is in
no way affected by the discussions of the foregoing
paragraph, and a grammatical study of the former
gives us a good idea of the Koine in general as
contrasted with Attic Greek. J
(A) Phonetics. — (1) Itacism had become a fairly
common feature of Greek pronunciation in Asia
Minor and Egypt by the beginning of the 2nd
century ; et was pronounced as i, at as e (a), and
01 as V (a sound resembling u, but incapable of being
more precisely determined).§ The ij was still an
e sound, but in the countries named was sometimes
confused with i (i, ei), as the latter had there a very
open pronunciation. The itacistic development is
reflected in such biblical modes of spelling as i5ov
[eWov), Aavel8, avaireipo'i^d.va.Tnfipo's, paidr] (also p^di]),
dviiyu) (also dvoiyuj). Probably av and ev were still
pronounced as true diphthongs, i.e. as an, eu. Of
the consonants, <p, x, ^3, and y still retained their
original values, viz. p + h, k + h, b and g ; the native
Egyptians and Asiatics made no distinction between
these and the corresponding unvoiced explosives^
and k (see above), though the Modern Greek
aspirate pronunciation of /3 and y had already
found a footing : cf. dvoiet for dvoiyei in LXX ; and
for 5 and 6, the English pronunciation of voiced
and voiceless th would seem to have prevailed in
NT times, f was like the English z (voiced s) ; cf.
the MS form *Z/j.iJpva. (2) The distinction between
long and short vowels was no longer maintained in
colloquial speech ; but in the LXX o and w are
seldom confused. (3) Peculiarities in the usage of
vowels : *Te<T(X€pdKovTa (for Teaa-apdKovra) ; *7rtdfw
( = 7ri^fw), 'I seize'; *Tafj.e7ov = Tafiie'iot> ; *iryeia =
vyUia; *vocr(r6s = v€0(7(r6s. (4) Consonantal peculi-
arities : *yivotJ.ai, and *yLi'iIi(TKU} ; Kad'iros, *Ka9'l8iav ;
4(f>€Xiri5a (i(pri\in<T€v , LXX) ; *d<pi5elv (the spiritus
asper is transferred from rjiiipa, d<popdw). The relation
of *&pKos to dpKTos is obscure. Examples of oi'^et's
(ovdeis also used) are more frequent in the LXX
than in the NT, and this corresponds to the usage
of tlie Koine in their respective periods.
(B) Inflexion. — (1) For the vocative 6 9e6s see
• Especially in his ' New Testament Greek in the Light of
Modern Discovery ' (ComJrirfff« Biblical Essays, London, 1909,
p. 461 fp.).
t op. cit. L 6ff.
t In what follows, a star (•) placed before the word indicates
that the form is found in both the LXX and the NT ; forms not
80 distinguished are in the NT.
§ The occasional use of v for ov in papyri (cf. SvXos for JoiiAos
in LXX, 1 K 1421) shows that it wag akin to u ; Init at an early
period it had also the value of i in Asia and Egypt.
above, § 8. Observe rb (for 6) ?Xeos, and the like.
vovs is declined vo6s, vot after the example of /3oCj,
/3o6s. (2) For viKxav, *xe'ipa.v, ^aaiKiav, etc., see
above. (3) rb fiXas (for 6 aXs) ; 6pvi^ for 6pvi^ is
perhaps a Dorism. (4) Verbs in -fXL went gradually
out of use, as is attested by the MS readings l(TTd(j)
(LXX),IcrTd;'a>, *d<pi(j}, *(jvvlw, dfj-viw. In the inflexion
of ei/xl we And an imi3. mid. -qiJi-nv. Tlie earliest un-
mistakable use of ivi ( = ^i/ecrrt), from which arose
the Mod. Gr. elvai, ' he is,' instead of icrrl is found
in the NT ; the imperative is ^rw (for ^aru). (5)
(TT-fiKii) (Mod. Gr. ffriKio), the use of which is better
attested in the NT than in the LXX, is an innova-
tion formed from 'icr-i^Ka, and on the analo^i;y of
rjKu, which could be inflected like a perfect (LXX
VKafiev and iJKaTe). (6) Contracted verbs : *Treiva.i>
and *5itpdv, but *iriv ; the Hellenistic xp3-<T6ai is but
meagrelj' attested in Biblical Greek. (7) The
spelling x'^""'^ (LXX x'^"^) i^ of special interest, as
presents with pv occur also in the Cyprian dialect
of to-day, i.e. in Eastern Greek. (8) Personal
endings : (a) the ending -aav extends far beyond
its original usage, but occurs more frequentlj' in
the LXX (ifKdocrav, icpipocrav, iyevvQidav, ihfiL\ov<Tav)
than in the NT [dxoa-av, idopv^ovaav) : in Mod. Gr.
it is confined to contracted verbs ; [b) the termina-
tions of the first and second aorists begin to coa-
lesce, e.g. *evpafiev, *e'tdaiiiev ; as found in the im-
perfect {e.g. *^\eyav), we cannot be so sure that
they belong to the original text ; (c) in 3rd plur.
perf. we sometimes find -avfor aai, as in *i<hpaKav,
*yiyovav.
(C) Syntax. — (1) Indications of the decreasing
use of the dative are the occasional confusion be-
tween eh with ace, and iv with dat., the preference
for the gen. and the ace. after prepositions taking
three cases, and the growing use of the ace. after
verbs like *xpd<j9aL, Karapdcrdai, ivedpe6€iv. After
certain verbs, moreover, the ace. tends to supersede
the gen., as e.g. Kparelv, Kara^LKd^eiv nvd. (2) A pre-
positional construction sometimes takes the place
of simple noun with case, as e.g. eaOieLv eK rod dprov,
dir^X^ffdai dirb. (3) The aorist, in comparison with
the imp. indie, is more frequently used than in the
classical period ; the use of the aorist in a perfective
sense is made distinct by prepositions, thus wpay-
yuarei/o-ao-^ot ( Lk 19'^), ' trade with,' but diawpayfiaTeij-
aaadai (v.^^), 'gain by trading.' This force of the
preposition explains also why a preposition is more
frequently attached to the aorist than to the pre-
sent stem ; but presents with aoristic force could
be formed in a similar way : cf. rbv fiiadbv dTr^xo""''
(Mt 6-- ^- '^), ' they have received their reward ' ;
dw^xo) is used in a like sense in receipts found
among the papyri. A characteristic feature of the
LXX and NT is that they always employ the
aorist imperative in invocations of God — a usage to
which we find an analogy in Homer. (4) The ex-
tent to which the perfect was used in Biblical
Greek with the force of the aorist is disputed ; the
usage of Hellenistic Greek generally ratlier favours
the aoristic function (as e.g. of *€t\Tj(pa, *^(txvi<0') in
Biblical Greek as well. (5) The optative was
obsolescent, alike in principal and in subordinate
clauses ; its disuse is more marked in the NT than
in the LXX. (6) The infinitive shows no sign of
decay in the LXX ; but in the NT it is widely (as
in Mod. Gr. always) superseded by tva, hence e.g.
fTjrtD tVa, irapaKoXu) tva ; to look for a purposive
force in every 'iva in Biblical Greek is a mistake.
Tlie infinitive witli tlie article, however, is common
also in the NT, and it may be remarked that a
number of old infinitive forms survive in Mod. Gr.
as nouns, e.g. Tb(f)i\i — Tb <pi\eiv, ' the kiss.' (7) The
present participle active sliows a tendency to be
come rigid (tlie Mod. Gr. X^yovras is indeclinable),
as e.g. in Jn 15' : /j.ivup iv ifiol Kdyu (fidvoj) iv avr-^.
A remarkable feature is the use of the participle
HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GREEK HELLENISTIC & BIBLICAL GEEEK 559
without copula as a predicate.* As this usage is
not only found in papyri, but is still very common
in Malalas, it was probably a peculiarity of the
Eastern Koine. (8) The wealth of particles char-
acteristic of the classical langua";e has been largely
lost. The Gospels, like the popular tales of Modern
Greek, generally exhibit a simple co-ordination of
clauses, either without connectives or connected by
Kal, Tore, Si, fiera. touto, iv iKeifui ti^ KaipQ. As already
said, it is quite wrong to regard this feature— and
in particular the f req uent use of /cat — as a Hebraism,
the paratactic sequence of clauses being in reality a
characteristic of simple popular narrative.t (9) In
Biblical Greek the verb would seem to head the
sentence more frequently than in Greek generally.
Its initial position may well be due in part to
Semitic influence (see above), but we must on this
point await the results of a more searching and
detailed investigation.
While the LXX and the NT belong to the same
linguistic milieu, yet, as has been more than once
noteii in the foregoing grammatical sketch, they
exhibit features indicative of their respective stages
of development. In general, we may regard the
contemporary papyri as providing the nearest
parallels to each, though the LXX is occasionally
more archaic than the papyri of its age ; thus, while
we tind in it the forms -iJKa.uev, TJKare, r]Ka<n, we do
not find as yet TjKivai, ijK&rwj'. No comparison has
yet been made between the LXX and the NT as
ito the relative frequency of the linguistic changes
in each — an undertaking for which the MS tradi-
tion would have to provide the basis ; such a
comparison would be the most reliable means of
measuring the interval between the two groups
of texts.
10. Post-Biblical Greek. — In certain productions
of early Christian literature outside the NT canon
(the JsT Apocrypha, the Apostolic Fathers) the
neologisms of the Koine bulk more largely than in
the biblical writings, so that these non-canonical
works must be regarded as belonging to a later
linguistic stratum ; with regard to particular
books, however, it is more difficult than in the
case of the LXX and NT to determine what is to
be set down to the MS tradition, i.e. to decide
whether forms like \iyovv ( = \4yovai) in the Acts
of Pilate, or rjydirow ( = 4ydir(j}v) in the Acts of
Thomas, were not originallj' due to later copyists.
Apart from this, the linguistic differences found
in the several writings of this group themselves,
and the linguistic differences between this group
and the NT canon, are marked only by larger or
smaller concessions to the literary language of the
educated. It is no doubt true that, even in the
NT, Luke is distinguished from the other Gospels
by a certain inclination to Atticism, and that
other early Christian productions likewise reflect
the literarj' tendencies of the age. Nevertheless,
there was at the outset a sharply marked contrast
between Biblical Greek and the literary language
of the period ; the Atticism (see above) then coming
into vogue aimed at the revival of the classical
(Attic) diction, and the cultured heathen looked
down scornfully upon the ' barbarous sailor-speech'
of primitive Christianity {jSap^api^ovaa /card Kparos
Kal adXoLKLi'ovaa and dt^opLaroirodaiv ^ivats avvTeray-
u.ivri).X But just as in the succeeding centuries the
youthful and revolutionary spirit of Christianity
allied itself more and more with Greek philosophy
and culture, and came at length to be quite hel-
lenized, so too the languao;e of Christianity soon
lost that charm of originality and naive freshness
* Moulton, Einleitung, p. 352 S.
t Examples from the papyri are given by Witkowski, Glotta,
vi. [1914] 22 f.
t See E. Norden, Antike Kunstprosa, Leipzig, 1898, ii. 516 ff.
which is characteristic of Biblical Greek. It is, in
fact, only in the Lives of the Saints and similar
productions that we still hear the speech of the
simple people to whom the earliest preachers of
the gospel appealed.* The great teachers of the
Church turned aside from the unschooled language
of the Gospels, and adopted the style of cultured
heathenism ; in other words, they followed the
literary fashion of Atticism. Even the early
apologist Tatian aspired to be an Atticist, though
his success in that direction was but meagre ; t
while Chrysostom actually gave an Atticistic form
to his quotations from Scripture. J The develop-
ment in the language of Greek Christianity from
the NT to the close of antiquity is a faithful re-
flexion of the process through which the Christian
religion itself passed. In the course of a few cen-
turies the faith of humble fisher-folk became the
dominant religion of the Grpeco-Roman world,
and, passing from its native lowliness to tlie high-
est places, it paid its tribute to the culture of its
new sphere.
LiTERATcrRE. — Books and articles already fully cited in the
course of this art. are not further mentioned here.
I. Bibliographical inf-crhatios. — Earlier lit. in G. Meyer,
Griechische Grammatik'^, Leipzig, 1896; more recent in A.
Thumij, ' Die Forschungen iiber die hellenistische Sprache in
den Jahren 1896-1901," in Archiv/iir Papyrus/orschung,h. [1902]
8!t6ff., '. . . in den Jahren 1902-1904,' ib. iii. [1903] 443 flf.
(also Indogerm. Forsch. Anzeiger, i. [1892] 48, vi. [1896] 224 ff.);
Witkowski, 'Bericht iiber die Literatur zur Koine aus den
Jahren 1898-1902,' in C. Bursian's Jahresbericht iiber die Fort-
schritte der klass. Altertumnmssenschaft, cxx. [1904] 153 ff.,
' ... aus den Jahren 1903-1906,' ib. clix. [1912] 1 ff. ; J. H.
Moulton, ' Hellenistic Greek,' in The Year's Work in Classical
Studies, ed. for the Classical Association, latest art. in 1913, p.
187 ff. ; A. Deissmann, 'Die Sprache der griechischen Bibel,'
in Theologische Rxmdschait,, i. [1S9S] 463 ff., ix. [1906] 210 ff., xv.
[1912] 339ff. ; further, the section 'Das Neue Testament' (in
recent vears by R. KnopO in the 3rd division of the Theolog.
Jahresbericht, ed. G. Kruger and M. Schian, Leipzig, 1909 ff.,
deals very fullv with the linguistic side.
IL Gr.^mmar of thk Koixe.— K. Dieterich, Untersuchungen
zur Geschichte der griechischen Sprache, Leipzig, 1898; G.
Meyer (as aliove), Thumb-Brugmann, Griechische Gramniatik*,
Munich, 1913 ; A. N. Jannaris, An Historical Greek Grammar,
London, 1S97 (not in the modern method); alio the various
works mentioned above and below.
in. Problems and History.— C. D. Buck, 'The General
Linguistic Conditions in Ancient Italy and Greece,' in Classical
Journal, i. [1906] 99 ff. ; J. P. MahaSy, The Silver Age of the
Greek World, Chicago, 1906 (deals with the culture and expan-
sion of Hellenism); A. Thumb, Die griechische Sprache im
Zeitalter des Hellenismus, Strassburg, 1901, ' Prinzipienfragen
der Koine-Forschuny,' in Seiu Jahrbiicher fiir das klassische
Altertum, xvii. [1906] 246 ff. ; P. Kretschmer, Die Entstehung
der Koine, Vienna, 1900 ; D. C. Hesseling, De Koine en de
oude dialekten van Griekenland, Amsterdam, 1906 (in the
publications of the Koninklijke Academic); cf. also the works
of Deissmann and Moulton in section IV. below ; a sketch of
the Koine in connexion with the general history of the Greek
language is given in J. Wackernagel, Die griechische Sprache
{ = Kuitur der Gegenwart, pt. i. vol. viii. [^Leipzig, 1912]), and A.
Meillet, Apergu'd'une histoire de la langue grecque, Paris, 1913,
p. 259 ff. „ ^ ,
IV. Biblical Grbek. — (1) General.— G. A. Deissmann, Bibel-
stvdien, Marburg, 1895, Neve Bibelstudien, do. 1897 (Eng. tr.,
Bible Studies'^, Edinburgh, 1903), Die sprachliche Erjorschung
der griechischen Bibel, Giessen, 1898, Neiv Light on the NT,
Eng. tr. , Edinburgh, 1907, The Philology of the Greek Bible, Eng.
tr., London, 1908, Licht vnm Osten"^^, Tubingen, 1909 (Eng. tr..
Light from the Ancient East^, London, 1911), Die Urgeschichte
des Christentians im Lichte der Sprachforschung , Tiibingen,
1910; A. Thumb, 'Die sprachgeschichtliche Stellung des bib-
lischen Griechisch," in Theologische Rundschav, v. [1902] 85 ff. ;
J. H. Moulton, A Grammar of NT Greeks, Edinburgh, 1908
(Germ. tr. [in realitv a new ed.], Einleitung in die Sprache des
NT Heidelbero-, 1911), The Science of Language and the Study
of the NT, Manrhester, 1906 ; S. Dickey, ' The Greek of the NT,'
in Princeton Theological Review, i. [1903] 631 ff.; H. Lietzmann,
' Die klassische Phil'ologie und das NT,' in Neue Jahrbiicher fiir
das klassische Altertum, xxi. [1908] Iff. ; S. Angus, 'Modern
Methods in NT Philology,' in Harvard Theological Review, u.
[1909] 446 ff., also Hellenistic and Hellenism in Our Universities,
* Cf. Voyeser, Zur Sprache der griechischen Heiligenlegenden,
Munich, 1907. . ^. ^. ,, v
t Cf. Heiler, de Tatiani apologetce dicendi genere, Marburg,
1909.
; it mav be observed in this connexion that F. Blass, who in
his edd. of the Gospels of Matthew and John uses these quota-
tions as a means of ' emending ' the MS tradition of the NT, is
here working on entirely wrong lines.
560
HELMET
HERESY
Hartford, Conn., 1909, also 'The Koin6 : the Language of the
NT,' in Princeton Theological lieriew, viii. [1910] 43 ff.
(2) Gramiaars. — R. Helbing-, Grammatik der LXX, Gottin-
gen, 1907; H. St. J. Thackeray, A Grammar «J the OT in
Greek, i., Cambridge, 1909 ; Winer-Schmiedel, Grammatik ties
neatest. Sprachidioms, Gottingen, 1894 ff. (not yet completed) ;
F. Blass, Grammatik des neutest. Griechisch (4th ed. by A.
Debrunner, Gottinsren, 1913 ; Eng. tr. by ThackerayS, London,
1905); L. Radermacher, Neutest. Grammatik (in Handbtich
ziim ST, ed. Lietzniann, 1. 1), Tubingen, 1911 ; E. A. Abbott,
Johannine Grammar, London, 1906 (Conybeare-Stock, Selec-
tions from the LXX, Boston, 1905, and J. Viteau, Etude mr le
grec du XT compari avee eelui des Septante, Paris, 1897, are
out of date).
(3) Important monographs.— H. B. Swete, An Jntroduclion
to the OT in Greek, Cambridge, 1900, p. 289 5.; R. Meister,
' Prolegomena zu einer Grammatik der LXX,' in Wiener Stud ien
xxi.v. [1907] 228 ff., also Bcitrdge zur Lautlehre der LXX,
Vienna, 1909 ; J. Psichari, ' Essai sur le Grec de la Septante,' in
Revue des itudes juives, 1908, p. 161 ff. ; M. Johannessohn,
Der Gebraueh der Kasus und Prdpositionen in der LXX,
Berlin, 1910 ; E. de W. Burton, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses
in NT Greeks, Ch\c!igo,lS9S; Th. Vogel, Ztir Charakteristik
des Lukas nach Sprache und Stil, Leipzig, 1897 ; M. Krenkel,
Josephus und Lukas, do. 1894 ; A. Schlatter, Die Sprache und
Heimat des 4. Evangelisten{ = Beitrdge zur Forderung christ-
licher 7'heologie, vi. 4 [1902]), andT. C. Laughlin, The Solecisms
of the Apocalypse, Princeton, 1902 (the last two of little use) ;
W. Heitmiiller, Im Nam^n Jesu, Gottingen, 1903.
(4) Lexicography. — As supplementing the standard Greek
lexicons the following are of importance : E. A. Sophocles, A
Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, New York,
1887, and H. van Herwerden, Lexicon grcecum suppletorium
et dialecticum-, Leiden, 1910; for the LXX, Hatch-Redpath,
Concordance to the LXX, 6 vols., Oxford, 1892-97 ; for the NT,
Grimm-Thayer, A Greek-English Lexicon of the NT-, 1890 ;
F. Zorell, Novi Testamenti lexicon grcecum, Paris, 1911 ; E. A.
Abbott (as in IV. (2) above); Naegeli (as cited in art.); the
' Lexical Notes from the Papyri' (of great importance for the
vocabulary of the NT), by J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan, in
recent years of The Expositor, are not yet completed, and are
to be collected and published separatt-Iy.
V. PosT-BiBLiCAL Greek.— H. Reinhold, De grceeitatepatntm
apostolicorum Ubrorumque apocruphorum { = Dissert, philolog .
Halenses, xiv. [Halle, 1898]) Iff.; F. Rostalski, Sprachliches
zu den apokryphen Apostelgeschichten, 2 pts., Programm,
Mvslowitz, 1910 and 1911 ; E. j. Goodspeed, Index patristicus,
Leipzig, 1907 ; T. M. Wehofer, Untersuchungen zur altchrist-
lichen Epistolographie, Vienna, 1901 ; J. Compernass, De
sermone groeco volgari Pisidice Phrygicegue meridionalis,
Bonn, 1895 ; X. Hiirth, De Gregorii Nazianzeni orationibus
funebribu^ l=Di^sert. philolog. Argent, selectee, xii. 1 [Strass-
burg, 1907]), p. 71 fl. A. THUMB.
HELMET.— See Armouk.
HELPS. — 'Help' (avTl\riix\pi^) is fairly common in
the LXX, in the Psalms, and in 2 and 3 Maccabees.
In Sir 11'^ bV we have persons who are in need of
avTiKi]fx\l/is. 'I'he plural a.vTi\ri/j.\p€is occurs in 1 Co
12-^, coupled with ' governments,' and nowhere else
in the NT. The verb from which it comes {avn-
"Kafi^oLpecrOai) is found in Lk \^ in a quotation from
the LXX, where it is frequent ; also in Ac 20^ in
a speech of St. Paul. The verb means ' to take
firm hold of some one in order to help (1 Ti 6- is
different) ; and by 'helps' or 'helpings' St. Paul
probably means the succouring of those in need,
as poor, sick, and bereaved persons. Perhaps the
lielping of those in mental peri)le.xity or spiritual
distress, and all whom St. Paul calls 'the weak,'
is also included. H. Cremer [Bibl.-Theol. Lex.^,
1880, p. 386) is mistaken in saying that this sense
of ' lielping' is 'unknown in classical Greek' : it is
frequent in papyri, in petitions to the Ptolemys
(G. A. Deissmann, Bible Studies, Eng. tr., 1901,
p. 92). The Greek commentators are also mistaken
in interpreting ' helpings ' as meaning deacons,
and 'governings' as meaning elders ; such definite
official distinctions had not yet arisen. St. Paul is
speaking of personal gifts. He is not speaking of
select persons whom he or the congregation had
appointed to any office ; and neither he nor they
can confer the gifts ; that is the work of the Spirit.
He exhorts the whole congregation to ' continue to
desire earnestly the greater gifts' ; and individuals
might receive more than one gift from the Spirit.
We have an instance of the gift of ' helping ' in
Stephanas and his household (1 Co 16"''*), and it is
expressly stated that they 'appointed themselves
to minister to the saints.' The Apostle did not
nominate them to any office of ' helper,' nor did
the congregation elect them to any such post. _ A
person who believed that he possessed the gift tried
to exercise it. If he was right in this belief, the
people accepted his ministrations. There was no
other appointment, and there was no class of
officials into which he entered.
LirERATTRE.— F. J. A. Hort, The Christian Ecelesia, 1897,
pp. 156-160; Robertson and Flummer, 1 Corinthians, 1911,
pp. 2S0-2S4 ; H. A. A. Kennedy, Sources of NT Greek, 1895,
p. 96 ; H. B. Swete, The Holy Spirit in the NT, 1909, p. 186 f. ;
art. ' Helps ' in HDB and SDB. A. PLUM.MER.
HERESY (al'pea-is). — The primary meaning of
a'ipeffis is ' taking,' used especially of ' taking a
town' (Herod, iv. 1). Its secondary meaning is
' choice,' ' preference.' From this it passes to ' the
thing chosen,' and so 'a plan,' 'a purpose.' In
later classical usage it comes to mean a philosophic
school of thought, and hence a sect.
In the passages in which the word occurs in the
Acts, it has the meaning of a religious party, e.g.
Ac 5^'' : 17 a'ipecns tQv HaSSovKaLuv ; 15^ 26^ : Kara ttjv
aKpL^€<TTaT7]v aipecriv rrjs T]/j.€Tepas Opija-Keias ^^rjcra ^api-
aa7os. Thus it is used of the Christians not by
themselves but by others, e.g. 24^ : irpujToaTiTrjv re
TTJs tQv Nafw/jaiwj' aip^aewi ; and again, v.'^ : Kara, ttjv
odbv fjv \iyov(nv aipecriv (see also 28"). In the Epistles
it is used of the evil principle of party spirit, divi-
sion, and self-assertion. Thus in Gal 5-" it is
classed among the works of the flesh in company
with ipide'iai and StxocTao-fat. In 1 Co 11^*'* St.
Paul uses alpiaeis as the natural outcome of o-x^o"-
p-ara : aKovw crxicr/J-CLra iv v/uv virdpxeiv, Kal /xipoi Ti
wicyTevui. Set yap Kal alpicreis ev v/jlIv elvai, iva oi 56ki./j.oi
(pavepol yivwvTai iv v/xiv. So that, bad though these
things are, they may serve a providential purpose
in testing men's characters and showing those that
can stand the test.
These divisions destroyed the harmony of the
Agape. The brotherly spirit which should have
characterized the common meal was absent and
the sacredness of the Communion was lost in
general disorder. In this passage 'heresy' and
'schism' iq.v.) approach very nearly to becoming
synonymous.
As St. Augustine says : ' Haeresis autem schismainveteratum'
(c. Crescon. Don. ii. 7). And Nevin quoted by Trench (AT
Synonyms^, 1876, p. 359) says: 'Heresy and schism are not
indeed the same, but yet they constitute merely the different
manifestations of one and the same disease. Heresy is theoretic
schism : schism is practical heresy. They continually run into
one another, and mutually complete each other. Every heresy
is in principle schismatic ; every schism is in its innermost
constitution heretical.'
So far we have found no trace of atpecris being used
in connexion svith false doctrine but simply with
divi.'^ions and factious party spirit. But in 2 P 2^
a new meaning is introduced, and from the idea of
a party or sect we pass to the principles and teach-
ing which characterize the sect, aipicreis dn-wXeias
must refer to doctrines which lead to destruction ;
indeed the following words, ' even denying the Lord
that bought them,' point to a specimen of such
false teaching, implying either a rejection of
Christ as the Son of God, or a denial of His re-
demptive work. As this Epistle was written at
a much later date than the Acts, it marks the
gradual transformation that was going on in the
meaning of ' heresy ' as it passed from party or
sect, first to schism and finally to erroneous teach-
ing.
There is no trace in the NT of either atpean or
ffxif/ia denoting a party that had separated itself
from the main boay. Pharisees and Sadducees
were sects in Judaism, not withdrawn from it.
Such sects were, so to speak, recognized, not depre-
HERITAGE
HERMAS, SHEPHERD OF 561
cated. Again, the pai'ties in the Corinthian Church
which called themselves after the names of Paul,
Cephas, Apollos, and Christ were divisions in the
Cimrch, not separated from it. It was the harm
done by strife and the absence of that spirit of
unity and charity, which is the very essence of
Christianity, that called for the Apostle's rebukes.
By the time that we pass into the sub-apostolic
period, aiperns connotes theological error and false
teaching, and the sense of a sect or party gradu-
ally recedes till it passes away entirely. Two
passages from Ignatius may be quoted in support
of this : oTi irdvTes /caret d\rj9eiai> '^rjre /cat ort ev v/mlv
ovdefiia atpeais KaroiKel (ad Eph. vi.) ; and Trapa/caXcS
o^v vfids . . . /xourj rrj XpidTiavfj rporprj XPV'^^^'> d-Wo-
Tpias 8k ^oravTis d-jrexeffOe, ijris icTTiv aipecns (ad Trail.
vi.). MoELEY Stevenson.
HERITAGE.— See Heir.
HERMAS ("EpyuSy, Ro 16").— Hermas is a Greek
name, a contracted form of several names such as
Hermagoras, Hermeros, Hermodorus, Hermogenes,
etc., common among members of the Imperial
household (J. B. Lightfoot, Philippians*, 1878, p.
176). It is the last of a group of five names (all
Greek) of persons, and 'the brethren with them,'
saluted by St. Paul. Nothing is known of any
member of the group. It is conjectured that to-
gether they formed a separate iKicX-qcria or ' church,'
the locality of which we shall suppose to have
been Rome or Ephesus, according to our view of the
destination of these salutations. Cf. vv.^ ^^ and
perhaps v.^^ and 1 Co 16'^ and perhaps Ac 20-''.
Possibly these live men were heads of five separate
household churches, or leaders or office-bearers in
the Church. T. B. Allworthy.
HERMAS, SHEPHERD OF.— This valuable and
interesting relic of the life and thought of the early
Roman Church may be described as a manual of
personal religion, cast in an imaginative form.
It has been compared in the latter respect with
Bunyan's Pilgrims Progress, with Dante's Divina
Commedia, and with the visions of such mystics as
St. Teresa and St. Catherine of Siena. Whether
it be looked upon as a work of allegorical fiction,
or, as G. Salmon strenuously maintains (Historical
Introduction to the NT', p. 529 ff. ), a record of actual
dream experience, or again, as may well be, a com-
bination of both, its strong moral earnestness and
its didactic purpose are equally apparent. It is
primarily a call to repentance, addressed to Chris-
tians among Avliom the memory of persecution is
still fresh ( Vis. iii. 2, 5, Sim. is. 28), and over
whom now hangs the shadow of another great
tribulation (Vis. ii. 2, iv. 2). From the first Vision,
with its revelation of the sinfulness of sins of
thought, and of neglect of responsibility for others,
to the last Parable, where the greatness of the Shep-
herd, the supernatural Being ' to whom alone in
the whole world hath authority over repentance
been assigned ' (Sim. x. 1), is ordered to be declared
to men, the theme is repentance and amendment
of life.
Indeed, the little book would almost seem to
have been written partly as an attempt to break
through the iron ring of despair resulting from a
rigorous acceptance of those words in the Epistle
to the Hebrews which speak of the impossibility
of repentance for sin committed after baptism (6^
and 12"). The subject is discussed in the Fourth
Commandment (Mand. iv. 3) in a curiously simple
manner. The authority of this teaching is admitted
verbally, and then an exception is made, which
covers the whole teaching of the book. ' I have
heard. Sir,' says Hermas, ' from certain teachers,
that there is no other repentance, save that which
VOL. I. — 36
took place when we went down into the water and
obtained remission of our former sins.' The Shep-
herd replies that this is so. They that have believed,
or shall believe, have not repentance, but only re-
mission of their former sins. He then, however,
goes on to say that, if after this great and holy
calling any one, being tempted of the devil, shall
commit sin, he hath only one (opportunity of) re-
pentance. This one opportunity, however, would
seem to be embodied in the Shepherd himself, who
was sent 'to be with you who repent with your
whole heart, and to strengthen you in the faith'
(xii. 6), and whose command to Hermas is, 'Go,
and tell all men to repent, and they shall live
unto God ; for the Lord in His compassion sent
me to give repentance to all, though some of
them do not deserve it, for their deeds ' (Sim.
viii. 11).
1. Authorship. — There are a few references
scattered through the work to the circumstances
of its author. He had originally been a slave, and
was sold to one Rhoda, in Rome (Vis. \. 1). After
his freedom he had engaged in business and pros-
pered (iii. 6). but he had been con-upted by the
affairs of this world (i., iii.), practising deception in
the course of his business (Mand. iii.). However,
he had lost his riches, and become useful and
profitable unto life ( Vis. iii. 6). His worldly loss
seems to have been connected with the misdeeds of
his children (i., iii.), who had not been very strictly
looked after by him. His wife is represented as a
person who did not sufficiently restrain her tongue
(ii. 2). Hermas depicts himself as slow of under-
standing, but insatiable in curiosity (Mand. xii. 4,
Sim. V. 5), and at the same time as ' patient and
good tempered and always smiling,' ' full of all
simplicity and of great guiielessness ' (Vis. i. 2).
The scene is laid partly in the house of Hermas
in Rome, partly in the country where he abides
(Vis. iii. 1), and once in Arcadia (Sim. ix. 1).
Mention is made of the road to Cumse, the Cam-
paniau Way, and the river Tiber, in which Hermas
sees Rhoda bathing (Vis. i. 1).
To the question who Hermas was there are three
possible answers. (1) He may, as Origen supposes
in his Commentary on Romans (X. 31 [p. 683]), have
been the Scriptural character mentioned by St.
Paul as a member of the Roman Church c. A.D.
58 (Ro le*'*). (2) According to the Muratorian
fragment (c. A.D. 180), he was brother of Pope Pius I.
during his Episcopate (c. A.D. 140-155). (3) He may
have been an otherwise unknown person who was
a contemporary of Pope Clement (c. A.D. 90-lOU).
This theory involves the identification of the Church
official mentioned in Vis. ii. 4 with the Bisliop of
Rome. ' Thou shalt therefore write two little
books, and shalt send one to Clement. ... So
Clement shall send to the foreign cities, for this is
his duty.' Of these views Lightfoot with some diffi-
dence prefers the second, while G.Salmon, Zahn, and
others accept the third (see J. B. Liglitfoot, Apos-
tolic Fathers, 294; G. Salmon, Introduction to the
NT', 46, 534).
2. Date and nse by the Church.- Whether the
work was written in the beginning or in the middle
of the 2nd cent., there is evidence of its wide circu-
lation soon after the latter date. Irenaeus, Bishop
of Lyons in A.D. 177, accepted it and spoke of it as
Scripture. 'Well did the Scripture speak, saying,
etc' (ap. Euseb. HE v. 8). Clem. Alex, quotes it
several times (e.g. Strom. I. xxix. 181), while Origen
in the passage above referred to speaks of it as a
very useful, and, as he thinks, Divinely-inspiied
wriang. Tertullian approved of it in his pre-
Montanist days, but afterwards condemned it (de
Pndic. 10). The author of the Muratorian Canon,
while seeking to deprecate the public reading of the
Shepherd in church, commends it for private use.
562 HERMAS, SHEPHERD OF
HERxMAS, SHEPHERD OF
' But the " Shepherd " was written quite latelj' in our times by
Hennas, while his brother Pius, the bishop, was sitting' in the
chair of the Church of the city of Rome ; and therefore it ought
indeed to be read, but it cannot to the end of lime be publicly
read in the Church to the people, either among the prophets,
who are complete in number, or amonp^ the Apostles.'
3. Contents.— The book is divided up into five
Visions, twelve Mandates or Commandments, and
ten Similitudes or Parables. The Visions form the
introduction to tlie rest, the Shepherd not appearing
until the last of these. The following outline will
give an idea of the purport of the work as a whole.
(1) Visions. — In the first Vision Hennas tells
how, while journeying to Cumae, he saw in the
opened heavens Khoda, his former owner, whom
he had recently met again, and whom he had
begun to esteem as a sister. She rebukes him
for an unchaste thought towards herself, and
leaves him aghast at the strictness of God's judg-
ment. Then he sees a great white chair of snow-
white wool upon which an aged lady in shining
raiment seats herself. She tells Hermas that what
God is real!}- wroth about is his lack of strictness
with his familj' whereby his children have become
corrupt. She then reads from a book the glories of
God, but Hermas can only remember the last words,
for the rest is too terrible to bear. She rises, the
chair is carried away towards the east by four
young men, and two other men assist her to depart
in the same direction. As she goes, she smiles and
says, 'Play the man, Hermas.'
The second Vision takes place a year later, and
in thesame locality. The aged lady again appears,
and gives him a little book that he may copy its
contents and report them to the elect of God. He
copies it letter for letter, for he cannot make out
the syllables, and when he has finished, the book
is snatched away by an unseen hand. After fifteen
days the meaning is revealed to Hermas, who is
directed to rebuke his children for their wickedness,
and his wife for her faults of the tongue, as well as
to exhort the rulers of the Church. A great tribu-
lation is at hand, with danger of apostasy by
Christians. One Maximus, in particular, is to be
warned against a second denial. Th^ it is re-
vealed that the aged woman is not, as Hermas
supposes, the Sibyl, but the Church, created before
all things. He is directed by her to write two
copies of the book, after the revelation is finished,
and send one to Clement that he may send it to the
foreign cities, and one to Grapte that she may
instruct the widows and the orphans. Hermas is
to read it to the city along with the elders that
preside over the Church.
The main part of the third Vision is the revela-
tion by the lady of the Church under the image of
a tower being built by angels upon the waters of
baptism. The stones of various degrees of suita-
bility (some of them castaway), are explained to
mean difierent kinds of members of the Church,
among whom are 'apostles and bishops and teachers
and deacons,' and 'they that suffered for the name
of the Lord.' The tower is supported by seven
women. Faith, Continence, Simplicity, Knowledge,
Guilelessness, Reverence, and Love. Hermas is
next commissioned to rebuke the self-indulgence
of the well-to-do and the ignorance and divisions
of the rulers of the Church. He inquires why the
lady was aged and weak in the first Vision, more
youthful and joyous in the second, and still
more so in the third, and learns that these api)ear-
ances were the reflexion of his own changing
spiritual state.
The fourth Vision occurs twenty days later, on
the Campanian Way. Hermas sees a huge cloud of
dust, which resolves itself into the form of a beast
like a sea-monster, emitting fiery locusts from its
niouth. Its length is about a hundred feet, and
its head was as it were of pottery, coloured black,
fire and blood-colour, gold and white. This is a
tj'pe of the impending tribulation, but it does not
harm Hermas, for the angel Segri has shut its
mouth. The colours represent this world (black),
the blood and fire in which it must perish, those
that have escaped from the world (gold), and the
coming age (white).
The fifth episode is called a revelation ('A7ro/f4-
\v\j/is, not "Opaais). The Shepherd, the angel of
repentance, now appears for the first time, glorious
in visage, with sheepskin wallet and statf. He
has been sent by the most holy angel to dwell with
Hermas for the rest of his life. Hermas at first
fails to recognize him as the being to whom he
was delivered, but on recognition proceeds to write
down the Commandments and the Parables dic-
tated by the Shepherd.
(2) Mandates. — The first Commandment is to
believe in and to fear the One God, the Creator,
the incomprehensible [dx''^pv'''°^)> find to practise
continence ; the second to avoid slander, whether
by hearing or by speaking it, and to be generous
to the needy ; the third to abstain from falsehood ;
the fourth to be pure in thought as well as in
deed. An adulterous wife is to be divorced, if
unrepentant, but her husband may not marry
again, for that would be committing adultery. If
she repents after divorce her husband sins if he
does not receive her again (after baptism only one
opportunity of repentance is given, over which the
Shepherd has authority). If a husband or a wife
die, the other may marry without sin, but to re-
main single is better. The fifth Commandment
enjoins longsuffering, the opposite of ill-temper
[d^vxoMa], that most evil spirit which causes bitter-
ness, wrath, anger, and spite. The next three
Mandates expand the provisions of the first — faith,
fear, and temperance. Contrasts are drawn be-
tween the two ways (and the two angels) of
righteousness and wickedness, between the fear
of God and the fear of the devil, and between
temperance as to what is evil, and indulgence in
what is good. The ninth Commandment extols
faith in prayer, and condemns doubtful -minded-
ness, while the tenth exhorts Hermas to be clothed
in cheerfulness and to put away sadness. In the
eleventh striking descriptions are given of the false
prophet, who absents himself from the Christian
assembly, and is consulted as a soothsayer by men
in corners, and of the true prophet upon whom the
Divine afflatus comes in the course of the Church's
M'orship. The last Commandment is to banish
evil desire by the cultivation of desire which ia
good and holj'.
(3) Similitudes. — The first Parable is a simple
expansion of the theme that the Christian is a so-
journer in a foreign city, and should act as a citizen
of the city which is his true home. In the second
the duty of the rich to give to the poor is illus-
trated by the figure of an elm and a vine. The
former, though fruitless, supports the fruitful vine.
So the intercessions of the poor man prevail on
behalf of his wealthy benefactor. In the next two,
a similitude is drawn between trees in winter,
when all are leafless, and all seem equally withered,
and in summer, when some are sprouting, while
others remain withered. The winter represents
the conditions of this world, the summer those
of the world to come. The fifth Parable presents
the story of a vineyard, a master, and a faithful
servant, the exposition of which reveals an early
belief in the doctrine of works of supererogation,
and an Adoptianist conception of the personality
of the Son of God (see below). In the next, two
shepherds are shown, one of pleasant mien sport-
ing Avith his sheep, the other of sour countenance
lashing his flock with a whip and otherwise mal-
treating them. The former is the angel of self-
HKRMAS, SHEPHERD OF
HERMAS, SHEPHERD OF 563
indulgence and deceit, the latter the angel of
punishment. A few days later Hernias is afflicted
liy this angel of punishment, and in the seventh
Parable he is taught that this is because of the sins
of his household. The next two are long and com-
plicated. First Hernias sees a great willow tree
(the Law of God, which is the Son of God preached
unto the ends of the earth) under which stands a
multitude of believers. A glorious angel (Michael)
cuts rods from the tree and gives them to the
people, who in due course return them in great
varietj' of condition — withered, grub - eaten,
cracked, green, some with shoots, and some with
a kind of fruit. These last are those who have
suffered for Christ. They are crowned and sent
into the tower with some of the others. The re-
mainder are left to the care of the Sliepherd, who,
as the angel of repentance, plants the rods in the
earth, and deals with the owners according to the
results. The ninth Parable is an amplification of
the third Vision. Hernias, seated on a mountain
in Arcadia, sees a great plain surrounded by twelve
mountains, each of which has a different appear-
ance. These are the tribes of the world, varying
in understanding and conduct. In the midst of
the plain is a great and ancient rock, with a
recently-hewn gate in it. This is the Son of God,
older than creation, and j'et recently made mani-
fest. Upon the rock a tower (the Church) is being
built by angels, of stones that are brought through
the gate. The first course is of ten stones, the
second of twenty-five, the third of thirty-five, the
fourth of forty. These are the first and the second
generation of righteous men, the prophets and
ministers, and the apostles and teachers. These
stones come from the deep, and the rest come from
the mountains. Some are suitable and others are
rejected. The Shepherd, as in the former Parable,
deals with the latter, to Ht those that are capable
for a place in the building. A curious feature is
the introduction of the Son of God, already sym-
bolized by the rock and the gate, as the glorious
man who ins]>ects the tower and rejects certain of
the stones. The purport of the concluding Parable
is an exhortation to Hernias to keep the Shepherd's
conimandments and to publish them to others.
i. References to organization and doctrine of the
Church. — {a) Organization. — In the first respect,
the allusions are too slight to give more than a
general picture. We read of the rulers [TrpoTjyov-
jxivoi) of tiie Church, whom Hernias is directed to
exhort {Vis. ii. 2) and even to rebuke for their
divisions and their ignorance (iii. 9). There are
apostles, bishops, teachers, and deacons (iii. 5),
also prophets and ministers {oi.a.Kovoi ; Sim. ix. 15).
There are deacons who plunder the livelihood of
widows and orphans, and make gain from the per-
formance of their office (ix. 26), and, on the other
hand, bishops who exercise hospitality and are
like trees sheltering sheep, receiving into their
houses the servants of God at all times, and shelter-
ing the needy and the widows in their visitation
(ix. 27). Clement, whose duty is to communicate
with foreign cities, may, as we have seen, have
been the bishop of Rome, while Grapte, who in-
structs the widows and the orphans, may have
been a deaconess ( Vis. ii. 4). Hernias, who is told
to read his book to the city along with the elders
who preside over the Church {ixera. tQiv Trpfcr^vrepuv
TU)v TrpoL<yraiJ.€vci}v ttjs eKK\riaia's), may well have been
one of the order of prophets. Tlie office of a
prophet is held in estimation bj' the Church.
' When then the man who hath the divine Spirit
coraeth into an assembly (crvfaywyri) of righteous
men, who have faith in a divine Spirit, and inter-
cession is made to God by the gathering of those
men, then the angel of the prophetic spirit who
is attached to him, tilleth the man, and the man,
being filled with the Holy Spirit, speaketh to the
multitude, according as the Lord willeth' {Mand.
xi.). The false iirophet, on the contrary, is dumb
in the Church assembly, and plies a wizard's trade
in corners. In view of the Roman character of
the Shepherd, it is interesting to note that the
tower which represents the Church is represented
as founded, not on Peter, but, in the third Vision,
upon the waters of baptism, and, in the ninth
Parable, upon the rock of the Son of God.
(6) Doctrine. — The doctrinal references reveal,
at least in the case of Hernias, a creed which is
simple and yet has its own peculiarities. Perhaps
the most striking of the latter is the conception of
the Son of God. In the Parable of the vineyard
(the fifth) the Son of God is represented as a slave
placed in charge, with a promise of freedom if he
fulHls his allotted dutj'. He does so much more
than is expected of him that the Divine master of
the vineyard resolves that he shall be made joint-
heir with His Son, who is represented as the Holy
Spirit. ' The Holy Pre-existent Spirit, Avhich
created the whole creation, God made to dwell in
flesh that He desired. This flesh therefore, in
which the Holy Spirit dwelt, was subject unto the
Spirit. . . . When then it had lived honourably in
chastity, and had laboured with the Spirit, and
had co-operated with it in everything, behaving
itself boldly and bravely, He chose it as a partner
with the Holy Spirit ' [Sim. v. 6). This Adoptianist
conception, which illustrates early Roman specu-
lation on the Person of Ciirist, finds frequent
expression in phrases identifying the Spirit with
the Son of God, e.g. ' For that Spirit is the Son
of God' (ix. 1). In this same hfth Parable we
have an early trace of the doctrine of works of
supererogation, which, in mediaeval times, was so
prominent in the Church's system. ' If thou do
any good thing outside the commandment of God,
thou shalt win for thyself more exceeding glory,
and shalt be more glorious in the sight of God
than thou wouldest otherwise have been' (v. 3).
Hernias also teaches that the first apostles and
teachers who had died, went like Christ, and
preached unto the Spirits in prison (ix. 16). His
eschatology is in one respect severe and narrow.
Not only are unrepentant sinners to be burned,
but also the Gentiles, because of their ignorance
of God (iv. ). In the fifth Vision there is an
apparent reference to the belief in guardian angels.
When the Shepherd at first ajjpears, Hermas fails
to recognize him, as apparently he should have
done,* to be the being to whom he was ' delivered,'
and only when the visitant changes his form does
recognition come. It seems curious that while
Baptism is plainly mentioned two or three times
( Vis. iii. 3, Mand. iv. 3, Sim. ix. 16) the Lord's
Sujjper does not appear to be alluded to. Fasting
is often mentioned, and once we find Hermas
keeping a 'station,' as the early fast-days were
called [Sim. v. 1). In this case he is commanded,
not to abstain entirely from food, but to take
bread and water.
While Hernias shows fewer traces of the influence
of St. Paul than of that of St. James, with whose
Epistle he shows great familiarity, he need not be
definitely classed as a Judaizer. His office is that
of a prophet, and his mission is to recall Christians
from the danger of too intimate contact with
jiagan social influence. He speaks of those ' who
have never investigated concerning the truth, nor
enquired concerning the deity, but have merely
believed, and have been mixed u]) in business
afl'airs and riches and heathen friendships, and
many other afl'airs of this world' [Mand. x. 1), as
specially without understanding and corrupt.
* Another explanation is that a previous Vision may hava
dropped out from the MSS which have come down to us.
564
HEEMES
HEROD
Hence his standard of Christian duty is pnt in the
most practical shape : ' faith, fear of the Lord,
love, concord, words of righteousness, truth,
patience, ... to minister to widows, to visit the
orphans and the needy, to ransom the servants of
God from tlieir afflictions, to be hospitable, . . .
to resist no man, to be tranquil, to show j-ourself
more submissive than all men,' etc. (viii. ). The
indwelling of the Spirit of God is a feature of
Christian life prominently insisted on, and if in-
termediate beings like Faith, Continence, Power,
Longsuffering (Sim. ix. 15) seem to shape the
Christian character, these are declared to be
' powers of the Son of God ' (ix. 13). God is the
Creator alike of the world and of the Church. ' Be-
hold, the God of Hosts, who by His invisible and
mighty power and by His great wisdom created the
world, and by His glorious purpose clothed His
creation with comeliness, and by His strong word
fixed the heaven, and founded the earth upon the
waters, and by His own Avisdom and providence
formed His holy Church, which also He blessed'
( Vis. ii. 3).
Hermas, who was evidently acquainted with the
contents of the Didache, does not directly cite
Scripture by name, but he continually uses
Scriptural words and ideas, handling them with a
light touch, and working them into new combina-
tions. C. Taylor (The Witness of Hermas to the
Four Gospels) has investigated these allusions
minutely, and considers Hermas to be a valuable
witness to the Canon, especially in the case of the
four Gospels. He finds in the four feet of the
couch in the third Vision (13), with the associated
cryptic utterance ' for the world too is upheld by
means of four elements,' the source of the famous
saying of Irenoeus that there can be neither more
nor fewer than four Gospels, because there are
four regions of the world, and four catholic winds,
etc. (see p. 13 ff.). There is a citation of the lost
work Eldad and Medad ( Vis. ii. 3), and Segri, the
name of the angel who shuts the monster's mouth
in Vis. iv. 2, is a word derived from the Hebrew
verb in Dn 6"^ 'shut the lions' mouths' (The Johns
Hopkins University Circular, April, 1884, iii. 75).
5. Text and Versions. — There is no complete
Greek text of the Shepherd. About the first
quarter of it is contained in the 4th cent. Sinaitic
MS (K), while the Athos MS (A) written in the
14th cent, is the authority for the rest of the work,
except the concluding portion, from Sim. ix. 30
to the end, which has to be supplied from the
Latin versions. These are two in number, the so-
called Old Latin Version (L) found in about twenty
MSS, and the Palatine Version (L2) existing in one
MS of the 14th century. There is also an Ethiopic
Version (E) published in 1860 witli a Latin trans-
lation (see J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers,
p. 295).
LrrERATURE.— J. B. Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers, 1 vol.,
London, 1891; O. von Gebhardt and A. Harnack, Patrum
Apost. Opera, Fasc. iii., Leipzig, 1877 ; F. X. Funic, Patres
Apostolici, Tiibingen, 1901; C. Taylor, The Shepherd of
Hermas (Translation, Introduction, and Notes), London, 1903-
1906; T. Zahn, Der Hirt des Ilermas, Gotha, 1868; A.
Hilgrenfeld, Hermce Pastor, Leipzig, 1837; C. Taylor, The
Witness of Ilermas to the Four Gospels, London, 1892 ; [Bp.
Fell], Barnabas and Hermas, Oxford, 1085 ; G. Salmon, His-
torical Introduction to NT^, London, 1891.
A. Mitchell.
HERMES ('Ep/t^y, Ro 16'-*).— Hermes was a very
common Greek name, being the name of the
popular Greek god. Lightfoot remarks that, in
the Imperial liousehold inscriptions, not less than
a score of persons might be counted who bore this
name about the date of Romans (Philippians*,
1878, p. 176). In the NT it is found as the third
of a group of five names (all Greek) of Christians
saluted by St. Paul (see Hermas). It is significant
that a Christian should have no scruple in retain-
ing as his name the name of one of the gods.
Another instance is Nereus (v.").
T. B. Allworthy.
HERMOGENES.— See Phygelus.
HEROD. — 1. Antipas, son of Herod the Great
by the Samaritan Malthace. ^Nlade tetrarch of
Galilee and Pertea after the deatli of his father in
4 B.C., he ruled over these regions till A.D. 39,
when, through the intrigues of Herod Agrippa and
his own ambition, he incurred the disfavour of
Caligula, and was banished to Lugdunum in Gaul.
Capable and successful as an administrator, he is
held up to reproach in the Gospels for the scandal
of his private life, and his treatment of John the
Baptist and Jesus (Mt 14'-i2, Lk IS^"- 23^-i2).
Elsewhere in the NT there are only two references
to him. The first (Ac 4^^) occurs in the thanks-
giving of the early disciples over the release of
Peter and John from imprisonment, and indicates
their view of Herod's relation to the tragedy of
Calvary. The basis of the thanksgiving is a
Messianic interpretation of the 2nd Psalm and a
belief in its fulfilment in Jesus. Herod and Pontius
Pilate are represented as the kings and rulers of
the earth who conspired (Lk 23^-) against the Lord's
Anointed, and wreaked their will on Him, while
all the time they were being used by God to further
His purpose of redemption. The fact, however,
that God over-ruled their evil intentions for good,
and caused their wrath to praise Him, though it
redounds to His own glory and augments the
wonder of His working, is not regarded as any
alleviation of their guilt. The sin of Herod, as of
Pilate, in relation to Jesus, is clearly implied, and
evidently seemed as heinous to the early believers
as did his crime against John to the Baptist's
followers, who saw in the disasters of his Arabian
war (A.D. 36) a Divine retribution for his murder
of their master (Jos. Ant. xviil. v.). The other
reference to Herod Antipas (Ac 13^) is unimportant,
though of some interest for the sidelight it casts
upon the age of Manaen (q.v.), one of the leaders
in the Church at Antioch, who is said to have been
his foster-brother or early companion.
2. Agrippa l., son of Aristobulus, Herod the
Great's son by the Hasmonaean Mariamne. After
his father's execution in 7 B.C. he was sent to
Rome with his mother Bernice, and lived on terms
of intimacy with the Imperial family. In A.D. 23
his intrigues and extravagances had brought him
to such straits that he was forced to retire to the
Idumaean stronghold of Malatha till he found an
asj'^lum with Antipas in Galilee. Evading his
creditors, he returned to Rome in A.D. 36, and
shortly afterwards was committed to prison for an
incautious remark that had reached the ears of
Tiberius. There he lay till the following year,
when the death of the old Emperor and the acces-
sion of his friend Caius (Caligula) restored him to
freedom and fortune. The new Emperor bestowed
on him the eastern tetrarchy of his half-uncle Philip,
which had been vacant for three years, with the
title of king, and added to it Abilene, the former
tetrarchy of Lysanias in north-eastern Palestine
(Lk 3') ; at the same time he commanded the
Senate to decree him prnetorian honours, and gave
him a golden chain of the same weight and pattern
as that which he bad worn in his captivity. A few
years later the tetrarchy of the exiled Antipas was
also conferred on him ; and in A.D. 41 Claudius, on
his succession to the throne, still further enlarged
his possessions with the gift of Samaria and Judaja,
and raised him to consular ranU. In the splendour
of his good fortune Agrippa did not forget his
Jewish coimtrymen, but fitfully at least, and prob-
ably from motives of policy, exerted his influence
HEROD
HIERAPOLIS
)65
at the Roman conrt to mitigate the wrongs and
restrictions entailed on them by their religion.
On assuming the government of his new dominions
— greater than Jewish king ever possessed — he set
himself to observe the laws of his country and the
practices of the Jewish faith (Jos. A7it. XIX. vii.).
During his three years of rule, he showed himself
sagacious, liberal, and humane ; though, in his
desire to propitiate the Pharisaic element among
his subjects, he raised his hand against the followers
of Christ, killed James with the sword, and would
have sacrihced Peter also, had he not miraculously
escaped (Ac 12'-'8). ' He saw it pleased the Jews '
is the explanation given of this severity in Acts
(12^), and there is no reason to doubt its substantial
accuracy. The end came to Agrippa with tragic
suddenness in A.D. 44, when his glory was at its
height. Between the account of his death given
in Acts (12-**--2) and that of Josephus {Ant. XIX.
viii.) there is no more inconsistency than might
have been expected from the different circles in
which they originated. The latter is more detailed,
and yet omits to mention the deputation from
Tyre and Sidon who sought reconciliation with
King Agrippa through the good offices of his
chamberlain. According to Josephus, the occasion
of Agrippa's display at Caesarea was a series of
games in honour of Claudius ; no angel of the Lord
smote him, but an owl appeared as a portent
before the fatal seizure ; he was carried to his
palace, and lingered in agony for five days. There
is nothing about his having been ' eaten of worms,'
which may have been only a descriptive phrase
commonly used of the death of tyrants (2 Mac 9").
Both accounts, however, suggest the interposition
of a higher, avenging hand in the sudden death of
the king.
3. Agrippa II., son of Agrippa I. and Cypros, the
daughter of Phasael, a son-in-law of Herod the
Great. At the time of his father's death, he was
resident in Rome, and only seventeen years of age.
Disposed at first to gi-ant him the succession to the
Jewish kingdom, Claudius allowed himself to be
dissuaded by his ministers, and re-transformed
it into a Roman province. Detaining Agrippa in
Rome, the Emperor compensated him six years
afterwards for the loss of his paternal inheritance
by giving him his uncle Herod's kingdom of Chalcis,
as well as the rights, which Herod had possessed,
of supervising the Temple and choosing the high
priest. A year before his death, Claudius allowed
Agrippa to exchange the meagre principality of
Chalcis for those parts of his father's dominions,
east and north-east of the Sea of Galilee, which
had formerly been the tetrarchies of Philip and
Lysanias (Batansea, Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, and
Abila). In a.d. 56 Xero, who had meanwhile
succeeded to the throne and expected his aid against
the Parthians, added to his kingdom the regions
of Tiberias and Taricheas, with Julias, a city of
Peraea, and fourteen villages in its vicinity.
Agrippa showed his gratitude by changing the
name of his capital from Csesarea Philippi to Nero-
nias, in honour of the Emperor, on whose birthday
also he had Greek plays annually performed in a
theatre which he erected at Berj'tus. Precluded
by his position from independent political action,
he contented himself with adorning his cities and
conserving his possessions. A Roman at heart,
and devoted by education and circumstances to the
Roman influence, he endeavoured to bring the
customs of his people into conformity with those
of the Gentiles. At the same time, he evinced
an occasional interest in the Jewish religion, and
sought to win over the Pharisees to his projects.
In the final struggle between the Jews and Rome,
which he did his utmost to avert, he maintained
his loyalty to the Imperial power, and at the close
of the war was rewarded with an enlargement of
his ten-itories. We hear of him in Rome in A.D.
75, when he was raised to praetorian rank. Later
on, he corresponded with Josephus about his His-
tory of the Jcicish War. He died, without issue,
about the end of the century. It was this king,
AgTippa II., who was associated with Porcius
Festus, the Roman procurator of Palestine (A.D.
60-62), in the trial of St. Paul recorded in Ac 25'^-
26^-. The remark imputed to him on that occasion
('almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian,'
26-*) is interesting for the evidence it affords of
the early currency of the name ' Christian.' The
character of Agrippa has caused doubt to be thrown
on its ordinary interpretation as an admission of
the profound impression made on him by St. Pauls
appeal. It has been taken to mean either ' you
are persuading me somewhat to act the part of a
Christian,' or ' on slight grounds you Avoiild make
me a believer in your assertion that the Messiah
has come' {EBi i.'754n., ii. 2037).
LrrERATxmE.— The p^-eat authoritj- for the lives of the Herods
is Josephus. E. Schiirer, G./ F4, Leipzig:, 1901-11 (Enpr. tr. of
2nd ed. = HJP, Edinburgh, 1S85-90); A. Hausrath,iYr.^r(;(Eng.
tr. of 2nd ed., London, 1S95) ; and other Histories of NT Times,
give more or less full accounta ot the family. See also artt.
s.v. in HDB and EBi. J)^ FreW.
HERODION ('HpwStwi', WH 'HpyStW, Ro 16", a
Greek name, suggesting connexion with the familj'
of the Herods). — Herodion is saluted by St. Paul
and is described as ' my kinsman ' [rbv a-vyyevi) fiov).
Other 'kinsmen' saluted in Ro 16 are Andronicus
and Junias (or Junia) (v.''), while three ' kinsmen '
send salutations in v. 2'. That St. Paul means that
these persons were relations of his is unlikely. It
is this interpretation which has given rise to one
of the difficulties felt in deciding the destination
of the passage vv.2-20. Almost certainly we should
understand ' fellow- Jews ' or ' fellow-members of
my tribe ' (see Ro 9^). Lightfoot connects Herodion
with 'the household of Aristobulus' saluted in the
preceding verse. He considers that Aristobulus
was a member of the Herodian family, and that
his 'household' would naturally include many
Orientals and Jews, and therefore probably some
Christians (Philippians*, 1878, p. 175). Of the
latter, Herodion may have been one. Others have
conjectured that Herodion belonged to ' the house-
hold of Narcissus' saluted in the verse which
follows. T. B. Allworthy.
HIERAPOLIS ('lepdTToXts). — Hierapolis was a city
in the province of Asia, picturesquely situated on
a broad terrace in the mountain range which skirts
the N. side of the Lycus valley. On the S. side,
6 miles away, Laodicea was plainly visible, while
Colossse lay hidden from view 12 miles to the S.E.
Difl'ering widely in history and character, these
three cities were evangelized together soon after
the middle of the 1st centuiy. Hierapolis was
probably an old Lydian city, but in the Roman
period it was always regarded as Phrj-gian. A
change in the spelling of the name is significant.
While the older form — Hieropolis, the city of the
hieron — limits the sanctity to the shrine, the later
form — Hierapolis, the sacred city — conveys the
idea that the whole place was holy.
In such an environment Christianity had to con-
tend not merely with a superficial Hellenic culture,
but with a deep-rooted native superstition. Politic-
ally of little account, Hierapolis was important as
the home of an ancient Anatolian nature- worship,
the cult of Leto and her son Sabazios. The strik-
ing physical phenomena of the place were clear
indications to the primitive mind of the dreaded
pre.sence of a numen which required to be propiti-
ated. The numerous hot streams tumbling down
the side of the hill on which the city stood are
566
HIGH PEIEST
HOLINESS, PUEITY
strongly imprecated with alum, and the snow-
white incrustations which cover the rocky terraces
present the appearance of ' an immense frozen
cascade, the surface wavy, as of water in its head-
long course suddenly petrified ' (R. Chandler,
Travels in Asia Minoi^, 1817, p. 287). From a
hole in the ground — probably filled up by Chris-
tians after A.D. 320 — tliere issued fumes of mephitic
vapour, which seemed to come from Hades, so that
the awe-inspiring spot was called the Plutonion or
Charonion (Strabo XIII. iv. 14). On account of its
marvellous hot springs — regarded as a divine gift
— the city was associated with the medicinal art of
.^sculapius, and under the Empire it became a
famous health resort. It was the birth-place of
Epictetus the Stoic.
Hierapolis is mentioned once in the NT (Col 4^^),
as a city causing grave concern to Epaphras, who
was apparently the founder and first pastor of its
church. The cities of the Lycus valley no doubt
received the gospel at the time of St. Paul's pro-
longed mission la Ephesus, the city from which the
liglit radiated over the whole province of Asia (Ac
lO'"- *). Having acted as St. Paul's delegate in the
Lycus valley (Col V [RV]), Epaphras knew that
the Apostle regarded its churches as in a manner
his own, and after some years of strenuous labour
the 'faithful minister of Christ' made a journey
from Asia to Rome to seek counsel and help in
dealing with errors of doctrine and practice which
threatened to undo his work.
There is a trustworthy tradition which connects
the name of Philip the Apostle with Hierapolis.
Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus towards the end of
the 2nd cent. — as quoted by Eu.sebius (HE iii. 31)
— states that Philip, ' one of the twelve,' was
among ' the great lights of Asia,' and that he was
' buried at Hierapolis along with his two virgin
daughters.' Theodoret [Commentary on Ps 116)
says that ' the Apostle Philip controverted the
error of the Phrygians.' St. John is also believed
to have preached at Hierapolis, and the progress of
Christianity there was represented as the victory
over the Echidna or serpent of ^sculapius, which
was identified with Satan. Hierapolis was made a
metropolis by Justinian. The ruins of the city are
extensive and well-preserved. The theatre is one
of the finest in Asia Minor. The white terrace
now bears the fanciful name of ' Cotton Castle '
(Pambuk-Kalessi).
LiTERATDRE. — W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor,
1842, i. 507 ff. ; T. Lewin, Life and Epistles of St. Paul^, 1875,
i. 356 f.; W. M. Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, 1890,
p. 84, and Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. [1S95] 84-120.
James Strahan.
HIGH PRIEST.— See Priest.
HOLINESS, PURITY.— This article is intended
to include the conceptions of holiness and purity
as we find them in the literature of the Apostolic
Church. So far as the Gospels are concerned,
these have already been dealt with in separate
articles in the DCG, to which reference is now
made. There is a certain advantage in dealing
with both subjects in one article, as the two are
fundamentally connected ; and in the course of the
article it will be found that the tie is very close.
IJotli are priniarilj'- religious ideas, whose ethical
significance diverges. In the JST holiness em-
phasizes rather tiie Divine side, and purity the
human side of that comprehensive condition of
peace with and access to God the Fatlier, along
with all the consequences for character whicli had
been mediated through the gospel of Jesus Christ.
There seems to be no fundamental difierence in
the use of the terms 'holiness' and 'purity' by
the various NT writers. Hence the method fol-
lowed in the article has been to use in illustration
of the general conceptions certain leading NT
passages.
1. Holiness.— i. The general conception.— The
original idea is stated by A. B. Davidson {Ezekiel,
Cambridge, 1892, p. xxxix) to be ' not now recover-
able ' (cf. Robertson Smith, ES^, London, 1894, p.
140). The most plausible suggestion is that it is
connected with a root = ' separate.' Our idea of
holiness is misleading for the interpretation of
both OT and NT meaning. To us, holiness is
exclusively an ethico-religious quality, attaching to
persons, in so far as they are God-like in life and
character ; and applied (less accurately) to institu-
tions (including sacraments) on account of their
religious significance. In ancient Semitic religion,
the ' holiness ' of God or of men had nothing to do
with morality and ethical purity of life. P^ven in
Israel it came to be an appropriate epithet of,
almost a synonym for. Deity (cf. Am 4'^ 6*, where
God is said to swear 'by his holiness,' and 'by
himself,' without any real difierence of meaning).
In other words, 'holiness' is a relative term in
ancient religion.
'The divine holiness was not so much an object of intellectual
contemplation as a fact borne in upon the mind by the constant
presence of things and persons that might not be touched,
places that might not be entered, and times in which ordinary
employments were suspended, because of their appropriation
to the service or worship of God ' (J. Skinner, UDB ii. 397* ;
cf. H. Schultz, OT Theology, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1892, p. 168 ff.).
Holiness is not to be confused with transcendence
in its aj^plication to God. Jahweh, as holy, in
Hebrew thought is not originally opposed to the
universe, but rather is guarded or guards Himself,
on the one hand against the arrogance and pre-
sumption of man (1 S 6-") and, on the other, against
the false deity of the national gods (Jos 4'^*'), The
Hebrews, in transferring the epithet to Jahweh,
also took over the ancient idea involved in it, and
persisting in the NT, that any thing or person that
comes into any relation with Deity is ipso facto
holy. Any part of God Himself may be holy (e.g.
His arm, His spirit) ; or what constitutes His
property is ' holy ' (e.g. His sanctuary, land, people,
ofi'erings, or ministers). Angels are also called
'holy ones' (Job 5*).
The real antithesis to 'holy' in this original
sense is, therefore, ' profane ' or ' common ' (Ml,
^fjSriXos, lit. ' that which is allowed to be trodden '
[Lv lO'", 1 S 21^ 1 Ti 4^ 6-«, 2 Ti 2'«] ; used in the
NT of men [1 Ti P, He 12'6]). Tiie 'holy' was also
accessible only under certain strict ceremonial
regulations. And it is just at this point that the
affinity of holiness and purity or cleanness becomes
apparent (see further under II.).
2. The NT conception. — This idea of 'holiness'
as essentially a relationship between God and man,
in which God takes the initiative, persists all
through the NT ; and it is obvious that, as the
idea of God developed, holiness would also tend
to carry with it ever-increasing moral demands on
character. We may therefore turn to the uses of
the word in the NT.
There are two main groups of words translated
'holy' in the NT: (1) the iiyios group (ayid^u,
ayiacr/x6t, ayi&rris, ayioiffiivr}) ; (2) the ocrtos group
(b(n6T-q's, oaiwi [1 Th 2"^]). iepds is also twice em-
l.loyed (e.g. 2 Ti 3'^ 1 Co 9'3), but it need not be
specially distinguished.
In the NT the terms 'holiness' and 'holy 'are
applied (1) to God; (2) to Jesus; (3) to the Spirit
of God ; (4) to things and places ; (5) to men.
( 1 ) 'The holiness of God. — That ' holiness ' and
'holy' are comparatively infrequent in this con-
nexion in the NT need occasion no surprise. The
Apostolic Church in the name ' Father ' found a
term that included and transcended the holiness of
God. Jesus' own description of God is the ' ])erfect'
One (Mt 5^«), the 'good' One (Mt 19'^ Mk 10").
HOLINESS, PURITY
HOLINESS, PURITY
567
As we shall see later, however, the judgment of
Kitschl (Rechtfertigung unci Versohnung, Bonn,
1870-74, ii. 89, 101 ; Eng. tr. of vol. iii., Edinburgh,
1900, p. 274) that the Divine holiness, ' in its Old
Testament sense, is for various reasons not valid
in Christianity, while its use in the New Testament
is obscure,' cannot be upheld. Kather there are
Avhole tracts of the NT literature that would re-
main a sealed book were it not for the guidance
of this OT conception. Hyios is applied to God, or
to the 'name' of God (Lk 1^", Rev 4S). In both
these usages the significance is the same, and re-
calls the original meaning. The conception of the
majesty of God is most prominent. In Rev 4" it is
the fya who ofler the ascription of praise in the
form of the Trisagion. If they are taken as repre-
senting Nature, and tlie forces of the natural world,
a-yios here no doubt emphasizes the sense of
'absolute life and majestic power' (J. Moffatt,
EOT V. [1910] 381). There is a reminiscence of
Is 6', but with a remarkable absence of the over-
whelming impression of moral purity in the
prophet's vision. The ethical content of the OT
conception is apparent, however, in Rev 6'". There
the thought has affinity with Is 5^^, where God is
said to 'sanctify' Himself, by inflicting i-ighteous
punishment on the sinners of Israel. The blood of
the martyrs cries for the Divine vengeance, and tlie
holiness of God must always express itself in the
form of intense antagonism to the sutt'ering of the
innocent and the sin of the oppressor. Probably
another side of the same idea is present in Jn 17'\
where the Saviour appeals to the holiness of the
Father that, in view of the trials and persecutions
likely to come upon them, the disciples who are
'in the world' may be protected and vindicated
(cf. vv. "• ^). The Father, as holy, transcends
and is separate from the world, but condescends to
tiie needs of the disciples — in other words, ' saves '
them (H. J. Holtzmann). The usage in 1 P P"- is
interesting ; Hyios ought to be translated as predi-
cate. The exhortation is based on Lv U*^'-, and
has no direct connexion with the more profound
thought of Mt 5'*'*. The 'holiness' inculcated in
tlie Leviticus passage involves the disuse as food of
certain 'creeping things' regarded as repugnant
and an 'abomination' to God. As often, holiness
and physical purity tend to coalesce. God has
called Israel out of Egypt to be a ' separate ' nation,
and He is ' holy ' or ' apart from ' the impure usages
of heathen nations (cf. Skinner, HDB ii. 397'' ;
E. Kautzsch, ib. v. 682). The idea in Leviticus
does not go beyond ceremonial purity (see Tinder
II.). Similarly in 1 P 1'^'-, wiiile the idea of God
has of course become moralized, and He is spoken
of as ' Father,' the exhortation is essentially to
abandon the ' former lusts,' on the ground that
they too are repugnant to the nature of God and
unfit men for tlie service of the ' living God.' The
stress is still on the outward behaviour. As regards
the expression ayiaaOriTdj rb ovo/xd aov in the Lord's
Prayer (Mt 6^ Lk 11-), 'name' is of course used in
the ordinary biblical sense, and is equivalent to
the revealed nature of God, especially as revealed
in Jesus — His Fatherhood. There is an implied
contrast with a pagan type of prayer (v.'''*), which
consists in formal and ceremonial repetitions of the
same words. Jesus here applies the same revolu-
tionary principle to prayer, in so far as it implies
a conception of the character of God, as when He
abrogates the ceremonial in conduct as a term of
fellowship with God (Mt 15", JNlk 7'*). God is
• the Holy One of Israel,' and His name is hallowed
or sanctified, or ' counted as lioly,' when men revere
His majesty (Is 29'^), by recognizing, in willing
and trustful submission, His Providence (]Mt 6*^).
The whole context in Mt 6'"*^ is useful as determin-
ing the sense in which holiness is here ascribed to
God by Jesus. The ' hallowing ' of the name is
opposed to ostentatious worship, which profanes it.
The ethical content given to the word (v.^) by our
Lord is profound and far-reaching. The God, and
Father, of Jesus is indeed ' exalted above ' men in
the perfection of His 'goodness' (Mk 10^^ Mt 19") ;
but He is also infinitely accessible to all those wlio
seek Him. Universalism is therefore latent in this
opening petition.
The noun ayidrijs is used of God (a) in 2 Co 1^* (iv
ayLOTTjTi Kai elXiKpiveig, tov deov) ; and (b) also in He 12^"
(et's rb /ieraXa/Seif Ttjs ayi6T7]Tos avTov) (cf. 2 Mac 15").
(a) Another reading is d.7r\6r?yrt (N'=DEGL, the
Latin and Sj-rian VSS). ayLOTrjTL is supported by
K*ABCKMP 17, 37, 73 and the Bohairic. St. Paul
is claiming tliat his conduct is characterized by these
Divine qualities, and ' in so far as they are displayed
in men they are God's gift, as he goes on to explain '
(J. H. Bernard, EGT iii. [1903] 42). Denney finely
paraphrases : ' In a holiness and sincerity which
God bestows, in an element of crystal transparency,
I have led my apostolic life ' {S Corinthicms [in Ex-
positor's Bible, London, 1894], p. 30). Here, again,
the affinity is apparent between the conceptions of
purity and holiness. St. Paul is claiming to have
walked 'in the light, as he is in the light.' The
thought is akin to the Johannine idea ' God is light,
and in him is no darkness at all ' (1 Jn P).
(b) The word in Hebrews is used similarly to indi-
cate a holiness of God that can be imparted to men.
The conception here is not of a holiness that is
only possible after death (H. von Soden). We may
compare 12'^, 'without holiness, no man shall see
the Lord,' where, however, the word is dyiaa-fib^, or
'consecration' (seeSANCTiFlCATlON), the process, of
which ayibrris is the result. Here, again, we can
detect, shining through the depth of ethical mean-
ing, the fundamental idea of holiness as ' separa-
tion.'
'"Holiness" or sanctity in God is properly separation or dis-
tance from tlie world and elevation above it ; holiness in men
is separation from the world and dedication unto God ' (A. B.
Davidson, Hebrews, p. 238).
It is significant, as indicating the immense pro-
gress attained in the Christian idea, that in the
only two instances in the NT where the ayibr-qs of
God is spoken of as an abstract term, men are
represented as sharing in it.
Th. Haering {The Christian Faith, Eng. tr.,
London, 1913, i. 345) aptly cites the words 'ye
would not' (Mt 23^') as the expression of a love
that is also holiness, in its reaction against sin.
These are words, he says, 'which in their simple
seriousness are not surpassed by the awful say-
ing in He l'2-».' The love of God in the NT is
awe-inspiring in its holiness, which, equally with
love, is a term that may be used to express the
glorious fullness of His moral excellence. Holiness
is the principle and standard of God's love, which
is His desire 'to impart' Himself and all good
to other beings, and to possess them as His own
in spiritual fellowship (W. N. Clarke, Outline oj
Christian Theology, Edinburgh, 1898, p. 98 f.).
The reaction of the nature of God against sin is
itself love, because thereby it exercises the means
for overcoming the opposition to love. The ' wrath '
of God [e.g. Ro 1"*) is a conception that can be ade-
quately expressed and understood only in terms of
the biblical conception of His holiness. Holiness,
it has to be remembered, is not strictly an attribute,
but the fullness of the Divine nature, as love is.
We cannot set these two conceptions naively side
by side. One of the theological tasks of the pre-
sent is to procure an adequate adjustment of these
two aspects of the Divine nature to one another.
No theological writer of modern times has realized
and met the need so strikingly as Haering (see esp.
ii. 494 tr. of his work already quoted).
568
HOLINESS, PUEITY
HOLINESS, PURITY
' We are . . . face to face with the mystery of the Divine
personality, of which we are compelled to think as life capable
of being- moved to its utmost depths, without however being
able to press this necessary idea [of holiness] to its logical con-
clusions ' (ib. iL 495).
We mast recognize that the love of God, like all
perfect love, has ' height,' as well as * depth,' if
we would be filled ' unto all the fulness or God '
(Eph3i8'-).
(2) The holiness ofJestis. — In Lk 1^ the child Jesus
in His pre-natal existence is called rb yevvw/ievov
ayiov, ' tuat holy thing that is being generated' (of.
Mt 1'-'*). The expression has no special significance
in connexion with tbe subject of this article. The
Holy Spirit is regarded as tlie origin of the phj^sical
existence of Jesus ; and therefore the embryo is
entirely holy, as deriving existence from God. The
application of tlie term to the physical nature of
Jesus must be regarded as the result of reflexion,
no doubt influenced by Hellenistic thought, and
perhaps in opposition to Docetic theories of His
Person. It belongs to a milieu where the theo-
logical idea of the pre-existence of Jesus has given
way to a more popular conception of His physical
birth (cf. Lk 1">) (see art. Holy Spirit). We are
also faced here with the problem of a possible inter-
polation in vv.*»- 35 (Moflatt, LNT, p. 268 fl'.).
Jesus is also referred to as * the Holy One of God '
(Mk V\ Lk 4\ Jn 6«3 [ace. to the true reading]).
The phrase is evidently a designation of the Messiah.
The demons are represented as acknowledging that
Jesus is ' the Holy One of God,' i.e. One who has
been chosen, equipped, and consecrated for the
service of humanity against the might of the
demonic powers that brought disease and madness
by taking possession of the bodies of men. This
was regarded in contemporary Jewish thought as
a function of the Messiah. The epithet ' holy ' is
used in the same sense of consecration to special
service in Jn 6^", which again may be compared
with Jn 10^ : dv 6 Trarrip 7]yLa<Tei>, i.e. set apart for a
special mission. No feature, however, of the con-
sciousness of Jesus in the Johannine Gospel is more
marked than the emphasis on the idea that Jesus
in His essential nature transcends the ordinarj-
Messianic categories. Therefore, although 6 vibs
Tov deov cannot be regarded as the reading in Jn
6^^, the same conception of the moral and religious
relationship of Jesus with God, His unique Sonship,
as transcending Messianic categories {yaoyo7€«'-)7s), ex-
pressed so frequently in the Johannine writings by
6 vibs rod deov, or 6 vi6^, must be regarded as implicit
in 6 dytos tou deov (cf. pruxara fw^s aiuviov ?x"s [v.®^]).
Jesus is called 6 017105 absolutely in Rev 3' (6 dyios 6
a\r]div6s) and in 1 Jn 2-". In the latter passage the
idea of the transference of the xP^o'/i* niay or may
not have an affinity with Hellenistic mystery-
religion (R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mys-
terienreligionen, Leipzig, 1910, p. 206 f.); but in
any case the xP^<^/^°- itself is to be connected with
such passages as Ex 29^ SU^i, and Jesus is ' holy '
because He has been 'anointed' or set apart for
His particular mission, wherein He perfectly reveals
and perfectly does the will of God. In Johannine
thougiit, the Holy Spirit is conferred on Jesus with-
out measure (Jn 3^); it 'abides 'in Him (P-*-)- It
is the source of His unique filial consciousness, and
in this sense He is set apart by God for His mission,
and perfectly carries it out. It is extremely ques-
tionable if the Johannine writings ever contemplate
the metaphysical notion of the essential oneness of
the Fatiier and the Son, however justiiiable it may
be to deduce that conception from the main position
adopted, viz. a 'oneness' of love and will. The
Joliannine position, however, as to the ' oneness '
of God and Jesus is clearly developed in the face of
physical notions of union' with deity, derived from
the Hellenistic mystery-religions (cf. W. Bousset,
Kyrios Christos, Gottingen, 1913, p. 186 ft'.). It is
significant that the relationship expressed by a.yi.a-
^ei.v between God and Jesus is one that may be con-
ferred on men by Jesus (cf. Jn 17""^").
In the Book of Acts Jesus is called tov ayiov Kal
BiKaioy (3'^), where the epithet is simply an equiva-
lent for the Messiah ; and it has the same meaning
in 4^ (to;' 3710;' Traldd <tov), where iraWa is to be trans-
lated ' servant' in the sense of Is 52** 61^ (see R. J.
Knowling, EGT ii. [1900], on Ac 3'^).
Hitherto we have been dealing with instances of
the use of S.yios. In Ac 2^ rbv baibv aov follows the
LXX translation of Ps 16'°, and is rendered in the
AV and RV 'Thy holy one.' 8a-ios is generally
used in the LXX to render hdsicl (cf. Dt 33'^,
2 S 22^^, etc.). Hdsld seems to be governed in its
primary meaning by that of hesed ( = 'loving-kind-
ness'), and to mean ' one who is the object of God's
loving-kindness.'
' In its primary sense the word implies no moral praise or
merit ; but it came, not unnaturally, to be connected with the
idea of chesed as "loving-kindness" between man and man, and
to be used of the character which reflected that love of which
it was itself the object ; and finally was applied even to God
Himself '(A. F. Kirkpatrick.Pso^j/is, Cambridge, 1902, Appendix,
note L, p. 835 f.).
Saios is applied to God only in Rev 15^ 16' in the
NT. It is again applied to Jesus in He 7^* (dpxtepevs
da-ios fi/caKos), where the root distinction between
Sa-ios and ^7105 becomes apparent. The writer is
speaking of Christ's moral fitness to be our High
Priest, and therefore lays stress on the fact that
He is hcrios, as exhibiting a perfect filial reverence
and devotion to His Father's will. Scrtoj here is
the summary, and also indicates the common source
of those inward qualities that constituted the ' holy '
character of Jesus. It is interesting to note that
oatos is conjoined with diKaios {oa-L&rrjs with diKaioaijvT]
in Lk 1'* ; ocrius with SiKalus in 1 Th 2'°) in most of
the instances of its use in the NT. This is also
frequentl3' the case in classical usage. The central
idea in both o<rios and SiKaios is conduct sanctioned
by Divine Law ; and So-tos seems to express the
Godward, dlKaios the man ward, side of such conduct.
It is perple.xing to find that in classical usage ocrios came to
mean also ' profane,' but this is accounted for if we remember
that a ' profane ' place is one that may be trodden by all without
doing violence to the majesty of the god; 'profane' conduct,
i.e., is conduct allowed by the god. Of the latter usage there is
no trace in the NT. The word used is always ^e';37)Aos.
ocrios, therefore, comes to mean ' holy,' approaching
much more nearly to our use of the word in English.
In all the uses of the word in the NT, even in the
semi-technical applications to Messiah quoted from
Acts, the reference is to moral conduct, considered
as fitness for the service of God (cf. 1 Ti 2*). (For
the Greek conception of S<rios see art. ' Holiness
[Greek]' in EBE.)
In Ro I'* St. Paul says that Jesus was ' designated
(almost=' installed,' opiad^vros) Son of God with
power according to the Spirit of holiness {Kara
TTveOfia dyiwcrijvris) by a resurrection of the dead.'
■n-feu/ia aywavv-qt cannot here be merely an equiva-
lent of 'Holj^ Spirit' (but see Peine, Nentest.
Theologie, pp. 346 f., 452). The expression ' charac-
terises Christ ethically, as Kara capKa (v.-') does
physically' (Denney, EGT ii. 586). It is along
the lines of this clearly implied distinction between
^^vev^^.a, and aap^ that the meaning must be found.
There is, however, here no accurate and definite
theological distinction between the Divine and the
human nature of Jesus. St. Paul is thinking of
the complete Pei'sonality of Jesus (as also when
lie says previously /card o-dp/ca), and he means the
human irveOfia (as the human ffdp^) of Jesus, the
former distinsruished by a unique 'holiness' (cf.
He 2'^ 41"), This ' holiness,' as always, consists in
complete and unswerving consecration to God, and
is manifested in all those qualities that constituted
the Personality of Jesus. The Resurrection of
HOLmESS, PUEITY
HOLINESS, PUEITY
569
Jesus is the signal acknowledgment by God of the
fact. The idea is part of a ^lessianic apologetic
against current Jewish notions. The holiness of
Jesus is His complete response to the choice of God
in sending His Son to be the Saviour of men, and
evokes an equivalent response on the part of God
in the miracle of the Resurrection. It is the holi-
ness of men, as constituting an indestructible re-
lationship with God, that is the basis of the flicker-
ing hope of immortality in the sense of an endless life
with God that we find here and there in the OT.
Men have committed themselves to Him, with all
that the step involves for conduct, and the promise
of the future rests on His faithfulness and power
(cf. Ps 73^^ where 'sanctuary' is really 'the holy
things of God' or 'the ultimate deeds of God in
the full character of His holiness' [G. A. Smith,
Modern Criticism and the Preaching of the OT,
London, 1901, p. 206]). It is not Avithout signifi-
cance, both for the conception of ayiwcrivTi in Ro 1^
as applied to Jesus and for the connexion of the
Resurrection of Jesus with human immortality,
that St. Paul here uses the phrase, strange in this
connexion, i^ avacTaffeuis veKpQv, evidently meaning
a resurrection in which others will share.
(3) Boll/ Spirit (see art. HoLY Spirit).
(4) Holiness applied to things and places. — The
uses under this heading need no elucidation. We
have ayLav ir6\iv (Mt 27^^ Rev IP 2P- ">) ; ayias
di.adi^Kr]t (Lk 1'^) ; 0.7^01^ rdwov (Ac 6'*) ; ayiais ypa(pais
(Ro P) ; 57405 vS/JLOs, ayla ivroXri (Ro 7^^^) ; ayiiii <f>i\7]-
txari (2 Co I31-); 07^^ 6pei (2 P l'«) ; S.yLO% vaos
(1 Co 3'''). In one or two of these {e.g. 2 P PS) we
seem to see the word assuming a formal or tradi-
tional sense. This usage is much more common
in the OT than in the NT. Over these things
and places, as specially related to the redemptive
economy of God, God is represented as exercising
a watchful care. They ' belong ' to Him, as also do
His 'saints' (see art. Saint).
(5) Holiness as applied to men. — A large part of
what is appropriate to this heading will be found
under the article Saint. This is a very common
terra, especially in the writings of St. Paul,
Hebrews, and Revelation, for the ordinary member
of the Christian community. The 'saints' are
those ' consecrated ' to the service of God. The
word does not imply necessarily perfection of moral
character, but it does imply, and is used frequentlj^
to enforce the teaching, that those that are ' holy '
in this sense must become daily more fitted, morally
and spiritually, for the service to which they are
committed (Ro 6"- ^^- -, 1 P P^- ^%
The usage of the word Eyios as applied to men
may be expected to be governed by the idea, applic-
able also to things and places, that what is related
to God or is used in His service is itself 'holy.'
Accordingly we find such usages as a7tat ■irpo<p-fjTai
(Lk 1™, Ac 321, 2 P 3-) ; ayiovs diroaTdXovs (Eph 3^) ;
kyiat yvvaiKei (1 P 3^). All these are so spoken of,
primarily, as those who have been or are the special
instruments of the Divine will and in intimate
fellowship with God in the work of revelation and
redemption.
Those uses of a.7tclfw in the NT where the domin-
ant application of the term seems to be deliverance
from the guilt of sin bj' the death of Jesus are not
included in this article, but will be dealt with under
Sanctification. In the OT 'guilt' or the sense
of guilt is the objective ettect of sin (see art. SiN ;
Schultz, OT Theology, ii. 306 ff.). It is a state of
alienation from God, a rupture of the relationship
between God and man, or God and the nation,
which can be restored only by an act of expiation.
It must be carefully noted that where dyios or
ayid^u) is employed in the NT in this sense the
primary meaning of the words as = 'in relationship
with God ' is still retained. In one passage St.
Paul seems to use aytd^ui as practically synonymous
with 8iKai6u (1 Co 6'^) (cf. Peine, Neutcst. Theologie,
p. 436). The Corinthians are 'justified' or 'ac-
quitted' 'in the name of Jesus, i.e. restored to a
relationship of love with God (cf. Eph S^, He lO'"- '^).
Christian holiness in its moral aspect is expressed
by KaOapi^eiv in He Q^* (cf, O. Pfleiderer, Paulinism,
Eng. tr., London, 1877, ii. 68 ti'.).
Two Pauline passages call for special mention :
Ro Ills and 1 Co 1^^-^ (cf. Eph o"^). In both of
these the conception is that the sanctification of
the part involves the sanctification of the whole.
In the one case St. Paul is stating the grounds on
which he bases his confidence in the future of
Israel. He bases it upon the holiness of the
Patriarchs (v.^) from whom they are descended.
' By the offering of the first-fruits, the whole mass was con-
sidered to be consecrated ; and so the holiness of the Patriarchs
consecrated the whole people from whom they came ' (^Sanday-
Headlam, Romans^, Edinburgh, 1902, p. 326, m loco). The
thought is on the analogy of Nu 15i9-2i.
In the second passage, the Apostle is dealing
with the problem of marriage with an unbeliever,
and argues against dissolution of the tie in such
cases, on the ground that the Christian partner, as
one member of the relationship, thereby ' sanctifies'
tlie other, in virtue of the fact that they are one.
The result attaches to the children also. We must
be careful, however, not to attach too great moral
significance to 'sanctify.' The thought moves
strictly within the biblical conception of holiness.
Only such marriages are contemplated as have
taken place before conversion (2 Co 6'*). The un-
believing husband is introduced by union with the
believing wife into the sphere of ' holiness.' Holi-
ness is not a moral but a religious condition. At
the same time, it is not going beyond the actual
thought of the Apostle to say that the ettect of his
words on the believer would be to create a new
conception and a new sense of moral and spiritual
responsibility for the unbelieving partner. The
word dyid^o} is in this passage, as it were, caught
in the act of passing from the ceremonial to the
moral meaning. It is a legitimate inference that
the Christian's friends, or possessions, or abilities
— all that is indissolubly connected with his person-
ality — should in this sense be holy. At the same
time, the emphasis on physical descent in Ro IP'
shows that St. Paul has not completely transcended
materialistic and ceremonial notions in the con-
ception of holiness ; and a similar emphasis may
be detected in the passage from 1 Corinthians.
The idea is still present that holiness can be trans-
ferred by physical contact (cf. Ex 29''^ Is 65^
reading 'lest I make thee holy').
In conclusion, it is advisable to point out the
reason for laying stress on the primary conception
of a7£os in our interpretation of the term in the
NT. It is impossible to miss, in the application of
a.yi.u3(fvvq to Jesus in Ro 1^ or in the frequent con-
junction of the S.yio$ and Kadapos groups of words,
as in Eph 5-^*-, He 9^*, or in many of the uses of
a7tos (e.g. 1 P 1^^), the sense that perfection of
moral character is intimately bound up with the
term, and is never absent in the thought of the
NT wTiters. Wherein, then, consists the signi-
ficance of the fact that the primary meaning of a
relationship to God or to Christ is always dominant ?
Why is it so pre-eminently a religious rather than
an ethical conception ? It is very remarkable that
an idea common to all ancient religions, where
often it has an origin and expression in material-
istic forms of thought, should so persistently re-
appear in the early Christian religion. Undoubtedly
thereby the content of the ideal Christian character
has been enlarged, deepened, and purified. Holi-
ness comes before morality, as the source before
the river. In the Christian ethics, there is no
570
HOLINESS, PURITY
HOLINESS, PUIUTY
divorce between holiness and virtue, nor can there
be. The choice of men by God, His call, and His
setting of them apart for His service — an act some-
times conceived as not a thing of time merely, but
begun in the far-otf moment of pre-mundane exist-
ence 'in Christ Jesus' (Eph 1^) — must have increased
a thousand-fold the grandeur of the moral motive
presented even to the weakest, most despicable,
and most unworthy ' saint.' The thought is indeed
conceived in the Spirit of Him who invited all to
receive the love He came to reveal, and established
for all time in the heart of His Church the value
of each individual life before God, the Fatlier.
Moreover, the gift of the Holy Spirit meant essenti-
ally tliat all the graces of the Christian character
had their origin in the gift and grace of God Him-
self. The initiative lies with Him. Love is the
fuUilling of the Law. Christian conduct is not a
task set by God, bat a sharing of the Divine nature ;
not a doctrine, but a life.
' To the men who wrote the NT and to those for whom they
wrote, the Spirit was not a doctrine but an experience ; they
did not speak of believing- in the Holy Spirit, but of receiving
the Holy Spirit when they believed ' (Denney, DCQ i. 731»).
The gospel of Christ has ever been attended with
the risk of antinomianism, a risk that it has always
been willing to take and able to meet (Gal 5'^ lio
6'^). The present-day phenomenon of 'practical'
Christianity, as distinct from spiritual and de-
votional — 'enthusiasm for humanity' — is really,
in its fundamental conception, out of accord with
the teaching of the NT on holiness, as a summary
of the Christian character. What characterizes
the NT writers everywhere is their 'enthusiasm
for God,' as revealed in Jesus, and the social
conscience is a manifestation from the same re-
ligious_ source. 'Thy brother for whom Christ
died' is the conception that has revolutionized
social life. The term ikyiot in its moral demand
dredges the conscience of men, and reaches to the
very springs of human conduct (cf. 2 Co 7'). The
same predicate 07105 can be used of God and of
man ; and where the need of a substitute is felt,
none worthier can be found than in the great say-
ing, iaeade oOv ufxels riXeiot ws 6 Trarrjp v/iQi/ 6 ovpdvios
reXeids ianv (Mt b^"^). The notion of 'Christian
perfection' found in 1 Jn (5^^ etc.) can only be
reached by realizing that in the Johannine thought
the OT conception of holiness is for the most part
expressed in more or less mystical fashion under
the influence of Greek thought as ' union with God
in Christ,' but that, notwithstanding, the Johannine
' sinlessness ' is not in the end faultlessness. It is
rather the inevitable issue in character of complete
loyalty to Jesus Christ (see PERFECT, Perfection).
II. Purity. — There are two groups of words in
the NT that are translated ' pure,' ' purify,' ' purge,'
or 'cleanse.' In the RV 'cleanse' is substituted
for ' purge ' of tlie AV in certain passages, but is re-
tained in I Co 5^ 2 Ti 2-', He P 9'^- 22. (l) Ka9a.p6$,
Kadapii'u) (Hellenistic form of Kadaipuj), Kadapia-/j.6s,
KadapoT-qs ; Kadalpui ; diaKadapi^uj ; Kadap/xa, irepiKci-
Oapjxa ; aKadapros, aKadapaia ; (2) ayv6s, ayvi^u, aYJ/i-
TT}s, ayvCis ; ayvela ; ayvia-fiSs. In addition we have
/SaTTrto-jUcSj, in the sense of 'cleansing,' in Mk 7^,
He 6^ 9'"; pavriiia, pavncrfids {tr. 'sprinkle,' 'sprink-
ling'), especially in Hebrews; eiXiKpivris ('pure').
The ideas of purity and holiness are most clearly
associated if we consider their joint affinity with
the ancient religious notion of tabu. Tlie subject
cannot be fully entered upon here, but Robertson
Smith (BS^, p. 152 If.) and A. S. Peake (' Unclean,
Uncleanness in IIDB) should be consulted. It is
of advantage, for tlie sake of clearness of thought,
to note that in ancient religion the notion of ' un-
cleanness ' is primary and positive, and that ' clean-
ness' is really its opposite, and the negative form.
This consideration is of importance as being really
the origin of that negative moi-ality connected witli
Jewish ceremonial religion which Jesus abrogated
for ever (Lk lP-*--«).
'In rules of holiness the motive is respect for the gods, in
rules of uncleanness it is primarily fear of an unknown or hostile
power, thouyh ultimately, as we see in the Levitical lf'i,dslation,
the law of clean and unclean may be brought within the sphere
of divine ordinances, on the view that uncleanness is hateful to
God and must be avoided by all that have to do with Him'
(Robertson Smith, RS'^, p. 153).
The attitude of Jesus towards ceremonial unclean-
ness does not properly fall within the scope of this
article (see artt. ' Purihcation,' 'Purity' in DCG
ii.). The scribes, by an elaborate system of casu-
istry, laid down minute regulations and interpreta-
tions of the ceremonial laws of purity ; and these
dominated the whole religion of Judaism in our
Lord's day. They became a grievous burden, under
which men became ' weaiy and heavy-laden.' The
gracious invitation of Mt 11-^ is also the herald of
a great religious revolution, and it is in connexion
with the ceremonial requirements connected with
hand-washing tliat Jesus enunciates the great law,
repealing all the Levitical rules as to unclean meats
(Mk 7'''-^, Mt 15-*"2"). No longer ceremonial, but only
moral, dehlement is possible.
As regards the practice of the Apostolic Church,
the incident of Ac 10^"^'^ is instructive. We may
be certain that St. Peter was not the only one who
was ' much perplexed within himself' as to the full
scope of Jesus' principle that the real seat of defile-
ment is within. The Apostolic Decree of Ac 15'-''
was essentially a concession to Jewish prejudices,
but at the same time was no doubt actuated by the
spirit of Christian love, which forbids one's doing
violence to the conscience of a brother, merely for
the purpose of asserting an abstract and selfish
liberty (1 Co ^'^«- lO-'^f-). It has to be borne in
mind : (1) that religious scruples are to be respected
(Mk 1*J) ; (2) that when, for example, St. Paul be-
came a Jew to the Jews, and submitted to a rite of
purification (Ac 21^'^), he did so all the more easily
that he himself did not cease to be a Jew (see art.
Fast). The instances of obedience to the Jewish
ceremonial Law in the NT are not entirely to be
explained by a theory of deliberate and conscious
concession or adaptation.
The concejition of purity, however, in the NT
(as in the prophetic teaching of the OT) is entirely
ethical. If we are to make any distinction between
a.yv6s and Kadapds, it will be found in the direction
of the distinction laid down in Westcott's comment
on 1 Jn 3^ {Ep. of St. John, London, 1883, p. 98) :
071/65 connotes the feeling, and Ka9ap6s the state.
d7!'65 implies a certain inward shrinking from pollu-
tion and is applied to Jesus, wiiile Kadapos ex-
presses simply the fact of cleanness (cf. IIDB, art.
'Purity'). In the LXX 017^65 and Kadapds are
used indiscriminately to translate Heb. tdkdr (lit.
'brightness'); KaOapdi occasionally for bor (lit.
' separate '). ayv6s (as also ayvdrTjs) is always ethical
in meaning ; ayvl^u has a ceremonial sense in Jn
n^, Ac2r--'-^«24"*; d7;'eia=' chastity 'in 1 Ti 4^2 5-.
KCiOapds and its cognates vary in meaning between
the ceremonial and the ethical. In .such a passage
as Jn 15^ we see the word in process of passing
fi'om the ceremonial to the ethical meaning.
The word eiXiKpiviqs (Ph P", 2 P 3^) and its noun
elXiKpLvela (1 Co 5^, 2 Co 1'- 2") are worthy of special
treatment. In the instance quoted from 2 Peter, it
is to be suspected tliat the usage of the writer is
not very accurate. He is fond of ' bookish' words.
The etymology is vei"y doubtful, but the sense is
abundantly clear. In Ph 1'" the mind that is tlXt-
Kpiv-qs is enabled 8oKi/j,d(^eiv to. 8ia<p^povTa (' to approve
the things that are excellent,' RV ; cf. Ro 2"*).
Bengel's note is ' non modo prae mails bona sed in
bonis optima.' There is a type of character which
may hold fast the good, and miss the best (cf. our
HOLINESS, PUKITY
HOLY DAY
571
Lord's Parables of the Treasure hid in the Field,
and the Fearl of Great Price). The character de-
scribed possesses such clear moral perception that
it is enabled to welcome and understand and love
the 'highest' when it sees it. The goal and ulti-
mate standard of human conduct is the judgment-
seat of Christ — 'the day of Christ,' as the Philippian
passage has it. In Plato, Phcudo, 81 B, C, the ypvxh
eiXiKpiv-qs is contrasted with the ^vxi) fiefj.iacr/J.^i'r] /cat
cLKdOapTos, stained and polluted by its connexion
with the body. The use of eiXiKpiv-qs in the NT is
an example of the way in which a word is ennobled
and enriched by being taken over into Christian
thought. The Orphic doctrine of the dehlement
of the spirit by contact with the body (aQfia (rrj/xa —
the body the prison-house of the soul *), elaborated
by Plato, is cast aside, and the great result of pure
ethical vision is attained through the discipline and
control of the passions. The meaning seems to be
that form of ethical purity which is expressed in a
mind uncontaminated and unwarped by sensual or
sordid passion. Clearly St. Paul uses it in this sense
in 2 Co p2 and 2'''. His motives are unmixed (cf.
the phrase 'the unleavened bread of elXiKpivelas' in
1 Co 5^). All that he has done, or is doing, is worthy
to be seen as in an atmosphere of pellucid clearness,
iv ayioTrjTi Kal eiXiKpivelg. toO 6eov, ovk iv C70<plg, aapKiKy
dX\' if xap'Tt dead. The purity of which he speaks
must be regarded as a gift of God. It is remark-
able that in Fhcedo 81 A the soul that is elXiKpivris is
compared with the experience by the initiated of
the Divine Vision. In any case, the emphasis is on
the comprehensive ethical quality of purity, in the
sense of 'sincerity' or 'reality,' which plays such
a dominant part in the Pauline ethics (2 Co 13^ ;
cf. Weinel, Biblische Theolugle, des AT, p. 349 f.).
(For the Stoic conception of elkiKpivda cf. Posidonius,
ap. Sext. Emp. adv. Math. ix. 71-4 ; Cicero, Tusc.
Lisp. i. 40, 42, 43 ; and E. Bevan, Stoics and
Sceptics, Oxford, 1913, pp. 107-8.)
pavTKTfibs {pavrl^w ; paLvw in classical Greek) is
translated ' sprinkling ' in the EV. It is applied
to the cleansing influence of the sacrifice of Jesus
on the human conscience (He 9^^-^* 10^^ 1 P P). It
is frequently used in conjunction with dlfxa. Its
use can be understood only if we remember that
' in the consciousness of the pious Israelite, sin,
guilt, and punishment are ideas so directly con-
nected that the words for them are interchangeable'
(Schultz, OT Theology, ii. 306). Guilt is a state of
impurity which manifests itself in a consciousness
of alienation from God, and antagonism to the
Divine Law, and it is from the sense of guilt that
the blood of Jesus is said to ' sprinkle ' or ' cleanse '
men. We may also compare He 12-\ where ' a
blood of sprinkling' is spoken of as 'speaking
better things than that of Abel,' The blood of
Abel cried for vengeance (Gn 4'") ; the life-blood
of Jesus is a more powerful appeal than the mere
martyr blood. We shall seek in vain for any theo-
retical principle, on the basis of wliich the NT
writers — especially the writer of Hebrews — apply
the sj'mbolism of the OT sacrificial system to the
Death of Jesus. The situation is simply that what
was experienced in the worship of the OT was
experienced in full and satisfying reality in the
conscience of the NT believer. The probability is
that no principle suggested itself or was felt to be
needed (cf. A. B. Davidson, Hebreivs, p. 176 ff.).
This fact suggests a profound application to the
question of religious unity to-day, especially in
connexion with sacraments and orders. In this
region, emphasis on the necessity of principles
tends to disunion, on common experience to real
and fundamental unity. In both OT and NT
thought the ' cleansing ' that is denoted by pavna--
* Cf. J. Adam, The Religious Teachers of Greece, Edinburgh,
1908, p. 96 ff.
/j.6s is the removal of the obstacle to taking a real part
in the religious services of the sanctuary (Nu 19).
In the NT the obstacle is conceived as a guilty con-
science, and the profundity of the NT conception
consists in the fact that a guilty conscience is
thought of as an obstacle to the service of God in
the fullest ethical sense. It is a hindrance arising
no longer in the external region of bodily defile-
ment, but in the inner sphere of a man's own con-
sciousness. Here we have another link connecting
the ideas of ' purity ' and ' holiness ' (cf. also PHei-
derer, Paulinism, ii. 66 If., and art. Sanctifica-
TION).
Literature. — The literature cited in the article ; the Commen-
taries on the various passages ; NT Theologies of H. J. Holtz-
mann (-Tubingen, 1911) and P. Peine (Leipzig, lUlO) ; H.
Weinel, BiUische Theologie des NT, Tiibingen, 1911 ; artt. in
DCG, HDD, and ERE. More practical works : F. W. Robert-
son, Sermvns, 3rd ser., London, 1S76, p. 122 £f. ; E. H. Askwith,
The Christian Conception of Holinesx, do. 1900 ; G. A. Smith,
Isaiah, do. 1888-90, i. 63 ff. ; J. H. Jowett, The Epistles of St.
Peter, do. 1905, p. 45 fit. ; Amiel's Journal, tr. Mrs. Humphry
Ward, do. 1891, pp. 136, 207 ; J. R. Seeley, Ecce Ilomo, do., ed.
1895, p. 358 ff. ; A. C. McGiffert, Christianity in the Apostolic
.4 (/c, Edinburgh, 1897, p. 608 ff. ; A. Maclaren, Sermons preached
in Manchester, 2nd. ser. 3, London, 1873, p. 112 ff.
R. H. Strachan.
HOLY DAY. — The term was employed in the
Jewish Law to denote a day set apart for the
service of God. Especially is it used of the Sabbath.
It might be a day on which certain restrictions
were laid on individual liberty. The scope of this
article is coniined to the attitude adopted by the
Apostolic Church towards the Jewish ' holy days.'
The subject is really part of a much larger one —
the question of its attitude towards the Jewish
Law. Jesus, while completely abrogating the
ceremonial Law (see art, HOLINESS), yet attended
Jewish feasts ; and St. Paul, notwithstanding his
attitude towards the Jewish Law, is represented
in Ac 20'^ as hastening his sea-journey, in order
to be at Jerusalem for the day of Pentecost.
To discuss the whole question of the Sabbath in
relation to the Apostolic Church would be to trans-
gress the limits of this article, but the position that
must in general be adopted is that there is no trace
in the NT of an arbitrary and conscious substitu-
tion of the Lord's Day for the Jewish Sabbath.
The process of early Christian thought in this
connexion, as in connexion with holy days in
general, was really determined not by enactment,
but by the action of the great guiding principles
of spiritual freedom and brotherly love. Indeed,
the original motive of the institution of the Jewish
Sabbath, before its observance was overlaid with
minute llabbinical details, was not so much that
the Israelite should rest himself, as that he should
give others rest. The life and work, the example
and precept, and above all the Resurrection of
Jesus, implied the complete abrogation of the
Mosaic dispensation ; but as that dispensation was
still part of the personal environment, and eventu-
ally bound up with the personal religion of indi-
vidual Christians — both Jew and Gentile— for many
generations, it is not to be expected that its cogency
would at once cease to be felt, ' The dead leaves
of Judaism fell ofi' gradually, they were not rudely
torn oil' by man' (HDB iii. 139^). It is only by
keeping the principle laid down by Jesus Himself
in Lk 5^" fully in view that the relationship of the
Apostolic Church to holy days in general, and to
the Sabbath in particular, can be understood. As
will be seen, the determining factor in the gradual
displacement of the Sabbath by the Lord's Day, in
the Christian Church, determined also the general
attitude to all holy days. That factor was the
Resurrection of Jesus, the experience of the New
Creation, and the inevitable sense of victory over
all that would fetter Christian freedom (see further,
art. Sabbath).
Bearing in mind what has been said, we are not
572
HOLY DAY
HOLY DAY
surprised to discover a certain amount of com-
promise, wherever the Apostolic Church had to
give conscious expression to its views and to give
guidance to its members on the question of the
observance of holy days. The Apostolic Decree of
Ac 15^^'^^ has only a very general bearing on our
particular subject, but the matters with which it
deals — the problems of meals and heathen religious
practices — are closely connected. We must also
remember that as Christianity in the course of its
missionary expansion came in contact with Hellen-
istic Judaism, the Pagan religious spirit, with its
insistence on the observance of heathen festivals,
would encourage a return to and an emphasis upon
' holy days.' There are thi-ee passages in St. Paul's
writings that may be adduced in illustration.
1. Gal 4^°. — ' Ye observe days, and months, and
seasons, and years.' St. Paul is really combating
the influence of those who were making the
attempt to judaize, insisting that submission to
Jewish rites was necessary for salvation, and dis-
crediting the freedom of the Pauline gospel as
antinomianism. At the same time, it is apjjarent
from the context that the Galatians had, no doubt
through the influence of Pagan festivals, laid great
stress on the observance of these days as connected
with deliverance from the power of the crroixeia,
Avhich are undoubtedly intermediate beings, con-
nected with the growth of angelology in later
Judaism, and readily identified by the Galatians
with heathen demonic powers, in which they once
believed (cf. A. S. Peake, EGT, 'Colossians,'
London, 1903, p. 522 f. ; following F. Spitta, Dei-
zweite Brief des Petrus und der Brief des Judas,
Halle, 1885, p. 263 f.). They were in bondage to
them which by nature are 'no gods' (v.^). Such
observances would destroy the spirit of sonship
(v."), the privilege of immediate access to the
Father, which constituted the gospel he had
preached to them. Accordingly we may conjecture
that, apart from the demand for circumcision, St.
Paul is not here condemning the observance of holy
days as such, but only as leading, by way of a
revived Judaism, back to Paganism. The Gala-
tians are accused not so much of wickedness, as of
'foolishness' (dv6T]T0L TaXdraL, 3'), or want of judg-
ment. No doubt it was really moral earnestness
that led them astray. To follow the definite moral
precepts of Judaism, taken over into Christianity,
impressed them as a safer course than to venture
on the broad sea of Christian freedom and the
guidance of the Spirit.
2. Ro 145-6. — The situation in Rome was some-
what difierent. The reference here to the observ-
ance of 'days' is connected with the question of
the responsibility of the strong for the conscience
of the weak (v.^). The weak in faith are those
who have an inadequate grasp of the great principle
of salvation by faith in Christ. They are the
' scrupulous ' in conscience, who, like the Galatians,
are afraid to be guided except by definite legal
enactments. It is interesting to note that St. Paul
does not call the weak brother dad^yrjs, but speaks
of rbv d<T6€voDura=' one who may become strong'
(F. Godet, Com. on Romans, Eng. tr., Edinburgh,
1881-82, ii. 329). He is one whose conscience has
to be considered, but within limits, as the rebuke
to his censoriousness in v.^ shows. The days men-
tioned are not necessarily Sabbath days, but may
be any holy day — a fast or a feast. It is held
by some (E. von Dobschiitz, Christian Life in the
Primitive Church, Eng. tr., London, 1904, p. 120;
J. Denney, EGT, ' Romans,' 1900, p. 702) that St.
Paul has in view a definite sect of vegetarians. If
that be so, the days in question would be days on
which flesh might or might nob be eaten, while in
some cases complete abstinence from flesh might
be demanded. In any case, it is significant that
'eating' is closely conjoined M'ith the observance
of the 'day' ; and whether the day were feast or
fast or Sabbath, the principles inculcated by St.
Paul apply equally well. The day in itself, like
the eating, is indifferent, and therefore the Chris-
tian is free to observe it or not according as the
spirit of Christian brotherhood and a regard for
the unity and peace of the Church may dictate.
By indilt'erence to external observances, a ' free '
Christian may injure the conscience of another.
At the same time conduct here, as always, is deter-
mined ultimately not by direct reference to the
' weak ' brother, but by reference to Christ. No
man liveth to himself, but ' to the Lord ' (v.''). It
is His interest alone that is to be considered, and
the weak brother is to be considered as one ' for
whom Christ died.' St. Paul, in his impartial
fashion in dealing with all such questions, rather
creates an atmosphere in which the elements for
decision are clearly seen than lays down any legis-
lative enactment. The authority of the Church is
neither more nor less than the authority of Jesus,
interpreted by the individual conscience, in close
Christian relationship to those who constitute the
Church a body of believers. There is nothing
whatever that is purely legal and statutory in the
Christian religion. ' All shall stand before the
judgment-seat of God,' and St. Paul asks the
Romans to remember that both those who observe
the ' days,' and those who do not, are striving for
the same end. They both are regarding the day
•to the Lord,' or with His interests in view (v.^).
The particular difficulty in Eome was probably of Essene
origrin, akin to that in Colossae (B. Weiss, Introd. to NT, Eng.
tr., London, 1837-88, i. 330 ; Denney, loc. cit.). A. C. McGiffert
{Apostolic Age, Edinburgh, 1S97, p. 368) contends that it was
due to some form of Alexandrian Judaism. Certainly the
difficulty is not occasioned by Pharisaic Legalists, as in Galatia.
3. Col 2^6 (in the AV iopri^s of this verse is
translated ' holy day,' the only instance of the word
in the EV of the NT). The argument is practically
the same as in Ro 14^ ' Let no man judge j'ou on
the basis of eating and drinking, or in the matter
of a feast or a new moon or a Sabbath.' St. Paul
means that such ground is inadequate for moral
judgment of a man. ii> ijApei eopTTJs, ktX. cannot be
translated ' in the partial observance of (Chrysos-
tom). As regards the chai-acter of the movement
which is opposed by St. Paul, and finds its ex-
pression in the legal observance of holy days, it
seems to have been a theosophy, consisting of a
blend of Judaism with some form of syncretistic
religion. It is impossible to identify the foreign
element exclusively with Essenism or Mithraism.
It is simply the product of that ' Hellenism ' which
everywhere confronted the Christian missionary
(cf. E. Bevan, Stoics and Sceptics, Oxford, 1913,
ch. iii.). The 'days' were evidently connected
with the worship of o-Totxeta or 'intermediate
beings' (see above), whose functions were ' not only
creative but also providential, in a sense, resembling
those of the saints in Roman Catholicism ' (Mofl'att,
LNT, Edinburgh, 1911, p. 152). One result seems
to have been asceticism (22"*). The material was
contrasted unfavourably with the spiritual, and
the body was considered as the tomb of the soul
(the ultimate issue of the aQfia <xr]fj.a of Plato).
Moreover, this insistence on ' days ' carried with it
an emphasis on individual speculative and mystical
attainments which destroyed the universality of
the gospel (S^').
The aim of this article has been to indicate the
complexity of the movement in the Apostolic Church
that issued in the gradual weaning of Christianity,
as interpreted by St. Paul, and those who adhered
to him, from the observance of Jewish holy days.
jNIissionary activity made plain in experience that
the multiplied observance of 'days, and months,
and seasons, and years ' as legal enactments formed
HOLT OF HOLIES, HOLY PLACE
HOLY SPIEIT
573
a congenial soil on which heathen conceptions of
deity might take fresh root within the Christian
Church. The missionary activity of the Christian
Church to-day is also exercising a similar profound
influence on Christian thought. No one ought to
pretend that the discipline of the Church, so far as
it is expressed in the weekly day of rest and worship,
or in the observance of seasons or sacraments, is
without significance for the Christian life. It
directs attention to aspects of the Christian faith
that would otherwise find no place in the mechanical
routine of ordinary life ; yet not even the religious
observance of the first day of the week ought to be
regarded as legal or statutory. An act of faith
was the source in which it originated, and its
maintenance must be conducted in the free atmo-
sphere of faith. Many things are yet to break
forth upon the mind of the Church from the Word
of God, and none are more significant than the
principles relating to holy days that were brought
into being through the contact of the apostolic
faith with contemporary practice and thought. It
is only by ' being fully assured in our own mind,'
by contracting the habit of deciding for ourselves
in such matters, and at the same time by having
regard to the mind of Christ, as expressed in the
constraint of Christian brotherhood, that true
Christian freedom of conscience will be developed,
and that fear, which so often manifests itself in
scrupulosity, obscurantism, and legalism, will be
cast out.
Literature. — Besides the works mentioned in the article
reference may be made to J. B. Mozley, University Sermons,
London, 1876, serm. ii. : ' The Pharisees ' ; F. W. Robertson,
Sermons, 3rd ser., do. 1876, p. 246 ff. ; J. H. Newman,
Parochial and Plain Sermons (Selection, ed. Copeland', do.
1891), p. 189 ff. ; J. R. Seeley, Ecce Homo, do., ed. 1895, ch. xiii. ;
Tracts for the Times, ii. (1834-35), do. 1840, no. 66 ; J. LL Davies,
The Example of Christ, do. 1860, p. 350.
R. H. Strachan.
HOLY OF HOLIES, HOLY PLACE See Taber-
NACLE, TeMPLK
HOLY SPIRIT.— The community brought to-
gether by the disciples of Jesus was sustained by
the conviction that it possessed the Spirit of God,
and in that possession it saw the peculiar feature
which distinguished its members alike from the
Greeks and from the Jews. This is a fact of
fundamental importance for the entire subsequent
history of Christianity.
I. The presuppositions of the convic-
tion. — 1. The Jewish doctrine of Scripture as
the sole medium of the Spirit. — The term ' Holy
Spirit,' B'npn nn, was coined by the theology of
the Palestinian Synagogue. The adjunct 'holy'
was rendered necessary by the fact that the word
' spirit ' was also applied to the force from which
emanated man's inward life generally. The addi-
tion of the adjective ' holy' signifies that the spirit
so distinguished belongs to God. The phrase
derives its content from what the prophets say
regarding the nature of their prophetic experience,
which they ascribe to their being moved by the
Spirit of God. Hence the tradition of the Syna-
gogue associates the conception with the writings
by which the message of the prophet is mediated
to the community. By the time the Church of the
New Testament took its rise, the doctrine of In-
spiration was already formulated as a dogma, and
dominated the whole religious life of Judaism.
The expression 'Holy Spirit,' in its connexion
with the written word, was at once taken over by
Christianity (Mk 1236, Mt 22«, Ac V^ 28^, He 3^ Q^
1015, 1 Ti 318, 2 P 1-i). The absolute bondage of the
Synagogue to the Scriptures had the result that the
Holy Spirit was assigned only to the prophets of
past times, and not to persons then living. As the
community now possessed no prophets, but was
wholly dependent upon Scripture, its tradition
included the principle that ' the Holy Spirit had
been taken away from it.' But as the communion
of God witli His people had not been broken oft",
that principle did not exclude the possibility that
the Holy Spirit might be bestowed upon indi-
viduals (cf. Lk 2-^) — at times, namely, when the
gift of prophecy was vouchsafed to them — or that
the conduct of the people as a whole miglit be
directed by the Holy Spirit (cf. the saying of
Hillel, TSsephtd PSsdhtm, iv. 2). The actual scope
of this idea, however, was circumscribed by the
fact that the nation's portion in God was based
upon the Law. It was therefore necessary that the
individual should learn God's will from Scripture,
and practise obedience thereto by his own ettbrt.
This excludes the idea of a Divine work manifest-
ing itself in the inner life of man. Hence even the
teachers of the Law abstained from tracing their
learning to the action of the Spirit, and based their
authority upon the experience wliich they had
derived from their knowledge of the Law and
tradition. When Scripture proved inadequate to
the clear ascertainment of the Divine will, recourse
was had to signs, and especially to voices coming
from above. These facts show clearly how far the
primitive Church's belief that it was guided by the
Spirit of God transcended the prevailing religious
ideas of contemporary Judaism.
2. The Messiah as the new vehicle of the
Spirit. — The second presupposition of the Chris-
tian conviction regarding the Spirit lay in the fact
that, in accordance with the promises, the Messiah
was expected to be the vehicle of the Spirit. Since
it was His function to bring perfection to His
people, the gift that distinguished the earlier
servants of God was His in a superlative degree.
Accordingly He has the Spirit 'not by measure'
(Jn 3^). By the Spirit He is one with God, and is
able to work the work of God in men. This
principle is common to the Messianic hope, the
preaching of John the Baptist, the witness of
Jesus to Himself, and the message of His disciples
in all its various forms. The conviction was in-
tensified by the culminating events of the life of
Jesus, since, as the Risen One, He reveals in Him-
self the work of the Spirit ; the Spirit giveth life.
Then, as He still maintains in His state of exalta-
tion His intercourse with His disciples, and does
this in such a way that, like God, He is present
with them and reigns over them, the Spirit becomes
the medium by which He consummates His work.
Thus the avowal of the Messiahship of Jesus
involved the doctrine that the Spirit of God is
efi'ectively operative in man. The man whom
Christ rules is guided by the Spirit, and he who is
united with Christ partakes of the Spirit.
3. The prophetic idea that the Spirit would be
given to all. — The conception of tlie perfected
community connoted also the idea — derived from
prophecy— that in it the Spirit would be vouch-
safed to all. This idea likewise was ratified by the
life of Jesus, inasmuch as He placed His relation
to His disciples wholly under the law of love.
Between Himself and them He established a per-
fect communion, and thus all that belonged to
Him passed over to them. His filial relation to
God made them children of God ; His Word, with
full authority to do wonders, was imparted to
them too ; His passion called them to sufiering
and death ; His risen life and His coming dominion
invested them also with glory. The perfect charac-
ter of the fellowship which Jesus instituted between
Himself and His disciples involved the conviction
that they likewise should receive the Spirit of
God, even as it had been imparted to Him. Thus
the events of Easter by which that fellowship was
consummated after His death were directly linked
574
HOLY SPIRIT
HOLY SPIRIT
with the belief tliat noAv the disciples also had
become possessed of the Spirit ; the breath of the
Kisen Lord imparts the Spirit to them ( Jn 20^-).
II. The coming of the Spirit to the
DISCIPLES of Jesus— i. A fact of historical
experience. — In the primitive community's recol-
lections of its beginnings it stands out as a signifi-
cant fact that the descent of the Spirit is regarded
as a particular experience, taking place on a
particular da}^ and associated with the founding
of the Church (Ac 2). The doctrine of the Spirit
thus becomes more than a tiieological inference
from the character of God or of Christ, and does not
remain a mere hope derived from the utterances of
Scripture or of Jesus ; on the contrary, it expresses,
for tlie religious consciousness of the primitive
Church, something that it had actually experienced,
and it possesses the certitude of historical fact. The
type of tradition given in Ac 2 appears also in
St. Paul, in the fact, namely, that he regards the
sending of the S^jirit, no less than that of the Son,
as a work of God — as the work, indeed, by which
the Advent of the Son was fully realized (Gal 4*"^).
The same idea appeal's in St. John, who speaks of
the descent of the Spirit as the act of the Exalted
Christ (Jn V^ 14i«- 2s W% This interpretation of
religious history was fraught with most important
consequences, inasmuch as it dissociated the con-
ception of tiie Spirit from the subjective religious
states of the individual. Believers were now con-
vinced that their possession of the Spirit was not
dependent upon their purely personal experience.
Tlie message of the Spirit's presence came to all
men as a historical fact no less secure than the
message of the Advent of Christ Himself. It is
true, of course, that the individual could recog-
nize the ert'ects of the Spirit's presence in his
personal experience, and he might accordingly be
asked whetlier he had on his part received the
Spirit (Ac 19^ ; cf. 1 Co 3i«), but his certainty in
the matter did not rest wholly upon his inward
condition. Hence the assertion of the Spirit's
operation still remained unshaken even when an
individual or a community proved unsteadfast ;
the belief that they were partakers of the Spirit
was safeguarded against every doubt (cf. Gal 3^
5i«, 1 Co 316 with 3» 6i«). That belief flowed directly
from the Christology of the primitive Church, and
could become liable to doubt only by the dissolu-
tion of the union between the community and
Christ.
2. Connexion with the inauguration of apostolic
work. — It was, again, a matter of the utmost
importance for the religious experience of the
primitive community that it associated the coming
of the Spirit with tlie beginnings of apostolic
labour. The day of Pentecost was not, indeed,
included in the Easter period, though with the
gloriiied life of Jesus was associated the conviction
that the Spirit had now laid hold of the disciples
too. But tlie occurrences which manifested to the
disciples the descent of the Spirit were distin-
guisiied from the events of Easter : the latter
perfected the fellowship of Jesus with His dis-
ciples, while the former inaugurated their ajiostolic
work and laid the foundation of the Church. In
the NT doctrine of the Spirit this continues to
manifest itself in the fact that the Spirit is always
associated with the task imposed upon the Church.
The Spirit equips the Church to witness for Jesus,
and endows it with power for its Divinely-given
work. The conception of the Spirit is not asso-
ciated with the personal blessings which the
individual craves for, as, e.g., with his progress
in knowledge, his felicity, or his moral growth and
perfection ; what was expected from the Spirit
was rather the equipment for the etlective work
necessary to the preaching of Christ and the insti-
tution of the Church Hence the apostles were
regarded as in a supreme degree the mediators of
the Spirit (cf. Ac 8'«'- 19«, 1 Co 12^^ 2 Co 3«), this
pre-eminence extending also to such as were
actively engaged in the evangelization of the
nations (1 P P^, 2 Ti 2«-, 1 Ti 4''*). In sending
forth evangelists and in defining their spheres
of labour (Ac 13^ 16"-)) in the judicial procedure by
which they withstood sin (Ac 5^ Jn 20--'-), in
prescribing the moral regulations which were to
prevail in the community (Ac 15^*), their action
was at once appropriate and effective in virtue of
the Spirit's guidance. But this did not involve
any opposition between them and the community
at large, as the latter was called to full and com-
plete fellowship with them as partakers of the
Divine grace. Thus the possession of the Spirit
was not the exclusive privilege of an official class,
but was granted to the entire community entrusted
with the service of God, and baptism is accordingly
offered to all in view of the promise of the Spirit
(Ac 2^8 i92f.^ 1 Co 6").
3. The Spirit sent by Christ. — The community
believed that the sender of the Spirit was Christ
(Ac 2^^). Accordingly it sought to prove the
Messiahsliip of Jesus by the fact that the Spirit
was revealed in the community (Ac 5^^; cf. art.
Paraclete). This made it impossible to separate
the doctrine of the Spirit from the doctrine of
Christ, or to regard the former as superseding or
transcending tiie latter. On the contrary, the
statements which set forth the operations of the
Spirit serve in reality to enunciate the presence
and work of Christ. The Spirit who animates the
community is the Spirit of Christ (Ro 8^ 2 Co 3",
Ac 16^). This inseparable union laetween Christ
and the Spirit, making it impossible for anyone to
receive the Spirit except in personal connexion
with Christ, is clearly formulated by St. Paul in
the words : ' the Lord is tiie Spirit ' (2 Co S^^).
This point of view had two closely inter-related
consequences : first, that primitive Christian faith
continued to base itself upon the earthly life of
Jesus ; and, secondly, that it did not consist merely
of recollections of that life, but developed into
fellowship with the Exalted Christ. Had the
Spirit occupied a position independent of Christ,
the primitive faith would inevitably have acquired
that mystical tendency which finds the evidences
of Divine grace exclusively in the inner life of
man. But, as it is the Spirit's function to lead
men to Christ, the message wiiich makes known
Christ's life and death is the foundation-stone of
the community. Thus the conviction that one
was living in the Spirit involved no disdain of the
body, no opposition to nature and history ; on the
contrary, the sure token of the Spirit's influence
was not the belief which separated Christ, as the
mere semblance of a heavenly being, from nature
and history, but the confession that He had truly
come in the flesh (1 Jn 4"^'', 2 Jn ''). Nor, again,
did the believer's relation to Christ consist merely
in his knowledge of the Saviour's earthly career ;
and, in point of fact, that consciousness of un-
limited fellowship with Christ whicli forms one of
the essential characteristics of the NT Epistles is
based upon the belief that the earthly work of
Jesus is still carried on in the operations mediated
by the Spirit.
i. The Spirit imparted to the community by
God. — The doctrine that the Spirit reveals Christ
implies another, viz. that it is God who imparts
the Spirit to the community, and tiiat He Himself
dwells with it in the Spirit. That theological
type of Ciiristology according to which Christ is
the Son who is one with God in the sense that God
works through Him passes over into the doctrine
of the Spirit. The formulae which speak of the
HOLY SPIEIT
HOLY SPIEIT
010
work of Christ as a manifestation of Divine power
are therefore applied also to the work of the Spirit.
The Spirit is conceived, not as a substitute for the
action of God, but as its medium ; nor is it re-
garded as a power installed between God and man ;
its function, rather, is to bring to man the ver}-
presence of God Himself. Thus the community
and its individual members are spoken of as the
Temple of God — as the place in which He dwells
(1 Co 3'6, 2 Co 6'«, Eph 2-1, 1 Ti S'^, 1 P 2^, 1 Co 6'^).
In this we can trace the root of the Trinitarian
conception of God. Christ and the Spirit are
regardetl co-ordinately as the two agents through
whom the gi'ace of God completes its work in man,
and through both the one will expressive of the
Divine grace is realized. Thus the work of Christ
and that of the Spirit are in complete harmony
with each other and with the work of the Father.
It is this formulation of the Trinitarian conception
with which St. Paul introduces his enumeration of
the gifts of the Spirit (1 Co 12^-6; cf. 1 Co IS'^,
Eph 4'*''^) ; and it appears also in the account of
what Jesus said to Nicodemus (Jn 3*'-'), where the
sequence is the new birth due to the Spirit, belief
in the Son, and the deeds 'wrought in God.'
Essentially the same formulation is found in the
salutation of 1 Peter (P), and in a like sense we
must interpret the baptismal formula in Mt 28"*,
where the one Name into which the nations are to
be baptized emljraces the Son and the Spirit as
well as the Father, because the work of calling
man to God and of bringing him Avithin the Divine
grace is etlected by Christ through the medium of
the Spirit.
It is supposed by many, indeed, that in Mt 2819 we have a
formula from a later theology, dating from the post-apostolic
period, and interjjolated into the Gospel. We must bear in
mind, however, that the teaching of Jesus certainly contained
the statement that He would work through the Spirit, and that
He would do so by imparting the Spirit to His people. It is
inconceivable that in primitive Christian times there could have
been a form of baptism in which the Spirit was not named.
Moreover, even if in that age the Gospel still clung closely to
the Jewish expectation of the Messiah, dissociating the working
of the Spirit from the present, and assigning it wholly to the
coming dispensation — the idea being that the Spirit would
raise from the dead all who had been baptized into Christ— yet,
even on that hypothesis, the preaching of Christ must still
have embraced the promise of the Spirit.
Of a formulistic use of the Trinitarian designa-
tion of God the NT shows no trace. Thus, v hen
the Christian community is questioned regarding
the nature of its Deity, it may give a complete
answer by saying that beside the one Father it sets
the one Lord (1 Co 8'^) ; and in baptism it was only
necessary to invoke the name of Christ (Pio 6^
1 Co 1'^, Gal 3-^). But in such cases it is always
implied that Jesus manifests Himself to men as
Lord by acting upon them through the Sj^irit (cf.
Ac 238 816 10^8 105). Primitive Christianity, how-
ever, felt the overt recognition of the Spirit to
be of the utmost importance, because it saw the
crowning work of Divine grace, not in its general
action upon human beings through the invisible
government of God, or in its manifestation in the
earthly work of Christ, but rather in its operations
in man himself — in its quickening of his thoughts
and his love, and in its enrichment of the inner
life.
5. The relation of the Holy Spirit to the hutnan
spirit. — The relation of the Holy Spirit to the
sjiirit of man is not dealt with separately in the NT.
The principles which here guided the thoughts of
the apostles sprang directly from the distinctive
characteristics of Divine action. Tlie intense
desire to clothe the knowledge of God in clear and
pregnant words never tempted them to seek to
solve tlie mystery that veils the creative operations
of God. Hence, too, they never tried toex]ilain how
the Spirit of God acts upon the human spirit, how
it enters into and becomes one with it. St. John,
in intentionally placing near tlie beginning of his
Gospel Christ's reference to birth from the Spirit
as an insoluble mystery (Jn 3-), is but adhering to
a principle which the apostles in their teaching
never departed from. But the Divine action has
the further characteristic that it frames its perfect
designs with absolute certainty. Hence the action
of the Spirit likewise is set forth in unconditional
statements. The Spirit endows man with no mere
isolated gifts, but creates him anew. The Spirit
gives life ; by it men are born of God (Jn 3' 7^^
1 Co 15^^ Tit 3^). Man's knowledge is guided by
the Spirit in the way of perfect truth (1 Co 2i°- ^*,
1 Jn 2-'). The faith, hope, and love which the
Spirit bestows are enduring gifts (1 Co 13^^). As
the Spirit makes the human will perfectly obedient
to the Divine will, the entire demand which is set
before believers may be summed up in the precept,
' Walk by the Spirit ' (Gal 5^*'). Thus the operation
of the Spirit is not restricted to any particular
function, as, e.g., the increase of knowledge, or the
arousing of joy, or the strengthening of the will.
On the contrary, the Spirit lays hold upon human
life in its entire range, and brings it as a whole
into conformity with the ideal : it gives man
power and knowledge, the word and the work,
faith and love, the ability to heal the sick, to
raise the fallen, to institute and regulate fellow-
ship. It is in virtue of the efflux of the Divine
action out of the Divine grace that the work of
the Spirit reveals itself in the endowment which
raises man to his true life and true autonomy.
Thus the thought of the Spirit is associated with
the idea of freedom (2 Co 3'^, Ko 8"^, Gal o'^), inas-
much as man receives from the Spirit a power and
a law that are really his own. It is this tliat dis-
tinguishes the operations of the Spirit from morbid
processes, which impede the proper fimctions of
the soul. The mental disturbances and the sus-
pension of rational utterance which may be con-
joined with experiences wrought by the Spirit are
not regarded as the crowning manifestation of the
Spirit. Its supreme work consists not in rendering
the human understanding unfruitful, but in en-
dowing it with Divine truth, and permeating the
human will with Divine love(l Co W*^-, Bo PZ^S^).
Hence the apostolic doctrine of the Spirit in-
volved no violation of human reason, as would
have been the case had it absolved the intellectual
processes from the laws of thought ; nor did it
assign a mechanical character to the will, as it
would have done if the prompting of the Spirit
had superseded personal decision. The Spirit gives
man the jjower of choice, makes his volition effect-
ive, and induces him to bring his will into sub-
jection to the Divine Law. The thought of the
Si)irit does not do away with the sense of responsi-
bility, but rather intensifies it, and the Law now
lays upon the soul a sterner obligation. As ' the
conscience bears witness in the Holy Spirit ' (Ko 9^),
its authority is inviolable. Those who live in the
Spirit are therefore required to walk after the
Spirit by submitting to its guidance (Bo S*- '^
Gal 5^). Nor does the Spirit lift one above the pos-
sibility of falling away. If man receives the gifts
of the Spirit in vain, refusing its guidance, and in
selHsli desire applying these gifts to his own ad-
vantage, his sin is all the greater (Eph 4"'', He Q*'^).
To this line of thought attaches itself quite con-
sistentlj' the fact that the community sutlers no
loss of liberty through the doings of those who
speak and act in the Spirit. The Spirit gives no
man the right to assume despotic power in the
community. Hence the injunction not to quench
the Spirit is conjoined with the counsel to test all
the utterances that flow from the Spu'it (1 Th
d'''---, 1 Co 1429-si, 1 Jn 41).
576
HOLY SPIRIT
HOLY SPIRIT
As the government of God, the Creator, embraces
both the external and the internal, the operation
of the Spirit finally extends also to the body.
From the Spirit man receives the new, incor-
ruptible, and immortal body (Ro 8", 1 Co IS^^'^s).
This manifestation, however, does not take place
in the present age, but is connected with the re-
velation of Christ yet to come. As regards the
present, the experience of the Spirit generates the
conviction that the goal has not yet been reached,
and that the perfect is not yet come, for meanwhile
the Spirit makes manifest the Divine grace only in
the inner life of man. It is true that in the pro-
positions setting forth the action of the Spirit, the
Divine grace finds supreme expression. In them
the consciousness of being reconciled to God is
clearly set forth. Man's antagonism to God is at
an end, and his separation from Him has been
overcome. Fellowship with God has been im-
planted in the inner life, and this determines man's
whole earthly career and his final destiny. At tlie
same time, however, the doctrine of the Spirit lays
the foundation of hope, and sets the existing
Church in the great forward movement that presses
towards the final consummation. For it is but in
the inner man, and not in the body, or in that side
of our being which nature furnishes, that our
participation in the Divine grace is realized.
Hence the Spirit is called the Srst-fruits, and the
earnest that guarantees the coming gift of God
(Ro 823, 2 Co P2 55). Thus from the apostolic
experience of the Spirit, side by side with faith
there arises hope ; and, as both have the same
source, they reinforce each other.
Here again, therefore, there was a profound
cleavage between the Christian doctrine of the
Spirit and the pre-Christian ideas regarding it.
The former dissociated itself not only from the
niantic phenomena that occupy a prominent place
in polytheistic cults, but also from the ideas with
which the Jewish Rabbis explained the operations
of the Spirit in the prophetic inspiration of Scrip-
ture. The intervention of the Spirit had been
universally represented as the suppression of human
personality. This view was founded upon the as-
sumption that a revelation of God could be given
only in the annulment of the human, that the voice
of God became audible only when man was dumb
or asleep, and that the operations of God were
visible only when man was deprived of volition by
an overpowering impulse. Such notions are far
remote from the propositions expressive of the
Spirit's work among Christians, although they may
to some extent survive in the early Christian view
of the OT Scriptures, and the exegetical tradition
with which these were read. The profound re-
volution of thought seen here was not the result of
any merely psychological change, or of fresh theories
regarding the nature and action of the human or
the Divine Spirit, but was due to the transforma-
tion wrought in the conception of God by the
earthly career of Jesus. The faith that found its
object in Jesus penetrated all the ideas by M-hich
the Christian community interpreted the govern-
ment of God, and suliordinated them to its re-
collections of Jesus. The figure of Jesus became
the pattern to which all its thoughts about the
Holy Spirit were conformed. The disciples had
seen in Him a human life marked by a clear
certainty, a solemn vocation, and a power of
freedom, which were quite individual and personal.
Yet that life was wholly given to the service of
God, at once revealing His character and fulfilling
His will, because the will of God manifested itself
in the life of Jesus as grace. This fact did away
with the idea that the S[iirit of God operates in
man only as a force that lays hold of and over-
powers him — a view which could seem the sole I
possible one only so long as the unreconciled mind
regarded God as an enemy to be feared. Similarly,
there was now no place for the thought that the
Spirit of God acted only upon the human under-
standing, simply endowing the mind with ideas.
This view, again, rested upon the belief that the
will of man as such was evil, and incapable of being
used in the service of God. But Jesus had im-
planted faith and love in the hearts of His disciples,
and their sense of being reconciled to God trans-
formed their thoughts about the Holy Spirit. No
longer did they think of the Spirit as annulling
the human functions of life, for they now realized
that the Holy Spirit made it possible for man to
live, not from and for himself, but from and for God.
6. The Spirit given in a special measure to some.
— With the belief that the Spirit lays hold of all
who accept Jesus was connected the fact that some
were regarded as in a special sense ' spiritual '
(■jrvevixa.TLKoi). That the Divine love made all men
equal was an ideal quite alien to the Apostolic
Cliurch. It was expected that the Spirit would
establish the fellowship of believers in such a way
that each member should retain his own individual
type. The fact that the same Spirit operated in
all guaranteed the unity of the Christian body.
That unity, however, did not degenerate into uni-
formity, for, since the Spirit works in all as a life-
giving power, the community combined in itself
an infinite profusion of national, social, and in-
dividual diversities. From the one Spirit, accord-
ingly, proceeds the 'one body' (1 Co 12^'^^-, Ro 125,
Eph 4^), and this implies that the many who com-
pose the community have not all the same power
and function, but differ from one another in their
gifts and vocations. Hence, besides the continuous
activities which constitute the stable condition of
the Christian life — besides faith, love, repentance,
knowledge, etc. — there are special and outstanding
occasions on which the individual or even an
assembly is 'filled with the Holy Spirit' (Ac 4^'^'
13"). Similarly, certain individuals stand forth
fi'om the mass as in a peculiar sense the vehicles of
the Spirit, and as making its presence and opera-
tions known to the community.
To the link with Israel and the acknowledged
validity of the OT was due the fact that the highest
position among the irvevfiariKol was assigned to the
prophet. The pai'amount gift for which the com-
munity besought God was the "Word, and the
prophet was one in whom the Word asserted itself
in such manner as to be clearly distinguishable
from his own thoughts, and to give him the con-
viction that he spoke as one charged with a Divine
commission. We have here the remarkable fact
that prophecy once more arose with extraordinary
power in connexion with the founding of the
Church. It burst forth in Jerusalem — in Barnabas,
Agabus, Judas Barsabbas, Silas, the daughters of
Philip — and this fact shows conclusively that the
pneumatic character of the Church was not a result
of the Apostle Paul's work, but was inherent in
itself from the first. In the Gentile communities
too, however, prophecy manifested itself immedi-
ately upon their foundation ; thus we find it in
Antioch (Ac 13^, probably also in Lystra (1 Ti l^^),
in Thessalonica (I Th 5'«f-, 2 Th 2=), in Corinth (1
Co 14), in Rome (Ro 12'^), in the Churches of Asia
(Ac 20-') ; Avomen likewise had the prophetic gift
(1 Co IP). As tlie prophet did not receive the
word for himself alone, but was required to make
the Divine will known to all, or to certain in-
dividuals (1 Co 14-''*')i lie came to occupy a position
in the community that had tiie dignity of an oflice.
To his utterances was ascribed the authority of a
Divine commandment binding upon all. Still, the
term 'office' can be applied to tlie position of the
prophet only under one essential restriction, viz.
HOLY SPIRIT
HOLY SPIEIT
577
that his function stood apart from anything in the
nature of judicial administration, being based upon
an inner experience which was independent alike
of his own will and the decrees of the community.
Thus, besides the vocations of the prophets and
the TTvev/MLTiKol, Certain special offices — the epis-
copate and the diaconate — were created for the
discharge of functions necessary to the life of the
community — offices which did not demand any
peculiar charismatic gift, but only an efficient
Christian life (1 Ti 3). From this development of
ecclesiastical order, however, it must not be inferred
that there was any secret antagonism to the
prophets, or any lack of confidence in the leading
of the Spirit. On the contrary, the procedure of
the apostles and the communities in instituting
these offices simply gave expression to the feeling
that special provision must be made for the activi-
ties which are indispensable to spiritual fellowship.
With tliat procedure was conjoined gratitude for
the prophetic gift which on special occasions helped
the community to form decisions without misgiving.
The Apostle Paul assisted his communities alike
in securing prophetic instruction and in instituting
offices (Ro 161, Ph P).
Correlative with the word which came from God
and was audible in the community was the worship
ottered by the community ; and here, again, besides
the thanksgiving that united all before God, there
was a special form of prayer, which flowed from a
particular operation of the Spirit and was given
only to some. This was that form of religious
worship for which the community framed the ex-
pression ' speaking with a tongue.' It took its rise
in Palestine (Ac 2^ 10'*^), and manifested itself also
in the Gentile communities, as in Corinth and
Ephesus (1 Co 14, Ac 19"). This kind of prayer
Avas specially valued because it directed the
speaker's mind towards God with powerful emo-
tion (1 Co 14-'-^^), and because its singular mode of
utterance broke through the ordinary forms of
speech. As on high the angels praise God with angelic
tongues, so the earthly Church worships Him not
only witli human tongues, but with new tongues —
the tongues of angels (1 Co 13'). With tliis was
associated the further idea that the utterance
given by the Spirit united mankind in the worship
of God, those who were meanwhile kept apart by
the diversity of tongues being made one in faith
and prayer (Ac 2).
As belief in the Spirit involves the idea that it
manifests the power of God, a place beside the
prophet and the 'speaker with a tongue' was as-
signed also to the worker of miracles. The special
manifestations of the Spirit include that singular
intensification of trust in God which brings help to
those in special distress, and, in particular, to the
sick and those possessed with demons (1 Co 12^'' )•
The belief of the community regarding this aspect
of the Spirit's work was moulded by its memories
of the life of Jesus, and in part also by its ideas
regarding the OT prophets. Tlie ' sign ' was an
essential element in the equipment of the prophet.
This appears from the fact that in the miraculous
narratives of the NT miracles are not represented
as every-day events that may occur in the experi-
ence of all believers, but are valued as a peculiar
provision for the work of those who bear a special
commission. The Gospels, the Book of Acts, and
the utterances of St. Paul regarding his ' signs '
(2 Co 12'2), all show distinctly that miracles were
intimately related to the apostolic function.
Further, the irvevfiaTiKoi as a special class bring
out the difference between the religious life of the
Christian Church and that of the Synagogue.
The prophet was then unknown in the latter, and
the Divine word came to it exclusively through
the Scriptures. Now, however, the prophetic
VOL. I.— 37
word taken over from Israel was supplemented in
the Church by an operative utterance of God. And
just as the Rabbis did not arrogate to themselves
the inspiration of prophecy, so they disclaimed the
power of working miracles. They did, however,
always recognize a supernatural factor in the order-
ing of human aflairs, and in prayer, in dreams, in
times of distress, the thoughts of the devout often
dwelt upon the Divine omnipotence. On the other
hand, the need of ascertaining the Divine will from
signs, of interpreting dreams, of listening for Divine
utterances, of inferring from one's feelings in prayer
that the prayer was heard, of deducing the eternal
destiny of the dying from their last words — of all
this the NT knows nothing, and tiiat not in spite
of, but precisely in virtue of, its doctrine of the
Holy Spirit. Inasmuch as the Spirit brings men
into conscious union with God, there is no further
need for signs — such need having a place in religion
only so long as men bow before an unknown God
and an inscrutable will. The certitude of the NT
worker of miracles who felt that he had a right to
invoke the aid of Omnipotence forms the counter-
part to the certitude of the prophet who was con-
vinced that he spoke under a Divine compulsion,
and it sprang from a conviction that held good for
all, viz. that God had revealed Himself in Christ
in such a way that the personal life of the believer
was rooted in His perfect grace.
III. Different types of the doctrine of
THE Spirit in the NT period.—!. The Pauline.
— The considerations by which St. Paul was led
towards his new and distinctive theology prompted
him also to frame a doctrine of the Spirit.
(a) The Spirit and the Law. — For St. Paul the
religious problem had assumed the form : Either
the Law or Christ ; and he efi'ected his union with
Jesus by a resolute turning away from the Law.
A religious life based upon the Law forms a clear
antithesis to life in the Spirit, for a law externally
enjoined upon man — the transgression of which was
guilt, and obedience to which was desert — excludes
the idea that God Himself acts upon man inwardly.
The Law, in short, sets man at a distance from
God, making him the creator of his own volition
and the originator of his own sin and righteousness.
In this fact the Apostle, as a Christian, saw the
plight of the Jews, and of mankind in general ; for
righteousness can be won, not by any performance
of the Law, but only by a manifestation of the
righteousness of God. Thus from man's own
spiritual state arises the problem of how he is
to be brought into that relationship with God
which is grounded in God's own work and the gift
of His grace. The gift of His grace cannot consist
merely in a change of man's external condition, as
if he had only to look forward to a transformation
of nature and a re-organization of the world. To
seek for help in that direction would be to deny the
Law, the holiness of which consists precisely in this,
that it makes obedience to God the condition of
His fellowship with man. Hence the grace of God
must move man from within, and must so act upon
him as to make him obedient to God. That opera-
tion of God in man in virtue of which man sur-
renders himself to God the Apostle finds in the
work of the Holy Spirit (Ro 8l-^ Gal 5^^^-). Subjec-
tion to the Law is thus superseded by subjection
to the Spirit (Ro 7^), and legal worship gives place
to worship ottered through the Spirit (Ph 3*). Chris-
tians are thus absolved from the Law in such a way
that the Law is reallj^ fulfilled.
(b) The Spirit and the Scriptiires. — The obedience
rendered by the Jews was based upon their belief
that the Divine will had been revealed to them in
the Scriptures. The knowledge of God was there-
fore to be obtained by study of the holy writings
delivered to them. The Law produced the scribe,
o7i
HOLY SPIEIT
HOLY SPIEIT
the theolo.irical investigator (1 Co 1^). As a Chris-
tian, St. Paul, however, rejected this method of
seeking tlie knowledge of God as decisively as lie
rejected the meritorious character of Pharisaic
works. How is man to become possessed of the
knowledge of God ? He knows God only when he
is known by Him. But how is he to acquire a
knowledge of God tiiat does not come to him
tlirougli Scripture or tradition, but is given by the
Divine leading of his inner life? The knowledge
of God is shed forth in man by the Spirit (1 Co 2'\
2 Co 2'-* ; cf. 3^). Here we have the root of that
vital contrast between the letter and the spirit
wliich forms one of the distinctive features of the
Pauline theology (Ro 7«, 2 Co 3«).
(c) The Spirit and theflesh. — St. Paul uses the term
' flesh ' to denote man's incapacity to bring his de-
sires into conformity with the Divine Law. The
Apostle tliereby gives expression to the idea that
the inner life of man is dependent upon bodily
processes. In deriving the evil state of man from
that dependence he was not simply thinking of
the impulses wliicii are directly subservient to the
needs of the bod}^ but he also recognized in the
dimness of man's consciousness of God and the
meagreness of his religious experience that des-
potism of the flesh to which our whole inner life
lies in subjection. From ancient times ' flesh ' had
been used as the correlative of 'spirit.' How is
man to rise above himself, and be delivered from
the thraldom of sensuous impressions and bodily
appetites ? The power that sets men free from
selflsh desire — natural though such desire may be
— and turns liira towards the Divine purposes, is
the Spirit (Ro S*-8).
(d) The Spirit and the work of Christ. — St. Paul
recognized in the Death and Resurrection of Jesus
tiie factor which determined the relation of all
men to Jesus Himself. That the Messiah had
been cruciiied and raised again from the dead was,
in the Apostle's view, the good tidings of God.
What St. Paul saw here was not Law, which
dooms man to death, but Love, which dies for
man ; nor was it the separation of the guilty from
God, but rather the protter of such fellowship with
Him as takes sin awaj' by forgiveness ; it was not
tiie preservation of the tlesii, but the complete sur-
rencler of it — the judgment of the Divine Law
upon the flesh, and the beginning of a new life, a
life no longer subject to natural conditions, but
one that makes manifest the glory of God. By
what means, then, can Clirist carry on in man the
experience whicli He had consummated in His own
person, and so effect the due issue of His Death
and Resurrection ? For St. Paul the only answer
that could be given to that question was that
Clirist reveals Himself through the Spirit. Love
asks for the fellowslup that rests upon an inward
foundation, and draws men to Christ not by force
but through tlieir own volition. Thus love rises
supreme above tlie interests of the flesh, and is
directed to an end tiiat wholly transcends nature.
Man now becomes a mirror of Christ's glory (2 Co
3'^), and his end is to know Christ as the power
which raises him from the dead (Ph 3'"'-).
(e) The Spirit and faith. — Once St. Paul had come
to recognize a revelation of God in the Deatli and
Resurrection of Jesus, it was for him a fact beyond
dispute that man's participation in the Divine
'Tace rests upon faith. Man's need of the Divine
forgiveness, as well as his actual experience of it,
finds its consummation in the fact tiiat he gives
his trust to God, and ])ossesses righteousness in
faith alone. This attitude implies, however, that
he is now delivered from self-centred desire, and
has renounced all the cravings of the flesh. But
the act of thus committing oneself wiiolly to the
Divine grace is the work of the Spirit. Only in
virtue of that work can our faith become our
rigiiteousness. The very fact that faith has a
source lying above human nature makes it possible
for faith to influence our thoughts and desires, so
that we can now act by faith, as those who no
longer commit sin, but do the will of God.
(/) The Spirit and the Church. — St. Paul, in re-
garding the Church as the fellowship of faith,
tliereby made the Church free — the sanctuary of
the perfect sincerity which safeguards each from
undue accommodation to otiiers, and the home of
that perfect love which actuates each to labour
with all his capacity on behalf of the common
fellowship. St. Paul's conHdent belief that the
communities maintain their unitj% even though
that community is not protected by external force
or strengthened by an outward bond, could have its
source only in his conviction that the unity of the
Ciiurch was rooted in the Spirit. Because he
believed in the one Spirit he believed in the one
body.
Thus all the lines which exhibit the character-
istic tendencies of the Apostle's thought converge
in his doctrine of the Spirit. As St. Paul aspired
to a righteousness apart from the Law, and to a
knowledge of God apart from the wisdom of the
world ; as he sought to secure the victory over evil
by emancipation from the flesh ; as he drew from
the Cross the conviction that Jesus binds men to
Himself in a perfect union, and as he tlius came
to have faith, and found fellowship with all through
faith, he could not make his gospel complete with-
out the doctrine that the Spirit of God dwells in
man. Apart from that principle, his doctrine of
sin becomes a torment, his opposition to the Law
would be antinomianism, his union with the Cruci-
fied an illusion, his idea of the righteousness of
faith a danger to morality, and his doctrine of the
Church a fanaticism. For the vindication of his
gospel it was therefore necessary that his Churches
should exhibit the workings of the Spirit ; only
in that way could they become the Epistles of
Christ and set their seal upon the Apostle's com-
mission (2Co3Ml4, Gal 3-).
The structure of St. Paul's theology renders
it unlikely that his doctrine of the Spirit was
materially afl'ected by his intercourse with pliilo-
sophically-minded Greeks. Nowhere in St. Paul
do we find concrete parallels either to the Platonic
repudiation of sense in favour of reason, or to the
Cynic protest against culture, or to the mj-stical
teachings wiiich implied that the soul is an alien
sojourner in the body. It is certainly possible,
perhaps even probable, that the forceful way in
which he made use of the antithesis between flesh
and spirit as a means of evoking faith and repent-
ance was in some manner related to the dualistic
ideas whicii prevailed in Greek metaphysics and
ethics. But his conscious and successful rejection
of all the Hellenistic forms of doctrine in that field
is clearly seen in the remarkable fact that there is
not a single passage in iiis letters which would go
to prove that the antithesis between the materi-
ality of nature and the immateriality of God, be-
tween the concrete image of sense and the pure
idea, had any meaning for him at all.
2. The primitive type of the doctrine and its
relation to the Pauline type. — It would be alto-
gether eri'oneous to think that the conviction of
the Spirit's indwelling in believers was first intro-
duced into the Churcli l)v St. Paul. Every single
document of primitive Christianitj^ implies that
the possession of tiie Spirit is tiie distinctive feature
of the Christian society. When Christians spoke
of themselves as '.saints,' and thus indicated tiie
ditt'erence between tiiem and the Jews, they had
in mind not the measure of their moral achieve-
ments, but the fact that tliey were united to God
HOLY SPIRIT
HOLY SPIRIT
579
through their knoAvledge of Christ. Their union
with God, however, was rendered effective and
manifest precisely in virtue of the Spirit's work
in their lives. But while St. Paul relates every
phase of the Christian life to the Spirit, so that
believers may learn to think of their entire Chris-
tian experience as life in the Spirit, and so that
the Church may recognize the working of the
Spirit in all that it does, the leaders of the Church
in Jerusalem keep the thought of the Spirit apart
from their own self-consciousness. It is certainly
the case that here the Church's relation to God is
conceived as determined by the new covenant
which the coming of the Spirit has brought to
all. The individual believer, however, was not
encouraged to find the basis of that belief in the
work of the Spirit Avhich he could trace in his own
experience ; on the contrary, each found the ade-
quate ground of his conviction in that manifesta-
tion of the Spirit which is apparent to all. In the
eyes of the Church the apostles are those who
teach in the Spirit, perform miracles in the Spirit,
and administer judgment in the Spirit, and beside
them stand prophets who make manifest to all
the reality of the new Divine covenant. The
conception of the Spirit, however, was not thereby
rendered particularistic, nor was its action re-
garded as restricted to the special class of the
irvfufiaTLKoL. It was, in fact, impossible for those
who confessed Christ, the Perfecter of the com-
munity, to divide the community into two gi'oups
— those who know God and those who knoAV Him
not, or those who obey Him and those Avho resist
Him. Only in the indwelling of the Spirit as
shared by all was it made certain that the mem-
bers of the Church were members of the Kingdom
of God. When all is said, however, the conscious-
ness of believers in which they know that they are
under the influence of Divine grace is much more
vigorously developed in the Epistles of St. Paul
than in the documents bearing the Palestinian
stamp, viz. the writings of James, Matthew, Peter,
and John.
