UNIVERSITY OF CA RIVERSIDE LIBRARY 
 
 3 1210 01959 8109 
 
 3 1210 0iybybiuy •ti f -f r i^ li^#« 
 
 .--^ 
 
 ; mrni w wMiwmiw ^yj 
 
 Perch^ r Italia t 
 
 'S #".■«■% 
 
 ' ' I Can ■
 
 CIBRARY 
 
 Itti^SITY OF CALirORt^i,/^ 
 
 l»V£RSff)E
 
 )\14LjjL
 
 tvie/ OUciA^Avcy^^^ 
 
 English: From page i to page 338. 
 
 Italian: From page 339 to page 673. 
 
 Inglese: Da pagina i a pagina 338. 
 
 Italiano: Da pagina 339 a pagina 673.
 
 Why Italy Entered Into 
 the Great War
 
 Why Italy Entered Into 
 the Great War 
 
 By 
 
 Luigi Carnovale 
 
 Author of "A Visit to the Artist Andrea Cefaly," "My Mother," 
 
 "The Dream of Francesco," "Journalism of the 
 
 Italian Emigrants in America." 
 
 / speak to utter the truth, 
 
 Not out of hate nor scorn for others. 
 
 — Petrarch. 
 
 Italian-American Publishing Company 
 
 Chicago, Illinois 
 
 United States of America 
 
 1917
 
 Copyright, 1917, by Luigi Carnovale. 
 All rights reserved.
 
 This labor of love written in exile 
 I dedicate to the memory of 
 
 the fallen and 
 
 to the sorrows of the survivors 
 
 with thoughts reaching out 
 
 toward the highest human ideals 
 
 to vindicate the honor of the 
 
 Italian people 
 
 in the minds of those who 
 
 are in ignorance 
 
 of the truth. 
 
 LuiGi Carnovale. 
 
 Chicago, Illinois 
 
 United States of America 
 
 July, 1917
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Dedication 5 
 
 Introduction — A Question. An Insinuation. A Premise. 19 
 
 FIRST PART 
 
 I. The beginning of Austria's military violence in Italy. 
 The stoning of the boy Balilla (1746) 23 
 
 II. The dismembering and repartition of Italy in 1815. 
 The "lion's share" to Austria. The Carbonari. ... 25 
 
 III. The Revolutions in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies 
 in 1820. Austria, with the brutal force of her soldiery, 
 imposes the tyranny of the Bourbons on the Italian 
 patriots who are fighting for liberty. Persecutions and 
 condemnations (1821) 27 
 
 IV. The Revolution of Piedmont in 1821. Austria, with 
 the brutal force of her soldiery, imposes the tyranny of 
 the house of Savoy on the patriots who were fighting for 
 liberty. Persecutions and condemnations 31 
 
 V. Austria, with the brutal force of her soldiery, imposes 
 her own tyranny on the patriots of Lombardo-Veneto, 
 who are fighting for liberty. Persecutions and condem- 
 nations (1820-1821) 33 
 
 VI. The Revolutions of the Duchies of Modena and Reggio 
 and in the Roman State (183 1). Austria, with the brutal 
 force of her soldiery, imposes the tyranny of one of her 
 princes and the tyranny of the Pope on the Italian pa- 
 triots who are fighting for liberty. Persecutions and con- 
 demnations 35 
 
 VII. A new national conscience is formed by the forceful 
 teachings of Mazzini, Gioberti, and other great Italians, 
 impelling the people to thought and action. The tyrants, 
 both big and little, are obliged to concede the benefits of 
 liberty to the oppressed people. Only Austria, despising 
 and challenging them, continues to oppress the Italians 
 
 of Lombardo-Veneto 37 
 
 7
 
 8 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 VIII. The Revolutions of 1848 in Italy. Milan rises up 
 against Austrian tyranny and fights epically for five 
 days. The troops of Field Marshal Radetzky (20,000 
 men, infantry and cavalry, with sixty field cannon) 
 slaughter the innocents; burn alive men, women and chil- 
 dren; nail nursing babes to the walls of houses; they string 
 infants on stacked bayonets and carry them around as 
 trophies; outrage women, kill them, cut off and put in 
 their pockets the ringed hands from the dead bodies; rob, 
 pollute, massacre, burn; commit numberless and un- 
 speakable crimes. And the Milanese — heroic and vic- 
 torious — respond with civil generosity for the evil 
 which they had received. Venice also rises up, drives 
 out the Austrian oppressors, and re-establishes the an- 
 cient Republic of St. Mark 41 
 
 IX. The Hymn of Mameli. The first War of Liberation — 
 The Italians are defeated because of the defection of 
 Pope Pius IX and of the Bourbon King of the Two Sicilies. 
 The Austrians are again rulers of Lombardy (1848). . . 50 
 
 X. The Austrian soldiers re-enter Milan, giving them- 
 selves up to rapine and vandalism. Field Marshal Ra- 
 detzky extorts the extraordinary tax of 20,000,000 lire 
 from 185 "noble and prominent citizens" (1848). . . 53 
 
 XI. The insurrection at Rome. The Papal Prime Min- 
 ister Pellegrino Rossi is killed. Pius IX flees in the night 
 to Gaeta. The Roman Republic is proclaimed with Maz- 
 zini, Saflfi, and Armellini at the head. The second War 
 of Liberation against Austria. The Italians are defeated 
 because of their commanders. Carlo Alberto is obliged to 
 abdicate in favor of his son Victor Emanuel. The Aus- 
 trians, emboldened, extend their tyranny to Piedmont 
 (1849) 55 
 
 XII. The "Lioness of Italy." At Brescia the Austrian 
 soldiers "throw the heads of infants, torn from their 
 bodies, the arms of women and children, and burned 
 human flesh on the barricades of the citizens as if they 
 were throwing the remnants of a dinner to dogs, and com- 
 mit other unbelievable villainies." The tragic revenge 
 
 of a young Brescian who was burned alive (1849). 57 
 
 XIII. The Austrian soldiers in Tuscany in Bologna, and in
 
 CONTENTS 9 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Ancona. The tyrants crush the Roman Republic, which 
 had been so gloriously ruled by Mazzini and defended by 
 Garibaldi, and re-establish the temporal power of the 
 Popes (1849) 61 
 
 XIV. The Austrian soldiers pursue Garibaldi and Anita 
 (the loved consort of the Hero) who is pregnant. The 
 sad ending of the heroine, who is buried nude! "The 
 abandoned wandering dog" (1849) 63 
 
 XV. The Austrians besiege and bombard Venice, continu- 
 ously, for three months. Field Marshal Radetzky apes 
 Nero. The Queen of the Adriatic Sea is obliged to sur- 
 render, because of famine and cholera more than because 
 of the army of the enemy. The elegy of the poet 
 (i849).' 67 
 
 XVI. Field Marshal Radetzky and his graceless officers 
 celebrate the birthday of their Emperor (Francis Joseph) 
 in Milan by hectoring the unarmed people, brutally 
 charging upon them with cavalry and infantry, beating 
 patriots and whipping the young boys and girls on their 
 bare backs (1849) 70 
 
 XVII. "The Emperor of Hangmen" (1851-1853). ... 73 
 
 XVIII. The Bersaglieri in the Crimean War (1855). Cavour 
 at the Congress of Paris (1856). The Alliance with 
 Napoleon III (1858). The memorable words of Victor 
 Emanuel II at the opening of the Sub-Alpine Parlia- 
 ment. Austria's ultimatum to Piedmont. The Hymn 
 of Garibadli. The Austrian soldiers massacre the family 
 of Cignoli. The papal soldiers massacre the patriots of 
 Perugia. Pius IX and Cardinal Pecci (later Pope Leo 
 XIII) praise the assassination. The third War of Libera- 
 tion won by the Italians with the aid of the French 
 (1859) 75 
 
 XIX. Garibaldi and The Thousand gloriously conquer the 
 Two Sicilies (i860). Proclamation of the Kingdom of 
 Italy (1861). The Fourth War of Liberation against 
 Austria is lost owing to the inefficiency of commanders. 
 The annexation of Veneto (1866). Villa Glori. The hired 
 soldiers of Pius IX massacre the Roman heroine Giuditta 
 Arquati-Tavani with her husband and son. Mentana
 
 10 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 (1867). The taking of Rome and the final fall of the 
 temporal power of the Popes (1870). The Nation one 
 and independent 83 
 
 SECOND PART 
 
 I. How ancient Rome, during the Republic and also dur- 
 ing the Empire, conquered and latinized Friuli, Istria, 
 Trieste, Trentino, Trent and Dalmatia and how she made 
 of the Adriatic Sea a great Roman Lake. "The Tavola 
 Clesiana." 91 
 
 II. The barbarian invasion into Italy. Attila, flagelhim 
 Dei, destroys (452 A. D.) the beautiful city of Acquileia, 
 founded by the Romans in 181-182 B. C. In a mass 
 meeting, presided over by the Emperor Charlemagne, 
 the Italians of Istria protest against the Slavic immi- 
 gration (804 A. D.). The Republic of the Doges liberates 
 the Adriatic sea from foreign pirates. The marriage of 
 Venice with the sea. The spontaneous submission of 
 Dalmatia (999 A. D.) after eight centuries of fidelity. 
 The "honorable burial" of the standard of St. Mark. 98 
 
 III. The Communes. Frederick Barbarossa, Emperor of 
 Germany, descends upon Italy (1154) massacres, sacks 
 and burns; captures the celebrated reformer, Arnold 
 of Brescia, and delivers him into the hands of Adrian IV, 
 who burns him alive. The subservient Diet of Roncaglia, 
 Milan, Crema and Piacenza rebels. Barbarossa takes a 
 frightful revenge, besieges the smallest town, Crema. 
 But not being able to conquer by force of arms, he takes 
 children of Crema and Milan whom he holds in hostage, 
 ties them to movable wooden towers and exposes them 
 to the shots of the besieged citizens. Love of Country 
 overcomes paternal love in the Italians. The destruction 
 of Crema and Milan. The Veronese League. An ener- 
 getic Pope. The Lomhardian League. The Archbishop 
 Cristiano of Magonza, plenipotentiary of Barbarossa in 
 Italy, besieges Ancona and forces the citizens to eat net- 
 tles and leather. The heroism of the women. The union 
 of the communes produces the epopee. The Carrocio. 
 The Covipany of Death. Barbarossa is defeated by the 
 Italians at Legnano (1176). He is defeated also on the
 
 CONTENTS 11 
 
 PAGE 
 
 sea by the combined fleets of Venice and Trieste. He 
 suffers the humiliation of kissing the foot of his enemy 
 (Pope Alexander III). He sues for peace and leaves 
 Italy forever without having put it under the yoke. . . 104 
 
 IV. The struggle of the Triestians for their municipal 
 independence and for the maintenance of their Itali- 
 anity from the Peace of Constance (1183), Against the 
 Bishop-barons (1295 to 1349). Against Venice (1368 
 to 1381). "The surrender" to Austria (1382). The 
 Anti-Austrian party, its rebellions and martyrology. 
 "The pride of their Roman heritage." Triestine history 
 from Fifteenth to Eighteenth Century 112 
 
 V. The struggle for Italianity sustained with perseverance 
 by the Triestians, Istrians, Dalmatians and Trentini 
 against Austria, from the time of the treaty of Vienna 
 
 18 15, until the Italian revolutions of 1848 120 
 
 VI. The Trentini, the Triestians, the Istrians and the Dal- 
 matians battle for the Roman Republic, which is under 
 the leadership of the Triumvirate Mazzini, Saffi and 
 Armellini, and is defended by Garibaldi against the Pope, 
 and for the Republic of Venice which is led by Manin and 
 Tommaseo and is defended by General Guglielmo Pepe 
 against Austria (1849) 131 
 
 VII. The Trentini, Triestians, Istrians and Dalmatians in 
 defense of their Italianity from 1850 to 1858. Their 
 filial contribution of blood to the Second War of Libera- 
 tion of Italy against Austria (1859) 133 
 
 VIII. The Trentini, the Triestians, the Istrians in the cam- 
 paign of The Thousand. Their filial contribution of 
 blood during the entire War for the Liberation of Southern 
 and Central Italy (i860). The fierce reaction of the 
 Austrians. The sums of money gathered from the Istrians 
 for the national cause. The Triestian women present an 
 Italian flag to Garibaldi (i860) 138 
 
 IX. The struggle for Italianity, sustained with indomitable 
 pride by the Trentini, Triestians, Istrians, and Dalma- 
 tians against Austria from 1861 to 1865 145 
 
 X. The filial contribution of blood by the Trentini, the 
 Triestians, the Istrians and Dalmatians, who battle for
 
 12 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 the independence and unity of Italy against the Austrians 
 in the war of 1866. Trieste and Istria fight for their 
 annexation to the Mother Country (1866) 150 
 
 XL The filial contributions of blood by the Triestians, 
 Istri^ns, Trentini and Dalmatians to Italy in the taking 
 ofRome(i867-i87o) 158 
 
 XII. Triestians are found among the Garibaldian volunteers 
 in defense of France against Prussia in the war of 1870. 
 Continued demonstrations of Italianity in the Irredentist 
 regions (1872-1882). The young Triestian William 
 Oberdan, university student at Rome, ardent apostle of 
 Italianity, is hanged at Trieste for attempting to take the 
 life of Francis Joseph. Tremendous Italian demonstra- 
 tions against Austria (December 1882) 163 
 
 XIII. The monument to Dante in the city of Trent (1896). 
 Manifestations of Italianity at Trieste and Istria (1897- 
 1903). The elementary and intermediate Italian schools 
 in Goritz and Gradisca, Trieste, Istria and in Dalmatia. 
 The eternal lamp placed by the Irredentist Italians at 
 the tomb of Dante in Ravenna (1908). The Italian 
 Irredentist students of the University of Vienna assaulted 
 by the Austrian students of the same University and fired 
 upon by the police. Tremendous Italian demonstrations 
 of protest against Austria (1908). The incessant con- 
 spiracies of Italian Trieste against the Austrian govern- 
 ment until 1915 176 
 
 XIV. A proclamation inciting Italy to war against Austria, 
 sent by the Triestians to each socialist deputy of the 
 Italian National Parliament on the day when the new 
 Legislature opened in Rome, February 1914 188 
 
 XV. A proclamation inciting Italy to war against Austria, 
 sent by the Triestians to each non-socialist deputy of the 
 Italian National Parliament on the day when the new 
 legislature opened in Rome, February 1914 190 
 
 XVI. A proclamation inciting Italy to war against Austria 
 by the Italians of the Irredentist provinces of Gradisca, 
 Goritz, Trieste and Istria (Julian Venice) and the Tren- 
 tino during the month of April 1914, "for the Unity of 
 the Patria." 191
 
 CONTENTS 13 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XVII. The Italian banner is hoisted at Trieste on the tower 
 of San Giusto and over the harbor of Muggia in Decem- 
 ber, 1914. Thousands of Irredentist Itahans rush to 
 offer themselves to the Patria in the present great war 
 against Austria, 1914-1915 195 
 
 XVIII. Gabriele d'Annunzio reaffirms and exalts the Ital- 
 ianity of Trieste in the garden of the Palace of Andrea 
 Doria, at Genoa (May 6, 1915), upon receiving a gift in 
 plaster of the Triestian Lion, the original of which is in the 
 wall of one of the houses of the Guistiniani 196 
 
 XIX. Words spoken by Gabriele d'Annunzio in Genoa, 
 May 7, 191 5, to the exiles of Dalmatia, upon receiving 
 from them the gift of a book, printed in Genoa, in which 
 the Dalmatians affirm, demonstrate and defend the Itali- 
 anity of Dalmatia 197 
 
 THIRD PART 
 
 I. The assassination of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir 
 to the Austro-Hungarian throne, by the Serbian student 
 Gabrilo Princip on June 28, 1914 201 
 
 II. The fatal note — ultimatum of the Austro-Hungarian 
 government to the government of Serbia (July 23, 
 1914) 202 
 
 III. The partisan attitude of Germany. The conciliatory 
 attitude of Russia. The beseeching telegram of Prince 
 Alexander, regent of Serbia, to Czar Nicholas II. An 
 eloquent telegram from the English Ambassador, Buch- 
 anan. The obstinacy of the Austro-Hungarian govern- 
 ment 205 
 
 IV. The reply of the Serbian government to the ultimatum 
 note of the Austro-Hungarian government was given 
 July 25, 1914 208 
 
 V. An eloquent telegram from the English ambassador in 
 Vienna, Maurice di Bunsen, to Sir Edward Grey (July 
 27, 1914). An official communication from the Russian 
 government, pubHshed by the Courrier de la Bourse, of 
 Petrograd (July 27, 1914), the reply of Czar Nicholas II to 
 Prince Alexander, regent of Serbia (July 27, 1914). The
 
 14 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 grateful acknowledgment of Prince Alexander to Czar 
 Nicholas II 213 
 
 VI. The declaration of war by Austro-Hungary against 
 Serbia (July 27, 1914). The proclamation of the Em- 
 peror Francis Joseph to his people (July 28th). Czar 
 Nicholas sends an urgent telegram to the Kaiser, begging 
 of him to discourage war (July 29th). The reply and 
 
 the declaration of war (July 31st) 214 
 
 VII. The treaty of the Triple Alliance between the govern- 
 ments of Italy, Austria, and Germany (1882-1912). The 
 articles III, IV, and VII of that same treaty 217 
 
 VIII. How the government of Austria, in its fatal ultimatum 
 of July 23, 1914, and the consequent declaration of war 
 against Serbia, of July 27, 1914, violated the treaty of 
 the Triple Alliance to the injury of Italy 218 
 
 IX. The declaration of Italian neutrality (August 4, 1914). 220 
 
 X. The Italian Government, on May 3, 191 5, denounces 
 the treaty of the Triple Alliance 221 
 
 XI. Antonio Salandra, president of the ministerial council 
 of Italy, in the historical session of the National Italian 
 parliament in Rome, May 20, 1915, explains the reasons 
 which forced the Italian government to declare war on 
 Austria-Hungary 223 
 
 XII. Italy declares war against Austria-Hungary (May 23, 
 1915) 225 
 
 XIII. The Emperor Francis Joseph in a proclamation ad- 
 dressed to his people on May 24, 1915, accuses Victor 
 Emanuel III, King of Italy, of treachery 226 
 
 XIV. The "violent and false" speech of von Bethmann- 
 Hollweg, the German chancellor, to the Reichstag in 
 Berlin, against Italy (May 28, 1915) 227 
 
 XV. Antonio Salandra, president of the Italian cabinet, in 
 a solemn and detailed speech delivered in the Campido- 
 glio of Rome, June 2, 191 5, defends Italy from the accusa- 
 tions of the Austro-Hungarian Emperor and the German 
 Chancellor 229
 
 CONTENTS 15 
 FOURTH PART 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I. First reason: Patriotism 243 
 
 II. Second reason: Irredentism 245 
 
 III. Third reason: An unreturned visit. . . . . . . 246 
 
 IV. Fourth reason: National cohesion; mihtary efficiency, . 247 
 
 V. Fifth reason: Fear of isolation 250 
 
 VI. Sixth reason: The right to travel 251 
 
 VII. Seventh reason: Human solidarity 253 
 
 VIII. The betrayal 278 
 
 IX. English and French gold 289 
 
 X. Territorial cupidity 301 
 
 XI. The Omnipotents 303 
 
 Index 307 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 The "Tavola Clesiana." 96 
 
 Map of the unredeemed Italian regions 338-339 
 
 Press and individual opinions on the book, Journalism of the 
 
 Italian Emigrants in America by Luigi Carnovale . .317
 
 Why Italy Entered Into 
 the Great War
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 A Question. An Insinuation. A Premise. 
 
 Soon after Victor Emanuel III declared war upon 
 Francis Joseph, May 23, 1915, I was frequently plied with 
 questions by thoughtful Americans as to why Italy had 
 entered into the great European conflict.^ These questions 
 always carried with them a note of affection and regret that 
 
 The beautiful country 
 Traversed by the Apennines, bounded by the Alps, and bathed 
 by the sea, 
 
 should be imperiled, and it also proves that up to the 
 above date nothing which has been published regarding 
 this extraordinary event has been sufficient to give to the 
 greater part of the American public an exact or even an 
 approximate explanation of the causes which determined 
 the intervention of Italy into the butchery which has been 
 terrorizing and ruining the world. 
 
 I therefore believe it to be my duty to set forth in detail, 
 as succinctly as possible and in a volume (for this cannot be 
 done by word of mouth, in a simple newspaper article, or 
 in a pamphlet), the causes for this much discussed inter- 
 vention. I shall attempt to tell this not in justification nor 
 condemnation of the Monarchical Government of Savoy, for 
 this is not the time for redde rationeniy but to reply exhaus- 
 tively to the questions which have been asked me; and 
 above all to vindicate truth and justice, which have been 
 outraged by the charges wrongfully made (pardon my 
 frankness) by many American friends that a people so 
 honest, so proud, and so generous as the Italians have been 
 guilty of infamous treachery in declaring void the treaty of 
 the Triple Alliance and consequently deserting the side of 
 Austria and Germany, and have rushed wildly into a war 
 
 ' Today I could well say: until yesterday, that is, on the eve of the publication 
 of this volume. 
 
 19
 
 20 INTRODUCTION 
 
 against the two allied nations, because they (the Italian 
 people) were bought by English and French gold, and be- 
 cause they were eager to acquire territory such as Trent 
 and Trieste, which by hereditary divine right was the pos- 
 session of the Hapsburgs!^ 
 
 I wish further to assert and to repudiate, a priori, the 
 charges that I may be in any way actuated, either selfishly 
 or militarily, by a spirit of chauvinisme . I adore Italy, the 
 land of my birth, for her glorious contributions of thought 
 and of blood, which she has always given, and gives even 
 now so freely in this ceaseless battle of civilization against 
 barbarism. But in the meantime I admire other countries 
 and love as brothers men of all races, and I will defend with 
 the best forces of my nature the principle of universal peace, 
 having for its basis equality, liberty, prosperity, and happi- 
 ness for all of the peoples of the earth. 
 
 In the development of my present task, I shall use only 
 the most positive elements based upon facts which history 
 
 ^ The World (the well known daily paper of New York) on January 12, 1917, 
 that is after twenty months of the war between Italy and Austria, commenting 
 on the terms contained in the reply of the Allies to President Wilson, expressed 
 itself, in regard to Italy's Irredentist aspirations on the eastern coast of the Adriatic 
 sea, in the following terms: 
 
 In at least two minor respects they [the conditions] are wholly immoral, in that 
 they contemplate the seizure of territory that never belonged to Italy and Roumania 
 in order to pay the bribes that those two eminently sordid governments exacted as 
 their price for entering the war on the side of the Allies. 
 
 The Italian papers in the United States and of Italy, and the Government of 
 Rome itself by means of its ministers, Ruffini and Bissolati, protested against such 
 statements. 
 
 But The World, on January 30, 1917, imperturbably repeated its original state- 
 ment, publishing in its editorial columns the following article: 
 
 Italy's claims. — In spite of the protests of the Italian Commissioner of war against 
 a recent editorial in The World, we shall continue to think that Italy's motives in this 
 war are as little defensible as Bulgaria's and Roumania' s. 
 
 Minister Bissolati is appalled by the colossal ignorance on the part of The World 
 which would deny to Italy her right to vindicate the Italian character of Trieste and 
 which takes no account of Italy's fifty years of heroic resistance against the brutal 
 Austrian domination. 
 
 Austria's domination is neither more nor less brutal than it was during the thirty- 
 three years in which Italy zvas allied to Austria in the Triple Alliance. 
 
 Trieste is no more Italian now than when Italy was availing itself of the benefits 
 of its alliance with Austria and Germany. Nor is Europe likely to compel another 
 war by shutting of A us tro- Hungary from the sea in order to give Italy territory, to 
 which it is no more entitled racially than it is to a third of Switzerland, and to Nice 
 and to Corsica, which are now held by France. 
 
 Many other American newspapers and magazines have repeated and continue 
 to repeat the same refrain.
 
 INTRODUCTION 21 
 
 has already written upon her eternal pages: facts which 
 the press — that foster-mother and forerunner of history 
 — has already recognized and verified, and the absolute 
 truth of which no one can doubt. 
 
 Naturally, for logical reasons I must give these facts 
 with illustrative notes, which must be more or less brief. 
 But these notes will be only the limited expression of my 
 own personal judgment and sentiments. A complete ex- 
 pression of the latter would include the enunciation of those 
 principles which inspire me to hold as brothers all victims 
 of social injustice. 
 
 The notes which I shall make will give the reasons for 
 the sentiments which, in the spring of 191 5, irresistibly 
 pushed the Italians to war against Austria — sentiments 
 in which vibrated, at the same time, the higher and more 
 sympathetic note of human solidarity for the humble, the 
 innocent, and the weak, whose liberty, whose honor, and 
 substance, and all the sacred rights of whose being have been 
 cruelly struck by bestial libidinous satraps placed by God 
 Almighty on the thrones of Europe — satraps who impu- 
 dently proclaimed themselves Christlike shepherds, while 
 they were not other than ferocious wolves, whose present 
 crimes would terrify the troglodytes of a darkest Africa. 
 
 The difficulties of this task will be manifold, but I hope 
 to overcome them.
 
 FIRST PART 
 I 
 
 The beginning of Austria's military violence in Italy. 
 The stoning of the boy Balilla (1746). 
 
 Charles VI, Emperor of Austria (1711-1740), sometime 
 before his death violated the Salic Law, publishing an 
 ordinance giving pragmatic sanction to his appointing his 
 daughter, Maria Theresa, heir to the throne. 
 
 The European Powers — France, Spain, Prussia, and 
 Bavaria — which sustained the Salic Law, did not at that 
 time oppose this arbitrary and autocratic ruling of the 
 king. They opposed it only after his death, saying clearly 
 that Maria Theresa could not and must not usurp a right 
 belonging to the masculine sex. 
 
 The daughter of Charles VI feigned not to understand 
 her position and continued to execute the will of her 
 august parent. Then the four powers resorted to extreme 
 measures: they proclaimed as Emperor of Austria one of 
 the legitimate pretenders to the throne — Charles Albert, of 
 Bavaria, who assumed the name of Charles VII — and they 
 sent him, accompanied by a great army, to Vienna to take 
 possession of the crown "in the presence of God and the 
 above mentioned." 
 
 With the approach of her rivals, Maria Theresa became 
 frightened and fled, and took refuge in Hungary. The 
 Hungarians received her gallantly and off'ered her the armed 
 support of the Austrians who remained faithful to her in 
 order to recover the Kingdom. The Hungarians and the 
 Austrians were soon supported by England and Holland, 
 and a little later by Charles Emanuel HI of Savoy. 
 
 Between the two groups a war was started, which lasted 
 for some time. After many battles, favorable first to one 
 
 23
 
 24 FIRST PART 
 
 side and then to the other, the decisive victory finally was 
 given to the allies of Maria Theresa. The French and Span- 
 iards, discomfited near Piacenza, could not do other than 
 leave Italy. The daughter of Charles VI could thus con- 
 fidently and triumphantly ascend the throne. 
 
 The Austrian army, emboldened by such success, made 
 war upon Genoa to punish it for having taken the part of 
 the enemy. The city was not in a condition to defend it- 
 self. Taken thus suddenly and menaced with shot and shell, 
 she found it prudent to consign the keys of her city to the 
 assailing army. 
 
 The drunken troops, mad for gold and vengeance, 
 entered, sacking, insulting, committing such crimes as 
 have never been equaled in history. As if this were not 
 enough, they demanded twenty-one millions of lire for 
 war indemnity. The citizens begged for clemency from 
 the merciless general, who responded that the invaders 
 merited more than they had received — ^^that they should 
 have demanded their shirts — adding, "We will leave you 
 nothing except your eyes with which to weep." 
 
 Such persecutions lasted for three months. In the 
 afternoon of December 5, 1746, while the troops were 
 dragging some pieces of artillery into the most thickly 
 populated quarters of Portoria, the street gave way in cer- 
 tain places under the weight of the great mortars. 
 
 Not being able to continue unaided, the infuriated 
 soldiers commanded the people to help them. This the 
 citizens refused to do, whereupon the soldiers fell savagely 
 upon them in a hand-to-hand struggle, beating everyone 
 regardless of age or sex. 
 
 A young boy, — Giovan Battista Perasso, surnamed 
 Balilla, — furious at having been seriously wounded by a 
 trooper, seized a stone, exclaiming, "I'll kill you!'* and 
 threw it at his assailant, felling him to the ground. This 
 daring act of the youth inspired his elders with new courage, 
 and in an instant the air was filled with flying missiles aimed 
 at their enemies. 
 
 The bells sounded the tocsin. The citizens, who were 
 in their homes, understood its meaning. They armed
 
 THE DISMEMBERING OF ITALY 25 
 
 themselves, crying, **Viva la Liberta!" and threw them- 
 selves upon their enemies in a fierce, stubborn and bloody 
 fight, which lasted five days. 
 
 Their oppressors were finally overcome and took flight. 
 They were pursued and dispersed. Shortly after this an 
 artisan, Giovanni Carbone, recovered the keys of the city, 
 and returned them to the Doge and other officials of the 
 city with the following memorable words: 
 
 Gentlemen, here are the keys which you so lightly gave to our 
 enemies. Guard them well in the future, for they have been 
 recovered with our blood. 
 
 II 
 
 The dismembering and repartition of Italy in 1815. 
 The " lion's share " to Austria. The Carbonari. 
 
 After Napoleon was conquered at Waterloo, June i8, 
 1815, and after the treaty with Vienna, dictated by the 
 Monarchs of Europe, Italy was dismembered and repar- 
 titioned in the following manner: 
 
 The Kingdom of Sardinia (Sardinia, Piedmont, and 
 Liguria) to Victor Emanuel I of Savoy; 
 
 The State of Lombardo-Veneto (Lombardy, Venice, in- 
 cluding all of the territory between the Po, Ticino, and the 
 Adriatic, the ancient Republic of Ragusa, the valleys of 
 Val Tellina, of Chiavenna and Bormio) to Austria; 
 
 The Grand Duchy of Tuscany to the Austrian Prince 
 Ferdinand III of Lorraine; 
 
 The Duchy of Modena and Reggie to the Archduke 
 Francesco II, cousin of the Emperor of Austria; 
 
 The Duchy of Lucca to Maria Louisa of Bourbon; 
 
 The Duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla, to Maria 
 Louisa, daughter of the Emperor of Austria and second wife 
 of Napoleon; 
 
 The Roman State to the Pope; 
 
 The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (Southern Italy) to 
 Ferdinand I of Bourbon;
 
 26 FIRST PART 
 
 The Republic of San Marino, under the protection and 
 rule of the Pope; 
 
 The Canton of Ticino to the Confederation of Switzer- 
 land; 
 
 The Principality of Monaco to the Grimaldi-Montignon, 
 under the protection of the King of Sardinia; 
 
 The Island of Malta to England; 
 
 Corsica to France. 
 
 Austria, who directly and indirectly demanded the 
 lion's share, reserved for herself the right to the military 
 occupation of Ferrara and Comacchio. 
 
 One can easily imagine the effect of such dismember- 
 ment and repartition in the beautiful and unfortunate 
 peninsula; iniquitous laws, additional taxes, despoliation, 
 and injustice of every kind; every crime was committed, 
 as even today is characteristic of Monarchical Government, 
 which, without scruple, places dynastic interests before 
 the well-being of its people. 
 
 Fortunately, the Italians were not led like sheep as in 
 the past, but they were roused, their minds having been 
 awakened and quickened by the ideas propagated by the 
 French Revolution and the extraordinary events of the 
 Napoleonic era. Their consciences, which had been dor- 
 mant because of centuries of servitude, were awakened and 
 quickened. 
 
 In the rugged, kindly, and generous mountain regions 
 of Calabria and the Abruzzi, there had been for some time 
 past a secret society known as the Carbonari, consisting 
 of the ablest men in that part of the country. The 
 society had for its purposes the defense, the independence, 
 and the unity of the mother country by any means and at 
 any sacrifice. 
 
 The day before the Congress of Vienna, the Carbonari 
 had 800,000 members — both men and women. A few 
 days after the congress, it counted double that number. 
 Citizens of every class and social condition continued to 
 be enrolled. 
 
 During the first years of the Carbonari it limited it- 
 self to patient and cautious preparatory training. It was
 
 THE AUSTRIANS IN NAPLES (1821) 27 
 
 not until 1820 that the society became formidable, more 
 because of its harmony and discipline, its moral and intel- 
 lectual strength, than because of its numbers. It then be- 
 gan a series of practical and arduous issues which, after 
 fifty years of heroism and martyrdom, culminated in the 
 greatest civil conquest of the century; namely, the taking 
 of Rome and the abolition of the temporal power of the 
 Popes. 
 
 Ill 
 
 The Revolutions in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies 
 in 1820. Austria, with the brutal force of her soldiery, 
 imposes the tyranny of the Bourbons on the ItaUan 
 patriots who are fighting for liberty. Persecutions and 
 condemnations (1821). 
 
 In the year 1820, the revolution burst out in the Kingdom 
 of the Two Sicilies, where tyranny reigned, plotting, and 
 restricting and strangling every breath of liberty. On the 
 morning of July 2d, a detachment of soldiers with their 
 officers from Nola and Avellino rose up, crying, "Give us the 
 Constitution! Long live the Constitution!" (The Car- 
 bonari had permeated even the ranks of the army.) 
 
 This cry of rebellion was taken up and ran like lightning 
 throughout the entire Kingdom, rousing and electrifying the 
 people. It seemed like the roar of an angry ocean. On the 
 evening of July 6th, it was reported that the patriotic, 
 energetic, and universally esteemed General Guglielmo Pepe 
 had assumed the leadership of the revolution. This un- 
 expected news added fuel to the fire. This same night the 
 leaders of the Carbonari of Naples presented themselves 
 at the royal palace and daringly demanded the Constitution 
 in the name of the people and of the army. 
 
 The King refused with the typical arrogance of tyrants. 
 The Carbonari listened to him in silence. When he had 
 finished, they left his presence in dignified silence. A few 
 moments later an immense crowd of civilians and soldiers, 
 flocking together as brothers, ran roaring like lions through
 
 28 FIRST PART 
 
 the streets of the city. The Bourbon heard the cry. He 
 trembled Hke a rabbit. He could not sleep. Before the 
 dawn he published the following proclamation: 
 
 As it has been manifested that it is the general wish of the na- 
 tion to have a constitutional government, it is our earnest desire to 
 comply with this, and therefore we promise, in the course of a 
 week, to publish the basis of it. 
 
 But the insurrectionists were not so easily satisfied. 
 They knew that in 1812 Ferdinand had conceded a Constitu- 
 tion, and had afterward abrogated it in secret. They de- 
 manded a more concrete and positive guarantee from him, 
 namely, to swear on the gospels to give them the constitu- 
 tion, and to give to General Pepe the command of the entire 
 military forces of the state; to name a committee, which 
 should arrange the meeting of the congress. 
 
 The Bourbon made a virtue of necessity and yielded. 
 
 General Pepe, who was in Monteforte, on July 9th 
 made his triumphal entrance into Naples. It was in the 
 evening of the same day that the poet Gabriel Rossetti sang: 
 
 At last you have come — you have come, 
 
 longed-for day! 
 Everything around us shines 
 With new joy; 
 Redemption of our country 
 On every brow is written. 
 This time I do not dream, — 
 
 1 dream no more, O Liberty! 
 
 On the 13th of the month, in the private chapel of the 
 royal palace, and in the presence of General Pepe, the pro- 
 visional commission, ministers, and dignitaries of the court, 
 Ferdinand swore solemnly to support the Constitution, 
 which was similar to the Spanish Constitution of 1812. On 
 that occasion the king emphasized and ended his speech 
 in the following impressive words: 
 
 Omnipotent and all powerful God, who with infinite wisdom 
 canst read the hearts and the future of finite men, if I lie, or fail 
 in my oath, thou, at that instant, direct upon my head the light- 
 ning of thy vengeance!
 
 THE AUSTRIANS IN NAPLES (1821) 29 
 
 The scene was deeply impressive. Gabriel Rossetti, 
 who had sung in verse "The Promised Constitution, " now 
 saluted "The Sworn Constitution" with a hymn of thirty 
 strophes of which the following are the most prophetic: 
 
 Citizens, we can now rest secure 
 Under the shade of our gathered laurels, 
 But with one hand on our dreaded sword 
 We are guarding our mother country. 
 
 The wise, unlike the foolish. 
 Prepare for war in time of peace. 
 Yes, peace shines on our faces, 
 But war, war is brewing in our hearts. 
 
 These events, however, had the effect of worrying the 
 monarchs of Europe. The Emperor of Austria, Francis I, 
 and his colleagues of Russia and Prussia met in a congress 
 at Troppau, a city of Silesia, to discuss the grave situation. 
 They were not long in coming to an agreement, and they 
 decided to enjoin Ferdinand to abrogate by conciliation the 
 constitution which he had promulgated. Ferdinand gave 
 them to understand that this would be impossible by such 
 means. Then the three monarchs met again in December 
 at Laibach the capital of Carniola (this time with representa- 
 tives of the other Powers), "to ameliorate," said Prince 
 Metternich, Prime Minister of Austria, "the internal con- 
 dition of the Two Sicilies^ 
 
 Ferdinand, the Bourbon, secretly wrote to the kings, beg- 
 ging them to invite him to the congress, when he would ex- 
 plain his conduct and at the same time suggest the most 
 efficacious means of suppressing the liberal spirit of the 
 Neapolitans. He was invited. But the Constitution which 
 he had promulgated forbade his leaving the Kingdom without 
 the permission of Parliament; consequently, he was obliged 
 to swear that if he were permitted to go he would defend 
 the cause of the people. "I will defend," he said, "the 
 position taken by us last July. I wish for my Kingdom the 
 Spanish Constitution, and I will demand peace, because my 
 conscience and my honor demand it." 
 
 This new vow gave to him the wished-for permission to
 
 30 FIRST PART 
 
 go, but before going he named his son, Francis, regent to 
 the throne, with the title of Vicar. When he arrived 
 at the Congress, however, he explained that the reason why 
 he had given the Constitution was because it had been 
 wrested from him by force; that he considered as nothing 
 his obligations toward the revolutionists, and that military 
 occupation was the only means of re-establishing and 
 consolidating the sovereignty of the monarchy. 
 
 The anointed of the Lord listened to him and approved, 
 and February 9th, 1821, they ordered the immediate re- 
 establishment of the absolute government in Southern Italy 
 by means of their minister, Metternich, who loved Italians as 
 one loves smoke in the eyes. 
 
 The Neapolitan Parliament replied by preparing for war. 
 An Austrian army was not long in appearing on the border. 
 Gabriel Rossetti^ incited Italy to rise up against her invad- 
 ing enemies in the following lines: 
 
 Arise! Why delay? 
 ^ You sleep, Italy! Ah, no! 
 The aurora of Liberty 
 Has risen on your hills. 
 
 Arise! Bridle the course 
 Of the invading foe. 
 O, slave of your slaves. 
 You were at one time queen. 
 
 Unsheath your sabre like a goddess, 
 Replace your helmet on your brow; 
 At last the time has come 
 For your escape from servitude! 
 
 But thanks to the treason of the Vicar, that prince 
 to whom had been ingenuously given the direction of the 
 war, the Austrian forces did not meet with much resistance. 
 They easily entered the city on March 13, 1821, and with 
 great pomp re-consigned the scepter of despotism to Fer- 
 dinand. 
 
 ^Gabriel Rossetti, born at Vasto (Abruzzi) in 1783, died in London in 1854; 
 was the father of Dante Gabriel Rossetti, celebrated English poet and painter, 
 founder of the pre-Raphaelite school.
 
 THE AUSTRIANS IN PIEDMONT (1821) 31 
 
 The perjurer made use of his power by immediately 
 wreaking his vengeance on the revolutionists. By means of 
 corrupt judges the best citizens were condemned to death, 
 to life servitude, and to exile, and their property was con- 
 fiscated. Then, fearing new military insurrections, he dis- 
 solved the army and confided the care of his person to sev- 
 eral battalions of Swiss mercenaries and to 35,000 Austrian 
 soldiers, who were in the capital. These newly made police 
 completed the disastrous work of the tyrant by committing 
 indescribable depredations and brutalities. 
 
 Ferdinand retained these protectors in the Kingdom of 
 Naples until one fine day in 1825 he departed this world, ex- 
 ecrated by all. His successor, Francis I, who was equally 
 iniquitous and short-sighted, could not long bear the ex- 
 pense of their support. They despoiled the people and emp- 
 tied the public treasury. He consequently sent them away, 
 comforting himself with the hope that they could be re- 
 turned if the Carbonari should become troublesome. 
 
 IV 
 
 The Revolution of Piedmont in 1821. Austria, with 
 the brutal force of her soldiery, imposes the tyranny of 
 the House of Savoy on the Itahan patriots who were 
 fighting for liberty. Persecutions and condemnations. 
 
 The example of the Neapolitan Carbonari was followed 
 by their brothers of Piedmont. 
 
 In January, 1821, the students of the University of 
 Turin placed on their breasts the badge of the Constitution 
 of Naples, and appeared suddenly in the streets in a demon- 
 stration exalting liberty. 
 
 The police made an assault upon them. All of the 
 young men were unarmed, and the police beat them, and 
 forced them to retreat. But such coercion, instead of 
 restraining, excited them the more. The demonstration 
 was repeated in Turin and in other cities of Piedmont, and 
 assumed a character conspicuously revolutionary at Ales-
 
 32 FIRST PART 
 
 sandria, where'the citizens and soldiers rose up (March loth) 
 crying, "Long live Italy! Long live the Constitution!" 
 
 Victor Emanuel I, King of Savoy, Sardinia, Piedmont 
 and Liguria, and "an enemy of liberal ideas," rather than 
 accede to their demands, preferred to abdicate (March 13th) 
 in favor of his brother Carlo Felice, who at that moment 
 was in Modena acting as regent for the cadet Prince Carlo 
 Alberto of Savoy-Carignano. The latter, that same night 
 (March 13th), conceded the Constitution, and formed a 
 provisional ministry at the head of which was Count 
 Santorre of Santarosa, who was one of the principal leaders 
 of the revolution and who promised to maintain all of the 
 concessions which had been made. 
 
 But Carlo Felice, bitter enemy of every liberty — even 
 worse than his brother — as soon as he knew of this, was 
 enraged, and made an energetic protest in which he declared 
 void the conceded Constitution. He ordered Carlo Alberto 
 to resign the regency immediately and go to Novara, 
 where, under the orders of General Sallier della Torre, the 
 troops who had remained faithful to the absolute monarchy 
 would be assembled. The prince obeyed, and the Car- 
 bonari, who ingenuously expected from him an act of 
 resistance against the despotic impositions of the king, 
 cried "Traitor!" to him. 
 
 An army of 30,000 men — a majority of whom were 
 Austrians — invaded Piedmont, defeated the Constitu- 
 tionalists and re-established the reactionary dynastic gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Carlo Felice, like the Bourbon of Naples, began to 
 persecute the Constitutionalists. Two partisan tribunals, 
 which he especially appointed (one for civilians and one for 
 the military), condemned more than 1,000 persons to the 
 extreme penalty of the law. Santorre of Santarosa saved 
 himself by running away. He died in exile at Sfacteria, 
 generously fighting for the independence of Greece. 
 
 Carlo Alberto went first to Tuscany, and then to Spain, 
 where he took part against that people, who like the Ital- 
 ians were fighting to liberate themselves from the yoke of 
 oppression. He took part in the assault of the Trocadero
 
 THE AUSTRIANS IN LOMBARDY (1821) 33 
 
 (with the fall of which fort the Spanish Constitution was 
 also destroyed). He distinguished himself and thus entered 
 again into the good graces of Carlo Felice. 
 
 The occupation of Piedmont by the Austrians lasted 
 until September, 1823, and cost the public treasury 
 18,000,000 lire, besides the over-taxations, extortions, and 
 humiliations which the depraved troops imposed privately 
 on the citizens, guilty only of having offered their lives for 
 their love of country and for liberty. 
 
 Austria, with the brutal force of her soldiery, imposes 
 her own tjrranny on the patriots of Lombardo-Veneto, 
 who are fighting for liberty. Persecutions and condem- 
 nations (1820-1821). 
 
 If Austria was cruel to the Italians who were governed 
 and supposedly protected by her, it is easy to imagine her 
 brutality, after the short-sighted treaty of Vienna had 
 thrown them into the rapacious claws of the double-headed 
 eagle. 
 
 The Carbonari of Lombardo-Veneto, in the year 1818, 
 founded a journal called // Conciliatore; the director of 
 it was Silvio Pellico, a pleasing writer, an educator in the 
 highest sense of the word, and a patriot, gentle but forceful. 
 The apparent object of the paper was "to conciliate in 
 the literary field, not the loyal with the false, but all of the 
 lovers of truth; the scope of the journal is to point to 
 Italians the way to redeem their country." 
 
 But they counted without their host. The Austrian 
 Government had, besides an enormous contingent of troops 
 armed to the teeth, a special service of police in which pre- 
 dominated, in number, in knavery, and in villainy, secret 
 agents and spies of every kind. 
 
 The Government, however, was not long in discovering 
 the thing which // Conciliatore was hiding under its literary 
 discussions. In September, 1819, the publication was pro- 
 hibited, and then the government began the persecution of
 
 34 FIRST PART 
 
 its founders, its editors, its contributors and supporters, and 
 all those who were suspected of having had any relation with 
 the suppressed journal. 
 
 In the meantime, the Neapolitan Revolution burst out. 
 The Carbonari of Lombardo-Veneto could not long remain 
 inactive; the most daring openly expressed their sympathy 
 for, and solidarity with, their brothers of the south; but 
 they were quickly overcome by the preponderating and 
 all-powerful force of the tyrants. 
 
 Hundreds of citizens, among whom were Pellico and 
 many of his friends, were arrested, insulted, condemned to 
 death, dragged in chains to Spielberg (a remote fortress in 
 Moravia), thrown into dark and dirty cells, and left in the 
 custody of ignorant and cruel keepers, who snapped at 
 them like snarling mastiffs. Others escaped to free and 
 hospitable countries. 
 
 The death sentence, which had been imposed upon those 
 who were thrown into Spielberg, was commuted to ten, 
 fifteen, and twenty years each in prison. 
 
 The poet Giovanni Berchet, one of the most brilliant 
 writers on // Conciliatorey and one of the most ardent 
 conspirators, justly exclaimed from his exile: 
 
 Infinite are the griefs of Italy, 
 
 Immeasurable are her sorrows! 
 
 She longs for liberty; but, foolish. 
 
 She believed in her princes, and confided 
 
 Her destiny to their promises; 
 
 Her princes traduced her. 
 
 They surrounded her by perfidy, 
 
 They sold her to strangers. 
 
 They broke her legions, 
 
 And closed the lips of her sages, 
 
 And manacled the feet of the just! 
 
 The tortures which they suffered were met with heroic 
 resignation. They were described ** dispassionately" by 
 Pellico in his admirable book, called My Prisons, which 
 cost Austria the condemnation of the world, while the 
 victims of her tyranny were given immortal fame as martyrs 
 of the Italian Risorgimento.
 
 THE AUSTRIANS IN EMILIA (1831) 35 
 
 VI 
 
 The Revolutions of the Duchies of Modena and Reggio 
 and in the Roman State (1831). Austria, with the brutal 
 force of her soldiery, imposes the tjrranny of one of her 
 princes and the tyranny of the Pope on the Italian 
 patriots who are fighting for liberty. Persecutions and 
 condemnations. 
 
 The reaction raged for ten years, but it could not ex- 
 tinguish the fires of liberty which burned in the volcanic 
 breasts of the Italians. 
 
 The revolution, crushed in the south and north, burst 
 out in the center of the peninsula. Giro Menotti, a patriot 
 of noble and determined purpose, led a group of daring and 
 faithful companions to prepare for the revolution in the 
 Duchies of Modena and Reggio, w^here the Austrian, 
 Francis IV, tyrannized barbarously over the people. 
 History records that he nailed the political prisoners to the 
 floors of their vile dungeons in fetters, in manacles, and 
 with collars of iron. 
 
 The revolution was to have commenced about the 4th 
 or 5th of February, 183 1. But, on February 3d, the ducal 
 police, having been advised by spies, arrested every suspected 
 person. 
 
 Giro Menotti understood that there was no time to 
 lose; he had to act carefully and energetically. That same 
 evening, February 3d, he called together the chief con- 
 spirators to make their final plans. But Francis IV com- 
 manded eight hundred soldiers and two guns. They sur- 
 rounded the house and attacked it with shot and shell. The 
 conspirators defended themselves herocially for a time, but 
 were finally overcome by force of arms and numbers, and 
 with his companions. Giro Menotti, wounded and bleeding, 
 was made a prisoner. 
 
 Francis IV, crazed with joy at his victory, the next 
 morning sent a special courier to the governor of Reggio 
 with the following letter:
 
 36 FIRST PART 
 
 To-night the revolution broke out. Send me the hangman. 
 
 Francis. 
 
 This laconic cynicism showed the idiotic depravity of 
 the man whom the potentates of Europe had believed 
 worthy of governing such a people as the Italians. 
 
 In the meantime the revolution burst out also in Bologna. 
 The populace attacked and destroyed the city hall and the 
 pontifical coat of arms, substituting in its place the white, 
 red, and green flag of Italy. They expelled the representa- 
 tives of the sacred chair, declaring the temporal power of the 
 popes abolished. They named a provisional commission 
 whose duty should be to prepare and announce elections and 
 to form a definite constitutional government. 
 
 The vehement impetus given by "learned Bologna" 
 was followed in a flash by other cities of central Italy. 
 The Romagna, the Marches, and Umbria proclaimed them- 
 selves free. 
 
 Francis IV trembled — he did not feel safe in Modena — 
 he fled, accompanied by a swarm of Austrian soldiers and 
 the hangman, dragging with them Ciro Menotti "as host- 
 age." He betook himself to Mantua, a city belonging to 
 the state of Lombardo-Veneto, where he placed himself 
 under the direct protection of his imperial Austrian cousin. 
 
 Toward the first of March, 183 1, great Austrian armies 
 invaded the Duchies of Modena, Reggio, and the Roman 
 State. They encountered the Revolutionists, who were 
 relatively few in numbers, badly disciplined, and poorly 
 armed, therefore, they were defeated effort, and they fell 
 again under the power of the tyrants. 
 
 Francis IV re-entered his dominions on March 9, 183 1, 
 determined upon revenge. He immediately created a special 
 tribunal, charged with the duty of judging all of those 
 "who were armed, or who with secret conspiracies had taken 
 part in the revolt." 
 
 The first to be condemned to death was Ciro Menotti, 
 who was executed on the ramparts May 26, 183 1. He bore 
 the extreme penalty of the law with the stoicism of a great 
 soul. The same day, Vincenzo Borelli, a lawyer, was also 
 hanged for having compiled the act which declared the
 
 A NEW NATIONAL CONSCIENCE 37 
 
 government of Francis IV overthrown. More than five 
 hundred patriots, faUing into the hands of the tribunal, were 
 condemned, some to death and some to the galleys. More 
 than a thousand saved themselves by taking the sad road 
 of the exile. 
 
 Not less cruel was the fate of the Revolutionists of the 
 Roman State. Gregory XVI (Mauro Cappellari), irascible 
 and obstinate, and enemy of every human liberty, "filled 
 up the prisons with honest citizens and used the gallows 
 without stint;" and to sustain the tyranny which he repre- 
 sented, he maintained in the Roman State for seven years 
 at public expense, several thousand soldiers who did not 
 fail to commit their usual outrages, even more ferociously 
 than usual because they were fanatically certain that they 
 were fighting for worldly honor, for the glory of the vicar 
 of God on earth, and for an Austrian prince. 
 
