^ fm 1 "< * iC ■" 'i '^ / \ \ ^ \ ' t 1 ■* V* 1* ^ '• / 1- /,^. . Vi ' THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE m y ^*^>%gg^Cig^' Ofneiiil of iLe Army »i Italy. THE HISTORY NAPOLEON EDITED BY rI H? HORNE. ILLUSTRATED WITH M A X Y HUNDUED EXGRAVIXGS ON MOO!), FROM DESIGNS BY RAFFET AND HORACE VERNKT. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON : ROBERT TYAS, S PATERNOSTER ROW. M D C C C X L r V. VCW3 Vi/«rnLi BnoTiiKK* & Co., rniNxtiis and En&b rETKnnoRoroii Cottbt, !36 Fi.fpt SrnrEr, I^ONDO:f. PREFACE. In historical compositions, the chief characters and events of which have produced a powerful influence on men and things, the difliculties attending the task are not so much occasioned by the complexities of the facts, as by the conflict of feelings among various classes of readers. Whenever a truth is discovered, nothing can be easier than to state it; but to state it in the way best adapted to gain due credence among the majority of all parties, yet without compro- mising its integrity, requires the most entire equanimity of thought and feeling. The attainment of this rare condition of mind can seldom be accomplished by any means so efiicient as a full per- ception of the fact that, in most cases, " men's judgments are a parcel of their fortunes ; " for circumstances, rather than the will* determine opinion. These difliculties, however, are enhanced to the extreme, when, as in the history of Napoleon, the chief agents and sufferers are of recent date, and when the events were of a nature to call into play the strongest passions, interests, and opinions — political, social, commercial, philosophical, and religious ; the consequences of which are still fresh in the memory of the world, and still felt strongly by extensive populations. It will be sufficient to instance the great alterations in the system of war ; the final extinction of faith in the old principle of " divine right ; " the establishment of great public works in the countries over which Napoleon's power extended; the vi PKEFACF.. enormous increase of our owni taxation, originating in twenty years of war ; the great amelioration in the jurisprudence of France, — its system of national education, communal regulations, and civil and criminal laws; and the conflict and progression of public opinion throughout Europe. Under such circumstances, to satisfy everybody, is, of course, impossible. To attempt doing this would be short-sighted weakness. Those individuals, however highly-educated, and well-intentioned, who tiike up a work of history, biography, or science, with a desire to find nothing but harmonius replications of what they knew or imagined before, and to derive fresh confirmation of old beliefs; those who are anxious to receive only the information that amalgamates with, and enhances those opinions which they think it most advantageous and correct to adopt; all such individuals ne- cessarily constitute the minority of readers to whom a work like the present is chiefly addressed. Constructed on any pre-determined views, suited to particular parties and classes of opinions, a work of history would be rendered angular, distorted, and temporary, — instead of circular, symmetrical, and permanent. The former method addresses itself expressly to a class; the latter, to the majority of classes in its day ; and, in the present instance, with a deep and hopeful consciousness of the progress of the human intellect, and a corres|)ondingly reverential submission to its final judgment, — to all future classes. The history, tlie first volume of which is now offered to the public, is built up and composed from the same original authorities as those consulted by previous historians and biographers ; with the assistance also of the substantive works of the latter, and of all important works since published, or now in course of publication. From careful ab- htracts and references; from a dispassionate balancing of the single and collective facts, st^itements, opinions, and conjectural probabili- ties—occasionally found in direct opposition among authorities of equal influence and validity — I have sought to attain a fixed equilibrium of general truth. In particular instances, wliicli have been the subject of much contest among opponent partizans, the most authentic ac- counts are given on both sides, with their most obvious conclusions, the writer Ubually stepping in as a moderator, though sometimes leav- PREFACE. vn ing the reader to judge for liimself; but never shrinking, on impor- tant occasions, from plainly displaying (not insisting upon) his own convictions, and placing things in the broadest light of equal-eyed justice. That this attempt has been honestly made, I know; that it has been, hitherto, admitted to be successfully made, by most of the first authorities in periodical literature, the present opportunity is taken for returning all due acknowledgments. The character and actions of Napoleon have never found in this country, as in France — a circumstance by no means extraordinary — what is understood by a mere partisan. Nearly every one of his English historians and biographers have been direct and manfully avowed enemies and denouncers. The constant fear of being " daz- zled by the false glory" (a salutary fear with reference to the glory of all deeds of war) of this particular hero, has led to an opposite extreme, and injured the sight as to various qualities, actions, and facts, which at least claimed always a just, as they often deserved a generous, estimation. The chief exception to the general feeling of unqualified hostility is to be found in Hazlitt, whose earnest, powerful, though somewhat rambling work, written in the full vein of admiration, contains, nevertheless, some of the heaviest animad- versions. These passages have, for the most part, been quoted, as an act of justice towards all parties. Emanating from such an ad- mirer, they must indeed have been deserved ; in other instances, however, I have almost always abstained from using strong language of any kind, my plan being rather to let events take their course, and narrate them as they occurred, without identifying myself, or any one else, in the scene, more than absolutely necessary or inevitable to our common conditions of humanity. It has not been attempted to give a history of France in the stormy time of the Revolution, or in the successive periods of the Directory, the Consulate, or the Empire. The object has been to furnish a clear, just, and succinct view of the integral nature and corresponding- actions of Napoleon ; avoiding, as much as possible, all speculations on motives, and leaving them to be developed by, and deduced from, the entire course of such nature and actions. The violent feelings of the English public having now passed away, a period has already commenced for the exercise of a temperate judgment. viii PREFACE. 1 have also endeavoured not to forestall time, broach theories, or dispense censure or praise; the very few exceptions that occur being unavoidable, either for the sake of clearness of narration, or from the extraordinary nature of the events themselves. The histories of other men, who lived in the time of Napoleon, have been entered upon so far only as they bore a reference to his; and, in like manner, the events of the world's changeful history have been given only so far as they stood in relation to him, influencing his actions, or receiving: from him their form and colour. Whether he fulfilled his destiny in a manner worthy of being designated as true to him- self; or, having the power, he fell short of the good he saw, and acted contrary to liis best convictions ; — this is the great problem which his historians and biographers are bound to furnish the best means of solving. The deep-searching and far-spreading investiga- tions, into which an attempt to form an opinion concerning the con- sequences and results of his actions, would lead us, could not be undertaken without a comprehensive study and voluminous exposition of the moral and political world and its various mutations: they, con- sequently, form no part of the present design. R. H. HORNE. CONTENTS. Chapter 1 1 Birth of Napoleon — His Family — Brienne — Anecdotes — His early Character — Snow-balls — Paris — Gets his Commission — His First Love — Authorship. Chapter II 9 / Corsica — Paoli — His Revolt — Napoleon's Politics — Poverty in Paris — The King and the Mob — Events in Corsica — Promotion — Toulon — Little Gibraltar. Chapter III 21 Alps — Napoleon's Arrest — Robespierre — Boissy d'Anglas — Napoleon's Po- verty — Victories of the French — The Sections — Josephine — Napoleon's Promotion, and Marriage. Chapter IV 35 Napoleon as Commander-in-Chief — State of the Army — Proclamations — Colonel Rampon — Napoleon's First Victory — Causse — King of Sardinia. Chapter V 47 Josephine — La Harpe — Works of Art — Bridge of Lodi — Napoleon's entry into Milan — Insurrection of Pavia — Kellermann — The Directory. Chapter VI 35 Mantua — Venice — Insurrections — Naples — Leghorn — Citadel of Milan — Wurmser — Battles of Salo, Lonato, Castiglione — Junot — Napoleon's Danger — Flight of Wurmser — Third Blockade of Mantua. X CONTENTS. ClIM-TEK \II ^^'' Campaign on the Rhine — Moreau — Jomdan — Archduke Cliarles — Fourth Army of Austria— Alvinzi— Losses of the French— Battle of Areola— Austrians Uetreat— Fifth Army of Austria— Battle of Rivoli— Provera— La Favorita— Flight of the Austrians — Surrender of Mantua. Chapter VIII ^1 Wurmser's Departure — His Gratitude — Tlie Pope hreaks the Treaty — His Army — Napoleon enters Romagna — Battle of the Senio — Napoleon's Clemency — Ancona — Loretto — Tolentino — The Pope submits — Iiujuisition — Treaty of Rome. ClIAPTEK IX 91 Army of the Archduke Charles — Bernadotte — Napoleon at Bassano — Massena crosses the Piave — Passage of the Tagliamento — Pesaro — Chiusa — Retreat of the Archduke — Austria solicits an Armistice, Chapter X 101 Preliminaries of Leohen — Insurrection of Venice — Massacre at Verona — Napoleon's return to Italy — Dissolution of the Venetian Oligarchy. CilAl-TER XI 109 Napoleon goes to Milan — Montebello — Josephine — Love-Letters — Genoa — Anecdotes — Protracted Negociations — Liberation of La Fa)'ette — Unsettled State of Paris — Augereau and Lavalette — Cisalpine Republic — The Valteline. Chapter XII .117 Pichegru — Baboeuf — Eighteenth Fructidor — Moreau — Coimt Cobentzel — Treaty of Campo-Formio — Death of General Hoche — Napoleon at Mantua — Takes leave of the Army at Milan — Departure — Enthusiastic Receptions on his Journej" — Rastadt — Arrives at Paris — Grand Fetes. Chapter XIII 129 Projected Expeditions — Politics in Paris — Madame de Stael — Affair.s of Rome and Switzerland — Napoleon relinquishes the Invasion of England — Egypt — Embarkation at Toulon — Surrender of Malta — Nelson — French Army lands at Alexandria — The Desert. ('HAfTLK XI\ 151 Battle of the Pyramids— Enlranee into Cairo— Battle of the Nile— Change in the ProspeclH of the E.xpcdilion— Napoleon's Arrangements— Revolt at Cairo— Na|)oleon viatU> Suez. CONTENTS. XI ClIAPTKR XV 1G9 Project of tlie Turks — Napoleon's Expedition into Syria — Berthier — March across the Desert — Napoleon's Jealousy — Pauline — El Arisch, Gaza, Ranieh, and Jaffa, taken — Turkish Garrison ])ut to Death — Siege of St. Jean d'Acre — Sir Sydney Smith — Napoleon's Retreat — Story of Poisoning the Sick — Arrival at Cairo — The Turks heaten at Aboukir — Napoleon departs from Egypt. Chapter XVI 195 Enthusiasm in France at Napoleon's return — He arrives in Paris — Josephine — The Directory — State of Parties — Sieyes — Bernadotte — Moreau — Revolution of the 18th and 19th Brumaire — Napoleon First Consul, Chapter XVII .213 First Sitting of the Consular Government at the Luxembourg — Just and Popular Measures — Formation of the Ministry — Debates on the New Form of Government — Sieyes and Ducos retire — Declaration of the Constitution of the Year Eight — Napoleon, Cambaceres, and Lebrun, Consuls — Letter to the King of England — Napoleon resides in the Tuileries — Funeral Honours to Washington. Chapter XVIII 231 New Coalition — Russia deserts the Coalition — The Emperor Paul — Napoleon prepares for War — Anecdotes — Massena in Genoa — Napoleon in Italy — Passage of the Alps — He enters Milan — Passes the Adda — Takes Bergamo and Cremona — Genoa capitulates to Austria — Battle of Montebello— Desaix joins the Army — Affairs of Egypt — Battle of Marengo — Death of Desaix — Armistice — Restora- tion of the Cisalpine Republic — Victories of Moreau — Massena commands in Italy — Napoleon returns to Paris. Chapter XIX 253 Plots against the Life of the First Consul — Death of Kleber — England grants to Austria a Loan of Two Millions — Austria refuses the Treaty with France — Malta surrenders to England — Second Letter of Louis XVI II. to the First Consul — His Reply — Hostilities renewed — Battle of Hohenlinden — Austria sues for a further Armistice — Infernal Machine — Arbitrary measures of the First Consul — Confederation of the North — Treaty of Luneville. Chapter XX 265 Continuation of War with England — Battle of Copenhagen — Death of Paul — Preparations to invade England — Invasion of Portugal — Fulton and the Steam Boat — Battle of Alexandria, and Death of Sir Ralph Abercromby — Capi- tulation of Menou — The Concordat— Return of the Emigrants — Mr. Pitt suc- ceeded by Mr. Addington— Preliminaries of Peace with England — Vigorous and beneficent internal Government of France — Legion of Honour — Peace of Amiens — Napoleon Consul for Life. Xii CONTENTS. Chapter XXI 287 Expedition to St. Domingo— History of the Island— Toussaint L'Ouverture — Conquest of the Negroes by the French— The YeHow Fever attacks the French Army— Suspicious Movements among the Negroes— Toussaint seized and sent to France— Uevolt— Death of General Leclerc— Barbarities of Rochambeau— Death of Toussaint— The French Fleet and Army of St. Domingo suiTender to England. ClIAI'TER XXII 299 Hostile Attitude of France and England — England retains Malta — Affairs of Italy, Germany, and Switzerland — Splendour of Paris, and increasing State assumed by the First Consul — The Wars of the Newspapers — Message to the English Parliament — Napoleon and Lord Whitworth — England begins Hostilities — Napoleon imprisons all the English Residents in France — Seizes Hanover — Occupies Naples — Fortifies Tuscany and Elba — Army of England — Great Prepa- rations in England against Invasion. Chapter XXIII 313 Conspiracy of Georges Cadoudal — Pichegru and Moreau implicated — Con- spirators arrested — The Duke d'Enghien seized and executed — Death of Pichegru — Captain Wright — His Death — Trial of Georges and Moreau — Execution of Georges — Moreau banished — Protests of Foreign Courts — Summary in relation to ilic Duke d'Enghien. Chapter XXIV 333 Napoleon created Emperor — The Imperial Constitution — Protest ofLouis XVI II. — The Emperor visits the Camp at Boulogne — The New Title recognised by the European Powers ; England, Russia, and Sweden excepted — Arrival of Pope Pius VII. at Paris — The Coronation. Chapter XXV 347 Russia assumes a Hostile Attitude towards France — Letter of Napoleon to George III. — Completion of the Civil Code — Napoleon crowned, at Milan, as King of Italy — Third Coalition against France — French Army advances on Austria — Capitulation of Ulm — Napoleon enters Vienna — Battle of Austerlitz — Itetreat of the Emperor Alexander— Napoleon grants an Armistice to Austria. F AC-SIMILES NAPOLEON'S VARIOUS SIGNATURES, WITH EXPLANATIONS OF THEM, COPIED BY PERMISSION FROM THE EXTRAORDINARY COLLECTION IN THE POSSESSION OF M? SAINSBURY. A GENEALOGICAL SKETCH OF THE BONAPARTE FAMILY. Napoleon was born on the 15th of August, 17G9, at Ajaccio, in Corsica. On tlie *23rd of Ajiril, 1779, he was admitted into the Royal Military School at IJrienne, from whicli he went to tliat at Paris. Before his admission, proofs were required to be delivered at the Herald's office of the nobility of his family; which being done, M. d' Hozier de Servigny, of that department, informed Ciiaki.es de BuoNAPAUTr, Napoleon's father, by letter, dated Paris, March 8th, 1779, that his name was in all the records without having the article de prefixed to it ; and that although a decree of the nobility, in the year 1771, gave to his family the name of Bonaparte, he signed De Buonaparte. He also inquired how the Christian name of his son, Napoleone, could be translated into Prencli. At that time Napoleon's father was the representative of Corsica at the court of France. He sent a reply on the same day from Versailles, stating the Republic of Genoa had, two hundred years previously, given to one of his ancestors, Jerome, the title of Egregium Hieronium de Buonaparte, and that the article de had been omitted, because it was of very little use in Italy. That Napoleone was Italian, and that his family name was Buonaparte, or Bonaparte. The Bonapartes are of Tuscan origin. In the middle ages they were eminent as senators of the Republics of Florence, San Miniato, Bologna, Sarzana, and Treviso ; and as prelates attached to the court of Rome. They were allied to the Medici, the Orsini, and Lomellini families. Several of them held important public posts in their native states, and others employed them- selves in literary pursuits at the period of the revival of letters in Italy. A manuscript written by one of the family was lirst printed at Cologne in 1756; and the volume, now in the Royal Library at Paris, contains a genealogy of the Bonapartes, which is carried back to a very remote period, and describes them as one of the most illustrious houses of Tuscany. Napoleon's fother was born in 1745; he married in 1767, and died in 1785, at the age of forty; leaving five sons and three daughters, viz., Joseph, born 1708; Napoleon, born 1769, died 1821 ; Licien, born 1775, died 1840; Louis, born 1778; Jkkumi:, born 178 1 ; Eliza, born 1777, died 1820; Pauline, born 1780, died lh2.'>; and Caroline, born 1782, died 1839. Napoleon's mother was born in 1750, married at the age of seventeen years, and died in 1836, in her eighty-sixth year, in the same month of the year as her husband. Napoleon was born in the same month of the year as his mother. He married Josephine on the Htli March, 1796 ; and Maria Louisa (Berthier being his proxy at Vienna), 11th March, 1810. At this period (May, 1841), his brothers Joseph, I^ou IS, and Jerome, are the only survivors. Napoleon gave the fol- lowing titles to all his brothers and sisters, except Lucien, viz., Joseph, King of Naples and Sicily, and afterwards seated him on the throne of Spain ; Lccien'« title of Prince of Canino was conferred on him by Pope Pius VII.; Ix)i;i», King of Holland; Jerome, King of Westphalia; Eliza, Princess of Lucca and Piombino ; Pauline, Princess Borghese ; Caroline, Queen of Naples; and by the treaty of Paris in 1814, it was stipulated— having been proposed by the Emperor Alexander of Russia— that the whole of the Bonaparte family should retain the titles of prince and princess. In the year 1785, Napoleon left the Military School of Paris, and was admitted as second lieutenant into the regiment De la Fere ; at that time he thus concluded a letter to his father : — CcL^k^j^jjjii a -ve cj i^-Aoya/^ 99U^ [Votre tres humble Buonaparte fils cadete gentilhoinine a'l' Ecole Royale Militaire de Paris.] Napoleon obtained a company in the year 1789, and in 1792 was promoted to the head of a battalion of infantry of the national volunteers, which were called out for the expedition against Sardinia. On his return from that expe- dition, he commanded the artillery at the siege before Toulon. He signed at that time — After having taken General O'Hara prisoner at the siege of Toulon, on the 3rd of December, 1793, Nafoleon was promoted to the rank of general; and in 1794, he commanded the artillery of the army of Italy. In the early part of the year 1795, he was nominated to serve with the generals of infantry in Vendee. He refused the appointment, and was soon afterwards attached to the military department at Paris. On the 5th of October in the same year, he commanded, under Barras, the army of the Convention against the sections of Paris, and was by them promoted to the rank of a general of division. The Convention shortly afterwards named him to the chief command of the army of the interior; Napoleon had not, up to this period, omitted the letter u in spelling his name. The official letters are headed " Buonaparte, General-in- Chief de r Armce d' Interior ;" and his dispatches are signed — [Citizen Buonaparte,] The last siprnature is at the end of the " Note sur 1' Arraee d' Italic" of three pages, which Napoleon dated thus: — ^^1/ttm "29 Nivose On the 29th Nivose, in the fourth year of the Republic (19th of January, 1796), Napolkon signed like the preceeding his plan for the invasion of Italy, to the Minister of War. He was soon afterwards charged with the execution of his project, and the success of the memorable campaign of 179G was the result of it, proving the correctness of his judgment and penetration. From that period his mihtary superiority was established. In the Memorial of St. Helena (vol. i., p. 132, French edition, 1823), Na- poleon is represented to state that during his youth he signed Buonaparte, after his father, and did not alter his signature until after he was promoted to the command of the army of Italy, to which he was appointed general-in- chief, February 23rd, 1796, and continued to sign Buonaparte up to the 29th of the same month. His principal object for omitting the u was to shorten his signature. Mr. Sainsbury has among the manuscripts in his Napoleon Museum two of Napoleon's letters both hearhifj the same date, viz., "Head-quarters, Paris, 11 Ventose, An. iv. (1st March, 1796). One of them has 11 p.m. added to the date ; both are addressed to the Commissary of War, demanding certain books and maps, which are specified, for his journey. They are signed '* Bonaparte" and " Buonaparte ;" consequently it is not unreasonable to presume that one of these letters bears liis first signature as " Bonaparte," and the other his last a» *' Buonaparte." Napoleon set out from Paris to join the army of Italy on March 11, 1796; and in the first letter he sent to the Executive Directory from his head-quarters, which is directed from Nice, on the 28th, he informs them of having taken the command of the army on the preceeding day, and signs thus : — /^^^^y^^^^" [Bonaparte.] The alteration was from that time generally adopted, and his official letters were headed "Bonaparte, General-in-Chief of the Army of Italy;" and from his head-quarters at Carcare, Napoleon reports the battle of Montenotte, which opened the campaign of Italy, to the Directory at Paris ; this letter is dated April 14th, 1796, and signed: — In his celebrated proclamation at Milan, on the 20th of May, 179(3, Napoleon thus addressed his army, — " Soldiers, you have precipitated yourselves like a torrent from the top of the Appenines. Milan is yours !" and signs : — As general-in-chief of the French army in Egypt, Napoleon also signs : — From Cairo, on the 30th of July, 1798, also as first Consul and Consul for Life of the RepubHc of France, Napoleon signed thus : — From his accession to the imperial dignity, the emperor signed thus : — After the battle of Austerlitz, which ended the campaign of ISOr), Napo- leon's proclamation, dated from the imperial camp at Austerlitz, on the 3rd of December, 1805, was signed : From the campaign of 1S06, he signs only the first letters of his name, thu5 : — n On the 2Gih of October, ISOG, from Potsdam, (he Emperor signed thus : — And on the -JDih of October, 1800, from Berlin, thus On the 27th of January, 1807, from Warsaw, thus From the Imperial Camp at Tilsit, on the 22nd of June, 1807, tlie Emperor signed only the initials of his name, as under, and very seldom afterwards in full : — On the 7th of December, 1808, from Jladrid, thus At the commencement of the campaign of 1809, on tlie 18th of April, the Emperor wrote to Marshal JNIassena, from Donawerth, as follows : — [Activity, activity, celerity. I recoininend myself to you. — Napoleon.] From the Imperial Camp at Ratisbon, on the 24th of April, 1809, the Emperor addressed a proclamation to the army, ending thus : — ^" Before a month has elapsed I shall be at Vienna ;" and signed it thus : — 8 And in less tlian three weeks afterwards tlie French army was at Vienna, and the Fniperor signed his decrees from the Palace of Schoenbrunn, on the 13th of May, thus : — ■^i- The same variety of signatures is again found among the Emperor's ordeis issued from Moscow, which city he entered as a conqueror, on the 12th of September, 1812: thus— On the 21st of September, 1812, at three o'clock in the morning, the Emperor signed thus : On the Gtli of October, 1812, from Moscow, similar to the above. During the campaign of 1813, the Emperor sent an order from Dresden, to thf Major-Gencral IJerthier ; it is dated October 1st, at twelve o'clock. Ge- neral I'elet states, he hesitated for some time before sending it ; the signature ha» been cancelled with the pen twice, and written a third time. 9 One of the most extraordinary of the Emperor's signatures is the fol- lowing, which he gave at Erfurt, on the 23rd day of October, 1813, at twelve o'clock. On the 4th of April, 1814, from Fontainebleau, thus: — On the 9th of September, 1814, from Longone, Isle of Elba, thus From the Isle of Aix, on the 14th of July, 1815, the Emperor's letter to the Prince Regent of England, is signed thus :— tf"^. 10 From Lo^g^vood, Isle of St. Helena, on the 11th of December, 1810, the I^mperor wrote to the Count de Las Casas, who was the companion of his captivity, a consolatory letter, on his being ordered to leave the island. This circumstance gave Napoleon great pain, as it did also the Count. This was liis first si^ature at St. Helena : — The following is the concluding part of Napoleon's Will, which is pi'e- served in the Prerogative Office, Doctors' Commons, London. [Coci est mon testament ecrit tout entire dc ma propre main. — Napoleon. *^^^^rr ^ CHAPTER I. BIRTH OF NAPOLEON HIS FAMILY BRIENNE ANECDOTES — HIS EARLY CHARACTER- SNOW-BALLS PARIS GETS HIS COMMISSION HIS FIRST LOVE AUTHORSHIP. \ihini.,u^'.,ii Napoleon Bonaparte was bom on the ]5th of August, 1769, at Ajaccio, in the Island of Corsica. There is rea- son to believe that his ancestors, on the mother's side, were Neapolitans ; and that on his father's, they were members of certain noble houses of San Miniato, in Tuscany. The majority of his his- torians and biographers endeavour to shew that his descent was illustrious, if not slightly tinged with royalty. The nam.e of Bonaparte stands high among the senators in the " Golden Book" of Bologna ; but there is no proof that Napoleon was lineally descended from that family. The fact is not important ; for inasmuch as Time can easily trace many men back to something of nobility, so the retrospection has only to be extended in order to prove the origin of all men very humble. Whatever qualities were displayed by Napoleon, he did not derive his power from his family, but from his own nature, his own actions, and the circumstances of which he was the creature and the creator. O THE HISTORY OF Charles Bonaparte, the latlier of Napoleon, was a man of good intellect and education ; possessing much eloquence, a dignified address, and unaffected ^'ivacity. He was an advocate in the Royal Court of Assize. He manifested his patriotism and energy in the struggle of the Corsicans under Paoli, against the barter of their country, effected by the Genoese, with the French, through the diplomatic manoeuvre of the Duke de Choiscul. Various circumstances shew that Charles Bonaparte was held in respect by his countrymen, and possessed their confidence. To the scene of warfare in which he had taken so prominent a part, he was accompanied by his wife, Letitia Ramolini, a lady of superior mind, nujch beauty and courage, and who often shared the fatigues and dangers he encountered. The French won the battle of Ponte Nuovo, wliich decided the fate of tlie Corsicans ; and Letitia Ramolini, then enceinte, was compelled to take refuge among the mountains of Ronda, whence she regained Ajaccio in safety. Here, being anxious to attend mass at the celebra- tion of the Assumption, she went forth at an imprudent period ; felt herself overtaken with sudden pains, returned home in haste, but was unable to reach her chamber in time. The mother and her offspring were found lying upon a carpet in an adjacent room, Letitia Ramolini having there given birth to a son. The child was called Napoleon. It is not unreasonable to suppose, "that the harassed life and high- wrouglit feelings of his mother, previously to his birth, might have had an influence on the temper and future fortunes of the son." He was called Napoleon after one of the Italian Bonaparte family. A Saint Napoleone once existed in the Romish calendar, but had fallen out by some accident or neglect. In alter times, the Pope restored the Saint to liis former rank, in compliment to his more fortunate namesake. Many prognostics are reported to have been made concerning Napoleon, some of wiiicii, as is usual, would certainly never have come to light, had he not accompHshed the assumed predictions; while others were evidently founded on close observation of his early character, or on certain precocious indications not easily mistaken. Among the former, we may class the predictions said to have been founded on the peculiar circumstances attending his birth. ]\T. de Las Casas, for instance, having discovered that the carpet on wliich the future conqueror first saw the light, was covered with antitjue figures, illustrative of certain fables or allegories, suggests that tiicy were, perluqxs, some of the heroes of Homer's Iliad. Subsiquent biographers, overlooking the "perhaps," have adopted this fancy. The medical attendant of Letitia Ramohni would, doubtless, have accounted for the unadorned fact by a far more simple process of n-a.son. Among the admissible class of these pre-visions, we must parti- cularly notice the opinion delivered by his great uncle, the Archdeacon NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 3 Lucieii, when on liis death-bed. The arclideacon, who had been the preceptor and adviser of his relations, was always accustomed to consider Napoleon (the second son of Charles Bonaparte) as the head of the family; and so convinced was the dying man of the true grounds of his impression, that he exhorted the elder brother, Joseph, never to forget that fact. Alluding to his childhood, Napoleon said, '• I was an obstinate and inquisitive child. I was extremely headstrong; nothing overawed me, nothing disconcerted me. I made myself formidable to the whole family. My brother Joseph v»as the one with whom I was oftenest embroiled; he was bitten, beaten, abused : I went to complain before he had time to recover from his confusion." To these characteristic traits, we must add that he displayed a vivid intelligence ; rapid comprehension ; a keen, and often a splenetic sensibility ; wilfulness under restraint ; unbounded energy ; and a violent temper. Whether the aggressor or the aggrieved, he generally gained his point. Nobody had any command over him except his mother, who found means, by a mixture of tenderness, severity, and strict justice, to make liim love, respect, and obey her. From her he learnt the virtue of obedience. In 1779, Napoleon obtained his admission to the Military School at Brienne, where he soon attract(id notice by his reserved manners, and the assiduity with which he prosecuted his studies. He devoted himself principally to history, mathematics, and geography. 'SMt^f 4 THE HISTORY OF He spoke oiilv Liic Corsicaii dialect on first entering the college, but speedily made great progress in the French language. He hated Latin. Bourrienne says of liim, " During play-hours, he used to withdraw to the library, where he read with deep interest works of history, particularly Polybius and Plutarch. I often went off to play with my comrades, and left him by himself in the library." His poverty has been said to have subjected him to mortifications among his comrades; they also ridiculed him on account of his country, and twitted him with the obsolete Saint, whose name he bore. They sometimes made insulting allusions to his mother, and this exasperated iiim beyond all bounds. Amidst the contradictory accounts given by biographers of the early character and conduct of Napoleon, a middle course will, probably, bring us nearest to the truth. He appears, at this time, to have been a studious, reflecting, solitary boy, whose premature development of mind, without a corresponding clearness of purposes, and objects to be attained, gave him a contempt for the companionship of his fellows, without inducing satisfaction in himself. Hence he was grave, moody, brusque ; and sometimes morose, from disgust with his masters, his mates, himself, his position, and perhaps with everything else. He felt a power within him, but could not see his way. In spite of his devotion to the exact sciences, the hot imagination of youth got the better of the labours of the understanding, and there was probably a struggle going on within himself, which — considered apart from the good or evil of its future results — might ask some allowance, perhaps some sympathy. The saturnine boy was evidently not suffered to remain unmolested in his solitary moods, as sundry bickerings attest; but in general he withdrew himself from all companionship in silent scorn. If he re- venged himself, he did it openly, and not by any indirect means. He had occasionally to superintend certain tasks or duties. However he disliked his comi-ades, he never reported their misdemeanours ; con- temptuously preferring to go to prison himself. He and Bourrienne were once placed as superintendents of some dutj^ which being neg- lected. Napoleon persuaded the latter to accompany him to prison, rather than report the offenders. They remained ten days in confinement. The first impression he received at Brienne, was of an irritating nature, though originating in circumstances not commonly felt by boys of ten years of age. He obsen'ed a portrait of the Duke de Choiseul hanging in the hall. " The sight of this odious character, who had sold my country," he afterwards said, " extorted from me an expression of bitterness." For this he had to endure much persecution. " I let male- volence take its course," proceeded he, " and only applied more closely than ever to study. I perceived by this what human nature was." NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. O At the same time that Bourrienne was Napoleon's fellow-student, Pichegru was his tutor. It is certain, however, that he made few friends among his masters or his school-mates : it is equally certain that some of the former entertained a high opinion of his intellect, and that he possessed great influence with the latter, notwithstanding their mutual animosities. On one occasion, the cadets had been ordered to confine themselves strictly within their own precincts, at the time of the annual fair held near Brienne ; but, luider the direction of Napoleon, they laid a plot to secure their visual day's diversion. They undermined the wall of their exercising ground, with so much skill and secresy, that, on the morning of the fair, a part of it accidentally fell, and through the breach they instantly sallied to the prohibited amusement.* Many stories have been invented in order to shew the atrocities of Napoleon's early youth. One of these, which was generally believed in England, asserted that he fortified his garden against his comrades ; and, watching an opportunity, fired a train of gunpowder, whereby many of them were seriously injured. Bourrienne says, " The fabrication probably originated in the juvenile affair of the snow-forts and snow-balls. In the winter of 1783-81-, there were immense falls of snow. Napoleon, being prevented from taking his solitary walks, proposed to his comrades that they should sweep and shovel up the snow in the great court-yard, and make horn-works, raise parapets, dig trenches, &c. ' This being done,' said he, ' we may divide ourselves into platoons, form a siege, and I ^\^ll undertake to direct the Sir Walter Scott, vol. iii. chap. 1. b THE HISTORY OF attacks.' The proposal, which was received with enthusiasm, was iinme- diatel}' put into execution. This little sham war was carried on for the space of a fortnight." Napoleon, being one dciy on a visit at the house of Madame de Brienne, heard a lady blaming Turenne for burning the Palatinate, when he immediately replied, " And what of that, madam, if it answered the end he had in view ? " Bourrienne denies the authenticity of this anecdote ; but the reason he adduces against it rather tends to prove the fact. Napoleon was quite likely to have said such a thing. Whatever might have been the assiduity of Napoleon in his private studies and reflections, he made no very marvellous })rogress in the usual routine. Some of his French biographers, with Scott and Hazlitt, sub- sequently, aver that the School was proud of him. It does not appear that there were any scholastic reasons for this, though the Scliool no doubt became proud of the recollection. He, however, attained sufficient height in mathematics to pass his examination for admission to the Military School of Paris. On arriving there, he found the whole establishment on so brilliant and expensive a footing, that he immediately addressed a memorial on the subject to the Vice-Principal of Brienne. He shewed that the plan of education was really pernicious, and far from being calculated to fulfil the object which every wise government must have in view. The result of the system, he said, was to inspire the pupils, who were all the sons of poor gentlemen, with a love of ostentation, or rather with sentiments of vanity and self-sufficiency ; so that instead of returning happy to the bosom of their families, they were likely to be ashamed of their relations, and to despise their humble homes. Instead of the numerous attendants by whom they were surrounded, their dinners of two courses, and their horses and grooms, he suggested that they should perform little necessary services for themselves, such as brushing their clothes, and cleaning their boots and shoes; that they should eat the coarse bread made for soldiers, &:c. Temperance and activity, he added, would render them robust, enable them to bear the severity of different seasons and climates, to brave the fatigues of war, and to inspire the respect and obedience of tiie soldiers under their command. Tiuus reasoned Napoleon, at the age of sixteen, and time shewed that he never deviated irom these principles. Of this, the establishment of the Military School at Fontainebleau is a decided proof.* M. de r Eguille, his instructor in history, is said to have made the following note in his reports of the scholars: — "Napoleon: Corsican in character, as well as by birth ; he will go fir, if circumstances assist him." * BoiinieniK', vol. i. cha)). 2. BONAPARTR, LIEUTENANT OF AKTII.LERY. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 7 He was as much distinguished for grave and studious habits at Paris, as at Brienne ; but he shewed a disposition to detect and expose abuses in the establishment, and this might perhaps have shortened the period of his residence at the college. He remained not quite a year. He had now begun to mingle a little in society, and attended the literary con- versaziones of the Abbe Raynal, under whom he read a course on legis- lation and political science. In August, 1785, he was examined by the celebrated mathematician La Place, and obtained the brevet of a second lieutenant of artillery in the regiment of La Fere ; being then little more than sixteen years of age. In the beginning of this year, his father died. The regiment of La Fere was stationed at Valence, in Dauphiny, where Napoleon was in garrison. He was well received at the house of a lady in the neighbourhood, named Madame de Colombier. He con- ceived an affection for her daughter ; and the young lady appears to have 8 THF. HISTORY OF found pleasure in liis society, and to have favoured him with sundry promenades in tlie gardens; "where the happiness of two lovers," as Na])oleon used to relate, " was limited to their eating cherries together." Some disturbances at Lyons caused his removal to that city, with his regiment. While here, he narrowly escaped being drowned in the Saone. The cramp seized him while swimming, and after repeated ineffectual struggles, he sank; but the current drifted him against a sand-bank, on which he was found in a state of insensibility by his companions. His regiment afterwards passed to Douay, in Flanders, and to Aux- onne, in Burgundy. AVhile in garrison at this place, he composed a brief history of Corsica, and actually treated with M. Joly, a bookseller at Dole, for its publication. This bookseller went over to Auxonne to transact the business, and found Napoleon lodging in a chamber with bare walls, the only furniture in w^hich was an indifierent bed without curtains, two chairs, and a table standing in the recess of a window, covered ^\ith books and papers ; his brother, Louis, slept on a coarse mattrass in an adjoining room. They agreed about the expense of the impression ; but Napoleon was expecting every moment an order to leave Auxonne, and nothing was finally settled. The order arrived a lew days after, and the work was never printed. This was not his first literary effort. While at Lyons, he had gained a gold medal, from the college, on the theme: "What are the sentiments most proper to be cultivated, in order to render men happy ?" Both compositions are lost, but are known to have abounded in sentiments of liberty, in accordance with the spirit of the day. The Revolution had now broken out, and men's minds were everywhere in a state of ferment. Napoleon has left a vivid record of his impressions, as to the fearfully excited feelings of parties at this period. He had himself adopted the extreme of Repub- lican oj)inions. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. CHAPTER II CORSICA PAOLI HIS REVOLT — NAPOLEON's POLITICS POVERTY IN PARIS THE KING AND THE MOB — EVENTS IN CORSICA — PROMOTION TOULON — LITTLE GIBRALTAR. Within a year after the commence- \jjiii ■' ment of the Revolution, the venerable Pascal Paoli returned to his native island. He had devoted himself from his youth to the liberties of Corsica, and had lived in England since the period of their total overthrow, in the struggle of 1769, when the whole country was annexed as a province to France. Upon I the passing of the decree, pro- '/»// ' posed by Mirabeau in the Na- tional Assembly, recalling the exiled Corsican patriots, Paoli returned from his long banishment of twenty years, which had been shared by four or five hundred of his countrymen. He was hailed with shouts of enthusiasm on his arrival in Corsica, where he was appointed lieutenant-general in the French service. In 1792, Napoleon obtained leave of absence from his regiment, and passed six months in Corsica. He immediately sought Paoli, who received him as the son of his old friend, and tried, by every means in c 10 THE HISTORY OF his power, to induce hiiu to remain at a distance from the scenes of turbulence which then threatened France. The Revolution had now assumed a fierce and desperate character. In its beginning, it had maintained a lofty aspect, pulling down arbitrary power, abolishing notorious abuses, with little bloodshed (and that little unauthorised), and building up a liberal and tolerably pure system of government, under the form of a constitutional monarchy. But the coalition of foreign powers against the innovation of this new state of thino-s, had made France one vast camp, and the French people were roused to a state of frenzy. Beset on all sides, they prepared for the contest. The frontiers were ordered to be ])ut in a state of defence, a hundred thousand national troops were levied, and the momentous struggle began. Paoli was among the number of those friends of liberty who were shocked at the excesses into which France was carried by the convulsive effort to maintain her new principles. He again conceived the idea of asserting the independence of Corsica, and urged Napoleon to join him in the enterprise. Paoli was at this time nearly eighty years of age. He had a high opinion of Napoleon, and used to say, as he patted him on the shoulder, " This young man is cut from the antique : he is one of Plutarch's men." But Napoleon was not to be won. On the con- trary, he tried to persuade Paoli that the Island ought not to be severed from its natural connexion, on account of the temporary inconvenience it had to suffer from the present alarming state of France, which he affirmed would not be lasting. Napoleon had, in fact, taken his part decisively. " He saw that Corsica was no longer the scene on which the love of freedom and of militaiy prowess could take its stand. The great drama which Paoli had rehearsed in his younger days, in an obscure corner, had now got a ' kingdom for a stage, and nations to behold the swelling act.' " Napoleon's first militai-y enterprise was on the part of the French govennnent, when he sailed against Sardinia, and was repvdsed. It seems tliat the expedition failed through the bad management of his superiors; he, however, ])rought his men back in safety. He is also said to have tiiken a small fortress, called Torre di Capitello, but was so hotly be- sieged, tliat alter a gallant (iefence, and holding out till the garrison was (•oin])elle(l to eat horse-flesh, he was ol>liged to evacuate the fortress, and retreat towards the sea. While in Corsica, he was called to Paris to answer some charge made against him by an old enemy of his family. The accusation fell to the ground. He associated fre(|nently with Bourrienne at this time, who narrates several {iirioiis and amusing anecdotes of him; such as his dilliculty in finding daily funds to pay for his diimer ; his pawning his % t ^'' '^^^^^^ |a 111 # 'JIIF. MOB AT THE TUILERIES. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 11 watch; and his proposals to Bourrienne that they should take several houses, then building, in the Rue Montholon, merely for the purpose of sub-letting them. " Every day," says Bourrienne, " we conceived some new project or other; everything failed. At the same time, he was soliciting employment at the War Office." It was during this visit to Paris that Napoleon followed an infuriate crowd, in order to watch their proceedings. He saw the mass surround the Tuileries, — bring the King forth, and place a red cap upon his head. Upon which, Napoleon exclaimed, " How could they suffer this gross mob to enter ! They should sweep down four or five hundred Vidth the cannon, and then the rest would run away!" We cannot regard this by any means as a burst of loyalty : it was indignation and disgust at the triumph of anarchy, and exasperation at the King's imbecihty. But the scene was not lost upon his clear-visioned mind ; and he shortly afterwards WTote to his uncle Paravicini, — " Do not make yourself at all uneasy about your nephews ; they '11 help themselves to seats." The massacre of the Swiss guards, in the courts of the Tuileries, on the 10th of August, was also witnessed by Napoleon. The royal family, finding the National Guard had suddenly sided with the revolutionists, took refuge in the National Assembly, to escape the fate that awaited them from the half-frantic people. This scene might partially be attri- buted to the Assembly, to whose principles Napoleon was attached ; but the sight of the court-yards and gardens strewed with the dead bodies, shocked him to a degree that could hardly have been expected from one of his stern nature, always accustomed to regard the end, and never to shrink from the means he thought necessary to its accomphshment. Hazlitt has a fine passage on this circmnstance : — "Bonaparte was struck with the number of these dead bodies, neither from the smallness of the space, nor from the novelty of the sight, but his imagination was overloaded and oppressed from there being no other interest to carry off and absorb the natural horror of the scene. The dead bodies were many, because they were there tvithout his knowledge or connivance : had they served to swell his triumphs, or to furnish new proofs of his power and skill, they would have seemed too fcw\" Admitting the profound truth of this elucidation, it must, nevertheless, be questioned whether the last remark appKed to Napoleon at this period, and was not rather anticipa- tory of an advanced stage of his character and fortunes. He stood at this time a thoughtful spectator only of the terrible events that rolled and burst around him, waiting till they had expended all their fury, and then walking over the fragments and ashes of their accomphshed coiu'se, to the attainment of his own ambitious projects. Paoh now openly revolted against the French government. He was assisted by the English, and affairs daily grew worse for the French party. 12 THE HISTORY OF Meantime, Napoleon had returned to Corsica. He had a conference 'with Paoli in the Convent of Rostino. The arguments of the veteran made no sort of impression upon him, and to avoid the coming storm, he left the Island precipitately, taking with him his whole family. Their property was instantly confiscated by the enraged old man; and their house at Ajaccio, after being pillaged, was used as a barrack by the English troops. The Bonaparte family took refuge at Marseilles. Banished their country, and stripped of their property, the family of Napoleon had to contend with considerable difficulties ; but the Con- vention granted a certain aid to all the patriots who had suffered in its cause. Napoleon soon began to rise in the army, where his genius only wanted an opportunity to display itself. Most of his biographers have left this important part of his career in considerable obscurity. He ap])ears, according to them, to rise from a captain to a lieutenant- colonel, and then to commandant of artillery, without any assignable cause. Sir Walter Scott gets over the difficulty by stating that the high testimonials given by liis masters, at Brienne, obtained his promo- tion ; but the fact is explained at once in the Memoirs of his brother Lucien. " The southern part of France," he says, " and particularly Marseilles, whicli had endeavoured to resist the revolutionary torrent, NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 13 had just been subdued by the pro-consuls of the Convention, among whom was Sahcetti, a native of Corsica, who took a strong interest in the welfare of the Bonaparte family. He mentioned Napoleon to Barras ; became a pledge for his ardent zeal in the cause of the Repub- lic, and obtained his promotion in the artillery. This was the origin of the fortune of Napoleon, and of his family." His rapid ascent of the grades of authority gives additional proof of his competency in filling them ; for, in those days, if a man could not suitably fill his post, he quickly lost it, and occasionally his head at the same time. Napoleon had not yet joined his regiment, at A\ignon, when he was summoned to the army of Italy, by General Dujear, who commanded the artillery. He was employed with success in several deHcate com- missions, particularly in preventing the interception of convoys of ammu- nition by the insurgents of Marseilles. It was about this period that he pubHshed a short pamphlet, under the title of " The Supper of Beaucaire." Its subject, wliich was suggested by a conversation at an inn during one of Iris journeys, was the state of parties in the south, and aimed at shewing the perversity of the disaffected. At this time also, or soon after, he contemplated a marriage with Mademoiselle Desiree Clary, the daughter of a merchant at Marseilles : but his poverty occa- sioned delay, and the marriage never took place. Marseilles was shortly afterwards conquered by General Cartaux, but Toulon received the disaffected of that city ■within her walls, and, in concert with them, gave up the place to the English and Spanish squad- rons, which blockaded the harbour. The French government lost no time in commencing vigorous efforts to retake tliis important place, which contained immense naval stores, several fine estabhshments, and was besides, at this time, a station for above twenty sliips of the line. Generals La Poj-pe and Cartaux, with an army of nearly twelve thou- sand men, accompanied by Freron and Barras, as Representatives of the People, advanced upon it from different quarters to form the siege ; and Napoleon was appointed, by the Committee of Public Safety, to the rank of commandant of the artillery. He joined the besieging army on the 12th of September, 1793. The commander-in-chief was Cartaux. He had been a painter, but wag unfit for a general ; and Napoleon urged objections to his impractical measures and erroneous operations. The wife of Cartaux once said, " Do let tliis young man have his way ; he really knows more about it than you : you will get the credit." Napoleon found a better association and assistance, for his miKtary designs, in the persons of Gasparin and Diu'oc, with whom he first became intimate at this siege. Here, also, he first discovered the gallant Junot. During the construction of a battery, he suddenly called for some one who could write : a serjeant 14 THE HISTORY OF stepped forward : while Napoleon was dictating, a shell struck the em- bankment, so close as to cover them both with dust. " Well," said the Serjeant, proceeding with his wTiting, " we shall not want for sand." The Serjeant was Junot, and the commandant of artillery did not lose sight of his merits. Napoleon, on arri^ang at Toulon, found the army occupied in pre- parations to burn the allied squadrons, and " take Toulon in three days," according to orders from Paris. General Cartaux issued his directions to the commandant of the artillery, to open the fire accordingly; but great was Napoleon's surprise, when, on visiting the batteries, he found the guns planted a quarter of a league from the important jiasses of Ollioules ; at three gun-shots from the English vessels, and two from the shore ; while the soldiers were occupied in heating the balls at all the country houses around, forgetting they would cool on their way to the guns. He did not hesitate to expose these absurdities, and the rapid grasp of mind he displayed was not lost upon Gasparin, one of the com- missioners of the Convention, who was present. The ])l;iii oi' attack was now the important point. From the moment he had arrived at Toulon, and examined the ground. Napoleon had made up his mind on this subject; and, while councils of war debated whether to open tlu- lire on the right or the left of the town, and studied the directions for connnenciiig a regular siege, which had been drawn up in Paris by General D'Aryon of the Engineers, he maintained his original opinion. Toulon, he allinned, was not the point of attack at all. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 15 The promontory of Balagnier and L'Eguillette, which commanded both harbours, was the point. " Toulon," he repeated, " hes there" That gained, a fire might be kept up on the combined squadron, which woukl force it to abandon the town, and thus the garrison w^uld be reduced to a state of blockade. In two days after that position was gained, Toulon would belong to the Republic. After a warm discussion, this plan was at length unanimously adopted. Had it been put in practice when he first suggested it, there would have been little difficulty in its accom- plishment ; but the English, meantime, had perceived the importance of the place, had landed four thousand men there, and thrown up strong entrenchments, calling it " The Little Gibraltar." A serious attack was necessary to take it, and for this the army prepared. Cartaux continually throwing impediments in liis way, Napoleon entreated of him to write down his own views and plan, that the artillery might clearly understand his orders. The general complied. Napoleon made marginal comments, and instantly sent the papers off to Paris by a com'ier. The answer was an order for the removal of Cartaux from the command. His place was svipplied by Doppet, who had formerly been a physician, and was no better adapted for the post than his predecessor. This Doppet, who was so thoroughly unqualified to devise any efficient plan for conducting the siege, was equally unable to avail himself of the most fortunate accident. It happened that a quarrel ensued between some of Napoleon's artillery-men, or others who were in his trenches, and a party of the Spanish soldiers in Little Gibraltar. The nature of the insult is not recorded ; but it mvist have been very gross and pointed, as the French were so exasperated that they rushed sponta- neously to the attack. Other Spaniards joined their comrades; other Frenchmen theirs; and this contest, originating in a private quarrel, became furious. Napoleon, hurrying forth, perceived that an advantage had been gained, and urged Doppet to follow it up, assuring liim that a general attack would now be less dangerous than a retreat. Doppet consented : the columns rushed forward ; the promontory of Cairo was already reached by the chasseurs, and the grenadiers were making their way through the gorge of the fort, when one of the aides-de-camp of Doppet receiving a shot by his side, the general thought he himself was hit, or else in danger of it, and ordered a retreat to be sounded. Napo- leon was slightly wounded on the head. Doppet was shortly deposed, and succeeded by Dugommier, a veteran soldier. The business of the siege commenced in earnest. Batteries were raised against Little Gibraltar, and another battery of grms and mortars against Fort Malbosquet, nearer the town. This latter had been con- structed with great secrecy, and Napoleon had laboured incessantly to have it completed in the most efficient manner, never leaving the works 16 THE HISTORY OF even at night, but sleeping in Ins cloak beside the guns. This battery- was to be kept perfectly quiet and unseen until the great attack was made upon Little Gibraltar, when its sudden opening would distract the attention of the enemy. But the Representatives of the People went to inspect it, and, learning that it had been finished eight whole days with- out being once used, ridiculously ordered the cannoniers to open a fire that instant. They obeyed with alacrity, to the exasperation of Napoleon, and the extreme surprise of the English, who salKed out and spiked the guns before the commandant of artillery could reach the spot. A sharp conflict ensued, in which the English were at first successful, but eventually defeated, and obliged to retire into the town by the fol- lowing manoeuvre : — Napoleon, perceiving a long and rather deep ditch at the back of the mount, overhung with bushes and willow trees, ordered one of the infantry regiments to creep hastily along the bottom of the ditch, and not to discover themselves until close under the enemy. They accomplished this successfully, and were ascending the bank, when a single figure appeared on the top. He was instantly made prisoner, and proved to be the English commander, General O'Hara. The Enghsh were disheartened by tliis strange and sudden loss, and retreated. Some desperate fighting had nevertheless occurred, dui'ing which Napo- leon received a thrvist from a bayonet in his thigh, and was caught in the anns of the gallant Captain Muiron, who carried hun out of the fray. So skilfully was General O'Hara seized and carried off, that the people of Toulon suspected it must have been caused by some treachery on the part of Admiral Hood, in order to make terms with the Repubhcan anny. They, therefore, placed their reliance upon the Neapolitans and Spaniards. Meantime, their garrison had frequent reinforcements, and shewed every likelihood of holding out. The public became impatient, and could not understand the delay. The army was cursed and lam- pooned for inefficiency. Popular societies rang with denunciations. Na])oleon now considered it absolutely necessary to take Little Gibraltar. Under cover of a plantation of olives, he raised a battery, parallel with the English battery, and at the distance of not much more than one liundi-ed fathoms. The moment the works were unmasked, the English sent a volley that destroyed all before it. The French soldiers refused to man the battery again. Certain destruction seemed to await the atteini)t. At this critical point, Napole(m called for Junot, and commanded him to write on a placard in large letters, " Battcrie (les Ilonnnes sans l^cur!" and erect it above the dreadful spot. All the artinery-men rallied as if inspired. It was terrific on both sides, and lasted from the 1 1th of December till the night of the 17th, but the English fort still remained unsubdued. Something more was requisite, and Napoleon exhorted Dugommier not to lose a moment. ■ISATTKRli: VLS llOMMhS SAXS I'KL K." NAPOLF.ON BONAPARTE. 17 A plan of attack was accordingly arranged, and the tremendous scene of the " Batterie des Hommes sans Peur" was immediately followed by a general assault of the whole French army upon Little Gibraltar. The time chosen was the 18th of December, at midnight. NajDoleon ordered several thousand shells to be thrown into the fort, in order to confuse and pre-occupy the attention of the enemy. The weather was dreadful ; the rain falling in torrents. At the moment when all was ready, the Representatives of the People, appalled by the scene, by the sense of coming horrors, and despairing of success, called a council to deliberate whether the attack should take place. Napoleon and Dugommier ridi- culed these fears ; they had deliberated, and were prepared to act. The army was immediately put in motion, the leading column headed by Dugommier. All the promptitude and secrecy of their approach could not, how- ever, defeat the vigilance of the English skirmishers, who had dra\Mi tliemselves up in the front of the fort, and opposed the French with the most determined energy. Dugommier was obliged to give ground instead of advancing, and as he was beaten back he exclaimed, " I am a lost man ! " The expression was not meant in a figurative sense : his failure in the enterprise might have led to the scaffold. 18 THE HISTOHV OF At this critical juncture, Napoleon, perceiving the point most open to attack, singled out the officer who, of all others, was best able to make good the attempt. He immediately dispatched his aide-de-camp, Captain Muiron, whose courage and presence of mind he well knew, at the head of a battalion of light infantry, which was strongly supported. They were ordered to ascend by the winding-paths leading to the summit, and surprise the fort. The perilous ascent, favoured by the darkness, and by his thorough knowledge of the ground, was accomplished by the gallant Muiron without the loss of a man. He reached the summit, and rushing through an embi'asure, was received by the pike of an English soldier, and fell dangerously wounded ; but his men had poured in close at his heels, and Little Gibraltar was taken. The English and Spanish gunners were all killed at their posts. The Representatives of the People, with drawn swords in their hands, repaired to the scene of carnage when all was over to load the troops with eulogiums. Nor were they without a right to assume their place among the victors: if not brave in themselves, they were the cause of bravery in other men, as belonging to a government which made all its agents and executives thoroughly aware that no defalcations on the score of success were to be tolerated, or excused by explanations. But the Representatives were not now like the high-minded men originally chosen by the people. In the trying changes and debasing influences which gradually surrounded them, as the noble principles of pure re- publican freedom were degraded into the gross corruptions of despotic anarchy, the Representatives sank with the sinking principles and the sinking people. The French took possession of the different batteries by break of day, intending to turn their fire upon the combined fleets, but a short delay occurred, in consequence of Napoleon's perception of some errors in the construction of the platforms, which endangered the gunners. He there- fore ordered the guns to be planted on the heights behind the batteries. But the moment Lord Hood perceived that the French had taken posses- sion of these heights, he made signal to weigh anchor and get out of the roads without dulay. He then repaired to Toulon, to make it known that the fleet could no longer hold its position, but must put out to sea. It is said that he recommended to the council of war, which met on the instiuit, to make a desperate cflbrt to retake Little Gibraltar: it was determined, liowever, that Toulon must surrender as a place no longer tenable, and the garrison received orders to embark immediately. The plan of Napoleon was thus crowned with complete success, and his promises to the Convention fulfilled in every point. We must not here omit to notice with praise the discernment and decision displayed by Lord Hood. Early in the contest he had perceived NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 19 the importance of Little Gibraltar as a position, and he did not lose a moment in avoiding the disastrous consequences of its loss. The fleet also performed a service to humanity, in offering a refuge to such of the unfortunate inhabitants as wished to fly from the vengeance of the Convention. Many thousand families embarked, struck with con- sternation at this sudden termination of a siege which had lasted four months. The catastrophe resulting from the capture of a distant fort, the importance of which they did not perceive, seemed to them as unaccountable as it was dreadful. The batteries had begun to play upon the fleet before it quite cleared the roads, and several English ships were much damaged. The horrors and confusion of the night which succeeded were lighted by the conflagration of all the property which it was possible for the enemies of the Republic to destroy. Nine French seventy-four gun ships, and four frigates, were burnt, the masts and yards shewing for hours distinctly amidst the flames. This operation was conducted under the orders of Sir Sydney Smith. The fire and smoke from the arsenal resembled a volcano, and two powder vessels blew up with tremendous explosions. The Republican troops were seen entering at all points, while the last parties of the fugitives had scarcely reached the ships. So many had escaped, that the tribunals, however exasperated at the burning of the vessels, and wanton destruction of property, had little work to do ; but between one and two hundred persons were shot according to law, which could not forbear adding its horrible mite to the thousands destroyed by war. In this, as in every other instance of civil strife, the rage of opposing parties also burst forth in the excitement and fury of the moment. A family of emigrants, named Chabrillant, who happened to be driven on the coast by stress of weather at this perilous period, never forgot their obligations to Napoleon in the circumstances of imminent danger in which they were placed. He rescued them with some difficulty from the hands of the mob, and got them out of France in a covered boat. Many years after, they took an opportunity of letting him know that they had carefully preserved the written order by means of which he had enabled them to save their lives. It has been observed that the Parisians had been excessively im- patient at the delay in taking Toulon, and Las Casas relates several interesting particulars as to the manner in which the excitement was manifested. While the siege was in progress. Napoleon received nearly six hundred different plans from debating societies, shewing "exactly" how the thing was to be done. Nothing could more strongly prove the interest taken by the people ; and the assistance they thus proffered, however unavailable, redounds to their honour. A demonstration of i^ THE HISTORY OF a more practical nature also transpired, which was excessively ludicrous, though no doubt well intended. Fifteen handsome coaches arrived one day at the camp, filled with young men from Paris. They demanded an audience of the commander-in-chief, and the orator of the party thus ad- dressed him, with all the style of an ambassador : — " Citizen general ! we come from Paris: the patriots are indignant at your inactivity and delay. The soil of the Republic has long been violated ; she is enraged to think that the insult still remains unavenged : she asks, ' Why is Toulon not yet retaken ? Why is the English fleet not yet destroyed ?' In her indig- nation she has appealed to her brave sons ; we have obeyed her summons, and burn with imi)atience to fulfil her expectation. We are volunteer gunners, from Paris : furnish us with arms, to-morrow we will march upon the enemv." The commander-in-chief stood confounded ; but Napoleon whispered him to receive them with courtesy, and he would manage them very shortly. Next day he politely directed them to man a park of artillery on the beach. They expressed surprise at finding no shelter of batteries or epaulments, but there was no alternative. Mean- time, an English frigate seeing a great bustle among the guns ashore, saluted them with an interrogative broadside ; whereupon, some fled at once, and the rest mingled with the regular troops. The whole camp w'as convulsed with laughter. The reputation of Napoleon was established from the day of the surrender of Toulon. He was made brigadier-general of artillery, at the recommendation of Dugommier (some say, of Barras), who expressed his opinion and advice in these words : — " Promote this young officer, or he will promote himself." With his new rank. Napoleon was now appointed to the army of Italy, being ordered to inspect the fortification of the coast previous to his departure. This service he carefully performed. 1 ;\ckir/-i^¥Mv#f^=^' I NAPOLEON EONAPARTE. 2i CHAPTER III. ALPS — napoleon's ARREST ROBESPIERRE BOISSY d'ANGLAS NAPOLEON's POVERTY VICTORIES OF THE FRENCH — THE SECTIONS— JOSEPHINE — NAPOLEON'S PROMOTION, AND MARRIAGE. The army of Italy formed that, por- tion of the French force which was commissioned to defend the southern frontier, and repel the King of Sardinia and the Em- peror of Austria, both members of the coalition against France and her new principles. The emperor possessed all Lom- bardy ; while the King of Sar- dinia, as sovereign of Savoy and Piedmont, held nearly all the fortresses which guard the passes of the mighty chain of mountains that forms the natural boundary of Italy. He was, therefore, said to wear the keys of the Alps at his girdle. The Republic had now assumed the offensive, and its army, under the command of General Dumerbion, was preparing to push forward. Napoleon joined him at Nice; and very shortly originated some plans of proceeding in the campaign, which, being proposed to the Convention, were adopted, and the French, in consequence, succeeded in dislodging the Sardinians from the Col di Tende ; thus becoming masters of the range of the higher Alps. The commander-in-chief vsT:ote to the Committee of War: "I am indebted to the comprehensive talents of General Bonaparte, for the plans which have ensured our victory." 22 THE HISTORY OF While these events transpired in Italy, the English, being driven from Toulon, had made themselves masters of Corsica, with the coin- cidence of Paoli, Avlio formally oflered the crown of Corsica to liis Britannic Majesty. It was graciously accepted ; the distinction costing the British nation annually two millions and a half sterling. After the second year, his Majesty was fortunately obliged to surrender his prize by a successful insurrection of the people of Corsica, apparently at the instigation of Napoleon. Shortly after this, Napoleon was entrusted by the Representatives of the People with a secret mission to Genoa, on matters of diplomatic importance. On his return, he was arrested, suspended from his command, and arraigned before the Committee of Public Safety. The cause assigned was the very journey to Genoa which he had performed by order of the members of the government. He was, nevertheless, con- sidered as one of the " suspected." While in this perilous predicament, Junot, who had now become an officer, and Captain Sebastiani, formed the project of cutting down the gendarmes wiio guarded Napoleon, and setting him free, if they found that he was ordered up to the fatal capital. Napoleon made a written defence while in confinement, which is given at length by Bourrienne ; and is remarkable for clearness, undaunted energy, and sim- plicity. This defence, together with a further inquiry into the case, and a sense of the great value of his services, procured his release. He was a fortnight under arrest. Had he been accused three weeks earlier, during the summary proceedings of the Reign of Terror, his career might have ended on the scaffold at the age of five-and-twenty. Even then he would not have died without leaving an influence on the spirit of the time, but with a force and extent how inferior ! A fierce consummation had just startled even the times in which terror had become habitual, and astonished horror had lost its edge, stupified by the incessant shocks of the sound of the scaffold axe. Robespierre was guillotined. Whether he had been a pure patriot in his inten- tions, however revolting in his means ; a mere blood-thirsty monster, a high-minded martyr, or a monomaniac ; or a fearful complexity of all these attributes, called up by the dark and yearning sj)irit of humanity, lasned into demonism by the conflict of wrongs and rights, and the wild assumptions both of ignorance and knowledge ; Lt is not our present purpose to discuss. Whatever he had been, he was now nothing. The chief members of his party had been imprisoned, or condemned to banishment. It is probable that the confusion attendant upon a change of men and measures, was partly the cause of the strange arrest of Napoleon ; but there is reason for suspicion that it was mainly brought about by intrigues, either of men jealous of his rising reputation, or of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. gg secret partisans of the Royalists. It is certain that the Royalist party took advantage of the unsettled state of the government, and of a dreadful scarcity of bread which then afflicted the country, to sow disaffection, and confuse the Republic by means of the starving people. Several insurrections took place in Paris, one of which assumed a formidable and sanguinary character. The populace of the Fauxbourgs, armed with pikes and muskets, burst into the Hall of the Convention during its sitting, and demanded " Bread ! — The constitution of the year '93 — and the release of the imprisoned deputies!" Boissy d'Anglas, who was at this moment in the chair, was obnoxious to the people because he was at the head of the Committee of Supply, which dealt out bread to them much too tardily to satisfy their wants : hence he had acquired the nicknaine of Boissy Famine. The rioters levelled their pieces at him as they entered ; and Ferand, a deputy, rushing forward to protect him, was violently seized, and dragged into the lobbies, wliei-e his head was hacked off. The murderers then returned into the hall, carrying the severed head upon a pike, and held it before the president to enforce their demands. But he remained firm and inflexible ; and rising, he bowed, as in respect and gratitude, to the ghastly head of Ferand. Boissy d'Anglas is said to have been a secret Royalist, and only acting a treacherous part in his union with the Republicans. But supposing this to have been the case, neither the mixed motives of faith and treachery in his position, nor the actions which resulted from them, should prevent our perceiving the high feeling and heroism which made him render that acknowledgment to the preserver of his life, at a moment when such acknowledgment might have cost him twenty lives, if he had possessed them. This insurrection, and others of the same kind, were quelled without further consequences ; and the close of the year 1794 witnessed no essential change in the French government. About this period, or soon after. Napoleon was in Paris, having been removed from the army of Italy, and appointed to that of La Vendee, with the rank of brigader-general of infantry ; but, disliking the service, and considering the change into the infantry from the artillery to be a degradation, he refused to accept the post. Aubry, an old artillery officer, and president of the Military Committee, placed himself in strong opposition to these "pretensions," as he considered them; and, in the heat of discussion, he interrupted an angry remonstrance from Napoleon against the proposed change, by reminding him of his youth ; to which Napoleon replied, that " a man soon grows old on the field of battle." 