(a) The Epistle of James. — St. James assures
those who draw near to God with sincere repent-
ance that God will draw near to them (4^). But
he does not describe how the presence of God
becomes an experience in the penitent. The wis-
dom that produces pride he reproves as sensual
{\{/vxi-Kri [3'^]) ; the true wisdom, on the contrary,
is spiritual ; but he is content to say of it simply
that it comes from above. To one who is in
perplexity as to his course, St. James gives the
promise that he shall receive wisdom in answer
to prayer (P). Here too, therefore, a work of God
is said to take place in the inner life — a Divine
operation regulating the thoughts and desires of
man. That directing power of God acting from
within is just what St. Paul calls Spirit, but this
term is not used here. Again, man is born of
God, through the word of truth (P^), and the doer
of the Law is brought into the state of liberty (1^).
Both of these assertions approximate to what is
expressed elsewhere in Scripture by statements
referring to the Spirit. We thus see that the ex-
hortations of the Epistle are nowhere based upon
the legalistic point of view. The injunction of
Scripture or the precept of the teacher is never
regarded as taking the place of one's own ethical
knowledge. Casuistry is set aside, as is also the
idea of merit. The individual is called upon to
submit to God in his own knowledge and love.
But the writer does not deal with the manner in
which this autonomous turning of the will towards
God is brought about.
{b) Matthew. — An obvious parallel to this ap-
pears in St. Matthew. Here baptism into the
Spirit implies that, besides the work of the Father
and tlie Son, that of the Spirit likewise avails for
all who are called to follow Jesus (Mt 28''*). Ex-
cept in this connexion, however, the Spirit is only
once referred to, viz. as a special support to those
who have to proclaim the message of Jesus before
the secular powers (10-").* Nevertheless, the voca-
tion of the disciples, in all its grandeur and its
solemn obligation, is realized with extraordinary
vividness and most impressively depicted in the
First Gospel. The disciples are the light of the
world, the stewards of the treasure committed to
them by Jesus, the loyal husbandmen through
whose labours the vineyard yields fruit for God,
the iishers of men who must cast out the net, the
sowers to whose exertions the harvest is due. But
the Gospel does not show how Christians are to
acquire the inward provision for their task. In
the conviction that they are the guardians of the
commission of Jesus lies also their glad confidence
that they are able to discharge it.
(c) First Epistle of Peter. — As Matthew con-
cludes with a distinct reference to the Trinity, so
the First Epistle of Peter opens with one (1-). The
sequence of the Persons here — God the Father, the
Spirit, Jesus Christ — which finds a parallel in the
salutation at the beginning of Kevelation (1^), is
probably to be explained by the fact that Jesus is
quite unmistakably represented as man, even when
He is associated with the Father and the Spirit.
The same fact appears also in the statement that
His blood and His obedience are the means by
which the sanctification imparted by the Spirit
is won, in accordance with the foreknowledge of
God. The mention of Jesus, accordingly, follows
that of the Spirit through whom the humanity of
Jesus was endowed with Divine power and grace,
just as believers are enabled to participate in what
the Cross of Christ secures for them in virtue of
the sanctification bestowed upon them by the
Spirit. In 1 Pet. the Spirit is spoken of also as
constituting the endowment of those who had
carried the gospel to Asia Minor (1'^), and as thus
setting them beside the prophets in whom the
Spirit of Christ spoke (1"). Since the new birth is
effected by the Word (1^), it is not surprising that
the community should be called the Temple. The
sacrifices which it otters bear the impress of the
Spirit (2^). Those who are brought before secular
tribunals for Christ's sake are assured that the
Spirit of God rests upon them (4"), and here the
promise which Jesus gave to His disciples is ex-
tended to the Church at large. Those who after
death obtain the gift of life receive it through the
Spirit (4^), just as Jesus Himself, after being put
to death, was quickened by the Spirit (3^^). We
thus see that this hortatory Epistle proceeds upon
the idea that it is the Spirit of God that secures
for the Church its portion in the Divine grace.
But the Epistle furnishes nothing that can com-
pare with the great utterances of St. Paul regard-
ing the operations of the Spirit, as e.g. in Ro 8,
Gal 5, 1 Co 2. 12, 2 Co 3. Its exhortations appeal
to the ethical knowledge and the power of volition
which reside in believers themselves.
(d) The Johannine writings. — (1) Revelation. — A
similar representation is given in the Revelation
of St. John. That Jesus governs the Christian
society through the Spirit is attested here by its
having received the gift of prophecy. What the
Apocalypse speaks of figuratively as a writing of
Jesus to the angels of the Churches it also desig-
* It is true that in 123if- Christ and the Spirit are conjoined
as the revealers of Divine grace, and in such a way as to imply
that the offer of Divine grace is consummated through the
Spirit, so that the guilt of those who speak against it is irre-
versible. Yet it is not distinctly said here that the Spirit will
become manifest also after the earthly mission of Jesus. The
primary reference of the passage is to the revelation of God
which is effected by the works of Jesus.
580
HOLY SPIRIT
HOLY SPIRIT
nates literally as a speaking of the Spirit to the
Churches (2^, etc. ; cf. 19^°). When consolation is
given to those ■who are dying in the Lord, or when
the Church prays for the Coming of Jesus, it is the
Spirit that speaks (14^3 22i^). As every prophet
receives the Spirit in such wise as to possess Him
individually, the Spirit is also referred to as
plural : God is the Lord of the spirits of the
prophets (22'i ; cf. 1 Co 1432). -phe relation of the
Spirit to Christ is set forth in the assertion that
the Lamb has seven eyes, which are the seven
spirits of God (5^) : the Spirit gives Jesus the
power of vision by which He surveys the world
from the throne of God. The Spirit's relation to
God is expressed in the figurative statement that
the seven spirits burn as lamps before the throne
(4^ ; cf. 1*) : the Spirit is the light of heaven.
These figures do not imply, however, that St. John
regarded the Spirit as broken up into seven inde-
pendent and co-ordinate beings. That no such
idea was in his mind is evident from the fact that
he ascribes these seven Spirits to God and Christ,
in whom the unity of personal life is inviolable.
Whether the metaphor was in some way suggested
by astronomical conceptions, as e.g. the seven
heavens, or the seven planets, it is impossible to
determine, as other metaphors of the Apocalypse
speak only of a single heaven, and never refer to
tne planets at all. On the other hand, it is clear
that the form of the metaphor was in some way
influenced by the Messianic interpretation of Zee
The Spirit, however, is not nearly so prominent
in St. John's prophetic visions as are the angels.
While the Spirit is the source of knowledge — of
the omniscience of Jesus and God, and of the
certitude of the Christian which surveys the Last
Things — yet, when the catastrophic interventions
of Divine power in the world's history are to be
portrayed, it is the angels who appear as the
agents of the Divine purposes. Still St. John
summons Christ's people to that heroic conflict and
that service of perfect love in which they are
ready to die for Christ's sake, and to stand against
the world even when, under a single head, it con-
centrates all its force to make war upon Christ.
In this, however, their eyes are not bent upon
their own spiritual standing ; rather they are
turned away from man towards the higher realm
where the Lamb seated upon the throne of God
rules all things.
(2) Gospel.— T\iQ great theme of St. John's
Gospel is the Divine sonship of Jesus ; the faith
of the disciples finds its object in Him, and their
love is service to Him. His credentials consist in
His possession of the Spirit (P^ 334j_ ^he Spirit
is the medium through which Jesus accomplishes
His work. Hence the two metaphors with which
St. John expresses the work of Jesus, viz. 'life'
and ' light,' apply also to the work of the Spirit.
The Spirit is one with the word of Jesus, and
makes that word tlie source of life (6"^). It is
associated with baptism in such wise that the
water initiates the new life in man (3^) ; it works
in the flesh and blood of Jesus, so that they can
be eaten and drunk, and thus give life to believers
(Q*^). After the departure of Jesus, moreover, the
Spirit is the power by which the disciples complete
their task, for the truth dwells in them through
the Spirit (cf. art. Paraclete). The Spirit in-
stitutes the new tj'pe of worship in the community
(4^). In the Fourth Gospel, therefore, the Si>irit
is in its Divine pre-eminence exalted above the
human consciousness. It is manifested only in its
work, and this is simply the Christian liife — the
faith directed to Jesus, and the love tendered
Him ; for the Spirit does not reveal itself, but
glorifies Christ.
(3) First Epistle. — According to the First Epistle
of St. John, again, it is the Spirit that bestows the
word — not only the word of prophecy, but also that
of confession (4^-''). The Spirit becomes manifest
in leading men to confess Jesus. Hence it is con-
joined with the water and the blood as the power
that generates faith in Christ (5*), and therefore it
is also that gift which manifests and safeguards
the perfect fellowship of Jesus with believers (3-^).
It keeps the community from the seduction of
error, for it teaches and reveals the truth (2-i- ^).
The community must have absolute confidence in
the guidance of the Spirit ; by its possession of the
Spirit it secures fellowship with the apostle, since
the Spirit makes it submissive to him (4''), and at
the same time it secures its independence, since
it discovers knowledge for itself, and is not
fettered to the apostle. The designation here
applied to the Spirit, viz. 'oil of anointing'
{xpitrfia [2-^]), reminds the readers of Avhat im-
parted the Spirit to them : they possess Him as
the property of the Anointed (Xpia-rds), who con-
summates His fellowship with them, and shares
with them His chrism, in the fact that the Spirit
leads them to knowledge and certitude.
The references to the Spirit in all the three
documents just dealt with reveal their specifically
Johannine colouring in their speaking of the Spirit
as the source of knowledge. As the Christian life
consists in the knowledge of God, it is the Spirit
also that brings about the new birth from God.
That point of view common to all the Palestinian
teachers, which distinguishes their utterances
regarding the Spirit from the Pauline doctrine, is
clearly related, both positively and negatively, to
the religious attitude of the Jews. From that
attitude sprang the Christian sense of being under
obligation to God, and the Christian estimate of
obedience as the chief element in religion. The
promise of the Spirit did not lead the Christians of
Palestine to observe its work in themselves, to
find their joy therein, and to enrich and perfect
their spiritual life thereby ; it prompted them,
rather, to do the will of God in obedience to Jesus.
It was therefore enough for them that the work of
the Spirit should be manifest in the existence of
the Church and the word that sustained it.
Simultaneously, however, their controversy with
the Jews wrought with profound efi'ect upon the
religious standpoint of the Christians. The Jew,
in virtue of his Divine calling, acquired a proud
self-consciousness, and, after every religious efibrt
he put forth, he was inclined to display and admire
it. Thus the apostolic preaching came to be a
ceaseless striving against religious vainglory.
Might not the conviction that the Cliurch possesses
the Spirit engender pride? Must it not prove
positively baneful that man should discern the
workings of Divine grace in the movements of his
thought and will ? With a humble but bold
sincerity the leaders of the Palestinian Church
sought to prevent believers from dwelling upon
their personal experiences of the Spirit, and dis-
countenanced introspection except as a means of
maintaining their union with Jesus in penitence
and obedience. In this attitude we see also the
strength of the hope which turned their longings
towards the coming world and the coming Christ :
in that consummation the work of the Spirit will
at length be fully manifested in those whom it
raises from the dead.
3. Hellenistic -Jewish tendencies. — The tend-
encies introduced into the Gentile Churches by
Hellenized Jews were fraught with important
consequences. The issues are seen with special
clearness in the Epistles to the Corintliians, but
it is evident from Ph 3 that similar phenomena
had emerged in Kome and Macedonia, while the
HOLY SPIRIT
HOME
581
Pastoral Epistles and the Johannine writings show
that they had appeared also in Asia Minor. In
this Gentile soil the gift of the Spirit was accounted
the supreme prerogative of Christians. But the
idea of perfection was taken over from the Greek
and Jewish religious tradition, and fused with
faith in the Spirit. In Corinth this led to the
zealous cultivation of glossolalia — partly because
of the state of devout exaltation to which the gift
raised the speaker and in which he experienced a
strange delight, partly because of the admiration
which its striking manifestations evoked. That
one who prays should be exalted above reason by
the Spirit was regarded as something eminently
desirable. Here too, however, Christianity simul-
taneously acquired an intellectual istic tendency.
The Spirit endows man with knowledge, and sets
him among the wise who can interpret the work of
God. In his conduct, again, the trvevfiaTLKds attests
his privilege by the daring which enables him to
do what for others would be a sin. He enters
heathen temples without fear (1 Co 8^"); he does
not need to shun impurity (6'^), and he can even
contract a marriage revolting to ordinary human
feeling (5'). In Corinth, likewise, the possession
of the Spirit was supposed to be attested by
contempt for the natural, and this in turn gave
rise to ascetic tendencies (7'). As the perfectionist
finds complete satisfaction in the communion with
God bestowed upon him by the Spirit, his hope for
the future dies away ( 15'^, 2 Ti 2'^) ; for naturally
such a religious attitude could have no final ideal
standing supreme above present attainment. It
thus tended to arrest that forward process into
which St. Paul had brought his churches (Ph 3).
Moreover, the link with the earthly career of Jesus
was dissolved. The moral intensity of His call to
repentance was not realized, and, accordingly, His
Death upon the Cross lost all significance. The
Exaltation of Jesus could, tiierefore, no longer be
based upon the self-humiliation in which He became
obedient to the death of the Cross (Ph 25-"), The
immediate outcome of these views was a division
of the Church into distinct groups, since the irvev-
fiariKoL had sought to institute a spiritual despotism
over it (1 Co 3^-^^ 2 Co ll-»), treating the rest—
those who did not possess the characteristic tokens
of the Spirit — as spiritual minors. Tliese facts
explain the manner in which the later Epistles of
St. Paul speak of the Spirit ; and, with regard to
the Johannine writings as well, we must take into
consideration not only their relation to tiie Pales-
tinian type of Christianity, but also their opposition
to the TvvevjxaTiKoi who made the Spirit subservient
to religious egotism. Similar considerations must
be kept in view in our interpretation of the Epistle
to the Hebrews. This Epistle does not treat of
the doctrine of the Spirit with anything like the
elaboration we find in its Christology ; it says very
little of the Spirit's work in the Church. It refers
to it once as the power which lends authority to
the words of those who preach Jesus (2'*) ; and,
again, it brings out the awful degi-ee of guilt
incurred by those who fall away, by pointing to
the greatness of the gift they have despised (6^ 10^*).
The apostles sought to maintain the purity of
their views regarding the Spirit and to prevent its
being made a mere tool of religious egotism by
making the Church subordinate to Jesus, and
engaging it in the practical tasks necessary to the
formation of pure and perfect fellowship within its
own circle and in all the natural relations of life.
It was the operation of that ideal that led to the
ranking of faith above knowledge, and to the
expulsion of the egoistic tendency from the religious
life of the Church. The preaching of the Resurrec-
tion of Jesus as the act of God that procures life
for the world (1 Co 15) ; the concentration of
personal volition on the one aim of knowing Christ
(Ph 3) ; the Johannine representation of the unity
of Jesus with the Father as that which exalts Him
above all ; the portrayal of Jesus in Hebrews as
the One Priest, who, having Himself been made
perfect through sufferings, has also made us perfect
— all these converge in a single point : they show
that the essential element of the Christian life
is faith in Jesus Christ. Perfectionism with its
egotistic tendency is thus overcome, for faith turns
us away from ourselves, and looks to the grace of
Christ as the source of our righteousness and of
our spiritual life. In this way the Christian society
maintains its place in the great forward process
which presses towards the realization of the perfect
in the future age.
And with faitli in Jesus the apostles co-ordinated
the commandment of love, calling upon the Church
to engage in the tasks that arise out of our inter-
course with one another. This, again, meant not
only the overcomingof the in tellectualistic tendency
which would have made the Church the arena of
theological disputation, but also the repudiation of
all opposition to the natural relations of human
life, for love becomes perfect only when it takes
account of our neighbour's situation as a whole,
and cares for his natural as well as his spiritual
needs. Thus the labours and controversies of the
Apostolic Age had as their outcome the establish-
ment of the principle that the Spirit of God
manifests His work in man by endowing him with
faith and love (cf. 1 Ti 1^).
Literature. — I. (a) For the Jewish tradition : P. Volz, Der
Geist Gottes, Tubingen, 1911 ; (6) for the conceptions current in
Hellenism, H. Weinel, Die Wirkungen des Geintes und der
Geister im nacliapostolischen Zeitalter bis auf Irenceus,
Freiburg i. B., 1899. II. H. Gunlcel, Die Wirkungen di'S
he.iUgen Geistes^, Gottingen, 1909 ; M. Kahler, Dogmatische
Zeitfragen, i., Leipzig, 1898 : ' Das schriftmassige Bekenntnis
zum Geiste Cliristi,' p. 137 ; H. H. Wendt, Die Begriffe Fleisch
und Geist im hiblisohen Sprackgebrauck, Gotha, 1878. III. J.
Gloel, Der heiliae Geist in der Ueilsverkiindigung des Paulus,
Halle, 1888; H.'B. Swete, The Holy Spirit in the NT, London,
1909 ; F. von Hiigel, Eternal Life, Edinburgh, 1912.
A. Schlatter.
HOME. — 1. The English word ' home ' represents
more than one Greek word ; most conmionly oIkos
gives the idea. Thus /car' oTkov = ' at home ' (Ac 2*^
RV and AVm, and 5-*^ RV ; AV 'from house to
house ' and ' in every house ') ; whUe Kar oHkovs in
20'-" = 'from house to house,' AV and RV, private
as opposed to public teaching being referred to ;
and Kara rods oiKoiti in 8' = ' [entering] into every
house.' ' At home ' renders iv oUij) in 1 Co ll** 14^^
In 1 Ti 5^ widows' children are bidden eme^elv Tbv
idiov oIkov, ' show piety at home ' ( AV), or ' towards
their own family' (RV). In Tit 2^ RV the young
married women are to be oiKovpyoi, ' workers at
home ' (A V oUovpol, ' keepers at home ' ; the former
word is not found elsewhere, but is attested by all
the best MSS).
The same idea is given by rd 'i5i.a, lit. 'their
own belongings,' in Ac 21® ('returned home');*
and figuratively in 2 Co 5®- ^ by ivdij/uLelv, ' to be at
home ' (lit. ' among the people '), and iKdij/uLelv, ' to be
absent from home ' ; perhaps also by the phrase, iv
Tols Tod Harpbs fJ.ov, ' in my Father's house ' (figura-
tively, or else lit. of the Temple), of Lk 2'*^.
Again, 7r6Xis (Lat. civifas) conveys the idea of a
'home' (cf. He lli»-i« I222 13^*, and especially Mt
12'^ : 7r6\is rj OLKia). To us the word ' city ' conveys
the idea of streets and buildings ; to a Greek or
Roman, and so to an early Christian, it means an
organized society which is the home of those who
inhabit it (see B. F. Westcott, Hebrews, 1889, p. 388
ff.). So also we may paraphrase Ph 3^" thus : ' Our
* Cf. 01 tSioi, ' one's own people,' in 1 Ti 58, and especially In
Jn 1", where both expressions are joined together. The Incar-
nate came to His own home (to. ISia), but His own chosen
people, the Jews (ol ISioi), received Him not.
582
HONEST
HONEY
home (7r6Xts) is in heaven, while on earth we are
only travellers and passers-by.'
2. The idea of home is much dwelt upon in the
Pastoral Epistles. There is a striking difference
in the NT between the qualifications of an
' apostle ' in the widest sense, of a travelling mis-
sionary having oversight of the churches (such is
also the meaning of ' apostle' in the Dldache), and
of the local 'bishop' or 'presbyter' and deacon.
The 'apostle' may be married (1 Co 9^), but his
home life is not emphasized ; while in the case of
the local officials the home is much spoken of.
Thus in the Pastoral Epistles the bishop must be
husband of one wife, given to hospitality, ruling
well his own house, having his children in subjec-
tion ; for ruling his family well leads to his ruling
his flock well ; a test of his having trained his
children well is that they believe, and are not
accused of riot and are not unruly (1 Ti S'-^, Tit 1").
Deacons must be husbands of one wife, ruling
their children and their own houses well (1 Ti 3'-).
These Epistles also deal generally with Christian
home life ; the faithful are to provide for their
own households (1 Ti 5*) ; married women must be
good house' workers (above, 1 ; cf. the virtuous
woman of Pr Si'""), and must love their husbands
and children (Tit 2"*'-). Among widows' qualifica-
tions is that of having brought up children, who
in turn are bidden to requite their parents by
supporting the widowed mother and grandmother
(1 Ti 5'"; cf. vv.*-i8). We have several distant
glimpses of devout Christian homes in the NT— of
Timothy witii his mother and grandmother at
Lystra, of Philip with his daughters at Caesarea,
and of some others, for which see Family.
3. Hospitality is closely connected with the idea
of ' home.' For the large guest-rooms which made
this possible on a comparatively extended scale,
see House. Instances of hospitality are common
in the apostolic writings. Simon the tanner enter-
tains St. Peter (Ac IQS), Lydia at Philippi shows
hospitality to St. Paul (le^^-^"), the jailer there
brings the apostles into his house and sets meat
before them (16=*^); Titus Justus at Corinth (18^),
Philip at Cassarea (2P), Mnason of Cyprus at
Jerusalem, or at a village between Ceesarea and
Jerusalem (21'«; see W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the
Traveller, 1895, p. 302 f.), Publius in Malta (28^)—
all entertained the Apostle hospitably. In Ro 16^3
Gains is famous for this quality ; he is the host
of the whole Church, ap))arently at Corinth (cf.
1 Co P^). It is just possible that he may be the
same as the hospitable Gains of 3 Jn i* ^, but the
name is a common one. With the last passage
contrast the want of hospitality shown by Dio-
trephes in 3 Jn ^^•.
The duty of showing hospitality is insisted on
in the case of a ' bishop' in 1 Ti 3'-, Tit P (he is to
be (f)i.\6S.€vos), and in the case of a widow in 1 Ti 5^*
(i^evo56xn<rev) ; and Christians in general are bidden
to 'pursue' (Ro 12i3) and 'not to forget' (He 13^)
love unto strangers ((piko^evla), to be ' lovers of
strangers ' ((pCKbievoi, 1 P 4^), i.e. not to be givers
of feasts but to receive strangers (C. Bigg, St.
Peter and St. Jude [ICC, 1901], 173 ; cf. Job 3p2).
In these injunctions there is a reminiscence of our
Lord's words, ' I was a stranger, and ye took me in '
(Mt 25^). See, further, art. Hospitalitv.
A. J. Maclean.
HONEST.— 1. The word 'honest ' in the AV bears
the Latin (honestus, ir. honos=' honour') and the
older English senses of (a) 'regarded with honour,'
' honourable,' and (b) 'bringing lionour,' ' becoming'
(art. 'Honest, Honesty' m HDB). It is used in
translating (1) fiaprvpov/j^vos (Ac 6^) ; the 'deacons'
must be men of 'honest report' (AV), i.e. of
honourable repute (cf. He ll'^- 3", etc.). (2) /caX6s ;
it is a Christian duty ' to take thought for things
honourable (AV, ' honest') in the sight of all men'
(Ro 121''), j_g ^Q 2iyg morally above suspicion in
the eyes of the world. The same phrase (taken
from the LXX translation of Pr 3^) occurs in 2
Co 8-^ St. Paul's precautions to avoid slander in the
administration of Church funds provide an illus-
tration of the principle. Ka\6s is translated in the
RV 'honourable' ('honest,' AV) in 2 Co 13^ and
' seemly ' (' honest,' AV) in 1 P 2'^'^. Since integrity
wins men's moral respect, ' honestly ' is retained
as the RV translation of KaXQs in He 13^^, and the
RVm rendering of koXQv ipyuv in Tit 3^* is ' honest
occupations.' (3) evaxv/^ovw (Ro 13'^ 1 Th 4^^) ;
both the AV and the RV translate ' honestly,' but
'becomingly' or ' worthily' seems preferable (the
same adverb is translated 'decently' in 1 Co 14'***).
(4) (Te/MvcL ; ' whatsoever things are honest (AV ;
' honourable,' RV) . . . think on these things ' (Ph
4^). Various renderings have been suggested —
' reverend ' (AVm), ' seemly ' (Ellicott), ' venerable '
(Vincent), 'whatever wins respect' (Weymouth),
' the things which produce a noble seriousness '
(M. Arnold). Tlie corresponding noun in 1 Ti 2^
is translated in the RV 'gravity.'
2. The idea of honesty in our modern sense is
fairly conspicuous in the writings of the Apostolic
Church (ct. the Gospels, where there is practically
no direct reference to this virtue; see art. 'Honesty'
in DCG). Thieves and avaricious men shall not
enter the Kingdom of God (1 Co 6*'^"). Liars cannot
enter the New Jerusalem (Rev 2P^ 22^^) : their
part is in the fiery lake (21^). Deceit (SoOXos) finds
its place in the black list of pagan vices (Ro l-**) :
it is one of the signs of an unregenerate world
(3^^ ; cf. 2^1) ; the Christians, becoming new men,
must put away falsehood, and speak truth, each
man with his neighbour (Eph 422- 2b, Col 3**). He
that stole must steal no more, but must work with
his hands 'in honest industry' (Eph 4^^). None
must suffer disgracefully for thieving (1 P 4^^).
The dishonesty of Ananias and Sapphira meets
with terrible punishment (Ac 5). Fair dealing in
sexual relations is recognized (1 Co V). A con-
temptible form of dishonesty is that of a religious
teacher whose motive is self-interest, and who is
so degraded as to trick his hearers (2 Co 2" IP", Ro
16'^, Eph 4"). St. Paul, in contrast, asserts his
own purity of motive (1 Th 23'-, 2 Co T 12i«'-, Ac
20^^) and honesty of message (2 Co 4-). The burden
of the social-reform prophets of the OT is repeated
in the denunciations of the unscrupulously rich —
' Behold, the hire of the labourers, who mowed
your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud,
crieth out' (Ja 5^). See further art. 'Honest,
Honesty ' in HDB for literary illustrations of the
use of the word ' honest.' H. BULCOCK.
HONEY (AiAt).- The words of God are often
compared to food that is exceedingly agreeable to
the palate— sweeter than honey (Ps lO^" 119'"^).
The prophet of the Revelation received from an
angel's hand a little book (/Si/SXaptSiov) — evidently
some special source, probably Jewish, which he has
incorporated in his own work — and was enjoined
to eat it (Rev lO^'-)- I" his mouth it was sweet as
honey (cf. Ezk 3^), but as soon as he swallowed it
he felt its bitterness (Rev 10^"). To be taken into
God's council and made cognizant of His purposes
gave promise of the most delightful experiences ;
but a prophet's sense of tlie reaction of Divine
holiness against the world's sin, and his call to
be the herald of Divine judgments, often made
his ministry anytiiing but enviable. Jeremiah, to
whom God's revelation, when first received, was
the joy of his heart, afterwards found the trutii
so bitter that he refused to publish it, until it began
to be like a fire shut up in his bones (Jer 15'^ '20").
Every true messenger of God, resolute in facing
HONOUR
HOPE
583
hard facts, endured sufferings to which the false
prophet, optimistically predicting smooth things,
was an utter stranger. ' The persecutions, the
apostasies, the judgments of the Church and people
of the Lord saddened the spirit of the Seer and
dashed his joy at the first reception of the mystery
of God ' (Alford on Rev 10^"). The alternation of
spiritual joy and sorrow — the fieXi, and the TriKpla
of evangelism — has been the lot of every true
prophet, ancient and modern. ' Laughter was in
this Luther, as we said ; but tears also Avere there.
Tears also were appointed him ; tears and hard
toil. The basis of his life was sadness, earnest-
ness' (Carlyle, Heroes and Hero-Worship, 1872, p.
131). James Strahan.
HONOUR.— In the NT two Gr. words, in various
forms, are thus translated : (1) 56^a, So^d^eiv, as in
the phrases 'by honour and dishonour' (2 Co 6^),
and 'one member be honoured' (RVm 'glorified,'
1 Co 12-") ; the words are derived from doKelv, ' to
think,' ' hold an opinion,' or ' hold in repute or
honour ' ; hence the noun has the significance of
'good-repute,' 'honour,' 'glory'; (2) tlixti, nfiav,
rifiios (from the root rleiv, ' to pay a price' and then
'to pay honour'), rifiri is the most frequent word
for ' honour ' in the NT. Primarily it means the
price wiiich is paid or received for something, as
in the plirase 'the price of blood' (Mt 27^ also Ac
4^ 5- 19'^). The metaphorical sense, indicating
something of price, worth, or value, naturally
follows, like 'dignity,' 'veneration,' 'honour,' and
' ornament,' as in the expression ' a vessel for
honour ' (Ko 9-^), ' in honour preferring one another'
(Ro 12^°), 'honour to whom honour' (Ro 13''). The
verb TifjLav is used in the sense of valuing, as ' the
price of him that was priced, whom certain of the
children of Israel did price' (Mt 27") ; but elsewhere
it has the meaning ' to venerate,' ' hold in honour,'
as 'Honour thy father and mother' (Eph 6-),
' honoured us with many honours ' (Ac 28^").
The words 56|a and rtfii^ and their verbal forms
are employed in the LXX to translate Tin, ii3| and
ni3% The two words ' glory ' and ' honour ' appear
together in descriptions of the Exaltation of Christ
— 'crowned with glory and honour' (He 2'^* **, 2 P
1^''); of the bliss of the future Avorld — 'glory,
honour, and immortality' (Ro 2^-^"); of Avhat the
kings are to bring into the heavenly Jerusalem —
' They shall bring the glory and honour of the
Gentiles [Idi^wv) into it ' (Rev 21-"). The two words
are also used together in the description of the
triumph of faith's trial ' that it might be found
unto . . . glory and honour at the revelation of
Jesus Christ' (1 P V), and in doxologies ascribing
' praise, honour, and glory ' to Christ (Rev 5^^- ^^),
and to God (1 Ti V\ Rev 4 »• " 7'-).
Three passages where Tifxri occurs require separate
treatment. In 1 Ti 5", ' Let the elders that rule
well be counted worthy of double honour, especiallj'
those who labour in the word and teaching' (RV),
the context plainly indicates that the 'honour' is
to be taken as 'honorarium' or 'stipend.' The
reason given for such treatment is expressed in the
words which follow : ' For the scripture saith. Thou
shalt not muzzle the ox when he treadeth out the
corn. And, The labourer is worthy of his hire '
( 1 Ti 518 ; cf . J. R. Dummelow, The One Volume Bible
Commentary, p. 999 ; H. R. Reynolds, in Expositor,
1st ser. vol. iv. p. 47 ; see also HDB v. 441).
In 1 P 2' the phrase iifuv oZv ij rifiri tois TrtcrTevovcriv is
variously translated : ' Unto you therefore which
believe he is precious ' (AV) ; ' For you therefore
which believe is the preciousness ' (RV) ; 'in your
sight ... is the honour' (RVm). In the preceding-
context reference is made to Christ as a ' precious'
stone (1 P2^'"), and if tliat connexion is maintained
in v.', the sense would be ' unto you who believe
Christ is all that God had declared ; you have
seen Him as precious, the preciousness.' But it
is possible to connect the words with the phrase
immediately before them, and read them by way
of amplification — ' He that believeth on Him shall
not be put to shame ; unto you therefore who
believe he is the honour, or ornament,' i.e. 'in-
stead of shame you find the honour or ornament of
your life in Christ.' Our opinion favours the latter
rendering.
The other passage is in Col 2^, ovk iv rifXTJ nvl irpbs
TrXrjfffjLoi'rjv ttjs crapKds, which is translated, ' not in any
honour to the satisfying of the flesh ' ( AV), ' not of
any value (honour, RVm) against the indulgence
of the flesh ' (RV). Both translations are unsatis-
factory : the AV because it does not give any
clear or practical meaning, and the RV because,
though it gives a good sense, it gives a some-
what strained force to irpds. Eadie's translation
and interpretation seem to us the best : ' Which
things, having indeed a show of wisdom in super-
stition, humility, and corporeal austerity, not in
anything of value, are for, or minister to, the
gratification of the flesh.' 'The apostle means to
condemn these precepts and teachings ; his censure
is that they produce an effect directly the opposite
to their professed design' (Com. in loco). Other
commentaries on the passage may be consulted for
the various interpretations which are attached to
it. WH bracket the words along with the three
which precede them, as indicating a doubtful text.
It is possible that some word or particle has dropped
out of the passage.
The man of the world's conception of honour does
not appear in the NT.
Literature. — Wilke-Grimm, Clavis Novi Testamenti, 1868,
s.OTi. 66fa, Sofa^oj ; DCGi.,!irt. 'Honour' ; HDB'u., art. 'Glory';
J. R. Dummelow, The One Volume Bible Commentary, 1909,
p. 999; H. R. Reynolds in Expositor, 1st ser. vol. iv. p. 47;
A. S. Peake, EGT, 'Colossians,' 1903, p. 535 ; G. Jackson
in Expositor, 6th ser. vol. xii. pp. 180-193.
John Reid.
HOPE (iXiris). — 'Hope maybe defined as desire
of future good, accompanied by faith in its
realization. The object both of faith and of hope
is something unseen. Faith has regard equally to
past, present, or future, while no doubt in Scripture
referring mainly to the future. Hope is directed
only to the future. Expectation differs from hope
in referring either to good or evil things, and
therefore lacks the element of desire ' (J. S. Banks
in HDB, S.V.).
We shall divide our study of the word and idea
in the Apostolic Church into two parts: (1) the
Pauline conception of hope ; (2) the idea of hope
in other apostolic and sub-apostolic writings, ex-
clusive of the Gospels.
1. The Pauline conception. — According to St.
Paul, hope has for its object those benefits which,
though promised to the Christian Church, are not
yet within its reach (Ro 8'-^). It is therefore
described generally as the hope of salvation (1 Th
5^ ; cf. Ro S-'*'-'*), as indeed the last terra includes
generally deliverance from all evils and the
bestownient of all good. It is the hope of the
resurrection (1 Th 4'-), inasmuch as the resurrection
is at once deliverance from death and the begin-
ning of future felicity. It is the hope of glory or
of the glory of God (Ro 5^, Col P^ ; cf. 2 Co 3^-),
in so far as the happiness of the future state is set
forth under the figure of splendour and brightness,
involving the perfection of the outward as well
as of the inward life. Again, it is the hope of
righteousness (Gal 5^), i.e. of justification, inas-
mucli as justification, or the acceptance by God of
believers as righteous, is the necessary condition of
and prelude to final felicity. Once more, as all
these benehts are to be realized at the Parousia of
Christ, it is spoken of as the hope of the Lord
(1 Th P). Again, inasmuch as these same bless-
ings are to be enjoyed in heaven, our hope is said
to be laid up in heaven (Col 1^) ; and as the
mystical indwelling of Christ is the earnest and
promise of future salvation (cf. the present writer's
Man, Sin, and Salvation, 95 IF. ), Christ in us is
spoken of as ' the hope of glory' (Col 1"').
Hope is also variously characterized by St.
Paul in reference to the foundation on which it
rests. It is the hope of the gospel (Col 1^), in-
asmuch as it is guaranteed by the gospel promises;
it is the hope of the Scriptures (Ro 15^), inasmuch
as it rests upon those of the OT. It is the hope of
the Divine calling (Eph 1^^ 4*), in so far as it is
substantiated to the individual by the immediate
call of God. It is hope in Christ (1 Co 15''^), as
founded in faith upon Him ; while God is the God
of hope (Ro 15^^), as its Object, Inspirer, and Giver
(cf. 2 Th 2'6).
In Ro 5 St. Paul has described the growth of
hope ^^'ith experience. As justified, we already
rejoice in the hope of the glory of God (v.-).
Tribulations, however, serve to intensify and deepen
our hope. Tribulation works patience, and
patience experience [doKifi-r), the approved character
of the veteran), and experience hope (vv.^- "*) ; and
this hope never disappoints, because the love of
God is shed abroad in the heart through the Holy
Spirit given unto us (v.^).
Finally, hope is one of the most distinctive
marks of the Christian life in opposition to the
hopelessness of the Gentile world (Eph 2^^; cf.
1 Th 413).
2. In the other apostolic and sub - apostolic
writings. — The only difference between St. Paul
and the other apostolic and sub-apostolic ^^Titers is
that, just as they have less of a theological system
than St. Paul, so the refei'ences to hope in their
writings have a less distinctly theological char-
acter. But the substance of the idea is the same.
Christians are heirs of salvation in hope (Tit
PS'). Christ is our hope (1 Ti \\ Tit 2'3; Ign.
Eph. xxi. 2, Magn. xi.. Trail. Introd. ii. 2, Phil.
xi. 2). We hope in Him [Ep. Bai-n. vi. 3, viii. 5,
xi. 11, xvi. 8), in His Cross (xi. 8). God has united
us to Himself by the bond of hope (He 7^*, 1 Clem.
xxvii. 1 ; cf. Ac 24'^ 1 P P') ; we hope in Him
(1 Ti 4i» 5' 617).
A striking expression for the value of hope in
the Christian life is found in 1 P P : God has
begotten us again unto a living hope by the Resur-
rection of Christ from the dead. Cf. Ep. Barn.
xvi. 8, ^\7r/<ro»'res . . . iyevofieda, Kaivol ; cf. also
Herm., Sim. IX. xiv. 3, ' AVhen we were already
destroj'ed, and had no hope of life, (the Lord)
renewed our life.' Hope, in fact, is the content of
the Christian's life (1 P 1^3 3^, He 3^ 6'i lO^^;
Clement, ad Cor. li. 1, Ivii. 2; Ep. Barn. xi. 8;
Herm. Vis. I. i. 9, Mand. V. i. 7, Sim. IX. xxvi. 2 ;
Ign. Magn. ix. 1, Phil. v. 2). In the beautiful
language of He 6'* it is, moreover, 'an anchor of
the soul, both sure and stedfast, and entering into
that which is within the veil ; whither as a fore-
runner Jesus entered for us.'
Looking at the Apostolic and sub-Apostolic Age
as a whole, St. Paul included, we may say that
hope is one of its chief characteristics. ' We are
accustomed to describe the Apostle Peter as the
Apostle of Hope on the ground of the first letter
ascribed to him, but wrongly, in so far as the
strong emphasis on hope is not peculiar to him,
but can be demonstrated equally in all other
Avritings of this time, although indeed certain
nuancefi exist' (A. Titius, Die NT Lehre von der
Seligkeit, iv, 71). The special fervour of hope in
the NT and the Apostolic Fathers is, of course, in
part traceable to the belief in the immediate near-
ness of the Parousia, which is common to the
Apostolic and sub- Apostolic Age as a whole, The
hope of the Parousia brought the future vividly
into connexion with the present. Hence Titius in
the above-mentioned work thus describes the age
in question : ' The value of the present consists
(for it), though not exclusively, yet essentially, in
that tlie future belongs to it. If the expectations
of the future should turn out to be deceitful,
therewith everything which makes the present
religiously valuable would be annihilated ' [loc.
cit.). Christianity, therefore, difl'ers from what
has gone before it just in its ' newness of hope '
(Ign. Magn. ix. 1), its better hope (He 7'^).
We may effectively illustrate the meaning of
St. Paul's contrast between the hopelessness of the
heathen world a'ld the hope of the Christian
Church by a reference to E. Rohde, Psyche^, ii.
393 f. Here a dark picture is given of the later
Hellenic culture. There were certainly hopes of
continued existence after death, scattered abroad
in the Greek world. But they had no definite or
dogmatically defined content. * And it is forbidden
to no one to give his dissentient thoughts a hearing
in his own mind and a voice upon his tombstone,
though they should lead to the opposite pole from
these hopes. A doubting "If" frequently inserts
itself in the inscriptions on the graves before the
expression of the expectation of conscious life, full
sensibility of the dead, the rewarding of souls after
their deeds : " if there below is still anywhere any-
thing." The like is to be found often.'
Sometimes even doubt is put on one side, and it
is definitely declared that there is no life after
death. All that is told of Hades with its rewards
and punishments is an invention of the poets.
The dead become earth or ashes, pay the debt of
nature, and return to the elements whence they
were made. ' Savage accusations of the survivors
against death, the wild, loveless one, who, without
feeling, like a beast of prey has torn from them
their dearest, allow us to recognize no gleam of
hope of the preservation of the departed life '
(p. 394). But, again, complaints are declared to be
useless, resignation alone remains. ' "Be of good
cheer, my child, no one is immortal," runs the
popular formula, which is written on the graves of
the departed. " Once I was not yet, then I was,
now I am no more, what is there further ? " says
the dead on more than one tombstone to the living,
who soon will share the same lot. " Live," he
cries to the reader, "since to us mortals nothing
sweeter is given than this life in the light"' [ib.).
Finally we meet with the thought that the dead
lives on in the memory of posterity, in general
form and still more in the devotion of his family ;
this is the only comfort which many a one in this
late Hellenism can find to enable him to bear the
thought of his own transitoriness.
Over against this sombre background, then,
Christianity shines out in the ancient world like a
Piiaros, radiating the light of a clear and certain
hope into the darkness. Nor is that hope absolutely
bound up with the nearness of the expectation of
the Parousia, though there is no doubt that it was
that which gave to the early Christian hope its
extreme keenness. The essence of the Christian
hope is the hope of immortality guaranteed by
God in Christ ; as the contrast with the uncertainty
of the decadent Hellenic culture well shows.
Literature. — E. Reuss, Uistory of Christian Theology in
the A2>ostoUc Age, 1872-74 (particularly valuable for its treat-
ment of St. Paul's conception of hope ; it has been freely drawn
upon in this article); R. S. Franks, Man, Sin, and Salvation,
1908, p. 95 ff.; A. Titius, Die i\T Lehre von der Seligkeit,
1895-1909, iv. 71; E. Rohde, Psyche^, 1903, ii. 393 f.; C.
Buchrucker, art. ' Hoffnung,' in PRE^ viii. [1900] 232 ff.;
H. M. Butler in Cambridge Theological Essaya, 1905, p. 573 ;
J. R. lUing-worth, Christian Character, 1904, p. 63; W.
Adams Brown, The Chriatian Ilope, 1912, p. 9 ; J. Armitage
Robinson, Unity in Christ, 1901, pp. 123, 153, 265 ; Mandell
HORN
HORSE
585
Creighton, The Mind of St. Peter, 1904, p. 1 ; P. J. Maclagan,
The Gospel View of Things, 1906, p. 203 ; R. G. Bury, The
Value of Hope, 1897. R. S. FRANKS.
HORN (^^paj). — Except in Lk l^^ ('horns of
salvation '), the only allusions to ' horns ' in the
NT are in the Apocalyptic Visions (Rev 5' 9'' 12*
131. u 173.7.12.16)^ The hom as an emblem of
strength and power is obviously derived from the
animal world. The bull has always been recog-
nized among primitive peoples as a fitting symbol
for strength ; hence the horn of a bull, which is
the characteristic feature of that animal and its
natural weapon of offence, acquired a special
significance. We thus find it used symbolically
by the Babylonians and Assyrians, the horned cap
being the distinguishing mark of the gods. The
first occurrence of its emblematic use in the OT is
in Dt 33", where Ephraim is said to have the horns
of a wild ox (cnt). Other examples will be found
in 1 S 2'- 10 and also in 1 K 22^1, where Zedekiah is
said to have made ' horns of iron,' whereby Israel
would ' push the Syrians, until they be consumed.'
In the later books of the OT the horn is used as
'the symbol of a dynastic force' (cf. Zee 1^^-,
Dn 7'"^- S^"^-); and it is used in the same sense in
Rev 123 13'- '1 i73ff..
In Rev 5^ the ' seven horns ' symbolize the power
of the Lamb as the victorious Christ, and the
' seven,' which throughout the OT and the NT
represents fullness, here denotes the all-sufficiency
of that power. In the 'horns of the golden altar '
in Rev 9'^ we seem to have an echo of Ex 27^* ^ ; as
H. B. Swete says (The Apocalypse of St. Johji^,
121), there may here be some allusion to the 'four
corners of the earth ' mentioned in 7^, and the
' single ' voice is a suitable mouthpiece for the
single-hearted and unanimous desire of the Church
throughout the world. In Rev 12* the great red
dragon is furnished with ten horns. The horns,
liowever, are not croAvned, and it is interesting in
this connexion to compare and contrast the account
of the wild beast of the sea (13'), where the beast
is represented as having ten diadems on its ten
horns. The ten cro^vned horns in the latter pas-
sage (13^) denote ten kings and represent the forces
which, arising out of the Roman Empire itself, like
horns out of a beast's head, would ultimately bring
about its dissolution. The second beast (Rev 13'^)
is of a difl'erent character : he has ' two horns like
unto a lamb,' but, notwithstanding his gentle and
docile appearance, ' he spake as a dragon.' He
represents a religious power, and at once recalls
the ' false prophets (Mt 7^') which come to you in
sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves.'
Lastly, ' a scarlet-coloured beast • . . having seven
heads and ten horns' (Rev 17*), is the undoerof ' the
OTeat harlot' (v.i®). The reference is again to the
doom of the Roman Empire. The ten horns are
' ten kings which have received no kingdom as yet '
(v.^), but are destined to ' receive authority as
kings, with the beast, for one hour.' Both the
kings and the beast to whom ' they give their
power and authority ' will be impotent in their
attack against the Lamb, but nevertheless they
are destined to be the wilUng or unwilling agents
of the Divine purpose — ' they shall hate the harlot,
and shall make her desolate and naked, and shall
eat her flesh and shall burn her utterly with fire.
For God did put in their hearts to do his mind.'
The harlot is the great city (i.e. Rome ; v.^^), and
she was to receive her death-blow at the hands of
those who ' have received no kingdom as yet.' The
Seer's prediction was amply verified by the numer-
ous invasions of barbarian hordes, which blackened
the page of Rome's history in the 5th and 6th cen-
turies A.D., and finally laid its long-established
Empire in ruins.
LrrERATtmE. — H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John^,
1907, pp. 78, 120, 149, 221 f., 224 f. ; Murray's DB, 355 ; HDB ii.
415 f.; £Bii. 209f. P. S. P. HaNDCOCK.
HORSE In the NT, as in the OT, the horse is
always the war-horse, never the gentle, domesti-
cated creature beloved by the modern Arab.
Asses, mules, and camels were the beasts used
by the Jews in common life, both for riding and
burden-bearing.
(1) When Christian art depicts the conversion of
St. Paul, it usually represents him as falling from
an aft'righted horse to the earth. The narrative in
Acts does not state that he was riding at all, but
it seems probable that as the emissary of the High
Priest, engaged on important and urgent business
(Ac 9^^), he would not make a journey of 150 miles
on foot. His task and his spuit were warlike — he
was breathing threatening and slaughter — and he
may have taken a small troop of horsemen with
him. Strict Pharisees, however, never rode on
horseback, and it is at least as likely that he and
his companions were mounted on asses or mules.
(2) When St. Paul was arrested in Jerusalem,
and had to be taken beyond the reach of con-
spirators, he was escorted to Csesarea by a company
of 70 horsemen (Ac 23-'*" *-). These cavalry, which
had been temporarily assisting the Roman garrison
in Judaea, had their headquarters at Csesarea.
Josephus makes repeated reference to an ala of
Sebastian and Csesarean horsemen that was at-
tached to the auxiliary cohorts (see Schiirer, HJP
I. ii. [1890] 52). The single cohort which was
stationed in Jerusalem all the year round was
apparently re-inforced at the time of the Passover
by cavalry and infantry from Caesarea.
(3) St. James (3-^-) uses the bridling of the horse,
whose ' whole body ' is thereby turned at the
rider's pleasure, to illustrate the complete self-
control which a man achieves by merely bridling
his lips. It is generally true that if the tongue
does not utter the angry word, the hand does not
grasp the sword, the feet do not run to evil and
make haste to shed blood.
(4) The horse is conspicuous in the symbolism
of the Apocalypse (15 references). Like the fiery
steed in Job (39'^"^), he goes forth to meet the
armed men, and smells the battle from afar.
Whether he belongs to the Church militant, or to
some worldly power, or to the under world, he is
always the war-horse — always 'prepared unto
battle' or 'running to battle' (Rev 9^-^). He is
familiar with ' the sounds of chariots ' (9*). When
he appears, we expect to see the rider's drawn
sword (19-') ; we are not surprised at the sight of
blood ; and in one gruesome scene the deep pools
of gore come up to the horses' bridles (14-"). A
white horse represents victory, a red horse carnage,
a black horse famine, and a pale horse death (6^"^).
One victorious trooper carries a bow (6-) ; he is the
light-armed Parthian, whose shafts were so dreaded
by the Romans — ' fidentemque fuga Parthum vers-
isque sagittis' (Virg. Georg. iii. 31). A host of
fiendish mounted horses, 200,000,000 strong, armed
with breastplates of red, blue, and yellow (of tire
and hyacinth and brimstone, 9"), are more like the
steeds of those heavy-armed Parthians who ap-
peared at Can-hae ' with their helmets and breast-
plates flashing with flame . . . and the horses
equipped with mail of brass and iron' (Pint.
Crasstis, 24). But these fiend-horses are monsters,
which have the heads of lions, and breathe fire and
smoke and brimstone (cf. Wis IP*; Virg. .^n. vii.
281). Against the armies of earth and Hades
Christ comes forth from the opened heavens sit-
ting on a white horse, and all His followers ride
on white horses and are clad in white uniform
(Rev 19^^-^^). The combined forces of evil make
586
HOSEA
HOUSE
war in vain against this Rider and His horsemen
(19'^), wiio are, in the phrase of a later time,
Knights of the Holy Ghost.
James Strahan.
HOSEA (Qcrji^). — This prophet's gracious words
in 2-^, containing a Divine promise that faithless
Israel will be restored to God's favour and be for
ever His faithful people, receive in St. Paul's
revolutionary exegesis (Ro 9-^*-) a new application
to the Gentiles, who had not, till the Christian
era, been the people or the beloved of God, but
who at length become the objects of His love and
are called the sons of the living God. Before the
coming of the Messiah there was probably no more
Christ-like teacher tlian the prophet of Mount
Ephraim, who provided our Lord with His favourite
quotation, 'I will have mercy [ = hesed, love] and
not sacrifice ' ; and it is evident that his prevision
of a new covenant, linking Divine and human love
in everlasting bonds, was scarcely less precious to
the Apostle of the Gentiles than to the Saviour of
the world. James Strahan.
HOSPITALITY {(piXo^evla, lit. ' love of strangers ').
— Hospitality, by which is meant the reception
and entertainment of travellers, is and always has
been regarded as one of the chief virtues in the
East ; it is therefore not surprising to find com-
paratively frequent references to the duty of its
strict observance throughout the pages of the NT
(Lk V*«; Ro 12'3. 20^ 1 xi 32 5i», Tit l^, He I32, 1 F 4«,
SJn^"'-). The customs of hospitality were clearly
recognized as binding in the time of Christ (Lk 1**^-),
and hospitality was regarded as the proof of right-
eousness, and the natural test of a man's character
in the final judgment (Mt 25^^). The conditions of
the time made hospitality practically a necessity
for travellers, while it was vital to the very ex-
istence of the early Christian Church. The ordin-
ary ties of friendship as well as kinship had in
many cases been severed, and Christians regarded
themselves and were regarded by the outside world
as aliens, bound together as the members of one
family. The coherence of that family required
that, whenever a Christian migrated from one
place to another, he should be received as a welcome
guest by the Christians residing there (cf, Sanday-
Headlam, Roman^ [ICC, 1902], 363) and, indeed,
Avithout such hospitality missionary work would
have been out of the question (cf. Ac 10" 21'",
Ro 16^^). We accordingly find it commended and
enjoined as a duty incumbent on the various Chris-
tian communities in the letters of the apostles, as
well as in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers
{e.g. Clement*). Thus St. Paul, in writing to the
Romans, urges them to ' communicate to the neces-
sities of the saints,' and to be ' given to hospitality.'
The duty of entertaining the ordinary wayfarer
was not indeed ignored. Thus in He 13^ the
faithful are enjoined not to forget ' to show love
unto strangers ; for thereby some have entertained
angels unawares,' while later on, the heathen
writer Luciant ridicules the liberality shown by
Christians towards strangers. Discrimination must,
however, be exercised, and no hospitality is to be
accorded to those who come as the heralds of
another gospel — ' receive him not into your house,
neither bid him God-speed : for he that biddeth
him God-speed is partaker of his evil deeds '
(2 Jnio'-).
But the Christian, though under an obligation
to strangers in genera), was obviously under a
greater obligation to his fellow-Ciiristian. The
distinction between these two obligations is recog-
nized in 1 Ti 5'", where the writer, in his enumera-
tion of the various virtues whicii qualify women
to be ' enrolled ' as widows, says, ' if she hath used
* ad Cor. i. 17. t de Morte Pereyrini, § 16.
hospitality to strangers, if she hath washed the
saints' feet,' i.e. accorded especial hospitality to
Christians as opposed to strangers. The washing
of a guest's feet by his host was a mark of honour
to the guest and of deep humility on the part of
the host (cf. 1 S 25"*') ; hence the significance of
our Lord's rebuke to Simon the Pharisee (Lk 7'"),
and of His own action at the Last Supper ( Jn 13^**).
Again, kissing was and is another act of courtesy
usually accorded to strangers of distinction, but
significantly denied to our Lord by His Pharisaical
host (Lk 7^^). In Palestine to-day the natives may
be seen kissing the mouth, the beard, and even the
clothes of their honoured guests (cf. Geikie, The
Holy Land and the Bible, i. 143). They refuse all
remuneration for their services, but, after three
days, the host may ask his guest whether he in-
tends to prolong his stay, and, if so, the host may
provide him with work. For three days the hospi-
tality accorded is regarded strictly as a right to
which the guest is absolutely entitled, and the
guest can, of course, on the expiration of three
days, take up his abode in another tent in the same
place, and thus renew his right. During his so-
journ, the person of the guest is inviolable, and
this is the case even if he be the sworn enemy of
the man of whose hospitality he is partaking. The
Oriental view of the binding nature of this virtue
is well expressed in the two local proverbs — ' every
stranger is an invited guest,' and * the guest while
in the house is its lord.'
LiTBRATURE. — B. F. Westcott, The Epistle to the Hebrews,
1889, p. 429 ; E. C. Wickham, The Epistle to the Hebrews,
1910, p. 123 ; C. J. Ellicott, The Pastoral Epistles of St. Pauls,
1864, pp. 73 1., 185; Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ {ICC, 1902),
363 ; Speaker's Commentary : ' Romans to Philemon,' 1881, p.
786 ; C. Bigg, St. Peter and St. Jtide (ICC, 1901), 173 ; W.
M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, 1893, pp. 288,
368 ; W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book,<new. ed., 1910 ;
J. C. Geikie, The Holy Land and the Bible, 1887, i. 143, 306, 443 ;
H. C. Trumbull, Studies in Oriental Social Life, 1894, pp. 73-
142 ; A. Edersheim, Sketches of Jewish Social Life, 1908 ; G.
Robinson Lees, Village Life in Palestine, new ed., 1905 ;
Smith's DB, ed. Fuller, vol. i. pt. 1. pp. 1401-03 ; SDB 365-67 ;
DCG i. 751. P. S. P. HaNDCOCK.
HOUR (figurative).* — As in the literal sense
' hour ' signifies a point in, or part of, the course
of a day, so in the NT it is used metaphorically to
signify a point or period in a course of historical
development. In Ro 13'^ the use is vividly real-
istic. The present time of trial is like the dark
and gloomy night, but 'salvation' di-aws nigh;
already, therefore, it is ' the hour to awake out of
sleep.' With this single exception, the metaphori-
cal sense of the word is peculiar to the Johannine
group of writings (cf. Jn 2^ 4-i 12-^ 13\ etc.), and
may be defined as the fxed time, in distinction
from Katpds, the Jit time ('the boast of heraldry,
the pomp of power . . . await alike th' inevitable
hour'). Thus the Apocalypse speaks ( 14'^) of the
' hour ' for reaping the harvest of the earth, which
is the 'hour' of God's judgment (14'') upon the
pagan world. To the faithful church in Phila-
delphia (3^°) safe-keeping is promised from the
' hour of testing ' which is about to come upon
the whole earth, i.e. the period of trial which
is to usher in the Messianic deliverance. This
is defined (IS'**'") as a time of seduction to the
worship of the Beast (the Imperial cult) ; but in
1 Jn 2^'* the sign of this ' last hour ' is already seen
in the rise of Antichrist, yea, of ' many antichrists,'
i.e. the Gnostic propagandists. In many passages
the appearance of false teachers is foretold or dis-
cerned as a symptom that the last hour of this
world's day is running its course (Mt 24''- ''• ^^' ^•*,
Lk 218, 1 Ti 41-^ 2 P 3^ etc.). Robert Law.
HOUSE. — In this article the references in the
* For ' Hour ' in the literal sense see Time.
HOUSE
HOUSE
587
NT to the structure and appointments of a house
will be collected together, and a description of a
house in apostolic times will be given, with illus-
trations from the present writer's observations in
his Eastern travels. For ' house ' in the sense of
those who inhabit the building, and of descendants,
see Family.
1. Foundations and materials. — Great attention
was paid to the foundations ; they were if possible
of stone, even if the walls were of mud. The foun-
dations (the apostles and prophets) and the corner-
stone (Christ) are the principal elements in the
spiritual house (Eph 2^'>). The importance of the
foundations of the wall of the holy city is illustrated
in Kev 21""- by their being adorned with precious
stones. It thus happens in the jjresent day that in
the ordinary Eastern house the foundations often
cost as much as all the rest of the building put
togetlier. In places where stone is plentiful all
houses are built of that material ; otherwise only
the very rich men's houses are of stone and all
others are built of sun-dried bricks (sometimes of
kiln-dried bricks, which are more expensive), or
even of mud set in layers, each layer being left to
dry hard before the next layer is placed on the top
of it. The sun-dried bricks are made simply of
clay with which chopped straw is mixed (Ex 5'^),
and are set to dry in the sun for a few days before
they are wanted for the building. Thus brick-
making and house-building go on together on the
same ground. The perishable nature of the
material explains why, with the exception of
the royal palaces, which were built of stone,
nearly all Nineveh has completely vanished.
If Layard's rather doubtful theory is correct
(Nineveh and its Bemains, London, 1849, vol. ii.
p. 236 tt".), that vast city of 'three days' journey'
[round the walls] (Jon 3*) occupied the large area
between the fortresses, which alone remain to this
day, and was some 75 miles in circumference ; but
of the buildings in the centre of the area there is
not a trace. The same thing also explains the
references to ' digging through ' houses in Mt 6'**
24^, Lk 12^^* ; this is quite an easy thing to do.
2. The roof (d{b/xa; sometimes ariyq, Mt 8*,
Lk 7''). — This is flat, made of mud laid on beams
of wood, crossed by laths, and covered with mat-
ting. It is used in summer as a sleeping-place, and
by day (especially in the evening) as a sitting-room,
or often as a promenade, for roofs of adjacent houses
in the villages are frequently joined together. It
is possible sometimes to walk from one end of the
village to the other without descending the ladders
or staircases to the courtyards and streets. Hence
in time of persecution the fugitive would do well to
flee along the roofs rather than fall a prey to the
enemy in the streets (Mt 241^, Mk 13l^ Lk W^).
So St. Peter goes to the roof to pray (Ac 10^). The
roof is a favourite place for village gossip ; this is
the 'proclamation on the housetops' of Mt 10^,
Lk 12^. The nature of the material of the roof
explains how easy it was to dig through it (Mk 2*,
i^opv^avTss ; cf. Gal 4^^) in order to let the paralytic
down ; the mention of tiles in || Lk 5'^ is merely a
paraphrase adopted by St. Luke for the compre-
hension of his more Western readers — or at least
of readers less acquainted with the customs of
Palestine than those of St. Mark (W. M. Ramsay,
Was Christ born at Bethlehem?, 1898, p. 57 f.).
3. The windows {dvpi5es). — In the East these
now usually look into the courtyard, not into the
street, as privacy is of the greatest importance.
Such was probably the case in Ac 20^, where Euty-
chus, sitting in a window, falls from the third story
{cLTrb Tov Tpiariyov) ; as Eastern houses are usually
of two stories (for the kitchen see below), we must
here have an exception to the general rule. It is
not common for Avindows to be in the outside wall
of a town ; yet this must have been the case in
Ac 9-^, 2 Co IP^, where St. Paul is let down through
the town wall and escapes, in both cases from
Damascus, for both passages seem to refer to the
same incident (cf. also Rahab, Jos 2'^). Except in
the better houses, no glass is used in the windows ;
oiled cotton or paper serves instead of glass in the
winter, being removed in the summer. Glass
(other than that used for mirrors) is mentioned in
the NT only in Rev 4^ 15^ 21^**- -^ ; its costliness in
ancient times, as in the modern East, is seen by its
being coupled with gold in Job 28^'' RV.
i. The house - gate.— The door or gate itself
is dvpa (Mk 2-, Jn W^, figuratively in Rev S""),
but Trv\d)v is the gateway or entry of a house,
especially if large, as well as of a city (Mt 26'^,
Lk 162", Ac W 12i3f-; in the last passage the
full expression 'door of the gate' (06pa rod ■n-vXwvos)
is used, but in v.'^ ■n-vXuv includes Oijpa, for it is
' opened ' by Rhoda ; cf . artt. Door and Gate).
For a house-gate tti^Xt; is not ordinarily used ; it
is the gate of a city, and so of a public building
like the Temple or a prison (Ac 31** 12io, but 3''
has dvpa). The house-gate was naturally kept
locked in troublous times, as in Ac 10'^ i2ib-J6^ a,nd
was guarded by a porter (Mk 13^'*, 6 dvpwp6$) or a
portress (Jn IS^", ^ dvpupds ; cf. Mk 14«9, Ac 12'3f-),
just as the figurative sheepfold in Jn 10^ is guarded
by 'the porter,' probably the Holy Spirit (H. B.
Swete, The Holy Spirit in the NT, 1909, p. 146).
The entry (TrvXtbv) is either the same as, or else
leads into, the fore-court (TrpoavXiov) of Mk 14**^,
where || Mt 26'" has irvKdiv. Outside the gate of the
great houses the beggars sit (Lk 16^", Lazarus), as
they did at the gate of the Temple (Ac S^-'"). Inside
the gate, perhaps in the fore-court, were the water-
pots for washing (Jn 2^) ; evidently not in the
guest-room.
5. The courtyard (avX-q). — This occupied the
centre of the house (Mt 26«9, Mk U^*-^% We
read of a charcoal fire in it— a brazier in the open
air(Mk Wi.6i^ l]^ 22»5f-, Jn W^-^^), in the middle
(Lk 22^^). On this courtyard the rooms opened ;
our Lord inside was visible to Peter in the court
(Lk 22^'). The rooms, in places where there is
little cold weather, might be entirely open to the
court, as may be seen at the present day, e.g. at
Mosul ; or, in colder places, might open on tiie
court witli doors and windows, with or without a
covered gallery.
6. The kitchen. — The kitchen itself is not men-
tioned in the NT, though the oven (Mt 6=^") and
kitchen utensils (Mk 7'*) are referred to. Yet in all
but the richer houses it is the most commonly used
part of the house, and the family ordinarily live in
it ; in some Eastern countries it is emphatically
called ' the house ' as opposed to ' the rooms.' The
oven is a hole in the floor ; the fire, of dried manure,
is kindled at the bottom ; and the sides are made
of hardened clay, to which the flaps of dough adhere
until they are baked and ready to be hooked out as
bread. Other food is cooked over the tire in pots.
As there is no chimney (in our sense of the word),
the kitchen must necessarily be of one story only,
to allow of a hole in the roof for the escape of the
smoke.
7. The rooms. — (a) There is not in the East, in
the ordinary houses, the distinction usually found
in the West between bedrooms and sitting-rooms.
The latter are turned into bedrooms by spreading
the bedclothes on the floor. Thus the ' bed-chamber '
[KOLTihv, Ac 122") Qf which Blastus was guardian
would be unusual except in a great house such
as that of Herod.
(b) Most houses, even of the comparatively poor,
have a fairly large room or rooms, often, but not
always, on the first floor, to entertain guests who
come unexpectedly, for Eastern hospitality is great
588
HOUSE
HUMILITY
(see Home). Hence we read that the upper room
(avilyyeov or dvdyyaiov or avoryeihv or ava-yaiop) of Mk
14''"-, Lk 22^1*- was large, and it is expressly called
a 'guest-chamber,' KaroKvua, i.e. a place where the
guests unpack their baggage ; it may be doubted
if KardXv/jM in Lk 2^ is rightly rendered 'inn,' for
this in 10** is called iravdoxetov. Probably the
KardXvfjM was a guest-chamber in a house where
Joseph expected to lodge, but it is a word elastic
in meaning (see A. Plummer, St. Luke^\_ICO, 1898],
54). The upper room of the Last Supper was very
probably the place where the Ten and the rest
Avere assembled on Easter Day, and if so must have
been somewhat large, though the word used {r]6poicr-
IJiivovi, Lk 24^ RV ; cf. v.*) suggests crowding, just
as the compounds avvr^dpoLa/xivoL, ffwadpolaas in Ac
1212 1935 suggest a large assembly. In Acts the
word used for such an upper room is virepqioi^, V^
937. 39 (Dorcas) 20** (at Troas). The room mentioned
in 1^^ must have been large, for it held 120 people ;
and it was perhaps the same as the coenaculiim of
Mk 14^'"-, for it is called 'the upper room' (RV).
It has been suggested that as different words are
used, the rooms must have been different ; yet this
would not account for St. Luke's using dvuyeov in
his Gospel, and always virept^ov in Acts. It was no
doubt in such a guest-chamber on the first floor
that Jesus healed the paralj^tic, for it was under
the roof. (With this arrangement for an upper
room we may compare the ordinary provision in a
caravanserai of a room or rooms over the gateway
for the guests, whWe the stables are below, and
round the courtj^ard. ) Such an upper room is prob-
ably the ^evia in Philem^^, Ac 28'^' — a lodging in
a private house. In response to St. Paul's request,
Philemon would doubtless otter his own guest-
room. Wlien the Apostle arrived in Rome he
probably at first lodged, guarded by soldiers, in
the guest-room of a friend, though afterwards he
hired a private house (fjLicrdo}/j.a, Ac 28^). For the
use of these guest-rooms as the first Christian
churches, see Family.
(c) Besides the above rooms we read in the NT
of a Ta/xetov (better Ta/jLieTov) and an dirodriKT]. The
latter is a bam or granary (:Mt 3^ O^e IS^", Lk S^^
1218. 24J -phg former is properly a store-chamber
(Lk 12^^), and is usually used in that sense in the
LXX (Dt 28**, etc.). All Eastern houses have such
chambers, and for security they are usually placed
so as not to have an outside wall, but to open off
the kitchen. Hence any inner chamber used for
liA-ing in came to be so called (Mt 6" 24^8, Lk 12^).
The Latin translations of ra/Meiov vary greatly
(Plummer, St. Luke-, 318).
8. Paving of the rooms. — This is very seldom of
wood (except in Solomon's Temple, 1 K G'"- ^, where
the wood was overlaid with gold), but, even on the
upper floors, of beaten mud, sometimes of a sort
of cement. In rich houses pavements of stone or
marble were used ; thus the Gabbatha {Ai66crrpcoTov)
of Jn 19^* was probably a hall paved with stone.
9. Furniture of the rooms. — Very little is said
of this in the NT ; and, in truth, Eastern houses
need little furniture. Carpets (with straw mats
under them to protect them from the mud floor),
mattresses, and bedclothes are practically the only
necessaries. When we read in the NT the various
words for a ' bed ' as used for sleeping in — kUvt] (Mt
92, Lk 5'8), K\ipi8iou (Lk 5^''-^; the same as kXLut],
v.'8), Kpd^^arov (Mk 2* 6", Jn 5^)— only mattresses
and bedclothes are meant. The man who rises in
the morning 'takes up his bed,' and, rolling it up
in an outer cover, places it against the wall, where
it serves as a cushion in the day-time. The same
is probably true of kXIvt) in ?tlk 7^, Lk 17**, Rev 2^'-,
where either sense is possible ; and of the KXivdpia
Kal Kpd^^ara in Ac 5^* (inferior MSS substitute
kXIvu for the former word), where the sick are laid
in the streets. On the other hand, the low couches
(/cXtvai, triclinia, rpiKKivia [the last not in the NT])
used for meals are clearly articles of furniture in
Mk 421 7* (here a 'Western' addition, but it may
be genuine), Lk 8^^ ; for a lamp may be put under
them (cf. dpxi-rplKkivos, Jn 2^). On these couches
the people reclined ; hence dvaKeijuac is ' to sit at
meat' (Mt 9^", etc.), and the guests are dvaKelfievoi
(Mt 221**). jt; seems doubtful if bedsteads are evei
mentioned in the NT ; see, further, art. Bed,
Couch. The ' candlestick ' or lamp-stand (Xvxf^a)
mentioned in the above passages is also a piece ot
furniture, set in the middle of the room to hold
the light. Chairs and tables are not much used
by non-westernized Orientals to this day ; but
sometimes a low stand is placed on the floor to hold
food at meals, though more often the meats are
placed on a tablecloth on the ground. Tims ' table '
in the Bible does not usually denote an article of
furniture, except in the case of the money-changers
in Mt 21'2, Mk ll^^, Jn 2'^, where a house is not
being spoken of. The throne {^ri,ua), of a king is
mentioned in Ac 12-^ and figuratively the dpovos of
God and the 6p6voi of angels or men (Mt 19-*, Rev
20*, etc.) are spoken of; but ordinary people sat,
as they still sit in the true East, on the ground, 01
on cushions, though chairs or seats {Kad^dpai) were
not unknown (Mt 2V-, Mk IV%
Literature. — C. Warren in HDB ii. 431, art. ' House
(especially for the OT) ; A. J. Maclean and W. H. Browne,
2'he Catholicos of the East and his People, London, lb92 ; A. H.
Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, do. 1S49, especially pt. i.
ch. vi. and vii., pt. ii. ch. ii. A. J. MACLEAN.
HUMILITY [TaTrei.vo4>poffvvri).—±. In the OT.—
The word is common in the NT, but, according
to Lightfoot [Philippians*, 1878, p. 109), does not
occur earlier. ' Even the adjective raTreiv64)po}v and
the verb raweivorppovelv, though occurring once each
in the LXX (Pr 29^^ Ps 130'), appear not to be
found in classical Greek before the Christian era.'
Moreover, in heathen writers raireivos has almost
invariably a bad meaning : it signifies ' grovelling,'
' abject.'
' It was one great result of the life of Christ,' says Lightfoot
(loc. cit.), 'to raise " humility" to its proper level ; and, if not
fresh coined for this purpose, the word TaTreivo4>po<Tvyr) now
first became current through the influence of Christian ethics.'
All the same, it is to be recognized that the virtue
of humility is greatly commended in the OT, and
its place in the Christian ethic can only be properly
understood when we remember this. Especially
in the Psalms and Proverbs and some of the
Prophets is the value of humility recognized, and
the NT writers sometimes enforce what they have
to say on the subject by a quotation from the OT
(cf., for instance, Pr 3**, Ja 4^).
2. In the NT. — The value of humility was a chief
point in the teaching of Jesus Himself, and the
apostolic writers follow Him in their estimate of
it. The root of humility, as it is described in the
NT, is a true estimate of oneself as in the sight
of God. It presupposes, therefore, a knowledge of
our weakness. ' Recognizing this, man ceases to
hold himself of great account, and therefore easily
believes that others are more excellent than him-
self, nor takes it amiss that they are preferred
before him' (J. F. Buddeus, Instltutiones Theologies
Moralis, Leipzig, ed. 1727, p. 141).
Above all, however, the recognition of one's
position in the sight of God leads to humility
towards Him. Before Him no one can boast
(1 Co 4*) ; whatever merit one possesses rests upon
the Divine grace (1 Co 4''). ' He is humble before
God, who attributes nothing to himself, or to his
own strength, and regards himself as simply un-
worthy of all Divine benefits' (Buddeus, loc. cit. ;
cf. 1 P 5«, Ja 418, Ac 220).
HUMILITY
HYMEX^US
589
But, as has been already indicated, humility is
also to be exercised towards our fellow-men. St.
Paul and St. Peter alike enforce the need of such
humility (Ph 2^-5, Col S^^ ; cf. 1 Co 13^ 1 P 5^).
St. Paul, moreover, adduces as the gi-eat example
of such humility the humility of Christ in the
Incarnation, in that He laid aside the form of God,
and took upon Him that of a servant, becoming
obedient to death, even the Death of the Cross
(Ph 23-8). jt jg jjQi; necessaiy here, in simply treat-
ing of the virtue of humility in the apostolic writ-
ings, to go on to discuss the Kenosis, on Avhich so
much has been said and written ; but it may
perhaps fitly be pointed out how this instance of
the Lord's humility in the Incarnation has been
made use of in Catholic Christianity from A ugustine
onwards. Pride, according to St. Augustine, is the
root of all sins ; therefore to cure it God wrought
in the Incarnation by introducing into humanity
the antidote of humility. The humility of Christ
is the cure of man's pride. By St. Francis of
Assisi this humility of Jesus was connected closely
with the thought of His earthly privations ; and
thus was struck the key-note of the peculiar
mediaeval piety of the imitation of the lowly Jesus.
3. In the Apostolic Fathers.— Among the sub-
apostolic writings outside the NT, 1 Clem, stands
out because of its particular emphasis on humility.
It may indeed almost be regarded as a sermon on
humility, with many instances, examples, and
exhortations. The emphasis on this particular
virtue follows naturally from the situation at
Corinth, which the Epistle of the Roman Church
through Clement is intended to deal with. A
contention has taken place in the Church, in which
two parties are involved. The majority of the
community are on the one side, led by a few head-
strong and self-willed persons (V). On the other
side are the officers of the Church, the presbyters,
with very little support in the Church. During
the conflict some presbyters have actually been
deposed by the Church (44^), The Epistle of the
Roman Church, indited by Clement, is intended
to bring about the submission of the Church to
its presbyters, and so restore unity. No wonder
then that such stress is laid on the virtue of
humility. What is aimed at is to produce a proper
submission to constituted authority in place of the
present sedition against it. To quote the passages
on humility would occupy too much space, ra^reti'oj
occurs in xxx. 2, Iv. 6, lix. 3 ; raireivocppoveu) in ii. 1,
xiii. 1, 3, xvi. 1 f., 17, xvii. 2, xxx. 3, xxxviii. 2, Ixii.
2 •,rair€ivoc()po(rvvi]mxxi.8,xxx. 8,xxxi. 4, xliv. 3, Ivi.
1, Iviii. 2 ; Taireivotppuv in xix. 1 ; raireivotij in xviii.
8, 17, lix. 3 ; and rairfivuia-Ls in xvi. 7, liii. 2, Iv. 6.
Two passages will give an idea of the general drift
of the exhortation and argument on the point of
humility. ' Let us therefore be lowly-minded,
brethren, laying aside all arrogance and conceit
and folly and anger, and let us do that which is
written. For the Holy Ghost saith. Let not the
wise man boast in his wisdom, nor the strong in
his strength, neither the rich in his riches ; but
he that boasteth, let him boast in the Lord, that
he may seek Him out, and do judgment and
righteousness' (xiii. 1 [Lightfoot's tr.]). 'For
Christ is with them that are lowly of mind, not
with them that exalt themselves over the flock.
The sceptre [of the majesty] of God, even our Lord
Jesus Christ, came not in the pomp of arrogance
or of pride, though He might have done so, but in
lowliness of mind, according as the Holy Spirit
spake concerning Him [here are quoted Is 53^'^"^
and Ps 22^'^]. Ye see, dearly beloved, what is the
pattern that hath been given unto us ; for if the
Lord was thus lowly of mind, what should we do,
who through Him have been brought under the
yoke of His grace' (ib. xvi. 1, 2, 17).
The Epistle of Barnabas also commends humility :
it is a point in the way of light (xix. 3). Cf. also
Ign, Smyrn. vi. 1, ' Let no one's position putf him
up ; for faith and love are everything, of which
things nothing takes precedence.' Cf. yet again
Hermes, Mancl. xi. 3, where humilitj'' appears as
the mark of the true prophet, by which he may be
sui-ely known from all false prophets.
i. St. Paul and false humility. — In conclusion,
mention must be made of St. Paul's condemnation
of a false humility in Col 2^^-^. Certain false
teachers had appeared at Colossas, who maintained
that a perfection bej'ond that attainable by ordinary
Christians could be realized only by a yvGiats, which
paid special worship to the angelic powers, and
reverenced the particular ordinances enjoined by
them. ' Amongst these ordinances were Jewish
circumcision and the observance of Jewish feast-
days, new moons and sabbaths. We may remember
that Paul himself in Gal. (3i9 43- s-io) regards the
Jewish ceremonies as ordinances of the angels of
the Jewish law. But it was not merely the
Jewish law which was observed by the Colossian
teachers ; they added other precepts of their own
of an ascetic character by the observance of which
especially communion with the angels might be
attained. The idea is that, as the angels are above
this world, so the ascetic, by cutting himself off
from the things of the world, draws near to the
angels, and becomes tit to associate with them'
(R. S. Franks, Bible Notes on the Writings of St.
Fanl, 1910, p. 76).
St. Paul declares all such subservience to the
angels to be a false humility, inasmuch as it
detracts from the true reverence due to Christ
alone, Avho is the Head of the angels, Mhose power
over the world, moreover. He has broken by His
Cross, by dying on which He annulled the bond
they held against men in the Law (Col 2^'^^^).
LiTERATrrRE. — A. Ritschl, The Christian Doctrine of Justifica-
tion and Reconciliation, Eng. tr., 1900, p. 632 ; W. Herrmann.
The Communion of the Christian with God, Eng. tr., 1906,
p. 267; E. Hatch, Memorials, 1S90, pp. 137, 213; H. P.
Liddon, Sermons preached before the University of Oxford, 1st
ser., 1S(;9, p. 139, 2nd ser., Isi'O, p. IS ; W. R. Inge, Faith and
Knowledge, 1904, p. 107 ; J. Warschauer, The IKay of Under-
standing, 1913, p. 140. R. s. Franks.
HUSBAND.— See Family, Marriage.
HYACINTH.— See Jacinth.
HYMEN^IUS. — Hymengeus is a heretic men-
tioned in 1 Ti 1"" in conjunction with Alexander
{q.v.) as one who had made shipwreck of the faith
and, therefore, had been delivered to Satan. He
is also mentioned in 2 Ti 2''' in conjunction with
Philetns as teaching a doctrine which ate into the
body of the Church like a gangrene — the doctrine
that the resurrection was past already. Nothing
further is known of the three teachers mentioned
in the two texts, and their sole importance to the
student lies in the nature of their doctrine. It
came from the masters of Gnosticism, who from
Simon Magus onwards bad taught the inferior or
evil character of matter, in opposition to the
fathers of the Catholic Church, who assigned to
the world a sacramental character. According to
Irenseus {adv. Hcer. II. xxxi. 2), the followers of
Simon and Carpocrates taught that ' the resurrec-
tion from the dead was simply an acquaintance
with that truth which they proclaimed.' Ter-
tuUian [de Res. Cam. xix.) charged his adversaries
with alleging that even death itself was to be
understood in a spiritual sense, since death was
not the separation of body and soul, but ignorance
of God, by reason of which man is dead to God,
and is not less buried in error than he would be in
the grave.
590
HYMXS
HYMNS
'Wherefore that also must be held to be the resurrection,
when a man is re-animated by access to the truth, and having
dispersed the death of inrnorance, and being endowed with new
life by God, has burst forth from the sepulchre of the old man,
even as the Lord likened the Scribes and Pharisees to " whited
sepulchres " (Mt 23-'^). Whence it follows that they who have
by faith attained to the resurrection are with the Lord after
they have once put Him on in their baptism.'
The ground for this spiritualizing of death is
given in a homily of Valentinus quoted by
Clement Alex. (Strom. \v. 13) :
'Ye are originally immortal, and children of aeonian life,
and ye willed that death should be your portion, that you
might exhaust it and consume it, so that death might die in
you and through you. For, when you release the world, you
yourselves are not undone, but are lords over creation and over
all corruption.'
According to Clement, Basilides also held that
a ' saved race ' had come down from above in order
to remove death, and that the origin of this deatli
was to be sought in the Demiurge. And a little
later in the same chapter Clement tells us tliat
the followers of Valentinus called the Catholics
'psychical,' as did the 'Phrygians,' the implica-
tion being that the Catholics thought, when death
was mentioned, of the death of the body, and the
Gnostics of tiie death of the soul. A further im-
plication is that the moment of regeneration, or
of passing through the third gate, overshadowed
in the Gnostic mind the incident of physical death,
as not merely giving a change of status, but as
being an actual admission into the Divine world,
and therefore into a world over which physical
death had no jurisdiction. With this should be
compared the passage in Rev 20^- ^ which speaks
of ' the first resurrection ' and of the blessed and
holy state of him who had part in it. ' It is " the
souls" of the martyrs that St. John sees alive;
the resurrection is clearly spiritual and not cor-
poreal' (H. B. Swete, Apocalypse of St. John?,
1907, p. 266). In agreement with this we have
Jn 5-^ which says that both Father and Son
quicken the dead and raise them up ; and v.^"*,
wliich declares that he who has come to put his
trust in the Son hath passed out of death into life.
(The clause which refers the resurrection to the
last day in Jn 6^"- **• ^ may be suspected, with J.
Kreyenblihl [Das Evang. der Wahrheit, Berlin,
1905, ii. 52], to be an interpolation.)
The delivering of Hymenaius and Alexander to
Satan is to be understood as an excommunication
from the fold of grace and safety, and a conse-
quent transition into the world outside the Church
where Satan has his throne — the world of suffering,
disease, and death. It is not impossible that
' Hymenfeus ' is an ironical nickname denoting
that the bearer was one who shared the Gnostic
dislike of marriage, or else scoffing at the Gnostic
doctrine of the mystic marriage of the soul with
the spirit. Cf. Antipas, Balaam, Nicolaitans.
\V. F. Cobb.
HYMNS.— The hymns of the Apostolic Church
included the OT Psalms and the Evangelical Can-
ticles of Lk 1 and 2. We possess also some frag-
ments embedded in NT writings, which show
how they were used to express religious emotion
both in public and in private. St. Paul suggests
further that they should be used for instruction
and warning (Col 3'"). He distinguishes (as in
Eph 5^*) between three kinds — psalms, hymns, and
spiritual songs (odes) (see PsALMS, Spiritual
Songs). The word 'psalm' (1 Co H^", Ja 5'^)
properly includes the idea of a musical accompani-
ment (Basil, Horn, in Ps. 44 ; Greg. Nyss., Horn, iri
Ps., ch. iii.). The word 'hymn' might be used of
a song of praise to God wliether accompanied or
not. The word ' song' (' ode ') applies to all forms
of song, and was in fact a general term for lyrical
poetry. In Eph 5'* the terms ' singing ' and ' play-
ing' correspond with the words 'hymns' and
' psalms.' They are to be addressed ' to the Lord,'
just as Pliny in his famous letter to Trajan (Ep.
X. 97) describes the Christians as meeting before
dawn and singing a hymn to Christ as God anti-
phonally (secum invicem).
The fragment in Eph 5^^
' Awake, thou that sleepest,
And arise from the dead.
And Christ shall shine upon thee '
is possibly a fragment of a hymn addressed to a
convert at baptism.
Another fragment is 1 Ti 3^* :
' He who was manifested in the flesh.
Justified in the spirit,
Seen of angels,
Preached among the nations,
Believed on in the world,
Received up in glory.'
Such examples throw light on the difficult question
of the source of the quotation in 1 Co 2^ which is
apparently a free translation or paraphrase from
the Hebrew of Is 64^. Clem. Rom. (ad Cor. xxxiv.)
mixes it up with the LXX. According to Jerome,
tlie passage occurs in the Ascension of Isaiah and
the Apocalypse of EUn.s. Origan (on Mt 27^ [Migne,
Patr. GrcBca, xiii. 1769]) says St. Paul quotes from
the latter. As Ligiitfoot puts it (Notes on Epistles of
St. Paul, 1895, p. 177), ' If it could be shown that
these apocryphal books were prior to St. Paul, this
solution would be the most probable.' But they are
not. So we fall back on the suggestion that St. Paul
(and they also ?) quoted an early Christian hymn
based on Isaiah like the Sanctus of the liturgies.
The doxologies in 1 Ti P^ 6i«, 2 Ti 4'8 may like-
wise have been fragments of hymns. Only one of
the hymns in the Apocalypse alludes to the situa-
tion described in the vision, i.e. 5**, referring to the
opening of the Book with the Seven Seals. The
rest express generally the praise which the Church
offers to God and to Christ. It is quite natural
that reminiscences of Christian hymns should timl
their way into the seer's book. On the other hand,
if they are the first effort of an inspired imagina-
tion, we may regai'd them as types of future hym-
nody. The Song of JNIoses in 15^ like the older
Song of Moses in Dt 32, which was used as a
Sabbath hymn in the Jewish liturgy, found its
way into the liturgical Psalter of Codex Alex-
anarinus.
The Song of the living creatures in 4^ varies from
the Sanctus of Isaiah's vision which is followed in
the Liturgies and the Te Deum. It is addressed
to God as Almighty, and evokes the response of
tlie elders, who in the words ' our God ' claim ' a
relation to Him which the Creation as such cannot
claim' (H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John^,
1907, p. 74).
In 5^2 the angels offer a fuller doxology to the
Lamb, and the response of all creation with a four-
fold doxology, and of the living creatures with
the familiar ' Amen ' which ended the eucharistic
thanksgiving of the Church on earth, is ' highly
suggestive of the devotional attitude of the
Asiatic Church in the time of Domitian towards
the Person of Christ ' (Swete, op. cit. p. 84). Of a
similar character is the Song inserted in the pro-
phecy (ll'5-'8) when 'great voices' announce the
coming of the kingdom, and the elders respond :
' We give thee thanks, O Lord God, the Almighty,
Which art, and which wast ;
Because thou hast taken thy great power, and didst reign.
And the nations were wroth,
And thy wrath came.
And the time of the dead to be judged,
And to give their reward to thy servants, the prophets,
And to the saints.
And to them that fear thy name,
The small and the great ;
And to destroy them that destroy the earth.'
HYMNS
HYPOCRISY
591
The ^v^itings of the Apostolic Fathers add
nothing to our knowledge, though Ignatius de-
lights in the thought of the liynin of praise for
his martyrdom which the Church in Rome will
sing {ad Rom. 2) : ' that forming yourselves into
a chorus in love ye may sing to the Father in
Jesus Christ, for that God has vouchsafed that
the bishop from Syria should be found in the
West, having summoned him from the East' (cf.
Eph. 4).
From these hints we may construct an outline
of the psalmody of the early Church, to which we
may probably add a very interesting collection of
private psalms recently discovered by Rendel
Harris and published by him in 1909 — the Odes of
Solomon (q.v.). He found them with the Psalms
of Solomon in a MS of the 15th or 16th cent, from
the neighbourhood of the Tigris. He thinks that
they were written in Palestine about the year
A.D. 100 (Batittbl \_Les Odes de Salomon, Fr. tr. by
Batiffol and Labourt, 1911] gives the date as 100-
120). On the other hand, Harnack [TU, 3rd ser.
V. 4 [1910]) regards all the Christian allusions as
interjjolations of the date c. A.D. 100 in an earlier
Jewish collection of c. A.D. 70. He calls the find-
ing of the Odes the most important discovery since
the Didache, and epoch-making for the higher
criticism of the Gospel of John, because these
Jewish Odes {not only the Christian edition) con-
tain all the essential elements of the Johannine
theology, together with its religious tone. F. C.
Burkitt, however {JThSt xiii. [1912-13] 374), who
has found a Nitrian MS of the 15th cent, in the
British Museum, regards them as later, as ' part of
the literary activity of the Syriac Monophysite
community in Egypt.' He attributes absence of
direct references to Baptism and the Eucharist to
tlie fact that the author was ' writing in the style
appropriate for pseudepigrapiiical composition.'
One feels that superhuman skill would be required
by a writer who attempted to reconstruct the un-
developed theology of the Odes without betraying
his later standpoint.
Harnack, with justice, calls the writer an
original poet, whose metaphors and similes are
excellently chosen and arrest attention by their
beauty and strength. His mystical teaching on
peace and joy and light and living water is
thoroughly Johannine.
Ode 4 opens with a historical allusion to some attempt to alter
the site of the Lord's Sanctuary, probably a reference to the
closing and dismantling of the temple of Onias, at Leontopolis
in Egypt, by the Romans in a.d. 73 : ' No man, O my God,
changeth thy holy place ; and it is not [possible] that he
should change it and put it in another place : because he hath
no power over it.'
As a specimen of the style Ode 7 may be quoted : ' As the im-
pulse of anger against evil, so is the impulse of joy over what is
lovely, and brings in of its fruits without restraint. My joy is
the Lord and my impulse is towards Him : this is my excellent
path : for I have a helper, the Lord. He has caused me to know
Himself, without grudging, by His simplicity : the greatness of
His kindness has humbled me. He became like me, in order
that I might receive Him : He was reckoned like myself in order
that I might put Him on ; and I trembled not when I saw Him :
because He is my salvation. Like my nature He became that I
might learn Him, and like my form, that I might not turn back
from Him . . . and the Most High shall be known in His saints,
to announce to those that have Songs of the Coming of the
Lord ; that they may go forth to meet Him, and may sing to
Him with joy and with the harp of many tones. The seers
shall come before Him and they shall be seen before Him, and
they shall praise the Lord for His love : because He is near and
beholdeth, and hatred shall be taken from the earth, and along
with jealousy it shall be drowned : for ignorance has been
destroyed, because the knowledge of the Lord has arrived.'
It would be easy to multiply quotations, but this
is impossible here. There are many phrases which
arrest attention, like the first words of Ode 34,
which Harnack calls the ' pearl of the collection ' :
' No way is hard when there is a simple heart.'
But even more attractive than the phrases and
the metaphors is the consistent spirit of joyful-
ness : ' Grace has been revealed for your salvation.
Believe and live and be saved.' Thus the last
words of Ode 34 lead up to the triumphant
' Hallelujah ' which closes each hymn. Whatever
may be the final verdict of critics as to the date,
the beauty of the thoughts is an abiding posses-
sion for all who are interested in early Christian
hymns.*
Literature.— H. Leigh Bennett, art. 'Greek Hymnody,' in
Julian's Diet, of Hymnology^, 1907 ; F. Cabrol, art. ' Cantiques,'
in his Diet, d'arclii'ologie ehritienne et de liturgie, 1909; E.
A. Abbott, Light on the Gospel from an ancient Poet, 1912 ; see
also the series of artt. on ' Hymns (Christian) ' in ERE.
A. E. Burn.
HYPOCRISY (vir6Kpi(ns). — The noun viroKpirris
does not occur after the Synoptic Gospels, but
vTTOKpcais is found in Gal 2i», 1 Ti 4^, 1 P 2^, and
the compound verb a-vvvTroKpiveadai, ' to dissemble
along with another,' is used in Gal 2'^.
The development of the meaning of imoKpCvecrOai. can be
clearly traced. In Homer and Herodotus it meant ' to reply,'
e. g. ' to give an oracular answer ' (Herod, i. 78, 91) ; then ' to
answer on the stage,' 'to speak in dialogue,' 'to plaj'apart'
(Arist. Pol. V. xi. 19) ; then 'to be an actor in real life,' 'to dis-
semble,' ' to feign,' ' to pretend.' The last is probably the only
meaning of the word in the NT, though E. Hatch (Essays in
Biblical Greek, 1889, p. 92) thinks that among Greek-speaking
Jews iiTTOKpto-ts had come to mean ' irreligion,' ' impiety.'
' Sincerity, a deep, great, genuine sincerity, is
the first characteristic of all men in any way
heroic' (Carlyle, Heroes and Hero-Worskvp, 1872,
p. 42). The hypocrite does not dare to show him-
self as he is. His fear of criticism compels him to
wear a mask. virdKpicris includes both simulation
and dissimulation. Bacon's definitions [Essays,
vi. ) are clear and sharp as usual :
' There be three degrees of this hiding and veiling of a man's
self. The first, Closeness, Reservation, and Secrecy ; when a
man leaveth himself without observation, or without hold to
be taken, what he is. The second. Dissimulation, in the nega-
tive ; when a man lets fall signs and arguments, that he is not
that he is. And the third, Simulation, in the affirmative ;
when a man industriously and expressly feigns and pretends to
be that he is not. '
Gal 2'^"" alludes to a crisis in which even the
Apostle Peter dissembled, the other Jewish Chris-
tians of Antioch dissembling with him ((rvvvir-
eKpld-rjcrav), and even Barnabas, against his better
judgment, was carried away by their vw6Kpi(ri.s,
The fear of offending the narrow guardians of
Judaistic orthodoxy was the cause of all this
inconsistency on the side of the party of Christian
liberty and progress. St. Peter did not really
believe that he would be defiled by eating Gentile
food. At Joppa he had learned to cast his cere-
monial scruples to the winds (Ac 10^'^^) ; at Csesarea
he had preached in the house of the Italian Cor-
nelius, keeping company with ' one of another
nation' (dXXo^ii^Xy, v.^*^), and witnessing a Gentile
Pentecost (vv.'"-") ; and with the Greek Christians
of Antioch he at first saw no more harm in eating
and drinking than in singing and praying. But
circumstances arose in which he had not the
courage to continue putting his principles into
practice. When he had to choose between giving
the cold shoulder to his Gentile brethren and dis-
pleasing the circumcised, the vacillating weakness
of his character was illustrated once more. He
was not even yet quite worthy of his great name —
Peter, the man of rock. Concealing his liberal con-
victions, he behaved as if he were a strictly conser-
vative Jew. And his example proved infectious,
for he could not act as a mere private individual.
The influential leader of the Twelve Apostles drew
after him many Jewish Christians, including even
* The Christian teaching includes references to the Father,
Son, and Holy Ghost (19, 23), the Son of God and Son of Man
(36, 3), born of a Virgin (19), the pre-existent (19), who became
Man (7), suffered (31), died on the Cross (27, 42), descended into
Hell (42), was justified (31), and exalted (41).
592
HYPOCEISY
ICONIUM
St. Paul's fellow-apostle, who had been living for
years in intimate fellowship with the ceremonially
unclean. Whatever excuses may be made for St.
Peter's conduct — which some modern scholars (like
most of the Fathers of the early Church) are dis-
posed to regard in a much more favourable light
than St. Paul did (A. C. McGittert, Apostolic Age,
1S97, p. 206 f. ) — it was a betrayal of the cause of
spiritual freedom. His silent withdrawal from his
Gentile brethren was as eloquent as any words
could have been. It did as much harm as if he
had issued a proclamation, ' Before Ave Jews can
eat Avith you Gentiles, ye must bend your necks to
the yoke of the law.' It was because in his heart
he no longer believed anything of the kind that
his action was rightly called virdKpia-is. But the
terms in which he is elsewhere spoken of in the
same letter (1^^ 2^*-) make it evident that his
aberration was only temporary, and that there
remained no essential difference betAveen ' the
gospel of the uncircunicision ' and 'the circum-
cision ' (2'').
In 1 Peter, which many critics still accept as
genuine, this same Apostle enjoins his readers to
put aAA'ay all hypocrisies, and to make a fresh
start as if they Avere neAv-born babes (2"*). The
injunction implies the possibility. It is sometimes
pessimistically said that there is no remedy for
hypocrisy. J. R. Seeley [Ecce Homo, 1873, p. 116)
calls it 'the one incui-able vice.' The Divine
Comedy represents the hypocrite as clothed for
ever in a robe of lead — ' O in eterno faticoso
manto ! ' (Inferno, xxiii. 67). J. B. Mozley
{ University Sermons", 1876, p. 34) says : ' The
victim of passion then may be converted, the
gay, the thoughtless, or the ambitious . . . they
may be converted, any one of these — but Avho is
to convert the hypocrite? He does not knoAV he
is a hypocrite. . . . The greater hypocrite he is,
the more sincere he must think himself.' It is
perhaps faithless, however, to despair of any man,
and one may doubt Avliether our Lord Avould have
expended such a passionate energy of scorn —
Avhich, in a heart like His, is a form of love— upon
incurables (Mt 23). 'Every son of Adam can
become a sincere man, ... no mortal is doomed
to be an insincere man' (Carlyle, op. cit. p, 116).
James Strahan.
HYSSOP (i/o-crwTTos, aitx). — Hyssop is a Avall-
groAving plant used by the JeAvs in ritual sprink-
lings. It is mentioned by the Avriter of HebrcAvs
in his revicAV of the ordinances of the OT (He 9^^).
Scarcely any other Scriptural plant has given rise
to so mucli discussion. The hyssop cannot be the
tWwTros of Greek authors [Hyssopus officinalis),
Avhich is not a native of Syria. Among the many
suggestions that have been made (see J. G. B.
Winer, Bibl. Bealworterbuch^, Leipzig, 1847-48,
s.v. 'Ysop'), the choice seems to lie betAveen the
caper (Capparis spinosa) and a kind of Avild mar-
joram (Satiireja thymus) Avhich the Arabs call
scttar. Both these plants groAV on Syrian rocks
and Avails. Tristram argues for the caper {Nat.
Hist, of the Bible, 1867, p. 455 f.). One objection
to this plant is that its prickly branches and stiff
leaves make it unsuitable for forming a bunch or
Avisp ; another, that it is differently named in
Scripture (.ijV^n* in Ec 12'). The sdiar Avas first
suggested by Maimonides (de Vacca Bufa, iii. 2),
folloAved by D. Kimchi {Lex. s.v.). It is excel-
lently adapted for use as a sprinkler. Its identity
with the hyssop is accepted by Thomson {Land
and Book, new ed., London, 1910, p. 93), Avho
describes it as 'having the fragrance of thyme,
with a hot, pungent taste, and long, slender stems,'
and by G. E. Post, Avho says (Smith's DB, Am.
ed., p. 1115, foot-note): 'The fact that many
stalks grow up from one root eminently fits this
species for the purpose intended. The hand could
easily gather in a single grasp the requisite bundle
or bunch all ready for use.'
James Sxbahan.
IGONIUM ('1k6viov, now Konia or Konyeh). —
This city, Avhich Avas partly evangelized b}' St.
Paul, occupied one of the most beautiful and fertile
inland sites of Asia Minor, compared by T. LeAvin
{The Life and Epistles of St. PauP, 1875, i. 144 f.)
to the oasis of Damascus. Lying in a crescent of
Phrygian hills at the Avestern limit of the vast
upland plain of Lycaonia, and Avatered by perennial
streams Avhich, through irrigation, make it to-day
a garden-city, it must haA'e been a place of import-
ance from the earliest times. Xenophon, the first
writer Avho mentions it {Anab. I. ii. 19), says that
Cyrus, travelling eastAvard, came 'to Iconium, the
last city of Phrygia ; thence he pursued his route
through Lycaonia.' The inhabitants always re-
garded themselves as of Phrygian, not of Lycaonian,
extraction, and the strongest evidence that they
were right Avas their use of the Phrygian language.
On the other hand, many Avr iters— Cicero {ad Fam.
XV. iv. 2), Strabo (Xll. vi. 1 [p. 568]), Pliny {HN v.
25), and others — having regard to the later history
of Iconium, invariably designate it as a city of
Lycaonia (5'. v.). During the 3rd cent. B.C. it AA'as
ruled and, to a great extent, heilenized by the
Seleucids. After the battle of Magnesia (187 B.C.),
it was presented by the Romans to the king of
Pergamoa ; but as he never took eflective possession
of it, the Galatians appropriated it about 165 B.C.
Mark Antony, the 'Icing-maker,' gave it to Polemon
in 39 B.C. and transferred it in 36 to Amyntas, king
of Galatia, Avhose Avide dominions, after his death
in 25 B.C., Avere formed into the Roman province
Galatia. Under Claudius the city was honoured
Avith the name of Claud-Iconium, a proof of its
strong Roman sympathies, but it Avas not raised to
the rank of a Cvlonia till the reign of Hadrian. It
remained a city of the province Galatia till A.D. 295,
Avhen Diocletian formed tlie province Pisidia, with
Antioch as its capital and Iconium as its ' second
metropolis.' In 372 Iconium became the capital of
the ncAV province Lycaonia, an arrangement which
held good all through the Byzantine period.
When St. Luke relates that the Apostles Paul
and Barnabas, being persecuted at Iconium, ' fled
into the cities of Lycaonia' (Ac 14*)— an expression
Avhich implies that in his view Iconium was not
Lycaonian — he adheres to the popular and ignores
the official geography. So central and prosperous
a city, traversed by a trade-route leading direct to
the Cilician Gates, and connected by a cross-road
Avith the great high-Avay to the Euphrates, natur-
ally attracted many traders and settlers from the
outside Avorld. Well-ciiosen as a sphere of mission-
ary activity, the first attempt to preach the gospel
in it proved very successful, and thougii the enmity
of the Jews compelled the apostles to desist from
IDOLATRY
IDOLATRY
593
their efforts for a time, St. Luke speaks of the
faith of ' a great multitude both of Jews and of
Greeks' (Ac 14»).
Iconium figures largely in the Galatian contro-
versy. What is certain is that St. Paul and Bar-
nabas preached and made many converts in the
city during their first missionary campaign, and
that they re-visited it on their homeward journey,
' confirming the souls of the disciples ' (14'* -^). The
persecutions which St. Paul endured there are
alluded to in 2 Ti 3". On the South-Galatian
theory, he paid the city two more visits, if, as
Ramsay and others assume, Iconium is included in
'the region of Phrygia and Galatia' (16'') and in
'the region of Galatia and Phrygia' (18^"). In the
interval between the Apostle's last two visits, he
received the alarming tidings that his Galatian
churches — which, on this hypothesis, were Antioch,
Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe — were being perverted
by Judaizers, whose fatal errors his Ej^istle to the
Galatians was immediately written to confute.
Some indication that his vehement letter and his
final visit accomplished his purpose is afforded by
the fact that the Galatian Church contributed part
of the Gentile love-offering to the poor saints in
Jerusalem (1 Co 16'). On the North -Galatian
theory St. Paul, using ' Galatians ' in the popular,
not the Roman, sense, wrote to churches which he
had founded in Galatia proper, which Livy calls
Gallo-Grsecia (see Galatia).
It is a mere legend that Sosipater (Ro 16^^) was
the first and Terentius or Tertius (16-'^) the second
bishop of Iconium. The city is the principal scene
of the Acta Pauli et Theclte, which date back to
the 2nd cent, and have a foundation in fact (see
W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Bom. Emp.,
1893, p. 375 tt".). The Council of Iconium was held
in 235. When the city became the capital of the
Seljuk State, which was founded about 1072, its
splendour gave rise to the proverb, ' See all the
world ; but see Kouia.' To-day it has a population
of 50,000.
Literature. — W. M. Leake, Asia Minor, 1824 ; W. J.
Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, 1842 ; Murray's Guide
to Asia Minor, ed. C. Wilson, 1895, p. 133 f. ; W. M. Ramsay,
The Cities of St. Paid, 1907, pp. 315-382.
James Strahan.
IDOLATRY. — So deep-rooted was the Jewish
hatred of idolatry, and so general had been the
condemnation of the practice, that our Lord found
no reason for insistence upon the ^nerally accepted
commandments on the subject. But as soon as the
gospel message began to be preached outside the
pale of Judaism, the matter became one of the
pressing questions of the day. Protests against
the popular practice had not been wanting from
the older Greek thinkers ; Heraclitus, Xenoplianes,
and Zeno had all raised their voices against image-
worship. But the popular mind was not affected
by their teaching, and many were the apologists
who wrote in favour of the established custom. It
is not surprising to read (Ac 17^^) that, when St.
Paul visited Athens, ' his spirit was provoked with-
in him, as he beheld the city full of idols,' even
though the statement is not strictly accurate. His
whole training rendered him antagonistic to any-
thing approaching idolatry ; and in liis letters the
same feeling is expressed. No Christian was to
keep company with idolaters (1 Co 5'*"'), who could
not inherit the Kingdom of God (6*, Eph 5*). He
reminds the Thessalonians that they had abandoned
the old idolatrous worship ' to serve the living God '
(1 Th P). Yet from the Christian point of view
there is only one God, and the true Ciiristian can-
not but recognize that thus ' no idol is anything in
the world " (1 Co 8").
But there are two aspects of idolatry which caused
the greatest anxiety in the primitive Church.
VOL. I. — 38
(a) The decision of the Jerusalem Council as to the
duties incumbent upon heathen converts contains
the significant phrase, ' that they abstain from the
pollutions of idols' (Ac 15^"), ' from meats ottered to
idols ' (v. 2"). The command is intended as a com-
prehensive one, meaning that idolatry in every
form is to be avoided ; ' participation in the idola-
trous feasts is especially emphasised, simply because
this was the crassest form of idolatry ' (A. Harnack,
The Acts of the Apostles, Eng. tr., 1909, p. 257).
But it was also the means of subtle temptation,
which gave rise to a serious question. The proba-
bility was that most of the meat sold in the markets
as well as that set before the guests at Gentile
tables had been ' ottered to idols.' What was the
Christian to do ? Was he to buy no meat 1 Must
he refuse all such invitations ? It must not be for-
gotten that the breach between St. Paul and the
Judaizers had never been really healed. The par-
tisans on either side Avere ever on the look-out for
opportunities to widen it. The leaders did their
utmost to heal the quarrel. Therefore, in dealing
with the questions raised by the Corinthian Church,
St. Paul was compelled to remember that he must
not give any ottence to the Judaizing section, which
was evidently represented there (1 Co l'^^-)> since
he had acquiesced in the Apostolic Decree. It is
true that this was only in the nature of a com-
promise, but its recommendations must be carried
out as far as possible. On the other hand, the
Gentile section of the community, which was re-
sponsible for raising the question, was in favour
of a broad-minded view. And St. Paul's dilemma
was increased by the fact that his sympathies were
with them. He lays the greatest stress, there-
fore, upon the principle that idolatry is wholly
hateful and must be carefully guarded against
(1 Co lO'*). In the worship of Israel, to eat the
sacrifices of the altar is to have communion with
the altar. It is true that the idol is nothing, and
the sacrifice therefore has no meaning, yet idolatry
among the heathen is demon-worship rather than
the worship of God ; would they wish to have com-
munion with demons? (I Co lO^**^-). It was all
very well to shelter behind the fact that Christians
really know that there is only one God ; but all
have not this knowledge : consequently the weaker
brethren — tliat is, tiiose who are perplexed and
troubled by these questions — may be led into danger
by our actions. Yet a compromise is possible. They
are to buy what is ottered, and eat what is set
before them, asking no questions (v.-^''''). If either
the seller or the host say, ' This has been ottered to
idols,' whether in a friendly or a hostile spirit, the
Christians must have nothing to do with it. It is
all a matter of expediency and, in part, of love.
God's glory must come first ; neither Jew nor Greek
nor the Church must be needlessly ott'ended.
(b) The second aspect of idolatry attbrded even
more grievous trials, and was eventually the source
of serious persecution : it was the rise of Emperor-
worship. It is not difficult to see that such a cult
was almost inevitable under existing circumstances.
There had always been a tendency among Greeks
and Romans to deify heroes of the past, but the
practice gradually grew up of erecting temples in
honour of living heroes (Plutarch, Lysander, xviii. ;
Herodotus, v. 47). It was perhaps not unnatural
that a cult of the all-victorious city of Rome should
arise, and as early as 195 B.C. there was a temple
in its honour at Smyrna. Taking all these facts
into consideration, the development of the Imperial
cult under the Empire was only to be looked for.
After the death of Julius Caesar a temple in his
honour was erected at Ephesus (29 B.C.), and it
was only a step to pay a like honour to Augustus
during his lifetime (Tacitus, Ann. iv. 37). Such
men as Gaius and Domitian were ready enough to
594
IGNATIUS
IGNATIUS
encourage the idea (Suetonius, Domit. xiii.). In
the province of Asia the cult was hailed withdelight,
and the result, as touching Christians, is seen in
the Apocalypse (13). Such a cult was bound to
change the whole relationship between Christianity
and the Roman power. As a general rule it would
be quite possible to escape offending susceptibilities
with regard to the worship of the older gods, but
the new cult was so universal and so popular that
it soon became fraught with grave danger for
members of the Christian community. Antichrist
had indeed arisen, and fierce warfare could be the
only result.
Literature. — For the whole subject: J. G. Frazer, The.
Golden Bowjh-, 1900, also edition of Pausanias, 1S98 ; V. Chapot,
La Province romaine procoiisv/aire d'Asie, lOOi ; for (a) : Com-
mentaries of Heinrici (1S96), Schmiedel (1892), Ellicott (1887),
Stanley (-1858), Robertson-Plummer (1911) on 1 Co 8-10 ; and
for (6): H. B. Swete, The ApocUijpxc of St. John'^, 1907, pp.
Ixxviii-xciii ; B. F. Westcott, Epp. of St. John, 1883, pp. 250-
282 ; E. Beurlier, Le Culte imperial, 1891 ; G. Boissier, La
Religion romaine, 1S92, i. 109-186 ; G. Wissowa, Religion und
Kult^iS der Roimr, 1902, pp. 71-78, 280-2S9.
F. W. WOKSLEY.
IGNATIUS.— 1. Life. — From the date of the
Apostolic Decree (Ac 15^^'^^) onwards, i.e. from
about A.D. 50, there is absolutely no evidence as
to the history of the Church of Antioch. In the
time of Origen and Julius Africanus, Ignatius was
considered as the second of the Antiochene bishops.
Between him and Theophilus (t c. 185) three
bishops were usually placed — Hero, Cornelius, and
Eros, of whom nothing was known but their
names. Euodius was regarded as Ignatius' prede-
cessor (Harnack, Chronologie, i., Leipzig, 1897, p.
210). But as a matter of fact, as Liglitfoot (Apos-
tolic Fathers^, pt. ii. vol. ii., London, 1889, p. 471)
says : ' The dates of the first century, the accession
of Euodius A.D. 42, and the accession of Ignatius
A.D. 69, deserve no credit.' The information
to be gleaned from the Apost. Constit. vil. xlvi. 4
(ed. Funk, Paderborn, 1905), such as that Euodius
was ordained bishop by St. Peter and Ignatius by
St. Paul, does not seem to be of any greater value
than the foregoing. St. John Chrysostom, in the
panegyric which he pronounces at Antioch on St.
Ignatius, supposes that Ignatius knew the apostles
and received the laying on of hands from them (in
S. Martyrem Ignatium, 1 and 2 [Migne, Patrologia
Graeca, 1. 587 f.]). The Apost. Constit. and St.
John Chrysostom represent the same legend in for-
mation. The extent of Eusebius' information (HE
III. xxxvi. 2) was that St. Peter was the lirst
bishop of Antioch and that Ignatius was his second
successor, Euodius being the first. He depends
for his knowledge on Origen (Horn, in Lucam, 6),
and is in turn followed by Jerome (de Vir. illustr.
16).
Apart from the fact that he was bishop of
Antioch and the details furnished by his authentic
letters, the history of Ignatius is absolutely un-
known. Some critics have tried, with more zeal
than discretion, to fill up the gaps in the history
with conjectures, but these are quite wortliless.
For example, E. Bruston (Ignace d'Antiochc, Paris,
1897, p. 112f.) advances tiie theory that Ignatius
was neither Greek nor Syrian, but Roman, his
proof being that Ignatius' name is a Latin one (cf.
Forcellini-De-Vit., Onomnsticon, s.v. 'Ignatius =
Egnatius'), and that he has all the characteristics
of the Roman mind, which is essentially practical !
Von Dolischiitz (Christian Life in the Prindtive
Church, Eng. tr., 1904, p. 235 f.) says, with equal
justification: 'Ignatius is a genuine Syrian. His
diction, which, for Greek, is almost intolerably
affected, everywhere reveals the fiery rhythm of
Syriac poetry with its wonderful richness of colour-
ing and imagination.'
In the signature of each of his seven letters,
Ignatius calls himself 'lyvdrLo^ 6 /cai Q€o<p6pos. On
the analogy of expressions like SaOXos 6 nal IlaDXoj
(Ac 13^), we may suppose that Geo^opos is not an
epithet but a proper name (Lightfoot, p. 22).
Zahn (p. 3) compares it with OMttios 'E-jrdyados in
Eusebius, HE V. i. 9. As to when and why
Ignatius took the name of Qeo^Spos, we have to
confess complete ignorance.
The author of the Passion of Ignatius, entitled the
Martyriurn Colbertinum (Funk, ii. 276), calls him
a ' disciple of the Apostle John ' and ' a thoroughly
apostolic man,' but he gives no evidence for the
truth of his statements. In his Letter to Polycarp
(i. 1) Ignatius seems to say that he has just met
Polycarp for the first time (Funk, Kirchengeschichtl.
Abhandiungcn, ii. [Paderborn, 1899] 340). As
Polycarp was an Asiatic disciple of St. John, this
would be a proof that Ignatius was not a co-
disciple of his. Besides, Ignatius is absolutely
silent on the subject of the Apostle John, which,
had Ignatius known him, would be very puzzling,
considering that Ignatius wrote a long letter to
the Ephesians.
An attempt has been made to find in Romans,
iv. 3, an indication that Ignatius was a slave. But
the text has probably a spiritual and not a literal
meaning (cf. Philadclphians, viii. 1 ; Lightfoot, p.
210). It is inconceivable that a slave should ever
have been put at the head of a Christian com-
munity.
Ignatius was not a Roman citizen, since he was
condemned to be thrown to the beasts. The
modest expressions that Ignatius uses in speaking
of himself suggest that he was not a Christian by
birth, but became one later on. His previous life
may have had some analogy with that of the
Apostle Paul before his conversion. ' But for my-
self I am ashamed to be called one of them {i.e.
the Antiochene Christians] ; for neither am I
worthy, being the very last of them and an un-
timely birth' (Romans, ix. 2).* There are similar
protestations of humility in Eph. xxi. 2, Trail.
xiii. 1, and Smyrn. xi. 1.
Eusebius places the martyrdom of Ignatius in
the time of Trajan (A.D. 98-117) — a wide choice of
date to which no objection can be raised (Light-
foot, p. 469 f. ). There seems good reason, however,
for deciding on the last years of Trajan's reign as
the most likely date (Harnack, Chronologie, i. 406).
According to the Martyriurn Colbertinum, ii.
1-2 (Funk, ii. 276), Ignatius appeared before
Trajan in the 9th year of his reign (26 Jan. 106-
26 Jan. 107), when the latter was passing
through Antioch on a march against the Parthians
(the war against the Parthians, however, only
Ijegan in 112). He was condemned by the Emperor
and sent to Rome, where he died on 20 Dec. 107,
in the consulate of Sura and Senecio (vii. 1, p.
284). This date is debatable, for the oldest known
reference to the ' natale ' of Ignatius, found in the
Syriac Martyrology published by Wright, fixes
the anniversary as 17 Oct. (Bolland, AS, Nov. i. 1
[1894], p. Ixii. [text restored by Duchesne] : Koi li;',
lyvdrios iwicrKoiros 'Avrioxeias iK tCiv apxaiuv jxapripuv).
Tlie place of the martyrdom is not mentioned.
Wright's Martyrology is certainly not later than
the middle of the 4th cent., and appears to have
been compiled in Antioch. This date (17 Oct.) is
confirmed by St. John Chrysostom and other writers
and documents (H. Quentin, Les Martyrologes
historiqnes, Paris, 1908, p. 548). Lightfoot says (p.
434) : ' The only anniversary, which has any claims
to consideration as the true day of the martyrdom,
is October 17.' If, then, the date of 20 Dec. for the
martyrdom of Ignatius is not correct, no reliance can
be placed on the date of the consulate of Sura and
Senecio. The main part of the Martyriurn Colber-
* The translations of the text of Ignatius are taken froni
Lightfoot.
IGNATIUS
IGNATIUS
595
tinwm. belongs to the 5th or, at the earliest, the
end of the 4th century. For its chronology it de-
pends on Eusebius' Chronicle, and even it gives no
guarantee of absolute exactitude. All one can
say is that Eusebius placed the martyrdom of
Ignatius in the time of Trajan. Nothing more
definite is given.
No historical value can be attached to the rest
of the Martyrium Colbertinum, or to the Mar-
tyrium Vaticanum (which is independent of the
foregoing and perhaps dates from the 5th cent.), or
to the Latin, Armenian, or Greek texts where the
two Martyria are combined (on this worthless
hagiographic literature see Bardenhewer, Gesch.
der altkirchl. Litt. i. pp. 143-145).
Apart from these documents, we have no infor-
mation as to the circumstances in which the bishop
of Antioch was imprisoned and then sent to Rome.
But, if the martyrdom took place A.D. 110-117 we
liave the evidence of Trajan for this period, in his
letter to Fliny (Pliny, Ep. xcviii.) defining the legal
])osition of Christianity : Christianity is a religio
illicita, but public action can be taken against
Christians only by means of tiie delatio ; ' Puniendi
sunt, si deferantur et arguantur.' It may be sup-
posed, then, that Ignatius was delatus to the Roman
magistrates of Antioch.
In Eph. xxi. 2, he writes : ' Pray for the church
which is in Syria, whence I am led a prisoner to
Rome — I who am the very last of the faithful
there ' ; in Rom. ix. 1 : * Remember in your prayers
tlie church which is in Syria, which hath God for
its shepherd in my stead. Jesus Christ alone shall
be its bishop — He and your love.' Some time after
— i.e. on his arrival in Troas — Ignatius seems to
liave given up all anxiety about the Church of
Antioch : ' Seeing that in answer to your prayer
and to the tender sympathy which ye have in
Christ Jesus, it hath been reported to me that the
church which is in Antioch of Syria hath peace, it
is becoming for you as a church of God, to appoint
a deacon to go thither as God's ambassador, that
he may congratulate them when they are assembled
together, and may glorify tlie Name' (Philad. x. 1).
He writes to Polycarp : ' Seeing that the church
which is in Antioch of Syria hath peace, as it hath
been reported to me, through your prayers, I my-
self also have been the more comforted since God
hath banished my care ' ( vii. 1 ). To the Smyrna;ans
he is even more explicit: 'It is meet that your
church should appoint, for the honour of God, an
ambassador of God that he may go as far as Syria
and congratulate them because they are at peace,
and have recovered their proper stature, and their
proper bulk hath been restored to them ' [rb 'idtov
(TuixaTelov • xi. 2) ; and he adds : ' It seemed to me
a fitting thing that ye should send one of your
own people with a letter, that he might join with
them in giving glory for the calm which by God's
will had overtaken them, and because they were
already reaching a haven through your prayers'
(xi. 3). If it Avere a question of a persecution
limited to Antioch, it would not be very clear how
peace could have restored its stature to the Church
of Antioch, i.e. its spiritual stature, in the sense of
Eph. inscr. : evXayrj/Mevr) eu /Meyedei. We are, then,
led to suppose that it is not peace after persecu-
tion but peace after discord that is meant. With
Ignatius gone, the Church of Antioch was left
without a pastor, and the community {ffw/jLareiov)
had become disunited and was in a state of schism.
The insistence with which Ignatius speaks of the
return of the repentant rel)els to union with God
and comnninion with the l^ishop (Philad. iii. 2,
viii. 1, Smyrn. ix. 1) is perhaps the consequence of
the painful experience he has just passed through
in Antioch.
Ignatius, though arrested and condemned in
Antioch, is sent to Rome. He knows that he is
condemned to be thrown to the beasts [Bom. v. 1-2).
In Rom. iv. 1, he begs the Christians of Rome
not to intervene to rob him of the martyrdom he
awaits, and it is thus obvious that he must have
been tried and found guilty in Antioch. The fact
of his being condemned in Antioch and yet under-
going his sentence in Rome is not unique. Rome
gathered victims from all the ends of the earth
to take part in the cruel games of her amphi-
theatre.
In Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians, we find
that Ignatius, on his arrival in Plulippi in Mace-
donia, was no longer alone but in the same convoy
as other Christians in chains (Phil. i. 1, ix. 1,
xiii. 2). The journey from Antioch to Rome
was made partly by land and partly by sea (Rom.
V. 1) ; Ignatius was in chains, and a squad of ten
soldiers guarded him night and day and spared
him no ill-treatment (Rom. v. 1 ; cf. Passio
Sanctce PerpetucB, iii. 6: '. . . concussurse mili-
tuni ').
The first town we know of Ignatius' passing
through is Philadelphia in proconsular Asia (P/ii/at^.
vii. 1). Of the itinerary he followed between
Antioch and that town we know nothing.
After Philadelphia we find him in Smyrna, where
Polycarp is bishop. Later he thanks the Smyr-
naeans effusively for the welcome they gave him
and his two companions Philo and Rlieus Agatho-
pus (Smyrn. ix. 2, x. 1). In Smyrna he made a
comparatively long stay — time enough to get to
know the Smyrnsean families he greets at the end
of his letter (xiii. 1, 2). While he was in Smyrna
the neighbouring churches sent deputations to
greet him and' console him in his imprisonment.
Erom Smyrna itself Ignatius writes a letter of
thanks to each of the churches who had sent dele-
gates : the first is the Epistle to the Ephesians,
the second the Letter to the Church of Magnesia on
the Meander, the third the Epistle to theTrallians.
From Smyrna, too, Ignatius sends his Letter to the
Romans, which alone bears a date— the ninth day
before the Kalends of September, i.e. 24 Aug.
(Rom. X. 3).
The zeal of the neighbouring churches to greet
Ignatius is very remarkable. ' For when ye heard
that I was on my way from Syria, in bonds for the
sake of the common Name and hope ... ye were
eager to visit me,' writes Ignatius to the Ephesians
(i. 2). The Ephesians sent their bishop, Oiiesimus
(i. 3), their deacon, Burrhus(ii. 1), and several other
Christians — Crocus, Euplus, Fronto, etc. (ib.). The
Magnesians sent their bishop, Damas, the pres-
byters Bassus and Apollonius, and their deacon
Zotion (ii. ). At the end of his Epistle to the
Magnesians, Ignatius writes : ' The Ephesians from
Smyrna salute you, from whence also I write to
you. They are here with me for the glory of God,
as also are ye ; and they have comforted me in all
things, together with I'olycarp, bishop of the Smyr-
npeans. Yea, and all the other churches salute
you . . .' (XV.). The Trallians sent their bishop,
Polybius (i. 1). To them Ignatius writes : 'I salute
you from Smyrna, togetiier with the churches of
God that are present with me ; men who refreshed
me in all ways both in flesh and in spirit' (xii. 1).
The way in which these three Asian churches vied
with each other to pay court to Ignatius leads ur.
to believe that other churches probably followed
suit : ' I write to all the churches, and I bid all
men know, that of my own free will I die for God
. . .'(Horn. iv. 1); and again: ' My spirit saluteth
you, and the love of the churches which received
me in the name of Jesus Christ, not as a mere
wayfarer : for even those churches which did not
lie on my route after the flesh went before me from
city to city ' (ix. 3).
596
IGN"ATIUS
IGNATIUS
The Epistle to the Romans is not a reply to a
direct deputation sent to Ignatius by the Church
of Rome. Ignatius has been informed of the
Romans' feelings towards him and of their design
to snatch him from martyrdom if possible, and he
forestalls them by begging them to do nothing.
He sends them the letter by the hands of Ephesians
who have apparently told him of the Romans'
plans (x. 1), and who have means of transporting
the letter to Rome. Ignatius uses this means,
although he knows that Antiochene devotees have
gone straight to Rome. He says of them : ' As
touching those who went before me from Syria to
Rome unto the glory of God, I believe that ye
have received instructions ; whom also apprise that
I am near ' (x. 2).
From Smyrna, Ignatius and his guard journey
to Troas, probably by sea. From there Ignatius
dispatches three letters : the first to the Church of
Philadelphia (' The love of the brethren which are
in Troas saluteth you,' xi. 2) ; the second to the
Smyrnseans ; and the third to Polycarp, bishop of
Smyrna. In the last letter Ignatius apologizes for
not being able to write to all the churches, the
reason being that he has just been suddenly
ordered to embark at once for Neapolis in Mace-
donia, the port for Philippi.
Before leaving Troas, Ignatius receives comfort-
ing news of his beloved Church of Antioch, He
suggests that Polycarp should depute one of the
Smyrnaeans to go to Antioch to show the love that
the Church of Smyi-na bears to the Church of
Syria (vii. 2). 'I salute him that shall be ap-
pointed to go to Syria,' he writes. ' Grace shall be
with him always, and with Polycarp who sendeth
him ' (viii. 2). He begs Polycarp to write to
the churches lying between Smyrna and Antioch,
enjoining them to send messengers or letters to
the Church of Antioch as a token of their love
(viii. 1). He writes to the same effect to the
Philadelphians. ' As a church of God ' they ought
to elect a deacon and commission him to carry
their congratulations to the devotees assembled
together at Antioch and to glorify ' the Name '
with them. If they do this, they will be following
the example of several churches, some of whom
have sent a bishop, and some presbyters or deacons
(X. 1-2).
From Neapolis Ignatius is taken to Philippi. A
few details of this journey may be gleaned from
Polj'carp's Epistle to the Philippians, written in
reply to a letter sent from the Philippians to Poly-
carp (iii. 1) : 'Ye wrote to me, both ye yourselves
and Ignatius, asking that if any one should go to
Syria he might carry thither the letters from you.
And this I will do, if I get a fit opportunity, either
I myself, or he whom I shall send to be ambassador
on your behalf also' (xiii. 1). From this passage
we may infer that Ignatius wrote to Polycarp
during his stay in Philippi ; and that the Philip-
pians wrote to the Church of Antiocli at the same
time as to Polycarp. The Philippians had given
Ignatius a hearty welcome, and Polycarp com-
mends them for having ' received the followers of
the true Love and escorted them on their way . . .
those men encircled in saintly bonds which are the
diadems of them that be truly chosen of God and
our Lord ' (i. 1),
By the time Polycarp wrote this letter, Ignatius
had left Philippi and was en route for Rome :
' Moreover, concerning Ignatius liimself and those
that were with him, if ye have any sure tidings,
certify us ' (xiii. 2). It would be difficult to believe
that this request for news of Ignatius could by any
possibility be later than the receipt of the tidings
of his death. It is true that in anotlier passage
Polycarp commends the patience of ' the blessed
Ignatius, and Zosimus, and Rufus,' and compares it
with that of St. Paul and the other apostles, add-
ing : ' all these ran not in vain . . . tliey are in
their due place in the presence of the Lord^ with
whom also they sufi'ered ' (ix. 1, 2); but it is not
unlikely that the last phrase refers only to St.
Paul and the other apostles. On this hypothesis,
then, Polycarp would not know the fate of Ignatius,
Zosimus, and Rufus till after the dispatch of his
letter to the Philippians.
From the time he left Philippi we know nothing
further of Ignatius. Origen says that he fought
against the beasts in Rome during the persecution.
Eusebius (HE III. xxxvi. 3) repeats this statement,
and adds that in Rome Ignatius became ' food for
the beasts.' In this he was certainly influenced by
Ignatius' letter to the Romans (' I am God's wheat,
and I am ground by the teeth of wild beasts,' iv. 1).
This Epistle is the sole extant reference to the
martyrdom of Ignatius. Even in Rome itself
there seems to have been no note made of the
incident.
From Jerome we learn that Ignatius was buried
in Antioch : ' Reliquire corporis eius in Antiochia
iacent extra portam Daphniticam in ccemeterio'
(de Vir. illustr. 16). Tliis was written in A.D.
392, and, as far as we know, Jerome did not take
his information from any written source, but pro-
bably speaks de visu.
'In his panegyric on Ignatius pronounced in
Antioch (386-97), St. John Chrysostom cele-
brates the triumphal return of the martyr to his
episcopal city, and the honours that were paid him
by the cities on the route [Pair. Graeca, 1. 594].
The orator no doubt takes his clue from spectacles
of the same nature seen for some years previously
in different centres of the Eastern Empire. It is
quite evident that the remains of the holy martyr
could not have been brought back in this way in
the very thick of the persecution ' (H. Delehaye,
Les Origines du culte des martyrs, Brussels, 1912,
p. 69 ; so also Lightfoot, p. 431 f. ).
In the time of Theodosius II. (408-450), Ignatius'
remains (or bones believed to be his) were trans-
ferred from the cemetery extra muros to the ancient
Temple of Fortune, now turned into a basilica
(EuagTius, HE i. 16 [ed. Bidez-Parmentier, London,
1899, p. 25 f.]).
The whole question of the transference of
Ignatius' bones from Rome to Antioch is a difficult
one. Delehaye writes : ' It is difficult to come to
any finding on the question of the reality of the
transference of St. Ignatius' remains from Rome
and of the period when this took place' [loc. cit.).
If St. Ignatius suffered martyrdom in Rome, and
if, as Euagrius says, * he met his death in the
amphitheatre of Rome, finding his tomb in the
bellies of the wild beasts in fulfilment of his own
wish,' one may suppose that nothing remained of
his body. In Bom. iv. 2 he wrote : ' Rather entice
the wild beasts, that they may become my
sepulchre and may leave no part of my body be-
hind.' Of course one may always agi'ee with
Euagrius that at least Ignatius' 'tougher bones'
were saved.
As to the time of the transference, if it did take
place, we are equally at sea. By the end of tlie
4th cent., as we have seen above, public opinion Avas
quite decided that Ignatins' remains were in
ccemeterio in Antioch. But the transference of the
remains in the 2nd or 3rd cent, would be an ana-
chronism, and in tlie 4th cent, some note would
undoubtedly have been taken of the fact. We
must conclude, then, that, if the remains of Ignatius
preserved in Antioch are authentic, it is quite
possible that Ignatius did not suiler martyrdom in
Rome at all, hut returned to Antioch and died
there. The existence of his tomb in Antioch is
more probable on this supposition than on the
IGNATIUS
IGNATIUS
597
hypothesis of the transference of his remains from
Rome to Antioch.
2. MSS and YSS of the Epistles.— The words of
Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians (xiii. 2) are
the earliest evidence of a collection of Ignatius'
letters : * The letters of Ignatius which were sent
to us by him, and others as many as we had by us,
we send unto you, according as ye gave charge ;
the which are subjoined to this letter ; from which
ye will be able to gain great advantage. For they
comprise faith and endurance and every kind
of edification, which pertaineth unto our Lord.'
Eusebius (HE iii. 36) apparently knows of a col-
lection of seven of Ignatius' letters, with Poly-
carp's Letter to the Pliilippians, which is identical
with our present group of letters, even down to the
order in which the Epistles are given : Eph., Magn.,
Trail., Rom., Philad., Polyc, Smyrn., and Poly-
carp's Philippians.
This original collection of letters fell into the
hands of a forger, who made interpolations in the
text of the authentic Epistles and also manu-
factured six additional letters — Mary of Cassobola
(there is a Cilician town called Castabala, possibly
the same as Cassobola) to Ignatius, Ignatius to
Mary of Cassobola, to tlie Tarsians, to the Philip-
pians, to the Antiochenes, and to Hero the Deacon.
We have thus an Ignatian collection of thirteen
letters. The identihcation of the forger with the
unknown compiler of the Apostolic Constitutions is a
theory highly favoured by Funk. He regards him as
having been a Syrian Christian of the beginning of
tlie 5th cent., probably belonging to an Apollinarist
order, and he even finds in his work points of con-
tact with Theodore of Mopsuestia (Pair, apostol.
opera, ii. pp. ix-xiii, and Kirchengeschichtl. Ab-
handlungen, ii. [Paderborn, 1899], pp. 347-359).
Three other spurious letters of Ignatius may be
passed over quickly — one supposed to be addressed
to the Blessed Virgin Mary, Avith the Virgin's
reply, and two addressed to the Apostle John.
The oldest witness to these three Latin letters
is Denis of Chartreux (t 1471); the oldest MS of
them dates from the 12th century. These Epistles
are usually regarded as forgeries of Latin prove-
nance and of the Middle Ages.
In 1845, Cureton published Eph., Magn., and
Bom. in a Syriac version, which comprises the three
authentic Epistles in an abridged form. Cureton
put forward the hypothesis that the Syriac text
represents all tliat is authentically Ignatian, and
that consequently Trail., Philacl., Polyc, and
Smyrn. are spurious compositions. This theory
was accepted for some time by quite a number of
critics, but it has now been abandoned : the three
Syriac letters are nothing more nor less than an
abridgment of the three Greek Epistles. (These
apocryphal texts may be found in the editions of
Zahn, Lightfoot, and Funk.)
We may now turn our undivided attention to
the Greek collection of the seven authentic letters.
The authenticity of these Epistles was for long
a matter of keen controversy. At first only the
Latin collection comprising the Epistles to the
Apostle John and the Virgin Mary, or the three
apocryphal letters published in Paris in 1495, were
known. Three years later (1498) Leffevre d'Etaples
published in Latin the collection comprising the
thirteen spurious or interpolated letters, the Greek
text of which Avas printed at Dillingen in 1557.
This collection was speedily recognized to be un-
authentic, but, though the Magdeburg Centuri-
ators repudiated the thirteen letters en bloc, Bar-
onius and Bellarmin defended them en hloc. The
Protestant Scultetus, in his Mechdlae theologiae
patrum syntagma (Neustadt, 1609) was of opinion
that only the seven letters attested by Eusebius
were authentic. In 1646 Vossius published the
authentic Greek text of six of the seven letters,
the Greek text of the seventh — the Letter to the
Romans — being published by Ruinart in 1689.
But it was a long time before the authenticity of
these seven letters was generally accepted. It
would be useless to retrace the historj^ of this pain-
ful controversy with its tedious conllict of confes-
sional (Saumaise, Blondel, Daill6)or pseudo-critical
(Baur, Hilgenfeld, Lipsius) prejudices, which was
finally terminated by Zahn's Ignatius von Anti-
ochien (Gotha, 1873) and F. X. Ynnk's Die Echtheit
der ignatianischen Briefe (Tubingen, 1883). E.
Bruston's objections and conjectures (/g'nace d'An-
tioche) were never taken seriously, nor were those
of D. Volter (Die ignatianischen Briefe, Tubingen,
1892). See, however, M. Rackl, Christologie des
heiligen Ignatius von Antiochien, Freiburg i. B.,
1914, pp. 11-86.
A reply to the difficulties raised by the opponents
of the authenticity of the letters will be found in
J. Reville's Les Origines de V episcopal (pp. 442-81)
and in E. Hennecke's Handbuch zu den neatest.
ApoTcryphen(^\iMm.%&i\, 1904, p. 191 f.). Difficulties
naturally exist, writes R. Knopf, but they are not
to be weighed against ' the uninventible form of
these writings, the originality of the man which
seems to speak forth from the pulsing lines, and the
wealth of personal references which entwine the
letters ' (Das nachapostolische Zeitalter, Tiibingen,
1905, p. 37 ; cf. O. Stahlin, Christl. griech. Litt.,
Munich, 1914, p. 975).
The seven Epistles of Ignatius are attested, as
we have said, first by the Epistle of Polycarp, and
then, at the beginning of the 4th cent., by Eusebius.
Between these two witnesses we may insert
Irenjeus (adv. Haer. V. xxviii. 4), who does not
name Ignatius but cites his Letter to the Romans :
' Quemadmodum quidam de nostris dixit, propter
martyrium in Deum adiudicatus ad bestias,
" quoniam frumentum sum Christi et per dentes
bestiarum molor ut mundus panis inveniar."'
Harnack thinks that Clement of Alexandria is so
closely dependent on Ignatius that he must have
read him (cf. Pacdag. I. vi. 38, II. viii. 63, Excerpt.
Theod. 74 with Trail, viii. 1, Eph. xvii. 1, xix. 2) ;
so also Origen (de Oral. 20 = Pom. iii. 3 ; Hoin. vi.
in Luc. = Eph. xix. 1; in Cant. Cantic. prolog. =
Bom. vii. 2). Harnack ignores all doubtful wit-
nesses like Melito, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Ter-
tullian, the Lyons Martyrs, and the Acts of St.
Perpetua. We shall pass over all attestations later
than Eusebius (see Harnack, Die Ueberlieferung der
altchristl. Litteratur, Leipzig, 1893, pp. 79-86).
The question whether Lucian the satirist, in lines 169-170 of
his de Morte Peregrini, was thinking of Ignatius or even had
direct knowledge of his letters is a point on which one hesitates
to decide. Funk (Pair, apostol. i. pp. Ix-lxi) and Reville
{Origines de I'&piscopat, Paris, 1S95, p. 448 f.) incline to an affir-
mative view, while Harnack {Ueberlieferung, p. 79) remains
doubtful.
Smyrn. iii. 3-xii. 1 is preserved in the Papyrus-
kodex 10581 (5th cent.) of Berlin (see C. Schmidt
and W. Schubart, Altchristl. Texte, Berlin, 1910, pp.
3-12). The Greek text of all the authentic letters
except the Epistle to the Romans is given in the
Codex Laurentianus, Ivii. 7 (1 1th cent. ), fol. 242-252,
which was used by Vossius for the editio princeps.
The MS G. V. 14 (16th cent. ) in the Casanate Library
is a copy of the Laurentianus. The letter to the
Romans is given in the Paris gr. 1491 (10th cent.),
which was used by Ruinart. The separation of
the Letter to the Romans from the six other
authentic letters is perhaps due to the fact that the
first collection of Ignatius' letters was made in
Asia — witness what Polycarp says in his Philip-
pic(ns—a,nd thus did not contain the Epistle to the
Romans (so Harnack, Ueberlieferung, p. 76).
The Latin version published by Ussher (Oxford,
1644) was the work of Robert Grosseteste, bishop
598
IGN"ATIUS
IGNATIUS
of Lincoln (13th cent.) ; it was translated from an
excellent Greek MS now lost, and is an extremely
close rendering of the original. Ussher had at his
disposal two Latin MSS— one the lost Codex
Montacutianus and the other the existing Codex
Caiensis, 395 of Cambridge (15th cent.). Grosse-
teste's version comprises the first six authentic
letters and the MartyriuTn Colbertinum, including
the Letter to the Romans.
We also possess the seven letters in an
Armenian translation possibly dating from the
5th cent., and some fragments of a Syriac transla-
tion which formed the basis for the Armenian
rendering. Lightfoot and Harnack think that the
Syriac collection of Eph., Magn., and Rom. in an
abridged form published by Cureton is an excerpt
from this Syriac translation of the seven authentic
letters.
3. Ecclesiastical position.— (1) Church organiza-
tion. — If one had to prove that the Christianity of
the beginning of the 2nd cent, was a city-religion
one would find ample material in the letters of
Ignatius. The visible unity is the Church, and
each church bears the name of the city where it is
established : ' the church which is in Ephesus of
Asia,' 'the church which is in Magnesia on the
Maeander,' ' the holy church which is in Tralles of
Asia,' ' the church of God the Father and of Jesus
Christ which is in Philadelphia of Asia,' 'the
church of God the Father and of Jesus Christ the
Beloved . . . which is in Smyrna of Asia'— so
Ignatius styles the churches in the inscriptions of
his letters.
The Church of Antioch is called 'the church
which is in Antioch of Syria' (Philad. x. 1, Smyrn.
xi. 1), but it is also spoken of as • the church which
is in Syria' (Magn. xiv., Eph. xxi. 2, Rom. ix. 1).
Ignatius calls himself ' bishop from Syria ' (Rom.
ii. 2). This has been taken as an indication that
Ignatius was bishop not only of Antioch but of the
whole province of Syria, Syria being understood
as including several lesser churches and several
lesser bishops (K. Liibeck, Reiehseiriteilung tmd
kirchliche Hierarchie des Oriejiis, Munster,' 1901,
p. 43 ; Harnack, Mission und Aiisbreitung , Leipzig,
1902, i. 384). The text of Philad. x. 2, which
speaks of 'the churches which are nearest' (al
iyyiffTo. iKKKrialai), does not say which city they are
near; they may be churches of Asia or even of
Cilicia (H. de Genouillac, L'Eglise chrUienne au
temps de saint Ignace d'Antioche, Paris, 1907, p.
67 f . ). Even if it were proved that Syria contained
other churches than Antioch, e.g. the churches of
Aparaia or Beroea, the bishop of Antioch might
still have considered himself emphatically the
bishop of Syria, without being in any sense a
metropolitan. To speak of a metropolitan bishop
in the time of Ignatius is an anachronism.
The Christian community bearing the name of
the church of such and such a city is not a purely
mystical body, but a visible unity having frequent
assemblies. ' Let meetings (a-vvayuyai) be lield
more frequently,' Ignatius writes to Polycarp (iv.
2, 3). • Seek out all men by name. . . . Let slaves
not desire to be set free at the public cost' (d7r6
TovKOLvou iXevdepouffdai ; note the expression rb k»iv6v,
a synonym for the local church [Philad. i. 1]. If
the community can buy out slaves, it must iiave
a common purse). In the Letter to the STnyrna'ans
(vi. 2), the heretics are reproached for acting
contrary to the Spirit of God : ' Tliey have no care
for love (d7d7rr;s), none for the widow, none for the
orphan, none for the afflicted, none for tlie prisoner,
none for the hungry or thirsty.' In these words
we have a r6suin6 of the gospel of love, and an
indication of the practical assistance rendered by
every Cliristian community to those in need.
Ignatius begs Polycjarp to call together the faithful
into a sort of deliberative assembly (avfi^ovXiov) to
elect ixei-poTovrja-ai) a messenger to go to Antioch
(vii. 2 ; cf. Philad. x. 1 and S7nyrn. xi. 2). The
church assembles ^Tri rb aiirS, 'in one place': not
to come iiri rb aiirb is to show pride and to stand
self-condemned (Eph. v. 2) : to come iiri rb airS is
to cast down the powers of Satan (xiii. 1). The
faithful must give the Gentiles (i6ve(7iv) no occasion
to calumniate God's people (rb iv Oeif irX^^oj, Trail.
viii. 2) ; they must abide in concord and in common
prayer (xii. 2) ; they must flee evil arts (KaKorexvias) ;
women must be 'content with their husbands in
flesh and in spirit' (Polyc. v. 1). If a Christian
desires to abide in chastity to the honour of the
flesh of the Lord, he may do so, but on condition
that he does it without pride (v. 2 ; this is a some-
what remarkable recommendation, as it is a re-
pudiation of the Encratite conception of the Chris-
tian life). Each church has its widows, whom it has
to care for (Polyc. iv. 1 ; Smyrn. xiii. 1). Ignatius
recommends that those who marry — male or female
— should not enter into wedlock without the consent
of the bishop, for marriage should be 'after the
Lord and not after concupiscence ' (Polyc. v. 2).
Each church has a bishop at its head ; this is
true not only of Antioch, but also of Ephesus
(Eph.i. 3), Magnesia (Magn. ii.), Tralles (Tra//. i.
1), Philadelphia (P/u7ac?. i. 1), and Smyrna (5wt/rn.
xii. 1). Next to the bishop there is a irpeff^vripiov
or group of irpecT^&repoi : SO at Ephesus (Eph. iv. 1,
XX. 2), Magnesia (Magn. ii., xiii. 1), Tralles (Trail.
ii. 2, xiii. 2), Philadelphia (Philad. vii. 1), and
Smyrna (Smyrn. xii. 2). Under the presbyters,
there are deacons (Eph. ii. 1, Magn. ii., Trail, ii.
3, iii. 1, vii. 2, Philad., subscr., vii. 1, x. 1, Smyrn.
viii. 1, xii. 2).
The Epistles are a perpetual appeal to unity on
the part of the Christian community by submission
to the deacons, the presbytery, and the bishop.
Ignatius writes to the Ephesians : ' I have received
your whole multitude (iroXwX-nOlav vfiQv) in the
person of Onesimus' (Eph. i. 3). They will be
sanctified if they submit to their bishop and pres-
bytery (ii. 2), if they and their bishop have but
one thought, if their presbytery is united to the
bishop as ' its strings to a lyre ' (iv. 1). The bishop
is to be regarded as the steward, whom the pro-
prietor (olKodeffTrdTrjs} has entrusted with the manage-
ment of his house (ohovofxiav) ; and even as the
Master Himself (vi. 1). In Magn. (ii.) Ignatius
commends Zotion the Deacon for submitting ' to
the bishop as unto the grace of God and to the
presbytery as unto tlie law of Jesus Clirist.' The
presbyters, again, are subject to their bishop, how-
ever young he may be (iii. 1). The bishop is but
the visible bishop ; above him is the invisible
Bishop, God the Father, the universal Bishop
(6 TT&vTuv iTrlcTKOTrot, iii. 1, 2). The bishop presides,
and thus takes the place of God ; the presbyters
represent the council (awiSpiov) of the apostles ;
the deacons are entrusted with the diaconate of
Jesus Christ (vi. 1 : ' a service under Jesus Christ '
[Lightfoot, ii. 120]). The Magnesians are to con-
tinue in union with their revered bishop, and ' with
the fitly wreathed spiritual circlet of the presbytery,
and with the deacons who walk after God ' (xiii. 1).
The same advice is found again in Trail, (ii. 1-2,
iii. 1, xii. 2, xiii. 2), Philad. (ii. 1, iii. 2, vii. 1),
and Smyrn. (viii. 1, xii. 2).
The ecclesiology of Ignatius does not regard
union and discipline merely as a means of sancti-
fication but as the condition of Christianity. Some
call tiieir chief 'bishop,' but 'in everything act
apart from him,' and 'do not assemble themselves
togetiier lawfully according to commandment' (/^ij
/3e/3afws Kar ivToKrjv avvadpol^ecOai, Magn. iv.).
' Neither do ye anything M-ithout the bishop and
the presbyters' (vii. 1). Apart from the bishop,
IGNATIUS
IGNATIUS
599
the presbytery, and the deacons, ' there is not even
the name of a church ' (x^pis Totjruv iKKXrjala ov
KoXeirai, Trail, iii. 1). Similar declarations may
be found in Philad. (iii. 2). To the Smyrnseans
Ignatius writes (viii. 1-2) : 'Let no man do aught
of things pertaining to the Church apart from the
bishop. Let that be held a valid (^e^aia) eucharist
which is under the bishop or one to whom he shall
have committed it. Wheresoever the bishop shall
appear, there let the people (ttX^^os) be. . . . It is
not lawful apart from the bishop either to baptize
or to hold a love-feast' {dyd-m] ; i.e. 'eucharist').
The Letter to Polycarp contains a still more
striking piece of advice : ' Please the Captain in
whose army ye serve, from whom also ye will
receive your pay. Let none of you be found a
deserter' (vi. 2).
A. Michiels (L'Origine de Vipiscopat, Louvain,
1900, pp. 396-98) has tried to show that Ignatius
regards this three-grade hierarchy — ' and notably
the episcopate' — as of Divine institution. But
Ignatius does not look at the problem from this
point of view at all. He regards the Church as a
sort of extension of the gospel by the apostles : ' I
take refuge in the gospel as the flesh of Jesus and
in the Apostles as the presbytery of the Church '
{Philad. V. 1). The Church is the visible realiza-
tion of salvation : ' For as many as are of God and
of Jesus Christ, they are with the bishop ; and as
many as shall repent and enter into the unity of
the Church, these also shall be of God, that they
may be living after Jesus Christ' (iii. 2). And 'if
any man followeth one that maketh a schism
(o-X^fovrt), he doth not inherit the Kingdom of God.
If any man walketh in strange doctrine (iv dWoTpiq.
yvdjiirj irepcTrarel) he hath no fellowship with the
passion' (iii. 3). This is equivalent to saying that
union with the local church, under the authority of
the bishop, is the sine qua non for justification by
the blood of Christ, for inheriting the Kingdom of
God, and for life after Jesus Christ. Union with
the Church is thus not a matter of ecclesiastical
law or of individual choice, but one condition of
salvation. If this is the view taken by Ignatius,
how could he help believing that the visible and
hierarchical Church was instituted by the will of
God ? ' He has an intensely clear perception that
the mind of God for man's salvation has expressed
itself not in any mere doctrine but in a divinely
instituted society with a divinely authorized liier-
archy. This is the mind of God ... so clearly
that he who would . . . run in harmony with the
divine purpose must perforce have merged his
individuality in the fellowship of the Church and
submitted his wilfulness to her government'
(C. Gore, The Ministry of fh6 Christian Church-,
London, 1888-89, p. 299).
J. Reville (Les Origines de l'6piscopat, pp. 508-
519) is very firm on the authenticity of the Ignatian
letters, but sets himself the task of minimizing
the witness they bear to the three-grade hierarchy
and principally to the monarchical episcopate.
First of all he holds that this episcopate took its
rise in Asia, and that in the time of Ignatius it did
not exist or scarcely existed outside Asia ; he con-
cedes, however, that Antioch had a monarchical
episcopate. Let us say at the very beginning that
nowhere — not even in his Letter to the Romans —
does Ignatius lead us to think that the monarchical
episcopate was found only in Syria or Asia : he
even suggests that such an episcopate exists every-
where, when he says to the Ephesians : ' Even as
the bishops that are settled in the farthest parts
of the earth are in the mind of Jesus Christ' (ol
iirl(TKoiroi, ol Kara, to, -n-ipara dpicrd^vres, Eph. iii. 2 ;
for the meaning of /card ra iripara, cf. Bom. vi. 1 :
t4 iripara tov Kdafiov). Reville is wrong in saying
that ' the monarchical episcopate makes its entry
into the history of the Church at the beginning of
the 2nd cent.,' for in Ignatius' letters it is already
an established institution. And even supposing
Ignatius ' gives us his ideal rather than the ecclesi-
astic reality of his time,' this ideal is merely the
submission, union, and perfect conformity of all
to the bishop in each church ; it is not the exist-
ence of a single bishop, for that is already an
accomplished fact in each church. ' Ignatius'
testimony presents us with the monarchical episco-
pate as firmly rooted, completely beyond dispute.
. . . He speaks of the bishops as established in
the farthest parts of the earth. He knows of
no non-episcopal area' (Gore, op. cit., p. 300 f.).
Harnack's conclusions on this point are hesitating
(Entstehung tind Entwickelung der Kirchenverfass-
ung, Leipzig, 1910, pp. 60-63).
Each church has common worship. ' If the
prayer of one and another hath so great force, how
much more that of the bisliop and of the whole
Church?' {Eph. v. 2). The assembly is above all
a gathering together for prayer, ' for thanksgiving
to God and for his glory' (avv4pxfo-6oLi. els evxa-picTlav
deov Kal els 86^av, xiii. 1), prayer for all men
that they may find God (x. 1), for the other
churches (xxi. 2), or for any private individual
(xx. 1). In the assembly there is to be but one
prayer, one supplication, one mind in common
(Magn. vii. 1). 'And do ye, each and all, form
yourselves into a chorus (xop6s yiveade) that being
harmonious in concord and taking the keynote
of God (xpC^iJ^o. deov) ye may in unison (crvficpuvoi)
sing with one voice ' (^drjre iv tpufTJ ixiq., Eph. iv.
2 ; this metaphor is to be understood of the
unanimity of the Christians in each church,
but it presupposes also the use of singing in
Christian assemblies). The bishop presides at the
assembly (Smyrn. viii. 1-2) ; it is he who sits in
the chief place {irpoKadripL^vov, Magn. vi. 1).
Ignatius does not tell us the procedure for the
election of a deacon, presbyter, or bishop, but
three times over {Philad. x. 1, Sinyrn. xi. 2, Polyc.
vii. 2) the word x"po^<"'f''' is used to express
the method by which the assembly elects an am-
bassador to go to some distant church ; it is not a
far cry to suppose that the members of the hier-
archy were elected in the same way by the general
vote. But Ignatius believes that God ratifies this
choice and the one elected is the elect of God ; he
congratulates the bishop of Philadelphia on having
been invested with ' the ministry which pertaineth
to the common weal {tt^v diaKoviau ttjv els rb koiv6v),
not of himself or through men, nor yet for vain
glory, but in the love of God the Father and the
Lord Jesus Christ' {Philad. i. ; this is not an
allusion to party factions, as R6ville maintains,
but an echo of St. Paul [Gal P] and an assimilation
of the episcopate to the apostolate).
Nowhere in Ignatius' Epistles is there any
mention of Christians credited with personal
charismata, nor is there any word of local or
itinerant prophets such as we find in the apostolic
[leriod (C. H. Turner, Studies in Early Church
History, Oxford, 1912, p. 22 f.). The bishop, ac-
cording to Ignatius, has the sole right of speaking
in the name of the Spirit. As von DobschUtz says :
' It is interesting to see how in this quite Catholic-
minded bishop [Ignatius], who thinks only of the
great of the Old Testament past as prophets, there
yet speaks to the Churches of Asia Minor a
" minister of the spirit" {deo<t>6pos), living wholly in
ecstasy and revelations {Eph. xxi.. Trail, v.,
Philad. vii., Polyc. ii.)' (Dobschiitz, Christian
Life in the Primitive Church, p. 238).
Baptism is mentioned {Polyc. vi. 2) as a compact
as binding as the relation of soldier to militia.
No baptism may take place without the bishop
{Smyrn. viii. 2). The Eucharist may not be cele-
600
IGNATIUS
IGNATIUS
brated without the bishop : ' Let that be held a
valid eiicharist which is under the bishop or one
to whom he shall have committed it' (viii. 1).
The one to whom the Eucharist is committed is
someone lower than the bishop : apparently a
presbyter. To celebrate the Eucharist is called
dydirrjv iroieiv (viii. 2). Mention is made of it again
in Eph. XX. 2 : ' . . . that ye may obey the bishop
and the presbytery without distraction of mind ;
breaking one bread (^va dprov KXwvres), which is
the medicine of immortality (<f>dp/jLaKov ddavaa-ias)
and the antidote that we should not die but live
for ever in Jesus Christ.'
In the Letter to the PhUadelphians, again, we
find : ' Be careful therefore to observe one euchar-
ist (for there is one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ
and one cup unto union in His blood . . . )' (iv.).
The text of Smyrn. vi. 2-vii. 1 is less clear : the
heretics 'abstain from eucharist (thanksgiving)
and prayer, because they allow not that the
eucharist is the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ.
. . . They therefore that gainsay the good gift of
God [Supeq. Tov deov) perish by their questionings.'
By Swpea TOV 6eov Ignatius means the Incarnation ;
'the "gift of God" is the redemption of man
through the incarnation and death of Christ'
(Lightfoot, ii. 307). To talk of the Eucharist
being ' the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ' is a
very direct expression of eucharistic realism, but
it may have a secondary meaning and be used as
a metaphor to designate the presence of Christ in
the Church (C. Gore, The Body of Christ, London,
1901, p. 292 f.). The ministry of the deacons
stands in close relation with the celebration of the
Eucharist. They are ' deacons of the mysteries of
Jesus Christ ' ; they are not ' deacons of meats
and drinks but servants of the Church of God'
{Trail, ii. 3). didKovoi M-varriplujv 'Irjaov XpiffTov
might be taken to refer to the eucharistic liturgy,
but this interpretation is extremely conjectural,
and ' mystery ' probably means ' faith ' (cf. Bom.
vii. 3, where the terms dpTos and ir6fia, adp^ and
at/ia refer to Christ in heaven).
(2) The false teachers. — The unity in each
church is contrasted with the divisions among
heretics. Onesimus, bishop of Ephesus, praises
his flock for their orderly conduct (iv deep evra^iav],
for ' living according to truth,' and letting no
heresy ' have a home among them ' (ovSe/iia a'ipidis
KaroLKe2, Eph. vi. 2). Ignatius, too, congratulates
the Ephesians on the fact that there has never
been any dispute among them {(ii]defj.la ^pis), and
that they have always 'lived after God' (viii. 1).