 Thus Italy fell again, more servile, more abject, and 
 more divided, under the rule of the tyrants. 
 
 Thus the Carbonari brought to an unhappy ending its 
 active labor, but its glorious cycle of history was not with- 
 out fruition. 
 
 VII 
 
 A new national conscience is formed by the forceful 
 teachings of Mazzini, Gioberti, and other great Italians, 
 impelling the people to thought and action. The tyrants, 
 both big and little, are obliged to concede the benefits of 
 liberty to the oppressed people. Only Austria, despising 
 and challenging them, continues to oppress the people of 
 Lombardo-Veneto. 
 
 Not in vain was the magic word liberty resounded along 
 the shores of the Tyrrhenian, the Ionian, and the Adriatic 
 seas and carried to the heights of the Apennines and the 
 Alps, reawakening and inspiring the people. Not in vain 
 had thousands of chosen souls bravely suffered martyrdom 
 for their country. 
 
 From the sacred revolutionary ruins of 1 820-21 and 
 183 1, there rose up a leader — powerful, austere and serious
 
 38 FIRST PART 
 
 Giuseppe Mazzini, founder of Young Italy in Marseilles in 
 1832, with the prophetic motto: God and the Peophy 
 Liberty, Equality, Humanity, Independence and Unity! 
 There also came Vincenzo Gioberti, Alessandro Manzoni, 
 Cesare Balbo, Massimo D'Azeglio, Francesco Domenico 
 Guerrazzi, Giovan Battista Niccolini, Terenzio Mamiani, 
 Antonio Rosmini, Giuseppe Giusti, Gino Capponi, Cesare 
 Cantii, Niccolo Tommaseo, Giuseppe Montanelli, Federico 
 Sclopis, Ignazio Petitti, Giacomo Durando, Carlo Cat- 
 taneo, Giuseppe Ferrari, Daniele Manin, Ruggiero Settimo, 
 Camillo Benso di Cavour, Alessandro Poerio, Giuseppe Gari- 
 baldi, and many others — philosophers, poets, scholars, 
 jurists, economists, statesmen, heroes, — all offering to 
 their mother country, which they found in a pitiful condition, 
 the light of their minds and the loving impulses of their 
 faithful hearts; that devotion which Giacomo Leopardi, 
 the poet of sorrows, had already seen and engraved with 
 dazzhng strophes in one of his typical poetical rhapsodies: 
 
 country mine, I see thy walls and arches 
 And columns, and the relics, and the lonely 
 Towers of our ancestors; 
 
 But the glory I do not see: 
 
 1 do not see the laurels, and the arms with which our ancient 
 
 fathers 
 Were adorned, now disarmed, 
 Showing bare their heads and breasts, — 
 Alas, what bruises! 
 What pallor! what bloody wounds! Oh! in what state I see 
 
 thee, 
 Majestic creature! I demand of high heaven 
 And of the world, tell me, tell me, 
 Who has reduced thee to this? And worse still, 
 Thine arms have been chained. 
 Thus, with disheveled hair and naked, 
 She sits upon the ground, neglected and disconsolate, 
 Hiding her face 
 
 Between her knees, and weeps. 
 Thou weepest and with good reason, Italy mine, 
 Born to conquer all 
 In prosperous and in evil times.
 
 A NEW NATIONAL CONSCIENCE 39 
 
 If thine eyes were two living fountains, 
 
 Thou couldst not weep enough 
 
 For all thy sorrow and all thy shame; 
 
 Because once thou wert Queen, but now a miserable slave. 
 
 All who speak and write of thee. 
 
 Remembering the glory of thy past, 
 
 Say, "She was great who now is fallen." 
 
 Where, where is thine ancient strength.'* 
 
 Where are thine arms, thy valor, thy constancy? 
 
 Who has ungirded thy sabre? 
 
 Who has traduced thee? By what arts, what works. 
 
 Or by what power 
 
 Have they been able to despoil thee of thy regal robes? 
 
 How hast thou fallen 
 
 From such heights to such base depths? 
 
 No one to battle for thee? No sons 
 
 To defend thee? Give me arms! Give me arms! I alone 
 
 Will fight and fall for thee! 
 
 Grant, O heaven, that my blood 
 
 Shall be as fire in the veins of Italians. 
 
 They, the giants just mentioned, notw^ithstanding their 
 differences in certain fundamental points of their ideals 
 (Mazzini, for example, w^anted a republic with Rome as the 
 capital; Gioberti wished a federation of princes with the 
 Pope as chief; others wanted a monarchy with Carlo Alberto 
 as king), came with their vigorous and persistent protests 
 against tyranny, reawakened faith and formed a new na- 
 tional conscience which forced the tyrants to concede cer- 
 tain liberal reforms, and hurried the epopee of the Italian 
 Risorgimento. 
 
 In 1846 Giuseppe Giusti, the greatest satirical poet of 
 the century, synthesized the united desire of all Italians 
 in the following lines: 
 
 We want each son of Adam 
 
 To count as one man, without Teutons; 
 
 We want Heads with heads; we want 
 
 Laws and governments, without Teutons; 
 We all want 
 
 Italy to be Italy, without Teutons; 
 
 We want to pay in money and in brains. 
 
 But without Teutons.
 
 40 FIRST PART 
 
 On June, i6, 1846, Cardinal Giovanni Mastai Ferretti 
 was elected Pope. He assumed the name of Pius IX and 
 began his reign by pardoning all condemned political pris- 
 oners. He named Cardinal Gizzi, a man known to be a 
 liberal, secretary of state; mitigated the vigor of the cen- 
 sorship of the press; instituted the office of state council in 
 which each province had two representatives; permitted the 
 formation of civic guards; and cried aloud from the Vatican, 
 "God bless Italy!" 
 
 The joy of the patriots was without bounds and was 
 equaled only by the stupefaction of Austria; and Prince 
 Metternich was heard muttering, "We had reason to expect 
 any evil except that of a liberal Pope." 
 
 The other rulers were obliged to follow the example of 
 Rome. 
 
 The King of the Two Sicilies, Ferdinand II, — nicknamed 
 "King Bomba" because of his bigotry, suspicious nature 
 ferocity and injustice — tried to resist; but there followed a 
 general revolt of the Sicilians, who constituted a pro- 
 visional government under the presidency of Ruggiero Set- 
 timo (January, 1848), as well as a revolt and uprising of 
 Salerno and Naples, which forced the tyrant to consent to 
 a representative constitution on February 10. 
 
 These Same concessions were repeated by Leopold II, 
 Grand Duke of Tuscany (February 17th), and by Carlo 
 Alberto (March 4th), who succeeded to the throne of Carlo 
 Felice in Piedmont. Even Pius IX, who, truth to tell, did 
 not intend to compromise himself too much, was obliged also 
 to concede a constitution (March 14). 
 
 It was only the Italians of Lombardo-Veneto who were 
 not permitted to enjoy the benefits of liberty. They were 
 treated with even greater oppression than before. The Im- 
 perial Austrian Government stripped them to their skins by 
 means of its tax-gatherers, and, with its standing army (there 
 were almost 100,000), intimidated and hectored them. By 
 means of spies and police who were chosen from the lowest 
 class of the underworld, they were plotted against, villified 
 and put without scruple into the hands of the executioner. 
 
 Life in those two unfortunate regions became unbearable.
 
 THE FIVE DAYS (1848) 41 
 
 VIII 
 
 The Revolutions of 1848 in Italy. Milan rises against 
 Austrian tyranny and fights epically for five days. 
 The troops of Field Marshal Radetzky (20,000 men, 
 infantry and cavalry, with sixty field cannon) slaughter 
 the innocents; bum alive men, women and children; 
 nail nursing babes to the walls of houses; they string 
 infants on stacked bayonets and carry them around as 
 trophies; outrage women, kill them, cut off and put in 
 their pockets the ringed hands from the dead bodies; 
 rob, pollute, massacre, bum; commit numberless and 
 unspeakable crimes. And the Milanese — heroic and 
 victorious — respond with civil generosity for the evil 
 which they had received. Venice also rises up, drives 
 out the Austrian oppressors, and re-establishes the an- 
 cient Republic of St. Mark. 
 
 On March 17, 1848, some of the citizens of Milan 
 presented themselves to the Austrian Field Marshal, Josef 
 Wenceslaus Radetzky, Governor-General of Lombardy, who 
 had full civil and military powers, to beg of him to treat 
 the people more humanely; but they were received with 
 shots, many were killed, many were wounded, and others 
 were dragged to prison. 
 
 The measure was full; was running over. There ran 
 through the city — which did not contain more than 
 200,000 inhabitants — a lion-like growl of indignation, the 
 forerunner of a storm. 
 
 Radetzky saw the gathering of the clouds, the lightning 
 and the darkness which impended. He knitted his brows, 
 tightened his thin lips, and meditated on what his next step 
 should be. 
 
 He had in Milan twenty-four battalions of infantry, six 
 squadrons of cavalry (20,000 men in all), and sixty field 
 cannon. He immediately ordered all of the gates of the city 
 closed and rigorously watched to prevent the Revolutionists
 
 42 FIRST PART 
 
 from receiving re-enforcements from the surrounding country. 
 He directed a large part of the army against them and placed 
 the cannons of greatest caliber in the most central and most 
 restless quarters. He commanded the cavalry to search 
 obscure places, to prevent the assembling of groups of people 
 either outside or inside the walls, and frustrated every at- 
 tempt to make demonstrations. He ordered and disposed 
 of everything as seemed best to him. 
 
 The Milanese on their part did not stand idle. They 
 worked assiduously and rapidly. First of all, they named 
 a Committee of War presided over by Carlo Cattaneo, an 
 ardent follower of Mazzini, a man of intellect and integrity, 
 educated at the school of the illustrious philosopher Gian 
 Domenico Romagnosi, whom Austria persecuted in 1821; 
 then the Milanese, with sticks and stones, vehicles, casks, 
 barrels and sacks full of sand, with doors, windows, furni- 
 ture, bales of cotton, and other stuff, in a few hours con- 
 structed more than 700 barricades. They armed them- 
 selves with old muskets (the rifles of the newer models 
 had been sequestered from the citizens by Radetzky), 
 brandishing sticks and pitchforks, scythes, axes, spits, 
 knives and forks. At dawn, on the morning of March 18, 
 1848, they sounded the tocsin. This was immediately 
 responded to by the boom of cannons. 
 
 The saddest feature of war is that it is without doubt 
 the result of excited passions: it is life for life; it is carnage. 
 But not always (so history teaches) are the hearts of com- 
 batants insensible to human impulses. The fight lasted 
 for five days (from the i8th to the 226. of March, 1848). 
 The Austrian soldiers committed, or rather repeated with 
 diabolic voluptuousness (accursed hereditary vices!) the 
 atrocities of the ancient barbaric hordes. The Milanese, 
 instead, performed acts of heroism in which hate and fury 
 were more than once forgotten, to give place to pity toward 
 the fallen enemy. 
 
 On March 18, 1848 (when the hostilities were hardly 
 begun and the spirits on either side were not yet roused to 
 a state of excitement), a handful of Austrian cavalry, 
 skirmishing between Porta Tenaglia and Porta Porcellina,
 
 THE FIVE DAYS (1848) 43 
 
 saw three carriages taking away old men, women and chil- 
 dren, who were attempting to escape the storm which was 
 beginning to rage in the city. The soldiers rushed upon 
 them, stopped them, felled them with their sabres, killed 
 a driver, swore at, maltreated and terrorized them, dragged 
 them to the castle as if they were "prisoners of war"; threw 
 them into a deep dungeon, massacred them, and set fire to 
 their bodies. "I entered to explore with a crowd of people 
 on the sixth day" (March 23, 1848) — says Salvatore Mazza 
 — "and there was presented to my eyes in the courtyard a 
 spectacle which struck me with horror! In a shapeless mass 
 of ashes and rubbish I saw the remains of carriages, iron 
 tires and hubs, skulls of horses, human legs and arms, de- 
 tached from their bodies, which were crushed and burned." 
 
 Other Austrian troopers broke into a house in Via Ca- 
 valchina, put everything in confusion, found a young 
 book-keeper, who had not had the courage to take part in 
 the offensive and, with his little family, was timidly hiding 
 in a room. They killed him by firing several shots at his 
 head. The wife of the poor fellow, crazed with grief, threw 
 herself on her knees and sobbingly implored pity at least 
 for the babe which she pressed to her breast. The cowardly 
 ruffians laughed contemptuously at her and fired their guns 
 in the face of the innocent little creature! 
 
 Other Austrian troopers broke into the house of the 
 parish priest of San Bartolomeo, destroying and ruining 
 everything they touched, insulting and making "prisoners" 
 of everyone whom they encountered. They found in a 
 little room, silent and alone, the priest, who was writing a 
 Lenten sermon for his faithful; they reviled him, swore at 
 him, seized him by the nape of the neck, shook him, 
 hurled him to the ground, and with the butt ends of their 
 rifles and points of their bayonets beat him and left him 
 half dead! 
 
 Other Austrian troopers invaded the silk factories of 
 Fortis, rummaged about, turning them upside down, spoiled 
 the machinery, broke the looms; wrested off, dirtied and 
 tore to pieces the silk, killed the workers. They passed into 
 the private offices of the proprietors, broke the furniture,
 
 44 FIRST PART 
 
 smashed the safes, which were full of money and jewels, 
 and robbed them of their contents; they killed other per- 
 sons, went to the wine cellars and bored into the casks and 
 gorged themselves to drunkenness with the contents. And 
 when in the evening they abandoned the place, laden with 
 their booty, and with hands, faces, and clothing covered and 
 stiff with blood and dust, the robbers and murderers left 
 behind them a mass of ruins and cadavers! 
 
 On March 19th, other Austrian troopers, filled with 
 rage, broke into a house from which they suspected certain 
 stones had been hurled at them, and, cursing and roaring 
 as if possessed, they pulled down the doors, sphntered the 
 furniture, killed the first innocents whom they encountered, 
 declared "prisoners" those who had miraculously escaped 
 death, bound them, insulted them and threw them down 
 the stairs; they broke down the door of the house of a little 
 cobbler, jumped on the back of a poor paralytic octogenarian 
 (the mother of the cobbler) who had fainted from fright, 
 rolled her on the ground, stamped her underfoot and 
 reduced her to a rag! 
 
 Other Austrian troopers, also outside of Porta Tenaglia, 
 stopped a diligence which was on its way to Saronno, shot 
 and killed the horses and the driver, dragged the nine 
 passengers into a neighboring orchard, and buried them 
 ahve! 
 
 Other Austrian troopers, while committing every sort of 
 destruction in Sambuco and Scaldasole streets, broke into a 
 miserable little house, found an invalid, a man, covered him 
 with blows and kicks, and then crucified him by nailing him 
 to the wall! 
 
 Other Austrian troopers entered a house between the 
 streets of Porta Comasina and Santa Theresa, where five 
 women had taken refuge; they plundered and set fire to it. 
 The three oldest begged for their safety, and for reply they 
 were brutally pushed into the flames and burned alive; the 
 soldiers then grasped the two youngest, tied them with their 
 arms behind them, dragged them to the ramparts, outraged 
 them, hanged them from a tree, and while thus hanging, they 
 tormented them with obscene language and derisive laughter,
 
 THE FIVE DAYS (1848) 45 
 
 spitting in their faces, and finally riddled them with bullets 
 amid hoarse hurrahs of triumph! 
 
 Other Austrian troopers entered the house of Giovanna 
 Piazza and also into that of the widow Caravati, and 
 stabbed the son and the brother of the first and the son 
 of the second. 
 
 Other Austrian troopers entered a courtyard off the 
 little street called "Stretto Calusca," where many families 
 of the working people live; threw themselves like wild 
 beasts on the first persons they met, and without regard for 
 age or sex, and listening neither to cries nor prayers, kicked, 
 abused and threw them on the ground. They seized 
 Giuseppe Gambaroni, fifty-eight years old and married, 
 Antonio Piatti, twenty-eight years old and unmarried, and 
 the sixteen-year-old boy Giuseppe Belloni, and dragged 
 them to a nearby orchard. There the Austrian soldiers 
 threw them against one another as if they were playing 
 battledore and shuttlecock with them, pushing them and 
 receiving them on the points of their swords and bayonets 
 while the wife of Gambaroni, and the parents and sisters of 
 Piatti and of Belloni, weeping, begged them in vain for 
 mercy. Finally, to add to the misery of the unfortunates, 
 and better to view and enjoy the spectacle, several hussars 
 dismounted and several infantrymen of the Baumgarten 
 regiment went in search of straw, returning shortly with 
 several mattresses which they emptied, throwing the 
 contents on the three unfortunates and setting fire to them. 
 And when the agonized victims attempted with their last 
 strength to free themselves from their torture, the Austrian 
 soldiers with shouts of joy pushed them into the flames 
 with the points of their bayonets and forced the relatives 
 of the victims to watch the horrible scene! 
 
 Other Austrian soldiers entered a house, heard the' wail 
 of a nursing babe, took it out of the cradle, spread its little 
 arms and hands on the wall and nailed it "as if it were a 
 bat or some other beast " ; and then with a blow from a bayo- 
 net theyfelled the mother to the ground, killingher instantly! 
 
 Others filed on their stacked bayonets nursing babes, 
 and carried them around as trophies of war!
 
 46 FIRST PART 
 
 Other Austrian troopers cut off the dehcate white hands 
 of women on which were precious rings and carried them 
 about in their pockets! 
 
 Other Austrian soldiers murdered and burned entire 
 famiHes of women and children, committing horrible 
 crimes not only in the city but also in the suburbs. 
 
 **The Croatians" — thus runs a narrative, sent on 
 April lo, 1848, from Milan to Venice — "were more cruel 
 to the women and children than to the men. In one house 
 were found murdered thirteen persons, among whom was a 
 mother with two babes in her arms, one of which was 
 beheaded and the other with the bayonet driven upward 
 through the jaw. Another babe was split entirely in two, 
 lengthwise, and the two halves were nailed on the wall; 
 another babe was saturated in resin and burned. A little 
 girl was filed on a bayonet and carried about through the 
 streets. The heart of a woman was torn from her breast 
 and roasted. A babe of forty days was cut into small pieces 
 and also roasted." ^ 
 
 What a difference on the other side, worthy of the "gentle 
 Latin blood!" The following episode (one could narrate 
 many such records, but for reasons of brevity and delicacy 
 easy to understand one does not wish to continue) I am sure 
 will be sufficient to give an idea of the generosity with which 
 the Milanese replied to such inhuman treatment. 
 
 The police from the first had worthily assisted the soldiers 
 in their crimes; but one night, in their central offices, they 
 "amused" themselves by shooting from their windows and 
 killing persons as they passed by. They were notified that 
 the Revolutionists were about to descend upon them strong 
 and victorious. The scoundrels trembled like rabbits, took 
 to their heels and fled, and in running forgot to call their 
 chief — a certain Bolza — who had retired to an inner 
 room to eat and to sleep. 
 
 This Bolza — "the product of the lowest class in society, 
 short, fat and deformed, who seemed to possess character- 
 
 * For an account of these incredible atrocities see the documents conserved in 
 the archives of Milan, the consular reports, the papers and pamphlets of that 
 time and The Five Days described by the same Carlo Cattaneo and by other ac- 
 credited historians.
 
 THE FIVE DAYS (1848) 47 
 
 istics of the monkey and the tiger" — had been for several 
 years one of the most zealous, faithful and fierce bullies 
 upon whom Austria depended, and as such was the terror 
 of Lombardy. He had unjustly condemned to death, to 
 life imprisonment and to exile, hundreds of patriots; he had 
 thrown into misery and mourning hundreds of families. 
 The Emperor Francis I for such services bestowed upon him 
 the title of count. But the people feared and hated him. 
 
 The clamor of the insurgents as they invaded the offices 
 of the police, shouting *'Viva I'ltalia," roused the wretch, 
 who was dozing. He was startled and turned livid and flac- 
 cid with fear, but he lost no time. He gathered up and 
 pocketed the remains of his lunch, which consisted of a 
 little bread and cheese (such creatures always seem to have 
 ready the animal-like instincts for their own preservation), 
 ran and hid himself under a straw-stack. He was quickly 
 discovered and dragged out. He was filthy. He was wild- 
 eyed. His teeth chattered. He was muttering. He wailed 
 "I am to blame!" He begged of them to let him Hve, 
 promising in exchange for his life to reveal to them secrets 
 of the greatest importance. 
 
 This disgusted the Revolutionists. They roared with 
 rage, and the most fiery of them wanted to tear their 
 former tyrant to pieces. The calmer, however, opposed 
 this. Then for advice, they sent to Carlo Cattaneo, who 
 responded with the following: "If you kill him you will not 
 be giving him justice; if you do not kill him, you will be 
 doing a holy thing." The members of the war council — 
 Enrico Cernuschi, Giulio Terzaghi, and Giorgio Clerici — 
 hastened to corroborate the sentence of their magnanimous 
 president by publishing and spreading abroad the following 
 proclamation: 
 
 Brave Citizens: We will keep our victory clean; we will not 
 descend to revenge ourselves with the blood of those miserable 
 satellites which the fugitive powers have left in our hands. It is 
 true that for thirty years they have been the curse of our fami- 
 lies. But you are generous as you are valiant. Punish them 
 with your contempt. 
 
 On March 22, 1848, the Austrian troops were defeated
 
 48 FIRST PART 
 
 in truth, "carrying as hostage several citizens tied to the 
 mouths of cannons with the fuses Hghted!" 
 
 The humihating tyranny of the barbarians in Italy was 
 finished. The two hundred bells of the proud metropolis 
 of Lombardy rang with joy. The national white, red, and 
 green banner of Italy triumphantly and gloriously floated 
 from the loggias of the public buildings, from the balconies 
 and windows of the private houses. The citizens ran through 
 the streets shouting, laughing, embracing and kissing each 
 other, crying **Viva la Liberta! Viva ITtalia!" 
 
 Soon after this the English vice-consul at Milan, Robert 
 Campbell, sent a detailed report of the facts to Lord Pal- 
 merston. This report, after a description of the atroc- 
 ities committed by the Austrian soldiers and after a 
 description of the generosity of the Milanese, closed thus: 
 
 Up to the present time it is impossible to give in any way 
 the approximate number of dead and wounded in the battle 
 of these five days. Here the most perfect quiet reigns because 
 of the rigorous orders and good system of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment (this is the title taken by the municipality). As one must 
 expect, the exuberant joy of the reported victory made the 
 Milanese almost delirious. But they committed no excesses. 
 
 And the Allgemeine Zeitung of April 2, 1848, published 
 the following letter sent to it by one of its special German 
 correspondents from Milan, March 28, 1848: 
 
 A tremendous cannonading covered the Austrian retreat 
 which could not be prevented. Then finally it was possible for 
 me to see with my own eyes the horrors which the troops had 
 committed. In the suburbs there were found entire families of 
 the aged, women, children and nursing babes, horribly massacred 
 and mutilated. Of the citizens, who were imprisoned in the castle 
 by the Austrians, some were brought as hostages, and others were 
 shot. Wherever one might look, he saw blood. Everywhere 
 was devastation and fires. Many of the details of these horrible 
 crimes I saw with my own eyes — my pen refuses to describe them. 
 I prefer to describe less than the truth, and pass to the other side, 
 from which there comes to me a sweet comfort. The conduct of 
 the Lombardians was noble and generous. The first victories 
 were won by them without arms. Barehanded they wrenched
 
 THE FIVE DAYS (1848) 49 
 
 the weapons from the enemy, and they — the Lombardians — 
 dared and accompHshed this. All honor to their courage! Their 
 conduct after the victory was characterized by temperance and 
 restraint, for it was not blemished by a single actof vengeance. All 
 of the wounded Austrians were nursed and cared for like brothers 
 by the Lombardians. All of the prisoners were held in custody, 
 but were treated with the greatest indulgence; they lacked noth- 
 ing. The most hated man in Milan, the commissioner of police 
 Bolza, was taken by the citizens, but they spared his life. 
 
 Added to their glory of fearlessness in the face of death, the 
 Lombardians showed a sublime magnamimity after victory. 
 
 History, which passes judgment, will transmit to posterity 
 the memory of these deeds. 
 
 The Venetians also were roused. They already had 
 presented to the Austrian governor a demand for reforms, 
 signed by the statesman Daniele Manin and the writer 
 Niccolo Tommaseo,^ men of rare moral qualities and highly 
 esteemed by the people. But the governor responded by 
 having them arrested and thrown into the dark secret dun- 
 geons of the famous prison, the Piombi, and threatened "the 
 audacious signers" with the extreme penalty of the law. 
 
 The citizens were infuriated; they invaded the arsenal, 
 provided themselves with arms and ammunition, ran roar- 
 ing to the jail, tore down the door, took the two illustrious 
 prisoners, put them on their shoulders, carried them out in 
 triumph, faced the troops of their oppressors, and forced the 
 Austrians to fly immediately from the city. They re-estab- 
 lished (March 22d) the ancient republic of St. Mark, named 
 as Doge this same Manin, and Tommaseo as Minister of 
 Public Instruction. Again they, like their brothers of Lom- 
 bardy, breathed the sweet air of freedom. 
 
 ^ Niccolo Tommaseo, eminent Italian scholar, critic and educator of Sebemico 
 (Dalmatia), author of a Dictionary of the Italian Language, a New Dictionary of 
 Synonyms, a Dictionary of Esthetics, a volume on Education and other works 
 (1802-1874).
 
 50 FIRST PART 
 
 IX 
 
 The Hymn of Mameli. The first War of Liberation — 
 The Italians are defeated because of the defection of 
 Pope Pius IX and of the Bourbon King of the Two 
 Sicilies. The Austrians are again rulers of Lombardy 
 (1848). 
 
 Expelled from Milan, from Venice, and from other cities 
 of Lombardo-Veneto, the Austrians took refuge in the forti- 
 fications formed by the "Quadrilateral" Verona-Peschiera- 
 Mantua-Legnago, and there prepared to reconquer them; 
 that is, they prepared to repress with new violence the poht- 
 ical spirit of independence and unity which fired the Italians, 
 but instead they succeeded in increasing the latter's ac- 
 tivity and power of resistance. 
 
 But Carlo Alberto, pressed upon from every side, hurried 
 with twenty-five thousand men in aid of his brethren, who 
 were threatened again by powerful outside imperialism. 
 While crossing the river Ticino (the latter part of March, 
 1848), he invited the princes of the other states of Italy to 
 participate with him in this "holy war." 
 
 Meanwhile the twenty-one-year-old poet GofFredo Ma- 
 meli fired souls with the following hymn: 
 
 Brothers of Italy, 
 
 Italy has wakened; 
 
 The helmet of Scipio^ 
 
 Encircles her brow. 
 
 Where now is victory? 
 
 Let her advance her crest; 
 
 For God created her the servant of Rome. 
 
 Let our cohorts stand close, 
 
 Ready to face death, 
 
 Italy has called us. 
 
 We through the centuries, 
 Downtrodden and scorned, 
 
 ^ Scipio, the great Roman warrior who conquered Hannibal at Zama 
 (202 B. C).
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1848 51 
 
 Because not one nation, 
 
 But scattered, divided: 
 
 Now we must rally 
 
 Round one flag and one hope; 
 
 The hour has come 
 
 For our fusion. 
 
 Let our cohorts stand close, 
 
 Ready to face death, 
 
 Italy has called us. 
 
 Let us unite! 
 Union and love 
 Reveal to the people 
 The ways of God; 
 Let us bow to free 
 Our native land; 
 If we're united 
 Who can defeat us? 
 
 Let our cohorts stand close, 
 
 Ready to face death, 
 
 Italy has called us. 
 
 From the Alps to Sicily, 
 Everywhere is Legnano; ^ 
 Every man has the heart 
 And hand of Ferruccio; ^ 
 The boys of Italy 
 Are called Balilla; 
 Every bugle is a call to 
 "The Vespers." ^ 
 
 Let our cohorts stand close. 
 
 Ready to face death, 
 
 Italy has called us. 
 
 The hireling swords 
 Bend like a bulrush; 
 
 * The battle of Legnano, in which the Italians surrounding the Carroccio and 
 crying, "Victory or death!" defeated the armies of Barbarossa, May 29, 1176. 
 
 ^The defense of the Florentine Republic against the armies of the Emperor 
 Charles V and Pope Clement VII heroically sustained by Francesco Fer- 
 ruccio (1530). 
 
 ' The liberation of Sicily from the insolent tyranny of the French on the evening 
 of March 31, 1282, has passed into history under the name of The Sicilian 
 Vespers.
 
 52 FIRST PART 
 
 The eagle of Austria 
 
 Is stripped of her plumage; 
 
 The blood of Italy, 
 
 With the blood of Poland, 
 
 Which she has drunk with the Cossack, 
 
 Has burned to her soul. 
 
 Let our cohorts stand close. 
 
 Ready to face death, 
 
 Italy has called us. 
 
 The peninsula became a volcano in eruption. Only one 
 cry was heard: "Out with the Austrians!" 
 
 The Grand Duke Leopold of Tuscany was constrained 
 by such popular enthusiasm to send 8,000 regulars and 
 volunteers to the battlefields of the north. Pius IX was 
 forced to send 10,000. Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies 
 sent 16,000 under the guidance of the venerable General 
 Guglielmo Pepe, who had returned to Naples after twenty- 
 seven years of exile. The minor Italian potentates were 
 obliged to send in proportion to their dominions. Those 
 who left for the fields of battle wore the tri-colored badges on 
 their breasts and sang the hymn of Mameli and other war- 
 like songs, exalting their Patria and execrating their enemies. 
 The women scattered flowers before them, and showered 
 blessings upon them as they departed. 
 
 They won the first battles. They won the battle of 
 Goito (May 3, 1848). The same evening they took the 
 stronghold of Peschiera. The god of war seemed to smile 
 on all their efforts. Lombardy and Venice, in the height 
 of their joy, voted their annexation to Piedmont. 
 
 These extraordinary and unforeseen successes dis- 
 turbed the tyrants. Pius IX hurried to recall his troops 
 under the pretext that he, in his capacity as head of the 
 Church, could not participate in a war between Christians. 
 The king of the Two Sicilies, infuriated against the citizens, 
 abolished the Constitution and also commanded his soldiers 
 to return. These cowardly creatures (unfortunately not 
 a few) obeyed him. The pontifical generals, Giovanni 
 Durando and Pepe, however, with their men who remained 
 faithful, went boldly on. But one could foresee that the
 
 AUSTRIAN OPPRESSION IN MILAN (1848) 53 
 
 defection of the Pope and the Bourbon would produce a 
 certain demoraHzation in the rank and file of the liberating 
 army. Radetzky profited by it, and aided by Generals 
 Nugent and Welden, arrived on the battlefields of Lom- 
 bardy with strong re-enforcements, took the ofi^ensive, de- 
 feated the Italians at Custozza on July 20, 1848, re-entered 
 as proud conquerors the city of Milan (August 6, 1848), 
 obliged Carlo Alberto to call an armistice and to recross the 
 Ticino, and again imposed the yoke of servitude upon the 
 people. 
 
 Venice alone would not yield quickly to such humiliation. 
 She reconstituted her republic and confided the dogate 
 again to Manin. General Pepe, with the remnants of the 
 southern army, entrenched himself inside the confines of 
 the lagoons, and prepared a glorious defense. 
 
 The Viennese, however, after a bloody revolution (Octo- 
 ber, 1848), forced Emperor Ferdinand I to cede the crown 
 to his nephew, Francis Joseph. 
 
 X 
 
 The Austrian soldiers re-enter Milan, giving them- 
 selves up to rapine and vandalism. Field Marshal 
 Radetzky extorts the extraordinary tax of 20,000,000 lire 
 from 185 " noble and prominent citizens" (1848). 
 
 Radetzky, at Milan, immediately announced that he had 
 concentrated all the civil and military powers of adminis- 
 tration and declared the city in a state of siege; he ordered 
 all of the prominent patriots who had not already had the 
 time nor recognized the necessity of escaping from the city 
 to be beaten and shot; he ordered the women and children to 
 be whipped; in short, he displayed his usual arrogance and 
 committed crimes of every sort. 
 
 The barbarous marshal "re-established order" in this 
 manner and afterward left the field free to his troops. 
 These showed themselves worthy of their high commander. 
 Officers and soldiers, who were in large part Croatians
 
 54 FIRST PART 
 
 and Bohemians, occupied the houses of the fugitives, pref- 
 erably those of the patricians who were, more distinguished 
 than the others in the days of the Revolution; they robbed 
 and destroyed them from cellar to roof; they dug up the 
 marble floors, smashed the mirrors and vases, threw the 
 archives into the courtyards; they tore the tapestries, dirtied 
 the paintings, made kitchens of the art galleries, burned 
 furniture, books, and parchments of inestimable value, 
 presented the silk garments and the fine linens of the ladies 
 to the women of the street and pocketed everything possible. 
 Sacking, vandalism, and other orgies followed which were 
 worse than bestial. They were not satisfied with this. They 
 wanted money. Radetzky thought to extort it by imposing 
 the extraordinary tax of 20,000,000 lire (burdening the 
 noble and prominent citizens), after he had exacted from the 
 people the payment of redoubled tributes and hundreds of 
 other burdens. 
 
 "I have determined," commanded the tyrannical mar- 
 shal in writing, "that there must be added to this con- 
 tribution from the members of the former provisional 
 government, a penalty on the heads of those who took a 
 principal part in the various committees, — those who were 
 the leaders of the revolution and who contributed to it by 
 material or intellectual means." 
 
 Those designated numbered 185. 
 
 The Austrian military gallantry imposed on a lady — 
 the Princess of Belgiojoso — the greatest sum: 800,000 lire. 
 This was followed immediately by a smaller amount from 
 the Duke of Visconti di Mondrone, the Count Vitaliano 
 Borromeo, and the Duke Litta. The lowest amount im- 
 posed upon any of the patricians was 10,000 lire. The 
 bankers and merchants, such as Milius, Mondolfo, Ponti, 
 Raymmi, and SeufFerheld, were obliged to pay 50,000 lire 
 each. Even Maggiore Ospedale (the hospital) had to pay 
 300,000 lire! 
 
 One can imagine the miserable condition into which the 
 unfortunate metropolis of Lombardy was reduced in the 
 latter months of 1848.
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1849 55 
 
 XI 
 
 The insurrection at Rome. The Papal Prime Min- 
 ister Pellegrino Rossi is killed. Pius IX flees in the 
 night to Gaeta. The Roman Republic is proclaimed with 
 Mazzini, Saffi, and Armellini at the head. The second 
 War of Liberation agamst Austria. The Italians are de- 
 feated because of their commanders. Carlo Alberto 
 is obliged to abdicate in favor of his son Victor Emanuel. 
 The Austrians, emboldened, extend their tyranny to 
 Piedmont (1849). 
 
 But the defeat did not discourage the Italians. It 
 made them even more daring and more active; it retempered 
 their strength. 
 
 Because Pope Pius IX had betrayed the national cause, 
 had killed the Prime Minister, Pellegrino Rossi (November 
 15, 1848), and had planned the arrest and expulsion of well- 
 know^n patriots, the people of Rome rebelled against his 
 retrogressive Government and forced him to leave the 
 capital during the night and repair to Gaeta, where he 
 found the King of the Tvv^o Sicilies. They then elected a 
 constitutional assembly which, after long and animated 
 discussions, approved and published (February 9, 1849) 
 a decree declaring the papacy "fallen in right and in fact 
 from the temporal government of the Roman State" and 
 proclaimed the Republic, with its head a triumvirate 
 (March, 1849) composed of Mazzini, Aurelio Saffi, and 
 Carlo Armellini. 
 
 In Tuscany the people made repeated redemptionist 
 demonstrations, forced the Grand Duke Leopold to follow 
 the Pope to Gaeta, and confided the public affairs to Guer- 
 razzi, Giuseppe Montanelli and Giuseppe Mazzoni. 
 
 In the other parts of the peninsula the people were 
 equally restless. They clamored for war, war, at any cost, 
 to the last drop of their blood! 
 
 We will fight — we will fight. 
 While a warrior remains.
 
 56 FIRST PART 
 
 Until the rays of the Italian sun 
 
 Shall no longer cast a shadow on a stranger. 
 
 {Arnaldo Fusinato) 
 Until not in one corner of the 
 Mother country will there be a slave, 
 Until Italy shall be one 
 From the Alps to the sea. 
 
 (Goffredo Mamelx) 
 
 On March 12, 1849, Carlo Alberto was obliged to 
 abandon the truce which he had made with the Austrians 
 the year before, and he again began hostilities. 
 
 The ninety thousand Italians whom he commanded 
 were strong, brave, and enthusiastic, ready for any sacrifice 
 for the good of their country. When they encountered the 
 army of the enemy, they fought with force and resistance; 
 but they were defeated at Mortara on March 21, and again 
 on March 23, at Bicocca, near Novara, all because of the 
 unfitness of this same king and other commanders. It 
 was a terrible catastrophe. 
 
 Carlo Alberto was again forced, as in 1848, to demand an 
 armistice; but the conditions imposed by the Austrians were 
 so onerous, so dishonorable, that he could not accept them. 
 Then he could not do other than abdicate. In the late 
 evening he gathered about him his sons and his surviving 
 generals under the walls of the fated city, and there he took 
 the great step, pronouncing in the silence and with voice 
 humble and grieved the following words: 
 
 I have done everything possible for the cause of Italy. My 
 greatest sorrow is to see the failure of my hopes. Perhaps my 
 person is the only obstacle to obtaining an equitable agreement 
 from the enemy. And as there is no alternative other than to con- 
 tinue the war, I renounce at this instant the crown, in favor of my 
 son, Victor Emanuel, in the flattering hope that he may obtain 
 better pacts and procure a more advantageous peace for the coun- 
 try. 
 
 And at midnight the vanquished king sadly went his 
 way, accompanied only by one servant. He went incognito 
 (taking the name of Count de Barge) to Portugal, where 
 he died four months later in the convent of the Jesuits.
 
 THE LIONESS OF ITALY (1849) 57 
 
 The young King, Victor Emanuel II, encountered Ra- 
 detzky on the battlefield of Vignale. He had to make the 
 best of a bad bargain, and signed an armistice by which he 
 was obliged to recognize the right of Austria to the military 
 occupation of Alessandria and the territory included between 
 the rivers Po, Sesia, and Ticino. He was compelled to 
 retire the Piedmontese fleet from the waters of the Adriatic 
 sea (it had been sent there at the beginning of the war), 
 which meant the complete abandonment of Venice into the 
 hands of the enemy. He was obliged to pay — and how ef- 
 fectively he did pay at the conclusion of peace! — 75,000,000 
 lire for war indemnity. 
 
 The chain of servitude was thus riveted. As the vul- 
 tures gnawed the heart of the mythological Prometheus, 
 so the rapacious eagle of the Hapsburgs continued to de- 
 vour the hearts of ItaHans. 
 
 XII 
 
 The "Lioness of Italy." At Brescia the Austrian 
 soldiers "throw the heads of infants, torn from their 
 bodies, the arms of women and children, and burned 
 human flesh on the barricades of the citizens as if they 
 were throwing the remnants of a dinner to dogs, and 
 commit other unbelievable villainies." The tragic 
 revenge of a young Brescian who was burned alive 
 (1849). 
 
 The first news which reached Lombardo-Veneto led 
 the Italians to believe that the Austrians, not the Italians, 
 were defeated at Novara on March 23, 1849. One can ima- 
 gine the exultation of the patriots. Those of Brescia armed 
 themselves, sang praises to the victory, enjoined the soldiers 
 of the garrison (500 in all; the others had already gone to the 
 war) no longer to encumber the earth which was not theirs. 
 The Austrians responded by sending secretly for immediate 
 aid; then they enclosed themselves in the castle, which over- 
 looked the city, and which, in anticipation, they had filled
 
 58 FIRST PART 
 
 with provisions and munitions, and from the high fortress 
 they began bombarding the city. 
 
 The Brescians were not discouraged; they faced the 
 fight resolutely and vigorously; they fought with zeal and 
 valor; they had almost reached victory when there was 
 hurled from Verona the first aid to the enemies — a column 
 of troops with numerous artillery in command of General 
 Nugent. This made them realize immediately that at any 
 cost the general would force his way into the city. *'It 
 were better that the rebels should destroy the barricades 
 erected by them, throw down their arms, and surrender 
 themselves at discretion." He gave them four hours to 
 reply, "while with great difficulty he held back his soldiers, 
 and for compassion made them silence their guns." 
 
 At such arrogance, the citizens burned with indignation, 
 crying tempestuously: "We will resist! Rather than to 
 cede this we prefer death under the ruins of our homes." 
 
 Nugent began the attack. He hoped to crush "the 
 audacious subjects" in the twinkling of an eye; but, instead, 
 he himself was crushed, falling dead in the encounter. 
 General Hayman, a bestial person, was immediately sub- 
 stituted with other re-enforcements. 
 
 The new commander gave more stringent orders and 
 threats than had his dead colleague. The Brescians replied 
 stubbornly: "Liberty or death!" Then there burst forth 
 a tempest of shot and shell, followed by a destruction of 
 houses nd a slaughter of inhabitants. But the defenders 
 were not terrified, were not confounded; they felt instead, 
 rising and vibrating in every fiber of their being, an invin- 
 cible power; they became as giants; they battered their as- 
 sailants over and over again; they performed acts of valor 
 worthy of an epopee. Even the women showed themselves 
 valiant and daring. Among these were two sisters of good 
 family who died like Christian martyrs. 
 
 This contempt maddened the Austrians. The military 
 pride with which they were swelled could not tolerate the 
 proud resistance of the citizens, who were given no more 
 consideration than a flock of sheep. On the morning of 
 April I, 1849, they made a furious assault and with great
 
 THE LIONESS OF ITALY (1849) 59 
 
 numbers they fought savagely, decisively. The defenders, 
 although hard pressed for several days, kept their heads; 
 they disputed every foot of ground, they spent their life's 
 blood freely; and in the end the opposing forces fell upon one 
 another in a hand-to-hand conflict. And then, only then, 
 could the enemy, passing over heaps of the dead, enter the 
 glorious city of Brescia, which the poet afterwards called 
 "The Lioness of Italy." 
 
 The Austrian troopers, made more ferocious by the 
 resistance which they met and the losses to which they 
 were subjected, broke like hungry wolves into the houses 
 which remained intact after this long bombardment. 
 They sacked the best and destroyed the remaining, cut the 
 throats of the sick, the old, women and children. Of the 
 latter many were nailed to the walls. Little nursing babes 
 were filed on stacked bayonets. Men and women were killed 
 in the streets with blows from swords and guns. Others 
 were dragged to the castle and there thrown into dungeons, 
 insulted and massacred en masse. 
 
 They committed thousands of atrocities and the sight 
 seemed to turn the heads of the people and freeze the blood in 
 their veins. To this was added the view of the horrible excesses 
 committed by the imperial Austrians, because of their blood- 
 drunkenness or because they were commanded to do so, or because 
 they were stolidly ferocious; atrocities which seemed to go beyond 
 the credible and even the imaginable. The imperial Austrians 
 were not only infuriated against the unarmed, the women, the 
 children, and the infirm, but they so refined their tortures that 
 they seemed human wild beasts; they surpassed in ferocity any 
 wild animal. They lacerated the limbs of the victims; they, the 
 Imperial Austrians, threw them out of the windows on to the 
 barricades of the citizens as one throws the remains of a dinner to 
 the dogs. Heads of tender children torn from their bodies, arms 
 of women and roasted human flesh rained upon the Brescians, — 
 outrages before which bombs seemed as nothing. And above 
 all, these Imperial Austrian cannibals felt a special joy in seeing 
 the atrocious convulsions of those who were burning to death; 
 they saturated citizens with resin and set fire to them; and often 
 they obliged the women of the martyrs to assist them at this 
 festival; and further to deride the noble Brescian blood which was
 
 60 FIRST PART 
 
 boiling with holy wrath, they tied the men tightly, and before 
 their very eyes outraged their wives and daughters, and then cut 
 their throats. And sometimes (God forgive us if we do not forget 
 this fact) the imperial Austrians made the agonized citizens 
 swallow the torn viscera of their loved ones. Because of this many 
 died of anguish and many more went mad.^ 
 
 A citizen by the name of Carlo Zima, who was burned 
 alive by the Austrian soldiers, was avenged in a tragic man- 
 ner. He was a fragile young fellow — a hunchback — but 
 he had fought day and night like an ancient gladiator. Some 
 soldiers surprised him while he was standing at arms. What 
 did they do? They threw tar on him and set fire to it. 
 In a flash the body of the unfortunate boy was in flames. 
 The soldiers laughed and danced around him like redskins. 
 Zima, in an impulse of fury and indignation, threw himself 
 on the leader and inciter of the demoniac gang, clung to 
 him with a death grip, surrounded him with the same fire 
 and forced him to die the same death as himself. 
 
 But this policy of torture was not enough. The Aus- 
 trians extorted from the Brescians the sum of 6,000,000 lire. 
 Such villainies roused all Europe. Some time after, General 
 Hayman went to London. Some one recognized him in the 
 streets by his blond mustache. Soon a crowd surrounded 
 him, throwing missiles and mud at him and crying, "Give 
 it to him, the old Austrian butcher! Give it to him, the 
 tiger! 
 
 ^ See The Ten Days of Brescia, by Caesar Correnti, an eminent writer, author of 
 various historical works, deputy to the Italian National parliament, twice min- 
 ister of Public Instruction, and councillor of State. 
 
 I
 
 THE AUSTRIANS IN CENTRAL ITALY (1849) 61 
 
 XIII 
 
 The Austrian soldiers in Tuscany, in Bologna, and in 
 Ancona. The tyrants crush the Roman Republic, which 
 had been so gloriously ruled by Mazzini and defended by 
 Garibaldi, and re-establish the temporal power of the 
 Popes (1849). 
 
 On the first of May, 1849, the Austrian General d'Aspre 
 at the head of 20,000 soldiers invaded Tuscany; raided towns, 
 despoiled and abused the populace; then suddenly and 
 pompously entered Florence (May 25th), and re-established 
 the power of the Grand Duke. This unscrupulous tyrant, 
 who served the Hapsburgs, soon abolished the Constitution 
 and the national flag, and took possession of the government 
 with the help of the police and the prisons. About the same 
 time, four different armies (one French, one Austrian, one 
 Spanish, and one Bourbon) marched against Rome with the 
 intention of crushing the Republic and re-establishing the 
 temporal power of the popes. 
 
 The first to arrive at the gates of the eternal city were 
 the French (a few less than 9,000) in command of General 
 Oudinot. They immediately began the artillery attack, 
 while the infantry attempted to scale the walls. But 
 Garibaldi — to whom the triumvirate, Mazzini, Saffi, and 
 Armellini, had wisely confided the defense of the Republic — 
 hurled himself, with his volunteers and with those who were 
 commanded by Dr. Masi and Col. Galletti, on the assailants 
 and defeated them, inflicting upon them severe losses, taking 
 hundreds of prisoners, and scattering the others in flight 
 (April 30, 1849). 
 
 The Austrian army on their part arrived at Bologna and 
 began hostilities by attacking the Porta Galliera. The 
 Bolognese repulsed the assault. The enemy put in action 
 guns and mortars, with which they were abundantly pro- 
 vided and overwhelmed the ** Learned City" with grape- 
 shot projectiles and explosives. The Bolognese defended 
 themselves valorously for several days. But by May 16,
 
 62 FIRST PART 
 
 1849, their strength was spent; they could no longer resist; 
 they were obliged to surrender. 
 
 One week after, the Austrians attacked the city of 
 Ancona from sea and land. This younger sister of Venice 
 fought strenuously for about a month. But in the end she 
 too capitulated (June 20). The Bourbon army (16,000 
 men), commanded by King Ferdinand himself, was in 
 possession of Velletri near Rome. Garibaldi, at the head of 
 only 3,000 volunteers, a part of whom were mere boys, 
 rushed to attack it, forced it from the city, dispersed and 
 pursued it as far as Area (May 12-20). 
 
 The Spanish were landed at Fiumicino and Terracina. 
 General Oudinot, with 40,000 soldiers and 36 cannon, on the 
 evening of June 2d, recommenced hostilities against Rome. 
 The Republic had no more than 9,000 volunteers at her 
 command. But they were cavaliers of high ideals. Their 
 minds were illuminated with the omnipresent thought of 
 Mazzini. In their breasts beat the living heart of Gari- 
 baldi. The fight was long and bitter. It culminated the 
 night of June 29th in a great battle. The defenders ac- 
 complished superhuman deeds. Among those who so 
 nobly fell was the poet GofFredoMameli,the youth of twenty- 
 two years, who in his patriotic hymns voiced the emotions 
 of the people and inspired them to fight for their liberties; 
 and Luciano Manara, who was the first among the first in 
 the five days of Milan. There fell also Enrico Dandolo, 
 Emilio Morosini, and hundreds of other heroes. But such 
 sacrifice was not sufficient to save the Republic. 
 
 Garibaldi was obliged to sheath his sword, and on July 3d 
 he went from j4lma Roma, sad, silent, poverty-stricken (so 
 poor that for the mere necessities of life he was obliged to 
 sell his watch), accompanied by his devoted consort, Anita, 
 seven months advanced in pregnancy, and by about 4,000 
 other survivors, among whom was the Barnabite preacher 
 Ugo Bassi and the Roman citizen Angelo Brunetti called 
 Ciceruacchioy and to whom he had nothing to offer except 
 hunger, cold, heat, and forced marches. 
 
 Mazzini also, and all of the other leaders of the glorious 
 Republic were driven into exile.
 
 AUSTRIANS PURSUE GARIBALDI (1849) 63 
 
 On July 1 2th, Pius IX, escorted by the French and Aus- 
 trians, re-entered the capital, abrogated the Constitution, 
 annulled the reforms, filled the prisons with political pris- 
 oners, and humiliated both souls and bodies, meriting the 
 judgment of Lord Clarendon, who said, "The government of 
 priests is an opprobrium for civilized Europe." 
 
 XIV 
 
 The Austrian soldiers pursue Garibaldi and Anita 
 (the loved consort of the Hero) who is pregnant. The 
 sad ending of the heroine, who is buried nude ! " The 
 abandoned wandering dog" (1849). 
 
 Garibaldi, who succeeded in hiding himself and his 
 army from the enemy which angrily pursued him, arrived 
 in Tuscany and tried to incite the people to a revolution j 
 but he found everyone discouraged and fearful. Then he 
 cried to his volunteers, "There remains only Venice for us to 
 die in!" 
 
 But how to arrive at the Lido was the problem. The 
 long and fatiguing forced marches under the scorching sun; 
 the ambushed bloodhounds of the tyrant which were let 
 loose in every direction, added to hunger, thirst, and sor- 
 row, reduced the survivors to only 1,500. And those who, 
 notwithstanding these hardships, were animated by gen- 
 erous and patriotic sentiments, were not in condition to 
 face a new Odyssey. Garibaldi led them to the little 
 republic of San Marino, and there secured an armistice with 
 the enemy in which he demanded and obtained the right 
 to send his companions undisturbed to their homes. He, 
 personally, would not bind himself to any pact with the 
 Austrians; he preferred to keep the road to which fate had 
 predestined him. But hundreds more daring and faithful 
 wished to follow him at any cost. The Hero, who was as 
 gentle as he was invincible, could not refuse them. 
 