24 THE HISTORY OF Napoleon was thus obliged to remain unemployed. In this state of inactivity, which was little accordant with his inclinations, he remained in Paris throughout the conclusion of the year 1794, and till the autumn of 1795, waiting in hopes that some other field of action might open to him. It was evident that sinister influences, of the same kind as those which occasioned his arrest, were at work against him ; otherwise, in the situation in which France then stood, the genius he had already shewn would have ensured him employment. He was both indignant and disgusted at the treatment he had received, and conceived the intention of quitting the country altogether. He thought the East a fine field for glory, and meditated entering the service of the Grand Seignior ; and was so much in earnest in this plan, that he transmitted to the War Office a paper which he had drawn up, in order to enforce upon the government the policy of increasing the military power of Turkey as a check upon Russia, offering his services to organise their artillery. No notice was taken of this proposal. Bourx'ienne remarks very truly, t!iat had a clerk in the War Office but written upon the memorial, " granted," that little word would probably have changed the fate of Kurope. He had, however, been quite in earnest, and worked and planned out the idea with enthusiasm for several weeks. Wherever he might find a field for action, he always anticipated attaining the summit of power. He is reported to have said to a friend, with reference to liis eastern project, " Would it not be strange if a Corsican soldier became Kinj; of Jerusalem ?" NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 25 Occasionally, it appears, as if tired with fruitless expectations, he turned his thoughts to private life, and quiet pursuits. Hearing that his brother Joseph had married Mademoiselle Clary, the daughter of a rich merchant at Marseilles, and sister to the lady he had himself so nearly mar- ried, he exclaimed, " That Joseph is a lucky rogue ! " At another time, he thought of taking a house in the Rue de Marais, and settling there with his uncle Fesch and an old schoolfellow. " With that house over there," he said, " my friends in it, and a cabriolet, I shall be the happiest fellow in the world." But these quiet fancies did not last long. Madame de Bourrienne, who records this, and with whom he appears at this time to have been by no means a favourite, relates two or three anecdotes of him, which shew that he was frequently brooding over the unemployed world of power within him. She speaks of him as silent, reserved, and absent ; mentioning these things as signs of " eccentricity," and with the tone of a lady whose offended vanity considers it was not treated with proper politeness, and " all the forms." " He often slipped away from us," she says, in describing their visits to the theatre together; " and when we had supposed he had left the house, we would discover him in the second or third tier, sitting alone in a box, and looking rather sulky." At another time, during the performance of a farce which convulsed the whole house with laughter, she says: — "Bonaparte alone (and it struck me as being ver?/ extraordinary) was silent, and coldly insensible to the humour which was so irresistibly diverting to every one else ! " He passed most of his time in his own lodgings, where he studied I 26 THE HISTORY OF hard ; and, being distressed for money, was glad to avail himself of an engagement to draw maps and topographical plans, procured for him (as we learn from Norvins) by Doulcet de Pontecoulant, one of the Repre- sentatives. The French armies were, at this period, successful everywhere ; and the different powers of Europe were beginning to discover that they had placed themselves in hostile array against a people who were likely, in various ways, to make them sorely suffer for, if not secretly repent, the aggression. The coalition of crowned heads had intended to put down this new state of things with a high sceptre, and to sweep into the very dust of death all those republican innovators ; but when they found how fierce and successful a resistance was offered, they considered tliemselves grossly insulted and aggrieved. Several of those powers, however, were soon induced to take quite a different view of the matter. The Grand Duke of Tuscany was the first to acknowledge the French Republic as a legal government ; Prussia was forced to enter into a treaty of peace early in the year 1 795 ; and Spain followed the example. Pichegru had conquered the whole of Holland, driven out tlie stadtholder, and deprived the King of England of his continental dominions ; while the civil war, which had so long raged in La Vendee, had been nearly stifled by the vigorous and well-conceived measures of General La Hoche. The leaders of the Revolution are accused, and with justice, of being too prone to imitate the heroes of antiquity, even in some of their least re- spectable acts; but on this occasion, La Hoche pursued, with good reason and laudable success, the same kind of warfare which is attributed to Ajax in his madness. He drove away the cattle instead of destroying the people ; and, wiser than the Grecian hero, who killed the captured herds in his rage, he restored them to their former owners, in exchange for their arms. The few bands of Royalists which still held together, retired into Brittany, where they united themselves with the disaffected of that province, and wherci their leaders solicited, and obtained, powerful assistance from England. This great maritime ally landed on the coast, at the peninsula of Quiberon, an army of fifteen thousand French, emigrants ; six thousand Republican prisoners, who had enlisted for the purpose of getting back to France ; sixty thousand muskets, and an equipment for an army of forty thousand men. This formidable invasion was seconded by the Royalists already in arms. The invaders were attacked immediately by La Hoche; the Republicans enrolled in their ranks, deserted ; and though the emigrants, who were mostly officers of the ancient French marine, fought with the most determined bravery, the whole army was utterly routed and destroyed. According to the deadly system pursued between the Republic and the emigrants. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 27 no quarter was given to the vanquished ; and that party never reco- vered the severe loss it sustained on this occasion. The coalition against France now numbered, among the lesser European powers, Naples, Bavaria, the petty princes of Germany and Italy, and the King of Sardinia ; which latter included in his dominions, Piedmont and Savoy. The naval force of England, and the immense military strength of Austria, remained formidable opponents, with whom the French Republic had yet to maintain a strenuous and doubtful contest. Their hostile advances soon compelled France to call into action the genius of the only man who could have paralysed the one, and so long held the other at bay. Events of a serious nature in Paris first brought him out of his retirement. The National Convention having prepared a new form of govern- ment, to be vested in five directors and two elective assemblies, were about to dissolve themselves in the autumn of this year ; but, in order to avoid the risk of anarchy and a counter-revolution, and taught by the experience of the Constituent Assembly (which had, fatally for the country, declared its members incapable of being again chosen as Repre- sentatives of the People), the Convention decreed the re-election of two-thirds of its members, and limited the nomination of members by the electors, on this occasion, to one-third. Another law submitted these clauses to the acceptance of primary assemblies of the people. A restriction upon the freedom of election naturally created a ferment among the Parisians. The Royalist party seized this moment of popular discontent to promote their own plans ; and, under the mask of a zeal for liberty, they succeeded in making the people their instruments. Disregarding the opposition of Paris, the Convention pronounced the new constitution, in all its parts, ratified by the majority of the primary assemblies throughout France. This was the signal of open revolt. Out of the forty-eight sections into which the National Guard was divided, five only sided with the Convention ; forty-three formed themselves into armed deliberative assemblies ; rejected the decrees which restricted the freedom of election ; declared their sittings per- manent ; proceeded to nominate electors for choosing the new members, and began to present a very formidable appearance to the government. The section Lepelletier took the lead. It now became imperative upon the Convention to adopt vigorous measures, and enforce its authority. It accordingly called in the troops from the camp at Sablons, and delegated its powers to a committee of five, who were charged with the care of the public safety. Their first measure proved an utter failure. On the evening of the 12th of Vende- maire, answering, in the new nomenclature adopted by the French, to 28 THE HISTORY OF the 3rd of October, General Menou was despatched, together with three Representatives of tlie People, and a numerous escort, to dissolve the assembly of the section Lepelletier. Its committee, however, refused to obey ; and after about an hour's indecisive conference. General Menou withdrew, leaving the sectionaries triumphant. Napoleon was at the Theatre Feydeau, close to the spot, when this scene was transpiring; and hurrying forth, he mingled with the crowd to watch the result. When the troops retired, he instantly went to the gallery of the Convention, to observe what eifect would be produced by X N rf-N 'I il • ! ■!' I'V'l T ■•".3' ■If/ / 'ir*; III ' *' V ^^%4 i ! the ill success of its deputation. The Representatives who had accom- panied :\Icnou, eager to justify themselves, threw all the blame upon liim, and he was arrested on a charge of treachery. Each member then began to name some general on whom they could depend, as the fittest to succeed Menou. Those who liad been on duty at Toulon, and the members of the Committee of Public Safety, recommended Napoleon; who, haviiig heard all that passed, had already considered and formed NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 29 his resolution. His feelings on the occasion may be described in his own words: — " A deputation was sent to offer the command to me. I balanced, however, for some time before I would accept of it. It was a service that I did not like ; but when I considered that if the Convention was overturned, V etr anger would triumph; that the destruction of that body would seal the slavery of the country, and bring back an incapable and insolent race ; those reflections, and destiny, decided that I should accept of it." * Napoleon having agreed to serve the Committee of Public Safety, made them immediately understand that his authority must be unim- peded. He boldly declared that the contradictory counsels of the three Representatives of the People had been the chief cause of Menou's failure, which he had personally witnessed. The members could not avoid perceiving the force of what he said ; and, as the only means they could adopt in order to dispense with the regular form, they appointed Barras, one) of their own body, general-in-chief, and Napoleon second in command, but with the entire management of this affair. The regular troops amounted to five thousand ; and, with a body of fifteen hundred men, called the Patriots of 1789, made the whole force at the command of the Convention. The sections of the National Guard, on the other side, numbered forty thousand men. The park of artillery, consisting of forty pieces of cannon, was five miles from Paris, and slightly guarded. It was one o'clock in the morning when the conference with the committee concluded, and Napoleon received authority to act. The instant he left the committee, he dispatched a major of the Chasseurs with three hundred horse, to bring the artil- lery to the Tuileries ; which he succeeded in accomplishing by five o'clock : this major was Murat. The difference of a few minutes would have made him too late, for he met a party of the section Lepelletier on the same mission immediately after he had taken possession. Upon all the bridges ; at all the crossings of the streets ; in short, com- manding all the avenues leading to the Tuileries, the artillery was placed by Napoleon ; who also sent about eight hundred muskets to arm the members of the Convention and their clerks, as a corps de reserve. He then calmly awaited the attack. Meantime the National Guards had taken up their positions, and it was greatly feared that the troops would be seduced by them from their allegiance. Some members of the Convention thought it would be best to offer terms ; other, to retreat to St. Cloud ; while some pro- posed laying down their arms, and receiving the people as the Roman senators received the Gauls. Napoleon paid no attention to them : * " A Voice from St. Helena," by Barry E. O'Meara, vol. ii., p. 360. THE HISTORY OF /t£^4Be^r sc notliing further was decided. At length, about four in the afternoon, the expected attack was commenced by the National Guard. The engagement lasted a very short time. The artillery swept the streets, and the victory was won by the troops of the Convention, at an expense of life wonderfully small considering the circumstances. Napoleon him- self said to O'Meara, that, of the people, not more than seventy or eighty were killed, and between three and four hundred wounded ; he having made the troops load with powder only after the two first discharges. With a force of less than seven thousand men opposed to forty thousand, nothing could more strikingly demonstrate the courage of forbearance and the coolness of self-confidence. The important service which Napoleon had rendered to the Conven- tion was fully acknowledged, and immediately followed by his receiving the rank of Commander-in-chief of the army of the Interior. Menou was delivered over for trial to a council of war ; but Napoleon insisted that if he were punished, justice required that the Representatives of the People should be punished also, and this saved him. Only one man, named La Fond, was executed for the insurrection. He was an emigrant, one of the old garde du corps of Louis XVL, and had taken a very prominent part in the attack. The command of Paris devolved upon Napoleon in his quality of General of the Interior, and he had to perform a nice and difficult operation in consequence. The Convention ordered the disaffected sections to be disarmed ; and this was done under his management without violence or opposition, though it necessarily attacked all the habits and the rights of the citizens. The scarcity of bread, which was still severely felt, added also to the difficulties of his position. It appears that he exerted himself with great addi'ess among the people ; mixing continually iji their assemblies, and frequently haranguing them when >^>-!'lNi|''f(! NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 31 tliey threatened to become tumultuous. An anecdote is told upon one of these occasions, illustrative of his tact in availing himself of their sense of the ludicrous. He v^^as interrupted and confronted by a most portly figure of a woman among the crowd, who shouted forth, " Do not listen to these smart officers! — they doii't care who else is starved if they them- selves can get fat." Napoleon, who was at that time very thin, answered, " Look at me, good woman, and see which of us two is fattest !" This turned the laugh against her, and the mob dispersed. It was at one of his levees, shortly after these events, that Napoleon made an acquaintance, destined to be one of no small importance to him. The circumstances may be related in his own words : — " A boy of twelve or thirteen years old presented himself to me, and entreated that his father's sword should be returned. His father had been a general of the Republic, and executed a few days before the death of Robespierre. I was so touched by this affectionate request, that I ordered it to be given to him. This boy was Eugene Beauharnois. On seeing the sword, he burst into tears : 1 felt so much affected by his conduct, that I noticed and praised him much. A few days afterwards, his mother came to return me a visit of thanks : I was much struck with her appearance, and still more with her esprit" 32 THE HISTORY OF The impression made by Madame de Beauharnois at the first inter- view rapidly increased into a stronger feeling. Almost every evening was now spent in her company ; either at her own house, where all the most brilliant society of Paris were accustomed to meet, or at the apartments occupied by Barras, as one of the Directory in the Luxem- bourg Palace, in which luxury and splendour were fast taking place of republican simplicity. Of these assemblies, the grace and fascination of manner possessed by Madame de Beauharnois made her one of the greatest attractions ; while the commanding station occupied by Na- poleon, and his striking talents and power of conversation, no less than his intimacy with her, caused his constant invitation. The National Guard was now re-modelled, and the new oflicers were nominated by Napoleon. In the course of the work, he became extremely popular with the whole body of men, who henceforward regarded him with a kind of enthusiasm ; a circumstance of no small importance to him in the course of his history ; and yet not a little extraordinary, as there were doubtless many among them who had good reason to recollect the quelling of the sectious. His power of acquiring an influence over men's minds, was here strongly manifested. In March, 1790, he married Madame de Beauharnois. His union with this lady, so well known by the name of Josephine, was the result of affection on both sides, and was productive of mutual happiness throughout its duration. She was a few years his senior, but possessed a peculiar charm of manner and attractive gracefulness, added to con- siderable beauty of person, which never failed to inspire admiration in all who saw her. It is amusing to find that she had to endure many reproaches, and listen to much expostulation from her friends, who con- sidered that she had made a very poor marriage in accepting a mere NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 33 soldier of fortune. That they could not foresee the .splendour of her destiny is certainly no wonder ; but could a prediction have induced their faith, a most palpable and unequivocal one w^as extant at the time. A negress, who had the reputation of possessing the gift of sorcgry and prophecy, had told Josephine when a girl, that she should one day be more than a queen, and yet outlive her dignity. It is a curious and no less interesting example of the attractive power of individual sympathies and tendencies, to find that this romantic circumstance was actually knowai to Sir Walter Scott long before its fulfilment. He was told of it by a lady who was acquainted with Josephine, from whom she herself had heard the story very soon after her marriage with Napoleon. Among the vast multitude of predictions which are made from time to time, it would be very wonderful if some of them did not chance to fall true ; but that our great novelist believed in the prediction before it was proved, we may be permitted to regard as unlikely, though not altogether impossible. ,,^^1%. ^^" \" 11117/ ^-"f;^ -^wXi ' ^ With the successful termination to the revolt of the sections of Paris, the new government of France was established. The executive consisted of a Directory of five persons : Barras, Reubel, Latourneur de la Manche, Reveilliere Lepaux, and Carnot. Tallicn and the Abbe Sieves, though not members, were very influential in all the politics of the period. The F 34 THE HISTORY OF legislature was divided between two assemblies : the Council of Ancients, and the Council of Five Hundi'ed. Both were elective, and the qualifi- cations for a member were the same in every respect in both, except that a member of the former was required to be forty years of age, and eitlier a married man or a Avidower ; while to be qualified for a member of the latter, it was sufficient to have attained twenty-five years. AU measm-es were to be first proposed in the Council of Five Hundred, and sent up to the Ancients for their ratification before passing into laws. One of the first acts of the Directory, was to confer the cliief com- mand of the army of Italy ujion Napoleon. He left Paris thi-ee days after liis marriage, to join the troops. Scherer, whom he superseded, had not sufficiently improved his advantages, and was, besides, continually \\Titing to the government for supplies of money and horses, neither of which they were able to provide : they therefore sent him his dismissal, and trusted to their new general to supply all deficiencies. The extreme poverty of the treasury may be understood from the fact, that the sum of two thousand louis was all that could be collected to furnish him with means for so important a command. ^.^^^D^T^^ ' ' 'I'll ii>i'iiiii»«gr-j-'l>^ I \,-^,'-^ S^../^''' U(J\.\l'Al{Tr., rOMMANDKR IN-ClIIEl' OF Till'. AUMV OF ITALY. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 35 iHi^l^\^'' jJ^T^^ilSfBIBM^ 'f^ nable; it is scarcely to be re- T ?K j^Knal^^^^BSm%^:' fC^^ duced except by famine. The city and fortress are situated on an island called the Seraglio, in the midst of three lakes formed by the River Mincio, and com- municate with the mainland only by five causeways. The garrison amounted to between twelve and fourteen thousand men. It was a matter of high importance that Napoleon should reduce this place of strength quickly, for a large army under Field-Marshal Wurmser, one of the most able and experienced of the Austrian generals, was about to enter Italy. But to carry such a position by a coup de main, was imprac- ticable. Napoleon accordingly disposed his forces to form a regular siege. The occupation of Verona was a necessary step, and by this the neutrality of Venice was violated : it was done, however, without scrujile. 56 THE HISTORY OF •' You are too weak," Napoleon said to the Venetian envoy Fescarelli, *' to pretend to enforce neutrality with a few hundred Sclavonians, on two such nations as France and Austria. The Austrians have not respected your territory where it suited their purpose ; and I must, in requital, occupy such part as falls within the line of the Adige." It was hy no means the intention of Napoleon to quarrel with the Venetians yet : he had work enough upon his hands already. But it was very convenient to maintain his army at their expense, and it was necessar}"^ for him to occupy Verona. He therefore assumed just so much of the tone of haughty displeasure as made them anxious to pro- pitiate him, and ready to accede to all his demands ; while he carefully avoided driving them to hostilities. The two senators who carried on the negotiations with him wrote to their government, " This man will one day have great influence in his country." These subtle Italians and " old" diplomatists, who well knew that they deserved no real trust, perfectly understood, and much admired, his tact and management. These preliminaries being accomplished, the chief attention of Na- poleon was fixed upon the siege of Mantua. His troops rapidly seized four out of the five causeways by which the communication of the Seraglio is kept up with the mainland ; the fifth was defended by a strong citadel called La Favorita. The possession of the other four enabled the French commander, with only eight thousand men, to keep the Austrian garrison, amounting to fourteen thousand, in check. Notwithstanding this success and all its previous triumphs, the situation of the French army was at this time very critical. The whole train of artillery at its command was employed in the attack upon the citadel of Milan, which still held out ; and though there was urgent necessity for despatch, the siege of Mantua was by compulsion reduced to a blockade. Meantime the intrigues of Genoa, Venice, and Rome (all of which regarded the French Republic with smothered enmity), incited tlie late imperial fiefs to continual revolts. Detached bodies of the French were attacked at every opportunity ; a hundred and fifty soldiers were sud- denly massacred in Arquata, where they were quietly garrisoned. The Pope only waited the arrival of six thousand English, whom he expected to land at Leghorn, to declare himself openly. Above all, Wurmser, with his army, was approaching by the Tyrol, to form a junction with the remains of Beaulieu's forces, which had taken refuge there, under command of Melas, Beaulieu having been superseded in disgrace. As soon as he should arrive, the Austrian force would amount to seventy tliousand men, including the garrison of Mantua. The French army now numbered forty-thousand men, ardent from recent conquests, it is true, and feeling unbounded reliance in their commander ; yet suddenly NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 57 placed, by all the foregoing circumstances, in a position of great danger, and apparently insurmountable difficulty. At this very moment, the King of Naples, alarmed for the safety of his states, deserted the coalition, and solicited an armistice, with the view to a definitive peace. It was granted ; and this proved an im- portant event, as it secured the inaction of his army, and also of his fleet, which had hitherto co-operated with the English. The Neapolitan auxiliaries immediately left the army of Beaulieu, and returned to their own country. The imperial fiefs were quieted by a detachment of twelve hundred men under Lannes ; who was everywhere successful, and took the most dreadful vengeance upon the insurgents that military execution can inflict. Tranquillity was enforced by terror. Murat was dispatched to Genoa with a letter of menace, which he read himself with a loud voice in the senate, and which produced immediate concessions and hollow promises. Augereau had passed the Po at Borgo-Forte, and occupied Bologna and Ferrara, the territories of which belonged to the H0I3' See. Bologna gladly tlu-ew off the Papal yoke, established a national guard, and de- clared itself a free city under the protection of France. Reggio and Modena imitated its example. The Pope, now in extreme alarm, sent to beg an armistice : to this Napoleon acceded, on the condition of receiving, on the part of the French government, a million sterling, and a hundred works of art. At the entry of the French into Bologna, four hundred of the Papal troops were made prisoners, with a cardinal who acted as their officer. This latter was dismissed on his parole ; but when smnmoned after- wards to the French camp, he declined to obey the mandate, on the plea that the Pope had absolved liim from his word of honour. This excited no small merriment among the officers. Napoleon now seized Leghorn, confiscated the EngKsh goods, and destroyed the English factory. As this port belonged to Tuscany, he thereby violated the neutrality of the Grand Duke ; but he made no casuistic apologies. " The French flag," he said, " has been insulted in Leghorn ; you are not strong enough to enforce respect to it : the Directory has commanded me to occupy the place." The opportunity had now arrived for depriving the English of Corsica, which is situated only twenty leagues from the coast of Tus- cany. Napoleon collected all the Corsican refugees, united them in Leghorn, and sent over a party with arms and ammunition. The Corsicans, utterly discontented with their foreign masters, and ripe for revolt, flew to arms; and in three months, Corsica became a division of France. I 58 THE HISTORY OF The siege of the citadel of Milan, rigorously pressed, was at length successful. The garrison capitulated on tlie 29th of June. By the 18th of July, one huncU'ed and forty pieces of Ccumon were before Mantua. After seeing the trenches opened. Napoleon retui'ned to Milan, and completed the ratification of treaties and the organisation of Lonibardy. All Italy was now subdued, or in alliance with the Repub- lic, excepting Mantua. The Austrian army, in three divisions, under the command of the generals Davido\vich, Quasdanowitch, and Wurmser himself, descended from the Tyi'ol, during the last days of July. Wurmser, confident in his niunbers, and calculating upon the absorption of the energies of the French army by its endeavours to subdue Mantua, disposed his forces in the most admirable manner to improve a victory ; never reflecting that he might happen to be defeated. Untaught by all the previous disasters of Beaulieu, he committed the error of dividing his army, in order to cover an extent of country. His right wing was detached, with orders to occupy Brescia, and cut off the retreat of the French in the direction of Milan : his left wing was sent to descend the Adige, and manoeuvre on Verona ; while the centre, under his ovm. command, advanced to raise the siege of Mantua. During the two first days of his approach, the French generals, after resisting to the utmost, yielded up succes- sively, Rivoli, Brescia, and Salo ; but these two days were sufficient to make Na])oleon master of the ])lHn on which Wurmser proposed to carry on the campaign, and he instantly disconcerted the whole of it, by a move- ment so unlike that of any ordinary general, as to defy all calculation. In one night, he raised the siege of Mantua ; sacrificing the whole of his artillery. The men were employed to destroy as much as the time would allow. They spiked the guns, burnt the carriages, threw the NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 59 powder into the lake, and buried the halls, Augereau and Massena were stationed to defend the line of the Mincio as long as possible. Before morning the whole French army had disappeared from Mantua, and Napoleon was hurrying forward to attack the right wing of the Austrian army, before it could effect a junction with the central body of Wurmser. The Austrian right wing was advancing in three di\asions. Napoleon defeated one division at Salo, and another at Lonato. At the same time, Augereau and Massena, leaving a sufficient number of men at their posts to maintain a defence, or at least to impede the enemy, marched upon the third di^'ision at Brescia ; but it had already fled in disorder towards the Tyrol. The French generals instantly countermarched to the support of their rear-guards, which had been forced by the Austrians. Wurmser meanwhile had reached Mantua, where, to his utter asto- nishment, he found the trenches abandoned, and no enemy to oppose. Seriously alarmed for the fate of his right wing, he dispatched two divisions to force a junction with it immediately. These divisions, obtain- ing possession of Lonato and Castiglione, were speedily attacked one after the other (as Napoleon always contrived), and defeated and put to flight by Massena and Augereau. Junot distinguished himself by extraordinary efforts of courage in these actions. He was thus mentioned in the dispatch sent by Napoleon to the Directory after the victory : — " I ordered my aide-de-camp, (50 THE HISTORY OF (Icneral of Bri^ack' .Tuuot, to put himself at the head of my company of Guides to pursue the enemy, and overtake them by great speed at Dezenzano. He encountered Colonel Bender with a party of his regi- ment of Hussars, whom he charged ; but Junot not wishing to waste his time by charging the rear, made a detour on the right, — took the regiment in front, — wounded the colonel, whom he attempted to take prisoner, — when he was himself surroiuided, and after ha\ang killed six of the enemy with his ovn\ hand, was cut downi, and thrown into a ditch." Detached parties of Avistrian soldiers were now wandering about without method, and striving to rejoin Wurmser, or any part of the army which was still in the field. A body of four or five thousand of these stragglers, receiving information from the peasantry that the French had only left a garrison of twelve hundred men in Lonato, determined to take possession of the place ; and their commander sent an officer to summon the garrison to surrender. The information of the smallness of the French force was perfectly correct, and a prize little anticipated by the Austrians was also within their grasp. Napoleon had just before entered Lonato, attended only by his staff. Into his presence the Austrian officer was accordingly brought blindfolded, according to custom on such occasions. "With admirable presence of mind, Napoleon averted this imminent danger. Collecting all the officers of his staff around him, and assuming the state of a commander-in-chief at the head of his army, he ordered the officer's eyes to be unbandaged, and addressed him in a tone of astonishment at his audacity : — -" Go, and tell your general," he said, " that I give him eight minutes to lay down his arms : he is in the midst of the French army ! That time passed, he has nothing to hope." The officer, appalled at discovering in whose presence he stood, returned to his comrades with tliis message. The shortness of time allowed, prevented the truth from being discovered, and they immediately surren- dered to a force about one-fourth of their own. They had begun to believe that their enemy possessed ubiquity. Wurmser, whose fine army was thus being destroyed in detail, had been employed in re-\ictualling Mantua. It was on the night of the 31st of July, that Napoleon had suddenly deserted the works at that place ; the victories we have described have only brought us to the night of the 4th of August : that night the army was collected at Castiglione. Before the morning of the 5th, General Fiorella, despatched by Napoleon with a body of men, suddenly appeared on the left wing and flank of the Austrian army, which was now under Wurmser himself ap})roaching the French position at Castiglione. The assault took him (|uite by surprise. Napoleon led the attack in front. The Austrian forces were entirely routed ; AVurmser was nearly taken ))risoner, and pursued into Trent and Roveredo, the positions from wliicli he so lately issued confident of J NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 61 victory. He had lost half his army, and all his artillery and stores. The French soldiers have called tliis succession of victories, " the cam- paign of five days." Napoleon has reckoned the losses of liis anny in these desperate actions, at seven thousand men. The rapid marches and incessant fighting had exhausted the troops, who now absolutely required rest. Napoleon himself had not taken off his clothes, nor enjoyed regular repose, for seven days and nights. A rigorous blockade of Mantua was, nevertheless, instituted without a moment's delay. The apparentl}'^ perilous position of the army at the approach of Wurmscr's overwhelming force, had clearly brought out the various feelings of the Italian states with regard to the Republic. The Pope, Naples, Venice, and Genoa, manifested e\'ident marks of treachery. Lombardy, particularly Milan, Bologna, and Parma, with other states, remained firm in their alliance. At Ferrara, the populace were incited to revolt by Cardinal Mattel : when afterwards called before Napoleon to answer for his conduct, the churcliman replied by the single word, *' PeccavV^ Napoleon only imposed on him a confinement of three months in a religious seminary ; there to practise certain fasts and penances. The quiescence of the French army was not of long continuance. Wurmser, reinforced with twenty thousand fresh troops, giving him again the command of fifty thousand men, descended once more from the Tyrol in the beginning of September. Lea\'ing twenty thousand men under Da\-idowich to cover the Tyrol, he advanced by the valley of the Brenta to raise the blockade of Mantua. Napoleon had been reinforced by only six thousand men ; but he had penetrated the designs of the Austrian general ; who, as if incapable of learning from expe- rience, was again commiting the error of di^iding his forces beyond the power of combination. Napoleon suffered liim to advance till the dis- tance between his two divisions was sufficient for his purpose, and then lea\dng Kilmaine, with three thousand men, to cover the blockade of Mantua, rapidly marched to the attack of Da\ddowich, and defeated him at Roveredo on the 4th of September. The Austrian camp was strongly intrenched in front of the town ; while CalKano and its castle upon the steep rock which overhangs the Adige, remained as a place of secure retreat in case of a defeat. This defeat, however, ensued. The intrenchments were carried by the Hussars, headed by General Dubois, who, though mortally wounded, cheered them on to the last, and fell, waving his sabre above his head and ejaculating his satisfaction in dying for the Republic. The rout of the Austrians was complete ; they fled in disorder, pursued by the victorious French during the whole night, through defiles and strong positions liitherto m THE HISTORY OF considered impregnable, into Trent and beyond, far into the Tyrol. The French took possession of Trent and Lavisa, made seven thousand prisoners, and took tAventy-one pieces of cannon, and seven stand of colours. Wurmser was now cut off from the Tyrol. The foregoing victory was scarcely gained, before the French army was put in motion to return to the attack of the Austrian commander- in-chief. First issuing a proclamation to the Tyrolese, exhorting them to lay down their arms, and assuring them of friendly intentions, Na- poleon executed in one day a forced march of forty miles, and the next of twenty more, which brought him in front of Wurmser's vanguard at Primolano. The effect of the surprise, and the impetuosity of the attack, more than counterbalanced all the advantages of position. The Austrians were routed, and fled in confusion, while four thousand laid downi their arms. The same night the French advanced another league, and halted, exhausted with fatigue, at Cismone, within four leagues of Bassano, where Wurmser, with the main body of his army was stationed. Na- poleon endured the same privations as his men. Baggage and staff appointments were unable to keep up \nth such rapid movements. He shared the ration of bread of one of the privates, — who lived to remind him of this night, when the Republican general had lost himself in the Emperor. The consternation of AN'^urmser may be imagined when he learned that the enemy, whom he had supposed deeply engaged among the passes of the Tyrol, was rapidly approaching him. He had weakened his army still further by despatching a strong division against Verona. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 63 There is something quite ludicrous in these continual separations of the Austrian force, as though fated to be beaten each time by the very same circumstances. Wurmser now hastily summoned Jus force to return, but it was too late : Verona was distant fifteen leagues, and Napoleon was within four. There was little time for preparation. Before three o'clock on the 8th of September, the French army descended upon Bassano ; forced every position ; bore down all resistance ; drove the Austrians before them in every direction; seized the cannon by which the bridge was defended ; and, for the second time, narrowly missed capturing the field- marshal and his staff, now in absolute flight. He escaped, but his troops were destroyed ; six thousand laid down their arms ; his artillery, baggage, and colours, were taken. He fled towards Vicenza, where he met the division of his ai*my returning from Verona ; and now, at the head of sixteen thousand men out of fifty thousand, with whom a week before he had left the Tyrol, he desperately fought his way towards Mantua. In one of the fierce skirmishes attending the retreat of the gallant old Wurmser, it chanced that Napoleon being separated from his staff in the heat and confusion of the moment, and dashing forwards to the support of a part of his advanced guard which seemed likely to be cut to pieces, became completely surrounded by the enemy. He only escaped by reining aside his charger, and spurring away at a furious rate. So rapid was the whole occurrence that old Wurmser, who was aware of the situation of Napoleon, instantly rode up and ordered the soldiers to be sm-e to bring liim in alive ! Wurmser would have been taken in attempting to cross the Adige, but for the neghgence of the governor of Legnago, who suffered him to pass without opposition ; and even then he would have been stopped, had not the orders of Napoleon, to destroy the bridges of the Molinella, been neglected. As it was, the brave, though discomfited, veteran reached Mantua in safety, and finding that, including the garrison, he could muster twenty-five thousand men, he once more attempted to make a stand. His force exceeded by a thousand men that which the French could bring up in time to oppose him ; he was, however, unable to maintam his gromid. This engagement, which was fought close to the citadel of Mantua, is called the battle of St. George. It was severely contested, and ended in the flight of Wurmser within the walls of the city, three thousand of his men being made prisoners. Still he was master of the Seraglio and the causeways, and succeeded in re-victualling the place. On the 25th, he made a sally, hoping to attain the command of the Adige, but failed, with a severe loss. On the 1st of October, General Kilmaine regained the command of the communications to the Gl THE HISTORY OF Seraglio, and Wurmser was strictly blockaded within the citadel of Mantua. Thus concluded the campaign of Wurmser : sixteen thousand men shut up with him, and ten thousand dispersed in the Tyrol, were all that remained of his army. He had also lost seventy-five pieces of cannon, thirty generals, and twenty-two stand of colom's. Marmont, one of Napoleon's aides-de camp, was sent with these latter trophies to the Directory at Paris. Napoleon returned to Milan. His army, at last being in absolute necessity of repose, went into cantonments ; maintaining, nevertheless, the blockade of Mantua, and protecting their various conquests. Tlic mind of Napoleon was actively employed in this interval of comparative repose. He was earnest in the formation of plans for the creation of independent Republics in all those states which had been freed by his arms from the yoke of Austria. Sir Walter Scott has noticed the crooked policy of the French government in its dealings with the Italians ; but has forgotten to do justice to the sincerity of Napo- leon, to which all his letters to the Directory at this period, bear witness. Wherever the above writer has given false colouring to a fact, Mr. Lock- hart has carefully adopted it in " The Family Library," with additional inversions and distortions. It is of no avail, in the end, for a biographer NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. G5 or historian to gloss over the evil, or blot out the good deeds of his hero : both should be told in equal terms. Napoleon proposed that a congress should be assembled at Modena and Bologna, composed of deputies from all the neighbouring states ; that the objects of the assembly should be : — " First, the organisation of the Italian Legion ; secondly, the proper arrangements for the defence of the communes ; thirdly, the mission to Paris of deputies to demand the liberty and independence of Italy." To these enthusiastic views, which stretched forwards to the conquest or revolution of every Italian state, till of that whole beautiful country, one free nation — the ally of Republican France — should be made' the Directory replied by cold diplomatic directions, In order to delay any final measures. It might be necessary, they said, to make the Milanese the barter for a durable peace with Austria, and to restore those states to their old rulers in exchange for Belgium and Luxembourg. So it has fared for long centuries with Italy ; which, at f)6 THE HISTORY OF the present day, groaning; under the heaAy despotism of Austria, and the ignorant yoke of tlie court of Rome and other Itahan potentates ; forced to repress every free thought and word, at the risk of the dungeon or the scaffold ; still depends on its own energies for its regeneration. Napoleon, however, was not to be stopped in any favourite plan that was practicable. He encouraged the patriots in every direction ; super- intended the organisation of their internal governments ; improved and remodelled their fortifications. An Italian Legion joined liis army, and the National Guard of Reggio served at the siege of Mantua. Every branch of the service of the army came under the revision of the commander-in-chief. He enquired into and regulated the minutest details ; his habits of business and regularity in all kinds of transactions being as remarkable as his miKtary genius. He had repressed every sort of extortion and extravagance in the officers, civil and military, under liis command ; and however oppressive were his exactions for the support of his army, and the aggrandisement of France, his own name is pure from the charge of peculation or selfish grasping. He is known to have refused four millions of francs in gold from the Duke of Modena, and seven millions from the government of Venice ; both smns being offered to gain his protection. It ought to be, and we believe it generally is, admitted on all sides, that, at this period, whatever may afterwards have been his \dews, he seemed actuated by no ambition but that of increasing the glory of the Republic. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 67 ?sx CHAPTER VII, CAMPAIGN ON THE RHINE MOREAU JOURDAN ARCHDUKE CHARLES FOURTH ARMY OF AUSTRIA ALVINZI LOSSES OF THE FRENCH — BATTLE OF ARCOLA AUSTRIANS RE- TREAT FIFTH ARMY OF AUSTRIA BATTLE OF RIVOLI PROVERA — LA FAVORITA FLIGHT OF THE AUSTRIANS — SURRENDER OF MANTUA. The struggle of Republican France against the empire of Austria, was maintained, it must be re- membered, at two points : in Italy, and on the Rhine. The plan of the campaign of 1796 adopted by the Directory, had been designed by Carnot, and re\dsed by Naj)oleon and Moreau. According to its grand and daring provisions, the two armies of the Rhine under Generals Jovn-dan and Moreau, were to push for- ward ; form a junction with Na- poleon by the Tyrol ; and, when united, to penetrate into the heart of Germany, and dictate a peace under the walls of Vienna. Napoleon only had been able to perform his part of the plan. The victories of the army of the Rhine had filled Austria with consternation ; and Moreau was fast advancing towards the desired result, when the genius of the Archduke Charles changed the fortune of the war, and compelled Jourdan to a hasty flight, and Moreau to a retreat through the Black Forest, 68 THE HISTORY OF celebrated for the great skill with which it was conducted. Austria, relieved from apprehension of danger in the direction of the Rhine, now turned, with undivided attention, towards Italy. AUanzi, an officer of high reputation, was placed at the head of another new army of forty thousand men, to which he joined eighteen thousand under Davidowich in the Tyrol. His object was to raise the blockade of Mantua ; release Wurmser ; and, with a force which would, by the accession of the garrison of the latter, amount to eighty thousand men, he confidently expected to re-conquer Lombardy. Three large armies, advancing with similar prospects, had already been destroyed by Napoleon : a fourth now prepared to pour down upon him, under still more terrible circumstances. He had been reinforced wiih twelve battalions from France, amounting to about seven thousand men ; but his army was still little more than half the numbers of the enemy. AVurmser maintained a resolute defence, and it was obvious would hold out to the last extremity ; so that Mantua remained a point of danger. But Lombardy, in general, was well aflTected to the French ; the spirit of the soldiers was high ; their confidence in their general unbounded ; and a growing belief in the predestined success of Napoleon kept those states quiescent which bore him no good will. With these advantages and disadvantages, he prepared to receive his new antagonist. The battle of St. George, and the strict blockade of Wurmser in Mantua, took place in the middle of September. Alvinzi's army com- menced its march in the beginning of October. Napoleon instantly ordered Vaubois and Massena to advance to the attack of Da\idowich (whose forces were collected in the Tyrol), before he could form a junction with Ahdnzi. Both failed : Vaubois, after two days' fighting, was conquered ; lost Trent and Galliano ; and was forced to retreat to the positions of Corona and Rivoli : Massena, in consequence, had to effect a retreat without attempting an engagement ; and Alvinzi approaching fast, gained possession of all the country between the Brenta and the Adige, and the command of the Tyrol. The two Austrian generals might now have eflTected a junction, but they neglected their opportunity. Napoleon retreated to Verona. The positions of Corona and Rivoli, occupied by the division of Vaubois after their retreat, were immediately visited by the commander- in-chief. The troops came before him with dejected looks. " Soldiers!" he said, " I am not satisfied with you. You have shevm neither disci- pline, constancy, nor courage. You have allowed yourselves to be driven from positions where a handful of brave men might have arrested the progress of an army. Let it be written on the colours, ' They are not of the army of Italy.' " Tears and groans answered his words. Several of the veteran grenadiers, who had deserved and obtained badges of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 69 distinction, called from the ranks, " General ! we have been misrepre- sented : place us in the van of the army, and you shall then judge whether we do not belong to the army of Italy." These regiments thoroughly redeemed their character in a few days. Hitherto, the course of events since the approach of Alvinzi, had been very unfavourable to the French army. Unused to retrograde move- ments, failures, and losses, the soldiers began to feel discouraged, and even to murmur. Napoleon perceiving their state, encouraged them by his presence ; talked with them ; was frequently among them ; and his power over them was such that their spirits quickly revived. He lost not a moment in taking them into action. Ahinzi had occupied the heights of Caldiero, and threatened Verona. Massena attacked the heights, but they were found impregnable. The French were repulsed with great loss. A dreadful storm of wind and rain prevailed during the attack ; of which circumstance Napoleon took all the advantage he could, and as he had been unable to make it prevent the Austrians from beating back the French, he said in his dispatches that it had prevented the French from gaining the \dctory. The heights of Caldiero remaining misubdued, Napoleon found it necessary to attempt them by other means, in order to prevent the junction of the army of Davidowich with AMnzi. Pretending, there- fore, to retreat on Mantua after his discomfiture, he returned in the night, and placed himself in the rear of Alvinzi's army. When his columns advanced on Areola, the enemy thought at first it wa? only a skirmish, and that the main army of the French were in Verona. Napoleon's intention was not likely to be suspected ; for the position of Areola rendered any attack upon it so extremely hazardous, that scarcely any one would have conceived the idea of making the attempt. The \dllage is surrounded by marshes, intersected with a small stream ; by ditches; and by three causeways, or bridges, across which alone the marshes are passable. Areola, and the bridge leading to it, were de- fended with two battalions of Alvinzi's army, and two pieces of cannon which commanded the bridge. The other two causeways were un- protected. Leaving fifteen hundred men, under Kihnaine, to defend Verona, Napoleon marched with extreme caution and celerity, under cover of the night, and passing the Adige at Ronco, reached the causeways ^^^thout opposition. He had only thirteen thousand men under his command ; but on such narrow ground as that about to be disputed, the conduct of the leading files must determine the result : numbers were comparatively unimportant. A French column advanced (November 15) on each of the three cause- ways. The division of Augereau occupied the bridge of Areola, which 70 THE HISTORY OF was swept by the enemy's cannon, and assailed in flank by their battahons. Even the chosen grenadiers led by Augereau, faltered and fell back under the destructive lire. Napoleon, who knew the moment was decisive, rushed to the head of the column, — seized the colours, — and hurrying onwards, planted them with his own hands on the bridge, amidst the hail of balls from the enemy's artillery and musketry. His soldiers rallied at the sight, and again advanced ; but even the enthusiasm of the moment could not bear up against the devastating effects of the fire. Alvinzi, who had perceived the attack, was now sending succours to his battalions. The Austrians fought wdth fury, and the French were unable to maintain their ground. Napoleon being in the very front and hazard of the fight, was soon surrounded by his faithful Guides, who bore him in their arms through the dead and dying, as they were driven backwards inch by inch with horrible carnage. While thus endeavouring to rescue their general, the group was borne against one side of the bridge, and immediately carried over into the morass beneath. Napoleon sank up to his middle, and being quite unable to extricate himself, thus remained a mark for the Austrian muskets. The enemy were now between him and the French troops, so that he was completely cut off from succour, and at the mercy of the first man who happened to recognise him through the smoke. During this frightful crisis of fate, Lannes pressed forward through the marsh, and reached him ; as also did the gallant Muiron. Almost at the same moment, a shot was fired at Napoleon. It was received by Muiron, who had interposed himself, and he died covering Napoleon's body with his own. This was the same Muiron who had previously saved the life of Napoleon at the siege of Toulon. But still the person of the French general remained in the utmost peril ; and now it was that the love his soldiers bore him, gave them power to effect what all efforts of example, or feats of heroism, had failed to accomplish. They bore madly onwards through all opposition ; one cry only was heard, — " Save the general ! " Nothing could resist them : Napoleon was quickly extricated ; again he was at their head ; a party of the French contrived to get across at another place, and attack the Austrians in the rear ; and Areola was taken. The obstinate defence had enabled Alvinzi to evacuate his position by a steady and orderly retreat. Verona was, however, safe ; and Napoleon retreating again to Ronco, remained stationary all night. Next morning, finding (to his surprise, no doubt) that Davidowich made no movement, either to attack Vaubois, or relieve Mantua, and that Wiinnser (juietly lay witliin the walls, not venturing any sally, he again advanced to attack Alvinzi. It would appear that the Austrian generals had no connnunication, and could not divine each other's wishes or intentions. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 71 During the whole day, the battle raged with fierce and fluctuating success, amidst the dikes of Areola. Next morning, the fearful scene was renewed, and to the discomfiture of the Austrians. So many perished in the marshes, that Napoleon was able to encounter the rest, with numbers tolerably equal, on the firm ground. The day was decided at length by a stratagem. Napoleon "perceived," as he afterwards said in a conversation at St. Helena, "the critical moment of lassitude in either army, when the oldest and bravest woidd have been glad to be in their tents." The left of the Austrians was protected by a marsh : he, therefore, sent thirty of his Guides with four trumpets, who suc- ceeded in doing that which would have been impossible for the whole of his cavalry. They forced their plunging horses through a distant part of the swamp, and reaching the other side, all the trumpets were sud- denly soiuided, while the Guides made a furious charge. The Austrians, fully believing that they were turned by the whole French cavalry, retreated. They were, however, well protected, and gained the TjtoI. Great numbers were killed on each side during these three battles of Areola : the Austrians lost twelve thousand men killed, six thousand prisoners, eighteen pieces of cannoUj and four stand of colours. It was now that, when too late, Da^•ido^nch made an advance upon Verona. He quickly retreated, however, on learning the disasters of Areola, and followed Alvinzi. Wurmser, too, made a desperate sally, when the army that could have supported him was dispersed ; and he was therefore repulsed. He still, however, held out. The horses of the garrison had long since been killed and salted for use. The men were now reduced to half rations, and the pestilential air of the lakes was destroying numbers by disease. Still the veteran did not think of surren- dering. The Austrians kept their possession of Trent, and the command '2 THE HISTORY OF of the TjTol. This fourth attempt of Austria to conquer Napoleon ended, therefore, in a manner less disastrous to the empire than the former ; but it left him in possession of Lombardy, and once more conqueror. He returned to Milan, and the army enjoyed four months of repose. The interval was partly employed by Napoleon in conciliating and rendering himself popular \vith all classes in Italy. Their language being his native tongue, added to his knowledge of their literature, and his real or pretended sympathy with their genius for the arts, greatly contributed to accompKsh his object. Even the priesthood, who had hitherto denounced him from the top to the bottom of the calendar, began to feel mollified by liis consummate address. One among them was a rich old canon of the name of Bonaparte ; and he cordially received and feasted the conqueror as a relative, declaring him to be a scion of the Tuscan family of that name. When the old canon died, he bequeathed all his wealth to Napoleon. In the year 1796, Catherine TI., Empress of Russia, died. Her death was important to the Republic, as her successor, Paul I., completely altered the policy of the north, and broke all the engagements of Russia vnth the coalition. Again, and for the fifth time, Austria prepared to renew the contest. The spirit of the people was roused to restore the national honour. A volunteer corps took the field. Vienna furnished four battalions, ai:d to them the Empress of Austria presented a banner wrought with her own NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 73 hands. The Tyrolese also flocked to the standard of their hereditary sove- reign. They were contented under a government w^hich had respected their privileges, and they wanted no change. The Pope, invited by the Austrian ambassador, broke the treaty of Bologna ; and raising an army of seven thousand men, waited in readiness to act in concert with Wurmser, when he should be released from Mantua. A messenger despatched to Wurmser, from the imperial court, was, however, taken by the French. He swal- lowed his dispatches, concealed in a little ball of wax. But he was seen to do this, and means being taken to recover them, Napoleon thus learned the present designs of the Austrian government. The wax enclosed a letter to Wurmser, signed by the emperor's own hand. It was to the followdng effect : — Alvinzi was once more placed at the head of sixty thousand men, and was again to march into Lombardy, and to raise the siege of Mantua. Wurmser was directed to hold out to the last extremity. If the army of Alvinzi could be united vnth his garrison, the destruction of the French seemed undoubted ; if not, and if, in the course of hos- tilities, he found it best to abandon Mantua, he was directed to cut his way into Romagna, and take the command of the papal troops. The interval between the discovery of the purpose and its execution was of no great duration. Early in January, 1797, the Austrian army advanced by Bassano. Experience seemed of no sort of avail to their councils, for yet again their force was divided. Alvinzi, who led the principal army, directed his march upon Roveredo. Provera, already distinguished for his courage at the battle of Millesimo, with the other di\dsion, advanced to act upon the lower Adige. His vanguard forced a party of French to cross to the other bank of the river at Bevi 1' Acqua. Napoleon had concentrated Ms army at Verona, uncertain, as yet, which attack he was to consider as the principal one. On the night of the 13th of January, he received information that Joubert, whom he had left in defence of Corona (a small town strongly fortified), had been attacked by an immense body, and having with difficulty maintained his post throughout the day, was now on the point of retreating to seciu'e the heights of Rivoli, a position of great importance. Deciding at once from this account, that Ahanzi led the principal attack. Napoleon, having left Augereau to keep Provera in check, in- stantly made a forced march towards Rivoh, and reached the heights by two o'clock on the morning of the 14th. Joubert, who was in the act of evacuating Rivoli, perceiving that a retreat was inevitable, was now ordered to countermarch, and resume his post. It is generally found in private life, that the more indi-viduals manoeuvre, the more difficulties do they create : the blunt, straight- forward man is apt to blunder upon good fortune; while the subtle tactician, who has worked an admirable calculation, just loses the whole 74 THE HISTORY OF because he has " made a mistake in a figure," or not allowed quite enough " for the \vind." In the movements of large masses, all de- pendent upon the fiat of one man's mind, the importance of the result becomes so fearful, that it is wonderful the minds of men thus circum- stanced should not be oftener paralysed than they are, and reduced to a condition of reasoning immobility. Rapid decision, on these occasions, seems to give the best chances of success, because it approaches nearer to the operations of instinct ; and thus are great physical advantages gained, while the deliberations of mere theoretic intellect only suspend the balance, which is snatched away by the first resolute gust of the coming storm. From the eminence on wliich he stood. Napoleon calmly surveyed the bivouac of this new army, destined to destroy him, — or to be destroyed by him, like the four which had preceded it. The night was clear, and favoured his observations. The moon shone down on the plain below, and there he saw the dark masses of the Austrians, — the army being di\dded into five distinct bodies. From this he inferred that their attack would be made in five columns. He judged rightly, also, from the distance at which they had stationed their bivouacs fi'om the position of Joubert, that their artillery and cavalry had not yet arrived, and that they meant to wait for them, and not begin the battle early in the morning. To hurry it on before these important auxiliaries arrived, was the immediate object of Napoleon. He ordered the attack at daybreak. The en- gagement began by the French driving the Austrians from the Chapel of St. Mark. The nearest column advanced to retake it, but was re- pulsed ; the next came up, and the French were beaten back. The affair became perilously doubtful : Napoleon himself galloped off to bring up reinforcements : Massena's division was the nearest ; the men had lain do^vn to sleep, tired with the march, but started up at his voice, and the Austrian column was speedily repulsed. The third advanced, and was in turn conquered. Quasdanowitch, who commanded the fourth, observing, at the same moment, the important chapel on the height of St. Mark, abandoned by the French in the pursuit, sent three battalions to ascend the hill and retake it. His design was observed: as the Austrians ascended the hill on one side, the French cautiously ascended on the other, and their superior activity bringing them first to the top, they drove the Austrians headlong down, in disastrous confusion. The French batteries now made havoc of the broken columns; the cavalry made repeated charges ; four out of the five divisions were thus broken and utterly routed. The fifth now made its appearance in the rear of the Frcncli, after bringing up the artillery and baggage, according to the orders of the Austrian general before the action. Had this movement been made a little sooner, it miglit have turned tlie fortune of the day: as it was, the sudden appearance, after so desperate an action, might have NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 75 struck a panic in soldiers less confident in their general ; but the French soldiers only exclaimed, " Here come further supplies to our market !" — and very soon the Austrians, exposed to a heavy fire from the artillery, were forced to lay down their arms. Napoleon had remained in the hottest of the fight throughout the action, which lasted during twelve hours ; he had three horses killed under him, and was exposed to imminent danger. Massena, in particular, among his generals, distinguished himself. The factory, won by con- summate skill, was decisive of the fate of Ahdnzi's army ; his shattered forces fled in confusion, closely pursued by the French, and never rallied again. The fierce contest was no sooner ended, than Napoleon hastened to attack Provera, lea^ing Massena, Joubert, and Murat, to pursue the vanquished. Provera, with his di^dsion, had effected the passage of the Adige on the very day of the battle of Rivoli, and advanced to Mantua. His first attempt to relieve the garrison was by stratagem. The suburb of St. George, manned by fifteen hundred French under Miollis, was de- fended only by a circumvallation. A regiment of Austrian cavalrj' presented themselves at the barricades, disguised in white cloaks in order to resemble the French hussars, and would have been admitted but for THE HISTORY OF <, ij II ]yihii?^ic'l3m the promptitude of an old sergeant. He observed that the cloaks were too fresh and white to belong to the hussars, who had worn theirs in many a rough day, and he instantly closed the barriers, and warned a drummer who was near him of the danger. These two gave the alarm, and the guns of the blockading force were instantly turned upon their ]n-etcnded friends, who were forced to retire. This attempt, however, shewed the necessity for constant \'igilance ; and Napoleon, unable to rest, not\vithstanding his recent exertions and fatigue, passed the night in visiting the different outposts. At one of these he discovered the sentinel lying at the foot of a tree, where he had fallen fast asleep from exhaustion. Napoleon took tlie soldier's musket without waking him, and walked Ijackwards and forwards on sentry during half an hour. Suddenly the soldier started from his slumber, terrified at what he had done ; but how much more so when he perceived who was performing NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 77 his duty ! He fell on his knees. " My friend," said the general mildly, " here is your musket. You have fought hard, and marched long, and your exhaustion is excusable ; but a moment's inattention might en- danger the whole army. I happened to be awake, and have held your post for you : you will not again neglect your duty." By noon on the 16th of January, the day after the battle of Rivoli, Provera appeared in full force before St. George ; but MiolHs and his little garrison defended the suburb throughout the day. Before its close. Napoleon, by forced marches of wonderful celerity, had reached Roverbella, and was now within twelve miles of Mantua with his victo- rious army. Provera had contrived to communicate with Wurraser across the lake. A junction effected with his garrison of twenty thousand, might yet retrieve all the disasters of the Austrians. The perversity or stupidity which characterised their proceedings in never combining their forces, even when they foimd themselves always vanquished by their adversary's adoption of that very plan, certainly reached to so wonderful a height during these campaigns, that we can only suppose it to have resulted either from a fatality, or from some dogmatical perse- verance in certain bad rules of their military education. But to find them, after losing so many opportunities of uniting their forces, and driving Napoleon's army to death and ruin before them, at last "flying kites" across the water, with exliortations to unite, now that it was quite too late to do any good, is enough to excite laughter even amidst these horrid scenes ; especially when we see that their wary enemy gave them credit for this final effort of useless good sense, and superseded it accordingly. Early on the 17th, Wurmser, according to the plan concerted be- tween them, sallied forth vnth his whole garrison, and attacked St. Antoine, while Provera assaulted the citadel of La Favorita. But in the night. Napoleon had stationed General Victor, with the brigades Rivoli, between the two positions, to prevent the junction. Some desperate fighting ensued : Serrurier, with the blockading army, en- gaged Wurmser; while the fifty-seventh demi-brigade, under Victor, on this day performed certain feats of desperate courage wliich gained for them their name of " The Terrible." In the course of these actions, there occurred a single combat, of no sort of importance in itself, but affording our friends, the French historians, an opportunity of di'awing comparisons with striking events which have been celebrated in epic poems and ancient times. Of this opportunity, Laurent amusingly avails himself. The affair was simply this : — A commandant of Austrian hussars rode out from the ranks on meeting with one of the French squadrons, and challenged their leader, Duvivier. It was accepted : 78 THE HISTORY OF the Austrian was cut down, and the French charging his men, made them prisoners. Wurmser was beaten hack after a deadly struggle (which was not decided till Napoleon led a renewed attack in person), and again forced to retreat into Mantua. Serrurier and Victor then surrounded Provera, and the battle raged in the suburb of St. George. The tvimult and slaughter were dreadful ; cavalry, infantry, and artillery, were mingled in one horrible mass of confusion. Provera and his whole force were compelled to lay down their arms. Not more than two thousand men, who had been left beyond the Adige, out of the whole of his division, escaped. The fugitive army of Ahinzi experienced a similar fate. They fled, abandoning one position after another. Lavisio, Treviso, Bassano, and Trent, once more fell into the hands of the French, who had now re- gained the command of the Italian Tyrol. Large bodies of the Austrians surrendered. One anecdote is sufficient to shew their dispii'ited con- dition, and the contrast of the elated audacity of the French : — Rene, a young French officer keeping guard of a position with about one hundred and fifty men, suddenly encountered, and took prisoners, a small party of Austrians ; when, on advancing to reconnoitre, he found himself in front of a body of eighteen hundred more, whom a turning in the road had concealed from sight. " Lay down your arms ! " said the Austrian commandant. Rene answered, with ready boldness, " Do you lay down your arms ! I have destroyed your advanced guard ; — ground your arms, or no quarter!" The French soldiers joined in the cry, and the whole NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 79 body of the astonished Austrians absolutely laid down their arms to a party which, they found to their exasperation when too late, was in numbers one-twelfth of their own. In this fifth and last attempt to drive the French out of Lombardy, Austria lost thirty thousand men, of whom nineteen thousand were prisoners ; more than sixty pieces of cannon, and twenty-four stand of colours. Mantua was now left without hope of relief. The hospitals were crowded ; the pro\'isions just exhausted. But old Wurmser still held out. Napoleon sent him instructions of the rout and dispersion of the Austrian army, and summoned him to surrender. The old soldier proudly replied, that " he had pro^dsions for a year ; " but a few days afterwards, he sent his aide-de-camp, Klenau, to the head-quarters of Serrurier, to treat of a surrender. At the conference, a French officer was present, who sat apart from the two others, wrapped in his cloak, but within hearing of what passed. After the discussion was finished, tliis officer came forward, and wTote marginal answers to the conditions proposed by Wurmser; granting terms far more favourable than those wliich might have been exacted in the extremity to which the veteran was reduced. " These," said the unknown officer, giving back the paper, *' are the terms that I grant, if he opens his gates to-morrow ; and if he delays a fortnight, a month. 