But there are false teachers, men who bear the
Christian name and yet act in a manner unworthy
of God. These men are to be ' shunned as wild-
beasts ; for they are mad dogs, biting by stealth '
(vii. 1). Ignatius praises the Ephesians for not
allowing them to sow bad seed among them and
for stopping their ears so as not to hear them
(ix. 1). Woe to him who 'through evil doctrine
corrupts the faith of God,' for he 'shall go into
unquenchable fire ; and in like manner also shall
he that hearkeneth unto him ' (xvi. 2).
In his Letter to the Magnesians Ignatius gives
some more dehnite characteristics of these false
teachers. He seems to make a distinction between
(1) €Tepo5o^iai and (2) /jivdeiJuaTa iraXaia dvoxpeXrj
(Magn. viii. 1). But this antithesis is probably
purely verbal, fivdeij/xara being the equivalent of
irepodo^iai, and both terms recalling 1 Ti 1* 4^,
Tit 1'^ So dvw<p€\r)s is probably an echo of Tit 3"
and iraXaid possibly of 1 Co 5', Ignatius thus mak-
ing use of St. Paul's language to designate the
errors of his time. In the same Epistle Ignatius
adds : ' For if even unto this day we live after the
manner of Judaism, we avow that we have not
received grace' — an expression which might be
taken as meaning that the /j-vdevfiara are Judaistic
errors, but this would be an abuse of the term
iov5al'(T/j.6s, which is also taken from St. Paul (Gal
1'^), and is diverted from its proper sense to signify
here life without the grace of redemption. The
Magnesians are to live ' after Christ ' and not ap-
])eal to the 'prophets' as an excuse for living
otherwise, for even the holy prophets lived ' after
Christ' (viii. 2). They must no longer craPliaTi^eip
(i.e. live as a Jew — without grace, ix. 1), but learn
to live ' as beseemeth Christianity' (/card xP'O'^ai'-
ia-fJL6i> ; the first example of the use of xP'<''7''ai'-
la/uids), knowing that ' whoso is called by another
name besides this, is not of God ' (x. 1). They are
to reject the old leaven (^vfx-qv ttjv iraKai.ujdeiaav),
and betake themselves to the new, which is Jesus
Christ (x. 2). It is absurd to pronounce the name
of Christ and practise Judaism (iovdati'eiv), for
' Cliristianity did not believe in Judaism, but
Judaism in Christianity' (x. 3). Ignatius con-
cludes his argument by saying : ' I would have
you be on your guard betimes, that ye fall not
into the snares of vain doctrine (K-evodo^ia) ; but be
ye fully persuaded concerning the birth and the
passion and the resurrection' (xi.). The homo-
geneity of this exposition suggests that the false
teaching Ignatius has in mind is Docetism, and
that it is the Docetists that he accuses of ' juda-
izing,' not that there was a party of Docetists on
one side and a party of Judaizers on the other.
In his Epistle to the Trallians, Ignatius returns
to the same subject : ' Take only Christian food
{tV xP'O'T'tt*'^ '''po(pv)) a,nd abstain from strange
herbage, which is heresy' (vi. 1). 'Not indeed
that I have known of any such thing [as heresy]
among you ' (viii. 1). Jesus Christ is a descendant
of David and the son of Mary ; He was born, ate
and drank, suflered, died on the Cross, and was
truly (d\7]6u>s) raised from the dead (ix. 1-2). The
heretics Ignatius has in view deny the reality of
the humanity of Christ (Xiyovcnv t6 5oK€iy ireirovdivai
avTSu, X.), and herein lies their error — Docetism.
' Shun ye therefore those vile ofishoots that gender
a deadly fruit, whereof if a man taste, forthwith
hedieth' (xi. 1).
In Phil. ii. 1 we find similar advice with regard
to the KaKodLdacTKaXlas, ' those noxious herbs, which
are not the husbandry of Jesus Christ' (iii. 1). If
anj'one interprets the prophets in the sense of
Judaism (idv rts lovdal'afiov ip/j.rji'eijTi iifuv), the Phila-
delphians are not to listen ; ' for it is better to
hear Christianity from a man who is circumcised
than Judaism from one uncircumcised ' (vi. 1).
The Docetists whom Ignatius accuses of 'juda-
izing ' are uncircumcised — apparently Greeks.
Again in Smyrn. ii., Ignatius repeats that Christ
suttered really (dXijdios liradev), really rose again
(dXT]du3s dv^tTTTjaev eavrdv), and did not sufl"er only in
appearance (rb doKeiv Trewovdivat) ' as certain un-
believers say ' (here the reference is apparently to
the same Docetists as are described in Trail.). If
it was only in semblance (rb doKeiv) that Christ
lived His life on earth, then it is only in semblance
that Ignatius is in chains (KdyCo rb 8oKeTt> diSefiai,
iv. 2) ; but Christ's Passion was as real as Ignatius',
and what profit is it to him if men praise him and
blaspheme the Lord, not confessing that He was a
bearer of flesh ? (v. 2). Here we have an indication
that Docetists were to be found in Smyrna and
that they were anxious to deal kindly with the
captive Ignatius, but he would have none of them.
The names of these men are the names of infidels
(oi/d/Mara dincTa), which he will not even write.
' Far be it from me even to remember them, until
they repent and return to the i)assion ' (v. 3), i.e.
to faith in the reality of the Passion of Christ.
Note that the Docetists he denounces had not
penetrated to Ephesus, they had met with no sue-
ig:n^atius
IGi^ATIUS
601
cess in Tralles, and Ignatius puts the Srayrnseans
on their guard against these ' wild beasts in liuman
form ' {dirb tQv drfploiv tCiv dvOpuTronopcpuv). Tlie
Smymseans are not to -welcome tliem (wapa8exe(r6aL),
nor even to meet them {ffwavrdv), but to pray for
their conversion, however difficult such conversion
may be (iv. 1). ' I have learned,' he writes to the
Ephesians (ix. 1), 'that certain persons passed
through you from yonder' (iKeWev : here again, as
in Smyrn., he mentions no names. The heretics
may possibly have come from Smyrna, and, in any
case, they infest Asia and are an equal peril to the
Philippians. There is nothing to prove that Ignatius
did not become acquainted with them in Antioch).
In the Letter to the Romans, no heretics are
mentioned.
The heretics denounced hj Ignatius in Asia,
and perhaps more definitely in Smyrna, are not
Judaizers in the proper sense of the word, for thej'
only ' judaize' to the extent of denying the flesh
of Christ and the redemptive power of His Passion.
They are at war with the hierarchy, are dissenters
from the Church, and seem to have separated them-
selves voluntarily. Ignatius speaks of them as
'outside the sanctuary' (^/crds 6v(Tiaa'TTjplov), i.e.
' without the bishop and presbytery and deacons '
{Trail, vii. 2). Wheresoever the bishop is, there
the people should be, 'even as where Jesus may
be, there is the universal Church' (iKei i] KadoXiKi]
iKK\-qaia, Smyrn. viii. 2). Here we have for the
first time in history the terra KadoKiK-fi iKK\ri<jia in
the sense of ' universal Church,' the universality
of the Church throughout the world being con-
trasted with the local churches where each has its
own bishop (Lightfoot, pp. 310-312 ; cf. Smyrn. i.
2 : iv evi (rwyuari t^s €KK\T]aLas). The epithet KaOo-
XiK-q is used in a geographical sense, and not yet
in its ecclesiastical sense, where 'catholic' is con-
trasted with ' heretical ' (cf . 1 Clem. lix. 2 and
Dldache, ix. 4).
4. Sources of Ignatius' teaching. — Among the
sources of Ignatius' teaching, first place must be
given to St. Paul. In his letters Ignatius never
fails to do special honour to the churches he
addresses if they have received a letter from St.
Paul, e.g. the Ephesians (Eph. viii. 1, xii. 2) and
the Romans {Rom. iv. 3). In all his letters we
find reminiscences of the Pauline Epistles, esp.
1 and 2 Cor., Rom., Gal., Phil., 1 and 2 Thess.,
PhUem., Eph., Col., 1 and 2 Tim., and Titus (see
E. von der Goltz, Ignatms von Antiochien als
Christ unci Theologe [ = TS xii. 3, Leipzig, 1894], pp.
178-194, who gives parallel texts of Ignatius and
St. Paul). We might add 1 Pet. {ib. p. 194 f.),
but the dependence of Ignatius on Heb. and James
is not evident.
According to von der Goltz, Ignatius did not
know the Fourth Gospel, although his letters are
full of Johannine thoughts, but merely partici-
pated in the Johannine Gedankenwelt, without
actually reading the Gospel. It is more probable,
however, that Ignatius used the Fourth Gospel,
without quoting it. It is a very curious fact that
in his Letter to the Ephesians Ignatius makes not
the slightest allusion to the Apostle John. Ignatius
certainly knew the Synoptic tradition, for there
are clear traces of his dependence on Matthew,
although we have no sign of dependence on Mark,
and only one doubtful allusion to Luke.
Ignatius makes frequent appeal to what he calls
evayyiXiov, to the apostles, <and to the prophets :
' taking refuge in the Gospel as the flesh of Jesus
and in the Apostles as the presbytery of the
Church. Yea, and we love the prophets also'
{Philad. V. 1 f. ). The prophets are the OT {Srnyrn.
V. 1) ; the Gospel gives us authentic knowledge of
Jesus Christ {xpi-<^To/j.adiav, Philad. viii. 2). In this
connexion Ignatius writes : ' For I heard certain
persons saying. If I find it not in the charters
{dpxeia), I believe it not in the Gospel. And when
I said to them, It is written {yiypa-n-Tai), they
answered me. That is the question {Trpdfceirai) ' (no
doubt a reference to the Docetists). The gospel
is a written document about which there is much
controversy. Further on Ignatius describes the
contents of the gospel, i.e. the Incarnation or
■Kapovfflav ToD aurripos, the Passion and the Resur-
rection (ix. 2). The gospel is a fulfilment of OT
prophecy {ib.). The Lord and the apostles are
nearly always mentioned together : ' Do your dili-
gence therefore that ye be confirmed in the ordi-
nances {56yfj.aTa) of the Lord and of the Apostles'
{Magn. xiii. 1), and Jiilicher was right in saying
that the words of Serapion (bishop of Antioch, c.
A.D. 200), ' We receive Peter and all the other
apostles as Christ' (Euseb. HE VI. xii. 3), might
have been pronounced a century earlier {Einleitung
in das NT^- \ Tiibingen, 1906, p. 430). Yet in the
time of Ignatius the canon of the NT was not ' a
purely ideal canon,' as Jiilicher thinks, and when
Ignatius speaks of yeypa-n-TaL and dpxe^o- he is think-
ing of authentic documents, which have been
accepted by the Church. There is no doubt, how-
ever, that Ignatius accepts elements foreign to our
ecclesiastical canon, as e.g. the words of the Risen
Christ : ' I am not a demon without body ' {dai/xdviov
dcr6p.a.Tov, Smyrn. iii. 2), which may have origin-
ated in the Kvpvy)j.a Uirpoo, in the Gospel of the
Hebrews, or in a gloss on Lk 24^. Another
foreign element is the description of the wonderful
Nativity star {Eph. xix. 2), which is probably a
gloss on Mt 2- and an echo of Nu 24".
5. Ignatius' theology, christology, and pneu-
matology. — The doctrine of Ignatius as s1io^\ti in
his vocabulary and ideas gives no hint of Hellenic
culture. God is One ; but the philosophic implica-
tions of this statement are not to be sought for. God
manifested Himself through Jesus Christ His Son
and Word {eh Oeds ianv, 6 cpavepdocras eavrbv 5ia 'Irjaou
X.picrTod Tov viov avTOu, 6's ecrriv avroO Xdyos UTrd criyrjs
irpoeXOdiv, 5s Kara, Travra evripiaTTjaev ri^ ireiJApavTL avrbv,
Magn. viii. 2). Jesus Christ pre-existed in God ;
He was with the Father before the worlds and
appeared at the end of time ( . . . 'lri<Tov XpicrToO,
ds TTpb aldivuv, irapd irarpl rjv Kal iv riXet i<pdvr], vi. 1),
ChristisOne : ' He came forth from One Father and is
with One and departed unto One ' {^va'lTjaovv Xpi^rbv
TOV d<f> ivos iraTpbs irpoeXdovTo. Kal els iva ovra Kal
XwpVaira, vii. 2 [the last phrase is an allusion to
the Ascension]). Christ was in God before time,
invisible, impalpable, impassible, and it was for
us He became visible and passible {Polyc. iii. 2).
Christ is the Word coming forth from the silence
of God, i.e. He is revealed to the world by the
Incarnation (there is no reference to the part the
Word had in the Creation) ; He comes forth from
the Father to reveal Himself (no reference to the
eternal generation of the Word — in fact, Christ is
in God dyivvrp-os as He is d-n-adris, Eph. vii. 2). See
J. Tixeront, Histoire des dogmes, i. [Paris, 1905],
p. 136.
Ignatius' christology is presented as a refutation
of Docetism, which regards Christ as a pneumatic
being, and special stress is therefore laid on the
real humanity and the bodily and passible being
of Christ. Christ was conceived in the womb of
Mary {iKvocpoprjdr] xiirb Mapias), He is of the seed of
David and of the Holy Ghost {iK (nrepixaro^ /ikv Aavld,
irveu/jLaros Si dyiov) ; He was born and was baptized
{Eph. xviii. 2). He was really born of a virgin
{yeyevv7}iiivov dXrjdCis iK irapdivov, Smyrn. i, 1). 'He
was the son of Mary, who was truly bom and ate
and drank, was truly persecuted under Pontius
Pilate, was truly crucified and died . . . ; who more-
over was truly raised from the dead' {Trail, ix. 1,
2) ; ' truly nailed up in the flesh for our sakes under
602
IGJS'ATIUS
IGNATIUS
Pontius Pilate and Herod the tetrarch ' (Smyr^i. i.
2) ; ' He was in the flesh even after the resurrection ;
and w'lien he came to Peter and his company (toi>s
irepl U^Tpov) . . . they touched him, and tliey be-
lieved ' (iii. 2).
Ignatius teaches the corporeity of Christ with
such insistence because Christ is by nature irvedfia
(Harnack, Dogmengeschichte*, Tiibingen, 1905, i.
213 ; W. Sanday, Christologies Ancient and Modern,
Oxford, 1910, p. 10). Christ is ' of flesh and of spirit,
generate and ingenerate, God in man, true Life(/.e.
God) in death (in a mortal body), son of Mary and
Son of God, first passible and then impassible ' (crap-
KiKbs Kal TTuev/iaTiKds, yevvrirbs koI a.yivvi)TOi, iv avOpdnn^
Ofos, iv davdrci) fwr; aXrjdivy, Kal iK Mapi'as Kal iK deov,
TTpCiTov iradTjTos Kal t6t€ atrad-qs, Eph. vii. 2 ; cf. Polyc.
iii. 2). Ignatius thus posits in Christ the dualism
of crap^ and iruedfj.a : through the (rdpl Christ is
generate, born of Mary, passible and mortal ;
through the irvevfjLa He is ingenerate (i.e. without
beginning). He is life, He is impassible, He is God ;
in a word, Christ is God come in the flesh (iv crap/ct
yevdfievos deds).
The interpretation that Christ in the flesh be-
came God has the context against it, for Christ did
not become dyiwriTos, nor iK deov : He realizes at
one and the same time the two antinomial series
of predicates. Through the irvevp-a wiiich is iv crapKl,
Christ is one with the father : He is TrvevixaTLKGis
7]v(:j/jLivos T(p irarpl (Smyrn. iii. 3), and yet after the
flesh He is subordinate to the Father ({viroTayel's'] rui
irarpl Kara ffdpKa, Magn. xiii. 2) and has pleased
God who sent Him (e{)y)piaTr)ffev t(^ irinxpavri avrdv,
viii. 2). It is very difficult (in spite of Harnack
[Dogmengesch.* i. 21G]) not to recognize in these
statements of Ignatius all the presuppositions of
the doctrine of the two natures ; in any case,
adoptianism is excluded.
Tlie union of man and God in Christ is nowhere
defined by Ignatius, but one passage may be taken
to have this meaning: 'If,' says Ignatius to the
Ephesians (v. 1), ' I in a short time had such con-
verse (ToiavT7]v crvvrideiav) with your bishop, which
was not after the manner of men but in tlie Spirit,
how much more do I congratulate you who are
closely joined with him (iyKeKpafiivovs) as the Church
is with Christ Jesus and as Jesus Christ is with the
Father, that all things may be harmonious in unity '
('iva irdvra iv evorijTi (rv/j,4>wva fj). Here we have the
union of Christ with the Father compared to the
union of the Church -with Christ, and the union of
the believers with the bishop. The two terms
o-vviqdeLa and iyKpa(ns are not equivalent, the second
being metaphorical, and only the first counting.
But it would be rather risky, especially when
dealing with Ignatius, to base a whole logical
theory on a single word.
Christ is called ^eo's, although He is distinct from
the Father. Ignatius speaks, e.g., of 'the will of
the Father and of Jesus Christ our God' (iv 0e\ri-
fjLari rod warpbi Kal 'IrjcroO ^piffrou toD deov i]i^u>v, Eph.
inscr.). Even in His Incarnation Jesus is called
Oeos : 6 ^e6s i7ai<2»' 'iTja-oOi 6 Xpiffrbs iKvo(pop-^0T) vvb
Mapias Kar oUovop-iav 6eov (Eph. xviii. 2 ; cf. jiom.
inscr. and iii. 3). Von der Goltz is quite ju.stified
in saying that Ignatius distinguishes between
Christ and the Fatlier in so far as He is a person,
pre-existent, historical, or exalted ; all modalism is
excluded, and only subordination remains possible.
In the opinion of the present writer Ignatius regards
Jesus Christ as God in His own person. Von der
Goltz supposes that for Ignatius, Jesus Christ is
God in relation to us, but Ignatius liimself excludes
relativism. In Eph. xv. 3 he writes: 'Nothing
is hidden from the Lord, but even our secrets are
nigh unto Him. Let us therefore do all tilings as
knowing that He dwelleth in us, to the end that
we may be His temples and He Himself may be in
us as bur God. This is so, . . .' ('iva Si/xev airov vaoi
Kal avTos iv y^plv 9e6s' birep Kal icxTiv). Christ is our
Godnotonly in .so far as He lives in us, but absolutely
(Hirep Kal icmv). The expression debs i]/xu>v does not
give God a purely subjective value. Again, Jesus
Christ is not only our God or God for us, He is very
God : ' I give glory to Jesus Christ the God who
bestowed such wisdom upon you ' (So^d^ia 'lyiaovv
Xpicrrbv rbv debv rbv oiiruis ii/uids ao<piaavTa, Smyrn. i.
1) ; cf. Trail, vii. 1 and Smyrn. x. 1, where the
designation 0e6s is given to Clirist absolutely. We
shall omit Smyrn. vi. 1, where a gloss has been
inserted in the text.
The work of Christ consisted in giving man a
knowledge of God. Jesus Christ is the \6yos of
God, come forth from the silence of God (Magn.
viii. 2). He is the mouth which lieth not, and in
which the Father hath spoken truly (rb dxf/evbis
(TTofia iv (^ 6 irarrip iXdXijcrev dXijdQs, Mom. viii. 2).
He is the knowledge of God : ' wherefore do we
not all walk prudentlj', receiving tlie knowledge
of God, which is Jesus Christ' (Xa^ovres Oeovyvuicnv,
5 ia-Tiv'Ir]cTovs Xpiards, Eph. xvii. 2; cf. iii, 2). The
teaching of Christ is a doctrine of incorruptibility
(diSaxv d<pdap<Tias, Magn. vi. 2). The iucorrupti-
laility is not the fruit of the 8i8ax'^ but the fruit of
the Death and Resurrection of Christ. The Cross,
' which is a stumbling-block to them that are un-
believers, is to us salvation and life eternal ' (c7w-
rrjpia Kal ^urj aldsuios, Eph. xviii. 1). God became
manifest in the flesh to prove the newness of im-
perishable life, and the destruction of death (Kaiv6-
T7)Ta d'Cdiov ^ojrjs . . . davdrov KardXvatv, xix. 3).
The Passion of Christ and His blood shed for us
are an earnest of this renewal of humanity ; it is
what Ignatius calls olKovo/j.ias eis rbv Kaivbv dvOpwirov
'iTjaovv Xpicyrdv, iv ry avroO irliTTei Kal iv tj avrov dydiry,
iv irddei avTou Kal dvaarda-ei (xx. 1). Ignatius gives
no explanation of this mystery — either of the
virtue of Christ's Passion or of the manner in
which this virtue is communicated to the believing.
But he lays great stress on the Passion of Christ
and on the d^dapaia it procures — an insistence
which is explained when we remember not only that
he was refuting Docetism but also that tliis tenet of
Pauline tiieology was for him one of fundamental
importance.
That the Spirit stands in opposition to the flesh
we have already gathered from many examples.
This was a familiar article of faith to Ignatius :
the flesh is man, the Spirit is a princijile which
comes from God and acts in man (rb irvev/xa . . .
dwb 6eov 6v) searching out his closest secrets (Philad.
vii. 1). The prophets were the disciples of the
Spirit (Magn. ix. 2). The Spirit inspires the
spiritual man, and Ignatius is conscious of being
so inspired: 'It was the preaching of the Spirit
who spoke on this wise' [by my mouth] (rb irvev/xa
iKTipva-crev Xiyov rdde, Philad. vii. 2). On this point
Swete shrewdly observes : ' It is interesting to
observe that Ignatius can combine a claim to pro-
phetic inspiration with a passionate zeal for a
regular and fully organized ministry' (The Holy
Sjiirit in the Ancient Church, London, 1912, p. 14).
The believers are the ' building of God the
Fatlier' (olKodofiTiv OeoO irarpSs), ' lioisted up to tlie
heiglits through the engine of Jesus Christ {/xrjxavrjs
'Trjaou XptcTTov), which is the Cross, and using lor a
rope the Holy Spirit' (a-xoivlip xpi^M^^o' Ti^ irvevixarL
rip dyl(i), Eph. ix. 1). Ignatius adjures the Mag-
nesians to remain united in flesh and spirit (crapKl
Kai TTveiiiaTi.), hy faith and love, in the Son, the
Father, and the Spirit (iv vli} Kal irarpl Kal iv irvev-
fiari, Magn. xiii. 1). The Spirit is named along
with the Logos (iv i/j.(Jbficp wverj/jLari Kal X6y(p deov,
Smyrn. inscr.). The apostles were obedient np
Xpicrrip Kal rip irarpl Kal ru irveufxan (Magn. xiii. 2 ;
it is difficult not to regard this as an example of
iGiS'ATlUb
ig:n'atiu6
603
the trinitarian baptismal formula [Harnack, Dug-
mengesch.'^ i. 175]).
The Fathei" is plenitude [ir\T]pwfj.a, Eph. inscr. ).
The Son is the Logos of God [Magn. viii. 2), the
thought of God [yvu/j.^ deov, Eph. iii. 2), and the
knowledge of God {yuQcns deov, xvii. 2). The Spirit
is the x'^P'-'^P-'^ of Christ [rb xttp'C^a 8 ireTro/J.(p€v
dXrjduis 6 KvpLos, lb.), and in this sense the Spirit is
the Spirit of Jesus Christ {Fhilad. inscr.), althougli
one cannot identify Christ and the Holy Spirit in
any way, as Harnack would have us do (Dogmen-
gesch.* i. 214), basing his argument on Magn. xv.,
■where aSiaKpirov irvevixa is a synonym of 6/j.6voia and
not of dyLov irvevixa. The Word and the Spirit are
not known except by their missions in time.
Christianity, in opposition to Judaism, is the
life of Christ in us ('ItjctoDs Xpio-rij rb d\ridtvbv rjfiQv
^rju, Smyrn. iv. 1 ; cf. Eph. iii. 2, xi. 1, Magn. i. 2,
ix. 2), which is manifested through faith and love
(Eph. xiv. 1 ; cf. Smyrn. vi. 1, Philad. ix. 2). This
life is the fruit of the Spirit ; it is the Spirit in
contrast with the flesh. ' The capKiKoi cannot do
TO. TTvevfiaTLKd, neither can the vvev/xaTiKoi do rd
ffapKiKa' {Eph. viii. 2), and Ignatius even goes the
length of saying, ' No man professing faith sinnetli '
[ovoels Tviariv iirayyeWo/ievoi a/xaprdvei, Eph. xiv. 2).
As Christ is joined to the Father so the Church
is joined to Christ (Eph. v. 1), for Christ is in every
believer ( XV. 3). He 'breathes incorruption upon
the Church' (xvii. 1). He is the High Priest to
whom is committed the lioly of holies ; to Him
alone the secrets of God are conlided. He is the
door of the Father through whicli Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob, the Prophets, the Apostles, and the
Church enter in (Philad. i. 9).
Tlietime of the end is at hand ('These are the last
times,' idxo-Toi. Kaipoi, Eph. xi. 1). All those who be-
lieve in Christ will rise again (Trail, ix. 2). The
believers are members of Clirist through His Cross
and Passion, and the Head cannot exist apart from
the members, so that in the end there will be unity,
God Himself being Unity (toO deov evua-iv iirayyeX-
XoijAvov, fls i(XTiv airrbs, Trail, xi. 2). AVe find no
trace of millennarianism and no apocalyptical
imagery. The things of heaven (rk iwovpavia) are
mentioned only in the abstract (Trail, v. 2), and
with them the angelical orders (rdj ToirodeffLas, rds
dyyeXiKd^, rds avcTTdaeLS, rd^ dpxovrtKds : terms which
seem to foreshadow Gnosticism). Cf. Polyc. ii. 2:
' And as for the invisible things, pray thou that
they may be revealed unto thee ' (rd 8i dbpara atrei
'iva (701 (pavepud-j).
This short analysis of the theologoumena of
Ignatius will have shown the justice of F. Loofs'
verdict (Leitfaden zum Studium der Doginenge-
fichichte*, Halle, 1906, p. 102) that ' Johannine and
Pauline thoughts ring through the theology of
Ignatius'; but it is not correct to say that his
theology is 'a theology of Asia Minor' distinct
from ' ordinary Gentile Christianity ' (cf. Harnack,
Dogmengesch.* i. 168). It is rather the theology of
the presbyters quoted by Irenteus; his theology,
as Harnack says (op. cit. i. 241) is of the same
nature as that of Melito and Irenaeus, ' whose pre-
decessor he is ' ; it is the tutiorist theology of
tradition which afterwards triumphantly withstood
the Gnostic crisis ; it was not brought' into being
by that crisis, but must certainly have existed
prior to it although later than the monarchical
episcopate. Ignatius has no creative genius, but,
as Sanday aptlj' says, ' the striking thing about
him is the way in which he seems to anticipate
the spirit of the later theology ; the way in which
he singles out as central the points which it made
central, and the just balance and proportion
which he observes between them' {Christologies,
p. 10 f.).
What has given authority to Ignatius' letters is
his martyrdom. His letters, written in an abrupt
and nervous style, overloaded with metaphors,
incoherent, popular, and lacking every Hellenic
grace, are yet endowed with such pathetic faith
and such passionate joy in martyrdom, with such
overwhelming love of Christ, that they are one
of the finest expressions of the Christianity of the
2nd century.
6. Special points raised by the Epistle to the
Romans. — Some special questions raised by the
Letter to the Romans, whose authenticity we
assume as bej^ond question, have been reserved for
separate treatment.
Ignatius says that he has been most eager to
see the 'godly countenances' of the Christians of
Rome, and he hopes to salute them ' for wearing
bonds in Christ Jesus' (Bom. i. 1). He implores
them to do nothing to save him from martyrdom ;
he dreads their very love ; for ' it is easy for them
to do what they will' (vjuiv ydp evxepi^ icrnv, 6 O^Xere
TroiTjffai, i. 2), i.e. the Romans were in a position
to ensure Ignatius' liberation. As Harnack says
(Dogmengesch.* i. 486; cf. Lightfoot, p. 196),
' Ignatius presupposes great influence on the part
of the separate members of the community in the
higher ruling circles.' The insistence with which
Ignatius endeavours to dissuade the Romans from
any possible intervention on his behalf would seem
to indicate that the Romans had some definite plan
in hand and that he had been informed of it.
Again, in the Letter to the Romans (iii. 1) we
find : ' Ye never grudged any one ; ye were the
instructors of others (dXXouj iSiSd^aTe). And my
desire is that those lessons shall hold good which
as teachers ye enjoin ' (^70; 5k OiXu iva KdKeiva /Se/Sata
5 & fjLadTjTevovTes ivriWeade). The word fiadriTeveiv
means ' to make disciples,' as ixaBrirevea 6 ai means
' to be a disciple' (Eph. iii. 1). Thus the Romans
gave instruction, made disciples, and laid down
precepts. Ignatius is here probably thinking of
such documents as 1 Clement, where the Church
of Rome instructs other churches in their duty (so
Duchesne, Eglises siparees, Paris, 1896, p. 129 ;
Harnack, loc. cit. ; and Batiffol, Eglise naissante,
Paris, 1909, p. 170), or he may have had in mind
practical examples of martyrdom in the Church of
Rome (in Eph. i. 2 he hopes to be able to follow
the heroic example of these martp's [tVa etrnvxelv
8wr]du) /xa$T)Tr]s elvai ; cf. Magn. ix. 2, Rom. iv. 2,
V. 3]). The second interpretation perhaps suits
the context better (cf. Lightfoot, ii. 202).
In Rom. iv. 3 IgTiatius says : ' I do not enjoin
you, as Peter and Paul did. They were Apostles,
I am a convict.' The word /card/cpiros (condenmatus)
is diflicult to explain ; but it may at any rate be
taken as an expression of Ignatius' humility such
as is found in Trail, iii. 3 : ' I did not think myself
competent for this, that being a convict I should
order you as though I were an apostle' (IVa ibv Kard-
KpiTOi u)s dTT^cTToXoj xjuXv diaTdcTcrw/xai). The apostles
were, after Jesus Christ, the authorities of most
account. ' I do not command you, as though I were
somewhat' (ov diaTd<T<70/x.ai vfjuv ws &v rts), writes
Ignatius to the Ephesians (iii. 1 ; cf. 1 Co 7^^). In
the quotation from Rom, iv. 3 given above Ignatius
mentions St. Peter and St. Paul because they alone
of all the disciples had any dealings with the
Romans : ' they had been at Rome and had given
commandments to the Roman Church' (Lightfoot,
ii. 209). This allusion to St. Peter is generally
taken as evidence of the fact that St. Peter went
to Rome (cf. F. Sieflert, art. 'Petrus' in PRE^ xv.
[1904] 200; F. H. Chase, art. 'Peter (Simon)' in
EDB iii. [1900] 769).
While Ignatius is still in Asia, Christians of
Antioch go directly before him from Syria to Rome
' unto the glory of God.' Ignatius is aware of this
fact, and he writes to the Romans (x. 2) : ' they are
604
IGNATIUS
IGNATIUS
all worthy of God and of you, and it becometh you
to refresh them in all tilings.'
From this Ave may learn that there were great
facilities for communication between Antioch or
Ephesus (x. 1) and Rome. The Christians from
Sj^ria were most heartily welcomed at Rome, and
from that time onwards the Church of Rome was
known for its hospitality and generosity. In the
address of the Letter to the Romans, the Church of
Rome is saluted in most emphatic terms. If M'e
comi)are this with the addresses of the other letters
we shall find that this emphasis is part of Ignatius'
style (Polycarp, on the other hand, couches his
address to the Philippians in the simplest terms) ;
but, all the same, he salutes the Cliurch of Rome
with more empliasis than the other churches, which
shows the great consideration shown at this time
by other churches (esp, the Church of Antioch) to
the Church of Rome. As Harnack says : ' However
much one tones down the exaggerated expressions
in his Letter to the Romans, so much is clear — that
Ignatius assigns to the Roman community a posi-
tion of real superiority over the sister-communities
. . . the effusiveness of the address shows that he
values and salutes this community as the fore-
most in all Christendom' (Harnack, loc. cit.).
Three of the predicates applied to the Roman
Church by Ignatius in the address may now be
considered.
(1) The believers are diroSiv\i<T/ji4voi dirb wavrb^
dXXoTpiov xp'i'A'aTos, ' filtered,' ' pure,' ' free from all
polluting colouring matter' (cf. Lightfoot, p. 193).
As we have already noted, Ignatius does not
think there are any heretics in Rome, and here he
praises the Romans for not mixing any foreign
colouring matter \vith the purity which befits them,
as elsewhere he expresses a wish that among the
Ephesians there may be no plant of the devil (Eph.
X. 3). In the case of the Ephesians it is a mere
wish, but with the Romans it is an accomplished
fact.
(2) The Church of Rome wpoKdOriTai iv rbiri^
X(Jpl-ov"P(i}fji.alwv. The verb 7rpo/fd^7;/iat is translated
praesideo, irpoKd6i<ns sessio {in throno, in tribunali) ;
irpoKddT]Tai = ' has the chief seat, presides, takes the
precedence' (Lightfoot, ii. 190). Ignatius applies
this epithet elsewhere to the bishop and the pres-
bytery {irpoKad-qijAvov rod iirurKbirov els rbirov deov, Kal
Tuv TTpeff^vripuv els rinrov awebplov rwv dirocTTbXwv
[Magn. vi. 1] ; and again ivdidrjre ry ^Tna-Kbirtp Kal
ToTs irpoKadr)iJ.ivois els rinrov Kal didax^v d<j)dapijias
\ib. 2]). Ignatius thus attributes to the whole
Roman Church a gravity comparable with that of
the bishop and the presbytery. Zahn thinks that
iv rbwip is a bad reading, and suggests iv rOirq) :
* Ecclesia igitur Romana tamquam exemplar, ab
omnibus imitandum, hominibus imperio Romano
subditis prseest ' ( ' Ignatii et Polycarpi Epistulte,' p.
67). This correction has not been accepted by any
other critic, and indeed, if Ignatius had wanted to
say that, he would have written rather els r&irov.
Then again, irpoKdOriTai is not to be taken with
X<^pi-ov, as if Ignatius were saying that the Roman
Church presided over the Roman region and ' the
suburbicarian bishops' (Lightfoot, ii. 190) ; but it
is to be understood absolutely, and iv rbTrifi x'^P'^o"
"Pufiaioiv designates the place where the Cliurch
presides. The curious tautology iv rbiri^ x^piov must
be equivalent to iv rbirq) ^ x^P^V> ^^*^ thus signifies
the town of Rome. This interpretation of Funk's
seems more objective than Ligiitfoot's (p. 190 f.),
who prefers to give the text a 'suburbicarian'
meaning.
(3) The Church of Rome is called d^ibdeos, d(ii-
Traivos, diioeirlrevKTOs, d^iayvos Kal TrpoKaOrj/j-ivrj ttjs
dydiri^s, xP'<''7"i''o/toy, Trarpcbvv/jLos. This accumul.ition
of epithets is an example of Ignatius' emphasis ; but
the expression irpoKadrj/xivrj ttjs dydinjs does have a
more precise meaning. This time TrpoKaOrnuLivt] is not
to be taken absolutely but construed along with
dydTr7]s : the Roman Church presides over love.
Lightfoot (p. 192) takes the meaning to be : ' the
Church of Rome, as it is first in rank, is first also in
love,' but it is doubtful if dydvrjs has this causative
sense of dydirrj or iv dydwrj. The Latin version of
the interpolated Letters of Ignatius translates the
words ' fundatur in dilectione et lege Christi,'
but the verb irpoKddrifiai has not this meaning in
Ignatius. Harnack's interpretation ' procuratrix
fraterni amoris ' is not exact either. The verb
irpoKdd-rjfjLai with the genitive implies presidency
over a city or a region : iKetvos roiyapouv 6 vipicrros Kal
p-iyiaros Zet^s, 6 irpoKadrjixevos T7)s \a/xirpoTdTrjs vfj,Qv
wdXeus writes the Emperor Maxiinin Daia in a letter
to the people of Tyre (Euseb. HE IX. vii. 7). Funk
(Pair, apost. i. 253) quotes from Theodoret the
expression applied to Rome : rfjs olKov/xivrjs irpoKa-
driixivq ; and from John Malalas that apjilied to
Antioch : irpoKa6r)p.ivriv ttjs dvaToKTjs. We may com-
pare also Philostorgius representing Constantine
irpoKadT]fxivov tQv iTTLcrKbiruv {HE vii. 6 [ed. Bidez,
1913, p. 85]). Thus the word dydtrri must be a meta-
phorical word for some collectivity, which cannot
be the Church of Rome, because here the Church
of Rome is the subject of which irpoKaO-ripAvT) is the
epithet. It would be very extraordinary if dydirtj
meant the Christian communities near Rome, or
even the Christian communities of Italy, for that
would be limiting arbitrarily the meaning of the
word dydiri). We are left then with the explana-
tion that dydirt) is that in which the distant churches
like Antioch and Ephesus are united to the Church
of Rome. Ignatius Avrites to the Trallians (xiii. 1) :
dcnrd^erai. v/j.ds i] dyaTTT} "Zfiupvaluv Kal 'E^eaiwv ; and
to the Romans (ix. 3) : dcnrd^erai vfids . . . r) dydir-q tQjv
iKKXrjffiuv tQv Se^ap-eviov fie (cf. Philad. xi. 2 and
Smyrn. xii. 1 : dcwd^eTai v/xas 7} dydirr] tQv dbeXcpQv
Twv iv Tpuidbi). Just as the collectivity of the
believers of one church is designated by the
expression dydirrj ruv d8e\<pCov, and two or three
churches are designated by the phrase dydirr] tQv
iKK\r]cnwv, so it is natural that irpoKadr}fj.ivi} t^j
dydirr]s should mean irpoKadrjfiivrj ttjs dydirrjs rwv
iKKXrjffiQv, ' president of the love or collectivity
of the churches.'
The Letter to the Romans presents one difficulty
formulated by J. Wordsworth {Ministry of Grace,
London, 1901, p. 126) in these words: Ignatius
' twice speaks of himself as "Bishop of Syria "or
"of the Church of Syria" (chs. 2 and 9) : but he ia
entirely silent as to any such office in the Church
of Rome. ... If then, Clement, or any other single
Church officer, had been " Bishop of Rome," in the
sense that Ignatius was "Bishop of Syria," the
language of the latter in writing to Rome would be
almost inexplicable ' (cf. also J. Reville, Origines
de V^piscopat, p. 510). If we take the trouble to
read the Letter to the Romans carefully, we shall
find still more extraordinary facts, viz. that
Ignatius does not speak of presbyters or deacons
either, so that if the objection of Wordsworth and
Reville is valid, we should have to say that the
Church of Rome, at the time of Ignatius' Letter,
had no hierarchy, no deacons, no presbytery, no
bishop. As a matter of fact, Ignatius regarded
each church as having its unity in its totality, and
his letters are addressed to churches, to each church
as such (exc. the Epistle to Polycarp), just as the
Epistle of Clement does not bear the name of
Clement, but is addressed by ' the Church of God
which sojourneth in Rome to the Church of God
which sojourneth in Corinth.' It is very probable
that Clement was irpoKadrjfievos, although in his
time the line of demarcation between episcopate
and presbytery was still blurred. It is difficult to
say when the monarchical episcopate strictly began
IGNOEANCE
ILLYEICUM
605
in Rome, but the episcopal lists of Eome, Antioch,
Corinth, etc., must have been nothing but forgeries
if there Avas not early in the communities a
primus inter pares, at the head of the presbytery,
such as Clement was when he wrote to the Church
of Corinth (Hamack, Entstehung und Entwickel-
ung, p. 72). Thus the silence of Ignatius in his
Letter to the Romans cannot be taken as a proof
that Rome had no hierarchy at the time at which
it was written. On Ignatius and the Roman
primacy see A. Hamack, ' Das Zeugnis des Ignatius
liber das Ansehen der romischen Gemeinde,' in
SBAW, 1896, pp. 111-131 ; J. Chapman, in Bevue
B6n6dictine, 1896, pp. 385-400; Funk, Kirchen-
geschichtl. Abhandlungen, i. [Paderbom, 1897],
pp. 1-23.
Literature. — This has been cited tluroughout tlie article.
For general bibliography see O. Bardenhewer, Gesch. der
altkirchl. Litteratur, L, P^eiburg i. B., 1902, pp. 119-145,
and M. Rackl, Christologie des neiligen Ignatius, do. 1914,
pp. rv'-xxxii. The best modem critical editions are those of
T. Zahn (' Ignatii et Polycarpi Epistulae ' in Patr. apostol. opera,
ii., Leipzig, 1S76) ; F. X. Funk (in Opera patr. apostolicorum,
Tiibingen, l878flE.); J. B. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers", pt. ii.
vol. ii., London, 1889). See also A. Lelong, Ignace d'Antioche,
Paris, 1910. P. BATIFFOL.
IGNORANCE. — As the apostolic writers dealt
mostly with moral and spiritual matters, they
usually spoke of ignorance in a sense that was not
merely intellectual. Thus (Eph 4^^) the ignorance
of the Gentiles was associated with vanity of mind,
darkening of understanding, alienation from God,
and hardening of heart, in a way that linked it to
the deeper faculties of the soul. Even vov^ is the
faculty for recognizing moral good as well as in-
tellectual truth, and didvoLa includes feeling and
desiring as well as understanding. Ignorance
arose, according to the apostles, as much from the
condition of the conscience and the spirit as from
the state of the mind (cf. 2 Ti 3^). Holding this
conception, the apostles taught that ignorance
sprang either from the state of the heart or from
lack of the Christian revelation. The latter condi-
tion was much dwelt upon, for to all the apostles
the Coming of Jesus Christ was the shedding forth
of so great a light that all who had not seen that
light dwelt in darkness, while they insisted also
that light sufficient was given in the world to learn
about God, if only men had not been led away by
evil desires (Ro P"). Thus arose the ignorance of
God (Ac 17-^), the yielding to lusts (1 P l^^), the
rejection of Jesus of Nazareth (Ac 3'^), and, in St.
Paul's own experience, the persecution of the
followers of Jesus Christ (Ac 26**).
The double source of these sins of ignorance led
to God's method of dealing with them. As they
arose from evil in men, they were not left un-
punished by God (Ro 1^^) ; but, as they were done
in ignorance of the full revelation, they were
'winked at' or 'overlooked' by God (Ac 17^"), or
in the forbearance of God were passed over (Ro 3^).
This passing over {irdpe<ns) did not exclude punish-
ment, and was not equivalent to forgiveness
{&<pea-is) ; but it prepared the way for repentance
(Ac 3^^) and for the receiving of the mercy of God
in Christ Jesus (1 Ti l^^).
The densest ignorance came to those who had
heard the gospel of Christ and had persisted in
rejecting it, for on them the curse foretold by
Isaiah was abiding (Ac 28^5). Such people, what-
ever their superficial knowledge might be, were
walking in such darkness that they were content
to live in sin and to be guilty of hatred of their
brothers (1 Jn 3^ 2").
Even in the experience of those who had come
to a knowledge of Christ as Saviour and Lord
there existed much ignorance.
(1) If Christ Himself knew not the day of the
Great Appearing, it was not to be wondered at
that the times and the seasons for the coming of
God's Kingdom in glory were hid from His disciples
(Ac V). It is evident from some of the apostolic
writings (cf. 1 Thess.) that many believed that the
Great Day was to come almost immediately, and
were totally ignorant of the delay that was to ensue.
(2) Another subject of which there Avas much
ignorance Avas the state of the dead. The apostles
in their eschatology did little to dispel the dark-
ness connected Avith the present condition of the
dead. Sometimes they referred to the blessedness
of those 'Avith Christ' (Ph 1^), sometimes to their
quiescence in a state of sleep (1 Co 15-°), and some-
times to the activities carried on (1 P 4^), but the
intermediate state Avas comparatively uninterest-
ing to the Apostolic Age, as their main thought
centred in the Resurrection and the Parousia.
Even Avith regard to these great events of the
future there Avas not ahvays assured knoAvledge ;
disciples of Christ Avere not only doubtful of the
Resurrection, but even opposed to its teaching,
and St. Paul laboured to dispel their ignorance ;
Avhile many sorroAved about their brethren Avho
had passed aAvay as if they had lost the opportunity
of being present at the Parousia of Christ, not
knoAving that both those asleep and those alive
Avould then together meet the Lord in the air
(1 Th 4^5).
(3) According to the apostles, ignorance could
never be AvhoUy eliminated from Christian life,
Avhile the circle of knoAvledge must be constantly
enlarged. The apostles Avere never content to
leave even the humblest Christians in a state of
ignorance, and one indication of this desire may be
found in the phrase that recurs so often in the
Epistles of St. Paul : ' I Avould not have you to be
ignorant, brethren' (Ro V^ ll-^, 1 Co 10^ 12\ 2 Co
1**, 1 Th 4^^). But the apostles acknoAvledged that
ignorance AA'as found even in the most mature Chris-
tian experience. Thus they taught that there had
been revealed to all Christians the great end of
their life, viz. the perfecting of salvation, but they
indicated that there Avas constantly shoAvn a real
ignorance of Avhat was needed at any particular
crisis in life. Hence Christians kneAv not Avhat to
pray for as they should at particular moments (Ro
8-'^), but in this ignorance the Holy Spirit helped
Avithin the heart by unutterable groanings. Still
further, Christian experience Avas limited by its
OAvn capacity in face of the boundlessness of the
Divine attributes. The apostles proclaimed that
the love of God Avas made knoAvn pre-eminently in
the life and death of Christ, but there Avere depths
in God's love that could never be fathomed by
human knoAvledge. Christians kncAV that love,
but even at the end they had to confess their
ignorance, for it passed knowledge (Eph 3^^). The
apostles had no hesitancy in believing in a real
knowledge of God, but they declared that a com-
plete or exhaustive knowledge lay beyond even
the most mature Christian experience. The only
thorough Agnosticism spoken of by the apostles
was such as certain Corinthians Avere in danger of,
according to St. Paul, and Avas associated Avith
their low ethics, their heathen intimacies, and their
disbelief in the Resurrection. These character-
istics AA'ere liable to produce a persistent ignorance
of God (dyvioa-ia deov, 1 Co IS^-") which Avas shared
with the Avorst of the heathen and from Avhich
they could be saved only by being aroused from
the stupor of pride and sensualism.
D. Macrae Tod.
ILLUMINATED.— See Enlightenmext.
ILLTRICUM ('IXXv/ji/coj').— This Avas the name
of a Roman province bounded on the W. by the
Adriatic, and extending from Pannonia on the N.
606
IMAGE
to Macedonia on the S. Though so near to Italy,
it was for long comparatively unknown. Strabo
writing about A.D. 20 says : ' Illyria was formerly
neglected, through ignorance perhaps of its fertility ;
but it was principally avoided on account of the
savage manners of the inhabitants, and their
piratical habits' (VII. v. 11). It was subjugated
bv Tiberius in A.D. 9. When St. Paul contem-
plated a journey by Rome to Spain, he justilied
his desire for fresh fields by saying that from
Jerusalem and round unto Illyricum {Kai kvkXu
fi.^XP'' '■o'^ 'IXKvpiKov) he had fully preached the gospel
of Christ (Ro 15'9).
Meyer, Gifford, and others (in toco) explain KvicAuas the region
round Jerusalem, i.e. Judaea, Syria and Arabia. 'But in order
to bear this sense the word would require the article. The
meaning is rather that all the countries between Jerusalem and
Illyricum — Syria, Cilicia, Galatia, Asia, Macedonia, Achaia —
forming a rough arc of a circle, have been evangelized by the
Apostle.
The words * unto Illyricum ' do not necessarily
imply that he had preached within this province.
He may be indicating the exterior rather than the
interior limit. In his third journey he revisited
Macedonia, and ' having made a missionary pro-
gress through those parts ' (dieXOihv 5^ to. fj-ep-q iKeiva)
he came to Greece (Ac 20^). 'Those parts' might
include the south of Illyricum, but probably meant
no more than the west of Macedonia. Strabo
(VII. vii. 4), describing the Via Egnatia, which
began at Dyrrachium ( the modern Durazzo), notes
that it traverses a part of Illyria before it enters
Macedonia, and that ' on the left are the lUyrian
mountains.'
' St. Paul would have followed this road as far as Thessalonica,
and if pointing Westward he had asked the names of the moun-
tain region and of the peoples inhabiting it, he would have
been told that it was " Illyria." The term therefore is the one
which would naturally occur to him as fitted to express the
limits of his journey to the West ' (Sanday-Headlam, in loco).
Writing as a Roman citizen to Christians in
Rome, St. Paul avoids the ordinary Greek 'IWvpls
or 'IWvpia, and merely transliterates the Latin
provincial term Illyricum. In the second half of
the 1st cent, the name Dalmatia {q.v.), Avhich had
formerly meant the S. part of the province of
Illyricum, began to be e.-ctended to the whole.
For a time Illyricum and Dalmatia were con-
vertible terms. Pliny has both ; Suetonius marks
the change from the one to the other ; and from the
Flavian period onward the term regularly used is
Dalmatia. St. Paul, keeping pace with Roman
usages, employs the new provincial name in a part
of 2 Tim. which is generally accepted as genuine
St. Jerome and Diocletian were Illyrians. The
region now comprises Bosnia, Herzegovina, Monte-
negro, and N. Albania, and is as wild and un-
settled as ever.
•The eastern coast of the Adriatic is one of those ill-fated
portions of the earth which, though placed in immediate contact
with civilization, have remained perpetually barbarian' (T.
Arnold, Hist, of Rome, 183S-43, i. 492).
Literature.— T. Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, Eng. tr., 1894,
Index, «.».; Prow, of Rom. Einp.^, 1909, i. 10!) ; artt s.v in HDB
(Ramsay), SDB (Souter), and Smith's DOUG (E. B. James).
J. Strahan.
IMAGE.— The use of this term in the apostolic
writings may be conveniently discussed under
three heads.
1. Connexion with idolatry.— Apart from Ro
1**, where St. Paul is reviewing the corruption of
the pagan world and the perversity with which
men neglected the living God for ' the likeness of
an image ' of men, birds, quadrupeds, and reptiles,
all our references are found in the Apocalypse and
concern the particular form of idolatry that acutely
distressed the early Church, viz. the worship of
the bust of Caesar. This ' image ' is first brought
forward in Rev 13"'- (but cf. 'Satan's throne' at
Pergamum, 2^^). The Seer has described the
Roman Empire in the guise of a monster rising out
IMAGE
of the sea (v.^^--), and its counterpart, a monster
from the land (afterwards described as the false
prophet), who represents the Caesar-cult and its
priests in the Eastern provinces. This sacerdotal
land-monster is plausible and seductive, and his
inducements to Christians to show themselves good
citizens are backed up by miracles. The image or
.statue of the first monster, i.e. the bust of the
Emperor, is set up among the statues of the gods
to receive tlie otierings and devotion of the citizens,
and through ventriloquy it seems to have the
power of speech. The cult was enforced with all
the resources that could be devised, and to counter-
act it an angel utters fearful judgment on all who
worship the monster and his statue (14^-"). The
supremely happy fate of those who resisted both
blandishment and compulsion is depicted in 15^'-
and 20* ; the punishment of those who conformed,
in 16^ and 19-". See, further, art. IDOLATRY.
We may note at this point that the word elxiuv (like elStoXov)
in classical Greek usually stands for the portrait statues or paint-
ings of men and women ; seldom for images of the gods. An
instance of its use in the NT which may be regarded as focusing
the range of its varied application and as a transition from the
above discussion to those which follow, is found in He lOi,
where the Mosaic Law is spoken of as being a mere 'shadow '
of the coming bliss, instead of representing its reality or being
its 'very image.' 'The "shadow" is the dark outlined figure
cast by the object . . . contrasted with the complete representa-
tion (eiKwi/) produced by the help of colour and solid mass. The
e'lKmv brings before us under the conditions of space, as we can
understand it, that which is spiritual ' (B. F. Westcott, in toe).
2. Christ as the image of God.— Two of the
passages where Christ is spoken of as the image of
God are Pauline — 2 Co 4* (' the iniaoe of God '), and
Col 11' ('the image of the invisible God'). The
first is in a context which clearly points back to
the Apostle's conversion experiences. All his
thought turns on his doctrine of the Divinity of
Christ, and the basis of that doctrine was the bright
vision he had beheld on the way to Damascus.
This was his distinctive gospel, that which marked
him off from those who simply knew the human
Jesus, blameless and pure though His life had
been. In the second passage he is concerned to
set before the people of Colossae the overwhelming
superiority of Christ as a mediator between man and
God, over the many and strange spirits and forces
which they thought of as intervening between the
Divine and the human. Hence he uses the word
elKtiv, which, even in its material sense already
referred to, connotes true representation rather than
accidental similarity, and representation of that
which is at any rate temporarily out of sight. His
thought is that Christ is the external expression as
it were of God : at once His representation and
manifestation. 'Ethically and essentially He is
at once the Revealer and the Revelation of the
Eternal Spirit' (J. Strachan, The Captivity and
the Pastoral Epp. [Westminster NT, 1910], p. 41).
It is not simply that He is like God — He is God
manifest. And beyond the reference to the
earthly life and ministry of Christ, even primarily
perhaps, there is the implication that in the time-
less heavenly life He is the elKtbv deoO, God's repre-
sentative acting in the sphere of the visilfle (cf. Jn
V^, He P). We may state it more fully thus :
Christ is the outcome of His Father's nature, and
so related to Him in a unique manner ; and He is
especially the means by which the Father has
manifested Himself to all that is without, from the
first moment of creation and for ever, though the
centre and focus of that manifestation is the Incar-
nation. We recall at once the Johannine doctrine
of the Logos ; the one is a manifestation to the
mind of man tlirough Ear-gate, the other ('Image')
through Eye-gate. A title given to the Logos in
the Midrash, ' the light of the raiment of the Holy
One,' is suggestive in this connexion. We are re-
minded also of Christ's own word recorded in
Jn 14* : ' he that hath seen me hath seen the
IMAGE
IMMORTALITY
607
Father' (cf. also 8^^- '•2). There are other modes of
the Divine inanifestation ; through creation itself
he who has an eye to see may behold ' the invisible
things of God' (Ko 1^"), but there is no revelation
or manifestation so sure, so adequate, so satisfying
as that in Christ.
At this point we may notice the strikinar expression in He 13
where Christ, in a passajre reminding- us of Colossians, is spoken
of as ' the verj' image of God's substance.' The word used is
Xa-paK-rfip, which meant originally a graving tool and then the
impression made by such a tool, especially on a seal or die, and
the figure struck off by such seal or die ; hence the translations
'stamped with God's own character' (Moflfatt), 'the impress of
God's essence ' (Peake). The Son is thus the exact counterpart
of the Father, the exact facsimile, the clear-cut impression
wliich possesses all the ' characteristics' of the original. Again
it is noteworthy that Philo (de Plant. Nom, § 5) speaks of the
Logos as the impression on the seal of God. Westcott (in Zoc.)
distinguishes xapaKrqp from ei/cwv by saying that the former
'conveys representative traits only,' while the latter 'gives a
complete representation under the condition of earth of that
which it figures' ; and from /u.op<|)^, 'which marks the essential
form.'
3. Man as the image of God or of Christ.— The
fundamental text, Gn P"- '-'', is the basis of St. Paul's
statement in 1 Co 11^ (cf. Col S^"). Man is the
image of God in those matters of rational and
moral endowment which distinguish him from the
humbler creation. St. Paul would no doubt have
subscribed to Justin Martj'r's statement that God
' in the beginning made the human race with the
power of thought and of choosing the truth and
doing 'right, so that all men are without excuse
before God ; for they have been born rational and
contemjdative ' (Apol. i. 28). In neither the OT
nor the NT are we to press for a diflerence between
' image' and ' likeness,' which are used as synonyms.
The image has, however, been marred and obscured
by men's sin. Yet there is the glorious possibility
of its renewal and restoration. The new man in
Christ Jesus bears once more the image of his
Creator (Col 3'") ; he becomes akin to God, is able
to know Him (eh iirlyvwaLv) and His will in all the
;i Hairs of life. In this perfected likeness to God
humandistinctions,whetherof nationality, religious
ceremonial, culture, or caste, fall away — 'in it there
is no room for Greek and Jew, circumcised and
uncircumcised, barbarian, Scythian, slave or free
man ; Christ is everything and everywhere.' This
agrees ■with Ro 8-^, in which the elect are spoken of
as sharing the image of God's Son — that He might
be the firstborn of a great brotherhood. Thus it
matters little whether we speak of bearing Christ's
image or God's, and it is fruitless to debate which
is prior in time. The two are one. To be con-
formed to the image of Christ is to share not only
His holiness but His glory — a thought brought
before us in 2 Co 3^^ (' We all mirror the glory of
the Lord with face unveiled, and so we are being
transformed into the same image as himself, pass-
ing from one glory to another') and in 1 Co 15^^
('as we have borne the image of material man so
we are to bear the image of the heavenly Man ').
In the first of these passages the spirit of the be-
liever is likened to a mirror which receives the
unobstructed impression of the glory of the Lord.
That glory takes up its abode in the Christian, and
instead of fading as in the case of Moses, becomes
ever more glorious (cf. Ro 8^'). The assimilation
of Christ's mind and character involves the assimi-
lation of His splendour. The outer man may
perish but the inner man, the real man, waxes more
and more radiant, strong, and immortal, till it
dwells, like its Lord, wholly in the light. With
these passages, and especially with the second,
which points forward, we may compare 1 Jn 3-'-,
•We are to be like him, for we are to see him as
he is.' While the primary imjilication is ethical
and spiritual it is not the only one in the NT
thought of our likeness to Christ.
Literature. — Besides the Commentaries, especially A. S.
Peake, EGT : 'Colossians,' 1903; A. Menzies, The Second
Epistle of the Apostle Paxil to the Corinthians, 1912 ; and B. F.
Westcott, Epistle to the Hfhreivs, 1889 ; see, for Christ as the
image of God, W. L. Walker, Christ the Creatine Ideal, 1913,
pp. 52 f., 6U f. ; H. R. Mackintosh, The Doctrine of the Person o)
Jesus Chriiit, 1912, pp. (55, S3 ; for man as tlie image of God. H.
Wheeler Robinson, Christian Doctrine of Man, 1911, p. 164 f. ;
on image-worship in the Roman Empire and its parallels to-day,
C. Brown, Heavenly Visions, 1910, pp. 70 f., 175-183.
A. J. Grieve.
IMMORTALITY. — The subject of immortality
may be treated from many points of view — doc-
trinal, metaphysical, biological. But the scope of
this article is necessarily limited to the historical
method of treatment, and is further confined to a
definite portion of the historical field— the 1st cent,
of Christianity. Hence many aspects of the sub-
ject are excluded. For the previous development
of the belief in immortality the reader is referred
to the articles dealing with this and the related
subjects in HDB, DC'G, and EBE. The following
is the outline of the treatment of the subject in
this article :
I. General discussion of the place occupied in religious
thought at the beginning of the Apostolic Age by the
belief in immortality.
IL Particular history of the development of the belief during
the A]iostolic Age :
1. Pauline doctrine of innnortality.
2. Petrine doctrine of immortality.
3. Johannine doctrine of immortality.
4. Apostolic Fathers' doctrine of immortality.
IIL Conclusion. Literature.
I. General discussion.— At the beginning of
the Apostolic Age the Grseco-Roman world might
almost be compared to the Pool of Bethesda at the
critical moment of the angelic visitation. There
was a troubling of the waters, and a steadily in-
creasing number of seekers after spiritual health.
The subject of immortality was, so to speak, in
the air. The various Mystery-cults, with varying
forms of ritual, all agreed in ottering to the
initiate the hope of a future life of bliss after
death. Abundant evidence for this may be found
in books and monographs dealing with the subject
of the Mystery-cults in the Roman Empire. At
the same time, along a totally ditterent line of de-
velopment, the Jew had arrived at a conception of
immortality which was bound up with a spiritual
conception of God and man's relation to God. In
communion with God lay both the essence of im-
mortality and its guarantee for faith. In Alex-
andrian Judaism, as represented by Philo, we
have the blending of the Platonic doctrine of im-
mortality, based on the distinction between the
higher and the lower elements in man, with the
Pharisaic assertion of the value of the individual
to God and its grasp of the eternal character of
the soul's communion with God. Hence we can
discern at least three distinct elements at Avork in
the formation of current ideas about immortality.
(1) The view of a future life which rested ujion
the Eastern dualistic attitude towards matter and
spirit. This Eastern, and especially Persian, ele-
ment which entered so largely into the Mystery-
cults of the century before and the century follow-
ing the birth of Christ, laid stress upon the
deliverance of the soul, by purificatory rites and
by asceticism, from the bondage of the body, and
thus pointed a way to ultimate salvation and im-
mortality by union with the god. The resem-
blance of the rites of the Mystery-cults to various
elements in the Christian sacraments has led many
scholars to trace the influence of these cults of the
Graeco-Roman world upon the form which Christi-
anity assumed as it developed a system of ritual
and doctrine. This point will be discussed briefly
in dealing with St. Paul's doctrine of immortality.
(2) The Platonic element in Alexandrian
Judaism, modified by Stoic influence, laying stress
on the eternity of Reason, and hence ottering an
abstract form of immortality in which the continu-
ance of personal identity was not involved.
608
BIMORTALITY
IM^IORTALITY
(3) The Pharisaic doctrine of immortality with
its insistence on the permanence of personal identity
preserved in communion with God. The place of
the body was not clearly defined, as Pharisaic
Judaism held the immortality of the soul in com-
bination with various forms of eschatological ex-
pectation, in which a body, spiritual or quasi-
spiritual, was involved.
The Jewish view was, of course, not confined to
Palestine, but, as we know, was spread through-
out Egypt, Asia Minor, and all the Mediteri-anean
coasts by means of the synagogue. All these ele-
ments intermingled and formed the basis of the
popular attitude towards the future life, in the
1st cent, of Christianity.
But the form which the doctrine of immortality
took in primitive Christianity is by no means ex-
plained when we liave examined the conditions of
thought under which it grew up. It certainly
cannot be explained without them, but neither
can it be explained wholly by them. Christianity
gave its own definite form to all that it took up
from the current thought of its time, and the out-
standing factor in the form which the primitive
Christian hope assumed is the Resurrection of
Christ. It has been argued that the form which
the belief in the Resurrection took, especially in
St. Paul, was determined by these external influ-
ences, especially by the existence in various
Mystery-cults of the idea of the death of the god
and his resurrection. But these ofler no true
parallel to the belief in a historic Resurrection and
do not explain either its existence or the peculiar
moral value attached to the Resurrection of Christ
by the primitive Church.
When we come to the historical account of the
doctrine of immortality in the 1st cent, of Chris-
tianity, we find, in the first place, that it is in-
separably connected with the Resurrection of
Christ, and, secondly, that it is also inseparable
from primitive Christian eschatology. ' The
resurrection of the body and the life of the world
to come ' is the phrase which crystallizes the growth
of the idea of immortality for the popular mind
during the early stages of Christianity. We shall
find, however, in both Pauline and Johannine teach-
ing, much that transcends the form of belief as
crystallized in the credal phrase.
II. Particular historical development.
— 1. Pauline. — It is impossible to work through
the Pauline treatment of the subject without dis-
covering that St. Paul had no doctrine of immor-
tality. He deals with the subject only so far as it
arises out of the question of salvation through
Christ and tlie implications of salvation. Hence
the most illuminating method of understanding
St. Paul's attitude towards immortality will be to
trace the bearings of his theory of salvation as
it is worked out in Romans, the most definitely
soteriological of his Epistles. The following are
the principal points that arise from the examina-
tion of the Epistle.
(1) EscJiatological background. — There is an
eschatological background to the whole of St.
Paul's thinking on the subject of salvation. This
is not to say that the etiiical nature of the sal-
vation is excluded ; on the contrary, the ethical
is inseparable from the eschatological, the con-
nexion between life and righteousness being of the
very essence of St. Paul's thought. But from the
outset and right through, the eschatological out-
look is apparent. In Ro 2^, one of the most general
statements on the subject, St. Paul says that in
the revelation of God's righteous judgment He
will render eternal life to all those who are seek-
ing glory and honour and immortality (acpdapala) ;
in 5-, there is the justified boast in the hope of the
glory of God ; in 5", those who receive the gift
of righteousness shall reign in life ; in 8", the
mortal bodies of those indwelt by the Spirit are
to be quickened.
This eschatological colouring is more apparent
in the earlier Epistles, e.g. 1 and 2 Thessalonians,
than in the later. But even in the later Epistles,
e.g. in Philippians, it appears : 3-"- '^^, ' for our
citizenship is in heaven ; from whence also we
M'ait for a Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ : who
shall fashion anew the body of our humiliation,
that it may be conformed to the body of his glory,
according to the working whereby he is able even
to subject all things unto himself.'
Thus the eschatological element in the belief is
not secondary or non essential ; it shows in the
first place that St. Paul's sense of the necessity of
a future glorified life is part of a larger scheme of
things — the future Kingdom of God and its mani-
festation on earth.
(2) Christ a3 an earnest of the future life. — The
present condition of Christ's existence is both the
pattern and the guarantee of the believer's future
state of existence. This is perhaps the most char-
acteristic and original part of St. Paul's thinking
on this subject, and requires the most careful
study. It is true that various elements existed
in Apocalyptic and Rabbinical systems of thought
in St. Paul's time which may have suggested in
details the form of his thought. For exam]ile, the
idea of a spiritual body was not new ; it occurs in
Midr. Bab. and in the Gnostic Hymn of the Soul
(see Rendel Harris's edition of the Odes and Psalms
of Solomon, 1909, Introduction, p. 67 f.) and the
conception of the transformation of the righteous
into the likeness of Messiah occurs first in Enoch
xc. 38.
But the Death and Resurrection of Christ as
historical facts are the decisive elements which St.
Paul lays hold of and works out in their relation
to the Kingdom of God, making new combinations
of old ideas, throwing fresh light on the purpose
of God, and filling the old categories of thought
with a new vital force. No apocalj'ptic scheme
ottered any such conception as the Death and
Resurrection of Messiah, and the acceptance by
St. Paul of the Death and Resurrection of Jesus
as historical facts, together Avith his identification
of Jesus with the INIessiah, set a train of thought
working in his mind which yielded entirely new
forms, not to be explained by any patch-work of
older elements to be found in them. There are
certain essential points of St. Paul's scheme of
things which were never grasped by the Apologists
and the early interpreters of Apostolic Christianity.
This was partly because the eschatological element
was not understood, and perhaps still more because
St. Paul's attitude towards the human side of the
Incarnation was not understood. The side upon
which Irena-us lays stress, the answer to the
question Cur Dens Homo? was fully grasped and
developed, viz. the ' deification ' of man through
the Incarnation of the Son of God. But owing to
the rise of christological controversies the emphasis
laid by St. Paul and the primitive Church on the
ethical value of the Resurrection of Christ and its
implications dropped out of sight.
(n) First of all, then, for St. Paul the Resurrec-
tion of Christ has an ethical value which is of
great importance in his view of the future life of
believers. The Resurrection of Christ was not a
foregone conclusion resulting from His Divinity,
but it was intimately connected with Christ's faith
and holiness as man. His Resurrection was ac-
cording to the Spirit of holiness ; He was raised
from the dead by the glory of the Father. In His
Resurrection the full working of the law of the
Spirit of life was displayed. 'He lives to God.'
The word 'glory' which St. Paul uses to describe
IMMORTALITY
IMMORTALITY
609
the present state of the risen Christ as well as His
future manifestation has both an ethical and a
quasi-material significance. The full moral like-
ness to God -which Christ displayed has its counter-
part in His present state of existence, ' the glory of
God in the face (iv Trpo(rd>irq}, possibly better rendered
' in the person ' [cf. 2 Co 2i»]) of Jesus Christ.'
(6) This resurrection state of Christ is spiritual.
The historic Christ retaining His moral character-
istics has passed into a spiritual condition, by
the operation of a law made manifest for the first
time in His case. Christ is identified with the
Spirit. He is no longer limited in manifestation
by time and space, but can dwell in those who re-
ceive Him by faith. It is the real Christ that
St. Paul conceives of as dwelling in believers and
thereby bringing into operation in them the same
law that resulted in His own Resurrection and
victory over ' the law of sin and death.'
(c) The ultimate result of tliis indwelling of
the Spirit of Christ is to assert the complete
triumph of life over death even in the bodies of
believers (Ro 8'M- The full manifestation of this
life will bring deliverance for creation (v.^^) from
the bondage of corruption {(pdopd). For St. Paul,
then, immortality is not ddavacrla, but dcpdapcria.
It is an integral part of the triumph of the King-
dom of God, bernnning with the Resurrection of
Christ (1 Co 15=0-23: dTrapxv Xpiards).
(3) The corporate nature of the future life. —
The last point that comes out from the study of
St. Paul's teaching on this subject is the corporate
nature of the future existence, in strong contrast
to the immortality presented by Plotinus and the
later Neo-Platonists — an immortality of ' the Alone
with the Alone.' The indwelling Spirit of Christ
is the ground of unity, as well as the assurance of
immortality ; the future life of bliss is the life of
a blessed community of glorified persons, united
to Christ and like Him morally and spiritually,
finding their joy in the activities of eternal life,
doing the will of God.
The Pauline view of the subject is also bound up with the
Parousia and with the closely allied subject of the resurrection
of believers. Hence the reader is referred to the articles on
these subjects in this Dictionary for supplementary discussion
of the Pauline teaching.
2. Petrine and other primitiye teaching. — For
the sake of convenience, the general teaching of
the Catholic Epistles and the Pastorals is taken
together with the Petrine doctrine of immortality.
The doctrine of 1 Peter may be said to represent
the general standpoint of the primitive Apostolic
Church on this matter, while the Pauline and the
Johannine teaching contain developments which
profoundly affected the thought of the Church but
which were never wholly understood and accepted.
(1) The First Epistle of Peter shows the same
eschatological background that we find in St.
Paul and everywhere in the primitive Church,
and the same view of the ethical value of the
Resurrection of Christ : ' who through him are be-
lievers in God, which raised him from the dead,
and gave him glory ; so that your faith and hope
might be in God' (1 P pi).
But there is nothing of the extraordinary
development of the consequences of the Resurrec-
tion-life of Christ in the Spirit, and the resultant
view of the Kingdom as already manifested in its
working. The most important passage for our
purpose is 1 P 3^^'=", the 'Descent into Hell' of
the Creeds.
Eendel Harris (Side-lights on NT Research, 190S, p. 208) has
proposed the emendation ev aj koI 'Eviox on the supposition
that 'EvMX bas dropped out by haplography, and would refer
the passage to a reminiscence of the visit of Enoch to the con-
demned watchers and his intercession for them (see Enoch xii.,
xiii.)- But the interruption to the general sense of the passage
ia too serious, except on a very low estimate of the logical
VOL. I. — 39
sequence of thought in the Epistle, to admit of the probability
of this ingenious suggestion.
If the passage be interpreted to refer to the visit
of Christ to the souls in Sheol during the interval
between His Death and His Resurrection, then
this is the only NT passage which supports such
a conception, and it is a possible view that the
Christian interpretation of the passage has been
influenced by the strong belief which grew tip in
tlie primitive Church in the descent of Christ to
Hades. But the passage requires fuller treatment
than space allows of here (see, further, art. DE-
SCENT INTO Hades). If the credal interpretation
be accepted, the passage is evidence rather for an
intermediate state than for any clearly defined
doctrine of the immortality of the soul. It does
not necessarily imply more than is implied in the
later Jewish view of Sheol. Still more perplexing
is 4^, if the same interpretation be attached to it.
But it is possible to interpret both passages of the
preaching of Noah to those who though dead now,
were alive at the time when the Spirit of Christ
in Noah preached to them. Then the last clause
of 4^ may be evidence for the future state of the
condemned. After judgment they continue to
live in spirit in relation to God. Apart from
this the writer's attention is fixed on the coming
• glory,' ' the crown of glory,' to be revealed at the
Parousia.
(2) Hebrews. — The author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews retains the eschatological background
common to the early Church, but adds to our in-
quiry one important new conception — that which
is implied in the term rereKnojiiivos. Christ in His
present risen state is spoken of as rerfXeicofxevos
(7--) ; the spirits in the heavenly Jerusalem are
called the spirits of 'the perfected righteous,'
diKawv reTeXeLUfiivuv (12=3 ; cf. also 5^ 11^», Lk IS^^).
It is difficult to find the Pauline conception of a
glorified body here. It would rather seem to
present the Alexandrian Judaistic point of view
that the righteous immediately after death reach
their perfected state of bliss in full communion
with God. The writer undoubtedly believes in
the Resurrection of Christ and also in the ethical
aspect of it already mentioned, but he does not
seem to carry on, as St. Paul does, the conse-
quences of this to the bodily resuri'ection of be-
lievers. But he clearly looks forward to a (xa^^ar-
la-fios for the people of God, a heavenly city, and
a corporate immortality, all based upon the pre-
sent risen life of Christ.
(3) The Pastoral Epistles add one or two points.
The dogmatic conception of abstract immortality
— what Friedrich von Hiigel {Eternal Life) calls
' quantitative immortality ' — perhaps appears in
1 Ti 6^® : 6 fxdvos ^'xwi' ddavaaiav. In 4^ a sharp dis-
tinction is drawn between ' the life that now is
and that which is to come,' a sign of the passing of
the eschatological form of the distinction between
'the present age' and 'the coming age.' The
rich are charged to lay hold on what is truly life
In 2 Ti P we have the Pauline conception, 'the
promise of life which is in Christ Jesus'; 2", 'if
we sutler with him we shall reign with him ' ; 4^
li-vdng and dead are to be judged by Christ at His
appearing ; 4'^ ' shall save me unto his heavenly
kingdom.' But the two most characteristic pas-
sages in this Epistle are 1^", where our Saviour
Jesus Christ has annulled death and brought life
and immortality (dtpdapaLav) to light, through the
gospel ; and 2'", where speaking of ' the elect ' the
writer says ' that they too may obtain the salva-
tion that is in Christ Jesus with eternal glory.'
Tit 1^-^ echoes the phrase of 2 Ti P, the hope
of eternal life, still reflecting the eschatological
colouring. In Tit 2^2-i3 « ^y^q present age ' is con-
610
IMMORTALITY
IMMORTALITY
trasted with ' the appearing of the glory of the
great God and our Saviour Christ Jesus,' also
spoken of as ' the blessed liope' ; in 3^^- tlie bath of
regeneration {TraXivyeveaia) and the renewing of the
Holy Ghost are connected with righteousness and
the hope of eternal life after the Pauline manner.
3. Johannine. — The three groups of Johannine
literature are here treated separately.
(1) The Apocab/pse. — The phrase Avhich is so
characteristic of the Fourth Gospel, ' eternal life,'
does not occur in the Apocalypse. For our subject
we have the following passages : 2^^, the overcomer
'siiall not be hurt of the second death'; 3^ the
overcomer's name will not be blotted out of tlie
book of life. In 4^ the ' elders' (who may possibly
represent those who have attained — the ' elders '
of He 11) are seen in the symbolic garb of victors.
In G'' the souls of the martyrs are seen under the
altar, cr^'ing for vengeance. In yi^-i? there is a
description of those who have come out of great
tribulation and who enjoy perpeiual bliss before
the throne of God. In 20'* those who are slain
daring the great tribulation are raised for the
millennial kingdom, and reign with Christ for a
thousand years. 2U^ adds ' the rest of the dead
lived not again until the tliousand years were
ended.' Then in 2U^^"'* ' the dead small and great,'
i.e. apparently ' the rest of the dead,' are raised
and judged according to their works, and all not
found written in the Book of Life are cast into the
Lake of Fire.
Here again the eschatological interest is para-
mount. The future existence of individuals is not
a question of psychological or philosophical interest,
but is determined by the view of the future King-
dom of God. Hence 'quantitative immortality'
does not appear. The righteous receive the reward
of their works and patience, and enter on a blessing
which appears to extend beyond the millennial
kingdom, and at any rate reaches its climax there.
The writer is not so interested in anything after
that. But the future fate of the wicked is indeter-
minate. The view taken as to this depends upon
our interpretation of the writer's symbolism.
The fire may be destructive, purgative, or penal.
The torment of the beast and the false prophet is
spoken of, but the final end of the wicked is not ex-
idicitly stated. They are cast into the Lake of P'ire.
(2) The Epistles. — In the Johannine Epistles the
Parousia still forms the background of Christian
hope, but the precise form of the hope is vague, and
shows signs of transformation into a purely spiritual
expectation. The contribution of the Epistles
belongs rather to the subject of the Parousia
iq.v.). The term 'eternal life 'occurs frequently,
but never with the eschatological sense in which it
is used in St. Paul's Epistles and the Pastorals.
But the profound ethical implication of likeness to
God and to Christ tills the term with a new mean-
ing. 'The life of the coming age,' the original
sense of the term d^-j ';n, has become the life of
God, expi-essed in Christ, imparted to the believer,
working itself out in moral likeness to God, and
perfected when Christ appears. He who dwells
in God and God in him can never die, and he who
loves dwells in God, and partakes of God's eternal
life. Immortality is 'qualitative' wholly here,
with no thought of duration.
(3) The Fourth Gospel. — Here the transformation
of the eschatological background is practically
complete. Subsequent developments really con-
sisted, not in a deeper and richer spiritualization
of the eschatological view-point, with all its
stimulus and insistent pressure of the real world
surrounding and penetrating the phenomenal world,
'lut in the total abandonment of eschatology and
consequent impoverishment of the Church's life.
But in the Fourth Gospel the intensity and reality
of the hope are retained, while the particular
Jewish colouring and schemes of thought are
quietly dropped, with a few exceptions.
In this Gosj^el 'eternal life' is the principal
category under which the subject of immortality
falls to be considered. The most important group
of passages is in the 6th chapter. Here our Lord,
after the miracle of the loaves, and evidently, in
the mind of the author of the Gospel, explaining
the significance of the miracle, claims that He is
the living bread come down from heaven. Those
who eat of this bread live for ever. Continuing to
explain the saying, our liord adds that the bread is
His flesh and His blood, and that he who eats the
flesh and drinks the blood of tiie Son of Man has
eternal life, and will be raised by Christ at the
last day. Again, ' he that eateth this bread shall
live for ever.' It is possible that we must accept
the predestinarianism of vv.^*^"^' as part of the older
eschatological colouring. But evidently a difficult
point is involved here. Schweitzer would explain
the passage as the expression of ' a speculative
religious materialism which concerns itself with
the problem of matter and spirit, and the per-
meation of matter by Sjiirit, and endeavours to
interpret the manifestation and the personality of
Jesus, the action of the sacraments and the possi-
bility of the resurrection of the elect, all on the
basis of one and the same fundamental conception'
(Paul and his Interpreters, p. 202 f.). That is,
broadly speaking, the immortality described in the
Fourth Gospel is sacramental, conditioned entirely
by participation in the sacraments which, through
the communication to them of the Spirit of the
Risen Christ, have received this potency.
Like so much of Schweitzer's exegesis, this is
brilliant and stimulating, but not wholly sound.
Throughout the Gospel the possession of eternal life
is independent of sacraments and connected simply
with faith in Christ: 'he that believeth on me
hath everlasting life,' 'he that believeth on me,
though he were dead, yet shall he live, and he that
liveth and believeth on me shall never die.' The
charge of 'unintelligent spiritualizing' is hasty
and unfounded. As in the Synoptic Gospels, so
also in the Fourth Gospel, Schweitzer has not
recognized the peculiar ethical element which is
the real basis of the primitive Church's view of the
Resurrection of Christ, and of the resurrection and
future state of believers.
So in the Fourth Gospel the immortality implied
is at bottom etliical ; it is the life of God which
Christ is in Himself and has come to earth to
reveal, and in order to impart it in its fullness He
must enter upon the sjiiritual state. It is expedient
for them that He should go away. After His
departure they Mill know that He is in the Father,
they in Him, and He in them.
Hence, while in St. Paul we have the eager
movement of the new life towards its glorious
consummation, in the Fourth Gospel we have
rather the steady contemplation of the fully
revealed nature of the life of God in this world
now. In both cases all the interest is centred on
the purpose of God in its realization, rather than
on the individual man and his ultimate fate. So
that we have the appearance of the conditional
immortality which is found in Athanasius, reallj'
only apparent, because the nature of immortality
as a dogma was not in question, but the wider
issue of the coming in of the Kingdom of God. In
the Fourth Gospel we have also the corporate
nature of the life insisted on. In St. Paul, spirit,
soul, and body are to he preserved to the day of
Christ ; there is no immortality of the soul con-
ceived of as a mere abstraction, but the eternal
gain for the Kingdom of God of a person, whole
and entire. In tlie Fourth Gosjjel there is not the
IMMOETALITY
INCENSE
611
same prominence given to the resurrection of the
body, but ultimately the body of him who possesses
the life of God must pass under the law of eternal
life, although the author of the Fourth Gospel
never states the expectation in the same way ; it
is not ' your mortal bodies,' but ' I will raise him
up.' The incident of the grave clothes also shows
that the writers conception of the Resurrection
was purely spiritual : the Lord had become a Spirit,
although capable of revealing His continued
personal existence to His disciples. So for the
Fourth Gospel the ultimate thing also is the gain
of the individual : ' no man is able to pluck them
out of my Father's hand.'
4. The Apostolic Fathers. — Here we have much
less of vital importance. The creative impulse has
died away, and we can trace the process, already
mentioned, of the gradual abandonment of mucli
that was most characteristic of the teaching of St.
Paul. Ignatius ofiers the closest affinities with the
point of view of the Fourth Gospel, as is well
enough known. The following are the principal
relevant passages :
(1) i Clement. — The principal passage in this
Epistle is in chs. xxiv.-xxvi. The future resur-
rection is based on the Resurrection of Christ, and
the simile of the seed is used. Ch. xxvi, seems to
limit the resurrection to the faithful, ' those who
served Him in holiness, in the confidence of a good
faith.' Those who have died as martyrs or in the
faith are spoken of as having obtained the inherit-
ance of glory and honour (cf. v. 3, 7, xlv. 7). In
1. 3 ' those who were perfected in love by the grace
of God have a place among the pious who shall be
made manifest at the visitation of the Kingdom of
Christ.'
(2) 2 Clement has several interesting passages :
V. 5, ' our sojourning in this world in the flesh is a
little thing and lasts a short time, but the promise
of Christ is great and wonderful, and brings us
rest, in the kingdom which is to come, and in
everlasting life.' In vi. 7 rest is contrasted with
eternal punishment {aldivlov KoiXdaeui). The future
existence depends on the keeping of the baptism
undefiled ; the first occun'ence oi this conception
is in vi. 9, vii. 6, viii, 6. In ch. ix. there is the
assertion of the resurrection of the flesh to judg-
ment, based on the Incarnation and not on the Re-
surrection of Christ. Ch. xii. contains the curious
Agraphon possibly from the Gospel of the Egyp-
tians, ' When the two shall be one, and the outside
as the inside, and the male with the female, neither
male nor female. ' It is interpreted by the author
as referring to the moral perfection and asceticism
suited to the kingdom.
In xiv. 5 we have an important passage. After
a somewhat strained analogy of the flesh as the
Church, referring to the Church as pre-existent and
possessing the Spirit, the author says : ' So great
a gift of life and immortality {ddavacrlav) has this
flesh the power to receive if the Holy Spirit be
joined to it.' In xix. 3, 4 we have a statement of
immortality in fairly quantitative terms, and the
expression ' the immortal fruit of the resurrection '
{rbv dOdvarov ttj^ duaaraffews Kapirov). In xx. 5 Christ
is the Saviour and Leader of immortality {dpxrrybv
TTJs d<f>dapalas).
(3) Ignatius. — We owe to Ignatius the famous
phrase ' the medicine of immortality,' tpdp/j,aKOP
ddavafflas (Eph. xx. 2), which is so often repeated
by later patristic writers. Ignatius frequently uses
the word 'immortality,' but as frequently shows
that his conception is ethical — qualitative, not
quantitative. What he seeks is not mere duration
of bliss, but true life (t6 d\t]divbv ^ijv, xi, 1). Faith
and love constitute this true life, the life of God
(xiv. 1). Christ has breathed immortality on the
Church {d<p6ap(Tlav, xvii. 1). At the Incarnation
' God was manifest as Man, for the newness of
eternal life ' (ets KaivdrajTa didiou ^urjs), a reminiscence
of Ro 6^, but didLov is never used of life in the NT.
In XX. 2 it is the Sacrament, the bread, which is
the medicine of immortality.
Other passages are Magn. i. 2, ix. 2: a reference
to the Descensus ; Trail, ii. 1, ix. 2 ; Eom. vi. 2 ;
Phil. ix. 2 : the gospel is * the perfecting of im-
mortality' (dTrdpTL(Tfj.a d(p6apalas) ; Smyrn. xii. 2,
' resurrection both fleslily and spiritual ' ; ad
Polyc. ii. 3, ' the prize is immortality and eternal
life.'
The remaining literature of our period adds
nothing of importance.
III. Conclusion.— ThQ principal trend of the
teaching of the NT lies mainly along the lines laid
down by our Lord, and expanded by the original
thinking of St. Paul and St. John, if we may
assume a name for the author of the Fourth Gospel
for convenience' sake. The expansion followed lines
which were principally determined by the accept-
ance of the Resurrection of Christ as a historical
fact. The emphasis thus lies on the value of com-
plete personality brought into the sphere of the
operation of the Kingdom of God. Those opera-
tions take on the form of eschatological expecta-
tions, but express fundamental and eternal realities
of religion. The pale and thin conception of mere
duration of existence is of no interest to the apos-
tolic writers. It was of fundamental importance
to possess true life, the life of God ; and as the
meaning of the Incarnation was explored, the con-
ception of eternal life grew in depth and breadth
and height.
LrrERATURB. — Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ (JCC, 1902);
Robertson-Plummer, Corinthiann {ICC, 1911) ; J. Armitage
Robinson, Ephesians, 1903; F. J. A. Hort, 1 Peter, 1898;
B. F. Westcott, St. John, 2 vols., 1908, and The Epistles of
St. John, 1883 ; H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse", 1907. See also
A. Sabatier, The Apostle Paul, Eng. tr., 1891 ; P. Gardner,
The Religious Experience oj St. Paul, 1911 ; A. Schweitzer,
Paul and his Interpreters, Eng. tr., 1912 ; E. Underbill, The
Mystic Way, 1913 ; F. von Hiigel, Eternal Life, 191'2 ; S. D. F.
Salmond, The Christian Doctrine of Immortality*, 1901 ; E. F.
Scott, The Kingdom and the Messiah, 1911, also The Fourth
Gospel, 1906; W. Sanday, Christologies, Ancient and Modem,
1910; C. Bigg:, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, rep.
1913; J. B. Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers, 1891; J.
Drummond, Philo Judcetis, 2 vols., 1888 ; H. J. Holtzmann,
NT Theologie, 2 vols., 1911; A. Harnack, History of Dogma,
Eng. tr.3, 7 vols., 1891-99, also The Mission and Expansion of
Christianity, Eng. tr.-, 2 vols., 1908; R. H. Charles, Eschato-
logy — Hebrew, Jewish and Christian, 1899 ; G. Dalman, The
Words of Jems, Eng. tr., 1902 ; F. Cumont, The Oriental
Religions in Roman Paganism, 1911; S. Reinach, Orpheus,
Eng. tr., 1909. S. H. HOOKE.
IMPUTATION.— See Justification.
INCARNATION.— See Christ, Christologt.
INCENSE {dvfila/xa, generally plural).— The burn-
ing of aromatic substances on the altar of incense
was part of the daily Temple-ritual, and the office
for each occasion was assigned by lot to a priest
who had never before enjoyed the honour. The
moment for the beginning of the rite was carefully
fixed, and served to mark the time of day. When
the cloud of fragrant smoke ascended, the people
outside the Temple bowed in prayer, in accordance
with the ancient association of prayers and incense
(Ps 14P). In the primitive Semitic cultus the
perfume which rose into the upper air was supposed
to give a sensuous pleasure to the Deity ; but when
more spiritual thoughts of the Divine nature and
character prevailed, the incense, if it was to be re-
tained, had to be regarded as a symbol of the
prayers breathed from earth to heaven. In Rev
58f. (which may, however, be a gloss) the golden
bowls full of incense are expressly identified with
the prayers of the saints. In Rev 8^ the smoke of
incense goes up before God out of the angel's hand
612
INCORRUPTION
INSPIRATION AND REVELATION
for fso RVm, more accurate than with, RV] the
prayers of the saints. Some interpreters think
that the incense added by the angel is here sup-
posed to give some kind of efficacy to the prayers ;
but, while interceding angels and archangels
appear in the Book of Enoch (ix. 3-11, xv. 2, xl. 7,
xl"\ni. 2, civ. 1), the thought in Rev. is probably
no more than that the prayers of earth are ratified
in heaven. The prophet's symbohsm indicates
that the saints are pra^dng for things agreeable to
God's \\ill, so that their petitions cannot fail to be
granted. James Strahan.
INCORRUPTION.— See Uncorrttptness.
**INSPIRATION AND REVELATION.— Definition
of terms. — Revelation is the 'discovery' or 'dis-
closure' (a.woKa\v\pLs) of God {i.e. of the being and
character of God) to man. Inspiration is the
mode, or one of the modes, by which this discovery
or disclosure is made ; it is the process by which
certain select persons were enabled, through the
medium of speech or of wi'iting, to convey special
information about God to their feUows.
It wiU be obvious that the two terms must be
closely related. To a large extent the}^ are strictly
correlative. Revelation is in large part the direct
product of inspiration. The select persons of whom
we have spoken imparted revelation about God
because they were inspired to impart it. So far as
revelation has been convej^ed by speech or writing
we call the process inspiration ; we say that holy
men of old spoke and WTote as they were moved
by the Holy Ghost (2 P l^i). What is meant by
this we shall explain later.
A. ^£ TELA rjo.V.— Revelation is the wider term.
There is such a thing as revelation by facts, as well
as by words. And revelation by facts is again of
two kinds : there is the broad revelation of God in
Nature; and there is also a special revelation of
God in history.
1. Revelation by facts. — [a) Revelation of God
in Naticre. — The Jew under the OT rose up from
the contemplation of Nature with an intense belief
in Di%ane Providence. For him the heavens de-
clared the glory of God, and the firmament showed
His handiwork. The sight of the heavens brought
home to him the contrast between the majesty of
God and the littleness of man. The phenomena of
storm and tempest heightened his sense of Divine
power and of the goodness which intervened for
his own protection. The beneficent ordering of
Nature turned his thoughts to thankfulness and
praise (Ps 65 104). The tendency of the Hebrew
mind was towards optimism. His rehgious faith
was so strong that the darker side of Nature did
not trouble him ; its destructive energies only filled
him with awe, or else he regarded them as directed
against his owa. enemies and God's. The questions
that perplexed him most arose not so much from
Nature as from the observation of human fife.
The most pressing problem of aU was the suffer-
ings of the righteous and the prosperity of the
wicked. To this problem are devoted several
Psalms and the whole Book of Job. But, how-
ever urgent the problem might be and however
imperfect the solution, it never shook the deep-
rooted faith that was Israel's greatest heritage.
The same may be said even of the complicated
questions which exercise the author of Ecclesiastes
— a late and comparatively isolated phenomenon.
ih) Revelation of God in history. — The truth
which Israel grasped with the greatest tenacity
was the intimacy of its o\s'n relation to God as the
Chosen People. Not all the shocks which it en-
dured in its political career, tossed to and fro as a
shuttlecock between its more powerful neighbours,
could weaken its hold on this. It idealized its
•* Copyright, 1916, bu Charles Scrihner's Sona.
history — emphasized its dehverances, dwelt on its
few moments of comparative greatness and pros-
perity, and explained its own dechne as due to its
faithlessness and disobedience. It saw the hand of
God throughout, even through suffering and failure,
guiding it in unexpected ways towards the better
fulfilment of its mission. The nation became a
Church ; and even in exile and dispersion Israel
still bore witness to its God. Then, on the top of
all this, comes Christianity. Another apparently
insignificant series of facts — the Life and Death of
One who lived as a peasant in an obscure corner of
the Roman Empire — is followed by enormous con-
sequences. A wave of rehgious enthusiasm passed
over an exhausted world, and its veins were filled
with new Life which has lasted down to the present
day.
2. Revelation in word. — Ideally speaking, it
might be supposed that the historical panorama
roughly sketched above would impress itself on
the mind of all observers ; that, so far as it con-
tained a revelation of God, that revelation would
be intuitively apprehended. But to expect this
would have been to expect too much, especially
when we think of the poor and low beginnings
from which the human race has gradually risen.
It has alwa3's needed leaders and teachers. Large
and penetrating views, such as those involved in
the process we have been describing, have always
belonged to the few rather than to the many, and
have been mediated to the many through the few.
In this way it will be seen that revelation by facts
has had to be supplemented bj' revelation convej^ed
in words. The facts have been there all the time ;
but, apart from Divine stimulus and guidance,
working upon minds sensitive to them, the great
mass of mankind would have allowed them to pass
unheeded. The pressure of mere physical needs is
so great that ordinary humanity would be apt to
be absorbed in them, if it were not for the influence
of a select few more highly endowed than the rest.
But these select few have never been wanting —
not in Israel alone but in every race of men, and
conspicuously in those races that we call the
'higher.' The Di\nne edtication of mankind has
alwaj's worked in this way — by an infinite number
of graduated steps, leading men onwards from one
trtith to another, from truths that are simi)le and
partial and rude in expression to other truths that
are more complex and more comprehensive, more
nicely adjusted to the facts which they embrace.
There is thus a natural transition from revela-
tion by fact to revelation by word. The fact comes
first ; it is there, so that all who run may read.
But it is not read, because it is not understood ; it
is a bare fact ; it needs an interpreter. And the
interpretation is supphed by the inspired man who
sijeaks and wTites, who seizes on the secret and
then pubhshes it to the world.
3. Apostolic treatment of these matters. — This,
then, is substantially what we find in the OT, and
in the Jewish writings Avhich follow upon the OT.
The prophets and psalmists and wise men lead the
way in expressing the feelings aroused by the con-
templation of God in Nature and in history. Such
Scriptures as Ps 19^"® 65 104, Is 40^-'^^ are spontane-
ous outbursts excited by the external world ; such
passages as Job 38 39 (cf. 2 Mac 9^) enforce the
lesson of Ps 8'^f- ; Ps TT'i-^" 105 106, Hab 3 are
tvi)ical retrospects of the hand of God in Israel's
history ; Pr S'^'-^S Job 28, Sir 24, Wis 7 8 are
equally typical examples of the praise of Divine
^^'isdom as expressed in creation and in the order-
ing of human life.
All this the apostolic writers inherited, and they
go a step further in philosophizing upon it. They
not only give expression to the feelings which the
contemplation of the works of God excites in them.
INSPIRATION AND REVELATION
INSPIRATION AND RE\T:LATI0N 613
but they distinctly recognize the different forms of
external revelation as parts of the method of Divine
Providence in dealing with men. The most instruc-
tive passages from this point of view are to be
found in the speeches of Acts, both in those ad-
dressed to heathen (as in Ac 14^-'-^'' 17"'^^) and in
those addressed to Jews (as in Ac 7 13^®-*^). We
need not enter into the question how far these
speeches represent what was actually spoken on
the occasions referred to, and how far they embody
what the historian thought appropriate to those
occasions. A comparison of the speeches attri-
buted to St. Paul with the contents of the Pauhne
Epistles would suggest that, however much the
shaping of the discourse may be due to the his-
torian, he probably had before him some authentic
notes or traditions of the discourses actually de-
livered {d.JThStxi. [1910] 171-173). In any case,
the views expressed seem to have been practically
common to all the leaders of Christian thought.
We may, therefore, proceed to set them forth with-
out discriminating between different circles. At
the same time the major part of the extant evidence
is derived (mediately orjimmediately) from St. Paul,
(a) Of the revelation of God in Nature. — It is
to be noted that, although St. Paul shared to the
full his countrymen's horror of idolatry — both as
inherently wrong in itself and because of its cor-
rupting influences — he nevertheless clearly recog-
nized the elements of good in heathen rehgions,
and regarded them as having a place in the wider
order of Divine Providence. The heathen, too —
with God's revelation of Himself in Nature before
them — had ample opportunities of knowing God,
and it was only by their own deliberate fault that
thev suppressed and ignored this knowledge (Ro
118-21).
And yet all was not lost. God had implanted
in the human breast the desire for Himself ; men
were seeking Him, if haply they might feel after
Him and find Him ; even pagan poets had reahzed
that mankind was His offspring (Ac 17^'"^*). He
took care that they should not be left without
witness to His goodness, in that He gave them
from heaven rains and fruitful seasons, filling their
hearts with food and gladness (14^^).
We observe how the Apostle singles out at once
the best and the most prominent side of pagan
religion, making abstraction of its worst features.
The most urgent of human needs was that the
earth should bring forth fruits in their seasons.
Men were conscious of this, and they were really
thankful for the bounty of Nature. At the bottom
of most of the pagan cults that prevailed over the
East — as, for instance, in the wide-spread worship
under the names of Osiris, Adonis, Attis — was the
celebration of seed-time and harvest. WTiat there
was of e\'il mixed up with such worship was a pro-
duct of the root of evil in the human heart, and
was capable of being eliminated without loss to
the fundamental idea.
The revelation of God in Nature was thus not
altogether in vain. And there was another form
of revelation which came really under this head.
There was a certain reflexion of God in the heart
of man : His will was made known through the
conscience. And here, too, there was many a
pagan who, though without the privileges which
the Jew enjoj^ed through the possession of a written
law, faithfully observed such inner law as he had.
St. Paul fully recognized this, and used it as an
a fortiori argument addressed to his o^^-n Je^-ish
converts, and to those whom he desired to make
his converts.
Another point that may be worth noting is that,
when St. Paul appeals to the revelation of God in
Nature, he singles out in particular those attri-
butes of God as revealed which the impression
derived from Nature is best calculated to convey:
'the invisible things of him since the creation of
the world are clearly seen, being perceived through
the things that are made, even his everlasting
power and divinity' (Ro 1^; cf. Wis 13i). The
truths that Nature can tell us about God are not
the_ whole truth ; it can tell us of His power and
niajesty and Divine sovereignty, but it cannot of
itself make known the infinite tenderness of His
love. Nature has its destructive aspect as well as
its aspect of beneficence ; and even Nature, as we
see it, appears to be infected with the taint which
is seen most conspicuously in man. To judge from
external Nature taken by itself, it might weU seem
that a mahgn as well as a gi-acious Power was at
work behind it. Caliban on Setebos is not wholly
without reason. For a complete revelation of God
we must supplement the data derived from this
source by those which are derived from history,
and especially from the culminating series of events
in all history — the events bound up in the origin
and spread of Christianity. It is these pre-
eminently, and indeed these alone, which bring
home to us the fuU conviction that God in the
deepest depths of His being is essentially and
unchangeably Love. (For strong indictments of
Nature as it actually exists, see J. S. Mill, Three
Essatjs on Religion, London, 1874, pp. 28-31 ; and
the hypothesis of a Cacodaemon in R. A. Ivnox,
Some Loose Stones, do., 1913, p. 25 f.).
(b) Of the revelation^ of God in history. — When
the apostles or Christians of the first generation
preach to Jews, their preaching, so far as we have
record of it, is always an appeal to history, some-
times on a larger scale, sometimes on a smaller.
When the preaching is fullest and most systematic,
it starts from a survey, more or less complete, of
the history of Israel as a Heilsgeschichte or scheme
of Redemption, pre-determined in the counsels of
God and worked out in the history of the Chosen
People. This begins of right wit"h the choice of
Abraham and the patriarchs (Ac 7-"^^ 13'^ ; cf. 3^^).
Then come Moses and the deUverance from Egj-pt
(720-36) and the roval fine cuhninating in David
(745f. 1322 1516). Both Moses and David prophesied
of One who was to come in the aftertime — Moses,
of a prophet hive himself (3-f • 7^') ; David, of a de-
scendant of his o-n-n who should not see corruption
(229-31 1334-37). This leads on to a bold affirmation
of the fulfilment of these and of other prophecies
in the Life, Death, and Resurrection of Christ
(222-24313-15. 24 1039-43 1323-37 2622. 23). In tke EpistlcS
especial stress is laid upon the two salient facts of
the Crucifixion and the Resurrection (1 Co IS^f-,
Ro 4:^*'-, and in many other places). These two
great acts have a significance beyond themselves,
as the basis and guarantee of the Christian's hope
of salvation. The historic scheme is completed by
the outpouring of the Holy Spirit, itself also a
fulfilment of prophecy (Ac 2^^--^- ^3).
The long series of historical facts is given, and,
taken together, they constitute a broad, definite,
objective revelation. But if that revelation had
remained alone without comment and interpreta-
tion, it would have passed unregarded, or at least
imperfectly reahzed and understood.
(c) It is at this point that the other form of
revelation comes in — revelation by luord. And at
the same point we may also cross over to the con-
sideration of that other great factor in our subject
— the inspiration by which the revelation is con-
veyed. There is what may be called a classical
passage in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, in
which the two conceptions meet in a way that
throws clear light upon both.
B. IsspiRATiON.—l. The fundamental passage
—1 Co 2''-is. — We cannot do better than begin our
discussion of inspiration with this passage, which
614 INSPIRATION AND REVELATION
INSPIRATION AND REVELATION
must be given in full: 'We speak God's wisdom
in a mystery, even the wisdom that hath been
hidden, which God foreordained before the worlds
unto our glory : which none of the rulers of this
world knoweth : for had they known it, they woukl
not have crucified the Lord of glory : but as it is
written, Things which eye saw not, and ear heard
not, And which entered not into the heart of man,
Whatsoever things God prepared for them that
love him. But unto us God revealed them through
the Spirit : for the Spirit searcheth all things, yea,
the deep things of God. For who among men
knoweth the things of a man, save the spirit of
the man, which is in him ? Even so the things of
God none knoweth, save the Spirit of God. But
we received, not the spirit of the world, but the
spirit which is of God ; that we might know the
things that are freely given to us by God. Which
things also we speak, not in words which man's
wisdom teacheth, but which the Spirit teacheth ;
comparing spiritual things with spiritual. Now
the natm-al man receiveth not the things of the
Spirit of God : for they are fooUshness unto him ;
and he cannot know them, because they are spiritu-
ally judged. But he that is spiritual judgeth all
things, and he himself is judged of no man. For who
hath known the mind of the Lord, that he should
instruct him ? But we have the mind of Christ.'
2. The two modes of inspiration. — We have
seen that there are two distinct modes of revela-
tion, which may be called primary and secondary,
or objective and subjective : the one a series of
facts, the other embodying the interpretation of
those facts. Insjjiration corresponds to the second
of these modes ; it has to do with interpretation ;
it is the process by which God has made known
His nature, His will, and His purpose in regard to
man. But there is some difference in the way in
which inspiration works, according as it is (a)
intermediate between the series of facts and the
interpretation, dependent upon the facts and co-
extensive with them, or (5) as it were, a new begin-
ning in itself — what might be called a direct com-
mimication from God. Speaking broadly, it may
be said that the prophetic inspiration of the OT
was mainly of this latter type, while the Christian
or apostolic inspiration of the NT was mainly of
the former. Such distinctions are indeed only
relative. The prophets also frequently presuppose
those objective revelations through Nature and
history of which we have spoken. And yet the
great difference between the prophets and the
apostles is just this, that the outstanding Christian
facts — the Incarnation or Lite, the Death, and the
Resurrection of Chi'ist — have intervened between
them. In the one case a preparation had to be
made, the first advances had to be taken and the
foundation laid ; in the other case the foundation
was already laid, and the chief task which re-
mained for the Christian teacher was one of inter-
pretation. We shall return to this distinction
presently, when we try to map out the course
which the Christian revelation as a whole has
taken. But in the meantime we must go back to
our fundamental passage, and seek with its help
to acquire a better understanding of the nature of
inspiration.
3. The psychology of inspiration. — We begin
by observing that the passage is descriptive speci-
ally of the Christian or apostolic inspiration. It
is, indeed, possible to generalize from it and to
treat it as applying to the inspiration of the OT
as well as of the NT. Yet the passage implies
throughout what we have called the Christian
facts — the whole historical series of revelations
culminating in Jesus Christ. The preaching which
the Apostle has in his mind has for its object that
those to whom it is addressed might know — i.e.
intelligently know, grasp, and understand — the
things that were freely given to them by God,
the whole bountiful purpose of God in Christ, the
Incarnation with all that led up to it and that
followed from it — its consequences nearer and
more remote.
And now we must try to analyze the passage
and see what it contains. There are two trains of
thought.
(a) The knowledge which inspiration imparts is
wholly exceptional and sui generis. It is not
possessed by the worldly-wise or by the most
powerful of secular rulers. It was their ignorance
of it which led to the terrible mistake of not
recognizing but crucifying the Messiah when He
came. It is a knowledge — chiefly of values, of
values in the spiritual sphere, of the spiritual
forces at work in the world. The knowledge of
these values is hidden from the mass of mankind.
Any criticism of those who possess it by those who
do not possess it is futile. It is as if the critics
were devoid of a natural sense — like the varied
hues of Nature to the colour-bhnd, or the world of
musical sound to those who have no ear. The
expert in this new knowledge stands apart by
himself : he can judge, but he cannot be judged ;
he is superior to the world around him.
{b) If it is asked how he came by this know-
ledge, the answer is that it was imparted to him
by the Holy Spirit acting upon his own spirit. It
is a well-known pecuharity of the psychology of
St. Paul that he often mentions the Divine Spirit
and the human spirit together in such a way that
they seem to run into each other. It is often hard
to tell whether 'spirit' should be spelt with a
capital or not ; the thought passes backwards and
forwards with the finest shades of transition. A
good example may be seen in several passages of
Ro 8 : e.g. v.®^- : 'But ye are not in the flesh, but
in the spirit, if so be that the Spirit of God dwelleth
in you. But if any man hath not the Spirit of
Christ, he is none of his. And if Christ is in you,
the body is dead because of sin ; but the spirit is
life because of righteousness'; and again, v.^^^- :
'For as many as are led by the Spirit of God,
these are sons of God. For ye received not the
spirit of bondage again unto fear ; but ye received
the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba,
Father.' In the former passage, the domination
of the spiritual part or higher self of man is
brought about by the operation of the Spirit of God
(or of Chi'ist) which is described as 'dwelling in
him,' and the result is that the human spirit is
instinct with hfe and immortality, and triumphs
over death. In the latter passage, a hke operation
of the Divine Spirit results in an attitude of the
human spirit ; without any Une of demarcation
between to indicate where the one ends and the
other begins. The reason for these subtle transi-
tions would seem to be that, while the subject of
them is conscious of Divine influence within him,
that influence is felt in a part of his being which is
beyond the reach of conscious analysis ; it is one
of those sub-conscious and unconscious motions
which are known only by then' effects and do not
come within the cognizance of the reflective
reason. There is something more than an affinity
between the human spirit and the Divine ; when
the one is in contact with the other, it is bej'ond our
power to distinguish the point of junction or to say
with dogmatic precision, ' Thus far and no further.'
When it is said that the Si)irit searches the deep
things of God and then bestows a knowledge of
these deep things on men, it is not meant that
there is a mechanical transference of information.
The process is dynamic, and not mechanical.
What is meant is that the same Holy Spirit which
mirrors, as it were, the consciousness of Deity, so
INSPIRATION AND REVELATION
INSPIRATION AND REVELATION 615
acts upon the human faculties, so stimulates and
directs them, as to produce in them a conscious-
ness of God which is after its own pattern. The
self-consciousness of God must needs be in itself
altogether transcendent and incommunicable ; the
reflexion of it in the heart of man is not absolute,
but relative ; it is expressed in human measures ;
it is still a reaching forth of the human soul to-
wards God, feeUng after Him if haply it may find
Him. But it is such a reaching forth as is Kara 6e6v
(Ro 8^^), what God would have it to be, a human
product stamped with Divine sanction and approval.
4. Prophetic inspiration. — The above is an ex-
planation — so far as explanation can be given — of
the process of inspiration. It really covers all the
varied furms that inspiration can take. But it is
natural to ask in what relation it stands to the
prophecy of the OT.
The prophetic inspiration is really the outstand-
ing phenomenon of the OT. It is the fundamental
attribute which gives to the OT its character as a
sacred book ; it marks the point at which God meets
man ; it is Israel's most characteristic possession.
Comparing what we know of OT prophecy with
the account just given of inspiration by St. Paul,
there is nothing that clashes or is essentially
different. It is only the difference of a simpler
and a more advanced dispensation. OT prophecy
is best known by its effects. The main note of it
is that certain men spoke with an authority con-
ferred upon them directly by God ; they were em-
powered to say, 'Thus saith the Lord.' In the
earlier documents stress is frequently laid on the
giving of 'signs' as proofs that a prophet's mission
is from God (Ex 4iff- ^of-, 1 S 2''\ 1 K 13^ 2 K IQ-^
208*^-,_ Is T^*"^), and a test is laid down for distin-
guishing true from false prophecy in Dt 18'"^^-. But
in the days when prophecy was most active the
confidence (irXrjpocpopia.) with which the prophet
spoke would seem to have been taken as creden-
tials enough. Even when the prophet was un-
popular and his message was resisted by king or
people (as in the case of Micaiah and Jeremiah), it
was with an uneasy conscience and with a sense of
revolt against the Divine will.
It should be remembered that the existence of a
prophetic order is characteristic of the NT as well
as of the OT. We read in Ac 13^ of ' prophets and
teachers' as collected at Antioch. Individual pro-
phets are repeatedly mentioned, as Agabus in
Ac ll2821i''ff , Judas and Silas in 15^2, thedaughters
of Philip in 2P. A passage hke 13-^- supplies the
key to others such as 16^'- 20'-^^ ; when it is said
that 'the Holy Ghost' or 'the Spirit of Jesus'
forbade such and such an act, or that the Holy
Ghost 'testified' to such and such an effect, what
is meant is the Holy Ghost speaking by the mouth
of inspired prophets. In the Epistles 'prophets'
are frequently mentioned along with, but after,
'apostles' as a standing office in the Church (1 Co
1228f-, Eph 2-0 3* 4"). The difference between OT
and NT prophets lies, not in the nature of the
gift or of the functions in which it was exercised,
but only in the comparative degree of their import-
ance. The NT prophets were overshadowed by
the apostles, who possessed the special quahfica-
tion of having been in the immediate company of
the Lord Jesus (Ac 1-^^). Those who are men-
tioned expressly as 'prophets' occupy as a rule a
secondary, rather than a primary, place in the
history of the Church. At the same time it was
quite possible for an apostle, and even a leading
apostle hke St. Paul, to be endowed with the gift
of prophecy along with other gifts (cf. 1 Co 14^^^).
5. Apostolic inspiration. — We may really couple
together ' apostles ' and ' prophets ' as representing
the characteristic forms of inspiration in apostolic
times. But this inspiration must not be thought
of as something isolated. It was not a peculiar
and exceptional phenomenon standing by itself ; it
was rather the culminating point, or one of the
culminating points, in a wide movement. This
movement dates in its outward manifestation from
Pentecost ; it was what we should call in modern
phrase a 'wave' of rehgious enthusiasm, the
greatest of all such waves that history records,
and the one that had most clearly what we call
a supernatural origin. Language of this kind is
always relative; it is not as if the supernatural
was present in himian life at certain periods, and
absent at others. The supernatural is always
present and always active, but in infinitely varied
degrees ; and the Incarnate Life of our Lord Jesus
Christ, with its consequences, is an epoch in the
world's history like no other that has ever been
before or since ; in it the Spirit moved on the face
of the waters of humanity as it had done before
over the physical waters of the Creation. This
particular movement was, in a higher sense than
any before it, spiritually creative.
The double character of the movement — a super-
natural impulse and energy working upon and
through natural human faculties — is well brought
out in 1 Th 2]^ : ' For this cause we also thank God
without ceasing, that, when ye received from ua
the word pf the message, even the word of God, ye
accepted it not as the word of men, but, as it is in
truth, the word of God, which also worketh in you
that beheve.' With this should be taken the con-
text immediately preceding, which shows how the
Apostle concentrated aU the gifts of sympathy and
interest with which he was so richly endowed upon
the service of his converts. He moved among
them as a man among men ; and yet they were
conscious that there were Divine forces behind
him. _ They were conscious that he was an instru-
ment in the hand of God, the medium or vehicle of
a Divine message — a message that was in its ulti-
mate source none the less Divine because it was
shaped by a human mind acting in accordance with
its own proper laws.
Another very vivid picture of the apostolic
ministry is given in 1 Co 2^-*: 'And I, brethren,
when I came untoyou, came not with excellency
of speech or of wisdom, proclaiming to you the
mystery of God. For I determined not to know
anything among you, save Jesus Christ, and him
crucified. And I was with you in weakness, and
in fear, and in much trembling. And my speech
and my preaching were not in persuasive words of
wisdom, but in demonstration of the Spirit and of
power: that your faith should not stand in the
wisdom of men, but in the power of God.' The
Apostle here discriminates, and the distinction is
constantly present to his mind, between the re-
sources which he brings to his work as man and
the effect which he is enabled to produce by the
help of the Spirit of God. He is nothing of an
orator ; he has none of the arts of rhetoric ; when
he first preached at Corinth, he was in a state of
utter physical prostration. But all this only threw
into stronger rehef the success which he owed to a
Power beyond himself ; the wisdom and the force
with which he spoke were not his but God's.
Besides these Pauhne passages there is another
classical passage outside the writings of St. Paul.
This is contained in the opening verse and a half
of the Epistle to the Hebrews: 'God, having of
old time in many portions and in many modes
sj)oken unto the fathers in the prophets, hath at
the end of these days spoken unto us in his Son.'
Here we have a historical retrospect of the whole
course of revelation and inspiration. The history
is mapped out in two great periods. There is the
period of revelation by inspired men ; and over
against this there is the great concentrated and
616 INSPIRATION AND RE\^LATION
INSPIRATION AND RE^^LATION
crowning revelation by Him who is not a prophet
of God but His Son.
It is to be observed that in each case the pre-
position used is not (as in AV) 'by,' i.e. 'by means
of,' 'through the agency of,' but 'in' — in the
prophets and in the Son. In each case it ia the
same internal process of which we have been
speaking above. The prophets spoke through the
operation of the Holy Spirit working upon their
own human faculties. The Son spoke through His
o^\Ti essential Deity acting through the hke human
faculties which He assumed at His Incarnation.
WTien we think of this internal process we are
reminded of the words of our Lord to the Samaritan
woman: 'Every one that drinketh of this water
shall thirst again : but whosoever drinketh of this
water that I shall give him shall never thirst ; but
the water that I shall give him shall become in
him a well of water springing up into eternal life '
(TTTiyTj i/Saros aWoix^pov eh i^cjrjv alJiviov, Jn 4^^* ■''').
There are few natural objects to which the pro-
cess of inspiration can so well be compared as to a
spring of what the Jews called 'Uving,' i.e. running,
water. The cool fresh waters come bubbling and
sparkUng up from unknown depths; they gather
and spread and speed upon their way in a f ertiUzing
stream. Even so is the way of the Spirit.
We observe that the prophetic revelation is de-
scribed as taking effect 'in many portions and in
many modes.' This brings out a new point. It is
not in accordance with God's methods to reveal the
fuU truth all at once. He has revealed Himself
piecemeal, in portions, a bit here and a bit there,
'Une upon line and precept upon precept.' There
has been a gradual development, a development in
steps, each step marking an advance upon what had
preceded.
For comprehensive illustration we onlv need to
turn to the Sermon on the Mount (Alt 5-^""^^). This,
it will be remembered, is based upon an authority
no less venerable and commanding than the Deca-
logue. ' Ye have heard that it was said to them of
old time. Thou shalt not kill . . . Thou shalt not
commit adultery . . . Thou shalt not forswear
thyself ... ye have heard that it was said, An
ej'e for an eye and a tooth for a tooth ... ye have
heard that it was said, Thou shalt love thy neigh-
bour, and hate thine enemy.' And then, in each
case, a corrected version of the commandment is
given ; a new commandment is placed by the side
of the old : 'Ye have heard that it was said . . .
but I say unto you . . .' The last of these com-
mandments brings home to us in a very vivid way
at once the greatness and the hmitations of the
older inspiration. The old version was, 'Thou
shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enem^^'
The new version is, ' Love your enemies and pray
for them that persecute you.' Again, there is the
well-kno\\'n incident of the Samaritan village which
in accordance with the TR used to run : ' And
when his disciples James and John saw this, they
said, Lord, wilt thou that we command fire to come
down from heaven, and consume them, even as
Ehas did ? But he turned, and rebuked them, and
said, "V'e know not what manner of spirit ye are of.
For the Son of man is not come to destroy men's
hves, but to save them. And they went to another
village' (Lk 9'"*''"'^). The reading may not be
original, but the sense is rightly given ; the longer
version does but expand the meaning of the shorter.
Such instances may show how far our I^ord Him-
self went in correcting or modifying portions of
the older Scriptures, which in their original con-
text had been truly inspired, but on a lower level.
It is difficult to exhaust the significance of this
great passage from the Epistle to the Hebrews ;
but a word must just be said about that other
phra«e, *In many modes.' It might be taken as
including the different classes of persons through
whom_ God spoke ; not only prophets, but also
psalmists and wise men. These classes too shared
in a genuine inspiration, though they did not
exactly use the special formula 'Thus saith the
Lord.' The whole nation, as the Chosen People, was
reaUy a medium of Divine communication, though
as a rule such communication was conveyed
through individuals who were specially inspired.
Then there is the further question of the manner
of the communication. There is a large body of
evidence which goes to show that, under the New
Dispensation as well as under the Old, the Holy
Spirit made use of vision and trance and dream.
Some of the examples — as, for instance, those from
the ' we-passages ' of the Acts — are very well attested
indeed. Another strong example would be the vision
of the Apocalypse, though that is probably the case
of a book based upon a vision , r at her t han co-extensive
with the actual vision. The book itself would seem
to have been constructed upon literary methods.
That would be another instance of the 'many
modes.' _ The Gospels are really a new and special
form of literature. The Epistles are of more than
one kind. Some are what we should call genuine
letters, others are rather treatises ia the form of
letters. 'VMien once the epistolary type was fixed
it would be natural to employ it in different waj^s.
Before we leave the passage from Hebrews, we
must go back to the main point : the distinction
between revelation 'by' or 'in' the prophets, and
revelation 'by' or 'in' the Son. The distinction
is sufficiently explained by the words that are
used. The prophets were 'spokesmen' of God;
the Son was the Son — none other and none less.
His inspiration came to Him as the Son. It was
the product of His direct and constant filial com-
munion with the Father. The nature of this
inspiration ia explained in that other famous
verse: 'AU things have been delivered vmto me
of my Father ; and no one knoweth the Son, save
the Father ; neither doth any know the Father,
save the Son, and he to whomsoever the Son wiUeth
to reveal him' (Mt 11", Lk IO22).
For a further exposition we may turn to the pro-
logue of St. John's Gospel, where the correct read-
ing perhaps is : ' No man hath seen God at any
time ; God only begotten, who is in the bosom of
the Father, hehath declared him' (Jn l^^). The
phrase 'who is in the bosom of the Father' denotes
exactly that close and uninterrupted communion
between the Son and the Father of which we have
been speaking. The Son is admitted to the inner-
most counsels of the Father ; and therefore it is
that He is able to communicate them to men.
6. The historical setting. — \\'hen we were quot-
ing above from the First Epistle to the Corinthians,
we were really extracting a page or two from the
autobiography of St. Paul ; but the Apostle gives us
plainly to understand that his experience was shared
bymany other Christians. That groupof phenomena
which we call inspiration was part of the movement
described in general as the outpouring of the Holy
Spirit; and St. Paul, with his natural bent for
analysis, classifies and labels the different forms of
manifestation which the gift of the Spirit assumed
(1 Co r2''""). Some of these concern us, and some
do not; but the 'word of wisdom,' the 'word of
knowledge,' ' prophecy and the discerning of spirits '
are all directly in point. In these various ways
the men of that day might have been seen to be
carried out of and beyond their natural selves ;
and we possess a permanent written expression of
the movement in the books of the NT. The gift
of 'speaking with tongues' was a by-product of
the same movement.
Like all other spiritual forces, these too needed
to be regulated ; they needed the controlling hand
INSPIRATION AND RE^^:LATION
INSPIRATION AND RE\TLATION 617
to fit them in orderly fashion into their place in
the organized Hfe of the society. Left to them-
selves, the exuberant outgi'owths of spiritual ex-
•altation were apt to run riot and cross and interfere
with one another. It is such a state of things that
St. Paul deals with in 1 Co 14. From a chapter
Uke that we may form a good idea as to what the
primitive assemblies for worship were Hke in a
community that was, perhaps rather more than the
average, subject to religious excitement. The
Apostle lays down rules which, if observed, would
keep this excitement within due bounds.
Great movements such as this which we have
seen to be characteristic of the Apostolic Age do
not come to an abrupt end, but shade off gradually
into the more placid conditions of ordinary times.
Hence, though it was natural and justifiable to
regard the sphere of this special inspiration as co-
extensive with the hterature which claims to be
apostolic, the extension of the inspiration to the
whole of that literature and the denial of its
presence in any writing that falls outside those
hmits, must not be assumed as an exact and
scientific fact. The Epistles, e.g., of Ignatius of
Antioch are not inferior to those which pass under
the names of 2 Peter and Jude. There are two
places in the Epistles of Clement of Rome to the
Corinthians (lix. 1 and Ixiii. 2) which appear to
make what we should call a definite claim to in-
spiration ; and Ignatius reminds the Philadelphians
(vii. 1) how, when he was present in their assembly
he had suddenly exclaimed, under an impulse which
he could not master, 'with a loud voice, with the
voice of God: "Give heed to the bishop, to the
presbytery, and to the deacons." ' He clearly re-
garded this utterance as prompted by the Holy
Spirit. He certainly did so in complete good faith ;
and there is no reason for disputing his claim, any
more than there would be in our own day in the
case of one who spoke under strong conviction,
with deep emotion, and with a profound sense of
direct responsibility to God. It would not follow,
even so, that the claim, standing alone, was in-
fallible — it would, like aU such claims, be subject
to ' the discerning of spirits' — but it would at least
have a -prima facie right to a hearing.
7. False claims to inspiration. — As in the case
of the OT, so also in tlie case of the NT, we have
to reckon with false claims to inspiration. There
were prophets who were not deserving of the name.
In both Testaments the prophets are regarded as
forming a sort of professional class, which contained
unworthy members. There is more than one
allusion to false prophets of the elder dispensation
(Lk 6=«, 2 P 21). The Jew Bar-Jesus (or Elymas)
is described as a magician or false prophet (Ac 13^).
But there are special warnings against false
prophets (Mt 7^^), more particularly in connexion
with the troubled times which precede the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem (Mk 13" = Mt 24^^; cf. v.").
False prophets are a fixed feature in the eschato-
logical scheme. As a matter of fact, they must
have been numerous towards the end of the
ApostoUc Age (1 Jn 4\ 2 P 2^) ; and hence it is
that in the Book of Revelation the class is summed
up in the personification of the False Prophet (Rev
13nff. iQisf. 19202010). The dangers from this source
were met by a special gift of discernment between
false inspiration and true (1 Co 12^°).
8. Temporary element in the apostolic con-
ception of inspiration. — The apostolic conception
of inspiration did not differ in kind from that which
prevailed in Jewish circles at the time. Tt was the
product of reflexion upon the earlier period of the
history when prophecy had been in full bloom.
Under the influence of the scribes from Ezra on-
ward, the idea of prophecy and of Scripture gener-
ally had hardened into a definite theologoumenon.
It was not to be expected that the doctrine thus
formed should be checked by strict induction from
the facts. The prophets spoke with authority,
which they claimed to be Divine. They did not
enter into any precise psychological analysis in
accordance with which they distinguished between
the human element in the process and the Divine.
They knew that the impulse — the overpowering
impulse and influence — came from outside them-
selves. It was only natural that they should set
down the whole process to this. Thus there grew
up the belief that the inspired word was in all
respects Divine and endowed with all the properties
of that which is Divine. The word of God, whether
spoken or written, must be as certain in its opera-
tion as the laws of Nature. 'As the rain cometh
dowTi and the snow from heaven, and returneth
not thither, but watereth the earth, and maketh
it bring forth and bud, and giveth seed to the
sower and bread to the eater ; so shall my word be
that goeth forth out of my mouth : it shall not
return unto me void, but it shall accompHsh that
which I please, and it shall prosper in the thing
whereto I sent it' (Is 55^°^). It was perfectly true
that the broad Divine purpose as such was in-
f alhble. But it was a further step — and a mistaken
step — to suppose that every detail in the human
expression of that purpose shared in its infallibility.
Yet the step was taken, and gradually hardened
into a dogma (for the Jewish doctrine see W.
Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums^, BerKn, 1906,
p. 172) . The apostles in this respect did not differ
from their countrymen. The infallibility of the
Scriptures — and indeed the verbal infallibihty — is
expressly laid down in Jn 10^^ (where the Evangehst
is speaking rather than his Master). Yet the as-
sertion of the doctrine in this instance is associated
with an argument which, to modern and Western
logic, is far from infallible. And the same must
be said of St. Paul (Gal 3'''), where he argues after
the manner of the Rabbis from the use of the
singular 'seed' instead of the plural 'seeds.'
There is more to be said about the minute fulfil-
ments which are so often pointed out by St.
Matthew and St. John (Mt 1^2 etc., Jn 2^2 etc.) ;
on these see esp. Cheyne, Com. on Isaiah, London,
ISSl, ii. 170-189.
Broadly speaking, it would be true to say that
the apphcation of the OT by the apostles shows a
deepened grasp of its innermost meaning {e.g. St.
Paul's treatment of 'faith,' of the election of Israel,
the call of the Gentiles, the nearness of the gospel
[Ro 10^^] and the Hke). But these are instances
of their deepened insight generally, and are not
different in kind from the Rabbinical theology,
which, though often at fault, from time to time
shows flashes of great penetration.
Suitwiary. — In regard to the conception of reve-
lation and inspii-ation as a whole, the same sort
of gradual shading off is to be observed. The
idea itself is fundamental; it must hold a per-
manent and leading place in the mind's outlook
upon the world and on human history. There is
a certain amount of detachable dross connected
■u4th it, but the essence of it is pure gold. And
this essence is not to be too closely circumscribed.
There were adumbrations of the idea outside Israel.
In Israel itself, in the prophetic order, the idea
received its full provisional expression ; but the
coping-st one wasplaceduponit by Christianity ;God,
who in time past had spoken to the Chosen Race
by the prophets, at the end of the ages spoke, not
only to them but to aU mankind, by His Son (He 1^) .
LiTERATTjRE. — The present writer ia not aware of any work
dealing specifically with the apostolic conception of Inspiration
and Revelation ; but on the general subject reference may be
made to artt. 'Bible' and 'Bible in the Church' in ERE, vol.
ii. ; to B. Jowett, on 'The Interpretation of Scripture' in
Essays and Reviews, London, 1860 ; G. T. Ladd, What is the
618
INTERCESSION
INTERCESSION
Bible?, New York. ISSS ; C. A. Briggs, The Bible, the Church,
and the Reason, Edinburgh, 1S92; R. F. Horton, Revelation
and the Bible, London, 1892 ; W. Sanday, Inspiration^
{Bampton Lectures for 1893), do. 1896; B. B. Warneld, artt.
"'It says'': "Scripture says": "God says,"' in Presb. and
Ref. Review, x. [1899] 472 ff., and '"God-inspired Scripture," 'in
ib. si. [1900] 89 £f. ; F. Watson, Inspiration, London, 1906; J.
Orr, Revelation and Inspiration, do. 1910; A. S. Peake, The
Bible, do. 1913; W. Koelling, Proleijomena ziir Lehre von der
Theopneustie, Breslau, 1S90; H. Cremer, art. 'Inspiration,' in
PRE^ ix. [Leipzig, 1901] ; M. Kahler, Wissenschaft der christl.
Lehre, Leipzig, 1905; H. VoUmer, art. 'Inspiration,' in RGG
iii. [Tubingen, 1911]; also, on the nature of Inspiration, H.
Gunkel, Die Wirkungen des heiligen Geistes-, Gottingen, 1899 ;
H. Weinel, Die W irkumjen des Geistes und der Geister, Frei-
burg i. B., 1899; P.Volz, Der Geist Gottes, Tubingen, 1910.
W. Sanday.
INTERCESSION.— The word ^vtcv^is, translated
' intercession ' (1 Ti 2^ 4*), means literally ' drawing
close to God in free and familiar intercourse.' But
the modern use of the word, which limits the
meaning to prayer for others, need not obliterate
the original meaning. It is in proportion as the
person praying for others is able to enlarge his
owm intercourse with God that he can be, like
Moses, Samuel, Elijah, able to uphold others.
In the NT human capacity for this work is seen
to be immeasurably increased through the examjsle
and teaching of the Lord Jesus, and by the co-
operation of the Holy Spirit, who intercedes ' with
groanings which cannot be uttered' and 'according
to the wiU of God' (Ro 8-"- ^'). We may expect,
therefore, to find that the work of intercession
will grow as the Church grows, with great widen-
ing of experience and influence. The enlarged
teaching of St. Paul in his later letters corresponds
with the facts narrated in the Acts, where inter-
cessory services are quoted at all great crises. The
apostles and brethren pray for guidance in the
appointment of a successor to Judas (Ac 1-^), as
when they appoint the Seven (6^ ; cf. 13^), or pray
for the deUverance of St. Peter from prison (12^ j.
The farewell prayers with the elders of Ephesus
('20^*), and the whole congregation of Tyre (21^-^),
are tj'pical in all probability of many similar
services.
The teaching and the practice of the mother
Church in Jerusalem are reflected in the Epistle of
James (5^^), where the prayers of the elders of the
Church on behalf of the sick are definitely en-
joined ; nor is sickness of the soul forgotten in
prayer for forgiveness (5^^).
1. The Epistles of St. Paul help our imagination
to go further in reproduciiiL; the method of inter-
cession in the Apostolic Cliurch. Intercession is
continually linked with thanksgiving. Making
mention of the Thessalonians in his prayers, he
refers to their faith, hope, and love (1 Th 1^- ^),
and their acceptance of his message as the Word
of God (2"), 'praying exceedingly that he may see
their face and may perfect that which is lacking
in their faith' (3i"). So in 2 Th l^^ he prays that
God may count them worthy of His calHng and
the name of the Lord Jesus Christ be glorified in
them. In response he asks for their intercession
that ' the word of the Lord may run and be glori-
fied,' and he himself may be delivered from un-
reasonable and evil men (3''). There is a striking
phrase in 2 Co 1^^, when he has received the good
news from Corinth, and pictures their prayers
for his deliverance from peril: *Ye also helping
together on our behalf by your supplication ; that,
for the gift bestowed upon us by means of many,
thanks may be given by many persons on our
behalf.' J. A. Beet {ad loc.) translates 'from
many faces,' a graphic word-picture of the up-
turned faces of the whole congregation.
To the Roman Christians, whom he has not yet
seen, St. Paul writes that he makes mention of
them unceasingly (Ro 1^"^^), praising God for their
faith, and praying that he may be enabled to come
and impart to them some spiritual gift of grace.
They can help him by mutual encouragement.
In Eph 1^^^-, rejoicing, as always, in what is
fairest in the character of his friends, he prays
that they may have 'a spirit of wisdom and revela-
tion,' growth in that knowledge of God which
alike proves our efficiency and increases it in our
use of His revelation, when our eyes are opened to
see the wealth of the glory of Ilis inheritance in
the saints, and the greatness of His power. He
speaks from his own experience of knowledge
issuing in power.
In his next prayer (Eph 3*- "-") St. Paul puts
the need of Divine power first as ' a condition of
abiHty to apprehend "the whole range of the
sphere in which the Divine wisdom and love find
exercise'" (Chad wick, p. 290). His social teach-
ing here is noteworthy. Every family is enabled
to live its common hfe in proportion as the in-
dividuals hve up to their personal ideal. So he
prays that Christ may dwell in each heart, for the
strength of Clu-ist is conveyed only to those who
are fully strong enough to know the love of Christ.
Again, writing to the Colossians (l^*^), he prays
that they may be 'endowed with all wisdom to
apprehend [God's] verities and aU intelligence to
follow His processes, hving in the mind of the
Spirit — to the end that knowledge may manifest
itself in practice' (J. B. Lightfoot, ad loc). Hav-
ing this sure grasp of principle, he can dare to pray
for them as patient and long-suffering, and always
thankful despite discouragement.
In Ph 1^'^^ he prays that love and knowledge
and discernment may inspire them to approve
things that are excellent with a pure conscience
that offends none, and a life fiUed with the fruits
of righteousness.
Thus the method of St, Paul is exactly parallel
to the method of our Lord's High-Priestly prayer
(Jn 17^), in which intercession is concentrated first
on the needs of those given to Him out of the
world. The hope of the future depends on the
strengthening of Christian centres before anything
is said about those 'who shall believe through
their word.' The beauty of the Clii-istian hfe is
the nrefragable proof of the truth of Christian
teaching ; so it is to uphold the ideal of Christian
character that St. Paul prays most earnestly. But
this does not mean that the corporate intercessions
should not take also a wuder range. In 1 Ti 2^'-
he exhorts that 'supplications, prayers, interces-
sions, thanksgivings, be made for all men, for
kings and all that are in high place,' a direction
which, as we shall see presently in the letter of
Clement, was fervently followed in the Church in
Rome, from which city he wrote this last Epistle.
It is a strange commentary on this teaching of
St. Paul that Josephus should actually ascribe the
origin of the war which ended with the destruction
of Jerusalem to the refusal of the Jews, at the in-
stigation of Eleazar, to offer prayer for Gentile
rulers {BJ ii. xvii. 2).
2. In the Epistle to the Hebrews (7-') there is
an important passage on the intercession of tiie
Lord Jesus as our High Priest. 'In the glorilied
humanity of the Son of man every true human
wish finds perfect and prevailing expression' (B. F.
Westcott, ad loc). In reliance upon Christ's ad-
vocacy as both social and personal, the writer
naturally asks for the prayers of his readers (13^**'),
and especially that he may be restored to them
the sooner.
3. In 1 John (5") intercession is regarded as the
expression of ])erfect l)()liliiess in prayer which
consciousness of a IJivine life brings to believers :
'The energy of Christian life is from the first
social' (Westcott, ad loc). Its prevailing power
is assured on behalf of all who sin a sin not unto
IXTERCESSION
ixterpiietatio:n'
619
death, sins which flow from human imperfection.
In regard to sin which wholly separates from
Christ, the Apostle does not forbid, though he
cannot enjoin (v."").
4. The teaching of the Apostolic Fathers follows
the lines already laid do^\^l by the NT writers.
{a) Clement goes to the root of the troubles at
Corinth when he asks that intercession should be
made ' for them that are in any transgression, that
forbearance and humility may be given them ' {Ep.
ad Cor. Ivi.). And he shows what a prominent
place in the eucharistic prayers of the Church was
given to intercessions (lix.) : ' Save those among
us who are in tribulation ; have mercy on the
lowly ; lift up the fallen ; show Thyself unto the
needy ; heal the ungodly ; convert the wanderers
of Thy people ; feed tlie hungry ; release our
prisoners ; raise up the meek ; comfort the faint-
hearted. Let all the Gentiles know that Thou art
God alone, and Jesus Christ is Thy Son, and we
are Thy people and the sheep of Thy pasture.'
The prayer for rulers and governors may also be
quoted (Ixi. ) : ' Grant unto them therefore, O Lord,
health, peace, concord, stability, that they may
administer the government which Thou hast given
them without failure. ... Do Thou, Lord, direct
their counsel according to that which is good and
well-pleasing in Thy sight, that, administering in
peace and gentleness with godliness the power
which Thou hast given them, they may obtain
Thy favour.'
(6) The joy of intercession finds striking expres-
sion in Hernias (Mand. x. 3), who teaches our need
of cheerfulness and maintains that the intercession
of a sad man hath never at any time power to
ascend to the altar of God. He paints also in the
Parable of the elm and the vine (Sim. ii.) the diffi-
culties of the rich man, who in the things of the
Lord is poor, and his confession and intercession
with the Lord are very scanty, because he is dis-
tracted about his riciies. As the vine seeks the
support of the elm, let him help the poor man, who
is rich in intercession, and gain the support of his
prayers.
(c) Turning from the Church in Rome to the
Church in Antioch, we find Ignatius on his way to
martyrdom asking for intercession in the Eucharist
that he may succeed in fighting with wild beasts
(Eph. i.), and 'for the rest of mankind (for there
is in them a hope of repentance), that they may find
God ' (ib. 10). He requests prayer for the Church
in Syria in all his letters. 'For, if the prayer
of one and another hath so great force, how much
more that of the bishop and of the whole Church'
(ib. 5). To the llomans he writes : ' Only pray that
I may have power within and without' (ib. 3).
These quotations may suffice to show how
thoroughly the practice of intercession was carried
out by the primitive Church.
(d) Aristides in his Apology says: 'I have no
doubt that the world stands by reason of the inter-
cession of Christians' (ch. 16).
(e) In the Martyrdom of Polycarp (A.D. 155),
viii., it is recorded how the aged Martyr remem-
bered ' all who at any time had come in his way,
small and great, high and low, and all the Uni-
versal Church throughout the world.*
(/) A little later Tertullian wrote these beautiful
•words (de Orat. 29) : ' [Christian prayer] has no
delegated grace to avert any sense oi suflering ;
but it supplies the suffering, and the feeling, and
the grieving, with endurance : it amplifies gi'ace
by virtue, that faith may know what she obtains
from the Lord, understanding what — for God's
name's sake — she suffers. . . . Likewise it washes
away faults, repels temptations, extinguishes per-
secutions, consoles the faint-spirited, cheers the
high-spirited, escorts travellers, appeases waves.
makes robbers stand aghast, nourishes the poor,
governs the rich, upraises the fallen, arrests the
falling, confirms the standing.'
Literature.— A. J. Worlledge, Prayer, 1902 ; W. H. Frere
and A. L. lUingworth, Sursum Corda, 1905 ; W. E. Chad-
wick, The Pastoral Teaching of St. Paul, 1907 ; see also under
peateb. a. E. Burn.
INTERMEDIATE STATE.— See Eschatology.
INTERPRETATION. — This -word is used in
ditt'erent senses by Christians in the Apostolic Age.
(1) St. Paul applies it to that spiritual ' gift ' which
enabled one to expound the unintelligible utterance
known as ' tongues' (e/);tt77i'ela[l Co 12^" 14-''], diepfiTjve^u
[1 Co 12»» 14"- I's- 27], di€p/jLwevr-/is [1 Co 14^8]). (2) Later
writers 'interpret' a foreign word by giving its
Greek equivalent (ipfir/veijto [Jn l'*^ 9', He 7*], 8i.epix7)v-
eijoi [Ac 93«], fieeep/xv^eiw [Mt 1^ Mk 5^ 1522- 34, Jq
138. 41^ xc 43« 138]). When Papias calls St. Mark St.
Peter's interpreter (ipfiTjvevrris [Euseb. HE in. 39]),
he may be supposing that St. Peter preached in
Aramaic (or Hebrew) and that St. Mark translated
the sermon to the Greek audience. This is histori-
cally improbable, however, and possibly Papias
means only that St. Mark, since he composed his
Gospel on the basis of St. Peter's sermons, is there-
by St. Peter's ' expounder.' (3) In the sense of
Scriptural exposition, the word 'interpretation' is
rarely used in the NT. The meaning of ' private
interpretation ' in 2 P l^" (ISLas iviXijcTeus) is doubt-
ful, though, in view of what follows, it seems to
signify the prophet's complete subordination to
God's will. In Lk 24" (diep/xijveiiu) direct reference
is made to Christian interpretation of the OT
books — a practice which was very general and very
important in the apostolic period.
The OT occupied a unique place in the life and
thought of the first Christians. St. Paul pre-
supposed his readers' acquaintance with its writ-
ings, which he assumed to be the final court of
appeal in all argumentation. ApoUos, whom
certain Corinthians set up as St. Paul's rival, was
also 'mighty in the scriptures' (Ac IS*''). OT
language and thought are frequently appropriated
by the NT writers. According to H. B. Swete
(Introduction to the OT in Greek, Cambridge, 1900,
p. 381 f.), there are 78 formal quotations in St.
Paul, 46 in the Synoptists, 28 in Hebrews, 23 in
Acts, 12 in John, and about a dozen in the remain-
ing books. Even where formal quotations are
lacking, OT phraseology is sometimes frequent
(e.g. Rev.). The early Christians, like the Jews,
believed in the Divine origin and authority of
Scripture. In spite of his breach with Judaism,
St. Paul still held the Law and the Commandments
to be holy, righteous, and good (Ro 7^"), and he
repeatedly affirmed that these things were written
' for our sake' (Ro 4^'- 15\ 1 Co 9«^- W- "). Here
he found a clear revelation of God's purposes and
an infallible guide for Christians in matters of
conduct and doctrine (cf. Ro P 3^- '''<'■ 4^^- 8^^ 9«ff-
106ff. ipf. 26 1311 i59ff. 21^ 1 Co 618 98- 13 1018 ll"- 1421-8*
153. 45. 64^ 2 Co po 3i3ff- Q^^«- 815 99, Gal 38- 1«- 22). The
Evangelists saw in the OT foreshadowings of Jesus^
career and proof of His Messiahship (e.g. Mt P-
26.16.23 414 8" Il7ff-i2i' 13^ 2P, Mk 1^'- 4i"- IP^-
1210£. 36 1427^ Lk 421 727 24^*, Jn 12^8 15-S I7I2 192*- 28- 36).
For Matthew OT prophecy is virtually a 'source'
of information about Jesus' career, as when Mk
111-'' is made to conform to the first evangelist's
interpretation of Zee 9^ (Mt 211-^ ; see also Mt 1^^'-
25f.i5i7f. etc.).
OT language serves other important purposes in
the Gospels. God speaks in this language at Jesus'
Baptism, and again at His Transfiguration ; it is
used in the conversation between Jesus and Satan ;
and it furnishes phraseology for some of Jesus
620
i:n"terpeetation
ISAAC
most forceful and solemn pronouncements, where
sometimes the sound of Holy Writ seems to be
prized above perspicuity (e.g. Mt lO^*"^-, Mk d'''^
joas 153^). Tlie history of the early community is
also Scripturally authenticated (Ac 1"" 2""i'- 4'-^«'-)-
Thus the NT writers derived not only incidental
and descriptive details, but on occasion more im-
portant features of their narratives from the OT.
This was only natural, since these sacred books
were believed to be inspired of God, protitable for
teaching, reproof, correction, and instruction, and
able to make men ' wise unto salvation ' (2 Ti 3'^'- ;
cf. 2 P I'^s--)- Christians gave to the OT all the
prestige it had in Judaism, believing that they,
througli their faith in Christ, iiad come into
possession of the only key to all true interpretation.
Tiie exact content and text of the first Cliriscians'
'Bible' are not known. They were doubtless
familiar with the tlnee-fold division of the Jewish
canon — tlie 'Law,' the 'Prophets,' and the 'Writ-
ings ' (Lk 24-*^ [?]), but they probably did not discuss
questions of canonicity. Their feeling of spiritual
elevation left no room for such academic discus-
sions. And in the portions of Scripture used in-
dividual choice seems to have had free play. The
evangelists favour the Prophets and the Psalms,
while St. Paul and the author of Hebrews cite
mainly from the Pentateuch. But there is scarcely
a book of the OT with which some NT writer does
not show acquaintance. Obad., Ezr., Neh., and
Est. are the only exceptions {according to Toy,
Quotations in the NT, p. vi, n. 1). Apocryphal
books and popular legends arc also used (cf. 1 Co
10*. Gal 3'», Ac 7*^ 2 Ti 3^ He 2^ lp7, Jude «•»•").
Textual problems seem to have been ignored.
Quotations are mostly from the LXX, though use
of the Hebrew text has sometimes been supposed.
This is very difficult, if not impossible, to prove,
since we do not know the exact form of Greek text
which a NT writer may have used. A part of the
early community ordinarily spoke Aramaic (Ac 6^),
but Greek writers naturally followed the LXX
rendering, even when the original tradition was in
Aramaic or Hebrew. In fact, there seems to have
been little thought about slavish adherence to any
text. Christians possessed a superior understand-
ing, which allowed them to alter phraseology, to
paraphrase freely, or even to cite loosely from
memory.
Thus their methods were more spontaneous than
those of scribism, yet the general character of their
interpretation was predominantly Jewish. Its free
iiandling of the text, its disregard for the original
setting, its logical vagaries, its slight tendency to
become artihcial, were all Jewish traits. To illus-
trate from the NT, Mk l^'- changes the wording of
prophecy and disregards its natural meaning in
order to make the Christian application possible.
A logical non sequitur is illustrated in Mk 12-*^'-,
where an original statement about the historic
earthly career of Abraham is made the basis for
an inference about his future heavenly career.
St. Pauls argument from 'seed' and 'seeds' (Gal
3'*), his comjtarison between Hagar and Sarah (Gal
4-"'^^*). and his interpretation of the OT injunction
against muz/iing the ox (1 Co Q"'-)) all tend to be-
come artilicial. Christians appropriated and imi-
tated Jewish J/iV^r«.s/iJTO seemingly without liesita-
tion, as when St. Paul made Christ the spiritual
rock (1 Co 10^; cf. 'Kabbah' on Nu 1'). They
argued from word-derivation (Mt l-'"'-), and from
the numerical value of letters (Rev 13"*; cf. art.
'Gematria' in JE); and they freely emi»Ioyed
figures, types, analogies, allegories (q.v.). They
.•ilso copied the more .sober type of Haggadic Mid-
rdshini. Their emphasis upon the example of their
Master, their preservation of His teaching, their
harking back to the ancient worthies, are all in
line with Jewish custom. The work of the NT
interpreter is not so very unlike that of the ideal
scribe of Sir 39^"-. Yet early Christian interpreta-
tion did not run to the same extreme of barren
artificiality as that of the scribes, nor was it
pursued merely for its own sake. As the hand-
maid of the new faith, it was subordinated to the
consciousness of a new spiritual authority in
personal experience, a fact which may explain why
Christians were partial to OT passages dealing
with personal religious life.
Literature. — C. H. Toy, Quotations in the NT, New York,
1S84, where earlier literature is cited ; F. Johnson, The Quota-
tions of the New Tetftament Jrom, the Old, London, 1890; A.
Clemen, Der Gebrauch des AT in den neutest. tichriften,
Gutersloh, 1895; E. Hiihn, Die alttest. Citate und Reiaiiiis-
cenzen im NT, Tiihiiiy:eii, 1900; W. Dittmar, I'etiis Tenta-
mentum in Novo, GoUin!,'en, 1903 ; E. Grafe, Das Urehris-
tentum und das AT, Tubiiitfen, 1907 ; P. Glaue, Die Vorlesung
heiliger Schriften im Goltesdienste, i., Berlin, 1907 ; S. J. Case,
'The NT Writers' Interpretation of the UT,' in B\V xxxviii.
[1911] 92 ff. The more general treatises on Hermeiieutics
usually have a section on the apostolic period.
S. J. Case.
IRON {fflbiqpo'j ; adj. (TtS^peos). — Iron, the com-
monest, cheapest, and most useful of heavy metals,
is mentioned (Rev 18^-') among the merchandise of
* Babylon ' ( = Rome). The Iron Age of civilization
succeeded the Ages of Copper and Bronze. ' In
Egypt, Chaldaaa, Assyria, China, it reaches far
back, to jjerhaps 4000 years before tlie Christian era.
Homer represents Greece as beginning her Iron
Age twelve hundred years before our era ' (EBr^^
xiv. [1910] 800). Rome was supplied with iron
from India, the shores of the Black Sea, Spain,
Elba, and the province of Noricum. The apoca-
lyptic Messiah is to rule the nations with a rod
of iron (Rev 2-^ 12' 19'^), a symbol of inflexible
justice (cf. Ps 29). The iron gate leading from the
Fortress of Antonia into the city of Jerusalem
opened to St. Peter and the angel of its own accord
{avTOfidTT], Ac 12"*) ; cf. Homer's avTOfiarai d^ injXai
/MVKOv ovpavoO, Sis ^x^" 'iipa' (■^^- V. 749), and Virgil,
^n. vi. 81 f. James Steahan.
ISAAC ('lo-acf/f).— Isaac, the son of Abraham and
Sarah, was superior in a variety of ways to his
half-brother Islimael. He was ' the son of the free-
woman ' (6 dk iK TTJs £\evd^pas. Gal 4^^ ; toD viov rrjs
iXevd^pas, v. 3") ; he was ' born through a promise '
(5t' eirayyeXlas, v.-^) given to his parents in their old
age ; he was ' born after the Spirit ' {Kara irvevfia,
v.-^), who gave the promise and perhaps the strength
et's KarajSoXr]!' cnrepixaTos (He W^) ; and, as the true
son — even called the only-begotten (rbv ixovoyevTj,
v.'^) — he inherited the covenant promises given by
God to Abraham. His brother, on the other hand,
was ' the son of the handmaid ' [6 fih e/c ttjs waibi<TK-r)%,
Gal 4^^ ; 6 vlbs rrjs Trai5iaKr]s, v.-*") ; he was ' born after
the tlesh ' (6 Kara adpKa yewrjdils, v.-") ; and he could
'not inherit with the son of the freewoman ' (v. 3").
St. Paul uses the relations of the two brothers to
their father and to one another to help him to make
good his distinction between ' the children of the
promise,' who are 'reckoned for a seed,' and 'the
children of the flesh,' who are not 'children of
God' (Ro 9^). Grappling with the problem of the
incidence in his own day of the promises first given
to Abraham, he contends that while mere Jewish
birth and upbringing do not constitute a claim
of right to sjiiritual jirivileges, no barrier except
unbelief can prevent the Gentiles from inheriting
them. Com])ressing his teaching into a single
suggestive sentence, he says : ' We [the Christian
Church], like Isaac {Kara. 'IcadK), are children of
promise ' {iirayyeXias reKva, Gal 4"^* ; cf. rd riKva
T^s eirayyeXlas, Ro 9**). Born in the fullness of time,
made free by the gift of the Spirit, and destined for
a great heritage, the Christians of every land are
prefigured in Isaac. ' If ye are Christ's, then are
ISAIAH
ISAIAH
621
ye Abraham's seed, lieirs according to promise ' (Gal
3^^). The carnal Lshmael, who in this daring
allegory represents orthodox Judaism, may ' per-
secute ' the Spirit-born Isaac (according to the
Rabbinic interpretation of the originally innocent
word ' playing ' in Gn 21^) ; but, wliile the child of
the freewoman (the Cliurch) is established for ever
in the P'ather's house by a covenant of grace, the
eon of the bondwoman (the Jewish people) is cast
out. If — as Luther says on Gal 4^^ — ' allegory is
not argument,' it may at least be extremely effec-
tive illustration. The Apostle's strong imagina-
tion makes the simple old folk-tale suddenly flash
with new meanings, which serve to illuminate a
complex and difficult modern situation.
Two other incidents in Isaac's life are referred to
in He 11"^-. (1) He was virtually offered up as a
sacrifice to God (cf. Ja 2*') ; in a figure (ev irapa^oXrj)
he came back from the dead, passing through the
likeness of death and resurrection (see Abraham).
(2) By blessing his son, he gave evidence of his
faith concerning things to come {irepl fj.i\\6vTuv).
His trust in God made future pos.sibiIities as real as
present certainties. His faith corresponded to the
definition in He IP: it was the substantiating of
tilings hoped for [eXiri^ofjAvuiv inrda-raais).
James Strahan.
ISAIAH ('Htratas or 'Hcratas, Vulg. Isaias, in the
leathers also Esnias). — Isaiah, the grandest figure
among the prophets of Israel, is named 3 times in
Acts (8-8- 3" 28-') and 5 times in Romans (O'-"- ^^
10'6. 20 1512) Nothing is said in the NT of his
personal history, excejjt that eTrpla-drjaav in He 11^^
probably alludes to the tradition — found in the
Ascension of Isaiah (i. 9, v. 1), and repeated in
Justin's Trypho (ch. 120, irpiovi ^uXtry iirpia-are) —
that he was sawn asunder, a tradition which,
though not incredible, is without historical value.
Every NT refei'ence to the prophet's name is ac-
companied by a quotation from his writings, which
were for the A])ostolic Age the words that 'the
Holy Ghost spake by Isaiah ' (Ac 28-''). Yet cer-
tain spontaneous notes of appreciation from the
lips and pen of St. Paul are precious as indications,
slight but real, of the impression made upon one
master-spirit by the writings of anotliei". ' Isaiah
crieth ' {Kpdi'ei, Ro 9'-'') is an appraisement of the
empliasis of his utterance; 'well (or finely) spake
the Holy Spirit through Isaiah ' (/caXiDs iXdX-nae,
Ac 28-^) expresses hearty sympathy with the pro-
phet's teaching and admiration of the language in
which it is conveyed ; and ' Isaiah is very bold '
('Ho-aias 5^ dwoToX/xg:, Ro 10^") is one spiritual pro-
tagonist's tribute to another's personal courage. It
needed heroism for Isaiah to proclaim, in the face
of Israel's haughty exclusiveness, a gracious Divine
purpose which embraced all the Gentiles ; and St.
Paul, whose life-work it was to fulfil that purpose
in spite of fanatical Jewish opposition, was the
man to appreciate a splendid boldness inspired by
great faith.
The NT, of course, makes no distinction between
a First, Second, and Third Isaiah. The prophet's
name impartially covers a variety of writings
which criticism now pronounces to be productions
of widely ditterent periods. He is equally the seer
of the Root of Jesse (Is ipo || Ro 15'-) and of the
suffering servant of the Lord (Is 53^ || Ac 8^^). It
was a passage in ' Isaiah the prophet' (ch. 53) that
the Ethiopian was reading in his chariot when he
was joined by St. Pliilip, whose interpretation of
that mysterious utterance — the profoundest in the
OT — in the light of Christ's Passion led the eunuch
to faith and baptism
Two NT writers had minds steeped in the pro-
phecies of Isaiah — St. Paul and the writer of the
Apocalypse. (1) The speeches attributed to St.
Paul in Acts furnish evidence of his indebtedness
to those writings. When he announces to the
Jews of Pisidian Antioch his epoch-making decision
to ' turn to the Gentiles,' it is in an utterance of
Isaiah (49'') that he seeks the Divine sanction of
his action : ' I have set thee for a light of the
Gentiles' (Ac 13*^). When he reasons with the
Athenians as to the error of making the Godhead
' like unto gold or silver or stone, graven by art
and man's device' (Ac 17^"), he seems to echo the
words, if not the ironical tones, of the prophet of
the Exile (Is 40'*). His experience among the Jews
of Rome reminded him of what befell Isaiah in
Jerusalem many centuries earlier. Both the pro-
phet and the apostle seemed to be sent to hearers
impervious to Divine truth, who could not be con-
verted and healed. The Epistle to the Romans
supplies the strongest proof of St. Paul's absorp-
tion in the prophecies of Isaiah. It is significant
that most of his quotations occur in the chapters
which contain his philosophy of the fall and rising
again of Israel (9-11), and that many of them are
taken from Deutero-Isaiah. His doctrine of elec-
tion inevitably suggests the clay and the potter
(Ro 9-' II Is 45^). He is helped to face the Jewish
rejection of the Messiah by the conception of the
Remnant {rb KardXein/xa, Ro 9^ || Is 10-'^) — a concep-
tion which seemed to the prophet so important that
he gave one of his own children the symbolic name
of ' Remnant-shall-return' (Is 7^). The thought of
Christ as a stumbling-stone to the Jews is parallel
to that of Jahweh as a stumbling-stone to the
houses of Israel (Ro 9^ || Is 8''*). While the uni-
versal proclamation of tiie gospel suggests the
' beautiful feet ' of those who preached deliverance
from Babylon (Ro 10'* || Is 52'^), the sadness of
speaking to deaf ears prompts the question, ' Who
hath believed our report?' (Ro lO's || Is 53'). The
prevenient grace of God excites the wonder of both
the prophet and the apostle (Ro 10-" || Is 61'), and
Israel's present insensibility seems to them both a
spirit of stupor (Ro 11* || Is 29"*). Tlie assurance of
the ultimate salvation of all Israel is based on the
advent of a Deliverer (Ro ll^s || Is 59-'^) ; but both
writers confess a reverent agnosticism in presence
of the mysteries of Divine providence (Ro ll** ||
Is 40"). The Epistles to the Corinthians also prove
the affinity of these great minds. Both writers
know the unprofitableness of mere earthly wisdom
(1 Co l'» II Is 29'^ 1 Co po II Is 38'*) ; both believe
in a spiritual creation which will make all things
new (2 Co 5'^ || Is 43'8f-); and both of them, with
all their breadtli of outlook, recognize the impera-
tiveness of separation from heathemlom (2 Co 6'^ ||
Is 52"). Isaiah's hope of immortality, the strongest
that is found (apart from Daniel) in the prophetic
writings, is used to clinch St. Paul's great argu-
ment for the resurrection of the dead— 'death is
swallowed up in victory' (1 Co 15*^ || Is '25* ; els
viKos, which takes the place of the prophet's ' for
ever,' is due to the Aram, sense of the Heb. word).