 He accepted their offer and with them attempted to es- 
 cape by way of the sea. But the fragile boat containing the
 
 64 FIRST PART 
 
 sacred handful was quickly overtaken by the Austrian 
 hordes, who were on the lookout. Garibaldi with his coura- 
 geous Anita jumped into the water, and being a proved 
 swimmer was not long in reaching the shore, saving himself 
 and his beloved consort. Ugo Bassi (the Barnabite preacher) 
 and Angelo Brunetti (Ciceruacchio) and many other Gari- 
 baldians were captured and executed. 
 
 On August 4, 1849 — it was sunset — a little vehicle 
 with one horse, driven by the Garibaldian captain Leggero, 
 crept slowly up the road which led from the sea to the 
 woods of Ravenna. In the rough cart was a young woman 
 sick with a fever. 
 
 "Have courage!" said Garibaldi, who was dressed as a 
 farmer and was sitting near the woman, caressing her fore- 
 head and holding above her head an open umbrella to pre- 
 vent the burning rays of the sun from scorching her. "Cour- 
 age, my good Anita. In that house yonder we will ask aid." 
 
 "0 Giuseppe, I am dying!" murmured the invalid, while 
 foam covered her burning lips. 
 
 The Hero wiped her mouth with a silk handkerchief. 
 A black cloud closed over his soul. They finally reached 
 the vicinity of the house. A farm hand looked with surprise 
 at the strange company. 
 
 "In the name of humanity," cried Garibaldi supplicat- 
 ingly, "save this woman! I ask nothing for myself, every- 
 thing for her. Give us a glass of water. Let us rest a 
 moment." 
 
 "I am not the master here," responded the rustic, "but 
 I will call my master, Ravaglia." 
 
 A woman servant came out of the house. She, seeing 
 that Anita was struck with death, was overcome with emo- 
 tion and exclaimed: "Poor creature! To travel in such a 
 condition! It is fortunate that we have a physician here." 
 
 Dr. Naldini came, looked anxiously at the invalid, and 
 said sententiously, "This woman is dying." Then looking 
 fixedly at Garibaldi, continued, "And you, with that face, 
 with that beard, you are Garibaldi!" 
 
 "Silence, for pity's sake!" softly interrupted the Hero. 
 "You know well that I am hunted to the death and all the
 
 AUSTRIANS PURSUE GARIBALDI (1849) 65 
 
 others who assist me are punished. Don't, don't reveal my 
 name! 
 
 At that moment Stefano Ravaglia, the master of the 
 house, joined them. He told them to take Anita into the 
 upper chamber where there was a poor Httle bed. With the 
 greatest tenderness the Hero took the httle creature in his 
 powerful arms, and went slowly up the stairs. But, after 
 a few steps, Anita's beautiful head fell back, and she said 
 feebly: "Giuseppe . . . the children ..." and she 
 was dead! 
 
 The Hero replaced the adored figure on the ground; he 
 touched it; he bathed it with tears; he covered it with kisses; 
 he called her by the sweetest and most sacred names; he 
 cried desperately: **No, no! she is not dead! Take her up- 
 stairs. It is a fainting spell. She has suffered so much, 
 poor little creature! She will revive. She is strong. She 
 is not dead, I say! It is impossible! If it were true, I too 
 should be dead, because our lives have always been as one. 
 Look at me, Anita .... open your eyes .... move your 
 lips .... speak to me!" 
 
 All of those present wept. Captain Leggero bowed 
 respectfully over his leader and whispered in his ear these 
 supplicating words: "Rise! Save yourself, — for your chil- 
 dren, — for Italy!" 
 
 "I am choking!" responded the Hero. "Give me a 
 glass of water." He drank it; he arose; he turned and gave 
 a last look full of infinite love and sorrow at the immobile 
 form of the martyr, and turned away, sobbing Hke a child. 
 He went to the door and stopped and offered a ring which he 
 had taken from the finger of Anita (the only treasure which 
 he possessed) to Ravaglia to compensate him for his hos- 
 pitality and as a memento. "No," said the honest farmer, 
 "keep it, it is sacred to you." 
 
 On August II, 1849, an abandoned dog, rummaging 
 about, discovered a body which was buried in the shallow 
 sands of Marina, in the parish of Mandriole. The authorities 
 came and found that it was the body of a pregnant woman
 
 66 FIRST PART 
 
 "who had her hair clipped like a Puritan's and wore a 
 skirt and a mantle." The clothes were removed and were 
 displayed to help in the identification of the body. And 
 the brave consort of the Hero of two worlds was reburied 
 nude in the earth! 
 
 A few days after, a man of robust appearance, but with 
 face pallid and sad, left the country of Modigliana. 
 
 That man was Garibaldi. Groups of Austrian soldiers, 
 growling ostrogothic oaths and swearing vengeance, hunted 
 him. At one point the Hero found himself in imminent 
 danger, and took refuge in a near-by tavern. As soon as he 
 was seated at a table, some Croatian soldiers noisily entered. 
 '* I am discovered !" he exclaimed to himself. But the Croati- 
 ans did not recognize him. They went to a table, and or- 
 dered and drank wine without limit. They were soon drunk. 
 They gesticulated wildly. They laughed idiotically. They 
 repeated with drunken voices: "Ah, Garibalda, Garibalduy 
 we'll find you yet — we'll catch you in a trap! Ha! ha! 
 ha!" 
 
 The Hero jumped like a leopard toward the door, 
 and fled to the fields. In vain the Croatians attempted to 
 follow him: their drunken legs would not carry them. 
 Their bodies fell to the ground and they wallowed like pigs 
 in mire. 
 
 After countless difficulties he arrived finally at Nice, his 
 native city, embraced his mother, who already had counted 
 eighty-four years, kissed his children, wept with them for the 
 loss of Anita, and with broken heart betook himself to exile, 
 embarking on a ship which was going direct to Tunis. But 
 the Bey refused to give him shelter, fearing to bring troubles 
 on his own head. Then the Hero wandered fromMaddalena^ 
 to Gibraltar, from Gibraltar to Tangiers; and finally one 
 day took ship for New York, where he was given brotherly 
 care by an Italian, Antonio Meucci, the defrauded inventor 
 of the telephone which today is called the Bell. 
 
 ^The largest island in the strait of Bonifacio (Sardinia).
 
 THE AUSTRIANS BOMBARD VENICE (1849) 67 
 
 XV 
 
 The Austrians besiege and bombard Venice, continu- 
 ously, for three months. Field Marshal Radetzky apes 
 Nero. The Queen of the Adriatic Sea is obUged to 
 surrender, because of famine and cholera more than 
 because of the army of the enemy. The elegy of the 
 poet (1849). 
 
 Forty thousand Austrians, with 150 pieces of artillery, 
 besieged Venice by sea and by land. On May 24, 1849, 
 they began to storm it with bombs and burning rockets. 
 
 Field Marshal Radetzky, wishing to ape Emperor Nero, 
 of execrated memory, invited several archdukes from his 
 own country to witness the spectacle of the ItaHan city 
 struck in every part with fire and with death. Puerile old 
 barbarian! 
 
 The Venetians did not lose their courage. On the con- 
 trary, they felt themselves physically and morally stronger 
 than before. They were wisely guided by the Doge Daniele 
 Manin, and the brave General Guglielmo Pepe, who pre- 
 sented a formidable resistance to the unheard-of cruelty of 
 the enemy. 
 
 The fight lasted long. It was intense, bloody. Victory 
 smiled several times on the besieged. It would have been 
 also their final triumph if, aside from the scarcity of arms 
 and munitions, and of the almost absolute lack of food, 
 the cholera had not overtaken them. The terrible scourge, 
 which was not checked by necessary scientific means, and 
 was favored by little and bad food, began to decimate 
 the women and children especially. 
 
 On August 15th, the Sanitary Bulletin published 402 
 cases with 272 deaths. One week later the unconquerable 
 pest, augmented by hunger, which was always on the increase, 
 and by the Austrian artillery ever more intense, transformed 
 the charming city of the Doges into a Dante-like inferno. 
 The defenders, oppressed by sorrow for the miserable ending 
 of their beloved dead, lost all courage and hope.
 
 68 FIRST PART 
 
 During the making of the treaty (August 23, 1849) 
 Venice was immersed in a sepulchered gloom. 
 
 The poet Arnaldo Fusinato, who was made guardian of 
 the island of the Lazzaretto, wrote with a breaking heart the 
 following elegiac verses: 
 
 The air is gloom, 
 
 The heavens are still; 
 Alone on the terrace, 
 I mourn, I weep for thee, 
 Venice mine! 
 
 The rays of the dying sun 
 Disappear 
 
 In the broken clouds 
 Of the West; 
 And the last sigh 
 Of the Lagoon 
 Breathes sadly 
 In the twilight air. 
 
 A gondola from the city passes: 
 — Ohe! Gondolier, 
 What news ? 
 — The pestilence rages, 
 We lack bread, 
 On the bridge waves 
 The white flag! 
 
 Venice! thine 
 Hour has come; 
 Glorious martyr. 
 Thou art lost! 
 The pestilence rages. 
 We lack bread, 
 On the bridge waves 
 The white flag. 
 
 But not the cannons 
 Belching fire, 
 
 Nor the crashing thunders 
 That roll above thee. 
 Have had the power 
 To stifle thy liberty.
 
 THE AUSTRIANS BOMBARD VENICE (1849) 69 
 
 Long live Venice! 
 
 She dies only from starvation. 
 
 history! register 
 On thy pages 
 
 The iniquities of thine enemy, 
 And the glories of our Patria; 
 And cry to posterity — 
 Be three times cursed he 
 Who would see Venice 
 Die of starvation! 
 
 Long live Venice ! 
 Her ancient virtues 
 Have been roused 
 By the ire of the enemy; 
 But the pestilence rages. 
 And she lacks bread, 
 On the bridge waves 
 The white flag. 
 
 And now this my lyre, 
 Which is as yet free, 
 I break here 
 On the stones. 
 And to thee, Venice, 
 My last song. 
 My last kiss, 
 My last tear! 
 
 1 go wandering 
 
 In strange lands. 
 
 But thou, Venice, wilt live 
 
 In my thought; 
 
 Thou wilt live 
 
 Here in my heart 
 
 As the image 
 
 Of my first love. 
 
 But the wind whistles. 
 Dark are the waves; 
 Nature 
 Is all in obscurity;
 
 70 FIRST PART 
 
 The chords scream. 
 The voice is spent. 
 On the bridge waves 
 The white flag. 
 
 On August 24, 1849, the holocaust was complete. The 
 glorious Queen of the Adriatic was again in the clutch of the 
 rapacious two-headed eagle. Manin, Tommaseo, Guglielmo 
 Pepe, and other prominent patriots were obliged to take 
 English and French ships and, like Mazzini, to follow the 
 sad road of exile. 
 
 XVI 
 
 Field Marshal Radetzky and his graceless officers 
 celebrate the birthday of their Emperor (Francis Joseph) 
 in Milan by hectoring the unarmed people, brutally 
 charging upon them with cavalry and infantry, beating 
 patriots and whipping the young boys and girls on their 
 bare backs (1849). 
 
 While Venice agonized, Radetzky committed new 
 infamies in Milan. He provoked the citizens in order that 
 he might afterward punish them. 
 
 It will suffice, however, to give the following episodes: 
 
 August 18, 1849, was the nineteenth birthday of the Em- 
 peror Francis Joseph and the old marshal, wishing to cele- 
 brate it with noisy demonstrations, ordered the firing of 
 several volleys of guns at dawn; the decoration of the bal- 
 conies, of the windows, of the public squares, and of the 
 streets with festoons of Austrian colors; a solemn religious 
 ceremony with the singing of the Te Deum in the Duomo; a 
 pompous military parade and, for the evening, "a spontane- 
 ous illumination under threat of judicial prosecution against 
 the recalcitrants." 
 
 Now, what happened in spite of the astuteness of the 
 all-powerful Austrian officialdom which was organized for 
 provocations? 
 
 At that time in the square of the Duomo was the Cafe
 
 AUSTRIAN ATROCITIES IN MILAN (1849) 71 
 
 Mazza, one of the most frequented in the city. Opposite it 
 lived a certain woman of bad repute, a favorite of many- 
 Austrian officials who met day and night in front of the 
 cafe and also inside to feast and revel and to insult peace- 
 ful citizens as they passed by. At the order of some of 
 her devoted officer-friends, the woman had prepared a 
 great drapery with the imperial colors and the emblem of 
 Austria embroidered on it and on the anniversary hung it 
 from the balcony of her house. 
 
 The Austrian officials — drinking, smoking, chattering 
 before the Cafe Mazza, congratulated the woman, who re- 
 mained boldly on the balcony, making all sorts of obscene 
 grimaces to her which she mistook for gracious smiles, while 
 at the same time with certain characteristic laughs they 
 ridiculed and provoked the passersby. 
 
 In a flash, the square of the Duomo was full of people. 
 Someone whistled, a hundred whistled, there was a cry, a 
 hundred cried out indignant imprecations, then showering 
 her with tri-colored rosettes they forced the woman to re- 
 enter her house, taking with her the hated drapery. 
 
 The Austrian officers seemed to be expecting nothing 
 less than this. They jumped into the street, grinding their 
 teeth. They opened a way for themselves with lashes from 
 their switches, they called the woman to the balcony, they 
 invited her to replace the drapery, and when she complied 
 the ruffians broke into frantic applause. The indignation 
 and fury of the crowd increased. 
 
 Then a squadron of cavalry arrived with drawn sabres 
 and a corps of infantry with fixed bayonets. They charged 
 upon the unarmed crowd without regard for the old men, 
 women or children. 
 
 The officers planted themselves on the sidewalks bran- 
 dishing switches above their heads, threatening and howling 
 like so many obsessed demons, forced the fugitives to 
 take off their hats and to salute the drapery; then they 
 snatched the woman up, took her along with the drapery in 
 a carriage, and carried her in triumph through the city. 
 As if this were not enough, they made numberless arrests of 
 both men and women, accusing them of anti-political and
 
 72 FIRST PART 
 
 scandalous demonstrations, and of insults to the emblem of 
 His Majesty^ etc. 
 
 On August 22d, in the Y\2ltl2. Castello, fifteen patriots 
 (students, property owners, merchants, shopkeepers, and 
 simple workmen) from 2i to 50 years of age, were subjected 
 to the humiliation of a public whipping. They were tied 
 with their breasts to planks, bare from their heads to their 
 waists and received on their backs, some thirty, some forty, 
 and some fifty strokes from switches. 
 
 Three youths (Luciano Ferrandi, 17 years old, book- 
 binder; Giacomo Trezzi, 17 years old, tanner; Giacobbe 
 Colombo, 19 years old, jeweler), who were not considered 
 strong enough by the army physician to endure the beat- 
 ing, received, the first thirty lashes, and the other two 
 forty lashes each. The victims were given over to a soldier 
 who was in charge of the galleys. 
 
 Two young girls, Maria Conti, a Florentine, 18 years of 
 age, and Ernesta GalH, from Cremona, 20 years old, whose 
 honor the profligate Austrian officers had many times in 
 vain tried to corrupt, privately endured atrocious punish- 
 ment, receiving on their bare backs, the first, thirty and the 
 second, forty strokes from the whips. ^ 
 
 Fourteen other patriots were thrown into prison in irons, 
 and fed only on bread and water. A few days later the 
 Austrian director of the castle had the insolence to send a 
 bill to the city council "for the expense incurred in buying 
 canes and switches, vinegar and ice used on the bodies of 
 the victims, and demanded to be reimbursed." 
 
 It was thus that the despicable Radetzky celebrated in 
 Italy the birthday of his master the Emperor Francis Joseph! 
 
 Such opprobrium shook the whole of Europe. The 
 journals, especially the London TimeSy published fiery 
 articles against the Austrian government. And the poet 
 Francesco Dall'Ongaro wrote: 
 
 Lombardians, Venetians, Italians all, forget your glories, your 
 hopes, your disillusions, your political errors; but remember, re- 
 
 ^ The switches, cut from filbert trees, were as thick as the thumb and werebound 
 to the wrist by a leather thong in order to give greater force to the blows. One 
 of these switches may be seen in the Museum of the Risorgimento in Milan.
 
 THE EMPEROR OF HANGMEN 73 
 
 member this day, write it on the walls of your houses, in the public 
 squares, in the churches, on the covers of your books, everywhere. 
 Whoever could forget it is a coward! Through the thirty-four 
 martyrs Italy herself was beaten, was shamed, was dishonored. 
 And Italy knows this well. 
 
 XVII 
 "The Emperor of Hangmen" (1851-1853). 
 
 Lombardo-Veneto again fell into the claws of the Aus- 
 trians, and the people paid for their patriotism by having im- 
 posed upon them tributes, hectorings and torments. But no 
 force, however militarily brutal, could repress in the Italians 
 their innate, traditional, and ever-growing desire for liberty. 
 
 Giuseppe Mazzini from London, aided by Saffi and other 
 eminent exiles, incited a new struggle for their oppressed 
 brothers. In consequence, there sprang up everywhere 
 secret and revolutionary societies and committees. 
 
 Naturally, the Austrian police were on the alert; they 
 spied upon the societies, discovered and punished them. 
 In 1 85 1 for example, they arrested a Milanese workman, 
 Antonio Sciesa on the charge of having conspired with num- 
 erous other patriots against the dominating government. 
 
 The accused was invited with flattering unctuousness 
 to reveal the names of his accomplices. He rejected the 
 invitation. He was threatened; he was maltreated; he was 
 subjected to the "third degree." He endured every bar- 
 barity with heroic patience. He was condemned to death. 
 He listened to the sentence with firm and dignified de- 
 meanor. He was offered grace if he would confess. He re- 
 fused it. He was conducted in chains to the neighborhood 
 of his own home in the hope that the sight of his family 
 would weaken him, would make him cling to life, would in- 
 duce him to talk. He said only two simple dialect words: 
 "Pull on!" He was dragged to the gallows, where he faced 
 quietly and unflinchingly the extreme penalty of the law. 
 
 During 1852 and 1853, on the bastions of Belfiore 
 (Mantua) the Austrian gibbet cut short the lives of other
 
 74 FIRST PART 
 
 patriots: Enrico Tazzoli and Giovanni Grioli, priests; 
 Carlo Poma, physician; Giovanni Zambelli, artist; the Vene- 
 tian, Angelo Scartellini; the writer, Bernardo De Canal, the 
 Brescian Tito Speri, scholar and poet; Bartolomeo Grazioli, 
 priest; Count Carlo Montanari from Verona; Pietro Dome- 
 nico Frattini from Legnano; Col. Pietro FortunatoCalvi from 
 Briana of Modale (Venice). 
 
 The indignation resulting from such injustice was be- 
 yond bounds. The Emperor Francis Joseph received the 
 ugly pseudonym of "The Emperor of Hangmen," and even 
 to this day the Italians repeat it with maledictions and hate. 
 
 Not less cruel were the smaller tyrants who were obedient 
 to Austria. It suffices to say that Charles III, who suc- 
 ceeded Charles II in the Duchy of Parma, caused three 
 hundred citizens to be beaten to death in only four months. 
 In the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies such well-known and 
 esteemed patriots as the scholar, Luigi Settembrini; the 
 philosopher, Raffaele Conforti, the economist, Antonio 
 Scialoia, the jurist, Giuseppe Pisanelli; the statesman, Silvio 
 Spaventa, Carlo Poerio, Nicola Nisco, Pironti, Saliceti and 
 others, were treated so villainously as to move the whole of 
 Europe to scorn. It was just at that time that Gladstone 
 characterized the Bourbon government in Italy as "The 
 negation of God constructed into a system." 
 
 In short, from the snowy Alps to the Island of the Sun, 
 one could see nothing but a people anxious for liberty mar- 
 tyrized by Austria and by arrogant, avid and sanguinary 
 little despots whom Austria counseled, incited and protected. 
 
 A similar state of things continued for many years. It 
 might have lasted an interminable time, if unlooked-for 
 events had not supervened to moderate it and to hurry, at 
 the same time, the unity of the nation and the independence 
 for which the Italians had fought and suffered for centuries.
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1859 75 
 
 XVIII 
 
 The Bersaglieri in the Crimean War (1855). Cavour at 
 the Congress of Paris (1856). The Alliance with Napo- 
 leon III (1858). The memorable words of Victor 
 Emanuel II at the opening of the Sub-Alpine Parlia- 
 ment. Austria's ultimattun to Piedmont. The Hymn 
 of Garibaldi. The Austrian soldiers massacre the 
 family of Cignoli. The papal soldiers massacre the 
 patriots of Perugia. Pius IX and Cardinal Pecci (later 
 Pope Leo XIII) praise the assassination. The third 
 War of Liberation won by the Italians with the aid of the 
 French (1859). 
 
 Nicholas I of Russia, in 1854, pretending to liberate the 
 Christian people of the Danube from Ottoman domination, 
 made war upon Turkey. 
 
 But France and England, who knew well the secret ends 
 of the Czar, which were to conquer Constantinople, believed 
 that it was necessary for the protection of their military 
 and commercial interests, to oppose the desired conquest; 
 therefore, they defended the Turk. 
 
 Camillo Benso di Cavour, with his rare political dis- 
 cernment, foresaw in the above events a fortunate opportu- 
 nity for Italy; foresaw a benefit which might come to the 
 Italians if they were to enter into the war of the Orient; 
 he took advantage of the occasion; he did everything possible 
 to accord with the Allies, and sent to the Crimea an army 
 of 15,000 men in the greater part made up of Bersagheri, 
 commanded by General Alfonso Lamarmora. 
 
 At Cernaia the Italian soldiers did honor to themselves. 
 Among other things, on August 16, 1855, they saved the 
 armies of the allies from a dangerous surprise, resisting an 
 attack from 60,000 Russian soldiers. And on Septem- 
 ber 8th they covered themselves with glory, fighting 
 under the rain of the enemies' fire while taking the 
 tower of MalakofF, which was the principal bulwark of 
 Sebastopol.
 
 76 FIRST PART 
 
 The Russians were beaten. In the congress held in 
 Paris some time afterward, Cavour was able to command a 
 hearing as an official representative of Piedmont, notwith- 
 standing the opposition and intrigues of Austria. At the 
 memorable meeting of March 30, 1856, the sagacious min- 
 ister of Victor Emanuel II brought before them for dis- 
 cussion the "Itahan Question," denouncing with frank and 
 ringing words the preponderance of Austrians in Italy, which 
 was the cause of so much evil, and insisting that it was the 
 duty of the Great Powers who were arbitrating the destiny 
 of Europe, to take the part of a people who asked for noth- 
 ing but their own national unity and freedom from any 
 outside tyranny. The Austrian representative, puffing up 
 and turning red as a turkey, made his protest. The other 
 representatives, however, expressed their sympathy for the 
 cause defended by Cavour, and notwithstanding the fact 
 that the Congress dissolved without formulating any con- 
 crete resolution regarding Italy, France and England, it 
 did not fail to criticize and advise Austria and the tyrants 
 of Italy whom she protected — such as the Pope, the Bour- 
 bon King, and the other minor ones — that it demanded the 
 betterment of conditions which the leaders of liberal ideas 
 considered indispensable to their well-being. 
 
 More than this, Napoleon III began to think on his own 
 account of putting down Austria. It seemed to him that 
 the Italian people might contribute to such a plan. Ac- 
 cordingly, during the summer of 1858, he had a secret meet- 
 ing with Cavour at Plombieres in the Vosges, and there they 
 formulated a plan for a Franco-Piedmontese alliance in 
 which the allies pledged themselves to combine against 
 Austria if she provoked them to war and in case of victory 
 to annex Lombardo-Veneto to Piedmont. 
 
 After the military victories in Russia, this diplomatic 
 success reawakened hope and joy in the hearts of Italians. 
 The eyes of the nation turned anxiously toward the Pied- 
 montese government. The leaders of the patriots incited Pied- 
 mont to action by means of the press and public and private 
 exhortations. Francis Joseph could not endure this. He 
 commanded Victor Emanuel II to bridle the press and the
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1859 77 
 
 tongues of the orators. The humble King of Piedmont, coun- 
 seled by Cavour, refused to obey the command of the power- 
 ful Emperor of Austria. Not only that, but in the solemn 
 opening of the Sub-Alpine parliament (January, 1859) dur- 
 ing the pragmatic speech of the crown, he orofFered the fol- 
 lowing historic and significant words: 
 
 Our Country, small in territory, has acquired importance in 
 the councils of Europe, because of the greatness of the ideas which 
 she represents and for the sympathy which she inspires. This 
 condition, however, is not free from danger, because while we 
 respect the treaties we are not insensible to the cries of suffering 
 which come to us from every part of Italy. We look forward to 
 harmony for we are confident of our own rights, and we will await 
 prudently and patiently the decree of Divine Providence. 
 
 The assembly burst into frantic applause. An en- 
 thusiasm for war ran through the entire peninsula. Men 
 of all ages and from every social condition eagerly enlisted 
 in the regular Piedmontese army, or under Garibaldi, who was 
 again in Italy and was authorized by the government of 
 Victor Emanuel II to form and command a corps of volun- 
 teers called The Alpine Hunters. 
 
 Austria, fuming with rage, imposed on Piedmont a 
 menacing dilemma: to disarm the soldiers and send the 
 volunteers to their homes within three days, or — WAR. 
 
 The Piedmontese did not hesitate in their decision. 
 
 They chose WAR. A divine exultation seemed to spread 
 among the people from the mountains to the sea; it trans- 
 formed and almost reshaped the national conscience, it 
 hardened and made steel-like their wrists, and everywhere 
 under the beautiful sky of the new-born spring could be heard 
 the martial strains of the Hymn of Garibaldi, written by 
 the poet Luigi Mercantini, and set to music by the maestro 
 Alessio Olivieri: 
 
 Garibaldi's War Hymn* 
 
 To arms, men! To arms, men! 
 
 The graves loose their captives; arise our departed; 
 Our martyrs come forth, all our heroes great-hearted, 
 ^ By permission of Oliver Ditson Company.
 
 78 FIRST PART 
 
 With sabre in hand, and their brows crown'd with laurel, 
 
 The fame and the name of Italia their star! 
 
 Make haste, oh, make haste! Forward, gallant battalions! 
 
 Fling out to the winds flags for all, ye Italians, 
 
 Rise, all with youV weapons! Rise, all fire-impassion'd! 
 
 Rise, all fire-impassion'd, Italians ye are! 
 
 Depart from our homeland. Depart, O ye strangers! 
 
 This hour gives the signal; betake you afar. 
 
 The land famed for flowers, for poets, for singing. 
 
 Once more be a land where the sword blows are ringing! 
 
 Our hands may be bound with a hundred harsh fetters 
 
 But still they can brandish Legnano's^ bright swords. 
 
 The Austrian staff no Italian belabors; 
 
 The race born of Rome do not jest with their sabres; 
 
 No longer will Italy put up with her tyrants; 
 
 Too many long years have we harbor'd their hordes! 
 
 Depart from our homeland. Depart, O ye strangers! 
 
 This hour gives the signal; betake you afar. 
 
 For us are the dwellings of Italy fashion'd, 
 
 While yours on the Danube must henceforth be station'd. 
 
 You've ravaged our fields, aye, our bread you have stolen; 
 
 Our sons for ourselves we desire to enroll. 
 
 The Alps with the two seas mark Italy's borders; 
 
 Our fire blazing chariots shall mow down the warders; 
 
 All signs of the former frontiers shall be cancell'd! 
 
 One banner alone let us raise o'er the whole! 
 
 Depart from our homeland, Depart, O ye strangers! 
 
 This hour gives the signal; betake you afar. 
 
 Let voices be silent, let each arm be ready! 
 
 Let's face to the foe, let us march firm and steady! 
 And then in a moment the Austrian will flee us. 
 One thought in our hearts for our homeland shall flame! 
 Our eyes are not fix'd upon barbarous plunder; 
 Great princes from robbers no jealousies sunder; 
 The natives of Italy form but one nation; 
 Her famed hundred cities are one but in name! 
 Depart from our homeland. Depart, O ye strangers! 
 This hour gives the signal; betake you afar.^ 
 
 ^ A celebrated victory of the Lombard League over Barbarossa, May 29, 1 176. 
 
 * I do not repeat here the last four strophes of the Hymn of Garibaldi because 
 they were written by Mercantini in i860, following the events of Sicily and Naples, 
 which will be briefly narrated in the next chapter.
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1859 79 
 
 On April 29, 1859, a great Austrian army invaded 
 Lombardy and Novarese, which the Italian army had 
 abandoned for strategic reasons. After the usual brigand- 
 like violence had been committed against the property 
 owners and unarmed people, the Austrian army advanced 
 toward Vercellese, with the intention of occupying Turin, 
 after which they expected to push on to Mont Cenis Pass to 
 stop the advance of the French. But the Italian trenches 
 constructed near the river Dora arrested the march of the 
 enemy; their plans were turned upside down, and the French 
 were thus able to go on without meeting the slightest 
 obstacle, not only from Mont Cenis, but also from Mongi- 
 nevro and from Genoa. 
 
 The war now entered into a new phase. The Italians, 
 under the absolute command of Victor Emanuel II, had in all 
 80,000 men. The French, under the command of Napoleon 
 III, had 200,000. And the Austrians, under the command of 
 Marshal Guilay, had 300,000. 
 
 At Montebello, on the right bank of the Po, to the east 
 of Voghera, was the first notable encounter between 22,000 
 allies and 30,000 Austrians. The latter were defeated and 
 obliged to retire to the opposite bank of the river (May 20, 
 1859). 
 
 The same day they revenged themselves by massacring 
 an entire Italian family. Cavour, in a special circular, 
 which he sent to all parts of the country, narrates this out- 
 rage as follows: 
 
 The 20th of May, 1859, several Austrian troops camped on the 
 hill of Torricella, a little city of the Vogherese. A group of these 
 arrested the custodian of the court house, whom they encountered 
 on the way, and compelled him to lead them. They entered the 
 house of a farmer named Cignoli. After searching about in every 
 part of the house, they discovered a little flask containing some bird- 
 shot, and for this they drove every member of the family out, and 
 also some farmers who happened to be in the house. They were 
 taken to the Austrian commander who was on his horse. After 
 he had exchanged some words with a corporal, he ordered the pris- 
 oners (there were nine) to go down into a little by-way, which 
 ran parallel to the wider road. The poor unfortunates had taken 
 but a few steps when the commander gave the signal to the
 
 80 FIRST PART 
 
 soldiers to shoot them. Eight fell dead; old Cignoli was mor- 
 tally wounded. Then the Austrians continued on their way in the 
 direction of Casteggio; and the commander turned to the custodian 
 of the court house, released him and gave him as a reward for his 
 services a safe conduct on which was signed the name of Lieu- 
 te^iant-Marshal Urban. Old Cignoli died five days after in the 
 hospital of Voghera. Such enormities have no need of comment. 
 They are too atrocious, too cowardly, and worthy only of bar- 
 barians and savages! 
 
 The indignation in Italy was great, 
 
 Guerrazzi wrote: 
 
 Let the tomb of the Cignoli be of stone, high and wide as a 
 pyramid, of a single piece of granite. Let it be placed exactly on 
 the spot where the Cignoli were so atrociously and cowardly 
 murdered. Let their ashes be gathered under it. On the western 
 side, let there be placed this inscription: Tomh of the Cignoli! 
 On the east side: An entire family massacred by a whole people, 
 here vengeance cries to a just God against the Austrian assassins! 
 On the north side let there be cut the names and ages 
 of the victims. On the south side let there be placed this in- 
 scription: Between Italians and Austrians, through all time and in 
 every place, let there be a pact of the grave and a truce of death. 
 
 And Niccolini wrote a sonnet, in which he said among 
 other things to the Emperor Francis Joseph: 
 
 When you were born the sun hid his face. 
 Every benignant light on earth was extinguished. 
 The Danube and other streams ran blood, 
 Every mother strained her child to her breast. 
 
 When you die — the sun will be brighter. 
 Mothers and wives will dance alternately 
 On the tombs of these cowardly flagellants. 
 
 Garibaldi, however, with his sturdy volunteers, defeated 
 the Austrians at Arona, at Varese, at Como, and in several 
 other places (May 25th, 26th, and 27th). The regular 
 Italian army, assisted by the French, defeated them at 
 Palestro, on May 29th. 
 
 About the first of June, there was fought on the plains
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1859 81 
 
 of Magenta one of the most obstinate and bloody battles 
 of the campaign. The French, commanded by General 
 MacMahon, were 125,000 strong. The Italians were few 
 (having only some divisions). The Austrians, commanded 
 by Guilay, were superior in numbers to the alHes. The 
 battle began at five in the morning and ended at seven 
 o'clock on the evening of June 4th. The Austrians were 
 beaten and obliged to fly precipitately, leaving on the ground 
 12,000 wounded and dead, and losing 6,000 prisoners. 
 
 Garibaldi, on his own account, carried victory before 
 him to the shores of Lake Garda. 
 
 The city of Milan, evacuated by her hated oppressors, 
 as was the rest of Lombardy, again proclaimed her annexa- 
 tion to Piedmont. And Victor Emanuel II, with Napoleon 
 III and the army of the allies, triumphantly entered the 
 superb metropolis (June 8th). 
 
 Umbria and the Marches, then under the papal rule, 
 rebelled in order to unite in the national movement. But 
 they were overcome by the papal army, which was composed 
 of a mass of strangers, bigots and reactionaries, com- 
 manded by General Lamoriciere, who was an exile from 
 France. At Perugia the Italian patriots had formed a 
 provisional government. The papal soldiers prepared 
 themselves to crush it. The members of the provision- 
 al government presented themselves to the archbishop 
 of the city. Cardinal Gioacchino Pecci (later Pope Leo 
 XIII) and begged of him to interpose his influence to 
 prevent further bloodshed. But Cardinal Pecci would 
 not listen to the supplications of the Italian patriots. 
 Consequently, General Schmid, a commander of the papal 
 soldiers, could massacre without distinction and at 
 his convenience, men, women, old people and children. 
 Pope Pius IX promoted Schmid to a generalship; and Car- 
 dinal Pecci (later Pope Leo XIII) oflfered to God a solemn 
 high mass in honor and in memory of the papal soldiers 
 fallen in that battle of brigands. 
 
 For such infamies Cavour sent a protest to all of the 
 governments of Europe. 
 
 The enemy was reduced to a pitiful condition. Marshal
 
 82 FIRST PART 
 
 Guilay was removed from his command and General Hess 
 was substituted in his place. Francis Joseph himself went 
 to the field of battle to restore by his presence the morale 
 of his demoralized troops. 
 
 On June 24, 1859, the Austrians (200,000 strong and with 
 700 cannon) boldly occupied the hills of San Martino and 
 Solferino, near Mantua, and determined to regain their 
 lost ground. 
 
 The allies, ready to face them, were not more than 
 160,000 in all. The French army were to take their position 
 against Solferino and the Italians against San Martino. The 
 engagement took place at seven in the morning. They 
 fought with savage fury and stubbornness until nine o'clock 
 in the evening. The Austrians were defeated. More than 
 20,000 fell. 
 
 It was the beginning of the end for the tyrants. It was 
 the aurora of redemption for the oppressed Italians. They 
 sang hymns to victory. They fraternized with the French. 
 They exalted the gentle Latin blood. 
 
 But suddenly Napoleon III, who had hitherto showed 
 himself so daring and generous, changed his ideas for per- 
 sonal and political reasons. He accepted the proposal of an 
 armistice, and met Francis Joseph at Villafranca (July 11-12, 
 1859). There the two Emperors agreed upon the pre- 
 liminaries of peace, which were solemnly ratified at Zurich, 
 November loth. Its basis was that Francis Joseph should 
 cede Lombardy to Napoleon, and Napoleon on his part 
 should cede it to Victor Emanuel II (what hypocritical for- 
 mality!). Venice should be left to Austria. The deposed 
 princes could return each to his own dominion. But they 
 might be recalled by a vote of the people and without the 
 armed intervention of strangers. The peninsula, including 
 Venice, must be made a confederation with the Pope as its 
 head. 
 
 One can imagine the sorrowful effect produced by this 
 ignominious action of Napoleon III, who was even accused 
 of treason. 
 
 But hope was not entirely lost. The fortunate clause, 
 however, of the non-intervention of strangers put into the
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1866 83 
 
 hands of the Itahans themselves the unity of their country. 
 The regions of Emilia and Tuscany were not tardy in pro- 
 fiting by it, declaring by popular vote their annexation to 
 Piedmont, which thus became a Kingdom of 12,000,000 
 souls. 
 
 The government of Victor Emanuel II was obliged to 
 cede Savoy and Nice to France; Nice, a most Italian city, 
 the birthplace of Garibaldi. 
 
 XIX 
 
 Garibaldi and The Thousand gloriously conquer the 
 Two Sicilies (1860). Proclamation of the Kingdom of 
 Italy. (1861). The Fourth War of Liberation against 
 Austria is lost owing to the inefficiency of conunanders. 
 The annexation of Veneto (1866) . Villa Glori. The hired 
 soldiers of Pius IX massacre the Roman heroine Giuditta 
 Arquati-Tavani with her husband and son. Mentana 
 (1867). The taking of Rome and the final fall of the 
 temporal power of the Popes (1870). The Nation one 
 and independent. 
 
 The events which took place in Northern Italy were 
 repeated in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, where the 
 tyranny of the Bourbon, Francis II, raged. He was weak- 
 minded and almost idiotic, was called Franceschiello} He 
 was allied and related to the dynasty of Austria. (Francis II 
 married Maria Sophia of Bavaria, sister of the Empress 
 Elizabeth, wife of Francis Joseph). He was opposed to the 
 independence of Italy and was a fierce persecutor of the 
 liberals. 
 
 Palermo rose up against him (April i, i860). The alarm 
 was sounded in the hope that all of Sicily would rise. In- 
 stead, the troops intervened and repressed with Bourbon 
 violence the revolution in the city. The news of the in- 
 surrection quickly reached Genoa and reawakened the 
 spirits of the patriots of the south who had taken refuge 
 
 * Francis the Little.
 
 84 FIRST PART 
 
 there. A wave of sympathy for their brothers, who had 
 risen up in rebelUon in Sicily, animated them. They de- 
 termined to fly to their rescue as soon as possible. 
 
 On May 6, i860, two ships, the Lomhardo and the 
 Piedmont, having on board the thousand argonauts of liber- 
 ty, led by Giuseppe Garibaldi, weighed anchor from the rocks 
 of Quarto, the smiling little village on the shore of Liguria. 
 
 They landed at Marsala on May nth. The captain im- 
 mediately invited the Sicilians to arm themselves against 
 the Bourbon oppressors and to fight for the unity and in- 
 dependence of their country. 
 
 The cry of the Hero was received with the greatest en- 
 thusiasm by the ardent islanders, and The Thousand was 
 quickly increased. 
 
 On May 15th, the Garibaldians encountered the Bourbon 
 army on the hills of Calatafimi and engaged in a fierce battle 
 with them. At a certain point it seemed that the volunteers 
 must be routed by their enemies, who were greatly superior 
 in numbers. Nino Bixio (the first ofiicer of The Thousand 
 after Garibaldi), who commanded the right wing, came to 
 Garibaldi and said: "It would be better to retreat." 
 
 "What are you saying, Bixio .^" Garibaldi responded 
 energetically. "Here we must confirm the unity of Italy 
 or die!" And rushing to the front with his sword on high, 
 he commanded: "To your bayonets!" 
 
 The enemy was dispersed.* 
 
 From Calatafimi Garibaldi marched on to Palermo and 
 entered the city as Dictator (May 26-29, i860). 
 
 On July 27th, the enemy was defeated also at Milazzo 
 in a terrible encounter in which this same Garibaldi fought 
 hand to hand with the enemy. 
 
 In less than three months the Bourbon troops were 
 obliged to abandon Sicily. 
 
 At dawn on August 20th, Garibaldi landed in Calabria 
 with his volunteers, rushed upon Reggio and again defeated 
 the enemy. 
 
 ^ "Calatafimi! What remains after one hundred battles: if when my last 
 hour comes my friends see me smile with pride, it will be because I am reminded of 
 thee: because I do not recall a more glorious day of my lifel" Thus Garibaldi 
 wrote in his Memoirs.
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1866 85 
 
 So many victories produced a delirium of enthusiasm 
 and love for the Hero and impelled the sturdy Calabrians 
 also to rise in rebellion against the royalists. 
 
 After a time, on the hills of Soveria, near Catanzaro, 
 Garibaldi gave to history the following memorable words: 
 
 "Say to the world that with a few hundreds of my 
 valiant Calabrians, I made twelve thousand Bourbons lay 
 down their arms." 
 
 Francis II, terrorized by what had befallen, fled from 
 Naples on September 6th, and repaired to Gaeta, while the 
 greater number of his troops who remained faithful to him 
 took refuge in Capua. 
 
 The day after (September yth), Garibaldi triumphantly 
 re-entered the city of Naples and on October 2d, he again 
 defeated the Bourbon army of 55,000 men near the river 
 Volturno. 
 
 Umbria and the Marches also rebelled, proclaiming their 
 annexation to Piedmont. The papal government in every 
 way thwarted the will of the people who were still under its 
 subjection. They offered themselves to Victor Emanuel II 
 with a goodly number of troops and defeated the papal 
 soldiers all along the line (September, i860). 
 
 Soon after, the son of Carlo Alberto continued on his 
 way to Naples to take possession of the kingdom which had 
 been conquered by the Hero of two worlds. 
 
 On October 26th, Garibaldi and Victor Emanuel II, both 
 on horseback, met on the road to Teano. An eye-witness 
 to the scene attests to the fact that the Hero, giving Victor 
 Emanuel II the military salute, shouted, **My salutation to 
 the first king of Italy!" 
 
 It is certain that Victor Emanuel II, when he reached 
 Naples, was greeted with great honor. 
 
 The Hero, on his part, after he had "presented an un- 
 expected realm to the king" returned poorer than ever to 
 his little island of Caprera. 
 
 After the annexation of the Two Sicilies, of Umbria and 
 the Marches, the Sub-Alpine Parliament was dissolved, and 
 there was a new general election in which all parts of Italy 
 were included, except Veneto, which as yet remained under
 
 86 FIRST PART 
 
 the dominion of Austria, and the city of Rome which still 
 remained under the dominion of the Pope. 
 
 The first Italian Parliament was solemnly opened at 
 Turin in the month of February 1861. There the formation 
 of the Kingdom of Italy was proclaimed, conferring upon 
 Victor Emanuel II the right to assume for himself and for 
 his successors the title of King of Italy and expressing there- 
 by the hope that "Rome should again be restored as the 
 capital of Italy." 
 
 In 1866 Austria and Prussia disputed between themselves 
 as to which should have the supremacy in Germany. As 
 they could not arrive at a pacific conclusion by good means, 
 they had recourse to arms. 
 
 Victor Emanuel II made a secret alliance, both offensive 
 and defensive, with Prussia with the intention of acquiring 
 Venice. 
 
 Prussia, conforming to the stipulated treaty, was the 
 first to open hostilities against Austria by invading Holstein. 
 
 Victor Emanuel II followed, declaring war against the 
 common enemy, June 19, 1866, and on the 21st he took his 
 departure for the field of battle. 
 
 On June 24th, he went to battle against the Austrians 
 at Custozza. The Italians fought with their usual fury; but 
 they lost the battle owing to the incapacity of their com- 
 manders. 
 
 They suffered a harder blow at sea. Near Lissa — a 
 little island in the Adriatic — the Italian fleet engaged in a 
 sharp battle against the Austrians. The Italian crews fought 
 valiantly. The captains, Foa di Bruno and Alfredo Cap- 
 pellini, commanders of the battleships Re d' Italia and PalestrOy 
 went stoically to the bottom with their ships. But their 
 heroic sacrifice was not sufficient to save the situation. The 
 stupidity and cowardice of Admiral Persano gave the victory 
 to the Austrians (July 20, 1866). 
 
 Garibaldi, who had advanced to Trentino, conquering 
 every foe on his way, was prepared to assault and to take 
 the city of Trent. On July 25th, he suddenly received the 
 following telegram from the government of Victor Emanuel 
 II: "Armistice signed. Evacuate Trentino."
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1866 87 
 
 Evacuate Trentino after it had been bathed in the blood 
 of 3,400 Garibaldians ! After the populace had rallied around 
 the flaming red shirts with manifestations of joy! After 
 the disaster of Custozza! After the shame of Lissa! 
 
 From the camps there went up a roar of protest. The 
 wounded tore ofF their bandages, crying that they preferred 
 death to retreat. The volunteers remained in columns 
 breaking their swords and bayonets; others rolled on the 
 ground in their fury and desperation, weeping and cursing. 
 
 The victorious Hero said nothing. He telegraphed to 
 the King of Italy only one word "Obbedisco" (I obey). 
 But what eloquence, what grief, and what self-abnegation in 
 that word! 
 
 Austria had been terribly defeated by the Prussians 
 at Sadowa on July 3, 1866, and had lost every hope of 
 predominance over Germany. 
 
 Francis Joseph was constrained to cede Veneto, but not 
 directly to Italy, which he hated. He gave it to Napoleon 
 III who in turn gave it to Italy; the repetition of the 
 farce of 1859. 
 
 Thus, on November ist, Veneto, after long years of 
 wicked Austrian domination, was officially annexed to the 
 Kingdom of Italy, with her boundaries limited on one side 
 by the Isonzo River. 
 
 After the annexation of Veneto, the Italians were more 
 than ever determined to retake Rome. 
 
 Garibaldi was the luminous center from which radiated 
 and on which converged the national agitation for Rome. 
 He pondered long on the means for liberating the Eternal 
 City: liberation which was opposed by the government of 
 Napoleon III and also by the Government of Victor 
 Emanuel IL 
 
 In a trip through Italy the Hero was greeted with accla- 
 mation everywhere. He exhorted the people to the supreme 
 necessity of liberating Rome. While he was on his way to 
 the boundaries of the papal states (September 23, 1867) he 
 was "arrested" by order of the Government of Savoy and 
 conducted to Alessandria (Piedmont). 
 
 Great was the indignation of the Itahans. To placate
 
 88 FIRST PART 
 
 them, the Government of Savoy was obliged to bring 
 the Hero back to Caprera ** nominally free, but the island 
 was under the surveillance of various battleships." 
 
 After a few days. Garibaldi, with miraculous daring, was 
 able to escape and went directly toward the Agro Romano, 
 where his gallant volunteers had begun the war against the 
 Pope. 
 
 In the meantime, the Roman people planned another 
 uprising; but they were without arms. The Cairoli brothers 
 and other generous souls (seventy-five in all) planned to 
 carry munitions to the patriots. 
 
 On October 20, 1867, they passed the boundaries of the 
 Roman state, and took boat on the Tiber, carrying with 
 them rifles, swords and munitions. But they were in- 
 formed on the way that the insurrection of the day before 
 had resulted badly. Enrico Cairoli, head of the daring ex- 
 pedition, led his men into the dairy farm of Villa Glori, 
 situated at a little distance from Porta del Popolo. There 
 they were assailed in a short time by 500 papal soldiers. 
 The battle was a bitter hand to hand conflict, the volunteers 
 crying, "Long live Garibaldi! Long live Rome!" They 
 fought like true heroes. Enrico Cairoli fell, covered with 
 wounds. Other brave heroes also fell. But the papal 
 soldiers were defeated (October 23). 
 
 The Roman patriots, notwithstanding all of their ad- 
 versities and the lack of arms, persisted in their determina- 
 tion to make every eflPort to liberate their city from papal 
 tyranny. The same day, October 23d, forty of them met 
 secretly in Giulio Ajani's woolen shop, situated in Trastevere, 
 and there took council together and made new plans for 
 the revolution. 
 
 The Signora Giuditta Arquati-Tavani, whose son and 
 husband were among the forty, wished to remain with them 
 on the pretext of overseeing their food. She was still young, 
 with a majestic beauty like that of the ancient Roman ma- 
 trons. 
 
 While the patriots were meeting and making their plans, 
 suddenly a company of gendarmes on horseback and a battal- 
 ion of pontifical zouaves appeared running toward the shop.
 
 THE AUSTRO-ITALIAN WAR OF 1866 89 
 
 The patriots quickly closed the doors and prepared to 
 defend themselves. Then the first shots were heard. The 
 papal soldiers better to take the offensive, went into a nearby 
 convent and from the windows and from the high bell tower 
 began to batter the shop. The Roman patriots responded 
 from every window and opening of the house. Giuditta 
 Arquati-Tavani ran from one room to the other carrying 
 ammunition to the combatants, encouraging them and 
 helping the wounded. The patriots, comforted by her calm 
 heroism, regained their courage. 
 
 The 300 papal soldiers, who had made the first attack, 
 were defeated after two hours of fighting. They had almost 
 decided to abandon the fight when 300 other papal rein- 
 forcements arrived. The battle recommenced with greater 
 force. The brave Giuditta pressed her husband's hand and 
 kissed the hair of her boy, while handing them the rifles 
 which she herself had loaded. She filled everyone with 
 courage, exclaiming, "Long live Italy! Long live Rome!" 
 "Don't let us yield to these assassins!" The patriots, 
 exalted by the bravery of this wonderful woman, held at 
 bay these 600 troopers as they had held the first 300, and 
 more than once repulsed them. 
 
 But other papal reinforcements came, while the patriots 
 were rapidly spending their munitions. Then the firing of 
 the defenders stopped. The zouaves battered down the 
 doors and rushed in. They fought on the stairs, on the 
 loggias and in the halls. But the fight was too unequal. 
 It could not continue long. The papal mercenaries massa- 
 cred the patriots, *'by crushing their heads, breaking their 
 bones and throwing their bodies out into the courtyard." 
 
 Giuditta fell wounded by several rifle shots, but she 
 dragged herself a little distance to where her husband and son 
 lay wounded. Under the eyes of this invincible woman the 
 soldiers transfixed them both one after the other with such 
 violence that the bayonets passed through the bodies of the 
 two men and were driven into the wall and the floor. Then 
 attacking the heroine (who w'as six months advanced in 
 pregnancy) they beat her to death with their rifles. 
 
 Finally, satiated with blood, they seated themselves
 
 90 FIRST PART 
 
 at the table which Gluditta Arquati-Tavani had prepared 
 for her unfortunate companions, gorged themselves with food, 
 and drank themselves stupid with wine. 
 
 Two days after (October 25, 1867), Garibaldi avenged 
 these martyrs of Ajani's woolen shop by defeating the papal 
 mercenaries at Monte Rotondo. But on November 3d, 
 the Hero was overpowered by an extraordinary number of 
 papal and French soldiers at Mentana, near Rome, after a 
 titanic battle, and was obliged to retreat. Only a strategist 
 of highest order could have accomplished such a retreat, 
 and the defeat of Mentana has been judged more glorious 
 than all of the victories won by Garibaldi during his ad- 
 venturous career. 
 
 There arose in Mentana the shame of the centuries 
 From the wicked embrace of Peter^ and Caesar'^: 
 You, Garibaldi, in Mentana 
 On Peter and Caesar have planted your feet. 
 
 (Carducci) 
 
 On September 20, 1870, the Italian soldiers under the 
 command of General RafFaeleCadorna assaulted Rome, made 
 a breach in the wall between Porta Pia and Porta Salaria, 
 and entered the city. 
 
 Thus after more than a thousand years the power of the 
 Popes crumbled.^ 
 
 The first daughter of the Latin world (become again an 
 united and independent nation) once more has Rome for 
 her capital. 
 
 The martyrdom of a whole people — and what a people! 
 — has yielded fruit. 
 
 The dream of so many thinkers and apostles — from 
 Dante to Mazzini — is at last a reality, a living reality. 
 