80 THE HISTORY OF two months, he shall have the same terms. He may hold out to his last morsel of bread: to-morrow I pass the Po, and march upon Rome." Klenau, perceiving that he stood in the presence of Napoleon, and struck with his generosity and the honourable conditions he had granted, owned that only three days' provisions remained in Mantua. On the 2nd of February, 1797, Wurmser gave up the city of Mantua, and his garrison of thirteen thousand men ; seven thousand were lying in the hospitals. Napoleon completed the generosity which so honourably distinguished his conduct on this occasion, by leaving the place before the surrender, and sparing the conquered veteran the mortification of giving up liis sword to so youthful a commander. Upwards of five hundred brass cannons, together with an immense quantity of mihtary stores, fell into the hands of the French by these victories ; and Augereau was despatched to Paris vdth sixty stand of colours, as a triumphant present to the Directory. After the most careful estimate of numbers, taken from writers on all sides of politics, and making all ascertainable additions of supplies, and all deductions for killed, wounded, and prisoners, we ascertain that Napoleon, with a total force of, at the utmost, sixty-five thousand men, conquered, in their own country, and under the eye and succouring hand of their own government, five successive armies ; amounting, in all, to upwards of three hundred thousand well-appointed, well-provisioned soldiers, under old and experienced commanders, of approved courage. Such are the facts of the conquest of Lombardy. ^- w: . NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 81 CHAPTER VIII. WURMSER'S departure HIS GRATITUDE THE POPE BREAKS THE TREATY HIS ARMY NAPOLEON ENTERS ROMAGNA BATTLE OF THE SENIO NAPOLEON'S CLEMENCY ANCONA LORETTO — TOLENTINO THE POPE SUBMITS INQUISITION TREATY OF ROME. General Serrurier received the sur- render of Mantua, and saw the brave old Austrian field-marshal file off" with liis staff". Napoleon was by this time in Romagna : Wurmser sent Mm a letter, hand- somely acknowledging the generosity and deKcacy of liis conduct, and at the same time apprising him by his aide-de-camp of a conspiracy to poison him in the dominions of the Pope, with whom he was about to wage a war, very different in cha- racter from the fierce and deadly contest which he had just brought to a conclusion. In relating the history of a campaign, it is useless to mourn over the ignorance and woes of humanity. The monody would be repeated at the close of every victory. To condemn the soldiers or their generals is puerile, when the source of the evil hes in the cabinets of princes. Above all others, it does not become an English biographer to accuse M 82 THE HISTORY OF Napoleon of tlie horrors of war, when we recollect how prominent a part onr govennncnt took in the proceedings which called him into action. Napoleon is not to be regarded as a philosopher, a philanthropist, a moralist, nor as the champion of liberty : he is to be regarded as the agent and consequence of political animosities and national struggles with foreign powers : his profession was the sword, and he used it with every possible advantage he could obtain. He had no more scruples about the sacrifice of hmnan life than are common to all military and naval men. It is not that those who follow the business of war are less humane than other men, but that in the prospect of an " action, " the question of human life is merged, and lost sight of, in the anxiety for the result. Moreover, although the end may swallow up the means, there is always a chance of escape for individual energies ; and when a com- mander exposes his own person in the thick of the danger, he cannot reasonably be expected to feel any scruple about placing others in the same situation. The following anecdote will come home to the breast of many a veteran who has directed the onset, and witnessed the slaughter which ensued : — Las Casas relates in the words of Napoleon a reminis- cence of one of those visits, in company with only two or three persons, to the field of battle, while still strewn with the dead and dying, which, it has been mentioned, were habitual with him : the occasion, alluded to, happened in Italy, after one of the great actions there. *' In the deep silence of a beautiful moonlight night, a dog leaping suddenly from beneath the clothes of his dead master, rushed upon us, and then imme- diately returned to his hiding-place, howling piteously; he alternately licked his master's face, and again flew at us ; thus at once soliciting aid and seeking revenge. Whether owing to my own particular turn of mind at the moment," continued Napoleon, " the time, the place, or the action itself, I know not ; but, certainly, no incident on any field of battle ever produced so deep an impression on me. This man, thought I, perhaps has friends in the camp or in his company, and here he lies, forsaken by all except his dog. Wliat a lesson Nature here presents through the medium of an animal ! What a strange being is man ; and how mysterious are his impressions! I had, without emotion, ordered battles which were to decide the fate of the army; I had beheld, with tearless eyes, the execution of those operations, by which numbers of my countr\Tnen were sacrificed; and here my feelings were roused by the mournful howhng of a dog !" The following letter from Napoleon to General Clarke, written immediately after one of his brilliant victories, is also interesting, as evidence of that sinking and weariness of the spirit which, when action is at variance ^\^th nature, will at times weigh it down in its bewildered struggle with the truth of things : — " Your nephew has been slain on NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 83 the field of battle, at Areola; the young man had been familiar with arms ; had led on columns, and would have been one day an excellent officer. He has died with glory, in the face of the enemy ; he did not suffer for an instant. Wliat man would not em^y such a death ? Who is there among us who has not a hundred times regretted that he has not been thus withdrawn from the powerful effects of calumny, of em^y, and of all the odious passions which seem the almost exclusive directors of the conduct of mankind!" These expressions, in a moment of triumph, are remarkable. The determination of Napoleon to pass the Po and advance upon Rome was caused by the hostile position now assmned by the Pope. Upon occasion of the temporary success of Austria at one period of the campaign, his holiness, who had contrived to evade the fulfilment of some important points of the engagements in the treaty of Bologna, suddenly discovered that " all negociation with the French was incom- patible with the Catholic religion, and his duty as a sovereign ! " he therefore formed a league with the emperor. A messenger from Cardinal Busca, secretary of state at the papal court, was intercepted by the French: they learned from his dispatches that the emperor had empowered General Colli to take command of the troops which the Pope' was levying in Romagna, and that every means afforded by the power of superstition had been put in practice, to incite the population to take arms against the French. It must be added in justification of the Pope, that it was the evident purpose of the Directory to strip him of his secular power. Before the end of January, the papal army w^as in the field, Cardinal Busca liimself at its head : it consisted of seven thousand soldiers, and a multitude of peasants and monks. The French minister was instantly recalled from Rome, and an army of eight thousand six hundred men, partly French and partly Italian, was assembled at Bologna, mider General Victor. Napoleon joined them, and put forth a manifesto, in which he accused the Pope of having violated liis treaty, and published the intercepted letters in corroboration. On the 2nd of February his head quarters were fixed at the bishop's palace, at Imola, belonging to Chiaramonte, afterwards Pius VII. On the 3rd, the French troops reached Castel Bolognese, on the river Senio, behind which, Cardinal Busca, with liis army, was encamped, intending to dispute the passage of the bridge, with eight pieces of cannon. The French had performed a fatiguing day's march, and as they were stationing their guard, an officer, with a flag of truce, from the Cardinal, came up, and fiercely announced to them that, "If they continued to advance, he would fire upon them." There was much laughter among the soldiers at this threat, and the reply was, " that 84 THE HISTORY OF they did not ^vish to expose themselves to the Cardinal's thunders, and were about to take up their quarters for the night." However light the French soldiers made of their antagonists, they would have found them formidable if their disciphne had equalled their fanatical fury. Cardinal Ikisca had boasted that he would make a Vendee of Romagna, and he had succeeded ; the tocsin had been sounding for three days in every village ; the populace were in a state of frenzy ; pretended miracles were \vi-ought by the priests ; and a kind of holy war had begun. In the night, Lannes crossed the river with the advanced guard, at a league and a-half above the French position, and drew up in line in the rear of the enemy. The papal troops were, by this movement, cut off from their retreat on Faenza, and panic-struck to find themselves in the morning between two fires: the French forced the passage of the bridge in close colunm, and their opponents were completely routed, after a short resistance; baggage, artillery, — all were taken. This "Roman" army fled in disorder; some hundreds were killed, amongst whom were a few monks; but the Cardinal himself escaped. Cru- IV, ■'. -VT. •1 '> i\ NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 85 cifixes, mixed with poniards, and arms of all sorts, strewed the field of battle. The loss of the French was very small ; they marched forward to Faenza the same day ; the gates were closed, the ramparts manned, and lined with a few pieces of cannon, and the populace answered the summons for admittance with violent abuse : it became necessary to force the gates; Napoleon would not, however, permit the pillage of the place. "These" he said to the soldiers, "are only misled people, who must be subdued by clemency." In pursuance of this policy, as wise as it was humane, his first care was to tranquillise the vanquished: all the prisoners taken in the previous battle were collected in the garden of one of the monasteries. When Napoleon approached them, they threw themselves on their knees in terror, imploring mercy; he spoke to them in Italian, in these words: — "I am the friend of aU the nations of Italy, and particularly of the people of Rome. You are free : return to your families, and tell them that the French are the friends of religion, of order, and of the poor." Transports of joy and gratitude succeeded to the terror and hatred of the excitable temperaments he addressed. He next went among the officers who had been made prisoners ; talked long with them, spoke of the liberty of Italy, the abuses of the papal power, the foUy of resistance to the Repubhc ; and then gave them their liberty, only asking them, in return for his lenity, to tell their countrymen of the 86 THE HISTORY OF sentiments he had expressed. As these prisoners amounted to several himdi-cds, some of them belonging to the first families of Rome, the impression he made upon them by this generous and most politic treatment was of the greatest importance. They went home loudly proclaiming his praises, and the spirit of the entire population was altered materially towards the French, from that moment. Xv^ General Colli, with three thousand men — all he had been able to collect — had taken up a good position on the heights before Ancona. Victor advanced upon this body of troops, and summoned them to sur- render, his soldiers having surrounded them. Colli, with his officers, had retired into Loretto on the approach of the French, and his men could do no other than lay down their arms. Not a single shot was fired. These prisoners were sent home in the same manner as the former had been. Ancona, the only sea-port of the papal states, was next entered, Muth very slight opposition. The arsenal was found to be well provided, containing one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, besides five hundred muskets sent lately by the emperor. A capture of a very difierent kind was also made. This was a very extraordinary image of the Virgin ; the corporeal construction of which had been made on principles of such extreme sympathy with mundane affairs, that while the .soldiers helped themselves to whatever ornaments and relics ])leased their fancy, she was actually shedding a constant current of tears. Crowds of Italians prostrated tliemselves before this miracle. The French being, however, more hard-hearted or less reverential] v credulous, took NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 87 down the weeping Virgin, and carried her to head-quarters. On exa- mining the sources of her sensibility, no fountain of tears was discovered ; but a fine circlet of glass beads, which, passing from her eyes, and escaping in the folds of her robe, was made to revolve with a flowing eflfect, by means of clock-work. Similar pieces of machinery are now exhibited in many of the watchmakers and fancy shops of London, in the form of fountains issuing from lions' mouths. On the 10th of February, the French army entered Loretto, famous for containing the Santa Casa, long visited by devout pilgrims of all nations ; having been the residence of the Virgin Mary, and trans- ported to that place by angels. It is a little cabin ten or twelve yards square. The immense wealth in gold and jewels once amassed in this shrine from the gifts of the visitors, had been all or chiefly removed, — it is said, under the siiperintendence of General Colli, but more hkely, as Sir Walter Scott suggests, they had been long since appropriated by the court of Rome. The wooden image of Our Lady of Loretto was §s. ee^fJ^ NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 149 of their most powerful chiefs. They were a magnificent hody of cavahy, glittering with gold and silver, and mounted on the most splendid horses. The battle commenced without a moment's hesitation on either side. The French flotilla was at the same time vigorously attacked by Turkish vessels. Each Mameluke, feeling in himself the valour of a host, rushed in the singleness of his purpose, as if alone against the opposing mass ; and with repeated charges, endeavoured, by every means of unbridled fury or consummate skill, to break the soHd squares of the French army. Even when stabbed or shot down, the wounded Mamelukes dragged their dying bodies with bloody trail along the ground, and swept their scymetars across the knees of the foremost ranks. They were at length beaten back, with the loss of about three hundred, and the Turkish flotilla retreated. Monge, Berthollet, and Bourrienne, were all on board the French vessels during the action, and high accounts were given in the dispatches of the gallant conduct of the secretary and the two Savans. After the action of Chebreissa, the French army continued to advance during eight days without the opposition of any enemy, except the hovering Arabs who lay in wait for every straggler from the main column. Meantime, they had to endure innumerable hardships in the scorching desert. " The general-in-chief," says Las Casas, " shared the fatigues of the soldiers. The privations endured by every individual in the army were sometimes so great, that they were compelled to dispute with each other for the smallest enjoyments, without the least distinction of rank. To such extremities were they reduced, that in the desert the soldiers would hardly relinquish their places to allow the general to dip his hands in a muddy stream. On one occasion, when they were almost suflbcated by the heat, near the ruins of an ancient city, some one resigned to him a fragment of a door, beneath which he contrived to shade his head for a few minutes. ' And this,' said Napoleon, ' was no trifling concession.' " The same writer relates an anecdote of General Berthier at this period, which is too extraordinary an illustration of character to be altogether omitted. Berthier v/as passionately in love with an Italian lady of rank, and had with the greatest difficulty torn himself from her to join the expedition into Egypt. He had continually endeavoured to evade it, yet, whenever he went to Napoleon with that view, he was always won over. But now that he was actually engaged in the under- taking, and under such trying endurances, his very soul was still pursuing its former object. On every march he always had, adjoining his own tent, another prepared, which was furnished with all the elegance of a lady's boudoir, and consecrated to the portrait of his mistress. He was known even to burn incense before it. Napoleon regarded tliis absorbing passion 150 THE HISTORY OF as a proof of weakness of mind, and could not understand his own in- capacity to detach Berthier from its influence. The order of march towards Cairo was systematically arranged. Each division of the army moved forward in squares six men deep on each side ; the artillery was at the angles ; and in the centre the am- munition, the baggage, and the small body of cavalry, still remaining. Great losses had been sustained among the horses. Napoleon himself, when he rode, almost always made use of a dromedary, though he at first suffered a sensation resembling sea-sickness, from its peculiar motion. A considerable portion of the baggage was also carried by dromedaries and camels. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 15.1 CHAPTER XIV. BATTLE OF THE PYRAMIDS ENTRANCE INTO CAIRO BATTLE OF THE NILE — CHANGE IN THE PROSPECTS OF THE EXPEDITION NAPOLEON'S ARRANGEMENTS REVOLT AT CAIRO NAPOLEON VISITS SUEZ. It was on the 19th of July that the army first saw the summits of the pyramids on the distant horizon. It was a sublime sight ; and the apparent eternity of the objects, — united, as they seemed to be, with the vast calmness and equal tone ^. of the expanding atmosphere, the first gleam of sunrise, and the physical ele- :t ments, — formed a solemn contrast with the pigmy host of invading mortals who came to sweep or be swept away by creatures as transient as themselves, yet tacitly acknowledging the influence of these enduring monimients of the death of ages, and all their men and kings. Still advancing towards Cairo, the distant pyramids swelling upon the eye at every step, the army reached Embabe on the 21st, and there 1. THE HISTORY OF found tlie Mamelukes in battle array to dispute their further progress. Emhabe is a village close to the Nile, and situated opposite to Boulac, one of the suburbs of Cairo. Mourad-Bey had stationed his forces with skill. His cavalry, consisting of eight thousand men, was supported on the right by the Nile, on the banks of which he had constructed a large intrenched camp, defended by forty pieces of cannon and a body of infantry hastily levied from the janissaries, spahis, and militia of Cairo, twenty thousand in number, but ill-armed and undisciplined. The left of the Mamelukes stretched across the road to Gizeh, two or three thousand Arabs occupying the space between their extreme left and the pyramids. The French army advanced in five grand squares. Their left kept close to the Nile ; their right, fronted the Mameluke left. Napoleon headed the centre square. Before the battle commenced, he raised his hand with an air of inspiration far higher than the motives wJiich inspired : — " Soldiers ! from the sunnnit of those /A,/^^/ ^^''''^'"'''''^'■'0^1 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 153 pyramids, forty centuries look down upon you/' The thought and tlie expression were subHme, and most unlike the race of common con- querors,— the serious, literal, business-like men of death ; and yet how short-sighted, how one-sided the idea ! The awful centuries did indeed look down upon the moving dust — and smile. The first manoeuvre of the French army disconcerted the plans of the Mamelukes. Napoleon had discovered, by the aid of a telescope, that their cannon were not mounted on carriages, but were immoveable, being, in fact, iron pieces taken from the Turkish flotilla wdiich had retreated at Chebreissa. He therefore ordered a movement of his whole army to the right ; thus passing out of the range of the enemy's guns, and rendering their infantry, which would not venture beyond the camp unsupported by artillery, nearly useless to them. Mourad-Bey, who foresaw, with the quick instinct of an experienced leader, the fatal consequences to himself of this movement, instantly led an impetuous attack upon the French, with the view to prevent its completion. The Mamelukes rushed at full speed upon the immoveable squares, and perished in heaps around them as though under the walls of so many fortresses. The places of the dead and dying were instantly supplied by new warriors, who fell in their turn. Still, the Mamelukes con- tinued to charge. They daringly penetrated even between the spaces occupied by the squares commanded by Regnier and Desaix (which, owing to the rapidity of the attack, had not been able to complete their manoeu\Tes, and "masked" one another tt) the extent of several yards), so that the desperate horsemen were exposed to the incessant fire of both faces of the di\dsions at the distance of fifty paces. Rendered furious at being unable to break the ranks on either side, they hurled their pistols and carbines into the soldiers' faces. Many of the French fell from each other's fire in the resistance to this act of desperation. Savary, who fought in Desaix's division, wliich had to stand the first attack of the Mamelukes, has given a striking description of the im- pression produced by their furious onset. " Although," he says, " the troops that were in Egypt had been long inured to danger, every one present at the battle of the Pyramids must acknowledge, if he be sincere, that the charge of the Mamelukes was most awful, and that there was reason, at one moment, to apprehend their breaking through our for- midable squares, rushing upon them, as they did, with a confidence which enforced a profound silence in our ranks, interrupted only by the word of command. It seemed as if we must inevitably be trampled in an instant under the feet of tliis cavalry of Mamelukes, who were all mounted tipon splendid chargers, richly caparisoned with gold and silver trappings, covered "s^dth draperies of all colours and waving scarfs, and who were bearing down upon us at full gallo]), rending the air with w 151- THE HISTORY OF their cries. The whole character of this imposing sight filled the breasts of our soldiers with sensations to which they had hitherto been strangers, and made them vividly attentive to the word of command. The order to fire was executed with a quickness and precision far exceeding what is exhibited in an exercise or upon parade." The enemy, who were able to impress the veterans of Italy with so grave a feeling, only became more desperate from failure. They turned to the right-about, and reining back their horses, actually flung them- selves backwards with them upon the bayonets, to force a passage ; throwing away their lives with utter indifference ; while the survivors, becoming frantic by their ineffectual efforts, began to yell out that the French soldiers were tied together. Napoleon now charged the main body, and divided one part from the other. Mourad-Bey, forced to abandon the field, retreated in the direction of Gizeh, followed by about two thousand of his Mamelukes. These were all that escaped with life, out of the matchless body of men who in such superb array had bid scornfvd defiance to the European invaders only a few hours before. The remainder fled to the camp. It was immediately stormed and taken by the French, with great slaughter. The Mamelukes attempted to rejoin their chief on the Gizeh road, and he made many efforts to open a passage for them, but in vain. Their floating bodies carried the news of their disaster to Rosetta, Damietta, and all the places on the banks of the Nile. Very few escaped. Thus was almost entirely de- stroyed, a body of men who would have been the finest of all imaginable cavalry, had their disciphne equalled their individual prowess. *' Could I have united the Mameluke horse to the French infantry," Napoleon used to say, " I should have reckoned myself master of the world." The promiscuous rabble of infantry fled in disorder, and many of them reached Cairo, where they spread accounts of the dreadful and invincible power of Napoleon and his army. In this battle the French took a thousand prisoners; the whole of the enemy's artillery, pontoons, and baggage ; many hundred camels and horses, and all the rich spoils of the camp, heaped full of the wealth and luxuries of the late proud ojipressors of Egypt, of whose forces, including their retainers and followers, ten thousand had perished on the field. This action, known as the battle of the Pyramids, decided the conquest of the country. Ibraliim, the rival of Mourad-Bey, fled from Cairo during the following night, having set fire to sixty vessels on the Nile, in which all the remaining riches of the Mamelukes had been deposited. The conflagration lighted up the country for leagues around, during the whole of the night. The French army, which had assembled at Gizeh, after the pursuit of Mourad-Bey from the bloody scene of the conflict, distinctly saw, by its glare, the minarets of Cairo, and of the great place 156 THE HISTORY OF achieved the victory, gained liim, among these eastern imaginations, the appellation of Sultan Kebir, or King of Fire. Napoleon lost not an instant in commencing the civil and military organisation of the country. The strictest discipline w^as enforced. The mosques, the civil and religious institutions, and the harems, were scru- pulously respected. The wives of the Mamelukes had all remained in Cairo while their husbands were engaged in the war, and were now treated with the utmost consideration. Napoleon sent Eugene Beauharnais, to assure the wife of Mourad-Bey of his protection, and granted several requests she made to him through his envoy, scrupulously preserving her villages for her. She entertained Eugene with all possible honours, and presented him with a valuable ring at his departure. In a few days the French soldiers were to be seen sociably smoking their pipes in the shops of Cairo, or playing with the children. A note which Napoleon despatched, the day after his arrival, to his brother Joseph, announced an intention of visiting France in two months, and remaining there during the winter. It was followed by another a few days afterwards, enmne- rating the troops and warlike stores he wished to have sent to him in Egypt. The import of both these notes has caused some speculation, as they seem to shew that he considered his conquest would, in about two months, be consolidated, and that he wished to preserve Egypt as a French colony ; whilst he himself should, at least for a period, remain at the scat of government, to watch the progress of the time, and act as events should give him opportunity. According to Bourrienne, he planned a sudden and vigorously-conducted descent upon England. His second note ends with the following list of suggested " importations " for his new conquest : — " First, a company of actors ; secondly, a company of dancers ; thirdly, some dealers in toys, at least three or four ; fourthly, a hundred women ; fifthly, the wives of all the men employed in the corps ; sixthly, twenty surgeons, thirty apothecaries, and ten physicians ; seventhly, some founders ; eighthly, some distillers, and dealers in liquor ; ninthly, fifty gardeners, with their families, and the seeds of every kind of vegetable ; tenthly, each party to bring with them two hundred thousand quarts of brandy ; eleventhly, thirty thousand ells of blue and scarlet cloth ; twelfthly, a supply of soap and oil." The French flotilla had come up in safety, and was moored before Gizeh. A fortnight had been sufficient to complete the arrangements necessary for the trancjuillity of the country. Kleber remained at Alex- andria; the different divisions of the anny were so disposed, as to protect the whole of Lower Egypt, which was now entirely in possession of the French. Napoleon then, leaving Desaix at Cairo until his return, marched in pursuit of Ibrahim-Bey, with the intention of driving him GENERAL KLEBEH. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 157 into Syria, and defending the entrance into Eo^ypt in that direction. He overtook the Mameluke chief at Salahie, and after a sharp action, (which, in consequence of the scantiness of the French cavah-y, had nearly proved disastrous), compelled him to retreat, and thus accomplished the ohject of the pursuit. Ihrahim ceased to molest the French from this time. It was on his return from Salahie to Cairo that Napoleon was met by a messenger, with information of the destruction of the French fleet hy Nelson, in that memorable engagement in the roads of Aboukir ; best known in England as the battle of the Nile. The news fell upon Na- poleon like a thunderbolt. He had been so anxious about the fleet, as to write twice to Admiral Brueys to repeat the order that he should enter the harbour of Alexandria, or sail for Corfu ; he had also, previ- ously to leaving Cairo, despatched Julien, his aide-de-camp, to enforce the order ; but this unfortunate officer was surrounded and killed, with his escort, at a village on the Nile, where he had landed to obtain provisions. Admiral Brueys was still at his moorings, near the point of Aboukir, when, on the 1st of August, the British fleet appeared in sight. Nelson reconnoitred the position of the French fleet, and immediately resolved upon his plan of action. The squadrons were nearly equal in numbers. Thei'e were thirteen ships of the line on both sides ; but the French had four frigates ; the English only one fifty gun ship, and no frigates. Three of the French ships carried eighty guns, and the admiral's ship L'Orient, was a splendid vessel, of one hundred and twenty guns ; while the Enghsh ships were all seventy-fours. The French had therefore the advantage in force. Their ships were arranged in a seird-circular compact line of battle, and so close to the shore, that Brueys had supposed it was impossible to get between them and the land ; but his daring enemy, who well knew all the soundings, soon con^dnced him of his mistake. The van of the English fleet, six in number, successfully rounded the French line, and dropping anchor between it and the shore, opened their fire, while Nelson, with his other ships ranged along it on the outer side, and so placed the ships between two tremendous fires. The battle raged furiously, and lasted beyond sunset and even after the darkness of night had fallen upon the scene. Admiral Brueys was wounded early in the action, but continued to command with the utmost energy. Towards eight o'clock in the evening he fell, mortally wounded, but would not suffer himself to be carried below. " A French admiral ought to die on his quarter-deck," he repHcd to the entreaties of his friend Gantheaume, who succeeded him in command. All this while five of the French ships, under Admiral Villeneuve, remained totally inactive ; being placed beyond the range of the battle by the plan of attack adopted by Nelson ; at all events, they never gave any assistance. A dreadful conflagration soon supplied the place of the light of day. 158 THE HISTORY OF L'Orient was discovered to be on fire about nine o'clock ; and the ilanies soon enveloped the iinmense fabric, and ascended to the very sunnnit of the masts. It burned like a volcano in the midst of the combat ; and at length blew up with an explosion so tremendous that it silenced the hostile fire on both sides, producing for a short period an awful pause in the raging tumult. It was a shock that suddenly brought men to the consciousness of their humanity, which they had quite forgotten ; and which they soon again forgot. The battle was quickly resumed : the French fought desperately; but one after another of their vessels was taken or destroyed. Amongst other instances of determined courage, the death of Du Petit Thouars, captain of the Tonnant, is recorded. Both his thighs were carried away by a cannon ball, yet he still remained at his post. Another ball took off one of his arms. In this state of frightful mutilaticm, he exclaimed, " Crew of the Tonnant ! never strike ; nail the colours to the mast ! " and while his orders were obeyed he died, only desiring that he should MSjtg ^^^="|>vaff«* NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 159 be thrown overboard should the ship be taken. When the English boarded the Tonnant, the body of its brave commander was nowhere to be seen. It was not until two o'clock of the 2nd of August, that the great victory achieved by the British was complete. Two only of the French ships and two frigates escaped, under the command of Villeneuve, who put to sea, and was not pursued. The want of frigates or small craft prevented Nelson from pushing his advantage much further, by the destruction of the French store ships and transports in harbour ; they therefore remained unharmed. The effects, nevertheless, of the battle of the Nile were sufficiently disastrous to the French, not only in Eg}^t, but in preventing fui'ther schemes of conquest. The army was cut off from communication with France ; their hope of receiving supplies was rendered doubtful and precarious ; their battering train was destroyed : and, what was more important than all, the impression they had created by their continual success, — their moral ascendancy over the imagination, — was at once anniliilated. The porte very soon afterwards declared war against France. The disaster was understood in its full extent and consequences by Napoleon. He bore it, however, with the greatest fortitude, and without a murmur, — merely observing, that " to the army of France was decreed the victories of the land ; to England, the sovereignty of the seas." It is to the credit of his humanity, no less than of his strength of mind, that at such a moment, — when all his plans and projects, and, to a great extent, the resvdts of what the expedition had already effected and en- dured, were swej^t away at one blow, — he could dismiss his ov\aa affairs from his thoughts, and write the following letter to the widow of Admiral Brueys : — "Cairo, August 19th, 1798. " Your husband has been kiUed by a camion shot, wliile fighting on his deck. He died without pain, and by the best death, and that wliich is thought by soldiers most enviable. " I am keenly sensible to your grief. The moment which severs us from the object we love, is terrible : it insulates us from all the earth ; it inflicts on the body the agonies of death ; the faculties of the soul are annihilated ; and its relation with the universe subsists only through the medimn of a horrible dream which distorts everything. Mankind appear colder and more selfish than they really are. In this situation, we feel that if nothing obliged us to live, it would be much best to die ; but when, after tliis first thought, we press our children to our hearts, tears and tender emotions revive the sentiments of our nature, and we live for our children. Yes, madam! see in this very moment how they open your heart to melancholy : you will weep with them ; you will bring 160 THE HISTORY OF them up from infancy ; you will talk to them of their father, of your sorrow, of the loss which you and the Republic have sustained. After ha\ing once more attached yo\ir mind to the world by the ties of filial and maternal love, set some value on the friendship and lively regard I shall always feel for the wife of my friend. Believe that there are those who deserve to be the hope of the afflicted, because they understand the poignancy of mental sufferings. ,, ..^ ti » ^ ° -^ ° " JNapoleon Bonaparte. To suffer a reverse of fortune, and to apply himself to the best means of averting its e^dl consequences, were nearly simultaneous wdth Napo- leon. *' He soon recovered," says Bourrienne, " the fortitude and pre- sence of mind which had been for a moment shaken by the overwhelming news from Aboukir. He, however, sometimes repeated, in a tone which it would be difficult to describe, ' Unfortunate Brueys, wdiat have you done ! ' " The loss of the fleet had, in some measure, the effect of calming the irritation which had prevailed among the troops, more or less, ever since their first march through the desert. Their situation had become serious, and they were proportionately anxious, for their own sakes, to avoid any counteraction to the plans of their general, in whom their confidence remained unshaken. General Desaix was despatched with his di\dsion to drive Mourad-Bey from Upper Egj-pt. Tliis expe- dition was completely successful. In all quarters the highest discipline was preserved; and Napoleon exerted all the energy of his nature to increase the resources which remained to him, and to preserve and organise ILgypt as a proxdnce. Wliile pa\dng the way towards obtaining an influence over the minds of the inhabitants of Egypt, the French general had put all sorts of works into active progress for the comfort and improvement of his army. The commission of scientific men had now been removed to Cairo, and each of its members was named chief of some estabHshment, and in- trusted with its formation and management. After the battle of the Nile, Nelson had landed at Alexandi'ia all the crews and soldiers of the captured French vessels, to the number of seven or eight thousand men ; probably believing that he thereby only added embarrassments to their commander-in-chief, who was erroneously beheved to be without any resources. The artificers of all kinds amongst them, formed a valuable addition of hands to the works that were going on ; some of the men were added to the different corps. The old sailors were constructing and manning a flotilla on the Nile. Mills and ovens, were now plentiful. Foundries and powder mills were erected. Ar- mourers, locksmiths, cai'penters, rope-makers, and workers in various trades, not only to supply articles of necessity, but even many luxuries, were in full employment. A French and Arabic printing-press was set NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 161 to work. The army was newly clothed, in a style suited to the climate ; and this, altering the temperature of their bodies, brought calm and com- fort to their minds. They now wore thin blue cotton clothes, and black morocco caps, each man having a cloak of the substantial flannel of the country for night covering. Napoleon alone appeared in his European uniform, actually buttoned up as he wore it in France ; and even under such disadvantages, while every one else was nearly fainting from the heat, and suffering from excessive perspirations, he always looked as cool and fresh as when he was at Paris. His mind was strung to a pitch of energy, which well seconded the marvellous constitution of his body. " We will remain here," he had said, after the disappointment of his first projects, " or we will leave the country great, like the ancients." So quickly had his mind recovered its tone, that, on the 21st of August, (only a week after he learned of the destruction of the fleet), he founded an Institute in Cairo, exactly on the model of that learned society in Paris. Monge was the president ; Napoleon himself, \dce-president. The Institute w^as established in one of the palaces of the beys. The grand hall of the harem was the place of meeting ; the rest of the building served as a place of habitation for the members. The scientific instruments of all kinds brought from France, were deposited in the different rooms, which also became a musemn of all the curiosities of the country. The garden was coiTverted into a botanical garden. Ber- thollet had a laboratory, and his chemical experiments were largely attended by the officers, and constantly by Napoleon. Two newspapers, one devoted to literature, and the other to politics, were printed at Cairo. News from France was earnestly desired, but the numerous English and Tvu'kish cruisers rendered all communication impracticable. Impatience at this privation, added to the disappoint- ment of his extensive schemes, made continual occupation essential to Napoleon : the government of his new conquest, extensive and difficult as it was, did not supply sufficient food for his inexhaustible acti\ity. He would sometimes spend horu's, in the course of the day, lying flat on the floor, upon large maps of Asia, over which he traced liis projected route eastward ; though compelled to own to himself that his resources were unequal to the luidertaking. When the heat was not too great, he rode on horseback ; when confined to the house, he read and made notes; and occasionally fell into long reveries, from which he would rouse himself, and break into conversations, which Bourrienne cha- racterises as being "strange" in their natiu'e, though always replete with interest. On one of these occasions, after long silence, he suddenly said to Bourrienne, " Do you know what I am thinking of?" " Upon my word," answered the secretary, " that would be very difficult you think of such extraordinary things." " I do n't know," continued Napoleon, X IG2 THE HISTORY OF " that I sliall ever see France again ; but if I do, my only ambition is to make a glorious campaign in Germany, in the plains of Bavaria ; there to gain a great battle, and to avenge France for the defeat of Hochstadt. After that. I would retire into the country, and live quietly." He was accustomed to go to bed early. " I used to read to him every night," says the secretary : " when I read poetry, he would fall asleep ; but when he asked for the ' Life of Cromwell,' I counted on sitting up pretty late." It was an essential point of his policy to conciliate the inhabitants ; and he lost no opportunity of encouraging their friendly feelings towards the French. Immediately after his return from the pursuit of Ibrahim- Bey, he attended the ceremony of opening the dyke of the canal of Cairo, which receives the waters of the Nile, when the invmdation has reached a certain height. The ceremony was of a superstitious character, and he thought the inhabitants would be pleased at his reverence of their notions in these respects. A few days afterwards, Napoleon was present, by invitation of a principal sheik, at the anniversary festival of the birth of the prophet. These circumstances, and the respect he shewed to all the rites of the established religion of the country, have led some authors to assert that NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1G,3 he actually became a Mussulman. This is entirely fabulous. The truth is, that he regarded all forms of religion as the ordinances of men, and considered them simply as political engines, to be encouraged, or not, according to expediency. Consistently with this view of established forms, he held many conferences with the Imaums, or priests, of Cairo, well knowing the importance of making them believe he might possibly become a convert ; and it is an amusing fact, that they offered up prayers for him in the mosques, in consequence. As to his Turkish dress, on which so much has been " embroidered," he only wore it once, among liis officers, as a joke. He made his appearance one morning among them at breakfast, in full oriental costume, with an imperturbable air of somni- ferous gravity, and was received with a burst of laughter ; but he never resumed it. Some of the falsities which have been told and believed about Napoleon are very serious ; some very ridiculous. General Menou, however, really turned Mussulman. As the 22nd of September, 1798, approached, great preparations were made by Napoleon for celebrating the anniversary of the foundation of the French Republic. The festival was kept at every point occupied by the French, in Egypt; but with more magnificence at Cairo than elsewhere. The commander-in-chief gave a splendid banquet to nearly two hundred guests, inhabitants of Cairo, as well as Frenchmen, in a circular building, erected for the purpose, and adorned with columns and standards. The French and Turkish flags waved side by side. An obelisk in the centre was covered with appropriate inscriptions ; and seven altars bore the names of those who had died in battle. A grand review of the troops completed the festivities of the day ; and the French general did not fail to rouse the enthusiasm of his soldiers by one of his usual addresses. " Soldiers," he said, " we are celebrating the first day of the seventh year of the Republic. Five years ago, the independence of the French people was threatened : but you took Toulon, which was the presage of the ruin of our enemies. A year afterwards, you beat the Austrians at Dego ; the next year, you were on the summit of the Alps ; you be- sieged Mantua, two years ago, and gained the celebrated victory of Saint George. Last year, you were at the sources of the Drave, and the Isonzo, returning from Germany. Who would then have thought that you would now be on the banks of the Nile, in the centre of the ancient continent? From the Briton, celebrated in arts and commerce, to the ferocious Bedouin, you fix the attention of all mankind. " Soldiers, your destiny is noble ; for you are worthy of your deeds, and of the reputation you have acquired. You will die with glory, like the heroes whose names are inscribed on these altars ; or you will return to your country covered with laurels, and with the admiration of all nations." 164 THE HISTORY OF In the midst of this apparent security, a storm was preparing wliich soon burst forth. Ibrahim, and Mourad-Bey, were continually inciting the people to revolt. The former frequently addressed the fierce assem- blage of Arabs, in tones and gestures of wild eloquence and energy, the effect of which was speedily reflected from a crowd of dark up-turned faces, while yelling plaudits followed his speech. It was not the Mameluke chiefs only who impelled the people to insurrection : priests made use of their religious fonnulas for the same ))urpose. An order had been issued by Napoleon, on his first arrival at Cairo, to watch the criers of the mosques, who, at certain hours of the NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 165 night, offer up prayers from the tops of the minarets. He foresaw, that the opportunity they thus might have, would be prodigious as a means of excitement ; his directions, however, were gradually neglected as the appearance of danger vanished. The priests, perceiving this, substituted inflammatory hymns, and cries of revolt, for their usual prayers ; and by these means, and by secret emissaries, roused the people from one end of Egypt to the other. Early on the morning of the 21st of October, Napoleon was startled from sleep by the news that Cairo was in a state of open rebellion. General Dupuy, who held the post of commandant of the city, had fallen among the first victims to the fury of the popu- lace ; and a general massacre of the French had commenced. Napoleon fiii», flit i':si'i!>;i„H"io,'r,i'ii was on horseback in an instant; and, accompanied by thirty Guides, repaired successively to every threatened point, and restored confidence among the soldiers. The armed inhabitants of Cairo, repulsed in all directions, took refuge in the great mosque, which was speedily sur- rounded by the French cannon, and taken. A scene of carnage ensued, which struck terror into the breasts of 166 THE HISTORY OF all the malcontents in Egypt, and made tenfold atonement for the French blood already spilt. The Arabs attempted a hostile entrance into Cairo, on the same morning, but were driven back, not however, without some difficulty and loss. Sulkowsky, the aide-de-camp of Napoleon, and much beloved by him, fell on this occasion. Tran- quillity was completely restored in three days ; but during that interval, deadly severities were practised by Napoleon, which it seems he con- sidered necessary, as the only means of competing with the dangerous crisis. Numerous prisoners were conducted to the citadel, of whom, twelve were singled out for execution nightly. Many women were included among these victims ; for what especial reason is nowhere related. The twelve principal chiefs of Cairo, who expected an inevi- table death, and awaited it with apparent indifference, were only de- tained as hostages by Napoleon. Mortars were ranged on all the heights commanding Cairo. The city was placed under military government, and a heavy contribution was levied on the inhabitants. The Arabs were terrified into quietude, by the miserable fate of one of their tribes, on whom military execution was perpetrated, and the French became once more masters of Egypt. The insurrection had effectually un- masked the designs of the Grand Seignior, who had openly encouraged it by his proclamations. The French general was not long idle. The hostility of the porte, which would of course be encouraged and assisted by England, implied impending danger on two points, — the approach of a Turkish army by Syria ; and the landing of another on the coast of the Mediterranean, under the protection of British ships. The necessity of forestalling their designs by an expedition into Syria, was becoming apparent to Napoleon. In the month of December he visited Suez ; partly with a view to the necessary preparations for such an undertaking, partly from curiosity to explore the remains of the canal, which is said to have united the Red Sea to the Mediterranean. He was accompanied by his aides-de-camp, and by Caffarreli, Monge, and Berthollet. A squadron of Guides formed his only guards. The party rapidly crossed the desert, a distance of five-and-twenty leagues. They passed over the Red Sea at the same point at which Moses conducted the Hebrews out of the "land of bondage," carefully choosing like their predecessor, the time when the ebb-tide left it almost dry. Leaving his guards on the Asiatic shore of the sea. Napoleon and his companions rested by the springs called the ' Wells of Moses,' and visited the Cenobites of Mount Sinai, who obtained from the French general a safeguard or exemption from duties for their caravans in trading with Egypt. The party returned to the shore the same evening, and undertook the passage of the sea towards Suez. Night was coming on, and the tide about to rise, so that there NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1G7 was not a moment to lose, but at this perilous juncture they lost their way ; and in the increasing darkness they were uncertain whether they were advancing towards Asia, Africa, or the open sea. Their very speed might now only conduct them more rapidly to destruction. The waves were rising, and very soon the foremost riders cried out that their horses were swimming. Napoleon averted this imminent danger by one of those promptly conceived expedients for which he was re- markable. He made himself the centre of a circle, ranging the rest of the party around him in several straight rows, or radii, each man at the distance of ten paces from the man behind him, until the circle was complete. He then ordered them all to move forward, each man moving in a straight line from the point at which he himself remained fixed. When the leading horseman of any of these lines lost footing, and his horse began to swim, Napoleon made him and his whole line of followers return back towards the centre, and move on in the direction of another column, the leader of which was still on firm ground. The radii thus sent out in directions where they lost footing, had been successively withdrawn, and placed behind others which were still safe, till, at length, 168 THE HISTORY OF that line only remained wliich was advancing in the direction where the water became shallower, or had not yet reached ; and this was naturally the right way to the shore. They gained Suez at two in the morning, the water being already at the poitrels of their horses ; for the tide rises twenty-two feet on this part of the coast. In talking of this narrow escape from sharing the fate of Pharaoh, Napoleon remarked to Las Casas, " This would have furnished all the preachers in Christendom with a splendid text against me." Meantime, we should observe, that Napoleon carefully avoided making any claim to the sovereignty of Egypt, but continually declared that he had only rescued it from the Mameluke usurpers. " He light- ened the impost," says Mr. Lockhart, *' by introducing as far as he could, the fairness and exactness of a civilised power, in the method of levying it. He laboured to make the laws respected, and this so earnestly and rigidly, that no small wonder was excited among all classes of a population so long accustomed to the license of a barbarian horde of spoilers. On one occasion, one of the Ul(^nahs could not help smiling at the zeal which he manifested for tracing home the murder of an obscure peasant to the perpetrator. One Mussulman asked if the dead man was anywise related to the blood of the Sultan Kebir ? " No," answered Napoleon sternly ; " but he was more than that : he was one of a people whose government it has pleased Providence to place in my hands." Besides the enforcement of justice in the laws, every means was taken for the acquirement of knowledge, and the advancement of science. *' The virtuosi and artists of his train," continues Mr, Lock- hart, *' pursued with indefatigable energy their scientific researches ; they ransacked the monuments of Egypt, and laid the foundation, at least, of all the wonderful discoveries which have since been made, con- cerning the knowledge, arts, polity, and even the language, of the ancient nation." ^ ;^^^^'-^ NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. l(jf) CHAPTER XV. PROJECT OF THE TURKS NAPOLEON'S EXPEDITION INTO SYRIA BERTHIER MARCH ACROSS THE DESERT— napoleon's JEALOUSY PAULINE EL ARISCH, GAZA, RAMEH, AND JAFFA, TAKEN TURKISH GARRISON PUT TO DEATH SIEGE OF ST. JEAN D'ACRE — SIR SYDNEY SMITH napoleon's RETREAT STORY OF POISONING THE SICK ARRIVAL AT CAIRO THE TURKS BEATEN AT ABOUKIR NAPOLEON DEPARTS FROM EGYPT. Napoleon passed the rest of the year 1 798, at Cairo. Positive reports reached him before its close that Turkey was making active preparations to com- mence hostilities against him. In January, 1799, two Turkish armies were assembled; one at Rhodes, tlie other in Syria: the former was in- tended to make a descent upon the coast of Eg}^3t at Aboukir, as soon as the season permitted; the latter had already pushed forward its advanced guard to El-Arisch, a fort within the Egyptian territory; had established large magazines at Gaza, and landed at Jaffa a train of artillery of forty guns, served by twelve huncbed cannoniers, in the European manner. The Pasha of Syria, surnamed Djezzar, ov " The Butcher," from his Y 170 THE HISTORY OF horrible cruelties, was at the head of this army. Napoleon did not wait to be attacked on both points at the same time ; but, according to his usual custom, determined to set forward and encounter one division of his enemies at a time. He resolved on an immediate expedition into S}Tia. Circumstances forced him into this new campaign, but even before he began it, extensive schemes were forming in his imagination, connected with its probable results. He addressed two letters to Djezzar, offering him friendship and alliance ; but the pasha observed a con- temptuous silence as to the first communication, and replied to the second in his favourite fashion ; that is to say, he seized the messenger, and chopped off his head. There was, consequently, nothing to be done with Djezzar but to fight with him. Napoleon well knew, also, that the inhabitants of Syi'ia were groaning under the yoke of their tyrant, and counted upon their flocking in crowds to his standard, if he should succeed in conquering this pasha. To menace Constantinople with an army swelled to hundreds of thousands of men ; estabhsh a peace with the porte ; march upon the Indus, and conquer India ; these were the visions which now filled his hours of silent abstraction. He wrote a letter to Tippoo Saib, which bears the date of the 25th of January, 1799. It was as follows :■ — " You are of course already informed of my amval on the banks of the Red Sea, with a numerous and invincible army. Eager to deliver you from the iron yoke of England, I hasten to request that you will send me, by the way of Marcate or Mokha, an account of the political situation in which you are. I also wish that you would send to Suez, or Grand Cairo, some able man in your confidence, with whom I may confer." The fall of the Mysore, in less than three months after this letter was written, probably prevented its being ever received. All remote schemes of conquest, however, gave way in a moment with Napoleon, before even the most distant fear of any danger tlu"eatening the country he had adopted as his o\\ai, or perilling his indi- vidual hope of assuming such a position there, as should exalt that idol of his soul, — •" the glory of France." He had received no official news from home since the end of June, 1798, but just about the time of the Syrian expedition, some vague reports of a gloomy nature had reached him, and he lingered several days after all was ready, in hopes of hearing sometliing definite. He declared, at this period, that if he positively knew France to be at war with the powers of Europe, he would imme- diately return. Subsequent events will shew that it is important to mark this unchanging determination. The army was put in motion early in February, immediately after the celebration of the " Feast of the Ramadan," at Cairo, in wliicli Napoleon joined, with great pomp. He left strong garrisons in all the fortified towns of Egypt ; a moveable corps of fifteen hundi'cd men round NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 171 Cairo, and General Desaix's division in Upper Egypt. The army he led into Syria consisted of about twelve thousand men: it presented one grotesque novelty, — a regiment mounted on dromedaries. Kleber, Bes- sieres, CafFarelli, Murat, Lannes, Junot, and Bertliier, accompanied him. Berthier had, just before this new expedition, obtained permission to return to France. Napoleon granted it from being no longer able to endure the sight of his sufferings : he was ill, and appeared dying from the effects of the climate, and his passionate love. A fi'igate was pre- pared for him at Alexandria, and it was believed he was already on his way there, when he suddenly presented himself before Napoleon, who had been sincerely hurt at the separation. He came to tell his general that he would not leave him ; that he voluntarily renounced all idea of returning to France, not being able to forsake him at a moment when he was about to encounter new dangers. Napoleon, delighted ^^^th his determination, embraced him, and their friendship became stricter than before. The sacred tent traversed the deserts of Syria with the devoted Berthier; and the homage to the picture (which, Bourrienne tells us, "excited the merriment, rather than the sensibility of the officers,") was never omitted. The name of the lady is known ; but the object who could inspire such a feehn^, and throughout such circumstances, must at least be deserving of all delicate forbearance. 172 THE HISTORY OF The great desert which divides Egypt from Syria, is seventy-five leagues across. El-Arisch, the first point of attack, is six leagues within the Egyptian frontier. The march was made rapidly and in good order; the men encountering their fatigues and privations with fortitude. It was during this march that Bourrienne witnessed a scene, which we quote in his own Avords : " Vf hilst near the wells of Messoodiah, on our way to El-Arisch, I one day saw Bonaparte walking alone wdth Junot, as he was often in the hahit of doing. I stood at a little distance, and my eyes, I know not why, were fixed on him during their conversation. The general's countenance, which was always pale, had, without my heing ahle to divine the cause, become paler than usual. There was something convulsive in liis features — a wildness in his look, and he several times struck his head with his hand. After conversing with Junot for about a quarter of an hour, he quitted him and came towards me. I never saw him exhibit such signs of intense and smothered pas- sion. I advanced towards him, and as soon as we met, he exclaimed in an abrupt and angry voice, ' So, I find I cannot depend upon you ! — These women ! — If you had loved me you would, before now, have told me all I have heard from Junot. He is a real friend. Josephine ! — and I six hundred leagues from her. You ought to have told me. That she should have thus deceived me ! Woe to them ! I will exterminate the whole race of fops and puppies ! As to her — divorce ! yes, divorce ! a public and open divorce ! I must write ! I know all !' " Our remarks concerning the attractive position of Josephine in Parisian society (see Chapters V. and XIII.) will be recollected, and may help to account for the effect of injurious reports upon the feelings of Napoleon. Bourrienne, who perceived by the foregoing exclamations that Junot had been re- lating some stories to the disadvantage of Josephine, now endeavoured to point out to Napoleon how frequently such reports are mere calumnies — how certain they are to be exaggerated ; adding, that he knew nothing of such reports himself, and if he had, he should have avoided such a moment as this to detail them, when Josephine was absent and could not defend herself, and Napoleon was engaged in the commencement of a hazardous enterprise. " I spoke," adds the secretary, " of his glory.' " My glory!" cried he; " I know not what I would not give if that which Junot has told me should be untrue ; so much do I love Josephine ! If she be really guilty, a divorce must separate us for ever. I will not submit to be a laughing-stock for all the imbeciles of Paris. I will Vv-rite to Joseph, He will get the divorce declared." Bourrienne relates that he continued to combat this resolution, and to oppose rash haste in such a matter, and succeeded at length in calming him. " He became tran(]ui], listened to me as if he had suddenly felt the justice of my observations, dropped the subject and never retvn-ned to it, except that NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 173 about a fortnight after he expressed himself greatly dissatisfied with Junot, and complained of the injury he had done him by his indiscreet disclosures, which he began to regard as the inventions of malignity. I perceived afterwards that he never pardoned Junot for this indiscretion ; and I can state almost with certainty that this was one of the reasons why Junot was not created a marshal of France, like many of his com- rades whom Bonaparte loved less." It may startle the reader to learn, after all this elaboration, that any doubt should be cast over the whole account, the authenticity of which is utterly denied in the " Memoirs of the Duchess d'Abrantes." But her Memoii-s have certainly no pretensions as an historical authority. When we connect the above account with another fact concerning Napoleon, which is equally certain, there would be some dijfhculty in accounting for his intense and evident suffering from jealousy, did not the words " / will not submit to he a laughing-stock for all the imbeciles of Paris," sufficiently mark the chief source of pain. Love has continu- ally to bear imputations which in truth should be laid to the account of pride. His love for Josephine was at that period laid asleep. He had, since the month of September, formed a connexion with Madame Foures, better knowni by her name of " Pauline," the wife of one of his lieutenants, a lady of very great beauty and sweetness, with whom he fell violently in love from seeing her once in the neighbourhood of Cairo. Her husband, who was much older than herself, and with whom she had only made one of those marriages "de convenance," so common in France and elsewhere, had been quietly put aside by sending him to France with dispatches. He chanced, however, to be taken by the Enghsh, wdio found out the cause of his mission ; and mth a himiorous sense of mis- chief they immediately liberated him, and sent him back to Egypt. The joke was apparent, and produced both rage and laughter. It does not appear, however, that the lieutenant raised any obstacles in the w^ay of his wife's promotion to be " Queen of the East," as she was styled by the army. Napoleon placed great confidence in her, and continued to live with her during the whole period of his stay in Egypt ; but it seems he thought and saw no more of her after his return. Absorbed in im- portant state affairs, he forgot her, and she had great difficulty in getting a letter presented to hira during the consulate, by means of Dui'oc, and thus awakened at least sufficient memory in Napoleon to obtain a comfortable subsistence. It was far diflferent with her, if we can rely upon the following romantic and beautiful account by the Duchess d'Abrantes. " During many years Pauhne ceased to be spokeYi of; but, on learning the captivity of Napoleon at St. Helena, she rose above fear and prejudice, and determined to attempt the deliverance of him, who was still dear to her, and sacred as the representative of the glory of her 174 THE HISTORY OF country. To accomplish her purpose, she reahsed part of her fortune, and went to several sea-ports, to watch an opportunity of getting to St. Helena. She was long organising her plans ; and when all was ready the news reached her that Napoleon was dead. Pauline was then in the Brazils." To return to the desert : the French army reached El-Arisch on the 17th of February, and quickly driving the Turks out of the village, forced them all to take refuge in the fort, before which the trenches were immediately opened. Meantime General Regnier attacked the pasha's cavalry, which had taken up a position about a league off; sur- rounded and seized their camps and baggage, and made many prisoners. El-Arisch surrendered the following day. Three hundred horses and a quantity of provisions were found in the place ; a body of five hundred Maugrabins, taken prisoners, entered the French service as an auxiHary corps ; the rest of the garrison, amounting to about seven hundred men, were, according to most authorities, dismissed, on giving their promise to repair to Bagdad, and abstain from serving against the French for a year. The vanguard lost its way in the desert on leaving El-Arisch, and suffered severely from want of provisions and water. On the S^th, they passed the pillars placed to mark the boundaries of Africa and Asia. The following day they advanced upon Gaza, and encountered a body of three or four thousand of Djezzar's horse, drawn up to oppose them. Mm-at, with the cavalry, and the divisions of Lannes and Kleber, quickly put them to flight. They did not, indeed, stand the charge ; but fled, leaving a few killed on the field. Gaza yielded immediately. It contained valuable stores, which became the prize of the victors. On the 28th, the green and fertile plains of Syria were first seen by the soldiers, as they continued their advance. They slept that night at Eswod, the ancient Azotli, and the next at Rameh, the ancient Arima- thea, which had been evacuated by the enemy. Here they again found valuable stores of provisions. They were now within six leagues of Jerusalem, but they passed it unvisited. Jaffa (the Joppa of Scripture) was invested on the 4th of March, and taken by storm on the 6th. The town was given up to pillage for four-and-twenty hours, and all the horrors of war in that, their most revolting, shape took place. Still, the garrison was not intimidated ; refused to yield ; beheaded the messenger who was sent to them, and elevated his head on a pole, in sight of the French army. When they were finally compelled to surrender, either all, or the greater part of them, were shot by order of Napoleon. Their numbers are variously stated, from one thousand or twelve hundred men, to four thousand. This transaction has been long dwelt upon and re- corded as a perfidious and atrocious piece of cruelty on the part of Na- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 175 poleon. Most horrible, indeed, it was ! but horrible, also, it was to give up the town to pillage, to carry fire and sword into Syria, to destroy the Mamelukes in all their splendour and pride of valour, and leave their rifled, half-naked, and mangled bodies to moulder away on the banks of the Nile. Where should we stop if we endeavoured to recount all that was horrible in the career of any great conqueror ! There is nothing which marks the shallowness of the current morality of this age more than the proneness to reprobate as infamous some of the details of a given course of action which, regarded as a w^hole, is approved, and even lauded ; these very details being meantime the necessary consequences of that course which is approved and lauded. So long as the words " glory," " mili- tary fame," " pride, pomp, and circmnstance " of honour and carnage are held in high estimation by men, so long ought men to abstain from being " shocked " at the necessary consequences attending the service of these evils powers, which are at present permitted to hold their tyrannous sway over the human race. We have never yet had to record one instance of mere wanton cruelty on the part of Napoleon ; and the reader is left to judge whether, or not, this affair is to be regarded as any exception. Napoleon has made his own defence, in a conversation with O'Meara ; but although liis explanation has satisfied some of liis biographers, we confess that we do not believe he stated the facts cor- rectly. He appears to us to have been desirous to clear himself of an im- putation of "mere wanton cruelty," for an action which he was conscious was forced upon him by an imperious necessity, and which cost him ex- cessive pain at the time ; and, without attending to the exact truth, as to the action, he seems to have aimed only at creating the true impression as to the motives. He stated the number of the victims to have been a thousand or tw^elve hundred, and that the reason he ordered them to be shot, was that amongst them were a number of the Turkish troops taken at El-Arisch, who had given their word not to serve against liim for a year. " Now," he said " if I had spared them again and sent them away on their parole, they would directly have gone to St. Jean d'Acre, where they would have played me over again the same trick that they had done at Jafia. In justice to the lives of my soldiers, since eveiy general ought to consider liimself as their father, and them as his children, I could not allow this. To leave as a guard a portion of my army, already small and reduced in number, in consequence of the breach of faith of those wretches, was impossible. I therefore, availing myself of the rights of war, which authorise putting to death prisoners taken under such circumstances, independent of the right given nie by having taken the city by assault, and that of retaliation on the Turks, for having slaughtered my messenger, ordered that the prisoners taken at 176 THE HISTORY OF El-Arisch, who in defiance of their capitulation had been found bearing arms against me, should be singled out and shot. The rest amounting to a considerable number were spared. I would do the same thing again to-morrow, and so would any general commanding an army under such circumstances." This statement is unsatisfactory in one or two points. It does not explain how the garrison came to be prisoners at all, instead of being included in the general massacre which took place in the city after it was taken by storm ; and it does not acquaint us with what expedient was fallen upon to dispose of those prisoners who were " spared." The very same reasons which justified (in a military sense) the putting to death of the prisoners of El-Arisch, applied to all the others. They could not be guarded, nor trusted any more than the Avretched men who by Napoleon's account suffered death. A Mussul- man would never think of keeping faith with a " Christian dog," and this was well known to the French general. Bourrienne's account, which bears dreadful evidence of truth, and partly contradicts that of Napoleon, is as follows : — When the pillage of the town began, the massacre was horrible. Napoleon sent his aides-de- camp, Beauharnais and Croisier, to appease the fury of the troops as much as possible. They found a great part of the garrison shut up in some large caravanseras. These men cried from the windows that they would surrender upon an assurance that they should be exempted from the massacre to which the town was doomed. The two officers thought they ought to grant these conditions, and brought the men prisoners to the camp, in two divisions, — one of about two thousand five hundred, the other of about fifteen hundred. " I was walking with General Bonaparte," proceeds the secretary, " in front of his tent, when he saw this multitude of men approaching ; and before he even saw his aides-de-camp, he said, in a tone of profound sorrow, ' What do they wish me to do with these men ? Have I food for them ? — ships to convey them to Egypt or France ? Why, in the devil's name, have they served me thus ? ' The aides-de-camp defended themselves by referring to their mission to restrain the carnage. ' Yes,' replied Napoleon, ' as to women, children, and old men ; but not with respect to armed sol- diers. It was your duty to die rather than bring these unfortunate creatures to me. What do you want me to do with them ? ' " The same authority proceeds to speak of the wretched prisoners sitting in front of the tents ; their hands tied behind them, sombre rage depicted in their faces; of their scanty rations of biscuits, grudgingly dealt out to them by the soldiers, already themselves on short allowance ; of the murmurs, growing louder and louder, at these useless encum- brances ; of the councils daily held, while, for three days, some measure was anxiously sought for, to save their lives ; of the searching, anxious NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 177 gaze over the ocean, to which the telescopes of the French officers were in vain chrected, to discover some friendly vessel, which would carry these miserable prisoners away ; of the order, at length most reluctantly given, and vmhesitatingly executed. They were led out to the sands, fired upon, and all perished. The horrible and remorseless manner in whicli the soldiers "did their duty" (such are the modes of perverted thought whereby men accommodate the most monstrous actions to their con- sciences) is thus related by an eye-witness : — " Many of the unfortunate creatures composing the smaller divi- sion, which was fired on close to the sea-coast, at some distance from the other column, succeeded in swimming to some reefs of rocks out of the reach of musket shot. The soldiers rested their muskets on the sand, and, to induce the prisoners to return, employed the Egyptian signs of reconciliation in use in the country. They came back ; but as they advanced, they were killed, and disappeared among the waves. This atrocious scene, when I think of it, still makes me shudder as it did on the day I beheld it ; and I would wish it were possible for me to forget it rather than be compelled to describe it. All the horrors imagination can conceive, relative to that day of blood, would fall short of the reality. I have related the truth — the whole truth," continues Bourrienne : "I was present at all the conferences ; all the delibera- tions. I had not a deliberative voice ; but I am bound to declare, that the situation of the army, the scarcity of food, our small nume- rical strength, in the midst of a country where every individual was an enemy, would have induced me to vote in the affirmative of the proposition whicli was carried into effect, if I had had a vote to give. It was requisite to be on the spot in order to understand the horrible necessity which existed. For my own part, I have a perfect conviction that Bonaparte could not do otherwise than yield to the dire necessity of the case. It was the advice of the council, whose opinion was unani- mous in favour of the execution, that governed him. Indeed, I ought in truth to say, that he yielded only in the last extremity, and was one of those, perhaps, who beheld the massacre with the deepest pain." Such are the even-handed facts of this dreadful event. The French army advanced from Jaffa to form the siege of St. Jean d'Acre, a far more arduous undertaking than any they had yet encoun- tered in Syria. Sir Sydney Smith, wdth two ships of war, was cruising before the port, and the garrison was assisted by European science. Phelippeaux, an old schoolfellow of Napoleon at Brienne, directed their artillery. To add to the difficulties which threatened Napoleon, his battering train, sent forward by sea, was taken by the English, and now turned against him from the walls. The siege commenced on the z 178 THE HISTORY OF 18tli of March. Almost immediately afterwards, Napoleon was obliged to hasten with General Bon's di\asion, to extricate Kleber from a diffi- cult position at Mount Tabor, where he had been sent to dispute the passage of a Turkish army coming from Damascus. Napoleon, from the heio-hts which command the plain, discovered his division of two thousand men established among some ruins, and maintaining their ground against twentv thousand of the enemy, who surrounded them. He instantly despatched Murat to gain the Jordan with the cavalry ; Vial and Rampon to march upon Naplous, while he placed himself between the enemy and their magazines ; by these movements he had enclosed the Turks W'ithin the centre of a triancjle. He advanced in silence vnitil within a certain distance, and then ordering a gun to be fired, shewed himself on the field. " Tt is Bonaparte !" exclaimed the soldiers. Kleber, who had fought against these fearful odds, from six in the morning till one, now assumed the ofi'ensive. The Turks were completely routed, with the loss of five thousand men, their tents, provisions, and camels. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 179 Napoleon returned to Acre with all possible despatch. Accustomed to the easy \dctories which he had obtained on every encounter with tlie Turkish forces in Syria, he was not prepared to expect the deterniined resistance by which his progress was now arrested. Acre is surrounded by a wall flanked with towers, and was further defended by a broad and deep ditch wdth strong works. Napoleon had lost his battering train as already stated, and for a whole month conducted his operations with field artillery ; but all tliis would not have baffled him, had not European skill and courage assisted the Turks. The inexhaustible activity and energy of Sir Sydney Smith, and the talents of Phelippeaux, so directed the defence as to defeat every effort he could make, and foil every stratagem by some other equally destructive. Ammunition was also scarce in the French arm;y. They contrived, however, by a ludi- crous ruse de guerre, to make Sir Sydney Smith supply them with balls. A few horsemen or wagons were ordered from time to time to make some demonstration of activity on the beach ; upon which, the English commodore, who was always on the alert, immediately approached and fired a terrible broadside. The French soldiers, who took care to keep out of danger, then ran forward on the beach amidst shouts of laughter, and picked up the balls, for which they received five sous each. In the middle of April, Admiral Perree succeeded in avoiding the English, and in landing unobserved two mortars and six eighteen pounders at Jaifa, which enabled Napoleon to carry on the siege with greater vigour ; but, at the same time, a reinforcement of three thousand men was thrown into the place under the protection of the British ships. A succession of furious sorties by the garrison, occasionally headed by British marines, and equally furious assaults by the French, now alter- nated. The slaughter was horrible. The combatants in the trenches, sui-rounded by putrefying corpses and poisonous stench, sometimes went mad as they fought, being suddenly smitten by the plague under the burning sun. They fell dead while doing desperate deeds. Breaches were more than once made in the walls: a tower was gained by the French; but each advantage ended with itself, and no progress was made towards subduing the place. General Caffarelli was mortally wounded early in April, but lingered for eighteen days. A sincere regard had existed between liim and Napoleon; and it is a singular and affecting fact, that every time Napoleon visited him during the delirium which preceded his death, his mind recovered its tone, his spirits revived, and he talked collectedly ; then relapsed into his weakness and wandering immediately he lost sight of his friend. Another instance of the enthusiastic attachment which Napoleon was capable of inspiring (for the attraction of sympathy by no means ensures 180 THE HISTORY OF its return), occurred at the siege of Acre. One day, when he was in the trenches, a shell fell at his feet. Two grenadiers immediately rushed towards him, — placed him between them, and raised their arms above his head so as completely to cover every part of his body. The shell burst without injuring one of the group. Both these grenadiers were made officers immediately : one of them, subsequently, was the General Dumesnil, so much talked of in 1814 for his resolute defence of Vin- cennes against the Russians. He had lost a leg in the campaign of Moscow ; and to the summons to surrender he replied, " Give me back my leg, and I will give up my fortress." The fate of his heroic com- panion is not recorded. Sir Sydney Smith, in addition to the active hostilities which he directed against Napoleon, dispersed proclamations among the French troops with a view to shake their faith in him. Napoleon, upon this, published an order, from which it might be inferred, that, owing to the heat of the climate, and the excitement of war, the British commodore had gone mad; and all communication with him was, therefore, pro- hibited! Some days afterwards, a lieutenant or midshipman, with a flag of truce, brought a challenge from Sir Sydney Smith to Napoleon, appointing a place of meeting to fight a duel. " I laughed at this," says Napoleon to O'Meara; "and sent him back an intimation that when he brought Marlborough to fight me, I would meet him. Not- vvdthstanding, I like the character of the man." Still the siege continued. Napoleon, who at this time knew nothing about reverses and failures, would not brook the idea of abandoning it. He made a desperate assault on the 8th of May. Among the officers and men who fell on this day, was Croisier, the aide-de-camp, who had never recovered the fatal affair of Jaffa. Napoleon had once before been violently irritated against him for some seeming neglect at Cairo, and the word "coward" had escaped him. The feelings of Croisier, then deeply affected, had become insupportable since the events at Jaffa, and he sought death at every opportunity. On the 8th of May, Napoleon observed the tall figure of his unfortunate aide-de-camp mounted on a battery, exposed to the thickest of the enemy's fire, and called loudly and imperatively, " Croisier, come down ! — you have no business there." Croisier neither replied nor moved ; and the next instant received his death wound. While this obstinate contest was raging in Syria, occasional insur- rections had taken place in Egypt; but they were not of any conse- quence, and were easily quelled. General Desaix was still in Upper Egypt, engaged in perpetual conflicts with Mourad-Bey, who with undaunted courage, rallied his followers after every defeat. He made a desperate stand at Sediman ; and it was only by the determined bravery NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 181 /^ of Desaix, who himself led on his soldiers with the cry of " Victory or death ! " that he was driven back on this occasion. One more defeat forced him to evacuate Upper Egypt entirely. Together ^^dth the dispatches wliich apprised Napoleon of this victory, he received intelligence of the loss of a very fine and large dejerme (boat of the Nile), named L'ltalie, which was carrjang French troops and provisions. It had run aground, and been attacked by the Arabs, who killed all the prisoners they made with the most horrible tortures. The soldiers were tied to trees, and the military band which accompanied them, were compelled to play while their comrades died under the tortures ; after which, the band was mutilated in the same Avay. The commander of the vessel blew it up, and perished with it. This took an unusual hold upon the French general's mind ; and one of those strange feelings he called his "presentiments" came over him. "France has lost Italy," he said to Bourrienne. " It is all over : my forebodings never deceive me." It was of no avail that his secretary represented the want of connexion between the boat on the Nile, and tlie beautiful country he had conquered. Nothing could remove his impression, which was singularly verified, as we shall presently see. 182 THE HISTORY OF The situation of the French army now became critical. Its losses in killed, wounded, and sick, had been heavy ; provisions began to fail, and the plague was in the hospitals. The inhabitants of the country were constantly repairing to the camp, and frequently on their knees offered up prayers for the success of the French, and their own release from their cruel pasha. The people of Damascus offered their keys to Napoleon. It was, however, impossible to overcome the garrison. Fully appreciating the importance of that which he relinquished, Napoleon at length raised the siege. The sick and wounded had already been removed, and sent in the direction of Jaffa ; towards which place the whole army commenced a retreat on the night of the 20th of May. " The fate of the east lay in that small town," said Napoleon, in relating these events at St. Helena. " Had St. Jean d'Acre fallen, I should have changed the face of the world." Whether such extensive results would have followed or not, it is certain that all further conquest eastward was at once prevented by the check he here received, and that he had no alternative but to return to Egypt with all possible despatch. His career in the east was effectually stopped, and this is mainly to be attributed to the great skill of Phelippeaux, and the indefatigable energies of Sir Sydney Smith. The French army left a long wilderness of conflagration in its track. The brilliancy of an oriental sun was absolutely obscured by the smoke of burning towns and villages, with all their rich crops ; destroyed to re- tard pursuit. A stifling and smouldering atmosphere added more in- tolerably to the fierce heat. The scorching soil was strewed at intervals with the dead or dying, from the detachment sent on before. Those who still retained any life implored for assistance. " I am not infested, I am only wounded," they would cry, and then shew their wounds, or tear them open afresh, in their desperation. Misery had made every one remorselessly selfish. The whole army passed on, wdth only here and there a withering remark, such as " It is all over with him !" Oppressed with the sight of so much suffering. Napoleon issued an order at the first halting place, that every horse, mule, and camel in the army, should be given to the sick, wounded, and infected, whom they had now overtaken. In the excited state of his feelings, he violently struck his equerry, who came with a tone of remonstrance to ask " What horse was to be re- served for the General-in-Chief?" " Every one must go on foot, you rascal 1" he exclaimed, in a fearful tone of mingled rage and anguish, " I the first." On the march between Cesarea and Jaffa, Napoleon very narrowly escaped death. Many of the officers had by this time regained their horses, owing to the continual death of the wretched objects who had been mounted upon them. Napoleon, as he rode, was so exhausted that NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 188 he had fallen asleep. A little before daybreak, a Naplousian, concealed among the bushes close to the road side, took aim at his head, and lired. The ball missed : the man was pursued, caught, and ordered to be in- stantly shot. Four Guides drew their triggers, but all their carbines hung fire, owing to the extreme humidity of the night. The Syrian leaped into the sea, which was close to the road ; swam to a ridge of rocks, which he mounted; and there stood, undaunted and untouched by the shots of the whole troop, who fired at him as they passed. Napoleon left Bourrienne behind to wait for Kleber, who formed the rear-guard, and to order him " not to forget the Naplousian." This was revolting and little-minded. After going through such an ordeal in return for his ambuscade, the Syrian was fairly entitled to his life. It is not certain that he was shot at last, and we may, therefore, hope he escaped the intended vengeance. Jaffa was now destined to be the scene of another of those dreadful expediencies of war, which, like the last-mentioned, has been made a subject for dark accusation against Napoleon. The French army reached Jaffa on the 24th of May, and remained there until the 28th, when it became imperatively necessary to continue the retreat. During the siege of Acre, the military hospitals had been established at Jaffa. It was now requisite to remove all the patients. It appears that Napoleon exerted liimself by his presence, and by words of encouragement, to nerve up the unfortunate sufferers to endure this agonising necessity. Some accounts say that he touched the plague patients, to lessen the dread which all felt of contagion. We will not attempt to describe the horrors of emptying a hospital of its patients, under such circumstances. The painful task was at length accomplished, and all the sick sent forward, with the exception of a few men (the number varies in different accounts from seven to twenty), in the last stage of the plague, and whose death was inevitable. Wliat to do with these wretched men was a dreadful difficulty. To carry them away could only expose them to the misery of removal for no object, and would expose the whole army to infection. To leave them behind would be to leave them to the probable chance of dying in torments inflicted by the Turks, who were only a few- hours in the rear. The expedient of accelerating their death by opium was gravely deliberated. With whom the idea originated is un- certain. It is generally ascribed to Napoleon, but he himself stated that it was Larrey, one of the medical staff, who proposed it. From the most careful examination of all the authorties, it appears certain tliat it was not executed, whether from the disapproval of Desgenettcs, the chief of the medical staff, or from the want of a sufficient quantity of opium ; — occasioned by the nefarious conduct of the apothecary entrusted with the 184 THE HISTORY OF charge of providing the medicines, who had loaded the camel appro- priated for their conveyance, wdth provisions and different articles by which he expected to make a j)roiit. Thus the opium, among other drugs, was extremely scarce, at the moment. One or both of these causes prevented the execution of this measure, which has been exag- gerated into the statement that Napoleon "poisoned" great numbers of his sick soldiers ; some writers have said sixty, some five hundred. Sir Sydney Smith found seven alive in the hospitals when he came up. Na- poleon says that a rear-guard remained to protect them ; if so, they had gallopped off before the English entered the place. Bourrienne, who gravely enters upon the examination of this question, leaves it just as he found it. All the facts he affirms, such as the deliberations on the mea- sure ; the current report in the army that it was carried into effect, &c., are admitted on all hands. That it was really done, he only "believes." Savary, General Andreossy, M. d'Aure, and Desgenettes, the physician, afiirm the contrary. Las Casas, who took pains to investigate the matter, says the same. The statement of Hazlitt, who is most un- justly accused of extreme and unvarying partiality in his biography of Napoleon, (while no one, who has attempted it, has weighed his faults with a more unsparing hand), is on this point, equally with his account of the massacre at Jaffa, of no strict value as an authority, because, whenever Napoleon expressly states a case himself, Hazlitt implicitly believes in its entire accuracy. In the present instance, however, Napoleon's account coincides with all other authorities. He distinctly avows the intention and the wish, and gives this justification, which we find in O'Meara : " ' Not that I think it would have been a crime, had opium been administered ; on the contrary, I think it would have been a virtue. You have been among the Turks and know what they are ; I ask you now to place yourself in the situation of one of those sick men, and that you were asked which you should prefer, to be left to suffer the tortures of those miscreants, or to have opium administered to you ? " I replied I should prefer the latter. ' Certainly, so would any man,' answered Napoleon ; * if my own son (and I believe I love my son as well as any father does his child) were in a similar situation with those men, I would advise it to be done ; and if so situated myself, I would insist upon it, if I had sense enough and strength enough left to demand it.' " Sir Walter Scott, after arguing the matter elaborately, with great earnest- ness and judgment, honestly acquits Napoleon of the charge, which he considers a very grave one, and which it may be anticipated, is now finally set at rest. The French army re-entered Cairo on the 14th of June, and enjoyed for a short period the full luxury of repose. The administration of affairs had been so ably conducted, that the whole country was found in a NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 185 State of perfect tranquillity, even under the trying circumstances of the unsuccessful campaign, the news of which had preceded the army. Only three weeks elapsed before the calm was broken by an irruption of Mourad-Bey, with his remaining Mamelukes; but he retreated with rapidity before Murat, who was sent against him. The French soldiers called this the encounter ofjhe two " Murats." Immediately after this occurrence, Napoleon visited the pyramids, and made preparations for advancing to Thebes; but he was not destined ever to accomplish this journey which he earnestly desired to have made. He was overtaken by urgent dispatches from General Marmont, who held the command of Alexandria, informing him that a fleet of Turkish transports and vessels of war, carrying troops, had appeared off Aboukir, under the protection of the two British ships commanded by Sir Sydney Smith. This news did not take Napoleon by surprise ; he had expected it confidently, and had maintained his troops in readiness for it ; but it required instant action. He retired to his tent, and employed the remainder of the day and the whole of the night in making arrangements and sending off couriers. By four the following morning, he was on horse- back, and with his whole army in full march towards Aboukir. He arrived at midnight, on the 23rd of July, and was occupied till morning in making preparations for battle. Meantime the Turkish troops, to the number of eighteen thousand men, had effected a landing ; taken posses- sion of the fort of Aboukir, and of a redoubt situated behind the \allage ; and slaughtered almost to a man, the small French garrisons which occupied these posts ; both of which ought to have been more strongly defended, but General Marmont had been obliged to concentrate his power to defend the important city of Alexandria from any unexpected attack. The battle began early on the morning of the 24th. At the first charge of the French cavalry, headed by Murat, the whole line of the Turkish army, which had been drawn up in battle array on the field, struck vnth a sudden panic, rushed headlong into the sea. They strove wdth vain efforts, encumbered as they were in their wide and heavy gar- ments and trappings, to reach the ships. Nearly the whole of them, amounting probably to fifteen thousand men, were di'owned. The sea at first appeared literally covered with turbans. Savary asserts that the English sailors took aim and fired at these floating marks; but we reckon the assertion a sheer calumny, as odious as ridiculous. Such conduct is utterly unlike the character of English sailors ; besides, there appears no possible motive for such a proceeding. The villaa-e of Aboukir, vnth the redoubt in its rear, were next attacked by the French. The Turks scarcely made any stand, but fled A A KSG THE HISTORY UF iiHilSi "1',;', ' ;f _. V in confusion during the first charge, and the village was carried with dreadful slaughter. Three thousand of the Turks shut up in the fort, who surrendered two days afterwards, were all who escaped with life. The Turkish fleet instantly set sail for Constantinople, and no enemy remained to dispute possession of Egypt with Napoleon. He now sent a flag of truce to Sir Sydney Smith, and an interchange of civilities commenced between the English and the French. This circumstance, trifling in itself, led to important consequences. Among other things, a copy of a French journal, dated the 10th of June, 1799, was sent ashore NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. IS? by Sir Sydney Smith. No news from France had reached Egypt for ten months. Napoleon seized the journal with eagerness, and its contents verified his worst fear. " My God ! " he exclaimed, " my presentiment is realised ; the imbeciles have lost Italy. All the fruits of our victories are gone ! I must leave Egypt !" He spent the whole night in his tent, reading a file of English newspapers, which were now furnished to liim.' Here he found the accounts of Suwarrow's victories over the Frencli in Italy, and of the disastrous internal state of France. In the morning Admiral Gantheaume received orders to prepare the two frigates Muiron and Carrere, and two corvettes, for sea, with the utmost secrecy and despatch, furnishing them with two months' supply of provisions for five hundi-ed men. Having made these arrangements, which he confided to no one but his secretary, and Berthier, whose joy at the prospect of accompanying him, insured his throwing no obstacle in the way of the undertaking, Napoleon returned to Cairo on the 10th of August. Here he made every preparation for departure, giving out that his purpose was to visit the Delta, to observe and reform the condition of the people. He selected Berthier, Murat, Lannes, Marmont, and Andreossy, with five hundred picked men, to accompany him ; Monge also, and Denon ; and they were all ordered to proceed to "Alexandria without delay. On the 18th, a courier from Gantheaume brought information to Cairo that Sir Sydney Smith had left the coast, to take in water at Cyprus. This was the signal for Napoleon's instant departm-e. He reached Alexandria on the 22nd, and Gantheaume immediately left the harbour, and stationed his small squadron in front of the creek of Marabout, where, on the 2nd of July of the preceding year. Napoleon had first landed in Egypt ; and where he now fixed a day and hour for the ships' boats to meet him, and take him and his suite on board. He had appointed Kleber and Menou to meet him, but the latter only, was able to arrive in time to receive his instructions. To Menou, therefore, he confided his orders and dispatches ; holding with tliis general a long- conference. He appointed Kleber to the chief command, and trans- mitted a long letter to him, containing a clear statement of their condition and prospects in Egypt, and minute details of the plans he wislied to have pursued. His proclamation to the army was as follows : — " The news from Europe has determined me to proceed to France. I entrust the command of the army to General Kleber. The army shall hear from me forthwith. At present, I can say no more. It costs me nuicli pain to quit troops to whom I am so strongly attached. But my absence will be but temporary, and the general I leave in command has the confidence of the government, as well as mine." A letter to General Desaix, now in Upper Egypt, where his wise administration had j)rocured him tlie 188 THE HISTORY OF title of " The Just Sultan," informed him that Napoleon hoped to meet him in Italy or France in a month. All things being now in readiness, every one who was intended to sail with Napoleon, was informed of his destination for France. This news spread joy and satisfaction through the whole party. How far Napoleon was justified in leaving his army at this juncture, has been a matter of frequent discussion. The answer must be found in the state and prospects of the country he was leaving, and of that to which he was returning ; and, in his own views, with regard to both. Though he had completely failed in his ulterior hopes of extensive con- quest in the East, the immediate object of the Egyptian expedition had NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 189 been accomplished. Egypt was subdued from one end to the otlier, and was now an undisputed possession of France. The loss of the ileet had, however, rendered the conquest a very unprofitable one ; utterly useless in a commercial point of view, and quite untenable unless supplies of men and arms could be furnished to it by the " mother" country. " For thus doth Conquest, with a steel-cased cheek, Parental guidance claim, and from the land Which war has whitened with its people's hones, Exact a child's obedience, and pure love." The decisive victory of Aboukir, the subsequent tranquilHty of the whole countr)^, and the good order and regularity preserved in the administration of all its affairs, both civil and military, made Napoleon's presence comparatively unimportant ; while his influence in France (under the supposition that he exerted himself on the subject) might procure for it such aid as was imperatively requisite. The following extract from his letter to Kleber will shew his o^vn views and intentions at the time : — " The arrival of our Brest squadi'on at Toulon, and of the Spanish squadron at Carthagena, removes every doubt as to the possibility of conveying to Egypt the muskets, swords, pistols, and cast-iron you may stand in need of, and of which -I have a very exact statement ; together Avith a sufficient number of recruits to repair the losses of both campaigns. The government itself will then acquaint you with its intentions ; and I shall, both in my public and private character, take every means to enable you to receive frequent intelligence from home. Should un- foreseen events render all attempts fruitless, and you remain up to the month of May without recei\dng either news or assistance from France ; and should the plague, notwithstanding every precaution, extend its ravages over Egypt tliis year, and carry off upwards of fifteen hundred soldiers, I think that, in such a case, you ought not to attempt to take the field ; and that you would be justified in concluding a peace with the Ottoman porte, even if the evacuation of Egypt should be its prin- cipal condition. You would then have only to put off carrying sucli a condition into effect until a general peace." A treaty of peace between Turkey and France was already on foot. Meantime, the position of Kleber in his new command, was most arduous and precarious, because, in addition to the want of various supphes, the anny was in fact blockaded by the Enghsh fleet in the Mediterranean. France, on the other hand, was unsettled in all affairs, both of external and internal pohcy. The peace which had existed before the departiu-e of Napoleon, had been quickly broken, and a new coalition, aided by the formidable power of Russia, had been raised against the Republic. The newly formed governments in Italy had been overturned, and a series of victories gained over the French in that country by the genius of 190 THE HISTORY OF Suwarrow. The Archduke Charles had compelled Jourdan to recross the Rhine, and the French frontier was now threatened by the expected junction of the Russians and Austrians in Switzerland. Two divisions of the Dutch fleet had delivered up their vessels to the English. Internal division added danger to all these foreign reverses. The Chouans of Bretagne were again in the field, to the threatening number of forty thousand, according to some computations ; and worse than all, the Directory, the executive government, was disliked and despised by nearly every party in the country, and full of dissension within itself. To meet the exigencies of the times, they had levied a forced loan on the wealthy, which gave alarm to property ; and a conscription of two hun- dred thousand men, which pressed heavily on the country at large. To avert the danger arising from Royalist insurrections, they had passed the " law of hostages," by which the unoffending relatives of emigrants or royalists supposed to be in arms, were thrown into prison. This unjust law, of course filled the prisons with women, children, and old men, and the country with panic and discontent. It was evident that the French government could no longer exist in its present form, and that the glory, so dear to the heart of every Frenchman, if not the very existence of the Republic, was threatened. It is impossible to have followed the history of Napoleon to this point, without perceiving, that to resist throwing him- self into the tide of affairs at such a moment, was out of his power. He felt within himself the energy to redeem the losses which the country had sustained, and there is no doubt, that schemes of personal ambition, associated themselves vnth this sense of power, and began to assume that form which they afterwards decidedly presented, and to deceive him into the belief, that his single will, uncontrolled by any other, would best guide France to the pinnacle of glory and prosperity which he coveted for her and for himself. What might have been the fate of France, had he remained at a distance during this period, it is impossible to know. Probably the Bourbons would have regained their throne some years sooner than they eventually did. That Napoleon should fly to avert such a fate, is consistent with his whole life, and that he should believe he only could do this, is consistent with his character. We here find an instance of the means by which great events roll onward through the world. The allied powers, with their coahtion — Suwarrow, with his victories — the Directory, with its weaknesses and inward dissensions — all combine to generate a condition of things, which, being suddenly presented to a man in whose soul they find a responsive chord, whereon they violently strike, produce a tone that fills the world, for a time. Its retreating echoes are yet vibrating, when they are drowned by another and another voice of power ; all rising in turn to swell and die, and melt together at the last, into one great harmony, when there will be peace on earth and good will among all mankind. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 191 The conference with General Menou occupied the last minutes that Napoleon remained in Egypt. All Avas in readiness for departure ; the boats waiting at the beach ; he was soon on board, and on his way to the frigate which was to convey him to France. He embarked on the 23rd of August, late in the evening. The dis- covery of his departure in Alexandria, where the most perfect ignorance as to the recent events still prevailed, is thus described by Savary : — " The horses of the escort had been left to run loose on the beach, and all was perfect stillness in Alexandria, when the advanced posts of the town were alarmed by the wild galloping of horses, which, from a natural instinct, were returning to Alexandria through the desert. The picket ran to arms on seeing horses ready saddled and bridled, which were soon discovered to belong to the regiment of Guides. They at first thought that some misfortune had happened to a detachment, in its pursuit of the Arabs. With these horses came also those of the generals who had embarked with General Bonaparte ; so that Alexandria for a time was in considerable alarm. The cavalry was ordered to proceed in all haste in the direction whence the horses came ; and every one was giving him- self up to the most gloomy conjectures, when the cavalry returned to tlie city with the Turkish groom, who was bringing back General Bonaparte's 192 THE HISTORY OF horse to Alexandria." The truth, which now became noised abroad, and the confirmation of it by the proclamatioii to the army, and the dispatches confided to General Menou, produced at first a kind of stupor, and then much discontent ; but a week had not elapsed before mens' minds settled into quiet acquiescence with that which was inevitable, and Kleber assumed his command without opposition. He, however, com- plained bitterly of the hasty manner in which so important and respon- sible a situation was thrust upon him ; and, in a letter to the Directory, did not scruple to insinuate that Napoleon purposely avoided an inter\dew with him before leaving Egypt ; as if to avoid his remonstrances. The fate of this letter was singular, as %vill be shewn in the proper place. It was dark when Napoleon and his suite embarked on board the Muiron, but by the light of the stars they were able to discover a sight of evil augury, — a corvette, which appeared to be observing them. They got under weigh, however, before morning, unmolested. Napoleon left no responsibility upon the admiral, to whom the various manoeuvres of the voyage have been ascribed: " As if," says Bourrienne, "any one could command when Bonaparte was present." By the express directions of Napoleon, the squadron, instead of taking the ordinary course, kept close to the African coast, in the direction of the southern point of Sardinia ; his intention being to take a northerly course along the coast of that island. He had irrevocably determined, that should the English fleet appear, he would run ashore ; make his way, with the little army under his command, to Oran, Tunis, or some other port ; and thence find another opportunity of getting to France. For twenty-one days, adverse winds, blowing from west or north-west, continually drove the squadron on the Syrian coast, or back towards Alexandria. It was once proposed that they should again put into that port, but Napoleon would not hear of it, declaring he would rather brave any danger. This tedious interval left only too much leisure for anxious thoughts, which chiefly turned upon fears of falling in with the English. Napoleon remained chiefly on deck, superintending his orders. To pass away the time he often played at cards with the officers : vingt-et-un was his fa- vourite game, being rapid, and one which gave him opportunities of cheating, which he took great pleasure in doing. He never appropriated to himself the fruits of his winnings ; they were equally divided ; but he expected fortune would favour him on all occasions, small as well as great, and if disappointed, he wished no one to know it. At length the wind changed, and the vessels made a prosperous voyage along the west coast of Sardinia ; but after passing the island, it again blew violently from the west, and obliged them to enter the port of Ajaccio. Here they were forced to remain from the 1st to the 7th of October; a delay which increased the impatience of Napoleon to the higliest pitch. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. l<);j "What will become of me," lie said, "if the English, who are cruising hereabout, should learn that I have landed in Corsica ? 1 shall be forced to stay here. That I could never endure. I have a torrent of relations pouring upon me." This exclamation was made after visits, con- gratulations, and endless requests, with which he was assailed. " His brilliant reputation," says Bourrienne, " had prodigiously augmented his family connexions, and from the great number of his pretended god- children, it might have been thought he had held one-fourth of the children of Ajaccio at the baptismal font." He took much pleasure in walking in the neighbourhood of the town, and in pointing out the Httle domains of his ancestors. It was during his stay in Corsica, that Napoleon first learned the loss of the battle of Novi by the French army, and the death of Joubert. " But for that confounded quarantine," exclaimed he, *' I would hasten ashore, and place myself at the head of the army of Italy. All is not over ; and I am sure that there is not a general who would refuse me the command. The news of a victory gained by me, would reach Paris as soon as the battle of Aboukir : that, indeed, would be excellent ! " He passed much of this anxious period in close studies ; reading the Bible, Homer, and the Koran ; conversing with the Savans on oriental antiquities, and working problems in geometry ; just as he had done during his recent perilous passage from Egypt. Anxious and tormenting fears for the future would, however, seize at times upon his mind ; and they were aggravated by the prospect of long detention in quarantine, even should he succeed in reaching Toulon. After leaving Ajaccio, the voyage was made without delay or obstruction. On the second day, however, an English squadron of fourteen sail, hove in sight. The French frigates were evidently observed, yet suffered to pass on, and night favoured their escape. Savary affirms that some officers of the British navy subsequently told him that the French vessels were actually seen, but supposed to belong to the English squadron, as they steered their course towards it, and as it was confidently believed that the French had only one frigate in the Mediterranean, and one in Toulon harbour. The signals in the English fleet were heard throughout the night. The anxiety on board the Muiron was, of course, excessive ; Gantheaume lost all presence of mind, and was in a most painful state of agitation : he wished to return to Corsica. " No, no ! " replied Napoleon, imperiously. " No ! spread all sail. Every man at his post. To the north-west ! To the north- west ! " He continued throughout the night giving orders, and directing the course. He kept a long-boat in readiness, which he had purchased at Ajaccio, and was resolutely determined to escape in this if possible, should the English give chase. He had fixed on the persons whom he destined to share his fate, and packed up the papers which were most B B 194 THE HISTORY OF important to be saved. The tirst rays of the sun, however, discovered the English fleet steering to the north-east, and the Muiron and its companions, now relieved from all apprehension, immediately shaped their course for the wished-for coast of France. This escape of the renowned French general, just when it appeared certain that he must be taken, produced great excitement in England, where the popular anger vented and, as usual, exhausted itself in a ludicrous caricature of Nelson in the act of assisting the toilette of Lady Hamilton, while the Muiron and Carrere were passing in full sail between his legs. On the 8th of October, they entered the roads of Frejus. They did not know how to answer the signals, the code of which had been altered, and were fired upon by the batteries ; but their bold entry, the crowd on their decks, and their signs of joy, soon banished this distrust, and no sooner was it known that Napoleon was on board, than the sea was covered with boats. Sounds of enthusiastic welcome filled the air ; the quarantine regulations were forgotten or disregarded ; and Napoleon once more landed on the shores of France, crowds pressing towards him from all quarters, with shouts of " We prefer the plague to the Austrians." I \ <^% NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. li); CHAPTER XVL ENTHUSIASM IN FUANCE AT NAPOLEON S RETURN HE ARRIVES IN PARIS — JO.sr.l'IIlNF. THE DIRECTORY STATE OF PARTIES — SIEYES— BERNADOTTE — MOREAU — REVOl.I'IION OF THE 18th AND IOtH RRUMAIRE — NAPOLEON FIRST CONSUL. The shout of welcome with whicli Napoleon was hailed at his first landing, was echoed by the whole population of" France. A telegraphic dispatcli gave notice in Paris of his arrival a I Frejus, and the news spread with rapidity through the c;i])i- tal, where it created a .sensation similar to that produced by n great victory gained. It was announced at the Council of Five Hundred, and at the ~^— -f-^S^^^- -V^ theatres ; and soon formed the subject of universal conversa- tion, and nearly as universal congratulation. 13audin, the de])uly from the Ardennes, who had grieved over the late disasters of the country, died of joy when he heard that Napoleon had returned. All this ilearly 196 THE HISTORY OF proves the want of confidence in the government, which then pervaded the public mind in France ; but is far from affording any suggestion that Republican forms had ceased to be popular. Napoleon was regarded as the champion of liberty, as well as the successful military leader ; and none of his actions nor expressed opinions had as yet contradicted such an estimation of his principles. In the course of the rapid journey which he made from Frejus to Paris, he was greeted with raptures of joy wherever he was recognised. The bells were rung in the villages, flags hoisted from the steeples, and the towns were illuminated at night. This enthusiastic spirit was manifested very strongly at Lyons, where Napoleon had always been extremely popular. The accounts of his victory at Aboukir had immediately preceded him ; and this brilliant success dazzled the imagination, and quite obliterated all memory of his utter discomfiture at Acre. He entered Paris without being known, and alighted quietly at his own house in the Rue de la Victoire on the 16th of October. Josephine had hurried off* to meet him the moment that the telegraphic dispatch announced his landing ; had missed him on the road, in consequence of his suddenly changing his route, and had not yet returned. On her arrival, he received her with studied coldness. He continued for three days to treat her with outward indifference, while ideas of divorce, and renewed irritation from the jealousy pre- viously excited by Junot, were working in his mind. It would probably be more correct to say, that his " Queen of the East" had not yet been finally hurled from her throne in his memory. The interval, exquisitely painful as it must have been for Josephine, was not of long duration, and terminated in an entire reconciliation. She resumed her former place in his affections, and their union was never disturbed again by a similar cause. Napoleon visited the directors at the Luxembourg on the day after his arrival. The interview was cold, and chiefly occupied in explanations on the part of Napoleon as to the condition and prospects of the army in Egypt, and his own reasons for returning to France. These he stated to be, that having suddenly learned the losses and disasters which had befallen the country, he had hastened to its defence. The directors were able to assume a more advantageous position in the conference, than they would have been at an earlier period. On the very eve of Napoleon's return, the succession of misfortunes which had attended the French armies in Holland and on the Rhine, had been suddenly checked. General Brune had compelled the Anglo-Russian army to evacuate Holland ; and Massena had gained an important victory over the Russians under Korsakow, on the Limmat; Suwarrow having been forced in consequence, to retreat before General Lecourbe. The directors finished the conference by offering Napoleon the choice of any NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1<)7 army he would command. He did not refuse, but pleaded the necessity of a short interval of leisure for the recovery of his health, and speedily withdrew, in order to avoid any more such embarrassing offers. He had by this time, a very clear perception of the course before him, and had made up his mind to place himself in circumstances to confer high offices and commands, instead of accepting them. While maturing his plans, he lived in the same retired manner which had marked liis residence in Paris after the Italian campaign. He avoided the public gaze ; accepted few invitations; went to the theatres with all possible precautions against observation, and surrounded himself with a circle of acquaintances in his own house. A grand public dinner was given in honour of him, by the Council of Five Hundred, which he attended, but retired very early. He gave one toast in the course of the evening, which was sufficiently ominous, though not noticed at the time : — " The union of all parties," Considerable changes had taken place in the state of parties durin"- the year that Napoleon was absent. The Directory, which then consisted of Barras, Reubel, Treilhard, Merlin, and Reveilliere Lepaux, now retained only one of these names. Barras alone continued in office. Reubel had retired in order of rotation, and had been succeeded by the Abbe Sieyes : Treilhard had been displaced on account of some infor- mality in his election : the two others, menaced with impeachments for peculation and misgovernment, had resigned their offices. Their places were supplied by Roger Ducos, Gohier, and Moulins. The Directory, as it now existed, was weak in the extreme, from the divisions among its members, and from the character of each, individually. Barras was profligate and extravagant, and so fearful of being called to a severe ac- cotmt for his peculations and extortions that he could not act with vigour. Ducos was half a Royalist, but always followed Sieyes. Gohier and Moulins were Republicans, and devoted adherents of the constitution of the year Three, but were men of very moderate abilities. Sieyes, the most talented of them all, had accepted a place in the Directory, chiefly with a \dew to obtaining an increase of power, in order to overturn the di- rectorial constitution altogether, and establish on its ruins liis own favourite theory of government. Sieyes had been well known in France at the time of the Revolution. He was then a violent Republican, and wrote a pamphlet explaining the nature of " The Third Estate," which created a great sensation. It was he who had the merit of introducing the measure for dividing France into departments, by which the mischievous distinctions and unequal privileges of provinces were abohshed. He was not at all prominent during the reign of terror, and came in with the moderate party after the death of Robespierre. Ha\dng by tliis time established a character for metaphysical subtlety and political skill, he was appointed one of the Committee of Eleven to whom was confided 108 THE HISTORY OF the charge of fraiiiin<]f tlie new constitution. Sieyes fulfilled his part of the task by the composition of a complete system of govermnent, which he proposed for adoption. The members of this system were to have been, a Grand Elector, as the chief executive officer ; two Consuls, one for peace, the other for war ; a Legislative body ; a Council of State, to discuss and propose measures on the part of the government ; and a Tribunate, to perform the same functions on the part of the people. The power of each of these offices was so nicely adjusted, so carefully divided, weighed and balanced against the power of the others, that it appears most likely the whole would have presented the appearance of a body incapable of moving in any one direction. To ensure the continuance of this constitution, a Conservative Senate was to be appointed. Its mem- bers had no power of action or legislation, but were to be invested with power to call in to their owni body any individual who appeared likely to endanger the constitution ; thus rendering him powerless for good or evil. The plan was rejected, and the directorial government, or constitu- tion of the year Three, was established. Sieyes accepted the situation of ambassador to Prussia, upon the rejection of his scheme, but had returned to Paris in 1799, and obtained a place in the Directory, full of hope that the time was nearly ripe for the establishment of his favourite system. The two republican directors were supported by a majority in the Council of Five Hundred, and by all the democratic party, Vvliich was now called the " Manege," from their club of that name. Jourdan, Au- gereau, and Bemadotte were the leaders of this party. Sieyes was at the head of the " Moderes," who formed the majority of the Council of Ancients, and Ducos followed his movements. Barras had no party or adherents ; but wavered, and was even suspected of tampering with the Royalists. This was the state of parties, into the midst of which Napoleon suddenly threw himself. His first idea was, as it had been on a former occasion, to get himself chosen a director ; but the law, requiring the attainment of the age of forty, was again an insuperable obstacle. Per- ceiving the endeavour to be hopeless, he quickly resolved to overturn the directorial government, and establish another, wherein he should place himself in that position of power towards which he aimed. His intentions were no sooner suspected than he was surrounded by all those who were discontented with the established government, and who found in Jiini such a leader as they had long looked for in vain. He had to choose with whom to unite himself; to observe which, among the leading men of the time, were likely to bend to his will and amalgamate with his party, and which among them he must reckon as likely to oppose him. He balanced between Sieyes and Barras for a short time, being deter- mined to win over one or other of them. Sieyes and himself entertained NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. JJM) a mutual dislike, and this had grown on his part IVoin liis haired of all "men of systems." He made no secret of his antipathy; so that Sieyes, on one occasion of marked disrespect shewn towards him hy Na])o- leon, exclaimed to some one near him, " See how that little insolent fellow behaves to the member of a government which would do well to order him to be shot." These private piques, however, gave way before the evident expediency of a junction between him and Sieyes, Barras had no power or influence to compare in extent with that pos- sessed by Sieyes; and besides, he imprudently betrayed to Napoleon that he had personally ambitious views of his own. Sieyes had none ; he simply longed to estabKsh his " system." This is a kind of ambition much more easily regulated than the desire for power, and Napoleon did not fear that he should find the means of keeping it in abeyance, particularly as the Abbe was fond of money, and might be quieted by a handsome provision. He commanded a majority in the Council of Ancients ; was at the head of that large party known by the name of " Moderes ; " and led Duces, who was sure to follow in his track. These considerations determined Napoleon. He opened a negociation with Sieyes ; and had no sooner convinced him that the project of over- turning the directorial government was his object, than he was regarded as the instrument destined to gi\'^e to France that "systematic" consti- tution so long deliberated and desired. His overtures were cordially met, and Sieyes gave all the weight of his influence to the impending revolution. Two men whose names have since been known all over Europe, were also added to the number of his adherents : Talleyrand, who had been recently deposed from a place in the ministry ; and Fouche, minister ol" police. The talents of both were actively employed in his service, and materially promoted liis success. He had no faith in Fouche, and used him without giving him his confidence. Lucien Bonaparte held the important post of President of the Council of Five Hmidred ; a circum- stance highly advantageous to his brother at this juncture. It was there that the greatest opposition would be made to any attempt which was hostile to the constitution of the year Three. A large portion of the army was certain to side with Naj)oleon. His house was now the resort of all the generals and men of note who had served under him in his campaigns of Italy and Egypt, Bernadotte alone standing aloof. His staunch republicanism was startled by the evident growth of i)ower and ambition which he saw in his former general-iu-ehief, and he mixed little in his society, and continually opposed his sentiments and ophuoiis when they met. Josephine had occasion more than once to exert that grace and address for which she was so celebrated, to i)rcvcnt open (|uarrels. Bernadotte had been minister of war (having laUly nsigiud that office to Dubois de Crancc, a man of less force of character), and had iu still 200 THE HISTORY OF held that situation, lie would have been a formidable antagonist. Moreau, having influence over one part of the army, might prove dangerous ; but Napoleon rightly judged that his ambition was not political, but military, and might therefore be satisfied, without danger to the object now in view. A meeting took place between Napoleon and Sieyes on the 6th of November, in which it was finally determined that the revolution should be attempted on the 9th. This day, called, in the history of the period, the 18th Brumaire, was exactly one month from the day of Napoleon's landing at Frejus. The measures resolved upon were as follows : — The Council of Ancients, taking advantage of an article in the constitution, which authorised the measure, were to decree the removal of the legis- lative bodies to St. Cloud. They were next to appoint Napoleon commander-in-chief of their own guard, of the troops of the military division of Paris, and of the national guard. These decrees were to be passed at seven in the morning ; at eight, Napoleon was to go to the Tuileries, where the troops should be assembled, and there assume the command of the capital. Every arrangement was made in accordance with these resolutions. It should be mentioned, that when Napoleon first arrived in Paris, some regiments of dragoons had begged the honour of being reviewed by him. The request was granted, but the day not fixed. Thirty or forty adjutants of the National Guard, together with the officers of the gar- rison, and many others, had made similar requests, and severally received a courteous acqviiescence, without specifying the day. The day, however, was at hand, and the same day was named for all. On the 17th, Napoleon sent to all the officers of the forces, about to be placed under his command, in\dting them to a meeting at his house in the Rvie de la Victoire, at six o'clock the following morning, and appointed a grand review, of the troops in the Champs Elysees at seven ; averting any suspicion which might be excited by these extremely early hours by feigning that he was about to set off on a journey. All occurred as it had been predetermined. Early on the morning of the 18th Brumaire, the house of Napoleon, was crowded with a large assemblage of officers. It was too small to hold them all ; many were in the court-yard and entrances. Numbers of these were devoted to him ; a few were in the secret ; and all began to suspect that something extraordinary was going forward. Every one was in uniform except Bernadotte, who appeared in plain clothes. Displeased at this mark of separation from the rest. Napoleon said hastily, " How is this ? you are not in uniform !" "I never am on a morning when I am not on duty;" replied Bernadotte. " You \vill be on duty presently ; " rejoined Napoleon. " I have not heard a word of it: I should have received my NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 201 orders sooner," answered the impracticable Republican. Napoleon now di-ew him aside ; frankly disclosed his views ; told him the directorial government was detested, and could no longer exist ; in\ited him to take part with the new movement, and to follow to the Tuileries with the rest. Bernadotte only answered that "he would not take part in a rebellion ; " and with some difficulty, made a half promise of neutrality. Napoleon now only waited for the arrival of the decrees of the Council of Ancients : they had passed, and the moment they were brought to him, he came forward to the steps in front of his house ; read the documents which announced the removal of the legislative bodies, in order to deliberate with greater security on the important measures required by the state of the country, and his own nomination to the command of the troops. He then invited them all to follow him to the Tuileries. His address was well received. General Lefevre, the commandant of Paris, shewed signs of disapprobation ; but Napoleon suddenly turned towards him, demanding whether he would follow him, or return to the '* lawyers ;" and the appeal was instantly successful. The whole assem- blage held themselves in readiness to follow, with the exception of Ber- nadotte, who, as the others passed him in succession, quietly took his leave. Napoleon now despatched the officers of the National Guard to beat the generate, and proclaim the new decrees in all the quarters of Paris; and then, mounting his horse, proceeded, in company with Gene- rals Bournonville, Moreau, Macdonald, and all the other generals and officers, to the Tuileries, where ten thousand men under arms awaited his arrival. On his way, he attended at the bar of the Council of Ancients, according to their summons ; and there, surrounded by his numerous staff, promised to enforce the decrees which had just been announced to him. After a brilliant review, Napoleon delivered the following address to the troops : — " Soldiers, the extraordinary decree of the Council of Ancients, which is conformable to articles Nos. 102 and 103 of the Con- stitution, has appointed me to the command of the city and army. I accept that appointment wdth the view of seconding the measm'cs which the Council is about to adopt, and which are entirely favourable to the people. The Republic has been badly governed for two years past. You hoped that my return would put an end to the evil. You have celebrated that return in a way which imposes on me duties which I am ready to perform. You will also perform your duty, and second your general with the energy, firmness, and confidence you have always manifested. Liberty, victory, and peace, will restore the French Republic to tlie rank it has occupied in Europe, and which it could have lost only by folly aiul treason." This harangue was received with acclamations. General pro- clamations, much to the same effect, and addressed to the citizens, were c c 202 THE HISTORY OF posted in various quarters of Paris, where they produced excessive ex- citement and much discussion. The friends of liberty now began to fear that their favourite general was about to play the part of Ca?sar or Cromwell. Napoleon had been prepared for this ; and with the foregoing proclamations, a dialogue on the affairs of the day, was also placarded at the doors of the Councils, and distributed in different reading rooms. In tliis dialogue, the parts played by those illustrious usurpers of former times, Avere designated as "bad parts; parts worn out; unworthy of a man of sense, even if they were not so of a man of honour." " It would be nothing less," continued this specious discourse, *' than a sacrilegious ambition to make any attempt against a representative government in the present age of knowledge and liberty. He would be a mere fool who would wantonly stake the Republic against European royalty, after having contended for it with so much glory and peril." The message of the Council of Ancients, intimating the removal of the legislative bodies to St. Clovid, was received with considerable surprise in the Council of Five Hundred. They had no choice, however, but to comply with the laws, and adjourned till next day amidst shouts of " Long live the Republic and the Constitution." The galleries echoed the cry ; and the zealous adherents of democracy, who were accustomed to attend the debates, determined to transfer themselves also to St. Cloud. It was evident that the revolution would meet with a determined opposition in this council. Sieyes and Ducos were already at the Tuileries, ready to take part in the movement. Barras waited at the Luxembourg to receive Napoleon, who had made an appointment with him ; and his anxiety and fears increased as it began to grow evident that his expected guest did not intend to appear. He had laughed at the awkward appearance of Sieyes as he passed on horseback to the Tuileries, little suspecting his errand ; but now, seriovisly alarmed, he despatched Bottot, his secretary, to Napoleon, to expostulate with him. The messenger found Napoleon at the Tuileries, surrounded by a large group of officers and soldiers, before whom Barras, or rather the Directory in his person, was haughtily upbraided by the successful general, who now began to assume a tone of high command. " What have you done," said Napoleon, " for that France which I left you so flourishing ? I left you peace ; I have found war. I left you victories ; I have found defeats. I left you the wealth of Italy; I have found spoliation and penury. What have you done with a hundred thousand Frenchmen whom I knew, all my companions in glory ? They are dead ! This state of things cannot last. Before the end of three years it would lead us to despotism. According to some, we shall all be shortly enemies to tlie Republic ; we, who have preserved it by our efforts and our courage ! We have no occasion for NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. f20.'j better patriots than the brave men who have shed their blood in its defence." Barras instantly resigned his office ; the reports of his secretary, aided by the advice of Talleyrand, having assured him he had no other course. His submission was couched in terms somewhat abject. " The weal of the RepubKc, and his zeal for liberty, alone," he said, " could have ever induced him to undertake the burden of a public office ; but seeing the destinies of the Republic were now in the custody of her youthful and invincible general, he gladly resigned his authority." He was immediately sent to his country seat vnth a military guard. Gohier and Moulins waited at their posts in the Luxembourg, where their very zeal and respect for the constitution disabled them from moving in its defence. By one of its fundamental laws, less than three directors were forbidden to deliberate ; they, therefore, continued inactive until they found themselves prisoners in their own apartments, under a guard commanded by Moreau, whom Napoleon had appointed his aide-de-camp, in this manner dexterously averting any rivalry on the part of that able general who was a slave to mihtary discipline, and implicitly obeyed the orders of his general-in-chief, whom in his diplo- macies he might have refused to follow. The two directors made, however, one faint effort by writing to the Council of Ancients : — "Citizens, representatives! A -great aggression has been committed, wliich, doubtless is only the prelude to stiU greater offences. The directorial palace has been taken possession of by an armed force. It is now necessary to proclaim the public in danger ! Whatever may be the fate reserved for us, we swear fidelity to the constitution of the year Three. May our oaths not prove to be the last cries of expiring liberty." Signed, " The two directors, Moulins and Gohier, prisoners in their palace." This letter fell into the hands of Napoleon; and the two directors, finding their cause hopeless, sent in their resignations, which Sieyes and Ducos had already done. The Directory was thus finally dissolved. All the events of the 18th Brumaire, so far as they had proceeded, were thus favourable to the ultimate designs of Napoleon. A more arduous undertaking awaited him on the 19th, when it was necessary he should prepare for the result of the meeting of the two councils. Whatever obstacles might yet oppose themselves to his hopes, could only exist in those bodies. Sieyes had recommended that forty of the leaders of the opposition should be arrested ; but Napoleon would not consent, beheving himself strong enough to carry his point without resorting to so obnoxious a measure. He had, however, sent a large armed force to St. Cloud, under the command of Murat ; and about one o'clock on the 19th he repaired thither himself, attended by Bcrtliier, Lefevre, Lannes, and all the generals most in his confidence. Upon liis arrival, he learned that a hot debate had conuncnccd in the Council of 204 THE HISTORY OF Ancients, on the subject of the resignation of the directors, and the immediate election of others. Judging it expedient at this crisis to present himself in the assembly without delay. Napoleon hastily and somewhat angrily entered the hall, accompanied only by Berthier and by Bourrienne, who attended as his secretary. He walked rapidly up the narrow passage which led to the centre of the hall, and fronted Lemercier, the president. Napoleon had now to endure a series of rapid interro- gations from the president, relating to the proceedings of the previous day, and the present position of affairs, which betrayed suspicions of the use he was about to make of the important military command with which the assembly had invested him. His answers were irritable, ambiguous, and confused, and little or nothing to the point. The words collected together, without the interruption of the president's questions, were much to the following effect : — " You are placed upon a volcano : let me tell you the truth vidth the frankness of a soldier. Citizens, I was living tranquil with my family, when the commands of the Council of Ancients called me to arms. I collected my brave military companions : we are rewarded with calumny : they compare me to Cromwell — to Caesar. I have had opportunities of usurping the supreme authority before now, had I desired it. I swear to you, the country has not a more disinte- rested patriot. We are surrounded by dangers and by civil war. Let us not hazard the loss of those advantages for which we have made such sacrifices — liberty and equality." A member named Linglet interrupted him at these words, by exclaiming, " You forget the constitution ! " This elicited from Napoleon a more connected and more sincere avowal of his intentions than any which he had yet given. " The constitution ! " he answered ; " it was violated on the 18th Fructidor — on the 22nd Floreal — on the 30th Prairial. All parties have invoked it — all have disregarded it in turn. It can be no longer a means of safety to any one, since it obtains the respect of no one." Raising his voice, he then hinted at a conspiracy against liberty, in which he had been invited to join. A great tumult arose in the hall at these words, and he was called upon to "name the conspirators" — to "conceal nothing." When his voice could be again heard, he was making, not the desired explanations, but fresh accusations. " The Council of Five Hundred," he said, "wished for scaffolds, revolutionary committees, and a complete overthi'ow of everything." In the midst of the violent excitement which he thus produced, and the fierce disapprobation and contests which were now growing louder in the hall, he abruptly walked away. Rallying at the uproar which pursued him, he turned round at the door, and called upon the Council to assist him in saving the country ; and with the words, " Let those who love me follow me!" passed quickly out, reached the court- yard, where he shewed the soldiers the order from the Council of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 205 Ancients, and then leaped upon his horse, shouts of " Vive Bonaparte !" resounding on all sides. That he had made a most wretched figure before the chief legislative assembly of Ms country, is sufficiently evident, though the accounts vary among writers ; some of whom put a very excellent and connected speech into his mouth, while others would have it appear that he uttered nothing but a broken jargon of fierce and bewildered follies. But it is plain, judging from tliis and other occasions, that the commanding power of oratory which Napoleon really possessed, was absolutely Kmited to his position of command. In exhortation, denunciation, accusation, and attack, he was hardly to be surpassed or withstood ; but when denounced himself, and closely interrogated, his faculties were confused, and his eloquence quite deserted him. The reason of this is to be sought, not in any want of courage or fortitude, but in his habits of authority ren- dering his temper ungoverned, and in the deep-designing character of his mind, to wliich the suddenness of close interrogations seemed an outrage, because the answers would naturally involve the disclosui-e of the very things which, of all others, he most wished to keep secret. It may seem a ridiculous fact, yet we may fairly infer that he went to this Council quite unprepared to answer any of their questions, and was consequently 206 THE HISTORY OF astonislied, confounded, and enraged, when he found himself in such a position. The novelty also of being in the midst of a furious contest in which no mortal blows were dealt, seemed to produce upon him the paralysing effect of a nightmare. Nevertheless, during the greater part of this eventful day, he was so self-possessed that Bourrienne says, most characteristically, *' He was as calm as at the opening of ' a great battle.' " The sittings of the Council of Five Hundred, under the presidency of Lucien Bonaparte, had commenced with demonstrations of hostility to Napoleon, which made inmiediate measures on his part imperatively necessary. The members had been kept waiting for some time, while the Orangery of the palace, the place destined for their hall of debate, was prepared for them by the workmen. The circumstance had reminded them of a famous passage in the history of the French Revolution, when the National Assembly, expelled from Versailles, took refuge in a tennis- court. The recollection inflamed the resolution of all the Republicans present, and they entered, at length, in a humour which boded no good to the innovators. The business of the day was opened by a speech from Gaudin (one of the members of the moderate party, in the interest of Sieyes and Napoleon), who moved that a committee of seven should be appointed to report upon the state of the Republic, and that measures should be taken to open a communication with the Council of Ancients. Exclamations and clamours now arose on every side. "The constitution! — The constitution or death! — Down with the dictatorship!" — these were the sounds which seemed to proceed from every mouth. Gaudin was dragged from the tribune, Lucien in vain endeavouring to preserve order. A member now started forward to propose that all present should take an oath to preserve the Constitution of the year Three ! Amidst acclamations which silenced all resistance, every member present was forced to take the oath. The moderates, even Lucien himself, who was leagued with its destroyers, were all hurried on without the power of refusal. In the midst of the excitement which followed the ceremony, a letter was received from Barras, resigning his office. Lucien read the document aloud to the assembly. The resignation was received vsdth contempt, as the act of a soldier deserting his post at the moment of danger ; and one passage in the letter renewed the violence which had in some degree abated. It was this : — " The glory which accompanies the return of the illustrious warrior to whom I had the honour of opening the path of glory ; the striking marks of confidence given him by the legislative body, and the decree of the Council of Ancients, convince me that, to whatever post he may be called, the dangers of liberty will be averted, and the interests of the army ensured." The tumult occasioned by these words was hushed by a very different sound : the clash of arms NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 207 was heard at the entrance ; bayonets, drawn swords, plumed hats and the caps of grenadiers were seen withovit, and Napoleon entered, attended by four grenadiers of the constitutional guard of the councils. The soldiers remained near the door, while he walked uncovered and with measured steps up the hall. He had not advanced above one-third of its length, when all the deputies suddenly rose. Stunning cries resounded from all sides: — "Down with the tyrant! — down with the Dictator! — the sanctuary of the laws is violated ! " A large body of the members rushed towards Napoleon. He attempted to speak, but his voice was drowned by cries of " The Republic for ever ! The Constitution for ever ! Out- law the Dictator ! " Several seized him by the collar. It is said, that Arena, a native of Corsica, aimed a dagger at his breast ; but whether this be true or false, it is certain that he was seized by two or three members, and overwhelmed with violent reproaches. The grenadiers at this sight hurried forward, exclaiming, " Let us save our general ! " and bore him from the assembly almost insensible, whether from the personal violence he had sustained, excessive rage, or dismay, or all combined. In the scuffle, one of them, named Thome, is said to have been slightly wounded by a dagger. Napoleon was quickly in the midst of his soldiers, and found ready ears and enthusiastic spirits to listen to his excited words. 