(2) The other NT writer who especially felt
Isaiah's spell was the author of the Apocalypse.
His Christ, as the First and the Last, is clotiied
with the attributes of Isaiah's God (Rev 1'^ |i Is 41*
44®). The trisagion of his living creatures was
uttered by the seraphim in the heavenly Temple
(Rev 4* II Is 6^). His vision of the rolling up of
heaven as a scroll was Isaianic (Rev G''* || Is 34*),
and his exquisite description of the final state of
the blessed — ' they shall hunger no more . . .
wipe away every tear from their eyes ' — is a cento
of pro[)hetic phrases, which are now used to picture
the consummation of the redemptive work of the
Lamb (Rev 7'"- il Is 49'" 25*). ' Fallen is Babylon '
— a voice of sceva indignatio reminiscent of Rome's
own ' Carthago est delenda ' — was the doom of the
real Babylon before it was pronounced upon the
mystical one (Rev 14* || Is 2P). The description of
622
ISEAEL
ISRAEL
the militant Messiah as clothed in a garment
sprinkled with blood is suggested by the attributes
of the Hero who came from the conquest of Edoni
(Rev 19'* II Is 63^*^). The desire for a new heaven
and a new earth was not itself new (Rev 2V \\ Is
65"'), and the ideal city is depicted in Isaianic
colours (Rev 21 '9- ^'' || Is GO'''- s- 1'). The free invi-
tation with which the Revelation properly ends
^22is-2i being a harsh editorial postscript) only
echoes the words of welcome uttered by the evan-
gelical prophet (Rev 22^7 1| Is 55').
James Strahan.
ISRAEL. — Israel was the nation to which God's
promises had been given. Generally the idea of
privilege is associated with the use of the word,
just as ' Israel' was originally the name of special
privilege given by God to Jacob, the great ancestor
of the race (Gn 32-8 3510)^ j^ differs from both
• Hebrew ' and ' Jew,' the former standing, at least
in NT times, for Jews of purely national sympathies
who spoke the Hebrew or Aramaic dialect (Ac 6^) ;
the latter, a term originally applied to all who
belonged to the province of Judah, and, after the
Babylonian captivity, to all of the ancient race
wherever located. ' Israel,' on the other hand, is pre-
eminently the people of privilege, the people who
had been cliosen by God and received His covenant.
Thus frequently a Jewish orator addressed the
people as 'men of Israel' (Ac 2^2 3'* 48- »« 5^5 IS'^
etc. ).
In the Acts of the Apostles we find the word
used historically with reference to the ancestors of
the Jews of apostolic times and also applied to
these Jews themselves. The past history of Israel
as God's chosen people is referred to in the speeches
contained in the Book of Acts, e.g. by St. Stephen
(723. 37. 42)^ and by St. Paul (IS'^ 28-»). It is usually
assumed or suggested in the Acts that the Jews of
the time, to whom the gospel was being preached,
are the Israel of the day, the people for whom God
had a special favour and who might expect special
blessings (5*' 13-^).
But the refusal of the message of the apostles by
many of those who by birth were Jews led to a
change in the use of the term, which gives us what
we may call the metaphorical or spiritual signifi-
cance of the word. The Apostle Paul's contention
with the legalistic Jews of his day led him to draw
a distinction between the actual historical Israel
and the true Israel of God. He speaks on the one
hand of ' Israel after the flesh ' (1 Co 10'^), or of
those who belong to the 'stock of Israel' (Ph 3^),
and on the other hand of a ' commonwealth of
Israel ' (Eph 2'^), from which many, even Jews by
birth, are aliens, and into which the Ephesians
have been admitted (v.^^), and also of the ' Israel
of God ' (Gal 6'^). By this 'commonwealth of Israel '
or 'Israel of God' the Apostle means a true
spiritual Israel, practically equivalent to 'all the
faithful.' It might be defined as 'the whole
number of the elect who have been, are, or shall
be gathered into one under Christ,' or, in other
words, the Holy Catholic Church.
This true Israel does not by any means coincide
with the nation or tlie stock of Abraham. 'They
are not all Israel wliich are of Israel' (Ro 9"), i.e.
by racial descent. Branches may be broken oil'
from the olive tree of God's privileged people and
wild olive branches may be grafted into the tree
(Ro 11"""^). Sometimes it is difficult to determine
the exact application of the term in diflerent pass-
ages in the Pauline Epistles. Thus the sentence,
' All Israel shall be saved' (Ro IP"), refers not to
the true or spiritual Israel in the sense of an elect
people, as has been held by various commentators,
e.g. Augustine, Theodoret, Luther, Calvin, and
others, nor to an elect remnant, as is held by
Bengel and Olshausen. The Apostle is speaking of
the actual nation of Israel as a Avhole, and contrast
ing it with the fullness of the Gentiles. It is his
belief that, when the fullness of the Gentiles is
come in, Israel as a nation will also turn to God
by confessing Christ. The phrase ' all Israel ' does
not necessarily apply to every member of the race,
nor does the passage teach anything as to the fate
of the individuals who at the Apostle's day or since
then have composed the nation (cf. Meyer, Kom-
mentar, p. 520; Denney in EGT, 'Rom.,' p. 683;
H. Olshausen, Eoin., p. 373 ; Calvin, Bom., p. 330).
Just as the ancient historical Israel was the
recipient of special privileges and stood in a par-
ticular relation to God, so the spiritual Israel of
apostolic times is the bearer of special privileges
and stands to God in a unique relationship. Ancient
Israel had ' the oracles of God ' (Ro 3-). They had
the sign of circumcision. To them, St. Paul
declares, pertained ' the adoption, and the glory,
and the covenants, and the giving of the Law, and
the service of God, and the promises ; whose are
the fathers, and of whom as concerning the flesh
Christ came' (Ro B^*"). The great essential features
of these privileges are transferred to the spiritual
Israel, the believing Church which has been grafted
into the true olive tree. Tliey have the adoption,
they are sons of God (Ro 8'^""). They have the
glory both present and future (Ro 8"*). They are
partakers of the new covenant which has been
ratified by the death of Jesus Christ (1 Co 11-^).
The analogy between the first and the second
covenant is fully worked out by the writer of the
Epistle to the Hebrews, who dwells upon the ritual
and ceremonial aspect of ancient Israel's relation-
ship to God, and shows the higher fulfilment of
that relationship under the new covenant, where
there is direct personal access to God. Here the
human pi'iesthood of the sons of Aaron and the
sacrifices of bulls and goats are superseded by a
Divine Mediator who offered Himself a sacrifice
once for all (7^^ 10'"). The Mediator of the new
covenant has entered not into an earthly temple
but into heaven itself, there to make continual
intercession for His people (7*®). The writer
further emphasizes the superiority of the new
covenant relationship of the spiritual Israel as
being a fulfilment of the prophecy of Jer 3P'"^^
which presupposes that the old covenant had proved
ineffective (He 8^). The Law is no longer to be
written on tables of stone, but in the mind and the
heart (v.'").
In the Book of Revelation ancient Israel is referred
to historically in connexion with Balaam, ' who
taught Balak to cast a stumblingblock before the
children of Israel' (2''*). On the other hand, the
symbolic or metaphorical use of the term ajjplied
to the spiritual Israel is found in connexion with
the sealing of the servants of God which takes
place according to the tribes of the children of
Israel (7*), and also in the description of the New
Jerusalem, where the names of the twelve tribes
are engraven on the twelve gates (21^2). The
author of the Apocalypse, following the usage of
St. Paul and the example of St. Peter (1') and St.
James (P), applies the passage 7^"^, regarding the
sealing of the tribes taken from a Jewish source,
to the true spiritual Israel, who are to be kejit
secure in the day of the world's overthrow. It is
the same class "which is referred to in 7"'''' who
appear in heaven clothed in white robes and with
palms in their hands (cf. J. Moftatt in EGT, ' Revela-
tion,' 1910, p. 395 f.).
For the history and religion of Israel in apostolic
times see artt. Pharisees, Herod.
LiTBRATUEB. — Josephus, Ant., BJ ; H. Ewald, Gesch. det
Volkes Israel, Gottingen, 1864-66; E. Schiirer, GJV*, Leipzig,
1901-11 ; C. von Weizsacker, Apostolic A(je, Eng. tr., 1894-
95. The following Commentaries on the relevant passages maj
ISRAELITE
ITALY
623
be cited : on Romans : Calvin (1844), Olshausen (1866), Meyer
(1872), Denney (£6^, 1900), Sanday-Headlam (ICC, 1902);
on Hebrews : A. B. Davidson (1882), Westcott (1889). See
also the artt. ' Israel, History of," in HDD, ' Israel, Israelite' in
hCG, 'Israel' in EBi, and 'Hebrew Religion' in EBr.
W. F. Boyd.
ISRAELITE. — An Israelite was one who belonged
to the nation of Israel, regarded, more especially
from the point of view of the nation, as the re-
cipient of Divine favour and special privilege. An
Israelite is a member of a chosen people and as
such is the sharer of the blessings belonging to
that people. It is a name of honour, and is to
be distinguished from both 'Hebrew' and 'Jew,'
the former being, at least in NT times, a Jew with
purely national sympathies, who spoke the native
Hebrew or Aramaic dialect of Palestine ; while the
Jew was one who belonged to the ancient race
wherever he might be settled and whatever his
views. Every Jew, however, regarded himself as
a true Israelite, and prided himself on the privileges
which he, as a member of the favoured nation,
had received when other nations had been passed
by. The Apostle Paul refers to these privileges
when he describes his ' kinsmen according to the
flesh ' as Israelites ' whose is the adoption, and the
glory, and the covenants, and the giving of the
law, and the service of God, and the promises'
(Ro 9^). He knows the way in which the Jew
boasts of them, and claims that he can share in
that boasting as well as any of his detractors.
'Are they Israelites? — so am I. Are they the
seed of Abraham?— so am I' (2 Co IP^). This
feeling of exclusive national privilege led in many
cases to the rejection of the gospel by the Jews,
who did not wish their privileges to be extended
to the heathen Avorld. This rejection of his mes-
sage by those who were Israelites by birth caused
the Apostle to conceive of a true or spiritual
Israelite as equivalent to a believer in Jesus Christ
— one after the type of Nathanael of Jn I'*', an
Israelite indeed in whom is no guile (cf. art.
Israel). The Apostle applies the term in its
natural sense to himself in Ro IP, 'I also am an
Israelite,' in order to show that all the members
of the race have not been rejected by God, but
that there is a remnant according to the election
of grace — Israelites who are Israelites indeed, not
merely by outward physical connexion, but also
by moral and spiritual characteristics.
W. F. Boyd.
ISSACHAR.— See Tribes.
ITALIAN BAND.— According to Ac 10\ the
centurion Cornelius, of the cnre2pa 'ItoXikt^, Avas in
Caesarea about A.D. 40. The adjective indicates
that the 'cohort' (RVm) consisted of native
Italians. Now, as a province of the second order,
Judsea, of which Caesarea was the administrative
centre, was not garrisoned by legionaries, who
were Roman citizens, but by auxiliaries, who
were provincials. How, then, could an auxiliary
cohort be called Italian? Josephus states that
there were five cohorts, composed of citizens of
Caesarea and Sebaste, stationed in the former city
at the time of the death of Herod Agrippa (Ant.
XIX. ix. 2, XX. viii. 7), and Blass suggests (in loco)
that one of the five may have been called the
cohors Italica, as being composed of Roman
citizens who had made their home in one or other
of the two cities. Schiirer has no doubt that one
of the five is the Augustan cohort mentioned in
Ac 27^, but he refuses to identify another (or the
same one) with 'the Italian.' Indeed, while he
produces monumental evidence that 'at some
time or other a cohors Italica was in Syria,' he
thinks that the story of Cornelius lies under sus-
picion, ' the circumstances of a later period having
been transferred back to an earlier period ' (HJP
I. ii. [1890] 53 f.). Ramsay regards this suspicion
as groundless, and makes effective use ( Was Christ
born at Bethlehem?, 1898, p. 260 f. ).of an inscription
recently discovered at Camuntum on the Upper
Danube — the epitaph of the young soldier, Pro-
culus, a subordinate officer (optio) in the second
Italian Cohort, who died there while engaged on
detached service from the Syrian army. Syrian
troops, under Mucianus, were certainly engaged on
the Lower Danube, and probably on the Upper,
in 69 B.C. (Tacitus, Hist. iii. 46). When their
campaign was ended, they were doubtless sent
back to Syria ; and the same legions frequently
remained a very long period, sometimes for cen-
turies, in one province.
'The whole burden of proof, therefore, rests with those who
maintain that a Cohort which was in Syria before [A.D.] 69 was
not there in 40. There is a strong probability that Luke is
right when he alludes to that Cohort as part of the Syrian
garrison about a.d. 40.' Besides, ' the entire subject of detach-
ment-service is most obscure ; and we are very far from being
able to say with certainty that the presence of an auxiliary
centurion in Ceesarea is impossible, unless the Cohort in which
he was an officer was stationed there ' (Ramsay, op. cit. 265,
268). James Strahan.
ITALY ('IraXla). — The name was originally con-
fined to the extreme southern point of the Italian
peninsula. For the Greeks of the 5th cent. B.C. it
denoted the tract along the shore of the Tarentine
Gulf, as far as Metapontum, and thence across to
the Gulf of Posidonia. By the time of Polybius
the name had been extendfed to the whole penin-
sula, for he speaks of Hannibal crossing the Alps
into Italy, and of the plains of the Padus as part
of Italy (Hist. ii. 14, iii. 39, 54). At a later time,
it is true, Gallia Cisalpina was officially regarded
as part of Caesar's province, and therefore not
strictly in Italy, which he did not enter till he
crossed the Rubicon ; but from the Augustan Age
onward the word had its present-day meaning.
Scarcely any country has more clearly-marked and
obvious boundaries.
The Latin language was inscribed upon the Cross
of Christ, but none of the books of the NT were
written in it. The founders of Christianity were
not so greatly influenced by Italian as by Hebraic
and Hellenic ideals. Nor did Italy herself dream
that she had any kind of evangel for the East which
she conquered. Her plain task was to give and
maintain law and order everywhere, and her Im-
perial ideal certainly found its counterpart in the
apostolic conception of a world-wide Church. But
her own spiritual mission, so far as she was con-
scious of having one, was merely to be the apostle
of Hellenism, of which she had for some centuries
been the disciple.
' The desire to become at least internally Hell enised, to become
partakers of the manners and the culture, of the art and the
science of Hellas, to be — in the footsteps of the great Mace-
donian — shield and sword of the Greeks of the East, and to be
allowed further to civilise this East not after an Italian but
after a Hellenic fashion — this desire pervades the later centuries
of the Roman republic and the better times of the empire with
a power and an ideality which are almost no less tragic than
that political toil of the Hellenes failing to attain its goal'
(T. Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Umpire-, Eng. tr.,
1909, i. 253).
Some of the cities of Italy — certainly Rome and
Puteoli, and probably others, though there is no
definite information on the point— had felt the
presence of Judaism before they were oflered Chris-
tianity. Josephus mentions the Jewish colony of
Puteoli in his story of the Jewish impostor who
claimed to be Alexander the son of Herod (c.
4 B.C.). ' He was also so fortunate, upon landing,
as to bring the Jews that were there under tha
same delusion' (Ant. XVII. xii. 1), and 'he got
very large presents ' from them (BJ ll. vii. 1) ; but
Augustus himself was not so easily deceived (A nt.
XVII. xii. 2). Over half a century later, the first
Puteolan Christians, whose fellowship St. Paul
624
ITALY
JACOB
enjoyed for a week on his way to Rome (Ac 28''*),
were evidently drawn from that same Jewish com-
munity and its proselytes. The presence of a great
Jewish colony in Rome, dating from the time when
Pompey brought his prisoners of war from Jeru-
salem, is abundantly attested by Latin historians
and poets. It is equally certain that they made
many proselytes. The swindling of Fulvia, 'a
woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced
the Jewish religion ' (Ant. XVlil. iii. 5), by another
Jew of the baser type was the signal for an out-
burst against the whole colony in the time of
Tiberius (Tac. Ann. ii. 85 ; Suet. Tiber. 36). Ac-
cording to Ac 18^ Claudius went the length of
expelling all the Jews from Rome (cf. Suet. Claud.
25). Even if hi.i decree only amounted to the
interdicting of their assemblies (Dio Cassius, Ix.
6), this milder measure would doubtless cause a
great exodus from the city. Some of the exiles
merely emigrated to the neighbourhood, perhaps
to Aricia (for the evidence see E. Schiirer, HJP
II. ii. [1885] 238), but others went abroad. This
was tlie occasion of the journey of Aquila and
Priscilla ' from Italy ' to Corinth (Ac 18-).
Italy was the destination of the prisoner Paul
when he made his appeal to Caesar (Ac 27^). The
narrative of his journey from point to point —
Caesarea, Myra, Melita, Puteoli, and then overland
by the oldest and most famous of Roman roads,
the Via Appia — illustrates the fact that ' most of
the realms of the ancient Roman Empire had
better connections than ever afterwards or even
now.' Dangers could not be wholly avoided, but
' travelling . . . was easy, swift, and secure to a
degree unknown until the beginning of the nine-
teenth century' (L. Friedlander, Roman Life and
Manners under the Early Empire, 1908, i. 268).
In He 132'* 'they of Italy' (ol dirb riis 'IraXlas) join
the writer in sending salutations, oi d.ir6 denotes
persons who have come from the place indicated
(cf. Mt 15\ Ac 6" 10-=*). It is a mistake to imagine
that the writer was himself in Italy, and that he
was thinking of the Italian Christians around him
there. On the contrary, the phrase implies
that the author was absent from and writing to
Italy, while there were in his company natives of
Italy wiio had embraced Christianity, and who
desired to be remembered to their believing com-
patriots in some part of the home-land. It is
not an equally safe, but still a plausible, con-
jecture that Italy — probably Rome — was the
writer's own home (see art. Hebrews, Epistle
TO THE). James Strahan.
IVORY (adj. i\e4>dvrivoi, noun rb iXefdvrivov, fr.
A^<^as ; Skr. ebhas, Lat. ebur, Fr. ivoire). — Ivory-
was prized by all the civilized nations of antiquity.
The OT contains a dozen references to its beauty
and value. ' Every article of ivory ' (Rev 18^^) was
found in the market of the apocalyptic Babylon
(Rome). It was used for the adornment of palaces,
for sculpture, for the inlaying of furniture and
chariots, for numberless domestic and decorative
objects. *Ebur Indicum' (Hor. Car. I. xxxi. 6;
cf. Verg. Georg. i. 57) wjis known to everyone.
Statues (Georg. i. 480), sceptres (Ov. ATet. i. 178),
lyres (Hor. Car. II. xi. 22), scabbards (Ov. 3Iet. iv.
148), sword-hilts (Verg. ^7i. xi. 11), seals (Cic.
Verr. II. iv. 1), couches (Hor. Sat. II. vi. 103), doors
(Verg. ^n. vi. 148), curule chairs (Hor. Ep. I. vi. 54)
are samples of Roman workmanship in ivory. As
the substance is so hard and durable, many ivory
works of art have come down from the ancient
world. James Strahan.
JACINTH (MkivOos, Ital. giaeintd). — Jacinth, or
hyacinth, is tlie colour of the eleventh foundation-
stone of the New Jerusalem (Rev 2P"). The cui-
rasses of apocalyptic horsemen are partly hyacinth-
ine (9"). The MklvOo? of the ancients was probably
our sapphire (21^0 [RVm]). The modem hyacinth,
a variety of zircon, of yellowish red colour, may
have been the stone known in Gr. as Xoyijpiov and
in Heb. as leshem (the RV of Ex 28i» 39^2 has
' jacinth ' where the AV has ' ligure ') ; but Flinders
Petrie (HDB iv. 620) suggests that the latter was
yellow quartz or agate. Many Greek and Roman
' hyacinths,' used for intaglios and cameos, were
probably only garnets. James Strahan.
JACOB ('IoK(i/3). — Jacob, the younger son of
Isaac, was the father of the twelve patriarchs who
were the heads of the tribes of Israel.
The story of the ante-natal struggle of Esau and
Jacob (to which allusion is made in Hos 12^), and
of tiie oracle spoken to their mother (Ro 9" || Gn
25^), is a folk-tale which vividly reflects the rival-
ries of Israel and Edom. The Hebrews boasted of
their superiority to the powerful kindred race
which dwelt on their southern border. To be more
than a match for those hereditary foes, gaining the
advantage over them either by force of arms or by
nimbleness of wit, was a point of national honour.
By hook or by crook the Israelites rarely failed to
come off victorious over the Edomites. And the
popular mind liked to tliink that tlie cliaracter-
istics and fortunes of the two rival nations were
mysteriously foreshadowed before the birth of their
far-off ancestors. From the beginning God chose
the younger son for Himself, and decreed that the
elder should be servant to the younger. In the
words of a prophet who on this matter expresses
the general belief, God loved Jacob, bnt hated
Esau (Mai P- *). St. Paul uses this Divine prefer-
ence to illustrate that principle of election which
he sees operating all through the history of Isi'ael,
and of which he finds startling contemporary evi-
dence in the nation's apostasy from the Messiah,
and God's choice of the Gentiles. That the elder
brother (and nation) should serve the younoer,
that the natural heir should be foredoomed to lose
the birthright and the blessing, that (apart from
good or evil) the one should appear to be accepted
and the other rejected — all this was evidence of an
inscrutable selectiveness, by which God works out
His universal purpose (^ /car' ^kXoytjc tov OeoD
irp69e<ris [see ESAU]). The election of grace (iKXojT]
xdpiTos) is the central idea in St. Paul's philosophy
of history. It is an attempt to give a rationale of
the fact that ' Universal History, the history of
what man lias accomplished in this world, is at
bottom the History of the Great Men who have
worked here' (Carlyle, On Heroes and Hero-Wor-
ship, Lect. i.).
In a speech before the Sanhedrin, Stephen made
allusion to the stoiy of Jacob's sending his sons
down to Egypt, of Joseph's sending for his father,
and of Jacob s descent into Egypt and death there
(Ac V* ^'^' ^*). As an evidence of Jacob's faith, tha
JAiLUJtt
JA^IES AND JOHN
625
writer of Hebrews selects a death-bed scene (ll'')-
' He blessed the two sons of Joseph,' giving them
one of the finest benedictions ever uttered by
human lips, invoking the God of history, provi-
dence, and grace to be their Shepherd-God (Gn
4gi5. 16) Then ' he worshipped leaning upon the
top of his staff.' In the original (Gn 47^^) this act
precedes the blessing, and while the LXX reads
'upon the top of his staff",' other versions, includ-
ing the English, have 'on the bed.' The differ-
ence of reading is due to Heb. punctuation (■"icEn
'the staff,' nEsn 'the bed'), and does not greatly
alter the sense. Jacob, who is here the ideal
Israelite, gives conscious or unconscious proof of
his faith by taking leave of life with a high dignity
and solemnity. Meekly submitting himself to the
will of God, he teaches all his posterity to worship
the ' God of Jacob ' with tlieir latest breath.
Steplien refers (Ac 7*') to David's desire ' to find
a habitation for the God of Jacob.' Here, too,
Jacob is not an individual but a nation. The
usage was common in every epoch of Hebrew
literature: in the earliest period — 'Come, curse
me Jacob ' . . . ' Who can count the dust of
Jacob ? ' (Nu 23^- ") ; in the Exile—' Fear not, thou
worm Jacob ' (Is 41") ; and in the Maccabsean age,
when Judas ' made Jacob glad with his acts ' (1
Mac 3'') ; after which it was naturally taken over
into the NT. Jacob's other name ' Israel' had the
same two senses, personal and national, a circum-
stance which gives piquancy to the Pauline dictum
(Ro 9^) : ' Not all who are of Israel (i.e. born of the
patriarch) are Israel ' (i.e. the chosen people of
God). Many of them are only o'laparjX Kara aapKa,
Israelites by birth, whereas in a higher sense all
Christians are 6 'lirparjX toO 6eoO (Gal G'"). Natur-
ally the name ' Jacob ' never acquired this new
meaning : Israel was the ideal people of God,
whether Jewish or Gentile, Jacob the actual
Jewish nation composed of very imperfect human
beings. The two words are appropriately com-
bined in St. Paul's prevision of a far-off' Divine
event which must be the goal of history: 'All
Israel shall be saved, for ... a Deliverer . . .
shall turn away iniquity from Jacob' (Ro IP^).
James Strahan.
JAILOR. — The AV translates d€crixo<pv\a.^ in Ac
16-^ ' jailor,' and in vv.^* ^^ ' keeper of the prison.'
The RV adheres to the terra 'jailor' in all three
verses. The person so designated occupied the
position of supreme authority as governor of the
prison (cf. a.pxi-SeaiJ.o(j)v\a^, Gn 39^^ LXX), and must
be distinguished from persons holding the sub-
ordinate position of guard or warder {(pOXa^, Ac 5^
12*^ ; AV ' keeper'). It was to the custody of this
official that the duumviri at Philippi committed
St. Paul and Silas, with the strict injunction to
' keep them safely.' The fact that Philippi was a
Roman colony lends a certain amount of proba-
bility to R. B. Rackhara's suggestion that he was
a Roman officer, occupying the rank of centurion
(Com. on Acts, 1901). Chrysostom's attempt to
identify him with Stephanas (1 Co 16") overlooks
the fact that Stephanas was among the ' firstfruits
of Achaia,' not Macedonia ; while a later suggestion
that he was Epaphroditus, though it is more pro-
bable, lacks adequate data to support it.
Modern criticism seriously questions the credi-
bility of the portion of the narrative (Ac IG"^"^*)
containing the account of the jailor's conversion,
on the ground of inherent improbabilities (B.
Weiss, Weizsacker, Holtzmann, Harnack, Bacon,
Cone). Most of the objections have been ade-
quately dealt with by W. M. Ramsay in St. Paul
the Traveller, 1895, pp. 221-223 ; and a summary
of them, with their refutation, is given in an
article by Giessekke (described in the ExpT ix.
[1898] 274 f.). The legendary character of the
VOL. I. — 40
narrative has been maintained for the further
reason that it is not guaranteed by the ' we ' section,
which ends, it is alleged, with v.^'*. ' Yet these
verses betray such unimpeachable tokens of the
style of St. Luke as to prevent us from even think-
ing of them as interpolated' (A. Harnack, Luke
the Physician, Eng. tr., 1907, p. 113). Nor does it
follow tliat the ' we ' section ends with v.^'*, because
the first person is no longer used. After his separa-
tion from St. Paul and Silas, owing to their arrest
and imprisonment, the narrator would, of necessity,
proceed to describe the subsequent events, when
he was no longer in their company, in the third
person. The presence of the miraculous element,
if the earthquake is to be so regarded, in no way
militates against this assumption, for the ' we-
sections are full of the supernatural' (Harnack,
Acts of the Apostles, Eng. tr., 1909, p. 144).
Leaving aside the alleged improbabilities, it must
be admitted that the description of the night-scene
in the prison is most vivid and life-like. Assume
the possibility of the earthquake, which in itself
is a natural occurrence, treated in this case as a
special instance of providential interference, and
there is nothing absolutely inexplicable in the
course of events which follows. The difficulties
are largely due to the brevity of the narrative,
which does not allow of entering into minute
detail. The author (whether St. Luke or another)
is not describing an 'escape' from prison, miracu-
lous or otherwise, for the release of the captives
takes place next morning. The interest of the
narrative centres in the conversion of the jailor
and his household, and it is as leading up to this
most interesting and happy dinouement that the
earlier incidents of the eventful night are depicted.
When the main object of the story is borne in
mind, the difficulties which it presents will not
be regarded as suflicient to justify its wholesale
rejection. W. S. Montgomery.
JAMES AND JOHN, THE SONS OF ZEBEDEE.
— 1. In Synoptic Gospels. — The sons of Zebedee
are mentioned in the following passages in the
Synoptic Gospels. The call of the two brothers is
related in Mk II8-20 ( = Mt 418-2^ Lk S^^-). After
the call of Andrew and Simon and their immediate
response, Jesus goes on further and sees the two
brothers James and John in their boat, mending
their nets. Their response to His call is equally
prompt ; they leave their father and the hired
servants in the boat and go away after Him. The
Matthcean account is practically identical with the
Marcan, save for the omission of any reference
to the hired servants, a characteristic cutting out
of unnecessary detail. In these two accounts the
call of the four disciples is the first event recorded
after the beginning of the ministry ; it is followed
by the account of the entry into Capernaum and
the teaching in the Synagogue. St. Luke in his
Gospel places the incident later, after his record of
events at Nazareth and Capernaum. It is not
easy to determine whether his reason for the
change is historical, to account for the promptness
wuth which the call of an unknown stranger is
obeyed, or whether he is following a ditterent tra-
dition. The relation of the Lucan account to the
Johannine Appendix (ch. 21) is also difficult to
determine. Competent scholars are found to main-
tain both the view that the Johannine narrative is
based on an account (similar to the Lucan) of the
call of Peter, and the view that St. Luke, in his
record of the call to discipleship, has borrowed
details from an account of a post-Resurrection ap-
pearance to Peter in Galilee. But the question
has no direct bearing on the call of the sons of
Zebedee, the Lucan additional matter having to
do with Peter alone. The only detail which he
626
JAMES AND JOHN
JAMES AND JOHN
adds with reference to John and James is that
they were partners with Peter, wliicli might have
been deduced from the Marcan account. And the
more obvious explanation of their prompt obedience
is that suggested by the 1st chapter of St. John —
previous acquaintance at an earlier stage, probably
in connexion with the Baptist's preaching (cf.
below, § 5).
In St. Mark's Gospel the four are represented as
going with Jesus to Capernaum, and the same
Evangelist also notices the presence of the sons of
Zebedee in the house of Simon, on the occasion of
the healing of his wife's motlier. This detail tinds
no place in the other Gospels. Their names ap-
pear next in the calling of the Twelve wliere they
are found in all three lists among tiie tirst four, the
only difference being that St. Mark places them
before, the other Synoptists after, Andrew ; and St.
Mark also adds the giving of the name Boanerges.
No thoroughly satisfactory explanation of either part of this
word has been found, ^oave is hardly' a possible transliteration
of ':? ; it can only be accounted for on the supposition that it
is due to conflation, either the o or the o being a correction of
the other. The second half of the word has been connected
with Aram. i^Ji ( = Heb. m-\, tii-muUuatus est; cf. Ps 2i,
Ac 425, and for Nv'^l, Jl Sl'l, strepitus, see Payne Smith, Thes.
Syr. 1879-1901). But the root never has the meaning of
'thunder.' J^"i has also been suggested ; cf. Job 37^ iVp ina,
of thunder, and 3924 tai] E^j^ni. But the meaning of the word
is 'raging,' not 'thunder.' 'Burkitt has suggested that the
Syriac translator connected the word with Aram, n-^ut (1 K ISU
= [iorr ' crowd ') of which he took '2*j-i for the atatus absolutus.
Jerome conjectured that the name was originally Dy-i '33 (on
Dn 18, ' emendatius legitur bene-reem '), in which case the ex-
planatorj' gloss, o ia-nv viol /Spoi/iTJ?, is older than the corrupt
transhteration ; but it would be difficult to account for the cor-
ruption of a correct transliteration of D]l~i 'J3 into jSoai/epye's.
Wellhausen suggests that possibly the name Rajjasbal may
point to Reges-' thunder,' a meaning of which he says no other
trace is found {Ev. Marcfl, 1909, p. 23).
We have no evidence as to the occasion of the
giving of the name. The incident recorded in Lk
9*^ may have suggested it, or the character of the
brothers. The later explanations which refer it to
the power of their preaching do not give us any
further information.*
The next mention of the brothers is in the story
of the raising of Jairus' daughter (Mk 5*^, Lk 8^>),
where St. Mark and St. Luke record the admission
of the three intimate di.sciples alone to the house
of Jairus, a detail which does not appear in St.
Matthew's account. All three Synoptists record
the presence of the same three on the Mount of
Transfiguration (Mk 9^, Mt 17^ Lk 928). The next
recordetl incident is that of the ambitious request
(Mk lO^sff.^ Mt 202»ff-), attributed by St. Mark to
the brothers themselves, by St. Matthew to their
mother on their behalf. The later character of
the Matthaean account is clearly seen in some
details (use of irpoa-Kwouaa ; eM for St. Mark's 56s
■fifuv ; the omission of reference to the ' baptism '
[?]), butthe approved critical explanation of the
change in the speaker is hardly convincing. To
do honour to the sons of Zebedee by making them
shield themselves behind their mother is a strange
kind of reverence ! The bearing of this incident
on the question of the martyrdom of John must be
discussed later. The indignation of the other dis-
ciples against the brothers is retained in both
accounts. St. Luke omits the incident altogether.
In Mk 13s (cf. Mt 24''*, Lk 2V) the question which
leads to the escliatological discourse is attributed
to the four disciples, for which St. Matthew lias
ol (iadi)Tal, St. Luke Tives. In connexion with Getli-
semane, the three are mentioned by name in Mk
14^ and Mt 26*^. St. Luke only mentions the
disciples generally (22^" ; cf. v.^^).
• Cf. Cranier, Catena, 1844, i. p. 297, Jta rb ^eya koX Sia-
irpva-iov, ■r\xrt<Ta.i rjj oiKov/xe'|/|) Trjs fleoAoyios rd fioypiaTa, and see
Suicer, s.v. /Spoirjj.
To these references, where the Synoptists seem
to be almost wholly dependent on the Marcan
account, we must add Lk 9^^, the desire of James
and John to call down fire from heaven on the in-
hospitable Samaritans, a story which may be con-
nected with at least the interpretation of the name
'Boanerges.' On two occasions only is John men-
tioned without his brother. St. Mark (9=*^) and St.
Luke (9''^) record his confession that the disciples
had 'forbidden' one who cast out devils in Jesus'
name because he followed not with them. And
St. Luke (22^) adds the detail that the disciples
who were sent forward to prepare for the Passover
were Peter and John.
In the Synoptic narrative, then, the sons of
Zebedee are represented as forming with Peter,
and occasionally Andrew, the most intimate group
of the Lord's disciples. No special prominence is
given to John ; he almost always appears with his
brother ; thrice in St. Mark and once in St.
Matthew he is characteristically described as ' the
brother of James.' His position is very clearly
that of the younger brother, who takes no inde-
pendent lead. There is no reason to suppose that
' Q ' contained any additional information about
the brothers. The special sources on which St.
Luke drew added a few details. It is noticeable
that in the Lucan list of apostles the name of John
precedes that of James. This corresponds with
the history of the Acts, which must next be con-
sidered.
2. In Acts. — The sons of Zebedee are placed next
to Peter in the list of apostles (Ac P^), the name of
John being placed before that of James, as in the
Lucan Gospel. This is in accordance with the
author's view, who assigns to John a place of im-
portance second only to Peter in the history of the
growth of the Church in Palestine. He is still
the companion of Peter, as in the Gospel he was
the ' brother of James,' but in Peter's company he
is present at the healing of the lame man in the
Temple (3^^* ; see esp. v.* : drevl<xas 8^ Hirpos els
avrbv aiiv n^'ludvy, and v.^^), and during the speech
of Peter which follows. Apparently he is arrested
with Peter (4*- ^) ; at their examination the Rulers
are said to notice the irapp-qala of Peter and John
(4'^), and he shares Peter's refu.sal to keep silence
(4i9f.) jjj 314 Peter and John are sent to Samaria
in consequence of the spread of the faith there.
After the imposition of hands, and the episode
of Simon, their return to Jerusalem is recorded.
There is no further mention of John in the Acts,
except that in the account of his martyrdom James
is described as the brother of John (12^). But the
position assigned to John is fully borne out by
the single reference to him in Gal 2", as one of the
' pillars ' who gave the right hand of fellowship to
Paul and Barnabas, a passage which alone is ade-
quate refutation * of the strange theory of E.
Schwartz ( Ueber den Tod der Sohne Zebedcei), who
finds in the prediction assigned to Jesus in Mk 10*"
proof that both sons of Zebedee must have been
killed by Herod on the same day ! The account
in Acts (12^^) of the martyrdom of James at the
Passover of the year 44 has been supposed to show
traces of modification by cutting out any mention
of the death of his brother (E. Preuschen, Apostcl-
gesehichte, in 'Leit-i\\\i\,n\\sHandbuch zum NT, 1912,
p. 75). The construction of v.^ if harsh, is how-
ever not impossible, and the 'Western' addition
in V.*, 7} iTr(.xfip7](TLS avrou iwl roiis viaToiJS (D Lat. [vt^*
y^rcodj gyj._ [l)luig])^ even if original is adequately ex-
plained by the language of v.^ {KaKuicrai riyas).
3. EYidence of martyrdom of John. — The other
evidence, however, for the martyrdom of John
deserves serious consideration.
* Except on the hypothesis of a very early date for tht
Epistle to the Galatians.
JAMES AND JOHX
JAMES AND JOHN
627
(1) Papias. — So long as we had only the state-
ment ot Georgius Hamartolus (c. A.D. 850), or
perliaps of some corrector of his text, whose addi-
tions are found in the Paris MS, Coislin. 305 :
['Iwdfj'ijs] fiapTvpiov Karri^iuTai.. IlaTrtas yd,p 6 'lepa-
TrdXews 4TricrKOTros,aiT6TrTT]STovTovyev6/x€vos, €VT(^ Bevripcj)
Xdyy tQv KvpiaKWf Xoyiwv (pdcxKei, on virb 'lovdaluv dvrj-
pidri, it was possible, in the light of his reference
to Origen, to explain the statement as due to
homoioteleuton omission in his source of -the Papias
quotation, 'Iwdi'i'Tjj [/x^i' iwb rod 'Pw/j-aiuiv j8a<rtXea)s
KarediKdcrdT] fxaprvpuv els ndr/j.ov, 'IdKu^os 5e] virb
'Iov5alii}p dvripedT]. De Boor's discovery of the
excerpts, probably going back to Philip of Side, in
Cod. Baroccianus 142 (Oxford), among which is
found the sentence, Hanlas iv t<^ devripip \6y(p X^7ei,
oTi 'IwdvvTjs 6 6eo\6yos Kal 'Id/cw/3oj 6 ddek^bs airov
iiTb 'lovoaiu)!' dfripidrjaav places the matter in a
wholly different position. There must have been
some such statement about the death of John, the
son of Zebedee, at the hands of the Jews, in Papias'
work. As C. Clemen, whose discussion of the
whole evidence should be consulted (Die Ent-
stehung des Johannesevangeliums), says, this does
not prove the historical accuracy of the statement,
but it is important evidence of a different tradition
from that which represents the son of Zebedee as
living on in Ephesus to an advanced old age, and
dying a peaceful death. Zahn's suggestion (Introd.
to NT, Eng. tr., iii. 206), that the statement referred
to John the Baptist, is hardly satisfactory in spite
of the clear evidence of confusion between the two
afforded by the Martyrologies. In the light of the
common tradition, why should anyone have made
the mistake? The silence of Eusebius is an im-
portant factor in the case, but it is not conclusive,
as Harnack (Chronologie, Leipzig, 1897, p. 666)
suggests, against the presence of such a sentence
in Papias. Eusebius might well suppress as
/j.v9iK(IiTepov a statement so completely in contradic-
tion to the received tradition on the subject. The
real difficulty is to account for the growth of a
different tradition at Ephesus, if the tradition of
John's martyrdom was known at Hierapolis in
Papias' time.
(2) The evidence of Heracleon (see Clem. Alex.
Strom. IV. ix. 71) should never have been brought
forward. Heracleon is distinguishing between
those who confessed ' in life ' and ' by voice ' before
the magistrates. No one could have included
John among those who had not made the confes-
sion Sik (puvrjs, in view either of Patmos or of the
legend of the cauldron of oil. His absence from
Heracleon's list therefore proves nothing.
(3) The evidence of the tract de Rebaptismate
(Vienna Corpus, iii. p. 86), which shows that the
saying of Mk 10^^ was interpreted of the baptism
of blood, and the testimony of Aphraates [Homily
21), who speaks of James and John following in
the footsteps of their Master, if they point to the
tradition of martyrdom, also suggest the natural
explanation of its origin, if it is not historical, viz.
the attempt to find a literal fulfilment of the words
of the Lord.
(4) The evidence of the Martyrologies also points
to the same tradition, even if they are capable of
another explanation. The Syriac Calendar which
Erbes {ZKG xxv. [1904]) dates 411, and 341 for
the part concerned, gives for Dec. 27: 'John and
James, the Apostles, in Jerusalem.' Bernard's
explanation that such a celebration does not
necessarily imply martyrdom (see Irish Church
Quarterly, i. [1908] 60 ff'.) is not altogether convin-
cing. The Latin Calendar of Carthage also gives
for Dec. 27 : ' Sancti Johannis Baptistae, et Jacobi
Apostoli, quem Herodes occidit,' which may
possibly point the same way, as June 24 is the day
of commemoration of the Baptist. And according
to Clemen [op. cit. p. 444) the Gothic Missal, ' which
represents the Galilean Liturgy of the 6th or 7th
century,' represents James and John as martyrs.
The evidence is certainly not negligible. Whether
the tradition owes its existence to attempts to in-
terpret the Synoptic saying, or is a reminiscence of
actual fact, is in the light of our present knowledge
difficult to determine. From the available evidence
we must regard the martyrdom of John the son of
Zebedee as probable. But as to time and place our
ignorance is complete. Erbes' suggestion that the
son of Zebedee met his death in Samaria in the
troubles of the year 66 {ZKG xxxiii. [1912]) cannot
be discussed fully here. It cannot be said to have
risen above the class of ingenious conjectures, out
of which it is unsafe to attempt to reconstruct
history. The Synoptic saying about the cup and
baptism (Mk 10^**) is certainly insufficient proof of
actual martyrdom. St. Mark, and even the other
Synoptists, have much matter which later reflexion
found it necessary to modify or did not care to
emphasize. But everything was not cut out which
caused difficulty. And we may perhaps venture
to say that there are traces of modification and
omission in regard to this very saying which
suggest that it did cause difficulty. St. Matthew
drops the mention of the baptism, retaining only the
drinking of the cup, and St. Luke omits the incident
altogether. The position assigned to John, as
compared with James, in the Acts would be difficult
to explain if he met with an early death.
4. John's residence in Ephesus. — Even if the
story of John's death at the hand of the Jews is
historical, it does not exclude the possibility of his
residence at Ephesus, though it certainly over-
throws the traditional account of his long residence
there till the reign of Trajan and his wonderful
activity in extreme old age as the last surviving
apostle and * over-bishop ' of Asia.
In the question of the Apostle's residence in
Ephesus we are confronted with another problem
of which our present knowledge ofiers no certain
solution. The absence of any reference to such a
residence in the later books of the NT affords no
conclusive evidence against the possibility that
John visited Asia and resided there. The silence
of the Ignatian letters is more significant. Why
are the Romans reminded (Ep. ad Bom. iv. 3)
of what Peter and Paul did for them, and the
Ephesians addressed as IlaiJXoi; avfji-fi^iarai (Ep. ad
Eph. xii. 2), while there is no mention of John in
the Ephesian Epistle? The immediate occasion
of the reference to Paul — the passing through
Ephesus of martyrs ' on their way to God ' — pre-
cluded the mention of John. But the reference in
the preceding chapter to the presence of apostles at
Ephesus (xi. 2 : ol Kai rdis dirocrTdXon irdvTore ffvvrjaav)
— even if awijaav and not ffwyvecav be the true text
— is not much to set against the absence of any
direct reference.
The fact that Polycarp never mentions him in
his Epistle to the Philippians has very little bear-
ing on the question. The natural interpretation
of Papias' Prologue is that at the time when he
was collecting his information (c. A.D. 100) John
the son of Zebedee was dead. His name occurs in
the list, introduced by the past tense tI elirev ; as
contrasted with the dre "Kiyovffiv which follows.
But this does not preclude an earlier residence at
Ephesus.
It is probable that Polycrates of Ephesus, in his
list of the fieyd\a aroixela. of Asia which he gives
in his letter to Victor of Eome (A.D. 190), regards
as the son of Zebedee the John whom he places —
no doubt in the chronological order of their deaths
— after Philip ' the Apostle.' But his account of
the eirKXT^dios is clearly legendary, and sufficient
time had elapsed since the death of the John ol
628
JAMES ABB JOHN
JAMES, THE LOED'S J3E0THEK
Ephesus (? 110), to whom he refers, for the growth
of confusion, whether ' deliberate ' or unconscious.
The evidence against the Asiatic residence of
the Apostle which Corssen (ZATIF v. [1901], p.
2 If.) finds in the Vita Poli/carpi has been carefully
discussed by Clemen (p. 421). It is not conclusive.
It is ini])Ossib]e to repeat in detail the well-
known evidence of Iren.Tus, Tertullian, and
Clement of Alexandria, for the accei^ted tradition
of their time. It is too wide-spread to be derived
from any one single source, and is difficult to
reconcile with the view that the son of Zebedee
had no connexion at all with Asia and Ephesus.
However we interjiret the relation of Irenieus to
Pohcarp, and the former's account of the latter in
his Letter to Elorinus, we cannot be sure that the
John of whom Polj'carp used to speak was really
the Apostle and not the ' Elder,' or the author of
the Apocalj'pse (if tliese two are not to be identi-
fied). Justin's attribution of the Apocalypse to
the Apostle proves that the tradition connecting
his name with Asia is at least as old as the middle
of the 2nd century. And if Irenfeus derived from
Papias not only the words of the Elders but also
the descrijition which he gives of them, the words
'non solum Joannem, sed et alios apostolos' (Iren.
II. xxii. o) would show that Papias also knew of
the ti'adition.
On the whole, the least unsatisfactory explana-
tion of the evidence, with all its difficulties and
complexities, is the hypothesis tiiat the Apostle
did spend some years of his later life in Epliesus,
where he became the hero of many traditions
which belonged of right to another or to others.
5. The Fourth Gospel. — The use which may be
made of the Fourth Gospel as a source of informa-
tion about the sons of Zebedee depends on ques-
tions of authorship which cannot be discussed in
this article. They are never mentioned by name
in tiie (iospel, and only once in the Appendix (21-).
Probably the author of this Ajjpendix identified
the ' disciple whom Jesus loved ' with the younger
son of Zebedee, and not with one of the &\\oi dvo,
unless indeed he intends to introduce a new-comer
in V.20. He certainly identifies the loved disciple
with the autlior of the Gospel (v.^'*, if this verse
comes from his pen). The natural interpretation
of 19^ distinguishes between the author and that
disciple, if tiie ' witness' of that verse is to be iden-
tified with the loved disciple. The only other
definite references to the disciple Avhom Jesus
loved are 19-'* ('Behold thy son') and 13-'^ (the un-
masking of the Traitor). The customary identifi-
cation of him Avith the dXXos fiad-qr-q^ of 18'^^- (known
to the high priest who gained admission for Peter
into tlie avXi)) and of 20^^- (who went with Peter to
the Tomb), is probable but not necessary. He is
usually found in the other disciple of the Baptist,
who at his suggestion followed Jesus (F'). The
phrase tov d5i\(p6v tov idLov li/xuiva cannot l)e pressed
to indicate this. In the Greek of the period i8los
is hardly more than synonymous with tiie posses-
sive pronoun. And the natural interpretation of
the jiassage is that Andrew Jirsi finds liis (own)
brother Simon, and next day, when wishing to
return home to Galilee, IMiilip, to whom Jesus saj's,
' Follow me.' At the same time the whole story
of Jesus' first meeting with the disciples who came
over to Him from John contains much which is
difficult to explain (see, however, M. Dibelius,
Die urchristl. UberHeferunfi von Johannes d.
Taiifer in FovHchxinqen zur Religion unci Littcrntnr
lies alten tend vmien Testaments, GotLingen, 1911,
p. 106 ffi) as ajjologetic invention. It suggests the
recollection of early and treasured experiences,
and gives a wholly prol)able account of the rela-
tions Vjetween Jesus and John, and the undoubted
connexion between the two, to which the Synop-
tists bear witness, though other and later elements
in the story are abundantly clear.
On the whole, though the pre-eminence of John
in the Synoptic account is hardly such that he
must have appeared in the Fourth Gospel, if he
were not the author, yet the facts of tlie Gospel
and the traditions of later times about it are most
easily explained by tlie view that ' behind the
Gospel stands the Son of Zebedee ' (see Harnack,
Chronologie).
Literature. — In addition to the ordinary Commentaries on
the Synoptic and Fourth Gospels, the following books and
articles may be mentioned: T. Zahn, Introduciioii to the NT,
Ensr. tr., London, 1909; C. Clemen, Die Enti<teliung des
J uhannesevanael irimsi, Halle, 1912 ; J. B. Mayor, art.
'James' in i/ZV/J (where the usual references will be found for
the legendarj- history of St. James in Spain); P. W. Schmiedel,
art. 'John, Son of Zebedee,' in EBi; B. W. Bacon, The Funrth
Gospel in Research ami Debate, London, 1910 ; J. Reville, Le
Quatrieme EvaiuiUe, Paris, 1901 ; E. Schwartz, Ueber den
Tod der Sbhne Zebedcei (AGG, new ser. vii. .=i), Berlin, 1904,
also art. 'Johannes und Kerinthos,' in ZSTiV, xv. [1914];
W. Heitmiiller, 'Zur Johannes-Tradition,' ??;.
A. E. Brooke.
JAMES, THE LORD'S BROTHER.-In Mk 6^
(II Mt 13'^) James is mentioned first, j^resumably
as the eldest, among the brethren of Jesus. In
Mk S^i-siff- (iiMt 12-'"-, Lk 8"*'-) we hear of an at-
tempt on the part of Jesus' mother and His
brethren to restrain Him as being ' beside himself.'
In Jn 7* we are told that ' his brethren did not
believe on him.' In 1 Co 15'', however, St. Paul
mentions an appearance of the risen Jesus to
James.
According to the curious story which Jerome (de Vir. Illustr.
ii.) quotes from the Gospel of tlie Hebrews, James (represented
as present at the Last Siijiper) had vowed not to eat until he
should see Jesus risen from the dead. Jesus accordin;j;ly ap-
peared to him first and took bread and blessed and brake,
saying-, ' My brother, eat thy bread, for the Son of Man is risen
from them that sleep.'
In Gal P" we find James closely associated with
the apostles at Jerusalem, and in Gal 2" we hear
how those who were ' accounted pillars ' — James
and Cephas and John — Avished God-speed to Paul
and Barnabas in tlieir mission to the Gentiles.
There is perhaps a hint of irritation in St. Paul's
reference, a few verses earlier, to those ' who were
accounted somewhat' (2"), as though the accord
had not been reached without some difficulty, and
in v.^^ we find that St. Peter's vacillation in
the matter of intercourse with the Gentiles is at-
tributed to tlie fear of certain who came ' from
James,' though it does not follow that they repre-
sented his attitude. In Acts, James always ap-
pears as a leader. St. Peter sends the news of his
escape 'to James and the brethren' (12^^). At
the Apostolic Conference he sums up tlie discus-
sion, proposes a policj', and apparently drafts the
decree (15^^'-^). In 21'*^- he receives St. Paul at
the close of his Third Missionary journey, and, it
is implied, approves the fateful proposal designed
to conciliate the legalist Christians.
He is understood to be meant by the modest
self-designation 'James the servant of the Lord'
(Ja 1'), and the author of the Ep. of Jude is con-
tent to describe himself as the ' brother of James.'
In view of the fact that he seems to have remained
constantly at Jerusalem, it is at least uncertain
whether he is included among the brethren of the
Lord who ' led about' a wife (1 Co 9').
That the ' brethren of the Lord ' were the sons
of Mary and Joseph is the natural, tliongh not in-
evitable, inference from tlie language of Scri]iture
(Mt 1-5, Lk •2', Mk 6^ etc.). Tfiuse wlio prefer to
believe otherwise, hold either (1) tliat they were
the sons of Joseph by a former marriage, or (2)
the sons of Mary's sister. These tliree views are
sometimes called, respectively, from their early
defenders, the Helvidian, Ei)iplianian, and Hier-
nnyniian. (For discussion see J. B. Mayor, The
JA]\IES, EPISTLE OF
JA^IES, EPISTLE OF
629
Ep. of St. James^, pp. vi-xxxvi ; J. B. Lightfoot,
Galatians^, 1876, pp. 252-291 ; and art. 'Brethren
of the Lord' in HDB, DCG, and SDB.)
Turning to the extra-canonical references, we
find in Josephus {Ant. xx. ix. 1) an account of the
circumstances of the death of James. The high
priest Ananus (a son of the Annas of the Gospels),
a man of violent temper, seized the opportunity
of the interval between the death of Festus (c.
A.D. 62) and the arrival of his successor Albinus to
bring to trial 'James the brother of Jesus who
was called Christ and some others' as law-breakers,
and deUvered them to be stoned. This account is
inherently probable. It is sometimes rejected as
an interpolation, on the ground that Josephus
makes no other mention of Jesus or of Christian-
ity ; but it may be noted that F. C. Burkitt has
lately defended the genuineness of the famous
reference to Jesus in Josephus, AjU. xviii. iii. 3
{ThT xhii. [1913] pp. 135-144). Harnack has
signified agreement (Internationale Monatsschrift,
vii. [1913] pp. 1037-1068). If this be accepted,
the present passage presents little difficulty.
Hegesippus (ap. Euseb. HE ii. 23) gives a much
more highly coloured account of James's mar-
tyi'dom, representing him as hurled from the
pinnacle of the Temple because he refused to
make a pronouncement against Jesus (which the
Scribes and Pharisees had confidently expected of
him !). Among other personal traits Hegesippus
mentions that James was a Nazirite and strict
ascetic, and that, so constant was he in prayer,
his knees had become hard as a camel's. There is
a variant of the martyrdom story in Clem. Recog.
1., bdx., bcx., where, after James has shcmi 'by
most abundant proofs that Jesus is the Christ,' a
tumult is raised by an enemy, and he is hurled
from the Temple steps and left for dead, but
recovers.
The tendency to exalt the position of James in
later times is seen in the statement of Clem. Alex.
{ap. Euseb. HE ii. 1) that Peter and James and
John chose him to be bishop of Jerusalem ; while
in the letter of Clement prefixed to the Clem.
Horn, he is addressed as 'lord,' and 'bishop of
bishops.'
Literature. — To J. B. Mayor, The Epistle of St. James',
1910, Introduction, ch. i. : 'The Author,' and the other litera-
ture mentioned above, add T. Zahn, 'Briider und Vettern
Jesu,' in Forschunyen zur Geschichte des neuiestamentlichen
Kanons, vi., Leipzig, 1900, pp. 225-36.3 ; A. E. F. Sieffert, in
PRE\ viii. 57-1 fif. ; F. W. Farrar, Early Days of Christian-
ity, 1SS2, voL i. chs. xix., xx. W, MONTGOMERY.
**JAMES, EPISTLE OF 1. Literary character-
istics. — The Epistle strikes us at once as the ex-
pression of a vigorous personality. The author
p|unj;es into his subject ■with a bold paradox, and
is short, decisive sentences fall like hammer-
strokes. He constantly employs the imperative,
and makes much use of the rhetorical question.
His rebukes contain some of the sharpest invective
in the NT (41* 5^"''), and he knows when hony will
serve him best (2^^). He piles up metaphor upon
metaphor until the impression becomes irresistible
(3^'^^), andmultipUes attributes with the same effect
of emphasis {e.g. 'earthly, sensual, devihsh' [3^'';
of. l^-*-^^]). Like most vigorous -n-riters, he
delights in antithesis (cf. !"• l^^- 25 35 47)_ j^^ j^jg
illustrations he uses direct speech with dramatic
effect ('sit thou here in a good place,' etc. [2^; cf.
216 413]), Every here and there are struck out,
hke sparks from the flint of this rather hard-edged
style, phrases of arresting beauty and significance :
' the crown of hf e wlaich the Lord promised to them
that love him ' (1^^) ; ' the grace of the fashion of it
perisheth' (1^^) ; 'mercy glorieth against judge-
ment ' (2^^) ; ' What is your life ? For ye are a
vapour, that appeareth for a little time, and then
£
** Copyright, 191G, by Charles Scribtier's Sons.
vanisheth away' (4*^) ; 'Behold, the husbandman
waiteth for the precious fruit of the earth, being
patient over it, until it receive the early and latter
rain' (5'^) ; 'the supphcation of a righteous man,
when it puts forth its strength, availeth much'
(5^6).
The form is, in the main, the terse, gnomic
form _ of the _ Wisdom Uterature, but the spirit
that inspires it has deeper roots. It goes back to
OT prophecy. It is an Amos that we seem to hear
in the vigorous denunciation of 5^~'^ ; Isaiah is the
direct inspirer of the stately passage in V^-, and
the writer has distilled the quintessence of the
prophets into that fine saying which sums up his
teaching and comes home with special force to the
modern world : ' Pure rehgion and undefiled before
our God and Father is this, to succour (cf. Lk 1^*)
the fatherless and widows in their affliction, and
to keep oneself unspotted from the world' (1^'^).
It is in part, at least, owing to this gnomic style
and prophetic temper that the Epistle does not
form a logically constructed whole, according to
Western theories of composition. This is not to
saj^ that it has no cohesion. A considerable part
of it is grouped round three or four main ideas —
temptation, the bridling of the tongue, the danger
of lip-rehgion, the relation of rich and poor.
Within and between these groups the movement
is determined, to an extent which seems curious to
our ways of thought, by verbal associations. The
emphatic word of one sentence becomes a catch-
word Unking it to the next.
It may be worth while to analyze a paragraph with a view to
bringing this out. The salutation, 'James ... to the twelve
tribes . . . giveth joy' {V), supplies the key-word for the ap-
parently abrupt opening : ' And yo4^ unmixed count it, brethren,
when . . .' (v.-). _ Again, 'that ye may be perfect, lacking noth-
ing (v.''). _ And if any lack wisdom [for the apparently abrupt
introduction of wisdom, see below], let him ash . . . (v.*), but
let him ask in faith ' (v.^). This idea is then developed up to
the end of v.". The transition to v.', 'Now let the lowly
brother,' etc., is apparently again abrupt (see below). Verse 12
returns, as though vv.-i-" might be considered as a digression,
to the idea of temptation, and, passing from the sense of 'trial*
to that of 'inducement to evil,' deals with some difficulties con-
nected therewith. It is interesting to note that two abrupt
transitions in the above can be explained, with considerable
probability, as due to literary reminiscence. In v.^ we want a
connexion between ' wisdom,' which appears unexpectedly, and
the ideas of 'perfect' and 'lacking' ; and this certainly seems
to be supplied by Wis 9" : 'For even if a man be perfect among
the sens of men, yet if the wisdom that cometh from thee be
not with him, he shall be held in no account.' Again in v.',
where the transition appears quite abrupt, a connexion with
the central idea of wisdom is supplied by Sir I'l' : 'The wisdom
of the lowly shall lift up his head,' and with the next verse Sir
3'5 may be compared: 'The greater thou art, humble thyself
the more, and thou shalt find favour before the Lord' (cf. also,
for the double antithesis. Sir 20").
2. Religious attitude and teaching.— The main
purpose of the Epistle is to protest against pre-
vailing worldliness (4'*), which finds expression in
avarice (4* 5'^), pleasure-seeking (P* 4^, the vaunt
of a barren orthodoxy {2^*^-), social arrogance and
sycophancy (2'^), bitter contentions (4^^), sins of
the tongue (1-^ 3^"^°). Against these the author
holds up the ideal of a life inspired by the 'wisdom
which is from above' (3^^), which here plaj's the
part assigned to the Spirit (as gift) in St. Paul and
the NT generally. (With 3^^ cf. Gal 5^\ and with
1^ cf. Lk IP^ and Jn 3^^.) This heavenly wisdom
is above all things ' pure' {ayv-q)^ primarily no doubt
in the sense of unstained loyalty to God (cf. the
reference in 4* to the worldly-minded as juoixaX^Sej,
and see 2 Co 11'), and expresses itself in humihty
(P°), meekness (P^^-3^^), reasonableness (3^^),peace-
ableness (3^^*^), mercifulness (2^^ 3^''), whole-hearted
earnestness (3^'' 5^' *), active beneficence (1^^ 3"),
dependence on the Divine will (4''- ^°' ^°), obedience
inspired by faith (2^^"^^). It has often been re-
marked that purely theological conceptions occupy
httle space in the Epistle. And this is literally
true; but there is a good deal of compressed
630
JAMES, EPISTLE OF
JAIVIES, EPISTLE OF
theology in expressions like 'of his cwti will he
brought us to birth by the word of truth, that we
should be a kind of fh-stfruits of his creatures'
(118; cf, jn 113 663^ j^o jq" 8"^-), 'the implanted
word, which is able to save your souls' (l-^; cf.
Ro l^^), 'the perfect law of Mberty' (1-^; cf. Mt
517-20^ Ro 8^), 'heirs of the kingdom which he pro-
mised to them that love him' (2^), 'the parousia of
the Lord is at hand' (5^) ; not to mention 2^, if
with some very good scholars we take rrjs dd^rjs
as in apposition to roO Kvplov rjpiiov Irjaov XpiaroO, and
understand 'our Lord Jesus Chi-ist, the glory' (ia
conformity with 2 Co 4^, He 1', Jn l^^), as a refer-
ence to the Incarnation. It is remarkable, how-
ever, that the Epistle contains no reference to the
Death and Resurrection of Jesus, or, in connexion
with such a passage as 5^°^-, to His earthly hfe.
The writer is apparently httle interested in
questions of organization (ct. the Didache, Clement,
Ignatius). It is only incidentally that we hear of
the 'elders of the Chm-ch' (5") — the only officials
mentioned ; and we infer, rather than are told,
that the teaching office was not strictly regulated
(31) . Incidental, too, is the mention of the meeting
for worship (2^), and we hear nothing as to its
conduct. (For awayujyf) in the sense of a Christian
assembly cf . Herm. Mand. xi. 9 ; Ignat. ad Polyc.
iv. 2.)
3. Reception in the Church.— Ee-ascending the
stream of tradition from the point at which our
present NT canon may be considered as definitely
established in the Western Church (Third Council
of Carthage, a.d. 397), we find that the acceptance
of the Ep. of James long remained dubious.
Jerome, de Vir. Illustr. ii. (a.d. 392) says that,
while some asserted it to have been issued by
another under the name of James (' ab aho quodam
sub nomine eius edita'), it had gradually, as time
went on, established its authority. Eusebius, HE
iii. 25 (c. A.D. 314) mentions it along with Jude, 2
Peter, 2 and 3 John, among the books which,
although widely known, were 'disputed' (dvriXey-
S/xeva). Again, in ii. 23, after mentioning the
martyrdom of James, he proceeds : 'whose epistle
that is said to be which is first among the Epistles
styled Cathohc,' adding that it was not free from
suspicion (fit. 'is held spurious' [sc. by some]),
because many ancient wiiters make no mention
of it, as was also the case with Jude, though all
the Cathohc Epistles were pubhcly read in most
churches. Origen (c. 240) suggests the same un-
certainty when he refers to it as the Epistle ' which
goes under the name of James' (,v <p€poiJ,4p7) Ia/cw/3ou
iTTLffToX-f) [in Joann. xix. 6]), though according to
the Latin version of the Homilies he elsewhere
quotes it as Scriptiu-e {Com. in Ep. ad Rom. iv. 1),
and as by 'James the Lord's brother' {ih. iv. 8).
It is noteworthy that in his Com. in Matt. (x. 17)
he mentions the Ep. of Jude but not that of James.
The Muratorian Canon omits it, along with Heb-
rews and 1 and 2 Peter (on the other hand, the
Peshitta includes it, while omitting Jude, 2 Peter,
2 and 3 John, and the Apocalyf)se). Clement of
Alexandria is said to have included a commentary
on 'Jude and the re.st of the Catholic Epistles' in
his Hypotyposeis (Euseb. HE vi. 14) ; but, while
his notes on 1 Peter, 1 and 2 John, and Jude arc
extant in a Latin translation, James is wanting.
As regards the indirect evidence of quotations, the
earhest work for which a dependence on James
can be estabUshed with any high degree of proba-
bility is the Shepherd of Ilermas, which is variously
dated between a.d. 100 and 150. (For Hermas'
use of James see the art. by C. Taylor in JPh
xviii. [1890] 297 ff. on the priority of the Didache
to Hermas.) Some critics are inclined to see in
Clement of Rome evidences of the use of James.
But none of the passages are decisive, and ia an
ex-tended reference to the faith of Abraham (ad
Cor. X. 1 ff.) Clement quotes Gn 15^ in its proper
context, following St. Paul ; and, though he refers
to the sacrifice of Isaac, he speaks of it as offered
5l VTraKoijs and not 5id irlaTeuis.
3. Date and authorship. — As might perhaps have
been expected from the character of the external
evidence, the internal evidence is enigmatic. This
will appear from a statement of some of the various
theories, with the difficulties which each involves.
A. Take first the theory which, accepting the
traditional authorship,* makes the Ep. prior to
the main Epp.of St. Paul and unrelated to his
teaching. Against this the following objections
are alleged.
(a) There is strong evidence, it is held, that the
passage in 2'-*^- has in view St. Paul's teaching in
Ro_3 and 4, and is therefore subsequent to that
Epistle. _ The arguments advanced in favour of
this position are as follows. (1) In denying that
a man is saved by faith without works, James is
attacking a paradox; but no one is at pains to
attack a paradox unless someone else has previously
maintained it. Now there is no evidence that this
paradox had been maintained previous to St. Paul.
Faith had been praised and works had been praised,
and, if we may accejat 2 Esdras (whatever its actual
date) as a witness to pre-Clu'istian Jewish beliefs,
the combination of faith and works had been
praised (13^; cf. 9^), but the antithetic opposition
of faith and works, to the apparent disparagement
of the latter, originated, so far as our evidence
goes, with St. Paul. (2) The Scripture example
to which both writers appeal is much more favour-
able to St. Paul's argument than to James's. In
Gn 15® 'Abraham beheved God,' etc., refers specifi-
cally to belief in God's promise; James by an
exegetical tour deforce gives it a prospective refer-
ence to Abraham's 'works' in the sacrifice of
Isaac. Tliis is the procedure, not of a writer who
is choosing his illustrations freely, but of one who
must at aU hazards wrest from an adversary a
formidable weapon. (3) The passage is written in
a technical phraseology : diKaioDcrdat. iK Trtcrrecos,
diKaiovcrdai i^ epycav, Tlaris X^P^^ '^'^^ ^pyoov^ peKp6s
(apphed to faith, where St. Paul apphes it to
works). It is less probable, it is urged, that this
terminology was invented by James, who only
employs it in this controversial passage, than by
St. Paul, for whom it is the necessary expression
of some of his fundamental doctrines.
(6) In a number of other passages there are
points of contact, and in some of them the sugges-
tion of hterary priority is distinctly on the side of
St. Paul. For example, if we compare St. Paul's
statement in Ro 8''^, ' the law of the Spirit of hfe ni
Christ Jesus hath made me free (riXevdipwa-i fie [v.l.
a-e]) from the law of sin and death,' with James's
references to the law of liberty {v6fios rrji iXevdeplas
[1'" 2^'^]), the latter succinct, technical-looking ex-
pression has the air of an aheady coined and
current phrase, while St. Paul seems to be stating
a fact of experience, t
(c) With the exception of the language of
Hebrews, the Greek is the most accomphshed in
the NT. There is a certain amount of rhetorical
elaboration ; there is an unusual proportion of
non-LXX classical words ; there are many allu-
sions to the Hellenistic Wisdom literature, and
apparently some to Greek classical hteratiue.
This is not exactly the style we should have ex-
* The term ' genuineness ' is strictly inapplicable, since theEp.
inakes no explicit claim to be by James the Lord's brother. It
has occasionally been attributed to James the son of Zcbcdce.
Pllcidcrer (Primitive Christianilij, Eng. tr., London, 1900-11,
iv. 311) thinks of some unknown James.
t ( )ther parallels which have been noted are Ja !"• || Ro 5^^ ;
,Ia l=-'-=5 Jl Ro 2" ; Ja 41 II 1 Co 3' 1-433, Rq 7^3 ; Ja 4^ || Ro 8' ;
Ja4'"- 11 Rol4»; Ja 3" 1| CaXr^K
ja:mes, epistle of
JA^IES, EPISTLE OF
631
pected from the James of tradition, who was of
intensely Je'n-ish sjonpathies and presided over the
Aramaic-speaking church of Jerusalem. On the
other hand, the possibiUty of its being a transla-
tion is denied by the great majority of those com-
petent to speak on the point (whatever their
opinion as regards the authorship).
(d) The constitution of the membership of the
Church, including a considerable proportion of rich
people, does not point to an early date.
(e) While it would be rash to affirm that a de-
clension of Christian life such as the Epistle imphes
could not have taken place within two or three
decades, the vices of avarice and worldUness which
are most prominent suggest a more settled and
prosperous community than we should have ex-
pected.
(/) In the rebuke of the rich merchants for the
irreUgious temper in which they laid their plans,
we should have expected, in these early decades, a
reference to the imminence of the Parousia, rather
than merely to the uncertainty of the individual
life.
(g) We should also have expected some reference
to the Death and Resurrection of Christ, and to
Messianic doctrine, which, as all the evidence
seems to show, formed the staple of early Christian
preaching.
(/i) The address itself constitutes a difficulty.
If, as seems natural in a Christian writing, it
means Jewish Christians in the Uteral Diaspora,
where were these to be found prior to the Pauline
missions? Moreover, there is no hint that the
churches addressed contained Gentile Christians.
But were there ever any purely Jewish-Christian
churches except in Palestine? And how could
they be described as in the Diaspora?
To these objections the following answers are
given :
(a) (1) While we have no evidence on the point,
it is not improbable, in view of the stress laid
upon faith in the teaching of Jesus, that the faith-
and-works paradox may have come up in early
Christianity prior to St. Paul. (2) Abraham was,
in the Jewish schools, a stock example of faith
(see Lightfoot, Gal.^, London, 1876, p. 159 f.), so
that James and St. Paul might have introduced
him quite independently of one another ; and the
following passage shows that James's rather loose
employment of On 15^ is not pecuhar to himself :
1 Mac 2^2, 'Was not Abraham found faithful in
temptation, and it was reckoned unto him for
righteousness?' ]Mayor reverses the point of the
argument by remarking that it is inconceivable, if
James wrote after St. Paul, that he did not make
an attempt to guard his position against so formid-
able an attack (Ep. of St. James^, p. xcviii). (3)
The technical language may have been already in
existence (see under (1)). Moreover, some of the
terms used occur in a more clearly defined form in
St. Paul (cf. Ro 3^°- --• ^^- ^^ : epya vofiov, TriVrts
XptcTToO or l-n<Tov XpLffTov) — whlch points to a later
date and a deUberate guarding against misunder-
standing.
(b) Arguments of this kind depend so much upon
subjective impression that no great stress can be
placed on them.
(c) There is a good deal of evidence that GaU-
Iseans were generally bilingual ; and, as there was
certainly a large Greek-speaking element in the
church at Jerusalem, the leader of that church
would need to acquire some facility in using Greek.
Moreover, it is quite possible to exaggerate the ex-
cellence of the author's Greek. He avoids periods
of any length; and, though more 'correct,' does
not give the impression of writing with the same
ease as St. Paul.
(d) (e) We have no sufficient evidence to enable
us to pronounce definitely on these points, and
individual estimates of probabiUty are not an
adequate ground on which to base arguments.
Maj^or refers those who are impressed with the
declension of Christian morals 'to a study of the
Uf e of Fox or Wesley, or of any honest missionary
journal' {op. cit. p. cHii).
(/) The author may be here using an argumentum
ad hominem. Individual mortality was an un-
deniable fact ; a reference to the imminence of the
Parousia would depend for its impressiveness on
the Uveliness of the faith of those addressed. A
httle fiu-ther on, when encouraging the faithful
oppressed to patience, the author does refer to the
Parousia.
ig) These facts were the staple of missionary
preaching; here the author can assume them as
known.
{h) Zahn (Introd. i. 76 f ., 91 f.) takes the address
as referring metaphorically to Christians generally,
the existing Christians being, as a matter of fact,
those of the Palestinian chm-ches. Mayor (p.
cxxxvii) refers it to the Christians of the iEastern
Diaspora (cf. Ac 2^ and St. Paul's raid on the
Christians of Damascus [Ac 9-^]).
Further positive arguments in favour of the 'genuineness'
and early date of the Ep. are : (a) the unassuming character of
the writer's self-designation, which makes against forgery, while
his authoritative tone implies a position of influence ; (0) the
number of apparent echoes from sajdngs of Jesus, which yet
never take the form of quotations from the Gospels ; (y) the
number of linguistic coincidences with the speech of James at
the Apostolic Conference, and the Decree, which was apparently
drafted by him (salutation xaipeii/ (li || Ac lo^s] ; name called
'upon' persons [LXXj [2" ]| Ac lo'") ; 'hearken, brethren' |2^ ||
Ac 1512] ; iiri<TKiiTT£<T9aL [V || Ac lo^''] ; i-i<7Tpe(f>eiv [o"'- 1| Ac
1.5"] ; TTjpeiv, SLa-rqpelv eauToii? ano [!-'' || Ac 15-3] ; repetition
of brethren (brother) [4" || Ac lo^^]). (In favour of the histor-
icity of the Decree see Lake, Earlier Epp. of St. Paul, 1911,
pp. 30 ff., 48 ff.) (5) In favour of an early date we have the
unorganized character of the teaching office (3'), the mention
of elders only (5'^), the anointing of the sick with a view to
healing (o'*), the confession of sins one to another (o'^).
B. Those who, while holding the traditional
view as to the authorship, feel obliged to recognize
in Ja 2^^^- a reference to Pauline teaching, have
recourse to the hypothesis that the Ep. was written
either after the appearance of Romans or at least
after James had received reports as to the Pauline
teaching. Against this, the objection hes that,
once the controversies raised by St. Paul's preach-
ing had begun, it is inconceivable that an Ep.
■uTitten to Jemsh Christians of the Diaspora
should contain no reference to the burning que.s-
tions about the relation of Gentile converts to
circumcision and the Law (cf. IMayor, pp. ex, cxlvf.,
and Zahn, Introd. i. 136 f.). The present WTiter is
not aware that any satisfactory answer has been
given to this objection.*
C. The hypothesis that the Ep. is an originally
Jewish work adapted by a Christian 'svTiter has
been maintained by Spitta and Massebieau (see
Literature below) on the ground of (1) the scanti-
ness of specifically Christian doctrine — an unmis-
takably Christian reference is admitted only in 1^
and 2^ ; (2) close affinities Tvith Jewish literature ;
(3) the suggestion of interpolation in the curious
position of Tfjs SS^ris in 2^, where a simpKfication
wouldbeintroduced by omitting V<^ J*' I^o'oOXpto-ToO.
To this it is repUed (1) that there is more specifi-
cally Christian doctrine than these WTiters admit :
e.g. in 1^* the combination of the ideas of 'beget-
ting,' 'word of truth,' and 'firstfruits' is much
more naturally referred to Christian doctrine than
to the original creation (as Spitta) ; and phrases
like 'the coming (Parousia) of the Lord' (5^"*), 'the
* Feine, who feels its force (Jakobusbrief, p. 58) , tries to evade
it by the hjT)othesis that the Ep. was originally a homily
addressed to the church at Jerusalem, which was only later, as
a kind of afterthought, circulated in the Diaspora (p. 95). For
criticism of Feine, see E. R. Kuhl, SK Lxvii. [1894], esp. p. 813fif.
632
JMIES, EPISTLE OF
JMIES, EPISTLE OF
perfect law of liberty' (1"), 'the eldera of the
church' (5"), 'the goodly name by which ye are
caUed' (2'), 'my beloved brethren' (l^^- ^^ 2^), cer-
tainly suggest a Christian atmosphere. No evi-
dence is produced that a faith-and-works contro-
versy such as that imphed in 2^^'- had arisen in
pre-Christian Judaism. (2) That the work should
show close affinities with the OT and with Jewish
Hellenistic literature is in no way surprising if
the author was a Jewish Christian. (3) That a
Christian mterpolator should have been content to
interpolate only in 1^ and 2^ is hardly conceivable.
Accepting the text of 2^ as it stands, there is
nothing very violent in taking t^s 86^7]$ as an ap-
pellation of Christ, in apposition with toD Kvpiov
T)tiG}v 'ItjctoO Xpio-ToO ; cf . Lk 2^'^ and perhaps 1 P 4'^
(so Mayor and Hort, following Bengel ; see Mayor',
p. 80ff.).
Two further considerations against this view
have to be added : (a) that, if there is Uttle that
is distinctively Christian, there is nothing distinct-
ively Jewish. Harnack writes: 'Spitta has for-
gotten to consider what the Epistle does not con-
tain.' Christianity was a reformation of Judaism
which discarded a mass of religious and ritual
material. Now of this Jewish material which
Christianity discarded the Ep. contains no trace
{Chronol. 489 n.). (6) Again, the apparent echoes
from the teaching of Jesus are hardly satisfactorily
accounted for by the hypothesis of a common
source.
D. A theory which shares with the last the
hypothesis that the name of Jesus in l'^ and 2^ is
not original is that of J. H. Moulton, who holds
that the Ep. was written by James the Lord's
brother, but for non-Christian Jews, and that
therefore distinctively Christian phraseology was
deliberately omitted. The mention of the name
of Jesus came in by way of a gloss {Expositor, 7th
ser. iv. 45-55). This theory has the advantage of
accounting for the textual difficulty in 2^, for the
Judaistic tone combined with the presence of (un-
emphasized) Christian thoughts, and for the ulti-
mate though late and disputed reception of the
book.
Against this it is urged that (1) the curious
subtlety of mind involved in the writing of the sup-
posed veiled tract harmonizes ill with the sternness
and vigour of the WTiter. (2) It is not clear what
the WTiter could have hoped to accompUsh by it.
(3) Moreover, some of the more definitely Christian
phrases quoted above are not easy to dispose of,
and the difficulty about 2^^^- remains, for those
who cannot find its presuppositions entirely in
Judaism.
E. There is the type of theory according to
which the Ep. was written, not by James the
Lord's brother and not in the ApostoUc Age, but
by an unknown author, late in the 1st or early in
the 2nd century. The attractions of this type of
theory are that it gets rid of the difficulty arising
from the knowledge of the Pauhne Epistles com-
bined with absence of reference to the controversies
about the Law, as also of that arising from the
knowledge of Jesus' teaching combined with ab-
sence of reference to His Ufe. It accounts for the
moralism, the absence of Messianic doctrine, the
shghtness of the reference to the Parousia. It
accounts, better than the early date, for the con-
dition of the Church, with its worldliness and hp-
religion.
Of the theories of this type the most definite is
that of Harnack. He finds a positive indication
of date in the references to persecution in 2^'-. He
understanrls this of the apo.stasy of worldly Chri.s-
tians and their betrayal of their fellow-Christians.
To this he finds an exact parallel in Hermas, Sim.
ix. 19, whore the 'mountain black as soot' (ix. 1)
represents those who have revolted from the faith
and spoken wicked things against the Lord, and
betrayed the servants of God (cf. also chs. 21, 26,
28). Such delations, as frequent occurrences, can-
not be placed earlier than about a.d. 120. On the
other hand, there is nothing in the Ep. which
would require us to bring it down beyond the first
third of the 2nd century. He therefore dates it
between 120 and 130. But it is not to be thought
of as a forgery, for (1) anyone composing an os-
tensible letter would have taken more pains to
cast it into epistolary form ; (2) a forger would
have made it clearer who he professed to be ; and
(3) he would not have contradicted the generality
of the address by the particularity of some of the
references. The most probable hypothesis is,
therefore, that it was a compilation from the
writings of one of those prophetic teachers who,
far down into the Post-Apostolic Age, still spoke
with a sense of inspiration and an admitted author-
ity. Shortly after his death this was issued by a
redactor, anonymously. In its anonymous form
it had a hmited circulation among Palestinian
Christians. About the end of the 2nd cent, it
found its way into 'the early CathoUc world,' and,
in view of the conceptions then prevailing as
to the primitive apostoUc type of doctrine, it
is not surprising that it should have been attri-
buted to James. (In addition to Chronol. ii. 1.
p. 485 f., see the excursus on the Cath. Epp. in TU
ii. 1, p. 106 f., where the general presuppositions of
the hypothesis are more fully and lucidly set
forth.)
Against this theory the following objections are
offered . ( 1 ) The hypothesis is unduly complicated.
(2) The religious spirit of the Ep. gives the im-
pression of being very much earlier than that of
Hermas. (3) The ultimate association of the Ep.
with James of Jerusalem and its consequent re-
ception are not fully accounted for. The passage
relied on to prove the date (2^^-) is susceptible of a
different interpretation. The rich man and the
poor man of 2^ apparently both come into the
Christian assembly as strangers, and there is
nothing to show that the rich of v.^ are Christians
rather than outsiders. In fact, the latter relation
is suggested by the fact that they are said to
blaspheme the name by which 'you' (not 'they')
have been called.
As is sufficiently apparent from the number and
variety of the theories (of which this survey is by
no means exhaustive), the problem of date and
authorship admits of no easy and convincing solu-
tion. In a work of the present character it seems
best simply to be content to say so.
LiTERATUHE (grouped according to thecritical theories noticed
above. Where other theories are advocated, some indication is
given). — A. J. B. Mayor, Ep. of St. James, London, 1892
('1910) ; R. J. Knowling, Ep. of St. James, in Westminster
Comni., do. 1904 ; T. Zahn, Introd. to NT, Eng. tr. of 3rd ed.,
Edinburgh, 1909, i. 73-1 jl.
B. F. J. A. Hort, Ep. of St. James (as far as 4' ; ed. J. O. F.
Murray), London, 1909; P. Peine, Der Jakobusbrief, nach
Lehranschanniifjen und Entstehungsverhdltnissen untersucht,
Eisenach, 1893; A. Plummer, The General Epp. of St. James
and St. Jude (Expositor's Bible, London, 1891) (date either
A.D. 45-49 or ,'J3-(i2).
C. F. Spitta, Zur Gesch. u. Litt. des Urchristentums, ii.,
Gottingen, 1895, pp. 1-1.5.5; L. Massebieau, 'L'Epttre de
.Jacques, est-elle I'cEuvre d'un Chretien ? ' in RUR xxxii. [1895]
249-283.
D. J. H. Moulton, ' The Ep. of .lamea and the Sayings of
Jesus,' in Erjiositor, 7th ser. iv. [1907] 45-55.
E. A. Harnack, Die Chronologie, Leipzig, 1904, ii. 1. p. 485 ff.,
TU ii. 1 11884] 106 f. ; A. Jiilicher, //i(rorf. to NT, Eng. tr.. Lon-
don, 1904 ; J. Moffatt, L.XT, Edinburgh, 191 1 ; B. W. Bacon,
Introd. to NT, New York, 1900; A. S. Peake, A Crit. Introd.
to the NT, London, 1909.
Other views: G. Currie Martin, 'The Ep. of James aa a
Storehouse of the Sayings of Jesus,' in Expositor, 7tli ser. iii.
[1907] 174-184 (Ep. works up collection of Sayings made by
James) ; W. Bruckner, Die chronol. Reihenfolge, in welcher
die Briefe des NT verfasst sind, Haarlem, 1890, pp. 287-295
(addro.'^spd to a conventicle of Jewish Christians of Essene
JANNES AND JA^IBRES
JEPHTHAH
633
sympathies at Rome in the reign of Hadrian) ; O. Pfleiderer,
Primitive Christianity, iv. (Eng. tr., London, 1911) 293-311
(2nd half of 2nd cent.). W. MONTGOMERY.
JANNES AND JAMBRES.— These two men are
referred to in 2 Ti 3** as liaving withstood ISIoses ;
they are traditionally identihed with two leading
men among the magicians (Ex 7"* -^ ; cf. Gn 41*- ^).
They are mentioned in the Gospel of Nicodemus
(ch. 5) in the warning given to Pilate by Nicodemus
that he should not act towards Jesus as Jannes and
Jambres did to Moses. Origen (c. Cels. iv. 51) says
that Numenius (2nd cent, a.d.; probably following
Artapanos, an Alexandi-ian Hellenist of the 2nd
cent. B.C.), related the story also ; and in his coni-
mentary on Mt 27^ he says that the reference in
2 Tim. was derived from a 'secret book' (perhaps
the 'Liber qui appellatur Poenitentia Jamnce et
Mambrce,' an apocryphon referred to in the De-
cretum Gclasianum), as he suggests was the case
with 1 Co 29 and Mt 27^ itself (Patr. Grceca, xiii.
1769). Eusebius also quotes Numenius in his
Proep. Ev. ix. 8 as relating the story to Jannes
and Jambres, two 'Egyptian scribes' (cf. n'??!^'
'magicians' above, where the primary meaning is
'scribes,' and the secondary 'magicians'). The
Acts of Peter and Paul (Ante-Nicene Christian
Library, xvi. [1873] 268) makes the two apostles
warn Nero against Simon Magus by the example
of Pharaoh, who was drowned in the Red Sea
through Hstening to Jannes and Jambres. The
Apost. Const, (viii. 1) compares the action of Jannes
and Jambres to that of Annas and Caiaphas. It
is possible that the two magicians were identified
by hostile Jews with John and Jesus (cf. Levy,
Chald. Worterbuch, p. 337), but the story seems
older.
The licentious play of fancy which meets us
everywhere in the superstitions about magicians
throughout the two centuries before and the two
centm-ies after Christ, is responsible for the varie-
gated and contradictory legends about Jannes and
Jambres. They were sons of Balaam, and accom-
panied him on his journey to Balak ; they perished
in the Red Sea; they were among the 'mixed
multitude' ; they were killed in the matter of the
golden calf ; they flew up into the air to escape
the sword of Phinehas, but were brought down by
the power of the Ineffable Name and slain. All
these legends are in the style of the Midrash, pious
but groundless, and serve only to illustrate the
mind of the period in which they rose and took
form. Whether the author of 2 Tim. is quoting
from oral legend or from an apocryjihal work is
uncertain. Origen suggests the latter, Theodoret
the former. Nor is there any final certainty
about the origin and meaning of the names. The
first has been identified with Johannes or John,
and may have contained an allusive reference to
Heb. ^}l, 'to oppress' (cf., further, artt. Balaam,
Nicola IT ANs) . Jambres occurs in the form Mambres
also (the b in both is probably euphonic only), and
may have been treated as if from Aram, '^"'r'?,
'rebellious' (cf. the opprobrious P?, 'heretic').
But the polemic use of the two terms as = ' op-
pressor' and 'rebellious' does not explain their
origin. H. Ewald {Gesch. des Volkes Israel, 1864-
66, I. ii. 128), F. J. Lauth {Moses der Ebrder,
1869, p. 77), and J. Freudenthal {Alexander Poly-
histor, 1875, p. 173) regard the names as Graeco-
Egyptian. In 1 IMac 9^^ the ' children of Jambri '
are mentioned, an Arab tribe, and perhaps not
Amorites, but there is no good ground for tracing
Jambres to this.
We can only conclude, therefore, that all that
is certain about Jannes and Jambres is that they
were the names of two men who were believed in
the ApostoUc Age to have been the leaders of the
magicians who withstood INIoses, and that they
have been made the centre of pious legends and
the cause of much critical ingenuitv.
W. F. Cobb.
JASON ('lacrwy). — Jason is a Greek name, often
adopted by Jews of the Dispersion, sometimes as
not unlike the names Joseph or Joshua.
1. In Ac IT^"'-, the host of St. Paul and Silas at
Thessalonica, who was seized with other converts
and dragged before the politarchs. These authori-
ties bound over Jason and his friends in security
that there should be no further disturbance and
perhaps that St. Paul should leave the city and
not return (see Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and
the Roman Citizen, 1895, p. 230 f .).
2. In Ro 16'^, a person whose greetings St. Paul
sends to his readers with greetings from Timothy,
Lucius, and Sosipater, all of whom he describes as
his 'kinsmen,' i.e. fellow-Jews or perhaps members
of the same tribe. It is quite probable that 1 and
2 are the same man. T. B. Allwoethy.
JASPER (I'ao-TTtj, from Assyr. aspii). — The king on
the heavenly throne is like a jasper stone (Rev
4^) ; the luminary of the New Jerusalem is like a
stone most precious, as it were a jasper stone, clear
as crystal (21") ; and the first foundation stone of
the wall is a jasper. The jasper of mineralogy is
an opaque, compact variety of quartz, variously
coloiu-ed — red, brown, yellow, or green. As this
stone does not answer the description 'clear as
crystal,' some think that the diamond is meant
(Smith's DB s.v.), while others suggest the opal
{EBis.v.). The taa-ms of the LXX (Ex2820) may
have been the dark green jasper, which was known
to the Egyptians and the early Greeks.
James Strahan.
JEALOUSY. — Jealousy, as the translation of
i^rjXoi (vb. ^7]\6o}), denotes the state of mind which
arises from the knowledge or fear or suspicion
of rivalry. (1) It is often begotten of self-love.
Those who have come out of heathen darkness into
Christian light should no longer walk in strife and
jealousy (Ro 13"), which are characteristics of the
carnal or selfish mind (1 Co 3^). Bitter jealousy
{^rjXov TTiKpdv) and faction, in which rivals are ' each
jealous of the other, as the stung are of the adder'
{King Lear, v. i.56 f. ), and exult over (Kara/cavxao-^e)
every petty triumph achieved, are an antithesis of
Christianity, a lying against the truth (Ja 3^*).
Where jealousy and faction are, there is anarchy
{aKaTacTTaffia) and every vile deed (3^^). The Jewish
opponents of the gospel were filled with jealousy,
e.g. in Jerusalem (Ac 5") and Pisidian Antioch
(13^5). 'Jealousies' (f^Xot, 2 Co 12^0, Gal 520)_are
the inward movements or outward manifestations
of this un-Christian feehng.
(2) But the heat of jealousy (cf. ^^^.^) is not
always false fire. To the Corinthians St. Paul
says, ' I am jealous over you with a godly jealousy'
(fiyXcD yap ii/xas deov ^-q\(p, 2 Co 11"), i.e. with a
jealousy Hke that of God. In the OT Jahweh is
the husband of Israel, loving her and claiming all
her love ; in which sense He_ is a jealous God.
A somewhat similar jealousy is once ascribed to
Christ (in Jn 2^^ f^Xos, 'zeal') ; and St. Paul, who
has betrothed the Corinthian Church to the Lord,
and hopes to present her as a pure bride to Him,
is jealous over her on His behalf, feeling the bare
thought that she may after all give herself to
another to be intolerable. Some take OeoD ^rjXq) to
mean 'with a zeal for God,' but the context de-
mands a stricter sense of the word.
James Strahan.
JEPHTHAH ('le^^af).— Jephthah, the Gileadite
warrior Avho became the conqueror of the Ammon-
ites, and whose vow compelled him to sacrifice his
own daughter (Jg 11-12), is named among the men
634
JERICHO
JERUSALEM
of the OT who achieved great things by faith (He
IF^). He is mentioned after Samson, though he
was historically earlier, the author probably trust-
ing his memory, or not being over-studious of
minute accuracy. James Strahan.
JERICHO {'lepix'i, WH 'l€peixti>).—The fall of the
walls of Jericho is mentioned as an illustration of
the miracle-working power of Israel's faith (He
11*"). Enervated by the heat and fertility of the
deep valley in which the city stood, the inhabitants
of Jericho were always un-warlike, and the story
in Jos 6 gives an idea of the astonishing ease with
which their stronghold was captured. The site of
Jericho shifted several times. The Canaanite city
has been identihed with a tell or mound, 1200 ft.
long and about 50 ft. high, beside Elisha's Fountain.
This has now been carefully explored under the
direction of E. Sellin of Vienna, and the mud walls
of the old town laid bare. See ' The German Ex-
cavations at Jericho,' in PEFSt, 1910, pp. 54-68.
James Strahan.
JERUSALEM. -1. The name Two forms occur
in the NT : (a) lepova-aXrj/x, the ' genuinely national
form,' 'hieratic and Hebraising,' used 'where a
certain sacred significance is intended, or in solemn
appeals ' ; it occurs forty times in Acts, and is also
found in the letters of St. Paul, in Hebrews, and in
the Apocalypse ; it is indeclinable, and without
the article except when accompanied by an adjec-
tive ; (6) TepoadXvfia, the hellenized form, favoured
by Joseplius, and occurring over twenty times in
Acts, and in the narrative section of Galatians.
As a rule it is a neuter plural, with or without the
article. In each case the aspirate is doubtful.
For a discussion of the forms see G. A. Smith,
Jerusalem, i. 25911".; W. M. Kamsay, Luke the
Physician, London, 1908, p. 51 tf. ; and T. Zahn,
Introduction to the NT, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1909,
ii. 592 ft'.
2. Topography.— The chief authority for Jeru-
salem in tlie 1st cent. A.D. — its topography no less
than its history— is the Jewish writer Josephus.
His historical works cover the period with which
we have here to deal, and it is to the details there
furnished that we owe most of our knowledge of
the fortunes and aspect of the city in the Apostolic
Age. Any account of the topography of Jerusalem
at this time must necessarily follow the descriptions
of Josephus, as interpreted by the majority of
modern scholars. It has always to be kept in
mind, however, that there is considerable difference
of opinion on many points, and that the views of
the minority, or even of an individual, although
we may not be able to accept them, are to be re-
garded with respect.
i. The City Walls, as they existed at the time
of the siege in A.D. 70, first claim attention.
(a) First Wall.— In historical order, but not
according to the standpoint of the besiegers, for
whom the first wall was the third, the walls of
Jerusalem on the north side proceed from the in-
terior to the exterior of the city. At all times the
south side of the city had only one encompassing
wall, but during most of our period there were
three walls — the third only in part — ui)on the
north side. The first of these nortiiern walls com-
menced on the W. of Jerusalem near the modern
Jaffa Gate, and ran in an easterly direction along
the northern face of the so-called S. W. Hill, cross-
ing the Tyropoion Valley, which then markedly
divided tiie city from N. ibo S., and joining the W.
wall of the Temi)le enclosure. At its W. extremity
it was marked by the three towers of Herod the
Great — Hippicus, Phasael, and Mariamne (or
Mariamme) ; and at the Temple end it ran near to
the bridge which gave access from the S.W. Hill
to the outer court of the Temple. This point is
now marked by the modern Bab es-Silsilek, and
Wilson's Arch found here stands over the remains
of an older bridge which is doubtless the viaduct
of Josephus's time. From the Tower of Hippicus
the wall ran southwards and followed approximately
the line of the modern W. wall, but it extended
further south, turning S.E. along Maudslay's Scarp
and proceeding in a straight course to the Pool of
Siloam, at the mouth of the Tyropceon Valley.
At this time the pool possibly lay outside the waU
(F. J. Bliss and A. C. Dickie, Excavations at
Jerusalem, 1894-1897, pp. 304, 325), although G.
A. Smith places it inside [Jerusalem, i. 224).
After crossing the Tyropceon, at some point or
other, the wall was continued in a N.E. direction,
running along the slope of Ophel to join the Temple
enclosure at its S.E. angle. A considerable part
of this wall upon the S. side of the city has
been excavated by Warren, Guthe, Bliss, and
Dickie. The last two explorers found remains of
two walls with a layer of debris between. Bliss is
of opinion that the under wall is the one destroyed
by Titus, and he says further : ' There is no evid-
ence, nor is it probable, that the south line was
altered between the time of Nehemiah and that of
Titus' (Excav. at Jerus., p. 319).
We are here concerned with the subsequent
history of the wall upon the S. side only in so far
as after the destruction by Titus it appears to have
been rebuilt on a new line to form the S. side of
the Roman camp upon the S.W. Hill, this being
the line of the modem city wall on the S. The
part upon the W., together with Herod's three
towers, was spared by Titus and utilized by him
for the 'Camp.' So also, we may infer, was the
wall skirting the W. side of the Tyropceon, running
N. and S. from the neighbourhood of the bridge to
the region of the Pool of Siloam to form the E.
boundary of the S.W. Hill. This wall is not
mentioned by Josephus, but its presence may be
concluded from the fact that Titus had to commence
siege operations anew against that division of the
city which stood on the S.W, Hill ('The Upper
City'). According to C. W. Wilson, the ground
enclosed by the walls of the Upper City extended to
74^ acres. The new wall drawn on the S. side over
the summit of the hill reduced the area to about
48^ acres, only a little short of the normal dimen-
sions of a ' Camp ' {Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre,
p. 143 f.).
{b) Second Wall. — According to Josephus, this
commenced at the Gate Genath (or Gennath) in
the First Wall, and circled round the N. quarter of
the city, running up to Antonia, the castle situated
attheN.W. corner of the Temple area. It had
fourteen * towers, compared with sixty on the
First Wall and ninety on the Third. Its extent
was therefore limited in comparison with the others.
There is much discussion as to its actual line in
view of the importance of this for the determina-
tion of the site of Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre.
This is a question that falls to be treated under
the Gospel Age, although we have an interest in
the projection of the wall towards the N., sincb
upon this depends the view taken of the line of the
Third W^all. With the majority of modern in-
vestigators we decide for a limited compass, no
part being further N. than the extremity which
went up from the Tyropceon to Antonia. The
Gate Genath has not been located, but it must
have been in the neighbourliood of the three great
towers, and perhaps lay inside of all three. C. M.
Watson concludes from a study of the records ana
from personal investigation of the site that th*
Second Wall was most probably built by Antipater,
father of Herod the Great. He interprets Josephus
* TeVcropa? Kal £e'«a (Niese) ; Whiston reads 'toxty' {BJ v,
iv. 3).
^\ Tomb of
//e/en&
JERUSALEM
in the /iposto/ic /7de
^^ S Stephen's
Church
Pseph
Her'od's
Man.
',3
7orr*i) of- ff}^
^'''^
I
n6rotto-^
S. James i
Virgin's I . .
Fountain (SotomopS Pool)
i:
Man. ot ~ - '
"Mn^nus
S C A.LE,,,,
Fountain
(BirEyyub)
-2 2640feec = ^Mlle
636
JERUSALEM
JERUSALEM
as speaking of * a new construction necessitated
by the growth of the new suburb on the north-
western hiir (The Story of Jerusalem, p. 85). The
Second Wall is usually identihed with the North
Wall of Neheraiah (Smith, Jerusalem, i. 204). In
the opinion of Smith ' we do not know how the
Second Wall ran from the First to the Tyropceon ;
we do not know wliether it ran inside or outside
the site of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre' [ib.
p. 249). Wilson also leaves the question open
[Golgotha, p. 137).
(c) Third Wall. — As already noted, the line of
the Third Wall is bound up with the question of
the line of the Second Wall. Following Robinson,
both Merrill [Ancient Jerusalem, eh, xxiv. ) and
Paton [Jerusalem in Bible Times, pp. 111-115)
place it a considerable distance N. of the modern
city wall. Most other students of the subject are
content to accept the present North Wall as
marking the site of the Third or Agrippa's Wall.
Conder [The City of Jerusalem, pp. 162-166) occu-
pies an intermediate position, giving a noi'therly
extension beyond the present limits only on the
side W. of the Damascus Gate. The wall was
commenced about A.D. 41 on a colossal plan ; but,
suspicion having been aroused, operations had to
be suspended by order of Claudius. The wall was
hurriedly completed before the days of the siege.
The main purpose of the Third Wall was to enclose
within the fortified area of the city the new suburb
of Bezetha, which had grown up since Herod the
Great's time on the ridge N. of the Temple and
Antonia. Tiie most conspicuous feature on the
wall was the Tower of Psephinus at the N.W.
corner, which is named in conjunction with the three
great towers of Herod, and may have existed at
an earlier time (Smith, Jerusalem, ii. 487), being
also the work of Herod [EBi ii. 2428). The W.
extremity of the wall was at Hippicus ; the N.W.
point at Psephinus ; the N. E. point, according to
Josephus, at the Tower of the Corner, opposite the
' Monument of the Fuller' ; and the E. extremity
at the old wall in the Kidron Valley, i.e. the N.E.
point of the Temple enclosure. Merrill's view
[Anc. Jerus., pp. 44, 51) is that the line of this
wall in its southerly trend would cut the line of
the present wall a little E. of Herod's Gate ; in
other words, the present N.E. corner of the city
was not within the walls of Jerusalem before its
destruction by Titus. This view has much to com-
mend it, although it is not admitted by those who
advocate that the Third Wall followed the line of
the present wall in its entire course (Smith, Jeru-
salem, i. 245 )X. ).
ii. Temple Walls. — The remainder of the peri-
meter of the outer wall of Jerusalem was made up
by the E. wall of the Temple, which in Herod's
time coincided with the city wall (Smith, Jerusa-
lem, i. 234 f.). The enclosure of the sanctuary did
not, however, extend so far N. as it does to-day.
Warren's Scarp, as it is called, marks the N. limit
of the outer court of Herod's temple [ExpT xx.
[1908-09] 66). This would cut the E. wall only
slightly N. of the present Golden Gate. An ex-
tension to the N. was perhaps made by Agrippa I.
(Smith, Jerusalem, i. 237 f.), but even then the N.
boundary must have fallen considerably short of
the present wall. The fore-court of Antonia must
therefore have i)rojected some distance into the
present ^aram area, and the rock on which the
castle stood, while scarped on the other three sides,
must on the S. have formed part of the same ridge
as that on which the Tem])le lay. The N. Temjile
area wall presumably joined this rock, while the
W. Temple area wall started from the S.W. point
i)f the fore-court of Antonia and ran S. to meet
'he S. wall lower down the Tyropceon Valley.
Examination of the rock levels has proved that
the S.W. corner of the Temple area is ujjon the
far side of the valley, i.e. upon the S.W. Hill.
A proper understanding of this complex of walls
is essential to an appreciation of Josephus"s narra-
tive of the siege of A. D. 70, which in turn gives the
key to the whole situation within Jerusalem in
the time of the apostles. The city was fortified
in virtue of its complete circuit of walls. When
the most northerly wall was breached it still was
fortified by the second N. wall and all that re-
mained. ^V'hen the second wall was taken, access
was given to the commercial suburb [irpodaTeiov] in
the Upper Tyropceon Valley. Antonia formed a
fortress by itself, likewise the Temple both in its
outer court and in the inner sanctuary. After the
Temple was taken tiie way was open to the ' Lower
City' and the Akra, which is almost synonymous
with the 'Lower City,' i.e. the Lower Tyropceon
Valley from the First Wall to the Pool of Siloam
together with the S.E. Hill, of Avhich Ophlas
formed a part. Lastly, the S.W. Hill, on which
stood the 'Upper City' with the 'Upper Agora,'
was completely fortified, and doubtless the Palace
of Herod at the N.W. corner of the ' Upper City'
also was a strong place within four walls, with the
three great towers upon the N. side.
iii. Changes in the City during the Apostolic
Age. — While there was nothing to equal the great
building achievements of Herod the Great, activity
was by no means stayed during the interval between
the Death of Christ and the Destruction of Jeru-
salem (c. A.D. 30-70). This we judge from the fact
that it was not until c. A.D. 64 that operations in
the courts of the Temple were at an end. Even
then the cessation of work involved about 18,000
men. To prevent disafiection and privation, they
were transferred with the sanction of Agrippa II.
to the work of paving the streets of the city (Jos.
Ant. XX. ix. 7). Reference has already been made
to the building of the Third W^all during the reign
of Agrippa I., and this was necessitated by the
growth of the suburb Bezetha, or New Town, lying
north of Antonia and the Temple on the N.E.
ridge. The Lower Aqueduct, which brought water
to the Temple enclosure from a distance of 200
stadia, is ascribed to Pontius Pilate during the
years preceding his recall and was in a way re-
sponsible for his demission of office (A.D. 36).
Several palaces were built at this time — all over-
looking the Tyropceon : that of Bernice, near the
Palace of the Hasmonseans (see below) ; of Helena,
Queen of Adiabene, who was resident in Jerusalem
during the great famine (Ac 11'*); of Monobazus,
her son ; and of Grapte, a near relative. Agrippa
II. enlarged the Hasmontean Palace, which was
situated on the S.W. Hill near the bridge over
the Tyropceon, and when finished overlooked the
sanctuary. Tliis was a cause of friction, and led
to the building of a screen within the sacred area
[Ant. XX. viii. 11). Most of these notable buildings
were destroyed or plundered during the faction
fights on the eve of the siege [BJ II. xvii. 6, IV. ix.
11) and during its course (VI. vii. 1).
While stone was freely used in construction, it
ought to be realized that timber also played a large
part — much more so than at the present day
(Merrill, Anc. Jerus., pp. 136, 150, 152). The
Timber Market was in Bezetha, the new suburb.
For ordinary building purposes wood was lirought
from a distance, but during the siege the Romans
availed themselves of the trees growing in the
environs, totallj' altering the external aspect of
the city. Still more fatal to its beauty was the
havoc Avrought by fire within the Temple area, and
in the various quarters of the city after the victory
of the Romans, and most of all in the execution of
Titus's order to raze the city to the ground. In
spite of Josephus's testimony, all writers are not
JERUSALEM*!
JERUSALEM
637
of one mind regarding the extent of tlie ruin.
Thus Wilson says of the ' Upper City ' at least :
' Many houses must have remained intact. The
military requirements of tlie Koman garrison
necessitated some demolition ; but tiiere is no
evidence that a plough was passed over the ruins,
or that Titus ever intended that the city should
uever be rebuilt' (Golgotha, p. 52; cf. Merrill,
Anc. Jerus., p. 179).
iv. Sacred sites pertaining to the Apostolic
Age. — For this department of our subject we must
call in the aid of tradition, in so far as this appears
to be in anj' measure worthy of credence. The
sites to be dealt with are mostly suggested by the
narrative of the Book of Acts.
(a) The Ccenaculum. — Outside the present S. city
wall on the S.W. Hill lies a complex of buildings,
which since the 16th cent, have been in Moslem
possession and are termed en-Nebi D&'ud. Under-
ground is supposed to be the Tomb of David, but
this part is not open to the inspection of Christians.
Immediately above this is a vaulted room (show-
ing 14tli cent, architecture), which is now identified
with the 'large upper room' in which the Last
Supper was held, where Christ appeared to His
disciples, in which the early Christians assembled,
and where the Holy Ghost was given. It is
supposed to be the house of Mary, the mother of
John Mark. According to a later tradition — which
probably arose from a confusion of this Mary with
the Mother of Jesus — this is also the scene of the
death of the Virgin. Here also Stephen was
thought to be martj'red (still later). The earliest
tradition with which we are here concerned dates
from the 4th cent. A.D., being preserved by
Epiphanius [de Mens, et Pond. xiv. [Migne, Pair.
Grceca, xliii. col. 259 ff.]; cf. Wilson, Golgotha,
p. 173) :
' He [Hadrian] found the whole city razed to the ground, and
the Temple of the Lord trodden under foot, there being only a
few houses staiidin<r, and the Church of God, a small building,
on the place where the disciples on their return from the Mount
of Olives, after the Saviour's Ascension, assembled in the ujiper
chamber. This was built in the part of Sion which had escaped
destruction, together with some buildings round about Sion,
and seven synagogues that stood alone in Sion like cottages.'
Since then there have been many changes in the
buildings themselves and in their owners, but the
tradition has been constant. What it is worth
still awaits the test, but, as Stanley says : ' there
is one circumstance wliich, if proved, would greatly
endanger the claims of the "Ccenaculum." It
stands above the vault of the traditional Tomb of
David, and Ave can hardly suppose that any resi-
dence, at the time of the Christian era, could have
stood within the precincts of the lioyal Sepulchre'
[Sinai and Palestine, new ed., London, 1877, p.
456). It may be noted that the Tomb of David is
now sought, although it has not been found, on the
S.E. Hill, Avhere, in the opinion of most, the ' City
of David,' or Zion, lay (Paton, Jericsalem, p. 74 f.).
From the language of Ac 2-^ the tomb was evidently
in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem (cf. Ant. xili.
viii. 4, XVI. vii. 1, BJ I. ii. 5). Sanday is prepared
to give the tradition aVtout the Ccenaculum ' an
unqualified adhesion ' [Sacred Sites of the Gospels,
p. 78), and proceeds to argue the matter at length
(pp. 78-88). His argument is contested by G. A.
Smith [Jerusalem, ii. 567 ti".), whose opinion is that
'while the facts alleged (by Dr. Sanday) are within
the bounds of possibility, they are not very pro-
bable' (p. 568). Wilson is more favourable, and
thinks that here 'amidst soldiers and civilians
drawn from all parts of the known world, the
Christians may have settled down on their return
from Pella, making many converts and worshipping
in a small building [see Epiphanius, as above]
which in happier times was to become the " Mother
Church of Sion," the " mother of all the churches " '
[Golgotha, p. 54; cf. T. Zalin, Introduction to the
NT', ii. 447 f . ).
[b) The Temple and its precincts. — Although
tradition has fixed on one spot as being the special
meeting-place of the first Christians, there can be
no doubt they still continued to frequent the
Temple. While thej^ had indeed become Chris-
tians they did not cease to be Jews, at least not
that section which remained in Jerusalem during
the years preceding the F'all of the city. Accord-
ingly we find in the Book of Acts a considerable
body of evidence regarding the presence of Chris-
tians in and about the Temple. A detailed notice
of all these references properly belongs to another
article (Temple), but a brief mention of those con-
cerning the environs may here be made.
(a) ' Peter and John Avere going up into the
temple at the hour of prayer' (Ac 3'). This is
topographically exact, whether we take the outer
court or the sanctuary proper, which only Jews
could enter (Ac 21-*''^'). There were ramps and
stairs and steps at many points. An exception
would have to be made if we accepted Conder's
identification of the Beautiful Door or Gate (Ac
3-" ^^) as being the main entrance on the W.,
' probably at the end of the bridge leading to the
Royal Cloister' [The City of Jerusalem, p. 129).
But for several reasons this cannot be entertained.
A. R. S. Kennedy has shown [ExpT xx. 270 Ii'. ;
cf. Schurer, HJP II. i. [1885] 280) tnat the Beauti-
ful Door is to be sought in the inner cotirts, and
preferably on the E. side of the Court of the
Women. Little value can be attached to the
tradition that the Golden Gate above the Kidron
Valley is the gate referred to in Ac 3-.
(/3) The porch or portico along the E. side of the
Temple area is the Solomon's Porch of Ac 3'^ 5^-.
Its appearance may be realized from the frontis-
piece (by P. Waterhouse) of Sacred Sites of the
Gospels, where a full view is given of the so-called
Royal Porch on the S. side. This is generallj'
supposed to have had an exit on the W. by a bridge
crossing the Tyropoeon (see Conder, above) at
Robinson's Arch, but Kennedy has shown that
nearly all moderns are in error about this [ExpT
XX. 67 ; cf. Jos. Ant. XV. xi. 5). On the W. and
N. sides there were also porches or cloisters which
met at the entrance to Antonia.
(c) Antonia. — This fortress is about the most
certainly defined spot within the walls of Jeru-
salem. To-day it is occupied in part by the Turk-
ish barracks, on the N.W. of the yaram area. In
Herod the Great's time the castle was re-built on
a grand scale and strongly fortified. Later it was
occupied as a barracks (7rape/i/3oX^, Ac 2P-'- ^^, etc.)
by the Romans, who liere maintained a legion
[rdyfia [BJ V. v. 8], understood by Schiirer [HJP
I. ii. (1890) 55] as=' cohort'; this is not accepted
by Merrill [Ajic. Jerus. 216 f.]). As shown above,
it is probable that some slight re-adjustment of the
forecourt of Antonia and of the 2s. side of the
Tenijile area had taken place in the interval follow-
ing Herod the Great's rei<;n. From the vivid
narrative of Ac 21 '"''^- it is evident that the Temple
area was at a lower level than the Castle, for stairs
led down to the court. According to Josephus
[BJ V. V. 8), on the corner where Antonia joined
the N. and W. cloisters of the Temple it had gang-
ways down to them both for the passage of the
guard at the JeMish festivals. While the exact
plan of the ground can hardly be determined, there
seems to be no justification for ' a valley ' and ' a
double bridge,' as supposed by Sanday and Water-
house [Sacred Sites, p. 108 and plan [p. 116]; cf.
Smith, Jcrnscdem, ii. 499 n.). By cutting down
the cloisters a barricade could be erected to prevent
entrance to the Temple courts from the Castle, as
was done by the Jews in the time of FTorus (A.D. 66
638
JERUSALEM
JERUSALEM
[BJ U. XV. 6; cf. VI. ii. 9, iii. 1]). Opinion is
divided as to whether the Roman procurator made
his headquarters in Antonia or in Herods Palace
on the S. W. Hill, but the evidence seems to be in
favour of the latter. This appears most clearly
from the proceedings in the time of Florus (BJ ii.
xiv. 8, 9 ; see Wilson, Golgotha, p. 41 f. ; Smith,
Jerusalem, ii. 573 ff. ). Antonia was certainly used
as a place of detention, as is plain from Ac 22^*.
This leads us to remark on the position of —
(d) The Council House. — The meeting-place of
the Sanhedrin in apostolic times is of some import-
ance in view of the experience of St. Peter, St.
John, and St. Paul. From data provided by
Josephus we judge that it lay between the Xystus
and the W. porch of the Temple, i.e. near the
point where the bridge crossed the Tyropceon.
From Josephus [BJ VI. vi. 3) we also infer that it
was in the * Lower City,' for it perished together
with Akra and the place called Ophlas. It is
reasonable to seek in proximity to the Council
House the prison of Ac 4* 5^^ ; that of Ac 12^ was
probably in connexion with the Palace of Herod,
where presumably Agrippa I. lived and maintained
his own guard (see Ant. XIX. vii, 3). The tradi-
tional spot was shown in the 12th cent. E. of where
this palace stood, in the heart of the ' Upper City,'
while the present Zion Gate upon the S. was taken
to be the iron gate of Ac 12'o (Conder, The City of
Jerusalem, p. 16).
(e) Sites associated with the proto-martyrt. — (1)
St. Stephen. — The association of St. Stephen with
the Coenaculum dates from the 8th cent., and with
the modern Bdb Sitti Maryam (St. Stephen's Gate)
from the 15th century. These traditions may be
ignored, and attention fixed on the site N. of the
city, where Eudocia's Church was built as early as
the 5th century. Its site was recovered in 188L
It must be recalled that when St. Stephen perished
(between a.d. 33 and 37) the Third Wall was not
in existence, and the total irregularity of the pro-
ceedings at his stoning leads us to think that he
was killed at the readiest point outside the city.
If on the N. side, as the tradition bound up with
Eudocia's Church seems to imply, it would probably
be outside the gate of the Second Wall.
(2) James the Great, the brother of John, is
supposed to have been beheaded in a prison now
niarked_ by the W. aisle of the Church of St.
James in the Armenian Quarter — a tradition of
no value. It is worthy of note, however, that, as
in the case of St. Peter, the spot is not remote
from the Palace of Herod.
(3) James the Just, ' the brother of Jesns, who
was called the Christ' (Ant. XX. ix. 1), according
to Hegesippus (preserved in Eusebius, HE ll. xxiii.
4ff.) also suffered a violent death (c. A.D. 62) after
a mode which is very improbable (see HDB, art.
' James,' § 3), the stoning excepted, to which
Josephus testifies. The Grotto of St. James near
the S.E. corner of the Temple area, on the E. side
of Kidron, is supposed to be his tomb (15th cent,
tradition), or preferably his hiding-place (6th cent,
tradition). While the"^ tomb is as old as the days
of the Apostle, or even older, the inscription above
its entrance bears reference to the B'^ne Hezir (S. R.
Driver, Notes on Heb. Text of Books of Samuel^
1913, p. xxi).
if) The tree (with the bridge) where Judas hanged
himself, and A/celdama, the field of blood (Ac P*),
are shown, but there are rival sites for the latter,
and the former has often changed (Conder, The
City of Jerusalem, p. 18 f.).
(g) Sites associated loith the Virgin. — Besides
the tradition of the Dormitio Sanctce Marice, the
scene of the Virmn's death, in proximity to the
Ccenaculum, the Tomb of the Virgin is marked by
a church, originating in the 5th cent., in the valley
of the Kidron, outside St. Stephen's Gate (Sanday,
Sacred Sites, p. 85).
(A) The scene of the Ascension. — Discarding Lk
24^", Christian tradition early laid hold upon the
summit of the Mount of Olives (cf. Ac V^) as the
scene of the Ascension. The motive for this will
be understood from what has been written by
Eusebius [Demons. Evang. vi. 18 [Migne, Pair.
Grasca, xxii. col. 457 f.]; cf. Wilson, Golgotha, p.
172) :
' All believers in Christ flock together from all quarters of the
earth, not as of old to behold the beauty of Jerusalem, or that they
may worship in the former Temple which stood in Jerusalem, but
that the}' may abide there, and both hear the story of Jerusalem,
and also worship in the Mount of Olives over against Jerusalem,
whither the glory of the Lord removed itself, leaving the earlier
city. There, also, according to the published record, the feet
of our Lord and Saviour, who was Himself the Word, and,
through it, took upon Himself human form, stood upon the
Mount of Olives near the cave which is now pointed out there.'
Constantino erected a basilica on the summit,
where the Chapel of the Ascension now stands.
His mother, the Empress Helena, built a church at
the same point, and another, called the Eleona, to
mark the cave where Christ taught His disciples
(Watson, Jerusalem, p. 124). The latter has re-
cently been discovered and excavated (BB, 1911,
pp. 219-265).
3. History. — i. Jerusalem under Roman Pro-
curators ; Agrippa i. and Agrippa il (a.d. 30-
70). — The writings of Josephus afford evidence that
it is possible to narrate the history of events in
Jerusalem during the Apostolic Age without re-
ference to the Christians. From our point of view
we must sit loose to the fortunes of the Jews as
such, in whom Josephus was interested ; but for
a due appreciation of the history of the Christian
Church in Jerusalem a sketch of contemporary
events must first be given, special note being made
of points of contact with the narrative of Acts.
Pontius Pilate continued in office for some years
after the Death of Clirist. At the beginning of
his term (A.D. 26) he had shown marked disregard
for the feelings of the Jews by introducing ensigns
bearing images of Caesar into Jerusalem. Later,
he gave further offence by appropriating the Corban
in order to carry out his scheme for the improve-
ment of the water-supply of the city and of the
Temple. Even though the work proceeded, Pilate's
cruelty in this instance was not forgotten and
helped to swell the account against him, which
resulted in his recall for trial (A.D. 36). Vitellius,
governor of Syria, paid a visit to Jerusalem at the
Passover of the same year, and adopted a more
conciliatory policy, remitting the market-toll and
restoring the high-priestly vestments to the custody
of the Jews. The procurators of Caligula's reign
(A.D. 37-41) may be left out of account.
The government now passed into the hands of
King Agrippa I., who ruled in Jerusalem during
the last years that the apostles as a body continued
there (A.D. 41-44). Agrippa had already rendered
service to the nation of the Jews by preventing
Caligula from setting up his statue in the Temple.
He was promoted by Claudius to be King of Judtea,
as his grandfather Herod had been. He journeyed
to Jerusalem, and as a thank-offering dedicated
and deposited in the Temple a chain of gold, the
gift of Caligula, in remembrance of the term he
had passed in prison before good fortune attended
him.
While keeping the favour of the Emperor, he
also took measures further to ingratiate himself
with the Jews. According to Josephus, so good
a Jew was he that he omitted nothing that the
Law required, and he loved to live continually at
Jerusalem (Ant. XIX. vii. 3). His Jewish, or rather
his Pharisaical, policy seems to have been at tlie
root of his scheme for building the Third Wall,
JERUSALEM
JERUSALEM
630
and also explains his persecution of the Christians
(Ac 12^). His coins circulating in Jerusalem bore
no image, as an accommodation to Jewish scruples.
Outside the Holy Citj', however, he was as much
under the influence of the Graeco-Roman culture
of the age as his grandfather had been. After
his death, in the manner described in Ac 12^ (cf.
Ant. XIX. viii. 2 ; see art. JosEPHUS), Palestine re-
verted to the rule of procurators, so far as civil ad-
ministration was concerned. In religious matters
control was entrusted to Agrippa's brother, Herod
the King of Chalcis, whom the younger Agrippa
succeeded. Hence the intervention of the latter
at the trial of St. Paul (Ac 25i3'^-26). With one
or two exceptions the procurators who followed
were distasteful to the Jews, whose discontent
worked to a head in A.D. 66, when the open breach
with Rome occun'ed.
Under Cuspius Fadus (A.D. 44-46) the custody
of the high-priestly vestments was resumed by the
Roman authorities, and once more they were guarded
in Antonia, but this was countermanded upon a
direct application of the Jews to Claudius. During
the rule of Fadus and his successor Tiberius Alex-
ander (A.D. 46-48) the people of Jerusalem, like
their brethren throughout Judaea, were oj)pressed
by the great famine (Ac ir-^'''-)> which Queen Helena
of Adiabene, now resident in Jerusalem (see above),
did much to relieve i^Ant. XX. ii. 5, v. 2 ; cf. art.
Famine). In the time of Ventidins Cumanus (a.d.
48-52) the impious act of a Roman soldier at the
Passover season led to serious collision with the
Roman power and to great loss of life [Ant. XX. v.
3, BJli. xii. 1). This was the first of a series of
troubles that led to Cumanus being recalled.
Antonius Felix (A.D. 52-60) was sent in his stead,
and under him matters proceeded from bad to
worse. Owing to the violent methods of the
Sicarii, life in Jerusalem became unsafe, and even
the high priest Jonathan fell a victim to their
daggers. Not only against Rome was there revolt,
but also on the part of the priests against the liigh
priests (Ant. XX. viii. 8). The events recorded in
Ac 23 and 24 fall within the last two years of
Felix's rule. Porcius Festtis (60-62) succeeded
Felix, and died in ofhce. In the confusion follow-
ing his death, which was fomented by Ananus the
high priest, Agrippa II. intervened, and Ananus
was displaced, but not before James, the brother
of Christ, had suffered martyrdom at his hands
(Ant. XX. ix. 1). The date (A.D. 62) is regarded
as doubtful by Schiirer (HJP I. ii. 187). Alhinus
(A.D. 62-64) devoted his energies to making himself
rich, and under him anarchy prevailed, which be-
came even worse under Gessius Flortis (A.D. 64-66).
His appropriation of the Temple treasures precipi-
tated the great revolt from Rome, which ended
with the Destruction of Jerusalem (Sept., A.D. 70).
Agrippa II. enters into the history of Jerusalem
during the procuratorship of Festus, whose services
he enlisted against the priests in their building of
a wall within the Temple area counter to his
heightened Palace (see above). Along with liis
sister Bernice he sought in other ways, outwardly
at least, to conciliate the Jews. While Bernice
performed a vow according to prescribed ritual
(BJ II. XV. 1), Agrippa showed some zeal, but little
discretion, in matters affecting the Temple. His
efforts at mediation upon the outbreak of hostilities
were in vain ; he was forced to take sides with
Rome, and appears in attendance upon Titus after
he assumed the command.
The harrowing details of the last four years pre-
ceding the Fall of Jerusalem, the factions, priva-
tions, bloodshed, and ruin, lie apart from the
history of the Apostolic Church, and are here
omitted. At an early stage of the war the Chris-
tians escaped to Pella beyond Jordan (Euseb. HE
III. V. 3), where they remained till peace was con-
cluded and a return made jjossible. This is usually
dated fully half a century later, after the founding
of the Roman city JElisu Capitolina in the reign of
Hadrian (A.D. 136), but nothing is known for certain
beyond the fact of the return (Epiphanius, de
Mens, et Pond. xv. [Migne, Pair. Grceca, xliii. col.
261 f.]). Some would date the return as early aa
A.D. 73 (see Wilson, Golgotha, p. 54 f. ).
ii. The Christians in Jerusalem. — Apart
from the Book of Acts there is little information
regarding the Christians during the years that
tliey tarried in Jerusalem. A not unlikely tradi-
tion gives twelve years as the period that the
Twelve remained at the first centre of the Church.
After that arose persecution and consequent dis-
persion. This may be dated in the short reign of
Agrippa I. (A.D. 41-44). Subsequent to this the
Cliurch in Jerusalem, which from the first had
been Jewish-Christian, became pronouncedly Juda-
istic, perhaps an essential to its own preservation.
Up to the time of the revolt (A.D. 66), while there
were indeed conflicts with the Jewish authorities,
more or less coincident with interregna in the pro-
curatorship, there was no open breach. The sect
was tolerated, as others were, by the Jewish leaders,
so long as there was outward conformity to the
ritual of the Temple. The progres.sive movement
in Christianity was external to Jerusalem and even
to Palestine ; the Church in the metropolis of the
faith became increasingly conservative, and in the
end ceased to have any standing Avithin the Church
Catholic. But this did not take place until the
post-Apostolic Age. Attention must be fixed
chiefly on the first few decades following the Death
of Christ, years in which originated much that
became permanent within the Church as well as
features that were destined to pass away.
(a) The discijjles and the Lord. — Throughout the
Book of Acts emphasis is laid upon the fact that
Christ had risen from the dead. So far as can be
discovered, the first Christians had no concern for
the scene of the Crucifixion nor yet for the empty
tomb. It was not until the 4th cent. A.D. that
these spots, so venerated in after ages, came to be
marked by a Christian edifice. The. thoughts of
the early Christians were upon the living and not
the dead. They cherished the hope of the speedy
return of Christ to earth in all the glory of His
Second Coming, and reckoned that they lived in
the time of the end, when the fullness of Messiah's
Kingdom was about to be ushered in. This being
the case, they made no provision for posterity in
the way of erecting memorials to the Christ who
had sojourned among them in the flesh, and, as the
extracts from Patristic writers (see small type
above) reveal, after ' sacred sites ' began to be
marked, they were those associated with the post-
resurrection life of the Lord.
(b) Relation of the Christians to other dwellers in
the city. — The desire to make converts to the faith
must have brought the Christians into contact
with their fellow-citizens and with those of the
Dispersion who chanced to be present in the city.
Their assembling in the Temple, for instance, was
not simply to fulfil the Law (Ac 3^), nor yet for the
sake of meeting with each other (S^-), but to work
upon the mass of the people through the words
and wonders of the apostles. Only by public ac-
tivity could the numbers have grown Avith the
rapidity and to the extent they did. Of necessity
this propaganda was attended by a measure of
opposition from those Avho were the traditional
enemies of the Lord. But, so long as Roman rule
was exercised, persecution could not make head-
way. While thus mixing to some extent Avith
other elements in the city, the Christians also lived
a life apart for purposes of instruction and fellow-
640
JERUSALEM
JESTING
ship, and for the performance of the simple ritual
of the faith (Ac 2''- 12'^ etc.). There is no evidence
that they possessed any special building like a
synagogue. A jirivate house, such <as that of
Mary, the mother of John Mark, would have served
tiieir i)urpose, and according to tradition (see above)
this was the recognized centre. Even at the time
of the so-called Council (Ac 15^) no indication is
given that the assembly was convened in an oHicial
building.
(c) Organization. — Those who had companied
with Jesus in the days of His public ministry were
from the outset regarded as leaders in the Cliurch,
and were in possession of special gifts and powers.
To the Twelve, who were Hebrews, tliere were
shortly added the Seven, perhaps as an accommoda-
tion to the Hellenists (Ac 6^). This step probably
marks the hrst cleavage in the ranks of the Chris-
tians, as they began to be called, and paved the
way for the wider breach which in a few years
severed those at the ancient centre of Jewish faith
and practice from the numerically stronger division
of Gentile believers in other places. Harnack re-
gards it as possible that the Seven were ' Hellen-
istic rivals of the Twelve' [The Constitution and
Law of the Ghurch, 30), the chief being St. Stephen,
whose adherents were persecuted after his death,
the apostles themselves being let alone (TA^ Mission
and Expansion of Christianity'-, i. 50 f. ; cf. Ac 8^).
The appointment of the Seven reveals the fact
that in one respect the initial practice of the Chris-
tians had been tentative and could not be sustained.
The community of goods, which theoretically was
an ideal system, ultimately proved unworkable,
and was not imitated in other Christian communi-
ties. The poverty of the mother Church, wliich
continued after Gentile churches had been planted
at many points, has been regarded as the outcome
of this experiment, but it is likely that the causes
of this poverty in Jerusalem lay deeper than that.
G. A. Smith [Jerusalem, ii. 563) has shown that
Jerusalem is naturally a poor city, and he attri-
butes her chronic poverty to the inadequacy of
her own resources and the many non-productive
members her population contained. These condi-
tions were not altered in apostolic times. In view
of the circumstance that at a comparatively late
stage the further commission was given to St.
Paul and Barnabas to remember the poor (Gal 2'"),
i.e. at Jerusalem, this may conceivably be grounded
not upon special need but upon the analogy of the
tribute paid Ijy those of the Diaspora to head-
quarters. 'The church at Jerusalem, together
with the primitive apostles, considered themselves
the central body of Christendom, and also the
representatives of the true Israel' (Harnack,
Mission and Expansion^, i. 330 f.).
[d) The position of James, the Lord^s brother. —
More than any of the Twelve, who at first were so
prominent, is James, the Lord's brother, associated
with tiie Church in Jerusalem. He appears sud-
denly in Acts as possessed of authority equal to
that of the greatest of the apostles, and at the
Council he occupies the position of president. When
St. Paul visited the city for the last time he reported
himself to James and the elders. From extracts
of Hegesippus preserved by Eusebius, and from
Eusebius himself, we learn that James owed his
outstanding position to his personal worth, as also
to his relationship to Jesus, and it seems evident
that he was the leading representative of Judaistic
Christianity, of that section which by its adherence
to the Law and the Temple was able to maintain
itself in Jerusalem after others, even the chief
apostles, had been compelled to leave the city.
But James also suffered martyrdom (see above, 2,
iv. (e)). He was followed by his cousin Symeon,
whom Hegesippus (Euseb.) styles 'second bislioj).'
There is great diversity of opinion as to when thia
appointment was made (Wilson, Golgotha, p. 55 n.).
The datj of his death is placed c. A.D. 107. As
Eusebiiis learned that until the siege of Hadrian
(A.D. 13.5) there were Hfteen bishops, all said to be
of Hebrew descent [HE iv. v. 2), the tradition is
hard to believe. Harnack thinks that relatives of
Jesus or presbyters may be included in the number
[Mission and Expansion^, ii. 97).
(e) Effect of the Fall of Jerusalem tipon the Church
there.— T\\Q final destruction of the city in A.D. 70
is generally regarded as crucial not only for the
Jews but also for the Christians, not because the
latter were present at the time, but because there
had perforce to be a severance from the former
ways now that the Temple had ceased to be. But
the importance of this event has been over-rated
(A. C. McGiffert, The Apostolic Age, p. 546). As
regards the Church Catholic, the centre, or centres,
had already been moved, while the local church,
which escaped the terrors of the siege, was small,
tending indeed to extinction. Tlie Church in ^lia
Capitolina was Gentile-Christian, with Mark as
first bishop. It fashioned for itself a new Zion,
on the S.W. Hill ; and when in the 3rd cent.
Jerusalem became a resort of pilgrims, the ' sacred
sites ' did not include the Temple area, the Jewish
Zion, which indeed was regarded by the Christians
' with an aversion which is really remarkable, and
which increased as years passed by ' (Watson, Jeru-
salem, p. 119).
Literature. — (a) Contemporari/ authorities and Patristic
toorks are frequently cited in the article, and need not be
repeated. — (6) Dictionary articles are numerous: HDB, SDB,
DCG, EBi, JE, etc. — (c) Of topofiraphicai works those found
of most service are : C. W. Wilson, Golgotha and the Holy
Septilchre, London, 1906 ; G. A. Smith, Jermalem, do. 1907-08 ;
L. B. Paton, Jeritsalein in Bible Times, Chicago and London,
1908 ; C. R. Conder, The City of Jer^isalem, London, 1909 ;
S. Merrill, Ancient Jerusalem, liOndon and New York, 1008 ;
C. M. Watson, I'he Story of Jerusalem, do. 1912 ; F. J. Bliss
and A. C. Dickie, Excavations at Jerusalem, 189A-97, London,
1898 ; W. Sanday and P. Waterhouse, Sacred Sites of the
Oospels, Oxford, 1903. Other worics not already cited : K.
Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, Leipzig, 1912, pp. 19-90 ; F.
Buhl, Geog. des alien Palcistina, Freiburg and Leipzig, 1896,
pp. 144-154; H. Vincent, Jerusalem, antique, Paris, 1913 flf. —
(d) Historical works : E. Schiirer, HJP, Edinburgh, 1885-91 ;
A. C. McGiffert, A History of Christianity in the Apostolio
Age, do. 1S97, pp. 36-9."?, 54'9-5'68 ; C. von Weizsacker, The
Apostolic Age of the Christian Church"^, Eng. tr., London, 1897-
98, bk. i. clis. i.-iv., bk. ii. ch. iii., bk. iv. ch. i., bk. v. ch. ii. ;
A. Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in
the First Three Centuries'^, Eng. tr., do. 1908, i. 44-64, 182-184,
ii. 97-99, The Constitution and Law of the Church in the First
Two Centuries, Eng. tr., do. 1910, pp. 1-39.
W. Cruickshank.
JESSE ['leffffal). — Jesse is mentioned in Ac 13^^
and Ro 15'^ as the father of David.
JESTING [evrpaireXla, Eph 5^).— That the Greek
word is used in an unfavourable sense is shown by
its association with 'filthiness' and 'foolish talk-
ing,' as well as by its characterization as 'not be-
fitting.' But in itself (being derived from ev, ' well,'
and rpiiru, ' I turn ') it was morally neutral, and
originally it had a good sense. ' On the subject of
pleasantness in sport,' says Aristotle [Eth. Nic. II.
vii. 13), ' he who is in the mean is a man of grace-
ful wit, and the disposition graceful wit [evrpaweXla) ;
the excess ribaldry, and the person ribald ; he who
is in defect a clown, and the habit clownislmess.'
And again (IV. viii. 3), 'Those who neither say
anything laughable themselves, nor approve of it
in otiiers, appear to be clownish and harsh, but
those who are sportive with good taste are called
eiiTpdireXoi, as possessing versatility,' etc. This was
a ciiaracteristic of the Athenians, whom Pericles
praised as 'qualified to act in the most varied
ways and with the most graceful versatility ' [evrpa-
TrAcos [Thuc. ii. 41]). Aristotle admits that even
'biiU'oons are called men of graceful wit' [evrpd-
TreXoi), but questions their right to the term (IV
JESUfci
JEW, JEWESS
641
viii. 3). The nearest Latin equivalent wastii-banitas.
But gradually the coinage was debased, and evrpa-
ireXia came to mean no more than badinage, per-
siflage, wit without the salt of gT:ace ; in Chry-
sostom's striking phrase, it was ' graceless grace '
(xcipts axap^s). See E. Trench, NT Synonyms^, 1876,
p. 119 f. James Strahan.
JESUS.— This is the Greek form of the Hebrew
name Joshua ('salvation of Jahweh'), as we find
it in the LXX and NT writings. It is thus applied
to—
1. Jesus Christ ; see art. Christ, Christology.
2. Joshua the son of Nun, who Jed Israel into
Canaan ; referred to by Stephen in his speech
before the councU (Ac T'*^) and by the writer to the
Hebrews (He 4^). See Joshua.
3. Jesus surnamed Justus (Col 4"), a Christian
convert of Jewish descent who was with the
Apostle Paul in Rome at the date of his writing
the Epistle to the Colossians. He is described,
along with ]Mark and Aristarchus, as a fellow-
worker unto the Kingdom of God and as having
been a comfort unto the Apostle. This reference
singles out the three mentioned as the only
members of the ' circumcision' who had been help-
ful to the Apostle in Rome, and reminds us of the
constant hatred which the narrower Jewish Chris-
tians exhibited towards St. Paul, and also of the
failure of many of the Roman Christians to assist
and stand by the Apostle during his imprisonment
(cf. Ph 22»-2i, 2 Ti 4i«). It has been pointed out
that the mention of Jesus in this passage by the
Apostle creates difficulties for those who impugn
the authenticity of the Epistle and suggest that it
is based on Philemon. If Philemon is genuine,
why add an unknown name which might arouse
suspicion ? It is extremely unlikely that an imi-
tator would add a name which so soon became
sacred among Christians (cf. A. S. Peake, in EGT,
'Colossians,' 1903, p. 546). W. F. Boyd.
JESUS CHRIST.— See Christ, Christology.
JEW, JEWESS.— The term 'Jew' (Heb. nin:,
Gi". 'louSaros) originally signified an inhabitant of
the province of Judaea, or, more strictly, a member
of the tribe of Judah in contrast witli the people
of the Northern Kingdom of the ten tribes. After
the Babylonian captivity, however, the term was
applied to any member of the ancient race of Israel,
wherever settled and to Avhatever tribe he may have
belonged. Josephus, referring to Nehemiah's use
of the term in addressing the returned exiles, says :
' That is the name they are called by from the day
that they came up from Babylon, which [name] is
taken from the tribe of Judah, which came first
to these places ; and thence both they and the
country gained that appellation' (Ant. XI. v. 7).
The name is almost always regarded as a purely
racial designation, marking ofi" all who belonged to
the ancient nation ; but as the nation was distin-
guished from the heathen world by its religious
views, the term came to signify one who was
separated not only by race but by religion from the
rest of mankind. The Jew himself preferred to be
called an ' Israelite,' as the latter was the name of
national honour and privilege (cf. art. Israel),
and we find ' Jew ' to be the designation usually
applied by foreigners to members of the Chosen
People.
In the NT the term is found applied to those who
belonged to the ancient race in contrast with
various other groups or classes of men. The Jews
themselves divided the whole world into Jews and
Gentiles ; and we find the Apostle Paul using this
contrast in speaking of God's judgment on sin :
' tribulation and anguish, upon every soul of man
VOL. I. — 41
that doeth evil, of the Jew first, and also of the
Gentile' (Ro 2**). Again the term is used in con-
trasting Jews and Samaritans (Jn 4^), the latter
being descended from the mixed race of ancient
Israelites and the settlers introduced by the As-
syrian conquerors (cf. 2 K l?-^"*').
The Jew is also contrasted with the proselyte
who was a Jew by his adopted religious beliefs,
but not by birth (Ac 2"*). In the Fourth Gospel
we find the term ' Jews ' applied to those who
opposed the teaching of Jesus, as contrasted with
believers in Christ, whatever their nationality
might be ; but generally the Jewish rulers seem to
be indicated by the name in this Gospel. Thus
' the Jews ' censure the man for carrying his bed
on the Sabbath (5^°), and contend with the man
born blind (9"). Perhaps this usage of the Fourth
Gospel arose from the influence of later times,
when the Jews, and especially the Jewish authori-
ties, were bitterly opposed to the teaching of
Jesus. In the other parts of the NT the term is
never used in contrast with believers in Christ.
Thus in Gal 2^' ' the Jews ' are the Christians of
Jewish race. In the Epistle to the Romans (<2?^-^'^)
we find a distinction made between a Jew who is
such outwardly and a Jew who is such inwardly.
Here, as also in Ro 3S the Apostle uses the term
'Jew,' where we should naturally expect to find
' Israelite,' to designate a member of the Chosen
People as a recipient of special Divine favour.
Some who belong to the Jewish race are not spirit-
ually partakers of the blessings which attach to it.
In the passage w-here the writer of the Apocalypse
(2" S'*) speaks of those ' who say they are Jews, and
are not, but are the synagogue of Satan,' he may
be referring to men who made a false claim to
belong to the Jewish nation, or to Jews by race
who were far from belonging to the true Israel of
God.
One of the most remarkable features in con-
nexion with the Jews in the apostolic times was
their world-wide dispersion. From Spain in the
West to the Persian Gulf in the East Jews had
settled in every large city. Their exclusive re-
ligion and their contempt of the heathen kept
them together as a community within the larger
population where they found a home, and their
capacity for commerce often enabled them to be-
come extremely wealthy. Their exclusiveness and
the commercial dishonesty of many of them led to
their being hated by the common people, while
their wealth made them exceedingly useful to
rulers and princes, who thus were induced to pro-
tect them. The Dispersion was one of the most
important factors in the spread of the Christian
faith in apostolic and sub-apostolic times. Wher-
ever the apostolic missionaries went, they found a
Jewish synagogue, where they had access not
merely to the Jewish population, but to the more
earnest among the heathen who had been attracted
by the monotheism and the moral characteristics
of Judaism, and who often formed the nucleus of a
Christian Church. The Jewish religion was toler-
ated in the Roman Empire, being regarded as a
religio licita ; and, so long as Christianity grew up
and flourished in the shelter of the synagogue, it
too might be regarded as enjoying the same toler-
ation. This fact no doubt enabled the new faith
to secure a footing in these early days. In the
Acts of the Apostles we see how the Roman pro-
consul Gallio (18^--") simply regards Christianity
as an insignificant variation of Judaism, and the
same view is taken by King Agrippa (263-), as well
as by the town-clerk of Ephesus (19"). The
author of the Acts is careful to state these favour-
able opinions of officials. Probably, however, the
popular hatred of the Jews, which was always
smouldering and ready to burst forth at any
642
JEZEBEL
JOB
moment among the excitable populace, was one
of the first causes of Christian persecution, as it
took some considerable time before Christianity
was fully recognized as an independent religion.
The Jews themselves became the most persistent
and implacable persecutors of the Christians.
They were ever ready to stir up the disaffected
people and divert attention from themselves by
turning it on the adherents of the new faith.
Probably the expulsion of the Jews from Rome by
Claudius (Ac 18^) was the result of dissensions re-
garding the new religion, which had sprung from
Judaism and threatened to overwhelm it. The
reference of Suetonius [Claudius, 2o) to Chrestus,
which is probably a mistake for Christus, seems to
favour this idea, although various views have been
taken of the passage (cf. K. J. Knowling, EGT,
'Acts,' p. 384 f.).
In Rome, as well as in many other cities of the
Empire, Jews obtained considerable influence, in
spite of the popular aversion to them. Their
wealth opened many doors which otherwise would
have remained shut against them. Jews, and
especially Jewesses, were to be found in many
prominent Roman families, and intermarriage
between Jewish women and Gentiles was by no
means uncommon. Thus Eunice, the mother of
Timothy (Ac 16^), was a Jewess who had married
a Greek, Avhile Drusilla, the wife of Felix the
governor of Syria (Ac 24^), is also described as a
Jewess. In both references the word simply implies
that the women belonged to the ancient race of
Israel, without any thought of the particular tribe
from which they may have claimed descent.
LrrERATURB.— H. H. Milman, History of the Jews^, 1863 ; J.
J. I. Dolling-er, Heidenthum und Judenthum, 1857 ; O. Holtz-
mann, NTZG, 1895 ; E. Schiirer, GJV^, 1901-11 ; A. Harnack,
Mission und Ausbreitung-, 1906; A. Berliner, Geschichte der
Juden in Rom, 1893; W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the
Roman Empire, 1893, St. Paul the Traveller, 1895 ; R. J. Know-
ling, EGT, ' Acta,' 1900, M. Dods, EGT, ' The Gospel of St.
John,' 1897 ; Sanday-Headlam, Romans^ (ICO, 1902) ; artt. in
HDB and EBi. W. F. BOYD.
JEZEBEL.— Jezebel is referred to in the NT in
Rev 2-*' : ' I have somewhat against thee, because
thou dost tolerate the woman Jezebel who calleth
herself a prophetess, and teacheth my servants to
commit fornication and to eat of things oifered
to idols and leadeth them astray.' [Some MSS,
KCP and about 10 minuscules, insert <rov after
yvvalKa, so as to give the sense * thy wife,' but the
(Tov is placed in the margin by WH and rejected
by Nestle. It probably reflects some copyist's
view that the 'angel' of the Church was its
bishop.] The passage goes on to say that her
misdoing was of some standing, that the woman
gave no sign of amending her ways, and that
therefore she and her companions in sin would be
cast into a bed, or triclinium, defined as great
affliction, while her children would be smitten
with death. One result of this punishment would
l)e that all the Churches would recognize Jesus as
the Searcher of the thoughts and wills. Further,
tills Jezebel taught what she and her followers
called 'tlie deep things,' to which the author
sardonically adds 'of Satan.'
It is fairly clear from these hints what ' Jezebel '
stands for. In the first place, the opprobrious
term may mark an actual prophetess. For Thya-
tira possessed a temi)le of Artemis and a temple
of a local hero Tyrimnus taken over by Apollo,
while outside the city was the cell of an Eastern
Sibyl knoAvn as Sambethe (CIG 3509: Fabius
Zosimus set up a burial-place for himself and his
sweetest wife Aurelia Pontiana in a vacant place
in front of the city in the neighbourhood or quarter
where was a fane of the Chakhean Sambethe [vol.
ii, p. 840]. The date is probably about A.D. 120).
Though it is not at all probable that by Jezebel
this Sibyl could be aimed at, seeing that the ob-
noxious teacher was within the Thyatiran Churchj
yet it is not improbable that a Chaldsean prophet-
ess outside might stimulate a Christian prophetess
inside the Church. It is of course always possible
that Jezebel is not a personal name at all, but a
scornful designation of a Gnostic group inside the
Christian community at Thyatira, whose action
and doctrine the author regarded as being like
those of the OT Jezebel-religion, in that it tended
to seduce its followers from the ' form of sound
words.'
One characteristic of the civic life of Thyatira
was to be found in the gilds into which the bakers,
potters, Aveavers, and artificers in general were
grouped. As one inscription (CIG 349) speaks of
' the priest of the Divine Father Tyrimnus,' and
as all heathen religions celebrated periodically
religious banquets, there is little doubt that from
time to time Christian members of these gilds
were faced by the question whether it was lawful
for them to partake of these banquets as coming
under the head of things offered to idols. Rigorists
would hold that to eat at such banquets was to
communicate with idols and so to commit spiritual
fornication. Jezebel, whether a prophetess or a
group, taught apparently that Christians might
lawfully partake of these religious banquets, and
this the writer of the Apocalypse regarded aa
equivalent to Jezebel's idolatry in the OT.
It is also plain that the followers of 'Jezebel'
were Gnostics, for the latter were explicitly
inquirers into the ' deep things,' the esoteric
truths which the ordinary person was incompetent
to understand. In 1 Co 2^* St. Paul claims for his
disciples that the Spirit who searches all things
(same verb as is used in Rev 2'*), yea, the deep
things of God, had revealed these hidden things
to them. The apocalyptic writer, however, is
more concerned here with the opposite depths —
those of Satan. Thus in 2* he speaks of the false
Jews in Smyrna who formed a synagogue of Satan.
In 2^ he says that Satan had his throne at Per-
gamum. In 3* Philadelphia is charged with har-
bouring a synagogue of Satan. These passages,
taken in connexion with the references to the
teaching of Balaam in 2''* and of the Nicolaitans
in 2^*, favour the interpretation of Jezebel which
sees in the name a term of opprobrium applied
dyslogistically to a heretical sect or form of
doctrine. That the depths of Satan are Gnostic
doctrines is clear from Iren. (II. xxii. 1), who says
that the Ptolemseans said that they had found
the mysteries of Bythus, a phrase repeated in II.
xxii. 3 (cf. Hippol. Hcer. V. vi., and Tertullian,
adv. Valent. i., de Bes. Carnis, xix.). The name
Jezebel does not occur anywhere in the Apostolic
Fathers. W. F. Cobb.
JOB flci/S).— Job is named by Ezekiel (W*-^)—
in the 6th cent. B.C., probably about two centuries
before the writing of the Book of Job — along with
Noah and Daniel as a proverbially righteous man.
After the publication of the great drama, it was
natural that he should be regarded ratlier as a
model of patience in affliction {vir65eiy/j.a rrjs kuko-
TradeiasKal/j.aKpo9vfilas,Jei5^''- ''). Whiletheprofound
speculations of the book regarding the problems
of pain and destiny, as well as the theological doc-
trine which the poet intended to teach, might be
beyond the grasp of the ordinary reader, the moral
appeal of the simple opening story came home to
ail suffering humanity. 'Ye have heard of the
patience (tV viro/iovi'jv) of Job' (S^')- Similarly the
conclusion of the tale, which revealed (-Jod's final
purpose in regard to His servant (t6 t^Xos Kvpiov),
proving Him to be full of pity and merciful {iroXO-
JOEL
JOHN, EPISTLES OF
643
air\ayxvos Kai oiKTipfKjiv), presented a situation which
all readers might be asked to observe. The im-
perative i'Sere, which is as well supported as eiSere,
calls their attention to a surprising fact, which
they might well mark, learn, and inwardly digest.
The Quran repeats the admonition and the lesson.
' And remember Job ; when he cried unto the
Lord, saying, Verily evil hath afflicted me : but
thou art the most merciful of all those who show
mercy. Wherefore we [God] heard him and re-
lieved him from the evil which was upon him, and
we restored unto him his family,' etc. [sura 21).
' Verily we found him a patient person : how ex-
cellent a servant was he ' (sura 38).
James Strahan.
JOEL ('Iw5?X). — Joel is proved by internal evi-
dence to have been one of the latest of the Hebrew
prophets. The prominence in his writings of
priests and ritual at home, and of a diaspora
abroad, his reference to the distant sons of Greece,
his use of Aramaic words, and the lurid apoca-
lyptic colouring of his prophecies, clearly point to
the Persian period. But Joel has not the wide
(mtlook of some of the other propliets. He is
not fascinated eitlier by Isaiah's visions of Israel
as the light of the Gentiles, or Malachi's of the
lieathen waiting upon Jahweh. He has not the
humanitarian feeling of the author of Jonah, who
may have been his contemporary. He is a rigid
and exclusive Israelite. In his view the heathen,
as being apparently beyond redemption, are to be
destroyed, not to be won to the knowledge of God.
But if he is narrow, he is intense ; and while he
cherishes the priestly ideals, his hope for Israel
lies rather in such a ditiusion of the prophetic
spirit as shall create an insi)ired nation. Nothing
less will satisfy him than the fnlhlment of Moses'
wish : ' Would to God that all Jahweh's people
were prophets.' For him the goal of Hebrew his-
tory, the Divine event to which all things move,
is that God shall, by the miglity working of His
Spirit, so enlighten and control His people, so
adapt them to share His confidence and receive
His revelations, that the tiirilling experiences
which have liitherto been confined to the prophets
shall then be shared by all Israel. 'Your sons
and your daughters shall prophesy, and your old
men shall dream dreams, and your young men
shall see visions : and also upon the servants and
upon the handmaids in those days will I pour out
my spirit '(2^**- 29).
Thisparticularprophecy wins for Joel a prominent
]ilace in the NT. St. Peter at once recognized its
fulhlment in that outpouring of the Spirit, that
baptism of fire, that Divine intoxication, which
was exjierienced on the day of Pentecost. He
quoted the prophet's words, and the question
naturally arises hoAV he interpreted 'upon all
tlesh.' Was he, like the prophet himself, still a
particularist, exteniling the promised blessing to
all the Jews of the Diaspora, but limiting it to
them, and so making the old distinction of Israel
from the heathen more marked than ever ? Or
did he there and then change his standpoint so as
to include the nations in his purview ? Did he
in that hour of inspiration read into Joel's words
the later universalism of St. Paul ? Probably the
issue did not become clear to his mind so soon. It
was not a day for correct definitions but for over-
whelming impressions. Enough that to the effusion
of the Spirit there was meantime no limit of sex
('your sons and your daughters'), of age ('your
young men, your old men'), or of condition (' my
bondmen and my bondwomen'). Time would also
show that there was to be no limit of race (Jew
or Gentile) ; for however men (even prophets)
may limit 'all flesh,' to Christ and His Church it
means ' all humanity.' James Strahan.
JOHN.— See James and John, Sons of Zebe-
DEE.
JOHN, EPISTLES OF.— I. The FIRST EPISTLE.
— 1. Contents. — It is not easy to summarize tiie con-
tents of the First Epistle. The ' aphoristic medi-
tations' of this mystic writer are strung together
in such fashion that they almost defy analysis.
The most successful attempt is that of T. Haring
(' Gedankengang und Grundgedanke des 1**°
Johannesbriefs,' in Theol. Abhandltmgen C. von
Weizsdcker gewidniet, Freiburg i. B., 1892). If we
cut off the first four verses, which are clearly an
introduction, and also 5'^'"^S which form a final
summary', the main body of the Epistle gives us
a triple presentation of two leading ideas. The
ethical thesi.s, ' Without walking in light, more
specially defined as love of the brethren, there can
be no fellowship with God,' is developed in the
sections \^-2^\ 228<')-3-^ 4^--i. The christological
thesis, ' Beware of those who deny that .Jesus is
the Christ,' is similarly developed in 2'^"^, 4'-^
5i(?5)-i2_ In the first presentation (P-2-'^) the two
theses are stated without any indication of their
mutual connexion ; in the second (2-*-4'') they are
again presented in the same order, but the verses
(323. 24) -which form the transition from the one to
tlie other are so worded as to bring out clearly
the intimate connexion which the author finds
between them ('his command is that we should
believe, and love as he commanded") ; in the third
(4'-5''-) they are inseparably intertwined. A rough
analysis may be attempted.
11-^. — The introduction states the writer's pur-
pose — to rekindle the true joy of fellowship in his
readers, by recalling the old message of Life, which
has been from the beginning, and of late has been
manifested in Jesus, the Son of God (l'"*).
1^-2^.— (a) The burden of that message is that
God is Light. As the light must shine, so it is of
His essence to reveal Himself to those whom He
has made to share His fellowship. In spite of
what some Gnostics may say, there is nothing in
His nature that hides Him from all but a few
select souls. But 'light' describes, so to speak.
His character as well. Fellowship with Light is
only possible for those who 'walk in light.' To
claim fellowship, and go on committing deeds of
darkness, is to tell a lie. But for those who try.
He has prescribed a way of dealing with their
partial failures (v.'^). Two similar false pleas are
then set aside : the denial that sin is a real power,
active for evil, in those who have sinned, and the
denial that actual sin has been committed. They
are shown to be contrary to experience, and to
what we know of God's dealing with men (vv.^"^").
In 2' the writer sets aside a false inference which
might be drawn from what he has said. The uni-
versality of sin might seem to be an excuse for
acquiescence. The writer states that he writes to
prevent, not to condone, sin. And this is possible,
for in the Christian society the means are ready to
hand for dealing with the sins which occur. The
Paraclete is pleading their cause in heaven, and
He is the propitiation He ministers. And men
can know how they stand. Obedience is the sign
of knowledge of God. Men are in union with God
when they try to follow the steps of the Christ
(vv.-""). In vv.'^-i^ thesis and warning are put
forward on the grounds of the readers' circum-
stances and experiences. Obedience to command
suggests a general statement of tlie command to
love. ' Thou shalt love thy neighbour ' is an old
command. It received new force and meaning in
the light of Christ's life, and the new life which
Christians have learned to live. This is more
clearly realized as in the new society the darkness
passes away. A man cannot be in the light and
644
JOHN, EPISTLES OF
JOHX, EPISTLES OF
hate his brother Christian. Love lights the path,
so that he can walk without stumbling.