 1 Pius IX. 2 Napoleon III. 
 
 ' Pipin the Short, KiriR of the French in 752 and afterward also King of Italy, 
 after he had. aided Pope Stephen II in the war against Astolfo, King of the Longo- 
 bardians, gave to the Church of Rome the Italian penlapolis comprising the cities 
 of Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Sinigaglia and Ancona. From this gift the temporal 
 power of the Popes originates.
 
 SECOND PART 
 I 
 
 How ancient Rome, during the Republic and also dur- 
 ing the Empire, conquered and latinized Friuli, Istria, 
 Trieste, Trentino, Trent and Dalmatia and how she made 
 of the Adriatic Sea a great Roman Lake. " The Tavola 
 Clesiana". 
 
 Friuli. About the year 185 B. C, when some trans- 
 Alpine tribes "in crossing difficult passes and through dense 
 forests" (Cadore, Carnia, Carinthia, Carso) made their way 
 into Italy, the Roman Senate ordered them to " return immedi- 
 ately to the country from which they came and to remember 
 that the Alps were the natural and insuperable boundary 
 placed between Italy and foreign lands"; thus Livy 
 narrates in his 29th book. 
 
 Friuli — the part which includes the Italian province 
 of Udine and the part where Goritz, Aquileia (or rather 
 the ruins of Aquileia), Grado, Gradisca, Monfalcone and 
 Cervignano rise — -at that time was a wild region inha- 
 bited by aggressive barbarians. It took on civilization 
 only after it was conquered by the Romans. These, wise 
 colonizers as they were invincible warriors, as soon as they 
 had the new territory in their hands, began immediately 
 to give an impulse to agriculture and commerce. They 
 taught the people their language, spread abroad their laws, 
 beautified many little towns, changing them into cities, 
 founded Aquileia (182-181 B. C.) on the western shores of 
 the Isonzo River in a low but fertile plain, and fortified it 
 "to defend it against the barbarians who lived further up." 
 {Opus Romanorum est Aquileia munitum adversus supra 
 illam hahitantes barbaros). 
 
 In the time of Augustus, Aquileia was surrounded by 22 
 
 91
 
 92 SECOND PART 
 
 kilometers of solid wall. It had a campidoglio (municipal 
 building), a temple to Jupiter Optimus Maximus and temples 
 to Juno, Apollo, the god Isonzo and the god Beleno; an aque- 
 duct and forums, baths, circuses, and theatres, and had 
 more than 200,000 inhabitants (some historians say 500,000). 
 It was in direct communication with Rome by means of the 
 Emilian Way (a continuation of the Flaminian way) and 
 communicated with the Adriatic Sea by means of canals, and 
 its port was at Grado. It was the military base of the 
 Romans against the bellicose peoples of the north and east, 
 so much so that this same Emperor Augustus established his 
 general headquarters there in the wars against the Pannoni, 
 Germans and the Illirici, while Julius Caesar drew soldiers 
 from there in his wars against the Rhaetians and the Helve- 
 tians, as he himself has stated in his Commentaries. It was a 
 commercial center of the highest rank where every day there 
 flocked from all parts of the world sailors, merchants, slaves, 
 with grain, oil, wine, pelts, metals and other important prod- 
 ucts. It was the seat of one of the three treasuries of 
 Italy where the imperial gold money was stamped {Aquileiae 
 percussae et signatae.) This was a privilege which Aquileia 
 (rich in gold, amber, and precious stones) enjoyed second 
 only to Rome. It was the emporium and the bulwark of the 
 Latin race, curbing the grasping cupidity of the barbarians 
 who were behind the Alps. It was also an attractive summer 
 resort where people came from every country, including even 
 Africa. Augustus and his wife Livia, and afterwards the 
 Emperors Tiberius, Marcus Aurelius, and Diocletian did 
 not scorn to pass their summers there. Augustus in 
 12 B. C. received Herod, king of Judea there; and in 307 
 A. D., Constantine the Great married Fausta, daughter of 
 Maximian and sister of Maxentius. 
 
 IsTRiA AND Trieste. The Romans in Istria (the penin- 
 sula which pushes out into the Adriatic at the extreme north 
 and which extends from the mouth of the Isonzo to the small 
 bay of the gulf of Quarnero) were not less active and prodigal 
 than those in Friuli. They conquered Istria, 177-178 B. C.^ 
 
 ^Of the first immigrants from Asia to Europe, generically known as the 
 Pelasgi, great numbers went to the land which today is called Istria, and
 
 THE ANCIENT ROMAN ORIGIN 93 
 
 There they estabhshed shipyards, piers and fortifica- 
 tions, made shores and mountain highways leading even to 
 the heart of the Carnic Alps. They re-erected several cities 
 whose buildings were of Roman architecture. At Pola they 
 built a solid wall surrounding the city, a temple to Diana, 
 a temple to Augustus with colonnades, an arch of the Sergii, 
 many tombs, a superb granite amphitheatre, noted for its 
 majestic beauty and judged inferior in size only to the Coli- 
 seum of Rome (the interior in its eUiptical form measured 
 140 metres in length and no wide, and could accommodate 
 25,000 persons); they enlarged and fortified the port, making 
 it a naval base of the first order.^ 
 
 At Parenzo {Parenthium) the Romans erected a campi- 
 doglio, a forum, temples to Mars and Neptune and an en- 
 closure for public meetings. 
 
 But at Trieste {Tergeste) they wished especially to spend 
 lavishly the treasures and influence of which Rome was 
 never sparing with the people who were faithful to her. 
 They constructed an aqueduct, a surrounding wall, a cam- 
 pidoglio, public baths, an amphitheatre, a temple to Jove, 
 and a magnificent military port, the most important on the 
 Adriatic Sea, and a base for their commercial communication 
 and for their wars with Central Europe;^ finally they united 
 
 especially to that part which extends to the shores of Trieste. Later the 
 Pelasgi were superseded by Etruscans. Finally toward the year 508 B. C. a 
 great tribe came from Thrace, from the mouth of the Istro (as at that time the 
 Danube was called), and drove off the first settlers, and called the place Istria from 
 the name of the river from which they emigrated. This is the tradition. Later, 
 Strabo and Pliny teach that the people who inhabited Istria before the Roman 
 occupation were the Celts, Liburni, the Carnii and Siapidi, with a preponderance 
 of the Celts, and therefore, it is certain that the first inhabitants of Istria were ethno- 
 graphically formed as the other people of Italy, from various races united more or 
 less by affinity, common interests, and by their common needs. 
 Trieste existed before the Roman conquest. 
 
 ^ In the rivalry between Caesar and Pompey the city of Pola sided with Pompey. 
 Caesar, furious, wished to destroy it; but he was dissuaded by his gentle daughter 
 Julia. In memory and recognition of this act, Pola was for a long time called 
 Pietas Juliae. 
 
 ^ In the Trojan column in Rome among the many bas-reliefs there are two which 
 represent Roman Trieste, surrounded by solid walls, with the shores guarded 
 and with the port divided in two parts by a beautiful pier at the end of which rose a 
 round tower surmounted by a lighthouse; in the part of the bas-relief which 
 represents the port of Trieste, one sees also the Emperor Trajan embarking for 
 home on his return from one of his victories against the Dacians (related to the 
 German race).
 
 94 SECOND PART 
 
 the city to the tribes of Papinia, considering it a continua- 
 tion of the province of Veneto; they invested it with the 
 same rights as Rome, "thus permitting the Triestians to 
 participate, as did the Romans, in the elections of magis- 
 trates of the Repubhc and afterward of the Empire, to 
 be electors and to vote for laws." In other words the Ro- 
 mans made Trieste the culminating expression of their con- 
 structive energies in Istria, radiating its fecund life to 
 vast zones. ^ 
 
 When emperor Augustus divided Italy into eleven regions, 
 Trieste, Istria and Venice formed the tenth Italian region: 
 X Regio Italica it was called. The Triestian militia were 
 included in the tenth Apollinare region. Just then the city, 
 thankful to have been raised by the victorious Roman eagles 
 to the apogee of riches, culture and civilization, proud to 
 have been and to be an integral part of the strongest and 
 most enlightened race which has dominated the world, en- 
 graved on its coat of arms, on a purple field, the iron halbert 
 which it received from Rome, the halbert symbolizing the 
 Alma Mater in its Latin power and splendor. 
 
 Trentino. Trentino is the charming mountainous reg- 
 ion lying between Veneto and Lombardy, dividing along its 
 length the two Italian provinces for more than lOO kilome- 
 ters.^ Its boundaries extend for 452 kilometers, of which 136 
 divided it from the German Tyrol, 138 from Lombardy, 178 
 from Veneto. From Botzen to Riva (on Lake Garda) run 
 the Adige, the rapid and impetuous river of which Dante 
 and Virgil sang and from whose shores Trent {Tridentum) 
 the most important city of the Trentino, rises. 
 
 The first inhabitants of this region were the Etruscans; 
 then came the Gauls; then the Romans. From the fusion 
 of the Quirites with the Gallic race was born the properly 
 called Italian race. The Romans, after they had subjugated 
 
 ^ Julius Caesar, who many times conquered the Teutonic hordes who rushed 
 down upon the Romans from the Alps and always forced them back to their sterile 
 plains, extended the confines of Italy to Arsia on the gulf of Quarnero. This chain 
 of mountains which enclosed Istria at the north, took his name and was called the 
 "Julian Alps." 
 
 ^ In the treaty of 1815, Austria united the administration of Trentino to the 
 German Tyrol and from that time Austria called it the Tyrol.
 
 THE ANCIENT ROMAN ORIGIN 95 
 
 the Trentino in the times of Augustus, began to colonize it 
 with great diHgence until they brought it to an economic 
 and civil condition worthy of their name. These facts 
 have been proved historically, but notwithstanding this, 
 the Roman origin of Trentino has always been placed in 
 doubt by the enemies of the national rights of Italy in the 
 Trentino. 
 
 But every doubt must disappear in the face of an un- 
 expected discovery during the past century. 
 
 On April 29, 1869, two Italian peasants digging in a 
 field near Cles in the Trentino found a bronze tablet in 
 perfect condition upon which was inscribed a decree written 
 in Latin by which the Roman Emperor Claudius in the year 
 49 A. D. settled the dispute that had lasted so long con- 
 cerning the nationality of the inhabitants of the valley on 
 the extreme north of the province of Trent. 
 
 The following is a translation of the Latin tablet dis- 
 covered at Cles: 
 
 Marcus Junius Silanus and Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus, 
 Consuls. 
 
 At Baia on the 15th of March, in an edict of Tiberius Claudius 
 Caesar Augustus Germanicus, the following was proposed: 
 
 Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, with 
 power of Tribune for the sixth time. Emperor for the eleventh 
 time, Consul appointed for the fourth time, father of the country, 
 says: 
 
 Considering that, even under the rule of Tiberius Caesar, my 
 uncle, Pinarius Apollinaris was sent to regulate the old contro- 
 versies, of which my memory retains only that between the 
 Commensi and the Bergalei; and that said Pinarius Apollinaris, 
 on account of the absence of my uncle from Rome and also after- 
 ward under the rule of Caius (Caligula), neglected to report, as 
 nobody asked him to do so; and having subsequently been told 
 by Camurius Statutus that the greater part of the lands and forests 
 are in my right, I sent my friend Julius Planta to settle this 
 question, who, with the help of my procurators, the above men- 
 tioned peoples, and those of the neighboring territory, was to in- 
 vestigate all things and report carefully to me, as he has reported 
 to me, in the memorial prepared by him; and I gave him authority 
 to investigate and settle the remaining matters.
 
 96 SECOND PART 
 
 As to the legal condition of the Nauni, TuHassi, and Sinduni, 
 a part of them are united with the Tridentini, while another 
 part is not united. Although the origin of these last is not clear 
 enough to determine whether they have Roman citizenship, "yet, 
 in view of the fact that they are so mixed with the Tridentini and 
 have enjoyed the right of citizenship for a long time, and that they 
 could not be separated from that splendid municipality without 
 great damage to it, I permit that they remain in possession of the 
 right that they have for a long time believed themselves to possess, 
 and this I do willingly, as I have heard that the majority of those 
 people have been soldiers in my bodyguard, that others have 
 been leaders of troops, or, as members of juries, have taken part 
 in trials at Rome. These rights I give them so that all they have 
 done as Roman citizens among themselves and with the Tridentini, or 
 elsewhere, be considered legal, and that they may retain the names 
 which they had previously adopted as Roman citizens. 
 
 This precious document was soon baptized with the 
 name of Tavola Clesiana and filled the hearts of Tren- 
 tinians and Italians with joy. It interested scholars in 
 every part of the world. Only from Germany and Austria 
 came words of incredulity and scorn, but this did not move 
 the bronze tablet containing the truth, and finally from the 
 authors of these words of scorn themselves, came a recogni- 
 tion of the authenticity of the Tavola Clesiana. In the mean- 
 time, however, it was insinuated that the place where it was 
 found had always been inhabited by people of the Teutonic 
 race gnd never by the Romans. 
 
 The Trentini continued their excavations and came 
 upon large quantities of human bones and skulls, together 
 with lances, swords, javelins, coins, etc. 
 
 Theodore Mommsen, the famous German historian and 
 archaeologist, hastened to Cles to investigate. He was 
 followed by other German professors to see if by means of 
 later objects they could destroy the proof brought to light 
 by the Tavola Clesiana. 
 
 After a minute examination it was clearly shov/n that the 
 bones and skulls, lances, swords, javelins, and coins be- 
 longed without a doubt to people of pure Latin and not of 
 Teutonic race. 
 
 Theodore Mommsen, who probably knew more about
 
 Iii lt i nj iti n aw<»ni>»»^«*MiMw#»«BijM<?«*Mii i i III I u mim^mmiHt i i ' i . ii M . 
 
 * 
 
 MIVNfOSlLANOQ'SVLHClO'CAMaLNOCo:); 
 
 [orWS-MAPvTlS BM^MMrKAlTORlOlDICTVM ' 
 
 Tj-ClAVDICAfSA^lSWCVSTlGaMANICrf ROroSUVMfVlT - ID 
 
 ovon lNf^X'SCK{r^/Mm 
 
 TlClAVLMVSaESAUVGVSMCRMANICVSrONl 
 
 MAXIM ifsf:>roim Y{ ■ \ M.r xi- r-f • cos- ofsrcNfAivs fin- nicir 
 
 CvM-f K-V fTFMtVStONIFvOVlKSjS TtteNI^ ftY5AU0VA.N\D}Yrr(*.M 
 TEMPO Fv« -^V^'tl-CArSAW."? PM^\'t-M£{> KD OVAS OPvPf rVAN'O A S > 
 r I N AW V ^AAf OU! N A-R.t M-.NM Sr ?^ AT VA ETA N 1 VMM.OD 
 {Ntlf^COM f NSUf 5X£N'T QVANTYM-MFMO^ I KKiMt'0' H 
 UMMiO:^ •K^ayrrK{A\V/VvAf5WTlAU<kM!VAa'?ATa.VkMr! ' 
 DffMOC-ttfA^A CAl ? WNClf^UV <5yOD A^tONO^•fXiGf i>ATVK ' 
 MF£?-.K£ NC N SIVlXi aViDINNNlCl eXStMt- f.Tf OATtAC 
 
 n vif: ^{ T c X .\w?a V-S--5TA.1 V TVS ad m e ac t^^os r if aoice' t 
 
 n^WTAM-lVii V M'AAMCVM n-CO^Wtr ?A VviYM. OV'- 
 
 cvh^A0HrMtivrKoc^\xow!yvxM.£ls-ayBay£avKL<^ ' 
 fkiatoNi oytovt ;.v-vrc.iNi K£KA^/t^sv■^v^\:^.cvk^ inv\v^ ' 
 
 mAl A COM.NM N t AKi O TAC ! A 5 i fiO S V Vl 5lAt V Al r ?vO r/V N' 
 
 tittayt'if,si H.K,MnTo 
 
 Qv'OD At)C0NB' ClON I NVKN KVNO j^V^AH■tV|.^ ^S.TlV^Mt 5 1W0VN' 
 tiMr"^-?Af*..<LV. K'^■Ai)ri^l^VtA^^•0J^^13t:^VAF■A;VJSSI: !}•.:; tS'K 
 
 iv^\Cv^\1?v?&t■N'ttNii•vio{0YClA5L<:J«N'a:is -iyvVN^c i 
 
 SK ro'fiicVNTVK- Q\^fSA.VvVt.K0 0F^D?Nt5 iVVOONT DVXl 5 . 
 N0\ N\l«l CDUCCTI '; N-OI.C VK? A S ?vOM.Af ?.f S IVD i CAR I 
 
 O:yo0&tNirrcTvM I5 irAXtktKvo'ytciyA.fccvvu:iy2T\>i(iyAM. 
 "*'cl V £,^;-f.x»MAN'f-(; £ s i tKV ^'' :,c-:Kv N t?iyi :A\T i K-.t«. 5£ Avt:v v. 
 
 CLN^'\£>5*,&V{^v'NTAKtt^rK>f Q^yKNVCVviS ?swMANUTAHA' ' 
 
 *'*®<S«*i«iS®«t**!««N(i:«'*««*'/^ -<» 
 
 THE "TAVOLA CI. ESI ANA"
 
 THE ANCIENT ROMAN ORIGIN 97 
 
 Roman history than any man of his generation, in a pam- 
 phlet which he pubhshed on the result of his investigation, 
 declared that all the facts proved that the region of "Trent 
 is Italian and belongs to Roman Italy." 
 
 Thus the insinuators were obliged to swallow the pill 
 and close their mouths. 
 
 Dalmatia.^ a controversy between the Dalmatians 
 and some other people (Lissani and Daorsi), allies of Rome, 
 provoked for the first time the intervention of Rome in the 
 affairs of Dalmatia. A strong army commanded by the 
 Roman consul Marcio Figulo arrived in that region in 156 
 B. C, besieged the capital, then Dalminio, which they 
 wiped out, and forced the Dalmatians to an onerous peace. 
 
 Much later Rome was able definitely to subjugate Dal- 
 matia, however proud she had been of her own freedom, 
 and induced her to change from a barbaric to a civilized 
 country. 
 
 On her coast, ports like that of Zara, Salona near Spalato, 
 Ragusa, Antivari, received a wonderful impulse, and to- 
 gether with the ports of Fiume, Trieste, Pola, Aquileia, 
 Ravenna, Rimini, Ancona, Bari, Brindisi and Durazzo, all 
 being very important cities, made of the Adriatic Sea a 
 great Roman lake flourishing with life and with commerce. 
 
 In short, the Romanization of Dalmatia was so deeply 
 rooted that the Emperor Diocletian, when he abdicated 
 the Empire (305 A. D.), tired in both mind and body because 
 of the great cares of state and also because of physical in- 
 disposition, preferred to return to Salona in Dalmatia where 
 he engaged in nothing more serious than the artistic cultiva- 
 tion of his garden until he died (313 a.d.). 
 
 And the Emperor Julius Nepos (the father of Romulus 
 Augustulus), who was removed by Orestes in 476, could not 
 do better than to take refuge in Dalmatia, the last outpost 
 of Roman influence. 
 
 Thus the dominion of Rome, at first feared and treated 
 with hostility, finished by becoming (thanks to the wisdom 
 which it exercised) the golden age for the populations of 
 
 ^ The region on the east shore of the Adriatic Sea.
 
 98 SECOND PART 
 
 Istria, Trent, Trieste and Dalmatia, and for all of the 
 people who today dwell on the north-eastern boundaries of 
 Italy. 
 
 And the sacred name of Urbs (Rome), generator of light 
 and heat like the sun, however stained by the evils of 
 tyrants, was by them blessed, loved, defended, and glori- 
 ously engraved on the pages of their history. 
 
 II 
 
 The barbarian invasion into Italy. Attila, flagellum 
 Dei, destroys (452 A. D.) the beautiful city of Aquileia, 
 founded by the Romans in 181-182 B. C. In a mass 
 meeting, presided over by the Emperor Charlemagne, 
 the Italians of Istria protest against the Slavic immi- 
 gration (804 A. D.). The Republic of the Doges liberates 
 the Adriatic sea from foreign pirates. The marriage 
 of Venice with the sea. The spontaneous submission 
 of Dalmatia (999 A. D.) after eight centuries of fidelity. 
 The " honorable burial " of the standard of St. Mark. 
 
 After the death of the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius 
 at Vindobona (Vienna) in the year i8o, the golden era 
 passed forever from these north eastern boundaries of Italy. 
 The Roman Empire fell into the hands of soldiers blinded 
 by the lowest and most unbridled and degenerate passions; 
 it lost its ancient vigor, its ancient prestige and its ancient 
 splendor. It fell. And then the barbarians (Goths, Van- 
 dals, Suevi, Burgundians, Huns), with their heads adorned 
 with bulls' horns, their shoulders and chests covered with 
 skins of wild animals — tribes the powerful Roman gladius 
 had kept in subjection for centuries — descended upon Italy 
 like an avalanche from the Alps, thirsting for revenge, avid 
 for spoils and dominion; destroying fields, cities and people, 
 taking away the strength of the country; degrading it; sub- 
 jecting it to most humiliating servitude. And Italy sank 
 to that deepest abyss of darkness which was called the 
 medieval age.
 
 BARBARIAN INVASION 99 
 
 The first fury of the barbarians naturally struck the 
 eastern regions of Italy, viz.: Trentino, FriuH, Istria, 
 Dalmatia. But these were not easily swallowed up. 
 They opposed the ferocious invaders; they defended 
 their Italianity with the daring and heroism which 
 was the first germ of the present Irredentist movement 
 and which, with other causes, determined the intervention 
 of Italy (May, 191 5) in the great conflict of the nations, 
 thus repeating with the everlasting fatal and alternat- 
 ing recurrence of human events, the tragedies which took 
 place in the past, among the same people and in the same 
 Alps. 
 
 It is enough to recall to mind Aquileia besieged by the 
 Huns. Aquileia fought strenuously against her enemies, 
 repulsing them many times. To punish her for her extraor- 
 dinary defense Attila, flagellum Dei, after he had taken 
 the city by a furious assault, massacred the citizens, the 
 aged, the women, and children; sacked; burned; wiped the 
 metropolis from the face of the earth (452 A. D.) as if a 
 torrent of lava had covered it — the metropolis, full of strength 
 and beauty which the Romans had erected with such wis- 
 dom and such love.^ 
 
 The survivors of Aquileia and those of the other cities 
 in the confines destroyed by Attila, took refuge in the small 
 islands in the neighborhood of the Po estuary, and there 
 developed by degrees, the city which afterwards, because 
 of its superior government, became theQueen of the Adriatic: 
 Venice. 
 
 When the Italians of the northeastern boundaries could 
 not maintain their nationality by military means, they used 
 other methods. It will suffice to remember that in the year 
 
 ^ Later Aquileia revived and again became powerful, thanks to her patriarchate, 
 which was one of the greatest theocratic and military principalities of medieval 
 times. Her church, established by the council as early as 38, was, after that of 
 Rome, the most famous of the Christian religion; her court was the most splendid 
 and most celebrated of that age. The patriarchs were independent. They 
 paid only a simple feudal homage to the emperor. The thirteenth century touched 
 the acme of patriarchal power. 
 
 In 1420 Venice became absolute mistress of Friuli and suppressed that theocratic 
 and military power. The Bishop of Venice obtained from Rome the title of Patriarch 
 of Aquileia, with jurisdiction over that diocese.
 
 100 SECOND PART 
 
 568 the Longobardians (Germans of the north) began to des- 
 cend upon Italy, commanded by their King Alboin. These 
 new barbarians, Hke the former, did httle but destroy and 
 kill. 
 
 The Italians on the eastern boundaries were compelled 
 to abandon the interior of their own country because they 
 were continually subjected to onslaughts by savage invaders, 
 and were obliged to take refuge on the sea coast, which 
 opened to them their only way of escape, where they de- 
 voted themselves to navigation and fishing. 
 
 But the Emperor Charlemagne drove the Longobardians 
 from Italy, and with the intention, perhaps praiseworthy, of 
 repopulating the interior of Istria which the Italians had 
 deserted, he committed the error of calling some tribes of 
 Slavs, who for long years had coveted it. 
 
 The Istrians did not take kindly to such action. They 
 believed it to be dangerous to their ethnical compages, and 
 to the reconstitution of their future political unification. 
 Therefore, they were greatly agitated and protested in a 
 solemn mass meeting held on the banks of the river Risano, 
 and presided over by Charlemagne (804 A. D.); they suc- 
 ceeded in convincing the powerful Emperor of the Franks 
 of the error which he had committed. He immediately 
 suspended the Slavic immigration into Istria and instead re- 
 vived the most useful Roman institutions, adapting them 
 to the changed condition of the times. 
 
 When the Italians of the northeastern boundaries — who 
 had never willingly tolerated the domination of the barbari- 
 ans — saw that Venice followed the traditions of Rome 
 better than the other contemporaneous Italian republics, it 
 did not hesitate to pass under the protection of the winged 
 lion of St. Mark. 
 
 It will suffice to recall Dalmatia. The Narentine, 
 Slavic, and Croatian pirates infested the Adriatic for a long 
 time, assaulting, killing and plundering. And not con- 
 tent with this, they demanded great tributes from the terror- 
 stricken inhabitants of the Dalmatian coasts, and even from 
 the Venetians.
 
 BARBARIAN INVASION 101 
 
 The Dalmatians implored the aid of the Republic, which 
 at other times had defended them against the tyranny of 
 strangers. Fortunately there was a doge in power at that 
 time who was extraordinarily strong, resolute and courageous 
 and who was the dynamic and vibrating amalgamation of 
 all the Venetian energies: Peter Orseolo II, son of that fa- 
 mous Peter Orseolo who was canonized by the Church, who 
 began at his own expense and brought to a high point the 
 construction of the magnificent cathedral of St. Mark. 
 
 Orseolo listened to and comforted the Dalmatian ambas- 
 sador and declared to the Venetians in firm accents that, in 
 order to wipe out the ignominy to which the Republic had 
 been subjected for so long, and again to give security to their 
 brothers, who were continually tyrannized over by the 
 corsairs, they must have war! 
 
 The Venetians were so moved that they consented and 
 gave full liberty of action to their doge. 
 
 On Ascension Day of the year 999 A. D., a fleet, for- 
 midably armed, weighed anchor from Venice under command 
 of Peter Orseolo II. 
 
 The pirates, however, insisted more than ever on the 
 collection of the usual tribute. 
 
 The doge responded that he himself would take it to 
 them. 
 
 In fact, he went immediately. But instead of a pecuni- 
 ary tribute, he took the brute force of the winged lion of 
 St. Mark. 
 
 Great naval battles were fought, especially at Curzola 
 and Lagosta. The Slavic pirates from the Gulf of Narente 
 made a furious resistance. But this availed them nothing. 
 Their fleet was burned by the Venetians. And those not 
 killed were pursued to the continent and a lin repulsed and 
 dispersed outside of its confines. 
 
 The Adriatic was thus finally freed froi piracy and from 
 the terrors of barbarians. 
 
 The Venetians received the conquerinj doge in triumph; 
 they conferred upon him the title of C ke of Dalmatia; 
 they further ordered that at the annua feast of the As- 
 cension the great achievement should also \ e commemorated.
 
 102 SECOND PART 
 
 celebrating the symbolic marriage of Venice with the sea 
 (the doge embarked with other magistrates of the Republic on 
 the golden Bucintoro, magnificently ornamented, where 
 he threw a ring into the sea pronouncing these significant 
 words: Desponsamus teytnare nostro,tnsignumveriperpetuique 
 dominii; in memory of the true and perpetual dominion that 
 the Republic had acquired over the Adriatic sea which was 
 thenceforth called the Gulf of Venice. Y 
 
 Dalmatia — exulting and grateful — rewarded the 
 sister liberator, by offering spontaneous homage of subjection 
 to her, swearing ''eternal" obedience and fidelity to her. 
 Dalmatia, in fact, remained under the merciful government 
 of Venice, first for four entire centuries; then, after a brief 
 and involuntary interruption, for another 377 years (al- 
 together about eight centuries!). She would have remained 
 "eternally" in reality if the treaty of Campoformio, drawn 
 on October 16, 1795, between Napoleon I and Francis II, 
 Emperor of Austria, had not treacherously struck a death 
 blow to the Republic of the Doges, sacrificing it to the insa- 
 tiable cupidity of the Hapsburgs. 
 
 One can well imagine the sorrow of the Dalmatians in 
 consequence of this. 
 
 At Zara, the capital of Dalmatia, the Venetian flag was 
 placed on the great altar of the church and there, first the 
 officers, then the soldiers, then the people, kissed it "and so 
 covered it with their tears that it was entirely wet." 
 
 At Perasto, the standard of St. Mark, like a sacred relic, 
 was placed under the great altar of the church, while the 
 commander, in the presence of the people, spoke these touch- 
 ing words in the soft Venetian dialect: "For 377 years we 
 have defended thee with our faith and our valor on tbe sea 
 when thy enemies have called us. For 377 years our sub- 
 stance, our blood and our lives have at all times been de- 
 dicated to thee, and in this until now we have found our 
 greatest happiness. Thou with us, we with thee, have 
 always been victorous, always illustrious. Since there is 
 nothing more we can do for thee, let our hearts be thy 
 
 ^The celebration of the marriage of Venice with the sea for centJuries was 
 observed on Ascension Day.
 
 BARBARIAN INVASION 103 
 
 honored tomb; let our tears be thy greatest and truest 
 eulogy!" 
 
 Also the islands of Quarnero/ conquered by the Doge 
 Peter Orseolo II, always remained under the dominion of 
 Venice, except in the period between 1378 to 1409 in which 
 they, with Dalmatia, were temporarily ceded to Hungary. 
 They remained under Venice until the end of the Republic, 
 when as a result of the treaty of Campoformio, which was 
 confirmed, as we have seen, by the the congress of Vienna 
 of 1815, they were consigned with Venice itself to Austria. 
 
 ^The Gulf of Quarnero is that wide arm of the Adriatic Sea which insinuates it- 
 self between the eastern coast of the Istrian peninsula and the Croatian shore. 
 From the curve of Porto Re to the heights of Meia and Tersato, finishing at Fiume, 
 is Italy, and marks the geographic confines of Italy. Its islands were also in the 
 power of the Romans, and in the time of Julius Caesar were added to Liburnia, 
 this latter being a part of Illyria.
 
 104 SECOND PART 
 
 III 
 
 The Communes. Frederick Barbarossa, Emperor of 
 Germany, descends upon Italy (1154) massacres, sacks 
 and burns; captures the celebrated reformer, Arnold 
 of Brescia, and delivers him into the hands of Adrian IV, 
 who bums him alive. The subservient Diet of Roncaglia, 
 Milan, Crema and Piacenza rebels. Barbarossa takes a 
 frightful revenge, besieges the smallest town, Crema. 
 But not being able to conquer by force of arms, he takes 
 children of Crema and Milan whom he holds in hostage, 
 ties them to movable wooden towers and exposes them 
 to the shots of the besieged citizens. Love of Country 
 overcomes paternal love in the Italians. The destruction 
 of Crema and Milan. The Veronese League. An ener- 
 getic Pope. The Lombardian League. The Archbishop 
 Cristiano of Magonza, plenipotentiary of Barbarossa in 
 Italy, besieges Ancona and forces the citizens to eat net- 
 tles and leather. The heroism of the women. The union 
 of the communes produces the epopee. The Carroccio. 
 The Company of Death. Barbarossa is defeated by the 
 Italians at Legnano (1176). He is defeated also on the 
 sea by the combined fleets of Venice and Trieste. He 
 suffers the humiUation of kissing the foot of his enemy 
 (Pope Alexander III). He sues for peace and leaves 
 Italy forever without having put it under the yoke. 
 
 When the Communes of Italy attempted to re-establish 
 the unity and independence of the Patria, which again had 
 been invaded and devastated by the Teutons, the regions of 
 the eastern confines did not limit themselves simply to an 
 exhibition of a purely spiritual solidarity, but they threw 
 themselves with faith and zeal into the field of action, where 
 danger was the greatest, giving their contribution of thought 
 and of blood to the national cause. In this connection one 
 has only to recall Trieste. 
 
 It is well known that on the ruins of the old feudal 
 edifice in Italy arose the communal autonomy, or free gov-
 
 . THE COMMUNES AND BARBAROSSA 105 
 
 ernment of cities, with a supreme magistracy of three, six, or 
 twelve consuls; with a minor magistracy of notables called 
 Credenza, who deliberated upon ordinary affairs; with a gen- 
 eral assembly of all of the citizens who also deliberated upon 
 the more important things (made laws, stipulated treaties of 
 alliance, declared wars and concluded peace, coined money, 
 etc.). 
 
 Frederick Barbarossa, Emperor of Germany, decided to 
 reduce Italy to its ancientTeutonic servitude, and invaded it 
 (1154) with a great army; devastated fields; fired villages 
 and cities, among them Chieri and Asti; he then besieged 
 Tortona, and ordered that it should immediately break its 
 alliance with Milan. The noble little city refused to obey 
 the dishonoring command. Barbarossa, however, assaulted 
 it, and after two months of bitter fighting took the city, 
 sacked and destroyed it. After he had achieved such brave 
 ends, he went to Pavia, where he crowned himself King of 
 Italy. Afterward, invited expressly by Pope Adrian IV, 
 he betook himself to southern Italy with the intention of 
 extending his dominion and, at the same time, capturing 
 and delivering to the aforesaid pontificate the bitterest enemy, 
 which at that time the Church had: Arnold of Brescia. 
 
 He was a monk with an inspired and serious mind, who 
 dreamed of and desired above all things the religious and 
 political elevation of mankind, having for its basis truth 
 and morality in a positive and sane sense. He would not 
 recognize the doctrine of infant baptism, prayers for the 
 dead, or the sacrament of the host. Preaching thus with 
 ardent and unbridled impetuosity against the temporal 
 power of the popes and against the corrupt customs of the 
 ecclesiastics, he was able to gain the confidence and love of 
 the people, and to drive out successively the Popes Lucius II 
 and Eugenius III, and to found in Rome a democratic re- 
 public with a senate. But after ten years of power, Adrian 
 IV — an astute Pope, audacious and unscrupulous — at- 
 tacked Arnold of Brescia; defamed him; excommunicated 
 him, together with those who supported him; filled the city 
 of Rome with such terror that the brave reformer was re- 
 pudiated, expelled and persecuted.
 
 106 SECOND PART 
 
 Barbarossa found him a refugee in a castle of Campania. 
 He dragged him from the hands of those who had given him 
 hospitahty; he dragged him in chains to the feet of Adrian 
 IV in Rome and this good vicar of Christ — in the height of 
 his joy — condemned him to the stake; he had his ashes 
 thrown into the river Tiber; he rewarded Barbarossa for 
 his service to the Church by placing on his head the imperial 
 crown with great pomp in the Vatican. 
 
 The Roman people, roused by such infamous treatment, 
 forced Barbarossa to leave suddenly for Germany. 
 
 The tyrant revenged himself for such humiliation by fir- 
 ing and destroying the innocent city of Spoleto. 
 
 Barbarossa, always thirsting for blood and power, 
 again hurled himself on Italy three years later, and took the 
 city of Brescia; then with an army of 100,000 infantry 
 and 15,000 cavalry marched on Milan, to punish it for hav- 
 ing rebuilt Tortona, and to punish it above all for the spirit 
 of rebellion which it too stubbornly showed against the 
 Teutonic suzerainty. 
 
 The metropolis of Lombardy defended itself like a lioness 
 so long as it had provisions, and when these failed it sur- 
 rendered; but it was not an unconditional surrender, it was 
 an honorable pact (1158). 
 
 Barbarossa, however, called a subservient Diet at Ron- 
 caglia in the Piacentino and determined that the free com- 
 munes must depend administratively and judicially on an 
 imperial representative called the Podestd. 
 
 Milan, Crema, and Piacenza chafed, protested, and said 
 clearly that they would never submit to such humiliation. 
 
 Barbarossa arose in fury. The most cruel spirit of re- 
 venge raged in his proud soul; he hurled himself with a pow- 
 erful army against Crema, which was the weakest of the 
 communes. But he was repulsed. Then he had recourse 
 to a stratagem. He caused several movable wooden towers 
 to be erected; in the inside of these he posted his most fero- 
 cious soldiers armed to the teeth; on the outside were bound 
 the little children of Crema and of Milan, whom he held as 
 hostages. Thus loaded, he ordered the towers taken to the 
 walls of the city, hoping that the besieged citizens, in order
 
 THE COMMUNES AND BARBAROSSA 107 
 
 to save their own children, would no longer hold off. Instead 
 the opposite occurred. The citizens, especially the fathers, 
 continued their defense and stormed at the same time the 
 hated enemy and their own little ones, crying with the faith 
 of neophytes, *' Happy are those who die for their country!'* 
 
 For six months — from July 1159, to January 1160 — 
 the tragic battle lasted. Finally, because of the cutting 
 of the aqueducts, the lack of food, and the flower of her 
 citizens being wasted, Crema was constrained to yield The 
 Teuton, thus prizing it for the heroism which it exhibited, 
 sacked and burned it! 
 
 Nothwithstanding the slaughter of Crema, Milan per- 
 sisted in her rebellious attitude. Barbarossa, who had 
 already received reinforcements from Germany, assaulted 
 it with savage force. But without avail. He attacked it 
 more than once, but his attempts were always broken like 
 the waves of the sea against the rocks. Then he understood 
 that only through starvation could he conquer the Milanese. 
 He called for other reinforcements. They came. He be- 
 sieged the city. It resisted for two long years. Then 
 pressed by increasing numbers of their enemies, and ex- 
 hausted by the absolute lack of food, it surrendered 
 (March, 1 162). The Teuton treated them savagely; he 
 destroyed the entire city and covered it with salt, a sign 
 that it should never rise again! 
 
 He then returned to Germany to receive and enjoy the 
 honors of his triumph. 
 
 But the destruction of Milan greatly impressed the other 
 cities of Italy; they became thoughtful and were convinced 
 that for their common safety they must immediately and 
 solidly combine. 
 
 The first who united — after they had driven out from 
 their respective places the garrisons and imperial ministers 
 — were Verona, Vicenza, Padua and Treviso." The Veronese 
 League. 
 
 Barbarossa fell upon Verona like a falcon, but he found 
 it no easy task; indeed it proved to be so difficult that he 
 deemed it prudent to return to Germany for reinforcements 
 (1164).
 
 108 SECOND PART 
 
 Meanwhile in 1159 Pope Adrian IV died. Barbarossa, 
 by corrupting, threatening and intimidating, forced his 
 cardinals to elect an anti-Pope, who would serve him (Vittore 
 IV), and after the death of the latter he caused Pasquale III 
 to be elected, — as vile and servile a soul as his predecessor. 
 
 The independent cardinals, however, voted for Ban- 
 dinelli of Siena (Alexander III), a sagacious and energetic 
 man who sympathized with the cause of the Communes. 
 This Pope from Anagni excommunicated Barbarossa and 
 afterward prepared to combat him to the last drop of blood, 
 joining with Venice, Bergamo, Brescia, Mantua and Fer- 
 rara, the Veronese League, which after that time was called 
 the Lombard League. 
 
 The representatives of the allied cities — uniting with 
 the fugitive Milanese — met with them on April 7, 1176, in 
 the convent of Pontida, situated between Bergamo and 
 Lecco. There they clasped hands; looked into each others 
 eyes, read one another's hearts, fused their wills into a single 
 will, swearing by fraternal pacts to defend the liberty of the 
 Patria which had been trampled upon and villified by outside 
 barbaric tyranny. 
 
 At this memorable assembly the representatives of 
 Trieste participated in the proceedings with the same faith 
 and zeal as the others. In the progress of time Piacenza, 
 Parma, Modena, Bologna, Reggio, Novara, Vercelli, Como, 
 Asti, Tortona, Ravenna, Rimini, Imola and Forli joined 
 the Lombard League. 
 
 The League immediately began to rebuild Milan in spite 
 of the prohibition of Barbarossa; then — in contraposition 
 to Pavia and the Marquis of Monferrato who remained parti- 
 sans of the tyrant — they founded a city between the rivers 
 Tenaro and Bormide, which they named Alessandria in 
 honor of Alexander III, the Pope who gave them sustained 
 help and directed the League. 
 
 Meanwhile the Archbishop Cristiano of Magonza, 
 Envoy Plenipotentiary of Barbarossa in Italy, attempted to 
 subjugate Ancona, which had rebelled against the Teuton 
 yoke. The noble city of the Adriatic was besieged by land 
 and sea; was attacked from every side by night and day;
 
 THE COMMUNES AND BARBAROSSA 109 
 
 but it defended itself with sublime heroism even when its 
 sons were so reduced by the cruelty of the enemy that they 
 were obhged to feed themselves on boiled nettles and shoe- 
 leather cooked in vinegar. 
 
 Some episodes may be given. 
 
 A young mother, with a child at her breast, saw a warrior 
 near the wall on the ground gasping from starvation; she 
 approached him and said: *'I have not eaten for several 
 days; I have no more milk, not even for my little one; but 
 if a drop yet remains, take it, it is yours!" These words 
 had a marvelous effect. The warrior revived; arose; smiled 
 at the generous creature; ran where the fighting was thick- 
 est, and courageously faced death. 
 
 A most violent attack threatened to overthrow the city. 
 The defenders fought with their usual valor, but they 
 recognized the extreme peril which faced them. Then an 
 aged woman by the name of Stamura grasped a burning 
 brand, and flung it into a pile of projectiles, firing and des- 
 troying the machines of the enemy. 
 
 The Lombardians and Romagnese came to the aid of 
 the city. The Teutons were obliged to fly, and Ancona 
 saved her freedom (1174). 
 
 Barbarossa, disgusted at the turn things in Italy had 
 taken against him, put himself at the head of another 
 colossal army and marched toward Mont Cenis, determined 
 to finish for all time the hope of the Italians for unity and 
 liberty. 
 
 He first burned Susa; then he subjugated Turin and 
 Asti; then marched against Alessandria. This latter city, 
 although having nothing but primitive fortifications of 
 earth and straw, resisted the assaults of the enemy for four 
 months. Finally the besieged citizens learned that help 
 from the allies was near. Full of exultation they made a 
 sortie in the night; they attacked the enemy, killed them in 
 great numbers and forced the others to retreat in disorder 
 
 (1175)- 
 
 Barbarossa became worried. He understood that the 
 enterprise which he was undertaking presented grave diffi- 
 culties; he attempted to make pacts with The League^ but the
 
 110 SECOND PART 
 
 negotiations failed entirely. Then he waited for rein- 
 forcements from Germany, and as soon as they came, he 
 moved resolutely on Milan. 
 
 The Italians of The League did not permit him to finish 
 his journey; they went to meet him on the way followed by 
 the Carroccio} 
 
 This was a chariot which, according to the description 
 given by Lodovico Antonio Muratori, in his Annals of Italy y 
 had four wheels built higher than usual with a much 
 broader platform than that of a common car and was 
 painted a flaming red. In the middle arose an altar covered 
 by a rich red rug of such dimensions that it fell from the 
 sides and touched the wheels. In the center of the altar 
 rose a flagstaff, to which was attached a huge crucifix and a 
 bell which rang in warning. 
 
 The car was drawn by four pairs of great oxen, all of the 
 same size and color, caparisoned with rich drapery, red for 
 those on the right and white for those on the left. From 
 this center the orders were given. Around the car the in- 
 fantry formed a compact guard against the enemy's cavalry. 
 It was believed if the Carroccio fell that war and honor 
 would be lost. 
 
 The Milanese formed, for the extra protection of this 
 their sacred shield, two companies of chosen young men 
 (one of 300 and the other of 900) armed with neck guards, 
 battle axes and daggers. The one of 900, commanded by 
 Alberto da Giussano — who wore the breastplate and carried 
 the sword with the gilded leather presented to him by the 
 people, so says tradition — was called the Company of Deathy 
 for these young warriors had sworn to conquer or die. The 
 300 also had sworn to protect the Carroccio with their lives. 
 
 On May 29, 1176, the army of Barbarossa and that of 
 the Lombard League found themselves face to face near 
 the castle of Legnano between the two rivers Olona and 
 Ticino, about twenty miles from Milan. 
 
 In the first encounter the Milanese cavalry was re- 
 pulsed. The Teuton cavalry galloped toward the chariot. 
 
 ^This car was designed and put into use by Ariberto da Intimiano, bishop of 
 Milan and supreme magistrate of the Commune, in 1039.
 
 THE COMMUNES AND BARBAROSSA 111 
 
 The defenders threw themselves on their knees; they 
 invoked God and St. Ambrose.^ In a flash they were on 
 their feet. They planted themselves like giants. They 
 stolidly received the blows of the enemy. They fought 
 as one man. They split open the heads of horses and 
 horsemen. They were on the point of defeat because of 
 the superior number of the enemy. The Carroccio — symbol 
 of Patria, of Liberty, of Glory — was in danger. 
 
 Then the Company of Death cried again, "We conquer 
 or die ! " and hurled themselves into the thickest of the fight. 
 They butchered every Teutonwhom they encountered. They 
 threw the imperial standard to the ground. They terrified 
 and put to flight the entire army of the enemy. While they 
 were fighting, they were reinforced by the cavalry of The 
 League which gave the final blow, pursuing the enemy with 
 swords at their backs for a good eight miles. 
 
 Barbarossa, who had personally fought in the first line 
 of battle, remained buried with his horse under a mountain 
 of corpses.^ He was believed to be dead. But two days 
 later he appeared at Pavia, alone, without his helmet, with- 
 out his sword, covered with dust and blood, pale, silent and 
 sullen. 
 
 The battle of Legnano was the strongest afllirmation of 
 Italianity which the Italians made in the medieval era. 
 
 The city of Trieste — faithful to the oath proffered 
 by its representatives at Pontida — not only contributed the 
 blood of its own sons, but it did more: it united with Venice 
 to combat the enemy on the sea. In fact, on Ascension 
 Day the combined fleets of the Venetians and Triestians, 
 composed of fifty vessels commanded by the Doge Se- 
 bastiano Ziani, encountered near Salvore (a promontory a 
 short distance from Trieste) the imperial fleet composed of 
 75 vessels, and they defeated it and even captured the flag- 
 ship to which Otto, son of Barbarossa, was assigned 
 
 TheTeuton tyrant hastened to kiss the feet of Pope Alex- 
 ander III. Only thus could he obtain from The League an 
 armistice of six years, signed at Venice during the year 1 177. 
 
 * Protector of Milan. 
 
 ^ Some historians say that he fled in a cowardly manner.
 
 112 SECOND PART 
 
 He attempted too late (the wolf may lose his hair, but 
 never his vices) with every art, with every effort, to revenge 
 the humiliation which he had suffered. But his efforts 
 were in vain. For example: by an edict in 1 182 he com- 
 manded the city of Trent, which was governed as a Com- 
 mune, never again to elect her magistrate council; to put 
 a stop to any act of sovereignty; to submit itself to an 
 imperial vicar. But Trent refused to obey. It continued 
 with its independent government. 
 
 Losing thus every hope of subjugating Italy, Barbarossa, 
 as soon as the accorded armistice expired, was forced to 
 conclude a definite peace with the Italians, signed at 
 Constance (a city of Germany) in the year 1183. 
 
 IV 
 
 The struggle of the Triestians for their municipal 
 independence and for the maintenance of their Itali- 
 anity from the Peace of Constance (1183). Against the 
 Bishop-barons (1295 to 1349). Against Venice (1368 
 to 1381). The " dedition " to Austria (1382). The 
 Anti-Austrian party, its rebellions and martyrology. 
 The pride of their Roman heritage. Triestine history 
 from Fifteenth to Eighteenth Centtuy. 
 
 In the vicissitudes which followed the war against 
 Barbarossa the regions of the eastern boundaries continued 
 to fight for their Italian liberty. It is sufficient to remember 
 Trieste, in which, more than in any other Irredentist city, 
 centers most of the historical, traditional, and political ideals 
 of this region. 
 
 When Trieste entered into the Lombard League, it was 
 governed by a Bishop-baron dependent on the Patriarchate 
 of Aquileia. But with the treaty of Constance in 1183, it 
 obtained (as did the other cities of the Lombard League) the 
 autonomy of its own administration, the right to elect its 
 own magistrates and the right to make alliances, to declare 
 war and to treat for peace.
 
 TRIESTE FROM 1183 TO 1800 113 
 
 Notwithstanding this, only in 1295 was Trieste emanci- 
 pated. And this is how it came about. The Bishop-Baron 
 Brisa was in great need of money to pay his debts. The 
 Triestians who were rich, profited by this. They offered the 
 Bishop-Baron the means of his release from his debts. 
 
 The offer was accepted. The notaries were called in. 
 They drew up a deed by which the Bishop-Baron Brisa ceded 
 *' for himself and all of his ancestors " all rights of sovereignty 
 over Trieste. From that moment the sovereign power of 
 the city passed into the hands of the citizens. The first 
 Podestd elected as the head of the "free state of Trieste" 
 was Enrico della Torre, belonging to the Torriani family of 
 Milan who long before had settled in Istria. 
 
 Delia Torre immediately promulgated statutes similar 
 to those of the communes of Italy; built solid walls around 
 the city to prevent outside attacks; systematized internal 
 affairs; encouraged every good enterprise; constructed many 
 buildings; organized literary circles and colleges for fine 
 arts and trade. Civic virtue increased. 
 
 Such rapid moral and material development naturally 
 gave rise to envy and cupidity among the city's enemies. 
 
 In 13 13, the former majordomo of the Bishop Marco 
 Ranfo conspired to overthrow the municipal government of 
 Trieste and to re-establish the baronial government of the 
 Bishops. But the plot was discovered in time. The Tries- 
 tians armed themselves at the sound of the tocsin, assaulted 
 the house of Ranfo, razed it to the ground and executed the 
 traitor and his accomplices. 
 
 In 1349 Bishop Antonio Negri, a creature of Charles IV, 
 a quarrelsome and violent man, reopened the question and 
 claimed the baronial domination of the city. The Triestians 
 responded to this by arming themselves. The Bishop ex- 
 communicated them. The Triestians replied by declaring 
 a sort of boycott against him and against the whole body of 
 the clergy of the cathedral; they then had recourse to ar- 
 bitration. This gave a decision in favor of the Commune. 
 
 In the summer of 1368 a Venetian galley, anchored in the 
 port of Trieste, captured a Triestian merchant ship, which 
 had refused to pay the tax of free passage into the Adriatic
 
 114 SECOND PART 
 
 "which was the property of the Republic of St. Mark," 
 TheTriestians assaulted the galley and massacred the captain 
 and crew. 
 
 Venice immediately sent a fleet and an army to avenge 
 the offense. "After a long drawn out siege," Trieste was 
 obliged to surrender. But a year later she again revolted. 
 
 The Venetians renewed the siege. 
 
 The Triestians, not knowing to what saint to apply to 
 save their freedom, invoked the assistance of Leopold III, 
 duke of Austria. He rushed to their aid with an army of 
 12,000 men, but was overwhelmingly defeated. As with 
 superior force he prepared to revenge himself, the Venetians 
 calmed him by giving him 75,000 sequins of gold (about 
 1,000,000 lire) "for the inconvenience of the voyage and for 
 the ships seized." 
 
 Trieste was thus left to her fate. 
 
 She attempted five years later with the help of the Geno- 
 ese, and in 1379 with the help of the Commune of Udine, 
 and again in 1380 with the help of the Genoese, to liberate 
 herself from the domination of the "Serenissima" (the 
 Republic of Venice). But in this she did not succeed. 
 
 Finally the Duke of Savoy, Amedeo VI, called Conte 
 Verde, mediated between the two belligerent cities. And 
 from this a decision resulted August 24, 1 381, which affirmed 
 among other things, in order to avoid further controversies, 
 that Venice must renounce every pretension to the City of 
 Trieste "and her dependencies." Venice renounced it. 
 