208 THE HISTORY OF It was at this moment that Augereau, whose faith in his former gene- ral's fortune began to waver, is said to have addressed him with the words, " A fine situation you have brought yourself into! " UjDon which Napoleon answered, " Augereau, things were worse at Areola. Take my advice, remain quiet ; in a short time all this will change." Mean- time the commotion in the Council rose to the highest pitch, and Lucien was called upon to put the outlawry of his brother to the vote. Unable to obtain a hearing, he threw on his desk his president's hat and scarf, and amidst a storm of contention renounced his seat. At this moment, a party of six grenadiers, sent by Napoleon, entered the hall, surrounded Lucien, and carried him off into the midst of the soldiers. With instant presence of mind, he mounted on horseback, and raising his powerful voice, addressed the troops, as president of the Council of Five Hundred, in a speech, far more remarkable for its dexterity than its adherence to the truth : — " Citizens, General Bonaparte, and Soldiers ! " he said, " the president of the Council of Five Hundred, declares to you, that the majority of that Council is held in terror by a few representatives of the people, who are armed with stilettoes, and who surround the tribune, threatening their colleagues with death, and maintaining most atrocious discussions ! I declare to you, that these brigands, who are doubtless in the pay of England, have risen in rebellion against the Council of Ancients, and have dared to talk of outlawing the general who is charged with the execution of its decree, as if the word " outlaw" was still to be regarded as the death-warrant of persons most beloved by their country. I declare to you, that these madmen have outlawed themselves, by their attempts upon the liberty of the Council. In the name of that people, which for so many years has been the sport of terrorism, I consign to you the task of rescuing the majority of their representatives; so that, delivered from stilettoes by bayonets, they may deliberate on the fate of the republic. General! and you, soldiers! and you, citizens ! you will not acknowledge as legislators of France any but those who rally round me. As for those who remain in the Orangery, let force expel them ; they are not the representatives of the people, but the rejDresentatives of the poniard I " The soldiers received this harangue with shouts of " Vive Bonaparte!" Still there was an appearance of hesitation, and it did not seem certain that they were ready to act against the repre- sentatives of the people, till Lucien drew his sword, and vehemently exclaimed, *' I swear that I will stab my own brother to the heart, if he ever attempt any thing against the liberty of Frenchmen ! " This ener- getic piece of well-timed dramatic effect was sufficient to rouse the enthusiasm of the excitable people before whom it was acted. They were now ready to obey any order from Napoleon. At a signal from him, Murat, at the head of a body of grenadiers, entered the Orangery. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 200 The deputies were debating in a state of wild indecision and anxiety, when the military slowly entered. Murat, as they moved forward, notified to the Council the order that it should disperse. A few of the members instantly retired, but the majority remained firm ; and one or two, amongst whom was General Jourdan, reminded the troops of the enormity of their present proceeding. There was a slight appearance of wavering among them, when a reinforcement entered in close column, headed by General Leclerc ; who said loudly, " In the name of General Bonaparte, the legislative corps is dissolved ; let all good citizens retire. Grenadiers, forward ! " The furious and indignant cries of the members were drowned by the sound of drums. The grenadiers advanced, levelling their muskets, with fixed bayonets, and occupying the whole width of the Orangery. They thus drove the legislative body before them : the members fled on all sides, most of them jumping from the windows, and leaving behind them their official caps, scarfs, and gowns. In a few minutes, not one remained. The singular resemblance of this act of violence to the scene which terminated the sitting of the Long Parhament by Cromwell, has been universally noticed. The Council of Ancients was still sitting, and the extraordinary proceeding which had just taken place naturally caused great uneasiness there ; but Lucien, in his character of president of the Five Hundred, repaired to them instantly, and made such explanations and plausible statements of the recent scenes of contest and, violence, as were deemed satisfactory. Tliey adjourned till eleven at night. The interval was passed by Napoleon in earnest consultation with Talleyrand and Sieyes, who were at St. Cloud ; and by Lucien in endeavouring to collect a few members of the Council of Five Hundred, in order to legalise the decrees which it was intended should be passed. About thirty members were all that could be got together. This shadow of the younger legislative assembly, together with the Council of Ancients, commenced their nocturnal sitting at the appointed hour. Thanks were voted to Napoleon and the troops ; so docile had the assemblies become. A decree was passed to the effect that the Directory existed no longer, and that sixty- one individuals, whose names were read, were no longer members of the national representation, on account of the excesses and illegal acts of which they had been guilty, and more particularly the greatest part of them, in their sitting of the morning ; and, finally, a Pronsional Consular Commission, consisting of Sieyes, Ducos, and Napoleon, was charged with the executive power ; while two committees, consisting of fivc-and- twenty members each, were .chosen from the two legislative bothes, to prepare the new constitution in concert with the consuls. While these measures were passing. Napoleon was dictating to his secretary a long and elaborate proclamation to the citizens of Paris. He adopted in it ]) D '-10 THE HISTORY OF the tone of Lucien's speech, enlarging on attempted assassination and illegal violence ; and, without any regard to truth, asserted that which it was most expedient for him to assert, in order to produce his desired impression on the public mind. " Twenty assassins," he declares in this proclamation, " rushed upon me, and aimed at my breast. The grena- diers of the legislative body, whom I had left at the door of the hall, ran forward, and placed themselves between me and the assassins. One of these brave grenadiers (Thome) had his clothes pierced by a stiletto." No evidence of the truth of this statement was ever attempted to be pro- duced, except that one dagger was found on the floor, and that the coat of Thome, the grenadier, was slightly torn. He was, however, declared by the legislature to have " deserved well of his country," and was honoured with notice and presents by Napoleon and Josephine. The whole was an outrageous exaggeration of the truth. At two o'clock in the morning of the 20th Brumaire, the provisional consul, appeared before the two councils to take the oath of " fidelity to the sovereignty of the people, to the French republic ojie and indivisible ; to liberty, equality, and the representative system." The assemblies then separated, having adjourned for three months. The most profound tranquillity prevailed at St. Cloud, so lately the scene of such violence and conten- tion ; and Fouche was charged to exercise the utmost vigilance in pre- venting the entrance of any of the late members of the council into Paris. It was three o'clock in the morning when Napoleon, accompanied by Bourrienne, entered his carriage to return to Paris. " He was com- pletely absorbed in thought," says the secretary, " and did not utter a single word during the journey. But when he arrived at his house in the Rue de la Victoire, he had no sooner entered liis chamber, and seen and re-assured Josephine, who was in bed, and in a state of the greatest anxiety on account of his long absence (though he had sent to her more than once during the day), than he said, " Bourrienne, I said many ridiculous things." " Not so very bad. General." " I like better to speak to soldiers than to lawyers. Those fellows confused mc. I have not been used to public assemblies : but that will come in time." They then began a long chat, in the course of which he told Josephine all the events of the day, speculating on things and people. Josephine spoke of the interest she felt in Gohier, the ex-director, and his family. " What would you have, my dear?" said Napoleon: I cannot avert his mis- fortunes ; he is a respectable simpleton : I ought, perhaps, to have him banished." Bernadotte, Moreau, and others came under discussion, the first consul amusing himself with his dexterous management of Moreau; and at last ending abruptly with, " Good-niglit, Bourrienne. F^y the way, wc will sleep in the Luxembourg to-morrow." NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. A meeting of the three consuls took place in the morning. Sieyes, who had up to this moment conceived himself to he the head, and the others but the arms of the new constitution, asked, as a form of polite- ness, "Which of us is to preside?" "Do you not see," answered Ducos, " that the general presides ?" Napoleon did indeed most fully preside, net only over the councils of his colleagues, hut over France. He had thoroughly overturned the constitutional forms of liberty, for which the enthusiastic and devoted struggles of so many years had contended. The fairest judgment of his conduct will be found in the careful consideration, first, of the state of France at the moment ; and, secondly, of the use he made of his power. With regard to the former, we shall quote a passage from Hazlitt, in which the best, and indeed the only grounds of defence, are eloquently stated. " If the revolution had been firmly and securely established without him, and he had erased or undermined the stately fabric, to raise his own power upon the ruins, then he would have been entitled to the execration of the friends of freedom, and would have received the thanks of its hereditary enemies : but the building had already been endangered, and nodded to its fall ; had been defaced and broken to pieces by internal discord and by foreign war ; and the arch of power and ambition that he reared, stood on ground forfeited over and over again to humanity." The foregoing arguments are not to be regarded as proceeding from an enthusiastic admirer of Napoleon, but as proceeding from a man who was himself one of the most powerful, disinterested, and uncomi)ro- mising advocates of freedom that ever Hved. It is for this latter reason that we feel bound to give a careful consideration of tlie grounds of his 3 12 THE HISTORY OF opinions on the present equally momentous and complicated question. Admitting all that he says of the condition of France and its govern- ment at the time, and that " the arch of power and ambition which Napoleon reared, stood on ground forfeited over and over again to hu- manity," by a long series of tyrannies, abuses, errors, and imbecilities, we are still compelled to ask, why did not Napoleon establish and main- tain constitutional liberty, instead of rearing that arch of personal power and ambition ? The shortest answer to this is perhaps the best : what- ever had been the principles with which he had commenced his career, he was no longer to be regarded as the champion of liberty ; and he did not wish France to continue a Republic. The other side of the question is fraught with difficulties, in which we have to consider whether he could have maintained such a popular form of government, and yet have been able to exercise his utmost means, though controlled by popular forms, to defend France from the new coalition which was established soon after the rejection by England of his proposals for peace. As to Na- poleon's private thoughts and principles on the matter, they may be thus estimated : he was a soldier, not a philosopher ; a plotting statesman, not a pure patriot. Accustomed, by the force of his character, and by long habit, to command men, he eventually came to despise them, and believed the people unfit for self government, and France most especially so at that time, when she had but recently broken her bonds of slavery, and been obliged to wage war ever since. Touching the criminality of his usurpation — if it be correct to use that indefinite expression — we must look to the crowned heads of Europe, whose coalition against the re- publican principles and struggles of the French nation, were the cause of its government being thrown into a condition which inevitably ren- dered it an easy prey for any description of military despotism. Napoleon at this time had two colleagues, nominally equal in autho- rity with himself. Their power faded away before they had time even to commence its exercise. Sieyes had expected that Napoleon would con- tent himself with the supreme command of all the armies, and had no idea that he was conversant with, or wished to interfere in profound and extensive political affairs and projects. He was, however, so astonished at the knowledge displayed by Napoleon in questions of administration, even to the minutest details, and in every department, that when their first conference was concluded, he hurried to Talleyrand, Cabanis, and other counsellors, assembled at St. Cloud, exclaiming, " Gentlemen, you have now a master. He knows everything, arranges every thing, and can accomplish everything." NAPOLEON BONAPARTK. ;>l.s .^r^JS. CHAPTER XVII. FIRST SITTING OF THE CONSULAR GOVERNMENT AT THE LUXEMBOURG JUST AND POPULAR MEASURES FORMATION OF THE MINISTRY — DEBATES ON THE NEW FORM OF GOVERN- MENT — SIEYES AND DUCOS RETIRE DECLARATION OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE YEAR EIGHT NAPOLEON, CAMBACERES, AND LEBRUN, CONSULS LETTER TO THE KING OF ENGLAND NAPOLEON RESIDES IN THE TUILERIES FUNERAL HONOURS TO WASHINGTON. The provisional consuls held their second sitting at the Luxem- bourg on the day which followed their installation. The two di- rectors, Gohier and Moulins, having received a notification that they were at liberty, had left the seat of government ready to receive the new rulers. The revolution was now com- pletely effected without the effusion of blood, and the utmost clemency was observed in its establisli- ment. Sixty individuals were indeed at first sentenced to deportation ; but this severe measure, which originated in the timid policy of Sieves, was never executed. The decree was altered into a command that tliey should repair to certain communes of France, which were named, and remain there until further orders. 214 THE HISTORY OF The new government found tlie affairs of the country in a wretched condition ; every department required to be reformed, or re-modelled. The treasury was nearly empty : on the second day of the consulate there were not twelve hundred francs disposable to give to a courier, whom it was requisite to despatch on matters of state. The minister at war was unable to produce any returns of the pay, clothing, or victualling of the army, which was, in general, in a condition of great privation and insubordination, the divisions which were abroad being dependant for all their supplies on forced requisitions on foreign countries, and those at home on encroachments upon the treasury. The most important changes in the administration of justice; in the internal regulations, and external relations of the country, were imperatively requisite. M. Collot, who had served under Napoleon in Italy, came forward nobly to the assistance of the government in its embarrassing financial position. He instantly supplied the treasury with 500,000 francs in gold. For this important service, Bourrienne asserts that he was badly rewarded by Napoleon : the money was not repaid for a very long time, and then without interest. This piece of ingratitude, it is extremely likely, is a true charge. Napoleon was accustomed to regard all financiers as cheats and swindlers on a large scale ; and to consider anything of which he could defraud them, as so much saved from theft ; and he may very reprehensibly have made no exception even of such a case as this. The first business of the consuls was to re-model the ministry. Nearly all the appointments bore witness to that extraordinary power of judging of the capabilities of men, for which Napoleon was so remarkable. He sought earnestly for talent, completely disregarding party prejudices, and employing men of all shades of political opinion. The office of minister of finance was entrusted to Gaudin, afterwards Duke of Gaeta, who had long been employed in that department. He began his difficult task with conscientious integrity and zeal, neither resting night nor day until he had devised a plan to reform the glaring abuses which he discovered. The compulsory loan, which had produced the most pernicious effects on property, and created the utmost discontent, he instantly suppressed. The wise measures which he adopted, and by which he shortly placed the finances in a flourishing condition, were perfected during fifteen years of an able administration. Berthier was made minister at war, an arduous post, considering the situation of the army, but it was soon brought into the finest possible condition. Cambaceres retained the post of minister of justice. He was an able lawyer, and had been one of the men of the revolution, though of a noble family of Languedoc. Reinhard, the minister for foreign affairs, did not immediately lose his place, but was soon afterwards succeeded by Talleyrand. Forfait, who had a great reputation as a naval architect, was put at the head of the NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 21.5 admiralty. He did not realise the expectations entertained of him ; l)ut causes beyond the power of any single man, kept doAvn the Frcncli navy. La Place was made minister of the interior ; but this great astronomer and mathematician proved quite incompetent to the details of his office. He soon returned to his high place in the scientific world, and left his share in the regulation of sublunary poUtics to Lucien Bonaparte. Monge was entrusted with the chief direction of the Polytechnic school, an institution then in its infancy ; and it became, under his charge, one of the most celebrated schools in the world, and of important service to the country. All these official appointments had been unanimously agreed upon by the three consuls ; or rather, Sieyes and Ducos had fol- lowed the opinion of Napoleon without any opposition : but a serious difference occurred on the subject of the minister of police. Napoleon determined to continue Fouche in that office. He admitted that Fouche was venal, sanguinary, and insincere ; yet, he contended, that his abilities made him too valuable to be dispensed with at this difficult period of affairs. Sieyes considered the government inseciure so long as such a man was at the head of the police ; but the will of Napoleon prevailed, and Fouche continued in office. Several most popular measures were passed without delay by the pro- visional consuls. The first of these was the repeal of the law of hostages ; by which all the relations of suspected emigrants, who had been thrown into prison according to that law, were at once released, and a joyful gratitude was spread all over France. The next measure resulted from a principle agreed upon by the government, that " Conscience was not amenable to the law ; and that the right of the sovereign power ex- tended no farther than to the exaction of obedience and fidelity." In compliance with this principle, it was decreed that every priest who had been banished or imprisoned, and would take an oath of fidehty to the established government, should immediately be set at liberty, whatever were his religious persuasions. More than twenty thousand individuals were thus restored to their famihes soon after the passing of this law, some of whom had been in foreign countries, either in banishment ni the isle of Rhe or Guiana, others in prison. Very few, by refusing to take the oaths, remained in exile for conscience sake. In conformity with the spirit of this decree, the churches were again opened for public worship, and Christians of every shade of opinion and peculiarity of forms, were permitted to keep the Sunday accordingly. The universal enforcement of the law of decades, which divided time by ten days instead of seven, was therefore repealed. In the same spirit of respect to the outward forms of all classes of the Christian world, the customary honours were ordered to be paid to the remains of Pope Pius VI. This unfortunate pontiff, who had been stripped of nearly all his domains by Najiolcon in 210 THE HISTORY OF liis lifetime, now owed to his former conqueror the empty acknowledg- ment of his dignity by ceremonies performed over his senseless ashes. He died at Valence, where he had retired at the period when, as pre- viously related, the directory had ordered the overturn of the Papal power, and established a shadow of the old Roijian constitution, destined only to endure for a very short time. A measure of political toleration was adopted in conjunction with these theological concessions. All the names of those members of the constituent assembly who had formally acknowdedged the sovereignty of the people, but who had been forced to leave France in the stormy times of the revolution, were struck off the list of emigrants. La Fayette, and his companions in captivity, were restored to France by this decree. Their property had never been alienated. Nine emigrants, some of them belonging to the oldest families of France, wdio had been wrecked on the coast several years before this period, and had since been detained in prison, were released and per- mitted to leave the country, by a special act, which originated with Napoleon. The results of the popular satisfaction from these various measures began to shew themselves in the departments of France, where the ci^dl war was raging. The chiefs of the Chouans, perceiving a vigorous hand at the helm of the state, already meditated laying down their arms ; and it was not long before overtures were made by them to the government. While these public measures were in course of progress, the arduous task of forming the new constitution approached to its completion. The three consuls and the two committees sat nightly from nine o'clock, and generally until three in the morning, in the apartments of Napoleon, at the Luxembourg, earnestly engaged in this business. The constitutional theory of the Abbe Sieyes was taken as the basis of their plans ; and it was his occupation at every sitting to expound and elucidate the pro- found complexity of its several parts. Napoleon sat nightly, and said little whilst the learned Abbe built up his elaborate details, until he arrived at the summit of the transcendental fabric, viz. the grand elector : at this point. Napoleon rose, and expressed his opinion in very decided terms. " The grand elector," he said, " if he confine himself strictly to the functions you assign him, will be the shadow, but the mere fleshless shadow, of a Hoi faineant. And how do you think it possible that any man, either of the smallest talent or honour, would submit to the situation of a fatted hog in a sty, with some millions a year at his disposal ? If he should choose to abuse his prerogative, you give him absolute power. If, for example, I became grand elector ; when I ap- pointed the consuls for war and peace, I would say to them, ' If you nominate a single minister, if you sign a single act, without my previous approbation, I will remove you.' But you reply, ' the Senate in its NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 217 turn will merge the grand elector.' This is worst of all ; nobody, at this rate, has any guarantee. In another point of view, what will be the situation of these two prime ministers ? One will have the ministers of justice, of the interior, of police, of finance, under his control ; the other, those of the marine, of war, of external relations. The first ^vill be surrounded only by judges, administrators, financiers, men of the long robe ; the other, only by epaulettes and military men. The one will be wanting money and recruits for his armies, — the other will not furnish any. Such a government would be a monstrous chimera, composed of heterogeneous parts, and presenting nothing rational. It is a great mis- take to suppose that the shadow of a thing can be of the same use as the thing itself." Sieyes said very little in defence of his theory of government. He probably perceived at once that the death-warrant of his long-cherished system was signed. It was in vain to oppose an opinion so confidently expressed by the man who had all the power in his own hands. Whether it had been the intention of the Abbe to appropriate to himself the place of grand elector, making Napoleon his consul for war ; or to endea- vour to " absorb " the dangerous ambition of Napoleon in the powerless dignity of that ^' Roi faineant" while his own abilities were employed in fulfilling the duties of consul for peace, is not certain. It became very clear to him now, however, that he had no chance of power under any form. After the first sitting of the consuls at the Luxembourg, he had remarked in a tone of great simplicity, while alluding to Napoleon in discoursing with a friend, " Really, I believe this man is working for himself! " This belief being soon converted into certainty, he determined to retire from public life altogether, and refused to accept of any situation whatever in the government. Napoleon endowed him with most of the private treasure amassed by the ex-directors. This sum, which is said to have amounted to twenty-four thousand pounds, was designated by Sieyes as a trifle for a temporary emergency (" Une poire pour la soif"). The addition, however, of the beautiful estate of Crosne quite satisfied him. In order to save his delicacy, a decree was passed, forcing him to accept this mark of the pubHc gratitude. The office of a senator, and a salary of twenty-five thousand francs annexed to it, were furthermore added after the new constitution was formed. " In short," says Scott, *' this celebrated metaphysician disappeared as a poHtical person, and became, to use his own expression, absorbed in the pursuit of epicurean indulgences, which he covered with a veil of mystery." His external portrait, and the movements of his mind, are thus described by the subtle and graphic hand of Carlyle : " Behold him, the light thin man ; cold, but elastic, wiry; instinct with the pride of logic ; passionless, or witli but one passion, that of self-conceit. If, indeed, that can be called a E E 218 THE HISTORY OF passion wliicli, in its independent concentrated greatness, seems to have soared into transcendentalism ; and to sit there with a kind of godlike indifference, and look down on passion ! lie is the man, and wisdom shall die with him. This is the Sieyes who shall be system-builder, constitution-builder general : and build constitutions (as many as wanted) sky-high, which shall all unfortunately fall before he get the scaffolding away. ' La Politique,'' said he to Dumont, ' Polity is a science I think I have completed (achevee). What things, O Sieyes, with thy clear assi- duous eyes art thou to see ! But w^ere it not curious to know how Sieyes now in these days (for he is said to be still (1834) alive) looks out on all that constitution masonry, through the rheumy soberness of extreme age ? Might we hope still with the old irrefragable transcendentalism ? The victorious cause pleased the gods, the vanquished one pleased Sieyes." His colleague, Roger Ducos, followed his example, though his retirement was not attended with the same munificent rewards, and certainly not with the same sublimation of intellectual self-complacency. Thus was Napoleon left in sole power, without any nominal office whatever. The new constitution, as at length decided upon, continued the executive power in the hands of three consuls, who were to be elected for the space of ten years, and were then eligible to re-election. The First Consul held powers very far superior to his colleagues. He alone had the right of nominating to all offices, civil and military, and of appointing nearly all functionaries whatsoever. He was to propose all new laws, and originate all measures for the internal and external defence of the country and its government. He was commander of all the forces, superintended all national relations, at home and abroad, and coined the public money. The two supplementary consuls were to be the indis- pensable councillors of the First Consvd, but he was recognised to be independent of them. " The Constitution of the year Eight, in destroying the system of two Chambers, substituted four political bodies in its place, viz. : The Council of State, the Tribunate, the Legislative Body, and the Senate ; and never was the maxim of divide et impera better exemplified. " The duty of the Council of State was to communicate any proposed law to the Legislative body, and there to justify the proposal in the name of the government. The Tribunate was to support the popular interests. The business of the Legislative body was to hear and to decide. Finally, the Senate was required to interpose when the Tribunate declared that the constitution was violated."* * "Napoleon in Council," translated from the French of Baron Pelet de la Lozere, by Captain Basil Hall, R. N. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 219 According to the plan of the Abbe Sieyes, the people were to be divided into three classes, which should each of them declare a certain number of persons eligible to certain gradations of the state. Out of the three lists of names thus chosen, the various functionaries were to be ap- pointed ; the members of the Senate by the First Consul ; the members of the Legislative body and of the Tribunate, by the Senate. The number of the senators was not to exceed eighty : their office was for life, with a high salary : they became incapable for ever of any other public duty : their sittings were not public ; and after their first appointment the people were to interfere no further in their election. They w^ere to supply vacancies in their own assembly by choosing the future senator from a list of three persons furnished by the First Consul, the Legislative body, and Tribunate. The number of the Legislative body was to be three hundred; and of the Tribunate one hundred. The Council of State was nominated by the First Consul, and its members could be dismissed at his pleasure. This form of government, known as the Constitution of the year Eight, was published and submitted to the people on the 13th of December, 1799, and received the sanction of three millions, eleven thousand and seven votes ; a number more than doubling those obtained by the constitution of 1 792, and of the year Three. Napoleon assumed the place of First Consul without question or debate. For coadjutors, he named Cambaceres, the late minister of justice, and Lebrun, a man long used to state affairs, and who, tliougli sincerely attached to the Revolution, had influence with the royalist party, having been formerly connected with the business of the state under Chancellor Maupeou, Without waiting for the fomiation of the lists by popular choice. Napoleon appointed sixty senators with the assistance of his two councillors alone ; these sixty nominated the three hundred members of the Legislative body, and the one hundred members of the Tribunate. The Council of State and the ministry w^ere also expressly chosen by Napoleon himself. Every department of the government, therefore, emanated from the executive power, the peo})le having had no voice whatever in the matter. Notwithstanding this violation of both the spirit and letter of the new constitution, to an extent, the grossness of which was only to be surpassed by the calm audacity wherewith it was perpetrated; the new government was popular far beyond any of those which had been established in succession since the period of the Revolution. The people were at once dazzled and satisfied with the glory of Napoleon's name and talents, and contented under his just and vigorous administration. All parties found their condition improved and their grievances redressed ; while their conviction tluit victory would soon 220 THE HISTORY OF return to the national banners, now their successful general was at the head of affairs, was sufficient to reconcile France to the thorough demoli- tion of its republican principles of government, and to the proportionate loss of the people's liberties. Of all the classes best satisfied, it will be readily anticipated that the army was the strongest in its exultation at the position of the renowned leader who was identified with their greatest victories. The First Consul held frequent and splendid reviews of the troops. He traversed the ranks, now on horseback, now on foot ; entering into the minutest details con- cerning the wants of the men and the service, and dispensing, in the name of the nation, distinctions and rewards. A hundred soldiers, who had signalised themselves in action, received from his hand the present of a liandsome sabre each, on one of these occasions. The first measure of Napoleon, after the establishment of his power, was to direct Talleyrand, who was now minister for foreign affairs, to open negociations with the court of London in order to treat for peace. In expressing his earnest wish to obtain peace. Napoleon said to his secretary : " You see I have two great enemies to cope with ; I will conclude peace with tlie one I find most easy to deal with : that will enable me immediately to assail the other. I frankly confess that I NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 2'^l should like best to be at peace with England. Nothing would then be more easy than to crush Austria. She has no money except what she gets through England." It was in accordance with the spirit of these expressions that Napoleon wrote the following letter to George the Third : — " Bonaparte, First Consul of the Republic, to his Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland. " Called by the wishes of the French nation to occupy the first magistracy of the Republic, I have thought proper, in commencing the discharge of the duties of this office, to communicate the event directly to your Majesty. " Must the war which for eight years has ravaged the four quarters of the world be eternal ? Is there no room for accommodation ? " How can the two most enlightened nations in Europe, stronger and more powerful than is necessary for their safety and independence, sacrifice commercial advantages, internal prosperity, and domestic happi- ness, to vain ideas of grandem* ? Wlience is it that they do not feel peace to be the first of wants as well as the first of glories ? " These sentiments cannot be new to the heart of your Majesty, who rule over a free nation with no other view than to render it happy. " Your Majesty will see in this overture only my sincere desire to contribute effectually, for the second time, to a general pacification, by a prompt step taken in confidence, and freed from those forms which, however necessary to disguise the apprehensions of feeble states, only serve to discover in those that are powerful a mutual wish to deceive. " France and England may, by the abuse of their strength, long defer the period of its utter exhaustion, unhappily for all nations. But, I will venture to say, that the fate of all civilised nations is concerned in the termination of a war, the flames of which are raging throughout the \\hole world. " I have the honour to be, &c., " Bonaparte." There are good grounds for believing that in this negociation Napoleon was perfectly sincere, although some of his biographers insinuate that he really longed for war, and only offered peace to make a show of modera- tion. But it should be remembered that the government of wliich he was the head, required time to consolidate itself; that France was at war with all Europe, had lost Italy, and that the whole organisation of the country, in matters both ci\al and military, needed regulation and reform. Shortly afterwards the Consular cabinet offered peace to Austria. It was while these negociations were pending that the letter of Kleber, full of complaints against Napoleon, reached Paris. It was dated from Cairo, and addressed to the Directorial Government. When it arrived Napoleon was " the government," and received it in due course of business. 222 THE HISTORY OF He immediately returned a letter of commendation and encouragement to the soldiers of the East, adding with humorous gravity and effrontery, by way of reply to the accusations, " Place in Kleber the boundless con- fidence which you reposed in me : he deserves it." Chiefly to keep up in the public mind the notion that Egypt was a prosperous French colony, the First Consul busied himself about a company of actors, whom he announced an intention of sending there : his " intention" was, however, never carried into effect. His policy with regard to Egypt was, of course, dependent on the reception by England of his offers of peace. The vigorous measures of the Consulate began with an act ominous of the future principles of Napoleon's government, A decree published on the 2Tth Nivose, restricted the liberty of the press in the following terms : — " The consuls of the Republic, considering that some of the journals printed at Paris are instruments in the hands of the enemies of the Republic, over the safety of which the Government is specially intrusted by the people of France to watch, decree that the minister of pohce shall, during the continuance of the war, allow only the following journals to be printed and published." Twelve journals are then named, together with " La Decade Philosophique, and those papers which are exclusively devoted to science, art, literature, commerce and advertise- ments." The decree went on to state that, if any of the licensed journals should insert articles " against the sovereignty of the people" they should be suppressed; but great indulgence was extended to them on that point, as will be easily credited. At this early period of his administration. Napoleon also organised a secret police. Duroc and De Moncey were at first the directors of this system of espionage, which was intended to counter-mine that of Fouche. The deep craft of the latter, however, was not to be superseded or eluded, and he soon found out the whole institution, knew the names of all the subaltern agents, and all the ramifications of their proceedings. This secret police embittered Napoleon's hfe, and often exasperated him unjustly with his wife, his relations, and friends. The discovery of some false reports communicated to him by its agents, made him subsequently attach far less importance to its utility. The reply of the British Cabinet to the overtvu-es of peace made by Napoleon, arrived early in January. It was couched in the usual diplo- matic form, being addressed by Lord Grenville, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the Minister of Foreign Relations at Paris, and contained a refusal on the part of his Britannic Majesty to treat with the consular government of France. The language of this official dispatch was evasive. Tlic refusal was to be expected, being perfectly in accord- ance with tlie principles which guided the rulers of England at that NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. go,'} period. They had jomed the other governments of Europe in commencin*'- the war against France, in order to restore its legitimate sovereign, con^ trary to the will of the French people, and equally contrary to the very principles which had placed the princes of the House of Brunswick on tlie throne of England, to the exclusion of the Stuarts; and they intended to continue it for the accomplishment of the same purpose. E\idences of this intention break forth very clearly in some passages of Lord Grenville's letter, notwithstanding that it begins in a different tone : — " The Kino-," writes his lordship, "has given frequent proofs of his sincere desire for the re-establishment of secure and permanent tranquilHty in Europe. He neither is, nor has been, engaged in any contest for a vain and false glory. He has had no other view than that of maintaining, against all aggression, the rights and happiness of his subjects." The following passage speaks plainer : — " No real advantage can arise from such negociations to the great and desirable object of general peace, until it shall appear that those causes have ceased to operate which originally produced the war." The following is, however, still more distinct : — " The best and most natural pledge of the reality and permanence of better principles in France, would be the restoration of that line of princes which for so many centuries maintained the French nation in prosperity at home, and in consideration and respect abroad." This sentence, which unavoidably recals to mind the revolution of 1688 in England, and the strenuous efforts made by Louis XIV. in support of the exiled family of Stuart, calls forth the following remark from Hazlitt : — " And which line of princes, be it remembered, carried on war for a great part of the last century to dethrone his Britannic Majesty's family, on the very same principle that he wishes to restore theirs." A letter, pretending to come from the last descendant of the Stuart family, shortly afterwards appeared in the " Moniteur," congratulating the King of Great Britain on his accession to the doctrine of legitimacy, and summoning him to make good his principles by abdi- cating his crown in favour of the lineal heir. Finally, however. Lord Grenville, with diplomatic circumambience, declared that there existed " no sufficient evidence of the principles by which the new government of France would be directed ; no reasonable ground by which to judge of its stability;" therefore, although his Majesty disclaimed any wish to meddle with the internal polity of France, it could " for the present only remain for his Majesty to pursue, in conjunction with other powers, those exertions of just and defensive war, which his regard to the happiness of his subjects will never permit him either to continue beyond the necessity in which they originate, or to terminate on any other grounds than sucli as may best contribute to the secure enjoyment of their tranquillity, tlieir constitution, and their independence." England was thus forced onward in a course as inconsistent as it was ruinous. The voice of tlic few friends 221 TIIK IIISTOin' OF of liberty who tried to stem tlie tide was drowned by large majorities in both Houses of Parliament, and the misleading war-whoop was echoed with unfortunate enthusiasm by large masses of the people.* The gra- tification of national prejudices was present ; the bitter consequences were far off, and therefore unheeded. They have learned a different lesson • To take a glance at tlio opinions maintained by English statesmen at the above period, will be a cm-ious and no less interesting retrospect. The majority for war in the House of Lords was 79 ; minority, 6 : the majority in the House of Commons was 260 ; minority, G4. Noble speeches in favour of peace were made by the Duke of Bedford, in the Lords ; and by Fox, Wliitbread, and Erskine, in the Commons. We can only find space for an eloquent extract from the forcible speech of Fox. " Is this the way," said he, " that vou are to shew yourselves the advocates of order? You take up a system calcidated to uncivilise the world, to destroy order, to trample on religion, to stifle in the heart, not merely the generosity of noble sentiment, but the affections of social nature ; and in the prosecution of this system you spread teiTor and devastation all around you ; and all this without any intelligible motive — all this, because you may gain a better peace a year or two hence ! So that we are called upon to go on, merely as a speculation — we must keep Bonaparte longer at war, as a state of probation ? Gracious God ! sir, is war a state of probation ? Is it dangerous for nations to live in amity with each other? Can- not this state of probation be as well undergone without adding to the catalogue of human sufferings ? ' But we must pause ! ' What ! must the bowels of Great Britain be torn out — her heart's blood spilt — her treasures wasted — that you may make an experiment ? Put yourselves — oh ! that you would put yourselves — in the field of battle, and learn to judge of the host of horrors that you excite." ***** " Sir, I have told you my opinion. I think you ought to have given a civil, clear, and explicit answer to the overture, which was fairly and handsomely made you. If you Avere desirous that the negociation sho\ild have included all your allies, you should have told Bonaparte so ; but I believe you were afraid of his agreeing to the proposal. You took that method before. 'Aye,' but you say, 'the people were anxious for peace in 1797.' I sa}'^ they are friends to peace now ; and I am confident that you will one day own it. Believe me, they are friends to peace ; although by the laws which you have made, restraining the expression of the sense of the people, public opinion caimot now be heard as loudly and unequivocally as heretofore. But I will not go into the internal state of this coimtry : it is too afflicting to the heart to see the strides which have been made, by means of and imder tiie miserable pretext of this war, against liberty of every kind, both of speech and of writings ; and to observe in another kingdom the rapid approaches to that militarj' despotism, which we affect to make an argument against peace. I know, sir, that public opinion, if it could be collected, would be for peace ; and I know that it is only by public opinion — not by a sense of their duty — not by the inclination of their minds — that minis- ters will be brought, if ever, to give us peace. I ask for no gentleman's support to-night who would have voted against ministers if they had come down and proposed to enter into a negociation with the French : but I have a right to ask — I know that in honour, in consistency, in conscience, I have a right to expect the vote of every gentleman who would have voted with ministers in an address to his Majesty, diametricafly opposite to the motion of this night." Mr. Wliitbread maintained the position that, "had it not been for the interference, the folly, and the ambition of the other powers of Europe, the French revolution would at tliis time have borne a very differetit complexion ; none of that pernicious rage for glory and conquest, so much deprecated in the French nation, would have existed." NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 225 MOW, taught by the severe experience ol' heavy taxation and ])V()cligal waste of wealtli and human life. Napoleon instantly prepared for war. It is said that on receiving the reply from England, he exclaimed to Talleyrand, " It could not have been more favourable." This is very possible, inconsistent as it appears with his convictions that peace was the best for France. He played the desperate game of war too well not to be fond of it, and all h^urope con- spired to give him opportunities for the frightful j)astime. He had been meditating the plan of the fresli campaign in the interval, and was (juite ready to strike the decisive blow in Italy, when the moment for it should arrive. On the 7th of .lanuary, IcSOO, only three tlays after the date of Lord Grenville's dispatch, a consular decree ordered the formation of an army of reserve, tol)e com))osed ol'all the veteran soldiers then unem])l()yed, and a levy of thirty thousand recruits, or conscripts, as they were termed ; and the most active ])re])arati()ns were ra])idly made. Before the First Consul put his army in motion, he received an over- ture from the House of Bourbon, wliich it is natural to suppose was not unconnected with the im])lied intentions of England as to the war. The following letter from Louis XVIH., then in exile, was put into his hands in the month of February : — " Sir — Whatever may be tlieir apparent conduct, men like you never ins])ire alarm. You have accepted an eminent station, and I thank you for having done so. Yoii know better than any one how much strength and ])()vver are requisite to secure the happiness of a great nation. Save l^'rance from her own violence, and you will fulfil the first wish of my heart. Restore her king to her, cUid future generations will bless your memory. You will always be too necessary to the state for me ever to be able to discharge by important ap])oiutments, the debt of my family, and myself. " Louis." This letter, in the hand-writing of the Bourbon prince, was dated the 20th of February, 1800. It produced some agitation in the mind of Napoleon, though it appears certain he never Ibr a moment entertained the idea of acting the part of General Monck, and restoring the legitimate sovereign. He hesitated, liowever, whether to reply, and the j)ressure of business prolonged his delays. Meanwhile Josephine and her daughter Hortense urged him to " hold out hope to the king, without ])ledging himself." They were so pressing in their entreaties that he one day exclaimed to his secretary: — " These devils of women are mad ! The Faubourg St. Germain has turned their heads! But 1 care not; I will have nothing to do with them. The partisans of the Bourbons are deceived if they suppose 1 am the man to play Monck's part." It seems plain that Josephine was really anxious that her husband should treat F F 226 THE HISTORY OF with Louis XVIII., which, she hoped, might banish from his mind the thought of making liimself king, a prospect that always alarmed her imagination. Napoleon never returned any answer to the king's letter ; but, after several months he received another, to which he finally replied. He had abolished the oath of " hatred to royalty," together with the cele- bration of the 21st of January, the anniversary of the death of Louis XVI. It is not im])robable that this circumstance had raised the hopes of the Bourbons. The following acute observations are made by Mr. Lockhart: — " The Bourlions are right in considering these as monarchial symptoms ; but shrewd observers perceived clearly in whose favour such changes were designed to operate. It appears that some of Napoleon's colleagues made a last effort to circumscribe his power, by urging on him the necessity of his immediately placing himself at the head of the armies in the field; expecting, no doubt, great advantages, could they remove him from the seat of government, at the time when the new machinery was getting into a regular course of motion. He sternly resisted all such suggestions. * I am chief consul,' said he, ' I will remain in Paris.' And it was, indeed, most necessary for his success, that he should remain there at this critical epoch ; for, in the arrangement of every branch of the new government, he had systematically sought for his own security in balancing against each other the lovers of opposite sets of principles — men, who, by cor- dially coalescing together, might still have undone him ; or by carrying their animosities to extremity, overturned the whole fabric of his manu- facture. It was thus that he had chosen one consul from the republican party, and another from the royalist ; either of whom might, in his absence, have been tempted to undermine his sway ; whereas both Cam- baceres and Lebrun, overawed by his presence, proved eminently ser- viceable in drawing over to the interests of the chief consul innumerable persons, of their own ways of thinking originally, but no longer such zealous theorists as to resist the arguments of self-interest — those stronj? springs of hope and fear, of both of which Napoleon, while at the Tuileries, held the master-key. It was thus also, that, in forming his ministry, he grouped together men, each of whom detested or despised the others ; but each unquestionably fitted, in the highest degree, for the particular ofiice assigned to him ; and each, therefore, likely to labour in his own department, communicating little with his colleagues, and look- ing continually to the one hand tliat had invested him with his share of power." The marriage of Murat to the beautiful Caroline Bonaparte, was celebrated at the Luxembourg about this period. It appears that Napoleon was at first very much averse to this alliance, thinking that his sister might command a higher position, and made a vulgar-minded allu- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 227 sion to Murat's parentage, but eventually yielded to the solicitations of Josephine, who favoured the match. He was the more ready to comply with his wife's washes, as he had been, according to Bourrienne, exces- sively jealous of Murat (among others), whose handsome person and almost reckless courage had obtained him the title of " Le beau sahreur.'" This marriage was the occasion of an incident illustrative of Josephine's taste for show and luxury, and the consequent extravagance and mean subterfuges into which she suffered herself to fall. Napoleon being scarce of money at that time, only gave his sister a dowry of twelve hundred pounds ; and, as a marriage present, bestowed on her a diamond necklace which belonged to Josephine, who, however, was not at all pleased by this transfer. The loss of one necklace made her desire another, and being aware that a jeweller in Paris had in his hands a splendid collection of pearls which had belonged to the late unfortunate Queen of France, she longed to become possessed of them. The price demanded for these jewels was upwards of £10,000. To raise this exorbitant sum, she applied to Berthier, who, after some demur, handed over to her a portion of the money which he obtained from the different contractors for military hospitals, whose nefarious claims he allowed for the sake of a bribe, and who consequently overflowed with gratitude. Berthier was covetous of money, and it is very Hkely that the discovery or suspicion of such dealings as these, was one cause of his being shortly superseded, as Minister of War, by Carnot. A greater difficulty, how- ever, remained for Josephine to overcome. She had got the pearls, but how w'as she first to wear them mthout being questioned by Napoleon, who either knew, or thought he knew, all her jewels. She was obliged to endure the delay of a whole fortnight before she took them from the casket ; at length, she could refrain no longer, and appeared in them at a large party, having engaged Bourrienne, of whom she had made a confi- dant, to keep near her to help her thi'ough the difiiculty. "Every thing happened," says Bourrienne, " as Josephine feared and hoped. Bonaparte, on seeing the pearls, did not fail to say to Madame, ' What is it you have got there ? How fine you are to-day ! Where did you get these pearls ? I think I never saw them before.' ' Oh, mo}i Bleu .'' was the reply, ' you have seen them a dozen times I It is the necklace which the Cisalpine Republic gave me, and wliich I now wear in my hair.' 'But I think' — Napoleon began: 'Stay,' exclaimed the lady, 'ask Bourrienne, he will tell you.'" The secretary, thus unpleasantly called upon, boldly said, " Yes, general, I recollect very well seeing it before," and Napoleon thereupon walked away satisfied. Bourrienne quiets his conscience as to his own answer, by observing : " It was not untrue, as Madame Bonaparte had previously shewn me the pearls ;" but observes on "the readiness with which well-bred ladies can tell falsehoods ^vi thou t 228 THE HISTORY OF seeming to do so." As to the answers of both, there is little clifFerence in the degree of falsehood, but Josephine's conduct in the whole transaction is painfully vexatious in so amiable a woman ; while the unscrupulous manner in which she could send to another man, without her husband's knowledge, for such a sum of money as £10,000 (granting the truth of the statement) can only be regarded with disgust, even by those who most appreciate her many estimable qualities. She had, moreover, con- tracted large debts while Napoleon was in Egypt. During that period, she had bought the estate of Malmaison ; had beautified it exceedingly, and lived in great elegance and splendour. Her creditors w^ere now beginning to murmur ; but, dreading Napoleon's violence of temper, which she knew would be excited to the last degree by the disgraceful circumstance, she did not dare to tell him of her embarrassment ; espe- cially as he had returned from Egypt poorer than he went. Talleyrand at length broke the subject to him, and Bourrienne was commissioned to ascertain from Josephine the extent of her debts. This, he found very difficult ; but she at last confessed that she believed she owed £50,000, adding, however, that she would not suffer more than half the sum to be mentioned to Napoleon. It was in vain that Bourrienne urged her to tell the truth to the First Consul, reminding her that, as he had not the least idea her debts amounted to any thing like even half the sum, she would have to undergo the same reproaches for it as for the whole ; and only once, instead of the same scene occurring a second time when he was informed of the remainder. She ended the discussion, how- ever, by rejecting the secretary's advice, but protesting that she would contract no more debts, and pay the rest out of her savings, con- cluding with " I can never tell him Bourrienne ; I know him ; I can- not support his violence." The end of this matter is curious enough. Napoleon supplied the £25,000, and with this sum Bovu-rienne con- trived to liquidate the whole debt ; most of the tradespeople readily taking off half, or more than half, of their claims, so exorbitant had been their overcharges. One instance of this is too piquante to be omitted. The milliner's bill contained a charge for thirty-eight new hats of great price, in one month. Josephine unable, nevertheless, to profit by expe- rience, soon fell again into the very same extravagance, and embarrassments of a similar description ; and this continued to embitter the happiness which would otherwise have existed between her and Napoleon. The annual salary of Napoleon as First Consul was about £20,000 : we cannot, therefore, be much surprised by his irritation at the profusion of his consort. The Luxembourg did not long satisfy the ambition of Napoleon. He soon began to make preparations for taking up his residence in the 1'uileries, the ancient palace of the kings of France, to which, however, NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 229 he affixed the title of the " Palace of the Government." He also caused a certain portion of it to be allotted to Lebrun, the third consul. On the 19th of February, 1800, Napoleon took possession of this royal residence. Great crowds had collected to greet him on his way. He went in pro- cession, but with no great splendour. The fine regiment of the Guides led the way. The ministers alone, with the exception of the consuls, appeared in private carriages ; for in those republican days no others were seen in Paris. The remaining vehicles in the procession were all hackney coaches, the numbers being covered over with paper. Napoleon, accom- panied by his two colleagues, was in a carriage drawn by the six white horses presented to him by the Emperor of Austria. Enthusiastic acclamations and cries of " Long live the First Consul !" were uttered as he entered the gates of the palace. Directly he arrived, he sprang upon his horse, and held a grand review of the troops. When the 96th, 43rd, and 50th demi-brigades defiled before him, he was observed to take off" his hat and incline his head, in token of respect at the sight of their colours torn to shreds with balls, and blackened with smoke. He afterwards, in company with the other consuls, received the mem- bers of the diplomatic body. On this occasion, something like the cere- monies of a court were for the first time introduced ; and, in imitation of the ancient custom of waiting on the queen after presentation to the king, the official persons were afterwards presented to Josephine. Amongst the 230 THE HISTORY OF foreig^n ambassadors, the plenipotentiaries of tlie United States of America formed a distinguished feature. The consular government had just placed the relations between America and France on a new footing of mutual amity, and commercial interchange. On the eve of the First Consul taking possession of the Tuileries, he had assisted at a ceremony of a very different character. News of the death of George Washington had just reached France. He died on the 1 Ith of December, a private citizen of the great republic, the liberties of which he had secured by his abilities as a general, and had assisted in maintaining by his talents as a legislator and a magistrate. Napoleon paid a public homage to the virtue, which neither his character, his wishes, nor his circumstances, enabled him to emulate. He celebrated a grand funeral serdce to the memory of Washington, in the council-hall of the Invalids. The last standards taken in Egypt were presented on the same occasion. All the ministers, the councillors of state, and generals, were present. The pillars and roof were hung with the trophies of the campaign of Italy. The bust of Washington was placed under the trophy composed of the flags of Aboukir. A general order was issued that crape should be suspended for ten days from all the flags and standards of the republic ; and thus, in the imaginary funeral of a pure patriot, did ambition bury its conscience, and the memory of that higher glory which outlasts the blaze of the diadem, and the trophies of victorious fields. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 331 CHAPTER XVIII. NEW COALITION — RUSSIA DESERTS THE COALITION THE EMPEROR PAUL NAPOLEON PRE- PARES FOR WAR — ^ANECDOTES MASSENA IN GENOA NAPOLEON IN ITALY PASSAGE OF THE ALPS HE ENTERS MILAN PASSES THE ADDA — TAKES BERGAMO AND CREMONA GENOA CAPITULATES TO AUSTRIA BATTLE OF MONTEBELLO — DESAIX JOINS THE ARMY AFFAIRS OF EGYPT BATTLE OF MARENGO DEATH OF DESAIX ARMISTICE RESTORATION OF THE CISALPINE REPUBLIC VICTORIES OF MOREAU MASSENA COMMANDS IN ITALY NAPOLEON RETURNS TO PARIS. A NEW coalition against France was established in the befjinning of the year 1800. The three great powers of England, Austria and Russia, — tgether with Bavaria, Sweden, Denmark, and Turkey, made a formidable array of ene- mies with whom Napoleon had to contend. England had block- aded Malta, and had assembled a numerous army at Minorca, under General Abercromby, ready to act with the Austrians in Italy. Melas, a veteran officer of high reputation, commanded the Austrian army of one hundred and forty thousand men. With this force, supported by the English fleet under Lord Keith, it was proposed to reduce Genoa, which was still unsubdued, and to penetrate across the Var into the territory of France, by Provence, where a large body of royalists were ready to take up arms and act in concert with the English and Austrians. General Willot, an emigrant officer, and Pichegru, who had escaped from Guiana, were expected to head this insurrection. The armies only waited for the approach of spring 232 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. to commence operations. The Frencli army in Italy occupied the country between Genoa and the Var. It was in so disorganised a condition that its numbers cannot be estimated; accounts vary from five-and-twenty thousand to forty thousand men. It was suffering great privations, being quartered in a poor country, the coast of which was strictly blockaded by the English fleet. General Kray and the Archduke Ferdinand com- manded the Austrian army on the Rhine. This army was not so strong in point of numbers as the force in Italy, for it was in the latter country that Austria meditated the decisive blow against France. Napoleon materially broke the strength of his enemies before the conunencement of hostilities. Discovering that a coolness existed between Austria and Russia (in consequence of some events in the last campaign), and that a misunderstanding had at the same time sprung up between England and Russia, he adroitly seized the opportunity to detach the great northern power from the coalition. Russia was governed by the Emperor Paul the First, a man of an eccentric and somewhat chivalrous turn of mind. He had taken offence at the refusal of England to include seven thousand Russians in a cartel for the exchange of prisoners with France. These men, who had been taken in Holland, where they were acting in concert w'ith the English army, were all suddenly set at liberty by Napoleon, and sent back to their own country ; the officers having their swords returned, and the men receiving new uniforms. Paul was delighted with this piece of politically exuberant generosity. Shortly afterwards Napoleon made him a present of the sword which Pope Leo the Tenth had given to L' He- Adam for having defended Rhodes against the infidels. Letters now passed between the Emperor and the First Consul. Paul's first letter is very characteristic : — " Citizen First Consul, I do not waite to you to discuss the rights of men or citizens ; every country governs itself as it pleases. Wlierever I see at the head of a nation a man who knows how to rule and how to fight, my heart is attracted towards him. I write to acquaint you with my dissatisfaction with England, who violates every article of the law of nations, and has no guide but her egotism and her interest. I wish to unite with you, to put an end to the unjust pro- ceedings of that government." These were not empty words of the Emperor Paul. His enthusiastic admiration of the First Consul increased, and their mutual correspondence was carried on almost daily. They consulted together on the most important affairs, and concerted their measures in confidence. Paul dismissed Lord Whitworth, the English ambassador in Russia, seized the English ships in all his ports, and prevailed on Prussia to menace Hanover with an army. His hatred soon grew to so extravagant and ridiculous a pitch that he defied to single combat every King who would not declare war against England. This challenge was actually inserted, by authority, in the "St. Petersbui-gh NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 233 Court Gazette." He at first intended to have had it printed on vellum, and to have sent it to every king in Europe. The challenge, however, was sufiiciently original in those days to find its own way with speed to the royal parties in question, w^ho all said, of course, that the eccentric Emperor was offensively mad. A successful negociation was at the same time opened between France and Russia ; in consequence of which, the latter power influenced the courts of Sweden and Denmark, and brought them under engagements to observe a strict neutrality. The state of the French army in Italy was considerably amended by a single proclamation of the First Consul, calling on the soldiers to remember the confidence he had once placed in them. *' The scattered troops," as Scott finely says, " returned to their duty, as war-horses, when dispersed, are said to rally and form ranks, at the mere sound of the trumpet." Massena was despatched to take the com- mand in Italy. Some important measures were originated in the interval between the declaration of war and the opening of the campaigns. The first report of the council of state on the civil code, was presented to the legislature at this early period of the consulate. The Bank of France was also founded, and the regulations for its management framed and adopted. With a view to the final pacification of La Vendee, the chiefs of the royalist party had been summoned to Paris during the present cessation of the civil war. Georges Cadoudal, the famous Chouan leader, was admitted to a private interview with the First Consul ; but the conference ended unsuccessfully. Nothing could shake the attachment of Cadoudal to the cause which he adopted ; he was, however, honourably dismissed with a safe conduct to his own country. All the other chiefs tendered their submission, and there remained only a plundering species of warfare in La Vendee, which was speedily put down altogether. These provinces, which had reqtdred the presence of an army of eighty thousand veteran soldiers, now came peaceably under the laws and fiscal regulations of the rest of France. Napoleon, who was deeply immersed in business throughout the week, habitually left the Tuileries for Malmaison, every Saturday even- ing, and enjoyed complete relaxation during his Sundays. " I cannot better describe the joy he then appeared to experience," says his secretary, " than by comparing it to the delight of a schoolboy on getting a holiday." A select set of the friends he valued most, formed his society on these days, the charm of which has never left the memory of those who were admitted to enjoy them. A graceful ease, combining entire freedom from ceremony, with the utmost refinement, characterised these meetings ; heightened by the extreme beauty of the place, and the elegance of all the arrangements under the exquisite taste of Josephine. Napoleon had 234 THE HISTORY OF quite ceased to be remarkable for taciturnity and reserve. He began now to be distinguished, as he always continued to be, for the very opposite qualities. He shone in conversation, and had become frank and communicative. However he might " play a part " in pubHc, in private he was simple and unaffected ; and his discourse, which was generally serious and earnest, possessed the charm of originality and sincerity. He is said to have sometimes joined in the country dances at the little balls given on these Sundays at Malmaison ; but though he always called for the easiest figures possible, he still continually put every body out. He took great pleasure in walking about the grounds, and superintending the improvements which were going on. Some fragments of his conversations in these walks, and some little anecdotes characteristic of his feelings at that period, are given by Bourrienne. The peculiar dehght he expe- rienced at the sound of the ringing of bells, first struck his secretary on these occasions. When the bells of the little church at Ruel could be heard, Napoleon would cease liis most serious conversation, and listen with attention, stopping his walk lest the noise of his footsteps should drown the soimd. " They remind me," said he, with emotion, " of the first years I spent at Brienne ; I was then happy ! " Another great pleasure which he experienced, was the sight of a tall, slender woman dressed in white, walking beneath an alley of shady trees. He could not endure coloured dresses, especially dark ones, and frequently criticised the tastes of the ladies of the party, often giving Josephine directions about her toilet. He liked exceedingly to have Monge, BerthoUet, Lacepede, La Place, or Chaptal, for his companions ; conversations on science being the most complete contrast to the eternal round of politics in which he was engaged at Paris. He had no ear for the rhythm of poetry, but he could appreciate great poetic ideas. He almost worshipped Corncille ; and used to declare that if that poet had been then alive, he would have made him his prime minister: adding, " It is not his poetry that I most admire ; it is his powerful understanding ; his vast knowledge of the human heart, and liis profound policy." When at Paris, he took pleasure in walking out late in the evenings, going into the shops of the Rue St. Honore, buying trifling things, and engaging the people in talk upon the affairs of the day while they served lum, in complete ignorance of the rank of their customer. " Well, madame," he would say, pulling up the corners of his collar, and affecting dandy airs, " is there anything new to-day ? What do people say of that buffoon, Bonaparte ?" He was obliged once to get out of a shop as fast as possible, to avoid the violent attack brought upon himself by the irreverent tone in which he spoke of the First Consul. These relaxations were not, however, frequent; he was generally engaged in business both early and late. His secretary was charged witli tlie task of awaking him every morning at seven. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 235 Sometimes, if very sleepy, he would turn round, and say, " Ah, Bour- rienne, let me sleep a little longer." But he generally rose at that hour, sleeping about seven hours out of the twenty-four, besides a short nap in the afternoon. Another charge given to his secretary was, to awake him in the night whenever it was necessary. " If you have good news to com- municate," he said, " with that there is no hurry ; but when you bring bad news, rouse me instantly, for then there is not a moment to be lost." From these domesticities, we must now turn again to the ungenial theme of war. Preparations for the new campaign in spring were completed. Moreau was made commander-in-chief of the army of the Rhine, one hundred and fifty thousand strong. This appointment, as Mr. Lockhart remarks, " exhibited a noble superiority to all feelings of personal jealousy. That general's reputation approached most nearly his own ; but his talents justified this reputation, and the First Consul thought of nothing but the best means of accomplishing the joint campaign." The plan of the ensuing campaign was concerted between the First Consul and Carnot, who had now superseded Berthier, as minister at war. The operations were conducted with the utmost secrecy. Napoleon had determined to strike the decisive blow against Austria in Italy, and to command there in person. An 'article in the constitution forbade the First Consul to take the command of an army. To this interdiction, which it was supposed would enrage him, he cheerfully assented ; but he found a ready way to evade it, as soon as the occasion was ripe. He gave the nominal command of the army of Italy to Berthier, as a pre- liminary measure, well knowing that he had only to appear in the camp himself at his own time, and it mattered little who was called general-in- chief. He at the same time began to collect troops at Dijon, which he publicly gave out were intended to advance upon Italy. They consisted chiefly of conscripts and invalids, with a numerous staff", and were called " the army of reserve." Meantime, while a sufficient amount of derision was excited in Austria by this army, and caricatures of some ancient men with wooden legs, and little boys of twelve years old, entitled " Bonaparte's Army of Reserve," were amusing the public, the real army of Italy was already formed in the heart of France, and was marching by various roads towards Switzerland. The troops now withdrawn from La Vendee, in consequence of its pacification, the regiments lately quartered in Paris, and the consular guard, formed the nucleus of this army. The rest were conscripts, but they were commanded by officers of the first ability and courage. Most of the names already known in Napoleon's campaigns will be found again in this expedition. The artillery was sent piecemeal from different arsenals ; the provisions, necessary to an army about to cross barren mountains, were forwarded to Geneva, embarked on the 236 THE HISTORY OF lake, and landed at Villeneuve, near the entrance of the valley of the Simplon. The situation of the French army in Italy had now become critical. Massena had thrown himself into Genoa with twelve thousand men, and was enduring all the rigours of a siege, pressed by forty thou- sand Austrians, imder General Ott, seconded by the British fleet. Suchet, with the remainder of the French amiy, about eight thousand strong, completely cut off from communication with Massena, was main- taining an unequal contest with Melas, the Austrian commander-in-chief. Suchet, with liis small army, was strenuously defending the French frontier, which Melas violated on the 11 th of May by the invasion of Nice, but was compelled to retrace his steps to attack Suchet, who had concentrated his forces on the Var. The daring plan of Napoleon was to transport his army across the Alps ; surmounting the highest chain of mountains in Europe, by paths which are dangerous and difficult to the unencumbered traveller ; to plant himself in the rear of the Austrians, interrupt their communications, place them between his own army and that of Massena, cut of their retreat, and then give them battle under circumstances which must necessarily render one defeat decisive. While all Europe supposed that the multifarious concerns of the government held him at Paris, the First Consul was travelling at a rapid rate towards Geneva, accompanied only by his secretary. He left Paris on the 6tli of May, at two in the morning ; leaving Cambaceres to preside until his return, and ordering Fouche to announce that he was about to review the army at Dijon, and might possibly go as far as Geneva, but would return in a fortnight. " Should anything happen," he significantly added, " I shall be back like a thunderbolt." It was during this journey, when his fate hung on a chance most precarious, that he was first heard to talk of France as his own. " With what pleasure, shall I return to my dear France ! Ma belle France ! " He also entered into various long and interesting discussions, one of which was concerning the campaigns of Caesar and Alexander. On the 8th, the First Consul arrived at Geneva, where he had an in- teniew with the celebrated Necker. ISIadame de Stael says that, on tliis occasion, tiie First Consul made a very favourable impression on her fatiier, by the confidence with which he spoke of his future projects. If so, the impression was not nmtual ; for Napoleon afterwards declared, that this interview confirmed him in the opinion that the talents of Necker by no means accorded with the celebrity he had acquired. On tiie l.'3th, the First Consul reviewed the vanguard of his army, com- manded by General Lannes, at Lausanne. The whole army consisted of nearly sixty thousand men. Two columns, each of about five thou- srior race; and by negro slaves. The numbers NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 289 of whites and mulattoes were about equal; but both races put together were outnumbered as eight to one by the negroes. When news of the revolution in the mother country reached the French portion of the island, the mulattoes demanded social equality. This being refused by the whites, a dreadful ci\il war commenced, in which the mulattoes were put down ; but before the conquerors had time for self-gratulation, they were astounded by a general insurrection of their slaves. The proprietors of the Spanish part of the island, being royalists and supported by English troops, fomented the revolt against the French proprietors, who, it must be remembered, now belonged to a revolutionary government. At this period, there was numbered among the slaves of an estate called Breda, one named Toussaint, about forty years of age. He had originally tended cattle, but had been raised from this employment to be coachman to tlie bailiff. He had by some means learned to read and write, and was chiefly remarkable for extreme thoughtfulness and a reli- gious tendency. He quickly joined the black general, Jean Fran9ois, and soon rose to be aide-de-camp and colonel. In this war of the long- oppressed against their oppressors, horrors were abundantly perpetrated, the whole island becoming a scene of conflagration and slaughter. Toussaint, however, obtained the influence which he soon began to exercise, rather by the natural vigour of his mind than by violence. On the 4th of February, 1794, the National Convention of France decreed the liberty of all slaves, and declared St. Domingo an integral part of France. Toussaint instantly decided on his mode of action. He marched from his Spanish quarters to join the French republican commander, who made him general of brigade. The Spanish posts fell one after another under the victorious attacks of Toussaint. The French commissioners said, " This man makes an opening {Vouverture) everywhere." From this saying, he acquired his name of Toussaint L'Ouverture. The war soon ended. The Spanish planters laid down their arms, and the blacks were free. Toussaint saved the French general from an insurrec- tion of the mulattoes, and was appointed Lieutenant of St. Domingo. The English and mulattoes were still his enemies ; but the former abandoned the island in 1798, tired of a war in which the diseases of the climate had destroyed vast numbers of their troops. The English commander, accompanied only by three attendants, previously held a conference witli Toussaint in the midst of his armed blacks, so great was the confidence he had deservedly inspired; and a treaty was concluded between them. Toussaint next conquered the mulattoes; and then admitted them to a treaty of peace and equal rights. He was now absolute ruler of the island, to the internal improvement of which he began to devote himself. He sent his two sons to be educated in France, writing to the Directory in these terms: — " I guarantee, under my personal responsibility, the o o 290 THE HISTORY OF submission of my black brethren to order, and their fidelity to France." His administration was vig-orous, and as watchful as might be expected from a man who had been a slave, and was raised to rule over a nation lately slaves. He is said to have never permitted the same secretary to commence and conclude a dispatch; after dictating a certain portion, he always sent away the person he had employed, to wait his orders at some sixty or a hundred miles distance. The secretaries were also unifoiTnly foi'bidden, under pain of death, to divulge what he had dictated; while numerous spies enabled him to detect disobedience. -mm -.-'■•' -W^' ■^'^^s-J.vUl :^^tfi'^i:'*Ctf^j^#s-%i Being now undisputed master, Toussaint adopted the wise policy of encouraging both the whites and mulattoes to remain in the island, by carefully protecting them in person and property. The blacks, now free labourers, continued to cultivate the plantations; but tlie produce was divided, in certain ])roportions, between the proprietor and the cultivators. Order and industry (juickly took the place of anarchy and licentious- ness. The waste lands were soon in full cultivation, and abundance and confidence were restored. Toussaint maintained the laws, which he had established, with the most uiuelenting rigour. Sir Walter Scott rehites NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 291 a terrible proof of this, on the authority of an eye-witness. " On one occasion, a white female, the owner of a plantation, had been murdered by the negroes by whom it was laboured, and who had formerly been her slaves. Toussaint marched to the spot, at the head of a j)arty of his horse guards, collected the negroes belonging to the plantation, and surrounded them with his black cavalry, who, after a very brief enquiry, received orders to charge and cut them to pieces ; of which order our informant witnessed the execution." When Napoleon became First Consul, in 1799, he confirmed Toussaint in his dictatorship. At the same period Spain ceded her portion of St. Domingo to France, by the treaty of Bale. This cession was enforced by Toussaint, whose power by this time extended over the whole island. The negro dictator now gave a constitution to his subjects, on the model of the consular government of France ; causing himself to be pro- claimed governor for life, with power to name his successor. He imme- diately sent Colonel Vincent, an engineer officer, to France, to obtain the approbation of the First Consul for this new measure ; but he did not wait for a reply before he put all the macliinery of his government in operation. It worked admirably well ; commerce and trade revived, and the treasury filled. Toussaint kept a splendid court, and preserved the greatest order and decorum. . He was also indefatigable in business, and is said to have been able to ride a hundred and fifty miles without rest, and resume active exertions after only two hours' sleep. Colonel Vincent, who had been the friend and adviser of Toussaint, actively exerted himself at Paris in his behalf; but, as we have seen, other counsels unfortunately prevailed. Napoleon resolved, after consi- derable deliberation, to reduce the island to a condition resembhng that of the other West India colonies ; Colonel Vincent continuing to the last strongly to reprobate the attempt, and to point out its difiiculties. There is on record a portion of one of Napoleon's speeches in the council of state, on the subject of negro slavery, which throws the clearest light on this and other of his actions, by disclosing their secret springs in his peculiar order of mind and character: — "I am for the whites, because I am white ; I have no other reason, yet that is reason good enough. How was it possible to grant liberty to the Africans, to men without any kind of civilisation, who did not even know what a colony meant, or that there was such a place as France ? It is quite evident that those who proposed the emancipation of the blacks must wish for the slavery of the whites. But, after aU, do you suppose that, if the majority of the Convention had seen what they were doing, and been acquainted with the colonies, they would have per- sisted in granting freedom to the negroes ? Doubtless not. But few persons were in a situation to foresee the consequences at the time, and 292 THE HISTORY OF a sentiment of liumanity always appeals powerfully to the imagination. But, at present, for any one to persist in these principles, is to shew a want of good faith ; it is mere pride and hypocrisy. Without going so far, would you have consented, would we have suffered, that the French should have been brought in subjection to the Italians, — to the Piedmon- tese ? We might have been well treated ; they might have made of us what the free blacks have made of the whites. We have been obliged, on the contrary, to take strong measures of precaution, and to keep them in a state of dependence ; and even had it been necessary to let all Italy perish, or sacrifice two soldiers in my army, I would have let all Italy perish ; because, before all tilings, I am of my army and for my army. To this day, even, it is necessary to have an eye on that country ; never- theless, they are whites like us, a civilised people, and our neighbours." " Perhaps," says Hazlitt, in commenting on the above, in language, the manly eloquence and vigour of which is only surpassed by its pro- found insight, that pierces and lays bare the heart of things ; " Perhaps, there is not anywhere on record, and particularly coming out of the per- son's own mouth, a passage which paints so powerfully, with such naked- ness and force, not merely the character, but the inmost soul and extre- mity of purpose in an individual, as the one just given. It would be as much in vain to reason with a man whose mind is devoured and burnt up with this unquenchable zeal of partisanship, as to insist that a person is not to writhe with pain who has a living coal of fire applied to his breast. We see a soul of fire without water or clay, that nothing could tame, could soften, or deter. It is not a question of degree, but a total separation in principle, and an antipathy in nature to the ordinary and cherished weaknesses of human nature ; so that no extreme case or dis- proportion in the objects could make any difference on a mind that had a capacity but for one class and modification of feeling. In this one passage, he has given a clue (radiant with hght) to all his actions, to all his greatness and his littleness, his elevation and his faU, without resorting to studied policy, to accident, or the advice of friends. Bonaparte need not talk of Arabs or uucivilised nations ; he is himself one of them. No wild Indian could brood over in his hut, or make a triumphant boast at the stake, of a more utter abnegation of all the mawkishness of general benevolence ; nor sna]) with less ceremony or firmer nerves all the ties but those wliicii bind him to his tribe, and hnk him in a chain of sordid in- terest with others with whom he is knit in a common cause, and who are ready to stand by him in like manner. No son of the desert, whose feel- ings have been burnt into him by a scorching sun, who is hardened against com])unction by the extremity of want, who recognises only in the stranger, or in his fellow-man, a deadly foe whose existence is at war with his own, and lluit of all belonging to him, could express a more NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 293 determined disbelief in, and contempt for, all the decencies, charities, and professed courtesies of general philanthropy, as mere names and shadows. The tendency of civilisation and intellectual intercourse has been to ex- tend the circle of sympathy with the circle of knowledge, to burst the barriers of tribe, nation, and colour, and to extort the confession that wherever there was a kindred feeling, there was a claim to x^ity, to justice, and humanity." Such are the powerful remarks of Hazlitt, on the sympathies of Napoleon. Heavily indeed must they weigh, coming as they do from that writer. Hazlitt always avowed and openly defended his passionate admiration of Napoleon ; but he had too deep a feeling for mankind, to mistake a part for the whole ; or to suffer any blaze of glory to make him blind to its crimes against liberty and the human race. It is not to be expected that Napoleon should ever see his conduct on this occasion in its true light. The *' soul of fire, without water or clay, " remained to the last. He did however perceive, by the event, that he had made a mistake, and confessed it, when at St. Helena, with some marks of regret. " I have to reproach myself," he said to Las Casas, " with the attempt made upon St. Domingo during the Consulate. The design of reducing it by force was a great error. I ought to have been satisfied with governing it through the medium of Toussaint." This was all very well as an admission of the understanding ; but he does not appear to have felt the least remorse, or even to have been aware that anybody could have thought the circumstance claimed such a feeling. The troops destined for the expedition were cliiefly taken from the army of the Rhine, and were therefore classed among the finest soldiers of France. They amounted to about twenty thousand men. General Leclerc, the husband of Pauline Bonaparte, was appointed to the com- mand, and named Captain-General of St. Domingo. Pauline was un- willingly forced to accompany him by the command of the First Consul, who took tliis mode of trying to overcome the general prejudice against the dangers of the climate. The fleet which conveyed the armament set sail on the 14th of December, 1801, and reached Cape Fran9ais, in St. Domingo, on the 29th of January, 1 802 ; their jji'ogi'ess having been jealously watched the whole way by an English squadi'on of observation. Toussaint, who had been warned of this hostile approach, had already ordered every post, which it was possible to maintain, to be defended to the last, and all others to be burnt. The French signals for surrender were unanswered ; and a cutter, carrying a letter for Toussaint, from the First Consul, appointing him lieutenant to the captain-general, was fired upon with red-hot shot. Leclerc next attempted to seduce from his allegiance Christophe, commander at Cape Fran9ais (since King of Hayti), but met with a positive refusal to all his offers. In default of a 294 THE HISTORY OF pilot to guide tlieiii through the daugerous rocks aud shoals which sur- round St. Domingo, the French seized a mulatto officer, tlie captain connnanding the port, and tried by every means to make him direct the course, hut in vain. They ofiered him upwards of two thousand pounds; they drew a cord round his neck ; still he resolutely refused. This cir- cumstance affords a proof of the extraordinary ascendancy of Toussaint over liis people. The French army succeeded in effecting a landing to the westward of Cape Fran9ais. Christophe instantly fired the town and fort, which were consumed, together with all the magazines and stores. The whole island now became a scene of carnage and conflagration. The First Consul had sent back with the expedition the two sons of Toussaint, with the principal of the college in which they had been educated. They were now despatched by Leclerc with the letter before mentioned to their father. He embraced his children, and sent them back with a request for four days' delay ; but when they went again for his answer, they returned no more to the French. The war therefore continued ; but the troops of Toussaint were unable to resist the high discipline and courage of the French. Dessalines, one of Toussaint's generals, became notorious for his cruelty in this ferocious struggle. He was at last shut up in the fort of Crete a Pierrot, which was taken by the French after a long siege ; but Dessalines and many of his men desperately cut their way through the French ranks, and escaped. One post after another was taken, and one chief after another submitted, till at length Toussaint himself could hold out no longer. He repaired to head-quarters with his staff, and company of Guides, a fine body of black troops, who remained faithful to liim to the last, and tendered his submission. He replied by denials or by silence to all the reproaches of Leclerc on his " revolt," and proudly refused the rank of general in the French army, which was offered him ; but requested to be j)ermitted to retire to one of his estates in the ijiterior, which was granted under certain restrictions. The island was now subdued, and every part of it wore the appearance of calm ; little more than a fortnight having been occupied in the contest. Leclerc was afraid to attempt the re-establishment of slavery, and conti- nued the same regulations, as to labour, which had been arranged by Toussaint. He at the same time suffered himself to believe in the apparent acquiescence of the black chiefs to his govermnent, and in consequence neglected to follow the secret instructions of Napoleon, by which he was desired to send them all over to France as soon as possible, and to cultivate the friendship of the mulattoes. He did exactly the reverse. The result was soon apparent. As the hot season approached, bringing with it that fatal scourge of iMU'opcans, the ycHow fever, a change was observed in the manners of ihc bhicks. T(jussaint had been heard to say, " I trust to Providence :^' y \ NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 2!« \«^#\?^mo. ^^V^^^M the great hospital of Cape Fran9ais bore this title. Parties of negroes, who acquired the name of Maroons, began to collect in bands on the heights, whence they watched the movements of the French. As the season advanced, and the fever began rapidly to thin the ranks of the French army, these alarming symptoms increased. Desertions from the black regiments, many of which had been formed by General Leclerc, became of daily occurrence. The mountains had become depots of arms and provisions, and multitudes of negroes lay there concealed. Toussaint was of course an object of suspicion to the French at this crisis. He was ordered by Leclerc to go in person and allay the fennent among his countrymen ; but, instead of complying, he armed the negro cultivators of his own estate, in order, as he said, to provide for his safety. Napo- leon has affirmed that positive proofs of his correspondence with the insurgents were found. Be that as it may, he was seized, by order of Leclerc, carried on board a French sliip, and sent from his native island for ever. The excitement among the negroes, so far from being quieted, was increased tenfold by the sudden disappearance of their famous chief. The standard of revolt was now openly raised, and Christophe, Dessa- lines, and all the principal leaders of the blacks, placed themselves at their head. The negro population was computed at four hundred 296 THE HISTORY OF thousand ; the Frencli army was reduced by war and disease to eight thousand. As tlie season advanced, the ravages of the pestilence seemed to increase. New detachments sent out from France were mown down, and reduced to mere skeletons. As a last misfortune, General Leclerc himself was smitten by the infection, and died on the 1st of November. i;;i•e'r!':l^!"!!''!t::!:!!!ll:I!!!;!fl.;;!;:lr^^';^]^^'!i!iiIl!I!S^ ^>^l^^ .TT^+W-^^ '-4^ 7^*°^ - _^r--^"^.— .^-\S^^ ^WW^^-^ ^.v^ ■^^-^^'^^^^» .;.. -=r-3w^>m^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ General Rochamhean, who succeeded to the command, adopted from the first a line of policy infinitely more harsh and severe than that of his predecessor. But he soon committed acts of the deepest atrocity. He was surrounded by a crowd of proprietors of different estates, who were exasperated at the destruction of their wealth, and who, it is affirmed, had conceived the monstrous idea of extermhiating the whole black popu- lation. Led away by such fiend-like counsels, Rochambeau carried on a wholesale system of murder. Hordes of unfortunate negroes were seized, carried off to sea, and drowned in the darkness of night. Blood-hounds were used to hunt those who fled into the woods; and the poor wretches, driven from their shelter, were shot down without pity. But here the French soldiers cliecked the barbarity of their commanders. They mu- tinied, and declared they would not accept packs of liounds for auxiliaries; NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 291 and tliat if such savage scenes were renewed, they would inflict summary vengeance on the actors of them. The negroes, in their turn, tortured and murdered all the whites who were so unfortunate as to fall into their hands. In this manner, the whole winter passed in that devoted island. Private letters, giving accounts of these horrors, began to startle the inhabitants of Paris. Napoleon refused to give credit to them ; but he ought to have known that no excesses were too great to be believed of an army placed in such circumstances. " He wondered," says Savary, " at not receiving reports from those whose duty it was to make them ; and often repeated, in the deepest distress of mind, that if those atrocious executions were true, he discarded the colony for ever ; that he never would have directed its occupation could he have foreseen the guilty ex- cesses which had arisen out of the expedition." Napoleon was, however, at that very moment, perpetrating an act as atrocious, in its way, as any of those he condemned. About the period that he was triumphantly invested with the title <5f consul for life, the noble-minded Toussaint L'Ouverture was brought a prisoner into France. He was committed first to the Temple, and then to the fortress of Joux, near Besan^on, in Normandy. In a damp dungeon of this northern climate did Napoleon suffer a man, of whose fellowship he might have been proud, to linger out the whole ^ ^^ ^98 THE HISTORY OF winter of 1802 and 'o. Toussaint died about ten months after the date of his imprisonment. Dark rumours of treachery and poison were afloat concernino- the means of "his death ; but of such aids there was no need. Cold, dampness, inaction, and mental suffering, were quite sufficient to extino-uish the life of a man, the native of a tropical climate, whose bodily and mental energies had been for long years indefatigably employed, and who had seen the work of his life apparently dashed into ruins. The oppressor and the oppressed now sleep in the grave. In their fate there was a wonderful similarity ; and, looking at the results of the actions of each, we may say with truth, that " his works survive him : " more directly, however, in the case of Toussaint than of Napoleon, since the liberty which the former achieved for his people has never been inter- rupted, and his native island remains among the nations an integral state, entire as he had organised and established it. Between the fates of these two men of high and commanding energies, there is one point of marked difference among so many of wonderful similarity. With the ardent lovers of liberty, it has been customary to reckon Napoleon a despot, and to erect Toussaint into a martyr to freedom ; the only difference between their policy ha\ing been, that while Toussaint closely followed, imitated, and resembled Napoleon in his mode of government, he was necessarily more absolute and more fiercely rigorous than his model, in conformity with liis own character and that of the people over whom he ruled. We must forestal the order of time, to detail the termination of the French possession of St. Domingo. When, in the spring of 1803, the short-lived peace of Amiens came to an end, a British squadron imme- diately appeared before Cape Fran9ais, and besieged the remains of the French army contained within the walls of the town. Rochambeau surrendered at discretion; and the English carried off the French fleet, the miserable remnant of their fine army, and all the white inha- bitants of the island, which was now entirely left to the negroes. General Noailles, however, commandant of the Mole St. Nicholas, contrived to elude the English ships, and with his whole garrison and seven vessels escaped into a port in the Island of Cuba. Attempting after this to reach Havanna on board an armed brig, he encountered an l^nglish corvette, which he took, after a desperate fight, and carried under French colours into Havanna; where, however, he only arrived in time to die of his wounds. " The national glory," says Norvins, " hastened to gather up the last exploit, which escaped from the great shipwreck of one of the bravest armies that the republic ever assembled under her Hag." It would be well for the national glory, if all memory of that unfortunate army could be l)uried in the grave with those wiio composed it, and him who sent it on its ill-fated errand. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 299 CHAPTER XXIL HOSTILE ATTITUDE OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND — ENGLAND RETAINS MALTA AFFAIRS OF ITALY, GERMANY, AND SWITZERLAND — SPLENDOUR OF PARIS, AND INCREASING STATE ASSUMED BY THE FIRST CONSUL — THE WARS OF THE NEWSPAPERS — MESSAGE TO THE ENGLISH PAR- LIAMENT — NAPOLEON AND LORD WHITWORTH ENGLAND BEGINS HOSTILITIES NAPOLEON IMPRISONS ALL THE ENGLISH RESIDENTS IN FRANCE SEIZES HANOVER OCCUPIES NAPLES — FORTIFIES TUSCANY AND ELHA— ARMY OF ENGLAND GREAT PREPARATIONS IN ENGLAND AGAINST INVASION. Towards the close of the year 1802, it became evident that the Peace of Amiens was based on hollow foundations, and was destined, at no dis- tant period to be overthrown. The j oy Avith which the people of England and France had welcomed the news that the war had ceased, was now fast changing into mutual dis- trust; and open recrimina- tion soon followed. England had tardily given up possession of the Cape, and the other Batavian settlements, and continued to retain Malta, in direct violation of the treaty. The French government expos- tulated in vain; and the excuses and procrastination of the English 300 THE HISTORY OF administration were finally superseded by an avowed determination not to relinquish that island. The English government justified this breach of faith on the grounds, that although the First Consul had kept his part of the treaty to the letter, he was pursuing a system of ambition and aggrandisement which violated it in the spirit, and threatened altogether to overturn the balance of Europe ; that England had, therefore, a higher duty to perform than simply to keep its engagements ; for that, as guardian of the liberty of Europe from military despotism, it was incumbent upon England to retain possession of so important a strong-hold as Malta, until the head of the French government should manifest a greater degree of moderation. The alarms of the English ministry on the subject of French aggrandisement, were not without foundation. The First Consul, aided, doubtless, by the talents of Talleyrand, had turned the conclusion of the war to the best advantage, by a series of successful negociations. The first of these related to Italy. Very shortly after the peace, the Italian rejiublics had adopted a consular form of government, after the French model, in accordance with the expressed wish of the First Consul, who would have gone to Italy in person, to preside over the formation of the new constitution, had he not been prevented by the urgency of affairs in France. He, however, met, at Lyons, a large assembly of dejjuties from the Italian cities and departments, and attended their deliberations. He was offered, by unanimous consent, the presidency of their republic, and he accepted the dignity, at the same time appointing Melzi \ace- president. The choice gave great satisfaction. The name of Melzi will be remembered as one of the two Italians, to whom alone Napoleon accorded the name of " men," after his first Itahan campaign. The direct influence thus acquired in Italy, by the First Consul, and the alteration of the name Cisalpine, into Italian republic (which suggested a latent intention to comprehend the whole peninsula, at some future period, in one state), gave great cause of jealousy to the English govern- ment. The refusal of England to acknowledge the new Italian states afforded him a ready pretext to establish his influence over them under the character of protector. By a secret treaty with Portugal, he acquired the ])r()vince of Guiana; and by another with Spain, all the Spanish part of Louisiana; and in Europe, the reversion of the duchy of Parma, and the Island of Elba. The treaty of Luneville had secured, it will be remem- bered, the recognition of the Rhine as the boundary of the French territory, on the side of Germany. In the Diet for settling the indem- nities to be granted to the various princes of the German empire, who had sustained loss in consequence, the influence of France predominated to such an extent, as almost to threaten the entire destruction of the German confederation. Prussia, as well as those among the smaller princes NArOLEON BONAPARTE. 301 of the empire who had observed a neutrality during the war, received ample compensation ; while the pertinacious opposition of Austria, caused a very limited consideration of any claims she could bring for- ward. To these advahtages gained for France, as the results of success- ful diplomacy, was added an armed interference with the affairs of Switzerland, which gave the First Consul a complete ascendancy over the aifairs of that country, and did him more injury in the opinions of the liberal party all over Europe, than any other act of his political life. The treaty of Luneville had guaranteed the independence of the Hel- vetic republic, as Switzerland was then called, and its right to settle its own constitution. The form of its government was, at that period, analogous to the directorial government of France; and a French army occupied the country. A constitution resembling the consular model was soon established, and Napoleon withdrew the French troops, leaving the Swiss entirely to themselves. It quickly appeared that the majority of the people regretted their ancient federal constitution. The inha- bitants of the formerly aristocratic cantons were indeed well satisfied with the change they had made, having very much improved their con- dition by accepting the French form of government; but it was alto- gether different vsdth the democratic mountain cantons. Their ancient laws had been suited to the characters and habits of their people, who now rose in arms to restore them, headed by Aloys Reding, a man renowned among his countrymen for courage and wisdom. A civil war burst forth, but it was checked at the very outset by the entrance at all points of a French army under Ney, and a manifesto from the First Consul, to the effect that he had taken upon himself the mediation of their differences. Aloys Reding was imprisoned, having first disbanded his troops, who were utterly unable to contend Avith the overwhelming French force, now in the country. Switzerland w^as immediately settled into a republic, on the French consular model, and the title of Grand Mediator of the Helvetic Re- public, was assumed by Napoleon. No resistance was attempted, and no bloodshed perpetrated. The cantons agreed to refuse all passage through the country to the enemies of France, and to maintain an army of a few thousand men, as a guarantee of the agreement. They also furnished an army of sixteen thousand men to France, to be maintained at the expense of the French government. It was clear that Switzerland had now become, no less than the whole of Lombardy and Piedmont, a dependency of France. The increasing dominion of Napoleon in the continent of Europe, was accompanied by a corresponding assumption of dignity and state, on his part, in the conduct of the government, which did not fail to attract the observation of the English, who thronged Paris during the winter of 302 THE HISTORY OF 1802. The First Consul now occupied St. Cloud, in addition to tlie Tuileries; Malmaison remaining as his peaceful retreat from the cares of government, but being too small for his increasing habits of splendour. Something like the manners of a court, the external forms, habits, and etiquette of sovereignty, were now perceptible in his household. His acute mind soon perceived the influence of these worthless externals over the mass of mankind; and, according to his constant plan, he made use of the means he despised, instead of aiming at the creation of higher public feeling and character. " Men," said he, " well deserve the con- tempt with which they inspire me. I have only to put some gold lace on the coats of my virtuous republicans, and they immediately become just what I wish them." The Parisians flocked to the brilliant reviews at the Carousel; and saw, with admiration, the rich liveries and embla- zoned carriages of the English and Russians. Luxury was rapidly advancing among all the wealthy inhabitants ; the theatres were crowded; splendid fetes were frequent; the republican appellations of Citoyen and Citoyenne, were giving place to Monsieur and Madame. The gallery of the Louvre, enriched with the choicest works of art in the whole world, was open to every one without reserve. An air of prosperity was everywhere visible; the public funds, which had been doubled in value at the 18th Brumaire, were now worth more than triple what they had been, even at that period. Napoleon delighted in observing the prosperity, of which it was his glory to consider himself the author, and the sole author. He did not shrink from responsibility, or in the least degree shield himself under the name of any of his minis- ters. All the acts of the government were simply signed by M. Maret, secretary of state ; the First Consul of France was, in fact, an absolute sovereign, and may be thus considered from this period of his history. The public tranquillity was so completly assured, that the ministry of police was now discontinued ; and Fouche received the dignity of a senator. The change was, however, bitterly deprecated by the ex- minister himself, and he did not fail to foretel extensive evils as likely to arise from it, and to take every opportunity of instilhng suspicions into the mind of his master. While the steady increase of Napoleon's power and influence inspired his enemies with jealousy and distrust, there was one person whom his rapid approaches to sovereignty had always filled with the most bitter dread. Josephine rightly associated his assumption of the crown, with his probable wish for lineal descendants, and nervously listened to every report of his intentions, expecting a divorce from him as the consequence of the realisation of her fears. Bourricnne relates many conversations with her on this subject, and some scenes to which he was a witness, which shew how continually it was in her mind. " One day," says he, NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 303 " I remember that Josephine entered our cabinet without bein'y an- nounced, approached Napoleon softly, seated herself on his knee, passed her hand gently through his hair and over his face ; and, thinkin"- the moment favourable, said to him, with a burst of tenderness, ' I entreat of you, Bonaparte, do not make yourself a king ! It is that Lucien who urges you to it. Do not listen to him.' Napoleon replied without anger, and even smiling, as he pronounced the last words : ' You are mad, my poor Josephine ; it is your old dowagers of the Faubouro- Saint-Germain, your Rochefoucaidds, who tell you all these fables ! Come, now, you interrupt me— leave me alone.' " It was probably to endeavour to gain a friend among the brothers of Napoleon, that Josephine forced her daughter Hortense into an unwilling marriage with Louis Bonaparte. It took place in January, 1803. " The bride and bridegroom," says Constant, " were exceedingly dull, and Mademoiselle Hortense wept during the whole of the ceremony. Josephine, knowing that this union, which commenced so inauspiciously, was her own work, anxiously endeavoured to establish a more cordial feeling between her daughter and son-in-law. But all her efforts were vain, and the mar- riage proved a very unhappy one," Hortense was much attached to Duroc, and Napoleon wished her to marry him. Odious calumnies were at one time current, respecting Napoleon and Hortense, but they have been so frequently and so completely refuted, that we are spared the necessity of entering on the subject. We find from Bourrienne, that Napoleon expressed a singular presentiment at this period, which was completely realised subse- quently. " He frequently used to say, at this time, ' I fear that when I am forty, I shall become a great eater : I have a foreboding that I shall grow very corpulent.' This fear of obesity," continues Bourrienne, " though it annoyed him very much, did not appear to have the least foundation, judging from his habitual temperance, and spare habit of body." It was now, too, that he felt the first approaches of the disease which ultimately destroyed his life. He was frequently attacked with severe pains in his right side. He consulted Corvisart, who was afterwards appointed his first physician, and aj)peared to derive great benefit from his prescriptions. The mutual grievances of which the English and French complained, increased as the year 1802 drew towards a close. It appears to have been the wish of the First Consul to negociate a commercial treaty with the English government; and being unsuccessful, he suffered various petty and vexatious regulations to be enforced against British merchant vessels, perhaps with a view to forward a treaty, but the actual operation of which irritated the English public. He was virulently attacked by the English press; and a paper called " L' Ambigu," edited by 304 THE HISTORY OF Peltier, a French emigrant, was published in London, the express purpose of which was to ridicule the First Consul and his government. It was the constant habit of Napoleon to read all the English news- papers, and lie was exasperated at their attacks. Counter-accusations — occasionally, it is said, from his own pen — continually appeared in " The Moniteur;" and this paper war greatly increased the bad feeling which had already spread among the people of both countries. At length, the First Consul made a formal complaint to the English government, demanding their interference to put a stop to the abuse published by the press ; reqviiring that the princes of the House of Bourbon, and the whole class of emigrants, exempted by him from the general amnesty, and now resident in England, should be ordered to leave that country, on the ground that he had cause to suspect them of hatching plots against his life and government ; and that Georges Cadoudal should be transported to Canada. A reply in the negative was returned to these requisitions, by Lord Hawkesbury, minister for foreign affairs ; the First Consul being reminded that the English ministry could not exercise a control over the press; (while, on the other hand, " The Moniteur" was the organ of his government) ; but that, if what was published was libellous, or actionable, the printers and publishers were open to punishment. With regard to the emigrants. Lord Hawkesbury disclaimed all know- ledge of, or belief in, any evil designs entertained by them against the head of the French government. As a measure of conciliation, Peltier was brought to trial for a libel against the First Consul, at the instance of the attorney-general. He was defended with great eloquence by Mr. Mackintosh (afterwards Sir James), but was found guilty. The arguments of the counsel, however, and the public feeling in his favour, gave him the appearance of a triumph ; and he was never brought up to receive sentence, the quarrel with France soon coming to an open rupture. The " damages," and the " costs," however, have been severely felt by both parties. Li February, 1803, Napoleon, irritated beyond further endurance, by the protracted negociations which only left things as they were before, formed the resolution of entering personally into conference with the British ambassador. Lord Whitworth. In the course of their inter- view, the First Consul, without attending to diplomatic forms, or attempting to disguise hostile intentions under established etiquette, openly stated his various causes of complaint; and ended by perempto- rily demanding the execution of the treaty of Amiens, peace or war being the alternative. The result was a message from the King of England to the House of Commons, stating that he had occasion for additional aid, to enable him to defend his dominions, in case of an encroachment on the part of France; of which the great naval prepara- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 305 tions in the ports of France, gave reason to entertain an apprehension. The cause of apprehension, assigned in his Majesty's message, injured his ministers in puhhc opinion, as it was unfounded in fact, no such pre- parations being in progress, and the assertion in question being triumph- antly refuted in a note by Talleyrand. Mr. Fox eloquently espoused the cause of the First Consul in the House of Commons, and raised his warning voice in the debate on the King's message. " His Majesty's ministers," said he, " would do well to consider the tendency of their measures. If through their negligence, rashness, or ill-concerted plans, they involve the country in war at this important period, I shall pronounce the present administration to be the most fatal and destructive which ever directed the affairs of Great Britain. * * * x still approve of the treaty of Amiens, and principally because it freed us from those detestable and abominable principles upon which the late war was conducted. I hope that we shall never hear again of wars begun for the pretence of the pro- tection of rehgion and social order. I trust that such hypocrisy is for ever destroyed; and that no ministers A\dll again attempt to impose upon a generous people by such false pretexts." The ministry was, however, supported by large majorities, and events manifestly tended towards the renewal of hostilities'. It was the policy of Napoleon to prevent the procrastination of these fruitless accusations and rejoinders. If war was inevitable, it was for his interest to commence it at once. His language, in the interview he had already held with the English ambassador, was sufficiently plain. " No consideration on earth," he then said, " shall make me consent to your retention of Malta; I would as soon agree to put you in possession of the Faubourg St. Antoine. Every wind that blows from England brings nothing but hatred and hostility towards me. An invasion is the only measure of offence that I can take against her, and I am de- termined to put myself at the head of the expedition. There are a hundred chances to one against my success; but I am not the less determined to attempt the descent, if war must be the consequence of the present discussion." He now quickly brought matters to a crisis. He attacked Lord Whitworth in vehement and excited language, at a diplomatic meeting at the Tuileries, on the loth of March, 1803. " You are then determined on war ?" said the First Consul, who was visibly in considerable agitation. The English ambassador, in the courteous forms of guarded diplomacy, disclaimed the accusation; but the First Consul w^ould not hear the reply : " We have been at war for fifteen years," said he, interrupting the words of the ambassador ; " you are deter- mined on hostility for fifteen years more ; and you force me to it." He then turned to the Russian ambassador, and continued: "The English Q Q 306 THE HISTORY OF iL/..iici.'OTCj=^ wish for war; but if they draw the sword first, I will be the last to return it to the scabbard. They do not respect treaties; which, hence- forth, we must cover with black crape." He then again addressed Lord Whitworth: "To what purpose are these armaments? Against whom do you take these measures of precaution ? I have not a single ship of the line in any port in France. But if you arm, I, too, will take up arms ; if you fight, I will fight; you may destroy France, but you cannot intimidate her." Lord Whitworth, preserving his calmness, replied, " We desire neither the one nor the other; we desire to live with her on terms of good intelligence." " You must respect treaties then," said Napoleon sternly; "woe to those by whom they are not respected! They will be accountable for the consequences to all Europe." Repeat- ing the last words twice over, he rose, and abruptly retired from the levee, leaving all present in a state of considerable consternation. In England, resentment against the First Consul was raised to a high pitch, by this insult ollered to the nation in the person of its ambassador; and the ministerial press did not fail to fun the flame, by bringing forward other causes of grievance, real or pretended. The mission of General Sebastiani to the court of Constantinople and the ports of the Adriatic, gave grounds to fear further designs on Egypt ; tlie obstinate NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 307 resistance to the English retention of Malta looked like a prospective in- tention of making that island a stepping-stone to India. Whether there existed real ground of apprehension as to these measures or not, there can be no doubt that the way in which they were brought forward by the press at such a moment, contributed to hurry on the war. Some faint efforts at negociation, however, were still made. The English ministry offered to lower their claim upon Malta, to an acknowledgment of their right to hold possession of the island for ten years, instead of holding it in perpetuity. The First Consul resolutely continued to demand the fulfil- ment of the treaty; proposing, however, that since a Neapolitan garrison was considered objectionable, a Russian or Austrian one should be sub- stituted ; but to this the British ministry would not listen. Lord Whit- worth left Paris, and Great Britain declared war against France on the 18th of May, 1803. " Period ever fatal and memorable," says Hazlitt ; " the commencement of another Iliad of woes, not to be forgotten while the world shall last." Before the formal declaration of hostilities, the English seized on all the French shipping in their ports, and took two French ships of war. This proceeding however, is, stated by Scott and other writers, to be of " universal custom" in such cases, and accordingly not to be reprehended. The First Consul nevertheless, irritated by it to such a degree that he retaliated in a manner neither justified by honour, humanity, nor " universal custom." He seized on all the English who were resident or travelling in France on the faith of the peace, and treated them as prisoners of war. The amount of misery he thus created and maintained, while for the weary length of twelve years these unfortunate *' detemis" as they were called, lingered in hopeless exile, bereft from all the relations and ties of affection, with blasted prospects, and " occupation gone," is fearful to reflect upon, and adds a strange and melancholy item to the established horrors of war. Napoleon, however, never expressed any remorse on the subject, but appears rather to have felt concern at not having rendered their captivity more rigorous, in revenge for England having degraded the French prisoners of war, by placing them on board the hulks. He once offered to compromise the matter, by including the detenus in an exchange of prisoners ; but the English ministers heart- lessly stood out on some political 2)unctilio, and would not come to any terms about them, and they were left to their fate until the end of the war. France was totally unprepared for the sudden declaration of war ; a proof sufficient to shew that the First Consul had not desii'ed the termi- nation of the peace. The army was completely on a peace establishment. Great numbers of the troops were disbanded ; the parks of artillery were broken up. New plans for re-casting the artillery had been pro- posed, and they had already begun to break up the cannon to throw them 308 THE HISTORY OF into the funuices. The navy was in a still less serviceable condition. The utmost energy was requisite to meet the emergency. Napoleon was never found wanting on such occasions ; and he now shewed no embarrassment, but turned his mind to the requisite points with his ac- customed promptitude and clearness. The several communications which had passed between tlie two hostile governments previous to the rupture, were laid before the legislative body ; and the senate received a consular message, which declared that the government had only refused further concessions at tliat line which its principles and duties dictated. " The negociations are interrupted, and we are attacked," continued the address. " Let us at least fight to maintain the faith of treaties, and the honour of the French name." The nation responded with enthusiasm to the call. Sums of money were voted by the large towns for building ships. The army was rapidly recruited. The law of the conscription passed by the Directory in 1798, supplied France with a mine, of at least the rough ore, of soldiers. By that law, every young man between the age of twenty and twenty-five years was required to be attached to some mihtary corps. This does not imply that they were sent into camps and barracks, but that they were taught the art of war, and became liable to be sum- moned to active service, according to the necessities of the country, under the condition of being kept no longer than four years from their homes, (unless in extraordinary circumstances, of which the national representa- tion was to be the sole judge), and with the power of finding substitutes. It must be evident that, under a despotic government, such an institution was liable to abuse ; and, before the termination of the long and dreadful struggle which now began, France groaned under the infliction. At the commencement, however, the ranks were filled with alacrity. The first hostile movement of Napoleon was upon the continental dominions of George III. General Mortier invaded the Electorate of Hanover, with fifteen thousand men. He was opposed by a considerable force under the Duke of Cambridge, and General Walmoden, which with- drew at the approach of the French, and successively occupied difterent positions. The invasion of the Electorate was a violation of the Ger- manic constitution ; but the continental powers were too much overawed to interfere ; and Hanover, left to its own resources, was utterly unable to resist France. The Duke of Cambridge threw up his command and re- turned home ; the Hanoverian army laid down their arms and were dis- banded, and the Electorate was occupied by the French. The strong- holds, depots of arms and ammunition, and revenues of the state, all fell into their hands ; and its fine breed of horses supplied their cavalry. General Mortier noticed, with considerable feeling, the evident emotion of tlie regiment of Hanoverian Guards, at delivering over their horses to Ills iiniiy. The strong attachment of these dragoons to their horses NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 309 is well known. Heavy contributions were also levied by the French on Hamburg, Bremen, and others of the Hanse towns. The Prince Royal of Denmark was the only continental sovereign who attempted to resist the informality of the First Consul's proceedings. He raised an army of thirty thousand men to oppose them ; but, finding himself unsupported, he soon resumed a pacific attitude. The second movement of the First Consul was the occupation of Naples. The following proclamation preceded the invasion of the kingdom by the French army, " The King of England has refused to execute the treaty of Amiens. The French army is obliged to occupy the positions which it quitted in virtue of that treaty ; positions which we will maintain so long as England shall persist in retaining Malta." No resistance was attempted, and Tarentum was strongly fortified and garrisoned by French troops ; as were, at the same time, the island of Elba and the coast of Tuscany. These measures, besides enabling the First Consul to maintain his army by levies on the foreign states he occupied, crippled the commerce of England by shutting up all com- munication with many of the best markets on the continent. The First Consul himself, accompanied by Josephine, visited the principal towns, proceeding through the Netherlands to the northern coast, where he made observations and gave orders respecting the fortifi- cations. He visited Montreuil, Etaples, Boulogne, Ambleteuse, Vime- 310 THE HISTORY OF reux, Calais, and Dunkirk, and thence proceeded to Antwerp, where, after thorouglily examining- into its condition, he ordered the commence- ment of those extensive works by wliich he converted tliat mercantile port into a strong military position. The English were now excluded ia-om every port within the wide range of French influence ; and every port in tliat wide range was blockaded by English ships. None shall come in — none shall come out ; no imports — no exjiorts ; no fresh provisions — no news ! Such was the position in which two governments — in what we arc taught to consider a mature period of civilisation and wisdom — placed two great nations ; a position which would be identical with the children's game of " my flag and your flag !" but for the dull folly and wide devastation of the consequences. These measures were all preparatory, on the part of Napoleon, to his determined plan, to attempt the invasion of England. Various reports on the best means to be employed for the purpose had been made ready. After comparing them, he decided that he had no means of grappling with the power of England at sea, and that his fleet of men-of-war, ready or even in progress, afforded no chance of success. He, therefore, issued orders for constructing some thousands of gun-boats, flat-bottomed boats, and other small craft, similar to those which had been prepared during the former war. His orders were rapidly accomplished. The larger towns had voted money for building men-of-war, the less wealthy now voted it for these smaller vessels. They were built on the banks of the navigable rivers; floated down to the sea between Harfleur and Flushing; and then, collected in little squadrons, they crept close along shore, protected from the English ships by the batteries, to the great place of rendezvous at Boulogne. IMeanwhile, an immense army was assembling in six divisions, in camps wdiich extended from Utrecht to the mouth of the Somme. Marmont, Mortier, Soult, Davoust, Ney, and Junot, were the principal commanders of this armament, which numbered one hundred and sixty thousand men, and took the name of the Army of England. Augereau was placed at the head of another army, stationed at Bayonne, and destined to advance upon Portugal, if that country did not renounce the English influence. General Lannes was sent to Lisbon to negociate ; and the Court, terrified to offend either of the hostile powers, purchased its neutrality by a large annual tribute to France. Spain, as we have seen, had preserved peace on similar tenns. By another nego- ciation, tlie First Consul had secured his recent acquisition on the American continent from British seizure, having sold Louisiana to the United States, his faithful allies, for a sum nearly amounting to three nn'llions sterling. The energy of tlu' First Consul seemed to increase with the occasion ; and his clearness of mind was the more forcibly evinced in proportion to NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 311 the complication of his engagements. He took a house near Boulogne, called the Pont de Brique, and frequently went there to superintend the operations in person. He usually arrived when least expected, mounted his horse immediately, rode through the camps, reviewed the troops, or visited the harhour, — inspecting the works, and generally taking home the principal officers and engineers to a late dinner; thus acquiring, before night, a far more accurate knowledge of all that was done tlian if he had read page after page of reports : after which, while he seemed still among the troops, he was hack again at St. Cloud. Great works, important not only in war, but in peace, were accomplished by this Army of England while encamped. The soldiers were employed, after the manner of the ancient Romans, in executing the projects conceived by the engineers; being alternately exercised and employed as paid labourers. By these means, the harbour of Boulogne was scooped out, and a basin, capable of containing two thousand vessels of the flotilla, was formed ; a bridge and pier were then constructed. A fine harbour was also constructed at Vimereux. At Ambleteuse, the pestilent marshes were drained by means of a great sluice, which, reducing the waters to the proper channel of the river, gave several thousand acres of valuable land to agriculture, and made the country healthy. Great magazines of arms and provisions were formed, cannon founded, sails and cordage made ; all these operations were carried on by the soldiers. Various manoeuvres were practised by night, to avoid the observation of the English ships ; it was then the soldiers were exercised in embarking and disembarking with celerity. These hostile preparations were productive of corresponding zeal on the part of England. A sj^irit of unbounded energy instantly ran through the very veins of the whole country, and every individual, how- ever quiet, pacificatory, or stolid his previous character and habits, now rose with a determined vigour, as though the safety of his father- land depended on his single exertions. We take the following graphic description from Hazlitt: — " All our fleets were put into requisition from the Baltic to the Tagus, from the Tagus to the coasts of Sicily. Not a fishing-boat but seemed to have new life put into it, and to prepare for the conflict. Upwards of five hundred ships of war, of various descriptions and sizes, scoured the ocean in different directions. English squadrons blockaded every port in the channel or Mediterranean, and our cruizers were either seen scuddinar over the waters, like sea-gulls dallying with their native element and hovering near their prey, or stood in and insulted the enemy on his own shores, cutting out his vessels, or dismantling his forts. By land, the hubbub and consternation was not less. Britain armed from one end to the other to repel the threatened invasion. An army of volunteers 312 THE HISTORY OF sprung up like grasshoppers. Every hill had its horseman, every bush or brake its sharp-shooter. The preparations were not the least active at the greatest distance from the scene of danger. Petitions were put into our liturgy, to deliver us from an insolent and merciless foe, who ' was about to swallow us up quick;' nor was there a church-door in the remotest corner of Great Britain, on which was not posted a call on high and low, rich and poor, to bestir themselves in the common defence, which, proceeding from Mr. Cobbett's powerful pen, roused the hopes and fears of the meanest rustic into a flame of martial enthusiasm." Camps were formed on the English shore opposite to France, which were frequently visited by the king in person. The regular army amounted to one hundred tliousand, the militia to eighty thousand ; and three hundred and fifty thousand volunteers were under arms. The courage and resolution of these newly-formed soldiers was put to the proof on several occasions by the energy with which they marched to the sup- posed point of attack, when the beacons on different hills were lighted under a false alarm. Had Napoleon ever effected a landing, he would have met \\4th an opposition far exceeding anything he anticipated. Mr. Pitt returned to office in March, 1 804, which circumstance was regarded with truth by the nation as an earnest that the war was to be carried on with unscrupulous and determined vigour. Meanwhile, the acti\ity in France continued unabated ; and scarcely a day passed with- out some trifling engagement, brought on by the rigorous pursuit of the squadrons of the French flotilla, as they advanced to Boulogne. At one of these, the First Consul is said to have assisted in person. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 313 CHAPTER XXIII. CONSPIRACY OF GEORGES CADOUDAL PICHEGRU AND MOREAU IMPLICATED — CONSPIRATORS ARRESTED THE DUKE D' ENGHIEN SEIZED, TRIED, AND EXECUTED — DEATH OF PICHEGRU CAPTAIN WRIGHT HIS DEATH TpiAL OF GEORGES AND MOREAU EXECUTION OF GEORGES — MOREAU BANISHED — PROTESTS OF FOREIGN COl^RTS— SUMMARY IN RELATION TO THE DUKE D' ENGHIEN. The hurry of preparation with which the year 1803 closed, was changed, in the beginning of 1804, for a period of dark intrigues against the life and government of the First Consul, in unravelling which he was forced to employ his time and energies more after the manner of an inquisitor than the head of a great country ; leaving his name sullied with some black suspicions, and one positive accusation of treachery and cruelty. The tragic death of the Duke d'Enghien was one act of this gloomy drama : it has generally been treated as an isolated fact, and to this cause may be ascribed much of the mystery in which it is shrouded, and the confusing manner in which it is generally related. It shall be our object to give the whole series of circumstances in their order ; carefully detailing all R R ,^314 THE HISTORY OF the established facts, without mixing them with conjecture, theory, or comment, until the whole has been laid before the reader. It will be remembered that the ministry of police had been suppressed after the Peace of Amiens. M. Real, a counsellor of state, had the superintendence of everything connected with the general system of surveillance, in concert with the grand judge. Fouche, however, had not laid aside his occupation, though it was officially taken from him ; and there remains no doubt that he was aware of the intrigues of 1804, before the police had suspected them, if indeed he did not foment them, in order to make his own services appear necessary to the state ; and that he was among the first to fill the mind of the First Consul with suspicions, some of which were well-founded; others, at all events, exaggerated. These being corroborated by intercepted letters, which hinted at a speedy change in the government, and reports of apparent disafiection in La Vendee, occasioned the mission to that province of Savary, who held the post of colonel of the legion, called gendarmes delite, or chosen bodv of military police. Savary pvit himself in communication with a former Vendean chief, and elicited by personal observation that the country people were in an excited state, ready for a fresh revolt, and fully expecting the return of Georges Cadoudal, to place himself at their head; some of them asserting that he was already in France. With this information, which only added conjecture to conjecture, Savary returned to Paris. Meanwhile, Napoleon, who is always described as possessing a ready tact for discovering when he was upon a volcano, and where to place his finger on the dangerous spot, had examined the lists, kept by the police, of suspected persons ; had caused several arrests, and brought some to trial, who had been detained in prison for months. Two of these were executed, but would confess nothing, defying autho- rity, and boasting that it would not be of long duration. A clue was next obtained to the existence of danger in a different direction. A party of emigrants had lately settled in the territory of Baden. It was ascertained that Mr. Drake and Mr. Spencer Smith, the British residents at the Courts of Munich and Stuttgard, maintained a correspondence with these persons. The French government employed an emissary to sound their intentions. This spy, named Mehee de la Touche, returned with certain sums of money given to him by the credulous Englishmen, to forward the royalist cause; and with the information that they kept up a correspondence with the emigrants of Baden, as well as those of the interior, in the hope of fomenting a royalist insurrection, having for an auxiliary the Baroness Von Reich, long known as an active promoter of anti-revolutionary plots. It is certain, however, as Scott afiirms, that no plans of assassination were entertained by these gentlemen. Napo- leon again exanu'ned tlic lists of susj)ected persons, and selected for trial NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 315 one named Querel, described as formerly a surgeon in the rebel army, and arrested two months before. This man was condemned, but on being led to execution, declared he had confessions to make which con- cerned the life of the First Consul. Being promised a pardon, he de- clared that he had been in Paris six months; that he had come from England with Georges Cadoudal, and six other persons whom he named; that they were landed at the cliff of Beville, near Dieppe, by a cutter of the British royal navy; that they had been since joined by foui'teen more, all landed in the same way; and finally, that another landing was shortly to take place at the same spot. He described the man who received them on landing, the farm houses at which they were lodged, and declared that all his companions in the adventure were now in Paris. Four of the men he named had been accomplices in the affair of the infernal machine. The whole of the party were under the direction and ready to obey the orders of Georges Cadoudal. Paris was immediately sui'- rounded by a cordon of troops ; and the barriers were shut night and day. Savary was ordered to hold himself in readiness to proceed to the coast, to watch for the expected English cutter, with the fresh party of con- spirators. These important disclosui'es called for immediate measures. The lists of suspected persons in the vicinity of Dieppe were consulted. The son of a watchmaker, named Troche, was fixed upon, arrested, brought to Paris, and confronted with Querel. The suspicion was found to be just. Querel recognised him immediately as an agent in the disem- barkations, and he was easily induced to turn traitor, and act the part of a guide to the police. Savary, accompanied by Troche, was despatched to Dieppe with a party of gendarmes, all disguised. Enquiring, upon his arrival, for the signals of the coast, he was informed that an English cutter continued to hover off Treport. Guided by Troche, he informed himself of the different cottages at which the conspirators had been re- ceived, and where he found provisions made ready for the expected land- ing. Abovit dusk, the cutter stood in towards shore, so as to be able, wdth a single tack, to reach sufficiently near to send a boat to the foot of the cliff. Troche declared it to be the same cutter which had already landed three parties. At nightfall, Savary posted himself with his gen- darmes at the outlet of a deep ravine, near the foot of the cliff of Beville, wdiich rises abruptly from the sea to the height of two hundred and fifty feet. The weather was stormy, and the ground covered with snow. At the extremity of the cliff was an apparatus for smuggling, into all the secrets of which Savary was now initiated by his perfidious guide. It consisted of a rope about the thickness of a merchantman's cable, fixed perpendicularly against the cliff, and fastened to stout stakes driven in for the pvirpose. The man who ascended last always coiled it 316 THE HISTORY OF up, and deposited it in its appropriate place. It seemed to be a very ancient establishment. The country people religiously kept the secret of its existence. It had its regular superintendents, and the smugglers punctually paid the charge imposed upon them for its use. By this rope, Georges, and all those concerned in his undertaking, had entered France. The landing, however, could not this time be effected. Savary watched six or seven nights, during all which time the sea continued too rou'^h to allow of the attempt ; and, at the end of that time, the cutter sailed off, probably warned of the impending danger. It appeared that the covnitry people had no idea that those who had landed were other than smugglers; but they evinced far more concern at the loss of their rope than at learning that they had introduced Georges into the country. Meanwhile, fresh discoveries had been made in Paris. An emigrant, named Bouvet de Lozier, having been arrested, attempted suicide in prison; and in the struggles of returning consciousness, uttered excla- mations in the hearing of his gaolers, which implicated Pichegru (who was supposed to be in England) in the conspiracy, and raised suspicions against Moreau. The latter general had held himself aloof from the First Consul since the 1 8th Brumaire. His former position of general of the army of the Rhine, had placed him in a kind of rivalry with regard to the general of the army of Italy; and this feeling, which Moreau appears to have encouraged, had never been forgotten, and had spread widely among all the soldiers he had commanded, with whom he was very popular. He had taken no part in public affairs, but was regarded as a republican. The soundness of his principles, however, had naturally been doubted since the period of Pichegru's defection, in 1797, when, it will be remembered, he concealed his knowledge, for several months, of the treachery that general had meditated. He had, besides, married a royalist lady, of an intriguing disposition. For all these reasons, he was the more readily suspected, and was arrested on his way from his country house to Paris. Pichegru was betrayed, for a large sum of money, by the pretended friend at whose house he lay con- cealed, and was seized in the night while in bed, but not without a des- perate resistance. All the rest of the persons implicated, to the number of forty, were taken very soon afterwards. Amongst them were the Marquess dc Polignac, and M. Jules de Polignac (the confidant of the Count d'Artois), Charles de Riviere, and other royalists of distinction. Georges Cadoudal was among the last arrests. He was stopped in a cabriolet, on the 9th of March, by two agents of the police, one of whom he shot dead, and wounded the otlier, but was overpowered by the crowd, before he could escape. He had been traversing Paris in this manner for several days, fearful to enter any house. A large sum of money was found in his possession when he was taken. Finding resist- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 31* ance vain, he openly avowed and boasted of the purpose for which he had come to Paris. "He had -come," he said, "to attack the First Consul with open force; and with means of the same nature as those employed by his escort and guard to defend him." By the confessions of Georges' attendants, it appears that this desperate Chouan had actually made more than one attempt to assassinate Napoleon. According to Scott,- he is believed, on one occasion, to have penetrated into the Tuileries, disguised as a domestic, but had not been able to get near enough to accomplish his purpose. This plot against the life of the First Consul, excited a profound impression of indignation throughout France. Addresses poured in from every department, and almost every town, throughout the republic, congratulating him and themselves on his escape, and invoking the ven- geance of the law on the conspirators. The spirit of the army was roused to the highest pitt*h of enthusiasm for their chief, at the bare idea of the base attempts that had been made and meditated. Had Moreau been brought before a council of war at this moment, all his former reputation would not have saved his life. Napoleon was deeply affected at the demonstrations of affection he received, but his mind was still disturbed ; he felt he had not unravelled this scheme. For whom was Georges acting ? Who was it that, supposing the attempt at assas- sination had succeeded, was intended to come forward, and stej) into the vacant seat of power ? An expectation that one of the Bourbon princes was yet to be landed at Beville, was hinted at by some of the prisoners. 