The writer then turns to iinniediate circum-
stances (vv. !-■'''). The sin which keeps them far
from God has been removed ; the experience of the
old and the strength of the young have secured
victory (w.^^- ^'■^). This explains how he could
write as he has written. Their knowledge and
strength made it possible for him to use the words
he has penned (vv.^^''- ^■^). But there is need of
hard striving. Love of the world may soon destroy
all that they have gained. The world is passing ;
only that which is done according to God's will
abides (vv.^^'^^).
(6) So he passes to the first statement of the
christological thesis (vv.^®"^^). Faith in Jesus as
the Christ is the test of fellowship with God. The
passing of the transitory suggests the signs of the
times. The last hour has struck. The saying
' Antichrist cometh ' is being fulfilled in the many
false teachers who have appeared. The F"aith had
gained a decisive victory, in the unmasking of the
traitors, who had to go. The crisis had shown
that all such false teachers, however they differed
among themselves, were aliens, and no true mem-
bers of the Body. This the readers knew, if they
would use their knowledge. Their anointing had
given to all of them knowledge to detect falsehood.
Falsehood culminates in the denial that Jesus is
the Messiah. This denial includes denial of the
Father, in spite of Gnostic claims to superior
knowledge. All true knowledge of the Father
comes through the Son. It is gained in living and
abiding union, the eternal life which He has pro-
mised (vv.'^"-^). This much he must write about
the deceivers. If his readers had used their know-
ledge, he need not have written it (vv.^- ^). Let
them abide, and confidence will be theirs when
' He ' appears (v.^^). Who can have this confidence ?
Those who know that God is just, and who there-
fore learn in the experience of Christian life that
the doing of righteousness is the true test of the
birth from God {v.^).
2-^-4®. — (a) We pass to the second statement of
the ethical thesis (2^(-'-3-^) : the doing of righteous-
ness, i.e. love of the brethren, shown in active ser-
vice, is the sign by which we may know that we
are ' loving God.' In 3^"^ thesis and warning are con-
sidered in the light of the duty of self-purification,
laid upon us by the gift of sonship and the hope of
its consummation. Everyone who has this hope
must of necessity purify himself here and now.
Lawlessness does not consist only in disobeying
the injunctions of a definite code. There is a
higher Law Avhich is broken by every act of afxaprla,
of failure to realize in life the ideal set before men
in the human life of Jesus Christ. This is further
explained in vv.'-^s, introduced by an earnest warn-
ing against deceivers. The doer of righteousness
alone has attained to Christ-like righteousness.
The doer of sin still belongs to the Devil, who has
been working for sin throughout human history.
So, if we realize that for us rigliteousness finds its
clearest expression in love of t lie brethren, we gain
a clear contrast : God's children, always striving
to realize the ideal of sinless love, and the children
of the Devil, striving after, or drifting towards,
their own ideal of sinful hate and selfish greed.
Sinlessness, i.e. righteousness, is not the monopoly
of a chosen race, or section of men. It is the
natural outcome of the new life which every man
majr have, if he will take it and use it, to follow
Christ, not Cain, whose evil life found its natural
expression in the final issue of hatred — murder
with violence (v.'^). Verses 13-18 contain varia-
tions on the same theme. The world's hatred
sliould not surprise them ; it is the natural atti-
tude of those who cannot stand the sight of good.
They really ought to know that love and death,
mui-der and eternal life, have nothing in common.
And Christ's example has shown what love is. At
least tliey can show their love in helping their
brethren. He who has not even got so far as that
need not talk of God's love. With an exhortation
to sincerity in loving service (v.^*) the meditation
passes over once more to the tests of truth. How
can we know that we are on the side of truth, and
still the accusations of our consciences ? — By throw-
ing ourselves on God's omniscience. AVlien a man
feels conhdence towards God and finds that his
prayers are answered — that he wishes for and does
the things that God wills — his conscience ceases to
accuse (w.^"-^). God's will is shown in His com-
mand — which is more than a series of precepts :
He bids men have faith in Christ and love like
His. These lead to fellowship with Him. Men
know that they have it by their possession of the
Spirit which He has given (vv.-^- -^).
(b) Thus the interlacing of Faith and Love leads
on to the second presentation of the christological
thesis (4^"**), in such a way as to show its vital con-
nexion with the ethical. The mention of _ the
Spirit suggests the form of the new statement.
All spiritual phenomena could not be regarded as
the work of God's Spirit, The spirits must be
tested by their attitude to the Christ. The reality
of the Incarnation as a permanent union between
God and man is the vital truth. The statement
(42.3) ig followed by a short meditation (vv.*"^) on
the attitude of the Church and the world to the
two confessions and those who make them. The
spirits of truth and error are clearly discerned by
the kinds of people who listen to them.
4''-5^-. — In these verses, the last and most intri-
cate section of the Epistle, we have the third pre-
sentation of the two theses. The remainder of
ch. 4 is predominantly ethical, the opening verses
of ch. 5 christological, or at least doctrinal. But
the two theses are interwoven, and can hardlj' be
separated. Love is the proof of fellowship with
God, for God is Love. The true nature of love has
been made clear, in terms intelligible to men, in
the sending of His Son, as faith conceives it.
In tlie first explanation of the two combined
ideas (4'^'^^), it is shown that love based on faith in
the revelation of love given in Christ's life and
work is the proof of ' knowing God ' and of being
'loved of God.' In the second explanation (S^^-)
faith is first. Victory over the world — the forces
opposed to God — is gained by faith in Jesus as the
Messiah, the Son of God. This faith rests histori-
cally on a three-fold witness — of the water (the
Baptism in which He was set apart for His
Messianic work), of the sutlering (wliich culmin-
ated on the Cross, and which has dealt with sin),
and of the Spirit (who interprets these facts to
men). And the work of the Spirit continues in
those who follow Christ as thus conceived. They
realize the truth in their own experience.
513-21 — gQ ^j^g la^st, christological statement passes
out into j'et another answer to the question, ' How
can we know?' (vv. ''■'''). True confidence is
established when men know that prayer is heard
because what is asked is in accordance with God's
will. The true answer to prayer is the immediate
consciousness that what is taken to God has
reached His ear, and may be safely left in His
care. Where intercession is possil)le it will suc-
ceed. Then (vv.^*"^'), with a triple oldafiev, the
writer sums up the things he has to say which
matter most. Sin can be conquered ; we belong to
God, whom we have learned to know in the revela-
tion of Him which His Son has brought down to
men. The Epistle closes witii the terse warning
that His ' children ' must reject all m*>aner concep
tions of God.
JOHI^, EPISTLES OF
JOKN", EPISTLES OF
645
2. The false teachers. — If the analysis given
of the teaching of the First Epistle is correct, it
follows that edihcation and exhortation rather
than controversy are the writer's primary objects.
He reiterates the leading ideas of his teaching,
already familiar to his readers, to kindle once
more the enthusiasm of their faith and hrst love,
which is growing cold, to guard them from the
dangers -which threaten, and to give them tests by
which they may ' know ' the security of their
Christian position.
At the same time it is clear that in all he writes
he has in view dehnite forms of false teaching
which have proved dangerous, errors both doc-
trinal and ethical, the fascination of which is a
serious menace to their Christian life.
A careful study of the language of the Epistle
makes it probable that the author is combating
more than one kind of false teaching. His oppon-
ents are not all to be found in the same camp.
The opinions which he refutes might all have been
held by the same opponents ; but they do not form
a complete system : still less can they be separated
into a series of complete homogeneous systems.
Probably he otters a few leading truths which in
his opinion are the antidote to the manifold errors
by which his readers are threatened, while there
is one particular party, to whose opinions recent
circumstances have given a predominant import-
ance.
The expressions used suggest variety. Many
antichrists have come (2^^) ; all of them, whatever
their differences may be, are aliens to the truth
(v.i**). The repeated use of Tras (vv.-^- ^) suggests
manifold and varied opposition. ' Those who lead
astray ' are spoken of in the plural (v.^**). The
one xP'o'Mci) "which all have, should have taught
them all things. The same variety is suggested
by ch. 4. Many false prophets are gone out into
the world. Every spirit which does not confess
(dissolves ?) Jesus is ' not of God ' ; Antichrist is
Avorking in many subordinates (vv.^* ^). It is only
in ch. 5 that the writer seems to narrow the issues
down to one particular form of error : the denial
that the sufferings and death of Jesus were an
essential part of His Messianic work. Even here
his method is the same. He emphasizes a few
fundamental truths which should safeguard his
readers from all the varied dangers which threaten.
A special incident is the occasion of his writing.
He has in view several forms of error.
(1) JucUiism. — Jews wlio have never accepted
Christianity are not the only enemy. The words
el 17/01(2)1' i^r)\dov (2^^) must refer to a definite seces-
sion of tiiose who were generally recognized as
Christians. But Jewish opposition is clearly a
serious danger. This is shown by the writer's
insistence on the confession that Jesus is the
Messiah (2^ ; cf. 4^ 3°). The Jewish controversy
is prominent throughout. The Jewish AVar and
the Destruction of Jerusalem must have pro-
foundly afi'ected the relation of Judaism to Chris-
tianity. Jewish Christians were placed in a
desperate position. Hitherto they had no doubt
hoped against hope for the recognition of Jesus
as Messiah by the majority of their countrj'men.
But the final catastrophe had come, and the Lord
had not returned to save His people. Christians
had not been slow to draw the obvious conclusion
from the fate of Jerusalem. And Jewish Chris-
tians could expect nothing but the bitterest hos-
tility from their fellow-countrymen. Apostasy was
now the only possible condition of reunion. If
some openly accepted the condition, many Jewish
Christians must have been sorely tempted to think
that their estimate of Jesus as Messiah had been
mistaken, and to regard Him as a Prophet indeed,
but not as Messiah, still less as the unique Son
of God. This danger, which threatened Jewish
Christians piimarily, must have ati'ected the whole
body. The prominence of the Jewish controversy
in the Fourth Gospel is now generally recognized.
It is less prominent in the Epistle, but there is no
essential difference of situation.
At the same time it is only one element in the
situation. A. Wurm {Die Irrlehrer im 1. Johan-
nesbrief, 1903) is not justified in deducing from
the words of 2^ the exclusively Jewish character
of the false teaching combated. The aiithor cer-
tainly deduces the fact that the opponents ' have
not the Father ' from their false Christologj'. It
does not follow, however, that he and his op-
ponents were at one in their doctrine of the Father.
He could not have written as he has unless they
claimed to ' have the Father ' ; but they may have
claimed it in a different sense from that of orthodox
Christians. The passage is more easily explained
if we suppose that the writer has in view a claim
to a superior knowledge of the Father imparted to
a few ' spiritual ' natures, unattainable by the
ordinary Christian. All true knowledge of the
Father comes through Jesus, the Christ, the Son
of God. By rejecting the truth about Jesus they
forfeited all claim to knowledge of the Father.
(2) Gnosticism. — There is no clear evidence in
the Epistles of the fully developed Gnostic systems
of the 2nd century. There are, for instance, many
simpler explanations of the use of awip^a avrov in
3" than Pfleiderer's hj'pothesis that it refers to the
system of Basilides. But undoubtedly Gnostic
ideas are an important element in the mental
circumstances of the writer and his age. The
burden of his message is that God is Light (1^), and
the reiteration of this in negative form is probably
aimed at the view that the Father of all is un-
knowable or that knowledge of Him is the monopoly
of a 'pneumatic' minority. The Gnostic claim,
real or supposed, that the irvev/xaTiKoi are superior
to the obligations of the Moral Law is roughly
handled. And the insistence with which intellectual
claims are met by the challenge to fulfil the Chris-
tian duty of love and its obligations is significant.
The confession demanded of ' Jesus Christ come in
flesh ' is a protest against the Gnostic doctrine of
the impossibility of real union between the spiritual
seed and flesh. And at tlie same time the writer's
sympathy with Gnostic ideas is obvious. Here as
elsewhere, he is always reminding his ' children '
that they are old enough to refuse the evil and to
choose the good.
Gnostic ideas afford no criterion for dating the
Epistles of John. It is, of course, a perversion of
history to assume that Gnostic ideas first came
into contact with Christianity when Christians
began to think in terms of Greek philosophy,
towards the middle of the 2nd century. The
movement is Oriental rather than Greek, and far
older in date. But its reflexion in these Epistles
is a patent fact.
(3) Docetism. — It is customary to speak of the
Johannine Epistles, and also of the Gospel, as anti-
Docetic (cf. Schmiedel [EBi s.v. 'John, Son of
Zebedee,'§ 57], Moflatt {LNT, 1911, p. 586]). If
the term is used popularly of all teaching Avhich
denied or subverted the reality of the Incarnation,
this is true. ' The Word was made Flesh,' ' Jesus
Christ came in flesh,' are the watchwords of Gospel
and Epistles. But there is no real trace in these
writings of Docetism in the stricter sense of the
term, i.e. the teaching denounced by Ignatius
(Smyrn. 2 ft".; cf. Trail. 10 f.), which assigned a
purely phantasmal body to the Lord. And it i*
probable that in the development of christological
thought theories of pure Docetism are a later stage
than the assumption of a temporary connexion
between a Heavenly Power and the real manhood
646
JOHN, EPISTLES OF
JOHN, EPISTLES OF
of Jesus of Nazareth (cf., however, Lightfoot and
Plleiderer).
(4) Cerinthianism. — We have seen that the writer
has to deal with dangers which threaten from
several quarters. As the Epistle proceeds, his
attack becomes more direct, and the christological
passage in eh. 5 contains clearer reference to one
definite form of error — the denial that Jesus, the
Son of God, came by ' blood' as well as by ' water,'
i.e. that the Sufferings and Death of Jesus were as
essential a note of His Messianic work as the
Baptism by John. This suits the teaching of
Cerinthus as described by Irenpeus (c. Hcer. I.
XX vi. 1) : ' jiost baptismum descendisse in eum ab ea
principalitate quae est super omnia Christum hgura
columbse et tunc annunciasse incognitum patrem,
et uirtutes perfecisse, in fine autem reuolasse
iterura Christum de lesu, et lesum passum esse
et resurrexisse, Christum autem impassibilem per-
seuerasse, existentem spiritalem.' The traditional
view that cli. 5 contains a reference to Cerinthian-
ism has been held by the majority of scholars of
all scliools who have dealt with the Epistle. This
view has been seriously challenged especially by
Wurm (op. cit.) and Clemen (ZNTW vi. [1905]
271 ff.) on the ground that 2-* excludes Cerinthian-
ism, as it implies that the writer and his opponents
are conscious of no difference of view in their doc-
trine of the Father. If the suggestion made above
(§ 2 (1)) that that passage gains in point if the
opponents claimed a superior ' having the Father '
to that of ordinary Christians, the objection falls
to the ground. The limits of this article preclude
a general discussion of our knowledge of Cerinth-
ianism. The present writer has discussed it at
length in his Johannine Epistles (ICC, 1912), p.
xlvtt".). There are good reasons for thinking that
Hippolytus in his Syntagma ascribed to Cerinthus
the view that the Spirit (not the Christ) descended
on Jesus at the Baptism. If so, this gives additional
force to tlie description in S**'- of the proper function
of the Spirit. It would seem that Cerinthus con-
tinued these Judaizing and Gnostic tendencies
wliich the author of these Epistles regarded as
most dangerous. But ' many Antichrists had come
to be' even if Cerinthus is most prominently in
his thoughts.
(5) Ethical error. —In his denunciations of ethical
error there is no reason to suppose that the writer
has a different class of opponents in view. He
could not have connected his ethical and christo-
logical theses as he has, if the two sources of
danger had been separate. At the same time, in
his practical warnings as well as in his christo-
logical teacliing his words have a wider reference
than one particular body of opponents. There is
no reason to suppose that any of the opponents
had been guilty of the grosser sins of tlie tiesh.
The phrase iTnOvixia r^s aapKos (2") does not imply
this. And the Epistle is not directed against
Antinomianism, as has been sometimes wrongly
inferred from 3^. ft would seem that they claimed
a superior knowledge of God to which ordinary
Christians could not attain, while disregarding
some at least of the requirements of the Christian
code, especially the love which shows itself in
active service for the brethren. They hardly
recognized the obligation of tlie new command of
Jn l.SH While condemning lawlessness (cf. S'*) —
and many of tliem no doubt recognized the obliga-
tions of the INIosaic Law— they failed to see that
all falling short of the ideal revealed as possil>le in
the human life of Jesus is disobedience to God'.s
highest Law. The indifference of conduct, as com-
pared with other supposed qualihcations, as e.g.
descent from Abraham, or possession of the ' pneu-
matic ' seed, is clearly part of their ethical creed.
In this sphere also a mixture of Judaizing and
Gnostic tendencies such as may reasonably be
attributed to Cerinthianism will explain the lan-
guage of the Apostle in which the ethical short-
comings of the opponents are denounced.
3. Relation to the Gospel. — The authorship of
the Epistles is closely connected with the question
of the authorship of the CJospel. It is impossible
to attempt here even a summary of the controversy.
The relation, however, of the longer Epistle to the
Gospel and to the shorter Epistles must be con-
sidered. The similarity of style and content is so
marked that the obvious explanation of common
authorship might seem to need no further dis-
cussion. But the views of an increasing number
of competent critics cannot be neglected. Holtz-
mann's articles (JFTh vii. [1881], viii. [1882]) are
still the fullest and fairest statement of the views
of those who reject the idea of common authorship.
A rough estimate makes the vocabulary of the
Epistle 295 words, of which 69 only are not found
in the Gospel. The general impression formed by
reading verses or chapters of the documents ia
probably a safer guide. There can be no doubt as
to the prevalence of characteristic and distinctive
words and phrases common to both. The similar-
ity extends to common types of phrases variously
tilled up. Attention has often been called to the
following points of similarity in style : the carrying
on of the thought by the use of o^ . . . dWd, by
disconnected sentences, by the positive and negative
expression of the same thought ; the use of the
demonstrative, iv roiJTcp, etc., followed by an
explanatory clause to emphasize a thought ; the
repetition of emphatic words. Such phenomena
leave us with the choice between an author, vary-
ing his own phrases and forms of expression, and
a slavish imitator.
The similarity extends to content as well. The
leading ideas — the reality of the Incarnation, the
life which springs from Christ and is identified
with Him, abiding in Christ and in God, the send-
ing of the Son as the proof of God's love, the birth
from God, the importance of witness, many well-
known pairs of opposites — are equally prominent
in both writings. They find that kind of similar
but varied expression which suggests an author
doing what he would with his own, rather than
the work of a copyist. And the differences, though
real, are not greater than are naturally explained
by diffei"ences of time, circumstances, and object.
The question of priority has also been the subject
of long controversy. The priority of the Epistle
has been maintained on the following grounds :
(1) The introductory verses are said to present
an earlier stage of the Logos doctrine than the
Prologue of the Gospel. The personal Logos is a
stage not yet reached. Even if this is true, the
facts might equally well be explained by the theory
that in the Epistle we have a further accommoda-
tion to the growing Monarchianism of a later
period. And if we take the whole Epistle into
account, it is clear that the ' personal differentia-
tion ' of Father and Son is stated in the Epistle as
definitely as in the Logos doctrine of the Gospel.
And it is far easier to explain the opening expres-
sions of the Epistle as a summary of that Prologue
than vire versa.
(2) The diXXos irap6.K\-qTo$ of Jn 14'® has been
explained by the doctrine of the Epistle which
presents Christ as ■n-apa.K'KrjTos. But the two ideas
are different, and not mutually exclusive. The
fiXXos of the Gospel finds its natural exi)lanation in
the approaching withdrawal of the bodily presence
of the speaker.
(3) The Epistle shows an immediate expectation
of the Parousia which the author of the Gospel ia
said to have abandoned, substituting the Presence
of the Spirit for the hope of the Coming. Again,
JOHX, EPISTLES OF
JOHN, EPISTLES OF
647
the point, if true, is not decisive. It could as
plausibly be explained as a modification of more
original and less jaopular views. But serious diver-
gence can only be maintained bj' the excision of
526-29 g3;n. g^jjj^ other inconvenient passages from
the Gospel. The differences are definite, but not
fundamental. The treatment of the Antichrist
legend in the Epistle is as complete a process of
' spiritualization ' as that of popular eschatology in
the Gospel.
(4) It has also been maintained that on the sub-
ject of Propitiation the Epistle is nearer to the
Pauline standpoint than the Gospel, which con-
ceives of Christ's work merely as the glorifying of
the Father by the Son's revelation of Him to men.
Again there is a difference of relative prominence,
but there is no reason to neglect what is involved
in Jn P6 95"-.
(5) In the record of the piercing of the side a
misunderstanding of 1 Jn 5^ has been found by
some writers. It is, however, more natural to see
in the Epistle a reference to a well-known story,
though the incident itself does not atibrd a com-
plete explanation of the meaning of the verse.
(6) External evidence is equally indecisive. The
probable 'quotation' of the Epistle by Polycarp
proves nothing, especially if Schwartz and Light-
foot are right in their view that Papias knew and
valued the Gospel.
On the other hand, there are many passages in
the Epistle which seem unintelligible without a
knowledge of corresponding passages in the Gospel
to explain them. If there is no clear proof of
borrowing in the Epistle, it is almost indisputable
that 'the Gospel is original, the Epistle is not.'
And it is hard to escape the general impression
left by the study of the two documents, that in
the Epistle the writer summarizes the important
parts in the teaching of the Gospel, which his
readers had failed to make their own. They were
therefore in danger of falling victims to errors
which their ' knowledge ' ought to have enabled
them to detect and avoid.
4. Relation to Mystery religions. — The time has
hardly come for a satisfactory treatment of the
question of the relation of the Johannine writings
to the Mystery religions. The valuable work of
Dieterich, Reitzenstein, and others is well known.
But until the actual dates of documents can be
determined with greater certainty than is at
present possible, the influence of the Mysteries on
early Christian thought and literature must remain
a matter for conjecture. Keference may be made
to the valuable treatise of C. Clemen (Der Einfluss
tier Mysterienreligionen aiifdas alteste Christentiim,
1913) and to the admirable summary in Feine's
Theologie des Neiien Testaments-, 1911, p. 556 ff".
with reference to the Johannine books.
II. The shorter Epistles.— \. Authorship.—
It is unnecessary to waste time in discussing the
common authorship of the two shorter Epistles.
The close parallelism of their general structure,
and the similarity of their style, vocabulary, and
ideas (see Harnack, TU xv. 3 [1897]) leave us with
as high a degree of certainty as such evidence
can ever give, though the reference Avhich many
scholars find in the Third Epistle to the Second
is improbable. Their relation to the First Epistle
is less certain. External and internal evidence
raises the possibility of different authorship. The
problem, however, is clearly similar to that of the
relation of the First Epistle to the Gospel. A
study of the facts leads to a similar answer. It is
a case of common authorship or conscious imitation.
The freedom of handling of the same tools points
to the former alternative. The shorter Epistles
are the most obviously ' genuine ' of the five books
generally attributed to St. John. Common sense
and sounil criticism alike shrink from the hypo-
thesis that either the Gospel or the First Epistle
is modelled on them.
2. Contents of Second Epistle.— The object of
the second letter is to give advice to the church
or family addressed in it about hospitality to
Christians from other churches. The question of
the reception of the higher order of ministers who
moved from place to place ('apostles, prophets,
teachers, evangelists'), and who claimed authority
over the resident officers, was a burning one in
early days, and the situation presupposed in this
Epistle is parallel with that found in the Didache.
The stages of development are similar, though it
does not follow that they had been reached at the
same date in both centres. The answer given to
the question is the application of the two tests,
practical and doctrinal, of the First Epistle.
Those who 'walk in love' and who confess 'Jesus
Christ coming in flesh ' are to be welcomed. (A
possible interpretation of ipx6fJ.evov as opposed to
eXijXvdora (1 Jn 4-) suggests that doubts as to the
Parousia liad come into greater prominence, but
this is far from certain. )
3. Destination of Second Epistle. — The contro-
versy whether the letter is addressed to a church
or an individual is still acute. The latter hypo-
thesis has been ably maintained by Rendel Harris
(Expositor, 6th ser. iii. [1901] 194 ff.) and others.
The attempts to find a proper name either in
Kyria or Eclecta are not convincing. If a lady
is addressed, it is best to suppose that her name
is not given. The language in which the writer's
affection is expressed, and the subjects with which
the letter deals, point to a church rather than to
an individual. And the interchange of singular
and plural in the use of the second person is almost
decisive in favour of the former view.
4. Contents of Third Epistle.— The Third Epistle
also deals with the question of hospitality to
travelling missionaries and teachers, emphasizing
in a particular instance the duty of Christians in
this respect, as the Second deals with its necessary
limitations. The objects of the letter are to claina
a suitable welcome for some travelling missionaries
about to visit the Church of Caius to Avhom the
letter is addressed, and to re-instate Demetrius in
the good opinion of the members of that church.
The connexion of Demetrius with the missionary
band is a matter of uncertainty. But it is clear
that he had fallen under suspicion, and that Dio-
trephes, a prominent member of Caius's church,
had succeeded in working on the resentment felt
at the 'Elder's' support of a 'suspect,' to raise
the question of the Elder's right to interfere in
the affairs of the church, and to persuade his
fellow-Christians to ignore a letter which the Elder
had written to the church on the subject. On the
whole, it is improbable that this letter (mentioned
in v.^) is to be identified M'ith the Second Epistle,
which does not deal with the questions which must
have been discussed in such a letter. But it is
evident that the majority of the church are inclined
to take the side of Diotrephes against the Elder,
whose right of supervision is in serious danger of
being set aside, though he is still confident that he
can maintain it by personal intervention.
5. Historical background of the shorter Epistles.
— Several interesting attempts have been made to
reconstruct the historical background of the two
shorter E]iistles, among which mention should be
made of the ingenious suggestions of J. Chapman
[JThSt V. [1903-04] 357, 517), who finds the
Demetrius of the Third Epistle in Demas (2 Ti
4^"), and identifies the church addressed as Thessa-
lonica, while in the Second Epistle (cf. v.* with
Jn 10"^-) he finds a warning addressed by the
Presbyter, who may or may not be the son of
648
JOHN, EPISTLES OF
JOPPA
Zebedee, to the Church of Rome (cf. 1 P 5^^)^
against the Falwe Teachers who are trying to get
a hearing in tlie metropolis now that the First
Epistle has closed the Asiatic chiirclies to them.
Vernon Bartlet's sound criticism {JThSt vi. [1904-
05] 204) of the difficulties of these hypotheses
should also be mentioned, and Rendel Harris's
vigorous support of the view that the Second
Letter is addressed to an individual lady and not
to a church. Harnack's contribution (TU xv. 3)
to the interpretation of the Epistles is of far more
permanent value. He has shown the importance
of their evidence as throwing light on an obscure
period in the development of ecclesiastical organiza-
tion in Asia, when the old missionary organization
is breaking down, and the monarchical episcopate
is beginning to emerge. He is, however, on less
sure ground in arguing that the 'Presbyter' is
fighting a losing battle against the new movement.
It is at least as probable that he sees in it the best
way of dealing with the dangers caused by the
private ambitions of prominent members of the
local churches, such as Diotrephes and other vpo-
dyovres. But Harnack is probably right in his view
that the differences found in the Ignatian Epistles
jjoint to a stage of development later by some
fifteen or twenty years.
6. Date. — The questions of authorship and date
cannot be discussed satisfactorily apart from the
wider question of the authorship of the Fourth
Gospel. If the view maintained above is correct,
that the autlior of the Gospel wrote the Epistles at
a somewhat later date, to emphasize those points
in its teaching which seemed needed to meet the
special dangers of somewhat changed circum-
stances, the date of the Epistles cannot be very
long before or after the close of the 1st century.
The only natural interpretation of the language of
the first verse of the First Epistle is that the author
claims to have been an eye-witness of the Ministry,
unless indeed we are driven by other considerations
to regard this as impossible. The tradition which
assigned the two shorter Epistles to the 'Elder'
offers the least difficult solution of a difficult prob-
lem. In the present state of our knowledge we
must rest content with the suggestion that the
same author is responsible for the First Epistle and
the Gospel in something very like the form in
which they have come down to us. It is probable
that he has used the ideas and the recollections of
another who was better qualified than himself to
tell of the ' sacred words and no less sacred deeds '
of the Lord, and to interpret them in the light of
Christian experience.
The external evidence, which cannot be discussed
in detail here, if naturally interpreted, points to
similar conclusions. There is very little ground
for doubting that Papias and Polycarp knew and
valued the Epistles, or at least the first two
Epistles. Probably the name of Ignatius should
be added to the list. The traces of Johannine
thought in his Epistles are clear. Reference may be
made to tlie articles by H. J. Bardsley in JThSt xiv.
[1912-13] 207, 489, though he has hardly succeeded
in proving the literary use of apostolic documents.
But the absence of direct references to the Apostle
JoliQ, where we might reasonably expect tliem,
are undoubtedly significant. The practically
unanimous evidence of writers at the close of the
2nd cent, as to the Apostle's residence at Ephesus
till the days of Trajan must be interpreted in the
light of the probability of confusion between Elder
and Apostle, and the strong probability that the
work of Papias contained a statement of the
martyrdom of John, the son of Zebedee. There
are no serious grounds for setting aside the tradi-
tion which connects all the Johannine books with
Asia Minor, and especially with Ephesus.
Literature. — The only ancient Commentaries extant are
those of Clement of Alexandria (on 1 and 2 John : extant only
in Cassiodorus' Latin Summary [Clement, ed. Stahlin, iii., 1909]),
CEcumenius, Theophylact, Augustine, and Bede. Among
modern Commentaries may be mentioned those of F. Liicke^
(1820-56), J. E. Huther-i^in Meyer's Kommentar, 1855-80),
H. Ewald (1S(;2), E. Haupt (En^. tr., 1879), R. Rothe (1878),
B. F. Westcott (1883), B. Weiss (in Meyer's Kommentar,
1899), H. J. Holtzmann^ (in Handkommentar zum NT, 1908),
and H. Windisch (in Handbuch zum NT, 1911).
Among the more important monographs and articles, besides
those mentioned in the article, are W. A. Karl, Johanneische
Studien, 1898 ; G. B. Stevens, The Johannine Theology, 1894 ;
Wilamowitz, in Hermes, xxxiii. [1898], p. 531 ff. ; 'Wohlenberg,
in NKZ xxvi. [1902] ; S. D. F. Salmond, in HDB ii. [1899]
728 fif. ; R. Law, Tests of Life, 1909. A. E. BROOKE.
JOPPA ('liTTTri; ; Josephus, 'Uirrj ; Arab. Ydfd ;
modern name Jaffa). — Joppa is a maritime town
of Palestine, 33 miles S.W. of Jerusalem. Built
on an eminence visible far out at sea — whence its
name, ' the conspicuous ' — it owes its existence to
a ridge of low and partly sunken rocks running
out in a N.W. direction from the S. side of the
town, and forming a harbour which, though small
and insecure, is yet the best on the whole coast
of Palestine.
Down to the time of the Maccabees, Joppa was
a heathen town, which the Jews sometimes used
but never possessed. Jonah's ship of Joppa was
manned by a heathen crew (Jon P). One of the
strongest proofs of the political sagacity of the
three famous Maccabaean brothers lay in their
resolve to make Judaea a maritime power. Each
of them attempted to capture Jojipa, and Simon
succeeded. On the family memorial at Modin,
meant for the eyes of ' all that sail on the sea,' he
caused carved ships to be represented (1 Mac 13-^).
The historian, in eulogizing his career, says :
' And amid all his glory he took Joppa for a
haven, and made it an entrance for the isles of the
sea' (14^). From that time, with but few inter-
ruptions, Joppa remained in the possession of the
Jews for more than two centuries. When Pompey
(66 B.C.) included Judaea in the province of Syria,
Joppa was one of the cities which ' he left in a
state of freedom ' (Jos. Ant. XIV. iv. 4) ; and Julius
Caesar decreed ' that the city of Joppa, which the
Jews had originally when they made a league of
friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them
as it formerly did' (x. 6).
No city was more completely judaized than this
late possession. Joppa became as zealous for the
Law, as patriotic, as impatient of Gentile control
and culture, as Jerusalem herself. Herod the
Great, who did much to hellenize Palestine, left
the Pharisaic purity of Joppa untainted. Yet
this stronghold of Jewish legalism was the city in
which St. Peter received the vision which taught
him that Jew and Gentile, as spiritually equal
before God, must be impartially welcomed into the
Church of Christ (Ac lO"-^^). Nowhere was tlie
contrast between the clean and the unclean —
the devoutly scrupulous observers of the Law and
tlie jostling crowd of foreigners — more marked.
St. Peter probably never realized so intensely the
need of ceremonial purification before his midday
meal as when he brought into the tanner's house
the defilement of contact with so many lawless
and profane people. To his Jewish instincts such
contamination was intolerable. But he experi-
enced a swift and mysterious reaction, which was
})robably the result of much past brooding as well
as of present prayer. While he lingered upon the
housetop, waiting the call to eat, he became un-
conscious of the sights and sounds of the harbour
beneath, and fell into a trance, in which he learned
how ditterentare God's tlioughts of religious purity
from man's. He became convinced that all mannei
of meats — and, inferentially, all manner of men —
that were commonly counted unclean, were clean in
JOSEPH
JOSEPHUS
649
God's sight. It is as the birthplace of this revolu-
tionary principle, which virtually gave the death-
blow to Judaism, that the old town of Joppa has
a place in the history of human thought. St.
Peter, always impulsive and uncalculating, went
straight to pagan Caesarea, and delivered a speech
which opened the gates of Christ's Church to
'every nation' (Ac 10^^). Joppa has also a place
in the history of Christian beneficence. It is re-
membered as the home of a gentlewoman who was
believed to have been raised from death to life,
and whose example has in all ages been an incen-
tive to ' good works and almsdeeds ' (Ac 9^''"'*-).
To the ancient Greeks Joppa was known as the place where
' Andromeda was exposed to the sea-monster ' (Strabo xvi. ii.
28). By primitive fancy the fury of the sea was ascriljed to
serpents and dragons. Modern writers rationalize the pheno-
menon. 'More boats are upset, and more lives are lost in the
breakers at the north end of the ledge of rocks that defend the
inner harbour, than anywhere else on this coast.' One cannot
'look without a shudder at this treacherous port, with its noisy
surf tumbling over the rocks, as if on purjjose to swallow up
unfortunate boats. This is the true mf/nxter which has devoured
many an Andromeda, for whose deliverance no gallant Perseus
was at hand ' (W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book, 1864,
p. 516).
Jaffa is now famous for its orange gardens and
orchards, each of which has an unlimited supply
of water. ' The entire plain seems to cover a river
of vast breadth, percolating through the sand en
route to the sea' (W. M. Thomson, loc. cit.).
LrrERATtjRE.— E. Schiirer, HJP n. i. [18S5] 79-S3 ; G. A.
Smith, HGUL, ls97, p. 136 f. ; H. B. Tristram, Bible Places,
1897, p. 70 f. ; V. Guerin, Description giographitjue . . , de la
Palestine: ' Jud6e,' 1809, i. If. JAMES iSTRAHAN.
JOSEPH ('Iu(Tri(f>).—i. The elder of Jacob's two
sons by Rachel, the eleventh Patriarch, the
ancestor of the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh.
In St. Stephen's address before the Sanhedrin
reference is made to Joseph's being sold by his
brothers, God's presence with him in Egypt, his
promotion to be governor of the land, his manifes-
tation of himself to his brethren, his invitation to
his father and all iiis kindred to migrate to Egypt
(Ac 7"'^"'), and finally, at a much later date, the
rise of a Pharaoh who ' knew not Joseph ' (7^*).
The question of the historicity of the narrative In Genesis
was never raised by the Apostolic Church, nor by the modern
Church till the dawn of the age of criticism. The critical
verdict is that the story is based upon facts which have been
idealized in the spirit of the earlier Hebrew prophets. That
the tradition of a Hebrew minister in Egypt, who saved the
country in time of famine, 'should be true in essentials is by
no means improbable ' (J. Skinner, Genesis [ICC, 1910] 441).
Driver thinks it credible that an actual person, named Joseph,
'underwent substantially the experiences recounted of him in
Qn.'{HDB ii. 771b). gee H. Gunkel, Genesis, 1910, p. 356 f.
In He 11^^ allusion is made to the blessing re-
ceived by Joseph's two sons from his dying father.
In IP^ Joseph is placed on the roll of the ' elders'
— saints of the OT — who by their words and deeds
gave evidence of their faith. The particular facts
selected as proving his grasp of things unseen —
which is the essence of faith (ll-*) — are his death-
bed prediction of the exodus of the children of
Israel and his commandment regarding the dis-
posal of his bones (Gn oO'^''- ^^ ; cf. Jos 24^^).
Tliough he was an Egyptian governor, speaking
the Egyptian language, and married to an Egyp-
tian wife, he was at heart an unchanged Hebrew,
and his dying eyes beheld the land from which he
had been exiled as a boy, the homeland of every
true Israelite.
2. Joseph Barsabbas, surnamed Justus, was one
of those who accompanied Jesus during His whole
public ministry and witnessed His Resurrection.
He was therefore nominated, along with Matthias,
for the office made vacant by the treachery and
death of Judas Iscariot (Ac 1^^"-^). After prayer
' the lot fell upon Matthias' (1^^). It is admitted
even by radical critics that Jesus deliberately
chose twelve disciples (corresponding to the twelve
tribes of Israel), and it was natural that these
should seek to keep their sacred number un-
impaired. The name 'Barsabbas' (or ' Barsabas,'
C, Vulg., Syrr.) has been variously explained as
'child of the Sabbath,' 'son of Sheba,' 'warrior,'
or ' old man's son.' The Roman surname Justus
was adopted in accordance with a Jewish custom
which prevailed at the time — cf. ' John whose sur-
name was Marcus' (Ac 12i^- ^s), and ' Saul, who is
also Paulus' (IS''). It is a natural conjecture — no
more — that this Joseph was the brother of Judas
Barsabbas (15^^). Eusebius (HE i. 12) regards
him as one of 'the Seventy' (Lk 10'), and records
(iii. 39) that a ' wonderful event happened respect-
ing Justus, surnamed Barsabbas, who, though he
drank a deadly poison, experienced nothing in-
jurious {/xrjdev a-rjoes), by the grace of God.'
3. Joseph, surnamed Barnabas (Ac 4^*). See
Barnabas. James Strahan.
JOSEPHUS. — For a proper understanding of the
Apostolic Age there are, apart from the Epistles of
Paul and the Acts of the Apostles, no documents
of such value as the writings of Josephus.
1. Life and character. — We have an account of
the life of Josephus from his own pen. He was
born in Jerusalem in A.D. 37, his father being
Matthias, a priest of noble lineage, and belonging
to the first course of the priesthood, i.e. Jojarib,
while on his mother's side he was connected with
the royal Hasmon«an house. He was a child of
excellent parts, and received a superior education.
He studied the principles of the three main sects
of Judaism under professional teachers of each, and
lived for three years in the society of an ascetic
hermit named Banus — a discipline then regarded as
a desideratum of good breeding (we find something
of the same kind in the early life of Seneca). At
the age of nineteen he attached himself to the
Pharisaic party. In A.D. 64 he visited Rome,
where, through the influence of a Jewish actor
named Alityrus, he succeeded in gaining the ear of
the Empress Poppsea — first the mistress, and from
A.D. 62 tiie wife, of Nero— and so securing the
liberation of some Jewish priests who had been
put in bonds by Felix. Josephus had scarcely re-
turned to Jerusalem when, in A.D. 66, he was
drawn into the movement which, springing from
the long-accumulating hatred of Rome among the
Jews, and fanned by the agitation of certain fana-
tics, soon burst forth in the lurid flames of revolt
and war. It is true that the more eminent priestly
ranks to which Josephus belonged, as also the
leaders of the Pharisaic party, were altogether
averse to an insurrection against the overwhelming
power of the Roman Empire. Presently, however,
the movement resolved itself so decisively into a
national cause, a war of the Lord, that Josephus
was quite unable to stand aloof. He undertook
the command of Galilee, where, in spite of the
personal hostility of the zealot John of Gischala,
he organized the Jewish defence during the winter
of 66-67. For six weeks he withstood with great
skill and daring the Roman assault upon Jotapata,
a fortress commanding the line of approach from
Ptolemais, and then played his part with such
address that, falling into the hands of the Romans
as the last survivor of the siege, he caught the
personal notice of Vespasian by means of a pro-
phecy. His life was spared, and when his predic-
tion was at length fulfilled by the proclamation of
A'^espasian as Emperor (3 July, A.D. 69), he re-
gained his freedom. From that time he called
himself Flavius Josephus, and for the remainder
of the war — during the siege of Jerusalem — the
erstwhile leader in the rebellion acted as advise?
650
JOSEPH US
JOSEPHUS
and interpreter in the headquarters of Titus.
Thereafter he accompanied the victorious Titus
to Rome, and settled down as a litterateur, enjoy-
ing the esteem and the hounty of the Flavian
Emperors, and devoting himself to the task of
doing battle with spiritual weapons for the now
politically shattered cause of his nation. As
Josephus mentions the death of Agripjm II. (a.d.
100 : Photius, Cod. 33), he must have survived till
the reign of Trajan. He was four times married,
and had five sons. According to Ens. HE iii. ix.
2, a statue was raised in iiis honour, and his works
were placed in the public library.
In personal character, as even the above brief out-
line of his career suffices to show, Josephus was not
free from decidedly sinister traits. A thoroii-ih
Jew, he was always able to make the most of his
opportunities, and was not over-scrupulous as to
the means he employed. Even his vanity serves to
bring him into clearer light. As a man he was
far from gi-eat. It is not, however, the man that
concerns us here, but the historian ; and if, even
in that capacity, his talent Avas of a distinctly
mediocre order, yet, in virtue of our interest in
his subject, he is for us one of the most important
historical authors we have.
2. Works.— (a) The Jewish PF«?-.— Josephus de-
voted his powers first of all to a work of the most
vital moment for us, viz. a history of the Jewish
war against Rome (Bellum Judaicmn [referred to
as BJ]). Although he had doubtless learned Greek
in his youth, he felt that he could not yet write as
a Greek author. He therefore composed his first
work in his native language, i.e. Aramaic, and
afterwards, with the help of literary collaborators,
reproduced it in a Greek form, which, however,
was not a mere translation, but rather a recast of
the original. This Greek edition was published
in the closing years of Vespasian's reign, between
A.D. 75 and 79. As against the many unreliable
and merely hearsay reports of the war, and the
misclnevous distortions of fact emanating from
anti-Jewish feeling, Josephus proposed, as an eye-
witness, to give an unbiased and veracious chron-
icle, which, by means of a just estimate of the
Jewish people, of their good qualities and their
military achievements, should not only exhibit in
a clearer light the tragic element in the catastrophe
they had brought upon themselves, but should
also make manifest the real greatness of the Roman
triumph. Accordingly, in the seven books of this
work, after a survey of Jewish history from the
Maccabsean revolt to the death of Herod the Great
(bk. I.), he shows how events moved swiftly to-
wards the rebellion : the mismanagement of aitiairs
under the sons of Herod, the growing maladminis-
tration of the Roman procurators, and more
particularly— after a short interlude of national
Pharisaic ascendancy in the reign of Agrippa I.—
of the incompetent Albinus and Gessius Elorus
(bk. II.). The history proper begins with the
expedition of Vespasian to Judaea at a time when
the whole land was already in arms : bk. III. de-
scribes the conquest of Galilee, with its two cul-
minating points, the capture of Jotapata and that
of Taricliei>3 ; bk. IV. narrates thesomewiiat dilatory
prosecution of the war to the time of Vespasian's
lieing proclaimed Emperor, and his withdrawal to
Egypt, and tells also of the anarchical state of
Jerusalem ; bks. V. and VI., starting from the
return of Titus from Alexandria, describe the
siege of the capital, and the internecine strife of
tlie besieged, and close with the biirning of the
Temple (10th of the month Ab = July-August A.D.
70) ; and bk. VII. serves as an ej)ilogue to the
wliole, recording the triumph of Titus and the long-
protracted subjugation of the southern part of the
country till the Fall of Masada (April 73). In bk
III. (ch. 111.) Josephus gives a description of Galilee,
and in bk. V. (chs. iv. and v.) an account of Jeru-
salem, and of the Temjde and its services. At the
end of ch. v. he indicates his intention of dealing
with the city more exhaustively in a later work.
{b) The Antiquities.— He fulfilled this design in
his Antiquities of the Jeivs, which he complet'ed in
A.D. 93-94. The work was probably composed on
the plan of the Roman Archwology of Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, published almost exactly a century
before (8 B.C.). In the Antiquities 3 om\A\\\ii recounts
in twenty books the history of his people from the
creation of the world. His principal source was
the OT, with which, however, he deals very freely,
and he does not scruple to introduce Haggadic
elements. In bk. I. he carries the narrative to the
death of Isaac, and in ll. to the exodus from Egypt ;
III. describes the giving of the Law ; iv. the wander-
ings in the desert, and Moses' directions for the
organization of the future commonwealth ; V. the
conquest of Canaan under Joshua and the Judges ;
VI. and VII. the reigns of Saul and David respec-
tively ; viii.-x. the reign of Solomon, and the
period of the kings until the Exile ; xi. the restora-
tion of the nation under C>:as, and its history
till Alexander the Great ; XII. Judaja under the
Seleucids; XIII. the Maccabiean revolt, and the
Hasmonrean rule till Alexandra's death (67 B.C.);
XIV. the intervention of the Romans under Pompey,
consequent upon the wars between the brothers
Hyrcanus and Aristobulus ; xv. Herod's winning
the crown, and his reign till tlie building of the
Temple ; XVI. the tragedy of Herod's family till
the execution of Alexander and Aristobulus, the
sons of Mariamne ; XVII. the period from the
execution of Antipater and the death of Herod till
the deposition of Archelaus (a.d. 6); XVIII. the
Roman administration ; XIX. the period of the
Emperors Gains and Claudius— otherwise the reign
of Agrippa I. (t A.D. 44) ; XX. the last Roman pro-
curators till the outbreak of the rebellion (A.D. 66).
Tims bks. xill.-xx. of the Antiquities run parallel
Avith bks I. and II. of the BJ.
(c) Minor ivorJcs ; projected tvorJcs ; pseudonijmous
wor^s.— Josephus hoped to supplement his Anti-
qtdties by a narrative bringing down the history to
the reign of Domitian— i.e. by an abridgment and
continuation of the BJ (Ant. xx. xi. 3 [267]),* and
he also projected an account of the Jewish faith
and the Jewish Law in four books (ib. [268]).
Neither of these works, if ever written, has come
down to us. The Antiquities, however, is followed
by an autobiography ( Vita), written after A.D. 100,
and here Josephus endeavours to meet the charges
with which Justus of Tiberias assailed his conduct
during the war in Galilee in A.D. 66-67. Tlie
apology for Judaism in tAvo books, in Avhich
Josephus replies to the attacks of Apion, an
Alexandrian litterateur [contra Apionem), may
be regarded as in some degree a compensation for
the second of the projected works, and Avas com-
posed subsequently to the Antiquities. The two
works entitled Of self-governincf Reason {irepi avro-
Kparopos Xoyiff/xov — the so-called Fourth Book of
Maccabees) and Of the All {vepi rod Travros), ascribed
to Josephus by Eusebius and Photius respectively,
are certainly not his. The former Avas probably
Avritten by an Alexandrian Jew ; the latter, Avhicli
survives only in a small fragment, is in all likeli-
hood the Avork of Hippolytus.
3. Literary methods. — The manner in which
Josephus seeks to present Judaism to the Greek
mind ranks him among the Alexandrian apologists
of that faith, though he claims to Avrite merely as
a historian ; and, as a matter of fact, he owes n'lore
to the tradition of Palestinian Rabbinism than
* The divisions follow Whiston's Eng. translation, with thi
numbering of Niese's Gr. text in square brackets.
JUSEPHUIS
josp:phus
651
to that of Alexandria. His hellenizing tendency
manifests itself strikingly in his reproduction of
biblical history ; unlike Philo, he gives the biblical
names in a Greek form, writing Adamos, Abelos,
Abramos, Isakos, lakobos, Esauos, losepos, etc. ;
and, what is more, he hellenizes even the ideas,
especially in the speeches and prayers of the
Patriarchs, which he introduces quite in the style
of contemporary historical composition, as e.g. in
Ant. I. xviii. 6[272f.]; other instances are Solomon's
prayers at the dedication of the Temple (vili. iv.
2 f. [107 fi'.]), and his correspondence with Hiram of
Tyre (vlll. ii. 6, 7 [51-54]). A genuinely apologetic
idea lies in the statement that the Egyptians owed
their far-famed proficiency in mathematics and
astrology to Abraliam (I. viii. 2 [167]). Josephus
tells us, further, that Moses composed in hexa-
meters (II. xvi. 4 [346]), and David in trimeters
and pentameters (vil. xii. 3 [305]). He devotes
considerable space to the traditions — taken from
the Epistle of Aristeas — regarding the Greek
version of the Mosaic Law executed at the court
of Ptolemy II., by seventy-two wise men from
Jerusalem (Xll. ii. [11-118]). But perhaps the
most characteristic instance of his hellenizing
tendency is his description of the Jewish sects
(XIII. T. 9 [171-173], BJ II. viii. 2-14 [119-166]),
which he seeks to divest of all political signiKcance,
and to represent as the exact counterparts of the
philosophic schools of Greece (Pharisees = Stoics ;
Sadducees = Epicureans; and Essenes = Pytha-
goreans) : an affinity which he tries to establish
by introducing quite irrelevant considerations,
such as their attitude to the problems of free-will
and fate — thus misleading even modern investiga-
tors — while, as a matter of fact, the unphilosophical
and non-Hellenic character of the sects reveals
itself at every point. Thus Josephus, in spite of
his Hellenic guise, is in all things a genuine Jew, a
Palestinian Kabbi : witness, for instance — as com-
pared with the tractates of Philo — his version of
the story of Moses, where he not only gives us the
name of Pharaoh's daughter (Thermuthis), but
also relates how Moses as a child was presented to
Pharaoh, and how, when the king put his diadem
on the child's head, the latter threw it upon the
ground ; and again, how, when Moses had grown
to manhood, and was in command of an Egyptian
army in a war against Ethiopia, he broke a way
into that all but inaccessible country by making use
of ibises to destroy the serpents ^^ hich obstructed
the march, and further, how he captured the im-
pregnable city of Saba (or Meroe ; Philte, an island
in the Nile?) by gaining the love of Tharbis, the
daughter of the Ethiopian king (Ant. II. ix. 5, 7
[224-227, 232-237], x. 2 [243-253]). This is pure
Rabbinical Haggada. Of the same character are
the fabulous embellishments of the story of Joseph
(II. iv. [39-59]), as also the many references to
superstitions Avhich the Jews of the day had in
common with the Greeks, as e.g. in the stories
about Solomon (VIII. ii. 5[42ff.]j: here Josephus
states that he had personally witnessed an exorcism
which a Jew named Eleazar performed before Ves-
pasian and his officers by means of a ring, a root,
and certain incantations, all associated with
Solomon. How little the horizon of Josephus
extended beyond Palestine is shown also by the
brevity with which he treats of the persecutions of
the Jews in Alexandria, and of the famous embassy
of Philo to the court of Gains Caligula (XVIII. viii.
1 [257 ffi]).
4. Sources.— Josephus is throughout very depend-
ent on his sources. Where the biblical narrative
fails him, a constraint falls upon his language.
Of the period between Cyrus and Alexander the
Great he has nothing to record, and he lures the
reader across the gap by a long extract from the
Epistle of Aristeas. For the history of the Macca-
bees he keeps close to 1 Mac. For the succeeding
period he cites numerous documents, which, unlike
the speeches, he did not invent but probably quoted
verbatim (as found in a collection formed by
AgTippa I. ?). For the facts of universal history he
was indebted first to Polybius (till 143 B.C.) and
then to Strabo. For the reign of Herod the Great
he manifestly utilizes the voluminous work of
Nicolaus of Damascus, who, as the counsellor of
Herod, had exalted his patron to the skies. It is
true that Josephus controverts Nicolaus, but, wliile
he sets many matters of detail in a ditterent light,
he borrows from him the actual facts ; hence, too,
the profusion of material in bks. XV.-XVII. as con-
trasted Avith the meagre data of the following
period. But even for the latter he is not entirely
dependent upon his own personal recollections, but
falls back upon documents ; and, in fact, while pre-
paring this part of his Antiqiiities, he seems to
have re-examined, and here and there to have
more fully utilized, the same authorities from
which he had already quoted more briefly in BJ
I. and II. He has thus to some extent furnished
us with the means of controlling his work as a
historian.
5. Credibility. — Our estimate of the historic re-
liability of Josephus, despite the personal attesta-
tion of Titus and the sixty-two commendatory
letters of Agrippa II. (c. Apion. i. 9[51f.], Vit. 65
[363 f.]), will scarcely be a favourable one if we
compare the Vita with the relative sections of the
BJ, inasmuch as each differs greatly from the
other in the impression it conveys of his conduct
during the Galiltean campaign. We must re-
member, however, that the former is really a book
of personal reminiscences, and, like most works of
its kind, exhibits the writer's tendency to excul-
pate himself ; and it would therefore be far from
right to found our judgment of Josephus as a
historian upon the Vita. As regards the BJ, we
may certainly affirm that it is a carefully executed
work, and that in the Antiquities the author has
in general reproduced — though with a veneer of
Hellenism — what his sources supplied. But he
exaggerates in his numerical data, and he over-
praises the generosity of the Romans. As another
misleading tendency we need only mention his
having done his best to suppress the Messianic
expectations of his people, or at least to purge
them of all political imi)ort. He set the seal on
this attitude by assui-ing Vespasian — the oppressor
of his nation — in God's name that the coming
sovereignty of the whole world should one day be
hi?, [B J III. viii. 9[401f.]).
Nevertheless, the manner in which he has woven
his materials into the texture of his narrative fre-
quently arouses misgiving. A number of his refer-
ences to other passages of his writings (cf. Ant. XI.
viii. 1 [305], XVIII. ii. 5 [54]) cannot be verified in
his extant works, and must therefore have been
inadvertently taken over from the source he hap-
pened to be using. In chronology especially he
shows himself to be a very unsafe guide. He has
no regular method of dating— neither consulates
nor reigns — and it is only occasionally that we
find such chronological references as ' the third
year of the 177th Olympiad, when Quintus Hor-
tensius and Quintus Metellus were consuls' (Ant.
XIV. i. 2 [4]), i.e. 67 B.C. Moreover, events from
different sources and of different dates are thrown
promiscuously together. A characteristic instance
is found in the history of Pilate. While in BJ
(II. ix. 2-4 [169-177]) Josephus refers to Pilate only
in connexion with the two tumults which he caused
by introducing into Jerusalem standards bearing
the figure of the Emperor and by using the Temple
funds for the construction of an aqueduct, he
652
JOSEPHUS
JOSEPHUS
apparently gives a much fuller record in A71L
(XVIII. ii. 2-iv. 2 [35-89]). Here, after referring to
Valerius Gratus as the first procurator of Judaja
under Tiberius (14-37) — the four successive changes
in the high-priesthood being all that he thinks
worthy of mention in the eleven years of that pro-
curatorship — Josephus records (in XVIII. ii. 2 [35])
Pilate's accession to the office, an event that can-
not be dated earlier than A.D. 26. But before
dealing (in XVIII. iii. 1-2 [55-62]) with the tumults
which he had already described in BJ, he describes
from another source the founding of Tiberias by
Herod Antipas (XVIII. ii. 3 [36-38]), the embroil-
ments among the Parthians consequent upon the
death of Phraates (A.D. 16 ; Tac. Ann. ii. 1 f.), the
extinction of the royal house of Commagene in
the death of Antiochus (A.D. 17 ; Tac. ii. 42), and
the murder of Germanicus (10 Oct. A.D. 19; Tac.
ii. 69 tf.). Next, after recounting the two Jewish
tumults referred to, he relates two events which
evidently had already been conjoined in the Roman
tradition (Cluvius Kufus?), for only the second be-
longs to his subject (as giving an example of
the ill-fortune that beset the Jews) : the first deals
with the outrage in the Temple of Isis in Rome,
whei'e the priests lent themselves to a trick by
which a Roman lady of repute was beguiled sub
prcetexta relicfionis to yield herself to a lover
(XVIII. iii, 4 [65-80]) ; the second with the fraud
practised by four Jews upon another Roman
matron — an incident which led to the expulsion of
the Jews from Rome by the decree of Tiberius,
and to the drafting of 4,000 recruits from amongst
them to Sardinia (A.D. 19) (XVIII. iii. 5 [81-84] ;
cf. Tac. Ann. ii. 85). Then at length the narrative
returns to Pilate, for the purpose of showing that
he was deposed by Vitellius in consequence of a
revolt of the Samaritans (xvill. iv. 1 [85 ff.]), and
that, after his ten years of office, he was sent to
Rome to defend his actions before Tiberius, arriv-
ing there, however, only after the Emperor's
death (16 March, A.D. 37). This outline will serve
to show how little the narrative takes account of
strict chronological sequence, as also — to take but
one instance — how unwarranted it is of Schiirer,
on the supposed evidence of Josephus, to assign
the foundation of Tiberias to a date after A.D. 25,
while numismatists, with a considerable show of
reason, had hxed it in A.D. 17. Similarly, from
the statement of Josephus that the defeat of Herod
Antipas in the war against his father-in-law Aretas
of Arabia (an event which should probably be
assigned to A.D. 36) was regarded as a punishment
for his murder of John the Baptist, we have no
right to draw conclusions as to the date of that
event or to that of the entrance of Jesus upon His
public ministry, as has been done by Keim and
others, who have on the same grounds fixed upon
A.D. 35 as the date of the Crucihxion.
6. Attitude to Christianity.— A question of the
utmost importance is that of the attitude of
Joseplius to Cliristianity. As he describes the
period in such minute detail, we naturally ask
whether he ever alludes to that powerful move-
ment amongst his fellow-countrymen ; and his
mention of the slaying of Juhn the Baptist prompts
the question whether he records the Crucilixion of
Jesus and the martyrdom of His disciples. It is
certainly true that in the Antiquities, between the
two sections dealing, as noted above, with Pilate,
we find the following passage (XVIII. iii. 3 [63-64]) :
' Now about this time appeared Jesus, a wise man, if indeed
one may call Him a man ; for He was a doer of marvellous
works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth witlv glad-
ness, and He drew to Himself many of the Jews, as also many
of the Greeks. He was the Christ; and when, on the indict-
ment of the leading men amontrst us, Pilate had sentenced Jinn
to the Cross, those who loved Him at the first did not cease to
do 80 ; for on the third day He again appeared to them alive,
as the divine prophets had aflBrmed these and innumerabla
other things concerning Him. And the race of Christians,
which takes its name from Him, is not j'et extinct.'
On the strength of this testimonium de Christo,
which is quoted by Eusebius (HE I. xi. 7, 8 ; cf.
Demonstr. Evang. III. iii. 105 ; Thcoph. v. 44),
Josephus was reckoned among Christian writers
by Jerome (de Vir. Illustr. 13), and honoured aa
such throughout the Middle Ages. But modern
criticism lias thrown serious doubts upon the
authenticity of the passage, and not Avithout good
reason. For not only does Origen seem to be un-
acquainted with it — otherwise he would certainly
have referred to it in in Matth. tom. x. 17 and
c. Celsum, i. 47 — but, as regards its contents, it
simply could not have come from a man like
Josephus, more especially in view of the fact that,
as we have seen, he anxiously avoids all reference
to the Messianic expectations of his people. (The
view, proposed by Burkitt and strengthened by
Harnack, that Josephus used the failure of the
Messianic movement in the case of Jesus for the
purpose of demonstrating that no Messianic aspira-
tions were left after this in the Jewish people, is
not supported by the text as it stands.) Thus the
only question that remains is whether an authentic
statement of Josephus has been worked over by a
Christian hand (so, recently, among others, the
Roman Catholic scholar, J. Felten [NTZG, Regens-
burg, 1910, i. 618]), or whether the whole is an
interpolation of Christian origin (so Niese, Naber,
Schiirer, and others). Even on the first alternative
it is hardly possible to make out what Josephus
himself could have written. The parallel cited
by Zahn (Forschungen zur Gesch. des neutest.
Kanons, vi. [Leipzig, 1900], p. 302) from the Acta
Pilati belongs to the late Byzantine recension of
that work, and is in reality an echo of the very
passage under consideration.
A second passage of similar character is Ant.
XX. ix. 1 [200 f.], where the judicial murder of
James ' the brother of Jesus who was called Christ'
(Messiah?) and of some others, by Ananus, the
high priest, is referred to as having been dis-
approved of by the strict observers of the Law
(Pharisees?). But here too the work of another
hand is unmistakable: Origen (locc. citt., and also
c. Celsum, ii. 13) had read a similar interpolation in
Josephus, though in some other part of his works.
The whole question has become somewhat more complicated
by A. Berendts' discovery of a Slavonic recension of the BJ.
Just as, side by side with the accurate Lat. version of the Ant.
executed at the instance of Cassiodorus, a very free translation
of the BJ, the de Exeidio Hierusalem of Hegesippus (the so-
called losippus), bearing a thoroughly Christian character,
was current — often under the name of Ambrose — in the West,
so there was found among the Slavonic MSS a very peculiar
form of the BJ, giving a detailed account of the trial of Jesus.
Berendts propounded the theory that this really represented
the original form of the BJ, and had therefore preserved
authentic utterances of Josephus regarding Christ (the Slavoiiic
Enoch, which in part goes back to a Juda;o-Aramaic original,
would furnish a parallel case). Berendts was able to show that
in this Slavonic BJ we have a record largely divergent from
the Greek text, and exhibiting a markedly anti-Roman bias — a
record, too, which, as e.g. in the chapter dealing with the
Essenes, appears to have been used by Hippolytus, so that, in
spite of the legendary air of many of its features, it is hardly
reasonable, with Schiirer and others, to assign it to a late date.
Moreover, its references to Jesus are not of a character that
suggests interpolation from the Christian side. Hence, if we
reject the hypothesis of Berendts, the only theory that we
have to fall back upon is that of an earlj- Jewish redaction, aa
proposed by U. Seelierg and Frey. A final verdict will be pos-
sible only when the complete text is in our hands.
7. Relation of St. Luke to Josephus. — Finally,
a question of special importance for our knowledge
of the Apostolic Age is that of the relation of St.
Luke to Josephus. Many scholars believe that
the numerous resemblances between them — intel-
ligible enough surely where both writers are deal-
ing with the same period — can be explained only od
the theory that St. Luke made use of Josephus
JOSEPHUS
JOSHUA
653
Were this really the case, it would certainly be a
fact of great importance, not only for our estimate
of the Evangelist's credibility, but also for fixing
the date of his works, which, on this theory, could
not have been written till after the publication of
the Antiquities (A.D. 93-94), i.e. the beginning of
the 2nd century. The most thorough-going adher-
ent of the theory is Krenkel [Josephiis iind Lucas),
who finds, for instance, in St. Luke's narrative of
the Infancy, a free reproduction from the Vita ; but
the majority restrict the theory to certain Lucan
passages which they hold to be dependent on
Josephus [e.g. Lk 3^, Lysanias of Abilene, and
Ac 25'^ Agrippa and Berenice Avith Festus, etc.).
The crucial passage, however, is Ac 5^''*-, with its
inaccurate historical sequence, Theudas — Judas of
Galilee ; and the error is supposed to be explained
by Ant. xx. v. 1, 2 [97 f., 102], where the slaying
of the sons of Judas by Tiberius Alexander is re-
corded after the crushing of Theudas's insurrection
by Cuspius Fadus. The theory would impute to
St. Luke an almost incredible misunderstanding,
which would indeed presuppose his having used
Josephus in a manner so superficial as to lead one
to say that, if he had ever read the work of
Josephus at all, he must have forgotten it entirely.
The two authors, in point of fact, are obviously
quite independent of each other. Thus St. Luke
(13''-) mentions a Galiljean revolt of which Josephus
takes no cognizance, while the three revolts re-
corded by Josephus as having occurred under
Pilate find no mention in Luke.
It is particularly instructive to compare their
respective accounts of the death of Agrippa I.
{Ant. XIX. viii. 2 [343-352]; Ac 122»-23). Here
Josephus writes as follows :
' Now when [Agrippa] had reigned three years over all Judaea
he came to the city of Csesarea, which was formerly called
Strato's Tower, and there he provided games in honour of
Caesar, thus instituting a festival for the emperor's health. To
this festival a great number of the officials and eminent people
of the province had come together. On the second day of the
games he put on a robe made wholly of silver and of a wonder-
ful texture, and came into the theatre at the dawn of day.
The silver, illuminated by the first beams of the sun, shone forth
in a strangely awe-inspiring manner and gleamed fearfully in
the eyes of those who looked on. Presently his flatterers, one
here, another there, called out words which were not to turn
out to his good, addressing him as a god, and adding: "Be
thou propitious ; if till now we feared thee as a man, henceforth
we confess that thou art exalted above mortal nature." This
the king did not rebuke, nor did he reject the impious flattery.
But when after a while he looked upwards, he saw the owl [in
xviii. vi. 7 [195-200] it is related that the owl had appeared to
Agrippa at Rome] sitting on a rope over his head, and he per-
ceived at once that it was a messenger of misfortune, as it had
formerly been a messenger of good fortune, and he experienced
an anguish that struck through his heart. He was seized with
severe intestinal pain, which set in with great force. Springing
up, he said to his friends : " A god in your eyes, I must never-
theless even now resign my life : fate thus immediately punishes
the lies you falselj"^ spoke, and I, whom you named immortal,
am carried away by death ; but a man must accept his destiny,
as it pleases God ; yet we have lived bj- no means ill, but in a
splendour worthy of praise." Having spoken these words, he
was seized with increasing agony. He was accordingly carried
hurriedly into the palace, and the news of his imminent death
soon spread to all. Then the multitude, with wives and children,
all lying in sackcloth, according to their native custom, besought
God for the king, and everything was full of sighing and lamenta-
tion. And when the king, lying upon the high roof, looked
down and saw them thus prostrated in prayer, he could not
himself refrain from tears. After he had been sorely tormented
with intestinal pains for five days, he resigned his life, in the
fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh of his reign.'
When we compare this diffuse narrative, with
its sentimentality and superstition, with the short,
vigorous, and sincerely pious record of St. Luke,
we see at once the vast difference between the two
writers : on the one side, Josephus, the hellenizing
Jew ; and, on the other, St. Luke, a Christian of
heathen origin, reading history in the light of the
Bible. For f itrther comparison we might take, e.g. ,
the account of St. Paul's shipwreck (Ac 27. 28) and
that of a similar experience of Josephus (Vit. 3
[14 tf.]). Josephus is of importance for us, there-
fore, not as a source of St. Luke's writings, but
as a means of supplementing and checking'them ;
and, indeed, it would be impossible without his help
to write a history of New Testament times.
Literature.— I. Editions and Translations.— (a) The besL
critical ed. is that of B. Niese, 7 vols., Berlin, 1887-95 ; a smaller
ed. by S. A. Naber, Leipzig, 1S8S-9G (besides the usual division
into chapters and paragraphs, both of these arrange the material
in continuously numbered sections). (6)Germ. tr.: H. Clementz,
Halle, 1900-01. (c) Eng. tr. : R. Traill, ed. I. Taylor, London,
1S47-51; W. Whiston, rev. A. R. Shilleto, do. 1889-90. 00
Lat. tr. : ed. C. Boysen, in CSEL xxxvii. 6, Vienna and Prague,
1898. (e) Hegesippus : ed. C. F. Weber and J. Csesar,
Marburg, 1858-64. (/) Svriac tr. of BJ vi. (as 5 Mac): ed.
Ceriani, Milan, 1883; H. Kottek, BerHn,lS86. (j;) Armenian tr. :
cf. F. C. Conybeare, JThSt ix. [1908], pp. 577-583 (who proves
that Moses of Khoren made use of it), (h) On the Slav. Josephus:
A. Berendts, Die Zeugnisse vom Christentum im slavischen 'De
Bello Judaico' des Josephus in TU, new ser., xiv. 4, Leipzig,
1906, ' Analecta gum slavischen Josephus,' in ZNTW ix. [1908],
pp. 47-70, and 'Die iiltesten ausserchristlichen Nachrichten
liber die Entstehung des Christentums,' in Mitteihtngen und
Nachrichten fiir die evangelische Kirche in Russland, Ixiii.
[1910], pp. 157-173 ; also E. Schurer, ThLZ xxxi. [1906] no. 9 ;
R. Seeberg, Von Christus und dem Christentum, Gross-
Lichterfelde, 1908, and J. Fray, Der slavische J osephushericht
liber die urchristliche Geschichte, Leipzig, 1908. (i) A late Heb.
ed. of the 10th cent, written under the name of Josippus or
Joseph ben Gorion (Gorionides) : Heb. and Lat. ed. J. F.
Breithaupt, Gotha, 1707 ; J. Wellhausen, ' Der arabische
Iosippos,'in.4&'y, phil.-hist. Klasse, new ser., i. [1897] ; Trieber,
NGW, phil.-hist. Klasse, 1895; J. Winter and A. Wiinsche,
Die jiulische Litteratur, Treves, 1896, iii. 309-314 ; E. Schiirer,
tiJV i.3. 4 [Leipzig, 1901] 159-161.
n. Works dealing with Josephus and his writings. — (a)
Schiirer, GJV i.S-4 74-106 (giving all the important lit.); H.
St.-J. Thackeray, in HDB v. 461-473 ; S. Krauss, in JE vii.
274-281. (6) On the OT text used by Josephus: A. Mez, Die
Bibel des Josephus, Basel, 1895. (c) On the Haggada : O.
Holtzmann, NTZG'^, Tiibingen, 1906, p. 190 f. (d) On Josephus
as apologist : P. Kriiger, f'hilo und Josephus als Apoloijeten
des Judentums, Leipzig, 1906 ; A. von Gutschmid, lecture on
c. Apion. in Kleine Schriften, iv., do. 1893, pp. 336-384. (e) On
Josephus as historian : C. Wachsmut, Einleitung in das
Studium, der alten Geschichte, do. 1895, pp. 438-449 ; H. Peter,
Die geschichtliche Literatur iiber die romische Kaiserzeit, do.
1897, i. 394-401 ; O. Stahlin, in Christ-Schmid, Geschichte der
griechischen Litteratur, ii. 1 [^Munich, 1911], pp. 448-456 ; G.
Misch, Geschichte der Autobiographie, i. [Leipzig, 1907] 189 ff. ;
B. Briine, Josephus der Geschichtsschreiber, Wiesbaden, 1912,
Flavins Josephus und seine Schriften in ihrem Verhdltnis zum
Judentume, zur griechisch-rornischen Welt und zum Christen-
tume, Giitersloh, 1913. (/) On the sources of Josephus : H.
Bloch, Die Qxiellen des Plavius Josephus (Leipzig, 1879), J. v.
Destinon (Kiel, 1882) (for Ant. xii.-xvii.), F. Schemann
(Marburg, 1887) (for bks. xviii.-xx.), and G. HClscher (Leipzig,
1904) ; H. Luther, Josephus u. Justus von Tiberias, Halle,1910.
(fir) On his imitation of Thucydides : J. T. H. Driiner, Unter-
suchungen iiber Josephus, Marburg, 1896. (h) On his style :
W. Sclimidt, de Flavii Josephi elocutione, Leipzig, 1894. (t)
On the testimonium de Christo : cf. Schiirer, op. cit. i. 544-
549 ; A. Goethals, Joshphe tdmoin de Jdsus, Paris, 1910 ; F. C.
Burkitt, ' Josephus and Christ,' in ThT, 1913, pp. 135-144 ;
A. Harnack, ' Der jiidische Geschichtsschreiber Josephus und
Jesus Christus,' in Internationale Monatsschrift fiir Wissen-
schaft, Eunst und Technik, vii. [1913] 1037-68 ; K. Linck, De
antiq. vet. quae ad lesum Nazareniim spectant testimoniis
{Religionsgeschiehtl. Versuche u. Vorarb., xiv. 1 [1913]); E.
Norden, Josephus ti. Tacitus iiber Jesus Christus (Neue
Jahrbiicher fiir das klass. Altertum, xvi. [1913] 637-666); P.
Corssen in ZNTiV, xv. [1914] 114-140. (j) On Josephus and
St. Luke : M. Krenkel, Josephus und Lucas, Leipzig, 1894 ;
H. H. Wendt, Die Apostelgeschichte^, Gottingen, 1913, pp.
42-45 ; A. Harnack, Neue (Inter suchungen zurApostelgeschichtt
{Beitrdge, iv.), Leipzig, 1911, p. 80 ; art't. in JE and ERE.
E. VOM DOBSCHUTZ.
JOSES.— See Barnabas.
JOSHUA (J?^i'T, later yw.% ' Jahweh is deliverance
or salvation'). — Joshua, the successor of Moses in
the leadership of Israel, was named 'Irjaovs in the
LXX and NT, and therefore 'Jesus' in the
English AV ; but the Revisers, in accordance with
their rule of reproducing OT names in the Hebrew
rather than the Greek form, have changed this into
'Joshua.' St. Stephen in his apologia speaks of
the fathers entering with Joshua into the posses-
sion of the nations (Ac 7"**) ; and the writer of
Hebrews, imbued with Alexandrian — i.e. Platonic
and Philonic — teachingastothedistinction between
visible things and their heavenly ideas, says that
the rest which Joshua gave the Israelites, when he
led them into the promised land, was after all not
the Rest of God, but only the material symbol
suggesting the spiritual reality — the Sabbath-rest
which remains in the unseen world for the people
of God (He 4«- 9). James Strahan.
JOY. — 1. Context. — Various words correspond in
the original to the word ' joy ' of the English Bible,
its derivatives and synonyms. The terms x^-po- ^^^
XaipsLv (etymologically allied to x°-P^^^ ' charm,'
'grace') denote pleasurable feeling experienced
in the mental sphere. On the other hand, t]5ovtj,
TjSeadaL (the verb not found in the NT) largely
denote joy in the sphere of the senses. Alongside
of this distinction runs the other ditterence that
xapa stands for the wholesome, unreflecting joy
which occupies itself with the object of its source,
whereas ridovf} designates the joy which subjectively
dwells on its own sensation. In the NT the latter
term is used only sensu malo (Lk S^^*, Tit 3^, Ja 4',
2 P 2^**). The terms ev<ppaiveiv and eiKppocrvvr]
describe a genial, pleasurable state of feeling such
as is engendered by good fare or some other happy
festive condition (usually rendered by ' to be
merry,' ' to make merry ' [Lk \2^^ W^- ^^- ^s- 32 leis,
Ac2'^« 741 14:7^ Ro 1510/2 Co 22, Gal 4^\ Rev IP"
12'3]). The terms eiiOv/xos, evdvfiojs, eu8v/xeiv are
used of hopeful good cheer with reference to the
outcome of some situation or undertaking (Ac 24^"
272-- -^- ^^, Ja 5^3). dyaWiaais, ayaWiav stand for the
deep joy of exultation, hence are joined by way of
climax to x'^'P"'' (Mt 5l^ Lk p-*. 44.47 jq-', Jn 5^5
8^, Ac 228- 48 1634, He P, 1 P l^- s 4^3, Jude ^\ Rev
19^). In still another conception, that of Kavxa-a-dai,
the element of joy is an inevitable ingredient, but
the word as such denotes a specific state of mind,
viz. 'glorying,' the exalted feeling in which the
consciousness of the spiritual worth of the religious
subject in its association with and subserviency to
the glory of God expresses itself (for this concep-
tion cf. A. Ritschl, Die christliche Lehre von der
Rechtfertigitngund Versohnung'-, ii. [1882] 365-371 ;
A. Titius, Die neutest. Lehre von der Seligkeit, ii.
[1900] 91-96).
2. Joy as a general characteristic of the Chris-
tian life. — Joy appears in the NT writings as an
outstanding characteristic of the Christian life in the
Apostolic Age. In the Pauline Epistles especially
it figures prominently. It is one of the three
great ingredients of the Kingdom of God (Ro W) •
it receives the second place in the enumeration of
the fruits of the Spirit (Gal 522 ; cf. 1 Th 1^) ; the
descriptions of the Christian life frequently refer
to it (Ac 2*' 83" 1352 1634, Ro 12^2, 2 Co P* 6i» 82,
Pii 125, 1 P 18). That this joy is not a mere by-
product of the Christian state without inherent
religious significance appears from the further fact
that the constant cultivation of it is enjoined upon
believers (2 Co 13", Ph 3^ 4* ['rejoice always'],
1 Th 516, Ja P, 1 P 413). The Apostle even makes
it an object of prayer (Ro 15'3), and represents its
attainment as the goal of his apostolic activity for
the churches (2 Co 1-4, Ph \-^). The prevalence of
a joyful state of mind in the early Church may
also be inferred from the numerous references to
thanksgiving as a regular Christian occupation
(Ro P'l, 2 Co 82, Eph 54- 20, Ph 48, Col p2 oi 317 42^
1 Til 3^ 5'*). In view of all this, it may be surmised
that the conventional formula of salutation by
means of x'^'Pf" has perhaps, when used among
believers, acquired a deeper meaning (cf. Mt 28^
Lk 128, Ac 1523, 2 Co 13", Ja P, 2 Jn i"- ").
When we come to inquire into the causes of the
facts just reviewed, the first place must be given to
(a) the vivid consciousness of salvation which is
present in the Apostolic Age. Through the re-
stored fellowship with God and the forgiveness of
sin a joy streams into the heart whicli is coloured
by the contrast of the opposite experience belong-
ing to the state of estrangement from God. The
Christian joj' is specifically a joy in God (Ro 5",
Ph 3^ 4'"). Joy appears associated with faith, as
well as with hope (Ac 83^ 1634, Ro 15^3, 2 Co 124,
Ph 12', 1 P P). It likewise accompanies the
ethical renewal of the mind as a new-born delight
in all that is good (1 Co 13").
A second cause may be found in (6) the highly
pneumatic character of the religious experience in
the Apostolic Age. The Spirit as the gift of the
Ascended and Glorified Christ to His followers,
manifested His presence and power in these early
days after a most uplifting fashion, and among
other things produced in believers an exalted state
of feeling in which the note of joyousness pre-
dominated. The conjunction of joy and the Spirit,
however, does not merely mean that the Spirit
produces tliis joy : it is due to the inherent char-
acter of the Spirit, so that to be in the Spirit and
to be fiHed with joy become synonymous (Ac 24^
13'2, Ro 14"). The Spirit possesses this inherent
character as a Spirit of joy becau.se He is essenti-
ally the element of the life to come. This leads to
the observation that in the third place (c) the joy-
fulness of the early Christian consciousness must
be explained in the light of the fact that the
Christian state is felt to be semi-eschatological, i.e.
in many important respects an anticipation of the
consummated life of the Kingdom of God. Through
the entrance of the Messiah into glory, tlirough
His pneumatic presence and activity in the Church,
and through the prospect of His speedy return,
believers have been brought into real contact with
the world to come. The specific character of the
world to come is that of blessedness and joy, and
to the same degree as this Avorld projects itself
through experience or hope into the present life,
the latter also comes to partake of tiiis joyful
complexion. Especially in St. Paul and the
Epistle to the Hebrews can we trace this connexion,
though it is not absent from any of the NT writings
(Ro 12^2 1417 1513^ He 1034 12", "l P P- « 4^3, Jude -4,
Rev 19'). Jesus Himself had already represented
the spiritual coming of the Kingdom, the time of
His presence with the disciples as a period of joy,
resembling a wedding-feast (Mk 2'^), and had
pointed forward to the dispensation of the Spirit
as a period of joy (Jn I428 15" 162o- 22. 24 jyis), Qn
this principle is to be explained the paradoxical
character which the Christian joy assumes through
entering into contrast with the tribulation and
affliction of this present life. It even makes out
of the latter a cause for rejoicing, inasmuch as the
believer, from the power of faith which sustains
him, receives the assurance of his ' approvedness '
(BoKi/jLTq) with God, and thus the strongest con-
ceivable hope in the eschatological salvation. Ro
53^' is the classical passage for this, but the same
train of thought meets us in a number of other
Pauline passages, and occasionally elsewhere,
sometimes in pointedly paradoxical formulation
(Ac 5", Col pi, 1 Th P, He 1034, j^ p^ 1 p 413),
Most frequently this specific kind of joy is expressed
in connexion with the idea of Kavxaa-Oai, ' to glory '
(cf. above ; Ro 52- 3, 2 Co Ipo 12^, Ja P).
3. The joy of St. Paul.— To be distinguished
from this general joy as a common ingredient of
all Christian experience is the specific joy which
belongs to the servant of God engaged in the work
of his calling. Of this joy of ministering, the
delight and satisfaction that accompany the suc-
cessful discharge of the apostolic task, the NT
makes frequent mention. The Pauline Epistles
are full of it. The Apostle runs his course with
joy (Ac 2024 [some textual authorities here omit
' with joy ']) ; rejoices exceedingly over the obedi-
ence of believers (Ro 16'^) ; though sorrowful, yet
is always rejoicing in his work (2 Co 6'") j over.
JUD.EA
JUDAIZI^^G
655
flows with joy on account of his converts (2 Co ?■*) ;
makes his supplication with joy on their behalf
(Pli I'') ; their progress in love and harmony makes
full his joy (Ph 2-) ; he rejoices in the prospect of
being ottered upon the sacrifice and service of their
faith (Ph 2") ; rejoices in his sufferings for their
sake (Col 1-^) ; feels that no thanksgiving can
adequately express his joy before God on their
account (1 Th 3^). Specific developments in his
ministry furnish occasion for special joy (1 Co 16''',
2 Co 2^ 7i»- '«, Ph I's 2^8 ; cf. Ac ll-^, He IS'^, 2 Jn \
3 Jn *• *). This joy in ministering coalesces with
tlie prospective eschatological joy, inasmuch as in
the day of the Lord the results of ones ministry
will be made manifest and become for the servant
of Christ a special 'joy' or 'crown of glorying'
(2 Co V\ Ph 4', 1 Th 213).
Literature. — A. Harnack, The Acts of the Apostles, Eng.
tr., 1909, p. 277; Voluntas Dei, 1912, p. 265; H. Bushnell, The
tiew Life, 1S60, p. 147 ; R. C. Moberly, Christ our Life, 1902,
p. 93 ; j. Clifford, The Gospel of Gla<iness, 1912, p. 1.
Geerhardus Vos.
JUDJEA ('lovdaia, used by the LXX in later books
of the ()T [Ezr., Neh., Dan.] instead of 'lov5a, as
the translation of niin; or nin;). — Juda?a, the Grte-
cized form of 'Judah,' was the most southern of
the three districts into which Palestine was divided
in the (jreek and Roman periods, the other two
being Samaria and Galilee. The territory occupied
by the Jews who returned from Babylon was at
first smaller than the ancestral kingdom of Judah,
but it was gradually enlarged, e.g. by the Macca-
ha^an cai)ture of Hebron from the Edomites (1 Mac
5**^), and the cession by Demetrius, king of Syria,
of the Samaritan toparchies of Aphajrema, Lydda,
and Ilamathaim (11"). According to Josephns
{BJ III. iii. 5), Judiea extended from Anuath-
Borka^os in the north (identified with 'Aina-Bei-kit
in PEFSt, 1881, p. 48) to the village of Jordas
(perhaps Tell ' Ardd) on the confines of Arabia in
the south, and from Jordan in the east to Joppa
in the west. The sea-coast as far as Ptolemais,
with the coast towns, also belonged to Judiea.
Josephus (lor. rit.) states that the country was
divided into eleven toparchies (roTrapx'fi' or K\-qp-
ovx^-o-i), all west of Jordan : Jerusalem, GopJtna,
Akrabattn, Thamna, Lydda, Eni/iiau-'i, Pella,
Idumea, Engaddi, Herodium, and Jericho. Pliny
{HN V. xiv. 70) gives a list •which contains the
seven names given here in italics, along with
Jopica, Betholeptepliene, and Orine. Schiirer
(HJP II. i. [1885] 157) thinks ' we may obtain a
correct list if we adopt that of Joseplius and sub-
stitute Bethleptepha for Pella.' The division was
no doubt made for administrative purposes, and
especially for the collection of revenue.
Judiea proper Avas a small country, its whole
area not being more than 2,000 sq. miles. Apart
from the Shephelah and the Maritime Plain, it was
a plateau of only 1,350 sq. miles. But the term
was often loosely employed in a more compre-
hensive sense. Tacitus says that 'eastward the
country is bounded by Arabia ; to the south lies
Egypt ; and on the west are Phoenicia and the
Mediterranean ; northward it commands an ex-
tensive prospect over Syria ' (Hist. V. vi. ). Strabo
very vaguely describes Judpea as being ' situated
above Phoenicia, in the interior between Gaza and
Antilibanus, and extending to the Arabians' (XVI.
ii. 21). Herod the Great, who was called the king
of Juda-a, certainly had a territory much wider
than Juda?a proper. Ptolemy states that there
were districts of Judiea beyond Jordan (V. xvi. 9),
and it is difficult to obtain any other meaning from
' the borders of Juda-a beyond Jordan ' in Mt 19',
though A. B. Bruce thinks ' it is not likely that
the writer would describe Southern Pertea as a
part of Judaea' (EGT, 'The Synoptic Gospels,'
1897, p. 244). There can be no doubt that St. Luke
often extends the term Judiea to the whole of
Palestine west of the Jordan (Lk 4*^ [?] 23^, Ac 2^
10-7 26^»).
After the death of Herod, his son Archelaus
became ethnarch of Judfea. He was never really
its king, though royalty is implicitly ascribed to
him in the ^acnXevei. of Mt 2--, and explicitly in
Josephus (Ant. XVIII. iv. 3). He was soon deposed,
and from A.D. 6 till the overthrow of the State in
70 Judaea was under procurators, except during the
brief reign of Agrippa I. (41-44). The procurators
resided in Csesarea (Ant. XVII. xiii. 5; XVIII. i. 1,
ii. 1).
' The statement of Josephus that Judsea was attached to the
province of Syria and placed under its governor (Ant. xvii. xiii.
5; XVIII. i. 1, iv. 6) appears to be incorrect; on the contrary,
Judaja probably formed thenceforth a procuratorial province
of itself ' (T. Monimsen, The Provinces of the Roman Enijiire'^,
Eng. tr., 1909, ii. ISon. ; cf. Schiirer, i. ii. 42 f.). The governor
was a man of equestrian rank, so that Judaea belonged to the
third class of imperial provinces mentioned by Strabo (xvii. iii.
25). The usual designation for such a governor — eTriVpoTros —
occurs frequently in .Josephus, though he occasionally uses
iTrapxos or riyeiMMv. The last term, which is equivalent to
praises, is the one most often employed in the NT.
It was usual to speak of Jerusalem and Judiea,
instead of 'and the rest of Judaea' (Mt 4-^ Mk 1^
Ac 1^, etc.). The Talmud explains this practice by
saying that the holy city formed a division by
itself (A. Neubauer, La Geogr. du Talmud, 1868,
p. 56). The occurrence of Judaea between Meso-
potamia and Cappadocia in Ac 2** is veiy peculiar.
Jerome reads Syria instead ; Tertullian suggests
Armenia (c. Jud. vii.) ; and Bithynia, Idumea, and
India have also been proposed (EGT in loco).
AVlien Palestine was divided into First, Second,
and Third (Code of Theodosius, A.D. 409), Palest ma
Prima comprehended the old districts of Judaea
and Samaria ; and this division is still observed in
the ecclesiastical documents of the Eastern Church.
James Strahan.
JUDAH.— See Tribes.
JUDAIZING. — It is obvious that the transition
from Judaism to Christianity could hardly be
made without difficulty. To the Jew it must
have seemed almost incredible that he should
divest himself of the observance of Mosaic Law,
and equallj' incredible that the Gentile should be
admitted into the Kingdom of God without accept-
ing the same Law. It was inevitable that the
question should soon arise in the early tlays of the
Church, whether the Church of tiie future should
be Catholic or Jewish. It was only to be expected
that this controversy should give rise to a party
in the Church who were in favour of the latter
alternative, consisting of those who, being Chris-
tians, yet retained their affection for the Mosaic
Law and wished to impose it upon every member
of the Christian Church. On the other hand, the
keen intellect of a Stephen or a Paul saw at once
that any attempt to enforce the Mosaic Law or
even the initiatory rite of circumcision upon the
Gentiles, meant stagnation and death to the
Church.
No inconsiderable part of the Acts and the
Epistles is taken up with the description of the
attempts of the Judaizers to gain their end, and of
the resolute resistance to them of St. Paul and
those who thought with him.
1. In the Acts. — In the Acts the three most im-
portant crises of this (juestion are (a) the speech
of St. Stephen, (b) the conversion of Cornelius,
and (c) the Council at Jerusalem.
(a) The importance of St. Stephen's speech con-
sists in the principles which underlie the historical
summary which is its main feature. He had been
accused of blaspheming the Temple and the Law.
No doubt, the charges were exaggerated and his
656
JUDAIZI^G
JUDAS BAESABBAS
language distorted by false witnesses. But there
was that half truth in them which made them
colourable. The principles which come out in the
speech are those which we can also trace in Christ's
attitude towards Judaism, viz. that Christianity
would fulfil and also succeed the older dispensation.
{b) The imijortance of the incident of Cornelius
is emphasized by the two-fold account of it in
the Acts and by the two special manifestations of
the Divine will made to St. Peter to teach him
what he should do. The vision of the sheet, with
the clean and unclean animals, showed that the
Apostle's act was a new departure, requiring
special and Divine sanction ; and the outpouring
of the Holy Spirit, prior to baptism, was needed
to teach him that he might initiate his converts
into the Christian Church by that sacrament.
(c) Now, as the first of these incidents had dealt
with the general principles regulating the relation
of Christianity to Judaism, and the second had
shown that Gentiles were to be admitted into tlie
Christian body, so the third determined what re-
quirements, if any, should be made of Gentile con-
verts. The four precepts required are not to be
regarded simply as concessions to Jewish prejudices.
Three out of the four deal with great mysteries of
human life and induce corresponding forms of
reverence. Nor were these precepts intended to
be applied either universally or permanently, but
rather to meet a local and temporary difficulty.
In addition to these three important incidents,
there are many references in the Acts to this
question, showing the prominent place it took in
the Church thought and life of the day. We
cannot go into all these references, but, as an
example, we may quote the narrative in Ac 21-'"^-
in which St. Paul is advised to take some step
that may disarm the prejudices of the Judaizers
against him.
2. In St. Paul's Epistles. — When we turn to the
Epistles, we have to notice that St. Paul was
attacked on personal as well as on doctrinal
grounds, and that his authority as an apostle was
called in question. This was especially tlie case
at Corinth, as we learn from the Second Epistle
to the Corinthians. In the First Epistle he had
dealt with the divisions in that Church (see DIVI-
SIONS). But in the Second Epistle he defends his
own apostolic authority. He could produce no
commendatory letter from the Church in Jerusalem
as his opponents were able to do, nor Avould he
do so ; he did not derive his authority from any
apostle, but direct from the Lord Jesus Himself.
When we turn to the Epistle to the Galatians,
we find the controversy accentuated. The Gala-
tians had been ' bewitched ' by the Jewish emis-
saries. They had relapsed from the simplicity of
the gospel into the ceremonialism of Judaism.
The authority of the Apostle had been disparaged
and denied. St. Paul was evidently deeply stirred,
as well as fully conscious of the danger to Chris-
tianity which was caused by the action of the
Judaizers. The result was an Epistle which, in
burning words, pleads for tiie liberty of the gospel
and warns against the retrograde step of again
submitting to the bondage of the Law.
The Church in Colossae was affected by the
Judaism of the Dispersion, which (littered in some
respects from the Judaism of Jerusalem. The
view of the Colossian heresy which was held
formerly, as expounded by J. B. Liglitfoot in his
Commentary (^1879, p. 74 f.), was that this heresy
was a form of Gnosticism, but F. J. A. Hort in
his Judnistic Christianity (1894, p. 11611.) con-
tends that St. Paul had in mind a form of
Judaism rather than of Gnosticism. It is not the
Judaism of Jerusalem which laid stress upon the
importance of circumcision and the Law, but the
Judaism of the Dispersion, which concerned itself
with such questions as difference of food, differ-
ence of days, etc. (Col 2^®- ^"- -i). According to thia
view, the (piXocrocpla of Col 2" refei's to the detailed
passage in Col 2'^--^, and the meats, drinks, feasts,
new moons, and Sabbaths, are Judaic.
Hort also takes the same view with regard to
the Pastoral Epistles, and concludes his argument
as follows :
' On the whole then in the Pastoral Epistles, no less than in
Colossiaiis, it seems impossible to find clear evidence of specu-
lative or Gnosticising- tendencies. We do find however a
dangerous fondness for Jewish trifling', both of the legendary
and of the legal or casuistical liind. We find also indications,
but much less prominent, of some such abstinences in the
matter of foods (probably chiefly animal food and wine) as at
Colossae and Rome, with a probability that marriage would
before long come likewise under a religious ban. But of cir-
cumcision and the perpetual validity of the Law we have
nothing ' (p. 146).
3. In the Epistle to the Hebrews.— With all
the mystery which surrounds the identity of tiie
author of the Epistle to the Hebrews and the
community to which it was addressed, it is clear
that the whole argument is directed against the
Judaizers. The people addressed are evidently in
danger of apostasy. They do not see what the
gospel can otter them in exchange for the loss they
have sustained in being expelled from the syna-
gogue.
It is not necessary here to detail the argument
of the Epistle, which may be studied in the art.
on Hebrews, Ep. to the, or in the article in
HDB ; but the superiority of Christ over Judaism
is its main burden, and the Epistle is pregnant
with the difficulties of Christianity confronted
with Judaizing teachers. It deals with those
who, as Hort says, ' without abjuring the name of
Jesus, . . . treat their relation to him as trivial
and secondary compared with their relation to
the customs of their forefathers and their living
countrymen ' (p. 157).
In conclusion, we may say that Judaistic Chris-
tianity was a natural product of the circumstances
of the Apostolic Age, a product which was des-
tined to be a source of internal trouble to the
primitive Church. It lived on for some time,
with occasional outbursts of revival, and at length
died naturally away.
Judaism decreased as Christianity increased.
Jews who became Christians were not forbidden
to observe the laws and customs to which they
were attached, but were enjoined to seek beneath
the letter of the ordinance for the truth of which
it was the exponent. No attempt Avas to be made
to enforce upon Gentile Christians the bondage of
the Law or to take away the liberty with which
Christ had made them free.
Literature. — In addition to the works already meiuioned,
see R. J. Knowling:. ' Acts,' in EG7\ 1900 ; W. M. Ramsay,
St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, 1S95 ; F. W.
Farrar, Life and Wark of St. Paul, 181*7 ; K. Lake, The
Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, 1911, p. 14; A. de Boysson, La
Loi et la Foi, 1912, MORLEY STEVENSON.
JUDAS BARSABBAS.— After the Council of the
apostles and elders held at Jerusalem to settle the
matter in dispute between the JeAvisii and Gentile
Christians at Antioch, it was resolved to send to
Antioch along Avith St. Paul and Barnabas two
deputies entrusted Avith the letter containing the
decrees of the brethren of Jerusalem. These
deputies Avere Judas Barsabbas anil Silas (Ac 15").
Tlie fact that they Avere selected as deputies of
tlie Jerusalem Church on this iiii])ortant mission
])roves that they were men of considerable inttuence
in the Church. They are called chief men among
tlie brethren {ijyovij.ii'ovs), and were probably elders.
The narrative tells us that both Avere endoAved
with the prophetic gift (v.^-) and that they cou
JUDAS (OF DAMASCUS)
JUDAS ISCARIOT
65;
tinued a considerable time in Antioch teaching
and exhorting tne believers there. After their
work, the restoring of peace among the contend-
ing factions, was accomplished, they were free to
depart. Judas returned to Jerusalem, while Silas
remained and became the companion of St. Paul
on his second missionary journey. The contention
of some critics that Silas returned to Jerusalem
with Judas and that v.** is spurious, is met by the
view of Ramsay (St. Paul, p. 174 f.), who holds
that v.^^ simply means that freedom was given
to the two deputies to depart, and that v.^ was
omitted by a copyist who misunderstood v.'^ (cf.
Zahn, Einleitung, i. 148).
Beyond these facts nothing certain is kno>vn of
Barsabbas. It has been suggested that he was a
brother of Joseph Barsabbas who was nominated to
succeed Iscariot in the early days of the Jerusalem
Church {Ac 1^), as Barsabbas is a patronymic son
of Sabbas. If this be so, Judas had in all proba-
bility, like Joseph, been personally acquainted
with Jesus, and a disciple. This would account, to
some extent at least, for the influential position
he seems to hold at the Council of Jerusalem.
Attempts have been made to identify him with
others bearing the name Judas, but all such at-
tempts must be relinquished. The Apostle Judas
'not Iscariot' was the son of James (Lk 6'® KV),
and in the narrative in the Acts Barsabbas is
clearly distinguished from the apostles. Some
have suggested that he may be the writer of the
Epistle that bears his name, but the writer describes
himself as the brother of James (Jude'), and this
James must either have been the son of Joseph the
husband of the Virgin or the son of Alph.'eus (see
art. JUDE) — in any case, not the son of Sabbas.
Literature.— R. J, KnowHng:, 'Acts,' in EGT, 1900, p.
326 ; W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
Citizen, ISD.i, p. 174 f. ; T. Zahn, Einleitung in das ST'i, 1906-
07, i. 148 ; artt. in HDB and EBi. \V. F. BOYD.
JUDAS (of Damascus). — In Ac 9^^ the disciple
Ananias is told by the Lord in a vision to go to
the street called ' Straight ' and inquire in the house
of Judas for one named Saul, a man of Tarsus.
Nothing further is known of this Judas.
JUDAS THE GALILEAN.— Judas the Galiltean,
a Zealot leader at the time of the census under
Quirinius, was probably the son of Hezekiah
(Josephus, Ant. XVII. x. 5, BJ II. iv. 1), a leader of
a band of robbers (i.e. revolutionists) in Galilee.
Herod, while representing his father, had captured
and summarily executed Hezekiah with a number
of his followers without having recourse to the
Sanhedrin or Hyrcanus (BJ I. x. 5, Ant. XIV. ix.
2, 3, xvir. X. 5). If this identification be correct
(so Graetz, Schilrer, Goethe ; contra Krenkel,
Schmiedel), it enables us to trace the development
of the Zealot movement from its origin as the
Messianic party favouring 'direct action.' The
death of Hezekiah apparently left Judas at the
head of a movement against Roman rule similar to
that of Mattathias and his body of revolutionaries
against the Syrians.
Josephus declares in Ant. xviil. i. 1 that Judas
was born in Gamala in Gaulonitis, but in BJ II.
viii. 1 and elsewhere he calls him a Galiltean (so
too Ac 5^'). This discrepancy may be due to a
confusion of a Galilfean Gamala with the better-
known town of the same name east of Jordan ;
or to the fact that the activities of Judas were
largely confined to Galilee ; or to the loose use of
the word ' Galilsean ' to describe a Jew born near
Galilee.
During the administration of Quintilius Varus
(6-4 B.C.) Judas took advantage of the disorders
following the death of Herod I., seized and plun-
VOL. I. — 42
dered Sepphoris, and armed his followers with
weapons taken from the city's arsenal. He is
charged by Josephus (Ant. XVII. x. 5, BJ 11. iv. 1)
with seeking to make himself king. This accusa-
tion, however, like the description of his followers
(' of profligate character ') by Josej^hus, is probably
to be charged to the bias of the historian. For,
when Quirinius undertook to make a census of
Juda3a_(see DCG i. 275''), Judas allied himself with
a Pharisee named Zadok and raised the signal for a
theocratic or Messianic revolt, calling upon the
Je\\s to refuse to pay tribute to the Romans and
to recognize God alone as their ruler (Ant. XVIII.
i. 1, XX. V. 2, BJ II. viii. 1). Whether he suc-
ceeded in actually organizing a revolt is not alto-
gether clear (Ant. XX. v. 2 is not so reliable as
XVIII. i. 1), but in BJ VII. viii. 1 he is said 'to
have persuaded not a few of the Jews not to sub-
mit to the census.' That he was the centre of
actual disturbance is by no means impi-obable in
the light of succeeding events ; for from this com-
bination of revolutionary spirit and Pharisaism
emerged the fourth party of the Jews, the Zealots.
From this time until their last stand at Masada,
the Zealots were the representatives of a politico-
revolutionary Messianism, as distinguished from
the eschatological hopes of the Pharisees and
Essenes. Judas ('a cunning Sophist' [i^J" II. xvii.
8]) was evidently bent on putting into practice a
political programme, and may very likely have
undertaken to organize a theocracy without a
human ruler. If so, we know nothing as to the
actual results of his endeavours except that
Josephus (A72t. XVIII. i. 1, 6) attributes to him
and his 'philosophy' the violence and miseries
culminating in the destruction of the Temple.
This philosophy he describes as a compound of
Pharisaic beliefs and revolutionist love of liberty.
We have no precise knowledge as to the fate of
Judas, but in Ac 5^^ he is said to have 'perished.'
From the fact that he is here mentioned after
Theudas (q.iK), it has been conjectured that Luke
has confused his fate with that of his sons. Too
much weight, however, should not be given to
this conclusion, for it seems hardly probable that
Josephus should have omitted any misfortune com-
ing to a man he so cordially disliked.
Judas left three sons, all of whom were leaders
in the Zealot movement. Of these, two — Jacob
and Simon — were crucified by Tiberius Alexander
the procurator (A.D. 46-48), for leading a revolt
(Ant. XX. V. 2), and the third, Menahem (also a
' Sophist ' — a word indicating a propagandist as
well as a revolutionist), became a leader of the ex-
treme radicals during the first period of the war
with Rome. After having armed himself from
the Herodian arsenal at Masada, he became for
a short time the master of a part of Jerusalem,
but was tortured and executed, together with his
lieutenants, by Eleazar of the high-priestly party.
Shailer Mathews.'
JUDAS ISCARIOT.— The only biblical reference
to Judas Iscariot by name outside the Gospels is
Ac li«--'"- 25, and there he is called neither ' Iscariot '
nor 'the traitor' (TrpoSorijs, as in Lk e"'), nor is his
action spoken of by the term irapadidovai. He is
described in v." as the one who 'became guide
(6517765) to them that arrested Jesus,' and in v.^" as
having ' fallen away (irapip-q) from the ministry and
apostleship to go to his own place' (see Place).
It is interesting, however, to note the other
allusions to our Lord's betrayal in the Acts and in
the Epistles. (1) In Ac 3^^ St. Peter attributes it
virtually to the Israelites themselves (Si' vfieh wap-
eduKare kt\. ; cf. 2'^), and so again (2) in 7^^ does St.
Stephen (rod diKaiov o5 vvv vfie'cs irpoSorai. Kai (povels
eyeuea-de). (3) In Ro 42-'' St. Paul, quoting Is 53^^
(LXX), says less definitely that Jesus our Lord
658
JUDAS ISCARIOT
JUDE, EPISTLE OF
irape866r] 5td to irapaTrTUfiara ijfxQv ; (4) but in 1 Co 11-^
the very act and time of betraj-al are alluded to in
connexion with the institution of the Last Supper
(ev T% vvktI fj wapedlSero kt\.). On the other hand,
St. Paul thi-ee times describes the betrayal from
the point of view of our Lord's own voluntary sub-
mission, viz. (5) Gal 2'" ! napadSvTos eavrbv xiirkp ipLov ;
(6) Eph.5": TrapidcoKev eavrbv inr^pi]ij.u>v; (7) V.^°: iavrbv
■irap4Sii}K€v vvep iKK\r]crias (cf. 1 P 2*^ : irapeSiSov rep
KplvovTL 8iKaia}s, and see Jn 10^^- ^* 17^^ etc.) ; and
once (8) even of the Father Himself {vw^p ijtxQv
irdvTojv vapedoiKep avrbv^ Ro 8^^).
As to Judas's grievous end itseK, as recorded in
the Acts, it is not necessary here to compare it in
detail with the account given in Mt 27^*- ; it is
sufficient to say that in the present state of our in-
formation the two accounts are well-nigh, if not
quite, irreconcilable. But various points in the
Lucan record remain to be reviewed.
(a) St. Peter in his opening address at the elec-
tion of St. Matthias infers that the inclusion of
the traitor in the number of the apostles and his
obtaining a share in their ministry was a mysterious
dispensation by which was fulfilled the prediction
of Ps 4P, so recently quoted by our Lord Himself
(Jn 13^^), together with its necessary consequences
as foreshadowed in two other Psalms (69^^ and
109*) : that is, if v.^" be an original part of St.
Peter's speech, and not, as is possible, a part of the
Lucan (or later) elucidation of the passage contained
in Y\}^- ^'. In any case, all three quotations, but
specially for our purpose now, the last two, are of
interest as illustrating the free use made of the
text of Scripture and its secondary application.
In Ps 4P the actual wording bears little likeness
to the LXX, being a more literal rendering of the
Hebrew, while its original reference is to some
treacherous friend {e.g. Ahithophel, the unfaithful
counsellor of David). In Ps 69^^ the text is more
exact, but the original figure employed (t? IVavXts
airrdv, not avrov) suggests a nomad encampment of
tents rendered desolate because of the cruel persecu-
tions which their occupants had practised, while
Ps 109^ has in view one particular official, like Doeg
or Ahithophel, who has been false to his trust, and
therefore it is, to our modern notions, more ap-
propriately and with less strain transferred to the
case of Judas.
(b) The passage w.^*- ^^, with or without v.^" (see
above), would seem to be an editorial comment
inserted in the middle of St. Peter's address either
by the author of the Acts himself or, as has been
thought, by some later glossator or copyist. Of
the latter view there is, we believe, no indication
in the history of the text. If, as is more likely,
therefore, it is due to St. Luke, he has here adopted
an account of the traitor's grievous end which is
independent of, and in some details apparently ir-
reconcilable with, St. Matthew's (27^"), but to a
less extent, we are inclined to think, than is some-
times held. For it is not out of keeping with
eastern modes of treating facts for St. Luke to
speak of the 'field of blood' being acquired by the
traitor himself with the price of his iniquity (qui
facit per alium, facit per se), which St. Matthew
more accurately says was actually purchased by
the chief priest, whilst the horribly gi-aphic de-
scription of his suicide is httle more than a
conventional way of representing St. Matthew's
simple (XTreX^cbj' dTT-qy^aro.
(c) For the title Akeldama and its interpretation
see separate article, s.v.
It remains to remark that St. Peter's expression,
as recorded in his address, and the apostolic prayer
of ordination, for which he was probably responsible
and the mouthpiece, breathe much more of the
spirit of primitive Christianity in their restrained
and chastened style than the more outspoken and
** Copyright, 1016, by Charles Scribner's Sons.
almost vindictive statements of w.^^- ^^, so that
one would not be altogether surprised to find that
the latter are, as has been suggested, a less genuine
tradition of a later age. C. L. Feltoe.
JUDE, THE LORD'S BROTHER.— The list of the
Lord's brothers is given in Mk 6^ as 'James, and Joses,
and Judas [AV 'Juda'], and Simon,' in Mt 13^^ as
'James, and Joseph, and Simon, and Judas.' Itwould
be precarious, even apart from the variation in order,
to infer that Judas was one of the younger brothers
of Jesus ; still, this is not improbable, especially
if, as the present writer believes, 'the brethren of
the Lord' were sons of Joseph and Mary. We
know practically nothing of his history. If the
statement in Jn 7^ can be trusted, that at that time
the brethren of Jesus did not believe in Him, he
cannot be identified with ' Judas, the son of James,'
who is mentioned in Luke's fist of the apostles
(Lk 6^^ Ac 1^^), and described in Jn 14^2 as 'Judas
(not Iscariot).' We may assume from Ac 1^* that
in the interval between the incident recorded in
Jn 7^"^° and the Ascension, Jude and his brothers
had recognized the Messiahship of Jesus. We
gather from 1 Co 9^ that 'the brethren of the
Lord' were married to Christian wives, by whom
they were accompanied on missionary journeys.
Pi'esumably these references included Jude. He
seems to have taken no very prominent position in
the Church, being overshadowed, hke Joses and
Simon, by James. _ The date of his death is un-
certain, but the evidence of Hegesippus, quoted in
Euseb. HE iii. xx., suggests that he died before
Domitian came to the throne. Eusebius informs
us that the grandchildren of Jude were brought
before Domitian, as descendants of David, but
released when the Emperor discovered that they
were horny-handed husbandmen, who were ex-
pecting a heavenly kingdom at Christ's Second
Coming. They survived tiU the reign of Trajan.
The last statement suggests that a considerable
interval elapsed between the interview with the
Emperor and their death; and, inasmuch as the
reign of Domitian (a.d. 81-96) was separated from
that of Trajan (a.d. 98-117) only by Nerva's short
reign of two years (a.d. 96-98), we should probably
place the interview quite early in Domitian's reign.
Since not Jude alone but presumably the father of
these grandsons was apparently dead at the time,
it is hardly hkely that the death of Jude occurred
at a later date than the decade a.d. 70-80, when
he would be well advanced in years. This has
an important though not decisive bearing on the
question whether the Epistle of Jude is rightly
assigned to him (see following article).
** JUDE, EPISTLE OF.— 1. Relation to 2 Peter.—
The striking coincidences between this Epistle and
the Second Epistle of Peter, covering the greater
part of the shorter Avriting, raise in an acute form
the question of relative priority. It is best, how-
ever, to investigate each Epistle independently
before approaching the problem of their mutual
relations. Since, however, the present writer, in
spite of the attempts made by S])itta, Zahn, and
Uigg to prove tlie dependence of Jude on 2 Peter,
is convinced, with the great majority of critics,
that 2 Peter is based on Jude, the discussion of
tliis question is not raised in this article but
postponed to that on Peter, Epistles of.
2. Contents. — The writer of the Epistle seems to
have been diverted from tlie project of a more ex-
tensive composition by the urgent necessity of
exhorting his readers ' to contend earnestly for the
faith whicli was once for all delivered unto the
saints ' (v.^). Whether he had made any progress
with his work on ' our common salvation,' or, if so,
whether he subsequently completed his interrupted
JUDE, EPISTLE OF
JUDE, EPISTLE OF
659
enterprise, we do not know. In any case, we
possess no other work from his hand than this
brief Epistle. The urgency of the crisis completely
absorbs him. His letter is wholly occupied with
the false teachers and their propaganda, which is
imperilling the soundness of doctrine, the purity
of morals, and the sanctities of reUgion. He does
not refute them ; he denounces and threatens them.
Hot indignation at their corruption of the true
doctrine and loathing for the vileness of their per-
verted morals inspire his fierce invective. The
situation did not seem to him appropriate for
academic discussion; the imsophisticated moral
instinct was enough to guide allwho possessed it
to a right judgment of such abominations. History
shows us their predecessors, and from the fate
which overtook them the doom of these reprobates
of the last time can be plainly foreseen (w.^"''* ^^).
Indeed, it had been announced by Enoch, who in
that far-off age had prophesied directly of the
Divine judgment that would overtake them (v.^''^- ) .
But, while nothing is wanting to the vehemence
of attack, we can form only a very vague im-
pression as to the tenets of the false teachers.
The WTiter assumes that his readers are famihar
with their doctrines, and his method does not
require any exposition of their errors such as would
have been involved in any attempt to refute them.
It is, accordingly, not strange that very divergent
views have been held as to their identity. Our
earliest suggestion on this point comes from
Clement of Alexandria {Strom, iii. 2), who taught
that Jude was describing prophetically the Gnostic
sect known as the Carpocratians. Grotius (Propp.
in Ep. Judce) also thought that this sect wasthe
object of the writer's denunciation; but, since
he held that Jude was attacking contemporary
heretics, he assigned the Epistle to Jude the last
Bishop of Jerusalem, in the reign of Hadrian.
This view has found Uttle, if any, acceptance ; but
the identification of the false teachers with the
Carpocratians has been widely accepted by modern
scholars. There are certainly striking points of
contact.
Carpocrates, who lived at Alexandria in the first
half of the 2nd cent, (perhaps about a.d. 130-150),
taught that the world was made by angelg who
had revolted from God. The soul of Jesus through
its superior vigour remembered what it had seen
when with God. He was, however, an ordinary
man, but endowed with powers which enabled Him
to outwit the world-angels. Similarly, any soul
which could despise them would triumph over them
and thus become the equal of Jesus. Great stress
was laid on magic as a means of salvation. The
immorahty of the sect rivalled that of the Cainites.
It_ was defended by a curious doctrine of trans-
migration, according to which it was necessary for
the soul to go through various human bodies till it
completed the cu'cle of human experience ; but if
aU of this — including, of course, the full range of
immoral conduct — could be crowded into one life-
time, the necessity for such transmigration was
obviated.
The language of the Epistle would quite well
suit the Carpocratians, especially in its reference to
the combination of error in teaching with lascivi-
ousness in conduct. The railing at dignitaries
with which the \\Titer charges the false teachers
(v.^) would answer very well to the attitude of
Carpocrates towards the angels. But we should
probably reject any identification so definite. The
characteristics mentioned by Jude were the mono-
poly of no sect. The indications point to teaching
of a much less developed type. It is not even
certain that it was Gnostic in character, though
the signs point strongly in that direction. The
Gnostics were wont to describe themselves as
' spiritual, ' and the ordinary members of the Church
as 'psychics.' If the false teachers were Gnostics,
we imderstand why Jude should retort upon them
the accusation that they were 'sensual' (fit.
'psychics'), 'not having the Spirit' (v.^''). They
blaspheme that of which they are ignorant. The
charge that they deny the only Master (v.'') may
be an allusion to the duahsm of the Gnostics, which
di-ew a distinction between the supreme God and
the Creator. They are dreamers (v.*), i.e. false
prophets, who speak sweUing words (v.^^). The
statement that they have gone in the way of Cain
(v.^^) reminds us very forcibly of the Ophite sect
known as the Cainites (q.v.). But, while all these
indications point to some rudimentary form of
Gnosticism, it cannot be said that they definitely
demand such a reference. Not only are they very
vague and general; they could be accounted for
without recourse to Gnosticism at all. The problem
in some respects hangs together with that presented
by other descriptions of false teaching which we
find in the NT, especially in the Epistle to the
Colossians, the Pastoral Epistles, the Letters to
the Seven Churches, and the Epistles of John
(q.v.). In the judgment of the present writer, the
identification with a Gnostic tendency seems on the
whole to be probable, but by no means so secure as
to determine without more ado the question of date.
3. Date and authorship. — The determination of
the date is closely connected with the problem of
authorship. There can be no reasonable doubt
that the clause 'the brother of James' (v.^) is
meant to identify the author as Jude, the Lord's
brother. If the conclusions^ reached in the pre-
ceding article are correct, this Jude was probably
dead at the latest by a.d. 80. The question
whether the Epistle can have been written so early
is not easy to decide. The author not only dis-
tinguishes himself from the apostles, which the
Lord's brother would naturally have done, but he
looks back on their age as one which has already
passed away (v.^"), and is conscious that he is hving
in 'the last time,' when their prophecy of the
coming of 'mockers' is being fulfilled (v.^^). The
language has a striking parallel in 1 Jn 2^*, and it
would be easier to understand in the closing decade
of the 1st cent, than twenty years earher. Such
phrases as 'the faith which was once for aU
dehvered unto the saints' (v.^), or' your most holy
faith' (v.-''), are also more easily intelligible when
the fluid theology of the primitive age was harden-
ing into a definite creed. The external evidence
can be reconciled with either view. It is true that
the earhest attestation of the Epistle is late. If
the usual view is correct, Jude was emploj-ed by
the author of 2 Peter ; but, since that work itself
belongs in all probability^ to a date well on in the
2nd cent., its evidence is of Uttle value on this
point. Jude is reckoned as canonical in the
Muratorian Canon ; it is quoted by Tertullian (de
Cultu Fern. i. 3), Clement of Alexandria (Peed. iii.
8. 44, Strom, iii, 2), and Origen (in Matth. x. 17,
XV. 27, xvii.30) ; not, however, by Irenseus. Eusebius
(HE iii. 25. 31 ; cf. ii. 23. 25) regards it as one of
the disputed books, and Jerome (de Vir. illustr. iv.)
tells us that in his time it was rejected by many.
But the lateness of any quotation pi it and the
suspicion entertained of it are of little moment.
Its brevity would sufficiently account for the silence
of earher waiters ; the fact that it was not written
by an apostle, or its reference (vv.^- ^■'^•) to Jewish
Apocalypses (The Assumption of Moses and The
Book of Enoch), would explain its rejection by
those to whom Eusebius and Jerome refer. These
objections simply rest on a theoretical assumption
of what a canonical work ought to be; no his-
torical evidence hes behind them. ^
The opening words of the Epistle, 'Judas, a
660 JL^DGE, JUDGING (ETHICAL)
JUDGE, JUDGING (ETHICAL)
servant of Jesus Christ, and brother of James,'
constitute a weighty argument in favour of the
traditional view that it was written by Jude the
Lord's brother. The attempt to treat this as em-
bodjang a false claim dehberately made by the
author is open to gr^ave objections. Apparently
we have to reckon with the deUberate adoption of
a pseudon\Tn by the author of 2 Peter. But this
case is probably solitary in the NT ; and, unless
we are di'iven to adopt such suggestions, it is de-
sirable to avoid them as far as possible. Apart from
this, however, it is not easy to see why the author
should have hit upon a personality so obscure as
Jude. If he did so because the relationship to
James gave his name prestige, it might be asked
why he should not have attributed it to James
himself. The suggestion that it was sent to
districts where Jude had laboured and was held
ia high regard is exposed to the difficulty that the
recipients would naturally ask, How is it that we
hear of this letter for the first time now that Jude
has been some years dead ? We are then reduced
to the alternatives of admitting the authenticity,
or of supposing that the identification with the
Lord's brother was no original part of the Epistle.
If the preceding discussion has pointed to the
probability that the false teaching assailed was
Gnostic in character, and that other phenomena in
the Epistle make it unlikely that it was earher
than the closing decade of the 1st cent., the second
alternative must be preferred. In that case the
most probable explanation of the opening words is
that the author's name was really Jude, and that
the phrase 'and brother of James' was inserted by
a scribe who wished to make it clear which Jude
was intended. The precise date must of com-se
remain very uncertain. Nothing compels us to
go below the year a.d. 100. Moreover, the author
has apparently a new situation to deal with. It
ought, however, to be frankly recognized that the
Epistle is quite conceivable as the work of Jude
the Lord's brother in the decade a.d. 70-80.
4. Destination. — Nothing is known as to the
destination of the Epistle, nor can anything be
inferred with confidence. It is not clear whether
the Epistle is catholic or is addressed to readers in
a definite locaUty, though the former is perhaps
the more likely view.
LrrERATiTRE. — Commentaries bv Huther in Meyer 08-52,
Eng. tr. from 4th ed., 1 SSI ), Meyer-kuhl (1897), Meyer-Knopf
(1912),H.vonSoden(1890,nS99),E. H.Plumptre(Cambridge
Bible, 1880), C. Bigg (ICC, 1901), W. H. Bennett (Century
Bible, 1901), J. B. Mayor (1907), who also contributes the
Commentaryto£'Gr(1910),Hollmann(1907),Windisch(1911):
F. Spitta, Der zu-eite Brief des Pelrus und der Brief des Judas,
1885 ; the relevant sections in NT Introductions, especially
those by H. J. Holtzmann (nS92) ; A. Julicher (n906, Eng.
tr.,1904);T. Zahn (Eng. tr., 1909, ii.); W. F. Adeney (1899),
and J. Moffatt (1911) ; artt. by F. H. Cha?e in HDB, Sieffert
in PRE\ O. Cone in EBi, R. A. Falconer in SDB.
A. S. PEAKE.
**JUDGE, JUDGING (Ethical).— No account of
judging in the Apostolic Church can he complete
which is not based on our Lord's prohibition, ' J udge
not, that ye be not judged' (Mt T^"*). This is not
to be interpreted as a disparagement of the intel-
lectual facuhy of criticism per se, but as a limita-
tion of it in harmony with the Christian stand-
point. In the corresponding passage in Lk 6, the
repression of the critical spirit is directly associated
with the character of God, who makes no distinc-
tions in His gifts, but is kind and merciful to all
alike. The section in Matthew has rather a
relation to the temper of the Pharisee, which was
supercilious and narrowly strict in its judgments
of others. The Pharisee ' despised others ' ; hence
his incapacity to understand human nature, his
judgments being rooted in contempt. The citizen
of the Kingdom of Heaven, on the other hand, has
to avoid the censorious temper and make the best
■ CopyriQht, 1916, hy Charles Scrihner's Sons.
of evervone and everything ; he has to repress the
tendency to be uncharitable ; otherwise, when he
is obUged to utter a moral verthct, it will be of
small weight. But our Lord never countenances
the easy-going tolerance which in effect abrogates
the right of moral judgment. He does not absolve
His followers from discriminating between right and
wrong — even in the case of a ' brother ' (Mt 18^^^^) —
and indeed urges upon them the duty of 'binding
and loosing,' condemning and acquitting, according
to the recognized moral standard of the Kingdom.
The teaching of St. James has many echoes of
the ethical injunctions of our Lord, and the passage
4"f- in his Epistle recalls the spirit, if not the actual
language, of the Sermon on the Mount. We are
not to indulge ia the habit of fault-finding: 'Who
art thou that judgest thy neighbour?' We are
never to judge from any other motive than the
moral improvement of the person judged : we are
to remember our own defects, and to utter our
verdict with a due sense of responsibility ; other-
wise we 'speak against the law and judge the law.'
The Apostle means by this that there is to be a
proper standard of right and wrong, and not a
subjective criterion formed out of our own likes
and dislikes. If we make our own standard, we
set ourselves above the law-giver and the law.
In similar strain St. Paul writes (Ro 14''), 'Who
art thou that judgest another man's servant? To
his own master he standeth or falleth.' The words
are suggested by the relationship between the
'strong' and the 'weak.' The 'strong,' conscious
of their freedom in Chi'ist, may despise the 'weak,'
who still feel it their duty to continue an ascetic
habit, even though they have accepted Christ ; on
the other hand, the 'weak,' condemning what
seems to them the laxity of the 'strong,' may be
led into the habit of censorious judgment (see
an admirable discourse by A. Souter in ExpT
xxiv. [1912-13] 5 if.). The same Apostle, however,
while thus discountenancing the habit of judging
one another, expressly advocates the duty of acting
according to a moral standard in dealing with
moral offences. In 1 Co 5, e.g., he condemns the
Corinthians for allowing a case of immorality to
go unchallenged and unjudged. _ At the same time
the Christian Church is to hmit its judgments to
those that are within ; those that are without are
to be left to the judgment of God (1 Co 5^^). It
would appear, then, that the Apostle, while not
absolving the Christian from the duty of judgment
in offences against morality, advocates the widest
tolerance in minor matters of ever3'day hfe, e.g. in
Ro 14^'i° — a passage which closes with the state-
ment : 'we shall all stand before the judgement-
seat of God.'
In the same way the apostolic writers press upon
their readers the duty of discrimination according
to certain standards of right and wrong. They
are to ' test all things and hold fast that which is
right' (1 Th 5-^), and to 'test the spirits whether
they be of God' (1 Jn 4^, the word doKL/xd^eiv being
used, which more definitely suggests the approval
which results from a test or touchstone than the
simpler and more familiar Kplveiv). They are to
pronounce anathema on the proclaimer of 'another'
gospel (Gal 1^), and to refuse hospitality to a false
teacher, on the ground that a welcome or salu-
tation involves participation in his evil works
(2 Jn 1"'). Thus doctrine, hke hfe and conduct, is
to be brought to the test of a moral standard, and
what is subversive of the person and teaching of
the Lord is to be rejected. 'Happj',' says the
Apostle Paul (Ro 14--), 'is he that judgeth not
himself in that which he approveth' (So/ct/uafet).
This passage appears to combine the two ideas
which enter into the NT treatment of the subject :
the Christian must avoid censorious judgment and
JUDGE, JUDGING (ETHICAL)
JUDGMENT, DA:\INATI0N
661
yet courageously exercise his Judgment in the
realm of ethics and doctrine ; he is happy in the
strength of his faith, which enables him bo to act
as to escape self-condemnation or misgiAing. In
another passage (Ro 14^^) St. Paul plaj's on the
double use of Kpivio, %'iz. as indicating a hasty
and uncharitable judgment, and as implying the
determining of a com-se of conduct for oneself.
'Let us not judge one another any more, but judge
ye this rather, that no man put a stumbUngblock
in his brother's way' — the latter sense being
paralleled by 2 Co 2^, 'I formed this judgment or
determination for myself,' and 1 Co 2^ 5^, Tit 3^'.
A similar usage occtirs in the famous statement in
2 Co 5^*, ' because we thus judge that if one died for
all,' etc. — the word signifying a con^^ction that
has been formed out of spiritual experience (cf.
also 1 Co 11^', where there is an appeal to a judg-
ment based on common sense).
For the judgments of others on the Christian
there are two passages worth oiu- notice, viz. Col
2^^ where the false teaching which infected the
Colossian Church is made the subject of warning,
eating and drinking being, according to the
Apostle, mere shadows of the reality, and therefore
not matters on which a judgment should be based —
'let no man take you to task in eating and in
drinking' : scrupulous ritual and asceticism are a
return to an order of hfe which the gospel has
rendered obsolete. The other passage is Ja 2^',
'So speak ye and so do as men that are to be
judged by a law of Uberty' (cf. 1-^). This is St.
James's variation on St. Paul's 'law of the spirit
of hfe in Chi-ist Jesus' — not a system of codified
regulations enforced from without, but a law
freely accepted and obeyed as the result of a new
relationship to God. 'It wUl,' says J. B. Mavor
{The Epistle of St. James^, 1910, p. 94), 'be a
deeper-going judgment than that of man, for it
wiU not stop short at particular precepts or at the
outward act, whatever it may be, but will pene-
trate to the temper and motive.' And it destroys
aU morbid anxiety and questioning 'as to the exact
Eerformance of each separate precept ' if there has
een true love to God and man. ' The same love
which actuates the true Christian here actuates
the Judge both here and hereafter.'
The reader is referred to a concordance for the
ntunerous passages in which God or Christ is
spoken of as Judge of humanity ; we have here
limited oiu* survey to the non-forensic side of judg-
ment. There is a passage, however, which calls
for comment, viz. 1 Co 6^, 'Do ye not know that
the saints shall judge the world?' This is to be
taken along with a previous warning in 4^, 'Judge
nothing before the time, until the Lord come,' etc.
The meaning is that the saints wiU be associated
with their Lord in the act of judging the world at
the Last Day, and their judgment will be exercised
not only on the world, but on 'angels' (6^), mean-
ing the hierarchy of evil or fallen spirits. This
doctrine of the future is stated in Rev 20* and be-
came a rooted con\'iction of the post-Apostolic
Church, as we see from Euseb. HE vi. 42, where
the saints are called fi^roxoi rijs Kpiaeo^s avrov, 'as-
sociates in His judgment.' The Divine Judgeship
is a truth essential to human thought. Experi-
ence deepens the sense of the ignorance and
fallibility attaching to man's judgments. The
epigram tout connattre dest tout pardonner is in
effect an expression of human helplessness ; and
the aspiration of David, ' Let me fall now into the
hand of the Lord . . . and let me not fall into the
hand of man' (1 Ch 21^^), is really the cry of
humanity for ever conscious of the Limitations of
its own judgments.
See, further, artt. Judgment and Trial-at-
Lav,-.
LiTERATCHE. — C. GorB, Sermon on the Mount, London, 1897,
ch. ix. ; J. B. Mayor, The EpiMe of St. Jame^'^, do. 1897, p.
221; IJ. R. Seeley, Erce Humo^^, do. 1S76, ch. ix.; J.
Martineau, Types of Ethical Theory^, Oxford, 1889, vol. ii.
oii- i- R. Martin Pope.
JUDGMENT, DAMNATION.— The idea of judg-
nient is involved in that of government: a ruler,
if he is to assert his authority and maintain order,
must call recalcitrants to account. Since the Deity
has ahvays been thought of as exercising some kind
of sovereignty, the idea of judgment may be said
to be co-extensive with that of religion.
1. The OT conception. — Long before the days of
the great prophets, Israel worshipped Jahweh as
a God of judgment. Jahweh avenged not only
insults against His own honour, but also deeds of
violence and wrong (Gn4i^, Jg 9^*^^). Justice was
administered in His name, and as the supreme
Judge He saw that right was done. It would,
however, be too much to say that His actions were
regarded as invariably regulated by a regard for
justice. He had His favourites among individuals,
and Israel was His favourite nation (1 S 1^^, 2 S
12^*). In the exorcise of His despotic power, He
could act in a certain way simply because it so
pleased Him. For His rejection of Saul and His
surrender of Israel into the hand of the Philistines
the older traoition knew no reason. Not tiU we
come to the great prophets do judgment and justice
appear as equivalent terms.
The prophetic conception of Divine judgment
can be summed up in a few sentences. Jahweh is
the World-ruler and Judge : not only Israel but all
nations of the earth stand at His bar (Am 1. 2).
His judgments rest on purely moral grounds and
are absolutely just (Is 28^^ 45-'). Even in the case
of Israel, justice must take its course (Am 3^^).
Though individuals are occasionally spoken of as
suffering for their private sins, in the main it is
not with the individual but with the nation that
Jahweh reckons. The individual is merged in the
State and shares its fate. The theatre of judg-
ment is this earth : of reward or punishment
beyond death the prophets know nothing. Good
and bad aUke descend to Sheol and share the same
bodyless, pithless existence in separation from
Jahweh (Is 14^-i«, Ps 6-^). Judgment, at least so
far as Israel is concerned, never appears, except
perhaps in Amos, as an end in itself and the
ultimate law of Jahweh's working. Israel has a
worth in Jahweh's eyes ; He refuses to give her
up ; and, when His judgments have accompUshed
their discipHning work, salvation wiU surely follow
(Is 40'- ^). That the correspondence between desert
and lot in the existing order is but imperfect, and
salvation an object of hope rather than of experi-
ence, are facts to which the prophets are keenly
ahve. But their faith finds refuge in the concep-
tion of a great day in the near future, 'the day of
the Lord,' in which Jahweh will interpose in a
decisive way in human affairs, to overt lirow His
enemies and inaugurate a new and happier era.
For Israel this day will be one of sifting and
purging, for her oppressors a day of terror and
anguish (Is 2' ' ■ ^^, Jl 2""^'^) . To this conception, as
we shall see, the subsequent development attached
itself.
^Yith the Book of Daniel a new chapter opens
in the history^ of Hebrew eschatology. 'I beheld,'
we read, 'tiU thrones were placed, and one that
was ancient of days did sit. . . . Thousand thou-
sands ministered unto him, and ten thousand
times ten thousand stood before him : the judg-
ment was set and the books were opened. . . .
And many of them that sleep in the dust of the
earth shall awake, some to everlasting life and
some to shame and everlasting contempt' (Dn 7'
12-;. Compared with the outlook of the great
662 JUDGMENT, DAMNATION
JUDGMENT, DAMNATION
prophets, this conception of a resurrection of the
dead for judgment and sentence is something alto-
gether new. Written in the crisis of the Macca-
btean struggle (165 B.C.), the Book of Daniel forms
the first of the long series of Jewish Apocalj'pses.
For an understanding of NT eschatology these
writings are of such cardinal importance that it is
necessary to give some account of their leading
ideas.
Apocalyptic had its roots in the hope held up
before Israel by the prophets of a glorious day in
the future, 'the day of the Lord,' when her op-
pressors would be overthrown, and she, purified by
her sufferings, exalted to a position of unparalleled
splendour and power. Through her fidelity to God
and her supremacy among the nations God's reign
on earth would be visibly realized, and Nature
itself would be made fairer and more generous to
grace the new order. This national hope proved
itself vital enough to survive the most disillusion-
ing experiences, but somewhere in the dark days
of Persian or Greek ascendancy it was subjected
to radical modification, and fitted into a world-
view widely different from that to which it origin-
ally belonged. The new development was char-
acterized in the first place by a thorough -going
pessimism. In the eyes of apocalyptic writers the
existing world or age is incurably evil, incapable
of being transformed by any conceivable process
of moral renewal into a kingdom of God. Human
beings are in the mass hopelessly corrupt, and
wicked men occupy the seats of power. And this
is not all. A portentous development of the belief
in evil spirits lends to apocalyptic pessimism a still
darker hue. The world is the haunt of throngs of
such spirits, who, under Satan their head, form a
demonic hierarchy. With unwearied activity they
prosecute their hellish work, thwarting the will of
the Almighty, hounding on the heathen persecutors
of His people, inciting men to wickedness and
smiting them with disease. To these sinister
figures God, by an inscrutable decree, has sur-
rendered the government of the world. Satan is
the world's real master. But, despite this pessi-
mism with regard to the existing order, apocalyptic
writers have no thought of surrendering their faith
in God or in His promise to Israel. Only, their
faith, finding nothing in the present to which it
can attach itself, takes refuge in the future and
becomes eschatological. The present world is
given up to destruction, and religious interest
transferred to the new and glorious world whicli
God will reveal when the old has been swept away.
With passionate eagerness the great catastrophe
that shall open the way for the Kingdom is antici-
pated, and the horizon scanned for signs of its
approach. When it arrives, its opening scene will
be one of judgment. To the bar of the Almighty
the whole world, Jews as well as Gentiles, and —
what is still more significant — the dead as well as
the living, will be gathered to answer for the deeds
they have done. The fate of each soul having been
decided, sentence will at once be executed. For
the righteous there is reserved a blessed and death-
less life in the presence of God ; for the wicked,
everlasting destruction.
Before leaving Jewish apocalyptic, two points
must be more particularly noted as bearing on
questions that will emerge later. The first relates
to the personality of the Judge. In most writings
it is God Himself who is represented as occupying
the throne (Dn 7»- 1", En. i. 3-9, xc. 20, 2 Es 6« 7^^).
Sometimes, however, the Messiah or Son of Man
appears as conducting the J udgment in God's name
(En. li. 1. 2, Ixix. 27 ; Apoc. Bar. Ixxii. 2). There
was no fixed doctrine on the subject ; the one
matter of importance was that the Judgment was
a Divine Judgment. The second point relates to
the fate of the wicked. Here again we find no
uniform view, except that their fate involves final
and irretrievable ruin. Many passages assume
that only the righteous will be raised from the
dead. For the sinner death will be the end [Ps.-
Sol. iii. 13-16, Apoc. Bar. xxx.). Sometimes, how-
ever, Sheol, into which the dead descend, is itself
transformed into a place of punishment, so that to
be left there does not mean annihilation (Eth. En.
xcviii., xcix., civ.). We have also passages in
which Sheol is the abode of the lost only until
the Day of Judgment, when they are thrust into
Gehenna or hell, to suffer eternal torment, with
devils for their companions (Eti. liii. 3-5, liv. 1. 2).
This belief in a resurrection of the dead and
a universal judgment forms a landmark in the
history of Hebrew religion. We see in it the
victory of individualism. It is no longer the
nation but the individual that is the religious unit.
The worth of the individual is recognized, and he
is set solitary before God. How is the rise of the
apocalyptic conception of things to be explained ?
Partly, no doubt, by the calamitous situation of
the Jewish people under Persian and Greek rule.
A fulfilment of the prophetic promise through the
means that the prophets had in view — inner reform,
political revolution, a victorious leader — no longer
seemed within the range of possibility. God had
ceased to speak to the people through the living
voice of prophecy, and a feeling was abroad that
He had forsaken the earth. Tliis explanation is,
however, only partial. The pessimism and dualism
of the apocalyptic world-view, its demonologj- and
angelology, its conception of a death-struggle be-
tween the kingdom of Satan and the kingdom of
God, its conception of a resurrection from the dead
and a Final Judgment, can be accounted for only on
the hypothesis of Persian influence.
2. In the teaching of Jesus. — So far as its
outward form is concerned, Jesus' conception of
judgment and punishmcHt is wholly on apocalyptic
lines. The Judgment will come at the end of' the
world ; it will be a judgment of individuals ; and
it will be universal (Mt 22'^ 1527), -phe sentence
pronounced will be final : nowhere do we find a
hint of future probation. With respect to the
person of the Judge, Jesus follows the tradition
that assigns the office to the Son of Man. ' For
the Son of man shall come in the glory of his
F'ather with his angels ; and then shall he render
unto every man according to his deeds' (Mt 16'-^
13^^ 25*^). No particular significance is, however,
attached to this fact : the emphasis falls, not on
the personality of the Judge, but on the judgment
He conducts. What is Jesus' teaching with regard
to the doom of the lost? Uniformly He follows
the tradition that regards them as consigned to
Gehenna or hell (Mt 5'^-^^ lO-^ 18»). And, as in
apocalyptic, Gehenna appears as a fiery furnace in
which the wicked sufler unending torment (Mt 5'-",
Lk 16'^, Mt 25^''). Jesus is no theologian, but
something incomparably greater. In the main He
appropriates the conceptions of His time, modify-
ing or rejecting them only when they conflict with
some vital religious or ethical interest. What is
original in His teaching is not the theological con-
ceptions but the new content with which they are
charged. If His conception of the Judgment and
of punishment is in formal respects that of Jewish
apocalyptic, the spirit of which it is the vehicle is
all His own. New is the moral earnestness with
which He brings each individual soul face to face
with the righteous Judge. ' And be not afraid of
them which kill the body, but are not able to kill
the soul : but rather fear him which is able to
destroy both soul and body in hell' (Mt 10'^»).
New also is the moral purity with which the con-
ception of judgment is carried out. Everything
JUDG]ME:NT, DAMJS^ATIOi^
JUDGMENT, DAMNATIOi^ 663
national and sectarian falls away. Of a mechanical
balancing of good and bad actions we hear nothing.
The one test is character, and character in its
deepest principle — the love in whicli lies the root of
all morality and all religion. ' I was an hungred,
and ye gave me meat : 1 was thirsty, and ye gave
me drink. . . . Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of
these my brethren, even these least, ye did it unto
me ' (Mt 25^^*^-). And what is true of Jesus' teach-
ing about judgment is true also of His teaching
about punishment. The element of originality is
to be found not in the formal conceptions but in
the spirit they enshrine. In tlie descriptions of
hell in Jewish apocalyptic embittered national and
ecclesiastical feeling is at least as much in evidence
as moral hatred of iniquity. Far otherwise is it
when we turn to Jesus. What comes to expression
in His almost fierce words regarding the fate of the
wicked is His burning indignation against all high-
handed sin, particularly against hypocrisy and
heartlessness. His deep sense of the intinite and
eternal difference between right and wrong, His
immovable conviction that the first means ever-
lasting life to a man and the second everlasting
death. ' And if thy hand or thy foot causeth thee
to stumble, cut it oiY and cast it from thee : it is
good for thee to enter into life maimed or halt,
rather than having two hands or two feet to be
cast into the eternal fire' (Mt 18^).
3. In the Apocalypse of John. — "We begin our
study of the apostolic writings with the Apocalypse
of John, not because it is the earliest of these writ-
ings — in its present shape it cannot be dated before
A.D. 95 — but because the description it gives of the
events of the End is by far the most detailed, and
because we are probably justified in regarding it as,
in the main, representative of primitive Christian
views. In his programme of eschatological events
the writer follows closely his Jewish models. At
His Parousia, Ciirist will smite the nations of the
earth assembled against Him in battle, and pre-
pare the way for His millennial reign (19"-20^).
The close of this reign will see a last uprising of
the powers of evil, ending in their utter and final
overthrow (20""^"). Then will come the general
resurrection and the Judgment (20'^"'^). The
Judgment, which is universal in its scope, is con-
ducted not by Christ but by God (20"). Men are
judged ' according to their works,' and out of
certain books, one being singled out by name as
' the Book of Life.' The books contain a record of
the deeds, good and bad, of each individual : the
Book of Life is the list of God's elect people. Ex-
ceedingly brief is the account of the fate oi the re-
firobate. ' Death and Hades were cast into the
ake of fire • . . and if any was not found written
in the book of life, he was cast into the lake of
fire.' Though the writer describes this as 'the
second death,' it is clear that he is thinking not of
annihilation but of an eternity of sufi'ering (14^'*- ^i).
It must be admitted that the Book of Revelation
does not everywhere maintain the high level of the
Christian spirit. It comes to us from a time when
the Church was passing through the same harrow-
ing experiences as were the lot of the Jewish
people in the days when apocalyptic had its birth.
And in the one case as in the other persecution
has resulted in an exacerbation of feeling and a
narrowing of sympathy.
i. In St. Paul. — For St. Paul as for the Christian
community in general the Last Judgment is a great
and dread fact with which believer and unbeliever
have equally to reckon. He knows the ten-or of
the Lord (2 Co 5"). ' We must all be made manifest
before the judgment-seat of Christ ; that each one
may receive the things done in the body, according
to what he hath done, whether it be good or bad'
(2 Co 51", Ro 23-16 1410^ 1 Co 3^3 45). In this and in
the majority of relevant passages it is Christ who
sits as Judge. But that the point is not regarded
as dogmatically fixed is shown by the fact that the
Apostle can also speak of God as the Judge (Ro
06. 11 i4i0)_ What is his teaching with respect to
the fate of the wicked ? The Book of Revelation
gives us two pictures — one of the redeemed in
Paradise, the other of devils and condemned souls
in the lake of fire. Of the second picture there is
not a single trace in the Pauline Epistles. The
wicked simply disappear from the scene, the nature
and term of their punishment being left shrouded
in obscurity. By bringing together a number of
scattered indications we may, however, arrive at a
fairly certain notion of what the Apostle thinks
regarding their fate. That he contemplates a
universal restoration is an idea that maj' at once
be put aside. Support has, indeed, been sought
for it in certain statements of a general character :
'As in Adam all die, so also in Christ shall aU
be made alive,' ' God hath shut up all unto dis-
obedience that he might have mercy upon all '
(1 Co 1522, Ro 1P2, Col 1'8, Eph V"). But such
statements cannot be pressed in their letter against
the multitude of passages that asjsert in unambigu-
ous terms the final ruin of the ungodly (Ro 2^- ^^,
Ph 318, 2 Th 19). They are but examples of the
Apostle's sweeping and antithetical way of putting
things. Quite decisive against the idea of restora-
tion is the fact that nowhere do we find a single
syllable that suggests future probation.
One point only is open for argument, whether
the Apostle has in his mind annihilation or an
eternity of sutlering. With regard to this, the
words used in describing the fate of the wicked are
not in themselves decisive. Of these words the
two most important, both from the frequency of
their occurrence and from their intrinsic signifi-
cance, are 'death' (Odparos) and 'destruction'
(dTTwXeta). Death is for St. Paul sin's specific
penalty, its wages (Ro 5^^ 6^^- ^ 8"). What does
the term connote? Not necessarily annihilation,
since, according to current ideas, the dead descended
into Hades to lead there a wretched phantasmal
existence. We can take from it nothing more
than this — the loss of all that gives to life its
value, the loss of all that is signified by salvation.
Not materially difl'erent is the connotation of the
term 'destruction.' The wicked are brought to
utter ruin, swept from the place of the living and
the presence of God. But, if a study of terms
leaves the question of annihilation or eternal
sufiering an open one, the general tenor of the
Apostle's thought points conclusively to the former
alternative. Weight must be attached to the fact
of an absence of any reference to a place of tor-
ment. The tribulation and anguish of Ro 2" need
refer to nothing beyond the experience of destruc-
tion. On two things only does St. Paul lay stress
— that the wicked have no inheritance in the
Kingdom of God, and that they are cleared ott'
the face of the world. Still more decisive is this
other fact — that the universe he contemplates as
the goal of redemption is one reconciled to God in
all its parts. If the demonic powers are not ulti-
mately reconciled, as in one passage he seems to
indicate (Col V^), they are abolished (1 Co 152-»).
God becomes all in all. St. Paul leaves us with
the vision of a world that is without a devil and
without a hell, without a shadow on its brightness
or a discord in its harmony.
The Apostle's allusions to the Judgment are
neither few nor ambiguous, yet Ave have to take
account of the perplexing fact that, in those pass-
ages where he gives a detailed programme of the
End, not only is all reference to the great event
omitted, but no place seems to be left for it. In
1 Th 4^^-^^ we read of a resurrection of believers
G64 JUDGMEIS"!, DAMXATION
JUDGME^sT-SEAT
who have died and of a gathering of these and of
living believers to meet the Lord in the air and be
for ever with Him, but there is no mention of a
resurrection of the wicked and a Final Judgment.
These events seem to be excluded. So is it also
in 1 Co 15-^'-^. Though the picture here is more
detailed, the resurrection of the wicked and the
Judgment find no place in it. And in 2 Co 5^'^
and Ph 1-^ the Apostle speaks as if death at once
ushered the believer into the presence of Clirist.
To dei^art is to be with Christ. Here not only the
Judgment, but the wiiole drama of the End, in-
cluding the Parousia, falls away. How are we to
account for this perplexing fact ? That St. Paul
ever consciously broke with the apocalyptic tradi-
tion in any of its main features is incredible. In
Philippians, one of tiie later Epistles, he still bids
his readers expect tlie Parousia (4^). ]\Iore can be
said for the hypothesis that his ardent longing
for union with Christ leads him to overleap inter-
vening events and hasten to the goal. This, how-
ever, is not the whole explanation. The truth is
that there are elements in the Apostle's tliought
which, though he is hardly conscious of the fact,
are carrjdng him away from the apocalyptic scheme.
In Judaism the Judgment has its main significance
as the instrument for effecting a separation be-
tween the rigliteous and the wicked. But for St.
Paul this separation has already been virtually
effected. B^^ the fact of their unbelief the wicked
are already condemned ; by the fact of their faith
the righteous are already justified. It is true that
the Apostle does not think of the believer's present
state of salvation as absolute. But against this
we have to set the emphasis which he places on
the element of assurance. ' Who is he that shall
condemn ? It is Christ Jesus that died ! ' Had the
Judgment been to St. Paul all that it was to a
pious Jew, he could hardly, in his account of the
End and in his contemplation of death, have left
it unnoticed. In the Fourth Gospel, to which we
now turn, this drift from apocalyptic is much more
pronounced.
5. In the Fourth Gospel. — No more than St.
Paul does the writer of the Fourth Gospel con-
template a formal breach with the traditional
apocalyptic ideas. 'The hour cometh,' Christ is
represented as saying, 'in which all that are in
the tombs shall hear his (the Son of man's) voice,
and shall come fortii ; they that have done good
unto the resurrection of life, and they that have
done ill unto the resurrection of judgment' (S-**- -^ ;
of. 12«, 1 Jn 4"). But, if the Evangelist yields
this recognition to ti-aditional views, his own
peculiar thought moves on other lines. The judg-
ment on whicii the stress falls is that which Christ
accomplished in the course of His earthly ministry
and is always accomplishing. While He lived on
earth. He was already invested with the sovereign
power to judge. ' P'or judgment I am come into
the world, tliat they which see not might see, and
that they which see might be made blind ' (9^^ 5-^
gi5. 16 12*'). If passages appear in wliicli He is
made to disclaim the office of Judge — ' I came not
to judge the world but to save the world' — tiiey
are added in order, by seeming contradiction, to
drive thought deeper (12^^ 5^^ 3'^). His real pur-
pose is, indeed, to save, but none the less His ap-
pearance in tlie world has the inevitable result
that a separation is etlected between tiie children
of light and the children of darkness. The former
are attracted to Christ, to find in Him their salva-
tion ; the latter are repelled and driven into iios-
tility. In the attitude wliicii a man takes up
towards Christ he is already jutlged. ' This is the
condemnation tliat light is come into tlie world,
but men loved the darkness rather tiian the light'
(3'*). In the matter of doom we iind a similar
shifting of the centre of gravity from the future to
the present. Sin's real punishment is not physical
death or even suffering, but exclusion from the
higher life that comes into being through the birth
from above. ' He that heareth my word . . . hath
eternallife, and cometh not in to judgement, but hath
passed out of death into life ' (o-"*). The popular notion
of hell disappears as completely as in St. Paul.
But notwithstanding this .spiritualizing train of
thought, the traditional ai^ocalyptic notions — the
Parousia, a resurrection of the just and unjust,
linal judgment by Christ and eternal punishment
for the lost — succeeded in maintaining themselves
in the Church's faith. Not till the introduction of
the idea of purgatory do we meet with any import-
ant modification of this scheme. And it was not
till the beginning of the 3rd cent., with Origen,
Cyprian, and the Gregorys, that the idea of
purgatory began to emerge.
6. Only one other jioint, and that of minor im-
portance, remains to be noted. Not a few early
Christian writers speak of a descent of Christ into
Hades and a preaching to the dead. In 1 P 3'®^-
it is the disobedient of the days of Noah to whom
Christ brings the message of salvation ; in Irenajus
(IV. xxvii. 2) it is the Patriarchs ; in Marcion (Iren.
I. xxvii. 3) it is Cain, the Sodomites, Egyptians,
and other heathen. It is improbable that this con-
ception was a creation of the Church ; rather have
we to think of the adoption and Christianizing of
a current pagan myth of a saviour-god descending
into the lander world to wrest the sceptre from its
powers. The mythological details are stripped off,
and Christ's mission becomes one of preaching to
those from whom in their lifetime the gospel had
been withheld. Also from the ranks of the dead
Christ will win His trophies. Judged according to
men in the Hesh, tliej' will live according to God in
the Si)irit (1 P 4'*) (see W. Bousset, Kyrios Christos,
1913, p. 32 ff"). See, further, art. Descent into
Hades.
LiTERATi'RB. — R. H. Charlcs, Eschatology : Hebrew, Jem'sh,
ayid Christian, ISOO ; P. Volz, Jiid. Eschatologie von Daniel bis
Akiba, 190.i ; A. lia.rna.ck, Bistory o/ Dogma, Eng. tr., i. [1894]
and ii. [1S96]. W. MORGAN.
JUDGMENT-HALL.— In ancient times justice
was dispensed in the open, usually in the market-
place, near the city gate. With the development
of civic life, however, special courts of justice
began to be built. Tiius Solomon had his ' throne-
room' or portico erected within the complex of his
palace buildings (1 K 7"), where justice continued
to be administered no doubt till the latest period
of the Monarchy. The Sanhedrin also convened
for judgment in the ' Hall of Hewn Stone' on the
south side of the great court of the Temple. In
Rome, too, the Imperial Age saw the law-courts
transferred to basiMcce, or open colonnades near
the Forum, and finally to closed halls, where cases
were heard in secret (in seeretario). The adminis-
tration of justice in basilicce has been traced to
Pompeii and other centres of Roman life, but was
apparently not the custom in Palestine, the word
translated 'judgment hall' in the AV (Jn 18-^-**
19**, Ac 23*^) being really irpai.Tuipiov or palace,.
A. R. Gordon.
JUDGMENT-SEAT.— The judge invariably sat
on a special 'seat' or throne. Thus Jerusalem
and the smaller cities alike had their ' thrones for
judgement' (Jg 45, 1 K 7', Ps 1225, etc.). In Rome
magistrate and jury were seated together on the
raised tribunal, or 'bench,' the magistrate on his
sella curulis, or 'chariot seat,' specially associated
with the Roman imperiwn. The custom extended
also to the l*rovinces. In the NT Kpir-qpLa ('tri-
bunals ') is used of law-courts generally (in 1 Co 6'-- *
and Ja 2"), while ^Tjfj.a, lit. ' step,' ' seat ' (for
JULIA
JUSTICE
665
parties in a law-suit), is applied to the 'judg-
ment-seat' not only of the Emperor (Ac 25"*), but
also of the -overnors Pilate (Mt 27^^ Jn 19'^),
Gallio (Ac IS'--^***-) and Festus (2.i'^- ^'), and even
metaphorically of God (Ro 14'") and Christ (2 Co
5'"). See, further, Trial-at-Law.
A. R. Gordon.
JULIA ('lov\ta, Ro 16'^ a Latin name, the femi-
nine form of Julius [the name of a famous Roman
gens]. Both of these were extremely common
names. The name .Julia is very frequently found
as a name of female slaves belonging to the Ln-
perial household).— A woman saluted by St. Paul
and coupled with Philologus. They may have
been brother and sister, or more probably husband
and. wife. Other couples saluted in Ro 16 are
Aquila and Prisca (v.^, the order being, however,
' Prisca and Aquila'), perhaps Andronicus and
Junia (v.'^ ; see JuNlAS), and Nei-eus and his sister
(v. ^5). It has been conjectured that the names in
this verse are those of persons forming a Christian
family with a household church (/cat tovs <tvv avroh
TrdfTtts aylovs). If this be so, Philologus and Julia
were perhaps the parents of Nereus and iiis sister
(Nerias) and Olympas, and the leaders of tiie little
community which gathered for worship at their
home (cf. v.^, where a married couple are sainted as
' fellow-lai)onrers ' with the Ajjostle, and the salu-
tation includes ' the church whicli assembles at
their house'). The locality to which we assign
tiiis circle of Christians will depend upon our view
of the destination of Ro 16''^'-". Nothing further is
known of any of these persons.
T. B. Allworthy.
JULIUS (lovXios). — After the decision of Festus
to send St. Paul to Rome, he was entrusted to the
cai'e of a ' centurion named Julius of the Augustan
cohort ' (Ac 27^'^). The Apostle was treated with
kindness and consideration by the centurion, who,
although he disregarded St. Pauls advice as to
the place of wintering (vv.^"''), deferred to his
recommendation regarding cutting away the boat
(v.^'), and, in order to save him, refused to allow
the soldiers to kill the prisoners (v.'*-). On arriv-
ing in Rome Julius handed over his prisoner to
tiie ' captain of the guard' (28'^). Much discussion
has gathered round the phrase 'Augustan cohort'
to which Julius belonged. Ramsay regards it as
probable that Julius belonged to the corps of official
couriers, emploj'ed as emissaries to various parts
of the Empire — the pcregrini ; and the ' captain
of tiie guard ' is supposed to have been their
commanding officer (see artt. BAND, AUGUSTAN
Band).
As Julius was the family name of the members
of the Roman Imperial house, it was assumed by
many of the vassal kings from the days of Julius
Caesar onwards. It was borne by all the Jewish
princes from Antipater, the father of Herod the
Great. Josephus mentions a Julius Archelteus,
son-in-law of Agrippa I. (Ant. XIX. ix. 1; cf.
Schurer, i. 561, also index, p. 69).
Literature.— R. J. Knowling:, EGT, 'Acts,' 1900, p. 516;
W^. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 1895, p. 315; E.
Schurer, GJ F-i i. [1901] 460-462. \\, p. BOYD.
JUNIAS, JUNIA (Ro 16^).— A person saluted by
St. Paul and coupled with Andronicus. As the
name occurs in the accusative ('loi'i'i'a;'), it may
be Junias, a masculine name contracted from
Junianus, or Junia, a common feminine name ; in
either case a Latin name. If the name is that of
a woman, she was the sister, or more likely the
wife, of Andronicus. Other couples saluted in Ro
16 are Aquila and Pi'isca (v.'^, the order, however,
being 'Prisca and Aquila'), Philologus and Julia,
Nereus and his sister (v.^^). Andronicus and
Junia(s) are described as ' kinsmen ' of the Apostle,
as his 'fellow-prisoners,' as 'of note among the
apostles,' and as having become Christians before
St. Paul (see Andronicus). It is surely not at
all impossible that St. Paul should include a
Avoman among the apostles in the wider sense of
accredited missionaries or messengers, a position
to which their seniority in the faith may have
called this pair. So Chrysostom understood the
words [Horn, in S. Pauli Eji. od Rom..).