 But such a solution, however favorable, did not calm 
 the Triestians. 
 
 They thought to forestall any future danger by assuring 
 themselves of the protection of a potentate who would be 
 able to defend them effectively against any who might again 
 attempt to interfere with their municipal independence. 
 And they were not wrong, considering that Trieste had never 
 had peace during that entire century. They turned first 
 to the Italian republics, to meet only refusal. Then they 
 were constrained to look to foreigners. Had not other 
 Italian Communes done likewise.'' They looked about and 
 deemed it wise to select one who was near at hand. At the
 
 TRIESTE FROM 1183 TO 1800 115 
 
 north of the territory of Trieste were the boundary Hnes of 
 the Dukes of Austria. These more than others would be 
 interested in Trieste, because they could easily direct the 
 current of commerce to the interior of their country. This 
 consideration especially induced the Triestians to take the 
 memorable step which afterward was called by the enemies of 
 Italian national unity "the spontaneous dedition to Austria." 
 
 In 1382 the Triestians sent ambassadors to Gratz to 
 offer the Commune to Duke Leopold in exchange for his 
 "protection and tutelage." The Duke did not require much 
 urging and accepted it. But he was obliged to swear "for 
 himself and for his successors" to respect the municipal 
 government of Trieste and all their rights of sovereignty 
 acquired by the people (especially those which declared 
 war and concluded peace) and not to surrender the city to 
 feudal tenure or sell it to any one. 
 
 The "spontaneous dedition" was limited, as one can 
 see. The city proved this later by the sentences which the 
 magistrates of the Commune inflicted on the citizens who 
 went into the military service of Austria, and on those who 
 had recourse to imperial authority against the municipal 
 judges, and on those who conspired in favor of the Emperor. 
 This was proved above all by the anti-Austrian party which 
 rose up in Trieste after the "spontaneous dedition," not- 
 withstanding the rights which the city had reserved; a 
 party which also had its martyrs. In fact in 1424 Donato 
 Scorpion and Nicolo Urigio were hanged (other Triestians, 
 among whom wasGiulio Orefice, were condemned to prison) 
 because they were found guilty of having stirred up the 
 people against the sovereignty of Austria. In 1443 the 
 Triestian, Giulio Cancellieri, leader of another revolt against 
 Austria, was first tied to the tail of a horse and dragged 
 through the streets of the city, then hanged in the presence 
 of his relatives.^ 
 
 But all of this bloody persecution and coercion did noth- 
 ing save increase the anti-Austrian party and strengthen its 
 
 ^ These conditions were further shown in the first volume of the Statutes revised 
 in 1550 by Ferdinand I. (brother of Charles V), King of the Romans, in which book 
 the city of Trieste is officially mentioned as a Republic.
 
 116 SECOND PART 
 
 political power. This party in fact, under the leadership 
 of Antonio Bonomo, in 1467 succeeded in conquering the 
 communal administration and driving the mixed population 
 from the city, and the city then returned to its former 
 freedom. 
 
 The Emperor Frederick III, duke of Austria, would not 
 endure this and sent one of his vicars immediately, a certain 
 Lusgar (some historians call him Luogar),with one thousand 
 Teuton mercenaries to restore the former conditions. 
 
 Lusgar and his troops stole into Trieste during the night; 
 assaulted and sacked homes, made prisoners of the best 
 citizens, and shut them up in the castle of Duino. Then, 
 by means of every sort of violence, he forcibly secured a 
 letter directed to the Emperor, signed by several citizens of 
 Trieste, *'in which they declared their renunciation of the 
 rights guaranteed to the city by the pact of their *spontane- 
 ous dedition.'" 
 
 But on August 15, 1467, suddenly the tocsin was 
 sounded. This was the signal which had been decided upon. 
 The people, once more led by Antonio Bonomo, rose up; 
 put to flight the commissioner and his mercenaries ; hanged on 
 the battlements of the city hall fifteen magistrates who had 
 burned the dwellings of the imperialistic patricians and 
 solemnly reproclaimed the independence of Trieste! 
 
 The Emperor in a state of fury ground his teeth; wrung 
 his hands and immediately sent another army to this same 
 Lusgar and ordered him to punish every one within the 
 rebellious city. 
 
 Bonomo and the people defended themselves desperately, 
 but in the end the Teuton troops, well practiced in arms, 
 overcame them; they burst in upon the city; they sacked it 
 for three days; then they burned it. Many citizens fled 
 (among whom was Bonomo), some to Istria and others to 
 Venice. Those who could not escape were imprisoned, 
 tortured or hanged. 
 
 Thus the order of the Emperor was obeyed to the limit 
 of cruelty and destruction, so well obeyed that the chronicles 
 registered that year "as the year of the destruction of 
 Trieste" (1468).
 
 TRIESTE FROM 1183 TO 1800 117 
 
 With all of this his majesty — when afterward (1470) he 
 deigned to officially visit the city which he had so subjug- 
 ated — thought it prudent to send into exile 300 other citi- 
 zens and to confiscate their goods. 
 
 The anti-imperial party was thus reduced to the lowest 
 numbers and in fact was almost entirely destroyed. But 
 it rose little by little, and there were frequent altercations 
 between the citizens and the milites theutonic. To the or- 
 dinary corporal punishments were added that of pecuniary 
 impositions against the citizens who *' spoke ill of the Aus- 
 trian sovereignty." 
 
 In 1485, Frederick III more than once attempted to annex 
 Trieste to the Empire. The Triestians always forcibly 
 resisted, "remembering that their city was Italian." 
 
 In 1508, at a public mass meeting, while an old man 
 harangued a crowd of citizens, urging that it would be much 
 better for Trieste to pass under the domination of the 
 government of Venice, the citizens pulled down the 
 imperial colors "into the mud of the ditch near the 
 walls." 
 
 Also, after Charles V had given the city over to his 
 brother Ferdinand in 1522, the Triestians never once forgot 
 to feel and to re-assert themselves Italian. For example: 
 the Imperial Chancellery in 1523 sent to the Commune of 
 Trieste an act written in German. The Commune returned 
 it to him writing with simple pride: Cum latini simus lin- 
 guam ignoramus theutonicam. In 1 524 the Imperial Chan- 
 cellery "renewed this same offense." The Commune again 
 rejected the act repeating with Italian pride: Quia civitas 
 Tergestina est in finibus et limitibus Italiae, omnes civis et 
 ibidem oriundi habent proprium sermonem et idioma Italicum. 
 It was the evidence of their proud Italianity, but it was the 
 last of the strong communal spirit. Trieste fell from her 
 high estate, together with the other communes of Italy. 
 
 Only two things the Triestians conserved with tenacious 
 jealousy: pride in their Roman origin, and the traditions of 
 their communal autonomy. From every emperor they 
 insisted on the confirmation of their ancient privileges. In 
 1564 they refused to accept the changes in the municipal
 
 118 SECOND PART 
 
 statutes, as the Archduke Charles wished. In 1660 they re- 
 ceived as a guest, not as a ruler, the Emperor Leopold I, 
 who had come to Trieste; on this occasion they thus desig- 
 nated themselves in Roman phrase as Senatus Populusque 
 Tergestimis. Ughelli, who visited Trieste in the 17th cen- 
 tury, observed that the Triestians "prided themselves on 
 their Roman origin." And the historian Scussa, if he re- 
 minds us that the Commune of Trieste had kept records of 
 the events; if he reminds us that the chief official of the city 
 was presented with a baton as evidence of his command; if 
 he calls to mind that in certain games they gave cross-bows 
 as prizes to the winners, always adds that they used these 
 things "as the Romans used them, of whom the Triestians 
 considered themselves the descendants, and as of the same 
 blood." In 1688 the Commune of Trieste collected in the 
 great public square the relics of ancient Rome because they 
 would testify with honor to the origin of the city. In 
 1694 the Commune decreed that the History of Trieste, by 
 Ireneo della Croce — a stirring exaltation of the Romanism 
 of Trieste — should be printed. And not a few of the 
 aristocratic families of Trieste at that time used on their 
 coat of arms the phrase de stirpe quirita to magnify the as- 
 sumption of their Roman origin. Even up to 1727 — that 
 is, 10 years after Charles VI, emperor of Austria, had de- 
 clared Trieste to be a free port, profiting by the decadence 
 of Venice — the Triestian patricians, sending an act to the 
 imperial government, boasted of having been the descend- 
 ants plurimis ex equestri patricio ac consulari ordine familiis 
 ad has extremas oras ex Urbe emigratis. 
 
 In 17 17 Trieste was declared a free port. She was con- 
 nected with the lands behind her by commercial roads. 
 She revived her traffic and was not long in becoming a teem- 
 ing center of immigration. Thousands of Italians flocked 
 there, especially from the north of Italy. But at the 
 same time, thousands of Teutons, Illyrians, Greeks, and 
 Jews came in; and they were so audacious, intriguing, 
 and impertinent that, aided and protected by the Austrian 
 government, they soon arrogated to themselves the right to 
 combat the Italianity of the city with the end in view to
 
 TRIESTE FROM 1183 TO 1800 119 
 
 change, even to destroy the city's traditions, its spirit, its 
 physiognomy, and even to alter its name. 
 
 Trieste resisted valorously. She was constrained, for 
 example, after long opposition to accept the imperial nomi- 
 nation of one of her judges. She sent a protest to the 
 emperor: "All that now remains for the city to do is to de- 
 plore forever her disgrace because of the non-observance of 
 her laws." 
 
 Thus the latter part of the eighteenth century found 
 Trieste full of strangers, it is true, immersed in business, sunk 
 into a bourgeois opulence and without political pride; but 
 above everything else one found it Italian. Italians were in 
 the city councils, the schools, the academies, the theaters, the 
 clubs, in every public place. The best citizens were Italian. 
 In the field of letters, it is enough to remember Gian 
 Rinaldo Carli, native of Capodistria but Triestian by adop- 
 tion, author of the celebrated letter. The Patria of Italians^ 
 which with his appeal "We must become Italians or cease 
 to be men" expressed for the first time — at the end of the 
 second half of this same century — the concrete affirmation 
 of the unity of Italy. In the field of action, one recalls the 
 Triestian family Piatti, who were sacrificed at Naples for the 
 glory of that Partenopean Republic which was one of the 
 first and most brilliant episodes of the Risorgimento Ita- 
 liano. Peter, father of the family Piatti, and his son An- 
 tonio died like heroes on the gallows. The mother Andreana 
 Prosdocimi and the daughter Elizabeth were thrown into 
 the prison of Santa Maria Apparente. The son Giuseppe, 
 accorded grace on account of his youth, was locked' up in 
 the prison of Favignana. The son Pietro escaped and died 
 of a broken heart in exile after a few days. These were 
 the first martyrs, the first sacred witnesses of the new-born 
 soul of Trieste.
 
 120 SECOND PART 
 
 The struggle for Itallanity sustained with perseverance 
 by the Triestians, Istrians, Dalmatians and Trentini 
 against Austria, from the time of the treaty of Vienna 
 1815, until the ItaUan revolutions of 1848. 
 
 After the treaty of Vienna in 1815, the regions of the 
 eastern boundaries of Italy — notwithstanding the poHtical 
 domination of Austria and the efforts made by the Austrian 
 Government to destroy their national character — always 
 maintained themselves Italian, and during the uprising their 
 sons with filial love gave a splendid contribution of thought, 
 of money and of blood to the struggles for the Patria. 
 
 In 1821, for example, not a few Neapolitan liberals took 
 refuge in Trieste. 
 
 After 1 82 1 the Vendite carboniche (committees of the Car- 
 bonari) worked zealously at Trieste and Istria, and with such 
 fervor that the Carbonari counted proselytes even among 
 the clergy. Indeed a decree of the Austrian government 
 of August 20, 1823, placed upon the clergy the responsibility 
 "of the political transgressions of the Istrian people." 
 
 In 1829 the Triestian Domenico Rossetti, poet, historian, 
 archaeologist with the soul of a proud patrician, of the 
 ancient Italian Communes, founded an Italian paper en- 
 titled U Archeografo Triestino and in it censured the 
 Emperor of Austria for the non-observance of the pacts; he 
 accused the government of Austria of trying to denationalize 
 the Italianity of Trieste. He encouraged the protests of the 
 Triestians against the abuses of the government. 
 
 Pietro Kandler made an inquiry into the traditions of 
 the Roman nobility of Trieste, the Roman magnificence of 
 Pola, the surviving Roman palimpsests of Parenzo, the 
 evidences of Roman power of the X Italic Region; the Ro- 
 man palisades of the extreme eastern boundaries of Italy 
 from the passes of Postumia to Fiume; and with the severe 
 eloquence of history he proved to outsiders the deep Italian- 
 ity of the region situated between the Julian Alps and the sea.
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1815 TO 1848 121 
 
 At Trieste, in 1833, a sea-captain, Giuseppe Sgarzolo was 
 arrested on the charge of having had secret meetings with 
 Itahan conspirators on board his ship Spartano, and of 
 having plotted against the Hfe of Metternich. 
 
 Between 1834-36 a group of capitaHsts — a great part 
 of whom were ItaHans — founded the Lloyd-Austro-Hun- 
 garian} 
 
 About this time Dr. A. Madonizza of Capodistria and 
 Giovanni Orlandini, a bookseller of Trieste, founded an- 
 other Italian newspaper called La Favilla which soon be- 
 came a mouthpiece of their Italianity.^ 
 
 In 1843 hundreds of Triestini went to Venice to take 
 part in the opening of the railroads and the congresses; 
 they even participated in the scientific ones and transformed 
 them into ardent manifestations of Italianity. 
 
 In 1843, at Trieste, Verdi's operas NabuccOy Lomhardiy 
 and in 1844, Ernani (all of deep patriotic significance) were 
 presented, provoking frantic demonstrations of Itahanity. 
 
 In 1844 the propaganda of the society Young Italy at 
 Trieste in Istria, was very active; so much so that the Aus- 
 trian police hunted out four zealous leaders of the society, 
 G. Berardi, F. Orioli, R. Carbonis, and G. Grozet, under the 
 accusation of traveling "under different pretexts, for com- 
 merce and literature." 
 
 Also in 1844 the brothers Attilio and Emilio Bandiera, 
 officers of the Austrian marine, deserted and went to 
 
 ^ The first ship of this company sailed for Constantinople on May i6, 1837. 
 From that Azy ihthistoxy oi the Lloyd-Austro-Hungarianvizs a series of ever grow- 
 ing successes. Their ships traversed every sea in the world; from the Mediterran- 
 ean to the Pacific^ from the Red Sea to the Atlantic. 
 
 The Lloyd-Austro-Hungarian has always remained an Italian institution. The 
 names of their steamships were Italian; their governing board was Italian; their 
 sailors were Italian; their arsenals were Italian. 
 
 The office building of the Lloyd-Austro-Hungarian is one of the most sumptuous 
 in Trieste, and every one attests to the Italianity of this institution. 
 
 '^The first issue of this paper was published on July 31, 1836, with the 
 motto, "Poca favilla gran fiamma seconda" (a great fire follows a small spark). 
 For collaborators on the paper were the poet Francesco Dall' Ongaro, a priest of 
 Mansue (Oderzo) ; the poet Antonio Gazzoletti of Nago, near Riva, in the Trentino, 
 and the poet Antonio Summa (the noted librettist of Verdi) of Carnia; the jour- 
 nalist Pacifico Valussi; the painter Giovanni Kandler; the novelist Caterina 
 Percoto of Friuli, and Graziadio Ascoli of Goritz. 
 
 Ascoli became a glottologist, phonetician and philologist of worldwide fame. He 
 was senator of the Kingdom of Italy (1829-1907).
 
 122 SECOND PART 
 
 Calabria — because Mazzini, whom they adored, advised 
 them to go— for the purpose of arousing the people to the 
 national cause. But they were betrayed, taken and were 
 shot by the Bourbon soldiers in Cosenza. Trieste, even, at 
 that time, offered a martyr: Giulio Canal, who was arrested 
 by the Austrians as an accomplice, and died in 1845 in prison, 
 on account of the moral and physical tortures to which he 
 had been subjected. 
 
 In 1846 another great opera of Verdi, Attila, was pre- 
 sented at Trieste; it was of undoubted patriotic significance, 
 and provoked new and frantic demonstrations of Italianity. 
 
 Trieste, as soon as she knew that Ferdinand II (Bourbon) 
 on February loth, 1848 had promulgated the Constitution 
 in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies — a Constitution fol- 
 lowed by those of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, of Carlo 
 Alberto and Pius IX and by the revolutionary movements 
 in Vienna — gave herself up to enthusiastic manifestations 
 of Italianity. The crowd, led by Leone Fortis, a Triestian 
 journalist and dramatist, and Federico Seismit-Doda^ ran 
 jubilantly through the streets of the city singing hymns 
 to liberty, burning the effigy of Metternich, the Austrian 
 minister, and obliging the Teuton Bruck to spit on his 
 effigy and to salute the Italian colors. In the Communal 
 Theatre the people frantically recalled the artists who pre- 
 sented themselves on the stage wearing the tri-colored badges 
 on their breasts, and waving a great Italian flag. In the 
 chamber of commerce the crowd, during the night, decreed 
 that the following day (March 17th) should be a national 
 festival and closed the stores, government offices and the 
 board of trade. They changed the names of places of public 
 resort. For example: the Theatre Philodramatic was called 
 the Teatro Costitutionale; the Hotel Metternich was called 
 Albergo Nazionale; the Caffe Stella Polare was called Caff's 
 Gioberti; the Caffe Tommasi was called Caffe Tom- 
 maseo. 
 
 A national guard was organized. A group of patriots 
 asked for and received a ship from the Lloyd Austro- 
 
 * Federico Seismit-Doda of Ragusa (Dalmatia) was twice minister of finance of 
 the kingdom of Italy (1825-1893).
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1815 TO 1848 123 
 
 Hungariany and with it went to Venice to bring the joyful 
 news of the Constitution to their brothers of the op- 
 posite shore. In a mass meeting they declared as "in- 
 famous" the annexation of 1815. A provisional municipal 
 assembly protested against the Diet of Frankfort which had 
 planned the annexation of Trieste to the German Con- 
 federation, affirming that Trieste was Italian; sent an ad- 
 dress of sympathy to the Revolutionary Constituents in 
 Vienna; made a programme in which they demanded Italian 
 schools and the recognition of the Italian language in the 
 government offices; and the creation, if not of an entire 
 University, at least of an ItaHan Faculty of Law. And the 
 Association of Triestians asked to have the pacts of 1382 
 restored by which Trieste should be annexed to Italy, or 
 that it might at least be declared independent of the other 
 provinces which were subject to Austria, and also that it 
 should have its own statutes, its own judiciary and all of 
 the privileges of an autonomous and perfectly free city. 
 The same society moreover rejected a proposal of homage to 
 the Emperor and vowed to burn the Austrian ships anchored 
 in the port. 
 
 Meanwhile Lombard o-Veneto rose up in revolution. 
 
 At the five days of Milan and in the siege of Venice, 
 Irredentist Italians were not lacking. It is enough to recall 
 Giuseppe Revere from Trieste, a well known poet and 
 dramatist, one of the collaborators of the journal Italia del 
 Popolo of Mazzini, in whose columns Garibaldi published 
 his first appeal to the youth of Italy. 
 
 Also it is sufficient to recall the following episode: 
 
 The Austrian governor, Pallfly, was driven out of Venice 
 and fled toward Trieste. In crossing, the ship on which he 
 was sailing encountered the one on which Seismit-Doda 
 was saiHng to Venice. The following episode was narrated 
 by this same Seismit-Doda in a page vibrant with Itali- 
 anity: 
 
 The ships neared each other; as soon as the voice could be 
 heard, we demanded, What nezvs from Venice? They responded 
 with a single word. Republic! I had strength to cry, Viva 
 San Marco! Viva la Republica! but the sailors did not have this
 
 124 SECOND PART 
 
 same force. They fell on their faces crying and lifting up their 
 hands to heaven in gratitude for such news. The greater part of 
 these were Dalmatians. Viva San Marco! Viva la Repuhlica! 
 and these cries stabbed the hearts of those who heard them on the 
 other ship and who had witnessed the frenzy of our holy en- 
 thusiasm. 
 
 Then the ship directed its course toward Trieste, retook its 
 way, slowly and silently like a funeral ship; when the two ships, 
 symbolizing life and death, were separating, a shot from a rifle 
 on our ship was the first to salute the Republic of Venice. After 
 fifty years the flag of St. Mark again waved on the Adriatic, and 
 hurrahs resounded in the air. That shot, Venetians, came from 
 a Dalmatian rifle; it was fired by a Dalmatian! A never-to-be- 
 forgotten event, if w^e remember that the last shots of salutation 
 to the dying republic of St. Mark fifty years ago were fired by 
 the Dalmatians on the Piazzetta, when Venice was obliged to 
 send them away by force, weeping, because she did not wish use- 
 lessly to sacrifice them in her last desperate defense against 
 Austria. Venetians, as we were brothers in the days of your 
 glory, thus are we today, now that the new era promises greater 
 glories to us all. 
 
 The Dalmatians, in exchange for this, will give to you their 
 undying love. Because, for fifty years — you must know this 
 publicly — for fifty years in a little unknown church of Dalmatia 
 areburied the flags of the Republicof St.Markto whichDalmatian 
 tears rendered funeral honors in 1797. The earth was the altar 
 of the flags; but our hearts are the altars of our aff"ection for you. 
 
 I feel myself an Italian, even though born in Dalmatia. In 
 the affections which you have shown to my great compatriot and 
 master — Niccolo Tommaseo — I see the proof of the indis- 
 soluble union of Italy and Dalmatia. 
 
 Hagenaer, deputy from Trieste to the Assembly of 
 Vienna, exclaimed, 'T am the deputy from Italy." 
 
 A Teuton journalist — all this was in 1848 — alluding 
 to the geographic form of Italy, malignantly asserted that 
 he did not know how a boot was made. La Gazzetta di 
 Trieste taught him this in a pungent article, in which the 
 writer showed, among other things, that **Istria is in fact 
 the pulling strap of the Italian boot, as Metternich well 
 understood — he, in fact, in order to pull up such a boot, had 
 first made sure of the strap."
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1815 TO 1848 125 
 
 And after Curtatone^ and Montanara, the Journal oj 
 Trieste ventured to write: 
 
 To placate the spirits of the dead of Curtatone and Montanara 
 we can do nothing but push on toward the Italian rainbow. 
 From the River Ticino to the Mincio; from the River Piave to 
 the Isonzo, as far as the smile of the Italian skies sends its last 
 ray of light! 
 
 The same paper of Trieste, expressing the deepest 
 sentiments of the Triestians, added: 
 
 The only enemy that Italy has today [1848] is the Teuton. 
 I am not speaking of individuals nor of people, but of that atti- 
 tude which ancient interests and modern ambitions have per- 
 suaded the Teutons to assume. But of what importance is it 
 that Germany does not want Italy to be victorious? Who 
 cares about this? The Italians want it; the Italians have sworn 
 to conquer, and that settles it. Germany protests; the Bavarian 
 peasants can put on their backs the military uniform of the 
 Austrians, and pass over the Alps. Italy will at least give them 
 also a pious burial! 
 
 And the Triestian journal II Cosittuzionaley the 
 liberal organ of Trieste (this still in 1848), turned to the 
 Triestians with the following appeal: 
 
 If we would wish to be different from that which God made 
 us — that is, Italians — it would be a crime in the face of this 
 same God; a crime in the face of our sacred dead, who thought 
 that they had lived and died Italians; a crime, O people! to our 
 sons, whom we must leave with an added heritage, such as we 
 received when we were born. If any other country has had, or 
 now has more misfortunes, no other land under the sun has ever 
 borne a better name, has had a more glorious, a more majestic 
 past than this your land, linked to Italy by chains formed by the 
 hand of God. 
 
 There were many other manifestations — led by Nicolo 
 di Rin of Capodistria' and Costantino Cumano of Trieste, 
 
 ^ At Curtatone (province of Mantua), on May 29, 1848, 40,000 Austrian 
 soldiers commanded by Radetzky encountered 6,500 Italian students, the greater 
 part of whom were Tuscans, Neapolitans, Modenese and Reggians and among 
 whom were not a few Triestians and Trentini. After a combat which lasted six 
 hours, the students, who fought like young lions, were overcome by numbers and 
 made prisoners, leaving on the ground many dead and wounded.
 
 126 SECOND PART 
 
 men of tenacious faith, and proudly averse to Austrian 
 domination; and by the young Francesco Hermet, an 
 ardent patriot, and the journalist Giulio Solitro — which 
 demonstrated the Italian sentiments of Trieste in 1848. 
 There was a sharp hand to hand struggle between the 
 Mazzinians or liberals and "the policy mixed with the foreign 
 mercenaries," and many were wounded and killed. Some 
 Triestians even attempted to raise the Italian flag on the 
 castle. Others, arriving in boats from Venice to Trieste, 
 landed, crying, "Long live the Republic of Venice and 
 Trieste!" 
 
 Thus the national movement was always on the in- 
 crease in the Italian region governed by Austria. The 
 Austrian government was harassed. To combat this 
 movement, it hurried to "import" other strangers "famished 
 and faithful as dogs." The government sent more than 
 15,000 Teutons and Slavs to take up residence in Trieste 
 alone in 1848, and gave to them every sort of protection and 
 confided to them, with astounding insolence, the most im- 
 portant and lucrative local employments. 
 
 A city journal greeted these strangers with the fol- 
 lowing ingenuous but significant words: 
 
 Long live everybody! But bear in mind that this [the city 
 of Trieste] is Italian ground; Italian is the smiling sea which 
 washes its shores; Italian are our souls. You hold in your hearts 
 the treasure of love for your native land which we respect and 
 admire. But you meanwhile must respect our love for Italy, 
 because we are, and always will be Italians. 
 
 But // Costituzionale was more explicit; it accused the 
 Austrian government of favoring and defending Slavism in 
 Trieste after having favored Germanism. 
 
 La Gazzetta di Trieste corroborated the accusation, 
 writing bitterly: 
 
 What remains to us citizens? The public offices and schools 
 have been invaded by others; thought has been dominated by 
 another tongue; the Triestians must nourish themselves on the 
 odors which come from the kitchens of others, and they alone — 
 the Triestians — are the only strangers in their own city! Addio, 
 gentlemen, to whom we have given hospitality; whom our fathers
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1815 TO 1848 127 
 
 received with so much, with too much faith. Promise us, gentle- 
 men, that at least we may have a little spot in our own cemetery. 
 
 What a solid basis of truth the affirmations of the Tri- 
 estian newspaper had in 1858 was shown by two posthumous 
 documents, the memorial sent in the name of Trieste in 
 1859 to the Congress at Paris, and the pamphlet by Valussi 
 and Costantino Ressmann (another Triestian and later 
 Italian Ambassador to Constantinople and Paris), published 
 in 1 861 and diffused throughout Europe. 
 
 The first said: 
 
 Austria, with the intrusion of the Germans and other strangers 
 in Trieste, placing them in all important positions, even to seating 
 them in our municipal councils; ordering and undoing at their 
 own pleasure our interests according to her own ends; and with 
 German schools and Slavic priests, employees of every race, is 
 attempting to corrupt and make us forget our Italian nationality 
 
 The second said: 
 
 In 1848 and also after, seeing that Nature had taught the 
 Triestians to be Italians, the Austrian Government brought every 
 effort to bear against anything that was ItaHan. It spent im- 
 mense sums to corrupt the populace, making use of the lowest 
 classes to persecute all those whom they thought were in sym- 
 pathy with Italy. Denunciations, perquisitions, personal per- 
 secutions, imprisonments, law-suits, arbitrary expulsions, viola- 
 tions of every sort against Italian sentiments, form the history 
 of these latter thirteen years. 
 
 But not only in Trieste, in 1848, did the fight forltalianity 
 assume vast proportions. In some cities of Dalmatia a 
 civic guard was formed. At Spalato the people liberated 
 from prison Antonio Baiamonti and Pietro Savo, two 
 ardent defenders of the Italian cause. 
 
 The people of Trent, on March 19, 1848, boldly raised 
 the Italian tri-color, defied the shots of the Austrian pickets, 
 destroyed the office of finance, then ran to the city hall and 
 demanded that a commission be sent at once to Vienna to 
 ask the immediate separation of Trentino from the German 
 Tyrol and its annexation to Lombardo-Veneto. The 
 following day, March 20, 1848, the municipality of Trent
 
 128 SECOND PART 
 
 established the national guard and sent a patriotic appeal 
 to the citizens in which they expressed the wish that the ex- 
 ample of Trent should be followed by all of Trentino. In 
 fact at Ala, Rovereto, Riva, and other cities and in the 
 valleys, the inhabitants of Trentino hoisted the Italian flag 
 and decorated their breasts with the tri-colored cockade. 
 
 On April 4, 1848, Tommaseo sent a patriotic mani- 
 festo to the people in which he incited them to fight and to 
 conquer in the name of Italy. 
 
 On the 6th of the same month, from Brescia, General 
 Allemandi sent a proclamation to the brothers of Trentino 
 in which he urged them to unite with his volunteers to drive 
 the foreigner from Italy. 
 
 And the young Trentini, organizing a Treritino Legion, 
 a corps of Franchi Cacciatori (hunters) and another of 
 Guide del Tirolo (Tyrol guides), went to the defense of the 
 Patria singing a hymn which the Trentian poet Antonio 
 Gazzoletti wrote for the occasion. 
 
 The trumpets sound, 
 The muskets are ready, 
 Our dear Patria 
 Calls us to arms. 
 
 We follow the files 
 Of Carlo Alberto. 
 Death to the Austrians! 
 Long live the king! 
 
 Meanwhile the Austrian government proclaimed martial 
 law in Trent, commanding the citizens to bring their arms to 
 the Castle under penalty of death, prohibiting all gatherings 
 of more than two persons on the street, abolishing the 
 national guard, arresting the most prominent patriots, 
 among whom were Gaetano Manci, Matteo Thum, Giuseppe 
 Testi, Pietro Sizzo. 
 
 In answer to this, Gazzoletti, Angelo Ducati, Sigismondo 
 Manci, Giovanni Danielli, Lorenzo Festi and Giambattista Ze- 
 nelli, all Trentini, went to Valleggio and presented an ad- 
 dress to Carlo Alberto in which the Trentino solemnly 
 consented to be annexed to Piedmont. An identical de-
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1815 TO 1848 129 
 
 mand was presented to Carlo Alberto by the Trentini Vittore 
 Ricci and Giovanni Rizzi. 
 
 On April 15, 1848, there was a skirmish at the Castle 
 Toblino between Italians and Austrians. Twenty-one 
 Italian volunteers, all young men, remained prisoners of 
 the Austrians. They were conducted to Trent and were 
 presented to the Austrian commander of the garrison. Col. 
 Zobel, who told them to prepare for death without delay. 
 
 These young fellows passed the night in the open air in the 
 moat of the castle on some hay. Two Franciscan monks com- 
 forted them. At the roll of the drums, a squadron of Austrian 
 soldiers appeared at the opening of the moat. The victims were 
 divided into two groups. Then the execution began. In the 
 presence of their comrades the young men of the first group were 
 blindfolded; but they tore off" the bandages and threw them 
 away crying, Long live Italy! There was a volley. After a few 
 minutes, a second volley, and all was over! 
 
 The prisoners taken by the Austrians on May 29, 
 1848, in the battles of Curtatone and Montanara were sent 
 across Trentino as above mentioned to the opposite side of 
 the Alps. The inhabitants did everything to minimize 
 their sufferings during the stops on their way. From the 
 windows of the houses of Trent — which were filled with 
 weeping citizens crying "Addio, Italian brothers!" — they were 
 showered with money and bread. Along the streets they 
 were given wine, brandy, tobacco, sausages and cheese. 
 There was a'truly fraternal demonstration of patriotism which 
 was all the more audacious because it was made in the pres- 
 ence of the Austrian soldiers who were trembling with rage. 
 At Botzen the prisoners were given a cordial reception. 
 This was repeated at Bressanone and continued up to 
 Brenner Pass, the highest peak of the Rhaetian Alps (2,022 
 meters). 
 
 At that point — thus says Tarugi, one of the prisoners — 
 there was a boundary stone; on this everyone wrote his name. 
 We kissed it with enthusiasm, as if to say good bye to Italy 
 the moment we placed our feet on foreign soil; or because we felt 
 in our hearts the hope that the day would come in which our 
 country would regain its natural boundary.
 
 130 SECOND PART 
 
 In the same month (May 1848) the Trentini were 
 invited by the Austrian Government to participate in the 
 discussions of the Diet of Tyrol. They energetically refused, 
 believing that their participation would be dangerous to the 
 Italians of Tyrol, and in open contradiction to their rights 
 of nationality and language which the constitution had 
 guaranteed to them. On the contrary they sent deputies 
 to the German parliament to demonstrate the rights of 
 Italians in that assembly. Particularly courageous and 
 characteristic was the speech of the deputy from Siessen, 
 who threw a last free lance in favor of Italianity in the meet- 
 ing of June 31, 1848: 
 
 The following is a part of his speech; 
 
 I wish I could know — said the orator — if the Italian Tyrol 
 is called Italian Tyrol because it is inhabited by Germans! I wish 
 I might know if the four German cooks, innkeepers and employees 
 who live there could be called the German element! If you wish 
 to make an enumeration, I can assure you that you will find at 
 Milan and Rome a larger German element than there is inRovereto. 
 And why in this case don't you annex also Rome and Milan to 
 the German confederation.? 
 
 It has been said to us, moreover, gentlemen, that the Italian 
 Tyrolese deputies with their participation in this assembly have 
 recognized that they belong to Germany. Certainly they recog- 
 nize the fact of this union; but they have wished to break our right 
 to this union, and to obtain this result they should have come here. 
 If they had refused to elect their deputies, who would have come 
 here to defend the rights of their nationality? You have heard 
 that the orator Prato has expressed himself with difficulty. Now, 
 I ask you, if the Italians of the southern Tyrol had been able to 
 select a person who could have spoken the German language 
 correctly, would they not have chosen him? The fact is they had 
 no one, and they could not find anyone, simply because they are 
 Italians. It has been said to us that this national assembly must 
 be German and not Italian. Let it be. But if the assembly is 
 to be German, do not oblige the Italians to send to it Italian 
 deputies. Let them send their deputies elsewhere to an Italian 
 Diet or whenever their Patria calls them. 
 
 Finally the Trentini sent their deputies to Vienna with 
 instructions to insist upon the separation of Trentino from
 
 IRREDENTISTS IN 1849 131 
 
 the Tyrol, and at the same time they sent a petition to the 
 constituency with 46,000 names, in which they asked that 
 "the administration and padiamentary separation of the 
 districts of Trent and Rovereto from the German part of 
 the province of Tyrol should be established, and that all of 
 the powers based upon the new system of nationality should 
 be equally distributed among them." 
 
 VI 
 
 The Trentini, the Triestians, the Istrians and the 
 Dalmatians battle for the Roman Republic, which is 
 under the leadership of the Triumvirate, Mazzini, Saffi 
 and Armellini, and is defended by Garibaldi against the 
 Pope, and for the Republic of Venice, which is led by 
 Manin and Tommaseo and is defended by General 
 Guglielmo Pepe against Austria (1849). 
 
 Numerous were the Trentini, Triestians, Istrians, and 
 Dalmatians who went to the defense of Rome in 1849, *'to 
 seal with their blood" — so says Guerrazzi — **the pact of 
 family which binds all Italians to the Eternal City." It 
 will suffice to say that of the 400 defenders who fell in the 
 memorable battle of June 29, 1849 (the last in which Gari- 
 baldi fought for the life and honor of the Roman Republic) 
 50 were Trentini and Triestians. 
 
 After the epic fight and the glorious defeat, the majority 
 of the volunteers who followed the Hero to his unhappy 
 retreat were Triestians, Trentini, Istrians, and Dalmatians. 
 The Trentini were: Edoardo Negri, Francesco Mattedi, 
 Pietro Bertelli, Achille Bevilacqua, Pietro Cavali, Don 
 Pietro Casanova, Carlo Marzari, the engineer Domenico 
 Dicio, the brothers Pilade and Narciso Bronzetti.^ Among 
 the Triestians were the poet Giuseppe Revere,^ Filippo 
 
 ^ For the complete' list see The Trentini in the Risorgimento (uprising), by 
 Dr. Levio Marchetti. 
 
 ^ He was the last — with Dr. Saglioso, Francesco DaH'Ongaro and Aurelio 
 Saffi — to leave Rome.
 
 132 SECOND PART 
 
 Zamboni,' Giacomo Venezian,^Sansoni Levi (intimate friend 
 of Garibaldi), and Giovanni BrufFel. 
 
 Still more numerous were the Trentini, Triestians, 
 Istrians and Dalmatians who, after the fall of the Roman 
 Republic, hastened to the defense of the Republic of Venice 
 under the leadership of Manin and Tommaseo. For that 
 occasion they even formed a special legion called the Dal- 
 mato-Istriana. 
 
 And from every shore — thus wrote the young Triestian 
 Attilio Tamaro — were brought tributes of life and genius; of 
 energy and of heroism to the resuscitated Republic of St. Mark. 
 No episode has incarnated — in a line so simple and representative 
 — that flocking of the Adriatic people toward the reborn splendor 
 of St. Mark, so well as the following, which I myself heard told 
 with profound emotion: 
 
 As soon as the struggle began between the Republic and 
 Radetzky, two young Dalmatians presented themselves to the 
 Doge Daniele Manin, and one of them said to him in pure Venetian 
 dialect: 
 
 Our father has sent us to defend St. Mark. He said to us that 
 he had heard that the Lion of St. Mark has reawakened, and of his 
 three sons he sends two to defend him. He said to us — ''''Salute the 
 Doge, and say to him that if your father were not so old he also would 
 have come to kiss his hand, to defend him." 
 
 These two young men took part in the siege, showing 
 great valor. 
 
 Among the Trentini were: Captain Federico Martini, 
 Giovan Battista Adami, Domenico Bonetti, Bartolomeo 
 Malfatti and Tommaso Sar (these two latter were re- 
 membered in the documents of that epoch for the valor 
 which they showed in the "most dangerous moments"). 
 The following were Triestians: the journalist and 
 dramatist Leone Fortis, Giovanni Orlandini (the old editor 
 
 ^ Zamboni and Piero Fieri were the last on the battle field saving the flag, which 
 they consigned to the city of Rome, capital of Italy after 1870. (laribaldi wrote to 
 Zamboni: "You saved the flag of the Italian youths at the risk of your precious 
 life." 
 
 * Venezian fought heroically at Rome and was seriously wounded. He breathed 
 his last on July 2, 1849, in the arms of his friend and fellow citizen, the poet Revere. 
 His mother hurried to him but found him dead, and shortly afterward she died of 
 grief.
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1850 TO 1859 133 
 
 of the journal La Favilla and chief magistrate of the pro- 
 visional government of Venice), FiHppo Coen, Francesco 
 Erberti, Costantino Cumano, Samuele Romanin (teacher of 
 Venetian history in the chair founded by the new RepubHc), 
 Francesco Poropat, Arturo Zanetti, Pietro Romano, Francesco 
 Herbert and the painter GiuseppeGattesi. The Istrians were 
 Nicolo Vergottini, Captain Marcantonio Borisi who, in a bold 
 sortie from Mestre, took several cannon from the Austrians, 
 Alessandro Almerigotti, Alessandro Godina, Giuseppe Dra- 
 gicchio, Giuseppe Rubinisch, Pietro Scarboncich, Luigi 
 Ritozzo, the brothers Giovanni and Lodovico Almerigotti, 
 Giovanni Bevilacqua (the latter fought like a lion under 
 the fortress of Montedoro, and three times at Campalto, 
 and more than twenty times from rafts). Of the Dalmatians 
 it will suffice to call to mind Seismit-Doda, and that most 
 illustrious of all, Niccolo Tommaseo, who was minister of 
 pubhc instruction in the Republic of St. Mark. 
 
 VII 
 
 The Trentini, Triestians, Istrians and Dalmatians in 
 defense of their Italianity from 1850 to 1858. Their 
 filial contribution of blood to the Second War of Liberation 
 of Italy against Austria (1859). 
 
 The struggle for Italianity, after 1849, continued with 
 the same zeal as at first in Trentino, at Trieste, in Istria 
 and in Dalmatia, notwithstanding the severe preventive and 
 repressive measures of the Austrian police. 
 
 On August 20, 1850, for example, Giuseppe Verdi went 
 to Trieste, and the great master was received by the citizens 
 with rejoicings. 
 
 In the same year the Emperor Francis Joseph went there. 
 ** But the reception which he received " — thus wrote the Sar- 
 dinian Consul to his Government — *'was very cool; indeed it 
 was glacial; one did not hear an Evviva during the whole day.'* 
 
 On August 30, 1 85 1, the imperial and royal representa- 
 tives of the Austrian government in Goritz, irritated by the
 
 134 SECOND PART 
 
 appearance of the characteristic clothes of the Italians, 
 pubHshed the following "notification" which is a choice 
 sample of their petty tyranny: 
 
 The wearing of clothes which by their singularity distinguishes 
 them in a surprising manner from the other inhabitants of the 
 country, and which, in this singularity, carries with them a certain 
 sign of arrogance, is not to be tolerated. One also sees among 
 those thus dressed the wide brimmed brown hat, which for some 
 time has been in great fashion in this section of the empire com- 
 bined with clothes of the same color. We are thoroughly con- 
 vinced that the inhabitants of the united countries of Goritz 
 and Gradisca wear these clothes solely for the purpose of showing 
 sympathy and imitating others, and for this reason we wish you 
 to put aside anything which would cast suspicion upon your 
 motives. We recommend therefore that the inhabitants of 
 Goritz and Gradisca discontinue the use of such clothes and other 
 distinctive signs. We wish you to regard this suggestion as a 
 friendly admonition, otherwise we shall be obliged to impute to 
 the violators of this a perverse tendency, which we will suppress 
 with vigor and punish without pity. 
 
 The most ardent patriots, tiring of such harassments, de- 
 cided to start a revolutionary movement which was to burst 
 out in Trieste on March i, 1853, and from there was to 
 spread to the other Irredentist cities. The Austrian Govern- 
 ment discovered the plot and hastened to prepare for it, 
 increasing the number of spies, augmenting the garrisons, 
 portioning out soldiers to the barracks, doubling the guards, 
 and increasing the patrol in every direction, besides ordering 
 perquisitions and arrests. The young Dalmatian Carlo 
 Boscowich was exiled and took refuge in Piedmont; among 
 the newspapers suppressed "for political reasons" was 
 the Journal of Goritz, founded by Carlo Favetti, and UEco 
 delVIsonzo of Gradisca, directed by the distinguished citizen 
 Federico Comelli; prominent citizens were condemned to 
 hard labor; and Guiseppe Grioli was sentenced to twelve 
 years imprisonment "for the liberal propaganda which he 
 directed in Dalmatia." 
 
 In 1856, Antonio Gazzoletti and many others thought 
 to call the attention of the coming Congress of Paris to 
 Trentino, and by means of Cavour to obtain its separation
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1850 TO 1859 135 
 
 from the German federation. One of the Irredentists went 
 especially to Turin to confer with the minister. This latter 
 expressed his sympathy for the Trentini, assuring them that 
 he would not let an occasion pass when he could speak in favor 
 of their national aspirations. Demetrio Livaditi founded 
 the paper called La Ciarla at Trieste where // Pungolo and 
 another called Quel che si vede e quel che non si vede were al- 
 ready published. Among those who wrote for these were 
 the poet Arnaldo Fusinato and Leone Fortis. The Aus- 
 trian government ordered the arrest of Fortis and suppressed 
 the journals. In Istria, // Popolano d'lstria was published 
 by Michele Facchinetti, author of a national prayer which 
 was committed to memory and which finished thus : **0 God ! 
 make me love my native land, but make my love and re- 
 spect for her enlarge my sympathies toward others, in order 
 that all may be linked together in a chain of peace and 
 happiness." Tommaseo wrote letters and volumes showing 
 how the hearts of Dalmatia always beat for Italy. 
 
 Thus we reach the year 1859. Austria attacked little 
 Piedmont, which allied itself to France. At the onset of the 
 war other volunteers gathered from Trieste, from Istria,* 
 from Friuli — and the flower of Trentino youths ran to the 
 defense of the Patria, notwithstanding the fact that the 
 Austrian bayonets were massed on the frontiers; notwith- 
 standing the fact that dangers of every sort awaited them. 
 
 The Austrian Government, on June 7, 1859, in vain de- 
 creed, in the name of the emperor, that the country of Trent, 
 on the second conscription, must furnish one thousand men. 
 The young men eluded this by flocking under the banners 
 of Victor Emanuel II and Garibaldi. 
 
 Besides this, a Trentian deputation presented to Victor 
 Emanuel II on the battlefield the following address: 
 
 Now that at the side of your generous ally, the Emperor of 
 France, on a road sown at every step with victories and blessings, 
 you advance toward the Italian provinces redeemed in your name, 
 permit, O Sire, that the Italians of the province of Trent present 
 
 ^ Professor Antonio Coiz, native of Faedils (Friuli), who was teaching in Istria» 
 gathered his pupils together and they all enrolled themselves under the Italian 
 leaders. At Turin the wealthy Goritzian Francesco Verzegnasse placed himself 
 and all his wealth at the disposal of the volunteers.
 
 136 SECOND PART 
 
 themselves to you by means of us, to repeat that the cross of 
 Savoy is not less worshipped in their mountains than in other 
 parts of upper Italy; that in the province of Trent you are also 
 awaited and yearned for as their Liberator and King. We fully 
 realize, O Sire, the gravity of the exceptional circumstances in 
 which our country finds itself in the face of your glorious enter- 
 prise. But precisely because we are monstrously chained to Ger- 
 many, we feel with greater fervor that we are Italians, and we 
 wish to be more closely bound to the cause of our brothers whom 
 you defended with such loyalty and valor. Heaven, O Sire, 
 will not cease for an instant to make your arms victorious; but 
 may the triumph and glory — that will come after the accom- 
 plishment of the great enterprise — not be saddened by the 
 cries of Italians still bent under a foreign yoke. 
 
 In this same year, 1859, the M^omen of Istria sent the 
 flag of the 37th infantry to Victor Emanuel II Vi^ith an 
 address in which they said among other things: 
 
 We, the women of Istria, send and offer this flag to you as a 
 pledge of our tears. This standard brings good fortune. We 
 remember that Istria has always been Italian from the time in 
 which ancient Rome confided to it the guardianship of the most 
 envied pass into Italy. 
 
 In the victorious campaigns the volunteers of the 
 Irredentist Italian regions covered themselves with glory. 
 
 The Trentian lieutenant, Leopold© Martini, fell at San 
 Martino, June 24, 1859, while fearlessly guiding his company 
 of Bersaglieri to an assault. 
 
 The Trentian Narciso Bronzetti, captain of the third 
 company of the first regiment of Alpine Hunters, fought 
 valorously at the side of Garibaldi at Varese and San 
 Fermo. Near Seriate, on June 8, 1859, with only ninety- 
 four volunteers, he put to flight fifteen hundred Austrian 
 soldiers. "With men of such heroism, " Garibaldi said, 
 "one can attempt anything; Italy must always remember 
 them." 
 
 In the battle of Treponti (June 15, 1859) Bronzetti per- 
 formed acts worthy of an epopee. A first Austrian ball 
 wounded his right arm, causing his sword to fall from his 
 hands. 'The brave fellow caught it up with his left hand
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1850 TO 1859 137 
 
 and shook it on high crying, "Go on!" and he continued to 
 fight and to cry, ** Forward!" as long as he could. 
 
 Forward! Forward! 
 
 The hero cried; and, the right arm broken 
 By a ball, with the other he raised his sword, 
 And forward! Another ball broke even the 
 Left arm, and forward! And thus all bloody 
 He ran against the enemy! 
 
 Finally a third ball struck him in the side and mortally 
 wounded him. 
 
 Until a third ball 
 
 Penetrated his side, and even then he took two steps, 
 
 And forward, forward always! 
 He cried to his followers, falling. 
 
 He was then taken to Brescia to the house of his friend. 
 Basilic MafFezzoli, where Major Ferrari carried to him the 
 silver medal of military bravery. "Garibaldi," he said to 
 him, "has sent you this medal of honor for the battle of 
 Seriate. He wishes worthily to reward you for that act of 
 yesterday." The dying hero kissed the medal and breathed 
 his last, smiling, while Major Ferrari was reading the letter 
 to him which Garibaldi had sent: 
 
 Dearest Bronzetti, — You are certainly beyond any eulogy, and 
 you have justly merited the title of "Hero of Heroes" of our col- 
 umn. Your courage surpasses the gravity of your wounds, and 
 you will yet be returned to your companions at arms. \ 
 Receive a brotherly embrace from, 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 Giuseppe Garibaldi. 
 
 The military cross of Savoy and the title of Major were 
 awarded to the memory of Bronzetti. 
 
 At the end of the war Garibaldi, in an address to the 
 Trentini, tried to interpret the national sentiments toward 
 those generous ones, writing: 
 
 There were hundreds and hundreds of the fellow citizens of 
 Bronzetti who distinguished themselves in the sacred war, and 
 not one word has been said to give them recognition of national
 
 138 SECOND PART 
 
 gratitude! I trust my feeble words may be able to supply in 
 part this involuntary forgetfulness, and to make us remember 
 some of the most noble and generous Italian families, who have 
 never failed to assist us in our expectations of redemption. 
 
 And the Trentini responded to Garibaldi: 
 
 As much as an Italian country oppressed by strangers can 
 exult, the Trentini rejoice in the words you have spoken in its 
 praise; and it thanks and blesses you from the depths of its mis- 
 fortunes. Its blood has been poured out, and the bitter disil- 
 lusions, all of the grief it has suffered, it can endure more easily 
 now that we have received your encomiums and commendations. 
 
 The council of Trent, the councils of the other important 
 cities of Trentino (Rovereto, Ala, Tione, Condino, Levico, 
 Strigno) claimed from Vienna their annexation to Veneto, 
 "annexation urged because of the national sentiments of 
 Trentino and also because of its needs and its interests." 
 With this demand the Trentini hoped to share the status of 
 Venetia "when this province should be united to Italy." 
 
 In December, 1859, the Trentini also drew^ up a me- 
 morial (which was presented afterward to the European con- 
 gress) in which they asked that Trieste, whose liberty was 
 imperiled, be declared a free city, and part of the Italian 
 confederation, "as it seemed to them that Veneto might 
 be." 
 
 VIII 
 
 The Trentini, the Triestians, the Istrians in the 
 campaign of The Thousand. Their filial contribution 
 of blood during the entire War for the Liberation of 
 Southern and Central Italy ( 1 860) . The fierce reaction of 
 the Austrians. The sums of money gathered from the 
 Istrians for the national cause. The Triestian women 
 present an Italian flag to Garibaldi (1860). 
 
 Garibaldi, in preparing the expedition of The Thousandy 
 opened a national subscription for a million rifles. At 
 Trieste, in Trentino, in eastern Friuli, in Istria, as in every 
 other part of Italy, this news awakened an extraordinary en-
 
 IRREDENTISTS IN 1860 139 
 
 thusiasm. In the cafes, in the public places and in private 
 nothing else was talked of. In many towns in Istria the 
 Italian flag was seen flying. On the walls appeared pla- 
 cards exalting Garibaldi and Victor Emanuel II and denoun- 
 cing the Austrian government and its spies. 
 