318 THE HISTORY OF Others described a person of distinction, who appeared every ten or twelve days at the lodgings of Georges, to whom all present, including the Polignacs and De Riviere, shewed extraordinary respect. A review was taken of all the Bourbon princes. The only one of them known to be in the neighbourhood of France, was the Duke d' Enghien, who then resided at Ettenheim, in the territory of Baden, on the right bank of the Rhine. He was the son of the Duke of Bourbon, and grandson of the Prince of Conde; was known to be brave and resolute, having led the van of the emigrant army, and fought with the greatest valour on every occasion. The intrigues of the English residents at Munich and Stuttgard, were not forgotten, and added their weight to the present suspicions. It was determined to despatch an emissary to observe the motions of the Duke d' Enghien, The wliole of the foregoing account has been collected from the various French authorities, and is strictly confined to the discoveries made by the French government, the measures taken in consequence, and the public feeling in France. The corresponding history of tlie proceedings in England, and the actual plans of the emigrants, throw- additional light on the whole. We extract it entire from Sir Walter Scott. " The Peace of Amiens being broken, the British government, with natural policy, resolved once more to avail themselves of the state of public feeling in France, and engage the partisans of royalty in a fresh attack upon the consular government. They were, probably, in some degree deceived concerning the strength of that party, which had been much reduced under Bonaparte's management, and had listened too implicitly to the promises and projects of agents, who, themselves san- guine beyond what was warranted, exaggerated even their ovni hopes in communicating them to the British ministers. It seems to have been acknowledged that little success was to be hoped for, unless Moreau could be brought to join the conspiracy. This, however, was esteemed possible; and notwithstanding the disagreement, personal as well as political, which had subsisted betwixt him and Pichegru, the latter seems to have undertaken to become the medium of communication be- twixt Moreau and the royalists. Escaped from the deserts of Cayenne, to which he had been exiled, Pichegru had, for some time, found refuge and support in London, and there openly professed his principles as a royalist, on which he had for a long time acted in secret. " A scheme was in agitation for raising the royalists in the west, and the Duke de Berri was to make a descent on the coast of Picardy, to favour the iiisurrection. The Duke d' Enghien, grandson of the Prince of Conde, fixed his residence under the protection of the Margrave of Baden, at the chateau of Ettenheim, with the purpose, doubtless, of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 319 Leing ready to put himself at the head of the royalists in the east of France, or, if occasion should offer, in Paris itself. Whilst the French princes expected on the frontier the effect of commotions in the interior of France, Pichegru, Georges Cadoudal, and about thirty other royalists of the most determined cliaracter, were secretly landed in France ; made their way to the metropolis, and contrived to find lurking-places invisible to the all-seeing police." Scott does not specify in this place the means by which this band of conspirators were " secretly landed in France ; " but five pages further on he supplies the omission in relating the capture of Wright. " Captain Wright, the commander of a British brig of war, had been engaged in putting ashore, on the coast of Morbihan, Pichegru and some of his companions." " There can be no reason to doubt," continues Scott, " that a part of those agents, and Georges in particular, saw the greatest obstacle of their enterprise in the existence of Bonaparte, and were resolved to commence by his assas- sination. Pichegru, who was constantly in company with Georges, cannot well be supposed ignorant of this purpose, although better befitting the fierce chief of a band of Chouans, than the conqueror of Holland." The foregoing accovmt marks the singular accuracy of the discoveries of the French pohce, and the truth of Napoleon's suspicions. He had 320 THE HISTORY OF retired for a few days to Malmaison, from the anxious cares of the capital, when he received the report returned by the emissary who had been despatched to Ettenheim. The report stated, that the Duke d'Enghien was frequently visited by the emigrants of Baden; one of whom was believed to be General Dumouriez ; and that he was known to give them money. This was all quite natural. It stated further, that he went almost every week to the theatre at Strasburg (on the French side of the Rhine) ; that he was frequently absent eight, ten, or twelve days, without any one knowing where he was. He was known to have a passion for hunting, and these long absences might be spent in the Black Forest to follow this favourite pastime; but it was also a plausible supposition that they were occasioned by secret visits to Paris, and that the person described as visiting Georges from time to time, who was treated with extraordinary marks of respect, was no other than this prince. It had been asserted that he ventured to Paris in the time of the Directory, when the affairs of the republic seemed desperate, and that Bernadotte, then minister at war, warned him to make his escape. The whole train of circumstances excited and determined the will of Napoleon to a course of action, which, having once begun, he pursued to its consequences. "This," he said, "is beyond a jest! To come from Ettenheim to Paris to plot an assassination, and to fancy one- self safe, because one is behind the Rhine ! I should be a fool to suffer it." He called a council, consisting of the two consuls, the grand judge, Talleyrand, and Fouche, in which the subject of discussion was the seizure of the Duke d'Enghien by force. Cambaceres alone opposed this measure, but was overruled by Talleyrand. The First Consul having collected the voices which supported the proposition, immediately w-ent to his cabinet to dictate the order for the apprehension of the Duke d'Enghien, It was dated the 10th of March, 1804. It directed General Ordener to go secretly to Strasburg, and to make the proper provisions to transport three hundred dragoons, and three or four brigades of gendarmerie across the Rhine at Rheinau; to proceed thence expeditiously to the residence of the Duke d'Enghien; to take him prisoner, and bring him to Paris. The order also directed the seizure of all the papers belonging to the duke, and the arrest of the supposed General Dumouriez. The commands of Napoleon were strictly and expeditiously obeyed. The duke was seized in his bed on the morning of the 15th of March, and, together with seven of his friends and three domestics, was carried to Strasburg, where he remained for three days. It was here ascertained that the supposed Dumouriez was in fact General Thumery. The duke was now removed from all his companions with the exception of his aide- de-camp, the Baron St. .Taques. Early in the morning of the 18th, he * NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 321 was ordered to prepare for a journey. The linen he was permitted to take amounted to two shirts only — an ominous circumstance. He was conveyed with secresy and speed to Paris, where he arrived on the 20th, and was committed for a few hours to the Temple, but before nightfall he was transferred to the castle of Vincennes, an ancient Gothic fortress, about a mile beyond the walls of the city. A con- sular decree, dated the same day, ordered that "the heretofore Duke d'Enghien, accused of having borne arms against the republic, and of having been, and still being, in the pay of England, for taking part in the plots contrived by that power against the internal and external safety of the republic, is to be brought before a court-martial, composed of seven members appointed by the governor of Paris, which court will assemble at Vincennes." The grand-judge, Regnier, Talleyrand, as minister at war, and Murat, then governor of Paris, were charged with the execution of this decree. The military commission, composed of seven colonels of the army, reached Vincennes about five in the evening. General Hullin, gover- nor of Vincennes, was appointed to act as president. Shortly after- wards, Savary, with a brigade of infantry, marched into the castle, which had been already strongly garrismied by the gendarmerie (Telite and a detachment of cavalry. The Duke d' Enghien, being overcome with fatigue, retired to bed on his arrival at Vincennes, and was awoke at midnight, out of a deep sleep, to reply to the interrogatories of a military commission.* In answer to their questions, the duke avowed his name and rank, the period at which he had quitted France (1789), and the various countries in which he had since resided; avowed also that he had served against France in the emigrant army of his grandfather, the Prince of Conde, from its formation under tlae pay of England, until it was disljanded; admitted that he received a pension from England, which was all he had to live on; said that he had resided at Ettenheim for two years and a-half, having official permission from the Elector of Baden; that he remained there only because the emperor allowed him the privilege of hunting, a diversion of which he was very fond ; but he requested to add, that as the reasons which induced him to remain at Ettenheim no longer existed, he had proposed to remove to Fribourg, in Bresgau, a much more agreeable town; admitted that he had, as was natural, corre- sponded with his grandfather and his father; also, with certain friends in the interior of the republic, who had formerly served with him, but onl}'^ * The whole account of the interrogatory and trial of the Duke d' Engiiien is here extracted from the official archives of the period, as published by the Duke de Dalberg, in his " Documents and Correspondence," subsequent to the appeai'ance of SavTwry'fi pamphlet, in 182;3. S S 322 THE HISTORY OF on private business; denied having ever to his knowledge seen General Pichegru; knew that Pichegrvi had wished to see him, but was glad he never had, if the reports of his accession to the odious measures in con- templation by the conspirators in Paris were true; denied having ever seen Dumouriez. Above the signature of his name to the minutes of the foregoing interrogatory, are the following words, in the hand-writing of the duke: — " Before I sign the present minute, I earnestly request to have a private audience with the First Consul. My name, my rank, my manner of thinking, and the horror of my situation, induce me to hope that he will not refuse my request." At two o'clock in the morning, the duke was summoned to appear before the court-martial then assembled. The questions addressed to him, and his answers, were precisely the same in import as those at the previous interrogatory; the only difference being, that a degree of haughty defiance is observable in the answers of the duke on this occa- sion; arising, probably, from the neglect of the request he had made, and a perception that his fate was sealed. To his declaration that he had served against France before, he now added, " that he was ready to take the field, and wished to serve in the new war of England against France." To his avowal that he received a pension from England, he added the amount, "One hundred and fifty guineas a-month;" and omitted the explanation that he depended on this allowance to defray private expenses. Being asked if he had anything to add to his grounds of defence, he replied, " that he had nothing more to say," and therein persisted. The president now desired the prisoner to be removed, and the court proceeded to deliberate with closed doors. The following is a copy, both of the words and blank spaces, of the judgment recorded in their minutes : — " The court, by an unanimity of voices, declared the prisoner guilty, and applied to him article of the law of the , to this effect ; and, in consequence, condemned him to suffer the pain of death. Orders, that the present judgment shall be executed forth- with, by the care of the captain-reporter, after causing it to be read to the prisoner in the presence of the different detachments of the corps of the garrison. " Done, closed, and determined, without adjourning, at Vincennes the day, month, and year as above, and signed by us." Here follow the names of all the members of the court-martial, that of the secretary, Molin, being alone omitted, apparently by inadver- tency. The document bears date, 30th of Ventose, Year 12 (21st of March, 1804). NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. o2o The official report of the sentence, which appeared the following day in " The Moniteur," was different to this, although it purported to be a copy. It was much longer ; the blanks were filled up by references to different laws, which were made to bear on the case as well as might be, and the name of the secretary was inserted. It is not recorded how long the court continued in deliberation ; but only two hours had elapsed after the conclusion of the trial, when the Duke d' Enghien was summoned to follow the commandant of Vin- cennes, M. Harel; and conducted by him down the mnding stairs which led to the subterraneous part of the castle. As the cold and damp air met him in his descent, the unfortunate duke, pressing the arm of Harel, said, "Am I to be immured in a dungeon?" Harel was much affected by the appeal, but answered nothing. The descent ter- minated at a postern, which opened into the \\dde and spacious ditch of the fortress, which had been fixed on for the scene of death. The troops were drawn up under arms, and a party of gendarmes d' elite, under the command of Savary, were stationed as the executioners. It was now six o'clock in the morning, and the sun liad, therefore, risen ; but as a heaAy mist lay on the ground, the yellow light of torches was mingled with the grey and gloomy atmosphere. It is said the grave was already dug; but this point, though very probable, remains doubt- ful. The sentence was now read to the victim. Some of the witnesses say he demanded a priest, and was refused; upon which he knelt for a few minutes, seemingly absorbed in prayer, and then, rising quickly, prepared to take his station. He would not permit his eyes to be ban- daged; the word was given, the soldiers fired, and he fell. The body, in its clothes, was hastily buried ; the earth was closed over it ; the crowd of living men, who had been there assembled to compass the death of one, bent their accustomed way into the world again, and silence once more settled over the ancient fortress and its new-made grave. The gloom which already pervaded the capital was increased by this sudden, and seemingly mysterious, transaction. The name of the Duke d' Enghien had not been heard among the long list of suspected persons, when the news of his violent death spread abroad. Many reports were circulated injiu'ious to the First Consul ; but, whatever were his private feelings, he observed a profound silence, making no attempt to justify the deed ; and after the official report, which appeared in " The Mo- niteur " on the day following the execution, the government never recurred to the subject. The court of St. Petersburgh went into mourn- ing for the Bourbon prince, and entered a protest against the violation of the territory of Baden ; as did the Swedish government ; whicli only ehcited laconic replies from Talleyrand, denying their right to interfere. None of the other continental pcwcrs ventured to make any remon- 324 THE HISTORY OF strance. It is known that Josephine was deeply afflicted at the event, which, it is said, she used her influence to avert. Besides that, all harsh and cruel measures were revolting to her nature, her sympa- thies were aristocratic, and she had many friends in the emigrant party, amongst whom the transaction was, of course, regarded with horror. The duke had confided to her care, by the hands of Savary, his portrait and a lock of his hair, " to transmit to a lady who was dear to him," with whom he had lived at Ettenheim. The government was still occupied in collecting evidence for the trial of Georges and his accomplices ; and the enquiries had rendered it clear that the stranger, w^hom the servants of Georges had described as visiting their master at intervals, and whom the First Consul had suspected to be the Duke d' Enghien, was General Pichegru. There is no likelihood that the discovery of this fact at an earlier stage of the proceedings, would have made any difference as to the catastrophe at Vincennes, for it was only considered as one circumstance among many. Still, the First Consul could not fail to experience a certain shock when he found out this fact. The certainty of interviews between Pichegru and Moreau was also proved ; but it appeared that Moreau would not listen to plans of assassination, and would not conform to royalist prin- ciples ; having, on the contrary, views of attaining to the consular dignity himself, and preserving the republic. Georges, therefore, was forced to delay his blow, from the fear that he might nly despatch the First Consul for the benefit of General Moreau, whose half mea- sures and uncertainties, while he negociated with royalists, and still strove to continue a republican, may be said to have caused the failure of the plot by putting ofl" its execution. Hazlitt says of him, that "he had not courage to be an usurper; honesty, to be a patriot; nor even sufficient loyalty to be a traitor." At this stage of the proceedings, General Pichegru was found dead in his prison, on the morning of the 7th of April. His black silk cravat was tightly twisted round his throat ; and to increase the tightness, a small piece of wood, about the length of a finger, w-hich had been broken from a fagot still in his fire-place, had been slipped between his neck and cravat, and twisted round, to act as a mechanical power, until reason forsook him. His head falling back, had compressed the stick, and prevented the cravat from untwisting. The enemies of the First Consul did not fail to accuse him of having caused the assas- sination of Pichegru; and political partisans, like Scott arid Lockhart, of course, repeat the accusation ; but there is no evidence whatever in support of it, and much against it. A sentinel was placed outside the window of the roon in which Pichegru w^as confined, and another at hi^ door ; not a likely thing to be permitted, if secret assassins were NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 325 intended to enter. The strongest circumstance however is, that the murder would have been without motive, for the conviction of Picheffru was certain; and, moreover, his death, at that moment, prevented the proofs of Moreau's guilt from being completely established. His suicide, on the other hand, was easily accounted for : he had become low and desponding, as the evidence against him became more clear ; and was known to have declared that he would never "die by the hand of an ex- ecutioner. " What motives," said Napoleon to O'Meara, " could I have in assassinating Pichegru ? — a man who was evidently guilty ; against whom every proof was ready. No evidence was wanting against him. Perhaps I should have pardoned him. If, indeed, Moreau had been found dead, then people might have said that I had caused his assas- sination, and with great apparent justice, for he was the only man I had much reason to fear ; and until then he was judged innocent." Another death, which happened in the following year, but as con- nected with this period of horror, may here be mentioned, has in like manner been ascribed to Napoleon. Captain Wright, the commander of the English cutter who had put the conspirators ashore, was, by a strange fatality, wrecked soon after on the coast of France, and made prisoner. He was examined with the other prisoners, but refused to answer any questions which might implicate his government. He remained in the Temple as a prisoner of war ; and towards the end of 1805, he was found dead in his cell, his throat cut from ear to ear. Napoleon was then in Austria, engaged in the campaign of Austerlitz ; and it is a strange supposition that the idea of this distant, imprisoned, and unimportant individual, should suddenly start up in his mind amidst his scene of victories, and that he should send orders to murder him for no con- ceivable motive, and at a period when the very memory of his offences against the French government was almost worn out. Even Mr. Lockhart, differing on this occasion from Scott, acquits Napoleon of such a charge : " Under all the circumstances of the case," he says, " there seems to be no reason for supposing that he could have had any concern in that tragedy." The unfortunate Captain Wright probably committed suicide ; a proceeding not wonderful or unaccountable in his situation (as we may see by our common police reports); and it has been supposed, that the news of the successes of the French arms hurried him on to the fatal deed ; perhaps, because he became hopeless of any end to his captivity. The trial of Georges Cadoudal, General Moreau, and the other prisoners, to the number of forty-nine, commenced on the 28th of May. The consular title had been exchanged for the imperial ten days before. We anticipate, however, the order of events, that we may bring our narrative of the conspirators to a conclusion. The trial was attended by 326 THE HISTORY OF all the foreign ambassadors, and created a great ferment in Paris. It lasted for twelve days, and, during the whole of that time, the court was thronged with crowds of all ranks among the people. Georges appeared with a miniature of Louis XVI. hung round his neck ; openly avowed that he had come to Paris to assassinate Napoleon ; and seemed only to regret his captivity, because it had prevented his purpose. He amused himself with punning on the name of one of his judges, who had been an old Jacobin. His name being Thuriot, Georges called him Tue-roi (Kill-king), and would sometimes call for brandy to wash his mouth after pronouncing the name or answering any questions. Appearing on one of the days without the picture of the king, Georges •was asked by tlie judge what he had done with it ; on which he replied, " And you, what have you done with the original ?" He was of course found guilty, and was condemned to death, together with nineteen of his associates, amongst whom were the Marquess de Polignac, and M. de Riviere. Moreau was found guilty, but not to the extent of a capital crime. He was sentenced to two years' imprisonment ; and this was changed by Napoleon on the same night, for permission to retire to America. Napoleon also provided him with money, by purchasing his estate at Gros-bois and his house in the Rue d' Anjcu, at the price wiiich he named himself. Great interest was exerted by the families of the Polignacs and Rivieres, to save the lives of their relations: at length, Josephine introduced Madame de Polignac at St. Cloud, who, throwing herself at the feet of Napoleon, obtained his pardon for both. He did not confine his clemency to these great families. A poor girl, who contrived to reach his presence, gained for her brother the same grace which had been extended to the beautiful marchioness for her husband. Six more of the conspirators obtained a commu- tation of their sentence for exile, or different terms of imprisonment. Georges and all the rest were executed on the 25th of June, and died with the utmost courage, and without the slightest signs of contrition. The royalist party was silenced and humbled by the issue of this con- spiracy, which, threatening and formidable in its commencement, served by its discovery and defeat to assist in safely establishing the power of Napoleon. Having followed the train of these events from their commence- ment to their close, it only remains to take a survey of that portion of them which relates to the Duke d' Enghien ; a task which is imperative on the biographers of Napoleon, because the death of that prince has been called the blackest stain upon his memory, and branded with the epithet of a murder. The seizure of the Duke d' Enghien was an arbitrary and violent exercise of power on the part of Napoleon, provoked by the unlawful NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 327 and treacherous attempts of his enemies. All Europe had been con- vulsed with war, for the cause of the Bourbon princes; yet they had failed, notwithstanding, to regain their power. Napoleon had over- matched them in open war. TJieir followers now, for the third time, attacked him by secret treachery; and, to add to the provocation, the English government, which was at open enmity with Napoleon, did not scruple so far to compromise itself on this occasion as to assist in landing these treacherous foes; a line of conduct which exposed its members to the humiliating necessity of protesting against a charge of countenancing assassination. It was in vain that the Bourbon princes made high-sounding protestations to the same effect, while their con- fidential friends, members of the ancient nobility of their kingdom, were in daily communication with Georges Cadoudal. Napoleon found himself, by the sepractices, placed out of the pale of the world's laws, and ordinary means of protection ; treated as an usurper; one, against whom any atrocity was justifiable ; and he resorted to the law of retaliation in his own defence. If, by so doing, he reduced himself to the level of the Count d' Artois, and the other princes who were thus plotting against life, at least he should not be judged more harshly than they. He was afterwards heard to say, " If I had acted right, I should have followed the example of Cromwell, who, on the discovery of the first attempt made to assassinate him, the plot of which had been hatched in France, caused it to be signified to the French king, that if the like occurred again, he, by way of reprisal, would order assassins to be hired to murder him, and a Stuart, Now, I ought to have publicly signified, that on the next attempt at assassination, I would cause the same to be made upon the Bourbon princes; to accomplish which last, indeed, I had only to say, that I would not punish the projectors." (This was not mere assertion ; it is well known that he had more than one offer of the kind.) If, when Napoleon did at last perpetrate that act of reprisal, the revolting details of which are before the reader, he sacrificed one of the best and bravest of the House of Bourbon, this was evil chance, and arose from the circumstance of that one alone being within his reach. He had no especial grounds of resentment against tliat parti- cular member of the family ; having scarcely, indeed, heard his name, or been aware of his existence, before the report from ILttenheim. The Duke d' Enghien died because he was a Bourbon prince, and the horror which his death has so generally excited, is chiefly owing to the same cause. There are few military executions for political offences, the details of which, if followed from beginning to end with the same minuteness, would not excite the same sentiments of pity and horror; but it is seldom that less illustrious victims find chroniclers of tlicir 328 THE HISTORY OF wrongs. The dungeons of the continental governments which protest a«J-ainst the tragedy of Vincennes, could tell many a tale as dark and full of woe; and the Bourbon princes, when they regained their seat of power, gave it many a companion. France has not forgotten the death of the young and generous Labeddyere, and still contains the orave of the slaughtered marshal, who had deserved his name of " The bravest of the brave." hr^ '^^^^tf Had Napoleon waited to weigh his measures very scrupulously, he would, to a certainty, have perished on this occasion, and with him, the revolution; for no man in France, except himself, was capable, at that moment, of maintaining his position against all Europe. The plan of assassination would doubtless have been followed by the return of the Bourbons. This circumstance made his situation doubly perilous. As Fouche said, " The air was full of poniards." Sir Walter Scott remarks that, " Napoleon's nerves were peculiarly susceptible to the dread of assassination : " was there ever a man whose nerves were not so ? The report of the trial of the Duke d' Enghicn, as now extant, contains no proof of his implication in the conspiracy, but Savary afHrms, that one answer of the prisoner, at least, has either never been recorded, or has been abstracted from the archives, in the same manner as the papers relating to the trial of the Queen of France have been removed, so that the records of her trial are reduced to a few scraps of paper. It must strike every reader, that the questions reported are singularly few, and very little to the purpose. Savary affirms that tlie president noticed to the prisoner, the inconsistency of his denial of any knowledge of the plots then gohig on, because they NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 32J) were the common talk of all France, and all the neighbourinn- countries ; and it was impossible he could be indifferent to events likely to prove of such importance to his family: adding, "There is too much im- probability in this, for me to pass it over without observation ; I beo- you to reflect upon it, that you may have recourse to other means of defence." " The Duke d' Enghien," continues Savary, " after a mo- ment's silence, replied in a grave tone : ' Sir, I perfectly comprehend you; it was not my intention to remain indifferent to them. I had applied to England for an appointment in her armies; and she returned for answer, that she had none to give me, but that I was to remain upon the Rliine, where I should soon have a part to act ; and for that I was waitinga I have nothing more to tell you, sir.' " Whether this admission was made by the duke, or not, there can remain no doubt that it was the truth. Napoleon freely discussed the subject at St. Helena, "If," said he to Las Casas, " I had not had in my favour the laws of my country to punish the culprit, I should still have had the right of the law of nature — of legitimate self-defence. The duke and his party had con- stantly but one object in view — that of taking away my life. I was assailed on all sides, and at every instant : air-guns, infernal machines, plots, ambuscades of every kind, were resorted to for that purpose. At last, I grew weary, and took an opportunity of striking them with terror in their turn in London. I succeeded; and from that moment there was an end to all conspiracies. Who can blame me for having acted so ? What ! blows, threatening my existence, are aimed at me day after day, from a distance of one hundred and fifty leagues ; no power on earth, no tribunal, can afford me any redress ; and I am not to be allowed to use the right of nature, and return war for war ! What man, unbiassed by party feeHng, possessing the smallest share of judgment or justice, can take upon him to condemn me ? On what side will he not throw blame, odium, and criminal accusations ? Blood for blood : such is the natural, the inevitable law of retalia- tion ; woe to him who provokes it ! Those who foment civil dissen- sions, or excite political commotions, expose themselves to become the victims of them. It would be a proof of imbecility or madness to imagine and pretend that a whole family should have the strange pri- vilege to threaten my existence, day after day, without giving me the right of retaliation ; they could not reasonably pretend to be above the law, in order to destroy others, and claim the benefit of it for their own preservation ; the chances must be equal. I had never personally offended any of them. A great nation had chosen me to govern them ; almost all Europe had sanctioned their choice. My blood, after all, was not ditch-water ; it was time to place it on a par with tlieirs. And T T 330 THE HISTORY OF what if I had carried retahation further ? I might have done it : the disposal of their destiny was more than once offered me ; but I rejected the proposition with indignation. Not that I thought it would be unjust for me to consent to it in the situation to which they had reduced me; but I felt so powerful, I thought myself so secure, that I should have considered it a base and gratuitous act of cowardice. My great maxim has always been, that, in war as well as in politics, every evil action, even if legal, can only be excused in case of absolute necessity ; what- ever goes beyond that, is criminal." It is impossible to misunderstand an exposition so clear as this. Napoleon does not scruple to recognise the law of retaliation as a legitimate rule of action, and makes no pre- tence to a higher principle than that of expediency ; and on that prin- ciple he justifies his actions. We find, in his will, the following final record of his feelings on the subject : — " I caused the Duke d' Enghien to be arrested and tried, because that step was essential to the safety, interest, and honour of the French people, when the Count d' Artois was maintaining, by his own confession, sixty assassins at Paris. Under similar circumstances, I would again act in the same way." This deliberate avowal must be received as a conclusive answer to all those who accuse Napoleon of having endeavoured to transfer the responsibility of the execution of the Duke d' Enghien from himself to others. In familiar conversation with his intimate friends, he entered into the discussion of the circumstances which had determined him to that action ; and it was then he noticed the influence of Talleyrand. It was then also he stated that he did not receive, till two days after the execution, a letter which the unfortvmate duke had addressed to him from Strasburg, Talleyrand having kept it from him. " As for the assertions that were advanced at the time," said he to Las Casas, " that I had been strenuously oj)posed in this affair, and that numerous soli- citations had been made to me, they are utterly false ; and were only in vented to make me appear in a more odious light. The same thing may be said of the various motives that have been ascribed to me: these motives may have existed in the bosoms of those who acted an inferior part on that occasion, and may have guided them in their private views ; but my conduct was influenced only by the nature of the fact itself, and the energy of my disposition. Undoubtedly, if I had been informed in time of certain circumstances respecting the opinions of the prince, and his disposition ; if, above all, I had seen the letter which he wrote to me, and which, God knows for what reason, was only delivered to me after his death, I should certainly have forgiven him." " I asked," says Mr. O ' Mcara, " if it were true that Talleyrand had retained a letter, written by the Duke d' Enghien to him, until two days after the execution ? Napoleon's reply was, ' It is true. The duke had NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 331 written a letter, offering his services, and asking a command in the army from me, which Talleyrand did not make known until two days after his execution.' " Scott, Bourrienne, and others, treat the story of this letter as a fabrication ; and possibly it may be one : but there are no proofs that it was not written : those alleged (such as the duke havino- left no mention of it in his diary, and his aide-de-camp knowing nothin ' , ''///- NAror,i:ox, kmpkroh NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 3S3 ^^>0-o%,%K .V W\ ^ ■; ' h1 /'//A//// ^ / /. V, /VX,^ ', y// CHAPTER XXIV. NAPOLEON CREATED EMPEROR — THE IMPERIAL CONSTITUTION — PROTEST OF LOUIS XVIII. — THE EMPEROR VISITS THE CAMP AT BOULOGNE THE NEW TITLE RECOGNISED BY THE EUROPEAN POV/ERS; ENGLAND, RUSSIA, AND SWEDEN, EXCEPTED — ARRIVAL OF POPE PIUS VII. AT PARIS — THE CORONATION. The title of First Consul, by which Napoleon had been distinguished for more than four years, was ex- changed, in May, 1804, for that of Emperor. The change of name _, made no alteration in the actual power he possessed, nor did it in any way aifect either his habits, manners, or modes of thinkmg. The observance of some addi- tional forms and ceremonies ex- cepted, the Emperor Napoleon differed in no respect from the First Consul. The creation of the empire was, however, an event of serious importance to France. The imperial dignity was declared here- 334 THE HISTORY OF ditary in the Bonaparte family, the members of which were to hold rank by right of birth; certain high functionaries were declared ne- cessary appendages to the throne ; and, under different titles of distinc- tion, were to be nominated by the sovereign. By the creation of the empire, therefore, a civil order, in possession of pecuHar privileges, was once more introduced in France ; and the hereditary principle, which had been discarded by the nation, was again adopted. The principle was, however, declared to be established for the sake of, and by the will of the people. That the idea originated wdth Napoleon himself, and that the number of votes in favour of it, however great, represented only a small part of the nation, are, comparatively, unim- portant facts. The recognition of the right, possessed by the people, of altering their form of government, was maintained; and Napoleon uniformly made it his boast, that he derived his power from the people. The principle of the revolution was, therefore, maintained against that of legitimate monarchy. Whether the establishment of the empire was a splendid error on the part of Napoleon, or an act of wise policy, it bears no marks of having been dictated by mere selfish ambi- tion. There was much in it of proud defiance to the scornful enemies who held him and his rights at nought, and more of deliberate convic- tion (whether well-founded, or not, is another question) that it was essential to the safety and glory of France, The part of this new order of things, which related to the pomps and forms of sovereignty, was in accordance with the policy which dictated the concordat, and was another manifestation of a tendency to work upon the existing tone of public feeling, instead of labouring to raise public feeling to a higher standard. The re-establishment of the hereditary principle can- not be judged impartially, without a careful reference to the peculiar circumstances of France at the moment. Fouche (a good judge of matters of policy) afterwards, when all seemed to work well, congra- tulated himself, in confidential discourse, on having advised the mea- sure. " We all perceived," said he, " that the republic could not exist in France: the question, therefore, was to ensure the perpetual removal of the Bourbons ; and I believe the only means for so doing was to transfer the hereditary succession of their throne to another family. Had I remained in office, it is probable I might have pre- vented the conspiracy of Georges and Pichegru; but Bonaparte would still have had to fear the rivalry of Moreau; he would not have been Emperor, and we should still have had to dread the return of the Bourbons, of which, thank God, there is now no fear." Another long and dangerous war was beginning ; and, to add to its dangers, the enemies of Napoleon had shewn themselves unobservant, in his case, of that constituted code of honour which is usually observed towards NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. S35 an avowed enemy. He had just seen the revolution at the mercy of an assassin's dagger ; his single life opposed against the return of the exiled family ; and the idea then occurred, to stretch his life be5^ond the term of mortal existence, by the fiction of the perpetual existence of the head of the state, which is implied in the hereditary principle. It was as though, to confound his enemies and the seekers of his life, he had, like the spirit of Banquo, held up a glass wherein the shadows of his line might " stretch out to the crack of doom." The idea of the empire was first publicly broached in the senate. On the occasion of framing the address of congratulation to the First Consul, on his escape from the late conspiracy, Fouche rose and said, " that, in order to destroy the hopes of the conspirators, and to secure the permanent existence of the government after the death of the reigning chief, other institutions were indispensable." The motion was seconded, and was inserted in the address. Napoleon answered the deputation by saying, " that the subject they had suggested required the greatest consideration ; that for himself he wanted nothing ; but that it was his duty to consider the lot of France, and what the future was likely to produce ; and, finally, that he would accept no new title without submitting it to the sanction of the j)eople." A great sensation was produced throughout France by these proceedings. Numerous addresses were presented from all parts of the country, and from the army, eclioing the suggestion of the senate. Napoleon now proposed the three followdng questions to the council of state for discussion, without liis presence : — " Is the hereditary form of government preferable to the elective form ? Is it expedient to establish the hereditary form at this particular juncture ? In what manner ought the hereditary form of government to be established ? " A very long and sharp discussion, evincing great diversity of opinion, ensued upon these questions. A report was at length drawn up, from which the following are extracts : — " That the councillors of state are of opinion that the revolution which commenced in 1 789 was not directed against the hereditary principle of the chief magistracy ; and if, at a subsequent period, its force was directed against the reigning family, it was solely because that family took up arms against the revolution and its principles. That the nation will further confirm its disiriclina- tion to that family, by calling in, and placing at its head, a new family. That the principle of an hereditary chief magistrate is consonant with the manners of the nation, suitable to the population, and consistent with the extent of its dominions. That the proper moment for framing such an institution is when great dangers threaten the country, menacing the person of the First Consul by assassins armed against his life ; and when various other evils, springing out of the dangers of war, expose 336 THE HISTORY OF the head of the state to imminent risk. That the nation accordingly are ready to declare for the hereditary system, and, at the same time, to enter into a guarantee for the security of all those institutions and rio-hts for wliich their armies have fought." So many amendments to the report were, however, proposed, that at length the council with- drew it, and each member presented his own separate answer direct to the First ConsuL The senate and the tribunate were now called upon by Napoleon to give their opinions on the proposed questions. The legislative body was not then in session. Whilst the debates were thus protracted in the political bodies of the state, so great was the impatience of the militai-y, that the garrison of Paris had resolved to proclaim their chief, as Emperor, at the first review ; and Murat, governor of the city, was obliged to assemble the officers at his house, and bind them by a promise to restrain the troops. The spirit of the army at Boulogne was soon afterwards manifested, by their voting the erection of a colossal statue of Napoleon, in bronze, to be placed in the midst of the camp. Every soldier subscribed a portion of his pay for the purpose; but there was a want of bronze. Soult, who presided over the completion of the undertaking, went, at the head of a deputation, to Napoleon, and said, " Sire, lend me the bronze, and I will repay it in enemy's cannon, at the first battle ;" and he kept his word. MARSHAL SOULT. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 337 The motion " that the First Consul should be invested with the he- reditary power, under the title of Emperor," was brought forward in the tribunate by M. Curee. It was combated by five or six members • Carnot, in particular, making an eloquent speech against it, which he concluded by declaring that, " though he opposed, on grounds of con- science, the alteration of government which had been proposed, he would, nevertheless, give it his unlimited obedience, should it be adopted by the nation." The measure met with very little opposition in the senate. Volney, Gregoire, Sieyes, and Lajuinais, voted against it; Cabanis and Praslin, with a few others, declined voting. An address was accord- ingly drawn up, beseeching the First Consul to yield to the wishes of the nation. Meanwhile, registers for the reception of votes were opened in every parish of France, and a return of upwards of three million, five hundred thousand for the measure, and about two thousand ao-ainst it, shewed that public opinion was in its favour. On the 18th of Mav, 1804-, the members of the senate went in a body from Paris to St. Cloud, to present their address. Cambaceres, as president of the senate, read the speech, and declared the number of votes registered by the people. Having concluded, he proclaimed Napoleon Bonaparte Emperor of the French, the assembled senators immediately responding with a simultaneous shout of " Five V Empereur." Napoleon, who was visibly affected, replied in a few words, that " he accepted the empire, in order that he might labour for the happiness of the French." The senate then proceeded to the apartments of Josephine, to congratulate her on her new dignity. She was surrounded by the sisters of Napoleon, whose looks were expressive of satisfaction, mixed with some embar- rassment at their sudden elevation to royal rank. The natural grace and dignity of Josephine never failed her on any occasion of her life ; and, on this, effectually concealed the sad forebodings of an aching heart. The sound of cannon immediately announced the news to the city of Paris. It created little sensation : there were some illuminations, some cavils, some caricatures and lampoons ; but nothing that was present seemed materially altered by what had happened, and the Parisians were tired of discussing abstract principles. The constitution of the empire was as follows : — The imperial power was declared hereditary in the person of Napoleon, and the male line of his direct descendants. Failing these, Napoleon might adopt the sons or grandsons of his brothers, in such order as he chose. In default of these, Joseph and Louis Bonaparte were declared lawful heirs of the empire ; Lucien and Jerome being excluded, because they had married contrary to the wish of Napoleon. The members of the Bonaparte family were declared princes of the blood. The imperial was the sole hereditary power in France. All other offices in the state were elective, u u SSS . THE HISTORY OF or accorded to merit.* There were two chambers, the senate and the leo-islative body. The tribunate was suppressed. The constitution of the council of state remained the same as under the consulate ; and the ex- cellence of that constitution supplied, as far as such a void can be sup- plied, the want of a popular assembly. " In the absence of an effective tribune," says Thibandeau, " which a constitutional government would have given to France, never did the head of an empire possess a council so enlio-htened, or where all questions relating to administrative and civil order were discussed with more frankness and independence. In the absence of that tribune, which would have expressed public opinion, never was the head of an empire better able to guess what was the truth concerning public opinion, nor better able to read its characters, and to profit sometimes by its correctness, sometimes even by its errors." The council of state was, as before, nominated by the Emperor. The system of election had been remodelled during the consulate, and was continued in the empire. Assemblies of cantons had been instituted, com- posed of all the domiciliated citizens in each canton. These assemblies nominated the members of the electoral colleges, from amongst whom the members of the legislative body and the senate were to be chosen. To be eligible as a member of the electoral college of either degree, the possession of property, or the fact of being a member of the legion of honour, was requisite. At every vacancy, the colleges chose two candidates for the vacant office, whether legislator or senator. One of these two candidates was finally chosen by the head of the state. The grand council was an appointment of the empire. It consisted of Joseph Bonaparte, who was named grand elector ; Louis Bonaparte, high constable; Cambaceres, arch-chancellor; and Lebrun, arch-trea- surer. Eighteen generals were raised to the rank of marshals of the empire : they were, Berthier, Murat, Moncey, .Tourdan, Massena, Au- gereau, Bernadotte, Soult, Brune, Lannes, Movtier, Ney, Davoust, Bessieres, Kellermann, Lefe\Te, Perignon, and Serrurier. Duroc was named grand marshal of the palace ; Caulaincourt, master of the horse; Berthier, grand huntsman ; and the Count Segur, a nobleman of the old court, master of the ceremonies. M. Maret was continued in his office of secretary. Bourrienne had been dismissed before Napoleon be- came consul for life. The cause of his disgrace seems to have been some money transaction, which excited in Napoleon's mind the suspicion that his secretary took advantage of his situation to produce variations in ihe funds. Napoleon, however, sent for him shortly after the establish- ment of the empire, and had a long and friendly interview with liim. • The senate presented a memorial to Napoleon, requesting that the office of senator might be rendered hereditary ; but he nullified the proposal. NAPOLF.ON DISTUinUTINn CROSSKS OF THE LEGION OF HONOUR AT THE CAMV OF BOULOGNE. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 339 On the 27th of May, Napoleon received the oath of the senate the constituted bodies, the learned corporations, and the troops of the ear- rison of Paris. Louis XVIII. immediately addressed a protest to all the sovereigns of Europe against the usurpation of Napoleon. Fouche, who was the first that heard of this document, immediately communicated the intel- ligence to the Emperor, with a view to prepare him for giving timely orders to watch over those who might attempt its circulation ; but great was his surprise on receiving directions to have the whole inserted in "The Moniteur" the following morning, where it actually appeared. This was all the notice taken of the matter by Napoleon. The 14th of July was celebrated this year by a splendid ceremony. The members of the legion of honour took the oath prescribed by the new constitution ; and the first distribution of the crosses of the order was made on that day, in the Hotel of the Invalids, the Emperor and Empress appearing in public, for the first time, in regal pomp. Bourrienne, who was present, and who declares that the enthusiasm of the immense assemblage defies description, details his own feelings very naturally. " What a singular train of ideas," he says, " was called up into my mind, when I beheld my former comrade at the school of Brienne, seated upon an elevated throne, surrounded by his brilliant staff, the great dignitaries of his empire — his ministers and marshals !" Two days afterwards the Emperor left Paris for Boulogne, to preside over the same ceremony in the army. The Emperor's tent was pitched on a rising ground, in the midst of a large plain, where a hundred thousand men were drawn up. The standards taken at Lodi, Areola, Rivoli, the Pyramids, Aboukir, and Marengo, formed the back ground of the tent : an immense crown of laurels surmounted it. When Napo- leon appeared, two thousand drums beat the charge. He pronounced the words of the oath in a loud voice, and was answered by a simul- taneous and deafening burst of acclamations from the assembled multi- tude. The distribution of the crosses then took place. Fortune seemed obedient to him in all things at this time. A sudden storm having arisen, it was reported that part of £he flotilla was in danger. He hurried from the hill where he had been stationed; but he had scarcely arrived at the harbour before the weather brightened, as if by enchantment ; and he returned to the camp, where the festivities continued. All man- ner of favourable omens were also found, or fancied, by the soldiers. The remains of a Roman encampment were discovered on the very spot whence the Emperor had addressed them. Some medals of William the Conqueror were also dug up, presaging a certain conquest of England. It was at this period that an adventure of two English sailors had become the universal talk of the camp. The poor fellows had made 340 THE HISTORY OF their escape from the depot for English prisoners of war at Verdun, and had contrived to subsist at Boulogne till they had constructed a little hoat, or rather raft, of small pieces of wood, put together as well as they could manage, with no tools but their knives. It was about four feet wide, and very little longer, and covered with sail-cloth. Seeing an English frigate off the coast, they had perched themselves on their frail float, and put to sea, though nearly certain of being shot if they were taken, or of being drowned if they got off". They had hardly gone a hundred furlongs, when they were perceived by the custom-house officers, who brought them back. The Emperor, hearing of this extraor- dinary attempt, ordered the men and their boat-raft to be brought before him. Courage and energy were always irresistible attractions to him. " Is it possible," said he, looking at the sort of nut-shell to which they had trusted their lives, " that you meant to cross the sea in that ?" " If your Majesty doesn't believe it," said one of them, " only give us leave, and you shall soon see us afloat." " I will," said the Emperor ; " you are bold, enterprising men. I admire courage wherever I meet with it. But you shall not risk your lives. You are at liberty ; and I will have you conveyed on board an English ship. When you return to London, say how I esteem brave men, even when they are my enemies." This ostentation, accompanying the generous act, is rather a drawback to admiration; nevertheless, Napoleon not only kept his word, but sent them off" wdth several pieces of gold in their pockets. Rapp, and the aide-de-camps standing round, were not a little astonished at the interest excited by two poor sailors, who would otherwise have been shot as spies. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 341 It was universally believed at Paris, that the ostensible object of the Emperor's visit to Boulogne v^^as only a pretext, and that the invasion of England was to be immediately attempted. The same idea had spread through the army ; but, on the contrary, the scheme was farther than ever from its accomplishment. The difLrent squadrons of the flotilla had indeed increased to an immense force, and the army was in the finest condition ; but the difficulty of bringing round the ships of war to cover the landing, was more and more apparent, as the uncon- querable power of the English navy became more unequivocally ex- pressed, and as the keen foresight of Napoleon perceived signs of an approaching continental war. He had, however, attained two objects by the accumulation of power now effected on the coast. He had kept England in perpetual alarm, and thus occupied a portion of the energies that would otherwise have been employed mischievously against him and he had concentrated, without exciting suspicion, an immense army, ready to act wherever he might choose, in the event of hostilities beino- renewed. Besides attention to the multifarious concerns of the army, several important measures were originated by Napoleon while he remained at Boulogne. He arranged a new form of discipline for the Poly- technic School, which he now placed entirely under military regula- tions — a very doubtful improvement ; the school, however, maintains its reputation to the present day. He also, at this time, instituted the decennial prizes. These were nine in number, of the value of four hundred pounds each, to be given every ten years, dating from the 18th Brumaire, of the year 1799. All works of science, literature, and the arts, all useful inventions, all establishments devoted to the progress of agriculture or manufactures, published, known, or formed in the interval between each term, might contend for these prizes. It had been arranged that Josephine should meet the Emperor in Belgium, and proceed with him on a tour to the principal cities of that part of the empire. She joined him at the castle of Lacken, which had been repaired, and newly furnished with great magnificence. They pro- ceeded together to Aix-la-Chapelle. Here they received the congratu- lations of the ambassadors of Austria, Portugal, and Naples, on behalf of their respective sovereigns. Spain had already sent an embassy. The various princes of the German empire paid their court in person. England, Russia, and Sweden stood aloof. It was during this journey that Napoleon read Madame de Stael's " Delphine," which was just pubhshed. The work gave him fresh offence, and was the cause of her continued exile from Paris, probably on account of its attacks, open or implied, on the Catholic religion. The remarks which Napoleon made, in nls '" humour, are very charac- THE HISTORY OF teristic. " 1 do not like women who make men of themselves," said he, "any more than I like effeminate men. There is a proper part for every one to play in the world. What does all this vagrancy of imagination mean? What is the result of it? Nothing. It is all sentimental metaphysics, and disorder of the mind." Not satisfied with placing himself on a par with the legitimate sovereigns of Europe, in titles and dignities, Napoleon had resolved to outstrip them all in the solemnity of his coronation, which should be distinguished by a circumstance of honour, such as had been beyond the reach of any of them to secure. He determined that no less a dignitary than the Pope himself should crown him ; and instead of pre- paring to set off for Rome for the purpose, as Charlemagne, in his day, had done, he invited Pius VII. to visit Paris. It was from Mentz that the embassy was despatched to negociate this affair. It was successful. The Pope, indeed, had no choice but to comply ; and being a most finished gentleman, he complied with the best grace. The Emperor returned to Paris in October, after an absence of three months. ■i-P ,. ... //i/aaiTZHaJv The Pope left Rome in the beginning of November. He was received everywhere on his journey with the greatest veneration. The precipices of the Alps had been secured by parapets, at the express orders of the Emperor, wherever they could expose the venerable pontiff to danger, or even apprehension. On the 25th of November he reached Fontaine- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. SUi bleau. Here he was met by the Emperor, who, to avoid the ceremony of a formal reception of his hoHness, had contrived a hunting party in the forest, and accidentally came upon the road on horseback, with his reti- nue, at the moment the Pope's carriage was arriving. The Emperor dis- mounted, and, uncovering his head, received his hoHness, who immediately alighted with every mark of respect. They then proceeded to the palace of Fontainebleau in the Emperor's carriage. The manoeuvre by which Napoleon got over the difficult point of precedence is sufficiently amus- ing. It is thus given by Savary : — " The Pope had got out at the left door, in his white costume. The ground was dirty : he did not like to step upon it with his white silk shoes, but was obliged to do so at last. The Emperor's carriage, which had been purposely driven up, was advanced a few paces, as if from the carelessness of the driver ; but men were posted to hold the two doors open. After the meeting had taken place, the Emperor took the right door, and an officer of the court handed the Pope to the left ; so that they entered the carriage by the two doors at the same time. The Emperor naturally seated himself on the right; and this first step decided, without negociation, the etiquette to be observed during the whole time that the Pope was to remain at Paris." Apartments were appropriate4 to his holiness in the Tuileries; and the bed-chamber prepared for him was fitted up precisely in the same manner as his own, in the palace of Monte-Cavallo, at Rome. This attention, and other refined marks of respect, on the part of Napoleon, for a potentate on whom he had imposed a great public concession, are creditable to his chacrater. The Parisians, after his example, treated their unaccustomed guest with every possible consideration ; and his countenance, figure, and manner, were calculated to increase their good feeling towards him. On the 1 st of December, the lists of votes in favour of the estabhsh- ment of the hereditary succession of the empire in his family, were publicly presented by the senate to Napoleon. On the following day, 2nd December, 1804, his coronation took place in the cathedral of Notre Dame. The capital was thronged with crowds of visitors from every part of France. The people were represented at the ceremony by deputations of the presidents of the cantons, the presidents of the elec- toral colleges, and the whole corps of the legislative body, which had been convoked in the month of October; the army, by deputations from every regiment. By all these, increased to a vast multitude of spectators of the highest station in the country, the walls of the splendid old cathedral were clothed with what a spectator has described as " living tapestry," galleries having been erected almost to the roof. The Pope first left the Tuileries ; and went in procession to the cathedral, pre- ceded, according to established custom, by his chamberlain on a mule, 344 THE HISTORY OF whicli novel sight Kad nearly proved destructive to all solemnity, by exciting tlie risibility of the Parisians ; but the functionary thus humbly mounted preserved his gravity of countenance so admirably, that he repressed the fatal sound which had impended. The Emperor and Empress, in the saine open carriage, traversed Paris, through a great crowd of spectators, who, it is said, looked on the procession rather coldly. They first seated themselves with their backs to the horses, by mistake ; and though the error was instantly rectified, it was obsers^ed, and said to be " an evil omen." They, and their whole retinue, arrayed themselves in splendid robes in the archbishop's palace, and with the long and gor- geous line of courtiers, marshals, and dignitaries, in gold and rich colours and waving plumes, gained the cathedral by a long gallery, erected for the purpose. At the moment the Emperor appeared in the cathedral, there was one simultaneous shout, which made but one explosion, of "Vive r E77i2)ereur." All was performed in order; mass was said, and the crown was blessed by the Pope ; but at that point the Emperor ceased to be submissive. Not even the supreme pontiff himself wae permitted to place the crown upon the head of Napoleon. It was placed there by his own hand ; immediately removed ; and again, by his own hand, placed on the head of Josephine ; then laid on the cushion, where it had rested before. " This scene," says Norvins, " is a scene of yes- terday ; yet it belongs not to our age. We can scarcely believe our selves the contemporaries of events so strange and so unlike our time." The action which superseded the ceremonial of the high religious functionary and " vicegerent of heaven," however extraordinary, is suf- ficiently intelligible, and may be regarded as the very apex of character in the doer. He had accomplished everything by his own inherent powers ; and now that this, " the topmost round" of all his worldly splen- dours, should be, even apparently, and in a mere form, conferred upon him l)y the trembling hand of an individual — an aged Ceremony ; one wlio had not in the slightest degree assisted his rise, or could destroy his positicm, and whom lie had caused to journey from the lofty sanctuary and throne of spiritual dominion to "swell the scene" of his entire ascendancy — seemed idle, absurd, and intolerable to his intensely prac- tical imagination. His action was a direct abnegation of "divine right" and " legitimacy." He felt that he did not receive the crown from any " vicegerent," as the gift from the pontifical hand might be supposed to infer, but that it was the consequence of his own mortal energies and deeds on earth. The act, however, is not likely to have been one of momentary impulse, or impatience, as some writers aver ; we should rather conjecture that — as in the case of his first interview with the Pope — the movements of the whole scene had been pre-arranged by I^apoleon. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 345 The Emperor took his coronation oath with his hand on the Scrip- tures. Te Deum was sung. The heralds proclaimed that " the thrice glorious and thrice august Napoleon, Emperor of the French, was crowned and installed;" and so ended the pageant. "Those who re- member having beheld it," says Scott, " must now doubt whether they were waking, or whether fancy had framed a vision so dazzling in its appearance, so extraordinary in its origin and progress, and so ephe- meral in its endurance." On the same day Louis XVIII., then hving at Calmar, drew up a declaration to the French people, in which he swore " never to break the sacred bond which united his destiny to theirs; never to renounce the inheritance of his ancestors, or to relin- quish his rights." A singular incident, no less characteristic of the chief actor in these events than all that has been recorded, occurred just before the coro- nation. In detailing it, we must go back to some of those earlier scenes of his life, which the anecdote we are about to relate proves were then rushing into his memory, excited probably by the sight of Josephine, the object of the ardent passion of his youth, now beside him in the robes of an Empress. It will be remembered, that when Josephine accepted him as her husband, he was very poor ; neither of them, indeed, were rich enough to keep a carriage, arid they frequently walked out together. They had gone one day to the house of M. Raguideau, a lawyer, in whom Josephine placed great confidence, the express purpose of her visit being to acquaint liim of her intention to mai-ry the young general of artillery. Napoleon waited for her in an outer room, while she held this conversation. The lawyer strongly dissuaded Madame de Beau- harnais from her imprudent marriage. " You are going to take a very wrong step," said he, " and you will be sorry for it. Can you be so mad as to marry a young man who has nothing but his cloak and his sword ? " The door of the ante-room was imperfectly closed, and the words reached the young man in question, who had an uncommonly " fine ear." Napoleon never told Josephine that he had heard this piece of advice given to her, which proved as fruitless as advice generally does in such circumstances ; nor did she ever mention it to him. Her astonishment was therefore great, when, after putting on the imperial robes, and when they were just on the point of leaving the arch- bishop's palace to proceed in state to the cathedral, to assume the crown. Napoleon desired that M. Raguideau should be sent for. Still more was she surprised when the low-bowing lawyer appeared, and the Emperor, addressing him abruptly, but with humorous gravity, said, "Well, Raguideau, have I nothing but my cloak and my sword now?" This story, which looks like a fabrication, is, nevertheless, perfectly authentic. 346 THE HISTORY OF The grand military ceremony of distributing to the army the imperial eagles in lieu of the national colours, took place on the day following the coronation. The deputations of every regiment were then assembled on the Champ de Mars, where Napoleon was seated on a throne, erected in front of the military school, the scene of his boyhood. At a given signal the columns closed, and approached him. He then rose, gave orders for the distribution of the eagles, and then addressed the troops in these words : — " Soldiers, behold your colours ! these eagles will always be your rallying-point. They will always be where your Em- peror may think them necessary for the defence of his throne and his people. Swear to sacrifice your lives to defend them ; and by your courage to keep them constantly in the path of victory, — swear !" Those who were witnesses of the enthusiasm with which this address was an- swered, have declared their utter inability to convey any impression of it by description. The enthusiasm was not called forth without a cause. On that day Mr. Pitt signed the treaty of Stockholm, and paid a subsidy to Sweden, to enable that country to commence hostilities against France. This was the first step of the new continental war. The ministry of police was re-established at this period, Fouche again re- ceiving the appointment. The Emperor, naturally foreseeing the neces- sity of his own absence from Paris, in the impending war, thought this subtle statesman might be once more necessary to preserve the public tranquillity, and detect any cabals in favour of the Bourbons. The year 1804 terminated with the opening of the legislative body; on which occasion the Emperor presided, and delivered a speech. He was warmly applauded when he energetically pronomiced the following words: " My object is not to extend the territory of France, but to maintain that territory inviolate." \/\ ^'. u o ^/ViStUiiVWfi ::^:iy:^^^|rOifr?W;^p^^ NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 347 CHAPTER XXV. RUSSIA ASSUMES A HOSTILE ATTITUDE TOWARDS FRANCE — LETTER OF NAPOLEON TO GEORGE III. COMPLETION OF THE CIVIL CODE NAPOLEON CROWNED, AT MILAN, AS KINO OF ITALY THIRD COALITION AGAINST FRANCE FRENCH ARMY ADVANCES ON AUSTRIA — CAPITULATION OF ULM — NAPOLEON ENTERS VIENNA — BATTLE OF AUSTERLITZ — RETREAT OF THE EMPEROR ALEXANDER NAPOLEON GRANTS AN ARMISTICE TO AUSTRIA. Russia, obliared The year 1805 had scarcely bej^un, when the Emperor Alexan- der plainly shewed that his refusal to recognise the new title of Napoleon, was to be followed up by active hostili- ties against France. Russian fleets menaced Italy, landed troops on the Ionian islands, and appeared to be prepar- ing to act in concert with the English ; others passed the Sound and the Dardanelles. Sweden had already mani- fested ill-will towards Napo- leon ; Turkey, influenced by now refused to acknowledge him. The French ambassadors were to leave the courts of Constantinople and St. Peter.sburg. 