T. B. Allworthy.
JUPITER (Ac 14'2. 13 [RVm 'Zeus'] 19^^ ^s^y
and RV ' tlie image which fell down from Jupiter ' ;
RVm ' from heaven ']). — The Oriental setting of
the events which took place at Lystra is strongly
evident in the hrst of these passages. The miracle
of healing at once causes the barbarians to suppose
that the gods had come to pay them a visit, and
tiie impassive Barnabas is regarded as the chief.
' True to the oriental character, the Lycaonians
regarded the active and energetic preacher as the
inferior, and the more silent and statuesque figure
as the leader and principal ' (W. M. Ramsay, The
Church in the Roman Emi^ire, 1893, p. 57 n.). It
was not that such visits were supposed to be
common, but a well-known legend (Ovid, Metam.
viii. 626 ti'. ; cf. Fasti, v. 495 tf. ) told of such a visit,
when the aged couple Philemon and Baucis had
alone received the august visitors and had been
suitably rewarded ; this had been localized in
several districts. The people cried out in the
speech of Lycaonia, and the original name of the
local god given by them to Barnabas has been
here rephaced \>\ the Greek equivalent, Zeus. In
V.'* Codex Bezte has a slightly ditt'erent phrase
which reads, ' the temple of Zeus-before-the-city.'
The participle in the phrase rod ovtos l^los IlpoTrdXaiJS
is used in a way characteristic of Acts, viz.
to introduce some title or particular phrase, and
we must consider that D is correct here. Zockler
{fill toe.) and Ramsay (o/>. cit. p. 51 f.) compare an
inscription at Claudiopolis which has Zeus Pro-
astios (i.e. ' Jupiter-before-the-town '). The title
here, then, is Propoleos, which is actually found
in an inscription at Smyrna. The Temple would
be outside the city proper, and it is not quite
clear whether ' the gates' where the sacrifice was
prepared were those of the Temple, or of the city,
or of the dwelling-house of the apostles. It is
most prob.able that the Temple is referred to, the
gates being chosen as a special place for the offer-
ing of a special sacrifice (Ramsay).
Baur, Zeller, Overbeck, anil Wendt regard the
whole incident as unhistorical, since such people
would rather have considered that the miracle-
workers were magicians or demons. But the local
legends give ample support to the text.
In 19"'' the translation should follow RVm : ' the
image which fell down from the clear sky.'
Literature.— See R. J. Knowling, EGT, 1900, ad loc. ; A.
C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age, 1897, p. 189 f.
F. W. WORSLEY.
JUSTICE. — In his analysis of justice [diKaioavf-p),
Aristotle (Nicomachean Ethics, bk. v.) distin-
guishes the justice which is co-extensive with
virtue — is, in fact, ' perfect virtue ' — from the
special justice which consists in fairness of dealing
with our neighbours. The NT writers use the
word diKaLoavvri almost exclusively in the former
sense, connecting it with the righteousness of God
(see Righteousness). The lesser righteousness is,
liowever, included under the greater ; and though
the emphasis is laid on mercy or love as ' the ful-
hlling of the law' (Ro 13'"), justice is also recog-
nized as a duty towards Him who is 'just' as well
as the merciful ' justifier' of them that believe (see
Love). Thus the Apostle enumerates ' things just '
(ocra SiKaia) in his catalogue of Christian virtues
(Ph 4^^). He urges his readers likewise to set their
666
JUSTIFICATION
justificatio:n"
thoughts on that which is ' honourable ' or ' seemly '
{KaXd), not only in the sigiit of the Lord, but also
in the sight of men (Ro 12", 2 Co 8-'i 13'). This
Christian justice covers the whole round of life.
All men are entitled to their full dues, alike of
tribute, custom, fear, honour, service and wage.
The Christian master respects the honour not merely
of his wife and children, but even of his slaves (Eph
of^-, Col S^"*-). The servant also deals justly with
his master, not stealing or purloining, as heathen
slaves were wont to do, but ' with good will doing
service, as unto the Lord, and not unto men ' (Eph
65ff-, Col 3--f-, Tit 2"'ff-, 1 P 2'8ff-). For such service
the labourer is worthy of an honest wage (1 Ti 5'*,
2 Ti 2®). The same principle applies to the preacher
of the gospel, even though he refuse to accept his
privileges ( 1 Co Q'^"*- ). In their relations as citizens,
Christian men are actuated by the most sensitive
regard for honour. Though he stands for Christian
freedom, the Apostle feels morally obliged to send
back Philemon's slave, however helpful he found
him to be ; and he further takes on his ow'n
shoulders full liability for Onesimus' misdeeds
(Philem i^^-)- In order that public justice may
be upheld, too, the Christian is urged to pray for
kings and all in high places of authority (1 Ti 2^^-),
and to be subject to all their ordinances for the
Lord's sake (Tit 3'f-, 1 P 2^^«-). But he himself
is entitled to justice before the law. No man
suffered more for his Master's sake than St. Paul ;
and no one wrote more serious words on the sin
of litigiousness (1 Co 6^^-). Yet, in defence of his
just rights as a citizen, he not only asserted his
Koman freedom (Ac 16=*^ 22-5 25i»), but defended
himself before the courts to the very last (Ac
24ioff. 2510*-, 2 Ti 4'6'r- ). For to him the courts were
there to secure justice for all. See Trial- at-L aw.
A. R. Gordon.
JUSTIFICATION.— 1. Considerations on the his-
tory of the doctrine. — Justification by faith formu-
lates the distinctive principle of Protestantism. It
has been a war-cry and word of passion, and embodies
a spiritual and theological conflict. It claimed to
be an advance on the Catholic idea, as more true
to apostolic experience and more adequate to the
sinners need. It is advisable at the outset to
investigate this claim as preparatory to a dispas-
sionate analysis of the apostolic doctrine. Justihca-
tion is a complex conception. Neither in Luther
nor in the Council of Trent are ambiguities and
inconsistencies wanting. The combatants on both
sides in subsequent controversy have in consequence
easily fallen into serious misunderstandings. The
vital current re-animating modern religious theory
is disclosing the fact,* and producing a better-
proportioned perspective. Rid of the war-dust, we
see clearly the salient features of the main respec-
tive positions and their conspicuous divergences.
What are these? It is a rich, fresh experience
Luther describes in his finest statement of his
faith. The Liberty of the Christian Man. It finds
no commensurate exposition in the Lutheran or
Reformed Confessions. Luther himself was no
theologian ; and his varying expressions are diffi-
cult to harmonize. But 'the tendency of his teach-
ing is plain. t The character of Tridentine teach-
ing is as plain. Luther's is aus einem Gusse ( ' of
one mould '), born of an intense travail of soul. The
Catholic, polemical in import and comprehensive
of aspect, has in view efficient discipline of souls.
Grace, according to Luther, is known in personal
relationship with Christ [Com. on (ial 2'-») ; it is a
sense of God's favour ; it saves from God's wrath ;
* Cf. particularly inter mrtifos alins Ritschl in his great work,
Die ckrintl. Lehre von der Rechtjertigung und Versohnuna,
Bonn, 1870-74, i. and iii. •''
t For Lutlier'8 works consult the Erlan-jen ed., 1826 flf. ; H.
Wace and 0. A. Buchheini, Luther's Primary Workg, London,
1896. '
it saves at once and wholly by God's free mercy, is
a complete and jierfect thing, conditioned upon
faith, bringing with it assurance of salvation (see
Against Latomus). It is, in his own words, 'the
favour of God not a quality of soul' (ib. 489),
identical with forgiveness, release from His wrath,
enjoyment of His favour, a present status rather
than a new character. To receive such grace is to
be justified. The Council of Trent* defines its
doctrine in reference to three questions : the
manner of gaining justification, of maintaining it,
and of regaining it when lost through mortal sin.
The answers are that it is gained in baptism,
through which are received not only remission of
sins but sanctification and renewal of the inner
man (sess. vi. ch. 7) ; it is maintained bj'^ perform-
ance of good works, keeping the commandments of
God and the Church, resulting in an increase of
justification (ch. 10) ; it is regained by penance
and penitential 'satisfactions' (ch. 14). 'That
which truly justifies the heart is grace, which
is daily created and poured into our hearts '
(J. Fischer's Refutation of Luther, 1523). Grace on
this view is a Divine substance, t ex opere operate
imparted, increased by man's aid, dependent on
faith and good works as co-ordinate in worth, all
part and parcel of the same idea, 'the infusion
of grace ' — the novel feature in Catholic dogma.
Catholic dogma, equally with Protestant, safe-
guards the Divine initiative and the work of Christ,
but neither the honour of Christ nor individual
assurance, since, concerning the former, Christ,
though His righteousness is available for our salva-
tion, is not regarded as indwelling in us as our
Righteousness ; and, concerning the latter, the
organized machinery of means of grace brings in
all the elements of uncertainty, leaving the doctrine
unsatisfactory in the most crucial point. Luther's is
a purely religious conception, vastly deeper within
its limits than the other, comprising not only pardon
of sin and escape from the Divine wrath, but peace
of conscience and assurance of salvation. Its weak-
est features are the idea of faith, which is limited
to belief and trust in Christ's satisfaction, apart
from subjective appropriation of its experience
through the indwelling Christ which faith makes
possible, and the resulting unbridged chasm be-
tween justification and sanctification ; and the
lack of any really vital relation between the new
status and the new character of the justified. J
Jiidged by the standard of apostolic truth, both
fall short. In the apostolic consciousness justifica-
tion is more than merely God's favour or pardon of
sins : it is release from the power as well as guilt
of sin, a new character, in principle at least, with
the new status. Therein the Catholic opposition
to Luther was justified. But the new character is
erroneously regarded by Catholicism as the gradual
transformation of human nature (which is sanctifi-
cation), a process in this life always incomplete,
and liable to be imperilled by stagnation and
lapse. Nor are the Catholic formuL'e adequate to
the profoundly spiritual and final representations
in apostolic exi)erience of the acts and operations
of grace in the believing heart through the instru-
mentality of Christ's Person and Spirit. This,
however, is a deficiency only in theology ; it is
compensated for in actual religious practice in the
Sacrifice of the Mass, where faith is more genially
receptive and heartfelt devotion more warmly
active in realizing the real presence of Christ in
all His justifying force. The Mass is to the creed
*The best ed. of the 'Decrees' of Trent is that of A. L.
Richter and F. Schulte, Leipziir, 1S53.
t For the recent ideas of Catiholic divines on justification see
art. in CK.
X For Luther's doctrinal position consult J. Kostlin, TAfe of
Luffit'r, Enif. tr., London, 1883, and T. M. Lindsaj', Luther and
the German Reformation, Edinburgh, 1900.
JUSTIFICATIOX
JUSTIFICATION
66;
in the Roman system what, so to speak, ' Hebrews'
is to 'Komans' * in Pauline thought.
2. The problem of justification. — Justification is
a religious problem, the answer to an interior
inquiry of Christian experience. The OT cry,
' How is man just with God? 'is deepened in the
NT: 'How is God gracious?' and 'How are we
sure of His grace ? ' That again is the problem
of fellowship with God — the most engrossing of
modern quests. Of fellowship with God the very
foundation and certainty is justification. In con-
sequence modern spiritual philosophy is eagerly
interested. It is better equipped to cope with the
exquisitely delicate character of the inquiry than
any past age. The modern idea of Divine imma-
nence in Nature and man adds immeasurably to our
perception of the nature of the human spirit, its
workings, their relation to the Divine Spirit ; and
furnishes a key to the representation and recon-
struction of inner soul-2:)rocesses beyond the appar-
atus of the older theology. The mystical emotion
is its highest form, and is no exceptional super-
addition to man's nature ; rather it is his natural
consummation. It is not merely the secret action
of the mind upon itself ; while an inborn instinct,
it comes to distinct form and growth from causes
objective to itself, operating on it by the inwork-
ing of external and historical circumstance and
the exercise and outworking of ethical faculty.
Psychologically it is not of the ordinary emotive
life ; it is higher, inclusive of all the parts of human
nature, gathering up into itself all those inner
powers in whose interplay under its guidance and
inspiration in one harmonious unity its life consists.
In operation it is wholly personal, conscious, ener-
getic, intensely individual. Into it enters the force
of historic fact, out of it passes the power of moral
life ; but itself is a self inbreathing the one, out-
breathing the other. The constitution of this self
is the modern construction of justification. The
life of that self is communion with God ; justifica-
tion is its origin and basis.
What is the origin ? — the Divine graciousness t
(Luther) or Divine grace (Catholic) ; a ' reckoning
righteous,' or a 'making righteous 'J by God?
Neither of these alternatives standing solitary is
to-day an intelligible concept applicable to the
Divine or the human personality ; nor is the one
or the other a felt fact of religious experience, the
ultimate test of every theory. These are otiose
ideas, as useless as absolute ideas. God and His
grace cannot be otiose. ' He speaks and it is done.'
His grace is at once, as grace, prescient and pre-
venient, operans and co-operans, suthc-ient and
efficient, and cannot be defined in merely legal or
logical terms, or, in fact, in anything short of that
' interpenetration of essence' of God's self or char-
acter § with man's self or character, bestowing on
man's its profoundest promise and potency ; and
instanter translating it into the status and char-
acter of life that is being sanctified after His image,
and on His initiative. What Protestant thought
clumsily encloses within two notions, 'justification '
and ' imputation,' |1 may be regarded under one
more modern — 'development.' Then, man's self is
appreciated from the Divine standpoint, as God
saw creation in its first being, not as it actually is
in present attainment, nor as it will be in perfect
fruition, but as it is ideally becoming when put
upon the right basis and in the right atmosphere,
* See § 3, V. ' Hebrews.'
t This is the sense of ' gjace ' in Luther ; cf. A. 0. McGififert,
Protestant Thought before Kant, London, 1911, p. 28.
JThe ffimiliar contrast between Romanist and Protestant ideas.
§ The only adequate phrase to denote the XT conception of
the relation of the ransomed soul to its Redeemer.
II Imputation is specially offensive to modern ethical sensitive-
ness ; the sense of responsibility insists that each is himself,
not another.
the condition we find in ' the stature of a perfect
man ' — Christ — the root and direction rather than
the end or goal determining the judgment of its
character. That appreciation is justification.
The faculty of self by whose exercise the new
status and generation are attained is ' faith.' By
' faith ' the Divine Life dwells in man's soul and
Divine truth becomes power. Faith here is more
than spiritual insight, it is spiritual grasp ; more
than a receptive force, it is also the bestowing fact,
softening the harsh independence of these two
realities. The truth is that every approach of
God to man has a true tendency to create the faith
without which the approach can never become a
real entrance. Faith is man's welcome of Him,
created in man's heart, as the face of a fiiend
coming towards us reclaims us for his friendship.
Faith again is more than assent or trust : it is the
soul's entrance into healthy relationship to Him
who is its true life; an entrance fuller or weaker
according to the soul's capacity, and ever growing
with the soul's growth. Faith thus understood
widens its mental and emotional constituents.
God and man underneath all obscuring media are
of like nature ; God is the ' element ' of man's true
life.* God is unceasingly solicitous in seeking
man, and, finding man reciprocate, apprehends
him, but as Life apprehending life, or the ocean
refreshing the tide's eddy, or the tree quickening
the branch. The term ' justification ' may be
technically a juridical one, but that which it aims
at expressing is in idea and fact a spiritual trans-
action unexpressible in forensic terms, not even
conceivable as a process having acts and stages.
It may better be compared to a gem t having many
facets, simultaneous, not successive, and glowing
in enhancing splendour with every further advance
into light. This is the essence of the idea in believ-
ing experience. It is also the essence of the idea
in the apostolic conscience — the love of God seek-
ing the love of man and finding it.J
3. The apostolic doctrine of justification. — The
apostolic doctrine is characterized by a singular
originality, comprehensiveness, self - consistency,
and spirituality. Its systematic statement is elabo-
rate, developing itself consciously along three lines
— experiential, historical, speculative. A careful
analysis is necessary to separate its essential sub-
stance and abiding cogencj- from their first local
form. Its originality is evident when compared
with similar ideas in ethnic and Jewish religion ;
its comprehensive and self-consistent character by
the exhibition of its contents ; its spirituality bj-
the demonstration of its purely religious validity ;
its permanent worth by the absoluteness with
which it solves the religious problem of which
avowedly it is an answer.
i. Originality. — The idea of justification does
not originate with Christianity, although truly it
comes to its full expression tliere. Wherever re-
ligion becomes personal in actual communion with
God, it brings with itself inquiry as to the
specific nature of the power known and felt and
the peculiar character of its working in the soul.
This we find occurring in religious history generally,
and especially in Hebrew religion. Ethnic faiths
for the most part are so lacking in belief in a per-
sonal God that the inquiry hardly anywhere attains
more than rudimentary shape. Even in more
advanced faiths the Divine personality is mingled
with such unworthy elements that fruitful concep-
tions are rare. The indelible convictions won are
only two : the gravity of the need, and the failure
* Cf. St. Augustine, Confessions, i. 1: 'Thou hast made us
for Thvself, and our heart is restless tiU it find its rest in Thee.'
t Cf. the soul as ' pearl ' (Mt 13-»t>).
} Cf. the Parable of the Prodigal Son, the perfect picture of
' justification.'
668
JUSTIFICATION
JUSTIFICATION
of provision to meet the need. A more positive
impetus enters witli Semitic religion, in whose re-
ligious observances the reception of the Divine life
is increasingly the centre of attention. The grow-
ing consciousness of Divine force is mediated in the
Hebrew spirit by sacrifice, prayer, wisdom, and
prophetic inspiration ; in tlie experience of suffer-
ing also very notably, as in Jeremiah and Deutero-
Isaiah ; in mystical union with the righteous
spirit of the Law, as in the finer Psalms ; and real-
ized as pardon of sin (Ps 32), life in God's favour
(Ps 30), righteousness (Ps 4, etc. ), mercy, and salva-
tion, covering all aspects of the soul's state. ' The
Law' at its best (Ps 119) was spirit and life,
obedience to its precepts clothing the spirit and
life of man with their imperishable energy, which
is none other than that of God who gave them.
Pre-Christian evolution deepened the conscience
in at least three directions — the difHculty in the
way of justification, the possibility of its accomplish-
ment, the mode and means of its reality. The
advent of Christ, the tout tnscmhle of His Per-
son and Work as one organic influence, raised the
whole problem in apostolic experience and
thought to an incomparably richer plane, on which,
wliile the difficulty is enlarged, the possibilities
are matured and a final mode with adequate means
provided. Here the centre of gravity is Christ
and His own justification (1 Ti 3'", He 3. 5. 6):
' being manifest in the fiesh, he was justified in
the spirit.' Wherein consists His being justified ?
The true answer is — in all that by which His higher
origin was made known (' His glory' in St. John,
manifested in words, works, resurrection [7^^ ^^'
2" 3- 14'>; cf. Mt 7-", Ro 1^, Ac 2=*«, etc.]; 'His
high-priesthood ' [He 3. 5. 6] ; ' His righteousness'
[Ko 10^ 1 Co pu, 2 Co 5-^', Ph 3«, etc., in St. Paul]).
It is a description drawn in contrast with the pre-
ceding phrase, ' manifest in the llesh,' and includes
all by which He is proved to be the very Person He
truly was.* This general proof is further s^iecial-
ized into the events of His Death and Resurrection,
its ultimate and most impressive parts, which as
such procured the redemption from sin through
which we are justified (RoS^ 4-^, He 8. 9. 10). His
own justitication consisted in the accomplisheil
fact of His perfect holiness and His risen life. It
is ours after the same manner ; only it is His right-
eousness that is mediated to us to become ours,
and that in virtue of our union with Him by faith
(Ro3--"-® 5). The old distress of man's nature is
irrevocably dissolved under the assured potency of
the new condition in which it stands.
ii. Completeness. — The general meaning of
justification is clear, nay simple ; but the greatly
simple is the organization of the com])l»5ik. And
the apostolic exposition is complex. It compre-
hends many elements, commands a variety of rela-
tions. It derives its material from the Apostle's
unique fellowship with the glorified Lord ; and
tliat experience, fundamentally the same in all, is
varied by the diversity of individuality in each.
Again, the reasoning of the apostles relates itself
directly to immediate issues and is att'ected by the
circumstances of the readers to whom it is ad-
dressed. Further, the intellectual equipment of
the writers colours their statements. To all this
we must add the fact that their doctrine had to
establish itself on the successful displacement of
two solutions already on the field, one of them
strongly entrenclied, viz. the ministration of tlie
Law. The most systenuxtic; and dispassionate
statement is given by St. Paul in the E[)istle to the
Romans, with which is to be associated the sub-
sidiary matter (more or less disputatious) in Epii.,
2 Cor., Gal., etc. Isolated references and aspects
of the doctrine, more or less complete, are to be
* His own use of the word 'justified ' (Lk T'^"').
found in Acts, the General Epistles, and Hel)rews.
The relation of these to one another, and of them
all to the Sjnoptic teaching of Jesus Himself, has
to be adverted to.
(1) St. Paul. — Justification is by God's grace
(Ro 32-' 4«, Eph 2», Tit 3'), by man's" faith (Ac 13=^8,
Ro 5M, by Christ's Death (Ro 5-'), by His Resurrec-
tion (Ro 4-"). It is a justification of the ungodly
(Ro 45, 2 Co 5'*, etc.) ; it is not of works of the Law
(Ro 3-°, Gal 3'^ etc.), not of the law written in the
heart, the uncircumcision (Ro 2'^). It is not incon-
sistent with judgment by works (1 Co 9-', Ph 3«-'-^).
It is for remission of sins (Ro 3-^), peace with God,
access into gra('e and hope of glory (Ro 5'--),
righteousness (Ro 4"- -■* 5'^ 3--, 2 Co 5"-', Ph 3«), for
life (Ro 5^^ : 'a justification taking effect in life '),
which is through the body of Christ (Ro 7'*) and by
His Spirit (Eph 2'8, Ro 5'^ 8- *-6- 1"- ", etc.). To
the foregoing add the corroborative statement in
Ro 4 as to Abraham's justification. There are
five points. Justification is by f.aith, not works
(4^'^), therefore by grace (4^^). Being by grace
through faith, it came not through law but through
promise (4''* ; cf. Gal 3^*). It is not by circumcision
or outward privilege (4''- "*•'') ; it leaves no room
for boasting or self-righteous conlidence (3-'' 4-).
According to the Apostle, justification is not an
act of man but an act of God. It issues from His
holy Fatherly love and righteousness, which can
have no possible relation to unrighteousness but
that of wrath. It is fundamentally related to be-
lieving self-surrender and trust (faith) on man's
part. It is manifested in the historical Avork of
Jesus. Its force resides in God, the object of faith,
as He in His righteousness and clemency appears
in the Death and Life after Death of His Son, by
whose life we are saved (Ro 5^'^). This justifica-
tion is not cogently interpreted as ' a reckoning
righteous,'* nor as 'a making righteous'; it is
more than the first, and other than the second. It
includes the juridical features within the larger
personal and spiritual, for there enter into it («)
grace and (6) faith, (c) Christ's Spirit and (rf) the
believer in Christ, all in a plane of spirit and life.
Here God cannot just be understood as a Judge
acquitting a criminal ; t the culprit has his position
completeljr reversed, and is advanced to the honours
and privileges to which he would have been entitled
by a perfect obedience.J He not only goes free
from merited penalty ; he is transferred into a new
freedom for righteous service, gains unrestricted
admittance to the operations of grace, the right of
sonship, with all the glorious future involved.
All that future is here in its initial stage in germ,
so that the whole is regarded as already in the
IJotential possession of the believer, and God gives
as God and Father, not after the manner of an
earthly tribunal. The stress of the Pauline state-
ment rests on the fact that he conceives the energies
of the Spirit to be liberated for the believer by the
justifying Death of Christ, and mediated to tlie be-
liever by the present life of ' the Lord, the Spirit'
(2 Co 3'''), to whom the believer is joined to form
' one spirit ' (1 Co 6^"). It is a statement of siiirit,
not logic ; experience and life, not legal forms. §
The Apostle i)roceeds next to plead for its effi-
cacy by contrasting it with two earlier attempts in
the history of the race to restore man's righteous-
ness — attempts which had miserably failed. There
was first the working of the natural conscience in
* Tlie meaning of the term, a judicial word.
t To Him as Judge tlie situation is a legal impasse out of
which there is no legal way ; recourse is had to the Divine
clemency.
J Cf. W. P. Paterson, Pauliiie Theology, London, 1903, p. 71.
S St. Paul uses metaphors, some drawn from juristic termin-
ology, others from the ceremonial on the Great Day of Atone-
ment. These metaphors are to be interpreted not in separation
but in their combined cumulative effect, if the coniprehensiva
character of his idea is to be maintained.
JUSTIFICATION
JUSTIFICATION
669
the Gentile world. There is a light of nature
whicli oti'ers knowledge sufficient to impress on
men the fact that their just due to God is full
obedience to His will. By their wilful disobedience
that light that was in them had been turned to
darkness, with the result not of heightening the
possibilities of human nature, but rather of increas-
ing its unrighteousness, in fellowship with tlie god
of this world, tlie Devil ; and now the world was
lying in wickedness under God's wrath (Ko l-^' -*
3"- 1", Gal 3--, Eph 2-), and, in the individual heart,
earnestly endeavouring to keep from its contamina-
tion, the conflict proved the prepotency of sin
(Ro 7). Then there was the moral conscience
trained under the Law of Moses. It was designed
to remedy the moral disaster of the natural con-
science. Was it successful ? — It had been most
ineffectual. Law could ' not make alive' (Gal 3'-^)
either in its precepts or in their sanctions. It might
furnish an ideal of right and deepen the conscious-
ness of sin, and it might educate to a higher type
of virtue. It could also, on the contrary, incite to
larger disobedience and to fresh vices. Its rigours
working on sensitive souls tended to paralyze the
will. But the only solution must lie in re-inforce-
ment of the will. In Clirist alone was that end
won. He is 'the Wisdom and Power' of God, to
them who believe, ideal and motive force in one
Spirit. Notiiing short of the religious conscience
renewed by Him could suffice. The religious con-
science begins in one subjective act on man's part,
the act of faith. It is preceded or accompanied by
repentance, but it is itself the simple, childlike,
submissive, enthusiastic, unconditional self-sur-
render of the man's whole being, intellect, affec-
tions, purpose, to the will of God in Christ.*
(•2) St. James. — The Epistle of St. James
em])hasizes two practical consequences of faith.
(a) It works in the heart as a new law, ol>edience
to the perfect, royal law of liberty (1-* 2^). The
point here is the contrast between the external
compelling force of the older Law and the internal
impelling force of the new, the ' word ' in the heart,
able to save the soul (l-M. (b) It works in the
conduct as good works. The controversy that has
arisen over the supposed antagonism between St.
Paul and St. James is barren, and need not detain
us. ' Faith ' and ' works ' have two different con-
notations in the two instances. St. James means by
'faith' not self-surrender so much as mental assent,
and by ' works ' not the legal deeds enjoined by
the Law, but acts of mercy and kindness promiJted
by the law of love in the soul. The motive and
interest of the two apostles differ ; there is no
room for opposition. Faith to St. James, as to St.
Paul, is the pre-condition of good works, and the
condition of acceptance with God. Like St. Paul
also, he sees justifying energy active in the con-
crete circumstances of life — ' a man is blessed not
through but in his deed.' Further, there is no
suggestion of merit in these good works of faith.
The sub-apostolic age was not slow to materialize
both ' the new law ' and the ' merit of works,' but
St. James is not responsible, f
(3) St. Peter. — From the speeches (Ac 3) and
First Epistle we gather three features, {a) In
justification the pardon of sins and cleax'ing of
guilt are explicitly connected with Christ's suffer-
ings (Ac 3^**^-, 1 P V-' 2-^) ; also, as the righteous
suffering for the unrighteous, Christ ' brings us to
God ' (3^^). (b) The gift of grace is the result of
Christ's Resurrection (1 P 1-^) ; it is the ground and
guarantee of the new life and of the gift of strength
* We are not here concerned with the ' Rabbinic ' form of St.
Paul's argumentation nor with the character of his judgment
on Gentile and Jew, but onl}' with his thought.
t For a different view of St. James's position, see Piepen-
bring, Jesus et les Apotres.
to overcome Satan, (c) The coming of grace into
the heart finds its necessary complement in the
life of love for the brethren. In the Second
Ejiistle both freedom from sins and the power to
work the righteousness of God depend upon faith
in and knowledge of Christ (P- »). Knowledge here
is akin to the Johannine idea— the inner personal
apprehension of the saving Spirit of Christ.
(4) St. John.— The Epistles and Apocalypse do
not share in the fullness of volume of mystical
idealism pervading the Gospel. Yet the essential
elements are here— the unity of life with God in
Christ, the significance of Christ's Person, Death,
Resurrection, fellowship with Him in 'sonship.'
Especially emphatic is the writer on the two facts,
that it is God's love to sinners, not sinners' love to
God, that is the ground of faith and healing ; that
in sonship are to be included religious as well as
moral ideals. In the Apocalypse the same ideas
are central — but under sacrificial designations :
Christ's Sacrifice (the Lamb) and Resurrection
(alive for evermore) are the source of the stream
of life proceeding from the very essence of God
which, received by man, is in him a life of un-
interrupted sacrifice.
(5) Hcbrcics. — This Epistle is a continuation of
the Pauline 'apologia' for the gospel as against
the claims of the Old Covenant. What is done in
Romans for grace as against law is here done for
Christ's sacrifice as against Levitical offerings.
Justification by faith is expounded in connexions
different from those St. Paul and St. John have in
view, and the exposition stands midway between
theirs, filling up an evident lacuna. Some
scholars assert that the problem is here less deeply
discussed, justification being narrowed to forgive-
ness and faith to spiritual insight apart from
spiritual grasp. That would be to leave Hamlet
out of the play. The author has a definite aim,
and, notwithstanding an obscuring vocabulary and
analogies, elaborates it admirably. His aim is to
demonstrate the accessibility of God through
Christ's sacrificial work. His demonstration puts
in bold relief two aspects hitherto untouched in
apostolic thought : [a) justification as a subjective
fact as well as an objective act ; (h) the principles
of its mode. The justilication of Christ (above,
§3. i.) is constituted by His sinlessness, effected
as a si)iritual fact in His own experience. The
justification of the sinner as a spiritual fact in his
experience is effected after the same manner as in
Christ, and by Christ : viz. in ' the purging of the
conscience from dead works to serve the living
God,' and in resisting unto blood (y^-"'-). These
aspects are set forth in detail and give the book
its character. In both Christ and the believer the
inner experience is identical (a) 'through eternal
Spirit ' (y'-*) and (/3) through their vital union :
' he that sanctifieth and they who are sanctified
are all of one' (2'^). The word 'sanctify' is used
in this Ejiistle in its Hebraic sense of ' conse-
crate.'* Just as in St. Paul the justified are ac-
cepted and become members of the Body of Christ,
so in virtue of membership in the New Covenant,
the believer, according to Hebrews, is set in right
relation to God, receives forgiveness, cleansing of
conscience, and is ayLa^o/xeuos, even TereXeiui/xevos :
' by one offering he hath perfected for ever them
that are sanctified' (10"). The faculty in man
rendering this possible is faith, whose full content
it takes ' hope ' (6"* 7^*^), ' obedience ' (5** 11), as well
as ' faith ' ( 1 1^), to express. It is not merelj' spiritual
perception of the unseen ; it is rather the power of
soul which makes the unseen future present, the
* Cf. the NT use of ' saint ' — one of the covenant-people,
the potentiall}' holj' — of whom moral qualifications are asserted
not as a fact but as a duty. See F. J. A. Hort, The First
Epistle of St. Peter, I. l—Il. 17, London, 1898, p. 70.
670
JUSTIFICATION
JUSTIFICATION^
unseen present visible, and by so doing unites us
to Christ in His present and future plenitude
(10^- ^^), from whom flows the transforming in-
fluence creative of the graces of life which are
never separated from faith nor faith from them.
The efficacy of His Sacrifice rests fundamentally
on the majesty of His Person. His High-Priestly
act is an expression of the eternal Spirit of the
Divine love. By it He has destroyed every barrier
of sin which lay between man and God. He has,
as the sin-ofiering for humanity, freed all men
potentially from the guilty consciousness of sin,
and brought Christians to the heavenly rest of God.
The emphasis is on what follows, viz. : ' the enter-
ing within the veil,' less the surrender of His life
than its presentation within the veil, implying that
the love and merciful kindness of God, which were
manifested in time and in the earthly ministry,
are eternal and changeless principles perpetually
operative on our behalf. This must ultimately be
the ground of our acceptance and the assurance of
our life in communion with Him. The benefits
and efficacy of His perfect Sacrifice are conditioned
by our attitude of faith and trust.
(6) The apostolic doctrine in relation to Christ's
teaching. — Is the apostolic teaching a necessary
consequence of Christ's self-witness? Yes; if
certain considerations be kept in view. We
see, e.g., that it was not drawn by conscious
deduction. It is an original construction derived
from life, from their experience of Christ reveal-
ing Himself in them (Gal 1^^), as Christ's is from
the manifold fruitfulness and insight of His own
sublime Personality. Then we see it elaborated
under stress of the Judaistic and Hellenistic en-
vironment of that age, in the endeavour to establish
and justify itself in the intellectual atmosphere of
the nascent Church-life. It was not possible to
accomplish this with success except by a process
which should display the hidden significance of
what at first seemed so simple, and is so simple
to simple hearts.* That age, however, was not
simple-hearted ; t it was a highly intellectual, pro-
foundly perplexed, saddened age, sobbing its heart
out in weakness ; requiring accordingly the doc-
trine that would strengthen and comfort with
effect to be in the mould of its own speculation and
intuition. Christ's teaching is a plain, positive
statement on the practical religious plane, deliver-
ing itself as easily as the flow of the stream, in
conflict only with the hindrances of indifl'erence
and want of faith. That attitude characterizes
the General Epistles, which are close echoes of the
Master's style, and directed to the same general
consciousness of religion as His was. It is other-
wise with the Pauline and Johannine Epistles : in
them we have the underlying universal quality
and principle of His teaching disclosed, beaten out
inch by inch on the hard anvil of bitter controversy
(Pauline) ; or reflecting the more lambent genius
of the mystic (Johannine). The differences are
great, but they are not oppositions, nor vitiations.
The same facts are looked at and loved, by means
of the same great powers of soul, and within the
same great principles and convictions. J Nor must
we forget that since Christ's Person is the source
of this inspiration and enlightenment, their state-
ment is coloured throughout its whole extent by
that all-pervading fact. It is a fact which leaves
the writers free to be careless of superficial har-
monizations, conscious as they are of the sub-
stantial unity below all apparent divergences and
dissonances. That unity is impressive ; its outlines
• As, e.g., in Christ's teaching.
t Cf., for a popular description, M. Arnold's Obermann.
t Ct., for an able vindication of this view of the relation of the
apostolic doctrine to Christ's, J. Denney, Jenus and the Gospel,
London. 19U8.
strong and vivid. In contrast with Gentile wisdom
and Jewish LaAv, which were both powerless to
redeem men from sin, Christ stands out as Saviour.
He is the answer to the age-long cry, ' How shall
man be just with God ? ' He is ' the new and living
way' of access into God's presence (He 10'-"), as He
Himself claimed (Jn 14^). By Him is proclaimed
' the forgiveness of sins' (Ac 13^^). He is exalted
to give forgiveness (Ac 5'^), and gives it (Eph 1'',
Col V*, etc.). He has broken down the 'wall of
partition ' ( Eph 2") and ' rent the veil ' of the
Temple (Mt 21^\ Mk IS^s, Lk 23*^). He has
eflected 'so great salvation' (He 2^) in His own
body on the tree (1 P22^), by eternal Spirit (He 9^*),
in Himself and for Himself, as the Author and
Finisher of our faith, really, vitally, consciously,
not with a dull sense of unintelligible burden, but
wholly rationally, intensely spiritually, in an ex-
perience where the issues are of life and death,
fought out in a fiery heat of thought and emo-
tion, of deeply moving religious conscience. The
apostolic consciousness has caught the rich impress
of this travail of soul. It sets it forth for mankind
in varying form and mode — the picture of the great
and guiltless sorrow bearing the sins of the world,
and, in bearing them, bearing them away. As the
soul of the age was sobbing itself out, here a nobler
soul shares the fellowship of its sufl'eringand of all
sutt'ering, but not in weakness ; for the pain is fully
faced and taken up into conscious life, there to be
transmuted into abiding life. Thus was Christ
justified ; thus are we.
iii. Spirituality and absoluteness. — Justifi-
cation is a purely religious problem. The apostolic
solution is purely religious. Its spirituality may
be vindicated by reference to its source, its ground,
its results.
(a) Grace the source. — Justification presupposes
the election of grace {q.v.), to which is traced
its unconditional freeness (Ro 3^S Eph V), its
plenitude (Col P^ Ro 5", etc.), its Divine provision
(1 Jn 41", Ro b^' ^<'). The riches and freeness of
God's grace are manifested in the redemption they
provide. It is a manifestation in which there is
nothing else than a free, unprompted, unsolicited
expression of God's own nature and love to man-
kind. It is conditioned by nothing in man but
man's clamant need, by nothing in God but His
own holy love. Men are not pardoned on account
of their faith or by their faith. Pardon already is
in God's attitude toward them ; what they have
to do is to realize it by faith, and enjoy its bless-
ing.* Nor does God pardon because of Christ's
satisfaction. Christ's sacrifice is the outcome of
His forgiving mercy. It does not create or impel
God's love, it displays it (Ro 5*- ^''). The Atonement,
so far from being inconsistent with the Fatherhood
of God, is its most distinct proof. Faith in Christ's
atoning love only makes more conspicuously clear
God's paternal love, for it is the marvellous way
He took to struggle down through human experi-
ence to give us healing. This assured love of God
is the living root of the justified life ; f in its ampli-
tude all are pardoned if they would only realize it
in actual standing. It is the cause also of con-
fident and bold access to God (Eph 312, 1 Jn 2=8 3-^)
and the ceasing from confidence in the flesh (Ph 3^).
Assurance of the Divine love in the forgiveness of
sins already contained in it the whole idea of
salvation, and holds together all the parts of the
Divine life in their necessary nexus : the justifica-
tion of the sinner before God and the princijile of
freedom for the consciousness of the justified subject
• Theology even in its most dreary day never made faith the
operative but simply the instrumental cause of justification.
t Cf. Calvin's Institutes, in whioli justification is related to
predestination : ' comprehension of tlie divine purpose creating
confidence in the elect ' (bk. iii. ch. 2).
JUSTIFICATION^
JUSTIFICATION^
671
himself in all his relations.* In that principle lies
securely embedded, along Avith our acceptance by
God, our assurance of salvation, t Starting from
God, who from eternity has been beforehand with
us, held by His predestinating love, creating,
calling, pardoning, we raise our fabric of life in
continual groM'th for eternal glory (Ro 8^^'^^). All
along it is of God's initiative, of grace ; all along
it is an appeal to faith ; man's dependence is
absolute.
(b) Christ's mediation the ground. — Here the
apostolic teaching assumes the form of a three-fold
presentation : (a) Christ's righteousness is made
peace ; (/3) Christ's blood is made obedience ; (7)
Christ's life is made presence. The first is Pauline,
the second that of Hebrews, the third Johannine —
in such a way that, while each of the three has its
predominant element as thus classitied, we are not
to suppose that each has no afhnities with the
others ; on the contrary, the fullness of truth is in
each, but ranged around the predominant element
of each type.
(a) The new righteousness. — ' Christ is made unto
us righteousness' (1 Co P") ; 'he is our peace'
(Eph 2's-i8). The argument is in Ro 3i»- 1«-^^ and
proceeds by a winding course through the following
chapters to the eighth. There are three kinds of
rigliteousness : ' God's righteousness,' ' our own
righteousness,' and ' the righteousness of faith.'
Before God's righteousness no man can stand.
The attempt was made through His Law, given
by Moses. The result was a self-righteousness
that failed to bring peace between God and man
for two reasons — firstly, the righteousness of the
Law consisted in our own unaided obedience ; and
secondly, that self-righteousness was the condition
of our acceptance with God. It contained all the
elements of uncertainty of salvation. It was in-
etl'ectual. There is another righteousness never
lost sight of under the Old Law, which has now
appeared in Jesus Christ. By Him it is made ours.
Presented in Him, it awakes in the sinner peni-
tence and faith — a love of Christ's holiness, a hatred
of his own sinfulness ; this by God's gi-ace. There
is nothing in the self-righteousness of the righteous-
ness of the Law to bridge the chasm between God
and sin. The provision for that end is the very
thing provided in Christ. How so? In Christ
God gives His own righteousness, which is the end
and meaning of all faith. He who receives it in
initio receives it virtually in extenso ; such is the
mode of God's gift of it. The condition of possible
or future righteousness is the right attitude or in-
tention of mind towards actual present unright-
eousness. It is possible to justify or accept as right
only that attitude which at the time is the nearest
right possible for the person. In the initial moment
of contrition, the only possible and right posture
of the sinner is that consciousness of himself which
could not be the beginning of his hatred of sin if it
were not to the same extent the beginning of a
love of holiness. Where this exists in truth and
sincerity, even though it be but the beginning of
an infinite process, it is possible and right to accept
and treat as right that which as yet is only a first
turning to and direction towards right (cf, 1 Jn
p-io)_ Thus the righteousness of faith begins with
our sense of sin and experience of impotence, and
God's loving acceptance of this repentance in us
is the condition, starting-point, and earnest of a
righteousness in us which is maintained and in-
creased through Christ's, in whom we see revealed
all the presence and power of God in us, and in
consequence all the power in ourselves necessary
* It is the permanent worth Of Luther's doctrine to have set
forth these two points with passiODate cogency (The Liberty of
the Christian Man).
t Not the same as assurance of the love of God.
to its actual attainment and possession. Faith in
Christ as our righteousness can justify us because
it is based on the one condition in ourselves of
becoming righteous — a loyal disposition — and the
one power without ourselves to make us righteous
— the rigliteousness of God. The grace of God in
Christ makes the sinner rigliteous, by enabling
him to make himself righteous. It starts the
process by regarding and treating as righteous
the penitent believer:* 'justifying freely through
grace by faith.'
(/3) The new obedience. — • He learned obedience
by the things which he sufiered ' ; 'the obedience
of faith' (He 5«, Ro 5'» 16-8, He Si-* 4" lO^- 10-23.24
12). A. B. Bruce t has made the invaluable sug-
gestion that by the author of Hebrews the blood
of Christ has been translated from body to spirit,
and as such enters into heaven, and is available
for our benefit. The blood of Christ, says St. John,
is ever actively cleansing us from all sin (1 Jn V).
That blood-spirit becomes to us the law of all life
because it is the law of the Spirit of life itself
(Ro 8^). Obedience to that law clothes us with
its power. How so ? — Manifestly not simply as a
general consequence of that which Christ has done
for us, as if we found ourselves thi-ough the Atone-
ment on the Cross under such changed relation to
God as enables tis to approach Him at will. That
view is little distinguishable from the main position
of Rationalism (Socinianism), whose central convic-
tion is the assumption of a general order of Divine
forgiveness independent of Christ, in accordance
with which pardon is bestowed on the condition of
the active obedience of faith. Ritschl J has demon-
strated the hollowness of this assumption. Both
' faith ' and ' obedience ' lose tjieir peculiar quality :
for faith becomes merely assent to past teaching or
trust in past acts ; and obedience, instead of being
motived by faith in the sense of surrender to
Christ's spirit, is merely conformity to certain
legal requirements. Nor is it enough to go a step
further, and to conceive that Christ bj' His Death
established a fund of merit of which Ave can on
certain conditions make ourselves participants
(Romanism). Scriptural figures of speech there
are that seem to give some warrant to such a vieAv
of a spiritual reservoir of grace which waits only
for our willingness to dive into it.
Faith's view of the High Priest's intercession in
heaven will correct such notions. Nay, the narrow
notion of faith may become a snare to us. It is,
we admit, the first condition in our conscious
looking for the new spirit of life. But we must
not confound the possession of the condition Avith
the bestowal of the gift, or make our qualification
to receive supersede the act of the Giver. Some-
thing far more etiectual happens. As Ave invoke
His intercession, Ave do not merely aAvake an
ancient memory ; Ave hear a living voice and see a
living form, our Advocate and Comforter, against
every accuser (Ro 8^^"**), and discern them repro-
duced in our hearts by His Spirit ' who maketh
intercession for us with groanings Avhich cannot be
uttered' (Ro S^^-^'). It is God that justifieth. It
is the Son risen for our justification.
(7) The iieio jtresence. — ' It is expedient that I go
aAvay ; for I Avill send the Spirit ' ( Jn 16^, Ac 1^) ;
' Ye liaA' e an unction from the Holy One and knoAv
all things' (1 Jn 2-"- 2'') ; ' If our heart condemn us
not, then have we confidence toward God ' (3-i) ;
' I saw in the midst of the Church the Son of man
all glorious' (Rev P^-^^). St. John vicAvs the justi-
fied life as a new life in the deepest sense — not a
doctrine merely for the mind to embrace ; not an
* For a full discussion see DuBose, The Gospel according te
St. Paul, chs. vi. and vil.
t HDB, art. ' Hebrews,' vol. ii. p. 333.
j Rechljertigung und Versohnung, oh. viii.
672
JUSTIFICATIOX
JUSTIFICATION
event simply to be remembered with faith ; not
the constitution only of a neAV order of spiritual
relations for fallen man ; but a new power into the
very centre of human nature, the power of a new
Divine principle. Because of this new principle it
is a new creation, a new creation which indeed
does not annihilate the old but transmutes it, and
fulfils it — a process possible because the principle
of the new is, if not continuous with the organic
principle of the old, still consistent with that
principle, the Logos being the cosmic counterpart
of the Spirit. That new power, new principle, in
the very centre of humanity is Spirit, presence.
How so? By organic, living, universal develop-
ment. Christ's force was not intended to stop in
the person of one man to be transferred soon after
to heaven. Nor was it intended to be a fund or
quantum to be applied subsequently in the way of
outward imputation. It goes forth to heal and
justify the world, not as something standing be-
yond itself and by a power external. He gathers
humanity rather into His own Person, stretches
over it tlie law of His own life, so that it holds in
Him as its root. Into this new order of existence
we are not transferred wholly at once. We are
apprehended by Him, in the fiVst jjlace, only, as it
were, at a single point. But this point is central.
The new life lodges itself, as an efflux from Christ,
in the inmost core of our personality — the inmost
self (above, § 2, ' Problem of justification'). Here it
becomes the principle or seed of our sanctification,
conceived always not as a substance but as personal,
a presence ; Christ is in the soul as a magnetic
centre (Jn 12^-), j^roducing in its life continually
an inward nisus in the direction antagonistic to
sinful impulse, a process which, if continued, will
at last carry all in the soul its own way, as the
soul's forces increasingly yield themselves in their
totality to the totality of His Presence. The soul
thus grows into His very nature. It is with
reason that Schleiermacher speaks of the com-
munication which Christ makes of Himself to
believers as moulding the person (see Ber christ-
liche Glaube^, 1830-31, § 140). The Presence of
Christ is the ground of all jiroper Christian
personality, ' the new man ' in Christ Jesus
(Eph 2^5 424^ Col 310). The end of the process is
the higher justification (2 Co 5^'^), the fruition of
that first justification which was but the begin-
ning. It is a process which from beginning to
end is only and wholly of Divine life.
(c) Christ-in-us the result. — The feud between
' faith ' and ' works ' is an old one. Certain points are
clear. It is not a question of sinners being j ustified
by works whether 'legal' or 'good.' The impeni-
tent are never justified. It is not a question of
believers being justified by good works only. By
his works the believer will be judyed. These are
bald positions easily excluded. The crux of the
controversy is that works to be good must spring
from no motive other than the one proper motive,
the new life in Christ. There are three alter-
natives : (1) Our own merit. We can go bej'ond the
legal requirements so far that we are able to com-
pensate for our wrongdoing. (2) Other-s' merit.
Others may compensate similarly for us, either by
way of being our substitute or by -way of trans-
ference of their supererogatory virtue to us. Both
positions lose force in face of the Divine claims
upon us and all men for the whole devotion of
which we are capable at every moment ; even then
we are 'unprofitable servants.' (3) Not of merit
but of faith. By this it is not meant that we are
justified because faith shows that we have altered
our ways and that faith can complete itself in good
works, or because faith has in it the germ of all
that God api)roves ; we are justihed by faith, not
on the ground of the holy life that may' follow, but
on the ground of Him who by faith is indwelling
in our spirits and implants us in a new world of
spiritual reality, where love (as He is love) alone
is power. 'Love is the fulfilling of all law.' In
pre-Christian ages that principle miglit be m meu
like Abraham in unconscious operation and be
credited to them for its worth. Similarly to-day
in the world outside Christ. But implicitly or
explicitly it must be present whenever this is so ;
good works are the outcome of character not of
ordinances, of love not of law, and the character
and love are of Christ in us. The apostles plainly
conceive of Christ in this reference in an ascending
scale of presence in the world. He is in the Cosmos
as its principle. He is in humanity, of which He
is the 'recaijitulation.' He is in the Christian
body, of which He is head. Good works are good
from the principle underlying them. It is that
principle that justifies the doers of them. That
principle is Christ. The Epistle to the Hebrews
labours to show that Christ as Priest and Victim
is perfect, eternal, final, from the fact that He is
character, not ordinances. The Johannine Epistles
are pregnant with the idea that Christ in the heart
is Love. But character and love are pure Spirit.
Its implanting into us for ever saves our ' good
works' from degenerating into a mere moral code,
and furnishes us with a richer and more personal
basis for our conHdence in doing our goodness.
Our virtues cannot be things without us : they
must be self-determined ; but, if my self is deter-
mined by Christ in me, we can truly say, and ought
to say, of our good works, as of all else in our life,
'Not I, but Christ in me.' This, further, we can
saj' from the first, and with assurance. The con-
fidence is secure in the implanted principle ; it is
not bound to the good works, which are themselves
not independent but based on the principle. No
doubt the real and vital relation of the Christian
to Christ is invariablj' and inevitably accompanied
by its practical sense and the actual experience of
its living results in his quickened and risen self;
but it is not the accompaniment, it is the relation
itself, that is the ground of certainty. Ritschl * is
out of the true lineal descent of Reformed theology
when he argues that the individual believer attains
certainty of salvation only as in the exercise of his
religious experience he reaches dominion over the
world ; he is back on the old plane of ' ordinances '
and ' works ' which incited Luther's polemic.
There Luther was on sure ground — true to his
own experience, true to the apostolic mind. That
mind conceived and solved the problem of justifi-
cation with splendid invincible spirituality, as the
act of God alone. In so doing it at the same time
set its finality on the firmest foundation. If the
idea of the union between the Divine and the
human be true, and the actualization of it necessary
to satisfy the deepest want of the human spirit,
before it finds peace with God, all that the case
* Ritschl's is the most exhaustive and original discussion in
modern theology of the doctrine of justification. No references
can t;ive any idea of its wealth. The distinctive features of his
definition are only partly true to Lutheran tradition. They are
as follows: (1) the identification of justification and forgiveness
of sins ; (2) the denial of any punishment of sin except the
sinner's separation from God ; (3) the rejection of the ideas of
the imputed righteousness of Christ and His substitutionary
suffering ; (4) the subordination of reconciliation to justification ;
(5) the ascription of justification to the Christian community ;
(6) the inclusion in the idea of justification of a reference to
man's relation to the world.
The adequate reason of justification Ritschl maintains to be
the fatherly love of God, not His judicial righteousness ; the
condition of its human ajipropriation is faith, which does not
directly include love to man, but implies freedom from all law.
This justification is primarily attached to the community of
Christians and only to individuals as members of it. The best
exposition in English is A. K. Garvie's Ritachlian Theology,
Edinburgh, 1899. Good translations of vols. i. and iii. are now
accessible, the former by .J. Sutherland Black (Edinburgh, 1872),
the latter by H. R. Mackintosh and A. B. Macaulay (do. 1900).
JUSTIFICATIOX
KIXDXESS
673
can possibly demand is met in Christ, in whom it
is met not in idea merely but in reality. In every
part of His life He shows a power of love. He
otters Himself through its force unreservedly to
God. Equally He otters Himself through its force
unreservedly to men, for the purpose of drawing
them to God and uniting them among themselves
and with God. He is a centre of love, Divine and
human, intensely interwoven with power to em-
brace the whole of humanity and to influence it
without exhaustion of His fullness. Such an
exhiliition has never been paralleled or ajjproached.
There is no room to think higher than this. It
cannot be transcended.
Literature. — There is neither a good history of the doctrine
nor a comprehensive discussion of the problems it raises, j
There are excellent articles in PRE'^ and CE, giving full state-
ments of modern Protestant and Romanist ideas. The older
books of F'aber, Alex. Knox, Newman, simply confuse the issues, i
A thoroughly live investigation of the apostolic doctrine will be
found in A. C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age, Edinburgh, 1897 ; i
and of St. Paul's in SandayHeadlam, Com. on Romans^ilCC,
do. 1902). Interesting expositions are those of C. Gore,
Romans, London, 1S99-19IIM ; A. E. Garvie, Studies of Paul
and his Gospel, do. 1911 ; W. P. DuBose, The Gospel according
to St. Paul, New York, 1907. Of older books still worth study :
Andreas Osiander, De justificatione, 1550, and De unico
mediature Jesu Christo et justificatione fidei, 1551 ; Erskine of
Linlathen, The Unconditional Freeness of the Gospel, Edin-
burgh, 1831. The Cunningham Lectures for 1866 bv Jas.
Buchanan furnish a full exposition of the ' Forensic Theory.'
The few brochures of the immediate present show the tendency
of thought to be that argued for in the article — that justifica-
tion meets two needs— the sense of alienation from God and the
sense of weakness to do right — by substituting a loyal dis-
position for the performance of a" legal code. On tlie more
general problems of Pauline thought to which justification is
related, the following are worth study : E. von Dobschiitz,
Probleme des apostolijichen Zeitalte'rs, Leipzig, 1904 ; M.
Goguel, VApotre Paul et .Jesus-Christ, Paris, 1904 ; A. Haus-
rath, STZG-, Leipzig, 1873-77, and .Jesus und die neutest.
Schriftsteller, Berlin, 1908-09; H. J. Holtzmann, Die Apostel-
geschichte'-^, Tubingen, 1901, and Setitest. Theologie, do. 1911 ;
C. Piepenbring-, Jesu3 et les Apotres, Paris, 1911.
A. S. Martin.
JUSTUS.— See Jesus, Joseph, Titus Justus.
K
KEEPER.— See Guard.
KEY. — It is remarkable that ' key ' in the con-
crete form does not occur in the apostolic writings.
The four occurrences in Kev. are symbolical.
There are certain passages in Acts where we
should expect mention of a key, but the circum-
stances are exceptional, and ' key ' is omitted (Ac
12'" 1(326. 27) When a porter was in attendance,
admittance was given from the inside, and a key
to open was not necessary (cf. Ac 1'2'^- '^). From
the fact that city gates were guarded, the need for
a key was in this case also absent. It may be
noted that the chains by which prisoners were
secured, and the stocks in which their feet were
made fast, were in all likelihood secured by the
equivalent of a key (Ac 12'*- ^ 16-'' etc.).
We remark the ditt'erence between the Hebrew
word (nnr.t), 'that which ope,ns,^ and the Greek
and Latin (KXeis, r/rriv's), 'that \\\\\c\\. shuts.'' This
seems to correspond with actual usage. Among
the Hebrews the lock was arranged in such a
manner that the key was requisitioned only for
opening (see illust. in HDB ii. 836). The bar was
shot, and the lock acted of itself, but it could be
withdrawn only by aid of a key or opener. This
advanced mode of making fast a door was doubt-
less preceded and attended bj' a simpler process,
whereby the bolt or bar could be moved forwards
and backwards by means of a hook passing
through a slit in the door. This served to shut
the door, but did not make it absolutely secure as
in the other case. P'or the age with which we
have to deal we must think of tiie key as a device
by which one outside held command over the
closed door. Having shut it in the ttrst instance,
one had power to open it by applying the key.
The imagery of Rev., so far as 'key' is con-
cerned, implies power and authority on the part
of one standing outside and having possession of
the key. This power is in the hands of angelic
beings, who are above earth, and chiefly in the
hands of the Risen Christ. Their dominion is
manifested upon earth and in the under world,
over living and dead.
(1) Christ has the kej's of death and of Hades
(Rev 1'^, RV). This power is Imperial, exercised
fi'om without and from above. There are inter-
esting parallels to this, apart from Scripture, in
VOL. I. — i.T,
literature, both earlier and later. When Istar de-
scended to the land of no-return she called imperi-
ously to the porter to open the door, and threatened
in case of refusal to shatter the door and break
the bolt. Here the power is primitively conceived,
and remains largely with the one within. For
later and more advanced conceptions see Dante,
Piirg. ix. 65 tt"., and Milton, Paradise Lost, ii.
774 tt'., 850 tt'. In both these instances the pow'er,
although great, is still limited.
(2) Angelic authority is evident in Rev 9^ 20^,
where the key of the ' pit ' or ' well ' of the abyss,
or of the abyss simply, is spoken of. This power
was delegated ('was given,' 9^). That some
symbol of power was bestowed seems clear from
20\ where the key and a great chain for binding
are seen in the angel's hand (or attached to his
person). The figure of the key here directs our
thought to the pits or wells of ancient times,
whose opening was safeguarded against illegiti-
mate use by a covering of some kind. The prinu-
tive setting of such coverings would naturally be
horizontal, but here the imagery, extending to
key, points rather to a door set upright and se-
cured by bolt or lock. The stone doors of tombs
may be compared.
(3) Upon earth itself Christ's unlimited author-
ity is exercised over the churches, including that
in Philadelphia (Rev 3^). The 'key of David'
here mentioned is reminiscent of Is 22-*, where
some sort of investiture is in the writer's mind
(HDB V. 172). In this instance power is exhibited
in the most absolute form, and made over to the
Church in the sense of a 'door opened,' for the
enjoyment rather than for the extension of the
gospel (see R. W. Pounder, Hist. Notes on the
Book of Revelation, 1912, p. 140). It is not sur-
prising that the reading of this verse should have
been attracted to \^-, as appears in some inferior
MSS (Hbov for Aai'etS).
See further DCG, art. ' Keys.' For specimens of
actual keys discovered in the course of excava-
tion see R. A. S. Macalister, The Excavation of
Gezer, 1912, i. 187 and ii. 271. Further illustra-
tions in A. Rich, Diet, of Rotnan and Greek
Antiquities^, 1873, s.v. 'Clavis.'
W. Cruickshank.
KINDNESS. — In its substantival, adjectival,
verbal, and adverbial form this term occurs in the
674
KINDNESS
KING
English NT in the following passages : Lk 6^,
Ac 27* 282, 1 Co 13^ 2 Co 6", Gal 5-^ (RV only),
Eph 27 4^2^ Col 312, Tit 2^ (RV only), 3*, 2 P F (AV
only; RV 'love of the brethren'). In all these
passages (except Ac 27* 28^, where it renders <pi\-
avOpwiruf, ipikavdpu-wla. Tit 2^ where it renders
ayaObs, and 2 P V, where 'brotherly kindness'
renders <j>L\aSe\<pla) the original has xP'?o"''<5s, XPW-
T&rrjs, xpW'''^'^^^^- These Greek words, however,
occur in several other places, where the English NT
does not employ the term 'kindness,' viz. Mt IP"
('easy'), Lk 5=*^ (AV xpv<^T6Tepos, 'better,' RV
XPV<^t6%, '.good'), Ro 2^ *" ('goodness'), S'^Cgood'),
1P2 ('goodness'), 1 Co 15** ('good'), Gal 5" (AV
'gentleness,' RV 'kindness'), 1 P 2* (' gracious').
These passages will have to be taken into account
in determining the precise meaning of the con-
ception.
X/)77crT6s is the verbal adjective of XP"-'^) * use.' Its
primary meaning, therefore, is ' usable,' ' service-
able,' 'good,' 'adequate,' 'efficient' (of persons as
well as of things). This utilitarian sense of ' good-
ness' passes over into the ethical sense in which
it becomes the opposite to such words as irov-qphs,
/MoxOrjpos, al(xxp6s. It further passes over into the
more specialized ethical meaning of ' kind,' ' mild.'
The process of the latter transition may perhaps
still be observed in the phrase rd XPW'<^=' good
services,' ' benefits,' ' kindnesses.'
In the NT there is only one instance where it
has the sub-ethical meaning 'good for use,' viz.
Lk 5*^ ; here the old wine is said to be ' good ' or
'better.' According to Trench (Synonyms of the
NT^, 1901, p. 233), even here the thought is
coloured by the ethical employment of the word in
other connexions, xP'?<'"''6s = ' mellowed with age.'
This is certainly true of Mt 1 1*", where Christ's
yoke is called xpw^os because it is a figure for de-
mands that are kind and mild. In all other in-
stances the ethical application is explicit. The
precise shade of meaning, however, attaching to
the word in this sense is not easy to determine.
In certain instances it may designate moral good-
ness in general. This seems to be the case in
Ro 3^2 (TTotwy xPV<^'''^''">]^°'< a quotation from Ps 14'^,
where xPV<^'''6v is the LXX rendering for aia). In
1 Co 15** the proverbial saying <}>6elpovcnv ijdr]
Xpv<^Ta ofuXiai /ca/cat, 'evil companionships corrupt
good morals' (or 'characters'), has xpV'^Ti's in the
same general sense, the opposite here being KaK6s.
In all other cases there are indications that some
specific quality of moral goodness is intended.
Most clearly this is apparent in Gal 5^^ for here
Xpi70't6t7;s Stands among a number of Christian
graces and is even distinguished from dyadwaOvrj,
'goodness.' A similar co-ordination is found in
Col 3'-, where XPV<^'''<^'''V^ occurs side by side with
Trpairris. Various attempts have been made at
defining that conception. Jerome in his exposi-
tion of Gal 522 renders xp'')'^'^^''"'!^ by benignitas (cf.
the rendering by Wyclif and in the Rheims Ver-
sion), and quotes the Stoic definition : ' benignitas
est virtus sponte ad benefaciendum exposita.' The
difference between XP''1<^'''^^V^ ^nd ayadwffivq he
finds in this, that the latter can go together with
a degree of severity, whilst it is inherent in XPV'^-
TOTr]^ to be sweet and inviting in its association
with others. This, however, does not quite hit
the centre of the biblical idea. Most shrewdly, it
seems to us, tlie latter has been pointed out by
Tittraann (de Synonymis in NT, 1829-32, i. 141) as
consisting in the trait of beneficence towards those
who are evil and ungrateful : ' xpncrrds bene cupit,
neque bonis tantum sed etiam malis.'
A closer inspection of the several passages will
bear this out, at least as the actual im])lication of
the NT usage, if not as the inherent etymological
force of the word. In Lk 6^ God is said to be
XP'n'^Tbs towards the unthankful and evil, and the
statement serves to urge the preceding exhorta-
tion : ' love your enemies, do them good, and lend,
never despairing.' The passages in Romans point
to the same conclusion. In 2* the xpW'^T-q^ is
associated Avith ' forbearance ' and ' longsufiering ' ;
it is that attitude of God by which doing good in
the face of evil He leads men to repentance. In the
second clause of this verse the word occurs in the
form rb XPVO"^^" tov deov, which probably means the
embodiment of the xPVO'TbTrjs in acts. On the same
principle in IP^ xPV<^'''6Tris is the opposite of diro-
TOfiia, ' severity ' ; ' to continue in the XPW'''^'''V^ of
God' means to continue in conscious dependence
on this undeserved favour of God (cf. v.^', ' be not
highminded, but fear '). In 1 Co 13'* we read of
love that it ' sufl'ereth long (xpijcreyerai), envieth
not,' which indicates that a kindness is meant
which overcomes obstacles. In 2 Co 6*, again,
XpijcT^T-Tjs is found in conjunction with ' longsufier-
ing,' and in a context which emphasizes the patient,
forbearing character of the Apostle's loving minis-
tration to his converts. In Gal 5^^ we meet with
the same conjunction between ' longsufiering ' and
XPwrbTT}'!, and here, by distinction from dyadwaivT],
' benevolence,' and irpavryis, ' meekness,' the sense
is narrowed down to a benevolence which asserts
itself either with a peculiar cheerfulness or in the
face of peculiar difficulties. According to Eph 2''
the Divine grace is shown in kindness ; no matter
whether xp'JC^'^ttjs is here taken as abstractum pro
concrcto = the embodiment of God's kind procedure
in the work of salvation, or whether ' grace ' be
given an objective concrete sense ; in either case
the association of the two shows that the Divine
Xpriffrbrris is conceived as having for its object the
sinful and unworthy. The context of Col 3^- like-
wise emphasizes the forbearing and forgiving dis-
position required of the Christian in view of the
forgiveness received from God, and the terms with
which xpV'^'''^''"')^ is here associated ('lowliness,'
'meekness,' 'longsufiering') are again terms that
describe benevolence over against faults observed
in fellow-Christians. The xpV<^T6rr}s of Tit 3^ is
shown by the context to be God's kindness towards
sinful, undeserving man, and held up as an example
for the Christian of abstention from evil-speaking,
contentiousness, and pride. It came to such as
were ' foolish, disobedient, deceived, serving divers
lusts and pleasures, living in malice and envy,
hateful and hating one another.' Finally, in 1 P 2^
(a quotation from Ps 34^) the general meaning
' gracious ' seems to be indicated by the fact that
the Divine XPV'^'''^''"')^ is set in contrast to the
wickedness and guile and hypocrisies and envies
and evil-speakings, which the readers must put
aside as new-born men (cf. P* and the 'therefore'
in 2M, and the putting aside of which is invited
by their vivid experience in the new life that the
Lord Himself is gracious.
Geerhardus Vos.
KING. — The title is applied to rulers of various
degrees of sovereignty. We find it employed to
designate the tetrarch Agrippa II. (Ac 25'*) ;
Aretas of Arabia (2 Co 11*^) ; Agrippa i., whose
territory was co-extensive with that of Herod the
Great, and who seems to have received the royal
title (Ac 12') ; and the Roman Emperor, whom it
appears to have been the <;ustom for Greeks and
Orientals so to designate (1 Ti 2-, 1 P 2i*- ^'). An
instance of the elasticity of the term is provided
in Rev .17, where the seven kings in v.^" are
Roman Emperors, while the ten kings in v.^^ are
vassal kings.
1. Christ as King. — (1) The nattcre of Christ's
Kingship. — It was made an accusation against St.
Paul and Silas at Thessalonica (Ac 17^) that they
were guilty of treason, inasmuch as they pro-
claimed another king, one Jesus. It was the re-
vival of the charge brought against the Master
(Lk 23-). It is true that the Christians did claim
Kingship for tlieir Lord, but His Kingdom was
not of this world (Jn IS-*"), His throne is in
heaven, where He is set down with His Father
(Rev 3-'^). There are various representations of
His Kingship in the apostolic writings.
At one time His reign seems to have already be-
gun. This is the thought suggested by the fre-
quently recurring phrase, based on Ps 110^, 'sit-
ting at the right hand of God ' (Ro 8*», Eph P",
Col 31 ), which signifies Christ's participation in
the Divine government. According to this view,
Christ enters into His ^aa-iXela immediately on His
Exaltation (B. Weiss, Bib. Theol. of the NT, Eng.
tr., ii. [1883] § 99), in recognition of His obedience
unto death (Rev 3=', He 12-', Ph 28'-). On the
literal interpretation of Col P^, the Kingdom of
the Son is present even now, and believers are al-
ready translated into it (so Lightfoot and Haupt,
while others interpret the phrase proleptically).
Their citizenship is in heaven, whence they look
for Christ (Pii 3-»). The law they obey is called
vofios ^aaiXiKds (Ja 2^), in virtue of its emanating
from the King (Deissmann, Licht vom Osten, p.
265). At times this heavenly Kingsliip of Christ
is represented as undisturbed by further conflict,
and as peaceful sway over the powers which have
been brouglit into subjection. So in 1 P 3^- He is
on the right hand of God, ' angels and authorities
and powers being made subject unto him ' (cf.
Eph P"'-) ; and in He 10^-'* He is represented as
sitting doAvn for ever at the right hand of God,
' from henceforth expecting till his enemies be
made his footstool.' According to this view. His
\\ ork is finished ; His present state is one of roj'al
rest, and it remains for God to complete the sub-
jugation of the liostile powers.
But there are other representations of Christ's
Kingship. The most general view of His /3a<rtXe/o
in the NT represents it as not already realized,
but beginning at the Parousia (so O. Pfleiderer,
PaulinisDi, Eng. tr., 1877, i. 268); and according
to the programme sketched by St. Paul in 1 Co
IS-'*^-, His reign is no peaceful sway, but a cease-
less conflict against the powers of darkness. * He
must reign, till he hath put all enemies under his
feet' (v.-^). The last enemy to be overcome is
Death ; and when that is accomplished, then
Cometh the end, when He delivers up the sovereignty
to God (v.-'*). According to this outline, Christ s
reign is of the nature of an interregnum, to be
terminated (in opposition to the els rb di-qveKh of
He 10^^) when He resigns the power into the hands
of God.
In the later Epistles this programme is not
adhered to. In accordance with their more
developed Christology, Christ becomes the end
of Creation (Col \^^), and the final consummation
is now represented, not as the reign of God, who
is to be ' all in all ' (1 Co 15-*), but as the Kingdom
of Christ and God (Eph 5'), or even of Christ alone
(2 Ti 4^), whose Kingdom is an everlasting one
(2 P 1"), and wliose sovereignty is declared to ex-
tend to the future a^on (Eph P^). Again, in the
earlier representation Christ's Kingdom is to be
established on earth at His Coming, but in the
later versions it becomes a heavenly kingdom
(2 Ti 4'*), corresponding to the kingdom of the
Father which St. Paul had expected to succeed
the interregnum of the Son.
In Revelation we again meet with the conception
of a temporary reign of Christ, its duration being
put at 1,000 years (20*). It is questionable whether
that reign is here regarded as one of uninterrupted
peace and blessedness, or of continuous conflict
against the powers of evil. H. J. Holtzmann
{NT Theologie\ 1911, i. 542 f.) thinks that the only
original contribution made by the author of the
Revelation in this picture of the millennium is the
representation of the interregnum as a period of
peace and rest (20^- ^- ''). On the other hand, F. C.
Porter [HDB iv. 262) contends that the 1,000 years'
reign is part of the last conflict against evil, the
reigning and judging of Christ and His saints
being the gradual subjugation of the powers of
evil, and that there is no suggestion in Rev. that
peace and rest characterize the millennium.
(2) Christ and earthly kings. — In the Pauline
references to the sovereignty of Christ the hostile
forces whicli He overcomes are not earthly poten-
tates but the angelic principalities and powers, the
world-rulers of this darkness (Eph 6^^, 2 Co 4'*, Col
P^). To this corresponds the conflict with Satan
in Revelation. But in the latter book there is
also frequent representation of Christ's sovereignty
over earthly potentates. He is Prince of the kings
of the earth ( 1®), King of kings and Lord of lords
(I714 1916) Qy^; Qf fjis mouth goeth a .sharp sword
with which to smite the nations, and He rules
them with a rod of iron (19'^). The kings of earth
who have committed fornication with Babylon
(17^), and who marshal their armies in support of
the Beast (19'^), are numbered among the enemies
whom He has to subdue. Corresponding to this
attitude of hostility to Christ on the part of the
kings of the earth in Rev. is the spirit of hatred
to the Roman Empire which the book breathes,
as contrasted with that recommended in the other
apostolic writings. St. Paul as a citizen of the
Roman Empire recognizes in the higher powers
the ordinances of God, and regards subjection to
them as a religious duty (Ro \'6'^^-). St. Peter re-
commends submission to every ordinance of man
for the Lord's sake, and exhorts to fear God and
honour the king (1 P 2i8- "). In 1 Ti 2^ the in-
junction is given to pray for kings and for all in
authority. But in Rev. we find a fierce hatred of
Rome and longing for her destruction. She is to
tlie author tlie throne of the Beast (16'"), the very
incarnation of the sin which Christianity sought
to destroy, and his attitude towards the Imperial
power is the direct opposite of that taken up by
St. Paul.
2. God as King. — There is no power but of God
(Ro 13'), and all kingly authority ultimately pro-
ceeds from Him who is King of kings and Lord of
lords (1 Ti 6'*). Christ has ultimately to deliver
up the sovereignty to the Father, being subject
to Him that put all things under Him, that God
may be all in all (1 Co IS-'*--'^). In the song of
Moses and of the Lamb (Rev 15^) God is praised as
the King of nations, and in 1 Ti 1" a doxology is
sounded to Him as King of the teons. The plirase
may be chosen with reference to the Gnostic series
of Wons, and may mean ' King of the worlds.'
Others take it as ' King of the world times,' the
ruler who decrees what is to happen from age to
age; while others render it, as in the AV, 'the
King eternal.'
3. Believers as kings.— In Rev 1^ the AV runs :
' and hath made us kings and priests unto God.'
This is based on the reading ^acCKeh, which must
be abandoned for the better-attested ^acnXelav.
But in 5^", where tlie same phrase occurs in the
song of the angels concerning the Church (though
here again there is a variant ^aaiXeU, which, how-
ever, would render the concluding clause super-
fluous), there is the further addition : Kal /SactX-
evovaiv iirl ^■^s. K reads ^aaiXevcrovixtv ; and if we
accept that reading, then the reference is to the
future dominion of believers as represented in 20*,
where they live and reign with Christ 1,000 years.
Other references to this future sovereignty are
found in Ro 5'^ 2 Ti 2^^, and 1 Co 6"^'- (where they
676
KING OF KINGS
KINGDOxM, KINGDOM OF GOJ)
judge the world and the very angels). But if
^aa-LAeijovcTiv be retained, then the standpoint of the
author is that already that sovereignty of the
saints prophesied in Dn 7-'-- ^"^ has begun. The
Church, down-trodden and oppressed, is already
the dominant power in the world. St. Paul ironi-
cally congratulates the Corinthians on the assump-
tion" of kingly authority (1 Co 4*). Their vaunting
may have been due to a perversion of this doctrine
of tlie present sovereignty of the saints.
Literature. — The various handbooks on NT Theol.; H.
Weinel, Die Stellung des Urchristentums zum Staat, 1908 ; A.
Deissmann, Licht vorn Osten, 1908.
G. Wauchope Stewart.
KING OF KINGS AND LORD OF LORDS.— The
title ' King of kings,' assumed of old by tlie Baby-
lonian nionarchs and adopted by the Aclia>nienid;i3,
is proved by coins and inscriptions to have been
laid claim to, about the beginning of the Christian
era, by various other Oriental potentates, e.g. the
kings of Armenia, the Bosporus, and Palmyra
(A. Deissmann, Licht vom Osten, 1908, p. 265). It
liad been applied by the Jews to their God (2 Mac
I?'', 3 Mac 5^-'), and is combined with the appella-
tion ' Lord of lords ' (bestowed on Jahweh in Dt 10",
Ps 136^) to form the supreme title ' King of kings
and Lord of lords,' with which God is invested
in 1 Ti 6^^ This heaping up of attributes has a
parallel in 1". It is not evident what is its precise
purpose in the context. Some would explain it as
a counterblast to Gnostic misrepresentations. H.
Weinel {Die Stellung des Urchristentums zum
Staat, 1908, pp. 22, 51), who recalls the Babylonian
origin of the title, finds some trace of the old Baby-
lonian astrology in the further course of the pas-
sage, ' who only hath immortality, dwelling in the
light which no man can approach ' (cf. Ja P'', ' the
Father of lights,' i.e. stars). The same lofty title
is applied in Rev 17" 19^" to Christ, in earnest of
the certainty of His triumph over the kings of the
earth. In view of the hostility to the Roman
Empire which breathes throughout the Book of
Revelation, and the express references in it to the
Avorship of the Emperor (13^-^^ 14" 20"'), it is pro-
bable that this title is deliberately assigned to
Christ in assertion of His right to that dignity and
reverence which were falsely claimed by the
Roman Emperor (see artt. King and Lord).
G. Wauchope Stewart.
KINGDOM, KINGDOM OF GOD.— 1. References
in Synoptic Gospels.— The conception of the King-
dom which occupies so large a place in the first
three Gospels finds a relatively small place in the
remaining books of the NT. In our earliest Gospel*
— that of St. Mark — the Kingdom of God is the
main topic of Christ's preaching. He began His
ministry by announcing the good news that the
Kingdom of God was at hand ( P^). To His disciples
was entrusted the ' secret plan ' about the Kingdom
(4'^). The Parable of the Seed Growing Secretly
explained that it would come like harvest after a
period of growth, i.e. it would present itself in due
time when the period of heralding its advent was
over (4-'''"2"). Its coming would not be long delayed,
for some who heard Christ speak would see it come
with power (9^). The possession of wealth was an
impediment to entry into it; i.e. wealth hindered
men from enrolling themselves as discii)les of
Christ, the coming King (lO'-^"''^'*). Elsewhere we
read not of the coming of the Kingdom, but of the
Coming of the Son of Man (so in 13-« 14«-). Tiie
meaning attached to ' gospel ' in this book as the
good news of the coming Kingdom preaclied by
Christ is primitive, and earlier than the Pauline
use of ' gospel ' for the good news about Christ.
In the First Gospel the term is changed. We
* It does not fall within the scope of this art. to consider at
length the idea of the Kingdom in Christ's teaching.
read now of the ' kingdom of the heavens ' rather than
of the Kingdom of God. But the main line of idea
is the same (see W. C. Allen, St. Mattheio [ICC,
1907], pp. Ixvii-lxxi). The emphasis which is placed
in this Gospel upon the near coming of the Son of
Man to inaugurate the Kingdom (cf. 16'^ 24^- ^■',
etc. ) is due largely to the Matthsean collection of
discourses used by the editor.
St. Luke returns to the phrase ' the Kingdom of
God,' and though in general outline the idea of the
Kingdom is the same as in the two prior Gospels,
there are one or two suggestions that St. Luke was
beginning to realize that a consideralde period of
history might precede the coming of the Son of
Man to inaugurate the Kingdom. Jerusalem is to
be trodden down by the Gentiles until the times of
the Gentiles are fulfilled (21-^). And there is a hint
of the idea which was soon to overshadow the
anticipation of the near approach of the Son of
Man, that in a very real sense the Kingdom was
already present (17-\ 'within' or 'among you').
2. References in other NT books. — References to
the Kingdom occur in St. JNIark some 16 times, in
St. Matthew some 52 times, and in St. Luke about
43 times. By contrast with tliis the comparative
paucity of references to the Kingdom in the remain-
ing books is very striking. In the Fourth Gospel
it occurs only 5 times, and in all these passages
the conception is that of a spiritual Kingdom which
might be conceived of as now present. In Acts it
occurs 8 times, 6 of them being references to sjieak-
ing or preaching about the Kingdom. In the whole
of St. Paul's Epistles it occurs only 13 times, in the
Catholic Epistles only twice (Ja 2^, 2 P I'l), in
Hebrews only twice (1^ 12^**), in the Apocalypse 5
times (1«- 9 5'" 11'-" 12'").
3. References to Christ as King.— Outside the
Gospels tiiere is also a very infrequent reference to
Christ as King except in so far as this was involved
in tlie title ' Christ' or ' anointed.' In the Gospels
such references occur almost entirely in connexion
with the events of the last few days of the Lord's
life (entry into Jerusalem, trial before Pilate).
The exceptions are Mt 2- (where the Magi inquire
after the one who has been born King of the Jews),
25^'' (where the term ' king' is placed in the mouth
of Jesus as descriptive of the Son of Man sitting
upon the throne of glory), Jn l-*** (where Nathanael
addresses Him as ' King of Israel '), and 6'^ (where
it is said that the multitudes wished to make Him
a king). Nowhere in St. Paul, in the Catliolic
Epistles, or in Hebrews is the term applied to
Clirist. But in Ac 17'' the accusation is made
against Christians that they acted contrary to the
decrees of Caisar, saying tliat there was another
king, one Jesus. Lastly, in the Apocalypse tiie
exalted Lamb, and the Rider on the Avhite horse,
titled ' the Word of God,' are called ' King of
kings and Lord of lords' (H'** 19^'' ; see preceding
article).
4. Reasons for paucity of references in apostolic
literature. — If we now ask why the idea of king-
ship as applied to Christ finds so little space in the
literature of the Epistles, the answer must be mani-
fold. (1) The conception of kingship found partial
expression in the terms 'Christ' and 'Lord.' (2)
The avoidance of the term ' king ' was an obvious
precautionary measure. Ac 17'' is significant in
this respect. The early Christian teachers had
enough dilliculties to contend with without invit-
ing the accusation that they were guilty of treason
against the State. Apart from Matthew, which
w-as probably intended originally for circulation
amongst Jewish Christians, the only writing of
the NT wliich in so many words assigns the title
' King' to Jesus is the Apocalypse, a book written
at a time when State persecution had driven the
writer to an attitude of definite hostility to the
KINGDOM, KINGDOM OF GOD
KINGDOM, KINGDOM OF GOD 677
Roman Empire, and had induced him to throw
over the cautious attitude of a previous generation
towards the State. (3) It was soon felt that the
teacliing of Christ was many-sided and capable
of more than one interpretation. Roughly, there
were two ways of thinking about the Kingdom. It
might be thought of eschatologically as a Kingdom
to be founded when Christ returned. This is per-
haps the view winch prevails in the NT. It is
difficult to prove this, because the passages which
speak of the Kingdom are not brouglit into im-
mediate connexion with those which speak of the
Second Coming of Christ. And it is therefore often
open to question whether the Kingdom referred to
is a Kingdom to be established when He comes, or
a Kingdom of wluch the Christian disciple feels
himself even now to be an actual member by virtue
of his relationship to God througli Christ. But the
eschatological sense is probable in 1 Th 2'^, Avhere
St. Paul prays that his converts may walk worthily
of God, Avho calls them ' to his kingdom and glory,'
and in 2 Th P, ' that you may be accounted worthy
of the kingdom of God, on belialf of which you
suffer.' The same may be said of 2 Ti 4', ' his
appearance and his kingdom,' and 2 Ti 4^^, ' shall
save me into his eternal kingdom.' This eschato-
logical sense ai)pears also in 2 P V^, ' an entry shall
be granted unto us into the eternal kingdom of
our Lord and Saviour,' and less certainly in He 12-*,
'receiving a kingdom which cannot be shaken.'
But the word ' kingdom ' here may perhaps rather
mean that Christians even now become members
of a spiritual kingdom which will remain unshaken
even during the final catastrophe which will cause
the dissolution of the material universe. The
passages which speak of Ciiristians as inheriting a
kingdom may refer to the Kingdom in the eschato-
logical sense, or, less probably, to the Kingdom
conceived as present (cf. 1 Co G'-*- "* 15^", Gal 5-',
Eph 55, Ja 2%
But the phrase ' Kingdom of God ' might also be
interpreted of the present life which Christians
now live, in so far as this is governed by obedience
to Him. The writers of the NT seem sometimes
to regard Christians as already members of the
coming Kingdom, living according to its laws, and
enjoying even now in some measure its privileges.
So St. Paul in Ro 14", 'the kingdom of God is
not meat and drink, but righteousness, and joy,
and peace in the Holy Spirit,' and in 1 Co 4^**, ' the
kingdom of God is not in word but in power.' So
too Col V^, ' hath translated us into the kingdom
of the Son of his love.' On the whole, this sense
seems to be not primary but derivative and con-
sequential. Just as the writer of the Hebrews
thinks of the true rest as still in the future, be-
longing to the world to come (4'*- "*), and at the
same time feels that Christians in some sense
anticipate and enter into that rest even now (4^),
so the NT writers think of the Kingdom of God as
waiting to be manifested when Christ comes again,
and yet feel that in some sense the Christhan is
even now a member of it, and that, as the number
of Christian disciples increases, the Kingdom
widens here upon earth. But in the NT this
belief is always conditioned by the certainty that
the Second Coming of Christ is necessary to the
full manifestation of the Kingdom.
This double-sidedness of the conceptions ' king-
dom ' and ' king ' may in some measure explain
why the apostolic writers avoid tliem.* And it is
signiticant that another term which was closely
connected with the doctrine of the Second Advent
is also left unused outside the Gospels. The term
' Son of Man ' is employed in the first three Gospels
chiefly in connexion with the ideas circling round
* Sanday finds in St. Paul's conception of 'righteousness' his
equivalent for the Gospel term ' kingdom ' {JThSt i. 481 ff.).
the thought of the Death, Resurrection, and
Second Coming of Christ. Similarly in the
Fourth Gospel it is used chiefly in passages which
speak of the lifting up or glorification of the Son
of Man. Outside the Gospels it occurs only once—
in the mouth of Stephen ; here too of the glorified
.state of the Messiah (Ac 7^*^). The remaining NT
writers never use it. And yet the thought of the
Coming runs like a silver thread of liope through
all their writings. They seem to have felt that
on the one haiul tlie phrase ' Son of Man ' was too
technically Jewish for Gentile readers, and on the
other that the terms ' King' and ' Kingdom ' were
open to grave misconception. The King for whose
appearance they looked was no earthly monarch,
and His Kingdom was no rival to earthly kingdoms,
nor even in so far as it was now partially present
did it prevent men from loyal obedience to tlie
existing government. Hence they choose other
terms in which to clothe the Gospel hope of Christ's
return, and the state of felicity which would ensue.
St. Paul uses such terms as the following : ' to
wait for his Son from heaven' (1 Th P"), 'the
parousia' of the Lord Jesus (1 Th 2'9 S'^ 41^ 5-^),
the Lord descending from heaven (1 Th 4^^), 'the
day of the Lord' (1 Th 5^, 2 Th 2", 1 Co P 5^,
2 Co P*, Ph P), ' the apocalypse of the Lord Jesus
from heaven ' (2 Th V), ' waiting for the apocalypse '
(1 Co 1'), ' until the Lord come'(l Co 4^), 'until he
come' (1 Co 11*^), 'the day when God shall judge
. . . through Jesus Christ' (Ro 2'"), 'from whence
we await the Saviour, the Lord Jesus Chi'ist ' (Ph
3-"), ' the Lord is near' (Ph 4'), ' the manifestation
of Christ ' (Col 3'*), ' the epiphany of our Lord Jesus
Christ' (1 Ti 6''*), 'the epiphany of our Saviour
Jesus Christ' (Tit 2").
In the Catholic Ejjistles we have : ' the Parousia
of the Lord is at hand' (Ja 5®), ' the apocalypse of
Jesus Christ' (1 P P^), 'when the chief Shepherd
is manifested' (1 P 5'*), 'the day of the Lord'
(2 P 3^"), the manifestation of Christ (1 Jn 3-) ; in
Hebrews : ' he that cometh will come, and will not
tarry' (10^''); and in the Apocalypse, the many
references to the Coming of Christ, beginning
witii v.*
By thus expressing the Christian hope in terms
of expectation of the Return of Christ, and by
substituting for ' King ' and ' Son of Man ' such
terms as 'Lord,' 'Saviour,'' Chief Shepherd,' the
apostolic writers were able to avoid suspicion of
political propaganda, and to give to the thought
of the Second Coming a far wider significance than
any which they could have suggested by laying
too much emphasis upon the future as the estab-
lishment of a Kingdom, however much they might
have attemi)ted to give to this term a spiritual
and non-material connotation. For, after all,
Christ is and will be more than king, and ' king-
dom ' does not go very far in expressing the con-
ditions of the life with Him for which Christians
long.
5. Apostolic conception of the Kingdom. — If we
now ask what ideas the writers of the Apostolic
Age attached to the term ' Kingdom of God ' or
' of Christ,' the answer must be that for them as in
the teaching of Christ in the Gospels it is a term
to symbolize the inexpressible — that is to say, the
future blessedness of the redeemed.! The Anointetl
King had risen from the dead, and was seated at
the right hand of God. His reign had therefore
begun. Why then did they not conceive of His
Kingdom as a heavenly one into which His
followers were admitted at death? Mainly, no
doubt, because of the teaching, ascribed to Christ
* On the unique feature of the Apocalypse — the thousand
years' reign of Christ upon earth — see A. Robertson, Regnuin
'Dei, p. 113.
t ' It connotes, with infinite richness of meaning, all that ia
implied in the word "Salvation"' (Robertson, op. cit. p. 50).
678 KINGDOM, KINGDOM OF GOD
KNOWLEDGE
Himself, that He would return to gather together
His elect. Partly, too, because of the common
apocalyptic teaching that before the inauguration
of the Messianic Kingdom there must be the final
act in the present world-order, the general resur-
rection, final judgment, and transformation of this
world to tit it to be the arena of the heavenly
Kingdom. Thus the Kingdom was in being, but
it awaited its manifestation. The King was
crowned, His subjects could serve Him. But
however close the union between Him and them,
there was a sense in which they were now absent
from the Lord, and aAvaited His coming. The
Kingdom would be fully manifested only when He
came. Meanwhile the Kingdom could be spoken
of as a present reality rather because the Christian
could be transported by faith into the presence of
the King than because he brought (by his Christian
life) tlie Kingdom down into this present world.
There is hardly any trace in the Epistles of the
mediteval idea that the Church on earth was the
Kingdom of God. And the idea of some modern
theological writers, that this world as we know it
will develop under Christian influence until it
becomes the Kingdom, is quite alien to their
thought. Indeed, the apostolic writers seemed to
regard this world as incapable of becoming the
arena of God's Kingdom. They felt that human
nature as now constituted could reach a very im-
perfect measure of Christian perfection. Limited
as we are, even Cliristian knowledge must be im-
perfect ; ' now we see through a mirror, in a riddle,'
cries St. Paul (1 Co 13''^).
There was also the problem of physical death.
So long as that remained, Christ's sovereignty
could not be fully manifested. The ultimate per-
fection which is the goal of the individual Christian
could only be dimly guessed at. ' It doth not yet
appear what we shall be, but we know that if he
shall be manifested, we shall be like him, for we
shall see him as he is ' (1 Jn 3^). And in a wonder-
ful passage St. Paul seems to express the belief
that physical nature as now known to us must
undergo some transformation at Christ's return
before it can be the scene of His Kingdom : ' we
know that the whole creation groaneth and
travaileth together in pain even until now.' ' For
the earnest expectation of the creature waiteth for
the manifestation of the sons of God ' (Ro S'"- ^^).
Consequently, their anticipation for this world
■was far from being a hope of gradual amelioration.
The period immediately preceding the coming of
the Kingdom would be one of evil and not of good.
Cf. 1 Th 11", ' the wrath to come,' 2 Th 2i-i^ ' in
the last day evil times shall come,' 2 Ti 3^ and the
Apocalypse, passim. The writer of 2 Peter stands
alone in anticipating a destruction of the present
world by fire (2 P 3''). If any one of these writers
had been asked whether the Kingdom was now
present, he would have answered. No. Christ was
King, but His Kingdom would be manifested only
when He came. If he had been further asked
what that Kingdom would be, or in what relation
it would stand to this present world, he would
probably have answered that nearly all that con-
stitutes this present world would have vanished —
imperfection, sin, deatli ; and that as to the nature
of the new world lie could say but little save tliat
Christ would be there, and that His servants would
serve Him, and that that was enough for anyone
to know.
When modem writers ransack the records of
Clirist's teaching or the other apostolic writings
for traces of the conception that the Kingdom of
God is now present in human life, it is, of course,
possible to find them. For, wherever a human
soul is in communion witli the absent King, there
in some measure is the sovereignty of God exhibited
and the reign of Christ realized. But in the NT
the admission that the Kingdom is now in somo
sense present, whether in the subjection of the
Christian soul to the law of Christ, or in the
Church of which He is the Head, or in the life of
God streaming down into the world through the
Spirit of Christ in the forms of righteousness and
peace, is always made on the understanding that
these foreshadowings of the Kingdom of God imply
a far more perfect realization of the Kingdom in
the future, and that when Christ comes again the
Kingdom Avill come in such sense that by com-
parison it will seem never to have come before.
The relation between the Kingdom now and the
Kingdom of the future is perhaps much the same
as that between the presence of Christ now and
His presence when He returns. None has ever so
fully been conscious of the life of Christ in him as
was St. Paul : ' I live, yet not I, but Christ liveth
in me.' Yet none has ever looked forward more
earnestly, with greater expectation of living hope,
to the day of Christ's return. He could even
speak of this present life as a condition of absence
from the Lord (2 Co 5®). By contrast with such
knowledge as we have of Christ now, vision of
Him when He came again would be 'face to face'
(1 Co 1312).
Literature. — A. Robertson, Regnum Dei, London, 1901 ;
A. B. Bruce, The Kingdom of Go'di, Edinburgh, 1891 ; J. S.
Candlish, The Kingdom o/ God, do. 1884; J. Orr, art.
' Kingdom ' in HDB ii. ; W. Sanday, ' St. Paul's Equivalent
for the " Kingdom of Heaven " • in JThSt i. [1900] 481.
WiLLOUGHBY C. ALLEN.
KISH (B''p,Kiy), the father of Saul, called Cis in
the AV (Ac 1321).
KISS.— See Salutation.
KNOWLEDGE. — The distinctive sense in which
the apostles speak of knowledge has reference to
the knowledge of God, and especially to the know-
ledge of God and the world through Jesus Christ.
1. The organ of knowledge.— St. Paul teaches
clearly (Ro ps-ss) that, apart from any special
revelation, God has exhibited so plainly His attri-
butes of eternal power and divinity in creation
that there is given to man an instinctive knowledge
of God. There is a certain intelligence in mankind
which, apart from the power of tiie senses, makes
God known by the heart when He is not understood
by the reason. Indeed, men became darkened in
their understandings when they began to indulge
in reasoning, and in trying to be wise they became
fools. Thus St. Paul places the intuitive moral
consciousness as the central organ of the true
knowledge of God. When the Apostle speaks of
the means by which the Christian knowledge of
God is acquired, he develops this principle. It is
true that St. Paul admits that for the knowledge
of the facts of Clirist's life he and others are in-
debted to the testimony of witnesses (1 Co 15'), and
that for bringing faith and knowledge the preach-
ing of the word of truth is invaluable, but he
insists pre-eminently that in all true knowledge of
God in Christ the spirit of man is directly acted
upon by the Spirit of God (1 Co 2^-8, Eph 3»).
St. Paul, Avho excelled in logic and speculation,
cannot be regarded as unnecessarily decrying the
logical faculty or the speculative gift, and yet he
speaks of reasonings (\oyia/xo)js) and of vaunting
speculations ('every high thing,' irav v\//(xi/xa) as
possible strengths of the enemy that required to
be cast down, and of the need of bringing every
thought into the obedience of Christ (2 Co 10').
Perhaps this attitude may have been accentuated
for the Apostle by the fact that in his own
experience so much of his knowledge should have
come directly in visions, as in the vision of Jesus,
the Exalted Christ (Ac 9'), in the vision of the man
KNOWLEDGE
KNOWLEDGE
679
of Macedonia (16^°), and in the vision of the third
heaven (2 Co 12i).
St. John declares that all men have the organ
of spiritual vision by which God, who is light, is
revealed to them. Many refuse to exercise this
organ, and prefer to dwell in darkness, and thus
lose the power of knowing, while spiritual vision
becomes clearer and stronger by a purer and better
moral life. Those who keep the commandments
of God come to a growing knowledge (1 Jn 2^), and
only those in whom love is abiding really possess
this Divine knowledge (4''). Whoever persists in
sinning does not know God (3®). The organ of
knowledge is spiritual and ethical, not merely
logical or speculative.
Thus both these apostles are alike in their
insistence that the organ of Divine knowledge is
to be found in this deep faculty of the soul. The
apostles would agree in the saying : ' Pectus facit
Christianum,' if not : ' Pectus facit theologum.'
2. The object of knowledge. — Much of the
earliest teaching of the apostles was to demonstrate
that Jesus of Nazareth was the Christ of God (Ac
2^^), and the object of all their knowledge and
preaching might be summed up in the phrase of
St. Paul: 'to give the light of the knowledge of
the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ ' (2 Co
4®). This illumination {(pij}Tiafi6s) came first to the
apostles with the purpose of being conveyed by
them to others who were in ignorance. Thus the
object that is made known to all Christians is the
glory of God as revealed in the person, character,
and work of Jesus Christ, so that what was only
dimly discerned before is now clearly seen. This
is the open secret that believers in Christ have dis-
covered and deliglit to make known. This is the
fjLVffTrjpiov that was hidden for long ages but is now
revealed, so that the Divine plan of redemption is
no longer a secret but is heralded forth in Jesus
Christ (Ro 16^5, 1 Co 2^). Thus St. Paul conceives
of the glory of God as having been long concealed
by the clouds of earth, but at last having shone
forth in undimmed splendour ; and those who
believe that Jesus is the Lord receive a vision of
God's glory that illuminates all life, history, and
experience.
To St. John also Jesus Christ is the source of
light on all the great matters of life. Through
Him we know God (1 Jn 2^), and this provides the
key to all knowledge.
The other apostles agree in the central place in
their teaching being given to the knowledge of
God in Christ, and the Epistle to the Hebrews
(8^^), in announcing that under the New Covenant
there has come a universal knowledge of God, not
only embodies the hopes of the OT prophets but
also declares the faith of the NT teachers.
3. Implications of knowledge. — This Christian
knowledge sheds its light on all the facts and aims
of life. Thus individuals learn the outstanding
features of their own characters (Ja 1-^), the
sanctity of their lives as being the temples of God
(1 Co 3^'^), the value of their bodies as members of
Christ (6^'), and the consecration of all the powers
of body and mind as an acceptable service to God
(Ro 12'). Christian knowledge leads to a better
understanding of all the experiences of life, and to
a conviction that in and through every event God
is making all things to work together for good to
them that love Him (Ro 8-^), and especially to a
conviction that the trials of life do not come Avith-
out Divine planning but are appointed by the will
of God (1 Th 3^). Through Christ there comes
likewise a better knowledge of social duties, e.g.
in the relation of masters and servants. Servants
are expected to render a whole-hearted service
because they know that their real master is Jesus
Christ, by whom they are to be recompensed.
Masters are required to carry out all their duties
with justice and fairness, for they know that they
have to account to their Unseen Master, the Lord
in heaven (Col 3^^^-). Even minor social problems
like tiiose of eating and drinking have new light
cast upon them (Ro 14^^), for the light of Jesus
Christ has illuminated all life and brought know-
ledge where formerly there was doubt or ignorance.
In the Epistles of St. John this Christian gnosis
has a predominant place, and it is interesting to
note how wide and vital this knowledge becomes
according to the Apostle. The knowledge of God
is at the centre, and it radiates forth in every direc-
tion to a wide circumference, for it includes the
knowledge of truth (1 Jn 2-^), of righteousness (22"),
of love (3^^), of spiritual life and inspiration (S'"* 4'-),
and of the state of those beyond the grave (.3^). In
the light of God Christians possess a ligiit that
brings enlightenment to them on many problems
of experience, perplexities of the present time, and
mysteries of the future life.
i. Complements of knowledge. — The apostles
uniformly recognize that knowledge of itself is im-
perfect and must be always associated with other
Christian gifts. To reach its fullness it must be ac-
companied by abnegation (Ph 3**), by fellowship
with God and with brethren (1 Jn 1*), by obedience
to God's commands (2^), by attention to apostolic
teaching (4"), and by faith, virtue, temperance,
patience, godliness, love of the brethren, and love
(2 P 16).
Special notice should be taken of the connexion
of knowledge and faith, and of knowledge and
love. The apostles do not recognize any essential
antagonism between faith and knowledge. Faith
does not arise from ignorance but from knowledge
(Ro 10^'^), and knowledge does not supersede faith
but includes it (2 P 1^). The knowledge of God in
Christ is synonymous with faith in Him, and in
their essence the two are closely inter-related. In
knowledge there is the recognition of the Divine
by our spiritual nature, in faith there is the action
of the will in virtue of this insight, so that the
highest knowledge and the humblest faith go
together. There is a kind of knowledge, however,
that puffs up (1 Co 8*), and so far from its leading
to faith it begets a self-sufficiency and pride that
strike at the very foundations of all Christian
faith.
At their best there is also no antagonism between
knowledge and love. To know God is to love
Him, and to reach the highest knowledge love is
necessary. ' Every one that loveth is begotten of
God and knoweth him' (1 Jn 4'). Christian
knowledge is not a matter of the intellect but of
the deeper moral and spiritual faculties that find
their true expression in love. Still knowledge and
love may come into conflict, and in the solution of
many practical problems love is even more neces-
sary than knowledge. St. Paul deals with this
relation especially in his discussion of the attitude
to be adopted to things sacrificed to idols. For
his generation the difficulty was intense, as some
Christians dreaded the slightest approval being
given to idol-worship, while others were so con-
vinced that idolatry was false that they considered
it a negligible quantity. Among the latter were
many Corinthian Christians, who had announced
to the Apostle their conviction that the whole
system of idolatry seemed so false that they could
eat any food irrespective of its being associated
with idol-worship. But St. Paul in his reply
(1 Co 8^^-) argues that a mere intellectual convic-
tion is not the only or the best guide in such a
matter. In theory the Corinthians might be right,
but in practice they must not be guided by know-
ledge alone. ' Knowledge pufleth up, but love edi-
heth,' and in matters that are intimately coucenued
680
KNOWLEDGE
LABOUR
with the feelings and prejudices of others love is
the safer guide. To a Christian even more than
to a philosopher the saying of Aristotle must
apply : t6 tAos iariv oO yvCxris aXKa, irpa^is (Nic. Eth.
I. iii. 6).
5. Philosophy and theosophy.— The relation of
Christian knowledge to philosophy and theosophy is
discussed by St. Paul. The Apostle expounds the
gospel as being not only ' power ' but also ' wisdom,'
yet he refuses to establish this wisdom by any of the
current arguments or by the conclusions of Greek
philosophy (I Co '2}^-). He is proclaiming a gospel
that is folly in the eyes of many, and yet it is the
true wisdom to those who understand it. This
higher philosophy has been hidden from the sight
of men, otherwise they would not have crucified
the Lord Jesus Christ. It comes through the in-
dwelling of the Spirit of God, who alone can reveal
it. Just as the spirit of man alone can understand
the things of a man, so the Spirit of God in man
alone can understand the Divine philosophy. ' The
merely intellectual man ' rejects this philosophy,
as he does not possess the spiritual insight to dis-
cern its Divine wisdom. Even Christian people
may be mere children in this respect, not able to
understand this teaching ; and among other indica-
tions of this childish mind was the party spirit
by which so many were impelled. Thus St. Paul
argues that the initiated Christians find in Christ
a philosophy as well as a gospel.
Christian knowledge came into conflict with the
theosophical tendencies that were so prevalent in
many ancient schools of thought. In this con-
nexion St. Paul's Epistle to the Colossians is of
chief importance. The Apostle deals in this Epistle
with claims that had been made by certain Chris-
tians to a higher Christian life through means that
involved ascetic and ritual practices, and from
arguments that rested on speculative and theo-
sophic principles. It is unnecessary for the present
purpose to decide whether these heresies arose
from a latent Gnosticism or from certain features
of Judaism ; but, if Judaism was the source, it was
a Judaism influenced by the thought and spirit of
the Diaspora. This may be judged by the kind
of speculations in which they indulge, especially
in the cosmical dualism that they shadow forth
and in the belief in an endless series of angelic
beings as mediators between God and men. St.
Paul does not denounce all speculative knowledge,
but opposes it by a higher knowledge of Jesus
Christ. He develops the teaching about Christ so
that He is presented not only as a full and perfect
Saviour for men, but also as the Lord of the
Universe, in whom all things, even angels, were
created, and as the fullness of all things, by whom
both men and angels were made at one with God.
This insistence on the cosmical value of Christ
carries with it the best refutation of all extra-
Christian theosophical teaching.
LiTERATCRE. — H. J. Holtztnann, NT Theologie, 1896, i. 476-
486 ; A. E. Garvie, in Mansfield College Essays, 1909, p. 161 ;
J. Y. Simpson, The Spiritual Interpretation of Nature, 1912,
p. 11 ; J. R. Illingwortii, Reason and Revelation, 1902, p. 44 ;
A. Chandler, Faith and Experience, 1911 ; W. P. DuBose,
7'he Reason of Life, 1911, p. 198 ; J. Denney, The Way Ever-
lasting, 1911, p. 26 ; W. M. Macgregor, Jesus Christ the So7i
of God, 1907, p. 175 ; W. G. Rutherford, The Key of Know-
ledge, 1901, p. 1 ; artt. in HDB (J. Denney), SDB (J. H.
Maude), and CE (A. J. Maas) ; see also art. Ignorance.
D. Macrae Tod.
KORAH CKopi, hence called Core in the AV).—
His rebellion and punishment (Nu 16) are alluded
to by Jude (v.^*).
LABOUR. — Greek and Roman thought regarded
those who lived by labour as indispensable but
contemptible necessities. Jewish teaching stood
in strong contrast to this. ' Hate not laborious
work ' (Sir 7^*) was accepted as a rule of life. Even
the scholar was to spend some of his time in
manual work (Schiirer, HJP ii. i. [Edinburgh,
1885] § 25). The apostolic writers repeat and
emphasize this principle. A man who does no
work is to them a parasite (2 Th 3'"). In the
Thessalonian Church the expectation of the speedy
return of the Lord had been made an excuse by
many for the abandonment of their daily work.
St. Paul meets this by reminding his converts
how, when he had preached to them, he had taught
them to welcome a life of labour. It brings with
it three good effects — quietness of spirit, honour-
able standing among neighbours, and independ-
ence of other men's alms (1 Th 4'"-, 2 Th 3'-).
To these he adds in Eph 4-^ the ability to help
those who are in need. It is possible, as von
Dobschiitz suggests, that this had been forgotten
not only at Thessalonica, but also at Jerusalem,
and that that fact was one of the causes of the
distress among Christians there.
St. Paul enforced liis teachingby his own example.
He had l)een taught at Tarsus the local trade
of tent-making, and by practising this (cf. Ac 18^)
maintained himself while evangelizing. That he
might be no burden to others, he willingly worked
overtime ( ' nigiit and day,' 1 Th 2"). His roughened
hands showed the severity of his toil (Ac 20"^"^'^).
In 1 Co a" he mentions Barnabas as another who
lived by the same rule — a striking instance of self-
discipline in view of his past history (cf. Ac 4^**).
The justification of this high view of labour
can be seen in St. Paul's treatment of the jjosition
of slaves (Eph B^-^, Col Z-^-i^). There was a
danger that slaves might suppose that, as in the
eyes of God they were of equal value with their
masters, they need not do their work very care-
fully. But St. Paul forbids all scamping of work
('not in the way of eyeservice'). It is to be done
thoroughly, because they are servants not so much
of earthly masters as of Christ, who has an absolute
claim on their best, and will see to their reward.
It was the custom among Jewish artisans to
maintain anyone of their own craft who was seek-
ing work until his search was successful. In the
Didachc (xii. ) a similar rule is laid down for Chris-
tians. But such help is to be given for two or
three days only, to avoid imposture. If a man
does not know a trade, he is to learn one. Similar
advice is given in Ep. Barn, (x.), where Christians
are forbidden to keep company with the idle.
Modern conditions call for a renewed emphasis
on the apostolic teaching about labour. The
principles which it embodies are a warning, to the
wealthy not to consider themselves exempt from
labour, if they would be accounted Christians, and
to the workman not to be content with less than
the best in his work, because anything less is un-
worthy of the Heavenly Master.
LiTKRATURE. — E. von DobscHiitz, Christian Life in th»
J'riinltive Church, Eu';-. tr., London and N.Y., 1904; W.
Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis, N.Y.,
LADY
LAMB
681
1907, ch. iii. ; F. Delitzsch, Jeivixh Artisan Life in the Time
of Christ, London, 1902, ch. ix. § 3 ; A. B. D. Alexander, The
Ethics of St. Paul, Glasgow, 1910. For Greek view of labour :
E. Barker, Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle, London,
1906, ch. viii. § 1. For Roman : W. Warde Fowler, Social Life
rtt koine, do. 1908, ch. ii. For Jewish : Pirqe Aboth, ed.
Taj'lor, do. 1877, p. 18 ; of. Delitzsch, op. cit. ch. ii.
C. T. DiMONT.
LADY.— See John, Epistles of.
LAKE OF FIRE.— That particular conception
of future punishment represented as ' tlie Lake of
Fire ' is found only in the Apocalypse of St. John
among tlie ChristiF,n writings of the Apostolic Age.
For a fuller account of the early history of the
conception see ' Introductory ' and ' Christian '
sections of ' Cosmology and Cosmogony' in ERE,
and ' Hinnom, Valley of,' in HDB ; and, for the
fuller discussion of the general subject, artt. Hell
and Fire in the present work. It will be sufficient
to sum up briefly here the facts concerning the
origin of the conception.
Both the Babjlonianand the Persian cosmogonies
contain the conception of the future destruction of
the world by fire, closing an a?on or period in the
history of the world. But, while Persian escha-
tology shows tiie presence of the conception of penal
fire (cf. SBE v. 125 fl'.), there is, according to H.
Zimmern [KA'P, 1902-03, p. 643), no trace of the
conception in early Babylonian religion. Hence
the presence of the idea in Jewish prophetic es-
ehatology is held by many scholars to be due to
Persian rather than to Babylonian influence.
1. In Jewish eschatology we find three related
conceptions, each possibly a ditierent topographical
setting of the same central idea :
(1) The conception of the Valley of Hinnom ('5
Diari) as a place of fiery torment for the wicked
during the Messianic Age ; cf. Is 66^"'^*, where the
proximity of the place of punishment to Jerusalem
shows that the Valley of Hinnom is intended.
(2) The conception of a fiery stream issuing from
Jahiceh, or from His throne ; cf. Is 30^^ Dn 7'".
This form may possibly have links of connexion with
the ancient conception of Jahweh as a volcano-god.
(3) The conception of a valley or sect of fire and
sulphur ; cf. Is 34', where the topographical setting
is in Edom. This conception goes back to the
story of Sodom and Gomorrah, which again is con-
nected by Gunkel (Schopfung und Chaos) and
Jeremias with the Babylonian cosmology (cf. A.
Jeremias, The OT in the Light of the Ancient East,
Eng. tr., 1911, ii. 40 f. ; M. Jastrow, The Bel. of
Bab. and Assyr., 1898, p. 507). The whole valley
of the Dead Sea is still called by the Arabs Wddy
en-Ndr, ' Valley of Fire.'
The conception as it appears in the Apocalypse is
related rather to the forms (2) and (3) than to the
Gehenna conception.
2. In the Apocalypse we have again three distinct
conceptions.
(1) Hades (see artt. Hades, Hell), an inter-
mediate place or state whose existence ends at the
close of the millennial kingdom. Death and Hades
are cast into the Lake of Fire (Rev 20^*). Hades
is not connected distinctly with the idea of punish-
ment in the Apocalypse.
(2) The Abyss (20^), in which the dragon is bound
during the millennial reign (cf. 9" and Lk 8^^).
(3) The Lake of Fire, mentioned as existing
before the beginning of the millennial kingdom
(19-"), the place into which the beast and the false
prophet are cast after their defeat by the Lamb.
It is also the place into which the devil is cast
after the defeat of Gog and Magog (2Q^% Then,
at the close of the Final Judgment, death and
Hades are cast into the Lake of Fire (20") ; and,
lastly, everyone not found written in the Lamb's
Book of Life is cast into the Lake of Fire (20^®). An
additional statement (2F) describes those who have
their part in tiie Lake of Fire ; cf. the description
of those who are without the city (22'^).
3. The relevant passages in the contemporary
apocalyptic literature are: 2 Bar. xliv. 15 ('the
dwelling of the rest who are many shall be in the
fire,' in contrast to the blessing of the righteous in
the new age [xliv. 12]), xlviii. 39, 43, lix. 2, Ixiv. 7
(of Manasseh), Ixxxv. 13 ; 2 Es. vii. 36 (' the pit of
torment' and 'the furnace of Gehenna,' as the
abode of the wicked after the 400 years' Messianic
kingdom) ; Ass. Mos. x. 10 (the enemies of Israel
are seen in Gehenna). Hence in the apocalyptic
literature contemporary with the Apocalj' pse the
precise form of the conception does not appear.
i. In the same way the passages in the Pauline
Epistles, Hebrews, 2 Peter, and the Apostolic
Fathers are all vague and general. Fire is one
of the accompanying features of the Parousia ; it is
the real or metaphorical agent of punishment for
the wicked, and only in 2 Peter do we find the
definite conception of a final conflagration which
will destroy the old heavens and earth.
The principal question then arising from the use
of the conception in the Apocalypse is as to its
relation to the future state.
(1) The Lake of Fire may be regarded as a place
of the final annihilation of evil. The force of the
expression ' second death ' determines the writer's
use of the conception. The ' second death ' is a
Jewish theologoumenon, e.g. in the well-known
passage in the Jems. Targum on Dt 33^, ' Let
Reuben live in this age and not die the second
death.'
In Jewish Rabbinical theology the expression
seems to imply a non-participation in the life of
the age to come ; cf. the discussion in Sanh. 11 as
to those who shall share the life of the coming age.
Hence the meaning of annihilation is possible.
Those who are not raised to the life of the world
to come cease to exist. On the other hand, the
writer of the Apocalypse holds the doctrine of a
general resurrection to judgment at the close of
the Messianic Kingdom. Hence it is also possible
that he has given the Jewish phrase a new mean-
ing. But for a fuller discussion of this point see
art. Immortality.
(2) The writer's conception of the Lake of Fire
may be penal. The beast and the false prophet
are said to be tormented there day and night, and
the unrighteous have ' their part ' in the Lake of
Fire, an expression which is most naturally inter-
preted in a penal sense. In the light of contem-
porary apocalyptic literature the penal sense would
seem to be the most natural one.
(3) It is possible to maintain a purgative mean-
ing for the conception, but this view finds no
support in the NT literature itself.
Literature.— Art. 'Fire 'in DCG ; S. D. F. Salmond, The
Christian Doctrine of Immortality*, 1901 ; R. H. Charles,
Eschatology : Hehreio, Jewish, and Christian'^, 1913; W. O. E.
Oesterley, The Doctrine of the Last Things, 1908 ; C. Clemen,
Primitive ChriMianity and its non-Jewish Sources, En^. tr.,
1912 ; H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John% 1907 ; P.
Volz, Jiid. Eschatologie von Daniel bis Akiba, 1903.
S. H. HOOKE.
LAMB. — The point of view for this subject is
suggested by Delitzsch : ' All the utterances in the
New Testament regarding the Lamb of God are
derived from this prophecy [Is 53^], in which the
dumb type of the Passover now finds a tongue '
(Com. on Isaiah, Eng. tr., 1890, ii. 297).— (1) In
Philip's interpretation of this passage to the eunuch
who questioned him concerning its meaning, he
showed that its fulfilment was found in Jesus (Ac
8^2). _ (2) In 1 P V^, Christ is compared with a
sacrificial lamb ; as an ottering on behalf of sin He
gave Himself (1 Co 5''), without blemish and with-
out spot (cf. Lv 23^^). If the allusion here is first
682
LAMB
LAMP, LA^IPSTAI^D
to the descriptive terms of Isaiah, yet there is in-
eluded an association derived from the Levitical
ritual. Christ was not only a quiet, unresisting
sufferer, but also a sacrificial ottering for sin. — (3)
The main use of the term ' Lamb ' in the NT is in
Revelation, where it occurs 28 times. The word
of which it is a translation is a diminutive, and
is peculiar to the Apocalypse. jNIany surprises
await one who, familiar onlj' with the significance
of the Lamb in the Levitical sacrifices, traces the
new forms in which the figure made itself at home
in the visions of the Seer of Patmos. It is evident
that the writer had been fascinated by the sug-
gestion on account of which he first employed the
term to designate the Exalted Christ (5''), and
he was afterward conscious of no incongruity or
embarrassment in continuing to use the title when
he referred to Christ, even when he associated the
most incompatible qualities, relations, and activi-
ties with it. In the interest of clearness and con-
sistency one may try to substitute ' Christ ' for
' Lamb ' wherever the latter terra occurs in this
book, but it will be found that then something
almost indefinable but very real has fallen out and
that nothing of equal worth has taken its place.
We move here in a region of prophecy, of symbol-
ism, and of spiritual values, where the imagination
supplies itself with wings, and where exact logical
thought has to plod along as best it can afoot.
According to Rev 5**, in the central place before the
throne, in the midst of the four and twenty elders,
and the four living creatures, the Revelationist
turned to see a Lion, symbol of majesty and over-
mastering power, when lo ! instead of a lion he be-
held a Lamb, standing, bearing still the wound by
which He was slain in sacrifice, yet Avith the em-
blems of power and wisdom in the highest degree.
'He looked to see power and force, whereby the
foes of his faith should be destroyed, and he saw
love and gentleness by which they should be con-
quered' (G. B. Stevens, Tlie Theology of the NT,
1899, p. 542). The reason Hofmann offers why the
Lion which has conquered appears as. a Lamb is
that He has gained His victory in that form ( Weis-
sagung und Erfiillung, 1841-44, ii. 328 ; cf. Is
53^-). Attempts to trace the symbolism to astro-
theology (cf. A. Jeremias, Babylonisches im NT,
1905) or to a Babylonian source discover a single
reference to the blood of a lamb substituted as a
sacrificial offering for men ; but no influence of this
on pre-Christian Messianism, or of contemporary
cults on this particular symbolism, has been found
(cf. J. Moffatt, EGT, ' Revelation,' 1910, p. 385).
But always at the heart of every picture of the
Lamb throughout this book is the never-to-be-for-
gotten fact of His sacrifice and victorious power,
and all the properties and functions of the Exalted
Christ take their rise from this fact. Among the
functions assigned to Him is : (a) that of loosing
the seals of the Divine judgments, i.e. of carrying
history through its successive stages to its ultimate
goal. Henceforth the life of the world must be
dominated by the ideal which He has realized, and
tlie power for its fulfilment must proceed from
Him. (b) At the very centre of the heavenly host,
together with God He receives universal homage
from the higliest beings in heaven — innumerable
angels — and the entire animated creation (Rev 5^'^^
79-ioj^ The significance of this worship, springing as
it does from a convinced monotheistic faith on the
part of the writer, is not to be mistaken. Not a
higher and a lower worship are here, but the two
are of the same order and unite in one stream.
Tlie Lamb does indeed share the throne of God
(22'), yet the throne of God and of the Lamb is one.
((■) To Him as slain tlie redeemed owe their power
(uei- sin and deatli (j^-^-i^ 7io-u 1211 H^) ; nor in
this connexion does the author shrink from the
word 'purchase.' {d) To Him is entrusted the
eternal welfare of men, symbolized by the ' book
of life' (21-^ ; cf. 3*), the history and significance of
which may be traced in Is 4», Ex 32^^-, Ps SS^^SO'^
Ezk 139, ]\lal 3i«, Dn 12i, Enoch xlvii. 3, Apoc. Bar.
xxiv. 1, Asc. Is. ix. 12, Lk 10-", Ph 4^). (e) Still,
as in the earthly life, the redeemed follow Him and
He maintains the life which was begun through
Him, by keeping them in fellowship with Himself
and with God as the source of life (Rev 7" 14'-'*).
As the vision unfolds, several startling paradoxes
are thrown into the foreground. The Lamb bears
the marks of a violent death at the hand of others,
yet He is all-powerful (5*^). He gave Himself in the
surrender of a perfect love for the sake of sinners,
yet He is moved bj- fierce wrath against evil-doers
(6^"). The Lamb becomes the great Shepherd of the
sheep, whom He guides and they follow Him (T^^J.
Hostile forces shall make war against the Lamb,
and the Lamb shall overcome them (17"). In the
final chapters, the scene shifts and still more strik-
ing symbolism appears. The Lamb is pictured as
the central figure in a marriage feast — the Bride-
groom whose bride is the New Jerusalem ( 19^* ^ 21^),
hidden with God until the fullness of time. Again
the scene changes to the New Jerusalem, whose
foundations are the twelve apostles of the Lamb
(21"), whose temple is the Lord God Almighty and
the Lamb (v.-^), and whose lamp is the Lamb (v.^).
In closing we may summarize the significance of
'Lamb' in the Apocah'pse. The meaning of the
person and work of Christ is disclosed in sacrifice.
The secret of His nearness to God, of His personal
victory and power over others, and the common
spirit by which His activity on earth is bound to
that in heaven, is found in love. And still further,
central in the throne of God, the law of the moral
order of the world, the power which moves history
to its goal, the all-pervading spirit of the angelic
hosts, the principle in which the paradoxes of life
are resolved, the magnet which draws heaven down
to earth and domiciles it with men, and the light
in which all social good is revealed and glorified is
sacrificial love. C. A. Beckwith.
LAMP, LAMPSTAND.— Recent excavation in
Palestine has greatly increased our knowledge of
the types of lamps in use during the various
epochs of antiquity. The recently published
Memoir, The E.vcavation of Gezer (R. A. S.
Macalister, 3 vols., 1912), has multiplied examples,
and, together with Excavations in Palestine dimng
189'^-1900 (F. J. Bliss and R. A, S. Macalister,
1902), allows us to trace the development very
fully. We may now classify the lamps of the
Apostolic Age under the head of 'closed' lamps,
with divisions according to shape and ornamenta-
tion. It is likely that the most interesting forms
lie outside our period (i.e. after A.D. 100) — those
that bear Christian inscriptions, and others that
show the conventional 'candlestick' pattern.
Allowance must be made for the older 'open'
type, which here and there persisted. It must
also be remembered that Greek influence had to
a large extent modified the national types.
Roman forms are forthcoming, but they are rare.
These remarks apply to lamps of the ordinary
material, i.e. clay. Bronze lamps play little part
in Palestine, and even terra-cotta forms are un-
common. All forms agi'ee in certain general fea-
tures, viz. the receptacle for oil, and the orifice
for the wick. But there are many peculiarities in
regard to shape, the mode of base and of handle,
the number or wick-holes, the size of the reservoir
opening, the presence of a slit for raising the wick,
etc. In the type tliat retains the old saucer form,
account must be taken of the numhor of points— ^
one, four, and even seven ('multiple radiating'
LAUDiCEA
LAODICEA
683
lamps) — which implies a corresponding number of
wieks. The lamp is for the most part dissociated
from its stand. Lampstands, for table and for
fioor, and candelabra, with ground base, as appear-
ing in classical illustrations pertaining to the 1st
cent. A.D., are highly ornate. It cannot be said
that Palestine has produced many examples of
these, although they were in use, fashioned from
materials of wood, stone, and metal. Hanging
lamps were also known, as can be judged by the
form of the handles. For outdoor purposes the
more primitive torch was used, consisting of a
handle surmounted by a saucer-shaped protective
disc, and having a receptacle for a bundle of
Avicks. These were saturated with oil, supplied
from a separate vessel. The oil used was chiefly
olive.
When we examine the biblical literature of the
Apostolic Age we find that the essential words
under this head are X^x^os, Xvxvia, Xa/iTrcis, ' lamp,'
'lampstand,' and 'torch,' according to the above
description. In spite of our increased knowledge
regarding specific forms, we cannot add much
towards elucidation of the passages about to be
enumerated. The 'lights' of Ac 16^^ (RV) {cpOra,
neut. plur. — not 'a light' as in the AV) cannot
well be defined. The Xa/A7rd5es (Ac 20^) in the
upper chamber might as reasonably be lamps as
torches, notwithstanding the term employed (on
the reading viroXafiirddes [D] see H. Smith in ExpT
xvi. [1904-05] 478, and J. H. Moulton and G.
Milligan in Expositor, iv. [1912] 566). In Rev 4'
the same word is translated in the RV ' lamps,'
and in 8^" ' torch,' which shows the perplexity
attaching. R. C. Trench (NT Synonyms^, 1876,
p. 159) is of opinion that the invariable rendering
in the NT should be 'torches,' Mt 25^ being no
exception. The point need not be pressed.
The generic term Xirxvos has been consistently
rendered 'lamp' in the RV, 'candle,' which is
erroneous, having been dropped (Rev 18'-^ 22'), and
'light,' which is indefinite, having been displaced
(2 P 1"*, Rev 21-^). No information can be gathered
from these passages as to the tj'pe of lamp.
Although candle has been dropped, candlestick
(t] \vxvia — with one exception plur.) has been re-
tained, and ' lampstand ' placed in the margin
(Rev p2. 13. 20 21. 5 114), He 92 stands apart from
this, 'candlestick' alone being employed. The
reference in this case is to the furniture of the
tabernacle (for a description of the Golden Candle-
stick [Lampstand] see HDB iv. 663 f.). The re-
maining instances quoted, all in Rev., also hark
back to OT parallels (Ex 25=" 37=^, Zee 4^). There
is, however, difierence amid similarity. By the
necessity of the case, since there are seven churches
(Rev 1* etc.), the lampstands are single and number
seven, instead of being one shaft, divided into
seven branches. The parallel to Zee 4^ does not
extend to the number of the lampstands (two in
Rev 11^, one in Zee), although the number of the
olive trees is the same. This point is elaborated
in HDB iv. 255.
In conclusion, reference may be made to the
representation of the seven-branched lampstand
on the Arch of Titus, often reproduced, which is
probably a copy of the original (EBi, art. ' Candle-
stick ') ; to contemporary Roman practice in light-
ing (see H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John,
1907, p. 240) ; and to the abundant materials for
studying the development of the lamp within
Christian times provided by H. Leclercq, Manuel
d'archiologie chrUienne, 1907, ii. 509 fl'., 556 fF.
W. Cruickshank.
LAODICEA (X has AaoSt/cfa everywhere. B has
this form of the word in Col 2^, Rev 1" 3", but
Aaoot/ceia in Col 4^*- ^^" ^^ [the latter is the form used
by almost all Gr. authors] ; Lat. Laodicea [in-
correctly Laodicia]). — Laodicea was an important
seat of commerce in the Roman province of Asia,
one of three cities in the Lycus valley which
were evangelized about the same time. It was 11
miles W. of Colossae and 6 miles S. of Hierapolis.
Founded probably by the Seleucid king Antiochus
II. (261-246 B.C.), and named after his wife
Laodice, it was known as ' Laodicea on the Lycus '
{AaodiKia i) irpos [or iiri] ry AvKy, Laodicea ad Lyctitn).
Being some distance east of 'the Gate of Phrygia,'
it is classed by Polybius (v. 57) and Strabo (XII.
viii. 13) among Phrygian cities, while Ptolemy
sets it down as Carian. It stood on a small plateau
about 2 miles S. of the Lycus, and had behind it
to the S. and S.W. the snow-capped mountains
Salbakos and Kadmos, each over 8,000 ft. above
sea-level. Designed, like the other Seleucid foun-
dations in Asia Minor, to be at once a strong gar-
rison city and a centre of Hellenic civilization, it
occupied a strategic position on the great eastern
trade-route, where the narrow Lycus gorge opens
into the broad Mseander plain. ' Formerly a small
town ' (Strabo, XII. viii. 16), its prosperity dated
from the peaceful time which followed the Roman
occupation (133 B.C.).
' The country around Laodicea breeds excellent sheep, re-
markable not only for the softness of their wool, in which they
surpass the Milesian sheep, but for their dark or raven colour.
The Laodiceans derive a large revenue from them, as the
Colosseni do from their flocks, of a colour of the same name '
(Strabo, xii. viii. 16).
The native religion of the district was the cult
of Carian Men, whom the Hellenists of Laodicea
identified with Zeus. His temple was at Attuda,
13 miles W. from Laodicea. In connexion with
it, but probably in Laodicea itself, was 'a large
Herophilian school of medicine under the direction
of Zeuxis, and afterwards of Alexander Philalethes '
(Strabo, xil. viii. 20). The physicians of Laodicea
were skilful oculists, and a preparation for weak
eyes, called 'Phrygian powder' {ricppa <ppvyla),
was well known. Nearly the whole basin of the
Mseander was subject to earthquakes [ib. 17). Im-
perial funds were usually given for the restoration
of cities thus injured, and Laodicea accepted a
grant from Tiberius after such a calamity, but of
a later visitation Tacitus writes : ' The same year
[a.D. 60] Laodicea, one of the most famous cities
of Asia, having been prostrate by an earthquake,
recovered herself by her own resources (propriis
opibus revaluit), and without any relief from us'
{Ann. xrv. xxvii.). She had long been rich and
increased in goods, and had need of nothing (Rev
3"). More than a century before (in 51 B.C.), Cicero
proposed to cash his treasury Bills of Exchange at
a Laodicean bank (Ep. ad Fam. iii. 5).
Such a thriving commercial centre had great
attractions for a colony of Jews. If the first
settlers were sent thither by the founder of the
city, or by Antiochus the Great, who is said to
have planted 2,000 Jewish families in Phrygia and
Lydia (Jos. Ant. XII. iii. 4), they would enjoy
equal rights of citizenship with the Greeks.
When Flaccus, Roman governor of Asia (62 B.C.),
forbade the Jews to send contributions of money
to Jerusalem, he seized as contraband twenty
pounds weight in gold in the district of which
Laodicea was the capital (Cicero, pro Flacco, 28).
Calculated at the rate of a half-shekel for each
man, this sum represents a Jewish population of
more than 11,000 adult fi'eemen, women and
children being exempted. Josephus preserves a
letter from ' the magistrates of the Laodiceans to
Cains Rubilius' (c. 48 B.C.), guaranteeing religious
liberty to the Jews of the city (Ant. XIV. x. 20).
The details of the founding of the Church of Lao-
dicea have to be pieced together from allusions in
the Acts and Epistles. St. Paul was not directly
the founder. His words in Col 2\ ' I strive for
684
LAPIS LAZULI
LASCIVIOUSNESS
. . . them at Laodicea, and for as many as have
not seen my face in the flesh,' imply tliat he had
not personally laboured in the Lycus valley. In
his third missionary tour he did not go to Ephesus
by the ordinary route of commerce, which would
have brought Iiim to the Lycus cities, but passed
through ' tlie upper country ' (rd dvurepLKa /J-^pr],
Ac 19'), probably by Seiblia and the Cayster valley.
His influence in the former region was indirect.
During his three years' residence in Ephesus ' all
they who dwell in Asia heard the word' (19'").
The truths which he proclaimed in the metropolis
were quickly repeated all over the province, and
especially in the cities along the great roads. His
evangelist of the Lycus glen was Epaphras, whom
St. Paul regarded as his deputy (Col F[RV], read-
ing vTT^p rifiCov instead of v/j-Qi/), and whose labour
on behalf of the three communities evoked a warm
encomium (Col 4^-- '^). The close relations subsist-
ing between the churches of Laodicea and Colossse
are indicated by the injunction that the Epistle
to Colossians should be read in the Church of
the Laodiceans, and that the Colossians should
read 'the Epistle from Laodicea.' The latter was
perhaps the canonical ' Epistle to the Ephesians,'
which Marcion expressly names the Epistle ' to
the saints who are at Laodicea.'
The last of the Epistles to the Seven Clmrches
of Asia is addressed to Laodicea (Rev 3^'*'--). The
severity of the prophet's rebuke has made ' Laodi-
cean ' for ever suggestive of lukewarmness in re-
ligion. Once fervent, Laodicea became so tepid
that her condition excited a feeling of moral nausea.
Each of the Seven Epistles is of course concerned
with a Ciiristian church rather than with a city,
but the Christians ft'ere citizens, and the spirit of
the city could not be kept out of the church. The
allusions to the circumstances and character of
Laodicea are unmistakable. The famous com-
mercial and banking city, too proud to accept an
Emijire's aid, is invited to come to the poor man's
market and buy from the Sender of the letter
(Trap' ifj.ov is emphatic) gold retined by fire (vv."* '^).
She who has innumerable flocks on her Phrygian
hills, and whose fine black woollen fabrics are
prized everywhere, has need of white garments to
cover her own moral nakedness (v. '8). Her ^scu-
lapian school of medicine has no Phrygian powder
for the healing of her spiritual blindness, which
requires the eye-salve (collyrium) of another Phy-
sician (v.^^). Rich Laodicea, well-clothed and well-
fed, self-reliant and self-satisfied, is in danger of
being rejected with loathing. Yet her absent
Lord loves her, and writes her so incisively only
because He hopes to find her chastened and peni-
tent when He returns and knocks at her door
(VV."- 20).
Little is known about the post-apostolic history
of Laodicea. Traditions regarding Archippus,
Nymphas (Col 4'^), and Diotrephes (3 Jn ^) are worth-
less. The so-called ' Epistle to the Laodiceans '
(in Latin) is a forgery. The subscription of 1
Tim., 'written from Laodicea, which is the chief-
est city of Phrygia Pacatiana,' has no authority.
The ruins of Laodicea are many but not impressive.
Literature. — W. M. Ramsay, The Letters to the Seven
Churches, 1904, pp. 413-430 ; W. J. Hamilton, Researches in
Asia Minor, Pontus, Armenia, 1842, i. 515 f. ; W. M. Leake,
Journal of Tour in Asia Minor, 1824, p. 251 f. ; Murray's
Uandbook to Asia Minor, 1895. JaMES STRAHAN.
LAPIS LAZULI.— See Sapphire.
LASCIYIOUSNESS {da^yeia).—!. Usage.— The
Greek word occurs 10 times in the NT (Mk 7^^, Ro
13'3, 2 Co 12-1, Qal 5W gpi, 419^ i p 43^ o P 2-'-'?- \\
Jude"*). It should be read instead of dwoiXeta in
2 P 2^ It is 7 times translated by ' lasciviousness'
(AVm so translates it in 2 P 2'-) in the AV, while
the RV translates it so in all cases except Ro 13'^,
where the 'wantonness' of the AV is retained
(cf. 2 P 21S). In 2 P 2^ iv dcreXyelg^ is translated
' filthy conversation.'
2. Derivation. — The derivation of the word is
unknown. Tiie old derivation was from Sclge, a
city in Pisidia regarded by some as remarkably
addicted to wantonness (Suidas, s.v.), and by
others as noted for its sobriety (Etymolofjicon
Magnum, s.v. ; Strabo, xii. ; Libanius, schol. in
Dem. Orat.). In the first case the a- would be
intensive, in the second privative. Moderns derive
it from a -I- aeXyo} {O^Xyu) (see Trench, NT Synonyms^,
1876, p. 54, and T. K. Abbott, Ephesians and
Colossians [ICC, 1897, p. 132]), or from ao- ('satiety')
+ e\y, or from a + ffaXa7 (o-eXas), in which case the
primary meaning would be ' foul ' (J. W. Donaldson,
Neio Cmtyius\ 1859, p. 692 ; Ellicott on Gal 5^%
3. Classical meaning. — The classical meaning of
the word is excess of any kind — even inordinate
size (see Donaldson, op. cit. p. 692), but particularly
moral excess and outrage, contemptuous violence
and insolence towards others. It has thus much
the same range of meaning as iJ^pts. Trench brings
out well the classical meaning of the word (op. cit.
p. 54 tt'.).
4. NT meaning. — In the NT, however, the term
seems to refer exclusively to ' open, shameless im-
purity,' It has plainly this meaning in Ro 13^^,
2 Co 1221, Qai 5W Eph 4W 2 p 2'-i«. It isone of
the works of darkness, the fit climax of fornication
and uncleanness ; it is a vice closely associated
with banquetings and drinking bouts (kQ/j-oi. Kai
ixidt) ; cf. 'wine, women, and song'); see C. Bigg,
^S"^. Peter and St. Jude (ICC, 1901), 168.
dcriXyeia or aKaOapcria ('a man may be dKadapros
and hide his sin ; he does not become dcreXyrji until
he shocks public decency ' [J. B. Lightfoot, Gala-
tians^, 1876, p. 210]) and nXeove^ia seem to be the
two characteristic heathen vices.
Bengel (on Ro l'-^**), followed by Trench, main-
tains that psychologically man without God must
seek satisfaction in either daiXyeia. (dKadapaia) or
nXeove^ia, and dcriXyeia is associated in the NT with
dai^eia and seems to be characteristically a heathen
sin (cf. Wis 14^^ 3 Mac 2^8). Abbott (op. cit. p.
133 f. ) opposes this view of Bengel.
In Mk 7-2 and 1 P 4^ it is possible to defend the
classical sense of 'excesses.' ' Raphelius justly
observes that if daiXyeia were in this passage [Mk
7-'^] designed to denote lewdness or lasciviousness
it would have been added to fioixeMi and iropvelai,
vices of a like kind, in the preceding verse. But
as it is joined with ddXos — deceit — he interprets it
in general — an injury of a more remarkable and
enormous kind ; and shows that Polybius has in
several passages used the word in this sense ; cf.
also Wetstein' (J. Parkhurst, Greek Lexicon to the
NT\ 1804).
Against this, however, see the convincing note
of H. B. Swete (St. Mark-, 1902, p. 154) : 'Here
the reference is probably to the dissolute life of
the Herodian court, and of the Greek cities of
Galilee and the Decapolis ; if 56Xo5 characterized
the Jew, his Greek neighbour Avas yet more terribly
branded by daiXyeLo..' In 1 P 4^ the word is de-
finitely used as a general term of the ' will of the
Gentiles,' and is evidently the licentiousness which
accompanied heathen feasts and lawless idolatries,
while in Jude and 2 Peter it is the typical sin of
the cities of the plain, Avhich the libertines, under
the guise of a spurious freedom, followed, and into
which they inveigled others. In their case the
sin of irXiove^la was associated with it. While a
rigid asceticism sprang from a horror of this sin,
sensuality defended itself by the principle tliat the
body did not count for spiritual life.
We may, then, conclude that the prominent
LASEA
LAW
685
idea in daeXyeLa in the NT is flagrant, shameless
sensuality. While this was reckoned one of the
d8id<popa among the heathen, it was branded as
deadly and loathsome by Christianity. In the
heathen world ' sexual vice was no longer counted
vice. It was provided for by public law ; it was
incorporated into the worship of the gods. It was
cultivated in every luxurious and monstrous excess.
It was eating out the manhood of the Greek and
Latin races. From the imperial Caesar down to
the horde of slaves, it seemed as though every class
of society had abandoned itself to the horrid
practices of lust' (G. G. Findlay, Ephesians
[Expositor's Bible, 1892], 272).
Literature. — Grimm-Thayer, s.c. oo-cAveia ; R. C. Trench,
NT Synonyms^, 1876, p. bit.; J. Miiller, The Christian
Doctrine of Sin, 1877-85, i. 159 ff. ; the Commentaries of Ham-
mond (on Ro 129, where an attempt is made to equate do-e'A.yeia
and Tr\eove^ia), C. J. EUicott, J. B. Lightfoot (on Gal 519), H.
B. Swete (on Mk 722), J. B. Mayor (on 2 P 22).
DoxALD Mackenzie.
LASEA (Aacraia, WH Aacr^a). — Lasea was a city
near Fair Havens, on the southern coast of Crete
(Ac 27**). It is not elsewhere mentioned by any
ancient geographical or other writer, but as it was
one of the smaller of the hundred cities of the
island — 'centum nobilem Cretam urbibus ' (Hor.
Ep. ix. 29) — this need cause no surprise. Tiie con-
jecture of Captain Spratt in 1853 as to its site was
confirmed by G. Brown, who examined the ruins
in 1856. He found the beach buried under masses
of masonry, and higher up discovered the ruins of
two temples. ' Many shafts, and a few capitals of
Grecian pillars, all of marble, lie scattered about.
. . . Some peasants came down to see us from the
hills above, and I asked them the name of tiie
place. They said at once, " Lasea," so there could
be no doubt ' (J. Smitii, The Voyage and Shipwreck
of St. Paul*, 1880, p. 268 f.).
The city was about 5 miles east from Fair
Havens, and 1 mile east from Cape Leonda, which
was so named from its resemblance to a lion
couchant. As St. Paul's ship remained for ' much
time ' (iKavov xp^''°^) in the Havens, Lasea was
perhaps frequently visited by the Apostle. It is
quite possible that the evangelization of Crete, in
which Titus afterwards laboured, was begun at
that time. James Strahan.
LAYER. — ' Laver ' is the translation of \ovTp6v in
Eph o-'** llVm, where the text has 'washing.' The
same Greek word occurs in Tit 3', where the RVm
again gives 'laver.' This rendering is at least
doubtful. In the LXX nVs, ' a laver,' is always
rendered by Xovttjp, while Xovrpov is used for nym,
'washing,' in Ca 4^ 6«, Sir SI^". The phrase did
Xovrpov iraXivyevealas, therefore, probably means
'through a washing, or bathing, of regeneration,'
rather than ' through a laver, or font.' For
patristic references confirming the translation
' washing,' see J. A. Robinson's Ephesians, 1903,
p. 206. James Strahan.
LAW. — 1. Introductory. — The subject of the
Law formed one of the main problems, if not in-
deed the main problem, of the Apostolic Church,
inasmuch as it involved the fundamental relation
of primitive Christianity to Judaism on the one
hand and heathenism on the other. Later Judaism,
on its Pharisaic side, had carried legalism to ex-
tremes, and thus accentuated the separation be-
tween Israel and the Gentiles. The primitive
Christian community, on the other hand, had been
taught by its Founder to rank the freedom of
Divine grace higher than human merit (cf. e.g.
Mt 9^''^^ lis and, generally, the attitude of Jesus to
publicans and sinners), and to regard faith as of
more importance than the distinction between Jew
and Gentile (cf. Mt S^-i^ |]s, I5-1--8 ||). In the
evangelical record, moreover, the early Church had
preserved the recollection of its Lord's outspoken
utterances regarding the merely relative validity
of the Jewish ceremonial Law {e.g. of the Sabbath,
Mt 12'-'^ lis ; of cleanness, Mt 15'"-'" lis)— or, at all
events, of the interpretations recognized in the
Synagogue ('the traditions of the elders,' Mt
15-*''- II). Still, the same record showed that in prin-
ciple the attitude of Jesus to the Law as a whole was
an avowedly conservative one (Mt 5^""-", Lk 16'"),
even as He had lived His life within the confines
of the Law (cf. Gal 4'' : yepo/xevos inrb vo/jlov) ; His
supreme aim, indeed, was to bring out with full
clearness and force the will of God made known in
the Law. We thus see that, with regard to the
Law, the evangelical tradition seemed capable of a
double construction, or, at least, that it did not
supply the means for deciding a question that
soon became urgent. It is therefore easy to under-
stand why the early Christian community in
Jerusalem assumed at first a rigidly conservative
attitude towards the Law, and regarded the faith-
ful observance of it as praiseworthy (Ac 21-** ; cf.
246 31 109- i-» 22'2). St. Peter, e.g., required a special
revelation before he would enter the house of
the uncircumcised Cornelius and admit the first
Gentile convert into the Church by baptism (10'"'**)
— a step which did not fail to arouse opposition on
the part of those who ' were of the circumcision '
(cf. lP-'8).
2. The view of St. James. — The principal repre-
sentative of this zeal for the Law in the infant
Church was St. James, the brother of the Lord,
who, according to Acts, as also to the Pauline
Epistles, occupied a leading position therein (Ac
1513-21 21>8-2«, Qal 29 ; cf. 1'"). St. James, by rea.son
of his righteous life, is said to have been esteemed
scarcely less highly by non-Christians than by
believers (Hegesippus, in Eus. HE ii. 23). His
great concern was to smooth the way by which
Israel might come to Jesus Christ, and to put no
stumbling-block before his people. From this point
of view his attitude to the question concerning
the Gentile Christians discussed at the Apostolic
Council becomes readily intelligible. Here he
shows himself to be a genuine disciple of Jesus
in recognizing, after the example of Peter, the
supremacy of grace, and in refusing to put the
yoke of the Law upon the Gentile Christians,
whom rather he receives as brethren, while he
acknowledges St. Paul as the Apostle of the Cir-
cumcision (Ac 15'^'-' ; cf. v.". Gal 2''). He thus
came into direct conflict with the Pharisaic group
of Jewish Christians — those who asserted that the
salvation of the Gentiles depended upon their being
circumcised and their acceptance of the Law (Ac
15''', Gal 2'"^). It was probably only for the sake
of brotherly intercourse between circumcised and
uncircumcised Christians that James proposed the
restrictions to Gentile Christian liberty which were
laid down in the so-called Apostolic Decree (Ac
1520f. 28f.)_ -pjjg reason given for the proposal (v.-' :
' For Moses from generations of old hath in every
city them that preach him, being read in the
synagogues every sabbath ') probably means simply
that the four prohibitions in question — which
formed the kernel of the so-called Noachian com-
mandments, and corresi^ond to the laws for prose-
lytes — had come to be so impressed upon the minds
of the Jews that they could not countenance any
disobedience to them if their intercourse with their
Gentile brethren in the Church was to be uncon-
strained. In formulating the injunctions of the
Apostolic Decree St. James was in reality only
following the practice of the Synagogue with re-
gard to proselj^tes of the narrower class (' the God-
fearing,' oi (po^ovfxevoL [or cre/Sd^ej/oi] tov deov), just as
that practice no doubt had already prepared the
way in the Christian mission to the Gentiles ; for
the fact that St. Paul makes no mention of the
Apostolic Decree in Gal 2^'* probably signifies that
he had observed its provisions on his own initiative
(so, in substance, A. Ritschl, B. Weiss, H. H. Wendt,
etc. ; cf., further, art. MoSES). But the question
regarding the Gentiles was in no sense solved, as
soon appeared in what occurred at Antioch (Gal
2"-"). If, for the sake of Christian fellowship, St.
Peter had in that city ignored the Jewish regula-
tions about food, and had eaten in the companj^ of
Gentile Christians, this did not coincide with tlie
views of those who 'came from James.' These
men took otfence at St. Peter's practice — just as
the Jewish Christians at Jerusalem had resented
his action at Ceesarea (Ac 10 ; cf. IP^-) — manifestly
assuming that Jewish Christians, as the circum-
cised, were under an absolute obligation to the
Mosaic Law, and that they ought not, even for
the sake of Christian fellowship, to make any con-
cession whatever to the liberty of the converted
heathen. If concessions were to be made at all,
they must come from the Gentile, not the Jewish,
side. Whether this point of view is to be traced
directly to St. James himself, or rather merely
coincided with his position, is a much-debated
question. It is probable, however, that in his
view of the matter his concern for Israel bulked
more largely than his regard for the Gentiles, and
that accordingly he would have preferred to sur-
render the possibility of perfect Christian com-
munion between Jewish and Gentile Christians
rather than grant the former a dispensation from
their regulations regarding food. Perhaps we
may, with B. Weiss, see a suggestion of this point
of view in what St. James says in Ac 15'* regard-
ing the mission to the Gentiles, viz. that God had
taken out of them a people for His name — i.e. a
new people of God, in addition to the old.
To tiais type of Jewish Christianity corresponds
generally the religious standpoint of the Epistle
which is ascribed to St. James. The letter shows
so little of a distinctively Christian character,
that Spitta has in all seriousness hazarded the
theory of its being in reality a Jewish work in
which the name of Jesus has been inserted here
and there. As a matter of fact, however, the
writer shows clearly that he is a Christian, not
merely in his reference to Jesus Christ in his
address (P; cf. 2'), but also in his giving expres-
sion to specifically Christian ideas, as e.g. when he
speaks of the regeneration of his readers by the
word of truth (P**) and of the saving word as
implanted in their hearts (1^'). He betrays his
Jewish Christian mode of thought, however, when,
in enjoining his readers to be doers, and not merely
hearers, of the word (P^j^ jjg presently replaces
*word' by 'law,' although 'the perfect law of
liberty' means the law as given to, or as fulfilled
in, human freedom. He thus shows that for him
the central element in Christianity consists in ful-
filment of the Law (cf. I-2-28 with 2^^). It is true
that St. James's conception of the substance of the
Law likewise shows the influence of Jesus, as he
ranks the law of love to one's neighbour above the
others (2*), and, generally, urges the pre-eminence
of the commandments enjoining love and mercy
(21-18. i5f. i26f. 411^ etc.), just as he specially de-
nounces such sins as judging one's neighbour (cf.
Mt V) and swearing (cf. Mt 5**'*''), and condemns
hatred as murder (.Ja 4^). His commendation of
the practice of mercy and of keeping oneself un-
spotted from the world as the true worship of God
(1-*) is also wholly in the spirit of Jesus (cf. e.g.
Mt 9'8 12''), while he is silent regarding all out-
ward service and ceremony. It is quite unneces-
sary to follow modern criticism in regarding this
spiritual and ethical conception of the Law as
pointing to a post-apostolic date of composition,
any more than the attack upon the doctrine of
justification through faith alone (2"-^'^) need be re-
garded as post-Pauline. St. James's view of the
Law, in fact, coincides on the whole with the view
urged by Jesus : in substance the new Law does
not difl'er from that of the OT, and in 2^'^'^ he finds
his examples in the latter (the Decalogue and Dt
P'') ; while there is no difficulty in seeing why he
never makes the slightest reference to the cere-
monial Law — for readers such as his it was quite
unnecessary to insist upon that side of the old
religion, nor, for that matter, did Jesus Himself lay
any emphasis upon it. Further, if the Epistle was
addressed to Jewish Christians who had not as yet
broken oft" relations with the Synagogue (cf. e.g.
2^^-), it may be confidently assumed that they were
not neglectful of the ceremonial Law. What they
required rather was to be reminded of the ethical
aspect of the Law, and above all, to be warned
against the common Jewish delusion that hearing
and speaking the word could take the place of do-
ing it. In 2'* the reference is not to ' the works of
the Law,' but solely to works in the ethical sense.
Moreover, as the theologians of the Synagogue
had already turned their minds to the passage
Gn 15« (cf. A. Schlatter, Der Glmibe im NT\ Calw
and Stuttgart, 1896, pp. 29 ft". 45 ff. ), the antithesis
of faith and works, and the contrast between a
justification by faith and a justification by works,
may quite well have been formulated in an age
prior to St. Paul.
3. The view of St. Peter. — Besides St. James,
the most outstanding representative of the Jewish
Christian position in the primitive Church was
St. Peter. But just as, according to Ac 10, he
had been led by a Divine revelation to enter the
house of an uncircumcised man, and to eat with
the Gentiles (cf. IP), we may infer also, from his
speech in the Apostolic Council, and especially
from his behaviour in the Gentile Christian com-
munity at Antioch, that he had a much clearer view
than St. James of the merely relative obligation of
the Law even for Jewish Christians. In certain
circumstances he thought himself justified, for the
sake of brotherly intercourse with Gentile Chris-
tians, in disregarding the rigour of the Law, since,
after all, salvation did not depend upon the Law,
whose yoke, indeed, neither the fathers nor the
Jews then living were able to bear, but Jew and
Gentile alike could look for salvation only to the
grace of Jesus Christ, and to faith in Him (cf. Ac
157-'i, Gal 2'2a). Hence St. Paul takes for gianted
that the subsequent vacillation of St. Peter at
Antioch (Gal 2'^^) was nothing but dissimulation,
as it was due, not to any change of conviction, but
simply to fear of the Jews. In principle St. Peter
recognized the religious freedom of the Jewish
Christians, not merely as regards the more general
intercourse with their Gentile brethren sanctioned
by the Apostolic Decree, but also as regards the
closer intimacy involved in eating with them (cf.
the Agapte). In other words, he had, according
to St. Paul, actually acknowledged that the
Jewish Christians had the right to accommodate
themselves to the freedom of the Gentiles. Only
we must bear in mind that St. Peter was, in a
much greater degree than St. Paul, a man of
moods, and was therefore not always so consistent
in his thinking.
It is remarkable that the two Epistles bearing
the name of Peter do not refer to the Law. The
Second Epistle obviously dates from a time when
the question regarding the Law had given place to
other controversies, and, at all events, it is con-
cerned with a libertinism and a doctrine that lie
beyond the purview of Jewish legalism. It is a
striking fact that even the First Epistle, the
LAW
LAW
687
autlienticity of which is open to no decisive objec-
tion, does not so much as mention the Law, but
speaks from a quite unstudied and non-legalistic
point of view. As the writer implies that, e.g.,
the OT conception of the priesthood was first
properly realized in the NT Church, and describes
the latter as the true Temple of God (2^*-), it would
seem that tiie OT legal system as a whole had for
him only a typological value. This would certainly
be strange if the Epistle was written, as B. Weiss
and Kiihl suppose, to Jewish Christians, i.e. prior
to the time of St. Paul, but is quite intelligible
if it was addressed to Gentile Christian, Pauline
communities, and written under the influence of
Pauline Epistles, as Romans and Ephesians — a
hypothesis to which, in view of the editorial col-
laboration of Silvanus, the follower of St. Paul,
no exception can be taken.
i. The view of St. Paul.— In point of fact, the
first to decide the question of the Law upon
grounds of principle was the Apostle Paul himself,
though others had already pointed the way. In
conformity with what has been said of St. Peter's
views, it is perfectly credible that, as related in
Acts, St. Peter was the first to baptize a heathen,
and that he should make reference thereto in his
address to the Apostolic Council (Ac IS'""). Here,
however, tiie most outstanding name is that of the
martyr St. Stephen, who anticipated St. Peter in
divining the essentially non-legalistic character of
the gospel. St. Stephen, as a Hellenist, could of
course more easily than St. Peter discern the
merely relative validity of the Jewish legal
system, and especially of the Temple ritual ; and
although his adversaries, in charging him with
having in his preaching attacked the Holy Place
and the Law, were undoubtedly doing him an
injustice, yet the accusation was not altogether
unfounded. His trenchant speech (Ac 7) not only
attacks the Jews for their persistent rejection of
the Prophets, but also pointedly criticizes their
over-estimation of the Temple : * the Most High
dwelleth not in houses made with hands' (T''^'^").
His general plea is that Divine revelation is in-
dependent of any particular holy place, and he
honours Moses less as the Law-giver than as the
prototype of Jesus, and as the one who foretold
His coming (cf. 7^^^"). The very Law to which
the Jews appealed they had not kept (v.^).
It was no mere accident that in particular the
personality and preaching of St. Stephen should
have wrought powerfully on the young Pharisee
Saul (7^^). Saul probably belonged to the Cilician
synagogue, whose members had disputed with St.
Stephen, and in any case tlie latter's great vindica-
tory speech must have still further opened the eyes
of the zealous Pharisee to the inherently non-legal
nature of the gospel, and rekindled his persecuting
zeal against the followers of Jesus (cf. 6^'-).
Even before his conversion Saul must have been
sensible of the great alternative which he sets forth
in Gal 2^^"^' : either righteousness is through the
Law, and Christ died for nought ; or else the Cruci-
fied Jesus is truly the Christ, and righteousness is
to be attained through faith alone. It need,
tlierefore, occasion no surprise that in his con-
version Saul had become convinced of the univer-
sality of Christianity, or that thereafter he main-
tained that the Law was not in a religious sense
binding upon either Gentile or Jewish Christians
(Gal 1.^2).
According to Gal V^^- St. Paul saw at once that he
was called to be a missionary among the heathen, and
he seems to have laboured as such for a time without
any interference whatever — a circumstance which
will hardly seem strange when we remember that
certain Hellenists who had been driven out in con-
sequence of the persecution connected with Stephen
had preached the gospel in Antioch even to the
Gentiles, and that the numerous converts whom
they had won from heathendom were recognized
as brethren by the community in Jerusalem (Ac
ir-"'^'*). Nor does the Apostle make the slightest
reference to the question of the Law in his earliest
Epistles, 1 and 2 Thessalonians. It was in reality
the aggression of certain Christian Pharisees —
Judaizers (Ac 15^- ^, Gal 2*) — that forced him into
a thorough-going discussion of the significance of
the Law, and this is his special theme in his
Epistles to the Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans.