 The police recommenced perquisitions and repressions. 
 At Trieste, for instance, they sequestered more than three 
 thousand rifles in the house of a certain Brul and violently 
 repressed an anti-Austrian demonstration. At Goritz, to 
 prevent the Italians from making demonstrations, the police 
 prohibited the daily promenade on the Corso. Martial 
 law was declared in many cities. The goods of the Tren- 
 tini and Istrians who had emigrated to Italy were confis- 
 cated. An imperial decree ordered the sentinels of patrol 
 to "exercise the greatest freedom in the use of arms" against 
 persons who attempted to pass the frontiers. 
 
 But notwithstanding this, the Trentini succeeded in 
 expressing their sentiments in a plebiscitary document 
 abridged into the following formula: "The undersigned 
 declare their desire for the annexation of their country to 
 the constitutional Kingdom of Victor Emanuel II." In 
 Istria a bit of popular poetry went the rounds in which the 
 Bourbon and the court of Vienna were placed in ridicule. 
 Not a few guns were sent to Italy. 
 
 On the morning of May 6, i860, on the ships Piedmont 
 and Lombardy, which were sailing from the fatal rock of 
 Quarto with Garibaldi and The Thousand, there were among 
 the Trentini: Antonio Armani, Oreste Baratieri, Ergisto 
 Bezzi, Tomaso Bolcego, Domenico Toller called Giacomo 
 Costa, Giovanni Dalla Costa, Antonio Fattori, Giuseppe 
 Fontana, Enrico Isnenghi, Giuseppe Leonardi, Filippo 
 Manci, Quirino Moiola, Pietro Martori, Anselmo Sterchele, 
 Filippo Tranquillini, Camillo Zancani and Attilio Zanotti 
 (Enoch Bezzi, brother of Ergisto, Count Francesco Martini 
 and Luigi Marcabruni, who were not in time to embark at 
 Quarto, rejoined Garibaldi at Milazzo), Francesco Bidischini 
 of Friuli Goritzian, Marziano Ciotti of Gradisca and others. 
 At Trieste an entire enrollment committee was captured. 
 Many Triestians could not join the glorious expedition of
 
 140 SECOND PART 
 
 The Thousand because of the great rigor of the Austrian 
 government. 
 
 Giuseppe Fontana and Camillo Zancani were the first 
 of their company (the fifth) to cHmb the memorable hill of 
 Calatafimi and at their left were Filippo Manci, Filippo 
 Tranquillini and Ergisto Bezzi, called the Three Musketeers. 
 These three were also the first at the assault of Palermo. 
 And Enrico Isnenghi and Giuseppe Leonardi, notwith- 
 standing their wounds, continued to fight on the barricades 
 of that city. 
 
 Giuseppe Caesar Abba^ in few words gives a graphic 
 picture of these, his Trentini military fellow soldiers. 
 For example here is Zancani: "With his temples already 
 whitening and the deep wrinkles from the nose to the angles 
 of his mouth showing that he had known sorrow for a long 
 time, he carried an almost cheerful air and seemed to talk 
 continually about himself; cheerful and always seeming to 
 say, forward!" 
 
 Zanotti: "Always young and beautiful, always gener- 
 ous-hearted." 
 
 Isnenghi: "Simple as the water from the highest spring, 
 humble as a little monk in everything, as those to whom 
 St. Francis said his gentle words as he traveled." 
 
 Tranquillini: "Blossom of joy and of courtesy worthy 
 to be in an epic poem." 
 
 Manci: "So virginal was the refinement of his face that 
 had it not been for the vigor of his body it would have been 
 said that he was a girl in a Garibaldian uniform; and he so 
 courted danger that if there were a contest as to who should 
 take a risk, he was capable of fighting his best friend in 
 order to win it." 
 
 Ergisto Bezzi: "He seemed tobeFerruccio detached from 
 a sixteenth century painting, coming back to life to see what 
 we were doing after we had sung with Mameli that our 
 hearts and our hands were like his (Ferruccio's). Cusiana 
 
 ' Abba was one of the most heroic of The Thousand. Afterward he became the 
 incomparable illustrator of the famous expedition, author of several other historical 
 works, and a great educator. Silent and modest, he lived in dignified poverty, 
 not showing pride or ostentation in the service that he had rendered his Country. 
 He was named senator of the kingdom of Italy in 1910, five months before his death 
 (1838-1910).
 
 IRREDENTISTS IN 1860 141 
 
 in Trent, his native village, should be sacred ground if 
 only for his deeds, and worthy to be annexed to Italy." 
 
 Many other Trentini rejoined Garibaldi in Sicily and 
 followed him to southern Italy, and in all of his campaigns 
 up to the time that the Bourbon was completely defeated. 
 It will suffice to call to mind Pilade Bronzetti, brother of 
 Narciso, the Hero of Heroes. At Milazzo (July 20, i860), 
 in a bloody hand-to-hand struggle between the Garibaldians 
 and the Bourbons, Pilade Bronzetti, who had the rank of 
 major, took three pieces of artillery from the enemy. And 
 later, at Castle Morone with only 270 men, for eleven con- 
 tinuous hours he kept back the assault of 4,000 Bourbons, 
 until he was wounded by a bayonet and struck by a ball in 
 the chest and fell with his brandishing sword, never to rise 
 again. 
 
 Disdaining 
 Any surrender — a new Leonidas — 
 Waving aloft the sword of his brother. 
 He hurled himself to death on the heap 
 Of his dead comrades. 
 
 Garibaldi, announcing the fact in the order of the day, 
 to his legion, said: 
 
 At Castle Morone, Pilade Bronzetti, emulating his brother, 
 repeated a deed which history will certainly place side by side 
 with those accomplished by Leonidas and Fabius. 
 
 And in his Memoirs Garibaldi added: 
 
 Near the immortal families of the Cairoli and De Benedetti 
 are many others for whom Italy mourns, and among these we 
 must place the family of the Bronzetti. The eldest brother fell 
 fighting against the Austrians at Treponti; the second fell not less 
 heroically at Castle Morone. There remains a third for the 
 venerable parents, and this one, with their consent, is ready to 
 give his life to Italy. 
 
 In the liberation of Ancona, Leopoldo Tonini and Captain 
 Venturi were not a little distinguished. The latter also did 
 much to promote an insurrection in the pontifical state. 
 
 In fact in i860 the Trentini fought everywhere: in the 
 Piedmontesearmyaswellasin the armyof Central and South-
 
 142 SECOND PART 
 
 ern Italy. There was not a brigade complete without its 
 quota of Trentini. For example: we find 22 in the Modena 
 brigade; 29 in theReggio brigade; loi in the Bologna brigade; 
 almost 100 in the Vignola battalion and 120 in the southern 
 army — about 500 in all. There were very few of the 
 Italian provinces which gave an equal number. Taking as 
 a base the proportion of ordinary conscription, which in 
 Italy was then twenty-five for every thousand, the Trentino 
 with a population of 330,000, would have furnished 825 
 soldiers. It, however, furnished 500; that is, two thirds of 
 the ordinary quota. In addition to this, one must remember 
 that Trentino was forced to support the burden of the 
 Austrian conscription. 
 
 Also the quota furnished by Trentino to the heroic 
 legion of The Thousand was altogether flattering. In the 
 proportion of 1,000 to 25,000,000 inhabitants (thus Italy 
 was counted in i860) Trentino, in proportion to its popula- 
 tion, should have given only about 13 men. It gave how- 
 ever, 17. 
 
 Although in lesser numbers, the Triestians and Istrians 
 hastened to enroll themselves under the Italian flag in i860 
 and distinguished themselves by their heroism equally with 
 their other Irredentist brothers. In the assault upon Perugia, 
 for instance, a company composed entirely of Triestians and 
 Istrians captured the papal garrison of not less than 8,000 
 Irish mercenaries (September 18, i860). 
 
 Moreover large sums of money were collected and con- 
 tinued to be collected from the people of the Irredentist 
 regions to carry on the war. The Triestian committee for 
 the aid of Garibaldi wrote to the committee of Milan: 
 
 Trieste was the generous victim in 1849 at Rome; and this 
 year (1860) it has its sons in the army of the magnanimous Re 
 Galantuomo (so Victor Emanuel II was and is called) and under 
 the flag of the invincible Garibaldi. But it will not cease in its 
 eff"orts to do everything possible to elude the restless vigilance 
 of the satraps of Austria. 
 
 And what vigilance, truly, it was! Michele Buono, or- 
 ganizer of a secret committee of enrollment in Trieste, was 
 condemned to death (this was changed afterward to 20
 
 IRREDENTISTS IN 1860 143 
 
 years of hard labor). A sailor of Pola, who in the public 
 square had shouted *'''Viva L' Italia!" was immediately killed 
 with a blow from the sabre of an Austrian officer. At Pirano 
 a laborer by the name of Mistare was shot by an Austrian 
 sentinel for an expression of his sympathy with Italy. The 
 families of deserters were tormented in every way. The 
 Austrian government obliged them even to "reimburse it" 
 for the price of the deserters' uniforms. And it promised a 
 fat price in money to any soldier who would reveal the names 
 of those who incited to desertion and who criticized the gov- 
 ernment. In Trentino, the Austrian Commissary, Count 
 Hohenwarth, sent out a circular in which he ordered the 
 officers of the Government to "energetically oppose the ideas 
 of separation of Trentino from the Tyrol, which were so 
 deeply rooted in the region." To Gaetano Manci, Podesta 
 of Trent, Count Hohenwarth says "it has been decided 
 to vigorously repress all demonstrations of Italianity from 
 whatever source they may come"; and then the Podesta 
 was deposed; and the Podesta of Rovereto and those of 
 many other Communes were also deposed and officers faith- 
 ful to the government were substituted. At last the Aus- 
 trian count made the usual perquisitions for arms. Per- 
 secutions, proscriptions, public whippings and law suits en- 
 sued, followed by the confiscation of goods, etc. Many pro- 
 minent citizens, such as the octogenarian Tito De Bassetti, 
 Giovanni De Pretis and Antonio Marsili were arrested, 
 maltreated and exiled at the whim of the Austrians. 
 
 But nothing could repress the smoldering sentiments of 
 Italianity which animated the population of the eastern 
 boundaries of Italy. 
 
 The National Committee of Istria, sending to Milan 
 (in i860) a sum of money gathered for the national cause, 
 wrote : 
 
 Istria, poor in everything except m generous feeling and ten- 
 derest love for the common Mother, Italy, can offer but a small 
 sum; however, it comforts itself with the thought that Italy will 
 understand that, better than the offering, was the courage with 
 which this their subscription was gathered from the people 
 despite threats of the Austrian police, and they will consider the
 
 144 SECOND PART 
 
 heart with which Istria brings this little gift to the altar of the 
 Patria. Say to the brave Garibaldi, that Istria never has hesi- 
 tated and never will hesitate to make sacrifices for the glorious 
 national cause. But also say to him that on that day when he 
 can plant the Italian flag on the shores of the Adriatic, Istria will 
 rise in exultation and reinforce the army and navy of the Patria 
 with its most courageous sons. Then the sister provinces will 
 see that Istria — which Austria has so oppressed as to take her 
 language from her and to attempt to wipe out her national sent- 
 iment, if this were possible — will not be unworthy of her. Now 
 only in her secret soul and in the midst of torment can the adored 
 names of Italy, .Victor Emanuel II, and Garibaldi be spoken; 
 but this secret voice — in the exaltation of hundreds of thousands 
 of hearts — will change into a loud shout which will extend from 
 our hills, and will reach to the sea as far as the opposite shore of 
 the Adriatic Gulf. 
 
 And to Garibaldi, the Triestian w^omen sent a flag made 
 by themselves and wrote to him: 
 
 Austrian despotism, for its own advantage, has ameliorated 
 the material conditions of Trieste by opening the city to immi- 
 grants and to commerce and lauds itself for the prerogatives given; 
 but it has hidden a deadly poison for the "spontaneous dedition." 
 Notwithstanding the most solemn pacts, it has for years and years 
 used every art of violence to crush out her natural aspirations for 
 civil and moral progress, and has tried to destroy her customs and 
 language. It will not even respect its honor, and calls it most 
 faithful, now. This is a lie, General! because neither the abuses 
 of the dominators nor aulic decrees nor the cowardice of the 
 degenerate patricians have been able to denationalize our people 
 who have remained Italian; and who today more than ever have 
 the consciousness of their imprescriptible right to belong to the 
 Italian family. And this flag, which we women of Trieste present 
 to you, O General! let it be a token of the national sentiment which 
 reanimates our husbands and sons. Accept this flag, O General! 
 and accord to it the honor of being held by one of your intrepid 
 legions, in the future battles for the common independence and 
 common liberty, who shall cry, Fiva V Italia! Viva Victor Emanuel 
 111 
 
 The Triestino-Istrian committee made a sort of state- 
 ment at the end of i860, with a proclamation in which it 
 said:
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1861 TO 1865 145 
 
 Many of our sons have shed their blood on the glorious fields 
 of Calatafimi and Castelfidardo; many others groan in Austrian 
 prisons or are in exile. 
 
 And Carlo Ferrari wrote, a short time after: 
 
 Trieste a envoye des sommes considerables au comite Garibaldien. 
 Une bonne pariie de ses enfants etait avec les vainquers de Palerme 
 et de Milazzo. Les dames Triestines out brode des drapeaux, envoye 
 des addresses aux soldats de V independence italienne. 
 
 Finally the Triestian journalist Pacifico Valussi, records 
 one of many episodes which show the spirit of Italianity 
 that animated the population of the eastern boundaries in 
 i860. 
 
 Once upon a time — thus wrote Valussi — a worthy Goritzian 
 brought a sum of money to me which his compatriots wished to 
 spend for the Italian Patria. It was the time when the Bourbon 
 fleet was captured by Garibaldi, and he entrusted it to Admiral 
 Persano, but the ship was abandoned by the sailors. When this 
 occurred some Triestians, Istrians, and Friulians collected a fund 
 to attract sailors of Istria, Veneto, and Dalmatia to equip the 
 new Italian fleet; and they succeeded. Cavour accepted the 
 gift, for he well understood the double advantage of taking 
 sailors from Austria and making Italians of them. Now I say 
 to the Gorzitian patriots that that sum, deposited so confidently 
 in my hands, went to augment that equipment fund. 
 
 IX 
 
 The struggle for Italianity, sustained with indomitable 
 pride by the Trentini, Triestians, Istrians, and Dalma- 
 tians against Austria from 1861 to 1865. 
 
 Cavour died June 6, 1861. The population within the 
 boundaries of eastern Italy manifested their grief by clos- 
 ing the shops, by abstaining from theaters and holiday 
 rejoicings and in a hundred diflPerent ways, notwithstand- 
 ing the ferocity of the Austrian police who attempted to 
 smother such demonstrations. 
 
 From 1861 to 1865 there was a suspension of arms in
 
 146 SECOND PART 
 
 Italy, but no suspension of fighting for the national cause. 
 The Trentini would not resign themselves to being an- 
 nexed to the Teuton Tyrol. When in 1861 there was an 
 election for the Diet of Innsbruck, at Trent, only one 
 citizen and twenty-seven employees of the government 
 voted; at Rovereto only seven citizens and seventy em- 
 ployees; at Riva only two citizens and sixteen employees. 
 In other places the employees did not trouble themselves 
 to go to the polls. In the meantime the electors of Trent 
 signed a declaration to refrain from the election, "in the 
 certainty of thus expressing the general sentiments of the 
 country." Similar declarations were signed by voters in 
 several other places. Two of the elected deputies went to 
 the Diet and proposed the separation of Trentino from Tyrol. 
 The other deputies present said that ''their general 
 silence must be more eloquent than words and the solemn 
 manifestation of the popular will must no longer be mis- 
 understood." 
 
 It was in the elections of 1861 that the Italian liberal 
 party of Trieste won with a majority in all the public offices 
 (Municipal Council and Provincial Diet). And from that 
 time to this they have always held them **as the result of 
 their wise patriotic administration." 
 
 In the same year, 1861, the Diet of Istria, invited by the 
 Austrian Government to elect its representatives to the 
 parliament of Vienna, wrote on their ballots the single 
 word Nessuno [no one] and placed them in the ballot-box. 
 
 After a year the Austrian Government again called 
 the voters of Trentino for the elections. The electoral body 
 this time went to vote en masse and succeeded in making 
 the heads of the Italian autonomous party victorious. These 
 newly elected leaders hastened to send a memorial to the 
 Diet, in which they declared they would not attend the ses- 
 sion; and they sent another memorial to the council of the 
 empire requesting the separation of Trentino from the Tyrol. 
 
 On June 8, 1862, the Triestian and Istrian emigrants 
 sent a gift to Garibaldi consisting of several geographic and 
 eidographic maps of the Adriatic Sea and of its eastern shore, 
 and wrote to him:
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1861 TO 1865 147 
 
 General! Istria and Trieste earnestly wish to be released 
 from the Austrian yoke. God grant that this little gift which the 
 sons of Istria and Trieste offer to you may be useful to you in 
 helping to gratify their desires. 
 
 And Garibaldi on June lo, 1862, responded: 
 
 I know that Istria and Trieste long to break the chain with 
 which they have been tied to the hated foreign sovereignty. I 
 know that they are impatient to be restored to the mother country. 
 I have faith to believe that the day is not far distant when com- 
 plete national redemption will be effected. 
 
 On August 16, 1862, the populations of Trentino and 
 Trieste and Istria sent a considerable sum of money to the 
 central Venetian committee toward the erection of a monu- 
 ment to Cavour in Turin, writing: 
 
 We send to your excellencies this offering as a pledge of 
 patriotic sentiment which animates the Italian people who still 
 live in a land that, as yet, is foreign soil, but who have aspirations 
 to become a part in the great Italian family, and who, after many 
 centuries of misfortune, wish to be gathered in unity under the 
 constitutional scepter of Victor Emanuel II. 
 
 On November 11, 1862, after a clamorous trial of the 
 journal // Tempo of Trieste, which showed how intelligent, 
 intense and daring was the Italian propaganda that year 
 among the Triestians, Professor Paolo Tedeschi and Antonio 
 Antonaz, who had been the editors of the foregoing paper, 
 were condemned to severe penalties. 
 
 In the first part of the year 1863 the gentle Veronese poet, 
 Aleardo Aleardi, who, in 1848, had been entrusted by Manin 
 as ambassador from the Republicof Veniceto Paris, presented 
 Victor Emanuel II with an album which the Istrian, Trentini 
 and Venetian women had sent to Maria Pia, his daughter, 
 who was about to marry Louis I, King of Portugal. In 
 presenting the gift, the poet said, among others, these words: 
 
 They know (the women in Istria, Trentino and Veneto) that 
 when God, in the battles of the past, diverted the bullets from 
 your heroic breast, he did this to save you for this splendid mission 
 of uniting Italy. And when our flag shall wave from the Italian 
 hills of Trent and Pola, and shall be mirrored in the waters of our 
 Adriatic, then O Sire! you will be able to say to your son with
 
 148 SECOND PART 
 
 supreme pride: Humbert, I have wrought for thee the most beautiful 
 crozvn of Europe. 
 
 The King graciously received the gift and the good wishes. 
 
 About the first of the year 1863, the Austrian Govern- 
 ment refused the demand to separate Trentino from the 
 Tyrol and notified the Irredentist deputies that if at the 
 end of a week they still refused to accept and to exercise 
 the mandate which they had received from the voters, a 
 new election would be necessary. The deputies did not 
 even disturb themselves enough to reply to the imperial 
 notification. And at the new election all were re-elected. 
 Then all sent their resignations to the Diet, declaring them- 
 selves ^'pleased to have been able to offer again to their fellow 
 countrymen the opportunity to express to the legislative 
 powers of the State in a legal and constitutional manner 
 what the tendency of public opinion was and what was the 
 will of the country." The successive elections were always 
 followed by the same results. 
 
 On February 17, 1863, at a masquerade in a theater of 
 Goritz, sixteen young men and girls, all Goritzians, came 
 dressed as Garibaldians. The Austrian police arrested 
 them and condemned the leaders to hard labor. Among 
 them were Nepomuceno Favetti and Clemente Riaviz, 
 who had indulged in the amusement of saluting one another 
 with these words: "One, two, three! Garibaldi our King!" 
 And a second reason for their punishment was that Riaviz 
 compelled one of the Austrians to kiss the picture of Gari- 
 baldi. 
 
 On May 14, 1863, the Austrian government dissolved the 
 Common Council of Pisino, because it sent representatives to 
 the centennial festival of Florence. 
 
 In 1864, inspired by Mazzini and with the encourage- 
 ment of Garibaldi, a military action was instigated against 
 Austria in Trentino. The leader of it was the Garibaldian 
 Ergisto Bezzi, who gathered around him his co-religionists 
 and fellow-soldiers of The Thousand (Fontana, Manci, Tran- 
 quillini, Zancani, and all the others) and organized a central 
 committee at Trent and sub-committees in smaller places. 
 But the Austrian Government learned of his plot and had
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1861 TO 1865 149 
 
 the leaders (about forty) arrested and dragged to Innsbruck 
 where there was a special military tribunal; and there they 
 were condemned for high treason, a part of them to nine 
 years, others to seven, to five, to three, and to two years, of 
 hard labor. 
 
 Mazzini, who had suffered so much because of the failure 
 of the enterprise, wrote to Bezzi: 
 
 Only a special line to say to you that I admire and love you 
 more than ever. I know that you have done all that it was in 
 the power of anyone to do. God knows how much I suffer for 
 your present condition; but you are young and the future will 
 give justice to you and to your faith. Ask anything of me in 
 which you believe that I can be useful to you, freely, as brother 
 to brother. 
 
 Even Garibaldi wrote to Bezzi, saying: 
 
 You have done your duty nobly. Until all Italians will follow 
 the example of men like you, they will deserve to remain under 
 the lash, and will merit universal contempt. To your brave 
 companions in prison I send a salutation from my soul. 
 
 In 1864 a conservative Italian senator imprudently de- 
 clared in open Assembly that ''Trieste was not within the 
 aspirations of the Italian government." From Trieste a 
 protest was quickly signed and sent by the most prominent 
 citizens and by hundreds of patriots. The Austrian Govern- 
 ment hoped that on the first occasion the municipal council 
 of Trieste would declare this protest false. In January, 1865, 
 the Council met: the Podesta, faithful to Austria, pro- 
 posed to negate the importance of the protest, and carefully 
 considered making unanimous an act of homage to the 
 Emperor Francis Joseph. But the members of the council, 
 enlightened and guided by the patriot De Rin, proudly re- 
 jected the proposal. Naturally the Council was dissolved. 
 But the Triestians had the satisfaction of seeing published, 
 in the Official Gazette of the Kingdom of Italy^ a declaration 
 of the Italian Government contradicting the assertion of 
 the conservative senator and affirming that not only was 
 Trieste Italian and for that reason within the aspiration 
 of the mother country, but having rejected the proposal of
 
 150 SECOND PART 
 
 homage to Francis Joseph, it more than ever merited the 
 recognition of Italy. 
 
 In the meantime there were many books pubHshed prov- 
 ing the ItaHanity and the aspirations of Trentino, Trieste, 
 and Istria. 
 
 NiccoloTommaseo through his untiring writings defended 
 the ItaHanity of Dalmatia, affirming among other things 
 that the ItaHan language had always been maintained in 
 its purest form in Dalmatia, and it was used there in a 
 "much better manner than that used by Cavour himself in 
 speaking and writing." 
 
 X 
 
 The filial contribution of blood by the Trentini, the 
 Triestians, the Istrians and Dalmatians, who battle for 
 the independence and unity of Italy against the Austrians 
 in the war of 1866. Trieste and Istria fight for their 
 annexation to the Mother Country (1866). 
 
 The year i866 passed like a whirlwind. As soon as it 
 was known that Prussia and Italy were to be allied against 
 Austria, the emigration committee of Trieste and Istria 
 immediately pleaded the cause of the unredeemed regions, 
 sending addresses to Victor Emanuel II and to the members 
 of his government. 
 
 Alfonso Lamarmora, then President of the Ministry, 
 replied: 
 
 The past rivalry between Trieste and Venice is an old story 
 and can be placed side by side with that of Florence and Pisa; 
 Venice and Genoa; and between hundreds of other Italian cities. 
 The regions on the other side of the Isonzo river are Italian, 
 exactly as are any other provinces within the borders of the great 
 peninsula; that these regions feel themselves to be Italian and 
 that they have decided that they wish to be Italians is proved by a 
 series of courageous and clamorous manifestations which have 
 followed one another for so long in their principal centers. 
 
 The repeated dissolutions of the municipal councils of Trieste, 
 Goritz, Pisino and Capodistria; the dissolving of the provincial
 
 IRREDENTISTS IN 1866 151 
 
 Diets of Trieste and of Istria (Parenzo) because they did not wish 
 to send any one to the Reichsrath of Vienna; the martial law of 
 1848-1859; the trials instituted and the political convictions at 
 that time and after; the prohibitions even of geographic maps, 
 the historic and diplomatic articles which treated calmly of those 
 regions; finally the banishments, arrests, and suspensions of per- 
 sonal liberty which even now are perpetrated, are facts which 
 cannot be destroyed with the usual phrase: Oh, they are a jew 
 seditious husybodies of Piedmont! 
 
 The Austrian Government responded to this by holding 
 as hostages and incarcerating in its fortresses many of the 
 most prominent citizens of Trieste and Istria; such as 
 Martino Zucchi, Gioacchino Lovisoni, Hermet, Hortis, Ma- 
 donizza, Rismondo and others. 
 
 But the patriots v^ere not discouraged by these harass- 
 ments. Instead, on June i8, i866, these exiles sent to 
 Victor Emanuel II, who was on his way to the battlefield, 
 the greeting of their oppressed brothers: 
 
 We [the Triestians and Istrians] will be the guardians of the 
 Julian Alps; of those Alps which many times have been infringed 
 upon by foreigners and are the necessary boundary and security 
 of national territory. We will give into your hands that Pola 
 which was an Italian naval port from the time of ancient Rome, 
 Austria has converted it into a menace to all of our Adriatic 
 shore. We will give to you that Trieste which Austria would 
 malignantly make the world believe is of German origin. It is 
 the vox populi which calls you to those regions; it is a cry of sor- 
 row and hope which bursts forth from the hearts of Italians who 
 invoke you as their liberator and salute you as their king. 
 
 The young Triestians, Istrians, Dalmatians and Tren- 
 tini hastened to place themselves under the flag of the 
 Patria (in the regular army and with Garibaldi). And 
 they fought with ardor against Austria. 
 
 At Custozza, June 24, 1866, for instance, Lieutenant 
 Leonardo D'Andri of Capodistria fell while he was fighting at 
 the head of his company, which had lost its captain. He had 
 run to the aid of the grenadiers of Sardinia, who were sorely 
 tried at M(5nte Croce; he impetuously assaulted that hill, re- 
 took it from the Austrians, and at the same time recaptured
 
 152 SECOND PART 
 
 the prisoners and cannon which they had seized on taking 
 the mountain. For this act D'Andri was given the gold 
 medal for heroism. 
 
 In this same battle Claudio Zambelli, a Trentian, fell. 
 And not less distinguished for their valor were the Tries- 
 tians, Adolfo Sartori, R. Donaggio, Davide Milla, Giovanni 
 Druffel, Eugenio Popovich, Gustavo Buchler and Enrico 
 Ferolli;] the Istrians Girolamo Gravisi, Giovanni Vascon, 
 Michele Gallo, Carlo Depaugher, Domenico Grio, Domenico 
 Vidacowich, Pietro Madonizza, the Goritzian Angelo Maz- 
 zini, the Trentian Professor Alberto Eccher and others of 
 every state and social condition, all united with a single 
 thought: Italy. 
 
 On July 3, 1866, Garibaldi made an assault upon the 
 Austrians, who were superior in numbers, better armed, and 
 in a more favorable position at Monte Suello, and defeated 
 them. Among those, who contributed not a little by their 
 valor to this victory were: Bezzi, Tranquillini, Ciotti, Fon- 
 tana, Manci, Zancani, Leonardi, Zanolla and other Garibal- 
 dian Irredentists.^ 
 
 The news of this brilliant feat of arms, coupled with the 
 fact that General Medici had come with his men to within a 
 few miles of Trent and that General Cadorna at the extreme 
 right was marching upon Trieste, did much to relieve the 
 minds of Italians, who were greatly disturbed by the dis- 
 aster at Custozza. 
 
 On July 9th, the Irredentists sent an address to King 
 Victor Emanuel II, repeating with fervor: 
 
 Italian soil must be rid of foreigners and the whole circle of 
 the Alps, our natural boundaries, must be in our power. 
 
 On July i6th, after a bitter fight against the Austrians 
 in the Trentino, Garibaldi occupied Condino. This victory 
 cost the Garibaldians much blood. Among those who fell 
 in this battle were the Triestians, Giuseppe Fenali, Giuseppe 
 Donati, Fillipo Faienz, Pietro Chiozza, Capria and Walfer. 
 
 Garibaldi, who in the last few days had freed a large part 
 of the Trentino from the Austrians, issued (July i8th), 
 the following proclamation to the people: 
 
 ^ Garibaldi was wounded in the thigh at the battle of Monte Suello.
 
 IRREDENTISTS IN 1866 153 
 
 Trentini: Your hopes and the hopes of all Italians are on the 
 eve of fulfillment. The war song of our musketry brings to you 
 the first echo of liberty; it brings to you a fraternal salutation. 
 You understand both. We will fight together for the liberty and 
 unity of Italy, and here on these your mountains, which are a 
 formidable defense for free men, clasping each others' hands we 
 will swear together to fight for the Finis Austriae; the end of for- 
 eign rule. 
 
 On July 20th, in a naval battle fought at Lissa between 
 the Italians and Austrians, an officer of the marine, Giovanni 
 Ivancich, a Dalmatian, fell with the name of Italy on his lips. 
 And on July 21st, the Garibaldians fought at Bezzecca the 
 greatest battle of the campaign, which lasted for more 
 than twelve hours. This victory cost the Hero 1,522 vol- 
 unteers, many of whom were from the Irredentist regions. 
 
 On July 25th, Garibaldi received from the government 
 of the King of Italy the famous telegram : "Armistice signed. 
 Evacuate Trentino.'* To which the Hero respondedwith the 
 more famous: "I obey!" 
 
 Then (at the end of July, 1866), in the liberated towns 
 (Storo, Darzo, Lodrone, Magaza, Dondone, Condino, 
 Cimego, Dono, Bersone, Upper and Lower Tiarno, Drione, 
 Strada, Bezzecca, Pieve of Ledro, Mezzolago, Molina and 
 Barcesina, Legos, Pie of Ledro, Biacesa, Concei, Locca, 
 Eugenise and Leusumo) the municipal councils and the 
 clergy signed and sent to Victor Emanuel II the following 
 address: 
 
 Now that the greatest sacrifices have been made; now that 
 Austria is crumbling in every direction, here comes 'diplomacy' as 
 an obstacle between us and our rights; and the voices of peace 
 become so insistent that we fear them, whereas a few days ago 
 we had so much hope in them. In this our distress we turn to 
 you, who have never been deaf to the cry of sorrow of your people; 
 and we say to you that we are yours, because we are part of the 
 Italian nation, and we are ready to give our substance and our 
 lives for her. 
 
 Numerous Trentian families in the war of 1866 gave each 
 two brothers to the Italian army; as, for example, the 
 Brescian family of Riva, the family De Pretis of Cagno, 
 the Ducati and the Molinari of Trent, the Eccheli of Ala,
 
 154 SECOND PART 
 
 the Tavernini family of Dro, the Weiss family of Strigno. 
 The family of Count Sizzode Norisof Trent gave three. And 
 other families, like the Eccheli of Brentonico, the Jagher of 
 Trent and Martini of Riva, gave as many as four each. 
 
 Among those who earned the silver medal for valor was 
 the Triestian Enrico Ferolli, who was seriously wounded at 
 Cimego. Honorable mention was given to the Triestian, 
 Rodolfo Donaggio; medal and mention to the Trentini, 
 Carlo Chimelli, Virgilio Inama, Giovanni Jagher, Alessandro 
 Zinis, Carlo De Pretis, Ferdinando Rinaldi, Virgilio Covi and 
 Filippo Tranquillini. The cross of officer of the military 
 order of Savoy was offered to Ergisto Bezzi for his extraor- 
 dinary service during the entire campaign, but he refused 
 it as at other times he had refused the cross of cavalier. 
 
 In the Garibaldian legions the following greatly dis- 
 tinguished themselves: the Trentian, Oreste Bronzetti, 
 brother of the two fallen heroes Narciso and Pilade; the 
 Trentian lieutenant, Pietro Montanari, and Carlo Tivaroni. 
 
 Some volunteers were recent deserters from Austria, and 
 consequently they put their lives at a double risk. Such 
 were, for instance, the lieutenant Paolo Cortella of Storo, 
 Cernio Battorchi of Tione, and Isidoro Canella of Riva. 
 
 About August I, 1866, some Trentian patriots, led by 
 the Garibaldian captains, Francesco Martini and Filippo 
 Manci, attempted a revolutionary movement in Trentino 
 which had for its object the annexation to Italy (as soon as 
 peace should be declared), at least of the Trentino territory 
 occupied by the soldiers of Garibaldi. The attempt failed. 
 
 On August nth, the Triestians sent an appeal in which 
 they said: 
 
 In order that Italy may be a guarantee of the peace of Europe, 
 she should be placed in the political family as a unit. Lacking 
 that, and, consequently discontented and longing for affiliation, 
 she would have within herself the reason for new dissensions and 
 new conflicts. 
 
 Now the Alps, which form the eternal and natural boundary 
 of the Italian peninsula, rise back of Istria, just as they do behind 
 Piedmont, Lombardy and Veneto, properly so called. The Isonzo 
 River has its source in the Tricorno, one of the giant mountains of 
 the Alps, and distributes its waters to the regions of Drava,
 
 IRREDENTISTS IN 1866 155 
 
 Sava, and Culpa, and also to those of the Adriatic Sea, through the 
 regions which send their quota of waters to the plains of the 
 Danube, and thence to the Black Sea and also to the declivities 
 of the Italian continent. Nature, therefore, was not uncertain 
 on the eastern limits of Italy in raising up such a notable barrier 
 to separate countries that diflPer so radically in every respect; so 
 much so that one can easily see even in the color and temperature 
 of the air, and by the vegetation, how they are separated by 
 unalterable laws. 
 
 The Isonzo River, the aulic boundary of Italy imposed by 
 Vienna, would have remained almost unknown if a little back of 
 its right bank, Austria had not created a separate administration 
 for the imperial lieutenancy of Venice. Even when the counts of 
 Goritz and the Archduke of Austria ruled over the Isonzo River 
 opposite the republic of Venice, its whole course was not all of 
 the boundary of the two dominions, but other minor waters and 
 moats, and other evidences of private estates beyond on the low- 
 lands and in the mountains of Friuli were the boundaries. 
 
 Those, however, who have learned to limit Venice on the 
 east to the margin of a little stream, should (to show coherence 
 in their historical reminiscences) cede to Austria that part on the 
 right bank of the Isonzo already conceded to it by the hasty adjust- 
 ments made at the time of the Napoleonic kingdom in Italy, in 
 face of the fact that Istria was annexing itself to that kingdom. 
 
 Stop, therefore, such notions of the geography of Italy as have 
 no foundation other than the insidious ambition of the Austrian 
 chancellery. The geography of our Patria we learn from nature, 
 and not as Austria would have us learn it, in order to preserve her 
 illusions of a new conquest. 
 
 To recognize and to protect our own is our firS*t duty; and 
 civilized nations cannot do other than recognize that such duty 
 is also our right. 
 
 The Istrians with the Triestians published another 
 memorial directing it to Visconti Venosta, foreign minister 
 of Italy. Here are the most salient points: 
 
 Istria is a point facing the Lagoon, and it is attached to the 
 mainland by means of little islands and the swamps of Grado, 
 Marano and Aquileia; Istria is a portion of land detached from 
 our Alps and slipped down into our sea; it is to us almost a harbor. 
 It is a necessar)^ stopping place for us. The Roman and Venetian 
 fleets wintered at Pola, which, following the changes of centuries.
 
 156 SECOND PART 
 
 was a branch of Aquileia, of Ravenna and of Venice. The 
 Venetian galleys equipped themselves at the port of Quieto. 
 Large and small ships which are on the way to Venice are obliged 
 to stop at Quieto, at Umago and at Pirano. One cannot go to 
 Venice without touching the coast of Istria. No boat, not a 
 steamer, could venture into the upper Adriatic without danger 
 from the cannons of Pola. 
 
 Istria, on her part, is Italian by origin, but is Venetian by 
 spontaneous surrender. She fell with Venice in 1797 after the 
 ill-advised peace of Campoformio; it is right and it is necessary 
 that with Venice she shall rise again; otherwise not only Istria 
 would suffer, but Venice with her. 
 
 Istria formed a part of the first Kingdom of Italy from 1805 
 to 1810, and when it fell again into the hands of Austria, the 
 latter promised to annex it to the other provinces of Venice; but 
 such promises — Austrian promises — were as usual not fulfilled. 
 In 1848 and in 1859 Istria — at the demand of the people and 
 by means of its municipal council — demanded and re-demanded 
 to be united to Venice, but always in vain, because Austria re- 
 mained mistress of the situation. 
 
 With the new order of things into which Europe must neces- 
 sarily enter, it is in the interests of civilization that there shall be 
 a satisfied and a strong Italy. But that Italy will never be, with- 
 out the frontiers of the Rhaetian, Carnic and Julian Alps, and 
 without the ports which nature offers on the coast of Istria in 
 compensation for those ports which nature has denied her on the 
 remaining Adriatic coast from Otranto to Grado. 
 
 The Italian nation has her eyes turned to the army and navy; 
 she thinks that a rapid and daring action would give those lands 
 into our possession, would facilitate the work of diplomacy, would 
 offer to the Istrian population the longed for opportunity to 
 disprove with facts the doubts which from some quarters are 
 still circulating about them. 
 
 In repeating therefore the high confidence which we have in 
 you, in the entire council of ministers, and in its illustrious head, 
 we do not hide the hope of the Italian Government, which the 
 memory of the great Cavour inspires, for the command of land 
 nnd sea, and we must be in readiness, in concord, with vigorous 
 decisions which are necessary for the interest and honor of Italy 
 who waits, but feels a sense of life in her whole being. She wishes 
 to be a whole and not simply to exist, but to occupy the position 
 with her peers, which she expects finally to hold in Europe. 
 
 In fact, in Istria there is not a village that shows even a little
 
 IRREDENTISTS IN 1860 157 
 
 civic life which is not purely Italian. The national character is 
 conspicuously Italian in all of its exterior manifestations. 
 
 Its manner of dressing, its customs, traditions, legends, songs, 
 proverbs, are Italian. The architecture, from the humblest 
 cottage to the city hall, is Italian. The brush and chisel, which 
 decorate the temples and the public buildings, are Italian. Italian 
 are the laws of the Communes, of which they have striking ex- 
 amples in the municipal statutes as far back as the year 1200, 
 fashioned after those of the Romans, and such statutes regulated 
 the civic life of the Istrian regions during the time that in many 
 other parts of Italy there were only feudal lords and plebs ignorant 
 of their past, their present or their future. Istria has illustrious 
 names, which stand among the greatest of Italy. Who does not 
 know the names of Vergerio and Flaccio, celebrated in the history 
 of the Reformation; Sartorio, a leader in medical science; Muzio, 
 competitor of Davanzati; Carli, the economist; Carpaccioand his 
 paintings; the music of Tortini, not to mention the hundreds of 
 others from Istria who reached the highest and most honored 
 seats in the universities of Padua, Pisa, Bologna and Rome.? 
 
 Under Rome, the province of Istria was always the most 
 jealously guarded region of Italy, as the military monuments 
 prove, of which we today admire the numerous remains and 
 which Roman genius erected along the frontier against the nations 
 on the opposite side of the Alps. And when those nations con- 
 quered the Roman Empire and irrupted on them and plundered 
 and made Italy servile, it was the people of Istria and the people 
 of the sea coast of Venice who, more than any other, saved the 
 name of Italy, forming themselves into a government of free Com- 
 munes (the first Italian Communes of the medieval age) under the 
 nominal sovereignty of Byzantium. 
 
 Afterward, Istria continued to fight against foreigners (Longo- 
 bardians, Slavs, Mongolians, Huns, Avars, Saracens); and we 
 know that from that period the honor of the Venetian flag, or, as 
 they said, the "Beatified Mark," was confided to the allied 
 galleys and arms of the Istrians. 
 
 Butalldemandswereinvain. In the treaty of peace signed 
 at Prague, August 24, 1866, the just pretensions of Italy to 
 the unredeemed regions and to that part of the Trentino 
 acquired by Garibaldi v^ere not recognized by conquering 
 Prussia nor by the mediator, France. Thus the Govern- 
 ment of Victor Emanuel II, by virtue of the treaty of peace
 
 158 SECOND PART 
 
 signed at Vienna, October 3, 1866, had to remain content 
 with Venice only, ceded by Francis Joseph to Napoleon III, 
 and by him given to Italy. 
 
 What sorrow this produced in the hearts of the people 
 of the unredeemed regions can well be imagined especially 
 if one consider that the Triestian, Pietro Brambilla, was in- 
 formed by the Minister Visconti-Venosta, that Trieste was 
 the objective point of the Italian military operations; and 
 that Hortis and Carlo Combi, Triestians, were named vice 
 commissioners of the Italian Government; one for Trieste 
 and the other for Istria; and Carlo Boggio, a lawyer, who 
 died in the naval battle of Lissa, had in his pocket the decree 
 with which he was nominated royal commissioner of Trieste. 
 
 On November 14, 1866, Victor Emanuel II in traveling, 
 stopped at Udine. In the procession of citizens there were 
 more than 3,000 Goritzians, Triestians and Istrians. A 
 Garibaldian of The Thousand^ a native of Trieste, carried an 
 Italian flag draped with crepe. On the following day they 
 (the 3,000) presented the draped flag to the mayor of Udine 
 with a considerable sum of money as a contribution from the 
 Italians of the Irredentist region for a monument to Daniele 
 Manin, Doge of the Republic of Venice during the memor- 
 able years 1848-49. 
 
 XI 
 
 The filial contributions of blood by the Triestians, 
 Istrians, Trentini and Dalmatians to Italy in the taking 
 of Rome (1867-1870). 
 
 Thfe unredeemed regions of Italy were shocked by the 
 way in which they were abandoned in 1866, but the patriots 
 did not despair. They continued to work ardently for the 
 complete unity of the Patria. 
 
 In May, 1867, the Italian Government consigned to 
 the Austrians the convicts whom the latter had left in 
 Veneto. They sent them to the station of Goritz, where 
 from the hands of the Italian carabinieri they were given in-
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1867 TO 1870 159 
 
 to the hands of the Austrian gendarmes. The Goritzians 
 received the ItaHan carabinieri with rejoicings, offering 
 them food and champagne; cheering Italy, Garibaldi and 
 Victor Emanuel 11. During the night, the Austrian police 
 made many arrests, and after a couple of days fourteen young 
 Goritzians were condemned each to two weeks in prison and 
 two da^^s without food. 
 
 On the night of July I2, 1867, numerous rough Slovenes 
 farmers, incited and protected by the Austrian police, went 
 in procession to Trieste, hectoring the citizens with the cry, 
 " Long live Austria !" These latter responded crying, "Long 
 live Italy!" and repulsed the assailants. The provocation 
 was renewed the next day, and the citizens attacked and 
 disarmed the Slovenes. But the imperial Austrian troops 
 intervened and fired on the Triestians, killingtwo and wound- 
 ing twenty-three. 
 
 When Garibaldi was ''arrested" in September, 1867, by 
 the order of the government of Savoy, indignation blazed in 
 the hearts of the Irredentists. At the mass meeting held in 
 the Theatre Minerva in Udine, September 26, 1867, Pietro 
 De Carina of Monfalcone, protesting in thenameof the Italian 
 provinces subject to Austria, reminded the meeting among 
 other things of the words which the Hero a few months be- 
 fore had directed to the Irredentist immigrants in this same 
 city of Udine: "Words of hope and of comfort," said the 
 speaker, "which quickly passed to the not far distant 
 boundaries, meeting a joyful echo from the fringe of the 
 Julian Alps to the rock of Timavo, and to the shores of the 
 gulf of Quarnero, and, it makes my heart tremble to say it, 
 to the graves of Trentini which are even yet bloody; to 
 the graves of the poor victims of 1866." 
 
 In the Garibaldian expedition of the Agro Romano all 
 the unredeemed provinces of Italy were represented. The 
 Trentian, Giuseppe Fontana, was the first to pass the boun- 
 dary of the Roman State at the head of 150 volunteers. Of 
 the seventy-five Italians, forming the handful who were 
 led by the brothers Cairoli and aided by revolutionary 
 patriots of Rome, twenty were Triestians. In the glorious 
 combat of Villa Glori (October 23, 1867) four Triestians
 
 160 SECOND PART 
 
 fell dead, and others were wounded, among whom were 
 Gian Luigi Vidali and Pietro Mosettig who fell near Gio- 
 vanni Cairoli. And among those who penetrated into Rome 
 was Giusto Muratti, also a Triestian. 
 
 In the wool shop of Giulio Ajani in Trastevere, at the 
 side of the heroine Giuditta Arquati-Tavani, and the other 
 generous patriots also massacred by the Pope's merce- 
 naries the same day (October 23d), were Francesco Mauro 
 and Enrico Ferolli, Triestians; and Rodolfo Donaggio, 
 also a Triestian, was seriously wounded. 
 
 At Monterotondo (October 25, 1867) the Garibaldian 
 captain Marziano Ciotti of Gradisca, kindled a fire at 
 the door of the fortress, forcing its defenders to surrender 
 and thus decided the famous victory which Garibaldi gained 
 over the papal army. Afterward the Hero wrote to Ciotti: 
 
 You at the head of your company were the first to enter 
 Monterotondo on the burning ruins at the Porta San Rocco. I 
 proclaim you a hero, and brave was the company which you 
 commanded. The Italian women will honor the champions of our 
 glories. And I send to you a fraternal kiss. 
 
 Afterward at Mentana, in that glorious defeat, Marziano 
 Ciotti of Gradisca fought heroically; Luigi Pecenco of Trieste 
 and a sixteen year old volunteer, Giuseppe PoUini of Rove- 
 reto, fell dead on the field; and the Trentian, Ergisto Bezzi 
 remained seriously wounded and a prisoner. And among 
 the last to leave the field of battle were captain Emilio 
 Maddali, Triestian; Carlo Tivaroni, Dalmatian; Federico 
 Cuder, Istrian; and Vincenzo Cattarozzi, Trentian. 
 
 At Florence the two Dalmatian brothers, Tommaso and 
 Rovis Vusio, worked for the rescue of Rome. 
 
 At Padua, the Istrian University students, with Domenico 
 Lavisato as their leader, conspired for the same purpose. 
 Garibaldi, responding from Caprera to an address which 
 they sent him, encouraged them with these words: 
 
 Thank you for your kind attestation of love. You are Italian 
 by origin and aspirations, and therefore Italy must not forget you, 
 as Istria is one of the most beautiful gems in her crown. I would 
 willingly give my life for the complete rescue of our family.
 
 IRREDENTISTS FROM 1867 TO 1870 161 
 
 On April 20, i868, the marriage of Prince Humbert of 
 Savoy to his cousin, the Princess Margherita, was celebrated. 
 The Irredentist immigrants presented an address to Victor 
 Emanuel II, extending from Udine the good wishes of the 
 Trentian and Julian regions, reminding him and the newly 
 wedded pair that "only by the rescue of these regions would 
 the star of Italy shine without a blemish." 
 
 In the same year, i868, the Istrians, Triestians, Friulians 
 and Dalmatians had the satisfaction of seeing the Italian 
 parliament approve the law by which "all Italians of the 
 provinces, which do not yet form a part of the Kingdom of 
 Italy, are equal in the exercise of civil rights as citizens of 
 the nation, on condition — after presenting their birth 
 papers and conforming to the other formalities of the law — 
 that they register their names in the books of an Italian 
 town of their choice." 
 
 The members of the national committee of Goritz wrote 
 to Benedetto Cairoli,^ who had presented and supported this 
 law from 1862, reminding him that "as in the past the faith 
 of the Goritzians in Italy was unshaken, it would continue 
 unshaken in the future, and it was necessary that their free 
 brothers should sometimes encourage them with words of 
 comfort." The committee, thanking Cairoli for his having 
 said these words of comfort, begged of him always to re- 
 member them and they prayed for the day of their deliver- 
 ance. 
 
 Cairoli responded: 
 
 Your misfortune is a common evil and it would also be a 
 shame if it could be forgotten; but it is not. I shall remember 
 your sufferings, your daring protests and the aid which you have 
 given in the battles, in the sorrows, and your share in the glories, 
 of the Italian Patria. Your cause therefore is ours, and I hope to 
 be able to consecrate to it not only my word but my life. Receive 
 from me, brave citizens and worthy interpreters of the national 
 thought, a fraternal salute. 
 
 In July 1868, after several demonstrations by the munici- 
 
 ^ Sonof Dr. Carlos Cairoli and Adelaide Bono, the modern mother of the Gracchi; 
 one of the finest heroes of the Italian Risorgimento, a deputy to the National Parli- 
 ament for thirty years, and Minister of Foreign Affairs under Humbert 1(1825-1889)
 
 162 SECOND PART 
 
 pal council and by the people of Trieste, a crowd of Slavic 
 farmers, incited and abetted by a territorial battalion com- 
 posed of the fiercest Slavs, called hdcoli (cockroaches) by the 
 people, brutally assaulted the Triestians with the cry "Long 
 live Austria!" The Triestians repulsed them, crying. Viva 
 Vltalia! The fight continued until the following day. A 
 Triestian student, Rodolfo Parisi, and twoTriestian workmen, 
 Francesco Sussa and Niccolo Zecchia, fell dead in the street 
 (the first received 22 blows of bayonets) ; in the main street of 
 the city there were dozens of wounded. At the funeral of 
 the victims there was an immense crowd, from whom were 
 gathered more than 11,000 signatures with which the city 
 demanded from the government the dissolving of the 
 territorial battalion. But instead of justice, the Triestians 
 received more terrible persecutions from the police. Many 
 citizens were arrested. The condemnations were serious. 
 The spirit of the Triestians was embittered. They felt the 
 yoke of Austria grow heavier than ever. 
 
 In August 1868, at Goritz, a small bomb was exploded 
 in the cathedral during the mass which was celebrated for 
 the birthday of Francis Joseph. Carlo Blasig was suspected 
 by the Austrian police and was condemned to six years' im- 
 prisonment. In the prison of Gradisca where he was 
 incarcerated, he met Melchiorre De Pregel, a fellow-citizen 
 and brother of the same faith, who had been condemned for 
 four years; between them they concocted a plan of escape 
 which they put into execution, fleeing and taking refuge in 
 Udine. 
 
 Thus, between conspiracies, demonstrations, persecu- 
 tions, trials, condemnations, martyrdom of every sort, 
 the Italian Irredentists arrived at the second half of the year 
 1870. 
 
 On September 20th of that year, the Italian soldiers, 
 commanded by General RafFaele Cadorna, entered Rome. 
 On that memorable occasion, the officer, Cristoforo Venier of 
 Capodistria, distinguished himself and was wounded, to- 
 gether with other Irredentists. 
 
 At Trieste the news of the taking of Rome was received 
 with great joy. The people ran hurrying through the streets
 
 THE MARTYRDOM OF OBERDAN 163 
 
 cheering for Italy. The Austrian police charged with fixed 
 bayonets and dispersed the crowds, but they always re- 
 assembled and defended themselves. In the evening all the 
 windows of the houses were brilliantly illuminated. The 
 Austrian pohce ran from house to house blowing out the 
 lights, but they were quickly relighted. This infuriated the 
 police against the people. 
 