348 THE HISTORY OF While enemies thus sprung up around France, Great Britain had irritated Spain to tlie utmost, by committing aggressions against its commerce and shipping. The Spanish government, in consequence, declared war against Eiighmd, and became the active ally of Napoleon ; engaging to aid him with thirty ships of war, and five thousand men. At this moment, when the coming storm darkened over Europe, Napoleon made an effort to avert its fury, similar to that which he had made six years before. He addressed the. King of England by letter, proposing a peace. The time he chose was so far favourable to the chance of success, that, in consequence of the Spanish alliance, his navy was greatly increased, and with it, the greater probability of attempting the long-meditated invasion of England; a peace, therefore, which would have relieved England from the necessity of standing perpetually on its guard, might, under ordinary circumstances, have appeared desirable. But it is scarcely possible to believe that, after all the events of the last war, and of the short peace. Napoleon could expect any amicable result from such an overture. He must have learned before this period, that the sovereigns of Europe warred against him for a principle, which they would never relinquish while the power to contend for its re-establish- ment remained. Probably the chief object of this letter was to display before the world the true cause of the renewal of war ; it is, therefore, not so interesting as his former one, which was written in the sincerity of a belief, which time and experience must have driven from his mind before he wrote the second. He commenced with the words, " Sir, my brother;" sufficient of themselves to irritate a king who had refused to acknowledge his title. The expressions which follow are all forcible and emphatic. " France and England," he says, " abuse their prospe- rity. They may struggle for ages. But will their governments thus fulfil the most sacred of their duties ? And, so much blood uselessly spilt, will it not rise up in accusation against them ? I attach no dis- honour to taking the first stej) in this matter. I have sufficiently, I think, proved to the world that I fear none of the chances of war." He concluded with, " May your majesty believe in the sincerity of the sentiments I have expressed, and my desire to give proofs of this sin- cerity." He was answered by an official dispatch from Lord Mulgrave, secretary of state for foreign affairs, to Talleyrand, acknowledging the receipt, by his majesty, of a letter addressed to him by the " Head of the French Government," and declaring, that Great Britain could not make a precise reply to the j)roposal of peace intimated in Napoleon's letter, without a previous communication with her allies on the con- tinent, and in particular the Emperor of Russia. War was, therefore, evidently at luuid. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 349 Lord Mulgrave's letter was dated the 14tli of January. Five days afterwards, the treaty between England and Russia was completed ; in which they bound themselves to co-operate in forming a league on the continent, to reduce France to the limits of 1792, by forcing its govern- ment to relinquish all the conquests and acquisitions made since that period. A secret assurance was given by Russia that Austria would join this league, and both powers well knew that the neutrality of Prussia depended on the events of the war, and would be turned into hostility against France, should evil fortune attend its arms. Count Cobentzel, minister for Austria, meanwhile remained at Paris, and no outward demonstration of animosity took place ; but the proceedings of the French Emperor, and more particularly his increasing ascendancy in Italy, were jealously watched. When the English ministry brought forward the motion in parlia- ment, that " a sum, not exceeding three miUion five hundred thousand pounds, be granted to his majesty, to enable him to enter into such en- gagements, and take such measures, as the exigencies of affairs demand ;" the members of the opposition began to question the grounds on which a continuance of hostilities, and of such consequent heavy expenditure, were justified. Mr. Fox decidedly expressed the opinion, that, " instead of declining to treat, we should have offered to France reasonable terms of peace ;" while Mr. Grey (afterwards Lord Grey) reminded the House, that thirty millions had already been added to the capital of our debt since the commencement of the war. Loud complaints were also made against the ministry for their sudden attack upon Spain, by which they had given England an open enemy, and presented France with a useful ally. The ministers urged in their defence, that Spain, while pretending neu- trality, did in fact furnish arms and money to Napoleon ; but they were unable to deny that they had tacitly consented to the treaty by which Spain was bound to these conditions by Napoleon, as the price of its neutrality ; and that they had permitted the fulfilment of them for a year; alleging, however, various examples of the like summary proceedings as precedents. Simultaneously with these events, a well-deserved public honour was rendered to Napoleon, in commemoration of the completion of his great work, the Civil Code. His statue, executed by Chaudet, was placed in the hall of the legislative body, on the 14th of January, with circum- stances of great magnificence and solemnity, at which he was himself present, together with the Empress, the imperial family, and all the dignitaries of the state. M. de Vaublanc, as president, afterwards addressed the assembly : — " You have celebrated the completion of the civil code of the French nation," he said, " by an act of admiration and of gratitude. You have decreed a statue to the illustrious prince, by whose firm and constant will this great labour has been carried tln-ough 350 THE HISTORY OF to its termination, while his own great mind has spread the clearest light over this noble part of human institutions. First Consul then, Emperor of the French now ; he appears in the temple of the laws, his head encircled with that triumphal crown which victory has so frequently placed there, presaging to him a kingly diadem." tWe are apt to think, and with sufficient reason, that the usual tone of French eulogistic oratory is turgid and extravagant ; but no one can refuse a due sympathy with the occasion in question. This code, which now bears his name, was only a portion, however, of the object which the Emperor had in view. "The good produced by the intro- duction of the ' Code Napoleon' is well known," says Prince Napoleon NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 351 Louis Bonaparte, in his late entliusiastic and highly interesting work (" Des Idees Napoleoniennes") ; " it had placed many parts of the legis- lation in harmony with the principles of the revolution, and considerably diminished the number of law-suits, by simplifying causes. But this code did not satisfy the desire of the Emperor; he projected an uni- versal one, which should include all the laws of the country within itself, and which should enable him to proclaim, once for all, as null and void, every law which was not inscribed in that single code. ' For,' added he, when talking on this subject, ' by means of some old edicts of Chilperic or Pharamond, disinterred for the occasion, there is no one who is able to say, that he is perfectly secure against being duly and lawfully hanged.' " This further work he had not time to accomplish. While regretting that France has been deprived of so great an advan- tage, we cannot forbear quoting another passage from the recent pub- lication of his nephew. " If," says he, " the soul of Napoleon can still take note of the agitations and judgments wliich circulate here below, may he not answer, to those who accuse him of any falling short, * All that I did for the interior prosperity of France, I did in the short intervals of battles ; but you, who blame me, what have you done during twenty-four years of profound peace ? ' " A superb banquet and ball, given in honour of the Empress, at which the Emperor was also present, followed the ceremony which had taken place in the hall of the legislative body. i\*'^M\tefV *"**"'''\'"7'' "" 352 THE HISTORY OF The private habits of Napoleon continued to be remarkable for sim- plicity and arduous attention to business. Some details descriptive of them will be found interesting. They are chiefly taken from the accounts given by M. de Bausset, then prefect of the palace. Every morning at nine o'clock, regularly, the Emperor came out of the interior of his apart- ments, dressed for the day. The officers of the household were the first admitted, and received from him his different orders. Immediately afterwards the grand entries were introduced, consisting of persons of the highest rank, who were entitled to this privilege either by their functions or by special favour. Napoleon addressed each person in turn, and listened good natiu'edly to all that was said to him : the round being made, he bowed, and every one withdrew. Sometimes those who had any particular request to make, remained alone with him a few minutes after the others. At half an hour after nine the breakfast was served. The prefect of tl .e palace went before him into the saloon where he was to breakfast, and there waited on him, assisted by the first maitre d'hotel. Napoleon breakfasted on a small mahogany stand, covered with a napkin. Temperate as ever man was, the breakfast of the Emperor often lasted not more than eight or ten minutes ; but when he felt an inclination to " close the doors," as he sometimes said, laughing, the breakfast lasted long enough, and then nothing could surpass the easy gaiety and grace of his conversation. His expressions were rapid, pointed, and picturesque. He often received, during breakfast time, a few individuals, in whose society he had the greatest pleasure ; among whom might be mentioned particu- larly, Monge, BerthoUet, Costay, Denon, his physician Corvisart, and the celebrated David, Gerard, Isabey, Talma, and others. Having returned to his cabinet. Napoleon applied himself to business, and received the ministers and directors-general, who attended with their portfolios. These different occupations lasted till six in the evening, and were never broken in upon, except on the days of the councils of the ministers, and the councils of state, which latter frequently lasted from nine in the morning till five in the evening. " Napoleon sometimes gave notice of his intention to be at the meeting ;" says M. Pelet de la Lozere, " at other times he entered unexpectedly, the sound of the drum on the Tuileries stairs giving the first intimation of his approach. His cham- berlain went before, while his aide-de-camp on duty followed, and both took their station behind him. His seat was raised one step above the floor at the end of the room, and remained always in its place, even when he was absent with the army; and on those occasions the arch-chancellor, seated on the right of the vacant chair, presided. Business proceeded but slowly when Napoleon presided; for he sometimes sunk into a ])rofound reverie, during which the discussion of course languished ; and at other times he wandered far from the subject. These political NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 353 digressions, however, were full of interest, as they often betrayed the internal state of his mind, or let out the secret of his intended projects." The dinner was regularly served up at six o'clock. At the Tuileries or at St. Cloud, their majesties dined alone, except on Wednesdays, when the ministers dined with them ; and on Sundays, when they were joined by the whole of the imperial family. The dinner consisted but of one course, prolonged by the dessert ; the simplest dishes were pre- ferred by Napoleon : the only wine he drank was Chambertin, and he seldom drank it pure, and never tasted spirits or liqueurs. The dinner lasted ordinarily from a quarter of an hour to twenty minutes ; and immediately it was over he retired, with the Empress, to the drawino-- room, whence, having taken one cup of coffee, he soon returned into his cabinet to pursue his labours ; the Empress at the same time descending to her own apartments, where she found the ladies of honour in attend- ance, and received the visits of her guests. Napoleon often joined this evening circle, sometimes mixing in the conversation with ease and gaiety ; sometimes, absorbed in thought, he remained apart in a silence which no one dared to interrupt. Bourrienne tells us that Napoleon possessed the talent of his country for extempore recitation, and was fond of acting as an improvisatore. He would occasionally, on these evenings, give the reins to his vivid imagination and his love of the marvellous, and invent brief romances, which were always of a fearful description. He liked, on these occasions, to have the room dimly lighted. Led away by his subject, he would pace the saloon with hasty strides, the intonations of his voice varying according to the characters he brought on the scene ; his action, look, and gesture appropriately accompanying every change in his impassioned and rapidly deKvered tale. His auditors had no need to feign terror ; he inspired it unavoidably. On one occasion which is de- scribed, he produced so violent an excitement as to make some of the ladies shriek with horror ; but, like a consummate actor, he continuecf his recital without appearing to notice the interruption. It was noi often, however, that the Emperor remained long among the guests of the drawing-room. He usually left them abruptly, to return to his cabinet, where the officers on duty attended his evening levee, and received his orders for next day. The uniformity of this life was broken only occasionally, by the theatre, a concert, or the chase. At Fontainebleau, Rambouillet, or Compiegne, where he went to hunt, a tent was always set up in the forest, to which all the party was invited ; the ladies coming out in their carriages, and eight or ten persons were usually asked to dine. The whole economy of the household was regulated with the most exact care by the grand-marshal Duroc, superintended by the Emperor. The court; was always brilliant and in the best taste; but there was no wasteful expenditure. w w 354 THE HISTORY OF " It sometimes happened," says Hazlitt, " that Napoleon, pre- occupied with the affairs of state, rose from breakfast or dinner, for days together, without a word having been said. But such occurrences were rare ; and even when his brow was serious and his lips silent, he still shewed himself just, polite, and kind. Few persons (according to the best testimony) have, in private, possessed more equability of temper, and greater gentleness of manners." Without wishing to invalidate this general testimony, some tremendous exceptions are recorded with equal authenticity. i' m ^-lA^t, ilii' The Pope remained at Paris for some time after the coronation. A coolness arose between him and Napoleon, before his departure, in con- sequence of a desire, on the part of his holiness, for an accession of territory in return for his services and concessions. But to this the Emperor would on no account agree ; his object being, on the contrary, to confine the jurisdiction of the Pope, more and more, to spiritual affaii's only, with a view to promoting his favourite object of forming Italy into one undivided state. Pius VII. concealed his discontent, and even con- sented to give his pontifical services a second time to the imperial family. The infant son of Louis Bonaparte was christened by him at St. Cloud on the 24th of March, 1805, receiving the name of Napoleon Louis. The Emperor acted as godfather to the young prince, who has lately given a testimony of the reverence in which he holds the memory of his illustrious relative, in the work from which we have recently made some extracts. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 365 Napoleon was now about to assume a second crown. A deputation from the Italian republic waited on him, on the 17th of March, and inti- mated to him by Melzi, their vice-president, the unanimous desire of their countrymen that he, who had been the founder of their republic, should become the monarch of their kingdom. Napoleon accepted the new dignity, declaring, however, that the two crowns of France and Italy should never, except in the present instance, devolve upon the same person ; and also, that he himself would only wear that of Italy, until the assured safety of his new subjects should permit him to place it on a younger head. After making the necessary communication to the senate, Napoleon prepared to set out for Milan, to go through the ceremony of another coronation. Bourrienne describes an interesting interview which he had with the Emperor, at Malmaison, at this period, in which his real sentiments as to Italy were freely expressed. " You know," said Napoleon, " that I set out in a week for Italy. I shall make myself king ; but that is but a stepping stone. I have greater designs respecting Italy. It must be a kingdom, comprising all the transalpine states, from Venice to the maritime Alps. The junction of Italy with France can only be tem- porary ; but it is necessary, in order to accustom the nations of Italy to live under common laws. None of them will now acknowledge the superiority of another; and yet, Rome is, from the recollections con- nected with it, the natural capital of Italy. To make it so, however, it is necessary that the power of the Pope should be confined within limits purely spiritual. I cannot now think of this; but I will reflect upon it hereafter. At present, I have only vague ideas on the subject, but they will be matured in time ; and then, all depends on circumstances. What was it told me, when we were walking, like two idle fellows, as we were, in the streets of Paris, that I should one day be master of France ? My wish — merely a vague wish : circumstances have done the rest. It is, therefore, wise to look into the future, and that I do. All these little states will insensibly become accustomed to the same laws ; and when manners shall be assimilated and enmities extinguished, then there will be an Italy, and I will give her independence. But for that I must have twenty years, and who can count on the future?" Could he who uttered this expression now look out from his sea-beat grave, he would, indeed, have cause to repeat the ejaculation. But, amidst the degrada- tion and gloom of enslaved Italy, he might yet see the faint streaks and gleams of her renovating vigour slowly breaking through the dense, distant, and still heavy horizon. The Emperor, accompanied by the Empress, left Paris, for Milan, on the 2nd of April. On arriving at Troyes, attended only by two or three officers, he visited Brienne. Here, among the scenes of his boyhood, he 356 THE HISTORY OF foro-ot, for twenty-four hours, the empire of France and the kingdom of Italy. He went over every place, and remembered every one connected with the military school, even to the old servants, whose visible decay in their advancing years affected him much. In contemplating a scene fraught with the memories of other days, the changes its external appearance has undergone present themselves forcibly to our feehngs, even in the minutest details; but seldom or ever does it occur to us that we ourselves are changed, far more, per- haps, than the walls and streets, the hills and fields, the old tree-trunks and winding lanes. Without including those changes which may, or may not, have transpired in our particular feelings and general tone of thought, how little of the same external appearance often remains in those who notice with pain the absence of certain inanimate things, associated with former years, and who dwell on the slightest changes observable in their visible forms. The Emperor Napoleon — after long absence, employed in rapidly alternating scenes of revolutions, wars, deep pohcies, enlarged designs, splendours, and triumphs, and now on his way to the assumption of a second regal diadem — visits the scenes of his early youth, and feels a saddened wonder at every trifling event and local change which has occurred to them during the same interval. The slight-limbed, spare-bodied, diminutive boy at Brienne, with lean and thoughtful face, and long straight hair, bearing — beneath a cold, un- communicative, solitary habit and demeanour — the secret germ of fiery ardours and concentric will, presented the subject for a portrait such as rarely occurs to task the artist's hand ; an adequate representation, perhaps, defying the powers of any single point of view, might have required the several labours of both painters and sculptors, more especially in latter years. Of the early periods, however, no sort of authentic likeness or sketch is probably extant ; and we are, therefore, left to imagine, from vague verbal accounts, and from subsequent portraitures, what the face and general expression must have been, of the youth who was destined to revolutionise the greater part of Europe, and change the chronological emblems seated upon so many of her thrones. The next phase in the personal appearance of Napoleon, may be viewed with his first possession of command, and successful display of character and military genius and skill, at the siege of Toulon. We should think that the figure in the engraving of " Batterie des Hommes sans Peur," must present a very close approximation to his external appearance at the time. This figure represents a slight, sharp-cut outline, hard as if shaped from steel — the attenuated bodily substance seeming almost as impermeable — with a set look of will, fixed in its view and purpose, as though it had settled into a metallic defiance of all possible consequences, and seeking by its very spirit (the passionate strength of self-deceiving mortality!) to overcome NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 357 the destiny which is poured in a hail of death-shot upon the heads of all around, in their frightfully close opposition to the enemy's batteries. Again, we find a change in the personal appearance of Napoleon when he had become general of the army of Italy; but not so much in figure or face as in expression. To the cool self-possession, and settled purpose of look and bearing, for wloich he was previously remarkable, was added the ease, no less than the distant air of habitual and unquestionable authority, in one who had ceased to lend his hand, except on extraor- dinary occasions, to the details of war, or open' his mind to share its councils. But, mthout any essential change in physiognomical and general external appearance, a considerable diflTerence, in a pictorial sense, was presented by Napoleon during the campaign in Egypt. Up to this time, he had worn his hair long; and, if we are to credit the various portraits, in loose ringlets, or careless waves; but the ter- rible heat of the climate quickly warned him of the disadvantage as to comfort, besides the dangers of a brain fever, and his long locks were forthwith cut close to his head. He ever after wore his hair very short: its subsequent thin quantity, indeed, would lead us to conjecture that the influence of the cHmate of Egypt had rendered his future appearance, in tliis respect, involuntary. Napoleon was ex- tremely spare-bodied and sinewy, up to about the age of five or six and thirty; but, after attaining the imperial dignity, his presentiment as to corpulency began to be realised. Notwithstanding this tendency, how- ever, no less unfavourable to symmetry than health, his person was greatly admired by artists, as displaying many fine proportions, especially in the beauty of the hands, and the legs and feet. Of the fine classical character of his head and features, httle need be said, as the pictures, and par- ticularly the busts of him, may be considered sufiiciently correct data for the studies of physiognomists, and for general judgment; there can be no doubt, however, of the truth of the statements of several who were long accustomed to be near him, under many extraordinary, no less than or- dinary circumstances, that of the rapid versatility and marked characters of expression, no painter or scidptor could convey any adequate idea. But of his power, under peculiar circumstances, of " discharging all expression from his face," and thus presenting a pale and solemn blank to the scrutinizer, as of something past, an "unknown" sculpture from the antique would perhaps be the best comparison ; while of his habitual, fixed calm, amidst great tumults, the mask, taken from his face after his death, may give, we should imagine, a tolerably correct impression; and one — ^by its countless associations, no less than its isolated fact — not easily to be forgotten. Proceeding to Lyons, the Emperor and Empress were received with all the magnificence that rich city, the trade of which had been 358 THE HISTORY OF raised by Napoleon from something like ruin, could display in their honour. At Turin, they were met by the Pope, and remained there some days. Thsy also rested for a short time at Alessandria; and, while there. Napoleon formed the resolution, which he afterwards carried into effect, to convert that city into a great military depot and fortified place, of immense strength, for which its natural advantages afforded every SL^^^^^^^ facility. On the route to Milan, the Emperor visited the field of battle on which he had re-conquered Italy five years before. He collected all the troops in that part of the country, to the number of thirty thousand, on the plain of Marengo, and appeared among them on horseback, in tlu> same coat and hat which he had worn in the action; and which — with that strong tendency to experience pleasure in the association of memory, tliought, and feeling, with visible and tangible objects, place, and time, for which he was remarkable — he had brought from Paris for this 'vxjn'ess NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 359 purpose. It was observed that the moths had paid no more respect to the dress thus suggestive of heroic deeds, than to any common-place garment, for it was musty and full of holes ; but this did not prevent Napoleon from wearing it. He reviewed the troops, and distributed crosses of the legion of honour, with the same ceremonies which had been observed on the Champ de Mars, and the same return of enthusiastic devotion on the part of the troops. Fresh recollections of Desaix, the friend whom he had lost on this very spot, arose with the scene. He had already erected a monument in the hospital of the Great St. Bernard, to the memory of the brave who fell at Marengo. He now resolved that the remains of Desaix should be carried to the same spot, and de- posited beneath the monument, on the occasion of its solemn inaugu- ration, which he intended should take place, under the direction of Denon. He gave orders to this effect, and formed a small column of men, chosen from every regiment of Italy, together with a civil depu- tation of Italians, to carry the honoured remains from Milan to St. Bernard. Savary alone, to whom Napoleon had confided the charge of embalming the body, after the battle, knew where it had since remained ; he, therefore, together with Denon, went to the monastery in Milan, which he well recollected, and where, in a sacristy, they found it, " in the same place," says Savary, " and in the same state in which I had left it some years before, after having had it embalmed, then put into a leaden cofiin, then into one of copper, and lastly the whole enclosed in a wooden one. Since that time, the remains of General Desaix have re- posed on the summit of the Alps." On the 8th of May, the Emperor made his third grand entry into Milan. He was received ^vith acclamations, and the greatest demon- strations of joy. The first event of importance after his arrival was the incorporation of Genoa with the French empire, an enlargement of its territory which excited the indignation of all the hostile powers of the continent. The acquisition, Hke that of the crown of Italy, was made to appear a gift. A deputation, headed by Durazzo, the Doge of Genoa, waited on Napoleon, with a request that he Avould incorporate the Ligurian republic with his empire. The pohtical rea- sons by which he justified his acceptance of this request, will be found in portions of his reply : " The spread of liberal ideas could alone have given to your government that splendour which encircled it for many ages ; but I have already attained the conviction that you are unable, alone, to do anything worthy of your forefathers. Everything has changed : the new principles of the dominion of the seas which the English have adopted, and forced other nations to adopt; the right of blockade, which they are able to extend at their pleasure, and which is only another term for extinguishing at their will the commerce of all 8G0 THE HISTORY OF people ; these circumstances offer you nothing but isolation in your independence. Where maritime independence is no longer possessed by a commercial people, the necessity of ranging themselves under a more powerful flag conunences. I will realise your wish. I will imite you with my great people." The union was immediately effected, and the Dogfe of Genoa became a senator of France. The coronation took place in the cathedral of Milan (which owed its completion to Napoleon), on the 26th of May; Cardinal Caprara offici- ating on this occasion, as the Emperor did not think fit to exact another act of condescension from the Pope, to whom the near neighbourhood of so powerful a sovereign could not be a matter of gratulation. The iron crown of the Lombard kings v/as used on the occasion. Napoleon, as he had done at Paris, took it with his own hand from the altar, and, placing it on his head, uttered the appointed form of words with which it was always assumed by its ancient owners. " God has given it me. Let him beware who would touch it." The order of the iron ciown, witli these words for its motto, arose out of this ceremony. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. SGI The Emperor remained at Milan till tlie lOtli of June; when (leaving Eugene Beauharnais, now his adopted son, as viceroy) he left the city, and, accompanied by the Empress, proceeded to visit the principal scenes of his former triumphs in Italy. Marshal Jourdan, with forty thousand men, waited his arrival at the camp of Castiglione ; and here he made another distribution of crosses of the legion of honour to that division of the army. Proceeding by Peschiera, Verona, and the impregnable Mantua, the Emperor arrived at Bologna. Here the Marquess de Gallo met hiin, and made, on the part of Naples, fresh solicitations for a neutrality, and protestations of its strict observance. Here also the state of Lucca became, by solicitation, an appendage to the imperial family. Napoleon gave it for sovereign, his eldest sister, the Princess Eliza, afterwards grand duchess of Tuscany. She was a woman of strong talents and great energy of disposition; considerably resembling her brother. She had offended him by marrying Bacciochi, a native of Corsica, and only a captain of artillery; but seeing the thing was done. Napoleon promoted her husband, and gave these extensive territories to his sister, to whom he well knew he might safely confide them. Bacciochi shared her honours, but without interfering with her authority. She is acknowledged to have governed both with vigour and beneficence, having carried out important improvements in works of utility, and en- couraged education and the arts. She retained her sovereignty until the downfall of the empire. The chief accusations against her are, that she was too fond of luxury, and encouraged a plurality of lovers; so that she acquired the name of the " Semiramis of Lucca." After visiting Turin, where he organised the university, the Emperor and Empress turned towards France, and reached Fontainebleau on the 11th of July; whence they proceeded to Paris. The din of war fast succeeded to the fetes and splendours of Italy. Napoleon visited the camp at Boulogne, almost immediately upon his return to France, and though he well knew the pressing need of his army on the continent, practised the troops in all the evolutions of the descent on England, in order to deceive his enemies. While still at Boulogne, he received, almost simultaneously, the intelligence that the French admiral, Villeneuve, had utterly failed to bring his fleet round to the Channel, and was blockaded by the English in a port of Spain ; and that an Austrian army, of ninety thousand men, had suddenly invaded the neutral territory of Bavaria, and compelled the electoral court to leave Munich, and take refuge at Wurtzbourg. Either of these events was sufficient to break off, at once, the projected invasion of England. The Emperor had, in a great degree, penetrated the schemes of the allied powers, but was not prepared for tlie suddi-n assumption of arms by Austria, without any declaration of war; a X X 362 THE HISTORY OF measure which Austria justified by referring to the increasing encroach- ments of France, in Italy. A third coalition was now formed against Napoleon. England paid a large subsidy to Russia ; while Russia raised four great armies, consisting in all of one hundred and eighty thousand men. Of these, one hundred thousand were to march into Germany, to co-operate with the Austrians ; a smaller division, then in Corfu, was to land in Naples, and advance for the purpose of acting in concert with the Archduke Charles ; another, in conj unction with the Swedish army, to retake Hanover; the fourth, to observe Prussia, enforcing its neu- trality, or, if possible, insisting on active hostilities against France, on the part of that power. The Austrian army, which had invaded Bavaria, was commanded by General Mack; the Archduke Charles was march- ing in force upon the Adige. Napoleon was perfectly prepared for this tremendous combination of enemies, though taken by surprise at their sudden attack. In the excitement of the moment, he sent for M. Daru, then acting as inten- dant-general of the army. The Emperor was traversing the room with hasty steps when he entered: " Daru," said he, when he observed his presence, " place yourself there, listen to me, and write." The Em- peror then, without once stopping or even hesitating, dictated the entire campaign, now celebrated in the annals of war under the name of the " campaign of Austerlitz." He fixed the departure of every separate Ml',' NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 363 lover corps of the army of Boulogne, as well as that which occupied HaiK and Holland, towards the east and south of France; the order of the marches, their length, the places at which the different columns should converge and re-unite, the surprises and attacks on the enemy, with the different movements to be expected of the enemy — all was foreseen and a calculation made for every different probability. Such was the extra- ordinary correctness and precision evinced in this plan, that the army, which moved from an expanded line of two hundred leagues- in extent, and adv«.nced by a route of three hundred leagues in length, followed their original directions, day by day, and place by place, as far as Munich. Beyond that capital, the times indicated in the plan, alone required alteration ; the places were exactly retained, and every movement pre- scribed was attended with success. Perhaps there has never been dis- played a more wonderful instance of clearness of head and power in practical calculations. The power which he exercised over his soldiers arose from other qualities, no less important to his wonderful achievements in war. " Na- poleon," says General Foy, "had, at the age of six -and -thirty, the imposing attitude of old Frederick. He went through the ranks on foot, and at a slow pace. The grandees of the court and the army kept behind at a considerable distance, that there might be no intermediate person between the Emperor and the soldiers. Every one approached him freely, and related to him the history of his grievances and his pretensions. He looked at everything, answered every one, and on the spot satisfied well-founded claims. The cheerfulness of his look shewed that he was amidst his family. On those days, favours were showered upon the brave, and lessons of discipline given to the generals, sometimes to the colonels, but never lower. The troops manoeuvred; and Napoleon always taught the most skilful some new secret. After the review, the oracles which had issued from the lips of the master of the art, were repeated in the camp. The men knew by heart the burning pro- clamations, in which so few words comprised such heroic presages. On the approach of danger, what was felt for him was more than admiration ; he was worshipped, as if he had been the tutelar deity of the army." The forces of the allies might be computed at about three hundred thousand men; the disposable force of France, then under arms, con- sisted of two hundred and thirty-five thousand, — one hundred and sixty thousand of whom, composing the great army collected on the coast, were destined to be commanded by the Emperor in person, and were divided into seven corps, under Bernadotte, Davoust, Ney, Soult, Lannes, Augereau, Marmont, and the cavalry under Murat. Massena occupied the north of Italy with fifty thousand men, and Gouvion St. Cyr the kingdom of Naples, with five-and-twenty thousand. 364 THE HISTORY OF The "anny of England" now received the name of the " grand army : " the camp was broken up, and the different divisions were immediately in full march towards the Rhine. Duroc was at the same time sent to Berlin to negociate the continued neutrality of Prussia. The Emperor returned to Paris without delay, and there laid before the senate the state of the army, and announced the commencement of hostilities. The senate immediately voted a levy of eighty thousand conscripts from the class of 1806, and the organisation of the national guards for active service. The mission of Duroc, at the same time, proved successful. The King of Prussia maintained an army of a hun- dred thousand men to preserve his neutrality ; but the continuance of this neutrality depended on the events of the war. On the 24th of September, the Emperor quitted Paris, accompanied as far as Strasburg by Josephine. Here they separated. The Emperor put himself at the head of his army, and crossed the Rhine on the 1st of October. He was immediately joined by the electors of Baden and Bavaria, who placed their forces at his disposal ; and soon afterwards, (through a timely and courteous negociation) by the Duke of Wurtem- berg, the husband of the Princess Royal of England. Napoleon slept two nights in their palace ; and it was on tliis occasion that the duchess wrote home in terms of surprise at finding " Bonaparte so polite and agreeable a person." Those, in this country, who remember the hideous monstrosity which their imaginations conceived of him, will understand the Duchess of Wurtemberg's " surprise." We may here remark, that with the children in England, the frightful idea of " Boney " was instilled at the tenderest age, and many a little child has had its rest broken by night, and has trembled to be left alone in the day, from the dread in- spired by the deformed images of the " Corsican Monster," as represented in toys and picture-books, and by the graphic wisdom of nurses and grandmammas. With the elder youths, and with the great mass of the uneducated, the caricatures in the shop windows produced an effect, cor- responding with the monstrous and ridiculous figure they invented, and the extreme cleverness of their execution. The Emperor now began a series of grand manoeuvres, and partial actions, requiring consummate skill, with a view to the destruction of the great Austrian army under General Mack. The precipitation with which the Austrians had opened the campaign, deceived, perhaps, by the apparc4it intention of Napoleon to attempt the invasion of England, enabled him to operate against them before the possibility of the junc- tion of the Russian army, now marching towards Gernrany under the Emperor Alexander in person. Napoleon entirely succeeded in his first attempt, which was, to deceive Mack as to the point at which he meant to enter Germany. Supposing that the advance of the French was NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 865 to be made by the defiles of the Black Forest, the Austrian general left Bavaria beliind him; and approaching the frontiers of France, fortified himself with great care in Ulm, Memingen, and behind the line of the Iller and Danube. A^Hiile Mack thus expected the attack upon his front. Napoleon passed all the divisions of the French army across the Rhine to the north of his position, and turning his flank, entirely occupied Bavaria, and placed himself betv^^een the Austrian army and Vienna. Continuing his operations, he surrounded that army with a complete circle of French troops. In order to accomplish this masterly series of movements, Napoleon was obliged to violate the neutrality of Prussia, by passing Bernadotte's division over a part of its territory. He well knew and weighed the danger, but decided that it must be encountered; rightly judging, that although he should irritate the king to a high pitch by such an act, yet if he succeeded in the object of the war, the offence must be forgiven ; and if he failed, the king would not want some other pretext to quarrel with him. The directions given to Bernadotte are characteristic: — " Avoid delay : make many protestations in favour of Prussia ; shew as much attachment and respect for the country as possible ; then march across the territory with rapidity, alleging the impossibility of doing otherwise ; for indeed that impossibility is real." All these precau- tions did not succeed in preventing the King of Prussia from making loud and bitter complaints ; and the Russians were, in consequence, permitted to march across his dominions; nevertheless, the object which Napoleon had in view by the movement was effected. No sooner did Mack perceive the situation in which he was placed, than he made several desperate attempts to break the circle of his foes, but was repulsed with great loss at every point; several actions, which would have obtained in former times the names of great battles, were fought in this manner. Among these may be mentioned the occasion when four thousand Austrians laid down their arms, at Jungingen, to General Dupont; and Memingen, a small town, to the south of Ulm, with a garrison of six thousand, capitulated to Marshal Soult. The circle now closed in, more and more nearly. At tiis crisis, the Arch- duke Ferdinand, who had remained with General Mack, desperately cut his way, with six thousand cavalry, through the French line, and es- caped to Egra, in Bohemia. By the 13th of October, Ulm was closely invested: the French army had already made twenty thousand prisoners, and saw the remainder of the great Austrian army at their mercy. On that day. Napoleon (who expected that Mack would rouse himself with one last effort to avoid a surrender) made an exciting address to the troops, on the bridge of the Lech, amid the most intense cold, the ground being covered with snow, and the troops sunk to the knees in mud. 3()G THE HISTORY OF He warned tliem to expect a great battle, and explained to them the desperate condition of the enemy. He was answered with acclamations, and repeated shouts of " Vive 1' Empereur." In listening to his exciting words, the soldiers forgot their fatigues and privations, and were impa- tient to rush into the fight. Bernadotte entered Munich on the 14th of October, taking eight hundred prisoners. On the same day, Marshal Ney forced the strong position of Elchingen, taking three thousand prisoners and many pieces of cannon ; and the Emperor's head-quarters were fixed there, in the evening. The French soldiers were in a state of great excitement from these rapid successes, and were with difficulty restrained. From the height of the Abbey of Elchingen, Napoleon now beheld the city of Ulm at his feet, commanded on every side by his cannon ; his victorious troops ready for the assault, and the great Austrian army cooped up within the walls. He expected a desperate sally, and pre- 'l'.i:*-^: v^0'<^f^?;:^m0'W'Wi'&'> NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 3(37 pared the soldiers for a general engagement ; but four days passed with- out any movement whatever. Meanwhile, his own troops clamoured for the assault, but he chose to wait in vigilant patience for the result. i\. scene of horrible carnage and the probable destruction of a fine city would have been the consequences of his acting differently ; being what he would have called " unnecessary evils," and therefore criminal in his eyes. The weather continued dreadful ; the rain fell incessantly, and the soldiers were often up to their knees in mud. The Emperor only kept his feet out of the water in his bivouac, by means of a plank. He was in this situation when Prince Maurice Lichtenstein was brought before him, with a flag of truce from General Mack. The looks of the prince evidently shewed that he did not expect to have found the Emperor there in person ; otherwise it is probable he would not have brought such a proposition as that which he delivered. He came commissioned to treat for the evacuation of Ulm, with permission for the Austrian army to return to Vienna. The Emperor could not help smiling as he listened to him. " I have not forgotten Marengo," he replied ; " I suffered M. de Melas to go, and in two months Moreau had to fight his troops, in spite of the most solemn promises to conclude peace. You will be forced to surrender, for want of provisions, in eight days. The Russians have scarcely reached Bohemia. There is the capitulation of your general at Memingen, his whole garrison becoming prisoners of war: carry it to General Mack ; I will accept no other conditions." The same evening General Mack sent his surrender to the Emperor, and on the following morning the capitulation was signed. The French army was drawn up in order of battle on the heights above Ulm to receive the surrender, according to the conditions, on the 20th of October. The rain had ceased, and the day was bright and clear. The gates of the city opened: the Austrian army, to the number of thirty-six thousand men, led by sixteen generals, besides General Mack, the commander-in-chief, advanced in silence. They slowly filed off", and corps by corps, laid down their arms in an appointed place, and then re- tired to the rear of the French army ; while the Austrian generals, one by one, collected on a httle hill where the Emperor was posted, in front of the centre of his army, by the side of a large fire w'hich he had ordered to be lighted. He enforced the strictest silence on his troops while this ceremony, so painful to their enemies, continued ; and instantly ordered out of his presence one of his o\n\ generals, whom his quick ear caught repeating some witticism on the occasion. He received the conquered generals with great respect, and addressed many remarks to them ; but his auditors were too much cast down to reply, and the conversation was all on his side. All the officers were allowed to return home, on giving their word of honour not to serve against France until a general exchange 368 THE HISTORY OF of prisoners should take place. A liint that this favour would be refused if the surrender were dela}-ed, had been very opportunely thrown out. The men were marched into France, and so great was the number of prisoners already made in this campaign (amounting, it is computed, to fifty thousand in all), that the Emperor adopted the plan of distributing them throughout the agricultural districts of France, where their work in the fields supplied the place of the conscripts required for his army. The experiment was found to succeed admirably well, with the docile habits of the Germans and the good humour of their French employers. The imfortunate General Mack was accused of treachery by his government, immediately immured in a state dungeon, and would undoubtedly have paid for his misfortunes with his life, had not Napoleon made his pardon one of the stipulations of the treaty which followed shortly. It does not appear that he was guilty of anything worse than want of skill and pre- sence of mind. Mack was prisoner of war in France in the year 1799. A most remarkably accvirate opinion of him was then delivered by Napoleon, who allowed him to live at Paris on parole. It is recorded by Bourrienne,in detailing the events immediately after the 18th Brumaire: — " Mack," said the First Consul, " is a man of the lowest mediocrity I ever saw in my life ; he is full of self-sufficiency and conceit, and believes himself equal to anything. He has no talent. I should Hke to see him some day opposed to one of our good generals ; we should then see fine work. He is a boaster, and that is all ; he is really one of the most silly men existing; and, besides all that, he is unlucky" No doubt this correctly pre-conceived and characteristically expressed opinion of the adversary he had to cope with, influenced the measures of the Emperor in the campaign of Ulm. This campaign is perhaps unex- ampled in the history of warfare, for the greatness of its results, in com- parison with the smallness of the expense at which they were obtained. Of the French army, scarcely fifteen hundred men were killed and wounded ; while the Austrian army of ninety thousand men was nearly annihilated ; all, with the exception of fifteen thousand who escaped, being killed, wounded, or prisoners ; and having lost, also, two hundred pieces of cannon and ninety flags. Rumours of the approach of the Russians, headed by the Emperor Alexander in person, now came fast and frequent. The French army was put in motion towards the Iser and the Inn, on the 21st of Octo- ber, after the publication of a masterly proclamation by the Emperor. Napoleon entered Munich, the capital of his ally the Elector of Bavaria, on the 24th. The city was illuminated on the occasion. His army crossed the Inn on the 27th, and reached the Danube at Lintz ; the broken remains of the Austrian army, and the advanced guard of the Russians, vainly endeavouring to oppose its progress. All the bridges NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 369 had been burned by the Russians. A.t a review of the dragoons at this period, one of them, named Marente, was presented to the Emperor, as having saved the hfe of his captain at the bridge of the Lech, although the latter had cashiered him from his rank of subaltern officer only a few days before. Napoleon presented him with the eagle of the legion of honour. " I only did my duty," answered the dragoon ; " my captain cashiered me for some ^ults of discipline, but he knows I have always ii'i'l ■'Si? / been a good soldier." At Lintz, the Emperor received intelligence that the army of Italy, under Massena, had conquered the Archduke Charles at Caldiero ; and, having crossed the Adige, had forced him to retreat towards Vienna. Here, also, he received a flag of truce from the Emperor of Austria, with proposals for an armistice, but he would not listen to it for a moment; the expedient for gaining time, and permitting the junction of the Russians and the archduke, was too evident. The imperial family of Austria fled for the second time before the victorious advance of Napoleon. The French army safely crossed the Danube, and on the 31st of October entered Vienna. The capital of the proudest race of sovereigns in Europe, was now in the possession of Napoleon. This rapid occupation of Vienna would have been a little retarded but for a daring exploit achieved by Lannes and Murat, who contrived to prevent the destruction of the bridge of the Thabor. The following account is given in the words of Lannes himself. " I was walking with Y Y 370 THE HISTORY OF Murat, on the right bank of the Danube, when we observed on the left bank some works going on, the evident object of which was to blow up the bridge. Having arranged our plan, we returned to give orders, and I entrusted the command of my column of grenadiers to an officer, on whose courage and intelligence I could rely. I then returned to the bridge, accompanied by Murat and two or three other officers. We advanced unconcernedly, and entered into conversation with the com- mander of a post in the middle of the bridge. We spoke to him about an armistice which was to he speedily concluded. While conversing with the Austrian officers, we contrived to make them turn their eyes towards the left bank, and then, agreeably to the orders we had given, my column of grenadiers advanced on the bridge. The Austrian can- noniers on the left bank, seeing their officers in the midst of us, did not dare to fire, and my column advanced at a quick pace. Murat and I, at the head of it, gained the left bank. All the combustibles prepared for blowing up the bridge, were thrown into the river, and my men took possession of the batteries erected for the defence of the bridge-head. The poor devils of Austrian officers were perfectly astounded when they were told they were my prisoners." How these Austrian officers could have suffered themselves to be approached thus " unconcernedly," while engaged in warlike operations, is not very clearly made out. Napoleon took up his residence at the imperial palace of Shoenbrunn, where he received the submission of the authorities of the city. An immense quantity of military stores, arms, and ammunition fell into his hands ; and his triumphant success induced many about him to urge his concluding a peace ; but he well knew that the Russians must be de- feated, or must come to decisive terms with him, before any peace would be observed. Appointing General Clarke governor of Vienna, he made ready, without loss of time, to advance to the encounter with these formidable enemies. Murat and Lannes had pursued the Austro-Russian army, and driven it into Moravia. Ney had made himself master of the Tyrol, effectually preventing the junction of the Archduke Charles with the Russians. Augereau had advanced from France with a large reserve, and, occupying Swabia, secured the rear of the great French army, while he at the same time vigilantly watched the motions of Prussia. The army of the Arch- duke Charles, slowly retreating before Massena, by the passes of the Carinthian mountains, reached Hungary, where it was joined by that of the Archduke John, driven out of the Tyrol. To rally their forces round the standard of the Emperor Alexander, was now the object of the Austrian princes ; but Napoleon did not give them an opportunity ; he had resolved to bring matters to a decision without delay ; and ac- cordingly left Vienna early in November, and advanced to Znaim. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Partial actions with the Russians were now of frequent occurrence. In one of these, a portion of Marshal Mortier's division received a severe check, and lost three eagles ; in the others, the French were generally victorious. They had conceived a great contempt for their adversaries from the stupidity of their countenances. " But stupidity," says Hazlitt, " has its advantages as well as wit. If a man strikes his hand against a piece of wood or stone, he will be the sufferer." The Emperor Alexander had reached Wischau by the middle of October with his main army. General Kutusoff joined him there, with the second Russian army on the 28th. Napoleon had already determined the site of his field of battle, and was rapidly concentrating the different divisions of his army upon Brunn, in Moravia. In these manoeuvres, he purposely made a retrograde move- ment, which gave an appearance of vaccillation and apprehension to his proceedings, and caused the great Russian army to assume the offensive, and advance towards the position he had chosen. At the news that they were in march. Napoleon brought up all his troops, and formed his line of battle on the plain, about two leagues from Brunn. He walked his horse over the heights, in front of his position, often pausing to have the distances measured, and frequently desiring the officers around him to examine the ground well ; saying, " you will have a part to act upon it." The right of his army rested on the lake of Mcnitz ; the left on the foot of the mountains. A single small hill, called the Centon, exactly in front of General Suchet's division, was stronfi:lv fortified with fourteen pieces of cannon. 372 THE HISTORY OF At the same time that he executed the retrograde movement which placed him on the intended field of battle, Napoleon despatched Savary to the head-quarters of the Emperor Alexander to treat for an armistice, with a view to preventing the effusion of blood in the tremendous conflict that impended. It is usual with writers who like to enlarge on Napoleon's passion for fighting, to treat this as a piece of sheer dissimu- lation ; but knowing as he did that the battle would be decisive, and must be fiercely contested, nothing seems more natural than that he should attempt a negociation, instead of encountering the perilous chance. He was certain, however, in case of failure in this treaty, to increase that self- confidence which had already caused the advance of the Russian emperor, and on which he calculated throughout his plan of the campaign. Alex- ander was then only six and twenty, and was surrounded by a set of presumptuous inexperienced young noblemen, who talked loud of the necessity of " clipping the ambition of France," and believed that the fate of Napoleon was now completely in their power. No result ensued from the attempt to treat. Prince Dolgorouki, the chief aide-de-camp of the Emperor Alexander, appeared with a message in reply ; but assumed so rude and offensive a deportment, as he insisted on the necessity of the cession of Belgium and Italy, that Napoleon, who had gone to meet this young upstart, from his bivouac, where he had been asleep on some straw, was irritated almost beyond endurance, and was heard to say, as they parted, " If you were even on the heights of Mont- martre I would answer such insolence only by cannon balls." As the Emperor returned towards his horse, striking the lumps of earth with his switch, he passed an old sentinel who was standing at ease, his musket between his knees, and filling his pipe. Napoleon looking him in the face said, " Those Russians fancy they have nothing to do but to swallow us up ! " The old soldier immediately replied, " Oho, that won't be such an easy job, — we '11 stick ourselves right across." This sally made the Emperor laugh, and soon resuming his composure, he mounted his horse and rode off* towards head-quarters. The following day was occupied in active preparations for the ap- proaching battle. It was the 1st of December, 1805, the day before the anniversary of Napoleon's coronation. The Russian army was seen arriving the whole day. It will be remembered that Napoleon had placed his army in the plain, leaving the heights to the Russians. He did so, in the conviction that their confidence of success would make them abandon their position, in order to descend upon his army and turn its right flank, for which manoeuvre on their part he had prepared. It was with an indescribable sensation of triumph that he saw them, to- wards evening, from the elevated post where he stood, commence their preparations for the anticipated movement, by extending their line so as NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 373 to outflank his army : and, finally, placing their left wing at too great a distance from the centre. On witnessing this realisation of his ideas, he repeated several times to the marshals who surrounded him, " Before to- morrow night that army will be in my power." He had passed the whole day on horseback, and had himself placed every division in its position, inspecting each regiment in turn. All his marshals dined with him, and received his minute and careful directions for the next day. He then lay down to rest on the straw, in a hut which the soldiers had made for him, and fell into so deep a sleep, that Savary was obliged to shake him in order to wake him up, to listen to a report which he had ordered to be brought to him. Rousing himself, he then proceeded to visit all the bivouacs of the army, expecting in the darkness of the night to be unnoticed ; but he had only proceeded a few steps when he was discovered, and instantly the whole line was illuminated with torches made of straw ; while the air was filled with acclamations of " Vive r Empereur." As he passed along, one of the old grenadiers stepping forward, accosted him with an air of republican familiarity and kindly patronage : — " Sire," said he, " you will have no need to expose yourself to danger ; I promise you, in the name of the grenadiers of the army, 374 THE HTSTORY OF that you will only have to fight with your eyes, and that we will bring you all the flags and caiiiion of the Russian army, to celebrate the anni- versary of your coronation." The following proclamation was issued by Napoleon that night : — " Soldiers, the Russian army is before us, ready to revenge the Austrian army of Ulm. The positions which we occupy are formidable ; and, whilst they march to turn my right, they will present their flank to me. Soldiers, I myself will direct all your battalions ; I will keep myself out of the range of the fire, if with your accustomed bravery you carry dis- order and confusion into the enemy's ranks ; but, if victory is uncertain for a moment, you will see your Emperor in the foremost ranks, for to- morrow the victory must not be doubtful." Sir Walter Scott justly and finely remarks upon a portion of this proclamation: — " Napoleon," says he, " promises that he will keep his person out of the reach of the fire ; thus shewing the full confidence that the assurance of his personal safety would be considered as great an encou- ragement to the troops as the usual protestations of sovereigns and leaders, that they will be in the front, and share the dangers of the day. This is, perhaps, the strongest proof possible of the complete and confidential understanding which subsisted between Napoleon and his soldiers. Yet there have not been wanting those who have thrown the imputation of cowardice on the victor of a hundred battles, and whose reputation was so well established amongst those troops, who must have been the best judges, that his attention to the safety of his person was requested by them, and granted by him, as a favour to his army." These kind of assertions, however, only shew that, under a certain bias, some people will say anything. The Emperor was on the field by one o'clock in the morning, to get the army under arms in silence. A thick fog, through which the light of the torches could not penetrate to the distance of ten paces, enveloped all the bivouacs ; but he knew the ground as well as the environs of Paris. His army, amounting in all to about seventy thousand men, was arranged as follows. The two divisions of Marshal Soult, placed on a vast plateau, formed the right; the division of united grenadiers, drawn up in line behind, constituting the reserve of the right. The two divisions of Marshal Bernadotte, in line with the united grenadiers, formed the centre of the army. The left wing was composed of the two divisions of Marshal Lannes ; the infantry of the guard forming the reserve of the left. In advance of the centre, and between the right and left wings, was posted the whole of the cavalry, under the command of Murat. The divisions of hussars and chasseurs were entrusted to Kellermann ; the dragoons, to Valther and Beaumont. The cuirassiers and eighty pieces of light artillery formed the reserve of the cavalry. The right of the aiTny rested ou NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 375 some long and narrow defiles formed by ponds ; the left, on the strongly fortified position of the Centon. The two divisions of Marshal Davoust were posted on the extreme right, beyond the ponds, to face the left wino- of the Russians, which had been extended, as we have said, to a dangerous distance from their centre, and intended, as the Emperor perceived, to commence the battle with an attempt to turn his right. The Emperor himself, with Berthier, Junot, and the whole of his staff", occupied a commanding position, as the reserve of the army, with ten battalions of the imperial guard, and ten battalions of grenadiers, commanded by Oudinot and Duroc. This reserve was ranged in two lines, in columns, by battalions, having in their intervals forty pieces of cannon served by the artillery of the guard. With this reserve, equal to turning the fate of almost any battle, he held himself ready to act wherever occasion should require. As the day dawned, the mist, which had overhung all the dreadful show, began slowly to ascend, like a vast curtain, from the broad plain below. The sun rose in unclouded and majestic brilliancy ; and, dis- sipating all remains of the vapours, disclosed to view the great Russian army, commanded by Field Marshal Kutusoff", to the number of eighty thousand men, ranged in six divisions, on the opposite heights of Pratzer. The magnificence of the sunrise of this eventful morning, enhanced at the time by the previous dense mist, and by the national memories ever since, has caused the "sun of Austerlitz" to become proverbial with the people of France. The two emperors of Russia and Austria were wit- nesses of the fierce contest ; being stationed on horseback on the heights of AusterKtz. A dead silence prevailed. As the first rays of the sun were flung from the horizon. Napoleon appeared in front of hrs army, surrounded by his marshals, and formed every division, both of infantry and cavalry, into columns. A brisk fire had just opened on the extreme right, where Davoust had been concealed behind the convent of Raygern ; and the Russians began to put themselves in motion to descend from the heights. The marshals who surrounded the Emperor importuned him to begin. " How long will it take you," said he to Soult, " to crown those opposite heights which the Russians are now abandoning ?" " One hour," answered the marshal. " We will wait 3^et a quarter of an hour," replied the Emperor. The cannonade increased, denoting that the attack had become serious. The extreme of the Russian left had commenced its movement to turn the right flank of the French army, but had encountered the unexpected resistance of Davoust's two divisions, with whom they were just engaged. Napoleon now dismissed all the marshals to their posts, and ordered them to begin. The whole of the right and left wings at once moved forward, in columns, to the foot of the Russian position. They marched as if to 376 THE HISTORY OF exercise, halting at times to rectify their distances and directions ; while the words of command of the individual officers were distinctly heard. The two divisions of Marshal Soult came first within reach of the enemy's fire. That division commanded by General Vandamme overthrew the op- posing column, and was master of its position and artillery in an instant ; the other, commanded by General St. Hilaire, had to sustain a tremendous fire, which lasted for two hours, and brought every one of its battalions into action. The Emperor now despatched the united grenadiers, and one of Marshal Bernadotte's divisions, to support those of Soult, while Lannes had engaged the right of the Russians, and effectually pre- vented them from moving to the assistance of their left, which was wholly engaged by the tremendous attack we have described, and entirely cut off" from their centre. The extreme left of the Russians, which had begun the battle, perceiving the fatal mistake which had been made, attempted to re-ascend the Pratzer, but were so desperately pressed by Davoust, that they were compelled to fight where they stood, without daring either to advance or retire. Marshal Soult now ordered his division, under Vandamme, supported by one of Bernadotte's divisions, to make a change of direction by the right flank, for the purpose of turning all the Russian troops which still resisted St. Hilaire's division. The movement was completely successful ; and Soult's two divisions crowned the heights to which the Emperor had pointed before the battle began. The right wing of the Russian army was meanwhile sustaining the tremendous onset of Lannes with both his divisions. The fight raged in that quarter throughout the whole of the operations we have detailed ; but at this point, Bernadotte's division being no longer required to sup- port those of Soult, the Emperor ordered the centre of the army to support the left. The Russian right was now entirely broken; the desperate and repeated charges of the cavalry completed the rout, and pursued the fugitives, who took the road to Austerlitz, till nightfall. Bernadotte, after pursuing the Russian infantry a full league, returned to his former position ; nobody knew why. Had he, on the contrary, continued marching another half hour, he would have entirely intercepted the retreat, and taken or destroyed the whole of the Russian right. As it was, their flight was disastrous and terrible in the extreme : they were forced into a hollow, where numbers attempted to escape across a frozen lake ; but the ice proving too weak for them, gave way, and the horrible scene which ensued — the crashing of the broken fragments, the thundering of the artillery, and the groans and shrieks of wounded and drowning men — baffles the imagination. Marshal Soult, now changing his position again by the right flank, descended the heights, having traversed a complete semi-circle, and tool: NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 377 the Russian extreme left in the rear. Tlie Emperor of Russia, who perceived the imminent danger of his whole army, despatclied his fine regiment of Russian guards, supported by a strong force of artillery, to attack Soult. Their desperate charge broke one of the French regi- ments. It was at this crisis that Napoleon brought his reserve into action. Bessieres, at the head of the imperial guard, rushed with irre- sistible fury into the fight. The Russians were entirely broken ; their army, surprised in a flank movement, had been cut into as many separate masses as there were columns brought up to attack it. They fled in dis- order, and the victory of Austerlitz was decided. It was with the utmost difficulty that the two emperors of Russia and Austria effected their personal escape. The Emperor Alexander lost all his artillery, baggage, and standards ; twenty thousand prisoners, and upwards of twenty thousand men killed and wounded. In the precipitate flight, the wounded were abandoned to their fate. Kutusoff", however, with laudable humanity, left placards in the French language on the doors of the churches and the barns towards which they had crept, inscribed with these words : — " I recommend these unfortunate men to the gene- rosity of the Emperor Napoleon, and the humanity of his brave soldiers." z z 378 THE HISTORY OF Napoleon had followed the movement of General Vandamme's divi- sion in pursuit of the defeated army. He returned in the evening along the whole line where the battle had been fought. He ordered silence, that he might hear the cries of the wounded; went himself to every sufferer that could be discovered ; alighted and ordered a glass of brandy to be administered from the canteen which followed him, and a large fire to be made near the spot. He remained very late on the field, engaged in this manner, while his escort, by liis directions, took the cloaks from the dead to cover the living ; and did not finally retire until he had given tliem all in charge to a muster-master, assisted by a picket of his own guard, who were ordered not to leave them till they were all placed in the hospital. The wounded men loaded him with blessings, as he bestowed these cares upon them. As for the miserable Russian fugitives left perishing on the roads, and in the frozen waters, of the strange country to which their Emperor had conducted them, victims in the cause of legitimacy, their cries were heard from the midst of lakes and morasses, wfiere no human aid could reach them ; and it was three days before all that could be collected were brought into the hospital of Brunn. The loss sustained by the French army in killed and wounded amounted, according to the official bulletin, only to two thousand five hundred, and no account magnifies it beyond five thousand. The following day, Prince John of Lichtcnstein waited on Napoleon at his head-quarters, which were established in a barn. He had a long audience of him, and obtained his assent to a meeting with the Emperor of Austria on the following day : the pursuit notwithstanding continued. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 379 On the 4th of December, the Emperor Napoleon, accompanied by his staff and an escort, repaired to the spot which had been appointed for his interview with the Emperor of Austria. It was near a mill, in front of the advanced posts of Bernadotte, about three leagues from Austerlitz. Napoleon, who arrived first, had a large fire lighted ; and, on perceivin"- the approach of the Emperor of Austria in a landau, accompanied also by an escort and several noblemen of liis court, advanced courteously to meet him. The Emperor of Austria alighted, and, accompanied only by Prince John of Lichtenstein, advanced with Napoleon towards the fire, the suites of both remaining at a distance. The interview lasted nearly two hours, and appeared amicable. " At any rate," says Savary, " the parties appeared to be in excellent humour. They laughed" (thirty or forty thousand men had been killed, it is true ; but they were only soldiers and subjects !), " which seemed to us all to be a good omen. Accordingly, the sovereigns at length parted with a mutual embrace. Each of us ran to his duty ; and, as I approached, I heard the Emperor Napoleon say, ' I agree to it ; but your majesty must promise not to make war upon me again.' ' No, I promise you I will not,' replied the Emperor of Austria; 'and I will keep my word.'" How he kept it, the subsequent history will shew. 'ifi V DATE DUE IIOR TbB 2l> uck MAR AHK 1 OCL4 MAR 2l98i ium fj*^ JAL LIBRARY FACILITY 72 762 3 PRINTEDINU.S.A. ERSITY OF CA RIVERSIDE LIBRARY 3 1210 00601 8707 ■^^^^^^. » ,->> ->■ > ^»> » ' '">3. :^ > :» -^^ . >o> _^^ •~> 3» v:» ■ -^-i *> i:"5rz^ ^ ■>>