In seeking to delineate here the Pauline doctrine
of the Law, however, we must also draw upon the
Epistles of the Imprisonment and the Pastorals.
(a) Mis use of the term ' Law.^ — In discussing the
Pauline conception of the Law, we note that the
Apostle uses the term v6ixos in somewhat difi'erent
senses. It may mean the whole Pentateuch — the
Torah in the wider sense — as in Ro 3'-^ (the Law
and the Prophets), Gal 4^1, 1 Co 14*^, and even the
entire OT, which might be thus designated aparte
potiori, as in Ro 3"* (the Psalms also included under
the term), 1 Co U-^ (Is 28i'^-)- As a rule, however,
vofios is applied by St. Paul to the Law delivered
by Moses, as recorded in the Mosaic Books from
Exodus to Deuteronomy (cf. Ro 5^^- ^* : dxP' vbixov
= /u^/)i Moxrews, Gal 3": the Law given 430 years
after the promise). Further, St. Paul sometimes
uses the terra with, sometimes without, the definite
article, and the distinction must not be ignored.
It is true that v6no^, even without the article, may
mean the historically-given Law of Moses, the
possession of which was the special prerogative of
the Jews as distinguished from tiie Gentiles (Ro
212-u s'juf. 5i3f. 20), xhe omission of the article, how-
ever, generally points rather to ' law ' as a principle ;
thus what is so said of ' law ' would hold good of
any other positive ordinance of God — if such ex-
isted at all (cf. Ro 2'^"^* : ' For not the hearers of
law are just before God, but the doers of law shall
be justified ; for when Gentiles who have not law
do by nature the things of the law, these having
no law are law to themselves,' etc., and 5'^: 'For
prior to law sin was already in the world, but sin
is not imputed when there is no law '). In both of
these passages it is ol>vious that v6ixos and 6 v6ixos
equally refer to the Mosaic Law, but it is no less
obvious that they assert principles, not merely
historical facts; cf. also Gal 5^^- '^'\ 1 Ti pf- ('The
law is good, if a man use it lawfully, knowing that
law is not made for a righteous man '). On the
other hand, when St. Paul wisiies to make a his-
torical, statement regarding the Law of Moses, he
uses the phrase 6 vS/jlos. The extent to which he
can abstract from the conci'ete historical sense of
vo/j-os, however, is seen in the fact that he occasion-
ally uses vd/xos, virtually as a purely formal con-
cept, as equivalent to norma, 'rule': Ro 3-^ (the
law of faith, i.e. the Divine ordinance which en-
joins faith, not works ; cf. P 9^1 10^ I6-«), 7"^ (the
law of sin), 8^ (the law of life = natural law), Gal
6- ; cf. 1 Co 1421 (the law of Christ).
As regards the proper signification of the term,
however, the Law may be defined as the positive
revelation of the Divine ordinance to the Israelites,
who therein, as in the covena.nts, the promises, and
the Temple service (Ro 9^), had a sacred privilege
unshared by other peoples (cf. 2'^ 3'^). The law of
God, which in the heathen was but an inward and
therefore vague surmise, was for the Jews formu-
lated objectively and unmistakably in the written
Law (Ro 217-20 ; cf. 2 Co 3"), and the Jews, even if
they broke th^t Law (Ro 2-^^-), could yet boast of
a moral advantage over the heathen (Gal 2'^).
The Law, however, is a revelation not only of the
Divine requirements, but also of the Divine pro-
mises and threats attached thereto. The Law, i»
short, contains a judicial system, in that it deter-
mines the relation between man and God by man's
obedience to, or transgression of, the Divine com-
mandments. If man keeps the whole Law, he
is rewarded with 'life' (Gal 3'- = Lv 18^), and this
is bestowed not of grace, but of debt (Ro 4'* : /card
6(pei\rj /j.a) ; while if he does not keep the Law in its
entirety, he is accursed (Gal 3" = Dt 27-"), and
passes into the power of death (Ro 6-^ 7'°, 1 Co
1556).
The Law demands, not faith, but works (Gal
3"'-)) and hence St. Paul speaks repeatedly of the
' works of the law ' {^pya vofjiov, ' works prescribed
by the law ' ; cf. Ro 3•-^ Gal 2i6). By ' works of the
law,' however, he means, not simply the exter-
nally legal actions in which the heart is not im-
plicated, but no less the morally irreproachable
fulfilment of the commandments, which claim the
obedience of the soul as well as of the body, and
forbid sinful desire as well as sinful action — just as,
indeed, the requirement of the whole Law is
summed up in the commandments of love(Ro 13^'*,
Gal S'"*). It is no doubt the case that for St. Paul
outward rites and ceremonies are included in the
characteristic ordinances of the Law (Gal 2^^ 4i" ;
cf. Ro 9^ 14^). The LaAv as a whole consists of par-
ticular commandments of a statutory nature (ric
vd/xou tGjv ivToXQiv iv doy/j-acri, Eph 2^'' ; cf. Col 2^'*). *
In Gal. it is especially the ceremonial or ritual
ordinances of the Law that are referred to, as St.
Paul is here dealing mainly with the question of
circumcision (cf. 2'^-'^- 43-'» 5-"'-, also Col 2i=*f- ^u-as).
In Rom., on the other hand, he is treating rather of
the moral requirements of the Law (cf. 2'-'-^ 7'-8*).
Nevertheless, we must not ascribe the conscious
differentiation between moral law and the cere-
monial Law to the Apostle himself. For him the
Law is an indivisible whole (Gal 3^^* 5^), though he
certainly recognizes gradations of value in its com-
mands (e.cf. the commandment of love), and finds its
kernel in'the Decalogue (cf. Ro 13«f-, 2 Co3''-' : the
Law engraven in letters on tables of stone). All
the Law is Divine. While it might seem as if in
Gal. St. Paul designedly avoids speaking of the Law
as the Law of God (cf. 2'9 3"'-2i), but rather sets it,
as the ' mere rudiments of the world' (4''^-'' ; cf. Col
2** -**), on a level with the heathen stage of religion,
the absence of any such design is shown by the fact
that even in the same Epistle he exhorts his readers
to fulfil the Law by love (5^^'-), and thus asserts its
holiness, while elsewhere (e.g. Ro 7^-- ^•*- ^6- 22) ]^g jjj.
sists upon its Divine and spiritual character.
(b) if is viciv of the function of the Law. — The
most cliaracteristic feature of St. Paul's doctrine of
the Law, however, is found in his statements re-
garding its function. Here, in fact, he develops a
view directly opposed not only to his own earlier
Jewish conception, but also to the thoughts of the
naturaJ man, viz. that the Law is not meant to
mediate life to man, but is rather a medium of
death. In the abstract, of course, he still recog-
nizes that the Law was designed to be a real
channel of righteousness and life (Ro V^ -. ' the
commandment which was unto life,' 10', Gal 3^- :
' he that doeth them shall live in them '). In the
actual circumstances of life, however, the matter
has quite a ditterent bearing, for no human being
has ever fulfilled, or ever can fulfil, the condition
of perfect obedience to the Law. The Law is thus
quite incapable of bringing life to man ; nor,
indeed, was it given by the all-foreseeing God with
any such design. On the contrary, it has primarily
a purely negative aim and effect, viz. to intensify
the moral and spiritual misery of the unsaved man,
* Some scholars are of opinion that the word S6yiJ.aTa here re-
fers to the treatises with which the ancient Rabbis had overlaid
the Law, but this is hardly compatible with Col 2^-^ : to xetpd-
ypaijiov TOts S6yiJ.a<Ti.v.
SO that the greatness of the Divine grace may be
the more clearly displayed ; and it is only upon
this background that the Law has any positive
significance at all.
This estimate of the Law, so obnoxious to the
Judaistic mind, the Apostle made good by an apjieal
to experience as well as to Scripture and sacred
history. His demonstration is given more especially
in the Epistles to the Galatians and the Romans.
In the latter he starts from experience, which
shows that not only the heathen who live without
the Law but even the people of the Law themselves
are all held fast under the power of sin. The
Jews glory in the Law with their li[)S, but, when
their conscience is appealed to, they have to con-
fess that their deeds are little better than those of
the heathen (Ro P^ 2=^). Next he shows from
Scripture, from the Torah, which speaks to tlie Jews
in 2)articular, that they, equally with all mankind,
ai'e guilty before God (S**"^" ; cf. Gal 2^") . moreover,
the OT plainly declares that by the works of the
Law shall no flesh be justified (Ro 3-", Gal 2i« = Ps
143- ; the Avords ' by the works of the law ' were
added by St. Paul himself, but are quite in accord-
ance with the sense). Finally, on the lines of
sacred history, he deduces the impossibility of
justification by the works of the Law from the
fact that God has now manifested a new species of
righteousness apart from the Law, viz. the right-
eousness that is through faith in Jesus Christ, who
has been set forth in His blood as a IXaffT-qpiov (Ro
32i(. 25)^ i.e. an expiation, or a propitiation (Luther:
Gnadenstuhl, 'throne of grace'), and has rendered
satisfaction to the Law (Gal 3^* ; cf. 4^). This
new mode of righteousness, moreover, was fore-
shown by the Law and the Prophets, as is argued
in greater detail in Ro 4, where St. Paul discusses
the grand ]n-ecedent of Abraham ; for Abraham, the
father of (:lod's people, was justified not by works
but by faith, and while as yet uncircumcised, in
order that he should be the father of all who have
faith (4i-i^). Besides the case of Abraham, St.
Paul appeals specially to the prophetic utterance
of Hab 2^ (Ro V\ Gal 3^ : ' The just sliall live by
faith '). In Gal. likewise he attaches great import-
ance to the pattern of Abraham. Here he repre-
sents the Law as a secondary institution in com-
parison with the Promise. In man the Promise
presupposes faith only, and may be compared to a
testament, which could not be invalidated by a posi-
tive decree such as the Law delivered 430 years later
(Gal 315-18). In the section of Rom. (9-11) which
deals with the rejection of Israel, he returns again
to the biblical arguments for the righteousness of
faith, which excludes justification by the Law
(10^""). But the decisive proof of his contention
that the Law is incapable of justifying sinners lies
for St. Paul in the Death of Christ prodaimed in the
gospel (Gal '2^^--^ ; cf. Ro 3'-"-). It is his absolute con-
viction that, if righteousness could be secured by the
Law, then Cliristdied for nought (v.-^ ; cf. Ro lO^"^-).
Nor is the synthesis of the two kinds of righteous-
ness a possible conception. The Law is no more
based itpon faith (Gal 3'-) than the grace of Jesus
Christ (Ro 5^'^) is based upon works (Ro 11^ : ' if by
grace, fihen no more of works ; otherwise, grace is
no more grace').
How does it come about, then, that the ab-
stractly possible righteousness by the works of the
Law (Ro 2^^) is impossible in the sphere of actual-
ity? Or, otherwise, why is man incapable of ful-
filling the Law ? The answer is given in the
Apostle's idea of the carnal constitution of man,
which is antagonistic to the spiritual character of
the Law (7'''). Man, by reason of his carnal nature,
is sold into the servitude of sin, for the mind of
the fiesh is hostile to God, and cannot become
subject to His (spiritual) Law. No doubt the Law
of God includes commandments which, because of
their external character, may quite well be obeyed
by the ' flesh ' (Gal 3^ ; cf. 4^"), but its most distinct-
ive requirement, the law of love, is repufrnant to
the flesh. For Avith St. Paul the term ' flesh ' (cdpf )
is by no means restricted to the sensuous corporeal
aspect of human nature — as if the principle of sin
were rooted in man's physical constitution (cf. Gal
5'^^-) ; on the contrary, the flesh penetrates even
to his inmost soul, so that we may speak also of
a ' mind of the flesh ' (Col 2'8). Tlie ' works of the
flesh,' accordingly, embrace not only sins of
sensuality, but also sins of the seltish will (Gal
5'"'^^), and hence, in a passage immediately pre-
ceding this, St. Paul contrasts brotherly love with
the misuse of liberty as an occasion to the flesh
(5^^*"). Even in the regenerate man, the Christian,
the flesh maintains its [jower so persistently (S"''-'*)
that he cannot conquer sin by the Law, but can
triumph over it only bj- the Spirit of God (Ro
If, however, the Law does not bring salvation to
man, and was not designed to do so, what is its
real function ? The most comprehensive answer to
this question is given in Ko 3'-"'' : ' through the
law comes the knowledge of sin.' The answer is
defined more concretely in a number of kindred
statements (cf. 4i' o^'^'--" T^'-f-, 1 Co 15°*, Gal
3'^). The Law not only serves to make sin known
as sin, and to condemn the sins of men, but it re-
solves ill-doing into aggravated sin, giving it the
character of trespass against the commandments
of (iod : ' where there is no law, neither is there
transgression' (lio 4^^), 'and therefore sin is not
imputed ' (5'*). But the actual operation of the
Law in thus resolving sin into positive transgres-
sion and guilt must, according to the teleology of
the Apostle, have been the Divine purpose of the
Law (Gal 3'^ : tCjv irapa^daioov X'lP"') ' ^^ order to
bring forth the conscious transgressions as such ' ;
cf. Ro 5-'' : ' that the Fall might be increased ' ;
7^* : ' that sin might be shown to be sin ').
Thus the Law produces a qualitative intensifica-
tion of sin : sin becomes guilt. The evil done by
those who have not the Law is relatively blameless.
But the Law, which invests sin with the character of
guilt, evokes wrath, i.e. in God (Ro 4"). Sin, how-
ever, is not only qnalitativelj' intensified, but also
quantitatively increased, by the Law. For, accord-
ing to Ro 7^''*, the Law tends to rouse the slumber-
ing power of sin, which then breaks out in all kinds
of appetites and passions. Just as an innocent
youth, who has, say, listened to some explanation
of sexual matters, may thus be wrought upon by
sinful inclinations liitherto unfelt, so — the Apostle's
idea would seem to have been something of this
kind — the as yet relatively blameless man is brought
under the influence of evil desires by the Law's
very prohibition of such desires. This in no sense,
however, proves that the Law is sinful, but simply
shows the awful power of the sin that dwells in the
flesh ; for man"s conscience, his better self, agrees
with the Law, and cannot but attest its holiness
(cf. 75. 7-13. 16. 22j_ Here the Apostle is probably
not thinking of an outward multiplication of sins ;
he rather assumes, indeed, that generally the Jews
live on a higher moral level than the heathen
(Gal 2^5; cf. Ph 3^), and his idea is in all likelihood
that of an inward development — in the shape of sins
of thought.
The Law, in thus aggravating the power of sin
both qualitatively and quantitatively, brings man
into a state of deeper misery than he ever experi-
enced while still without the Law ; it works in
him the apprehension of God's wrath and curse
(Ro 415, Gal 3i»), and of death (Ro V^- ■^\ 2 Co 3«-9,
1 Co 15^*), and yet at the same time the most pro-
found yearning for salvation.
VOL. I. — 44
It is true that death, as a result of Adam's sin,
reigned over mankind even before the Law (Ro 5",
1 Co 15-^'- )• Even so, however, the individual
could live in relative unconcern (Ro 5'^ 7^) ; the
Law written in his heart asserted itself but feebly.
Accordingly, when God determined to institute
salvation for the race of man, and chose a people
as its depositary. He began by giving to Abraham,
the father of tliat people, simply the Promise, the
condition of which was faith alone ; subsequently,
however. He added the Law, not indeed with the
design of laying doA^Ti a new condition co-ordinate
with, or as a substitute for, faith, but rather, as it
were, for the purpose of keeping His people in
ward and custody, the Law acting as a stimulus to
tlie power and guilt of sin in such wise as to exclude
every liope except that of justification by faith
in Clirist as the medium of salvation (Gal 3^- -',
Ro 4^^*^- ). Had Christ appeared without the pre-
vious intervention of the Law, the misery of man
would not have been so gi'eat ; but also tiie glory
of Divine grace would have been less transcendent
(Ro 5-"^-)- In the historical outworking of redemp-
tion, therefore, the Law had merely a pedagogic
function ; it was our moral guardian {iraLdaywyos)
until Christ came, so that we might be justified
through faith, and through faith alone (Gal 3-^"-^).
(c) The abolition of the Laiv. — If the function
of the Law was, as we have just seen, merely
pedagogic, it must also have been but temporary.
' Now that faith [or its object, Jesus Ciirist] is
come, we are no longer under a tutor' (Gal 3-^ ; cf.
4''") ; ' Christ is the end of the law unto righteous-
ness to every one that believeth' (Ro 10^). In
Eph 2^^ St. Paul asserts that Christ has actually
abolished the law of commandments contained in
ordinances ; and, objectively, the Law, as a statu-
tory system, was abrogated when Christ made
satisfaction to it by His Death, or, as the Apostle
puts it, bore its curse (Gal 4^ 3" ; cf. Col 2"). But
this is not to be understood in the sense that from
the time of Christ's Death every man, every Jew,
is absolved from the Law ; .'iubjertivelij, the in-
dividual is freed from its dominion only when he
becomes a Christian, and is united to Christ by
faith and baptism, .so as personally to appropriate
His Death and Resurrection. Just as Christ Him-
self was released from the Law's domain only
through His Death on the Cross, in order that, as
the Risen One, He might thereafter live a new life
in immediate union with Goil, so His followers are
loosed from the Law onlj' through their communion
with their Crucified and Glorified liord (Ro 7^''^,
Gal 2iyf-)- This is to be taken, first of all, in a
legal sense : ' the law hath dominion over a man
as long as he lives.' Just as, when a husband dies,
a wife is loosed from the law which bound her
to him, and may marry another, so, when Christ
died. His communitj' became exempt from the Law,
and was free to yield itself to anotlier, viz. the risen
Christ (Ro 7^"*). Once the curse of the Law, which
is death, has been carried out upon the transgressors
of the Law, the Law can demand no more ; we are
then redeemed not only from its penalty, but also
from its obligation (Gal 3^^ 4-"-)- It is true that
many interpreters refer this exemption from obliga-
tion not to Christ's passive but to His active obedi-
ence to the Law — an interpretation that may be
right in so far as His active obedience was the jire-
condition of the propitiatory significance of His
passive obedience. But, taken all in all, the
Apostle's view is that we have been made free
from the Law by Christ's Death (cf. also Gal 2^^^-,
Col 2"- -\ Eph 215).
St. Paul, however, goes far beyond this purely
juridical conception. He also represents our deliver-
ance from the Law as a transaction ethically con-
ditioned. From the mystical union with the
690
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Crucified and Risen Lord comes a power which
transforms and re-creates our nature, and thus
enables us of oui-selves to fulfil the requirements
of the Law (Ro S^^-, Gal 5i« ; cf. v.-^). The Apostle
traces this power to the Spirit of God and of Christ :
' if ye are led by the Spirit, ye are not under the
law ' (Gal 5'^) ; against such as bring forth the
fruits of the Spirit the Law is not valid (v.^'') ; the
Law is not imposed upon a righteous niJin (1 Ti P).
Thus freedom from the Law is in no sense a merely
legal freedom ; it is an ethical freedom which is
quite ditl'erent from mere arbitrary choice, and
implies that we fulfil the demands of the Law not
through compulsion or fear, but in zeal and love
(cf. Ro 8i«-, 2 Co 31"-). . Hence the Christian is not
free in the sense of being his own master ; on the
contrary, he is subject to the Lord Jesus and God
(Ro H^'**), but serves Him from the dictates of the
inmost heart, having yielded himself with consum-
ing gratitude and love to the Saviour who died for
him (2 Co 5"^-).
(d) The Laio abolished yet continuing in force. —
St. Paul thus teaches that the Law is abolished,
and that nevertheless it abides. It is abolished
by Christ in the sense that it has no longer any
validity for the Cliristian as a statutory system ;
justification is effected through faith alone, and
without the works of the Law (Ro 3'-^ Gal 2'").
This holds both for Jews and for Gentiles
(Ro \^^^- 3-"-); here there is no difference between
them. The place of the Law is now taken by
Christ (Ro 10''). Everything turns upon our union
with Him, and works are not to the purpose ; in
other words, all depends upon faith, which is simply
the acceptance of the gospel, or of Christ, and the
invocation of His name (Ro lO^^^'). In particular,
the ordinances which had hitherto obstructed
religious intercourse between different peoples, as
Israelites and Goyim, had all been done away in
Christ (Eph 2"-22; cf. Gal 3^8, Col 3"). In Him
circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision noth-
ing (Gal 5« 613, 1 Co 7i9)_ Hence St. Paul, a Jew,
can become as a Gentile to the Gentiles (1 Co 9'-^),
just as St. Peter and other Jewish Christians had
done in Antioch (Gal 2^^-''-'^). In the religious sense,
i.e. as regards salvation, the Jewish Christians too
were now free from the Law.
On the other hand, however, the Apostle also
affirms the permanence of the Law. The impera-
tive of the Law remains valid not only because
it still retains its juridical authority over non-
believers, but also because it furnishes the ethical
standard of the Christian life generally, and of the
religious life of Jewish Christians in a special degree.
Thus the idea of a ' tertius usus legis,' of which the
Reformers spoke, corresponds exactly to the Pauline
view. Not only does St. Paul regard the all-
embracing requirement of the Law — the command-
ment of love — as a permanent expression of the
Divine will (Ro LSSi", Gal 5^*), but he also borrows
moral i)recepts and rules of discipline from the
Mosaic legislation (see art. Commandment). He
is confident, no doubt, that the Spirit supplies not
onlj^ moral power but also moral insight (Gal 5'^;
cf. Ro 12-) ; but the Spirit does not ojjerate only in
the individual soul, but operates also, and mainly,
through juophecy and through the written Law,
which indeed is spiritual (Ro 7^*), and must there-
fore be spiritually understood (cf. e.g. 1 Co 9**"^").
Here we undoubtedly light upon a difficulty in
the Pauline view. On the one hand, the Apostle
incisively challenges the Judaistic claim to impose
the ordinances of the Law upon the Gentiles, while,
on the other, he upholds the authority of the Law
under the term 'Scripture.' The latter contention
might readily lead to a new kind of legalism, and
lias frequently in some measure done so. St. Paul
himself, however, rejected this inference, and even
suggested a rule for the spiritual application of the
LaAV, viz. in his doctrine of the Law as having a
typological or allegorical significance for Chris-
tianity ; cf. Col 2^'^'-, where he says that the ordin-
ances relating to foods, feast-days, etc., are only
prefiguring shadows of the reality, which is Christ,
just as the circumcision of the flesh has found its
true fulfilment in Christian baptism (v.^"-).
In connexion with this problem we must also
consider the peculiar relation of the Jewish Chris-
tians to the Law. According both to Acts and to
the Pauline Epistles, the Apostle maintained that
the Law had a peculiar binding force upon Chris-
tians belonging to the race of Israel. As regards
Acts, we need refer only to 2pi-2s le^ IS'^. When
St. James spoke to St. Paul of the rumour that he
taught the Diaspora to forsake Moses, St. Paul
promptly gave the required practical evidence for
the falsity of the report, and for his own allegiance
to the Law (21-'^-). He even circumcised Timothy,
a semi-Gentile (16'). According to his own
Epistles, again, he was to the Jews as a Jew
(1 Co 9^^), and he counsels the Jewish members of the
Church in Corinth not to undo their circumcision
(1^^), since every man should remain in the condition
in which he was called (v.''"). In Gal 5^ he solemnly
declares that every one who receives circumcision
is under obligation to keep the whole Law — an
assertion designed to traverse the foolish idea
which the Judaizers had tried to insinuate into
the minds of the Galatians, viz. that circumcision
was a matter of no great importance. This
declaration, no doubt, was made from the stand-
point of those who believed that justification was
to be obtained by the works of the Law. At all
events, where higher issues are at stake, the
Apostle assumes that he is absolved from the
strict letter of the Law, as, e.g., for the sake of
brotherly intercourse with the Gentile Christians
(cf. 1 Co 9^1 with Gal 2i2-i4). There is another
fact that points in the same direction. In Ro 11
St. Paul asserts that the Chosen People are to
occupy a permanently distinct position in the
Divine process of history. But the persistence of
the distinctively religious character of Israel would
seem to involve their permanent retention of
circumcision and the Law. * How such segregation
is to be eftected and maintained in mixed com-
munities without violating full religious fellowship
is a problem with which missions to the Jews are
still greatly concerned; cf., e.g., the relation be-
tween the Sabbath and Sunday. But it is implied
in the whole tenor of Pauline teaching that in
such conflicts the principle of freedom shall in the
last resort prevail. For, as has already been said,
all the commandments are comprehended in the
law of love, and rites and ceremonies, such as
circumcision, purifications, and observance of the
Sabbath, are but shadows of the reality that we
have in Christ. In relation to God circumcision is
in itself of no value. Hence, when St. Paul as-
serts that it is the doers of the Law who will be
declared righteous in the Day of Judgment (Ro 2^'),
he is thinking, as the context shows, not of an
external obedience, a performance of the law 'in
the flesh,' but of a circumcision of the heart and of
a moral righteousness (cf. 2"'- 25-2»)_
(e) Survey. — When we survey the Pauline
doctrine of the Law as a whole, we see that it is
quite Avrong to attribute to the Apostle any form
of antinomianism. Of the operation and ])urpose
of the Law he doubtless uses language which could
not but have a decidedly antinomian sound to the
ears of a Jewish Christian. When he sjjeaks of
the Law as a power that stimulates sin and brings
about death, and of the ministration mediated by
* Cf. on this point senerally, A. Harnack, Neue Untersuch.
tmgcn zur Apostelgeschichte, Leipzig-, 1911, p. 21 ff.
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691
Moses as a ministration of condemnation (2 Co
S*"'"), one involuntarily asks how such utterances
can be reconciled with the praise of, and the
delight in, the Law which we hnd, e.g., in the
Psahns (cf. Ps 198^- 40^ 119 pa-'**'"). And how
does his description of the period between Moses
and Christ as a time during which there was no
faith and the people groaned under the yoke of the
Law (Gal 31"--^) harmonize with the OT ?
As regards the latter question, the Apostle does
not of course mean to deny that faith was a power
among God's people after Moses as well as before
him. He is quite assured that, besides the Mosaic
legislation, Israel had also the adoption, the cove-
nants, the Temple service, and the promises (Ro 9*),
that it was the people of liope (Eph 2^^*), and that
in a sense Christ was with it (1 Co 10^-^), just as
in the wilderness wanderings the people received
prototypes of the Christian sacraments (vv.^"^), and
in their sacrificial worship prototypes of the sacri-
fice of Christ (5^ ; cf. Eph 5'-). As a matter of fact,
St. Paul saw in the OT dispensation in general, as
recorded in the Scriptures, a typical prefiguration
of the NT dispensation (cf. 1 Co 10«-", Ro 15^ Col
2"). And, although he speaks of the NT salvation
in its universal application as having been a Divine
mystery until its manifestation in Jesus Christ
(Ro 162"-, Eph 19 35- », Col l-«), yet he regards it as
liaving been foreshown in the prophetic writings
(Ro 1'-' 3^1 16-®). Hence the people of the Law can-
not have been wholly without faith, and thus what
St. Paul means in Gal 3-^ is simply that Christian
faith as the one exclusive principle of righteousness
was not revealed until Christ came.
In the OT, doubtless, the supreme principle was
the Law. Yet the Law did not operate in a
vacuum ; devout Israelites always saw it against
the background of grace. Every expression of
delight in the Law presupposes faith in the
gracious and merciful God who ' passes over trans-
gression.' Moreover, the Law was not as yet
recognized in all its depth and rigour ; in reality,
the people lived in a spiritual environment of
mingled Law and grace. Such a state of matters,
however, could not be permanently borne. The
two elements necessarily tended to disengage and
separate themselves from each other. In Pharisaic
Judaism the principle of the Law moved ever
further apart from the principle of grace, and the
Law itself came to be regarded more and more as
a legal contract by which performance and recom-
pense were rigidly adjusted to each other. The
religious untenability of such a position could
remain unrecognized only so long as the Law was
understood in a purely external sense. But as
soon as it came to be interpreted in that profound
inner sense which Jesus indicated, it necessarily
became obvious that legalism could only lead to
despair, and that there could be no other principle
of salvation than grace. The Judaizers, the op-
ponents of St. Paul who started from Pharisaism,
were legalists in their way of thought, conceiving
of grace — and faith — as in a proper sense merely
supplementary to an imperfect fulfilment of the
Law ; in other words, they regarded Christianity
as only a perfected Judaism. St. Paul, on the other
hand, although his starting-point too was Pharisaic
legalism, combined therewith that inward inter-
pretation of the Law which Jesus had instituted,
and saw that the question at issue was not that of
a synthesis of Law and faith, but simply that of a
choice between the two, i.e. between Judaism as
a religion of Law and Christianity as the religion
of grace. If we are to estimate aright his utter-
ances regarding the function of the Law, we must
always bear in mind that they have a polemical
setting, and that he is speaking of the Mosaic
legislation and the Old Covenant not in their
historical conditions, but in their character as
principles. This explains the apparent bias of his
statements regarding the Law.
Taken as a whole, however, St. Paul's doctrine
of the Law does not issue from a belief that the
miserable state of mankind is due to the Law in
itself, and that accordingly God had abolished the
Law, and set grace in its stead. The Apostle's
view is rather that human wretchedness arises
from the sinful flesh, and from the Law only in so
far as it is made impotent by the flesh (Ro 8*),
and so intensifies the misery of sin. Thus the
work of Christ was to dissolve the immemorial
connexion between these two powers — law and sin
— on the one side, and man on the other. But
what the work of Christ is in the last resort de-
signed to secure is that the ideal demand of the
Law shall be fulfilled (Ro %*). The essential
purport of the Pauline doctrine has been aptly
expressed by Augustine in the words : ' The Law
is given that Grace may be sought ; Grace is given
that the Law may be fulfilled.'
5. The Law in the Epistle to the Hebrews. —
Paulinism was fully vindicated by the historical
development that took place on the soil of Judaism.
Not only did the Jews of the Diaspora harden
their hearts more and more against the Pauline
Christian mission, but those resident in Palestine,
notwithstanding the conservative attitude of the
mother Church towards the Law, became ever the
more hostile to Christianity. In the sixth decade
of the 1st cent, the antagonism developed into
open persecution, and James the Just fell a victim
to it. The Christians in Jerusalem, and in Palestine
generally, were thus brought to a point where they
had to choose between their affection for their
fathers' religion and their confession of Jesus ; in
particular, their connexion with the fellowship of
the synagogue and their participation in the
Temple service were involved, and these at last
could be retained only at the price of their cursing
the name of Jesus. Such is obviously the situa-
tion presupposed in the Epistle to the Hebrews.
In the opinion of the present writer, this Epistle
can have been addressed only to Jewish Christians
in Palestine who were tempted by their passionate
attachment to their old religion to apostatize from
Christ. The author of the Epistle will therefore
exhibit the pre-eminence of the NT revelation and
the NT priesthood. The essential core of the
Epistle is its portrayal of Jesus as the Melchizedek
high priest. Inasmuch as such a high priest has
been installed, the old legal priesthood — the
Aaronic — is eo ipso brought to an end. But, if
the priesthood is changed, the change must neces-
sarily also att'ect the Law (He 7^^). The ancient
commandment is annulled because of its weak and
unprofitable character — 'for the law made nothing
perfect ' (ov5h irekdwaev, v.^"). Hebrews no doubt
looks at the Mosaic Law mainly under the aspect
of the priestly and sacrificial legislation, but its
view comes to embrace the Old Covenant as a
whole (8), in the place of which, as foretold by
Jeremiah, God has instituted a New Covenant,
writing His law upon the minds and hearts of men,
entering into immediate fellowship with them,
and forgiving their sins (8'"^^ 10^*). The weakness
of the Old Covenant really lay in the external
nature of its institutions. Its oblations were
carnal, and could not purge the conscience, and
thus required to be continually repeated, just as,
again, the priests themselves were mortal, and in
turn gave place to others. Likewise the sanctuary
was merely of this world, merely a copy of the
true sanctuary in heaven, just as the benefits of
the Old Covenant were of an earthly natui'e — a
shadow of heavenly benefits to come (8-10). The
leading idea of Hebrews, accordingly, is not so
much that the Law is a tutor until Christ comes
(see above, 4 {b)) as that it is an imperfect and now
obsolete institution whinh Christians may there-
fore tranquilly leave behind.
Compared with St. Paul's doctrine of the Law,
that of Hebrews is more restrained in so far as
it attaches greater importance to the connexion
between the Old Covenant and the New, i.e. that
it more strongly emphasizes the typological char-
acter of the Law, and that it regards the OT faith
as being more akin to that of the NT ; or, to put
it otherwise, it insists more upon the aspect of
hope even in the NT faith (lP-12^). Again, how-
ever, the view of Hebrews is more radical than
that of St. Paul in so far as it is of a more spiritual
stamp (cf., e.g., the expression in 9'": 'only , . .
carnal ordinances,' fwvov diKaiw/xara crapKos) — a
feature connected with the fact that the author
has in view mainly the ritual law. As a whole,
the Epistle stands upon a basis of Paulinism, but
it also bears the impress of the Alexandrian
spiritualistic philosophy. The attitude of the
author to the Jewish Christian problem in the
narrower sense — as, e.g., the retention of circum-
cision and the Sabbath — cannot be directly inferred
from the Epistle, but, if we may argue from his
general standpoint, he must have regarded all such
matters simply as adiaphora. The Epistle as a
whole may be described as an appeal to the Jewish
Christians to abandon Judaism without misgiving,
since Christians have here no abiding city (Jeru-
salem), but seek the city which is to come (13^^).
The subsequent destruction of the Temple was the
best illustration of that appeal.
6. The Law in the Johannine writings. — Echoes
of the controversy about the Law may no doubt
still be heard in the Johannine writings, but the
question is no longer a living one. Paulinism had
by this time fought to an end the decisive battle
with Judaism, and the great catastrophe of A.D.
70 had exercised a liberating influence on Jewish
Christianity. It is true that, of the Johannine
writings, Kevelation may have been written in the
decade preceding the Fall of Jerusalem, but, though
in the Epistles to the Seven Churches (2. 3) the
influence of the Apostolic Decree is probably still
traceable (cf. 2-»ff- with 2*- 1* and Ac 15-8), y^t the
idea of the LaAV plays no part in the book. The
Apocalypse no doubt attaches special importance
to the ' commandments of God,' repeatedly enjoin-
ing their observance (12^'' 141'^ 22'*), and, similarly,
great stress is laid upon the works of believers,
since in the Judgment men are to be recompensed
according to their works (2=* 20i2'- 22'* ; cf. 14'3),
while in five (RV ; AV all) of the seven letters the
direct address opens with the words, ' I know thy
works ' (2-- 1» 3'- »• '«). The works referred to, how-
ever, are in no sense the 'works of the Law,' but
rather ordinary Christian actions, or Christian
virtues ; cf. the details of the letters and the
lists of vices in 21*-^ 22''. Nor, again, are
the ' commandments of God ' to be identified with
the commandments of Moses. On the contrary,
the peculiar way in which they are linked with the
'testimony,' or the 'faith of Jesus,' seems to in-
dicate that the expression does not differ essenti-
ally in meaning from the phrase ' the word of God '
occurring in a like connexion, and that it finds its
explanation in 1 John, in which faith in the name
of Jesus and brotherly love are represented as the
two chief commandments of God (cf. Kev 1" 12"
142 with 1 Jn 323 4i"- 5'-»).
That the general religious attitude of Revelation
is Jewish Christian may probably be infeiTed from
such passages as IP 20» 21 '^ and 7*-*. But this
does not imply that the work has a particularistic
or an anti-Pauline standpoint ; the truth is, rather,
that the book presupposes throughout the uni-
versality of salvation (cf. 5» 7" [212'«-2«]), just as,
conversely, it says that the unbelieving Jews are
not Jews but ' a synagogue of Satan ' (2^ 3^). And
when (in 2"*) the Lord assures believers that He
will cast upon them no otlier burden than abstinence
from tilings sacrificed to idols and from fornication
(cf. 2'''*' -"), we are reminded, as indicated above,
of the ordinances of the Apostolic Decree for the
Gentile Christians. The word ' law ' (w'/ios), how-
ever, does not occur in the book.
In the First Epistle of John — as in the Second
and Third as well — we find no special reference to
the Law. In the First Epistle an error is assailed
which lies quite outside the question as to the
validity of the Mosaic Law, viz. an ethical in-
differentism which, side by side with a Docetic
Christology, had apparently assumed a Gnostic
complexion. When John, after a warning against
being led astray, declares with empliasis that ' he
(only) that doeth righteousness is righteous,' and
that 'he that doeth sin is of the devil' (3'^'")) he
?robably has in view some misapplication of the
'auline teaching on righteousness. There is
notliing in the Epistle which points directly to
antinomian tendencies, but something of that
nature seems to be hinted at in the closing ad-
monition against 'the idols' (5*'), which Avould
appear to point to the evils mentioned in Rev
2i4f. 20^ Qj^ ^i^g positive side, the exhortations of
the Epistle are directed towards the true faith and
towards walking in brotherly love; 'to walk in
the light ' consists in brotherly love (cf. 2^- ^^ 3^'^*
4. 5). St. John's well-known definition of sin as
'transgression of the law,' 'lawlessness' (avofxla
[1 Jn 3^]), might seem to be of special interest for
our present subject, but he does not further develop
the thought, which is apparently only of a sub-
sidiary character, to be compared with the refer-
ences to the requirements of the Law with which
on occasion St. Paul supports his admonitions (cf.
Gal 5'*, Ro 138-10).
Finally, the Gospel of St. John shows its remote-
ness from the ecclesiastical conflict regarding the
LaAV by the subordinate place which the idea of
the v6txoi occupies in it. This probably finds ex-
pression in the significant verse of the Prologue
(1") in which St. John compares the Old and the
New Dispensation : ' the law was given through
Moses ; grace and truth came through Jesus Christ.'
The antithesis of law and grace is genuinely
Pauline ; that of law and truth reminds us above
all of the Epistle to the Hebrews : the Law was
only an imperfect revelation of the nature of God,
which has at length been declared by the only
begotten Son (Jn 1'^), 'full of grace and truth'
(v."). Moreover, the references to the Law in the
Ijody of the Gospel are not so much meant, as in
Mt., to interpret its requirements; here, in fact,
the Law, or the Scripture, is adduced rather for
purposes of argument (cf. b^^- «-« with V^-"^* lO^^-
[' your law ' = Scripture, Ps 826] . cf. 123* [' the law '
= Ps 110*, Is 9^ Dn 7''']). It is true that the law
of the Sabbath is referred to in a special way,
inasmuch as Jesus was on two occasions charged
with violating the day, and vindicated His action
(59-13. 16-18 722-24, cf^ 9i4fif.) by appealing to the ex-
ample of God His Father, who ' worketh even until
now' (5'^), and to the practice of circumcising on
the Sabbatli (V^). A passage like 7"*"'-, however,
and still more decidedly 10** ('in your law'), seems
to indicate a certain detachment from the stand-
point of the Law generally. And the superiority
of the Christian point of view, as contrasted Avith
the LaAV, or Avith the legal Avorship, finds expression
above ail in the great utterance of Jesus regarding
the true Avorship (4-i'"*): 'the hour cometh Avhen
neither in this mountain nor in Jerusalem shall ye
worship the Father. . . . God is spirit : and they
LAW
LEAVEN
693
that worship him must worship in spirit and trutli.'
Tlie ethic of St. John's Gospel is most impressively
brought to a focus in tlie new commandment of
brotherly love (IS^* lo'^- 1^- "). While the dis-
courses of Jesus in the first part of the Gospel,
in which He addresses the people ('the world'),
demand faith in His name, those in the second
part (13-17), where He speaks to the disciples (those
who have that faith, believers), all converge in the
commandment of mutual love ; here, accordingly,
we have the same two-fold requirement which we
found so simply expressed in the First Epistle of
John (3-^). In the Gospel, no doubt, Jesus speaks
not only of His commandment, but also of His
commandments ; by these, however, He must iiave
meant, not tlie commandments of the OT, but in
all likelihood simply the special aspects of the law
of love.
1 John tends to set faith and love side by side
(cf. Rev 14'- : faith and the ' commandments of
God '), and the Fourth Gospel shows the same
collocation. In this point, accordingly, St. John
ditters from St. Paul, who indicated the subordina-
tion of love to faith in the phrase 'faith working
through love ' (Gal 5*). In point of fact, however,
St. John too has recognized the dependence of love
upon faith, since, as just indicated, the first part
of his Gospel is occupied with tlie preaching of
faith (1-12), while in the second part (1311.)
brotherly love is regarded as being based upon the
true foundation of discipleship, i.e. upon faitii.
Through faith comes life in the name of Jesus
Christ (20^' ; cf. 1 Jn 5'^). No room is left, therefore,
for legal merit or self-righteousness. Thus St.
John homologates the Pauline conception of the
gospel, but exjiresses his view in a manner much
more simple, and therefore less precise.
7. The Law in the sub-apostolic writings. — In
the post-apostolic writings of the 1st cent, the
Law, as signifying the Mosaic legislation, plaj's
no part at all. In the so-called First Ejiistlc of
Clement the term occurs but once (i. 3), and there
in the plural form : ' Ye walked in the laws of
God' — an utterance which, both according to the
context and in view of the persons addressed
(Gentile Christians in Corinth), can have no refer-
ence to the OT Law in the specific sense. It was
in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers of the 2nd
cent. — as, e.g., the Shepherd of Hernias and the
Epistle of Barnabas — that Christianity came to be
regarded as ' the new Law.' Barn.abas says that
God abolished the Jewish sacrihces in order that
the new Law of our Lord Jesus Christ, which is
without the yoke of compulsion, should involve no
sacrificial gift, as that is but the work of man (ii.
6) — an idea that partly recalls St. James's phrase,
' the perfect law of liberty ' ( Ja P^ ; cf. 2'-).
Hermas, again, speaks of Christ as the one who
gave to the people (of God) the Law that He re-
ceived from His Father, but also as the one who is
Himself the Law ; the Law is the Son of God, who
was preached to the ends of the earth (Sim. viii.
3. 2) — i.e. the gospel has taken the place of the
ancient Law, or, otherwise expressed, Christ in His
example and His commandments has been consti-
tuted the sole moral authority of Christians.
What distinguishes this sub-apostolic view from
that of St. Paul, however, is that the idea of 'the
new Law ' not only verbally but also materially
implies a moralism that was quite foreign to the
Apostolic Age, inasmuch as the idea of Law has
coloured the conception of the gospel.
AVhen the strain between Law and gospel had at
length been relieved, legalism gradually once more
found its way indirectly into the Church. We
can already trace the process in the Ancient
Catholic Church, and still more distinctly in tlie
Mediaeval Church. At the lleformation, however,
the primitive-Christian, Pauline solution of the
problem of the Law was vindicated once more,
and legalism and antinomianism were alike sur-
mounted. The theology of the Reformation, in
its interpretation of grace and faith, showed, with
St. Paul as its guide, not only that, but also how,
the Ciiristian is constrained to do good works, and
thus fulfil the Law of God {Aiiqsburg Confession
[1530], XX. 36, ' Apol.' [1531] iii. i5).
Literature. — The text-books of NT Theology by B. Weiss
(En^. tr. of 3rd ed., Edinburgh, 1882-83), H. J. Holtzmann
(-Tubingen, 1911), A. Schlatter (Calw, 1909-10), P. Peine
(Leipzig, 1910), H. Weinel (Tubingen, 1911); C. v. Weizsacker,
Das apostnlische Zeitalter der christlicken Kirche'^, Freiburg,
1892 (passim) ; E. Grafe, Die paulinische Lehre vorn Ge.setz
nach den vier Bauptbriefen, do. 1893 ; Lyder Brun, Paubis's
here om loven, Christiania, 1894 ; A. Zahn, Das Gesetz Gottcs
nach der Lehre und der Erfahrung des Apostcl Pauhis'^, Halle,
1892 ; P. Peine, Das gesetzesfreie Evangelium des Pauhis,
Leipzig, 1899 ; G. B. Stevens, Theology of the NT, 1899, p. 17 ;
A. E. Garvie, Studies of Paul and his Gospel, 1911, p. 192; E.
P. Gould, Biblical Theology of the NT, 1900, p. 27. See also
the accounts of Paulinisni by E. Renan (Eng. tr., London,
lSti9), P. W. Parrar (do. 1879), O. Pfleiderer (Leipzig, 1873,
Eng. tr., London, 1877), A. Sabatier (^Paris, 1896, Eng. tr.6,
London, 1906), and treatises on the subject of 'Jesus and St.
I'aul.' OlAF MoE.
LAWYER. — In Israel the activities of the lawyer
were limited by the Torah, or Law of Moses. His
functions were three-fold : to study and interpret
the Law (and tlie traditions arising from it), to
hand it down by teaching, and to apply it in the
Courts of Justice. The lawyers played an im-
portant part in the proceedings of the Sanhedrin,
not only voting, but also speaking, if they saw fit,
on either side of a case, though in criminal ciiarges
solely on behalf of the accused (Mishn. Sanhedriyi,
iv. 1). The Roman lawyers were more secular in
their interests, and applied themselves more directly
to tlie practical asjiects of jurisprudence. Their
work in tlie law-courts covered a wide range. The
most general representative of law was the cognitor,
or attorney, whose place (in Gaius's time) was par-
tially filled by the procurator litis, or legal agent ;
but in court the case was pleaded by the patroiius
or orator, the skilled counsel of whom Cicero is so
illustrious an example, often assisted by the advo-
catus, or legal adviser. The ojiinion of juriscon-
sulti, or professional students of law, could also be
laid before the judges. See Trial-at-Law.
In the NT lawyers appear as vofiiKoi, 'jurists*
(freq. in Lk., but elsewhere only in Mt 22^° and
Tit 3'^), or vofxodiddaKaXoi, 'doctors of the law'
(only in Lk 5", Ac 5^^ and 1 Ti P) ; but they are
clearly identical with the ypafjifj.aTeXs, ' scribes, who
are mentioned so often in the Gospels and Acts.
These lawyers are all of the Jewish type. The
Roman lawyer appears, however, in the prfTup or
'orator' TertuUus, who pleaded the cause of St.
Paul's prosecutors before the Roman governor
Felix (Ac 24'^-) — in order, no doubt, that the
proper technicalities might be observed, and the
case presented in the way most likely to win over
the trained Roman mind. See Tertullus.
Lttbrature. — On Jewish lawyers cf. D. Eaton in HDB iii.
83 ff., with references; and on Roman jurists and orators see
A. H. J. Greenidge, Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time, 1901,
p. 148 ff. ; H. J. Roby, Roman Pricate Law in the Times of
Cicero and of the Antonines, 1902, ii. 407 ff. ; and other authori-
ties cited in art. Trial-at-Law. A. R. GORDON.
LAYING ON OP HANDS.— See Ordination.
LEAYEN (from levare, ' to raise ' ; ^vfiri, ^vfiovv ;
fermcntum). — Leaven is a substance which produces
fermentation, especially in the making of bread.
It is properly a piece of already fermented dough,
which is mixed with other dough in order to repeat
the process. In the warm climate of Syria the
fermentation is completed in 24 hours. The com-
mandment against the use of raised bread during
694
LEAVES
LEVITE
the Passover week (Ex 12" 13'', etc.) was no doubt
a survival from Israel's nomadic period, when (as
among the nomads of to-day) all bread was un-
leavened. Fermentation was supposed to represent
the process of corruption in the mass of the bread
— an idea found in Plutarch, who says : ' Now
leaven is itself the offspring of corruption, and
corrupts the mass {to <pijpafia) with which it is
mixed' {Quces. Bom. 109). Bread with the taint
of putrefaction was regarded as unfit for use in
religious ceremonies (see W. R. Smith, RS-, 1894,
p. 2-20). On the eve of the first day of the Pass-
over — the 14th Nisan — the Jews, in accordance
with their immemorial custom, still carefully re-
move every trace of leaven which can be found in
their houses. Fresh dough kneaded Avith pure
water is used in the preparation of the cakes of
unleavened bread which are to be eaten during the
holy week.
As a figure of speech, ' leaven ' is applied to any
element, influence, or agency which effects a subtle
and secret change either for the better or for the
worse. On the one hand, the Kingdom of Heaven
is a leaven which is destined to penetrate, and
assimilate to itself, the whole of humanity (Mt
13^, Lk 13-'^^-). On the other, even an apparently
insignificant sin, if tolerated and unchecked in a
community, has great power of corruption, and St.
Paul twice quotes the popular saying, 'A little
leaven leavens the whole lump' {bXov to <p6pafia, 1
Co 5*, Gal 5**). The followers of Christ are already
unleavened (dfu/toi) ; virtually and ideally — in the
purpose of God and in their own passionate desire
— they are completely purged from the leaven of
iniquity ; but the ideal has still to be realized.
They are therefore exhorted to set about and carry
through their Passover cleansing of the soul — to
rid themselves of all infected and infectious re-
mains of their pre-Christian state — that they may
keep not a seven-days' but a life-long feast with the
unleavened bread of sincerity and truth (1 Co 5^'^).
James Strahan.
LEAVES.— See Tree of Life.
LEOPARD (irdpda\Ls).—The Greek word seems to
have been used indiscriminately by the classical
writers to designate ' leopard,' * panther,' or
' ounce.' The only NT reference to the ' leopard '
is in Kev 13-, where it occurs in the description of
' the Wild Beast from the sea ' — ' the beast which
I saw was like unto a leopard.' The concrete
reality, of which the Wild Beast was the abstract
emblem, was of course the Roman Empire. To
the mind of the Seer, the attitude adopted by
Rome towards the early Christian Church was
that of a leopard. She exhibited the same agility
(cf. Hab 1*) and cunning (cf. Hos 13^), as well as
the same ruthless cruelty, as that much-dreaded
inhabitant of Palestine and the East.
The leopard (Felis pardus, Arab, nimr, Heb.
ndmer) is still found round the Dead Sea, in Gilead
and Bashan, and also occasionally in Lebanon and
the wooded districts of the west ; but, judging from
the numerous allusions in the OT and the occur-
rence of the word in place-names (e.g. ' Beth-
Nimrah ' or ' Nimrah '), it is reasonable to suppose
that it was more common in early times. It
usually lurks near wells or watering-places (cf.
' waters of Nimrim,' Is 15®, Jer 48'^), and in the
outskirts of villages (cf. Jer 5®), to pounce at
night upon cattle and dogs. The beautifully
spotted skins are often sold in the markets and
are used as rugs and saddle-covers, wliile some-
times they are worn as an article of clothing.
The Felis pardus is found over the whole of
Africa, S. Asia, China, Japan, and the islands of
the Malay Arcliipelago.
Another animal of the leopard tribe, the well-
known cheeta or hunting-leopard of India [Felis
jubatus), is sometimes found in the hills of Galilee
and in the neighbourhood of Tabor, but its occur-
rence is rare. It is much tamer than the Felis
pardus, and in India it is often domesticated and
kept for hunting antelopes and other animals.
LrrERATURB.— H. B. Tristram, SWP vii. [1884], p. 18 f.,
The Natural History of the Bible^^, 1911, pp. 111-114 ; H. B.
Swete, The Apocalypse oj St. John^, 1907, p. 162 ; SDB 540 f. ;
HDB iii. 95 ; EBiVn. 2762 f. ; W. M. Thomson, The Land and,
the Book, 1864, p. 444 f. P, S. P. HaNDCOCK.
LETTER.— The distinction between the 'true
letter' and the 'epistle' was dealt with in the
art. Epistle. In the Christian literature of the
Apostolic Age till the end of the 1st cent, we have,
besides Ac 15^"-" and 23-^"^", sixteen letters in the
proper sense of the term — viz. the ten Epistles
of St. Paul that may reasonably be regarded as
authentic ; the three Pastoral Epistles, which, if
authentic, are undoubtedly real letters, and, if
spurious, are at all events based upon genuine
letters from the Apostle's hand ; the Second and
Third Epistles of St. John, both of which could
at once be characterized rather as something
like short private missives ; and, finally, the
First Epistle of Clement. Of the genuine Pauline
letters, Romans comes nearest in character to the
' epistle,' though the fact that it is less personal
and intimate in its tone and more suggestive of
the treatise is quite well accounted for by certain
psychological considerations — as, e.g., that the
A\Titer was not personally known to the community
which he was addressing ; we should not there-
fore be justified in saying that the letter-form is a
mere artifice. On the other hand, the so-called
First Epistle of Clement, which is written in the
name of one entire community to another, is a
peculiar composite of ' letter ' and ' epistle ' ; it
was certainly meant to be a true letter, arising
out of the actual circumstances of the wTiter's own
church at Rome, and having in view the actual
circumstances of the church in Corinth, but it is
quite clear that Clement was working upon a tradi-
tion of Christian letters and epistles, so that —
especially in regard to the length of his message —
he does not altogether succeed in maintaining the
characteristics of a true letter. The Christian
writers of the Apostolic Age, in fact, had not yet
become proficient in such literary forms as the
treatise, the dialogue, or the controversial pam-
phlet, and this explains why they had recourse to
the letter as the simplest literary vehicle, and yet
at the same time burst the trammels of its form.
A comparison of the true letters of the Apostolic
Age with true letters from approximately the same
period of the heathen world shows that, while the
similarities in style and diction are manifold and
by no means insignificant, yet the former class
display a very remarkable independence in their
use of the traditional form.
Literature. — Cf. the works cited in art. Epistle ; on the true
letters of the ancients cf. esp. L. Mitteis and U. Wilcken,
Grundziige und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, 2 vols., Leip-
zig, 1912 ; also H. Lietzmann, Griechische Papyri'^, Bonn, 1910 ;
G. A. Deissmann, Licht vom Osten", 1909 (Eng. tr.2, 1911), and
the well-known edd. of Oxyrhynchus papyri, etc. On ' true
letters' from the Christian sphere, cf. the present writer's
Geseh. der altchristl. Literatur, Leipzig, 1911.
H. Jordan.
LEYL— See Tribes, Priest, Aaron.
LEVITE. — According to the view represented in
the OT by the so-called ' Priests' Code,' the Levites
were originally the clan whose members were quali-
fied for the priestly office. In the course of time
a distinction arose, and the Levites became the
principal attendants upon the priests, entrusted
with minor sacerdotal duties but not competent to
LEWD, LEWDNESS
liberti:nes
695
succeed to the full status. In the NT, outside the
Gospels, the term occurs but once or twice. Barna-
bas of Cyprus, where there were numerous Jews
and Christians (1 Mac 15-'S Ac IV^), was a land-
owner, thouoh a Levite (Ac 4^^), the old ordinance
(Nu IS^'') against the possession of real estate having
long before fallen into abeyance, and probably
having never been meant to apply to land outside
Palestine. In He 7'^ the writer coins a word to
enable him to write of ' the Levitical priesthood,'
as though the hallowing of the tribe were concen-
trated in 'the order of Aaron' (so Westcott, ad
loc), or with a view to indicating the provisional
character of all parts of the earlier sacrificial service
and not merely of its central acts. The priestly
tribe with all its privileges passes away ; and
another — the royal tribe (He 7")— yields Him
who is able really to save, and to ' save to the utter-
most' (7^^). In later times an assumed parallel
between the historical and the true Israel was
pushed, until the relation of deacons to bishops
and presbyters was based upon that of Levites to
priests. The theory has proved useful since the
days of Cyprian, and may conceivably have origin-
ated in some of the Ebionitic Christian communities
of our period ; but the functions of the two classes,
Levites and deacons, were quite distinct, and any
analogy between them is artificial and an after-
thought. R. W, Moss.
LEWD, LEWDNESS (Ac 17' 18").— The English
word occurs twice in the NT, once as an adjec-
tive (Gr. TrovT)pbs, Ac 17^) and once as a substantive
{pq.diovpyr}iJ.a, Ac IS''*). In neither of these cases has
it anything to do with sexual passion — the sense
in which the word is now used ; it just means
' vulgar,' ' worthless.'
1. Ac 175.— The word Trovyjpds (AV 'lewd,' RV
' vile ') is used to characterize the dyopaioi or loafers
in the market-place whom the unbelieving Jews in
Thessalonica incited to an act of popular insurrec-
tion against St. Paul. They were so far successful
as to prevail on the politarchs to exact bail from
Jason for peaceful behaviour, witii the consequence
that St. Paul and Silas had to escape to Bercea by
night.
' Owing to the dishonour in which manual pursuits were held
in ancient days, everj' large city had a superfluous population
of worthless idlers — clients who lived on the doles of the
wealthy, flatterers who fawned at the feet of the influential,
the lazzaroni of streets, mere loafers and loiterers, the hangers-
on of forum, the claqueurs of law-courts, the scum that gathered
about the shallowest outmost waves of civilisation ' (F. W.
Farrar, St. Paul, lSS:i, p. 370).
This class is well described by the adjective
Trovr]p6s. Aristotle distinguishes the Avicked man
(■7rov7]p6s) from the aKparris, the weak man who sins
though he does not mean to do so and who is un-
righteous without premeditation {Eth. Nic. vii. 10).
The wicked man sins with the full consent of his
will. He is positively malignant and injurious to
others. Nearly akin in meaning are ^aOXos and
KaKos, but as Trench says (XT Synonyms'^, p. 304),
in Trov7]p6s ' the positive activity of evil comes far
more decidedly out than in KaKos. ' Perhaps Knox's
phrase — 'the rascal multitude' — is as accurate a
translation as we can get.
WhUe the xp'JO'tos is one who diligently follows
his occupation and maintains himself by lawful
work, the irov-qpos or KaKos indicates the man who is
wicked in behaviour or in character. The words,
however, in Greek are often used with the same
latitude as we allow ourselves in English, when we
use similar terms. The ordinary sjjeech of the NT
is not logically exact.
W. M. Ramsay discusses the question whether the reference
to Satan in 1 Th 21^* — 'and Satan hindered us (from coming)' —
is to he taken as referring to the hostility of the multitude.
He concludes, however, that the reference is to the attitude of
the politarchs, who, by exacting security for good behaviour
from Jason, prevented the return of St. Paul to the city {St.
Paul the Traveller, 1S95, p. 230 f.).
Wetstein supplies parallels which throw light on the class
denoted by ayopaioi {in loco).
2. Ac 18^*. — Here the word ' lewdness ' translates
the Greek pq.5iovp^7)iJ.a. The RV has 'villainy.'
The word is associated with dSkry/ia. The usual dis-
tinction between them is said to be that d8iKr]/xa
refers to illegality — something done contrary to
the laws — whereas pa5iovpyT]/j.a indicates moral
delinquency. The distinction is probably to be
maintained here, as Gallio is speaking judicially
with reference to a definite charge. St. Paul is
guilty neither of the one nor of the other, but
according to Gallio the question is a mere dispute
about words — a Jewish squabble,
padiovpyri/xa occui"s only here in the NT, nor is it
found in the classics or in the LXX, but it occurs
in Plutarch, Pyrrh. 6, and the allied term padiovpyLa
occurs in Ac 13'" of Eljnnas. The latter word
occurs in papyri in the sense of 'theft' (see J. H.
INIoulton and George Milligan in Expositor, 8th
ser. i. [1911] 477). It is not likely, however, that
the term in Ac 18" is used in this restricted sense.
LiTERATTRE. — J. R. Lumby, The Acts of tlie Apostles (Cam-
bridge Bible, 1886), p. 217; HDB, art. 'Lewdness'; R. J.
Knowling, in EGT, 'The Acts of the Apostles,' 1900, in locc.
(where literature is given); T. E. Page, The Acts of the
Apostles, 1900, p. 201 ; Grimm-Thayer, Lexicon, s. v. paSiovp-
yyjiixa ; E. Hatch, Essays in Biblical Greek, 18S9, pp. 77-82 ;
T. K. Abbott, Essays, 1891, p. 97 ; R. C. Trench, Sunonyms of
the NTi, 1876, p. 36 fif. DONALD MACKENZIE.
LIBERTINES.— Both the construction and the
contents of Ac 6" are difficult. It consists, as Hort
says, of 'a long compound phrase,' the Greek of
which is ' not smooth and correct on any inter-
pretation' (Judaistic Ckristirmity, p. 50). An
expositor can, therefore, lay claim to no more than
a reasonable probability for his exegesis of the
verse. St. Luke's statement is generally believed
to have been derived from a written source. Thus,
Harnack, although he argues persuasivelj' in favour
of St. Luke's having obtained a large part of the
knowledge he committed to writing in Ac 1-12
from St. Philip at Csesarea (cf. Ac 21'*' ^), yet
thinks that he had a written (Antiochean) source
for his narrative of St. Stephen's trial, speech, and
death [The Acts of the Apostles, pp. 175, 188, 245).
And Ramsay, writing on the ' Forms of Classifica-
tion in Acts' [Expositor, 5th ser. ii. 35), explains
the exceptional form of the list in Ac 6^ as ' due
to Luke's being here dependent on an authority
whose expression he either transcribed verbatim
or did not fully understand.' But it appears to
the present writer possible that the form of the
list is due to its having come to St. Luke in the
way of oral communication. Its style may be
termed colloquial : it looks as if the narrator were
quoting from memory, or reporting the very words
of a speaker with whom he had been conversing.
May not the speaker have been St. Paul ? The
mention made of Cilicia in the list is in favour of
this conjecture. Was there a synagogue in Jeru-
salem of which it is more likely that Saul of Tarsus
had been a member or a leader than that which
Cilician Jews frequented ? The Apostle had, in
the days of his unbelief, been one of the bitterest
opponents of the Christian movement, and the part
he iiad taken in St. Stephen's death was a subject
of life-long self-reproach (Ac 22-"). The depth of
his feeling may have prevented him from referring
to this often in preaching or otherwise, but would
not have debarred him from doing so in conversa-
tion with a trusted friend like St. Luke.
Should this conjecture be well founded, it would
help to settle the vexed question of whether five
synagogues are specified in the list, or two, or only
696
LIBERTINES
LIBERTY
one. The present writer agrees with Hort [loc.
cit.; cf. ISM'ete, The ApiJearances of our Lord after
the Passion, 114) that onlj- one synagogue is
mentioned, that of the Libertines, and tliat the
following names are simply descriptive of origin,
the members of the synagogue being partly from
Cyrene and Alexandria, partly from Cilicia and
Proconsular Asia. Possibly St. Stephen and St.
Paul both belonged to this synagogue, but of this
we cannot be sure.
The synagogue of the Ai^epTivoi doubtless con-
sisted, at least in the first instance, of Jews who
had been prisoners of war, and had afterwards
been set free and admitted to Koman citizen-
ship (Chrysostom, Hoin. on Acts : ol"Pwfj.aiwv dweXev-
depoi.). Pliilo tells us {Leg. ad Caiiim, 23) that
most of the Jews of Rome were enfranchised
captives, and the passages usually quoted from
Tacitus {Ann. ii. 85) and Suetonius {Tiberius, 36)
agree with this. Those freedmen who had re-
turned to Palestine, and their descendants, must
have formed a synagogue to which they gave their
name, and most probably Jews from other parts of
the world came in time to be athliated to them.
Although this statement is not supported by in-
dependent historical evidence, it may be regarded
as a just inference from the text, when conjoined
with other known facts. A large part of the
population of Jerusalem consisted of foreign Jews,
who had come to reside permanently there, that
they might be near the Temple, and might be
buried in the land of their fathers. Others came
for their education, like St. Paul. Those .Jews
were most zealous in fulfilling their ritual obliga-
tions, and attached themselves to ' the straitest
sect' of the Jews of Palestine (Ac 26^ Gal l''* ; cf.
Zahn, Introduction to the NT, i. 39 f., 60 f. ; J.
Moffatt in EBi iv. 4788 ; J. Patrick in HDB iii.
110). The first accusation brought against our
Lord was based upon a misrepresentation of words
of His about the Temple (Jn 2", JMk 14^8), and in
Ac 6 '3- " V^-^ we see that St. Stephen had not
kept off this dangerous ground.
It is uncertain whether we should read tt)s
XeyojjLivrjs (TR) or rCov Xeyofi^vcav (Tisch. ) in Ac 6^ ;
but, whichever reading be preferred, the sense is
not affected. The absence of various readings in
the substance of the text bars the way to any
attempt to reconstruct it. Certain Armenian VSS
and Sj^riac commentaries seem to have read Ai^viov
(cf. the unique NT reference to Libya, Ac 2^"), and
this paved the way for the most famous conjectural
emendation — that of Ai^vcrrivuv for Ai^eprlvusv. J.
Rendel Harris, in his art. in the Expositor, 6th ser.
vi. 378 f . , has traced the history of this emendation
in an interesting manner from Beza (1559) to Blass
(1898). From Beza's Annotationes he quotes the
following sentence, in which the main difficulty of
the text is well stated : ' Neque enim video qua
ratione Lucas Lstos [Libertinos] a])pellet ex condi-
tione, ctcteros vero ex gente ac patria.' Blass, in
his Philology of the Gospels, 69 f., was not aware
that tiie emendation had been proposed by any-
one before himself, and he expressed his certainty
that Ai^va-Tivcov was the true reading. This word,
whicii is used by Catullus (Ix. 1, moyitibus Liby-
stinis), would have been quite suitable for desig-
nating the toM-ns lying westwards from Cyrene,
had it been snp])orted by good MS autliority (cf.
EBi iii. 2793, 2794; ExpTix. 437''). The deriva-
tion of Libertini from a town Libertum in N. Africa
is much less plausible, as no town of that name
seems to iiave been known in the 1st century.
Among tiie older expositors, Bengel {G)i onion of
NT) strongly maintains tliat tlie whole description
of Ac 6'' is that of one flourishing synagogue, com-
posed of Europeans, Africans, and Asiatics, to
which Saul belonged. His note is still worth reading.
Literature. — J. A. Bengel, Gnomon of XT, ed. Berlin, 1S60,
p. 2S7 ; Th. Beza, Annotationes, 1559; Fr. Blass, Philuloriy
of the Gospels, London, 1898, p. 69 f.; HDB, art. 'Libertines'
(J. Patrick); EBi, artt. 'Libertines,' 'Libja" (W. J. Wopd-
house), 'Stephen' (J. Moffatt); Expositor, 5th ser. ii. [1S95]
(W. M. Ramsay), 6th ser. vi. [1902] (J. Rendel Harris);
il'a:pTix. [1S97-9S]437'^; Grimm-Thayer2, 1890,s.u. Ai^epra'os;
A. Harnack, Luke the Physician, Eng. tr., London and New
York, 1907, p. 153, The Acts of the Apostles, Eng. tr., do. 1909,
pp. xxxiv, 70, 71 n., 120, 175, ISS, 192, 196,219, 245; F. J. A.
Hort, Judaistic Christiaiiity, London, 1894, p. 50 ; H. A. W.
Meyer, Com. on Acts, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1877, i. 173 f. ; E.
Schiirer, IIJP, Eng. tr., ii. ii. [do. 1885] 276 ; H. B. Swete,
The Apiiearances of otir Lord after the Passion, London, 1907,
p. 114 ; Th. Zahn,' Introd. to the XT, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1909,
i. 39f., 60fE. James Donald.
LIBERTY. — Liberty (iXevOepia) occupies a promi-
nent i)lace in the thought of NT writers and ap-
pears in a variety of significations. —
1. In the political sense. — As denoting the
status of a free citizen and in direct contrast with
the state of slavery, the word figures in one of the
great dichotomies used by the apostolic writers in
classifying men from the standpoint of their age
(Col 3'' — 'bondman, freeman'). We have no
means of knowing even aiiproximately in what
proportions the churches of the apostolic and sub-
apostolic times were made up of freemen and of
slaves. Everytiiing certainly goes to show that
many of the latter class became Christians ; in all
probability, too, thej- usually formed the majority.
It is precarious, however, to find positive evidence
of this, as A. Deissmann does witli regard to the
Colossian Church, in the mere fact that (Col 3^8_4i)
counsels addressed to slaves are given in ampler
terms, those to masters quite briefly {St. Paul,
Eng. tr., 1912, p. 216). Similar reasoning might
argue from 1 P 3^'^- ' tliat wives were in a majority
and husbands in a minority !
The fact that St. Paul, a native of Tarsus, was
a Roman citizen is treated as a matter of import-
ance in Acts. It was the Roman Emperors who
gave the people of the provinces power to enjoy
the rights of citizenship. Tliere is a dramatic
turning of tables in Ac 22-^ when St. Paul is able
to say quite simply (yet with a touch of pride),
' But I am a Roman born,' and Claudius, the cap-
tain, turns out to be but a parvenu who had had
to spend a lot of money, somehow or other, to ac-
quire the citizenship. The same status is claimed
for Silas as well as St. Paul in Ac 16^^.
Not a few of those who are mentioned by name
in St. Paul's Epistles {e.g. Philemon, Gains,
Erastus, Aquila, Phoebe, etc.) must have been of
the citizen class. The number of such increased
as time went on. In the Ignatian Epistles {e.g.
Smyrn. xii. and Polyc. viii.) we find similar refei'-
ences to devoted Christians (Tavias, Alee, Dapli-
nus, ' the wife of Epitropus ' [or ' of the governor '],
Attains, etc.) of the same rank. But Christianity
had gained access to the palaces of the aristocracy
before tlie 1st cent, was out, and had won adherents
there who suttered for their faith — witness the
well-known cases of T. Flavins Clemens, the con-
sul, and his wife, Domitilla. And for the same
period we have the evidence of an outsider in
Pliny's famous Epistle to Trajan (x. 97), wliere-
in lie tells us that he found in his province large
numbers of Christians 'of all classes' {omnis or-
dinis). What was true of Bithynia was most pro-
bably true of otlier parts of the Empire.
Citizenship and wealth, of course, did not neces-
sarily go together. In tlie class of freemen were
included people of all ranks, from artisans and
labourers up to the wealthiest aristocrats. Un-
fortunately many citizens were but idle loafers,
deiiending on the Imperial largesse. The existence
of the huge, overgrown system of slavery had a
sinister effect on the great mass of citizens,
inasmuch as 'paid labour was thought unworthy
LIBERTY
LIBERTY
69i
of any fieeborn man' (C. Bigg, The Church's Task
under the Roman Empire, Oxford, 1905, p. 114).
The poor, hired labourers, however, of Ja b* were
not technically 5ov\oi. The same Epistle shows
us how soon the Apostolic Church experienced the
evils too possibly attendant upon the appearance
of the rich man within the circle of the Christian
societj' (chs. 2 and 5).
Though civic freedom is quite evidently valued,
we lind little or nothing in the apostolic ^ATitings
bearing on political questions. Lofty moral teach-
ing and profound theologj" abound, but there is no
feeling manifest that political freedom was a thing
worth seeking for its own sake. It may indeed be
said that in the 1st cent. ' the prevailing notions
of freedom were imperfect, and the endeavours to
realise them were wide of the mark ' (Lord Acton,
The History of Freedom, London, 1907, p. 16).
See, furtlier, art. Slave, Slavery.
2. In the sense of freedom of conscience. —
'Liberty' is used in the NT to denote a man's
freedom to decide what is right or wrong for
himself, especially in relation to matters enjoined
upon him by some form of external authority. The
development of such a notion naturally followed
upon the development of the notion of conscience
itself, which in turn was bound up with the grow-
ing sense of human individuality and personal
responsibility. In pre-Ciiristian lines of philosophi-
cal and religious teaching (as e.g. in Stoicism)
we mark in this respect a pros/jara^io evangelica.
As the ancient conception of man as merely a
component unit in tribe or nation faded and gave
way to the sense of his value for himself as well
as for the community, and of his responsibility for
himself, such consecjuences were bound to follow.
So far from moralitj' consisting simply in com-
pliance with commands embodying the will of
the community of which the man is a part (which
commands may also be conceived as Divinely origi-
nated), when man realizes his individual responsi-
bility to God, conscience emerges, and, criticizing
those very commands, may disapprove as well as
approve, whilst it may also find a whole area of
moral interests which the injunctions of external
authority do not touch and. in which it must
decide for itself.
To the rise of Christianity we very specially
owe an advanced conception of conscience and its
corollarj-, the claim to freedom to act in accord with
the behests of conscience. ' Am I not free ? ' cries
St. Paul (1 Co 9') ; whilst 'Peter and the apostles '
(Ac 5'^") are heard declaring ' We must obej' God
rather than men.' These sayings might serve as
watchwords of the new era as viewed from this
standpoint (Judaism itself, it sliould be noted in
passing, exhibited in course of time a similar
development in its ethical teaching). And the
clash between the new order and the old neces-
sarily brought with it abundant scope for the
outcrop of cases of conscience such as St. Paul
handles in 1 Co 8tf. and Ro 14 f.
Freedom of this kind can be properly claimed
and used only by the conscientious man — the
man who is above all else concerned for harmony
between the laws and customs he is called to
observe and the inward regulative principle, and
who departs from such laws only when an en-
lightened conscience imperatively demands it.
For another important pre-requisite is that the
exercise of this freedom shall be based on intelli-
gent judgment. ' Let each man be fully assured
in his own mind ' (Ro 14^) is a Pauline dictum of
the first importance. Cf. the deeply significant
legion ascribed to our Lord in Cod. D (Lk 6^)
wherein He says to a man found working on the
Sabbath, ' If thou knowest what thou art doing,
blessed art thou ; but if thou knowest not, thou
art accurst and a transgressor of the law.' A
man cannot justifiably set at nought a positive
commandment or institution unless he has sight
of some higher principle which determines his
course of action. Tlie freedom an enlightened
man asks is freedom to do what he sees he ought
to do, and to do what he may do without injury
to others.
For St. Paul very emphatically insists on the
necessity of qualifying the exercise of one's own
libertj' by regard for the claims of others. It
must not involve harm to others or an infringe-
ment of their libertj'. Self-limitation for the
sake of others is, indeed, an example of the truest
exercise of freedom.
3. As a description of the Christian life and
experience. — Social conditions being what they
were in the 1st cent., it was most natural that the
life resulting from faith in Christ, as that is pre-
sented in the NT, should be described in the ajjos-
tolic writings by a cycle of metaphors centring
in the word 'redemption' (Deissmann, op.cit.,\).
149). This is specially characteristic of St. Paul.
The Christian life is represented as (a) freedom
from the bondage of law. — St. Paul's treatment of
this topic (found mainly in the Epistles to Romans
and Galatians) is not easy to follow and is doubt-
less coloured by his own vivid personal experience.
We do not find quite the same line taken in other
early apostolic writings that have been preserved
to us. By general consent, it is true, it came to
be held that Jewish and Gentile Chi-istians alike
were free from obligation to observe the Jewish
Law in its peculiar institutions and ceremonial
rules. The old sacrificial system was abolished
' that the new law of our Lord Jesus Christ, which
is without the yoke of necessity, might have a
human oblation' {i.e. the dedication of the man
himself) (Epistle of Barnabas, ii. ; so also Epistle
to the Hebrews, and Epistle to Diognetus, iv.
[regarding Sabbath, circumcision, ' kosher ' foods,
and the like]). But St. Paul has far more than
this in view. He is thinking of all law as the
expression of God's will for man's life and the
severe revealer of man's sin as he departs from
it : law that has only condemnation for the sinner
(see the autobiographical Ro 7).
That the Apostle countenances an antinomian
freedom he himself indignantly denies. Nor did
he lack the true Jew's veneration for the Torah.
With him law assumes the form of ' an imperious
principle opposed to grace and liberty only when
it is viewed as the condition of jxistification, the
means of attaining to righteousness before God
through the merit of good works.' As the expres-
sion of God's will and the guide of human obedience
it is 'holy, just, and good' (Ro 7'-; see E. H.
Gilford, Romans [in Speaker's Commentary, 1881,
p. 48]). Torah comes to its own in the new life
which springs from Christian faith and the unio
mystica between the Christian and his Lord. And
if other early Christian Avriters present this life as
lived under law (see Epistle of James, especially
the happy expression, 'law of liberty,' ch 1^; also
1 Jn 3--*^-), St. Paul Iike^^•ise lays stress on 'the
law of Christ ' (Gal 6'^) and gives us the far-reach-
ing aphorism: 'Love is the fulfilment of law'
(Ro 1310).
(6) Freedom from the bondage of sin. — Sin is
here personified as a tj'rannical master (see espe-
cially the line of treatment in Ro 6 ; cf. Jn 8^).
An interesting parallel is furnished in the Dis-
cotirses of Epictetus (iv. i.), where it is laid down
that ' no wicked man is free.'
(c) Freedom from the bondage of idolatry. — See
Gal 4*'- — a point of material importance to the
Gentile world in apostolic days.
(d) Freedom from the bondage of corruption
698
LIBYA
LIFE AND DEATH
(Ro 8-'). — This rather belongs to the hope for the
world at large wliich contemplates the social state
wherein the new life is perfectly realized. ' The
glory of the children of God ' is a liberty which
all creation sighs to share.
It remains briefly to point out that not only does
the term ' redemption ' (applied to the work of
Christ in opening to men tlus new experience of
life) derive from the social state in the midst
of which Christianity was born, but ' adoption ' as
used by St. Paul (Ro S'^- ^3, Gal 4^) similarly gains
special significance as denoting entrance upon the
life of liberty. Adoption, in a general way, was
no uncommon phenomenon in the old Avorld (see
vlodeffla in Deissmann, Bible Studies, Eng. tr.,
1901, p. 239), but it was also one recognized way
of giving freedom to a slave.
There is no inconsistency but only striking
paradox when this experience which is described
as freedom is also described as a servitude to God
(cf^ 1 P 2'6, Oeov 8ov\oi, and Ro 6^^ dovXtadevres t^J
6e(f). Here, too, it is of interest to recall that it
was a Stoic doctrine of liberty that true freedom
consists in obeying God, or, as Philo of Alexandria
(see Tract, Quod sit liber quisquis virtuti studet)
puts it, the following of God. Again, as the
Christian is commonly described in the NT as
a SovXos Xpia-Tov, the singular use of direXevdepos
(=libertiis, freedman) in 1 Co 7-'-^ noticeably in-
troduces the notion of enfranchisement to describe
the gaining of freedom in Christ. There may be
here the underlying thought that the 'freedmen '
of Christ stand related to Him somewhat as the
libcrti stood to their patron, to whom they were
bound to render, in the language of Roman Law,
obsequiiim et offtcium.
4. In the philosophical sense.— See art. Free-
dom OF THE Will.
Literature.— See works referred to in art. Slavery, and in
addition to works quoted in forearoing art., T. G. Tuclcer,
Life in the Roman World of Nero and St. Paul, London, 1910 ;
H. Wallon, Histoire de I'esclavage dans I'antiquite^, Paris,
1879. J. s. Clemens.
LIBYA [Ai^vT], the country of the Aleves or Lubim).
— Libya was the name given by the Greeks to the
great undefined region lying to the west of Egypt.
It was for a long time equivalent to Africa, a Roman
term which did not embrace Egypt till the days of
Ptolemy (2nd cent. A.D.). Libya was made known
to Greece in the 7th cent. B.C. by the Dorian colon-
ists who founded Cyrene. The beautiful and fertile
country occupied and developed by them remained
independent till it was annexed by the Macedonian
conquerors of Egypt in 330 B.C. It finally (in 90
B.C.) came under the power of the Romans, who
combined it with Crete to form a single province,
Creta-Cyrene. Its original name was revived by
Vespasian, who divided Cyrene into Libya Superior
and Libya Inferior. This country attracted the
Jews at an early period. Philo bears testimony
to their difi'usion in his time ' from the Katabath-
mos of Libya (d7r6 rod Trpbs AiQviqv Kara j3ad /mod) to
the borders of Ethiopia ' {in Flarcum, 6). Jews
from 'the parts of Libya about Cyrene' (to. /m^pri
TTJs Aij3&r}i TTJs Kara Kvprji'Tji') were in Jerusalem at
the time of the first Christian Pentecost (Ac 2^").
St. Luke's designationofCyrenaicaclosely resembles
that of Josephus, r/ Trp6s KvpT^vr]v Aij3vii (Ant. XVI.
vi. 1), and that of Dio Cassius, Aifivij ij wepi Kvprjvriv
(liii. 12). The j)ossession of this fertile region was
the bone of contention between the Turks and
Italians in 1912 James Strahan.
LICTORS See Serjeants.
LIFE AND DEATH.— 1. Life.— In a consideration
of the subject of life as dealt with in the Acts and
Epistles, three Gr. words — /Sios, ^vxVi and ^corj —
require to be distinguished.
(1) /3ioj denotes life in the outward and visible
sense — its period or course (cf. ' the time past of
our life,' 1 P 4^), its means of living (hence in 1 Jn S^''
the RV renders 'goods'), the manner in which it
is spent (cf. 'that we may lead a quiet and peace-
able life,' 1 Ti 2-), its relation to worldly afiairs
(2 Ti 2^) and to the world's love of pomp and show
(1 Jn 2'6).
(2) \l/vxv (fr. ^(^xw, 'breathe') originally means
the breath of life, and in such an expression as
' his life is in him ' (Ac 20^") would quite adequately
be rendered ' breath.' But, as breathing is the
sign of the presence in the body of an animating
vital force, ^vxv (cf. Lat. anima) comes to mean
' life ' in the sense of the animal soul, and especially
the life of the individual as distinguished from
other individual lives. This is the life that may
be injured or lost through a shipwreck (Ac 27'*'' -^),
counted dear or willingly surrendered (20^*, Rev
12^') ; the life which Jesus Christ laid down for
His people (1 Jn 3^^), and which they should be
prepared to lay down for Him (Ac 15-'') or for one
another (Ro 16^ Ph 23", 1 Jn S^"). From meaning
the animal soul or life (anima), however, ^vxn
comes to be used for the individualized life in its
moral and spiritual aspects, the 'soul' in the
deeper significance of that word (Lat. animus), the
part of man which thinks and feels and wills
(Ac 227, Ro 2\ 2 Co P^, etc). See, further, SoUL.
(3) But of the three words for life fw?? for the
purposes of the present article is much the most
important. Occasionally it is employed in a
way that makes it practically equivalent to pios
(1 Co 15^", 'If in this life only we have hoped in
Christ'; cf. Lk 16'■^^ 'in thy lifetime' \_iv rrj ^uirj
o-ov]), and more frequently in connexions not far
removed from those of \pvxri in the sense of the
vital energy or animal soul (e.g. Ac 17-^, Ja 4"),
though even in these cases it is noticeable that ^wrj
does not denote, like i/vxv, the life of the indi-
vidual, but life in a sense that is general and dis-
tributed. Ordinarily, however, fwi) stands for a life
which is not existence merely, but existence raised
to its highest power ; not a bare life, but ' life more
abundantly' (Jn 10'"), a life which St. Paul describes
as ' the life Avhich is life indeed ' (17 ovtus f w^, 1 Ti 6'"),
a life, i.e., which in its essential nature is full and
overflowing, and in its moral and spiritual quality
is perfect and complete. In this employment of it,
foj^ is very frequently characterized as ' eternal
{aiibvios) life ' ; but the epithet does not impart anj'
real addition to the connotation of the word as
elsewhere used without the adjective, much less
restrict its reference to the life after death ; it
only expresses more explicitly the conception of
that life as something so full and positive that
from its very nature it is unconquerable by
death, and consequently everlasting. See, further,
Eternal, Everlasting.
(a) In the usage of the NT this fw^ or fwrj aidivLos
is first of all a Divine attribute — a view of it whicli
finds its most complete expression in the Johannine
writings. It inheres in God and belongs to His
essential nature. ' The Father hath life in himself '
(Jn 5-"), the life eternal is ' with the Father '
(1 Jn 1-). The Father, however, imparts it to the
Son, so that He also possesses 'life in himself
(Jn 5-"), and possesses it in a manner so copious that
this endowment with life is predicated of Him as
if it were the most characteristic quality of His
being (Jn 1^). Thereafter this life which Christ
possesses is communicated by Him to those who are
willing to receive it, the record being that God
gave unto us the eternal life which is in His Son
(1 Jn 5"), and that he tiiat iiath the Son, viz. by
believing on His name, hath the life (v.'-^-).
LIFE AXD DEATH
LIFE a:sT> death
699
(b) The ^uri (aliivLos) thus becomes a human posses- '
sion and quality ; and it is witli the manifestations
in human character and experience of this life
flowing from God through Christ that the apostolic
■writers are principally concerned in what they
have to say about it. Their references bear chiefly
upon tlie source from which it comes, the means
by which it is obtained, its fruits or evidences, its
present possession, and its completion in the world
to come.
(a) As follows from the fact that this life inheres
essentially in God, its primal source is God the
Father, from whom it comes as a gift (Ro 6'-^,
1 Jn 5") and a grace (1 P 3'). But this gracious
gift is manifested and mediated only by Christ
(1 Jn P, 1 Ti 2^). According to St. John, the
eternal life which men enjoy resides in God's Son
(1 Jn 5^'), and that in so absolute a sense that 'he
that hath the Son hath the life ; he that hath not
the Son of God hath not the life ' (v.^-). Similarly
St. Paul writes that it is through the Son that the
gift of life is Ijestowed (Ko 6-^), describes Christ as
' our life ' (Col 3^), and declares that this life of ours
' is hid with Christ in God ' (v.*).
(/3) But this gift of life is not bestowed arbitrarily
or apart from the fulfilment of certain conditions.
It is not thrust upon anyone, but needs to be laid
hold of (1 Ti 6^-'^). In the symbolic language of
the Apocalypse the fruition of the tree of life which
is in the Paradise of God is promised to him that
overcometh (Rev 2^). Various energies and atti-
tudes of the soul are mentioned as conditioning
the attainment of life, e.g. patience in well-doing
(Ro 2'), endurance of temptation (Ja 1'-), sowing
to the Spirit (Gal 6'*). But the fundamental con-
ditions, on which all the others depend, are repent-
ance (Ac lli») and faith (13-'«, 1 Ti V\ I Jn 5'»-i2).
The old life must be renounced if the new life is
to begin ; that is what is meant by the demand for
repentance. And life cannot be self -generated,
but can only be received from a living source ; that
is the explanation of the call for faith.
(7) Among the fruits or evidences of the posses-
sion of life St. Paul includes freedom from the
bondage of sin (Ro 6^) and a way of walking in the
world which is new (v.'*) and has God for its object
(v."). Inwardly the life reveals its presence in a
daily experience of renewal (2 Co 4^^), in the pos-
session of a spiritual mind (Ro 8^), in the conscious-
ness of spiritual liberty (v.-). Outwardly its fruits
are seen in holy living (Ro 6--) and its signature
written even upon the mortal flesh (2 Co 4"). To
St. John the great evidence of life is love to the
brethren (1 Jn 3''*). Everyone that loveth is born
of God (4") ; but the love which is the proof of this
Divine birth and consequent Divine life must flow
out towards the visible brother as well as towards the
invisible God if there is to be any assurance of its
reality (vv.'"^- ^). In the mystical language of the
author of the Apocalypse life has the evidence of a
written record. The names of those who possess
it are written in a book which is called ' the book
of life' (Rev 3^ 17^ 20'2 22^9), or more fully 'the
Lamb's book of life ' (13* 212^). With this may be
compared St. Paul's use of the same figure in Ph 4^.
See Book of Life.
(5) To the apostolic writers life or eternal life
is a j)resent possession. While distinct from the
ordinary forms of earthly existence, with which it
is contrasted (1 Ti 6^''), it is not separated from
them in time, but here and now interfused dynamic-
ally through them all. This is a conception which
is especially characteristic of the Johannine writ-
ings. In the Fourth Gospel it occurs constantly
(Jn 3^^ 17^ etc.), and in the First Epistle we see it
reappearing, as when the writer declares that he
that hath the Son hath the life (1 Jn 5^-), and that
those who possess eternal life may know that they
possess it (3'* 5^^). But it is evident that St. Paul
also conceives of life as a present reality when he
proclaims that Christ is our life (Col '^*), and that
our life is hid with Christ in God (v.^), when he
makes our baptism into Christ's Death, and resur-
rection in His likeness, determinative of our pre-
sent walk in newness of life (Ro 6^), and declares
that to be spiritually-minded is life and peace (S^).
(e) And yet this life, though it is a present ex-
perience, is not realized in its totcdity in the present
vjorld. The promise given to godliness in 1 Ti 4-
is said to be for the life that now is and that which
is to come. Similarly it is in ' the time to come'
that ' the life which is life indeed ' arrives at its
completion (6^^). St. Paul gives especial promi-
nence to this future aspect of the life in Christ.
He anticipates a time when what is mortal shall
be swallowed up of life (2 Co 0^), co-ordinates
eternal life with immortality (Ro 2'' ; cf. 2 Ti 1"),
and places it in direct antithesis with death (Ro
6^) and corruption (Gal 6-). And yet, though life
for its completeness must wait for the full revela-
tion of the powers of the world to come, which are
only tasted here (He 6^), the present and the future
life are essentially one and the same. It is be-
cause the Christian life is hid with Christ in God
that it carries the assurance of immortality Avithin
itself. As, in St. Peter's language, it Avas not
possible that Christ should be holden of death (Ac
2-'*), so it is impossible that those whose very life
Christ is (Col S'*) should not be sharers in His
victory over death's pains and powers. To all
who abide in the Son and through Him in the
Father there belongs this promise which He pro-
mised us, even the life eternal (1 Jn 2-'''-). And in
this promise there lies enfolded the hope not only
of the immortality of the soul but of the resurrection
of the body. It is the frailty and imperfection of
the earthly body, its domination by the law of sin
and death, that hinder the full enjoyment of eternal
life in the present world (2 Co 5'^' ■*). But when
mortality shall be swallowed up of life, Christ's
people, instead of being ' unclothed,' shall be
'clothed upon' (5--^). To the natural body will
succeed a spiritual body (1 Co 15^), to the body of
death (Ro 7^^) a body instinct with the Lord's own
life, to the house that must be dissolved a house
not made with hands, eternal, in the heavens (2 Co
51).
2. Death {Q6.va.To%, to which in its various senses
correspond the vb. dirodvriaKu, 'die,' and the adj.
veKpos, 'dead'). — Death is frequently used in the
apostolic literature in its ordinary, everyday mean-
ing of the end of man's earthly course {^los) or the
extinction of his animal life i^irxv) through the
separation of the soul from the body (Ac 2-"*, 1 Co
3", Ph 2^). Much more important than this
purely physical employment of the word are its
various theological uses, the chief of which may be
distinguished as the punitive, the redemptive, the
mystical, the spiritual and moral.
(1) For the NT writers, and above all for St.
Paul, death has a punitive significance as the
judicial sentence pronounced by God upon sin.
When St. Paul writes, 'The wages of sin is death'
(Ro 6^), or ' Through one man sin entered into the
world, and death through sin ; and so death passed
unto all men, for that all sinned ' (o^-) ; or when
the author of Hebrews links together the facts ol
death and the judgment and relates them to the
Death and redeeming Sacrifice of Christ (He 9^-28) :
or when St. James says, ' He which converteth a
sinner from the error of his way shall save a soul
from death and shall cover a multitude of sins
(Ja S-"), death is used to denote the punitive con-
sequences of sin and the state in which man lies as
condemned on account of it. For, just as ^uri in
the NT means not the earthly existence but the
•00
LIFE AND DEATH
LIGHT AND DARKNESS
larger life of tlie Christian salvation, so ddvaros
means not the end of the earthly existence merely
but the loss of life in the full Christian conception
of the word — the whole of the miserable results
that flow from sin and constitute its penalty.
Among these penal consequences certainly physical
death is included, as passages like Ko 5^^- ^* and
1 Co 15-''" make perfectly clear. More than this,
the death of the body is treated as ' the point of
the punitive sentence, about which all the other
elements in that sentence are grouped ' (H. Cremer,
Bib.-Theol. Lex.^, 1880, p. 284). Death is the
wages of sin (Ro 6^), it is the recompense received
by theservants of sin (v.^^). Sin reigns in death (5'-');
it is the sting of death (1 Co 15®''). The saving sig-
nificance of the Death of Christ is due to this same
punitiverelation between death and sin. He died for
our sins (1 Co 15*) ; He bare our sins in His body
upon the tree (1 P 2'-^). And it is through the Death
of His Son that we are reconciled to God (Ro 5^").
In including physical death among the penalties of
sin, hoAvever, the apostolic writers are not to be
held as meaning either that man was naturally
immortal or that until he fell there was no natural
law of death in the physical world. In neither
the OT nor the NT is the assertion ever made that
death entered into the natural world in consequence
of the sin of man (the 'world' in Ro 5^^ is the
moral world, as the context shows). And when
man became liable to death because of sin (Ro 5'^*^'' ;
cf. Gn 2''''), this does not imply that he was not
created mortal (cf. Gn 3^"). But it does imply
that, mortal as he was, he differed from the rest of
the animal world in a potentiality of exemption
from the law of decay and death, owing to the
fact that he was a spiritual being made in God's
image ; and that by his transgression he lost
God's proffered gift of physical immortality (Ro
5", 1 Co 15-"- ).
But, while physical death is the point of the
punitive sentence, the sentence of death stretches
far beyond it. Just as fw^ has a future and other-
worldly as well as a present reference, so is it with
Odvaro^. Sometimes it plainly refers to a death
that is not an earthly experience but a future state
of misery which awaits the wicked in the world to
come (Ro P-, 1 Jn Z^* 5^% In Rev 2" 20«- ^* 2\^
this future condition of woe is called ' the second
death,' in contrast, viz., with the first death by
which the life on earth is ended (see PUNISHMENT).
(2) At the other extreme from this punitive
sense of death is the use of the word with a re-
demptive meaning. When St. Paul declares in
Romans that we died to sin (G'^), that we were
buried through baptism into death (v.^), that he
that iiath died is justified from sin (v.^^) ; or when
in Galatians he says of himself, ' For I through the
law died unto the law ' (2^"), the death he speaks
of, as the last passage shows, is a legal or judicial
death which carries with it a deliverance from the
state of condemnation into which the sinner has
been brought by his sin (Ro 6^). And when he
speaks of this death as a dying with Christ (v.*),
and explains more fully that all died because one
died for all (2 Co 5^^), he reminds us that this re-
demptive death is possible for Christians only be-
cause a punitive Death Avas endured by Christ on
their behalf. If they can reckon themselves to be
dead unto sin (Ro 6"), it is because ' Christ died
for our sins according to the scriptures ' (1 Co 15*).
(3) Side by side with this redemptive death in
Christ — a death to the penalty of sin— St. Paul
sets a mystical dying — a dying to its power. The
Christian's union with Christ in His redeeming
Death is not only the ground of his justification
but the secret source and spring of his sanctifica-
tion. If the transition from the one to the other
is not very clearly marked, the reason is tliat for
St. Paul the two were inseparably joined together.
He passes at a bound, and as it were unconsciously,
from the legal aspect of the Christian's death in
Christ to its mystical aspect, from a death in the
eyes of the law against sin to a death to the prin-
ciple of sin itself (2 Co 5"*). Baptism into Jesus
Christ is the symbol and seal of a baptism into His
Death, which means not only a dying to the retri-
bution of the offended law but a crucifixion of the
old man, a destruction of ' the boily of sin,' so that
we should no longer be in bondage to sin's power
(Ro 6--7; cf. Gal 2'^). It may be that St. Paul's
view of the body, not indeed as essentially sinful,
but as the invariable seat and source of sin in
fallen humanity (see art. Body) helped him to
think of the Crucifixion of Christ as carrying with
it a destruction of the polluted flesh (cf. Ro 8*)
through which the way was opened for a new life
of holiness. But in any case death to the law
meant life unto God, because crucifixion with
Christ meant the death of the former self and the
substitution for it of a life of faith in the Son of
God (Gal 2'"-). Nor is it only to sin that the
Christian died in Christ, but to the world (G^'*), to
the world's doctrines and precepts (Col 2-'*''), to the
attitude and attections of the mind that is set on
earthly things (3-). ' For ye died,' the Apostle
writes, 'and your life is hid with Christ in God'
(v.*). And in tiiis case, at least, it is jjlain that
the death of which he thinks is not the judicial
but the mystical dying, the dying which is at the
same time the birth to a new life (cf. Jn I2-^'-) that
carries with it a putting to death of all that ia
earthly and evil in the natures of those whom
Christ has redeemed (Col 3').
(4) Once more, death is used to denote the
spiritual atrophy and moral inability of fallen
man in his lanregenerate condition. This is the
sense that belongs to it in the expression ' dead in
trespasses and sins' (Eph 2^ ; cf. Col 2^*), in the
summons to the spiritual sleeper to awake and
arise from the dead (Eph 5^'*), in the description of
true believers as tiiose that are alive from the dead
(Ro 6^*) and of false professors as having a name
that they are living when they are really dead
(Rev 3'), in the statements that the mind of the
flesh is death (Ro 8®) and that the woman who lives
in pleasure is dead while she liveth (1 Ti 5®). This,
especially on the side of moral inability, is the
death which St. Paul describes so powerfully in
Ro 1^^^-, from which, conscious of his helplessness,
he cries to be delivered (v.^^), and from which he
recognizes that no deliverance is possible except
through the law of the Spirit of life in Christ
Jesus (82).
Literature. — I. Life. — S. D. F. Salmond, Th& Christian
Doctrine of Immortality^^ 1895, p. 487 S. ; E. White, Life in
Christ, 1878 ; E. von Schrenck, Die johan. Aujfassung von
' Leben,' 1898; the NT Theologies of B. Weiss (Kng. tr.,
1882-83, 2 vols.) and W. Beyschlag (Eng. tr., 1895, 2 vols.),
pansivi ; J. R. Illingworth, Sermons preached in a Colleje
C/icepe?, 1882, p. 60; J. Macpherson, in fiipositor, 1st. ser. v.
[1877] 72 ff. ; J. Massie, in do., 2nd ser. iv. [1882J 380ff. U.
Death. — J. Laidlaw, The Bible Doctrine of Man, 1895, p. 233 ff. ;
J. Miiller, The Christian Doctrine of Sin, Eng. tr., ii. [18Sfi]
286 fif.; H. Martensen, Christian Dogmatics, Eng. tr., 1806,
p. 209 fl. ; J. Orr, The Christian View of God and the World,
1893, p. 228 fif.; G. B. Stevens, The Thcologn of the NT^,
1906, p. 423 ; J. R. Illingworth, Sennons preached in a College
Chapel, 1882, p. 1 ; G. Matheson, in Expositor, 2iid ser. v. [1883]
40 ff. J. C. Lambert.
LIFE, BOOK OF.— See Book of Life.
LIGHT AND DARKNESS. — Apart from the
literal and ordinary uses of the words ' light' (</>ws)
and 'darkness' {<tk6tos, (XKOTia), they are frequently
employed in metai)liorical senses, and especially
either in express combination and contrast or with
a reference to each other that is latent but implied.
Tins figurative use of the terms is an inheritance
LIGHT AND DARKNESS
LIGHT AND DARKNESS
701
from the OT, There ' light ' (lix = LXX 4>uis) often
denotes a state of happiness and well-being (Job
3328. 30^ ps 5613), but more particularly the salvation
which comes from God, and God Himself as the
giver of salvation and blessing to His people (Ps 4^
271 36» 43=*, Is 10'^ Mic 78). 'Darkness' (Tifn =
LXX CKdros), on the other hand, stands for ignor-
ance, misery, and death (Job 10^^ 19^, Ps 18^
107'»-", Ec 2'^ Is 5^" 92, etc.), and generally for
everything tbat is opposed to light as a symbol of
life, happiness, and moral purity. The metaphors
are very natural, and are by no means peculiar to
the biblical literature. Reference may be made
to the Babylonian Creation narrative with its
struggle between Marduk, the god of light, and
Tiamat, the god of darkness ; to the Skr. name
for deity — deva, ' a shining one' (cf. Oebs and chus) ;
to the Gr. conception of Olympus as a place where
a bright radiance is diffused (cf. \€vkt) 5'^iri848po/j.ev
atyXr], Ocl. vi. 45), and of the nether regions as a
world of gloomy shades occupied by 'infernal' or
subterranean deities ; to the Zoroastrian antithesis
— hardened into a definite dualism — between
Ormazd, the god of light and life, and Ahriman,
the evil power of death and darkness. But as we
find them in the NT, and especially in the Johan-
nine and Pauline writings, the figures of light and
darkness have been developed on Christian lines
which impart a deeper and fuller meaning to each
of the conceptions, and bring tliem into an opposi-
tion that is stronger than any known to the older
religions, because it is more spiritual. The
material relevant to the present art. may be con-
veniently treated as it bears upon the doctrines of
(1) God, (2) Christ, (3) salvation and the Christian
life.
1. God. — The fundamental passage here is 1 Jn
P, ' God is light, and in him is no darkness at all.'
The conception of God as light is familiar, as has
been seen, not only to the OT but to all ancient
religious thought. But in the Christian view the
physical conceptions of light and darkness which
cling to the ethnic and even to the Hebrew theo-
logies entirely disappear, and purely spiritual con-
ceptions take their place. In this passage, as the
context shows (cf. vv.^"i"), 'light' stands for holi-
ness and 'darkness' for sin. In 1 Ti 6'^ again,
where God is represented as dwelling in the light
wliich no man can approach unto, the metaphor of
light is transferred from God Himself to His
dwelling-place, with reference probably to Ex
3318-23 . jj^t; (-jjg jf{ga_ conveyed is that of a holiness
that is absolute in its separateness from all human
imperfection (cf. vv.^"'^). In Ja P'' God is called
' the Father of lights, with whom can be no varia-
tion, neither shadow that is cast by turning.' And
here also the idea of this light without shadow or
eclipse is used to emphasize the fact, previously
referred to, of the essential holiness of One Avho
cannot be tempted with evil and who Himself
tempteth no man (v.^^).
The darkness against which God's holy light
shines is sometimes represented impersonally (Eph
58, 1 Til 55, 1 P 29). But in Col l^^ g^, paul gives
thanks to the Father ' who delivered us out of the
power of darkness ' (cf. Lk 22^^) ; and the word for
power (i^ovaia) suggests the tyranny of an alien
authority. This is confirmed when in Eph 6^- we
find the Apostle speaking of the ' world-rulers of
this darkness, the spiritual hosts of wickedness in
the heavenly places.' When we read in 2 Co IP^,
' Even Satan fashioneth himself into an angel of
light,' the evident suggestion is that Satan's true
form is that of a prince of darkness, not an angel
of light. In Ac 26'^ there is a significant parallel-
ism between darkness and the power of Satan on
the one hand, and light and the redeeming grace
of God OH the other ; and in 2 Co 6''*^' there is a
similar parallel between light and darkness and
Christ and Belial.
2. Christ.— As applied to God, the metaphor of
liglit points to His essential nature ; as applied to
Christ, it denotes His special function as the
revealer of God to man. In the one case the light
is considered in its intrinsic glory ; in the other,
as shining forth upon the souls of men. It is in
the Fourth Gospel that this conception of Christ
as the light of men — a light by which they are at
once illumined and judged — is fully worked out
(cf. for the illumination Jn I''- » 8'^ \i^^, and for the
judgment 1» S'*^'-!). But in 2 Co 46 St. Paul de-
clares that God has revealed the light of the know-
ledge of His glory in the face of Jesus Christ, and
in Eph 5^ he says of those who were once in
darkness that they are now 'light in the Lord.'
Similarly in 1 Jn 2^ where the revelatioS of Jesus
Christ and His 'new commandment' are in view,
the author declares : ' The darkness is passing
away, and the true light already shineth.' In
these passages the reference is to Christ's function
as mediating the gracious Divine light to men and
thus bringing them knowledge and salvation. P>ut
in 1 Co 4^ Ciirist appears as a Judge, who by His
coming 'will bring to light the hidden things of
darkness, and make manifest the counsels of the
hearts.' In this case, however, the penetrating
judicial light of Christ is eschatologically conceived,
and is not, as in the Fourth Gospel, a light by
which men are already judged when they love the
darkness rather than the light.
3. Salvation and the Christian life. — It is in
this connexion that the metaphors of light and
darkness most frequently occur in the relevant NT
literature. (I) Christian soteriology has to do with
sin and grace ; and these two contrasted moments
of human experience find fitting representation in
terms of darkness and light. Salvation is fre-
quently described as a transition from darkness to
light. St. Paul was sent to the Gentiles 'to open
their eyes, and to turn them from darkness to
light' (Ac 26^8 ; cf. 13«) ; he says of his converts :
' Ye were once darkness, but are now light in the
Lord' (Eph 5^) ; and so elsewhere he addresses
them as ' sons of light and sons of the day,' who
'are not of the night nor of darkness' (1 Th 5^).
In 2 Co 4** he compares the light of the knowledge
of the glory of God, as it shines into the. heart in
the face of Jesus Christ, to the creative light
shining at God's word out of the darkness, St.
Peter contrasts the marvellous light into which
God has called His people with the darkness in
which they lived formerly (1 P 2") ; while St. John,
with a stronger sense perhaps of the progressive
nature of the work of sanctification, reminds his
' little children ' that the darkness is passing away
before the shining of the true light (1 Jn 2^).
The author of Hebrews uses the expression ' en-
lightened ' {(puTiadevres) to denote those who have
had experience of the Christian salvation (6* 10^'-),
by which he implies that before tasting of the
heavenly gift they were in a condition of spiritual
darkness.
(2) In Col 1'^'- soteriology passes into eschatology.
Christians have been already delivered from the
power of darkness and translated into the kingdom
of God's dear Son ; but ' the inheritance of the
saints in light,' of which the P'ather has made
them meet to be partakers, has cleai-ly a future as
well as a present reference (cf. Ro 13^-, ' the night
is far spent, the day is at hand '). In the world to
come the inheritance of the saints in light has its
counterpart in ' the blackness of darkness' spoken
of in 2 P 2'^. Jude ^^ For those who reject the
light of the Divine grace, because they prefer the
darkness to the light, there is reserved a deeper
and impenetrable darkness.
702
LIGHTK^ING
LION
(3) But salvation has a human and ethical side
as well as one that is transcendent and Divine ;
and this also is set forth under the imagery of
light and darkness. "When St. Paul declares that
' the fruit of the light is in all goodness and right-
eousnessand truth' (Eph 5'*[RV]), and contraststhat
shining fruit with ' the unfruitful works of dark-
ness' (v.i^), he is giving to light and darkness a
plain moral content. When he asks in another
Epistle, ' What communion hath light with dark-
ness ? ' (2 Co e''*), the words that precede show that
it is the antithesis between righteousness and un-
righteousness that is in his thoughts. And when,
after comparing the world as it exists at present with
the night, and the approaching Parousia with the
day, he adds, 'Let us therefore cast off the works
of darkness, and let us put on the armour of light '
(Ro 13^^; cf. 1 Th 5^**), he is summoning his
readers to that deliberate and strenuous choice
and effort of the will in which all morality consists.
Those who in the soteriological sense are already
' sons of light and sons of the day,' and accordingly
'are not of the night nor of darkness' (1 Th 5*),
are not on that account exempt from the dangers
of the encompassing moral and spiritual gloom or
from the duties to which those dangers point. On
the contrary, just because they are sons of the
light they must gird on the armour of light, and
because they are not of the darkness they must
watch and be sober (vv.®"^). Similarly in 1 Jn l'^^-
the writer calls upon his readers to 'walk in the
light as Christ is in the light,' and brands as false
those who profess to have fellowship with Him
and yet continue to walk in darkness. And if
they should ask for a definite test by which the
moral life may be judged and its relationship to
light or darkness determined, he refers them to
the new commandment which the Lord has given
(2^'- ; cf. Jn 13*^). ' He that loveth his brother
abideth in the light ' (2'<'). ' But he that hateth
his brother is in darkness, and walketh in
darkness' (v.^^).
LrrERATURE.— H. Cremer, Bib.-Theol. Lex. of NT Greek^,
1880; B. Weiss, Bib. Theol. of the NT, Eng. tr., 1882-83;
G. B. Stevens, The Theology of the NT^, Edinburgh, 1906, p.
370; PRE3, art. 'Erleuchtung' ; art. 'Li<jht' inEBia.nd DCG.
J. C. Lambert.
LIGHTNING (do-rpaTnJ). — Lightning, the visible
discharge of atmospheric electricity from one cloud
to another, or from a cloud to the earth, is now
known to be essentially the same as the electric
flashes produced in the laboratory. To the ancients
it seemed supernatural. Terrible in its dazzling
beauty and power to destroy, it was associated
with 'theophanies (Ex 19'6 20^8, Ezk l^^- "), and
became one of the categories of .Jewish and Chris-
tian apocalyptic (Rev 4' 8* U^^ W«). See Thunder.
James Strahan.
LIKENESS.— See Form.
LINEN (jSwtros, from pa, adj. ^icrcnvos, \lvov). —
Linen was a characteristic product of Egypt, where
the arts of s))inning and weaving were carried to
OTeat perfection. Both in tiiat land and in other
lands to which it was imported it was tlie material
used for priestly vestments. According to Hero-
dotus (ii. 37), the Egyptian priests 'wear linen
garments, constantly fresh washed, and they pay
particular attention to this. , . . The priests wear
linen only.' The Hebrew usage is indicated by
the phrase 'the linen garments, even the holy
garments' (Lv 16*^); and Vergil {.^n. xii. 120)
speaks of Roman j)riests as ' Velati lino, et verbena
tempora vincti.' Linen — at least the best kind of
it {^v<T(roi, or ' tine linen ') — was too expensive for
ordinary wear. It was the clothing of kings and
their ministers (Gn 41^^)^ of ^omen of quality (Pr
31^2), of ideal Israel in her royal estate (Ezk W'>- ^^).
These facts explain the references to linen in
the imagery of the Revelation. (1) The seven
angelic messengers who come out of the heavenly
temple are 'arrayed in linen, pure and bright'
(15''). In spite of good MS authority (AC) and
the dubious parallel in Ezk 28^^ the reading
'arrayed with precious stones' (RV) — 'KLdov for
\lvov — is extremely unlikely, and S has Xlvovs. It is
true that Xiuov was commonly applied to the flax-
plant, but it was also used of linen cloth and
garments (II. ix. 661, ^sch. Supp. 121, 132). (2)
Eine linen was part of the merchandise of Imperial
Rome (Rev 18^'^) ; the city was arrayed in it (v.^^),
the old republican simplicity having given place to
a wide-spread luxury. (3) It is befitting that the
bride of the Lamb arrays herself in fine linen,
bright and pure (19^). The added words, 'for the
fine linen is the righteous acts (St/catw/xara) of the
saints' is perhaps a gloss. It is a happy inspira-
tion that makes ' fine linen,' the clothing of priests
and princes, the uniform of the armies in heaven
that follow Him who is the Faithful and True (v.'^).
James Strahan.
LINUS {Alvos). — This is a name which holds a
large place in the history of the early Church.
We first find mention of it in 2 Ti 4-', where St.
Paul, writing from his Roman prison, conveys to
his friend the greetings of Eubulus, Pudens, Linus,
and Claudia. Linus was thus a friend of Paul and
Timothy in the closing years of the Apostle's life.
In the Apostolic Constitutions (vii. 46) he is re-
garded as the son of Claudia of 2 Ti 4^1 (A/vos 6
KXanSias), which is perhaps doubtful (see art.
Claudia). But the name Linus is found both
in Irenaeus (c. Hcer. III. iii. 3) and in Eusebius
{HE III. ii., iv. 9, xiii.), where he is regarded as
the successor of St. Peter and the first bishop of
Rome after the Apostles, although Tertullian {de
Prcescr. 32) assigns this dignity to Clement. No
details of any kind are given regarding the episco-
pate of Linus, and the date of his tenure of otfice
is uncertain. Although Eusebius regards Clement
as the successor of Linus, and Tertullian reverses
the order, it is not improbable that both held ofiSce
at the same time and that the ejiiscopal power as
wielded by them was of a very attenuated nature.
Perhaps both held their position during the lifetime
of St. Peter. According to Eusebius (HE iii. xiii.)
the episcopate of Linus lasted for a period of twelve
years, but no dates can be fixed with any certainty.
Harnack gives as probable A.D. 64-76. Linus has
been regarded as the author of various works, but
there is no evidence in support of this view. He
is the reported author of (1) the Acts of St. Peter
and St. Paul ; (2) an account of St. Peter's contro-
versy with Simon Magus ; (3) certain decrees pro-
hibiting women from appearing in church with
uncovered heads. The Roman Breviary states
that he was a native of Voltena in Etruria, and
that he died as a martyr of the faith, being be-
headed by order of Saturninus, whose daughter he
had healed of demoniacal possession. His memory is
honoured by the Western Church on 23 September,
and the Greek Menaja regards him as one of the
Seventy.
LiTERATtTRR. — J. PearsoH, de Serie et Sxccexsione primorum
Romce Episcupomm, London, 1G88 ; A. Harnack, Die Chrono-
lojiie der altchristlicken Literatur, Leipzig, 1897 ; J. B.
Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, pt. i.2, 1890.
W. F. BOYD.
LION.— With the possible exception of 1 P 5»,
the use of 'lion' in the NT from 2 Tim. onwards is
de]iendent on the OT. An animal of great size and
strength, of noble bearing as well as of extreme
cruelty, he is a fitting symbol for moral and spirit-
ual reference.
1. In 1 P 5^, man's adversary, the devil, is repre-
sented as always roaming about in search of
LION
LOCUST
•03
prey, his very raging, which betrays his ravenous
liunger, striking terror into the hearts of all.
2. In He IP^ the reference is to tlie actual wild
beast. Among the heroic deeds of the worthies of
the OT recounted by the author of the Epistle is
that they 'stopped the mouths of lions ' (cf. Samson,
Jg W- 6 ; David, 1 S ll^'^ ; Benaiah, 2 S 23-").
More remotely the story of Daniel suggests this
mighty achievement, yet here God and not Daniel
is said to have shut the lions' mouths (Dn 6'^).
3. St. Paul declares that he had ' escaped the
mouth of the lion ' (2 Ti 4" ; cf. Ps 22^1, 1 Mac
2^"). The allusion of the Apostle is to the punish-
ment of being thx-own to the lions. Some have
indeed permitted a literal interpretation of 'lion'
(A. Neander, History of the Planting and Training
of the Christian Church, Eng. tr., i. [1880] 345).
Since, however, he was a Roman citizen and could
claim the right of being beheaded (see Beast),
the more probable explanation is that the reference
is not to an actual lion. Concerning this, various
conjectures have been advanced. ' Lion ' has been
interpreted as Nero (Chrysostom) ; calamity, which
would result from cowardice and humiliation (N. J.
D. White, in EOT, « 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus,'
1910, p. 182 ; cf. Ps 2122- ^3 [LXX]) ; ' the immediate
peril ' (Conybeare-Howson, The Life and Epistles
of St. Paul, new ed., 1877, ii. 593), altiiough the
reference may be to St. Paul's having established
his right as a Roman citizen not to be exposed to
the wild beasts. If, however, the reference is to the
lion's mouth, then Satan may be intended as a de-
vouring adversary (cf. 1 P 5®, above), from which
St. Paul had escaped. The time, place, and oc-
casion of this reference have been variously con-
ceived, (a) 2 Ti 4''- ^^"^*'- 20- 21 js a fragment, written
from Caesarea, inserted in the Epistle, alluding to
his address before the Sanhedrin (cf. Ac 22^" 23^^ ;
B. W. Bacon, The Story of St. Paul, 1905, p.
198 ti'.). (6) Writing from Rome in his first im-
prisonment, he says that, although the result of
the preliminary hearing was a suspension of judg-
ment, yet he had expectation that he would escape
a final condemnation, and tliat too in the imme-
diate future (A. C. McGittert, A History of Chris-
tianity i7i the Apostolic Age, 1897, p. 421). Writing
from Rome in his second imprisonment, St. Paul
says that at the close of his first imprisonment his
pleading was so cogent and convincing that he was
set at liberty (Eusebius, HE ii. 22, 1 Clem. 5 ; cf.
T. Zahn, Introd. to the NT, Eng. tr., 1909, i. 441,
ii. 1 ff.). (c) After his arrival in Rome the second
time, the preliminary investigation had resulted
in his remand ; but the completion of the trial would
not eventuate so favourably (Conybeare-Howson,
op. cit. ch. xxvi. ; N. J. D. White, op. cit. 181 ff. ).
i. In the Apocalypse (5^) the Exalted Christ is
presented under the guise of a lion, where the un-
doubted reference is to Gn 49^ He, who had
overcome through death and the Resurrection,
who had thus opened a way to God's sovereignty
over men, and is therefore alone able to loose the
seals of the Divine judgment, i.e. to carry history
forward to its consummation, is symbolized by a
being of the highest prowess and strength. Yet
no sooner has this suggestion of overmastering
might become eilective than it is withdrawn to
give place to another — its exact opposite — that of
a lamb as though slain, a symbol of sacrifice and
humiliation (see Lamb).
5. The same intimation of majesty and strength
occurs in Rev 4'', where the Seer is taken up into
heaven, and beholds the four and twenty elders
about the throne, with the four living creatures,
having the likeness respectively of a lion, a calf,
the face of a man, and a flying eagle (cf. Ezk I**-
[esp. v.io] W* ; also Is 6^-)-
6. The remaining references in the Apocalypse
revert to the terrorizing aspect of this king of beasts
(9« [cf. Jl 1«] 9'^ 10=* [cf. Is 5-»] 132 [cf. Dn^7-*'^-])-
C. A, Beckwith.
LIPS.— See Mouth.
LIVING. — 1. Outside of the Gospels ' living ' does
not occur as a nonn in the AV of the NT, but is
found three times in the RV, viz. in 1 P V^, 2 P
3'\ where it denotes the manner of life (AV ' con-
versation,' Gr. avaarpocpT)), and in Rev 18", where
'gain their living (i.e. means of life) by sea' re-
presents the AV ' trade by sea,' the RVm ' work
the sea,' Gr. rryv OdXacraai' ipya^ovraL.
2. ' Living ' as a verb is found in both the AV
and the RV of Col 22», 'living in the world,'
where the Gr. is fwjres; and Tit 3^ 'living in
malice ' (Gr. Sidyovres).
3. The adj. ' living ' (Gr. ^wv) occurs frequently
and is used with various shades of meaning. — (1)
In the ordinary sense of being alive in contrast
with dead (Ro 12' \4?, RV of Rev I'S). In Ac 10^^^
2 Ti 41, 1 P 45 both the AV and the RV translate
fwjres by ' quick.' In the ' living soul ' of 1 Co
15^^ and Rev 16^ the word has the same meaning ;
in the latter passage, however, the literal render-
ing of the Gr. is 'soul of life' (RVm).— (2) The
'living creatures' (RV ; AV 'beasts'; Gr. fya,
being the LXX equivalent of rVn in Ezk 1*, etc.) of
Rev 4^- *, etc. , are so called as being not alive merely,
but instinct with life and activity (cf. Ezk 1"). —
(3) With an intensified force the word is used of
God, who is called ' the living God ' (Ac 14^^, Ro
926, 2 Co 33 618, 1 Th P, 1 Ti 3i« 4i» 6" [AV], He
312 914 lo^i 1222, Rev 72) not only as being self-
existent, but as possessing the fullness of life in
absolute perfection. — (4) Figuratively, the ex-
pression is applied to the oracles given by God to
Moses (Ac 7^", AV 'livelj'') ; to the word of God
generally (He 4^2^ AV 'quick') ; to the way into
the holy place which Jesus dedicated for us (10-") ;
to the hope unto which God has begotten us by
the Resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead (1
P P, AV ' lively ') ; to the Stone rejected of men but
with God elect, precious (2'*), and the stones built
up on that foundation into a spiritual house (v.**,
AV ' lively ') ; to the fountains of waters to
which the Lamb shall lead His people (Rev 7" TR
and AV ; RV ' fountains of waters of life '). The
precise force of ' living ' in each of these cases is
determined by the word to which it is attached
and the context in which it is set. The word of
God is living because, being God's, it is instinct
with His OAvn life ; the way into the holy place
because it is real and efficacious, as contrasted
with the mere ceremony of entrance into the
earthly sanctuary ; the Christian hope because it
is the result of a Divine begetting, and is therefore
lasting and certain of fruition as human hopes
are not ; the heavenly fountains because they are
ever ' springing up unto eternal life ' (cf . Jn 4i"' ").
The elect Stone and the stones built upon it are
living stones because the persons whom they
metaphorically represent are living persons — the
One alive with the very life of God, the others
sharing in that life through their union with Him.
J. C. Lambert.
LOCUST (d/cpis).— Apart from Mt 3^ Mk 1«, the
only references to the locust in the NT are con-
tained in the Apocalyptic Vision — 'the Fifth
Trumpet or the First Woe' (Rev 9^-'') — where a
swarm of locusts is represented as emerging out
of the smoke of the abyss. There is probably
here an allusion to the plague of locusts in Ex lO''*-
(cf. also Jl 1^), but both the power and the
mission of these locusts are not that of the locust
tribe. They have the power of ' scorpions,' the
deadliness of whose sting was proverbial (cf. 1 K
12"- ", 2 Ch 10", Ezk 2^, Lk lO^^ W^ whUe in
rui
LOCUST
LONGS UFFEKING
contradistinction to the usiial habits and tastes of
locusts, they are couinianded not to liurt ' the
grass of the earth, neither any green thing, neither
any tree.' Apparently the work of judgment on
this part of creation had been sufficiently carried
out by the hail which followed the First Trumpet
(Rev 8^). It is interesting in this connexion both
to compare and to contrast the part played by
locusts in Exodus. There too they follow the
hail, but in Exodus (10^) their mission is to ' eat
the residue of that which is escaped, which re-
maineth unto you from the hail,' and to ' eat
every tree which groweth for you out of the field,'
whereas here they have a more important voca-
tion — they are sent forth as the messengers of
God's wrath upon ' those men which have not the
seal of God on their foreheads' (Rev 9^), whom
they are to torment with ' the torment of a scor-
pion' for ' five months.'
The appearance of these particular locusts is as
unusual and unexpected as their mission (9'''^").
' The shapes of the locusts were like unto horses
prepared unto battle ' : this part of the description
would indeed be equally applicable to an ordinary
swarm of locusts ; it is borrowed from Jl 2*, and
is a metaphor ' chosen partly on account of their
sjieed and compact array, but chietly on account
of a resemblance which has often been observed
between the head of a locust and the head of a
horse' (see Driver, ad loc). The next two feat-
ui'es are peculiar to the locusts of the vision ; they
liad ' crowns ' on their heads ' like unto gold,' and
' their faces were as men's faces.' The crowns are
indicative of their power and authority, while
their human faces testify to the wisdom and
capacity with which they were imbued. Further,
they had 'hair as the hair of women,' and it has
been supposed that we have here a reference to
the long antennce of locusts.
The locust belongs to the same genus as the
grass-hopper (Acrididce). There is a number of
different kinds, but the most destructive are the
(Edipoda migratoria and the Acridiurn peregrinum,
of which the latter apparently predominate. The
history of their development is somewhat strange :
after emerging from the egg, which is laid in April
or May, they enter the larva state, during which
period they have no wings ; in the pupa state,
germinal wings enclosed in cases appear ; while
about a month later, they cast t\\Q pupa skin, and,
borne on their newly emancipated wings, they
soar into the air. Their hind- wings are generally
very bright-coloured, being yellow, green, blue,
scarlet, crimson, or brown, according to the species.
It is noteworthy that, unlike moths, they pass
through no chrysalis period. They only appear in
swarms periodically, and when they do, tliey liter-
allj'' darken the sky (cf. Ex 10^*), while the rattle
of their wings is like a fall of rain (cf. Jl 2^). In
the drier parts of the country they are at all times
abundant, and are a constant source of aimoyance
to tlie husbandmen, whose crops they sometimes
entirely devour. The larvce are responsible for
most of the havoc wrought ; as they are unable
to fly, they hop over the land around which they
were hatched and destroy grass, plants, and shrubs
promiscuously. It is, on the other hand, easier to
drive ofi" full-grown locusts that can lly, as they
are quickly frightened ; but at all stages of their
development they are extremely voracious.
They are used as an article of diet by the natives
to-day, just as they were in NT times, the legs
and wings being first removed, and the body stewed
with butter or oil. They are said to taste some-
what like shrimps.
Literature. — H. B. Tristram, The Natural History of the
Bible^o, 1911, pp. 306 fif., 813; H. B. Swete, The Apocalyp.ie of
St. John, 1907, p. 115 ff., The Gospel according to St. Mark'^,
1902, p. 5f. ; SDB 549; HDB in. 130 f. ; EBi iii. 2S07ff. ;
and especially Driver's 'Excursus on Locusts ' in his J'ofZ and
Amos, 1S97, pp. SJ-91, cf. also pp. 37-39, 48-63; W. M.
Thomson, The Land and the Book. 1910 ed., p. 407 f. ; J. C.
Geikie, The Holy Land and the Bible, 1887, L 79, 80, 142,
391-5, 402. P. S. P. HANDCOCK.
LOIS (Gr. Aw/s). — The word Lois is of Greek
origin, related to Xywr and Xoio-ros, 'pleasant,'
'desirable.' Lois was a Christian believer of
Lystra and the grandmother of Timothy. Her
name is mentioned in 2 Ti l-"" along with Eunice
iq.v.), the mother of Timothy. Probably Lois was
a Jewess and the mother of Eunice, who in Ac 16^
is described as a believing Jewess who had married
a Greek. It is, however, not impossible that Lois
may have been the mother-in-law of Eunice and a
Gentile, in which case we must assume that she
had married a Jew. This theory would account
for the fact that both Lois and Eunice are Greek
names, and also for the description of Eunice as a
Jewess. But it was not uncommon for Hellenistic
Jews to bear purely Gentile names, and the sup-
position that Lois was the mother of Eunice is on
the whole more probable.
The Apostle refers to her ' unfeigned faith,' by
which he no doubt means that Lois had accepted
Christian faith, and not merely that she cherished
the ancient faith of Israel. As we find Eunice
described as a ' Jewess who believed ' on the oc-
casion of St. Paul's second visit to Lystra, probably
both she and Lois were converted on the Apostle's
first visit to the town. Timothy's knowledge of
the Hebrew Scriptures to which the Apostle refers
(2 Ti 3^^) was probably due not only to his mother
but also to Lois, whom we may regard as a faithful
Jewish matron attaciied to the ancient hopes of
Judaism, and who, influenced by her knowledge of
the Scriptures, readily accepted St. Paul's message
on his first visit to Lystra. W. F. BOYD.
LONGSUFFERING.— The word ' longsuflering '
occurs in the English NT in Lk 18^ (RV only ; AV
' bear long witii '), Ro 2^ 9-2, 1 Co 13^, 2 Co Q\ Gal
5", Eph 42, Col 1" 31% 1 Th 51^ (RV only ; AV
' patient'), 1 Ti V^ 2 Ti 310 4^, 1 P 320, 2 P 3^-^^.
The Greek words corresponding to this are /j.aKp6-
dvfjLos, fiaKpodv/jiia, fiaKpodvfxe'iv. These forms, how-
ever, occur in the original in a number of passages,
where the English Bible (both AV and RV) has as
their rendering 'patient,' 'patiently,' 'patience'
(Mt 18-«, Ac 26^ He G'-- ^ JaS^' «• i»). In the LXX
the word occurs in the following passages : Ex 34*,
Nu I418, Neh 9", Ps 86'^ 1938 1458, Pr 14^9 lo's 16^^
19" 2515, Ec 78, Jer IS^^, Jl 2^3, Jon 42, Nah l^. In
all these passages the Hebrew has d:sx ^-in, or the
noun-form of tlie same word. Besides these there
are four instances where the LXX renders by fj.aKpo-
dv/xia other Hebrew words, oris based on a different
Hebrew text, so tliat the concei^tion does not occur
in the English Bible. These are Job 7'«, Pr l?-'',
Is 57'^, Dn 42*. fiaKpodv/xla is a word belonging to
the later Greek.
The Hebrew d^sn ii-ix and the Greek fiaKpddvfioi
absolutely coincide in their verbal structure. None
the less there is to be noted a difi'erence in the basic
figure underlying each, which will explain the
difference in usage. The Hebrew d:5x specifically
means 'anger,' 'wratii,' and accordingly the 'niN
'n is one who is 'long,' in the sense of 'long-
delaying ' his anger ; hence in many cases the word
is rendered by ' slow to anger ' in the English Bible.
On the other hand, 0u/x6s in fx.aKp66v/j.os does not speci-
fically denote ' anger,' but has the general meaning
of ' temper,' although it can also have the former
specialized sense. A fjLaKp66vfjios is therefore he
who keeps his temper long, and this can be under-
stood with reference to wilful provocation by man,
in which case it will mean the exercise of restraint
LONGSUFFEEING
LORD
705
from anger ; or with reference to trying circum-
stances and jiersons, in wliich case it will mean the
exercise of patience. The Greek term thus comes
to have a double meaning whilst the HebreM'
equivalent has only one, never being used in the
sense of 'patience.' Jer 15^^ is no exception to
this, for when the prophet here prays, ' Take me
not away in thy longsuflering,' he relates the long-
suffering to his persecutors, and expresses the fear
that God's deferring their punishment may result
in his own death.
fiaKpoOvfiia is in the NT employed in both senses
— that of ' longsuflering ' and that of ' patience ' —
■with reference to both God and man. The only
instance of the meaning ' patience ' in its applica-
tion to God seems to be Lk 18^. Here it is said
that God will ' avenge his elect that cry to him
day and night (Kal fiaKpodv/xei iir avroh) although
he is longsuffering over them.' The avroh does
not have for its antecedent the persecutors of the
elect, but the elect themselves. The meaning is
that God proceeds slowly and patiently in attend-
ing to their case (cf. 2 P 3^ : ^padvuei, ' the Lord is
not slack concerning his promise'). In all other
cases the word when used of God denotes specifi-
cally the restraint of His anger and the deferring
of the execution thereof (=6pyifj) ; thus Ro 2* 9^^,
1 Ti 116, 1 P 320,
This Divine longsuffering is exercised with a
two-fold purpose: (a) to give its objects time for
repentance (Ko 2*, 2 P ^^- 1^) ; (b) to gain time and
prepare the opportunity for the execution of His
purpose in other respects (Ro 9"^ ; here the ' endur-
ing with longsuflering of the vessels of wrath ' is
placed side by side with the purpose of God [ffiXeiv]
to show His wrath, and the fiaKpo9vfiLa. does not
imply a reversal or suspense of this purpose [so
Weiss], but simply a delay in its execution, among
other things for the reason stated in v.^^, ' that he
might make known the riches of his glory upon
vessels of mercy ').
fiaKpodvfila as exercised by men towards men may
be both 'longsutteriug' and 'patience.' It is not
always easy to tell with certainty which of the two
is in the mind of the writer, but in a case like Col
I'l, where iiironovri, ' patience,' and /laKpoOvfiia, 'long-
suffering,' occur, together, the meaning is plain.
Trench {NT Synonyms^, 1876, p. 191) observes that
fiaKpodvfxla. always refers to persons, never to things.
This is not quite correct, for He 6'^* 1° proves that
it can be used in respect to circumstances or things
as well as to persons. Patience can be exercised
witii reference to trying persons as well as to try-
ing circumstances ; and, from the nature of the case,
where tlie former happens the distinction between
'longsuffering' and 'patience' will become more
or less a fleeting one and the line will be hard to
draw (cf. Gal 5^2, Eph 4^, Col 1" 3'^, 1 Th 5", 2 Ti 3">,
2 P 31s on the one hand Avith Ja S'- »• i" on the other).
fjLaKpoOvfila in the sense of 'longsuffering' has
for its synonym dvoxvi in the sense of 'patience,'
vTTo/xouri. The difference between fiaKpodvfila and
dvoxv (Ro 2* 3-^) seems to be that in dvoxv the idea
of the temporariness of the suspension of punish-
ment is given with the word as such, whereas ytta/cpo-
Ovfiia, so far as the word is concerned, might be
never exhaysted. As to iirojjiovn, this differs from
/xaKpodv/xia in having an element of positive heroic
endurance in it, whilst the patience called fiaKpo-
OvfiLa is a more negative conception which denotes
the absence of a spirit of resistance and rebellion.
As stated above, /xaKpodvfila occurs of God at least
once in the sense of ' patience ' ; vtvoixovt] is nowhere
ascribed to God. Oebs riys virofj.ov7js (Ro 15^) is not
' the God who shows patience,' but ' the God who
gives patience' (cf. Ro 15'^ He IS-", IP 5'"). It
is predicated of Jesus in 2 Th 3», He 12i- \
Geerhardus Vos.
VOL. I —45
LORD. — In the AV the word 'lord' generally
represents the Greek Kvpios, with the exception of
Ac 4^\ 2 P 2\ Jude^ and Rev e^", where it stands
for deairdrrji. In the last three passages the RV
renders 'master.' On the other hand, there are
cases where Kvpios is rendered ' master' both in the
AV and the RV— e.^. Ac 16i«- 1», Eph G^- ». As a
common noun the word 'lord' is not of very
frequent occurrence. It is used of the Roman
Emperor (Ac 252«) ; of a husband (1 P 3^) ; of the
heir of a property (Gal 4^) ; and of the angelic
powers (1 Co 8% But usually it is applied either
to God or to Christ, and comes to be used almost
as a proper name.
1. The name applied to God.— In the LXX K^'pios
is employed consistently to represent 'Jin, which
the Jews substituted in reading for the name m.T,
and hence it became the general designation of
God. We meet with it frequently in the NT in
this application, sometimes expanded into the title
Ktjpioi 6 6e6$, or even Kvpios 6 debs 6 iravroKpaTup
(Rev 48 11", etc.). God is addressed as Kvptos in
prayer (Ac 1"^). The title is used predicatively of
Him in Ac 17^^ {'Lord of heaven and earth '). In
such phrases as ' even as the Lord gave ' (1 Co 3^),
' if the Lord will' (4i« ; cf. Ro V W^), 'chastened
of the Lord' (1 Co IP^), the reference is probably
to God rather than to Christ. Naturally it is God
who is referred to where the term occurs in quota-
tions from the OT, as Ac 3", Ro 4* 9-"-, 2 Co 6"'- ;
though, as we shall see, there are occasions where
such quotations are interpreted as referring directly
to Christ. The reference is likewise to God in
various phrases which recall OT associations, such
as ' tlie Spirit of the Lord ' (Ac 5**), ' the fear of the
Lord' (93'), 'the hand of the Lord'(lpi). In Rev.,
with one or two exceptions, the title refers to God —
e.g. 4^- 1' IV^- " 191 — though on occasions Christ, in
contrast to the kings of the earth, is called ' King
of kings and Lord of lords' (IT^^ 19i«). St. Peter,
St. James, and Hebrews seem to use the term
indillerentiy for God or Christ. In the Pauline
Epistles the term usually designates Christ, but
there are occasional exceptions, and we must
determine from the context whether God or Christ
is to be understood. Thus, e.g., in the phrase ' the
word of the Lord,' i.e. the gospel (1 Th P), we
should certainly expect 'the Lord' to refer to
Christ, yet the phrase recurs in the following
chapter in the form ' the word of God ' (2'^). So
' the Lord of peace ' (2 Th 3'®) corresponds to ' the
very God of peace' (1 Th 5^) ; and I Co 3*, where
some take Kvpios to apply to Christ, is proved by
v.^ to refer to God. Rut indeed it is difficult to
say with certainty in many cases who is intended,
and sometimes St. Paul ascribes the same function
now to God and now to Christ {e.g. 1 Co 7" com-
pared with 2 Co 10"). Some {e.g. Crerner and
Godet) Avould lay down the rule that in the NT
Kvpios is to be understood as referring to God only
in the OT quotations and references (so also Lietz-
mann, so far as St. Paul is concerned) ; but it is
evident from some of the cases already quoted
that such a canon cannot be consistently observed.
2. The name applied to Christ. — For the most
part, however, the term is employed in the NT to
designate Christ.
(1) The subjection of the believer to Christ. — The
simplest instance of the use of the word ' Lord ' for
Christ is in the Gospels, where it describes the
relationship of Jesus to the disciples. In this sense
it occurs in Ac 1" as a form of address of the
Master, and in the phrase frequently recurring
throughout the book — 'the Lord Jesus,' e.g. P' 4^^
8'®. But such employment of the term is innocent
of the doctrinal implication that attaches to it as
generally employed in the NT. We meet with it
in various forms — sometimes simply Kvptos or 6 Kvpios,
706
LORD
LORD
sometimes 6 KijpLos tj/xwv, usually with the addition
ot'IrjJoOs ot'Itjctovs XpicrTos. Wliat is suggested by
this title as assigned to Christ? The simplest
answer is that it calls up the relation of king and
subject, conceived in the Oriental spirit as that of
lord and slave (cf. 1 K 17^- 29=* [LXX]), as typical
of that which obtains between Christ and the
believer. St. Paul frequently calls himself 5ov\os
'lT](Tod XptcTTov (Ro 1^ Gal P", etc.) ; on one occasion
he uses that term as a worthy designation of a
faithful discii)le (Col 4}'-^), and reminds believers
that such slavery is the condition into which they
have surrendered themselves (1 Co 7").
(2) The majesty of Christ. — The title Ki^ptoj as
api^lied to Christ suggests something more than
the relation of sTibjection in which the believer
stands to Him. It is deliberately selected to assign
a certain lofty dignity to Christ. It was the
custom in the East to call gods by the title ' Lord '
(Deissmann, Licht vom Osten, 253 ff.), and, as we
have seen, the practice of the LXX had made this
term the familiar one to the Jew for his God
Jahweh. The title was deliberately transferred
to Christ by the early Christians to signify that
they worshipped Him as a Divine Being. In 1 Co
8^'' St. Paul defines the Christian attitude to Christ
by contrasting it with that of the worshippers of
false gods. They worship many so-called gods
and lords, but the Christian has but the ' one God,
the Father, of whom are all things and we unto
him, and one Lord, Jesus Christ, through whom
are all things, and we through him.' Here St.
Paul places Christ alongside of God as entitled to
Divine honour. How such a position is compatible
with the strict monotheism of the ' one God, the
Father,' he does not discuss. It may be, as
Johannes Weiss {Christus, p. 26) suggests, that he
selected the title ' Lord ' for Christ liere as predicat-
ing a dignity one rank lower than that of Supreme
God, and so leaving room for that relation of sub-
ordination which the Apostle elsewhere assigns to
Him (2 Co P, Eph l^^). It was in virtue of the
Resurrection that the Church came to invest Jesus
with such unique dignity. This is the standpoint
of Peter in Ac 2^--^^. Jesus of Nazareth, ' a man
approved of God' (v.^-), has by the Resurrection
and Exaltation been made by God ' both Lord and
Chi'ist.' So in Ro 1^ St. Paul says that Jesus has
been constituted (opiadiuTos) God's Son in power,
according to the spirit of holiness, by the resur-
rection of the dead (cf. also Eph l-""^-). And the
well-known passage Ph 2^"" accounts for Jesus'
investment with the title ' Lord ' along the same
lines. After the humiliation of the Cross ' God
highly exalted him, and gave unto him the name
which is above every name ; that in the name of
Jesus [i.e. whenever the name is invoked in prayer
by oneself or sounded in one's ears by others (W,
lieitmiiller, Im Namen Jesu, 1903, p. 66 f. )] every
knee should bow, of things in heaven and things
on earth and things under the earth, and that
every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is
Lord, to the glory of God the Father.' There is
ditierence of opinion as to whether ' the name
which is above every name' is the title 'Lord.'
In view of the confession of Lordship to which the
passage leads up, it seems natural to adopt this
interpretation. By exalting Jesus, God has raised
Him to supreme honour. He has bestowed on
Him that name which He had hitherto borne
Himself. The passage becomes pregnant with
meaning when taken (as Weiss suggests [op. cit.
p. 27]) in connexion with the LXX of Is 42'* : iyCn
Kijpio% 6 Beds, tovt6 /xo6 ian rb 6vofia, ttjv 86^av jxov
i-T^pcp ov SiJjffu. But this name and this glory God
has given to another. He has invested Jesus with
the Divine name ; He has given Him supreme
sovereignty. All beings in heaven and earth must
bow the knee before Him. He virtually takes the
place of God, the monotheistic position being safe-
guarded in that concluding phrase, ' to the glory
of God the Father.'
The whole of the NT goes to corroborate the
lofty estimate of the dignity of Christ suggested
by this title. As Lord He comes in the mind of
the Church to take His position alongside of God,
to exercise such functions as had been attributed
to God, and to receive such reverence as had been
accorded to God alone — according to an inter-
pretation of Ro 9^ which is linguistically unex-
ceptionable. He is even called 0e6s (cf. also 2 P V).
Prayer is addressed to Him (Ac 7""*, Ro lO^^, 1 Co
r^, 2 Co 12^). He is expected to judge the world
(2 Co 5^"^-, 2 Ti 41- 8), and is endowed with Divine
omniscience (1 Co 4''). It is He who assigns their
various lots to men (7'^), who grants power of
service and endows with grace (1 Ti 1'^-"), who
stands by and strengthens in time of trouble (2 Ti
4"), and delivers out of persecutions (3'^). All
authority in the Church proceeds fi'om Him (1 Co
5S 2 Co 10^ 13'»). The most frequent form of
benediction invokes His grace. Baptism is per-
formed in His name (Ac 8"* 10^^). That name is
invoked when the sick are anointed with oil (Ja
5^^} ; and not only on such formal occasions, but in
every Avord and deed (Col 3^''), for that appears to
be the significance of the phrase, one is to ' do all in
the name of the Lord' (Heitmiiller, op. cit. p, 69).
He is the Creator of all things (1 Co 8^, Col V^)
and Lord over all beings (Ac 10^, Ro 10^^), our
only Master and Lord (Jude*).
But perhaps the most striking instance of all of
how Christ comes to have the value of God in the
Christian consciousness is attbrded by the fact that,
repeatedly in the NT, quotations from the OT
which manifestly refer to God are immediately
applied to Christ. Thus, e.g., the exhortation of
the Psalmist to taste and see that the Lord is good
(Ps 34^) is interpreted (1 P 2^) with reference to
the experience of the believer of the salvation of
Christ ; and St. Paul finds an answer to the
question of Is 40'^ (LXX), ' Who hath known the
mind of the Lord ? ' in the triumphant declaration,
'But we have the mind of Christ' (I Co 2^^).
Other instances of this practice will be found in
Ro 10», 1 Co P' m'% 2 Co 316- 18 1017, 1 p 316,
Such being the significance with which the title
is invested, it is small wonder that St. Paul should
have regarded acknowledgment of Christ's Lord-
ship as the mark of the true believer (Col 2^). To
confess Him as Lord with one's mouth, and to
believe in one's heart that God has raised Him
from the dead (observe the connexion between the
Resurrection and Lordship), is to be assured of
salvation (Ro 10"). In cases of ecstasy such con-
fession was the infallible sign of the presence of
the Holy Spirit (1 Co 12^). The proclamation of
Christ's Lordship was the central theme of the
Apostle's preaching (2 Co 4^), the universal re-
cognition of that Lordship the consummation of
the Divine purpose (Ph 2^')-
(3) The protest against Emperor-worship. — There
remains to be noted one other aspect of the as-
sertion of Christ's Lordship — the protest implied
against the worship of the Emperor under tlie
same title. Deissmann has shown (op. cit. p.
255 ft".) that already in the time of St. Paul the
title was current as a form of address of the
Emperor (cf. Ac 25"^), if not in Rome, at any rate
in the East. Caligula had ordered his statue to
be erected in the Temple at Jerusalem, and required
that he should be worshipped as God. Douiitian
is called in official reports 'our Lord and God.'
When such was the tendency that was abroad, it
is possible that even in the mouth of a man who,
like St. Paul, urged subjection to the higher
LORD'S DAY
LORD'S DAY
70/
poAvers, the proclamation of the Lordship of Christ
may have had a polemical nuance. In the middle
nf the '2nd cent, we find Polycarp laying down his
life rather than say Kvpios Kolaap (Mart. Polyc. viii.
2), and probably long before that time, on the lips
of those who repeated it, if not by the men who
first employed it, the formula 'our Lord Jesus
Christ' was uttered with an emphasis on the word
07ir which suggested repudiation of the claims
made on behalf of the Emperor (Weinel, Die
Stellung des Urchristcntums zum Staat, p. 19).
St. Paul could say of the Christian, * our state is
in heaven' (Ph 3-°), and endeavour to keep his
religion apart altogether from politics. But when
politics invaded the sphere of religion and Csesar
laid claim to the things that are Christ's, it be-
came the duty of the Christian to maintain the
sovereignty of his Lord. Such passages as Ph 2""",
1 Co S'''- cannot fail to have been interpreted as a
protest against the growing tendency to ascribe
to the Emperor the reverence which belonged to
Christ alone. We hear the same protest in the
claim of Jude*, 'our only Master and Lord, Jesus
Christ,' and in a milder form in the subtle dis-
tinction made in 1 P 2", 'Fear God, honour the
king,' i.e. the Emperor. In Rev. the references
to the Emperor worship become more explicit
(138. IS 149 2u^), and the protest against it finds
freer utterance. Christ is proclaimed King of
kings and Lord of lords (17" 19"*), while the
sovereignty of this world becomes the sovereignty
of the Lord and of His anointed one, and He shall
reign for ever and ever (11'®).
Literature. — A. B. Bruce, Apologetics, 1892, bk. iii. ch. v. ;
H. Lietzmann, Die Brief e des Apostels Paulus (=:HandMich
zum. NT, iii. 1 [1910]), p. 53 ff. ; A. Deissmann, Die Urgeschichte
des Christentums rin Lichle der SpmrUjtirschvng, 1910, Licht
nomOsten, 190S ; Joh. Weiss, Ckristus, i:hi'J, Das Urchristen-
tum, 1914, ch. ii. § 5, iv. § 3, vii. § 4 ; H. Weinel, Die Stellung
des UrchriMentums zum Staat, 190S ; H. R. Mackintosh, The
Person of Jes7is Christ, 1912, bk. iii. ch. v. ; W^. Bousset,
Kyrios Christos, 1913. G. WAUCHOPE STEWART,
LORD'S DAY.— 1. Origin.— r>efore the apostolic
period had wholly passed away ' the first day of
the week ' had become, or was well on the way to
become, the stated weekly holy-day of the Chris-
tian Church, bearing the distinctive designation
'the Lord's Day' (rj KvpiaKr] rj/xipa). It is evident
that this day was regarded as of special importance
from the beginning, and was placed alongside of
the Sabbath in the esteem of Jewish Christians.
In the course of time it became a substitute
for the Sabbath itself. How this was brought
about cannot be exactly stated. We cannot point
to any definite act of institution, any such im-
pressive story and legislative sanction as the
Pentateuch supplies with reference to the Jewish
Sabbath. No authority of the Lord Himself can
be cited for it ; there is no ' Jesus said ' to cor-
respond to 'God spake all these words, saying'
(Ex 20M, or 'the Lord spake unto Moses, saying'
(Lv 19'-3).
The materials afforded us by the NT are scanty
indeed. Two things, however, are clear. — (a) In
the brief Kesurrection stories, as found in all the
Gospels, conspicuous emphasis is laid on ' the first
day of the week' as the day on which Jesus rose
from the dead. See Mk 16'^ Lk 24', Jn 20' (rri /i^
tCjv ffa^^aTwv), Mt 28' (et's fxiav (TajBlidrwv), the frag-
ment Mk W-''-^ (wpthTrj <7a/3/3dToi'), Jn 20'" (rij Vw
eKfivrj TT] fxta cra/i^drwi'). Jn 2U-*', with its ' after
eight days ' (the octave), is specially interesting,
for it has the faint suggestion of a custom-germ,
or reflects the early-established practice of a weekly
meeting on that day. Th. Zahn calls attention
to the particularity with which John notes the
days connected witli the Passion and Kesurrection,
and explains it as due to the Christian week-scheme
.already fully established among the churches of
Asia Minor, with which the Fourth Gospel was so
closely associated (Skizzen aus dcm Leben der alien
Kirche, no. 5, p. 178). — (6) Early in the 2nd cent,
the first day of the week appears as distinctively
the sacred day of Christianity under the name of
' the Lord's Day.'
The connexion between {a) and (6) cannot be for-
tuitous. The tradition that the Lord rose again
on the first day of the week naturally invested
that day a\ ith special interest. Jesus' Resurrection
from the first figured as a dominating fact concern-
ing Him in early faith and evangelism. What
wonder that that day should come to be regarded
a,?, par excellence the Lord's Day?
Those who deny the reahty of the Resurrection as a unique
event are hard pressed to account for the undeniable primitive
association of the day with that occurrence. What is there
convincingf in the following sufrjjfestions ? ' It is quite possible
that the Christian Sunday was originally fixed — perhaps before
the women's story was generally known — in some other way,
e.g. by the events of the Day of Pentecost, or by the first appear-
ance of the risen Christ in Galilee, or by the selection of the
first available time after the Jewish Sabbath, and that the con-
nexion of it with the date of the Resurrection was an after-
thought' (J. M. Thompson, Miracles in the NT, London, 1911,
p. 1G4). Ijater on the same author seems to treat the 'appear-
ance ' also as a fictitious afterthought grafted on to a Christian
time-scheme of amazingly early development : ' Both the appear-
ances take place on Sunday (Jn 20). This is another indication
of the ecclesiastical and eucharistic atmosphere in which the
Resurrection stories grew up '(p. 199; of . A. Lo\sy,Autourd'un
petit livre, Paris, 1903, p. 242f.).
The NT itself is not without evidence that this
institution began its growth in apostolic times.
The passages are few but familiar. In Ac 20^ the
first day of the week is associated with a Christian
assembly for religious purpo.ses {(rwniy/jLevuv ij/xui'
KXdcrai S-prov). If a use of this kind had not already
begun, what propriety or moment would there be
in stating what day of the week it was ? Again,
at an earlier point in St. Paul's career we find him
urging the Christians at Corinth to make weekly
contributions towards the fund for the relief of the
impoverished church at Jerusalem, and to do it on
the first day of the week (1 Co 16'-). It has been
pointed out, not unreasonably, that this contribu-
tion is not represented as an ottering to be collected
at some meeting for worship (Deissmann, art.
' Lord's Day ' in EBi), that, rather, the expression
Trap' iavT(^ simply points to setting aside such a
gift at home, and so the passage yields no positive
evidence for the observance of the day as in later
times. When, however, it is suggested, as an
alternative explanation, that the first day of the
week is named because probably this or the day
before was the pay-day for working folk at Corinth,
we need some definite evidence fur this which is
not forthcoming. And Avhen, as Zahn oljserves
(op. cit. p. 177), we find that in the 2nd cent, there
was a wide-spread custom of laying charitable gifts
for the poor on the church dish in connexion with
public worship, it is difficult not to connect this
with St. Paul's words here. May not his action in
this particular instance, indeed, have directly led to
the institution of a collection for the poor on the
Lord's Day, and especially in association with
' the breaking of bread ' ? It may be added
that, as St. Paul urges this course so ' that no
collections be made when I come,' and as the whole
work is described in v.' as a ' collection' (Xoyla), it
is most natural to infer that there was not only a
setting apart of gifts, but also a paying into a local
fund week by week. This strengthens the view
that 1 Co 16-^ incidentally gives evidence of early
movements towards the setting up of the Lord's
Day as an institution, especially when taken along
with Ac 20^ ; for when could the contributions of
the people be better collected in readiness for the
Apostle than at their meetings on tlie special day
of worship ?
708
LORD'S DAY
LOKD'S DAY
It is fair also to suggest (with Hessey, Sunday, p. 43) that the
'assembling' spoken of in He 10"-5 must have taken place at
stated times and that the time is most likely to have been the
first day of the week.
The mention of 17 KvpiaKr) ri/iipa in Rev P" calls
for special notice, as this is the only instance in
the NT of the use of the expression that subse-
quently became so established and familiar. But
does it bear in this place the same significance as
it came to possess and possesses still ? Some have
argued that what is meant is not ' the Lord's Day '
as we understand it, but ' the Day of the Lord ' in
the sense in which the OT prophets employ the
term, and as it figures in the eschatological out-
look of the NT {e.g. 1 Th 5-). Hort {Apoc. of St.
John, I.-IIL, London, 1908, ad loc.) inclines to
this view, thinking it suits the context better, and
seeing no reason for mentioning the day on wliich
the seer had his vision. He sviggests as a possible
rendering : ' I became in the Spirit and so in the
Daj' of the Lord.' It is not surprising that he
only ventures on this 'with some doubt.' Deiss-
mann (loc. cit. ) also favours this view, identifying
' the Lord's Day' here with ' the day of Jahweh,'
the day of judgment — in the LXX ij -r^fiipa toO
Kvpiov (as also in St. Paul and elsewhere). But
here we have an important point telling for the
ordinary view. Neither in the LXX nor in the
NT (nor in other early Christian writings) have we
anj' instance of t) KvpiaKi] -qfiepa (if not here) used as
= 'the Day of the Lord.' The term with this
meaning is t] rj/j^pa {tov) Kvpiov. If the two expres-
sions were equivalent and interchangeable, how
strange that the latter should occur so regularly
and the former be found in but one solitary
instance !
On the other hand, we have an undisputed earlj'
example of the use of tj KvpiaKrj rjnepa (in noteworthy
abbreviation) as= ' Sunday ' in Didachc, xiv. 1 (/i-ara
KvpiaKr]v de Kvpiov crvvaxdevres KXaaare dprov; cf. Ac 20^).
The expression thus could not have been a new
term c. A.D. 100, since KvpiaKrj alone is used as =
' Lord's Day,' and particularly in the striking
collocation KvpiaKT] Kvpiov. The relevance of this is
unaflected even if Turner is right in regarding
the Didache as simply a rechauffe of a purely
Jewish manual, and the curious phrase ' the
Lord's day of the Lord' as 'only the Christian
substitute for the Jewish " Sabbath of the Lord" '
{Studies in Early Church History, O.xford,
1912, p. 8). Cf. also Ignatius, ad Magn. ix. 1
'living in the observance of the Lord's Day ' {Kara
KvpiaKTjv ^uivres). No difficiilty in point of time
emerges concerning the use of 17 KupiaKT] yj/xipa in
Rev., which is reasonably assigned to the reign of
Domitian. And it is not used here as a newly-
coined term. How much earlier than the time of
Domitian it came into use none can say.
It is true we find the simjile early name ' first
day' or 'eighth day' continuing in use long after
17 KvpiaKT] Tjiifpa emerges. Note particularly ' the
eighth day, which is also the first,' used by Justin
Martyr {Dial, xli., Apol. i. 67) and still later
writers. But evidently there was in ' Lord's Day '
an inherent suitability and felicity which caused
it to outlive these primitive designations and be-
come the permanent and characteristic Christian
name of the day. It passed into Western use, not
only figuring as dies clominica in the liturgical
scheme of tlie week, but establishing itself in
ordinary modern nomenclature {e.g. in French
dimanche and Italian domenica).
2. The epithet KvpiaKii and its use. — "We can
hardly wonder that at one time KvpLaK6^ was re-
garded as a woid ' coined by the apostles them-
selves' (Winer-Moulton, Grammar of NT Greek^,
Edinburgh, 1882, p. 296). In Wilke-Grimm's
Clavis Novi Testamenti^, Leipzig, 1888, it is
described as 'vox solum biblica et ecclesiastica,'
and in Grimm-Thayei-*, Edinburgh, 1892, this is
reproduced, save that ' solum ' is passed over. How-
ever, the papj-ri and inscriptions discovered more
recently in Egj'pt and in Asia Minor abundantly
prove that the word was in current use in the
whole of the Greek-speaking world ; e.g. KvpiaKo?
\6yos ( = Imperial treasury) occurs in a government
decree issued in A.D. 68, 6 Kvpios being a designa-
tion of the Emperor (cf. similar use of Lat. domini-
ciis). For other examples see Deissmann, Bible
Studies, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1901, p. 217 f.
But from the fact that earlj^ Christians did not
coin the term KvpiaKos, but found it ready to hand in
the vocabularj^ of the day, it does not necessarily
follow that they used it as the pagan world used it.
They set it in a new connexion. In their use of it
they gave it a specific and distinctive character.