 It has been truly said that on that day (September 20, 
 1870) there was more blood spilled at Trieste than at Rome. 
 
 XII 
 
 Triestians are found among the Garibaldian volunteers 
 in defense of France against Prussia in the war of 1870. 
 Continued demonstrations of Italianity in the Irredentist 
 regions (1872-1882). The young Triestian, William 
 Oberdan, university student at Rome, ardent apostle of 
 Italianity, is hanged at Trieste for attempting to take the 
 life of Francis Joseph. Tremendous Italian demonstra- 
 tions against Austria (December 1882). 
 
 In the autumn of 1870, Garibaldi, forgetting his treat- 
 ment in 1848 and in 1866, placed himself at the head of an 
 Italian corps of volunteers among whom were his sons, 
 Menotti and Ricciotti, and his son-in-law, Stefano Canzio, 
 and went to France to defend the Republic against Prussia, 
 The Hero defeated the Prussians, charging with bayonets 
 at Pasques, Prenois andCommarin; he defeated them again 
 at Dijon after three days of terrible fighting (January 21, 
 22, 23, 1871) and there captured the flag of the 6ist regiment 
 of infantry. This was the only flag which the Prussians 
 lost in the memorable war with France. 
 
 Caprin, Dudovich and several other Triestians, for whom 
 Garibaldi impersonated the ideal of liberty for all oppressed 
 people, took part with him in the aforesaid battle. 
 
 The death of Mazzini took place at Pisa, March 10, 1872, 
 and produced immense sorrow in the unredeemed lands. At 
 Trieste black-bordered manifestos were circulated expressing
 
 164 SECOND PART 
 
 the citizens' grief. The Austrian police sequestered that 
 number of the journal UOperaio (organ of the local society 
 of workmen of which Edgardo Rascovich was president), 
 because it had been made the interpreter of the Triestian 
 sentiments of sorrow. 
 
 In 1873 Victor Emanuel II, going to Vienna, passed 
 through Nabresina. The Austrian police stopped hundreds 
 of carriages which carried Triestians who wished to salute 
 "their King," and arrested great numbers. In the same 
 year Alessandro Manzoni ^ died in Italy. At Trieste mani- 
 festations of grief were shown by the citizens, followed by 
 persecutions by the Austrian police. 
 
 In July 1877, the Istria-Triestian committee published 
 a proclamation in which they assured the Italian Irredentists 
 that the staunchest patriots of Italy — Garibaldi, Cairoli, 
 Avezzana, Fabrizi and others — had always been determined 
 to recover the regions subject to the Hapsburgs. 
 
 When the news came to Trieste that Victor Emanuel II 
 had died January 9, 1878, the Triestians, as an evidence of 
 their sorrow, immediately closed their shops and theaters. 
 The Austrian police attempted, but in vain, to re-open them; 
 they tore down the Italian flags which were draped with 
 black; sequestered the newspapers; arrested and condemned 
 citizens en masse. Notwithstanding all this, on January 14, 
 1878, at the funeral in the Pantheon, at Rome, there appeared 
 a superb wreath of flowers, which the city of Trieste had sent 
 "To their King'* by the hands of a special committee. And 
 on JaAuary 15, 1878, at the funeral mass under the auspices 
 of the Italian consulate in Trieste, new and popular mani- 
 festations of Italianity were followed by other arrests and 
 other condemnations. Among other marks of loyalty, the 
 Common Council at the suggestion of the Councillor Antonio 
 Vidacovich, suspended the session as a mark of their 
 sorrow. 
 
 At Goritz, on June 2, 1878, an Italian flag waved from 
 the hill of Montuzza and on the same day, from the highest 
 
 ^This distinguished Milanese novelist and poet was the author of / Promessi 
 S*OJi, which has been translated into every modern tongue. One day, on receiving 
 Garibaldi into his own home, he exclaimed: "This is the happiest day of my life!" 
 (1785-1873.)
 
 THE MARTYRDOM OF OBERDAN 165 
 
 point of the hill, another great Italian flag was raised with 
 an invocation for unity. 
 
 In the same year Giosue Carducci visited Trieste and 
 was received with rejoicings. From that visit the poet 
 derived the inspiration for his odes Saluto Italico and Mira- 
 mar. The first edition of Saluto Italico was made into loose 
 leaves by the society Young Trieste and the edition was 
 quickly exhausted. In the last verse in this volume the poet 
 referred to the Italian Irredentists, saying to them: 
 
 In the face of strangers, who are encamped on your soil, cry: 
 Italia, Italia, Italia! 
 
 For circulating this many were arrested and convicted. 
 On October 15, 1878, Garibaldi wrote from Caprera to 
 the Triestian society called Young Trieste: 
 
 If today I feel myself to be an old man, it is because I feel my- 
 self to be useless to the sacred cause of Trieste and Trent. I 
 should be proud, however, to give to you the last days of my life. 
 
 On October 19, 1878, at a secret meeting at Forli pre- 
 sided over by Aurelio Saffi, at which Edgardo Rascovich of 
 Trieste was present, it was decided to open a recruiting 
 station in Italy for the purpose of forming a liberating 
 expedition into the Irredentist region, its first object being 
 immediately to collect arms. 
 
 In this same year a number of Triestian students were 
 arrested, among whom was one Salvatore Barzilai.^ 
 
 In Goritz, in 1878, a national journal called // Goriziano 
 was started. Notwithstanding continual persecutions it 
 imperturbably continued its battle for Italianity. But 
 the Austrian authorities arrested the editors, brought them 
 to trial and condemned them to prison. The principal 
 persons accused were Antonio Tabai, an architect, and Giu- 
 seppe Vinci; both were condemned to prison; but on Decem- 
 ber 15th, they audaciously escaped to Udine in Italy. 
 
 Also the Goritzians, Giuseppe Ricchetti, Carlo Jamsy, 
 
 ^The Triestian Barzilai has been deputy to the ItaHan National Parliament 
 from a district of Rome representing the Italian Irredentists during the last 
 twenty-five years. For a long time he had been president of the Associated Press 
 in Italy and was Minister in the Salandra Cabinet.
 
 166 SECOND PART 
 
 Giuseppe de Mulitsch, Luigi Gregorich, Stefano Riaviz, 
 Emilio Pogatschnig and Vincenzo Luccardi were condemned 
 to several years of imprisonment. 
 
 In February 1879, at Goritz some bombs were exploded. 
 The Austrian police searched the houses of the best families 
 of the city and arrested Ugo Zanardi, Menotti Delfino, 
 Attilio and Emilio Mortera, Gustavo Fabricci, Sigismondo 
 Stella and Alessandro Regazzini, and they were condemned, 
 some to two and some to three years in the dungeons of 
 Capodistria and Gradisca. 
 
 When on June 3, 1882, it was known that Giuseppe 
 Garibaldi had died at Caprera the evening before, at 
 Trieste, at Trent and in all of the unredeemed regions 
 there occurred demonstrations similar to those that had 
 followed the death of Victor Emanuel II: great manifesta- 
 tions of sorrow on the part of the citizens, ferocious per- 
 secutions on the part of the Austrian police. 
 
 Thus the year 1882 was one of the most restless and 
 important for the Italian Irredentists. The death of 
 Garibaldi resuscitated in the hearts of the oldest, all of 
 the charm and the poetry of the Garibaldian epopee, and 
 aroused glorious memories in the young. More than this, 
 the insistent voice of an imminent alliance between the 
 Italian and Austrian Governments was heard. The souls 
 of the Italian people rebelled at the idea of a union with an 
 ancient tyranny, which as yet bound Italian soil with an 
 iron chain. Such a union meant formal and decisive re- 
 nunciation of the unredeemed lands. The patriots could 
 not resign themselves to accepting the cold and calculating 
 reasons of state, judging them to be illogical, unnatural 
 and monstrous. 
 
 Austria, however, indifferent to Italian sentiment, wished 
 to celebrate in the year 1882, the fifth centenary of the so- 
 called "dedition" of Trieste as a challenge to the sup- 
 pressed Irredentist agitation. The Austrian Government 
 promoted and organized an Industrial Exposition at Trieste, 
 and ordered the Triestians to take their part in it. The 
 citizens responded by showing themselves hostile to the 
 proposed festivities. Then the representative of the Aus-
 
 THE MARTYRDOM OF OBERDAN 167 
 
 trian Government enlisted outsiders, debauched them, and 
 with them tried to improvise in Trieste demonstrations fav- 
 orable to the Empire. The paid press swelled the import- 
 ance of such demonstrations, making Europe understand 
 that Trieste was loyal to the Hapsburgs. 
 
 But the resolute attitude of the citizens frustrated the 
 attempts of the court followers. For instance: a local 
 Austrian society attempted to raise a flag given to it by the 
 Austrian Princess, Stefania; but at the moment of the raising 
 it could not be found, having been ''mislaid" by Italian pa- 
 triots. The Slav sculptor Rendic one morning entered his 
 studio prepared to take to the public square one of his 
 statues representing the "dedition" of Trieste, but he 
 found it headless. The Austrian police rose in fury. 
 
 On the occasion of the visit of the Austrian Archduke 
 Charles Ludwig and on the evening before the opening of the 
 exposition, the government ordered military bands to play 
 through the streets, and they were followed by crowds of 
 the lowest Croatian element, led by a dozen or more high 
 functionaries of the Austrian Government. These shouted 
 "Down with Italy and death to Italians! Prison, gallows 
 and bullets for the liberals!" The results of the provocation 
 were serious. Two bombs were exploded. Three high 
 Austrian functionaries and about twenty lesser ones and 
 some spies were struck. Some of them lost their lives and 
 others were seriously wounded, thus expiating the insult to 
 the sentiments of Italianity and of Hberty held by an entire 
 population. 
 
 The police did not succeed in discovering the authors 
 of this attempt; but they took revenge by incarcerating num- 
 erous suspected citizens. They also arrested the young 
 printers Luigi Schirone, Ricciotti Gervasio and Arturo 
 Kattenbrunner for having clandestinely printed the approval 
 of the attempt, and they were condemned for defending the 
 crime. For the same reason they convicted two peasant 
 women, Giulietta Krammer and Carolina Olacutti, one to 
 one and one-half years and the other to two years of hard 
 labor. 
 
 On August i8, 1882, the police sequestered a trunk con-
 
 168 SECOND PART 
 
 taining a bomb of the Orsini type, and a smaller bomb be- 
 longing to Filippo Spongia of Rovigno of Istria, a sailor of 
 the Lloyd Company. These had been sent by theTriestians 
 exiled in Milan, who were affiliated with the Garibaldian 
 Circle of Trieste and presided over by Raimondo Battera. 
 Numerous arrests and condemnations followed. 
 
 At the opening of the exposition only the employees of 
 the government attended, and they were protected by the 
 Austrian soldiers. The citizens absolutely refused to go. 
 At the ticket office only one paid ticket was found; while the 
 next morning the garden of the exposition was covered with 
 the tri-colored badges and proclamations of the Italians. 
 
 At Vienna the haughty conduct of the Triestians irri- 
 tated the government circles. It was immediately officially 
 announced that in the following September, 1882, Emperor 
 Francis Joseph would visit Trieste to assure the success of 
 the exposition by his august presence and to put a bridle on 
 the rebellious conduct of the Triestians. 
 
 Meanwhile at Rome there was a Triestian student named 
 Guglielmo Oberdan, twenty-four years of age, in the en- 
 gineering department of the university. He was a young 
 man of fine culture and of austere moral qualities, a fervent 
 apostle of Irredentism, greatly esteemed and loved by the 
 professors as well as by his fellow students and other Italian 
 patriots. He was poor and fatherless. His mother was a 
 native of Goritz. He was a private tutor to his compan- 
 ions and worked as designer with an engineer in Rome, by 
 means of which he was able to earn twenty dollars a month, 
 and on this sum he lived "Hkealord" and also sent a small 
 sum to his mother, whom he adored. 
 
 In 1882 Oberdan was approaching his graduation. But 
 the Irredentist fermentation, the rumors of an imminent 
 Italo-Austrian alliance and recent events in his Trieste 
 fired his soul. More than once he said that**the cause of 
 Trieste needed the blood of a Triestian martyr," and when 
 he believed that the time was ripe he dedicated himself to 
 the sacrifice. And, considering that the plans of the armed 
 expeditions from Italy to the Irredentist regions (plans 
 which were renewed every year) always failed, he himself
 
 THE MARTYRDOM OF OBERDAN 169 
 
 decided to promote an insurrectional movement at Trieste 
 in the hope of having the aid of Italy. 
 
 Before leaving to carry out his plan, Oberdan went 
 to the office of // DoverCy a republican journal of Rome 
 directed by Felice Albani, where he wrote and signed his 
 political testament: 
 
 To my Italian Brothers: 
 
 I go to perform a solemn and important act. 
 
 Solemn, because I prepare myself for a sacrifice; important, 
 because it will bring forth fruit. 
 
 It is necessary that similar acts shall shake from their shameful 
 torpor the souls of youths who are free and those who are not 
 free. 
 
 Too long these generous sentiments have been silenced; too 
 long has the head been bowed to every sort of insult from strangers. 
 Sons forget their fathers. The name Italian threatens to become 
 synonymous with cowardice or indiflPerence. 
 
 No! Our generous instincts cannot thus die. They only lie 
 dormant, they will awaken. 
 
 At the first cry of alarm the youth of Italy will rise; they will 
 run with the names of our Great Ones on their lips and expel for- 
 ever from Trieste and Trent the hated stranger, who for so long 
 has menaced and oppressed us. 
 
 Oh, I would that this my act might lead Italy into war against 
 the enemy! To war! the only salvation, the only barrier that can 
 arrest the increasing moral dissolution of our youth. 
 
 To war, youth, while we yet have time to blot out the shame 
 of the present generation; and let us fight like lions! 
 
 Out with the strangers! And as winners, strong with great 
 love for the true Patria, we will prepare ourselves to fight other 
 battles and conquer for the true idea, for the idea which has always 
 pushed the strong to bloody battle, for the Republican idea. 
 
 First be independent, then be free, Brothers of Italy! Avenge 
 Trieste and then avenge me! 
 September 1882. Guglielmo Oberdan. 
 
 The young man left Rome, after having received from 
 the Triestians the promise of an insurrection, of a sort 
 of "Triestian Vespers, " for which it was said the means were 
 ready. He received encouragement and promises of aid 
 from various prominent democrats of Italy.
 
 170 SECOND PART 
 
 He arrived at Udine, September 15 1882. From Udlne 
 he directed his steps to the Italo-Austrian boundary and 
 succeeded in passing it under a stormy sky (the preceding 
 night there had been a deluge). Facing a cold wind and 
 through b>^'ays steep and muddy, he reached the little 
 hamlet of Ronchi in Eastern Friuli and stopping at the inn 
 of a certain Giovanni Berini, asked for a room. He was 
 weary; he threw himself on the bed; he slept; but suddenly 
 he was wakened by a loud knock on the door. Shoeless 
 and in his night shirt he hastened to open it and saw before 
 him the Austrian gendarmes. 
 
 *' Who are you?" demanded the leader. 
 
 "Giovanni Rossi from Goritz, " responded Oberdan, who 
 understood that he had been betrayed; and he quickly 
 snatched his revolver, crying in his dialect, "It must be you 
 or me!" and fired. 
 
 The leader of the gendarmes, who had quickly snatched 
 the revolver of Oberdan, hoping to divert the shot, had the 
 finger of one hand crushed. The youth was overpowered 
 by the Austrian patrol, disarmed and tightly tied. In his 
 valise were found two bombs and a flask of powder. The 
 gendarmes dragged him in chains to Monfalcone. Then, 
 to the imperial Austrian commissioners, Oberdan declared 
 himself to be Giovanni Rossi, son of the dead Francesco 
 (Rossi) and Giuseppina Ciani, who was living; twenty-four 
 years of age; of Trieste; student of physical and mathemat- 
 ical sciences. He also declared that he had fired at the 
 captain of the gendarmes, because the Austrian uniform to 
 him, an Italian, was most abhorrent as representing a power 
 "which remained by force in our home." As to his in- 
 tentions, he confessed that he was headed toward Trieste to 
 take part in the celebration which they were holding "and 
 to give in some way a greeting to his Imperial Majesty." 
 He acknowledged as his the bombs, the revolver, the 
 powder flask, certain explosive capsules and all of the other 
 things found in his valise. In consequence of such declara- 
 tions, Oberdan was dragged to Trieste, surrounded by an 
 escort of armed Austrians, and was incarcerated in the for- 
 tress of San Giusto to await his trial.
 
 THE MARTYRDOM OF OBERDAN 171 
 
 Francis Joseph arrived to visit the exposition of Trieste. 
 The city appeared Austrian only because of the imperial 
 flags on the ships anchored in the port, by emblems on the 
 government offices and by the presence of soldiers and the 
 guards with their spiked helmets. But the citizens were not 
 to be seen anywhere. 
 
 Whoever in those days made himself familiar with the life of 
 a Trlestian citizen, would have known that his heart was Italian, 
 Whoever had heard the intimate voice of those hearts would have 
 heard repeated without end one name: Italia! 
 
 On the birthday of the emperor, the exposition of 
 Trieste reached the maximum of its visitors — two hundred. 
 Meanwhile three months had passed since the arrest of 
 Oberdan. Finally, he was recognized^ as a deserter and then 
 as the culprit who had attempted to take the Hfe of Francis 
 Joseph and the compages of the Austro-Hungarian Em- 
 pire, and by court martial he was condemned to death 
 by means of the halter. 
 
 While listening to the reading of the sentence, Oberdan 
 smiled, and fixing his calm blue eyes on the judges, simply 
 said, "Thank you." The desperate mother implored grace 
 from the Emperor. But she was denied it. She was only 
 granted permission "in an exceptional manner" to visit her 
 son on the condition that she would induce him to ask di- 
 rectly for imperial grace. This the poor creature tried to 
 do, but the young man proudly rejected the card presented 
 for his signature. And to the sobbing mother he said with 
 voice sweet but firm, "Mother, be quiet, I shall know how to 
 be worthy of you." From that moment the unhappy woman 
 was not again permitted to see the child of her bosom. 
 
 An infinite number of telegrams, invoking grace for the 
 young Triestian condemned to death, arrived for Francis 
 Joseph from every part of Europe. Among others who 
 
 ^ The city of Trieste had accorded to Oberdan, when he was younger, a " Borsa 
 di studio" of 300 lire a year ($60.00) because at Vienna he had graduated in engi- 
 neering. Thus he arrived at the age of military service and as a university student 
 he was incorporated in the zzd Austrian Weber regiment, which in that year, 
 1878, repressed the revolts of the proud mountaineers of Bosnia, who defended 
 their rights of independence against Austria. Guglielmo Oberdan, ardent soul of 
 liberty, thirsty for justice, deserted the Austrian army and went first to Ancona 
 and thence to Rome.
 
 172 SECOND PART 
 
 telegraphed was the great jurist and Italian criminologist, 
 Francesco Carrara and the poet, Giosue Carducci. Victor 
 Hugo telegraphed from Paris, saying: 
 
 Sire, here is an opportunity for grace. All the world awaits it. 
 Clemency is the virtue of kings. The penalty of death is abolished 
 among civilized people. The penalty of death will be canceled 
 from the codes in the twentieth century. It would be well to 
 put in practice from this hour a law of the future.^ 
 
 The Triestian women, at the head of whom was Cle- 
 mentina Bazzoni, wife of Dr. Bazzoni, Podesta of Trieste, 
 among other things said to Francis Joseph: "Sire, save a 
 young life. Spare the city of Trieste from the horror of 
 capital punishment." 
 
 But the Emperor of the Hapsburgs responded to no one. 
 
 The cell in which Oberdan was confined was six feet 
 wide and nine feet long, with an iron door. The large cell 
 next to him was occupied by a small troop of rough Austrian 
 soldiers, who sneered at and insulted the condemned man. 
 Oberdan responded to them by singing patriotic hymns. 
 
 December 19, 1882, the eve of the execution, was a day 
 of indescribable anguish for the Triestian patriots. The 
 women crowded around the office of the Austrian police, 
 hoping to see the longed-for telegram conceding grace to the 
 condemned youth. But nothing reached them. There 
 came instead by special train, at eight o'clock in the evening, 
 directly from Vienna, a Mr. Miillenbacher, the hangman 
 of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He was dressed in black 
 with a tall silk hat and gloves also of black. He was ac- 
 companied by two assistants. Few knew of his arrival. 
 From the station he went in a closed carriage to the great 
 barracks to eat and sleep. In the morning (December 20, 
 1882) at six o'clock they forced Guglielmo Oberdan to dress 
 himself in the uniformof the Austrian Weber regiment which 
 he had deserted; he was visited by the military physician, 
 Mandich, and then by the chaplain. But the young man 
 refused the so-called consolation of religion. 
 
 * In Italy the death penalty was abohshed following the_work Crimes and 
 Penalties by the illustrious Italian criminologist Cesare Beccaria (1738-1794), a 
 work that Voltaire called "the natural human code." Catherine 11, Empress of 
 Russia, inserted it in full in her code.
 
 THE MARTYRDOM OF OBERDAN 173 
 
 Toward seven o'clock he was ordered to leave his cell. 
 The north wind whistled. It was bitterly cold. In the 
 damp court yard darkness reigned, and it was only lugubri- 
 ously lighted by the smoky red rays from the lanterns of 
 the jailers. In the obscurity glistened the points of the bayo- 
 nets held by the soldiers who filled the court yard, and the 
 arms of the gallows were outlined ominously in the near 
 distance. 
 
 Oberdan fixed his gaze fearlessly on it and went to meet 
 it with firm step. At the foot of the gallows he tore off' the 
 military cape, threw it on the ground and stamped it under 
 foot with supreme hate. Then he ascended the fatal stairs. 
 Reaching the platform he cried: *'I die content, because I 
 hope my death may be of service in reuniting my be- 
 loved Trieste to the mother country. " The military com- 
 mander silenced him, ordered the roll of the drums to drown 
 his voice and directed the hangman to hurry his work. 
 Oberdan snatched the rope, himself placed it around his neck, 
 crying: *'Viva Trieste-Italiana; viva ITtalial" The mur- 
 derous rope stopped the voice and the life of the youth. 
 The tragedy was accomplished. A new name, and among 
 the most glorious, was added to those of the martyrs of the 
 Italian Risorgimento. 
 
 The Austrian journals of the empire published the news 
 of the execution with the most minute details. Indeed 
 they said that this same hangman, Miillenbacher, declared 
 that among the many whom he had executed not one had 
 shown the resolution and courage of this young Triest- 
 ian. 
 
 The announcement of the execution of Oberdan produced 
 immense consternation in Trieste. Energetic protests were 
 made. The theaters remained deserted for three consecutive 
 nights, notwithstanding that the Austrian police insisted 
 the artists should perform just the same, under penalty of 
 exile. The journals were sequestered and journalists 
 who had commented bitterly on the tragic event were ar- 
 rested, tried and condemned. Enrico Jurettig, for example, 
 publisher of the Independent of Trieste and former publisher 
 of the Isonzo of Goritz, for having exalted the martyrdom
 
 174 SECOND PART 
 
 of Oberdan, was condemned to eighteen months' imprison- 
 ment and died during his incarceration. 
 
 Giuseppina Oberdan, with heart-breaking maternal sor- 
 row and with infinite tears, constantly sang the praises of 
 her son, thus: 
 
 My Guglielmo had the heart of an angel; he was gentle- 
 mannered, studious, high minded and a loving soul. How many 
 times he caressed me, saying: Poor mother; you have done so much 
 for me! But do not doubt, when I become professor of mathematics, 
 I will compensate you for all your sufferings. We will always live 
 together and be happy. 
 
 His professors idolized him; he was always at the head of his 
 class. At fifteen years of age he earned money by tutoring. He 
 had no vices, he had no extravagances; he was happy if he could 
 buy some books with a few cents which he had carefully saved. 
 
 In Italy, at the announcement of the execution of 
 Oberdan, one heard a roar as of a wounded lion. 
 Carducci said: 
 
 Guglielmo Oberdan was hanged this morning at Trieste. It is 
 Austriacally natural. Thus the Emperor Francis Joseph hurried to 
 respond to the French poet [Victor Hugo] and to the Italian pro- 
 fessor,^ who invoked his clemency. It is Austriacally more than 
 natural. He [Francis Joseph] was reared in blood; in blood he 
 is growing old; we hope that blood will suffocate him, and be it 
 his own blood. 
 
 Italy, however, is weak within, most weak at the frontier. 
 Now we have need of social reforms for justice; economic reforms 
 for strength; arms, arms, arms, for security. And arms not for 
 defense but offense. Italy, by defending herself, must take the 
 offensive. Otherv\'ise she will be invaded. Young men of Italy, 
 think of these things. And stop theorizing and debating with 
 wearisome words. We must honor the memory of Guglielmo Ober- 
 dan who was sacrificed because of our delinquency and for us. 
 
 In ten years, on the highest point of our Alps a monument to 
 Caius Marius^ and to Giuseppe Garibaldi will be raised, with the 
 motto: Foreigners, turn back! 
 
 And elsewhere Carducci said: 
 
 ^Carducci himself, professor of belles lettres at Bologna. 
 
 * Caius Marius was one of the most celebrated Roman generals, seven times 
 consul. Defeated Jugurtha, king of Numidia and the Teutons, (156-86 B. C.)
 
 THE MARTYRDOM OF OBERDAN 175 
 
 Guglielmo Oberdan went not to kill, I believe, but to be killed. 
 He throws his life to us and says: Here is the pawn; Trieste belongs 
 to Italy. We respond: Guglielmo Oberdan, we accept, for life and 
 for death. We have retaken Rome from the Pope; we will retake 
 Trieste from the Emperor. 
 
 And Giovanni Bovio, philosopher and moralist, said: 
 
 Oberdan, closing the Italian martyrology, reopened Italian 
 tradition. The rope which strangled him, woven with our flag, 
 shows that the new rights of the people will extend over Austria. 
 
 And Aurelio Saffi, the most prominent follower of Maz- 
 zini, said: 
 
 The waves of time pass with changing vicissitudes of selfishness 
 and error, and carry with them the names of the oppressors of 
 people condemned to scorn and oblivion; but the memory of 
 Gughelmo Oberdan will live perennially in the hearts of Italians, 
 because his martyrdom stands for the immortal protest of nature 
 against tyranny which breaks its laws. 
 
 And Matteo Renato Imbriani, the high-principled de- 
 fender of the rights of the humble, said; 
 
 His martyrdom is a new symbol of the rescue of our Patria. 
 Although chronologically the last of the martyrs of Italy, he stands 
 among the first — if the intellect of the Patria does not fail — for 
 high conscience and determined will. 
 
 And Ettore Socci, apostle of woman suffrage In Italy, 
 said: 
 
 The life of Guglielmo Oberdan is epitomized in love for his 
 mother, in love for study, in love for the Patria. Young men, fill 
 your hearts with such love; study, gird up your loins to face death 
 for the Patria. 
 
 The students and the working men of Italy suddenly 
 raised protests in every city. To the young martyr every- 
 where memorials were voted of which one epigraph — that of 
 Carducci — appearing in the Athenaeum in the city of 
 Bologna, was one of the most incisive and beautiful: 
 
 To GuglielmoOberdan — who died heroically for Italy — a terror 
 admonition and a reproof to outside tyrants, and to the cowards 
 within.
 
 176 SECOND PART 
 
 But the government of Humbert I, instead of uniting its 
 voice with that of the nation, and at least saving in part its 
 Itahan dignity, did everything possible to smother the cry 
 of indignation which arose from the peninsula from one end 
 to the other. And very soon after (1883) this same govern- 
 ment of Savoy announced that it had signed (May 20, 1882) 
 the treaty of alliance with Austria: the treaty of the Triple 
 Alliance! 
 
 XIII 
 
 The monument to Dante in the city of Trent (1896). 
 Manifestations of Italianity at Trieste and Istria (1897- 
 1903). The elementary and intermediate Italian 
 schools in Goritz and Gradisca, Trieste, Istria and in 
 Dalmatia. The eternal lamp placed by the Irredentist 
 Italians at the tomb of Dante in Ravenna (1908). The 
 Italian Irredentist students of the University of Vienna 
 assaulted by the Austrian students of the same Universi- 
 ty and fired upon by the police. Tremendous Italian 
 demonstrations of protest against Austria (1908). The 
 incessant conspiracies of Italian Trieste against the 
 Austrian Government until 1915. 
 
 On October 11, 1896, a monument to Dante was unveiled 
 in Trent following a public subscription for this purpose by 
 the Italians of the Irredentist regions. The monument, 
 the work of the sculptor Zocchi, was over 17.7 meters high 
 (the figure itself was 5 meters high) with a base 13 meters 
 wide. Around the pedestal the three cantos of the Divina 
 Commedia were represented; the Inferno by the statue 
 of Minos, the Purgatorio by the events of Sordello, and the 
 Paradiso by Beatrice among the Angels. The inscription 
 reads thus: "To Dante, the Father. — Trentino — with the 
 eulogy and aid of the Nation — MDCCCLXXXIX [the 
 year in which the monument was planned] MDCCCXCVI 
 [the year of the unveiling]." 
 
 The festivities celebrating occasions of this kind among 
 the Trentini and other Italians who had gathered together 
 from the Irredentist regions were most impressive.
 
 IKKEDENTIST SCHOOLS 177 
 
 Trieste refused to send deputies to the Austrian parlia- 
 ment for twenty-five years. Finally, in 1897, the evergrow- 
 ing and serious national condition induced the city to stop 
 this abstention and to take part in the elections. This 
 resulted in a triumph and the election of the Italian liberal 
 candidates. 
 
 In accepting the trust conferred upon them they im- 
 mediately made a declaration in which they affirmed that 
 their acceptance "must leave untouched the historical ju- 
 diciary of Trieste in relation to the Austrian Empire." In 
 the Parliament of Vienna "there were frequent protests 
 made against Trieste belonging to the monarchical Govern- 
 ment of Austria, and the expression of hopes of its annexa- 
 tion to the Kingdom of Italy, against which the Austrian 
 ministry, the German and Slavic deputies and even the 
 representatives of Austrian socialism rose and protested." 
 
 In the same year, 1897, many young Triestians and many 
 from the unredeemed regions hastened to enroll themselves 
 with Ricciotti Garibaldi, second son of the Hero, who had 
 joined Greece in the war against Turkey. 
 
 In 1899 Menotti Garibaldi, the eldest son of the Hero, 
 visited Trieste. He was triumphantly received by the people. 
 The usual persecution followed on the part of the Austrian 
 police. 
 
 When, in 1900, the news of the death of Humbert I 
 reached Trieste, the city went into mourning; the Triestian 
 deputies with those of Julian-Venice sent a telegram of con- 
 dolence to Rome. The Austrian police confiscated the 
 telegram of the deputies and suppressed the newspapers; 
 arrested citizens, and even condemned some young girls, 
 who in sign of mourning had worn black ribbons on their 
 sleeves and necks. 
 
 In 1901 Gabriele d'Annunzio went to Trieste. He was 
 received with festivities. The usual persecutions followed 
 on the part of the police. 
 
 In the same year Giuseppe Verdi died in Italy. There 
 were manifestations of grief in Trieste. The usual persecu- 
 tions followed on the part of the police. 
 
 In the same year Victor Emanuel III visited the Ex-
 
 178 SECOND PART 
 
 position at Udine, accompanied by Queen Helena. Thous- 
 ands of Triestians, Istrians, Goritzians, Trentini gathered to 
 welcome ** their King." On their return nearly two hundred 
 citizens were arrested and prosecuted. Ernesto Spadoni, 
 member of the council of Trieste, sacrificing his republican 
 sentiments for love of Italy, asked to be presented to the 
 King. There was also at this time a convention of students 
 in which hundreds of young men of the Irredentist regions 
 participated. At this same convention they discussed the 
 coming campaigns and enlistings, and the Triestian Luciano 
 Magrini published a thrilling appeal in which the phrase 
 Trieste or Death predominated. 
 
 In the same year (1901) on the announcement of the 
 birth of the Princess lolanda, the firstborn of the King of 
 Italy, fifty homing pigeons were sent from Trieste. They 
 flew toward Rome to carry the good wishes of the Triestians 
 to the reigning family of Italy. 
 
 In February 1902, a general strike was called as a pro- 
 test against the Austrian government which had placed 
 Austrian soldiers at the disposal of the Austro-Hungarian 
 Steamship Company as substitutes for the Italian stokers 
 who had walked out. All the citizens sympathized with the 
 strikers, as did the Common Council, and the strike soon 
 assumed an anti-Austrian character. There were violent 
 uprisings. The Austrian troops fired into the crowd. 
 Fourteen citizens were killed and hundreds wounded. 
 The rural mobs, blindly clerical and therefore Austrian 
 sympathizers, hating the Italian military element, soon 
 joined themselves to the stoker-soldiers. Then a group of 
 Triestian students, all sons of the working class, and a 
 group of young workmen who were Italian sympathizers, 
 with one accord, decided to counteract the opposition to 
 Italianity by the diflFusion of Mazzinian principles — ''syn- 
 thesizing in a wonderful manner the idea of social justice 
 with the idea of national independence and political free- 
 dom." 
 
 The struggle of these two united groups was impet- 
 uous and far reaching. It brought out a new spirit of 
 emulation and incentive among the Italians, embracing
 
 IRREDENTIST SCHOOLS 179 
 
 every walk of life. The Mazzinian organ U Emancipazione 
 was founded. These same Mazzinians and the seceding 
 Socialists founded the Camera del Lavoro (the Bureau of 
 Labor). Popular study and sporting clubs were organized. 
 From Trieste the propaganda spread rapidly into Istria, 
 Friuli, Dalmatia and Fiume. At Goritz, for instance, the 
 whole movement was handled by the Mazzinians, and in- 
 telligently and honestly guided by Francesco Spazzapan. 
 The Austrian government naturally turned the weapons of 
 persecution against the Mazzinians. 
 
 In 1903 the first directive Mazzinian Committee was 
 arrested and prosecuted at Trieste. This committee was 
 composed of Riccardo De Haag, Pietro Caucich, Eugenio 
 Fonda, Ado Grego and Angelo Scocchi. Luciano Magrini 
 succeeded in escaping to Italy. In all of the other Irre- 
 dentist cities arrests and trials followed in quick succession. 
 Many were arrested in Trieste and many shut in the prisons 
 of Capodistria, Rovigno, Pola and Goritz. Pietro Magrini 
 passed two years in the prison at Goritz. Luigi Duchie of 
 Trieste spent his time in the Capodistrian jail; Ferruccio 
 Kalteneisen in the castle of Laibach; Mario Sterle in the 
 prisons of Pilsen; Giovanni Grion at Marburg; and Giuseppe 
 Vidali of Trieste was dragged through the Austrian galleys 
 from Pola to Ravigno, to Trieste, to Laibach, to Klagenfurt, 
 and to Marburg. 
 
 But one of the most vital questions, that which gave 
 the gravest concern to the Italian subjects of Austria, and 
 to the Austrian government as well, was the question of 
 education. 
 
 , The Italian Irredentists could not tolerate the thought 
 that their children were obliged to feed their minds in the 
 Austrian schools with Teutonic culture, which was opposed to 
 their own intellectual traditions. Therefore for years and 
 years — with no little trouble and with not a few financial 
 sacrifices, but with success — they endeavored to implant in 
 almost all of their cities subject to Austria (Trieste, Trent, 
 Pola and minor cities) elementary and technical schools, 
 gymnasiums and lyceums, with only Italian teachers, profes-
 
 180 SECOND PART 
 
 sors, language, and methods of teaching. They maintained 
 them at the expense of their municipaHties and their private 
 associations, the National League and the Dante Alighicri.^ 
 
 By means of contributions from cities, associations, and 
 individuals, ItaHan schools were opened everywhere, especi- 
 ally in the parts which were seriously threatened with Teu- 
 tonic culture. 
 
 The National League at the beginning of the present war 
 was represented at Trieste, and in Istria, Eastern Friuli, and 
 Dalmatia by about one hundred committees. Julian Venice 
 alone (that is, the three provinces of Goritzia, Gradisca, 
 Trieste and Istria) had more than sixty of their own schools; 
 it assisted one hundred and forty others and spent more 
 than one-half million crowns a year in support of Italian 
 schools. 
 
 Giovani Pattini, an Irredentist, in his recent volume, 
 Italia Irridenta, says: 
 
 This same National League is the only institution which 
 teaches, with its humble propaganda and its limited needs, the 
 first word of a national conscience. 
 
 At the schools the children — from the third or fourth classes 
 of the gymnasium — begin to collect money, twenty soldi a week, 
 which they deposit in the hands of a cashier elected by themselves. 
 With these weekly twenty soldi, augmented by little entertain- 
 ments, they accumulate thousands of lire a year. In the sum- 
 mer the girls extend their hands to strangers asking anobolus for the 
 National League, which educates the children of the people 
 to be Italian; and no one refuses them. 
 
 At Trieste, as at Pola, at Goritzia, at Zara, at Trent, at 
 Pisino, they give little entertainments and take up collections, all 
 for the benefit of the National League. The people hasten to give 
 generously money which they would not pay for taxes to the 
 
 ^ In 1885 in the Trentino the Italian Pro Patria Society was founded, whose 
 teachings were also diffused in Istria. On account of a greeting voted to the 
 Dante Alighieri in 1890 (the Society with its central committee in Rome having for 
 its object the diffusion of the I tali an language throughout the world) by the National 
 Congress of Trcnte, and because the city refused to come under the Austrian 
 colors, the Pro Patria was dissolved by the Austrian Government. 
 
 On the ruins of the Pro Patria Society the National League was formed ex- 
 pressly for the defense of the mother tongue and for the diffusion of popular 
 Italian instruction among children and youths of |the Irredentists. This League, 
 following a more intelligent and prudent policy, was able to regulate itself.
 
 IRREDENTIST SCHOOLS 181 
 
 Austrian government; nor would they give to any political asso- 
 ciation. 
 
 When relatives or friends die, instead of spending money for 
 flowers and useless eulogies, they send, in their memory, increased 
 contributions to the National League. 
 
 The League had more than 42,000 members among 800,000 
 Italian subjects of Austria; the annual dues were fifty centesimi a 
 year for each member. Indeed, the latest reports show that its 
 income has passed more than half a million a year, aided by the 
 festivals and voluntary contributions. 
 
 Thus — from the sums gathered in the cities and villages of 
 the Irredentists, in their hours of joy and sorrows, from those who 
 conscientiously love the Patria and those who regard it as a dream 
 — the little Italian schools rise. They rise in the cities of the 
 Dalmatian coast; in the stony villages of Istria, little square white 
 or yellow schoolhouses, isolated in the midst of the homes of 
 enemies, on hostile ground. These same little schoolhouses have 
 seen hissing and execrating crowds pass before their doors; they 
 have endured stonings, assaults, devastations; but they have al- 
 ways remained and every day they have opened their doors to 
 their little soldiers. 
 
 The National League has never closed a school. Wherever it 
 enters, it plants the Italian flag; and the Italian flag will never be 
 lowered! 
 
 The National League attracted to its schools simple souls with 
 the promise of giving them knowledge, bread and clothes, and sent 
 them out saturated with ideals and ready to sacrifice for the 
 League clothes, bread and life. 
 
 The National League smiled on the childish festivals, but be- 
 tween their songs and the lights of the Christmas trees they 
 taught them a virile patriotism. It also gave money and clothes 
 to the youth of the intermediate and high schools, not as phi- 
 lanthropy but always with the severe injunction that this was a 
 loan which in the future must be paid with usury in love of Coun- 
 try, in sacrifices and in labor. 
 
 And thus the National League, on the soil subject to 
 Austria, became a symbol of a longed-for Patria, and the 
 hymns sung in the schools vv^ere sung like war songs. 
 
 The hymn of the National League, at one time modified 
 and corrected by the imperial Austrian censor, was finally 
 written by a highly esteemed Triestian poet, Riccardo Pitteri,
 
 182 SECOND PART 
 
 who recently died in exile, after the Austrians had destroyed 
 his home. The hymn is as follows: 
 
 Long live Dante! 
 This Sweet word 
 Five peoples consoles 
 And fraternally unites them in a single thought. 
 
 Oh! echo this name in the Alps, 
 The valleys and forests, 
 On the shores of Trieste, 
 In the byways of Trent. 
 
 Repeat it, O relics 
 Of Aquileia and Salona! 
 
 The arches and temples in every place where sounds 
 Sweetly our Si. 
 
 From the Adige to Timavo 
 Which hasten to the sea, 
 On the coasts sound this name, 
 In the valleys, on the mountains, on the plains. 
 
 Long live Dante! Be this the motto 
 Of the five peoples 
 Which the sacred poetry 
 Of a language has united. 
 
 Long live Dante! Five leaves 
 United give life to one flower. 
 From the union of fingers 
 Comes the strength of the hand. 
 
 But if the problem of Italian education in the provinces 
 of the Irredentists was settled for the elementary and high 
 schools (which the Austrian government was obliged un- 
 willingly to tolerate and legalize, in order not to add too 
 much fuel to the flames), it was not equally solved for the 
 universities, which were the center of culture where the 
 mind of a people is formed. The young Irredentist youths 
 who had studied in the Italian gymnasiums and lyceums in
 
 IRREDENTIST SCHOOLS 183 
 
 their own regions, if they did not wish to finish their studies 
 in Teuton universities where everything was Teuton, even 
 to the language of the beadles, were obliged to receive 
 their diplomas from the University of Padua or Pavia, or 
 indeed Rome, as Oberdan was obliged to do, and face an 
 enormous expense,^ notwithstanding the fact that the 
 Austrian government was forced to recognize as legal the 
 degrees given by the universities of Italy. But not all the 
 Triestians, Istrians, Trentini, Friulians,' and Dalmatians 
 who studied could afford the necessary expense of remaining 
 in cities so far away from their homes. For this reason they 
 demanded the founding of an Italian university in Trieste, 
 or at least in some city of the unredeemed regions. The 
 Austrian Government turned a deaf ear to all such 
 demands. 
 
 The Italian students, however, forced by the modest 
 financial conditions of their families to remain in the Aus- 
 trian universities, did not conceal their wrath at the in- 
 justice. Their attitude irritated the Austrian students, who 
 with bad grace tolerated recriminations of any sort in 
 "their own home." The strings finally became too tense 
 and snapped for the first time in 1906, at the University at 
 Innsbruck, where a fight broke out between the Austrian 
 and Trentini students. These latter, greatly inferior in 
 number to their adversaries, were overcome. The Austrian 
 Government intervened and began to investigate the reason 
 for the friction or at least it pretended to do so, and resorted 
 to subterfuges; finally it promised to create, not a univer- 
 sity (that would have been too much), but a simple law faculty 
 with a seat at Trent or at Rovereto, while the Italians pre- 
 ferred Trieste. It promised, but did- not fulfill the promise. 
 It even let the promise die. 
 
 But the Irredentists did not renounce their ideals. On 
 the contrary they were all the more stimulated by such ideals. 
 
 In 1908, Italy decided to place before the tomb of Dante 
 at Ravenna an Eternal Lamp. The Italian regions subject 
 
 'The Austrian Government was obliged to recognize the diplomas of the 
 young Irredentist students from the Athenaeums in Italy.
 
 184 SECOND PART 
 
 to Austria spontaneously oflFered the amphora. Riccardo 
 Zampieri, editor of the Independent of Trieste and to whom 
 must be given the credit for the initiative of this enterprise, 
 on September 23, 1907, wrote thus: 
 
 There will burn therefore on the tomb of the greatest bard of 
 Italy — who is the most potent symbol of Italianity — an eternal 
 lamp adorned with the Florentine Lily and with the Lion of St. 
 Mark. And the inextinguishable flame is destined to have a 
 splendid significance. It is to be fed with pure oil; and the am- 
 phora which is to receive this oil, we wish might be offered by 
 Trieste. This is our idea, alere flavimen. This vase should be 
 engraved with the halbert of St. Sergius, and with the arms of the 
 provinces condemned to fight in order to defend and keep intact 
 the traces of their Italianity. 
 
 This noble and patriotic venture had an overwhelming 
 success, because not only Trieste, but all of the Italian 
 provinces subject to Austria contributed to it by spontaneous 
 offerings. And the same Independent of Trieste wished also 
 to offer the fire with which the symbolic flame should be 
 lighted the first time; the Journal caused a box of matches 
 from the National League to be incased in a gold box and 
 beautifully engraved with the following dedication: "To 
 give life to the flame. The Independent of Trieste.*' 
 
 And both of the relics, the lamp and the box of matches, 
 were carried to Ravenna by the best citizens of the regions 
 of the Irredentists, in a great and solemn pilgrimage. 
 
 Florence, the native city of the honored poet, offered the 
 oil and assumed the obligation to furnish it daily and per- 
 petually, "in order that the flame shall not die," in atone- 
 ment for the exile to which she had condemned her most 
 glorious son. 
 
 In the same year, 1908, after Austria had annexed Bosnia 
 and was about to invade Servia, the Mazzinians of Pola 
 scattered proclamations among the armies of Austria incit- 
 ing the Italians not to fight against the independence of 
 the people of Servia. Many were arrested and condemned 
 by the Austrian police. 
 
 In the autumn of the same year at the re-opening of 
 the schools in Austria, the students of the Irredentist
 
 IRREDENTIST SCHOOLS 185 
 
 regions of the University of Vienna agitated in every lawful 
 manner and through their deputies in the Reichstag to 
 try to induce the Austrian government once and for all to 
 maintain the promises which it had made concerning the 
 founding of an Italian University or at least of a faculty at 
 Trieste, Trent, or Rovereto. In one of the student meetings 
 in the University, where there were not more than two hun- 
 dred Italian students, they were unexpectedly assaulted by 
 two thousand Teuton students who did not hesitate to re- 
 sort to the use of revolvers against their companions. The 
 onslaught which ensued was violent and bloody. 
 
 The Italian students defended themselves with admirable 
 courage and vigor; but they were overcome by numbers and 
 also by the partisanship of the Viennese police. Many were 
 seriously wounded. 
 
 This fact had an echo of indignation and sorrow in all of 
 the Italian provinces subject to Austria. Suddenly protests 
 sprang up everywhere in which even the women took part. 
 
 Italy chafed and growled like a lioness whose young had 
 been maltreated. From the Alps to Sicily the people, led 
 by the students, ran through the streets of all the cities in- 
 voking evil on and threatening the government; in the public 
 squares they insulted and burned the Austrian flag. At 
 Rome the palace of the Austrian Ambassador was assailed 
 with stones and missiles. All of the windows were broken. 
 The students of the entire nation enrolled themselves in the 
 National Marksman s Club; everywhere large sums of money 
 were collected and sent to the National League and to the 
 Dante Alighieri of the Irredentist regions. The committee 
 Pro Italia Irredenta on November 24, 1908, published a 
 proclamation inciting them to war against Austria: 
 
 Brothers of Italy! Awake, awake from your shameful torpor! 
 Take on your former vigor and your indomitable faith. Awake! 
 At Vienna our brothers have been slain. A horde of barbarians, 
 drunk with hate and with blood, has assaulted our students in the 
 temple which should have been sacred to science, who demanded an 
 Italian university, the only bulwark with which to defend their 
 intellectual patrimony and hold on high their ideal as a symbol. 
 
 This new offense must not be left unpunished. The generous
 
 186 SECOND PART 
 
 instincts of the Italian race must not die. For too long they have 
 bowed the head to every insult of strangers. The pact of hate 
 between the Italian and the Austrian people is again sealed with 
 the cowardly assault of Vienna. We must arise against the 
 stranger who offends, who tramples upon, and murders. 
 
 Against the servile and vile policy of the Italian government we 
 must impose the policy of the people; without renunciations and 
 without cowardice. 
 
 Brothers of Italy! He who endures the slaughter of his ow^n 
 brothers is a coward, but he is also a coward who sleeps and does 
 not hear their moanings. The words, Liberty and Revenge, must 
 not be strangled by the bad policies of rulers. To war, then! This 
 cry rises from the unavenged tomb of Guglielmo Oberdan. It 
 rises from the tombs of all the martyrs made by Austria. 
 
 Arise to war, Brothers of Italy! Awake! Be united in your 
 holy wrath and your holy cry! Arise! The Garibaldian epopee 
 has need of new and luminous pages! The Idea has need of new 
 martyrs. The Patria needs restitution. 
 
 All that the Italian government did was to make a 
 diplomatic remonstrance to the Austrian government. This 
 latter pretended to be a little touched and again promised 
 to found an Italian University of Law^ in one of the Irre- 
 dentist cities. But they were as usual "Austrian promises" 
 and were never fulfilled. The Austrian Government, how- 
 ever, continued its persecutions of the Irredentist leaders. 
 
 In 1909 there was a sensational trial against twenty-four 
 leaders of the Mazzinian movement in the Julian regions. 
 The Emancipazione of Trieste was obliged to suspend its 
 publication because all of its editors, managers, and writers 
 were imprisoned. 
 
 But these persecutions, lawsuits, and condemnations 
 could not extinguish the natural longings of Italianity of 
 the Irredentist regions: 
 
 At Trieste, that most cosmopolitan city of the region, there 
 were formed two distinct citizens' classes — thus wrote the young 
 Triestian Attilio Tamaro in a pamphlet published during March 
 and April 1915 — One was official and the other Italian, but 
 they never met each other even on neutral ground. Nothing 
 could change the Triestians from their attitude of hate; the offers 
 of material benefits or of favorable laws made by the Austrian
 
 IRREDENTIST SCHOOLS 187 
 
 governors were all without effect. Their avoidance of every- 
 thing Austrian was extreme. Editors of newspapers, municipal 
 authorities, professors, on all occasions showed that they never 
 even knew the names of the chancellors of the Austrian govern- 
 ment. The Emperor of Austria was never named in the communal 
 acts with the pronoun our. 
 
 The Triestians would never tolerate an Austrian government, 
 even though liberal or friendly to them; they always fiercely de- 
 manded that the Austrian government should leave their home. 
 To prove this it is necessary to recall some recent names and 
 facts. Felice Venezian, in the Common Council meeting, 
 predicted a day in which the Triestians should sound their Italian 
 bells. ^ Ernesto Spadoni, who was in the same Council of Trieste, 
 apostrophizes the situation thus: May not a ray from the star 
 that shone above the Tiber some day radiate on the horizon of our 
 Irredentist province? May not the cry of "Viva LTtalia !'* resound 
 thousands and thousands of times at Trieste against the Austrian 
 government? May not the hymn of Garibaldi be sung hundreds 
 of times under the same Austrian lieutenancy of police that com- 
 mitted every sort of violence? May not the festival of the 
 Centennial of Verdi in 1913 be repeated, when the Austrian police 
 prohibited a chorus from the aria Va Pensiero from Nabucco, from 
 being sung in the great pubHc square of Trieste, and notwith- 
 standing this there were thousands who sang it, thus replacing 
 the meager voices of the chorus? Must we not remember the 
 young Triestians who many times raised their flag on the City 
 Hall or who painted the walls of the offices of the police with the 
 Italian tri-colors in the night? Or the old Triestian patriot, 
 Lorenzetti, who before he died some months ago, said to his 
 relatives on that day to come and knock at his tomb and tell him 
 that Italy had finally reached Trieste? Or the Triestian, Gino 
 Mauro, who weeping on his death bed, begged the physician to 
 keep him alive only until Trieste was free? 
 