Thus we find it used in specific association (which
became permanent) with the Supper {KvpiaKov
deiTTvov, 1 Co 11-'^), with the Day (as here), with the
Sayings of Jesus {\&yia KvpiaKd, Papias), with the
House, the domus ecclcsice (to KvpiaKoif).
In this connexion the following note fToraOED,g.v. 'Church,'
may be of use: 'The parallelism of Gr. KvpiaKov, church,
KupiaKij, Sunday (in 11th cent, also 'church'), L. dominicum,
church, dominica, dies dominiea, Sunday, Irish doynhnach,
"church " and "Sunday," is instructive.'
Deissmann {loc. cit.) dissents from the view ad-
vanced by Holtzmann and others that our par-
ticular term (77 KvpiaKrj rifiipa or i] KupiaKrj) 'is formed
after the analogy of oflwvov KvpiaKov.' He prefers
(though, indeed, with a certain amount of caution)
to regard this Christian mode of naming the first
day of the week as analogous to the custom of the
pagan world in Egypt and Asia Minor whereby
the first day of each month was called Xe^aaTTj
( = Imperial). Thus the Christian weekly 'Lord's
Day ' was the direct counterpart of a monthly
'Emperor's Day.' Tliis, to say the least, is not
self-evident ; and Deissmann may well hesitate, as
he does, to maintain that the Christians thus con-
sciously copied the pagan use. We need not, in-
deed, argue a direct analogy to KvpiaKov Seiirvov in par-
ticular. Perhaps we may more reasonably regard
both these expressions and others given above as
being independent but co-ordinate examples of
the application of the epithet KvpiaKos. There
could be no question from the first as to the Kvpios
it had reference to. Nor, again, need we suppose
that Christians, in thus speaking of Jesus, were
directly influenced by the use of 6 KvpLos or 6 Kvpios
TjfjLwu as designating a deity or an emperor in the
time of the Roman Empire. They had a sufficient
precedent for this in the Jewish use of 'Jdoncli for
God. At the same time the parallelism in such
use among Jews, Christians, and pagans is a
matter of some interest.
3. The relation of the Lord's Day to the Jewish
Sabbath. — As shown bj- the few passages already
noticed, the first day of the week evidently began
from the earliest times to have a special value in
the eyes of Christians. But, whatever the signifi-
cance and use of that day, the day itself was not
confounded with the Jewish Sabbath. Nor is
there any sign that in apos^tolic times there was
any thought of superseding the latter by the Lord's
Day.
' L'id^e de transporter au dimanche la solennit^ du sabbat,
avec toutes ses exigences, est une idee ^trangere au christiaii-
isme primitif ' (Duchesne, Origines du culte chn-tien*, p. 46).
Similarly Zahn {op. cit. p. 188 f.) points out that no one belong-
ing to the circle of Jewish Christians would think of relaxing
one of Moses' commandments ; and, even if already in apostolic
times Sunday came to be obser\ ed, none could think that the
Sabbath commandment would be fulfilled throuf;h a Sabbath-
like observance of another day instead of the observance of the
Sabbath itself.
For a considerable time the two existed side by
LORD'S DAY
LOED'S DAY
•09
side. The Jewish Christian who met with his
fellow-Christians on the Lord's Day still observed
the Sabbath of his fathers. Nothing in the use of
the first day of the M'eek as a day for Christian
reunions could have been intended as hostile to
the old Jewish institution. Clear evidence as to
the two-fold observance of both the days is furnished
by Ignatius (ad Magn. ix. [longer recension]),
who exhorts Christians to keep the Sabbath, ' but
no longer after the Jewish manner.' 'And after
the observance of the Sabbath, let every friend of
Christ keep the Lord's Daj' as a festival, the re-
surrection-day, the queen and chief of all the days.'
Similarly in the Apost. Const, ii. 59: 'Assemble
yourselves together every day, morning and
evening, singing psalms and praying in the Lord's
House [iv Tols KvpiaKo'is) . . . but jDrincipally on the
Sabbatii day ; and on the day of our Lord's Piesur-
rection, which is the Lord's Day, meet more
diligently,' etc. We have an interesting memorial
of this primitive double observance in the Lat. and
Gr. liturgical names for Sunday (dies dominica,
KvpiaKT)) and Saturday (sabbatum, ad^^aTov), the
whole liturgical scheme of the week having come
down from early times when Christians discarded
the use of day-names associated with pagan
gods.
It Is true that Justin Martyr in a well-known passag-e
(Apology, i. 67) uses the name ' Sunday' (rfj toO 'HAi'ou AeyoneVrj
rjfiepa) ; but the expression ' the day called the day of the sun '
clearly indicates that whilst Christians might use the ordinary
name in intercourse with non-Christians they did not use it
among themselves. Similarly in the same chapter Justin uses
' day of Saturn ' (Saturday) instead of ' Sabbath.' Zahii (op. cit.
p. 357) marks this as the only instance he knows of in which
a Christian writer uses the term ' Sunday ' in pre-Constantine
times (see also ERE, art. ' Festivals and Fasts [Christian]').
As Duchesne (op. cit. p. 390) and others have pointed out, the
observance of Sunday is one of a number of elements which
Christianity had in common with the religion of Mithras. In
Mithraism this was directly connected with the worship of the
sun. It was inevitable that some should argue from this a
vital connexion between the two religions. This was the case
in primitive times. Tertullian (Ap(}l. xvi.) vigorously repudiates
the charge that Christians worshipped the sun as their god.
In the course of time, the distinction between
church and synagogue growing wider, the Sabbath
inevitably became less and less important and
eventually fell into complete neglect among Chris-
tians, whilst the Lord's Day survived as their
special sacred day of the week. (No institution of
like kind was known in paganism.) It must be
remembered that St. Paul was opposed to the in-
troduction of OT festivals (including the Sabbath)
into the churches he founded among the Gentiles,
' declaring that by the adoption of them the
Gentile believer forfeited the benefits of the gospel,
since he chose to rest his salvation upon rites instead
of upon Christ (Col 2^'^ ; cf. Gal 4'", Ro U^'-)' (G. P.
Fisher, Beginnings of Christianity, 1877, new ed.,
1886, p. 561 ; cf. Zahn, p. 189). We may reasonably
conclude, indeed, that St. Paul himself, being one
of the ' strong' (Ro 14^^- )> shared the view of those
who esteemed ' every day alike,' and that all daj's
Avere alike sacred in his eyes, whether Sabbaths,
Lord's Days, or others.
But the observance of the Lord's Day must have
been a very different thing from that of the Jewish
Sabbath. The commemoration of the Resurrection
of Christ alone would make a great difference.
Whether or not the apostles saw what the issue
Avould be when the first day of the week began to
be thus observed (in however simple a way), they
must have given the growing custom their approval
and welcomed the association of acts of joyful
worship and almsgiving with the day. St. Paul
could have been no exception in this respect ; but
apparently he did not foresee that the Christian
' first day ' might in time assume those very feat-
ures of the Jewish * seventh day ' Sabbath which
made him deprecate the introduction of this ancient
institution among Gentile Christians (see also art.
Sabbath).
i. Primitive modes of observing the Lord's Day.
— The fact that for Christians the one raison d'etre
of the Lord's Day was the commemoration of the
Lord's Resurrection made it a weekly fe.stival to
be kept with gladness.
Somewhat later on, it is true, other associations were claimed
for it as if to enhance the dignitj' of the da.y. K.g. a connexion
with the first day of Creation and ever, with the Ascension was
assumed ; though these were trifling compared with some
mediaeval developments. Between the 11th and the 15th cen-
turies we meet with a wide-spread fiction of a ' Letter from
Heaven ' inculcating Sunday observance, wherein the largest
claims are made for the day ; how that on it the angels were
created, the ark rested on Ararat, the Exodus took place, also
the Baptism of Jesus, His great miracles. His Ascension, and
the Charism of Pentecost (see An English Miscellany, in
honour of Dr. Fumivall, Oxford, ISOl).
<rt) We are frequently reminded by early Chris-
tian writers that it was the primitive custom to
stand for prayer on that day instead of kneeling
as on other days. Tertullian, amongst others,
dilates on this (de Orat. xxiii.). Canon 20 of the
Council of Nica;a plainly reflects a very old custom,
as it enjoins that ' seeing there are some who kneel
on Sunday and in the days of Pentecost . . . men
should offer their prayers to God standing.'
(b) Cessation from all work does not appear to
have been required in primitive times as an ele-
ment in the observance of the day. So long as
there were meetings for religious woi-ship. Chris-
tians were not expected to cease from manual
labour. But so far as Jewish Christians were con-
cerned, if they observed Sabbath in such a way,
they would hardly be likely to observe the day
immediately following in the same way as well.
For the rest it may be questioned whether social
conditions made it practicable. We can hardly
argue back to apostolic times from customs obtain-
ing in society nominally Christian under nominally
Christian government. Old Roman laws in pre-
Christian times provided for the suspension of
business (particularly in the law courts) on all
ferice or festivals. It was the Emperor Constan-
tino who at length ordered that the same rule
should apply to the Lord's Day, thus bestowing
honour on the day as a fixed weekly festival (see
Bingham, Antiquities of the Christian Church,
bk. XX. ch. ii.). It is noticeable that in Ignatius
[ad Magn. ix. [see above]) Christians are exhorted
to keep Sabbath ' after a spiritual manner, re-
joicing in meditation on the Law ' ; and absten-
tion from work is expressly discountenanced, while
rest from laboitr is not deuianded for the observance
of the Lord's Day. Later on the practice uf using
Sundaj' as a day of rest from work came into
vogue ; and then it served as a sign distinguishing
Christian from Jew.
Considerable light on this point is incidentally gained from
the 29th Canon of the Council of Laodicea (4th cent.) — light as
to what had long been the practice of Christians who clung to
Jewish antecedents, and as to the conditions then prevailing.
It reads : ' That Christians must not act as Jews by refraining
from work on the Sabbath, but must rather work on that day,
and, if they can, as Christians they must cease work on the
Lord's Day, so giving it the greater honour.'
(c) The assemblies connected with the Lord's
Day were two : the vigil in the night between
Saturdaj' and Sunday, and the celebration of the
Liturgy on Sunday morning. One reason for meet-
ing at such times was most probably the need for
precaution in times of persecution and dithculty.
An interesting account of Sunday worship of
Christians at Jerusalem in the 4th cent, is to be
found in a letter written by a Gallic lady who
went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. The
document, written in the vulgar Latin, is given by
Duchesne in his Origines dii culte chretien, App. 5.
No doubt the picture reflects in the main a usage
I which had existed from much earlier times. A
710
LORD'S DAY
LOTS
crowd of people ('all who could possibly be there ')
gathers at the church doors ' before cock-crow '
when the doors are first opened, then streams into
the church, which is lit up by a large number of
lamps (himinana infinita). (Not that such zest in
church attendance was universal in the early cen-
turies. In a Homily on the Lord's Day by Eusebius
of Alexandria [5th cent. ?] the slackness of people
in coming to church is humorously treated and re-
buked. ) The worship includes inter alia the recita-
tion of three psalms, responses, prayers, and the
reading of the gospel story of the Resurrection.
Justin Martyr's account of worship on the Lord's
Day is also w-ell known (Apol. i. 65-67), while — to
go still further back to the very fringe of the Apos-
tolic Age — we have Pliny's famous letter to Trajan
wherein he describes Christians meeting early in
the morning to sing hymns to Christ and (v.l.
'as') God, and joining in a sacramental act and a
common meal. This took place, he says, stato die,
and no doubt that fixed day was the first day of
the week.
(d) Very possibly the sacramental meal ( ' break-
ing of bread') was the earliest distinctive feature
in the Christian observance of the Lord's Day, the
other exercises of prayer, reading, etc., being
added later. ' To the sacramental meal of apos-
tolic times, understood as a foretaste and assurance
of the "Messianic banquet" in the coming Par-
oasia, there was soon prefixed a religious exercise
— modelled perhaps on the common worship of the
Synagogue— which implied just those preparatory
acts of penance, purification, and desirous stretch-
ing out towards the Infinite, which precede in the
experience of the growing soul the establishment
of communion with the Spiritual AVorld ' (E.
Underbill, The Mystic Way, London, 1913, p. 335).
5. Modern names for Lord's Day. — The varying
names by which the day has been known in later
times reflect the confusion which has attended the
history of the Lord's Day as a Christian institution.
(a) To speak of the day as ' the Sabbath ' (even
the expression ' Christian Sabbath ' is only admis-
sible on the ground of analogy) is to use a modus
loqtiendi that primitive Christians could never have
used. Tlieir distinction between Sabbath and
Lord's Day was as clear as between the first and
the seventh day. It arises from the mistaken
identification of the weekly festival of the Resurrec-
tion of Christ with the Sabbath of the Jews and
of the Fourth Commandment in the Decalogue.
The sanctions for the observance of the Lord's Day
were wrongly sought in OT prescriptions (see
Richard Baxter's treatise on ' The Divine appoint-
ment of the Lord's Day proved, etc.,' in Works, ed.
Orme, London, 1830, xiii. 363 ff.).
Less than ever is it of service now to appeal to
the Fourth Commandment as an authority in urg-
ing the due maintenance of the Lord's Day ; though,
indeed, the Mosaic institution has its full value as
a venerable exemplification of the naturally Avise
provision for a weekly release from daily business
and toil. Christians must rely on other sanctions,
and chiefly the definite association of tiie day with
the Resurrection of our Lord, the true instinct by
which with great spontaneity the first little Chris-
tian communities set the day apart, the continuous
usage of the Church, the provision for the function
of worship. Others wlio may be uninfluenced by
specific religious considerations, and for wiiom the
very term ' Lord's Day' may have no significance,
may yet very well recognize the value of the under-
lying natural principle of the ' day of rest.'
(6) Again, the persistence, or survival, of the pre-
Christian and pagan designation 'Sunday' is a
matter of interest, especially since, being tacitly
denuded of its ancientassociationswithsun-worsliip,
it has come to be invested to the Christian mind
with all the meaning attached to ' Lord's Day,' and
used interchangeably with that name. We have
seen how careful primitive Christians were to dis-
tinguish between the pagan name and that which
they took for their own particular use. But the
old nomenclature held its ground in the civil calen-
dar notwithstanding the spread of Christianity.
When Constantino (A.D. 321) publicly honoured
the Lord's Day by enacting that it should be kept
as a day of rest, he spoke of it as dies venerabilis
soils, in the latter part of the 4th cent. , in one of
the laws of Valentinian II., there occurs the phrase :
' On Sunday, which our forefathers usually and
rightly called the Lord's Day (Doniinicuin) ' — a
further evidence as to the triumph of the ancient
name. It is curious to see ' Lord's Day ' referred
to as an old name that had fallen into abeyance
(see Bingham, op. cit. XX. ii. 1).
An interesting subject of inquiry presents itself
in the fact that among the Teutonic nations of
Western Christendom this old pagan name, ' day
of the sun,' has established itself in the calendar,
whilst the modern Latin nations employ as the
universal name the early Christian term dies dom-
inica in various forms. (The futile attempt of the
Quakers to supersede both forms and revert to NT
simplicity by using the colourless expression ' first
day ' is a matter of history. ) In the light of this
divergence Zahn's plea for the day as alike valuable
for Christians and non-Christians has point only
when addressed to the Teutonic peoples. The
weekly festival, he urges, should be upheld as ' a
"Lord's Day" only, of course, for those who call
upon the risen Jesus as their Lord, but as a " Sun-
day" for all men, a day when God's sun shines
benignantly upon the earth' {op. cit. ad Jin.).
Literature.— Art ' Lord's Day ' in HDB (N. J. D. White),
EBi (Deissmann), Smith-Cheetham's DCA (A. Barry), art.
'Festivals and Fasts (Christian)' in ERE (J. G. Carleton),
art. 'Sonntagsfeier' in PRE'^iZockler) ; Bingham, Antiquities
of the Christian Church, Oxford, 1855, bks. xx., xxi. ; Ducliesne,
Origiiu^ du culte chrctien*, Paris, 1909 (Eng. tr.. Christian
Worship^, London, 1912), also Early History of the Christian
Church, vol. i., Eng. tr. from 4th ed., do. 1909; J. A. Hessey,
Bampton Lecture on Sunday, London, 1860 ; Th. Zahn,
Skizzen aus dern Leben der alten Eirche", Leipzig, 1898,
no. 5 : ' Geschichte des Sonntags vornehmlich in der alten
Kirche.' J. S. CLEMENS.
LORD'S SUPPER.— See Eucharist.
LOT (Ac6t). — Lot, the nephew, and for a time
the companion, of Abraham, is thrice over called
'righteous' in 2 P 2'-^. With all his faults, of
which the spirit of compromise was the most con-
spicuous, he was relatively SiKaios, i.e. in com-
parison with the citizens of Sodom among whom
he made his abode. The Vulg. and Erasmus
assume that in v.^ he is designated 'just in seeing
and hearing' — 'aspectu et auditu Justus '-^but it
is better to read, ' in seeing and hearing he vexed
his righteous soul.' The active voice (ij3acrdviiei>)
implies that while he Avas no doubt continually
vexed beyond measure by the conduct of the people
around him, his troubles were ultimately of his
own making. ' It Avas precisely his dwelling there,
Avhich Avas his OAvn deliberate choice, that became
an active torment to his soul' (H. von Soden in
Handkom. zumNT, iii., Freiburg i. B., 1S99, p. 203).
James Stkahan.
LOTS.— 1. Definition.— The art. Divination in-
dicated hoAV at an early period men felt it to be
their duty and for their advantage to get into and
maintain friendly relations Avith their divinities.
There gradually grew up, on the one hand, methods
by Avhich the deities revealed their Avill to men ;
and on the other, methods by Avhich men could
learn the desire or decision of the deities. Among
the latter, one of the most primitive and most
Avidely diffused Avas kleromancy {kXtjpos + fiavrela).
divination by lot. WliUe the efficacy of klero-
mancy in modem civilized life depends on the elim-
ination of all possibility of human interference, in
the lower culture it depends and depended on the
certainty of Divine interference, the untrammelled
exercise of the Divine will. This end was attained
by (a) the use of certain things through which,
according to tradition, the divinities could express
theirwill. Therewere many such, as 'a rod' (pd^oos,
h^^, hence pa^dofMavreLa, 'rhabdomancy '), 'arrows'
(jSeXos, fn; hence (SeXoyoafrta, 'belomancy'), knuckle-
bones (daTpdyaXos ; hence darpayaXo/xavTis, ' astra-
galomant'), and many others, as pebbles (\pTj(pos,
'7'3i3), beans, etc. ; (b) the reverent manipulation of
sacred things through which the deity had indicated
his pleasure to make known his will, a good ex-
ample of which is the use by the Hebrew priests
of ' the Urim and the Thummim ' ; (c) the select-
ing of a method by which the deity was perfectly
free to express his will without human interference,
a good example of which is seen in the action of
Jonathan (1 S 14"'^^). This latter use approaches
very closely to the omen or the ordeal and to some
kinds of rhabdomancy.*
2. Diffusion. — Kleromancy is a universal religious
practice. It was resorted to by the Romans t and
Greeks.:}: It prevailed throughout the Semitic
world. In the form of belomancy it was used by
the Babylonians (Ezk 21'^ (-^)) ; 'he shook the arrows
to and fro.'§ It was employed by the sailors of
the ship of Tarshish (Jon F), by the Arabs,] and
Assyrians [HDB iii. 152*'), while the Persians re-
sorted to it as a means of finding out luckj' days
(Est 3'' O--''^-). It flourishes in China and Japan
and in all uncivilized countries to-day. In every
case it is in close connexion with the worship of
the deities, and often takes place in their pre-
sence or in their temples, and always under their
ausjnces.
'Among the Hebrews in the oldest times the
typical form of divine decision Avas by the lot, or
other such oracle at the sanctuary.' if Later on,
kleromancy was largely and regularly employed
with the sanction of Jahweh, so that, apart from all
human influence, passion, bias, or trickery. He
might be able to dictate His will : • The lot '?;?' p*-?
but the whole decision thereof comes from Jahweh '
(Pr 16^^).** This means not 'that the actual dis-
posal of affairs might be widely different from
what . . . the lot . . . appeared to determine '
(Fairbairn, Imperial Bible Dictionary, ii. 118), but
the exact opposite ; hence it was clearly established
that ' the lot causeth contentions to cease, and
parteth between the mighty' (Pr 18'*). We have
a conspicuous example of rhabdomancy in the
budding and fruit-bearing of Aaron's rod (Xu 17'"*
[16-23]), tt and the practice is also referred to in
Hos 4'-, and probably in Is 17"*. We find klero-
mancy practised in the form of belomancy in 2 K
• See James Sibree, * Divination among the Malagasy,' Folk-
iore, iii. [1892] 193 fif.
t F. Granger, The Worship of the Romans, 1S95, p. ISO ;
Cicero, de Dicinatione, ii. Sb, etc. ; W. Smith. Diet. <>/ Greek
and Roman Antiquities, 1S75, artt. 'Oraculum,' '.Sortes';
Thomas Gataker, Treatise of the Nature and Use of Lots-, 1627,
and A just Defence of certain Passages in [the preceding\
Treatise, 1623, p. 75.
J W. R. Halliday, Greek Divination, 1913, ch. x. ; Smith, loc.
eit., art. ' Dicastes' ; The Martyrdom of Poly carp, vi.
§ The Qur'an (sura v. 4, Sale's Prcl. Disc, v.) prohibits the
procuringr of a Divine sentence by drawing a lot at the sanctuary
with headless arrows.
II \f. Robertson Smith, ' Divination and Magic in Dt ISi"- 11/
in JPh xiii. [IsSo] 277.
IT W. Robertson Smith, v6.
•♦ h'CV may mean (a) ' cast into,' or (jS) ' cast about in ' {HDB
iv. 840). pT, may mean the bosom of (a) a person ; O) a gar-
ment ; (y) a thing, as a chariot or altar, hence misht possibly
mean an urn (Smith's DB ii. 146). The meaning is almost
certainly that under (^).
tt W.R. Smith, RS-, 1S94. p. 196, and comment thereon by
G. B. Gray in Com. on Sumhers{ICC, 1903).
J31.V19 » ijnder the form known as the Urim and
tlie Thummim it was or became a mode used only
by the priests, t Kleromancy had, of course, its
largest sphere in acts directly connected with
Jahweh. The decision as to which goat should be
for sacrifice to Jahweh and which to Azazel was
determined by lot (Lv le*"'^"). A war was the war
primarily not of Israel but of Jahweh, and that
specially if it was for the punishment of wrong-
doing ; hence the members of a punitive expedition
were chosen by lot (Jg 20"), hence also the spoil
taken in war (Jg 5^"), whether captives (2 S 8^
Nail 3'°, Jl 3^) or sections of a conquered city
(Ob ''). The services of the sanctuary Avere sacred ;
hence the priestlv functions were assigned to the
orders by lot (1 'Ch 24^-^, Lk 1"), Shemaiah the
scribe writing out the lots in the presence of a
committee consisting of the king, the high priest,
and other functionaries (1 Ch 24^- 2'). The musi-
cians (1 Ch 25*), the custodians (1 Ch 26^- "), and
the persons who should bring the wood and other
ofi'erings to the temple (Neh 10^''), were all chosen
by lot. So sacred was this procedure that a special
official was entrusted with 'superintending the
daily casting of the lots for determining the
particular parts of the service that were to be
apportioned to the various officiating priests'
(E. Schiirer, HJP II. i. 269, 293). It was even
maintained by some Jews in later times that the
high priest had been chosen by the same method
(Jos. BJ IV. iiL 7, 8 ; c. Ap. ii. 24). As the king
was the official representative of Jahweh, Saul was
chosen by lot (1 S 10'**"'-'), Godless or indiscriminate
work is where no lot is cast (Ezk 24"). When the
0-1.- or ban had been pronounced and violated, then
the guilty person was detected whether the c-in
was permanent (Jos 7i'*-i*) or temporary (1 S 14""'*-),
in both cases presumably by the Urim and the
Thummim. J As the Semites regarded the land
inhabited by a nation as the possession of the god
of the nation, Palestine belonged, as an allotment,
to Jahweh (Dt 32**) ; hence it was His right and
duty to put His people into actual possession
(Ps 105", 1 Ch 16'«), which He did (Ps 78*^ 13512^
Ac 13'**), and to divide it up by kleromancy into
allotments to the various tribes (Nu 26*"-"^ 33^-'
36'-).§ This accordingly was done in regard to the
nine and a half tribes (Nu 34'=*, Jos 14^ 15^ 16^
171. 14-17 Ps 7S55j^ ^ t^jjQ conquered land, to the
land still unconquered after the first great effort
(Jos IS^-n 19i-^»), and at the death of Joshua (Jos
\2>^) ; also in regard to the towns for the Levites
(Jos 21*, 1 Ch 6*^ ; Jos 2P, 1 Ch 6" ; Jos 21«, 1 Ch
6«2 ; 1 Ch 6*» ; Jos 2P, 1 Ch Q^). This was done
' before Jahweh ' (Jos 18^) and under the direction
of a committee consisting of the high priest, the
political chief, and the heads of the fathers' houses
of the tribes (Jos 14'"-).
In course of time the procedure which had been
primarily and essentially sacred was applied to
secular afiairs such as the selection of people
to inhabit and guard a city (Neh 11'). A study
of the Old Testament reveals how kleromancy
coloured the thought and the theology of the
Hebrew thinkers and poets.
* See also Ps 915.
t As was the ephod (1 S 1418) ; LXX and J. Wellhansen,
Prolegomena to the History of Israel, 1S85, p. 133 ; HDB iv.
838, with the literature there mentioned, and v. 662b.
t 1 S l4-'i-'*2 as amended from LiX bv A. Kuenen, The Re-
ligion of Israel, i. [1874] 98; A. R. S. Kennedy, HDB iv.
839*' ; G. B. Gray, in Mansneld College Essays, 1909, p. 120 ;
S. R. Driver, Text of the Books of Samuel, 1890.
§ Ezekiel's ideal division of the land was by lot (Ezk 4722
48-9). It was the intention of Antiochus, after subduing
Palestine, to plant colonies in the land, dividing it among them
by lot (1 Mac3S6). Josephus (BJ m. viiL 7) saved his life by
inducing his soldiers to agree that the order in which they
should kUl each other should be decided by lot. He adds this
conniieul, ' whether we must say it happened iO by chance, or
whether M' the providence of God.'
3. In the New Testament. — At the Crucifixion
of Jesus we see its secular and Roman use when
the soldiers divided His upper garments among
themselves by lot.
After the suicide of Judas it was decided that
a successor should be appointed. The procedure
(Ac 121-26) ^ya,s as follows. From the mass of the
followers of Jesus, numbering about one hundred
and twenty, those only were declared eligible who
had proved their steadfastness by keeping in con-
stant contact with Him from His baptism. From
this short leet they appointed [iar-qaav ; not ' put
forward ') two. Neither the parties who did this
nor the method of doing it are mentioned. Then
prayer was ottered to Jesus* for His decision.
The next step is not quite certain. If the words
iSuKav KXr/povs avroh, which is the correct reading,
mean 'they gave the lots to them,' then that
indicates that to each of the two tiiere was given
to place in the proper receptacle a tablet with
his name or mark, and he whose tablet was first
shaken out was held to be Divinely elected. But
the phrase is not the classical nor the NT expres-
.sion for casting lots, and if rendered ' they gave
lots for them,' a quite legitimate rendering, then,
as Mosheim held,t the election was by ballot.
This, of course, is not in harmony with Jewish
practice, as seen in the selection of the goats
(Lv 16^). From the result being indicated by the
words 'the lot fell' and not 'the Lord chose,' it
has been argued that the election was unwarranted
and that the Divine intention was that St. Paul
should fill the place of Judas. This is a piece of
pure imagination. Nor is there a shadow of proof
that the eleven were in any special manner led
either to appoint a successor or to appoint him
by this method. The fact that the election took
place before Pentecost has no vital significance.
The act, in the face of the enemies of the Church,
was, like the auctioning of the camp of Hannibal
by the Romans, a boldly prudent step, a declara-
tion to all that the Church was neither cowed by
the death of her Lord nor dejected by the suicide
of the traitor, but was girding herself for a forward
march. When St. James was martyred there was
no occasion for such an act, and no successor was
appointed. Hence this remains the only official
use of the lot in the Apostolic Church. J Klero-
mancy has left its mark on the thought, and
specially on the soteriology, of the Apostolic Age.
/cX^pos is used in the secondary sense which it
gradually gained as something assigned to man
by a higher power. Judas had received rbv K\ripov
in the ministry carried on by Jesus (cf. //. xxiii.
862 ; Ac P'), and his successor was to take not rbv
KXrjpov (a C*E), but only his rdirov, ' place ' (ABC*D ;
Ac 1-5), while in it Simon Magus had neitlier /xeph
oiidi /cX^pos, neither a share, a limited portion, nor
an allotment (Ac 8-'). The irpea^vrepoi must not
exercise lordly mastery (cf. Ps 9 [lOp) over what
is not theirs, but tQiv kXtjpwv, allotments made to
them (I P 5^). Ignatius prays for grace eh to rbv
KXrjpdv fxov dvefj.TrodiffTws aTroXa^eli', ' to cling to my
lot without hindrance to the end ' {Epistle to the
Roiiiiins, {.). K\7]pot>o/xla has its original sense of
an allotment made by a higher power. Abraham
went out from Ur into a Tdtrov, a district in which
he was promised an allotment (He IP), but in
• H. P. Liddon, The Divinity of our Lord^i, 1885, p. 375 ; A.
Carr in Expositor, 6th ser. i. [1900] 389 ; and various Coninien-
aries in loco.
t J. L. Mosheim, Institutes of Ecclesiastical History, 1S68, p.
20, note 3.
J J. Binjrham, Originex Ecclesiasticoe, 1840, iv. 1. 11 ; J.
Cochrane, TJiscourses on Difficult Texts of Scripture, 1851, \\
297 : J. B. Li(,'htfoot, Epistle to the Philii>pian.s^, 1870, p. 240 ;
F. W. Hobertson, Sermons, 4th ser., 1874, p. 117; F. Kendall,
Expositor, 3rd ser. vii. [1888] 357 ; HDB iii. 305, and literature
there mentioned. The Didache (15) contains no reference to
the method of electing bishops and deacons.
which he actually got none (Ac 7®), the allotment,
and all its accompaniments, resting on nothing
legal, but on a mere promise (Gal S''*). Similarly
the called of God still receive only the promise of
an allotment which is eternal (He 9'^).
The transmission of an allotment was regulated
by certain customs. A holder could convey it to
another, as Isaac did to Jacob, and such transfer-
ence could not be cancelled or altered (Gn 27^^, He
12^'^). It was recognized that the son of a female
slave could not share an allotment with the son of a
free-born wife (Gn 21^", Gal 4^"). Hence gradually
the children, just because they were the children,
of the possessor (Ro 8^'') claimed the allotment on
the death of the possessor as a thing to be divided
among them (Lk 12'^). Because a child came to
be looked upon as the holder of the KXijpos, and
when he attained the proper age (Gal 4') entered
on possession, KXrjpouo/xoi (kXtjpos + v^fjioixai, 'hold')
came to mean what we call an ' heir ' (He IP).* In
this sense the word is used proleptically in the
expression, ' This is 6 KX-ripovdfios, let us kill him
and the KXTjpoyo/Mia will become ours ' (Mt 2P^, Mk
12^ Lk 20"). Similarly the higher things of life
came to be looked upon as something the kXtjpos of
which a man could hold. Noah became the holder
of the KXrjpoi of righteousness (He IV). Very sig-
nificant as attaching excellency to a name, as a
condensed form of the whole personality, is the
expression that the Eternal Son dia^opwrepov KeKXrjpo-
vd/MTjKev 6vo/j.a, had allotted to Him a more excellent
name (He 1^), and thus became the One to whom
all things were allotted (He 1-), KX7ipov6/j.ov ttclvtwi'.
Salvation, whether as promised or bestowed, is,
in its ultimate eschatological form, something
allotted. St. Paul's mission to the Gentiles was to
open the eyes that they might receive KXrjpov, an
allotment, a thing falling to their lot, among them
that are sanctified (Ac 26^^). God, who is able to
give them a KXT]povofj.tav among all them that are
sanctified (Ac 20^^),t Himself causes them to be-
come partakers rod KXrjpov, of the allotment of the
saints in light (cf. Ps 15 [IQf, Col V^), the dppa^Jjy,
the arles of the allotment, being the gift of the
Holy Spirit (Eph 1"), and the ministry of the
angels (He 1"). The promises of God are given
as an allotment to those who exhibit faith and
patience (He 6'^), and Christian graciousness to
others (1 P 3') ; while to him who overcomes
temptation there is given as an allotment the
blessing that only God can give (Rev 2V), and to
those who comport themselves rightly to the home
circle there is given as a recompense the allotment
(Col 3-''). The saints in this way become, as Israel
of old (Dt 420 9'^-^ 329), the allotment which
belongs to God (Eph 1'^), iv (p Kal iKXripudrj/j-ev (a
BKLP), and, being the riches of His glory (V^), are
the heirs of all the promises (He 6'^). Just as the
earth is an allotment made to the meek (Mt 5^),
and eternal life an allotment to those who have
left houses, etc. (Mt 19•-^ Mk 10", Lk lO"^ 18^8,
Gal 5'-'), so there is a Kingdom in which the un-
righteous (1 Co 69' ^"), in which flesh and blood
(1 Co 15^"), in which fornicators, etc. (Eph 5'),
cannot receive an allotment ; for it is an allotment
[irepared only for the blessed of the Father (Mt
2.5"^). It is therefore a spiritual allotment, incor-
ruptible, undefiled (1 P P). This possession passes
to men not through force of a legal enactment,
but through their showing themselves heirs to it
by their ethical and spiritual conduct. Thus the
allotment of this world, promised to Abraham,
passes to those linked to him not by flesh and
blood, but only by the righteousness of faith (Ro
* Cf. the remarks on feudal tenure in J. Hill Burton, The
Scot Abroad, 1898, p. 4.
t Cf. Polycarp, Epistle to the Philippians, xii. : ' det vobia
sortein et partem inter sanotos sues.'
LOTS
LOVE
713
4^'- ^*), and only those who are thus in Christ are
Abraham's progeny, and KXrjpovoixoi according to
(.he promise (Gal 3^^). They are the heirs of
eternal life, according to hope (Tit 3^), and because
they have loved their Lord (Ja 2^). Hence it is
that the Gentiles equally with the Jews are aw-
K\i}pov6fioi, fellow heirs (Eph B*"), and wives are crvv-
k\t]pov6/j.ois, joint heirs of the grace of life (1 P 3'').*
The conception of salvation as something allotted
to man may have tended to obscure the necessity
for diligence and earnestness in the pursuit of the
('hristian ideal, and this again maj- account for
the absence of the idea from the writings of the
Apostolic Fatiiers. In actual life at least we are
not unfamiliar with something similar.
While kleromancy, it is true, ' appeared to take
the responsibility of decision out of the hands of
man and vest it in the presiding deity,' t yet, in
reality, its tendency is not to exalt the Divine will
but to enervate the human mind. It thus tends
to destroy our sense of responsibility, and the
duty of patiently permitting God to enlighten our
minds as to what is right. It thus robs us of the
moral and spiritual discipline of acting according
as conscience, enlightened by Him, dictates, and
besides opens up inhnite possibilities of trickery
and fraud. Through the action of the eleven, and
age-long influences, Jewish and pagan, kleromancy
continued to be practised in the Church. Augus-
tine held that divisorj' lots were lawful in common
things but not in.dirposing of ecclesiastical offices
and lives of men, J and similar views continued to
prevail till near the end of the 17th century. §
Jeremy Taylor still thouglit it ' not improbable,
and in most cases to be admitted, that God hath
committed games of chance to the Devil's conduct. ' |1
Wesley believed in Divine guidance being given by
lot, IT and in 1738 a journey to Bristol was finally
decided on, after various appeals to the Sortes
Sanctorum, by kleromancy.** Among the Moravi-
ans, whose first ministers were chosen by lot, in
1467, and whose church life was at first completely
regulated by kleromancy, its sphere was steadily
and gradually limited, and it is now scarcely recog-
nized, tt Though down to the end of the 16th cent, it
was frequently practised, +J and the prevailing view
was that ' lots may not be used, but with great re-
verence, because the disposition of them cometh im-
mediately from God,' yet the arguments of Gata-
ker§§ that such Divine interposition was 'indeed
mere superstition,' and that ' lots were governed
by purely natural laws,' gradually influenced
educated men. Among the more illiterate sects
kleromancy long lingered, and the scene in Silas
Marner (ch. 1) was true to life. Pious but ignorant
people still resort to it in one form or another.
The rule that when a lower type of religion is
absorbed or superseded by a higher the ceremonies
of the former finally become games, and then
children's games, is illustrated by the fact that
the casting of lots, once sacred and solemn, is
now totally confined to games.
LiTKRATUBE. — This has been indicated in the foot-notes.
P. A. GoEDON Clark.
• Cf. the slave made co-heir (Hermas, ii.).
t J. E. Carpenter, Comparative Religion, 1913, p. 178.
t Bingham, xvi. 5. 3.
§ Bingham, iv. 1. 1. For the connexion between KXfipoi and
•clergy' see Lightfoot, p. 245, and E. de Pressens6, Christian
Life and Practice in the Early Church, 1880, p. 52.
I Ductor dttbitantiiim, 1660, iv. L
^ Life oj Wesley, by Robert Southey (Bohn's edition, 1864), pp.
80, 81, 110, 111, 119, note 27.
** Journal of John Wesley (Everyman's edition), i. [1906] 175.
tt Primitive Church Government in the Practice of the Re-
formed in Bohemia, with notes of John Amos Comenius, 1703,
pp. viii, 23 ; H. Klinesmith, Divine Providence, or Historical
Records relating to the Moravian Church, Irvine, 1831, p. 432.
tX See, e.g., Johnson's Life of Cowley (jsiuaao's edition).
§§ Thomas Gataker, Treatise of the Nature and tfse of Lots,
pp. 91, 141.
LOVE. — 1. Linguistic usage. — Two verbs are
used by the XT to designate religious love — a.-^a.ira.v
and (piXeTv. In the LXX a third term, epciv, occurs,
but only once sensu bono, viz. Pr 4^ (love of wisdom),
once in a neutral sense, viz. Est 2^^ (the king loved
Esther), everywhere else as a figure of idolatry or
jjolitical theocratic unfaithfulness (Jer 22-**'^, La
1^^ Ezk 16=«-36.B7 235- 9- -2, Hos 2"- lo- 12. 13). That
the NT does not employ epav at all is probably due
to the sensual associations of the word. In regard to
the diflerence between d7a7rav and (piXuv the follow-
ing should be noticed. The etymology of dyairdv
is uncertain, but it seems to be allied to roots ex-
pressing 'admiration,' 'taking pride in,' 'taking
pleasure in.' This points to the conclusion that
dya-n-dv is the love of selection and complacency
based on the perception of something in the object
loved that attracts and pleases. This element of
selective attachment shows itself in the fact that
dyairav can mean ' to be contented with,' ' to
acquiesce in,' 'to put up with,' and also in this,
that d-yaTrar is not used of the love of mere compas-
sion. On the other hand, (pikelv seems to have as its
fundamental root-meaning the intimacy of bodily
touch, ' fondling,' ' caressing,' whence it can signify
' to kiss ' ; it therefore denotes the love of close as-
sociation in the habitual relations of life— love be-
tween kindred, between husband and wife, between
friends (Mt 6^ 10^^ 23", Lk 20**, Jn IP-** 12^ 15'9,
1 Ti 6'-» [(pi\apyvpia.\ 2 Ti 3^ [^tXijSdvos], Tit 2^ [0i\-
avSpos], Ja 4^ \_<pi\la toO koj/jlov]). In Latin diligere
corresponds to dya.ira.v, amare to (pCKelv, except
that amare covers a wider range, corresponding
also to the Greek ipav. From this distinctive and
fundamental meaning the fact may be explained
that in biblical Greek dyairdv is used exclusively
where man's love for God comes under considera-
tion : it here implies the recognition of the ador-
able and lovable character of the Deity. ipCKCw is
never used of man's love for God as such, because
the mental attitude of intimacy which the word
implies would be out of place in the creature with
reference to the Deity (it is different where the
love of the disciples for Jesus is spoken of [Jn 16-'^
2115. 16. n 1 Co 16^2]). Scripture prefers the word
which unambiguously puts human love in the re-
ligious sphere on a moral and spiritual basis, even
if, in order to do so, it has to leave somewhat of
the intensity of the religious affection unexpressed.
As designations of the love extending from God to
man both dyxirdv and (pCKilv may be used, the former
in so far as God's love is not blind impulse or ir-
rational sentiment, but a love of free self-deter-
mination, the latter because it is proper to God by
a gracious condescension to enter into that close
habitual friendship with man which the word con-
notes. As a matter of fact, however, (piXeif is but
rarely used to describe the love of God towards
man.
In extra-biblical Greek love as extending from
the gods to man seems to be an unkno^vn concep-
tion, for according to Aristotle and Dio Chrj'sos-
tom both dyairdv and (pCKelv have place not in those
who rule with reference to those they rule over, but
only in the opposite direction : droirov (piXeiv rbv
ALa (where Aia is the subject).
It is in keeping with the distinction above drawn
that the specific term for brotherly love (see art.
Brothkrly Love) is ^tXoSeX^t'a, for the idea is
derived from the family-relation, although, of
course, dyawdv here occurs with equal frequency.
On the other hand, of the love for enemies enjoined
in the NT ^iXuv never occurs, being excluded by the
nature of the case, whereas dyairdv, involving a
deliberate movement of the wiU, may apply to such
alrelation.
WhUe it appears from what has been said that
iyairdv had by reason of its inherent signification
and classical use an antecedent fitness to express
the biblical idea of reli<;ious love, this should not
be construed to mean that the word carried already
in extra-biblical Greek all the content of the Scrip-
tural conception. In the profane usage the moral,
spiritual element was yet lacking, although the
elements of choice and rational attachment were
given. Like so manj' other words which possessed
an antecedent affinity for the biblical world of
thought from a formal point of view, it needed the
baptism of regeneration in order to become fit for
incorporation into the vocabulary of Scripture.
The noun dyd.7n] seems to have been coined by
the LXX to translate the OT conception of religious
love. It is not found in classical Greek, nor even
with Philo and Josephus. Perhaps the fact tliat
the profane literature does not have the noun is
significant. It can be explained on the principle
that only through transference into the moral,
spiritual sphere could the habitual character of
the act of loving, which is inherent in the noun,
originate. The noun in the Vulgate is caritas,
from cariim habere, which admirably expresses
the specific character of the biblical conception.
Caritas in turn gave rise to the ' charity ' of the
English Bible (AV), in most passages used of love
towards fellow-Christians (cf., however, 1 Co 8^,
1 Th 3®, 2 Ti 2^ 3^", where there is no reason so
to restrict it). The KV substitutes 'love,' in all
passages where the AV has ' charity ' (26 times in
all), for the reason that ' charity ' has in modern
usage become restricted to the love of beneficence
or forbearance.
The following discussion confines itself to the
love existing between God and man. For love as
between man and man see art. Brotherly Love.
2. Love in the apostolic teaching. — Love is in
the apostolic teaching a central and outstanding
trait in the disposition of God towards man. In
this respect the view taken by Jesus is fully
adhered to. If in the witness of the early Church,
as recorded in Acts, no direct affirmation of this
principle is made, that can easily be explained
from the apologetic purpose of this witness. In
the fellowship of the first Christians among them-
selves the indirect operation of the new force
introduced by Jesus into the hearts of His followers
manifests itself clearly enough (Ac 2^'"*^ i^-^-).
i. St. Paul.— With St. Paul love is explicitly
placed in the foreground as the fundamental dis-
position in God from which salvation springs and
as that which in the possession of God constitutes
for the believer the supreme treasure of religion.
God is the God of love (2 Co 13'i). In Gal o-'^ love
is named first among the fruits of the Spirit. It
is associated with the Fatherhood of God (Eph 6^).
In the apostolic salutations it stands co-ordinated
with the grace of Christ (2 Co 13*S Eph 6'-^, 2 Th
3'). It is the greatest of the three fundamental
graces of the Christian life, and the sole abiding
one of these tiiree (1 Co 138-'*), This primacy love
can claim even in comparison with faith. For, on
the one hand, faith as well as hope is a grace made
necessary by the provisional conditions of the
liresent sinful world, and in both its aspects — that
of mediate spiritual perception and that of trust —
will be superseded by siglit in the world to come
(2 Co 5^); on the other hand, faith as compared
with love is instrumental, not an end in itself; it
brings the Christian into that fundamental relation
to God, wherein his religious faculties, foremost
among which is love, can function normally (Gal
5^). The prominence of faitii in the Pauline teach-
ing is not therefore indicative of its absolute and
final preponderance in the Christian consciousness.
It would, however, scarcely be in accordance with
St. Paul's view to press the primacy of love to
the extent of denying all independent signihcance
to other religious states. There is an aspect in
which faith in itself, and apart from its working
through love, glorihes God (Ro 4-"), and whatever
thus directly contributes to the Divine glory has
inherent religious value. The same must be
affirmed of the knowledge of God. Tlie emphasis
thrown throughout the NT on the value of truth
cannot be wholly explained from its soteriological
utility. It expresses the conviction that knowing
and adoring God are in themselves a religious act,
apart from all fructifying influence on theljeliever's
life. When St. Paul includes ' knowledge ' (1 Co
13*) in the things that shall be done away, this
applies only to the specific mode of knowledge in
this life, the ' seeing in a mirror darkly,' the know-
ledge of a child, which will make place in the
world to come for a full knowledge ' face to face,'
analogous to the Divine knowledge of the believer
(v. 12), 'Knowledge,' while of value, is not equal
in value to love (1 Co 8^).
(a) The love of God.— It has been alleged that in
two respects the Apostle's teaching on the love of
God marks a retrogression as compared with the
gospel of Jesus : on the one hand, St. Paul restricts
the love of God to the circle of believers, thus
making sonship co-extensive with adoption = justifi-
cation ; on the other hand, he emphasizes, side by
side with love, the working of sovereignty and
justice as equallj' influential attributes in God,
whence also the effectual communication of the
Divine love to the sinner cannot, according to
the Apostle, take place except as a result cf the
sovereign choice of God and after satisfaction to
His justice. This charge, however, rests on a mis-
understanding of the teaching of Jesus. Jesus, by
way of correction to the prevailing commercial
conception of God's attitude towards man in
Judaism, brings forward the love of God. Never-
theless the specific Fatherly love and the corre-
sponding state of sonship are in His gospel, no less
than with St. Paul, redemptive conceptions, per-
taining not to man as such, but to the disciples,
the heirs of the kingdom. This may be seen most
clearly from the fact that in its highest aspect
sonship is an eschatological attainment (Mt 5^, Lk
203« ; cf. Ro 8==*). It is true that a developed
soteriology like St. Paul's, delimiting the mutual
claims of the love and justice of God, is not fountl
in our Lord's teaching. But this could not be
expected before the supreme saving transaction —
the Death of Christ — had actually taken place.
The great principles on which the Atonement rests
are enunciated with sufficient clearness (Mk 10^^).
In comparisons between Jesus and St. Paul it is
frequently overlooked that what corresponds to
the Apostle's soteriology is the eschatological
element in Jesus' teaching. As a matter of fact,
St. Paul's doctrine of salvation was developed in
the closest dependence on his eschatology. If the
comparison be instituted with this in mind, it will
be seen tliat in our Lord's eschatological utterances
the sovereignty and justice of God occupy no less
central a place than in the Pauline doctrine of
salvation, and that the love of God in its eschato-
logical setting is to Jesus as much a redemptive
factor as it is in the Pauline gospel.
The phrase 'the love of God' occurs in the
Pauline Epistles in Ro 5^ S*^, 2 Co 13^^ 2 Th 3^,
Tit 3* ((f>(.\avdp(j3irla) ; ' tiie love of Christ' occurs in
Ro 8^' (variant reading 'love of God'), 2 Co 5'^
Eph 3i» ; ' the love of God in Christ ' in Ro S*^. In
all these cases the genitive is a subjective genitive.
In 'the love of the Spirit' (Ro 15*') the genitive
seems to be that of origin (cf. Col P). Some
exegetes propose for Ro 5' and 2 Th 3^ 'love to-
wards God.' In the former passage tiie context is
decisive against this (cf. v.*, and the fact that the
consciousness of ' the love of God ' furnishes tlie
basis for the certainty of the Christian hope). In
2 Th 3' the sense is determined by the parallel
phrase, vtrofiovT] rod Xpi.(XTov ; if this could mean the
'patient -waiting for Christ' (AV), then d7a7r7j tou
6eou would be 'love for God.' Such a rendering,
however, seems to be linguistically improbable,
and the ordinary interpretation of vwo/xovri as
'patience,' 'steadfastness,' requires XpiaToO as a
subjective genitive. The meaning is not that the
love of God and the patience of Christ are held up
as models to the readers, but the Apostle praj-s
that their hearts may be directed to a full reliance
on the love of God and the steadfastness of Christ
as the two mainsprings of their salvation. In 2
Co 5^* i] yap dyawT] rov XpiffToO ffwexei rifJ-cis is not to
be explained on analogy with the preceding 'fear
of the Lord ' (v."), nor in contrast to the knowledge
of ' Christ after the flesh ' (v.'^), in the sense of St.
Paul's love for Christ ; but, in close agreement -with
the following ' One died for all,' it is meant of the
love Christ showed by His Death.
To St. Paul the love of God is throughout a
specifically redemptive love. Its manifestation is
seldom sought in Nature and providence (Ro 8^,
' all things'), but regularly in the work of salvation.
Since this work culminates in the Death of Christ,
the Cross is the crowning manifestation of the
Divine love (Ro 5^). What thus finds supreme
expression at its height underlies the entire process
as its primordial source. The love of God is to St.
Paul the fountain of redemption. It lies behind
its objective part, what is theologically called
' the Atonement,' for St. Paul traces this in both
its aspects of reconciliation and redemption to the
one source. As regards reconciliation, the initia-
tive of love is inherent in the conception itself,
since God makes those who were objectively His
enemies His friends, creating by the Death of
Christ the possibility for His love to manifest itself
(Ro 58- !»• 11, 2 Co 5'^- 18-21). The idea of redemption
has the same implications, for it emphasizes the
self-sacritice of love to which God was put in saving
man (Ac 20'^«, 1 Co G^" 7^). This love is unmerited
love, hence its more specific name of xop's, 'grace.'
It is 'love,' not mere 'mercy' or 'pity,' which
ietermines God's attitude towards the sinner.
The mercy is enriched by the love (Eph 2'*). The
usual associations of dyairdv apply to the love of
God for sinners only in so far as it is a deliberate
movement of the Divine will and purpose, not
because there is something admirable or attractive
in the spiritual and ethical condition of man which
would explain its origin. For the very reason
that it springs spontaneously from God without
objective motivation, this Divine love is a mystery
'passing knowledge' (Eph 3i»). Salvation on its
subjective side is derived by St. Paul even more
clearly from the love of God. The gift of the
Spirit is a pledge of it to the believer ; hence with
the pouring forth of the Spirit into the heart, the
love of God is poured out therein (Ro 5'). On the
consciousness of this love rests the certainty of
hope in the completion of salvation (Ro o-*- =). St.
Paul calls the love underlying the application of
ledemption irpoyvucns, 'foreknowledge' (Ro 8-^);
the simple yiyvui^Ketv in this specific sense occurs
in 1_ Co 83, Gal 49, 2 Ti 2^K This term denotes not
an intellectual prescience ; but, in dependence on
the pregnant sense of the Hebrew j;t (Ex 2^, Hos
13', Am 3^), it means that God sovereignly sets
His affection upon a person. The absoluteness
and Tinconditioned character of this prognosis SiTe
such that it can furnish proof for the proposition
that all things work together for the good of
lielievers. Hence it fixes as the destiny of believers
( ' predestination ') eschatological likeness unto the
image of the glorified Christ, and with infallible
certainty moves forward through the two inter-
mediate stages of vocation and justification to the
goal of this glory (Ro S-*-*"). The conception of
iKkayq, eKXiyeadai (middle voice, 'to choose for one's
self ') has likewise for its correlate the sovereign
love of God (Eph 1"). The association of the
redemptive love of God with His prerogative or
sovereign choice renders the word dyawav especially
suitable for describing the relation involved. It Ts
in the interest of emphasizing both the sovereign
Divine initiative and the energy and richness of
efiectuation of redemptive love that St. Paul
affirms its eternity (connoted also by the vpo- in
irpoyLyvw(TK€iv [Eph 1^]).
The love of God does not exclude for St. Paul
the co-ordination of other attributes in God as
jointly determinative of the Divine redemptive
procedure. In the Cross of Christ is the great
manifestation of love, but it is not the love of God
alone that the Cross proclaims. It also demon-
strates the diKaiocrvv-q = t\\Q justice of God (Ro Z'^^-).
Thea.ttem-ptoiRitsch\{Bechffcrtigun(/undVersdh7i-
ung-, ii. [1882-83], pp. 118, 218 flf.) and others to give
to diKaLoavPTj in this context the sense of gracious
righteousness, making it synonymous with the love
of God, breaks down in view of the ' forbearance '
of v.^. If it was 'forbearance' which postponed
under the Old Covenant the demonstration of God's
righteousness, then this righteousness is conceived
as retributive.
(b) The love of Christ.— The love of Christ St.
Paul \-iews chiefly as manifested in His Death
(2 Co 5"^-), or in His life as entered upon and lived
with a view to and culminating in His Death
(Ph 2°^-)- The Incarnation is an act of self-
kenosis, not in the metaphysical, but in the meta-
phorical sense (AV 'made himself of no reputa-
tion '), hence is described in 2 Co 8" as a ' becoming
poor.' It ought to be noticed that the love of
Christ, as well as that of the believer, is in the
first place a love for God, and after that a love for
man. Christ lives unto God, even in the state of
glory (Ro 6i"), and gave Himself in the Atonement
a sacrifice unto God (Eph 5*).
(c) Love towards God. — The references to the
believer's love for God are not numerous in the
Pauline Epistles. Explicit mention of it is made
in _Ro 8-8, 1 Co 2^ 8^ From his anti-pietistic stand-
point Ritschl would interpret this scarcity of refer-
ence in St. Paul and the XT generally (outside of
St. Paul only Ja li^- 2') as due to the feeling that
love to God is something hardly within the religious
reach of man. He observes that in 1 Co 2" the
phrase 'them that, love God' is a quotation, and
surmises that the same quotation underlies all the
other passages except 1 Co 8^ (op. cit. ii. 100).
But this is a mere surmise, and St. Paul has at
least in one passage appropriated the thought for
himself. Besides this the analogy of the love of
Christ for God favours the ascription of love for
God to the believer. The same ' living for God '
which is predicated of Christ (Ro 6'*') is elsewhere
attributed to the Christian (Gal 2^). As Christ
sacrificed Himself to God (Eph 5^), so the believer's
life is a spiritual sacrifice (Ro P 12i). The Father-
hood of God and the sonship of the believer postu-
late the idea of a mutual love (Ro 8i'). The idea
is also implied in the fact that St. Paul places at
the beginning of the Christian life a crucifixion
and destruction of the love for self and the world
(Ro 6«, Gal 2i» 6"), since under the Apostle's
positive conception of the Christian life something
else must take the place of the previous goals.
The glorifying of God in all things has for its
underlying motive the love of God (Ro 14^, 1 Co
1(P\ Eph 112).
ii. PastoealEpistles.— In the Pastoral Epistles
the universality of the love of God is emphasized.
In the earlier Epistles the Apostle's universalism
is not deduced from the love of God but from other
principles, and is distinctly of an international
type. The Pastoral Epistles make of the love of
God a universalizing principle and extend it to all
men, not merely to uaen of every nation (1 Ti 2*- ^
41U gi3^ -pi^ oil 34) jn some of these passages the
context clearly indicates that a reference of God's
love to all classes of men is intended (cf. 1 Ti 2^
with vv.i-2; Tit 2" with w.^""). But the em-
phasis and frequency with wiiich the principle
is brought forward render it probable that some
specific motive underlies its assertion. So far as
the inclusion of magistrates is concerned, there may
be a protest against a form of Jewish particularism
which deemed it unlawful to pray for pagan
magistrates. In the main the passages cited will
have to be interpreted as a warning against the
dualistic trend of Gnosticism. Gnosticism distin-
guished between two classes of men, the wevfia,-
TiKol and the vXikoI, the latter by their very nature
being unsusceptible to, and excluded from, salvation,
the former carrying the potency of salvation by
nature in themselves. Over against this the
Pastorals emphasize that the love of God saves all
men, that no man is by his subjective condition
either sunk beneath the possibility or raised above
the necessity of salvation. Hence the ((nXavdpuiria
of God in Tit 3* is love for man as man, not for
any aristocracy of the rrvevfia. This philanthropy
is not to be confounded with the classical concep-
tion of the same (of. Ac 27* 28^), for the latter is
not love towards man as such, but simply justice
towards one's fellow-man in the several relations
of life, and is conceived without regard to the
internal disposition. Probably the choice of the
word is in Tit 3* determined by the preceding
description of the conduct required of believers
for which the Divine ' philanthropy ' furnishes the
model. But that its content goes far bej'ond
general benevolence may be seen from this, that it
communicates itself through the Christian redemp-
tion in the widest sense (vv.^"''). In all this there
is nothing either calculated or intended to weaken
the Pauline doctrine of the specific elective love of
God embracing believers. The Pastorals affirm
this no less than the earlier Epistles.
iii. Epistle of James.— The Epistle of James by
calling the commandment of love ' the royal law '
(2^) places love in the centre of religion. This love
is not merely love for men but love to God (2^). It
chooses God and rejects the world, the love for
God and the friendship of the world being mutuallj'
exclusive (4^). It manifests itself in blessing God
(3^). Behind this love for God, however, St. James,
no less than St. Paul and St. John, posits the love
of God for the sinner. God is Father of believers
(39). They that love God are chosen of God (2^).
The Divine love is a love of mercy ; even in the
Day of Judgment it retains the form of mercy (2^*
5^"). It is a jealous love, which requires the un-
divided affection of its object (4*). An echo of the
Synoptical preaching of Jesus may be found in this
that St. James sees the love of God demonstrated
in the gifts not merely of redemption, but likewise
of providence (1'^).
iv. Epistles of Peter.— The Epistles of Peter
dwell on the love of Christ rather than on that of
God. Christ's love is a love of self-denial (1 P 2-^)
and of benevolence for evil-doers (3^^). To it corre-
sponds love for Christ in the heart of believers.
St. Peter shows that this love is strong enough to
assert and maintain itself in the face of the in-
visibleness of Christ (l^; cf. 1 Jn 4-'"-). The love
for God and Christ is consistent with and accom-
panied by fear (1 P !"• ^S). God's love is implied in
the mercy which lies behind regeneration (P).
God is the Father of believers (1") ; they are the
Hock of God (5^) ; He (or Christ) is the Shepherd
of their souls (2-°). The longsuflering of God, as
a fruit of the Divine love, is mentioned in 2 P 3^.
V. Hebrews.— The theme of the Epistle to the
Hebrews — the perfect mediation of priestly ap-
proach unto God — coupled with the writer's vivid
perception of the majesty of God brings it about
that the love of God remains in the background.
The Epistle emphasizes the fear of God even for
believers (4'- ""^^ 12-'*). Still believers are sons of
God (210 12^), brethren of Christ (2"- 12. H). Qod
loves His children as the Father of Spirits (12s-i*').
He is the God of His people in the pregnant sense
(11^"). The subsumption of the greater part of the
religious consciousness under faith brings it about
that the love of Christians is less spoken of here
than elsewhere in the NT. It is mentioned in 6^"
as a love shown towards God's name, i.e. towards
God, in the service of the brethren. The Epistle, on
the other hand, makes much of the love of Christ for
believers as it assumes the form of mercy. This
mercy is, however, not motived by the mere sutt'er-
ing as such, but specifically by the moral aspect of
the sutler ing. It is compassion with the moral
weakness and danger arising from suflering, be-
cause suffering becomes a source of temptation.
Christ can exercise this mercy because He Himself
has experienced the tempting power of suffering
(218 415)_
vi.JoHANNINE literature. — There still remains
to be considered the .Joliannine literature including
the Gosj)el, so far as the statements of the Evan-
gelist himself are concerned. Both the Gospel
and the First Epistle represent love as the ultimate
source and the ultimate goal of Christianity. There
is this difference, that what is in the Gospel related
to Christ as love of Christ and love for Christ, is
in the Epistle related to God in both directions.
In the Apocalj^pse love to Jesus appears in 2*, love
of Jesus in P 3''. ' The love of God ' is not uni-
formly, as in St. Paul, the love which God shows,
but partly this (1 Jn 2^ 49-12) a,nd partly also the
love cherished towards God (Jn 5^-, 1 Jn 2'^ 3" 5=*).
Possibly the construction is meant as an inclusive
one : ' the love wliich God has made known and
which answers to His nature ' (so B. F. Westcott,
The Epistles of St. John, 1883, p. 49). Love is to
St. John as to St. Paul a specifically Divine thing.
Wherever it appears in man, it must be traced
back to God, and particularly to God's love (1 Jn
410. 19) jj;g source lies in regeneration (4''). The
Divine primordial love is grace, not motived by
the excellence of human qualities, for it expressed
itself in giving Christ as a propitiation for sin (4^* ^o).
The supreme manifestation of God's love is the
gift of Christ, and Christ's giving of His own life
for man (3^'' 4*, Rev 3''). Hence the Gospel char-
acterizes the love which Jesus showed in His Death
as an ayaTrdv els riXos ('to the uttermost'). The
giving of the Spirit of God is an act of love not
merely because the Spirit is an inestimable gift,
but because in the Spirit God communicates Him-
self ; herein lies the essence of love (1 Jn 3^ 4'^).
The highest embodiment of this redemptive
love is the state of sonship (1 Jn 3^). The
Apocalypse uses for this, as extending to the Church
collectively, the OT figure of the bride of God
(Rev 19''2P-9). Sonship is not represented, as in
St. Paul, as awaiting its eschatological consumma-
tion, but rather as issuing into a higher, yet un-
known, state (1 Jn 3'^). The summing up of the
Christian life in love is represented as ' a new com-
mandment, ' which is at the same time old ( 2''* ^ 3"- ^).
It is old in so far as it goes back to the creation
(' from the beginning' [2^ 3", 2 Jn*-*]) ; it is new
in so far as through Jesus and His work it has now
become an actuality in the life and experience of
Christians ; hence ' it is tnie in him and in you '
(1 Jn 2^). In both the Gospel and the First Epistle
LOVE-FEAST
LOVE-FEAST
17
' to know God ' is used as synonymous with ' loving
God.' 'To know' is taken in such connexions
in the pregnant sense which implies intimacy of
acquaintance and the fellowship of affection. At
the same time there is in this an indirect protest
against the unethical intellectualisra of the false
Gnosis (1 Jn 2«- ^ is. u 31. e 46. 7. 8. le 520).
Both the Gospel and the First Epistle emphasize
the universalism of the love of God as demon-
strated in the gift of Christ for the sin of 'the
world.' In Jn 3^^ 'the world' (6 Kda/xos) seems to
be rather qualitatively than quantitatively con-
ceived ; the gieatness of God's love is seen in this,
that He loves that which is sinful (cf. 1 Jn 2^).
Both the Gospel and the Epistle also lay stress on
the primacy of love in the character of God (1 Jn
48. icj_ That the universalism must not be under-
stood as appropriating the love of God in its most
pregnant sense to every man indiscriminately
appears from such statements as Jn e^'-'*^-''* 13' IS***
j-js. 9. i2_ ^ predestinarian strand is traceable in
St, John as well as in St. Paul. And that the
clear statement about the primacy of love in God
should not be construed to the exclusion of every
other attribute or disposition in God appears plainly
from the difference which both the Gospel and the
Epistle make between God's and Christ's attitude to-
wards the world and towards believers — a difference
inconceivable were there in God no place for aught
but love. The statement ' God is love ' means to
affirm that into His love God puts His entire being,
all the strength of His character. In the Apoca-
lypse it is most vividly brought out that in God,
besides love for His own, there is wrath for His
enemies (cf. even ' the wrath of the Lamb ' [6^'^]),
although it is to be noticed that the Apocalypse
speaks as little as the Gospel and the Epistle of
God's hatred towards His enemies. The latter
term is reserved for the description of the attitude
of the world towards God and Christ and believers.
The hatred of the world explains the righteous
wrath of God and believers against the world
(Jn 3-0 V 15'8- =3- 24. 26 17U iiev 0%
Literature. — Schmidt, Handbuch der latefn. tind griech.
Synonymik, 18S6, pp. 750-768 ; R. C. Trench, iV2' Synonyms^,
1901, pp. 41-44; J. A. H. Tittmann, de Si/nonvmis in iVT,
1829-32, pp. 50-55 ; H. Cremer, Bibl. - Theol. WOrterlnich der
nentest. Grdcitdti, 1911^ s.v. ayairaa) ; Deissmann in ThLZ, 1912,
cols. 522-523; E. Sartorius, The. Doctrine of the Divine Love,
Eng. tr., 1SS4; G. Vos, 'The Scriptural Doctrine of the Love of
God,' in Presb. and Ref. Review, xiii. [1902] 1-37 ; W. Liitgert,
Die Liebe ira AT, 1905. GEEKHARDUS Vos.
LOYE-FEAST — The history of the Agapse or
Love-Feasts of the Christian Church is beset with
peculiar difficulties, and has given rise to grave
differences of opinion among scholars. It has
even been maintained by Batiffol * that they were
absolutely non-existent in the Apostolic Age ;
and, though this view has not found general ac-
ceptance, it certainly deserves to be treated with
respect. The name is indeed found only in the
Epistle of Jude (v.12 ; cf. also 2 P 2i3), the date of
which is quite uncertain ; and it is probable that
in the earliest days the name was unknown. Still
there is reason to believe that the common meals,
which afterwards gained the name of Agapae, were
held by Christians from the beginning. These
common meals were an external expression of the
sense of brotherhood which was characteristic of
the primitive Christian churches, and they were
no doubt suggested by similar institutions, which
seem to have been common among both Jews and
Gentiles. It is also probable that the recollection
of the Last Supper of our Lord with His disciples
was an additional cause of the holding of these
meals.
1. In the Acts. — The Acts of the Apostles gives
* £txtdes d'histoire et de theologie positive^, Paris, 1907.
US a picture of the life of the primitive Church at
Jerusalem.* In Ac 2''- we read that the converts
' continued stedfastly in the apostles' teaching
and fellowship, in the breaking of bread and the
prayers.' In v.'"' we read that 'day by day, con-
tinuing stedfastly with one accord in the temple,
and breaking bread at home, they did take their
food with gladness and singleness of heart.' These
passages are patient of an interpretation which
excludes anything like an Agape. ' Breaking
bread ' may refer only to the Eucharist ; and
the reference to the taking of food may be merely
an expression denoting their joyous manner of
life. So it is understood by Batiffol.t But the
view of Leclercq :J: seems more probable — that the
breaking of bread was accompanied by a meal.
For we know that that was the case at Corinth,
and it is exceedingly probable that the communism
of the Church at Jerusalem would involve common
meals. Indeed, something of the kind seems to
be indicated by Ac 6^ That this included the
Eucharist there can be very little doubt, though
it is unlikely that it was identical with the Euchar-
ist. The 'breaking of the bread' is an unusual
phrase, and as it seems clear that in Corinth the
Eucharist took place during or at the end of a
supper, so it probably did in Jerusalem. But the
evidence is not sufficient to make any conclusion
certain. In Ac 20"'" we read that at Troas on the
first day of the week the Christians were gathered
together to break bread. St. Paul spoke to them
till midnight, broke bread and tasted it. Here
the object of the meeting was the breaking of
bread. And the whole context points to its having
been a religious rite. There is no hint of a meal
in the ordinary sense. The word yeva-d/xevos cer-
tainly does not necessarily imply it. It is, how-
ever, possible, though it seems unlikely, that such
a meal took place.
2. In 1 Corinthians. — We now come to the ac-
count given in 1 Co III8-34 ^f ^he Eucharist at
Corinth : ' When ye assemble yourselves together,
it is not possible to eat the Lord's supper : for in
your eating each one taketh before other his own
supper ; and one is hungry, and another is drunken.
What ? have ye not houses to eat and drink in ?
or despise ye the church of God, and put them to
shame that have not ? . . . When ye come to-
gether to eat, wait one for another. If any man
is hungry, let him eat at home ; that your coming
together be not unto judgement.' The most pro-
bable interpretation of the passage is that St.
Paul blames the Corinthians for misbehaviour at
the supper, which should be the Lord's Supper,
but cannot be so regarded in view of their be-
haviour. It seems that the rich men brought
their own food, and immediately on arrival formed
groups, and began to eat their supper without
waiting to see whether there were any poor men
present who had nothing to eat. St. Paul suggests
that if they are hungry, they had better have
something to eat before they come. The whole
supper is the Lord's, for He is the host. And St.
Paul reminds them of the significance of what
takes place at the supper, namely the Eucharist —
a real Communion with the Body and Blood of
Christ, and a memorial of His Death,
Batiffol, on the other hand, maintains that St.
Paul blames them for associating the Eucharist
with a meal at all, and the same view was previously
taken by John Lightfoot.§ It must be admitted
that his language in v.--, ' Have ye not houses to
eat and to drink in ?' seems logically to imply
* See art. Eucharist.
t Op. cit. p. 285.
} Art. ' Agape ' in Cabrol's Diet, d'archdologie ehritienne et de
liturgie, vol. i., Paris, 1907.
§ Works, ed. Pitman, London, 1822-26, vol. vi. p. 232 fl.
ri8
LO\^-FEAST
LUKE
that the assembly of Christians is not a suitable
occasion for a meal. But his exhortation to them
to 'wait one foi* another' seems to have no point
unless there is to be a meal. WTiile the consider-
ations adduced by St. Paul no doubt were ulti-
mately operative in bringing about a separation
of the Eucharist from the Agape, yet it is highly
probable that they were not carried to their logical
conclusion at once, nor indeed intended to be so
carried. There is no doubt that there was a supper
at Corinth at the time when St. Paul wi-ote ; that
all the members of the Church came together to
it, bringing their own contributions. This was
apparently a sort of funeral memorial feast, sacred
in its associations, but especially sacred because
in the course of it the Eucharist was celebrated.
This meal was desecrated by the Corinthians, who
ignored its sacred character, making it no longer
an expression of the brotherhood of the community,
but an ordinary meal, and an occasion for display
and gluttony.
3. In Jade and 2 Peter.— The writer of the Epistle
of Jude speaks (v.^-) of certain heretics who are
'hidden rocks in your love-feasts when they feast
wath you.' In the parallel passage in 2 P 2^^ the
bulk of the MSS read dTrdrais for dydTran. J. B.
Lightfoot* regards dTrdrais as an obvious error for
dydirais, and Biggf follows him in this view. The
matter is of no importance for our purpose, as it is
the opinion of the majority of scholars that 2 Peter
is dependent on Jude, and there can be no reason-
able doubt that in Jude dydirats is the right reading.
Batiffol maintains that Jude is in the habit of
using plurals instead of singulars, and understands
him here to mean 'love' with no reference to the
Agape. But this translation of the word does not
seem possible ; and we are clearly di-iven to the
conclusion that, among the people to whom Jude
wrote, the Agape was an estabhshed institution,
and the name had already been given to it. But
the destination of the Epistle is very doubtful.
M. R. James t wa-ites : 'We may place the com-
munity to which he writes very much where w^e
please : Dr. Chase's conjecture! that it was at or
near the S>Tian Antioch is as good as any.' There
is nothing to indicate the relation of the Agape
mentioned by Jude to the Eucharist. It seems
most probable that, as in Corinth, the Eucharist
took place at or near the end of the supper. St.
Paul's words (leTo. t6 Senrviiaai in 1 Co 11'-^ make it
fairly certain that Chrysostom is WTong in his
statement that the Eucharist was followed by a
meal. No doubt Chrysostom based his view on
the customs of his o^ti time, when fasting com-
munion was the rule.
4. Analogies with Love-Feast.— A great deal of
information has been collected by Leclercq || about
tlie prevalence of funeral banquets all round the
Mediterranean. These banquets were originally
for the benefit of the dead, though later they
became simply memorial meals. These supply us
with an analogy to the Agape. But it is probable
that even more operative was the example of the
common meals of the various gilds which were a
prominent feature of social life in Greek cities.
It would be most natural that converts to Chris-
tianity should welcome a Christian common meal,
on the lines of those to which they were accustomed.
Parallels are also to be found among the Jews.*f
Unfortunately, our evidence is not sufficient to
enable us to draw a clear picture of what the
Christian Agape was Uke. It was not purely a
* Apostolic Fathers, pt. ii.2 vol. ii., London, 1889, p. 313.
t Com. on Epp. of Peter and Jude'' {ICC, Edinburgh, 1902).
I Com. on 2 Peter and Jude (Cambridge Greek Testament,
Cambridge, 1912), p. xxxviii.
6 HDIi, art. 'Jude, Epi.stle of.'
(1 Loc. cit.
1 Cf. Josephus, Ant. xiv. x. 8; Jer. 16'.
** Cnpyrighf, 1910, by Cliirlcs Srrihnrr's Sons.
charity-supper, though the evidence of the Corinth-
ians shows us that it was intended that this char-
acteristic should not be whoUy absent. It seems
to have been primarily an expression of the sense
of brotherhood which Chi-istians felt. The fact
that the Eucharist was associated with it gave it
a specially sacred character, and makes it certain
that it must have been connected in the minds of
those who took part in it with the Last Supper.
But abuses arose in connexion with it both in
Cormth and — apparently — among those to whom
the Epistle of Jude was wi-itten. The e\adence
which we have suggests plenty of reasons for the
separation of the Eucharist from the Agape, which
seems to have taken place at an early date.
LiTERATTTRE. — Besidcsbooks and articles already mentioned,
see J. F. Keating, The Agape and t)te EuchariH, London, 1901 ;
A. J. Maclean, art. 'Agape' in ERE ; J. B. Mayor, Appendix
C in Hort and Mayor's Clement of Alexandria, Seventh Book of
the Stromateis, London, 1902; also books and articles men-
tioned in art. Euchabist. Q^ JJ^ ClayTON.
LUCAS.— See Luke.
LUCIUS. — Lucius of Cyrene was one of the
prophets and teachers who presided in the Church
at Antioch (Ac 13^). He seems to have belonged
pretty certainly to the band of Cypriotes and
Cyrenians by whom the Gentile Church at Antioch
was founded (11-"). Some commentators have
rather absurdly identified him with St. Luke.
The names are not identical or even very near one
another, and there is no reason to think that St.
Luke would have introduced himself in this hap-
hazard way. He may be identified with the Lucius
of Ko 16-1. W. A. Spooler.
**LUKE.— I. Information as to his history.
— 1. In the Pauline Epistles.— The Pauline Epistles
contain various references to a certain Luke, who
is in tradition always identified with the author of
the Acts and Third Gospel. These references are :
(1) dcnrd^eTai iifxas AovKas 6 iarpos 6 dyaTnjrds (Col 4''*) ;
(2) da-Trdj'erai ae . . . AovKas (Philem'"'); (3) AovKois
iuTLv fiopos fi€T ifiov (2 Ti 4^'). Fi'om these scanty
allusions we can gather that Luke was a companion
of St. Paul at the time that Colossians (with its
appendix Philemon) and 2 Timothy were written,
and also that he was a physician. The trust-
worthiness of these statements may reasonably be
regarded as falUng short of the highest gi'ade.
The authenticity of Colossians (q.v.) is probable,
but cannot be regarded as quite so certain as that
of the earlier Epistles ; there is a difference between
the group Colossians-Ephesians and the group
Corinthians-Galatians-Romans which extends to
thought as well as to language, and raises the sug-
gestion that the former group is either un-Pauline or
has been much edited. It is on the whole perhaps
probable that this doubt ought to be put aside on
the ground that the theories of interpolation or
pseudepigraphy cause more difficulties than they
solve, but the point has not yet been sufficiently
discussed by critics. In the same way and in
somewhat greater measure the reference in 2
Timothy must be discounted, on the ground of
doubts as to the authenticity of the Epistle. So
long as these doubts exist, the possibility cannot
be entirely excluded that the refei'ences to Luke
ought to be regarded as the result of the tradition,
rather than as the proof of its accuracy.
A similar element of doubt attaches to the
question of the place in which Luke and St. Paul
were working together {crvvepyoi fiov in Philem^*
covers Luke). There is no critical agreement as
to whether the so-called Epistles of the Imprison-
ment were written from Ca^saroa, from Rome, or
(according to a more recent hypothesis) from
Ephcsus. It is, however, noticeable that, as
LUKE
LUKE
719
Hamack points out (Lukas der Arzt, Leipzig, 1906,
p. 2), Luke is not referred to as a 'fellow-prisoner,'
and there is consequenth^ a presumption that he
had accompanied St. Paul in freedom and as a
friend.
2. In tradition. — Very little is added by tradition
to the information in the Pauline Epistles except
(a) the constant attribution to Luke of the Third
(Jospel and Acts ; {b) the statement that he was
an Antiochene Greek ; (c) somewhat less frequently,
statements that he died in Boeotia, Bithynia, or
Ejihesus ; {d) the statement, found only in late
AISS, that the Gospel was wTitten in Alexandria.
The most important expressions of tradition are
those of (1) Eusebius; (2) Jerome; (3) the Mon-
archian Prologues, found in Vulgate MSS, and
possibly of Priscillianist origin ; (4) notes appended
to NT MSS.
(1) Eusebius. —
AovKa? Se TO fjiiv y4vo<; uiu roiv arr' 'AvrioxeCai, ttji' Se iiritrrniJLriv
tarpon, Tct TrAetora crvyyeyoi'tu? Toi IlavAaj, icat rot? Aotirot? 6e o J
7rape'p-yw5 tuju aTTOffTokitiV (u/xtATjKuj?, 175 airb tov'tuji' TrpotjCK-rqaaTO
^v\uiv 6€pa7T€vTLKrj<; €v Sv(t'lv 7]fj.LV vTToSGLyiJLara OeoTTV^varoL^
KaToAeAotTT-e /3t/3Atot9 to> re evayyeAt'uj. o Kai xapd^ai /xaprvpetrat,
Ka9a nap^SovTO avTi^ ot air' apx-i]^ avTOTrrai Kai VTrrjpeTat yevofjiffoi
ToO \6yov ot? Kai ^-qa'tv GndvioOev ajracrt iraprjKoXovOrjKei'aL., Kai
Tais Tuit' aTTOcTToAtui' TTpa^etrcx' as oi'Ke'rt Sl' aKOi)^ ot^0a\iJ.OiS &e
auTOts irapaXa^ujv trvveTa^aTO. ^afri Se oj? dpa toO Kar' a^rbi'
cvayy^Xiov fxfrjfjLOvevecv ciuiOev 6 UauAos orrrji'tKO. (09 Trept tSt'ov
Tii'os evayye\iov yp<i<j>iov «Acy«" ' (card to evayydKiov fiov ' (HK iii.
4,6).
This, which is the basis of almost all later state-
ments, shows no knowledge beyond wh.at can be
deduced from the Epistles, combined with (i.) tl:o
belief that the same Luke wrote Acts and Gospel ;
(ii.) the statements in the preface to the Gospel ;
(iii.) the (undoubtedly mistaken) view that St.
Paul was referring to a book when he spoke of ' 1:1 i
gospel' (Ro 216, 2 Ti 2«) ; (iv.) possibly the text in
some MSS (which may belong to that / recension
which, on von Soden's view, was familiar to
Eusebius) of Ac ll-"^* : ev Tavrais rats ii/j.^pais
KaTT^Xdov CLTrb ' lewcroXvtxcjv vpocpTjrat, eh ' Avti.6x(i-o.V
<rvv£0"Tpa[i(i€va)V 8e ti(awv ^(pr) eis i^ avrdv dvoixarL
''A-ya!3os kt\. (D p w Aug.); this is, however, by
no means certain ; and there is no proof that this
text was kno^\^l to Eusebius.
(2) Jerome. —
'Lucas niedicus Antiochensis, ut eius scripta indicant, Graeci
sermonis non ignarus I'uit, sectator apostoli Pauli et omnia
perearinationis eius comes scripsit evangelium, de quo idem
Paulus : Misimus, inquit , cum illo f ratrem cuius laus est in evan-
gelioperomnesecclesias; ed ad Colossenses : Salutatvos Lucas,
medicus carissimus ; et ad Timotheum : Lucas est mecum solus.
Aliud quoque edidit voiumen egregium quod titulo Trpafeis
(i7roo-TdAu)i» prsenotatur : cuius historia usque ad biennium
Rom» commorantis Pauli pervenit, id est, usque ad quartum
Neronis annum. Ex quo intelligimus in eadem urbe librum
esse compositum. Igitur TrtpioSous Pauli et Theclse, et totam
baptizati leonis fabulam, inter apocrvphas scripturas com-
putamus. [Then there follows the well-known passage about
the Acts of Paul, quoting Tertullian (see Acts [Apocryphal])].
. . . Quidamsuspicanturquotiescumque in epistolissuis Paulus
dicit, luxta evangelium meum, de Lucae significare volumine,
et[?atl Lueam non solum abapostoloPaulodidicisseevangelium,
qui cum domino in carne non fuerat, sed a ceteris apostolis ;
quod ipse quoque in principio sui voluminis declarat, dicens :
8icut tradiderunt nobis qui a principio ipsi viderunt et ministri
f uerunt sermonis. Igitur evangelium, sicut audierat, scripsit.
Acta vero apostolorum sicut viderat ipse composuit. Vixit
octoginta et quattuor annos, uxorem non habens. Sepultus est
Const antinopoli, ad quam urbem vicesimo Constantii anno ossa
eius cum reliquiis Andrese apostoli translata sunt de Acbaia'
{de Vir. Illustr. vii.).
(3) The Monarchian Prologues. —
'Lucas SjTus natione Antiochensi3, arte medicus, discipulus
apostolorum, postea Paulum secutus usque ad confessionem
eius, servdens deo sine crimine. Nam neque uxorem umquam
habens neque filios lxxiiii annorum obiit in Bithynia plenus
spiritu sancto — qui cum iam descripta essent evangelia per
MatthaeumquideminIud£ea,perMarcumauteminItalia,sancto
instigante spiritu in Achaise partibus hoc scripsit evangelium,
significans etiam ipse in principio ante alia esse descripta. Cui
extra ea quse ordo evangelicse dispositionis exposcit, ea maxime
necessitas laboris fuit, ut primum Grsecis fidelibus omni perfec-
tione venturi in carnem dei manifestata, ne ludaicis fabulis
intenti in solo legis desiderio tenerentur neque hereticis fabulis
et stultis soUicitationibus seducti excederent a veritate, elabor-
aret, dehinc ut in principio evangelii lohannis nativitate prse-
sumpta cui evangelium scriberet et in quo electus scriberet,
indicaret, contestans in se completa esse quae essent ab aliia
inchoata, cui ideo post baptismum filii dei a perfectione genera-
tionis inChrih^toinpletEe et repetendae a principio nativitatia
humanae potostas permissa est ut requirentibus demonstraret,
inquoadprehendens erat , per Xathan filium introitu recurrentia
in deum generationis admisso indispartibilis dei, praedicans in
hominibua Christum suum perfect! opus hominis redire in se
per filium facere, qui per David patrem venientibua iter
praebebat in Christo. Cui Lucae non inmerito etiam scribenJ-
orum apostolicorum actuum potestas in ministerio datur, ut
deo in deum pleno ac filio proditionis extincto oratione ab
apostolis facta sorte domini electionis numerua compleretur,
sicque Paulus consummationem apostolicis actibus daret, quem
diu contra stimuloa recalcitrantem dominus elegisset. Quod
legentibus ac requirentibus deum etsi per singula expediri a
nobis utile fuerat, scientes tamen, quod operantem agricolam
oporteat de fructibua suis edere, ■S'itavimus publicam curiosi-
tatem, ne non tam volentibus deum videremur quam f astidient-
ibua prodilisse' (the full text of the Monarchian Proloques is
given in Kleine Texte, i., by H. Lietzmann, Bonn, 1902, and
there ia a full discussion by P. Corssen in TU xv. 1 [1896]).
(4) Information in MSS of the Gospels. — Almost
all the later MSS contain statements at the begin-
nings or ends of the various books relating to their
authors. They are of course important as repre-
senting ecclesiastical tradition rather than as con-
taining historical e\ndence. The most complete
list of the Greek ones, is given by von Soden in
Die Schriften des NT, i., Berlin, 1902, p. 293 ff.
The most important items referring to Luke are
the following :
(i.) <Tvi'eypd'')t) TO KaTa AovKav evayyikiov fiera Xp6vov9 Ci (15)
Trjy ToO XpicTTOj c>'aA-,;i/(e(09 cf 'AAefai/opeia 'EAArji'to'Ti. There ia
also a fo-.iu of substantially the same note beginning : i^eS66rf
TTpb? ©edyiAov eTriuKOTTOv 'Ai'Tioxeia?, Trpb? oi' Kai al irpdfeis.
This form is found in many late JISS with a great number ot
textual variants, (ii.) A remarkable form is found in e 377:
TO Kara AovKav evayye'Atoi/ Kai tlov ayitov dirotrroAwi/ at Trpd^et?
VTrriyopevOrjuav vtto Ucrpov Kai IlatAou rCiv aTro<rT6\iov fj.€TOL
ypdi'ovs trivre Kai SeKa rr,'; ToO XptcTToO dvoATJi/zeus. Aouicas Se o
larp'oi aT)veypa<j>e Kai ixripv^e Kai iKOiixrjOT) iv ©TjjSai? iruiv bySorj-
KovTaTftTcrapixiv. (iii.) Further information confirniing the Euse-
bian tradition that Luke was an Antiochene is found in soma
MSS, e-g. ovTOS 6 ei'ioyyeAio-Ti)? AouKas I'l/ piiv 'Xvtiox^v^ bySoJj-
KOVTa recrcrdpwv (e 1150), and 6 juaKoipios Aovxas 6 evayyeKCiTTTji
yeyofe "XHpo^ (e 300C).
Added to these note may be made also of the famous pseudo-
Dorotheus, and the lon;jer Sophronius. The text of the former
ia sullicient to illustrate their character :
AouKttS 6 ei/ayyeAi'cTTT)? 'Ai'TioXfi'S f^f " to -yeVo? ^v, taTpbs Se riji'
re^KJ;!'. <TvvcypQ.\^aro 6e to ^ikv evayyiXtov Kar' inLTpoTriqv Herpow
Tov aTroo'ToAov, Taf £e Trpdjcts Tuiu clttocttoXiop Kar kizirponriv
HauAov ToO drrocnoXov. avvane&rifj.'qo'e ydp toTs dTrocTToAots Kai
fj.a\i(TTa T<j) Ilav'Ati), ou Kai /uii7/xoi'eiJ<ras 6 IlaCAos eypa>p€v ei»
€7n<TTo\rj acTTrd^erat v/xay AouJcas 6 taTpb^ 6 dyarrrjTb? ev Kupt'w.'
CLTTeOave Se iv *E(/i€'o"aj Kai irddT) cKet, fi^TeTeO-i} 6e vtrrepov iv
Kuii'^TravTLVovTroXet fjLeTaKal'AvSpeov Kat Ti/-to0eov Twr d.TTOCTTdAwi'
Kara, roif^ /catpou? Kun'CTavTiov ^atrtAew? viov KuivaTavTiVov ToO
ftryoAou (the text, and that of Sophronius, are given in von
Soden's Die Schri/ten des iVT, L 1, p. 306 ff.).
II. 'L UKE' as an a UTHOR. — The foregoing para-
graphs summarize all that is known as to the
'historic Luke.' It now remains to discuss (1) the
internal evidence supplied mainly by the Acts for
and against the tradition which identifies the
'historic Luke' of the Epistles with the 'hterary
Luke' who WTote the Gospel and Acts; (2) the
sources used by the 'literary Luke'; (3) his
Uterary methods. It would also have been desir-
able to discuss his theology, but this has already
been done in art. Acts of the Apostles.
1. The arguments for and against the Lucan
authorship of the Third Gospel and Acts.— In
favour of the Lucan attthorsliip Harnack argues
that the redactor of Acts, like Luke, was (1) a
fellow-worker with St. Paul ; (2) an Antiochene
Greek ; (3) a physician ; (4) the -nTiter of the ' we-
sections.' The reasons for this argument are
stated in his Untersuchungen zu den Schriften des
Lukas (Leipzig, 1906-08) with gi-eat power, but
with a certainty which is sometimes too great.
(1) It is of course abundantly evident that the
Acts represents in the 'we-sections' the evidence
of a companion of St. Paul, but until the linguistic
argument has been accepted as convincing it does
720
LUKE
not follow that the redactor of the whole was the
author of the ' we-sections.'
(2) In the same way it is abundantly clear that
a great part of the Acts is concerned with Antioch ;
but if, as Acts states, Antioch was really the centre
of the Gentile Christian movement, this is really
a sufficient explanation, and throws no necessary
light on the provenance of the writer. ^ If anyone
were to wi'ite the history of economics in England
in the 19th cent., he would constantly be speak-
ing of Manchester, but it would not follow that he
was a Mancunian : similarly, the writer of Acts
constantly speaks of Antioch, but he need not have
been an Antiochcne. That Luke was a Greek rather
than a Jew is possibly true, but the evidence is
poor. Harnack says :
' Lukas wargeborener Grieche — Evangelium und Acta zeigen,
was eines Beweises nicht erst bedarf, dass sie nicht von einein
geborenen Juden, sondern von einem Griechen verfasat sind,'
and adds in a note : 'Ob der Verfasser bevor er Christ wurde
jiidischer Proselyt gewesen ist, lasst sich nicht entscheiden.
Seine Erwahnung dor Proselyten in der Apostelgeschichte
liisst keinen Schluss zu. Seine virtuose Kenntnis der griech-
ischen Bibel kann er sich sehr wohl erst als Christ angeeignet
haben. Fiir seinen griechischen Ursprung zeugt iibrigens
allein schon das ol fiap^apoi in c. 28, 2. 4' {Lukas der Arzi, ch.
i. [Eng. tr., 1907, p. 12 f.]).
It may fairly be urged that Harnack does not
sufficiently emphasize the complete absence of
direct evidence that Luke was a Greek. The facts
seem to be quite adequately covered if we suppose
that Luke was a Hellenistic Jew.
(3) That Luke was a physician is argued by
Harnack — following up and greatly improving on
the methods of Hobart — on the ground of his use
of medical language. The argument is of course
cumulative, and cannot be epitomized. It is be-
yond doubt that Luke frequently employs lan-
guage which can be illustrated from Galen and
other medical writers. The weak point is that no
sufficient account has been taken of the fact that
much of this language can probable be shown
from the pages of Lucian, Dion of Prusa, etc., to
have been part of the vocabulary of any educated
Greek. It is, for instance, too 'keen' when it is
alleged that the Lucan phrase Kal iir^arpe^pev rb
irvedjxa avrij^ Kal avidrri Trapaxpv/J-O- in Lk 8^^ is a
medical improvement on the Marcan Kal evO^s
aviffTf] Th KopdffLov (5''-). Could we stamp a writer
as a physician at the present time because he
spoke of 'bacilli,' or described a state of mind as
'pathological'? Yet it is doubtful whether there
is anything so 'medical' in the Third Gospel or
Acts as these expressions. The truth seems to be
that, if we accept on the ground of tradition the
view that the Gospel and Acts were 'RTitten by a
physician, there is a certain amount of corrobora-
tive detail in the language ; but if we are not in-
cUned to accept this view, the 'medical' language
is insufficient to show that the writer was a physi-
cian, or used a more medical phraseology than an
educated man might have been expected to possess.
(4) Far more important than these lines of
argument, which seem to attempt to prove too
much from too little evidence, is the thesis
that linguistic argument shows that the writer of
the 'we-sections' is identical with the redactor of
the Third Gospel and the Acts. Here again the
cumulative nature of the argument prohibits its
complete reproduction. The pages of Harnack
must be studied in detail. But the main outline
is that, if we study the Third Gospel in comparison
with Mark and any sort of reconstructed Q, we
shall find out which idioms are especially Lucan,
in the sense of belonging to the redaction of the
Gospel. If then we find that the 'Lucan' phrase-
ology is especially marked in the 'we-sections,' it
follows that the writer of the 'we-sections' was
the redactor of the whole. John C. Hawkins,
in Horce Synopticce (Oxford, 1899, ^1909), had al-
LUKE
ready drawn attention to the fact that this line
of research pointed to the unity of the Lucan
writings and the identity of the scribe of the ' we-
sections' with the redactor of the whole, and in
Lukas der Arzt Harnack elaborates the argument
very fully ,_ and may be regarded as having proved
his point, if it be granted that no redactor would
have completely 'Lucanized' the 'we-sections'
without altering the characteristic use of the first
person. Unfortunately, this is a rather large
assumption, and it is not impossible that the re-
dactor kept the first person, because it implied
that his source was here that of an eye-witness.
It is clear from the preface to the Gospel that he at-
tached importance to the evidence of eye-witnesses.
The arguments against the Lucan authorship of
Acts (and the Third Gospel goes with them) have
been given at length in dealing with Acts. In
summary they are that a comparison between the
Acts and the Epistles shows that, wherever Luke
and St. Paul relate the same facts, they give
discordant testimony, and that the Pauline and
Lucan theology are evidently different (see Acts).
It is not impossible to give an explanation of these
facts consistent with the Lucan authorship, but
their obvious bearing is to render that theory im-
probable, so that the results of these two lines of
investigation, the linguistic and the historical and
theological, do not point in quite the same direc-
tion. The linguistic argument as stated by Har-
nack goes a long way towards proving that the
redactor of the Third Gospel and Acts is identical
with the author of the 'we-sections' and the nar-
ratives immediately cohering with them. This
conclusion is not seriously impaired if it be granted
that in telUng his story the writer often makes
use of cliches relating to miraculous episodes found
in the Mterary work of this or a slightly later
period, e.g. in Philostratus, * and perhaps in the
lost writings of Apollonius of Tyana. On the
other hand, the historical and theological argu-
ments support the contention that the author can
scarcely have been a companion of St. Paul.
Whenever it is possible to compare Acts and
Epistles, discrepancies of varying seriousness are
to be found, and the Acts shows very few or no
signs of acquaintance with the Atonement-theology
or the Christology of the Epistles.
Two ways may be suggested of combining these
confficting results. On the one hand, it is possible
that the prima facie evidence of the linguistic
facts is fallacious. The central point of Harnack's
argiunent is that the same linguistic character-
istics are to be found throughout the whole work
as in the 'we-sections.' It is assumed that the
latter and the cohering narratives may be taken
as normative, and that they have been unchanged.
But if this assumption be challenged, the argument
falls to the ground. Suppose that the redactor
found a source relating the greater part of St,
Paul's life, and in places claiming that the writer
was an eye-witness by the use of the first person,
it would be not unnatui'al for the redactor care-
fully to preserve these important indications of
the value of his source, while at the same time re-
writing or touching up the rest of the language.
It would then present all those signs of identity
of literary style with the rest of the book which
Harnack has emphasized. This theory circum-
vents the literary argument, and enables us to
accept easily the historical and theological results
which render doubtful the view that the redactor
was a companion of St. Paul.
* This seems to be the most important result of E. Norden's
AgtiotitDS Theos (Leipzig, 1913) ; he does not really prove that
the story of St. Paul at Athens or similar incidents are free
literary compositions, and void of all historical foundation, but
does show that a considerable use was made of literary clichis
in setting out, illustrating, and adorning a narrative.
LUKE
LUKE
721
On the other hand, it may be that we are de-
manding too high a standard of accuracy in the
Acts : after all, the inaccuracies and mistakes —
for they can scarcely be anything less — are chiefly
found in the earlier parts of Acts, and Luke may
have been a companion of St. Paul, and yet never
have thought of making very careful inquiry from
him as to the events of his early career. This
would be especially probable if, as the suggested
use of Josephus imphes, Luke WTOte his two
treatises for Theophilus late in life (c. a.d. 90).
The theological difficulty is more serious : it is
very difficult to understand how a companion of
St. Paul can have had a theology and Christologj^
which are on the whole more archaic than those
of the Epistles. To some extent, no doubt, this
can be explained by the different objects of the
works. To some extent also it is no doubt true
that we have gone altogether too far in recon-
structing a 'Pauhne theology' out of the Epistles ;
these were St. Paul's answers to controversial
points, not statements of his central teaching.
Probably the preaching of St. Paul was much
more hke the Acts than systems of Paulinismus
reconstructed out of the Epistles. At the same
time, it is doubtful whether these considerations
really carry us all the way. The theology of
Acts — not Hnguistic characteristics or historical
inaccuracies — is the greatest difficulty which faces
those who accept the authorship of the Third
Gospel and Acts by a companion of St. Paul. At
present the matter is sub judice, and Harnack's
powerful advocacy has turned the current of feel-
ing in favour of the traditional view, but he has
really dealt adequately with only one side of the
question and dismissed the theological and (to a
somewhat less extent) the historical difficulty too
easily. It wiU not be surprising if a reaction
follows when these points have been more ade-
quately studied and expounded.
2. Luke's sources. — in the complete absence of
any definite statements as to the sources used by
Luke, with tlie exception of the preface to the
Gospel, internal evidence can alone be used, and the
results of its study are necessarily only tentative.
In the preface to the Gospel Luke tells us that
he was acquainted with many previous attempts
to give a SiriyrjffLV tQv veTr\Tipo<popr)fx4vuv 4v Tjfjuv
TrpayiJidTwv — a difficult phrase, which, however,
much more probably means 'the things accom-
plished among us' than the 'things most surely
believed among us' — in accordance with the
tradition of the original eye-witnesses, and that
he also had decided to write an account of them
because he was irapriKoXovdrjKdTL dvudev TracTLV. From
this passage it has sometimes been concluded that
Luke disapproved of the previous efforts, and re-
garded himself as altogether superior to his pre-
decessors. This, however, is not the natural
meaning of the Greek; Luke saj's : 'Inasmuch as
many ... it seemed good to me also' {Kdp.oi),
and the force of the 'also' is to class him with and
not above his predecessors. A more serious
problem is provided by the exact exegesis of TrS.cn,
in P. Does it refer to the iroXXoi of 1^, or to the
TTpaynaTuiv of the Same verse, or to the avTo-n-raL of
1^? No decision is possible; the probability is
rather in favour of a reference to ttoWoL, as carry-
ing on and explaining the e-n-eibTj-n-ep ttoWoL of the
opening words, but the other alternatives are
possible. In any case, the main object of Luke
was to provide Theophilus with the proof (iVa
iTTiyvilis . . , Trjv d<r(pd.\eLav) of the "KSyoi in which
he had received oral instruction (Karrixv^V^)- Luke
is therefore -^Titing history with the object of
giving the historical basis of the statements (pre-
sumably theological) which were current in the
oral instruction given to converts.
VOL. I. — 46
(a) The icritten sources vsed by Luke. — In the
Gospel at least two written sources can be detected.
(1) Mark, either exactly in the form now extant,
or in one only slightly differing from it, was
certainly used by Luke. This is one of the most
secure results of the criticism of the Synoptic
Gospels. (2) Besides Mark, Luke used a docu-
ment commonly called Q {Quelle), which was also
used by Matthew, and, according to some scholars
(not, the present writer thinks, correctly), by
Mark. The exact contents of Q cannot be defined.
Nor can we say with certainty whether Q represents
one or many documents. These points are at
present among the most warmly debated and
most intently studied problems in the Sj-noptic
question. If, however, Q be used to cover all the
material common to Matthew and Luke, and it be
assiuned that Q is only one docimient, it must
have been Greek, not Aramaic, as the agreement
between Matthew and Luke is often too close to
admit the possibility that the two narratives re-
present two translations of a single Aramaic docu-
ment. In the same way the Mark used bj- Matthew
and Luke must have been Greek ; it is, however,
possible, though no sufficient proof has been given
even by WelLhausen, that behind the Greek IMark
and the Greek Q there were originally Aramaic
texts. (3) It is doubtful whether Luke used other
WTitten sources in his Gospel. It is possible that
the Persian section 9^^-18^ may have had a WTitten
source, and the same may be said of the ' Jerusalem
narrative' of the Passion and Resurrection ; but it
is also possible that their pecuUarly Lucan passages
rest on oral tradition. (4) In the Acts much
depends on the view taken of the critical questions,
but in any case the 'we-sections' must be referred
to a written source, even though their source may
have been a diary of the editor of the whole book.
Whether the 'Antiochene' source was a WTitten
document is doubtful, and the same may be said
of source B in the Jerusalem-Casarsean tradition.
It is, however, as probable as any point which is
supported merely by hterarj^ evidence can be that
source A (containing Ac 3—4, probably 8^*, and
possibly also ch. 5) depends from a written Greek
source (see art. Acts for the fuller treatment of
the question of the sources of Acts).
(b) The use of the LXX. — It remains a question
which criticism has as yet found no means of
solving whether Luke used, besides the foregoing
sources, an Aramaic document for his narrative of
the Nativity in the Gospel, or gave his version of a
tradition which he had heard, casting it into a
form based on the LXX. It is in any case certain
that the LXX, and not the Hebrew, was the
form of the OT which he habitually used, and his
diction seems to have been greatly influenced
by it.
(c) The tise of other writings. — No other books
seem to have been certainly used by Luke, with
the possible (or, in the present writer's opinion,
probable) exception of Josephus. The facts re-
lating to Josephus in connexion with Theudas
seem to point very strongly to a knowledge of the
Antiquities (see art. Acts).
(f/) The use of the Epistles. — There is no reason
to suppose that Luke was acquainted with any
of the Pauline Epistles. There is nothing in the
Acts which resembles a quotation, and in relating
facts alluded to in the Epistles there is more often
difference than agreement, even though it be true
that the difference is not always very serious.
3. Luke's methods. — In using his materials
l^uke's methods are in the main those of other
writers of the same period. They are quite un-
like those of modern writers. A writer of the
present day seeks to tell his story in his own words
and his own way, giving references to, and, if
722
LUKE
necessary, quotations from, his sources, but care-
fully avoiding all confusion between traditional
fact and critical inference, and certainly never
altering the direct statement of the earlier docu-
ments without expressly mentioning the fact.
The method of antiquity was as a rule almost
the reverse. The author of a book based on earlier
materials strung together a series of extracts into
a more or less coherent whole, giving no indication
of his sources, and modifying them freely in order
to harmonize them. Sometimes he would select
between several narratives, sometimes he would
combine, sometimes he would give them succes-
sively, and by a few editorial comments make a
single narrative of apparently several events out
of several narratives of a single event. As a
method this is obviously inferior to modem pro-
cedure, but even an inferior method can be well or
badly used. That Luke used this method is clear
from a comparison of the Third Gospel with
Matthew and Mark, but on the whole he seems to
have used it well, especially if it be remembered
that his avowed object was not to 'write history'
but to provide the historical evidence for the
Christian instruction which Theophilua had
received. The crucial evidence for this view is the
use made of Mark, which we can fortunately con-
trol. A comparison of Mark with Luke shows
that Luke has been on the whole loyal to his
source, though he has consistently poUshed the
language. At the same time, it must be admitted
that he had no objection to deserting it, or to
changing its meaning. Two examples must suffice.
(1) In Mark the call of Peter precedes the healing
of his mother-in-law ; in Luke a different account
of Peter's call is given the preference over the
Marcan one, and the healing of his mother-in-law
is placed before it, apparently to afford a motive
for the obedience of Peter to the call. (2) In the
narrative of the Passion and Resurrection Luke
obviously prefers an alternative narrative to that
of Mark. This narrative is different in the essential
point that it places all the appearances of the
Risen Christ in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem,
whereas Mark in 14-*, etc., is clearly leading up
to appearances in Galilee. But the story of the
woman at the tomb seems to be taken from Mark,
and this includes the message of the young man to
the women toteU the disciples to go to Gahlee,
where they will see Jesus. This is inconsistent
with the 'Jerusalem narrative,' and is changed by
Luke into 'Remember how he spoke to you while
he was still in Gahlee,' and the whole narrative is
freely re-written. If this were quite certain, it
would show that Luke cannot be depended upon
not to change the whole meaning of his sources.
It is, however, possible that his modification is
based on some other source ; if so, this source can
hardly have been originally independent of Mark.
A detailed examination of the Lucan changes in
the Marcan material, which has never yet been
sufficiently thoroughly undertaken, ia likely to
give valuable evidence as to Luke's met hods in
dealing with his sources and the extent to which
his statements may be trusted as really represent-
ing the earhest tradition, or discounted as being
(ditorial alterations. It may be suggested that a
study of the Lucan parallels to Mk 13 is especially
needed ; a superficial examination suggests that it
will show that he was inclined to remove eschato-
logical sayings or explain them in some other sense.
Another characteristic — or what at first sight
appears to be one — is a tendency to separate and
give to definite historical circumstances sayings
which in Matthew are brought together. From tliis
contrast between Matthew and Luke it has been
assumed that Luke made special endeavours to
find out the exact circumstances under which each
LUST
saying was uttered. But this conclusion is more
than the facta warrant. All that can really be
said is that a comparison between Matthew and
Luke shows either that Luke separated, or that
Matthew combined, or that each did a httle of
both; but, as we do not know what was the
arrangement of the material in the source, we
cannot decide between these possibilities. It is
sometimes overlooked that reconstructions of Q
such as Harnack's or Wellhausen's, though other-
wdse admirable, are useless for this purpose, as
they necessarily assume an answer to the question
at issue. It is perhaps worth notice that the only
safe guide which we have is Luke's treatment of the
Marcan source. Here we find no trace of the sup-
posed separation of sayings, nor do we find any traces
in Matthew of the supposed combination of sayings.
The logical deduction is that Luke and Matthew
did not use the same edition of Q, if indeed there
ever was a single document Q. Of course it is
hazardous to press this point, but insufficient atten-
tion has hitherto been given to the value of Luke's
treatment of Mark as the only objective standard
which exists for deciding what his methods probably
were in dealing with other soui-ces.
LiTEHATiTHE. — Besides the works"alreacly quoted in the body
of the article see B. Weiss, Die Quellea dei Lukasevangeliums,
Stuttgart, 1907; J.Moffatt,L.Vr, Edinburgh, 1911 ;E.Norden,
Agnostos Theos, Leipzig, 1913; R. Reitzenstein, Hellenistische
W undererzahlungen, do. 1906 ; E. C. Selwyn, St. Luke the
Prophet, London, 1901 ; H. McLachlan, St. Luke — Evangelist
and Historian, Londonand Manchester, 1912 ; W. M. Ramsay,
Luke the Physician and other Studies in the History of Religion,
London, 1908; Th. Zahn, Introduction to the New Testament,
Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1909. K. LakE.
LUKEWARM.— The word occurs only in Rev 3^«
• — ' because thou art lukewarm (xXtapos), and neither
hot nor cold, I will spew thee out of my mouth.'
As tepid water causes nausea, so lifeless religious
profession leads to Divine disgust and rejection
(cf. Ecce Homo^^, 1873, ch. xiii.). There is greater
promise in men who are outside the pale of the
Church than in those whose nominal allegiance to
religion has created a false confidence, dulled all
sense of need, and checked all spiritual growth
(v.^^). The following verses (w.^'^- ■**, for the local
references of which see art. 'Laodicea' in HDB)
suggest that this condition of tepid religion in
Laodicea had been fostered by an excess of material
prosperity. The Laodiceans had become so com-
fortable as not to need God, nor ought God to
expect much more than patronage from so con-
sequential a community. He must, in human
fashion, be on good terms with a church with so
satisfactory a worldly status, not inquiring too
closely about their spiritual zeal. For an analysis
of this lukewarmness see also F. W. Faber, Growth
in Holiness, 1854, ch. xxv. H. Bulcock.
LUST.— 1. Linguistic usage.— fl) The English
irord ' lii.st.' — The wuid 'lust,' wiiicli, in moVlern
Fnglish, is restrictetl to sexual desire, had origin-
ally a wider application and could be used de
rtcutro and de bono as well as de malo of desire
in general, and, as Trench savs, was 'once harm-
less enough ' (AT Synonyms^ "187(3, p. 313). The
German Lust is still used in this wide sense.
There is no instance in the K T wliere the English
word 'lust' is used de houo in the AV unless we
supply the word in Cal 5'" — 'the flesh lusteth
{iirievixei) against the Sjjirit and the Spirit (lusteth)
against the flesh.' The verb is absent in the Greek
as in the English. Light foot (on Gal 5^') thinks
that iwiOvfj-ei cannot be sujjplied, as it would be
unsuitable to describe the activity of the Spirit by
this term. But R(>ndall is probably right in saj'ing
that the word ^TriOv/xei: here is neutral and equally
applicable to the good desires of the Spirit and the
evil lusts of the flesh {EGT, 'Galatians,' 1903, in
loc). The Enplisli word ' lust,' however, is scarcely
neutral in the AV, and yet, because there is no
possibility of misunderstanding, no other verb is
supplied to describe the action of the Spirit. Even
the RV has not supplied a different verb in the
second clause. This is not to say that the Revisers
Avould consider 'lust' a fit -word to describe the
■working of the Spirit.
It is true also that the passage in Ja 4' — 'the
Spirit that dwelleth in us lusteth to envy ' — is now
generally understood of the Indwelling Spirit of
God, but it was not so understood by the AV
translators. To them it was the evil, envious spirit
of man. The Greek verb used here is iimrodelv,
which is frequently used in the NT, and always in
a good sense. St. Paul uses it of his i;Teat longing
to see his converts (1 Th 3^ 2 Co 7'-", 2 Ti 1^ Ph
P ; of. also Ro P^ \o-^). They are to him e-Kiirod-q-oL.
It expresses the longing of Epaphroditus for the
Philippians, and of the Judsean Christians for the
Corinthians who had liberally helped them. St.
Paul uses it also to express his longing for heaven
(2 Co 5-), and St. Peter exhorts his readers to
'desire' the sincere (?) milk of the word (1 P 2^).
The LXX uses it of the soul's longing for God (Ps
41^ [EV 42-]). Analogy would thus lead us to
suppose that St. James used the word in a good
sense. The quotation in which the word occurs
cannot be located in the OT with certainty (cf. 1
Co 2^, Eph 5^^) ; otherwise the sense of the word
would be beyond dispute. Some suppose that St.
James is here quoting St. Paul (1 Co 3^®, Gal 5^').
The most likely meaning of the passage is : ' The
Spirit which he caused to dwell in us yearneth
(for us) unto jealousy.' The Spirit of God has
such a longing desire to possess the whole Christian
personality that its passion may well be called
holy jealousy. If this be the meaning, the render-
ing ' lust ' is erroneous. The RV is not decided on
the interpretation, and has substituted 'long' for
' lust.' RVm is probably correct.
There is no passage, then, in the NT where the
English word 'lust' is used de bono.
(2) The Greek word e-mdvixe^v and its cognates. —
(a) The Greek word iiridvjxdv with its cognates,
although as a rule used de malo, is not always so
used. It occasionally takes the place of eimrodeLv
(1 Th 2^ Ph 1^3, 1 Ti 31, He G^i), which seems
always to be used in a good sense. It is used of
the desires of the prophets to see the deeds of the
Messianic Age (Mt 13'^; cf. also Lk IT"), of the
desire of Lazarus to eat of the crumbs falling from
the rich man's table (cf. Lk 16'-' 15^^ ; perhaps the
desire for food or drink or the sexual desire is the
ordinary meaning of the word). It is used by
the Saviour to express His desire to eat the Paschal
feast with His disciples (Lk 22^=), by St. Paul of
the desire for the othce of a bishop (1 Ti 3^), by St.
Peter of the holy desires of the angels (1 P 1^^),
and, in the substantive form, St. Paul uses it of
his desire to depart and be with Christ, which is
far better (Ph 1^), and of his longing to see his
Thessalonian converts (1 Th 2^^). The LXX also
uses it in a good sense (Ps 102^ [EV 103^], Pr 10^^).
In all these cases we have iiridvp-eiv translated by
the word 'desire.' The word eTrtdvixelv in the Gr.
NT is thus much wider than the word ' lust ' in
the Eng. NT, and even ' lust ' itself in the AV is
not to be restricted to ' sexual desire ' but is used
of unlawful desire in general, the context deter-
mining its specific application.
We find the same large use of the word C77c6vnia in Plato.
Generally with him it means ' appetite ' in the narrow sense —
the motive element in the lowest part of man — yet he uses it
also of the other higher departments of the personality. Even
the rational soul has its high and lofty desires {Hep., bks. iv.
and ix.).
{b) When the word is used without an object it
generally refers to evil longings (cf. Ro V 13^ [from
Ex 20=^], Ja 4-, 1 Co 10"), not, however, in the re-
stricted usage of sexual lust. The moral colouring
is as a rule supplied by the context, either by the
mention of the object desired, as in Mk 4^^ 1 Co lO*^,
which is the ordinary classical usage, or by the
mention of the source of the desire (commonly in
the NT) or by a descriptive epithet (Col 3=). This
transference of moral colouring from the object
desired to the subject desiring is significant. It is
in harmony with the NT moral standpoint. Here
the stress is laid on the inwardness of morality,
and the object of moral judgment is the character
(Kapola), rather than bare outward actions, or the
consequences of actions. In the NT the desire is
morally judged according to its origin, i.e. the
originative personality as a whole is dealt with
rather than the desire per se. The NT is thtis
more concerned with change of character than with
the reformation by parts of the individual.
'Scripture and reason alike require that we should turn
entirely to God, that we should obey the whole law. And hard
as this may seem at first, there isa witness within us which
pleads that it is possible. . . . "Easier to change many things
than one," is the common saying. Easier, we may add, in religion
and morality to change the whole than the part. . . . Many a
person will tease himself by counting minutes and providing
small rules for his life who would have found the task an easier
and a nobler one had he viewed it in its whole extent and gone
to God in a "large and liberal" spirit to offer up his lire to
Him' (B. Jowett, Interpretation of Scripture and other
Essays, London, n.d., p. 321).
The NT, however, does not hesitate to pass judg-
ment on desires j5e?' se and on their consequences.
We find sucli expressions as ' the conuption that
is in the world through lust ' spoken of (2 P 1*) —
where corruption is the consequence of evil desire.
We find the phrase 'polluting desires' (2 P 2^").
We find pleasures (ridovai) regarded as a turbulence
of the soul (Ja 4^), as if desires destroved the
balance of the soul (cf. 1 Ti 6^ 1 P 2", Ro 7^).
The NT has no meticulous fear in passing judg-
ment on evil desires and on their consequences.
It does not take up the immaculate, fastidious
attitude of 'virtue for virtue's sake,' but its point
of view is the whole personality, and on this is
moral judgment for good or evil passed.
(c) Thrice in the NT Ave find the word iwiOvfjJLa
translated by 'concupiscence.' This term is a
dogmatic one, which has played a large part in
theological controversy. It means the natural in-
clinations of man before these have passed into
overt acts. It is diUerent from consilium, which
is the 'deliberata assentio voluntatis' (so Calvin,
Institutes, bk. ii. ch. viii. 49). Two questions of
importance arise in connexion with this concupis-
cence : (i.) What is its origin and nature ? and (ii.)
What is its relation to responsibility and redemp-
tion ? The Pelagian theologian tends to identify it
with man's nature as appetitive and in itself morally
neutral. What makes the moral difference is the
exercise of the will, and the will is free. It may be
that there is weakness in man due to the removal
of ' original righteousness ' which Adam had before
he sinned, but this removal does not impair human
nature and it does not make virtue impossible. To
this class of theologians free-will is the important
matter. Sin is only conscious sinful actions. This
is, generally speaking, the position of Abelard,
Arminius, and the Tridentine Council. To Augus-
tine and the Reformers, however, this concupiscence
was prior to the individual's evil volition and in
a sense caused it. Free-will was not sufficient to
cope with it. The redemption of man was a radical
affair, cleansing tlie whole personality, the will in-
cluded. Concupiscence is not simply a defectus
(morally indifierent) but an affectus of the soul
resulting in a positive ?iwi(^ towards sin in man's
nature. The soul as a whole is deflected from its
true centre — God. As regards responsibility for
concupiscence, this school distinctly teaches it
while the other side denies it. The Reformers did
not regard ' desire ' viewed as a part of man's ideal
nature as ' evil ' ; but, as a matter of fact, in actual
experience the desires are found to be evil.
' All the desires of men we teach to be evil, . . . not in so
far as they are natural, but because they are inordinate, and
they are inordinate because they flow from a corrupt nature'
(Calvin, luMtutes, bk. iii. ch. iii. 12).
During the Middle Ages and in Aquinas con-
cupiscence was identified with man's sensuous
nature. The difference between flesh and spirit
was piiysical. So concupiscence was supremely
manifested in the lusts of the flesh interpreted in
a sensual fashion.
Tiie NT does not directly deal with these aspects
of desire, but its spirit is more in harmony with the
deeper analysis of Augustine. As regard's responsi-
bility and redemption in relation to concupiscence
the Augustinian position is the Pauline. The word
' concupiscence ' has been omitted altogether by the
RV. In Ro 7^ iiriOvfiia is translated ' coveting.' It
means illicit inclinations to follow one's own will
as against God's law. With the arrival of self-
consciousness there is already found in the per-
sonality the strong bias to sin which comes to light
as man is brought face to face with law. Sin is
regarded in a semi-personal fashion as receiving a
basis of operation in this bias. The word iiri6u/j.la
is thus well translated 'concupiscence' in the theo-
logical sense of the term. In Col 3» the English
' desii-e ' is sufficient to express the thought, because
it is as vague as the original.
(d) In 1 Th 4^ the word einOvula. is used, as the
context shows, of ' sexual lust.' The use of the
term in Jude ^'^ approximates to this but seems to
be wider. The same letter (v.is) ascribes it to
impiety. The passage 1 P 2^1 approximates closely
to this meaning. In 2 P 2^^ it means ' lust ' in our
restricted sense. It is equated with adpKos dcreX-
ydais. See also Apostol. Church Order (ed. Scliaff,
The Oldest Church Manual, 1885, p. 242), where it
is said that eiriOvfiLa. leads to fornication.
eirtOvfiia., then, when used de malo of illicit desires
is not wholly restricted to sexual depravity (exc.
in 1 Th 45 and 2 P 2^8 ; cf. Jude iS), although that
is included, and owing to its obtrusiveness could
not fail to be included. It means 'the whole
world of active lusts and desires' (Trench, NT
Syn.», p. 312).
(3) Other Greek words. — (a) The Greek word irdOos
is also translated ' lust ' in 1 Th 4^ and kinevfj.ia. is
subordinated to it as species to genus. This is the
usage of Aristotle, who regards ' lust,' anger, fear,
etc., as species of trddos. It is usually maintained
that the difference between the two is that irdOos
refers to evil on its passive and eiriOv/xla on its more
active side. It is impossible, however, to prove this
distinction from the NT, althougli in Gal 5-^, where
ira.driiJM.Ta and iiriOv/xlai are found side by side, this
distinction makes excellent sense. The words are
used in a loose popular sense and not as the exact
terminology of an ethical system.
(6) The same is true of the usage of ijdoval (Ja 4'),
which is translated ' lusts.' It refers to pleasures in
general ; though sexual pleasures are included, and
perhaps form the chief element, eating and drink-
ing would also be meant. ' All men are by nature
weak and inclined to pleasures,' and so injustice
and avarice follow (Swete, Introduction to OT in
Greek. 1900, p. 567).
(c) Similarly fipe^is (Ro l^)—& word used some-
times in classical writers of the highest desires— is
used by St. Paul of the unnatural sexual lust of
heathenism (see Trench, NT Syn.^, p. 314).
2. Genesis, grbwth and goal of lust.— (1) Genesis
nf lust.— We do not find any attempt to deal
psychologically with this problem. What we lind
is various suggestions and incidental allusions. In
Jn 8"''' the lusts of murder and deceit are traced
back to the devil. The idea is the Jewish one that
the devil tempted Cain to murder his brother Abel,
and that the serpent deceived Eve (cf. 1 Jn S***^-)-
This vicAV that the devil is the originator of lust
took various forms in Jewish thought (Sir 25-^'''-,
2 Es 4^'' S^''), and there are echoes of these in the
NT. St. Paul (1 Co 11") seems to regard the
wicked angels as moved to sensual lust by unveiled
women. The existence of an evil tendency (yezer
hara) in human nature was a problem for Judaism.
Sometimes it was simply referred to the fall of
Adam_(Wis 2^3^-; cf. Ro 5^^^; 1 Co IS^"?-), some-
times it was ascribed to the devil, and sometimes
to God. The last view is not found in the NT
except to be refuted ( Ja l^^^"). The good tendency
{yezer hatob) was without difHculty ascribed to
God, but the evil tendency could not be so treated.
St. Paul (Ro 7i»-3^) simply states these two ten-
dencies and connects the evil with the fall of Adam.
Yet there is nothing to encourage the view that
man is not responsible. In truth, where St. John
mentions the devil (1 Jn 3*) as the originator of
evil desires, he is opposing the Gnostic view that
the ' spiritual ' man is not responsible for sensual
sins. Yet it is certain that the problem of evil
is not solved on NT principles by any atomistic
view of human personality, and that the redemp-
tion of Christ has its cosmic as well as its personal
aspects. St. Paul's teaching in Ro 1^^-^ was open
to misunderstanding, but in principle it is the very
opposite of libertinism.
Again, the origin of lust is ascribed to the cosmos
(1 Jn 2^*""). It is whatever is opposed to the will
of God. So in Tit 2^^ -^e read of ' worldly lusts '
(cf. 2 P 1% The world is the ' lust of the flesh,'
the ' lust of the eyes,' and the ' pride of life.' It is
the kingdom of evil as organized in customs and
tendencies in human society and human hearts, in-
cluding also evil spirits. It is found in man as the
desii-es of the ' flesh and mind ' (Eph 2^), and specifi-
cally called the lusts of men (1 P 4-). It might
appear as if this ascription of lust to the ' world '
destroyed personal responsibility, but such is never
the case. The law of God recognized by man as
good, i.e. as the law of his own conscience (Ro V^-),
is against such lust, and the Christian command
is to love God and do His will. The fact of responsi-
bility is not proportional to ability in the NT, and
so redemption is always regarded as primarily of
grace.
Similarly, and characteristically, the origin of
lust is ascribed to the flesh, i.e. the sinful person-
ality as apart from God. The ' lusts of the flesh '
mean much more than sensuality. ' It was not the
corruptible flesh that made the soul sinful, but the
sinful soul that made the flesh corrupt' (Aug., dc
Civ. Dei, xiv. 2, 3). It is true that the body [auiixa.)
with its desires (Ro 6^^) was a sort of armoury
where sin got its weapons, but the body as such is
not the originative seat of evil ; otherwise St. Paul's
view of the Resurrection would be meaningless.
Platonism looked on the body as the tomb of the
soul and as pressing down the soul (cf. 1 Co 9-'),
but Rothe is scarcely warranted in making the
sensuous nature the primary root of evil (Theol.
Ethik'\ 1870, ii. 181-7).
Again, the heart is viewed as the origin of evil
desires (Ro 1^'* ; cf. Sir 5'-). This centres the origin
in man's personality as a whole, not in any one part
of the personality. But it is the personality apart
from God. So we read in Jude not only ' their
own desires,' but also (v.^**) ' their own desires of im-
pieties,' i.e. evil desires originating in their im-
pious state. A similar thought is found in Ro I-''"''
(cf. Tit 2^^). Evil tendencies develop 'pari passu
with God's judicial withdrawal.
LUST
LYCAONIA
725
It might thus appear that those who make
selfishness {(piXavrla) the root of sinful desires are
nearest the truth. Philo does so and Plato. ' Tlie
truth is that the cause of all sins in every person
and every instance is excessive self-love' (Laws, v.
731); but in the NT the 'self is not an entity
that can be understood aj)art from the redemption
of Christ, and the Christian personality is so com-
plex that Ave cannot safely limit to any single
strand the origin of sin. What the NT is concerned
with is not the origin — an insoluble problem — but
the abolition of evil desires. Man himself is the
moral origin, and the great question is how to
redeem sinful man. In other words, these questions
are discussed not from the point of view of genetic
psychology but from the point of view of redemp-
tion.
(2) Groioth and goal of hist. — St. James gives a
graphic picture of how i-mdvixla develops. She is pic-
tured as a harlot enticing man. Like the fisherman
she baits her hook, and traps her jjrey as the hunter
does. Then sin is produced, and sin completed
brings forth death. It is clearly stated that ' lust '
is not of God. It is man's own, and the inference
is that man can resist it. There is no mention of
God's grace in the specific Christian sense, although
in v.i^ we seem to have this sti'ongly emphasized.
Perhaps the writer loosely holds both the Jewish
notion of free-will as itself sufficient to resist desire,
and the Christian sense of God's grace. It is pos-
sible to restrict the whole passage (P^"") to sexual
lust, but the wider sense is probable.
Clement of Rome (Ep. ad Cor. iii.) gives a long
list of evil desires leading to death, but to Mm
strife and envy are characteristically causative of
this result, as in the case of Cain (iv.). In the
Apostol. Clnirch Order (ed. Schali', p. 242), lust is
pictured as a female demon. It leads to fornica-
tion, and it darkens the soul so that it cannot see
the truth clearly (cf. Bo l-***^-)-
St. Peter associates lust with ignorance (1 P 1^^)
and St. Paul with deceit, the opposite of 'truth'
(Eph 422)_ Since the time of Plato desire has been
regarded by philosophers as aiming at a good
(true or false). The end is always viewed sub
specie boni. This is an aspect which the NT does
not emphasize. But it does say that evil desires
leave the soul unsatisfied and produce disorder
(Ja 4^). It is possible to be always seeking some
new thing and never coming to the knowledge of
the truth (2 Ti 3®^')- Knowledge alone is not
sufficient, however, for St. Paul regards the law as
both revealing desire and intensifying it (Ro V).
Redemption is necessary to cope with evil desires.
The desiring of evil things St. Paul regards as
the moral ground of all sinful acts (1 Co 10) — of
sensuality both as fornication and idolatry — of un-
belief in its varied forms. This desiring does not
Avork in vacuo ; it is active in an atmosphere
already tainted with idolatry, sensuality, and
devilry { 1 Co W^«-, 1 Th Z=, Eph 6"ff- ). God allows
this testing of men, but He also ati'ords a way of
escape from it, so that men with this hope can bear
up under temptations. The consequence of follow-
ing one's own lust is regarded both subjectively
and objectively. It produces corruption of the
personality, ending in complete ipdopa (Eph 4-^ ; cf.
2 P I'*, where 4>66pa is said to be the fruit of lust),
whereas the will of God leads to righteousness and
holiness. The man who sets his heart on riches
falls into many foolish and hurtful desires, and
these bring him to the depth of destruction (SXedpos
and (XTTciXeta are the inevitable consequences). Lust
is also said to pollute the soul (2 P 2^"). Besides
this, lust brings one face to face with God's destruc-
tive anger against sin (cf. 1 Co 10 and Dt 32-**'^').
It is not possiljle, however, from the NT to arrange
in psychological order the stages in the development
of lust. The progress is as varied as life itself.
Catalogues of sins are given because these sins are
closely connected in actual experience, and in ex-
perience the cause is often the eli'ect and the effect
the cause.
St. John (1 Jn 2^^'^^) is not to be taken as making
the ' lust of the flesh ' the origin of the ' lust of the
eyes ' and of the ' pride of possession,' nor are these
a complete summary of sin. Tliey are compre-
hensive and characteristic, but not necessarily ex-
haustive. The genitives in this passage are of
course subjective, i.e. ' the lust springing from the
flesh,' etc. Here again the ' flesh ' is the origin
of evil desire — not the bodj' as such, but the sin-
ful personality (Law [Tests of Life^, 1914, p. 149]
explains ' flesh ' otherwise here, but the very fact
that the 'flesh' is regarded as causing desire is
against him). To St. John also the issue of sinful
desire is destruction, as it is contrary to the abid-
ing will of God.
To the NT, then, evil desires contaminate, cor-
rupt, and destroy the soul itself and bring upon it
God's punishment. These desires, however, ai"e ^
already proofs of a personality out of order, and to
set the desii-es right the personality must be set
right. This is done by the new gracious creation
of God through His mercy which operates through
Christ. Thus man is made God's noLrjfM by the
Spirit. To walk in the Spirit is the privilege of
the new creature (Eph 2^'''), and in this way he can
overcome the desires of the ' flesh ' (Ro 13"), and
learn to do the will of God.
Literature. — See Grimm-Thayer, under the various Greek
words translated ' Lust' ; H. Cramer, Bib.-Theol. Lex. of NT
Greek, 1872, pp. 273-278. For the general teaching see C.
Clemen, Christl. Lehre von der Siinde, Gottingen, 1S97 ; J.
Muller, Chris. Doet. of Sin, Eng. tr., 1877-S5, i. 157. For the
Jewish i'ezer Hara see F. C. Porter in Bib. and Sem. Studies,
New York, 1901 ; W. O. E. Oesterley, in EGT : ' St. James,'
1910, pp. 408-413. For Concupiscence see L A. Dorner, System
of Christian Doctrine, Eng. tr., 18S0-S2, Index, s.v. 'Concupis-
centia.' See also Literature under art. Flesh. The various
Commentaries are indispensable : Mayor (^1910) and Carr
(Camb. Gr. Test., 1896) on St, James in relevant places, and
Plummer on St. John (Camb. Gr. Test., 1SS6), pp. lo4-15& See
further artt. ' Lust ' in HD£ and ' Desire ' in DCG.
Donald Mackenzie.
LYCAONIA (AvKaovia), — Lycaonia, tiie countiy
of the Lycaones, who spoke AvicaoviaTi ('in the
speech of Lycaonia,' Ac 14^^), was a vast elevated
plain, often called ' The Treeless ' (to d<;^v\ov), in the
centre of Asia Minor. It was bounded on the N.
and E. by Galatia and Cappadocia, on the W.
and S. by Phiygia, Pisidia, and Isauria ; but its
limits were very uncertain and liable to change,
especially in the N. and S. Its physical character
is described by Strabo (Xll. vi. 1) :
' The places around the mountainous plane of Lycaonia are
cold and bare, affording pasture only for wld asses ; there is
a great scarcity of water, and wherever it is found the wells
are very deep. . . . Althouprh the countrj' is ill supplied with
water, it is suprisingly well adapted for feeding slieep. . . .
Some persons have acquired great wealth by these flocks alone.
Amyncas had above 300 flocks of sheep in these parts.'
Having no opportunity and perhaps little capa-
city for self-government, the Lycaonians had no
history of their own. Driven eastward by the
Phrygians, they were always under the sway of
some stronger power, which cut and carved their
territory without ever asking their leave. In the
3rd cent. Lycaonia belonged to the empire of the
Seleucids, who more or less hellenized its larger
towns, such as Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe.
After the Roman victory over Antiochus the
Great at Magnesia (190 B.C.), it was given to the
Attalids of Pergamos ; but as they never efl'ectively
occupied it, the northern part of it was claimed
by the Galatians, while the eastern was added
to Cappadocia. When Pompey re-organized Asia
Minor after the defeat of Mithridates (64 B.C.), he
left northern Lycaonia (somewhat cirrtailed) to
the Galatians, and eastern Lycaonia (also dimin-
726
LYCIA
LYDIA
ished) to Cappadocia, -while he attached south-
Avestern Lycaonia (considerably increased) to the
province of Cilicia. Mark Antony gave the last
part, including Iconinni and Lystra, to Polemon
in 39 B.C., but transferred it in 36 to King
Aniyntas of Pisidia, 'who at the same time became
king of all Galatia. Soon afterwards this brilliant
soldier — the most interesting of AsiaticGaels — over-
threw Antipater of Derbe, Avith the result that the
whole of Lycaonia, except the so-called Eleventh
Strategia (-which about this time was given to King
Antiochus of Commagene, to be henceforth called
Lycaonia Antiocliiana) was now included in the
Galatian realm. After the untimely death of
Amyntas in 25 B.C., his kingdom was converted
into the Roman province of Galatia. This ar-
rangement lasted for nearly a century, except that
Claudius apparently presented the S.E. corner of
Lycaonia, including the important city of Laranda,
to the king of Commagene.
When St. Paul brought Christianity to Lycaonia,
he confined his mission to that part of it which
was in the pro\ance of Galatia. On reaching the
frontier citj' of Derbe, he retraced his steps.
Laranda, in Antiochian Lycaonia, -was beyond his
sphere. If the S. Galatian theory is to be ac-
cepted, he passed through Galatic Lycaonia four
times (Ac 14°- -^ 16^ 18-^) ; he addressed the mixed
population of its cities — Lycaonians, Greeks, and
Jews — as all alike ' Galatians ' ; and the Christians
of Lycaonian and Phrygian Galatia, not the in-
habitants of Galatia proper, are the ' foolish Gal-
atians' (Gal 3M about whom he -was so ' perplexed '
(Gal 420). But see Galatians.
Nothing remains of the Lycaonian language
except some place-names ; but the Christian in-
scriptions found in Lj'caonia are very niunerous,
and show how widely diffused the new religion
was in the 3rd cent, throughout this country
which -was evangelized by St. Paul in the 1st.
LrrERATCRE. — -W. M. Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor,
1S90, also if ist. Com. on Galatians, 1S99; J. R. S. Sterrett,
M'olfe Expedition in Asia Minor, ISiS; C. Wilson, in Murray's
Handbook to Asia Minor, 1S95.
James Strahan.
LTGIA (AvKia, Eth. Avklos). — Lycia was a se-
cluded mountain-land in the S.W. of Asia Minor,
bounded on the W. by Caria, on the N. by Phrygia
and Pisidia, on the N.E. by Pamphilia, and on
the S. by the Lycian Sea. It was ' beyond the
Taurus' (e/cr6s rod Tavpov). The ribs of that huge
backbone of the country extended from N. to S.
(in some places over 10,000 ft. in height), and be-
tween them were -well- watered and fertile valleys,
the homes of a highly civilized race, who in their
love of peace and freedom resembled the Swiss.
They were not Greek by race, but they were early
hellenized. They had many overlords — Persians,
Seleucids, Ptolemys, Romans — but for the most
part their autonomy -was undisturbed, and they
had one of the finest constitutions in ancient times.
As the Lycians were suspected of favouring the
Imperial party in the Civil Wars of Rome, Brutus
and Cassius almost annihilated the beautiful city
of Xanthus (43 B.C.), and the country never re-
covered its old prosperity. Pliny says that in his
time the cities of Lycia, formerly 70 in number,
had been reduced to 36 (HX v. 28). In A.D. 43
it was made a Roman province, and in A.D. 74
Vespasian formed the united province of Lycia-
Pamphylia. Lycia is named in 1 Mac 15-^ as
one of the Free States to which the Romans sent
letters in favour of the Jewish settlers. Two of
its principal seaports — Patara and Myra — are
mentioned in Acts (21^ 27*). But it appears to
have been one of the last parts of Asia Minor to
accept Christianity. Among the provinces ad-
dressed in 1 P 11 as having been partly evangel-
ized, neither Lycia nor Pamphylia — both south of
the Taurus — finds a place.
LiTBRATDRE.— C. Fellows, Discoveries in Lycia during Snd
Excursion in Asia Minor, 1S41 ; T. A. B. Spratt arid E.
Forbes, Travels in Lycia, Milyas, and the Cibyratis, 1S47 ;
Benndorf-Niemann, i2etse7imsi4c<M'es«Z. Eleinasien,i.: 'Eeisen
in Lykien und Karien,' 1S84. JAMES STRAHAN.
LYDDA (Ai'55a, Heb. L6d, Ar. Lndd).—l.jdda
was a town about 10 miles S.E. of Joppa, on the
line where the Maritime Plain of Palestine merges
into the Shephelah or Lowlands of Judaea. Its
importance was largely due to its position at the
intersection of two highways of intercourse and
traffic — the road from Joppa up to Jerusalem by
the Vale of Ajalon, and the caravan route from
Egypt to Syria and Babylon. Re-occupied by the
Jews after the Exile (Neli 11^^), it was nevertheless
governed by the Samaritans till the time of Jona-
than Maccabteus, when the Syrian king Demetrius
II. made it over to Judcea (1 Mac 11^). In the
time of Christ it was the capital of one of the
eleven toparchies ' of Avhich the royal city of Jeru-
salem was the supreme' (Jos. BJ ill. iii. 5).
During the civil strife of the Romans (c. 45 B.C.)
Cassius sold the inhabitants of Lj-dda into slavery
for refusing the sinews of war, but Antony gave
them back their liberty {A7it. XIV. si. 2, xii. 2-5).
Lydda was visited by St. Peter, whose preaching,
aided by the miraculous healing of .^neas, is said,
'in a popular hyperbolical manner' (Meyer on
Ac 9^*), to have resulted in a general conversion of
the Jewish population to Jesus as the Messiah.
From this town the Apostle was called to Joppa
on behalf of Dorcas (9^"). In the Jewish Wars
Lydda was a centre of strong national feeling. It
was captured and burned by the Syrian governor,
Cestius Gallus, on his march to Jerusalem (A.D.
65), and it surrendered without a struggle to Ves-
pasian in 68 (BJll. xis. 1, IV. viii. 1). After the
fall of the holy city it became one of the refuges
of Rabbinical learning. Later, it was known as
Diospolis, though its old name was never dis-
placed, and it became the seat of a bishop. At the
Council of Diospolis in A.D. 415 the heresiarch
Pelagius -n^as tried, but managed to procure his ac-
quittal. By this time Lydda had begun to have a
wide fame as the reputed burial-place of a Christian
soldier named Georgios, who in Nicoaiedia had
torn dowTi Diocletian's edict against Christianity
and Avelcomed martyrdom. His relics were taken
to Lydda, and round his name was gradually woven
a tissue of legend, in which the Greek myth of
Perseus and Andromeda (see JoPPA), the Moslem
idea of Elijah (or alternatively of Jesus) as the
destined destroyer of the Impostor (al-dajjdl) or
Antichrist, and the old Hebrew story of the fall of
Dagon before the ark, were all inextricably inter-
twined, till Lydda became the shrine of St. George
the Slayer of the Dragon, whom the English
Crusaders made the patron-saint of their native
land.
Lydda is now ' a flourishing little town, em-
bosomed in noble orchards of olive, fig, pomegran-
ate, mulberry, sycamore, and other trees, and sur-
rounded every way by a very fertile neighbourhood.'
The ruins of the Crusaders' Church of St. George,
have ' a certain air of grandeur ' (W. M. Thomson,
The Land and the Book, 1910, p. 523). The town
has a station on the Jafi'a- Jerusalem Railway.
LiTERATDRE. — E. RobinsoH, Biblical Researches, 1841, iii. 49-
55 ; C. Clermoat-Ganneau, Horua et Saint Gemges, 1S77 ; G. A.
Smith, HGHL, 1897, p. 160 £. JaMES STRAHAN.
LYDIA. — The woman who bears this name in
Ac 161^' is described as * a seller of purple, of the
city of Thj-atira, one who worshipped God.' The
implication is that Lydia was more or less closely
LYDIA
LYIXG
attached to the Jewish religion— a 'proselyte of
the gate,' in later Eabbinic phraseology. We are
told that she was found by St. Paul on his visit to
Philippi at a small JeAvish meeting for prayer held
at the river-side on the Sabbath day. On hearing
the message of the Apostle, she was converted and
baptized along with the members of her household,
and thereupon entreated the missionary to lodge
in her house during his stay in the town. As a
seller of purple garments — among the most expen-
sive articles of ancient commerce — Lydia was no
doubt a woman of considerable wealth. Probably
she was a widow carrying on the business of her
dead husband, and her position at the head of a
wealthy establishment shows the comparative free-
dom enjoyed by women both in Asia Minor and
in Macedonia. Her generous disposition, manifested
in her pressing ofier of hospitality to the Apostle,
may perliaps be reflected in the frequency and
liberality with which the Philippian Church contri-
buted to"^ the Apostle's wants (Ph 4^^ i«). She holds
the distinction of being the first convert to Chris-
tianity in Europe, and her household formed the
nucleus of the Church of Philippi, to which St. Paul
addressed the most affectionate and joyous of all
his Epistles.
The fact that the Apostle Paul does not
mention her by name in the Epistle has given rise
to two different suggestions. Some have thought
that shortly after her conversion Lydia may have
eitlier died or returned to her home in Thyatira (as
Milligan in HDB, art. * Lydia '). Others have put
forward the idea that Lydia was not the personal
name of the convert, but a description of her
nationality as a native of Thyatira in the province
of Lydia — 'the Lydian'; and further, that the
Apostle may refer to her either as Euodia or
Syntache (Ph 4^). Renan takes this latter view of
the name, and suggests also that Lydia became the
wife of the Apostle and bore the expenses of his
trial in Philipjn (St. Paul, p. 148). Ramsay {HDB,
art. ' Lydia '] regards the name as a familiar name
(nickname), used instead of the personal proper
name and meaning ' the Lvdian ' (so Zahn, Introd.
to NT, Eng. tr., 1909, i. o33). Others, however,
point to the frequency with which the name is
found applied to women in Horace [Od. L 8, iii. 9,
iv. 30), and regard it as a proper name.
LiTERATrRE.— E. Renan, St. Paul, 1869, p. 143 ; HDB, art.
'Lydia'; R.J. Viaovfliag, EGT, ' Acts," 1900, p. 345 ; Com-
mentaries of Holtzmann and Zeller in loe.
W. F. Boyd.
LYDIA (Ai'Sta). — Lydia, the fairest and richest
country of western Asia Minor, was bounded by
Mysia in the N., Phrygia in the E., Caria in the
S., and the ^gean Sea in the W. Long mountain
chains, extending westward from the central
plateau, divided it into broad alluvial valleys.
The regions between the ranges of Messogis,
Tmolus, and Temnus, watered by the Cayster and
the Hermus, were among the most fertile in the
world. The trade and commerce of Lydia con-
tributed more to its immense wealth than the
mines of Tmolus or the golden sand of Pactolus.
In the time of Alyattes and Croesus, who reigned
in splendour at Sardis, the kingdom of Lydia em-
braced almost the whole of Asia Minor west of the
Halys, but Cyrus subdued it about 546 B.C., and a
succession of satraps did their best to crush the
spirit of the race. After the triumphal progress
of Alexander the Great, Lydia M-as held for a time
by Antigonus, and then by the Seleucids. After
MagTiesia (190 B.C.) the Romans presented it to
their ally Eumenes, king of Pergamos (1 Mac 8**).
From 133 onwards it formed part of the Roman
province of Asia. Before the time of Strabo (XIII.
iv. 17) the Lydian language had been entirely dis-
placed by the Greek.
The religion of the Lydians — the cult of Cybele
— was a sensuous Nature-worship, perhaps origin-
ally Hittite ; their music — ' soft Lydian airs ' — was
voluptuous ; and the prostitution at their temples,
whereby their daughters obtained dowries (Herod,
i. 93), made 'Lydian' a term of contempt among
the Greeks. Many Jewish families were settled in
Lydia (Jos. Ant. XJI. iii. 4), and it is probable
that in the great centres of population not a
few Gentiles turned to them in search of a higher
faith and a purer morality. Among these was the
purple-seller of Thyatira, who was St. Paul's first
convert in Europe (Ac 16"-^). ' Lydia' was most
probably not her real name, but a familiar ethnic
appellation. She was 'the Lydian' to all her
Philippian friends (E. Renan, "St. Paul, 1869, p.
146 ; T. Zahn, Introd. to the NT, Eng. tr., 1909, i.
523, 533). See preceding article.
In Ezk 30^ the RV has changed Lydia into Lud,
and the country Lydia is never mentioned in the
NT. The Roman provincial system created a
nomenclature which most of the writers of the
Apostolic Age habitually employ. Like many
other geographical and ethnological names, Lydia
ceased to have any political signiticance. St. Paul,
the Roman citizen, uses the provincial name Asia,
and never Lydia. John writes to five Lydian
churches, along with one in Mysian Pergamos and
one in Phrygian Laodicea, but all the seven are
'churches which are in Asia' (Rev 1^- i^). It is
contended, indeed, by Zahn (op. cit. i. 187) that
the Grecian Luke, to whom the unofficial termin-
ology would come naturally, uses Asia in the popu-
lar non-Roman sense as synonymous with Lydia,
to which F. Blass {Acta Apo'itolorum, 1895, p. 176)
would add Mysia and Caria. J. B. Lightfoot,
however, states good reasons for maintaining that
' Asia in the New Testament is always Proconsular
Asia' (Galatian-^, 1876, p. 19 n.), andW. M. Ramsay
strongly supports this view, refusing now to admit
an exception (as he formerly did [The Church in
the Roman Empire, 1893, p. 150]) even in the case
of Ac 2*. James Steahan.
LYING {\jjev5eadai, ' to lie ' ; yj/evSos, ^evfffia, ' a lie ' ;
ypevSrjs, 'false'; ••pev<TT-r)s, ' a deceiver'). — 1. It is the
glory of Christianity that this religion reveals ' the
God who cannot lie,' 6 d\j/ev5rj$ Beos (Tit 1^), qui non
mentitur Dens (Vulg. ). He is true in both senses
of the word — a\7)di.v6s and ak-qd-qs, verus and verax.
He cannot be false to His own nature, just as men,
made in His image, cannot lie without being un-
true to themselves. It is likewise impossible to
imagine His Revealer departing from the truth
in word or deed. While Hermes, the so-called
messenger of the gods, was often admired for his
dexterous lying, Christ is loved becau.<e He is the
Truth (Jn 14«), the faithful and true ^Yitness (Rev
3"), through whom men are able, amid all
earthly changes and illusions, to lay hold on
eternal realities.
2. The detection and exposure of imposture was
an urgent duty of the early Church. The speedy
appearance of false teachers was one of the most
remarkable features of the Apostolic Age, and the
Church was enjoined not to believe every spirit,
but to try the spirits (1 Jn 4^). There were xj/evo-
d5€\(poi (Gal 2^), \//evdaTr6(TTo\oi (2 Co IP^), \pevbo-
irpocpvrai (Ac 1.3«, 2 P 2\ 1 Jn 4i, Rev W^ I920 20i«),
xpevdo\6yoL (1 Ti 4-), ^€vdodi8d<rKa\oi (2 P 2^). These
deceivers were as the shadows which always ac-
company the light. To the apostolic founders of
Cliristianity the bare thought of being ever found
false witnesses of God {^evdofMaprvpei rod deoO, 1 Co
15^") was intolerable. St. Paul often protests, and
solemnly calls God to witness, that he does not lie
(Ro 91, 2 Co Ipi, Gal l"", 1 Ti 2^). The Church of
Ephesus was praised because she had tried soi-
728
LYSIAS
LYSTRA
disant apostles and found them false (xj/evSeh, Rev
2^). If there were false teachers, there were also
false disciples, Avho claimed the Christian name
without having Christ's spirit, and John had to
formulate some clear and simple tests by which
'the liar' (6 rj/etjo-nji) could be known (1 Jn 2^* ^-
3. The same writer emphasizes the gravity of
certain moral and intellectual errors — the denial of
personal sin (1 Jn P"), the rejection of the historical
Christ (5^"). He brands them as blasphemous as-
sertions that God (whose Word calls all men sinners,
and whose Spirit inwardly witnesses to the truth
of the gospel) is a liar.
46. Christians must not lie one to another (Col 3^).
In the pagan, e.g. the Cretan (Tit l^^), lying is bad ;
in the Jew (Rev 2^) it is worse ; in the "Christian it
should be impossible. The Law was made for the
repression of liars (1 Ti 1^") ; the gospel gives every
believer the spirit of truth (I Jn 4^). 'All liars,'
' every one that loveth and maketh a lie,' end the
black list of the condemned (Rev 21^ 22^^), who
shall not in any wise enter the City of God (212^).
James Strahan.
LTSIAS. — Claudius Lysias was the chiliarch,
the tribune, in command of the Roman troops
stationed at the Tower of Antonia at the time
of St. Paul's last visit to Jerusalem. The conjec-
ture is probable that he was by birth a Greek, and
that he adopted the name Claudius when ' with a
great sum' he obtained the station of a Roman
citizen (Ac 222»; seeR. J. Knowling, EGT, 'Acts,'
1900, p. 463 ; cf. Ac 21^^). The Tower of Antonia
communicated by a stairway with the cloisters of
the Temple (see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, 1S9S, ii.
495 f., and art. JERUSALEM for the position of the
tower), and care was taken to have soldiers there
in readiness for any emergency, especially at the
time of the Jewish festivals (Jos. BJ v. 5. 8), like
that of Pentecost, which St. Paul was attending.
News was quickly brought up to the Tower of
the riotous attack made upon the Apostle in the
Temple at the instigation of ' Jews from Asia '
(2r-'f'-). It was suggested to Lysias, or the idea
occurred spontaneously to him, that the object of
the fury of the mob might be a man whom he was
anxious to apprehend — viz. the leader of a recent
seditious movement, who had managed to escape
when the procurator Felix fell upon him and the
crowd of his followers (Jos. Ant. xx. 8. 6, and BJ
ii. 13. 5). Hence the surprise with which the
chiliarch turns to St. Paul, so soon as he had been
snatched from his assailants, with the question :
' You are not, then, the Egyptian . . . ? ' (Ac 2138),
After allowing St. Paul to address the people
from 'the stairs,' Lysias had him taken within
the Tower, and had given orders that he should be
examined by scourging, when he was made aware
that his prisoner was a Roman citizen, whom ' it
was illegal to subject to such treatment' {•22^^-).
Seeking to obtain the information he desired by
other means, Lysias convened a meeting of the
Jewish Council on the following day, ' and brought
St. Paul down and set him before them' (v.^o).
The tumult that arose on St. Paul's statement
that he was a Pharisee, and was called in question
' touching the hope and resurrection of the dead,'
was so great that he had to be rescued by the
soldiers, who took him again to the "Tower. Then
followed the ' plot of certain of the Jews to kill
St. Paul,' if the chiliarch could be induced to
bring him again before the Council. News of
this was carried to Lysias by ' Paul's sister's son.'
Thereupon the resolution was taken to send the
Ajiostle for greater safety to Caesarea (23i'"''-).
"V\ ith the escort, Lysias sent a letter to the Gover-
nor Felix (v.2«r-). In writing, he forgot the mis-
conception about ' the Egyptian ' under which he
had first apprehended St. Paul. Uppermost in his
mind was the fact that he had been the means
of rescuing ' a Roman ' from the mad fury of the
Jews. Not unnaturally it is that fact he empha-
sized when writing to the Governor. No further
trace of Lysias is forthcoming. G. P. Gould.
LYSTRA (Aijo-Tpa, which is fem. sing, in Ac
146- 21 161, and neut. pi. in Ac 148 152^ 2 Ti 3").—
Lystra was a Roman garrison town of southern
Galatia, built on an isolated hill in a secluded
valley at the S. edge of the vast upland plain
of Lycaonia, about 18 miles S.S.W. of Iconium.
Itself 3,780 ft. above sea-level, it had behind it
the gigantic Taurus range, whose fastnesses were
the haunts of wild mountaineers living on plunder
and blackmail. It Avas the necessity of stamping
out this social pest that raised the obscure town
of Lystra into temporary importance. In 6 B.C.
Augustus made it an outpost of civilization, one
of ' a series of colonies of Roman veterans evidently
intended to acquire this district for peaceful settle-
ment' (T. Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman
Empire, Eng. tr., 1909, i. 337). The others were
Antioch, Parlais, Cremna, Comama, and Olbasa.
In all these cities the military coloni formed an
aristocracy among the incolce or native inhabitants.
Latin was the official language, and Greek that
of culture, but the Lystrans used among them-
selves 'the speech of Lycaonia' (Ac H^^), of which
no trace is left, except that 'Lystra' — which the
Romans liked to write ' Lustra,' on account of
its resemblance to lustrum — is, like ' Ilistra ' and
' Kilistra,' which are also found in the country,
doubtless a native place-name. The site and
colonial rank of Lystra Avere alike unknown till
1885, when J. R. S. Sterrett's discovery of a pedestal
in situ, with an inscription containing the words
Colonia lulia Felix Gemina Lustra, settled both
these points. Coins bearing the same legend have
since been found.
Lying some distance westward from the great
trade-route which went through Derbe and Iconium,
Lystra can never have been an important seat of
commerce. Still it was prosperous enough to at-
tract some civilians as well as soldiers to its pleas-
ant valley. Its blending of Greek and Jewish
elements is strikingly illustrated by the mixed
parentage of Timothy, whom St. Paul circumcised
' because of the Jews that were in those parts '
(Ac 16^' *). No mention, however, is made of a
synagogue in Lystra, and probably the Jewish
colony was small. Some measure of Greek culture
among the Lystran natives is prima facie suggested
by the existence of a temple of Zeus ' before the
city ' (irpo TTjs TToXews, Ac 14'*) — cf. S. Paolo fuori
le Mura at Rome — as well as by the naive identifi-
cation of Barnabas and St. Paul with Zeus and
Hermes. But these facts prove nothing as to
the real character of the Lystran worship, for the
arbitrary bestowal of classical names upon Ana-
tolian gods — an act of homage to the dominant civil-
ization — had but little effect upon the deep-rooted
native religious feeling. The motive of the priest
who wished to sacrifice to the supposed celestial
visitants (v.^*) does not lie on the surface. That
he acted in good faith, being thrilled with awe be-
fore superhuman miracle-workers, is more probable
than that, knowing better, he cleverly used a wave
of religious excitement to serve his own base ends.
All the Lystrans were probably familiar with the
legend— told by Ovid, Met. vii'i. 62Gff.— that Zeus
and Hermes once visited Phrygia in the disguise
of mortals, and found no one willing to give them
hospitality, till they came to the hut of an aged
couple, Philemon and Baucis, whose kindness
Zeus rewarded by taking them to a j^lace of
safety before all the neighbourhood was suddenly
LYSTEA
LYSTKA
rOQ
flooded, and thereafter metamorphosing their
cottage into a magnificent temple, of which they
became the priests.
It is stated (Ac 14^8) that, during St. Paul's
sojourn in Lystra, Jews came thither from Antioch
(130 miles) and Iconium (18 miles), but whether in
the ordinary course of trade, or on set purpose to
persecute the Apostle, is not made quite clear.
The close connexion between Antioch and Lystra
is proved by a Greek inscription on the base of a
statue which Lystra presented in the 2nd cent. :
' The very brilliant sister Colonia of the Antioch-
ians is honoui'sd by the very brilliant colony of
the Lystrans with the Statue of Concord ' (J. R. S.
Sterrett, Wolfe Expedition in Asia Minor, 1888,
p. 352). Lystra was more closely associated with
its Phrygian neighbour Iconium than with the
more distant Derbe, though the latter was, like
itself, Lycaonian (Ac 16*). At Lystra the apostles
had experience of the swift changes of the
native popular feeling, as well as of the malice of
their own race. First they were worshipped as
gods come down to bring healing and blessing ;
then St. Paul was stoned as a criminal not tit to
live (cf. 2 Co 11*^). Timothy was an eye-witness
of the cruel assault of the rabble (2 Ti 3"). The
Apostle re-visited Lystra in the homeward part of
his first missionary tour (Ac 14^1) ; again in his
second journey (16i); and, if the South-Galatian
theory is correct, once more during the third
journey (18-^). Little is known of the later secular
or sacred history of Lystra. The veterans whom
Augustus planted there 'notably restricted the
field of the free inhabitants of the mountains,
and general peace must at length have made its
triumphal entrance also here' (Mommsen, op. cit.).
Having thus completed the work of a border fort-
ress, the colony of Lystra lost its raison cTitre,
and the town sank back into its original insignifi-
cance. James Steahan.
THE END OF VOL. I.
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