 And thus the hate of Austria was so deep that the Triestians 
 always lived apart from the Austrians. It was considered a 
 great dishonor for an Italian to invite to his house an Austrian 
 
 ^Toward the end of the fourteenth century Charles VIII of France descended 
 into Italy and claimed the sovereignty of Florence. Piero Capponi, standard 
 bearer of the city, was entrusted, with three other deputies, to treat with the pre- 
 tender; but this latter wished to impose iniquitous conditions on them. Piero Cap- 
 poni tore up the papers which contained these conditions, crying proudly: "You 
 will sound your war trumpet, and we will respond with our bells." The French 
 King for this act thought it wise to change his policy and accord moderate condi- 
 tions to Florence.
 
 188 SECOND PART 
 
 official, or for an Irredentist girl to permit an official to show 
 her special attention. 
 
 No official festival was ever permitted to come to a peaceful 
 finish by the citizens of Trieste. And in the popular festivals 
 they always showed themselves hostile, as for instance in the 
 launching of a ship which seemed only a festival of workmen. 
 There was never a municipal band formed in Trieste because no 
 one would play at the government festivals. And, incredible as 
 it may seem, the national party met almost every year to com- 
 memorate with public demonstrations the death of Oberdan. 
 There was not a public square or street in Trieste which was given 
 an Austrian name. All had Italian names. For example, the 
 street which ran in front of the barracks where Oberdan was 
 hanged was courageously named for Carducci. 
 
 The Triestians, whether fighting, or in their festivals, when 
 they asked for" aid, in their numerous societies, in their great 
 restaurants, in their schools and libraries, always and everywhere 
 by their Italian attitude demanded their rights, and were in a 
 constant conspiracy against the Austrian government. 
 
 Thus they awaited their liberty. Thus were they rendered 
 worthy of their liberty. 
 
 XIV 
 
 A proclamation inciting Italy to war against Austria, 
 sent by the Triestians to each non-socialist deputy of the 
 Italian National Parliament on the day when the new 
 legislature opened in Rome, February 1914. 
 
 Honorable Sir: Trieste, the city of Italy as yet under the 
 dominion of the stranger, on the day upon which the Italian national 
 parliament is reopened, turns to your Excellency with a brotherly 
 admonition and with a request. 
 
 With an admonition, because it prays your Excellency that 
 you will ponder and remember that the foreign government, mas- 
 ter of Trieste, is making every effort to change to Slavic a city 
 which geographically, historically, and by the will of the people 
 should be consecrated to the service of Italy; that Austria in mak- 
 ing Slavic Trieste and Julian Venice, not only does not place a 
 barrier against the Slavs but instead she brings them inside of the 
 confines of Italy; that Trieste has always been an Italian city 
 governed by Austrian laws and administered by Slavs, because
 
 TRIESTIANS INCITE ITALY TO WAR 189 
 
 all of the offices of state are in the hands of Slavs: that the Aus- 
 trian government, making Slavs of Julian Venice and Trieste, 
 intends to make it more difficult for Italy to rescue them; it tends 
 also to "Balkanize" these regions, and above all Trieste, and to 
 concentrate above them, and to seize from the ports of the 
 Kingdom of Italy the commerce and politics of the western 
 Balkans; that the resistance of Istria and Goritz is reduced to 
 extremities because of the condition of their counterforts and by 
 the force of this Slavic invasion, Trieste — although fighting with 
 faith and with love and at great sacrifice — is reduced to the last 
 resource of national defense; that the wealth which Trieste would 
 receive from her geographic position, if she were a city of Italy, 
 would then be national wealth instead of being enjoyed by foreign- 
 ers; that Trieste, united by national right to the Patria, would 
 carry to it the sure domination of all the Balkan commerce and 
 would be one of the most powerful means of resolving the Mediter- 
 ranean problem, with the possession of the great lines of com- 
 merce which Trieste has, and always will have with Greece and 
 the Levant. 
 
 Because of these main facts — confident that your Excellency 
 will deliberate upon them considering what a stupendous amount 
 of national interest is contained in the problem of the national 
 independence of Trieste — the Triestians pray your Excellency, 
 for your own honor and for the honor of Italy, that you will be 
 moved to push the national forces toward the definite accomplish- 
 ment of national unity; that you will co-operate in this cause, 
 and in consequence of this, that to the present legislature will be 
 accorded the high honor of proclaiming the reconstitution of Italy 
 within its natural confines; that one day you will be able to say 
 with pride that you contributed with your work and your votes to 
 the resolving of the great problem of the liberty and Italianity 
 of the Adriatic. 
 
 If the time of hesitation is passed, we hope that in the parlia- 
 ment of the new Italy will be found those who will affirm the right 
 of the nation to the possession of Trieste, as in i86i the right of the 
 nation to Rome was affirmed. 
 
 Trieste, February 1914.
 
 190 SECOND PART 
 
 XV 
 
 A proclamation inciting Italy to war against Austria, 
 sent by the Triestians to each socialist deputy of the 
 Italian National Parliament on the day when the new 
 Legislature opened in Rome, February 1914. 
 
 Honorable Sir: Trieste, the city of Italy which is as yet subject 
 to foreigners, on the day when the National parliament reopens, 
 and while the national struggle is going on, and also while lies are 
 being diffused by those who are interested in denying the truth, 
 and while, moreover, it is probable that in consequence of coming 
 events the national struggle of Julian Venice and of Trieste will 
 come before the Italian parliament for discussion, we beg of your 
 Excellency to ponder upon the following unassailable facts: that 
 the geography, history, laws, nationality and will of the greater 
 part of the citizens declare that Trieste is an Italian city, and be- 
 longs to Italy; that the Austrian Government and the Slavs are 
 making an enormous effort to change and denaturalize the Ital- 
 ianity of [Trieste, intensifying immigration and seeming to give 
 equal rights to the immigrants and Italians; that Trieste, in the 
 final count, is a city of Italy governed by Austrian laws and these 
 laws are administered by Slavs, all of the offices of the state being 
 in the hands of the Slavs; that the Slavs carry on the struggle in 
 compact masses composed in a minor part of the tradesmen and in 
 a major part of the proletariat; that the natural invasion of the 
 Slavs depends on the fact that the city belongs to Austria, because 
 if it did not it would not be deprived of its natural rights and it 
 would take part in the Italian state, and her great labor markets 
 would be open only to Italian laborers; that this artificial invasion 
 accomplishes in a great measure the Slavization of Trieste and 
 Julian Venice, and this condition is demanded by the Austrian 
 government to force that region to lose its rights and to make the 
 duty of national rescue more difficult for Italy; and besides that, 
 to Balkanize Trieste in order to concentrate in it, politically 
 and commercially, the Western Balkans; that peace between na- 
 tions is impossible because the borders of each nation cannot be 
 definitely determined, and the national struggle is a fact of natural 
 history and therefore cannot be imprcscribed because, on the 
 shoulders of the Slavs who have immigrated, press millions of 
 Slavonians and Croatians who work toward the conquest of the
 
 FOR UNITY OF THE PATRIA 191 
 
 Adriatic; that if the theory of the equality of immigrants holds, 
 which they wish to impose today on Trieste, then the Slavs, be- 
 cause they are immigrants, have the right to denaturalize the 
 Italian city; if this theory had obtained in other times, Italy 
 would yet be the slave of strangers; that there is no other solution 
 of the national struggle but this: the defeat of Italianity, or the 
 political union with the National State to which Trieste already 
 belongs by ideals, and by cultural and moral affiliations; that 
 Irredentism synthesizes in itself and expresses itself in a conception 
 which cannot fail to be sacred to every man: the conception of 
 Liberty, that a Slavic Irredentism — after Trieste shall be 
 joined to the nation for the definite accomplishment of Italian 
 unity — would not exist in Nice. It would be as absurd as an 
 Irredentism of the Italians of Marseilles. 
 
 You must consider that if you had been a citizen of Milan be- 
 fore 1859, or of Venice before 1866, you would certainly have fought 
 for national independence against an alien government. 
 
 Therefore because of these facts and reasons, the Triestians 
 wish, for your honor and for the nation's honor, that you may one 
 day say with pride that you, with your work, with your votes, have 
 co-operated to the freedom of the last great city of Italy which 
 is as yet subject to the foreigner. 
 
 Trieste, February 1914. 
 
 XVI 
 
 A proclamation inciting Italy to war against Austria 
 by the Italians of the Irredentist provinces of Gradisca, 
 Goritz, Trieste and Istria (Julian Venice) and the Tren- 
 tino during the month of April 1914, "for the Unity of 
 the Patria."^ 
 
 The Doors of Italy, Julian Venice and Trentino, are ours, but 
 Austria has known how to hold them under her dominion with the 
 idea of always having her feet in Italy for the convenience of her 
 Adriatic policy and to give to Italy a sense of her perpetual military 
 inferiority with her tyrannical incumbency within the boundaries. 
 
 The Doors of Italy open from our soil, especially Julian Venice, 
 because these latter have the two great passes of Predil and the 
 
 ^ This proclamation was to have been a part of a special edition of a paper» 
 but instead it was distributed secretly at Trieste and published in the Voice of 
 the P atria, April 4, 1914.
 
 192 SECOND PART 
 
 Porte di Ferro to Nevoso, and the greatest pass, Monte Re, through 
 which the barbarians always entered Italy as far back as before 
 the Christian era; through which Austria can easily turn an army 
 into Italy. 
 
 Our regions belong to Italy, because such they have always 
 declared themselves, and because, as such, they have been officially 
 recognized. They have been Italian regions since Italy existed; 
 physically, because the Julian Alps constituted, with indisputable 
 evidence, the natural boundaries of the country; politically, be- 
 cause they have been Italian regions since the time when Rome 
 constituted Italy; morally, because they have made their talents, 
 their purposes and their faith tributary to the greatness of the 
 Nation, not less than the other provinces of Italy. 
 
 Now these regions of Italy, fertilized by the blood of countless 
 sons, which from Aquileia to Albona defended the borders of 
 Italy against barbarians; this ground produces men in which na- 
 tional defense constitutes the most powerful reason for life. These 
 regions of Italy, we say, are the only ones which do not obey Italian 
 laws, which are not ruled by an Italian government, who have not 
 for the ruler of their Italian life the King of Italy. While all of the 
 other provinces of Italy have been liberated from the domination 
 of strangers, or from the domination of anti-unionists, Julian 
 Venice and Trentino are the only regions which are outside of the 
 national unity; which are still under foreign domination and are 
 subject properly to the Austrian Government, which has attempted 
 to kill Italy; to that Austrian Government, which in order to hold 
 Italy in servitude and to destroy her dreams, her ideals, her will, 
 synthesized in the word Liberty, sent fanatic and ferocious soldiers 
 to construct gallows in every city, to make bloody every field, 
 to fill all of the prisons, to beat, chain, rob, sack, hang, shoot, 
 wherever it knew that an Italian heart beat with an ardent longing 
 for liberty! Julian Venice and Trentino are the last, the only 
 regions of Italy, under a regime of violence, which as yet serves 
 that Austrian Government. 
 
 Is it right? 
 
 Is it right that, while all other Italians within the natural 
 boundaries of Italy, live in freedom, are called Italian citizens, 
 and are governed by Italian laws, we, the Italians of Julian 
 Venice and Trentino, we alone must be called Austrian subjects; 
 that we alone must be ruled by Austrian and Slavo-Teutonic 
 laws? If we are Italian, why must we obey Teuton laws and 
 Slavic bureaucrats?
 
 FOR UNITY OF THE PATRIA 193 
 
 There is no one but can see the iniquity of our condition; there 
 is no one but can see the moral misery which chokes us more and 
 more every day under this foreign tyranny, while the other 
 Italians in the regions of national liberty are always raised to 
 renewed enthusiasms by the powerful spirit of the nation. 
 
 But we, Italians of Julian Venice, together with those of Tren- 
 tino, are not the only ones of Italy not yet united to the kingdom of 
 Italy. We Italians of Goritz, of Trieste, of Istria, have also the 
 misfortune to see our cities invaded by Slavs, who descend in 
 flocks from the opening of the Alps, attracted by the sea and by the 
 cities which promise riches; descend like sheep as they go to fat 
 pastures, by the will of the Austrian Government which wishes 
 to justify with an appearance of fairness the indisputable iniquity 
 of its domination; which wishes to fill it with our enemies and 
 denationalize our region, the last region of Italy to remain in its 
 power. 
 
 From every part, and in every part the Slavs extend their force. 
 There are more than 40,000 in the commune of Trieste; there are 
 10,000 in Goritz; there are 10,000 at Pola. Their mere presence 
 surrounding Pirano insults its history. They swarm about the 
 country of Parenzo. Montona and Albona are reduced to the 
 extreme in their desperate defense of their municipalities. Pin- 
 guente, Pisino, Rozzo, each pressed with marvelous concord into a 
 single purpose for Italy, are overruled and tormented by Slavs 
 of the country who have seized their municipalities and are 
 protected by iniquitous laws. 
 
 In every city, in every village, to the accompaniment of insults 
 and challenges, the Austrian color is given to everything. At the 
 side of the adversary, who with the all-powerful aid of banks and 
 of theStateinvadesourregions to violate and "Balkanize" us, there 
 are internal foes of our national integrity — the socialists — faith- 
 ful to the ideas of the Austrian state, and needing the aid of the 
 Slavs for the electoral struggle. These internal adversaries deride 
 those who fear the Slavic invasion, those who advocate the 
 necessity of defense, and those who invoke liberty and independ- 
 ence. In the struggle against these two adversaries, the internal 
 strength of our people is consolidated, the compages become 
 granitelike, the soul becomes daring, energies become vibrant 
 with power, while the secret mystery of the Italian race — that 
 secret, which has protected all of the rest of Italy from barbarians 
 — will save for all time to come our Italianity from contamination, 
 from the destruction of its political force, from the fate which
 
 194 SECOND PART 
 
 came to Dalmatia. We will fight always and incessantly for rep- 
 resentation in all public affairs and in every institution. Here we 
 will conquer and there we may lose. But national defense will 
 be strenuous and untiring. 
 
 But this is not enough. 
 
 Above national defense against the Slavs, there must be the 
 struggle for liberty, the struggle for national independence for 
 which we have the same right that all the rest of Italy has had, 
 — the struggle for the definite accomplishment of Italian Unity! 
 
 For this ideal, which must be transformed into most concrete 
 reality, for this ideal, more than for national defense, we must 
 battle with the greatest energy. And above all with faith. But 
 with a generic faith turning with saint-like patience toward no 
 uncertain and nebulous future, but with a clear and precise faith, 
 which is founded on facts and which leads to facts. 
 
 We must all fight, young and old. The young must form a 
 militia and must work and agitate to make the Italian and Aus- 
 trian governments understand that we want freedom, we want lib- 
 erty and that Italy is not yet a unit. The mature men, especially 
 those who have received from citizens or from institutions repre- 
 sentative positions, must with their authority work for the uni- 
 fied rights of cities and of the citizens whom they represent, and 
 one and all must work with fervor and tenacity. 
 
 And we hope that in the Kingdom we shall find co-operation 
 multiplied. The Government, the deputies, and the people must be 
 roused; it will be necessary to conquer indifference and vacuous 
 sentimentalism, diffidence, cynicism and cowardice; the hypocri- 
 sies of diplomacy and of politicians and the imbecilities of demago- 
 gues. We must even by violent agitation impress on the Italian 
 conscience the problem of National Unity. We must bring our 
 problem to the attention of Europe and impress it with all of 
 its contents of justice, by every means and by every sacrifice. 
 
 Thus, we can do this today with faith more sure and with a 
 more serene consciousness of our responsibility because today the 
 problem of our liberty is synthesized in the name of Trieste with a 
 great importance, not only respecting the right which we have to 
 independence, but also for theinternational policy of the Kingdom. 
 Trieste is today for Italy the key to the Orient. Trieste now 
 holds for the whole of Italy the commercial domination of the 
 Levant which formerly belonged to Venice. The possession of 
 Trieste means the guarantee of peace with the nation that at 
 present has its confines in Italy; a guarantee against the Slavic
 
 IRREDENTISTS IN THE GREAT WAR 195 
 
 status of tomorrow; it means an absolute guarantee against every 
 possible conflict which Italy might have with other enemies. 
 
 Therefore today, we will, in fighting for our liberty, teach Italy 
 what national interest exists in the eastern Adriatic. So to fight 
 means helping Italy to open for herself the doors to the Orient; 
 it means pushing Italy into taking a more solid and more secure 
 position before or by the side of other powers. Therefore we 
 fight not only for an ideal of regional liberty, but for the great- 
 ness of Italy, for a vaster wealth, for a more splendid future for the 
 nation. 
 
 Will this agitation for unity, intense, violent, tenacious, pro- 
 voke the Austrian Government to repression and to a larger favor- 
 itism to the Slavs? First of all, we must ask if our condition could 
 be worse than it now is. And then we must regard the indisput- 
 able truth that all repressions, and all favoritism do nothing but 
 impose our problem more effectively on the nation and on Europe. 
 
 To work, then, all, each one according to his abilities. Time 
 presses. The Irredentist storm and internal strife shake the 
 foundations of the Austrian Empire. . . . The problem of 
 Austria is put in discussion before a Europe which has latterly 
 exalted the principle of nationality. 
 
 It is time therefore that we work with all our might to place 
 our rights in a diplomatic situation which prepares the near tomor- 
 row. Thus in this manner Italy will not be absent with her rights, 
 with her interests, in the international discussion of the Austrian 
 problem. 
 
 To work, then, with a single purpose in your hearts. Fiva 
 Vltalia! 
 
 XVII 
 
 The Italian banner is hoisted at Trieste on the tower 
 of San Giusto and over the harbor of Muggia in Decem- 
 ber, 1914. Thousands of Irredentist Italians rush to 
 ofifer themselves to the Patria in the present great war 
 against Austria, 1914-1915. 
 
 The outbreak of the great war at the end of July 
 1914, provoked by the ultimatum of Austria to Servia, re- 
 kindled the hopes even in the least hopeful Irredentist 
 Italians for the liberation of the lands synthesized by the 
 binomial Trent-Trieste.
 
 196 SECOND PART 
 
 In September and October, 1914 — thus writes the Triestian, 
 Angelo Scocchi — Trieste above all trembles for action, and insur- 
 rection against Austria seems imminent. The patriots want to 
 know what echo this will have in Italy before encouraging it. 
 
 The Triestians were counseled not to move, not to hurry an 
 event which must be fought out when begun, and not to com- 
 promise the fate of Italy and not to drag it into an immature 
 intervention. 
 
 Notwithstanding this, on the morning of December 1, 1914, 
 a great Italian flag waved from the tower of San Giusto at Trieste 
 and another one from the flagstaflF harbor of Muggia. 
 
 On December 2nd, the city was full of little handbills inciting 
 the people to refuse to give contributions to the Austrian Red 
 Cross. Several citizens were arrested, among whom was the 
 Mazzinian, Marcello Vidali, who was first imprisoned in the 
 Castle of Laibach, and then in the prison of Marburg. 
 
 Many flocked into the Austrian army; the greater part of 
 these finished by voluntarily going as prisoners of the Russians 
 and Serbs; others sacrificed their young lives in Galicia and 
 Bosnia, with a last invocation to distant Italy. 
 
 But several thousands — challenging the rigors of the 
 Austrian government and every sort of danger — succeeded 
 between 1914 and the beginning of 191 5 in passing the 
 boundary, and scattered themselves in the provinces of 
 northern Italy and in Rome, w^here they offered their blood 
 for the liberation of the regions subject to the slavery of 
 Austria and for their union to the Patria. 
 
 XVIII 
 
 Gabriele d'Annunzio reaffirms and exalts the Italianity 
 of Trieste in the garden of the Palace of Andrea Doria, 
 at Genoa (May 6, 1915), upon receiving a gift in plas- 
 ter of the Triestian Lion, the original of which is in the 
 wall of one of the houses of the Giustiniani. 
 
 Brief words will I utter, so much more eloquent are the mem- 
 ories of things, of signs, of fate in this gift which I receive with a 
 throbbing heart and a pure faith which makes me more worthy to 
 receive it; there also comes over us an anxiety for that Trieste
 
 D'ANNUNZIO AND TRIESTE 197 
 
 which suffers the starvation of the soul, violated, torn, tormented, 
 oppressed with a ferocity every day more damnable. 
 
 We feel her actual presence here. She stands before us as that 
 sculptured urn, as that statue. She stands erect before us, with 
 all of her wounds gaping, with all of her bruises, with the marks of 
 every insult, as the sufferer at the stake. 
 
 Ah! we begin to be ashamed of ourselves for talking too much, 
 we now understand well the crude words of that one of The Thou- 
 sand — great soul in a little body — who last evening cried out at 
 the banquet with the voice of an assailant: Better thanzvords,! would 
 rather take again the gun, companions! 
 
 This is a Garibaldian motto, well said, and well heard in 
 Genoa. 
 
 Not this cast which I will devoutly keep in custody, but the 
 Lion of the Istrian Stone, taken from the glorious wall in another 
 day of maritime consecration. Genoa will send again magnificent 
 restitution to Trieste by the path of the sea. The ship will pass 
 Caprera^ and it will hear the roaring of the rocks, and will sail 
 toward the Adriatic. And the dead son of Lamba, buried in the 
 triumphant waters, and Luciano d'Oria before Pola, and Gasparo 
 Spinola before Trieste, and your other terrible ones, will reappear 
 in an epiphany of love joined luminously to the avenged ones 
 of Lissa. And the Lion of St. Mark brought into the Adriatic by 
 a ship of Genoa, will mean for the Italians: This deep sea, where the 
 crest of every wave is a blossom of our glory, is again and always will 
 be called, in the language of all nations. The Gulf of Venice. 
 
 XIX 
 
 Words spoken by Gabriele d'Annunzio in Genoa, 
 May 7, 191 5, to the exiles of Dalmatia, upon receiving from 
 them the gift of a book, printed in Genoa, in which the 
 Dalmatians affirm, demonstrate and defend the Ita- 
 lianity of Dalmatia. 
 
 This book of love, of faith, and of rebuke an Italian should to- 
 day receive on his bended knees, humiliated and in an attitude to 
 ask pardon, to make amends. To remain on my feet before you 
 reverently, but not ashamed, is permitted to me because of a con- 
 
 ^ This little island near Sardinia became celebrated because of being the favorite 
 sojourn of Garibaldi and because the Hero died and was buried there.
 
 198 SECOND PART 
 
 sciousness that I never have forgotten that which Antonio Baia- 
 monti, the admirable Podestd of Spalato, called the younger daughter 
 of Italy and that which the Dantesque Tommaseo called the 
 Second Italy. But I hope that the God of wars will permit me to 
 bend the knee in a near future before one of those, your altars, 
 under whose tables the fathers, weeping, placed the folded re- 
 publican flag of St. Mark. 
 
 If I, in Genoa, name Sebenico, Zara, and Trau, the bones of 
 Luciano d'Oria, who knows the salt of the Adriatic, would rise 
 from his grave in St. Mathew's. His victory and his death were 
 commemorated on the same date that we assembled on the shore 
 at Quarto,^ on May 5th. I see the Dalmatian cities, bloody and 
 suffocating, before the sword of Donato Zeno, who annihilated the 
 admiral on the bridge while he as yet was crying from his torn 
 mouth: "S/. George! St. George!" 
 
 But another vision comes to me of another victory taken from 
 the inscrolled white lists and black lists of naval times. It is as an 
 allegory to our long blindness. In the waters of Curzola,^ Lamba 
 Doria ordered his galleys, when the wind was favorable, to throw 
 dust of quick lime into the eyes of the Venetians commanded by 
 Dandolo; and he put in confusion those desperate blind ones. 
 
 It seems to me that in such hostile blindness we have remained 
 afflicted after the disasterof Lissa. We have not seen, we have not 
 wished to see that which the conquerors have done without truce, 
 without mercy: to obliterate every vestige of our domain on the 
 Eastern coast; to destroy every trace of Italianity from the beauti- 
 ful Latin shore not only consecrated with blood, but with the spirit; 
 not only conquered by arms but by the arts; not only ours by 
 ancient sovereignty but because of new ideas; not only rich in 
 mute relics, but in eloquent culture. We have abandoned you 
 for years and years to the most iniquitious persecutions, O gen- 
 erous brothers of ours who have opposed courage to menace, pa- 
 tience to injustice, virile gentleness to wicked atrocities! We have 
 not dared to help, not even to comfort the sad and silent fight 
 continued by you, O faithful of Rome, to preserve the blessed 
 tongue of Italy, to defend the documents of your high origin, to 
 keep yourself Italian against everyone and against everything. As 
 the sailors of Dandolo, we have diverted dolorous eyes from the 
 battle. 
 
 ' At Quarto on May 5, 1915, a monument was unveiled which was erected in 
 honor of r/i^ Thousand by Garibaldi. D'Annunzio delivered the comemmoration 
 address. 
 
 ^ Island and canal of the Adriatic on the coast of Dalmatia.
 
 D'ANNUNZIO AND DALMATIA 199 
 
 We ask your pardon. We make amends. Finally our eyes are 
 re-opened, cured by the health-giving wind which blows away from 
 so much destruction, from so much virtue, to so much horror, 
 to so much love. We should weep with remorse and with pity, 
 O brothers, but we do not weep; instead, we steadfastly watch 
 Fate. This book, which you place in my hands, is an evidence of 
 your claim to possession. It is brief, but of great weight. It says 
 to us clearly and concisely in the manner of Rome that Dalmatia 
 is of Italy by divine and by human right; by the grace of God, 
 which fashioned terrestial figures in such a way that each race 
 sculpturally ^recognizes his own kind; by the zuill of man, who 
 multiplies the beauty of the shores by erecting monuments to his 
 glories and carving the signs of his most arduous hopes. 
 
 This book is a Dalmatian gospel on which we can swear. 
 
 Under the Latin power of Rome, of the Popes, of Venice, as 
 under the barbarous power of the Goths, the Lombards, the Franks 
 the German Ottos, the Byzantines, the Hungarians, the Aus- 
 trians, the civil life of that part of the coast as well as the civil life 
 of this part of the coast was always in origin and in essence 
 Italian. It was, it is, and will be. Not the Teutons of the Alps, 
 not the Slavonians of Carso, neither the Magyars of Puszta, not 
 the Croatian who ignores or falsifies history, not even the Turk 
 who disguises himself as an Albanian, no one can arrest the 
 fatal rhythm of accomplishment, the Roman rhythm. I tell 
 you this, brothers, but you know it. On this Dalmatian gospel 
 we can take oath. 
 
 The ancient Roman consular road which leads to Salona to 
 cross Bosnia has not yet been battered down. It is, as you 
 know, the only road that binds together the little hamlets and 
 scattered villages. It is so well directed, so well constructed, so 
 well consolidated, that men must follow it to the end of time. 
 
 More distant, on the other side of Mount Kvaratch, the 
 mighty ruins of a Roman laborers' city rises in the midst of mead- 
 ows and forests in view of the cerulean heights of the war-like 
 Servia. 
 
 Now it seems that the genius loci is not carved in stone, but 
 survives in its greatness, and with its breath fills the courts of 
 justice, the tribunal, the hypocaust, the altars and the hearth stones, 
 the castles, the excavations on the right shore of the rushing Saso, 
 their walls as yet well preserved, which fifteen voracious centuries 
 have not been able to destroy. 
 
 Of what value then are the efforts of barbarians against the
 
 200 SECOND PART 
 
 law of Rome? There, where we have put such foundations, there, 
 the genius loci awaits us; there we will return, there we will re- 
 discover the ancient relics and will carve new symbols. If narrow 
 are jour shores O Dalmatians, ample is the civilization which il- 
 luminates them. You are almost at the border of the toga, but 
 the whole toga is Roman. 
 
 Be of good cheer, my young companions. The time of serving 
 is finished, the time of suffering has ended. The time to fight 
 and to redeem has come; and the time to liberate and to avenge 
 is imminent. 
 
 At Lissa the young Dalmatian naval officer, Giovanni Ivancich, 
 fell like a hero. He perhaps resembled some of you who look at 
 me with the light of battle kindling in your lion-like eyes. 
 
 What is your name, you who are blushing, O boy? Fame 
 perhaps will tell me tomorrow; Liberty may re-echo it to me from 
 across the sea. 
 
 On this gospel of Dalmatia, however, we swear with a single 
 soul. 
 
 Thus may it be, for the sons of sons and for the centuries of 
 centuries.
 
 THIRD PART 
 I 
 
 The assassination of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, 
 heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, by the Serbian 
 student Gabrilo Princip on June 28, 1914. 
 
 On June 28, 1914 (it was Sunday), the Serbian student, 
 Gabrilo Princip, nineteen years of age, killed at Serajevo, 
 with two shots of a Browning pistol, the Archduke Fran- 
 cis Ferdinand, heir to the Imperial Austro-Hungarian 
 crown, and his wife Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg nee 
 Countess Chotek of Chotkowa and Wognin. 
 
 "A long time ago," said young Princip, "I conceived the idea 
 of killing an Austrian of high rank, to avenge the Serbians of 
 Bosnia for the treatment which they have received from the 
 Austrian government. I had no accomplices. I wished to 
 strike at Austrian Imperialism represented in the person of the 
 Archduke Francis Ferdinand.^ 
 
 ^ Five years after the elevation of Peter I Karageorgevic to the Serbian throne. 
 Austria, celebrating the sixty years of reign of Francis Joseph, annexed to itself 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina, after thirty years of occupation and spoliation, pro- 
 claiming it " Royal and Imperial crown land." Thus at the end of 1908 the tension 
 existing since 1878 between Austria and Russia was accentuated. In the rigidity 
 of this tension Germany took an attitude decidedly in favor of her ally, Austria. 
 Emperor William II made the world understand that in the defense of the Aus- 
 tro-Hungarian Empire the shining German sword would always be ready. And 
 Russia finally recognized an annexation that in the Slavic world, and also in Tur- 
 key, had provoked protests and anti-Austrian demonstrations; and in Italy, not- 
 withstanding the ties of the Triple Alliance, these conditions had produced a 
 feeling of bitterness. 
 
 The tension between Austria and Serbia was such from October 1908, to March 
 1909, that it was only by a miracle that war had not broken out before between 
 the two countries. But the disproportion between the Austrian and Serbian forces 
 was only too evident; because at the side of Serbia there was no great idealist like 
 Napoleon III, to assist her; had she had this support, she might have waged war 
 in the Balkans against Austria, as Piedmont had done in Italy in 1859. Russia 
 could have done so; but because of the resolute attitude of Germany she made 
 only some technical objection regarding the annexation of Bosnia and Herze- 
 govina; then Russia declared that her former obligations would not permit her to 
 join in the assault. What was there to do? To Serbia there remained nothing 
 but to bend the head in submission; and she bent it, leaving to Austria, on March 
 31, 1909, this declaration: 
 
 " Serbia recognizes that she has not been deprived of her rights by the conditions 
 
 201
 
 202 THIRD PART 
 
 II 
 
 The fatal note — ultimatum of the Austro-Hun- 
 garian government to the government of Serbia (July 
 23, 1914). 
 
 On July 23, 1914, at 6 p. m. the Austrian minister in 
 Belgrade, Baron Giesl von Gieslman, presented the fatal ulti- 
 matum note which concluded thus: 
 
 In order to give a formal character to this undertaking, the 
 royal Serbian Government shall publish on the front page of its 
 official journal of July 26th the following declaration: 
 
 The Royal Government^ condemns the propaganda directed against 
 Austria-Hungary, the general tendency of which is to detach from 
 the Austro-Hungarian monarchy territories'^ belonging to it, and it 
 sincerely deplores the fatal consequences of these criminal proceedings. 
 
 The Royal Government regrets that Serbian officers and function- 
 aries participated in the above mentioned propaganda and thus com- 
 promised the good neighborly relations to which the Royal Government 
 was solemnly pledged by its declaration of March 5/, igoQ. 
 
 The Royal Government, which disapproves of and repudiates all 
 idea of interfering or attempting to interfere with the destinies of the 
 inhabitants of any part whatsoever of Austria-Hungary, considers 
 it its duty formally to warn officers and functionaries and the whole 
 population of the kingdom, that henceforward it will proceed with the 
 utmost rigor against persons who may be guilty of such machinations, 
 and it will use all its efforts to anticipate and suppress such. 
 
 created in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that in consequence she will conform to 
 the decision which the Powers will make in relation to Article XXV, in the treaty 
 of Berhn, July 13, 1878. 
 
 "Serbia, submitting to the council of the great Powers, obligates herself from 
 this moment to renounce her attitude of protest and of opposition, which she had 
 adopted last Autumn regarding the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and 
 she obligates herself also to modify the direction of her present policy toward 
 Austria-Hungary, in order to live in the future with the latter on the footing 
 of good neighbors." 
 
 This diplomatic obligation did not and could not change the animus of 
 Serbia toward Austria, nor diminish the uneasiness of Austria toward the Serbian 
 people and the Montenegrins, considered at Vienna and at Budapest the advance 
 guards of the Pan-Slavic movement of which Russia always was the inspirer and 
 patroness. 
 
 ^ The Royal Government is the Government of Serbia. 
 
 ' Bosnia and Herzegovina.
 
 THE FATAL AUSTRIAN ULTIMATUM 203 
 
 This declaration shall simultaneously be communicated to 
 the royal army as an order of the day by His Majesty the King and 
 shall be published in the official bulletin of the army. 
 
 The royal Serbian Government further undertakes: 
 
 1. To suppress any publication which incites to hatred and 
 contempt of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the general 
 tendency of which is directed against its territorial integrity. 
 
 2. To dissolve immediately the society styled Narodna Ob- 
 drana, to confiscate all its means of propaganda, and to proceed 
 in the same manner against other societies and their branches in 
 Serbia which engage in propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian 
 monarchy. The Royal Government shall take the necessary 
 measures to prevent the societies dissolved from continuing their 
 activity under another name and form. 
 
 3. To eliminate without delay from public instruction in 
 Serbia, both as regards the teaching body and also as regards the 
 methods of instruction, everything that serves, or might serve, to 
 foment the propaganda against Austria-Hungary. 
 
 4. To remove from the military service, and from the ad- 
 ministration in general, all officers and functionaries guilty of 
 propaganda against theAustro-Hungarian monarchy, whose names 
 and deeds the Austro-Hungarian Government reserves to itself 
 the right of communicating to the Royal Government: 
 
 5. To accept the collaboration in Serbia of representatives 
 of the Austro-Hungarian Government in the suppression of the 
 subversive movement directed against the territorial integrity of 
 the monarchy. 
 
 6. To take judicial proceedings against accessories to the 
 plot of June 28th, who are on Serbian territory. Delegates of the 
 Austro-Hungarian Government will take part in the investigation 
 relating thereto. 
 
 7. To proceed without delay to the arrest of Commandant 
 Voina Tankosic and of the individual named Milan Ciganovitch, a 
 Serbian state employee, who have been compromised by the results 
 of the magisterial inquiry at Serajevo. 
 
 8. To prevent by effective measures the co-operation of the 
 Serbian authorities in the illicit traffic in arms and explosives across 
 the frontier, to dismiss and punish severely the officials of the 
 frontier service at Schabatz and Loznica guilty of having assisted 
 the perpetrators of the Serajevo crime by facilitating their passage 
 across the frontier. 
 
 9. To furnish the Imperial and Royal Government with
 
 204 THIRD PART 
 
 explanations regarding the unjustifiable utterances of high Serbian 
 officials, both in Serbia and abroad, who, notwithstanding their 
 official positions, did not hesitate after the crime of June 28th to 
 express themselves in interviews in terms of hostility to the Aus- 
 tro-Hungarian government, and, finally, 
 
 10. To notify the Imperial and Royal Government without 
 delay of the execution of the measures comprised under the pre- 
 ceding heads. 
 
 The Austro-Hungarian Government expects the reply of the 
 royal government at the latest by 6 o'clock on Saturday evening, 
 July 25th. 
 
 The Russian minister, Strandtman, in Belgrade, im- 
 mediately sent a despatch to the minister of foreign affairs, 
 Sazonoff, at Petrograd, as follows: 
 
 The minister of Austria has just at this moment, six P. M., 
 handed to the Serbian minister of finance, Patchou, who has 
 replaced Pasic, an ultimatum note from his government, fixing 
 forty-eight hours as the limit of time for the acceptance of the de- 
 mand which is contained therein. Giesl has declared verbally that 
 if the note is not accepted in its entirety within the forty-eight 
 hours, he has received orders to leave Belgrade, together with the 
 other officials of the legation. Pasic and the other ministers, who 
 are in an electoral campaign, have been recalled, and are expected 
 at Belgrade tomorrow morning, Friday, at 10 o'clock. Patchou, 
 who communicated to me the contents of the note, solicits the aid 
 of Russia, and declares that no government could accept the de- 
 mands of Austria. 
 
 The morning of July 24, 1914, the Austro-Hungarian 
 ambassadors in Germany, England, Russia, France, Italy, 
 and Turkey communicated to the Governments of these 
 Powers the text of the ultimatum note directed by the 
 Imperial Government of Francis Joseph to Serbia the 
 morning of the preceding day (July 23, 1914).
 
 GERMANY, RUSSIA, ENGLAND 205 
 
 III 
 
 The partisan attitude of Germany. The conciliatory- 
 attitude of Russia. The beseeching telegram of Prince 
 Alexander, regent of Serbia, to Czar Nicholas II. An 
 eloquent telegram from the Enghsh Ambassador, 
 Buchanan. The obstinacy of the Austro-Hungarian 
 Government. 
 
 The gravity of the ultimatum note sent from Vienna to 
 Belgrade was felt throughout the world; the German attitude 
 was expressed on the same date — July 24, 1914 — in various 
 German newspapers and particularly in the Kreuz Zeitung, 
 organ of the minister of foreign affairs in Berlin. 
 
 It is to be hoped,'* said the journal, "if the dissension precipi- 
 tates a war, that this war will be isolated. The spark may kindle 
 a barrel of powder in Europe; but up to this moment we can and 
 we must hope that the great Powers will recognize the justice 
 of the Austro-Hungarian demands, and that no one will give aid 
 to Serbia. 
 
 This same idea dinched and amplified another officious 
 communication from Berlin, affirming that it was incon- 
 ceivable, "that there could be any Power disposed to lend 
 moral or material aid to the Serbians in questions like this 
 which necessarily must re-awaken the sentiment of the 
 monarchial solidarity between nations honestly bound 
 together. Serbia therefore" — concludes this officious voice 
 — '*will accept the Austrian demands or it zvill perish.'' 
 
 The Lokal Anzeigery of the same date, said: 
 
 Germany feels much relieved because finally the time has ar- 
 rived to clarify definitely the Balkan situation, and she congrat- 
 ulates herself along with the allied Empire for its virile resolution, 
 and assures it fidelity and unconditional aid in the difficult days 
 before it. 
 
 This was not only the sentiment of the German Govern- 
 ment circles, of which the Lokal Anzeiger was also the offi- 
 cious organ, but also the sentiment of the German people
 
 206 THIRD PART 
 
 as was shown by the unanimity of their organs, and by the 
 enthusiastic popular demonstrations made in the great 
 German cities, from Berlin to Munich. They were not in 
 accord in their prevision (pacific solution or war), but all 
 were in accord in saying that "in any case Germany will be 
 at the side of Austria!" 
 
 However, the Russian minister of foreign affairs, Sazo- 
 noff, as soon as he was informed of the step which Austria 
 had taken at Belgrade, and as soon as he received from the 
 Russian minister at Belgrade the demand for aid in favor of 
 Serbia, transmitted to the Austrian Government at Vienna 
 on July 24th, the following declaration, by means of the 
 Russian Ambassador Knidachew: 
 
 The communication made by Austria to the powers at Bel- 
 grade on the following day, on the presentation of the ultimaUinif 
 is quite insufficient to enable them to take any steps which might 
 help to smooth away the difficulties that have arisen. 
 
 In order to prevent ^the incalculable consequences, equally 
 fatal to all the powers which may result from the course of action 
 followed by the Austrian Government, it seems to us to be, above 
 all, essential that the period of time allowed for the Serbian reply 
 should be extended. Austria-Hungary, having declared her 
 readiness to inform the powers of the result of the inquiry upon 
 which the Imperial and Royal Governments base their accusations, 
 should also allow them equally sufficient time to weigh them.^ 
 In this case if the powers should be convinced that certain of the 
 Austrian demands were well founded, they would be in a position 
 to offer advice to the Serbian Government. A refusal to prolong 
 the terms of the ultimatum would render nugatory the proposals 
 made by the Austrian Government to the powers, and would be in 
 contradiction to the very basis of international relations. 
 
 While Russia took this step at Vienna — recommending 
 it simultaneously to the attention of the Governments of 
 London, Berlin, Paris and Rome — Prince Alexander, regent 
 of Serbia, sent to Czar Nicholas II the following telegram: 
 
 The Austrian Government last evening sent to the Serbian 
 
 ^ From the inquiry instituted by the Austrian agents in Serajevo, it was proven 
 that the assassination of the hereditary Archduke, Francis Ferdinand, was the 
 result of a plot in which the army and the government functionaries of Serbia 
 took part.
 
 GERMANY, RUSSIA, ENGLAND 207 
 
 Government a note concerning the assault at Serajevo. Con- 
 scious of her international duties, Serbia, from the first day of the 
 horrible crime, declared that she condemned it and that she was 
 ready to open an inquiry on her own territory if the complicity 
 of certain of her subjects should be proved in the course of the trial 
 begun by the Austrian authorities. In consequence the demands 
 contained in the Austrian note are uselessly humiliating to Serbia, 
 and incompatible with her dignity as an independent state. A 
 space of forty-eight hours has been granted to us to accept every- 
 thing; if we do not accept, the Austrian Legation will leave Bel- 
 grade. We are ready to accept the Austrian conditions in so far 
 as they are compatible with the situation of an independent state, 
 as also the conditions which were advised by Your Majesty; 
 everyone whose participation in the crime of Serajevo is proved will 
 be severely punished by us. 
 
 Some of the Austrian demands can not be executed without 
 changes in our legislation, and this requires time. Too brief a 
 space of time for this has been granted us. We can be attacked 
 by the Austrian army, which is concentrating on our frontier, as soon 
 as the forty-eight hours have passed. It is impossible for us to 
 defend ourselves, and we supplicate Your Majesty to give us your 
 aid as soon as possible. 
 
 The valued benevolence of Your Majesty, manifested so many 
 times toward us, makes us confidently hope that thistime also our 
 appeal will be heard by your generous Slavic heart. 
 
 In these difficult moments I interpret the sentiments of the Ser- 
 bian people, who supplicate Your Majesty to graciously interest 
 yourself in the cause of the Kingdom of Serbia. 
 
 Besides this, the English Ambassador, Buchanan, at 
 Petrograd, on July 25, 1914, informed Sir Edward Grey at 
 London that Russia favored an appeal from Serbia to the 
 Pov^ers. 
 
 The Russian minister of foreign affairs, Sazonoff [thus said 
 Buchanan in his telegram to Grey] wished to see the question 
 placed upon an international basis, because the obligations 
 assumed by Serbia in i909,towhich allusion is made in the Austrian 
 ultimatum, were given, not to Austria, but to the Powers. If 
 Serbia would appeal to the Powers, Russia would be disposed to 
 keep herself out and leave the matter in the hands of England, 
 France, Germany and Italy. 
 
 But on the afternoon of July 25, 1914, Baron de Macchio,
 
 208 THIRD PART 
 
 who replaced the Austrian minister of foreign affairs, 
 Count Berchtold, in his absence from the capital, com- 
 municated to the Russian Ambassador in Vienna that the 
 Austrian Government would not consent to accept the de- 
 mand of Russia to prolong the time given to Serbia, main- 
 taining, "that the solution of the incident with Serbia is 
 a matter which interests exclusively Austria and Serbia. 
 Austria therefore has decided, in whatever circumstances, to 
 refuse every attempt at intervention by outsiders." 
 
 IV 
 
 The reply of the Serbian Government to the ultimatum 
 note of the Austro-Hungarian Government was given 
 July 25, 1914. 
 
 The forty-eight hours, exactly the same length of time 
 which Austria, in April 1859, accorded to Piedmont, were 
 about over. Twenty minutes before, that is, at 5:40 p. m., 
 of July 25th, the Serbian prime minister Pasic handed to 
 Baron Giesl, the Austro-Hungarian minister, the following 
 reply: 
 
 The royal Serbian Government has received the communica- 
 tion of the imperial and royal government of July 23, 1914, and 
 is convinced that its reply will remove any misunderstanding 
 which may threaten to impair the good neighborly relations be- 
 tween the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the Kingdom of 
 Serbia. 
 
 Conscious of the fact that the protests which were made both 
 from the tribune of the national Skupshtina and in the declarations 
 and actions of the responsible representatives of the state — pro- 
 tests which were cut short by the declaration made by the Serbian 
 Government on March 18, 1909 — have not been renewed on any 
 occasion as regards the great neighboring monarchy, and that no 
 attempt has been made since that time, either by the successive 
 royal governments or by their organs, to change the political and 
 legal state of affairs created in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the royal 
 government draws attention to the fact that in this connection the 
 imperial and royal government has made no representation ex-
 
 THE REPLY OF SERBIA 209 
 
 cept one concerning a school book, and on that occasion the im- 
 perial and royal government received an entirely satisfactory 
 explanation. Serbia has several times given proofs of her pacific 
 and moderate policy during the Balkan crisis, and thanks to 
 Serbia and to the sacrifice that she has made in the exclusive in- 
 terest of European peace, that peace has been preserved. The 
 Royal Government cannot be held responsible for manifestations of 
 a private character, such as articles in the press and the peaceable 
 work of societies — manifestations which take place in nearly all 
 countries in the ordinary course of events, and which as a general 
 rule escape official control. The Royal Government cannot be 
 made responsible in view of the fact that at the time of the solution 
 of a series of questions which arose between Serbia and Austria- 
 Hungary, it gave proof of a great readiness to oblige, and thus 
 succeeded in settling the majority of these questions to the ad- 
 vantage of the two neighboring countries. 
 
 For these reasons the Royal Government has been pained and 
 surprised at the statements made that persons of the Kingdom of 
 Serbia are supposed to have participated in the preparations for 
 the crime committed at Serajevo; the Royal Government expected 
 to be invited to collaborate in an investigation of all that concerns 
 this crime, and it is ready, in order to prove the entire cor- 
 rectness of its attitude, to take measures against any persons 
 concerning whom representations may be made to them. Falling 
 in, therefore, with the desire of the Imperial and Royal Govern- 
 ment, it is prepared to hand over for trial any Serbian subject, with- 
 out regard to his position or rank, of whose complicity in the crime 
 of Serajevo proofs may be furnished, and more especially they will 
 undertake to cause to be published on the first page of the Oijicial 
 Army Bulletin^ on the dates from July 13th to the 26th, the fol- 
 lowing declaration: 
 
 The Royal Government of Serbia condemns all propaganda which 
 may be directed against Austria-Hungary^ that is to say, all such 
 tendencies as aim at ultimately detaching from the Austrian monarchy 
 territories which form part thereof, and it sincerely deplores the 
 baneful consequences of these criminal movements. The Royal 
 Government regrets that, according to the communication from the 
 Imperial afid Royal Government, certain Serbian officers and officials 
 should have taken part in the above-mentioned propaganda, and 
 thus compromise the good neighborly relations to which the royal 
 Serbian Government was solemnly engaged by the declaration of 
 March 57, igog, which declaration disapproves of and repudiates
 
 210 THIRD PART 
 
 all idea or attempt at interference with the destiny of the inhabitants 
 of any part whatsoever of Austria-Hungary, and it considers it 
 a duty formally to warn the officers, officials, and entire population 
 of the kingdom that henceforth it will take the most rigorous steps 
 against all such persons as are guilty of such acts and to prevent 
 and to repress such it will use its utmost endeavor. 
 
 This declaration will be brought to the knowledge of the royal 
 army in an order of the day, in the name of his Majesty the King, 
 by his royal highness the Crown Prince Alexander, and will be 
 published in the next official army bulletin. 
 
 The Royal Government further undertakes: 
 
 1. To introduce at the first regular convocation of the 
 Skupshtina a provision into the law governing the press and pro- 
 viding for the most severe punishment of incitement to hatred 
 or contempt of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and for taking 
 action against any pubUcation, the general tendency of which is 
 directed against the territorial integrity of Austria-Hungary. The 
 Government assumes the responsibility at the coming revision of the 
 constitution, of causing an amendment to be introduced into arti- 
 cle 22 of the constitution of such a nature that any publication 
 may be suppressed, a proceeding at present impossible under the 
 categorical terms of article 22 of the constitution. 
 
 2. The Government possesses no proof, nor does the note of 
 the Imperial and Royal Government furnish it with any, that 
 the Narodna Obdrana and other similar societies have committed, 
 up to the present, any criminal act of this nature through the 
 proceedings of any of their members. Nevertheless, the Royal 
 Government will accept the demand of the Imperial and Royal 
 Government and will dissolve the Narodna Obdrana society 
 and any other society which may be directing its efforts against 
 Austria. 
 
 3 . The Royal Serbian Government undertakes to remove with- 
 out delay from their public educational establishments in Serbia 
 all that serves or could serve to foment propaganda against 
 Austria, whenever the Imperial and Royal Government furnishes 
 them with facts and proofs of this propaganda. 
 
 4. The Royal Government also agrees to remove from military 
 service all such persons as the judicial inquiry may have proved to 
 be guilty of acts directed against the integrity of the territory of 
 the Austrian monarchy, and it expects the Imperial and Royal 
 Government to communicate to them at a later date the names and
 
 THE REPLY OF SERBIA 211 
 
 the acts of these officers and officials for the purposes of the pro- 
 ceedings which are to be taken against them. 
 
 5. The Royal Government must confess that it does not 
 clearly grasp the meaning or the scope of the demand made by 
 the Imperial and Royal Government that Serbia shall undertake to 
 accept the collaboration of the organs of the Imperial and Royal 
 Government upon their territory, but it declares that it will 
 admit such collaboration as agrees with the principle of inter- 
 national law, with criminal procedure, and with good neighborly 
 relations. 
 
 6. It goes without saying that the Royal Government 
 considers it its duty to open an inquiry against all such persons 
 as are, or eventually may be, implicated in the plot of June 28, 
 1914, and who happen to be within the territory of the kingdom. 
 As regards the participation in this inquiry of Austrian agents or 
 authorities appointed for this purpose by the Imperial and Royal 
 Government, the Royal Government cannot accept such an arrange- 
 ment, as it would be a violation of the constitution and of the law 
 of criminal procedure; nevertheless, in concrete cases communica- 
 tions as to the results of the investigation in question might be 
 given to the Austro-Hungarian agents. 
 
 7. The Royal Government proceeded, on the very evening 
 of the delivery of the note, to arrest Commandant Voina Tan- 
 kosic. As regards Milan Ciganovitch, who is a subject of the 
 Austrian monarchy, and who up to June 15th was employed (on 
 probation) by the directorate of railways, it has not yet been pos- 
 sible to arrest him. 
 
 The Austrian Government is requested to be so good as to 
 supply as soon as possible, in the customary form, the presumptive 
 evidence of guilt, as well as the eventual proofs of guilt which have 
 been collected up to the present time at the inquiry at Serajevo, 
 for the purposes of the latter inquiry. 
 
 8. The Serbian Government will reinforce and extend the 
 measures which have been taken for preventing the illicit traffic 
 in arms and explosives across the frontier. It goes without say- 
 ing that they will immediately order an inquiry and will severely 
 punish the frontier officials on the Schabatz-Loxnitza line who 
 have failed in their duty and allowed the authors of the crime of 
 Serajevo to pass. 
 
 9. The Royal Government will gladly give explanations of 
 the remarks made by their officials, whether in Serbia or abroad, 
 in interviews after the crime, and which, according to the state-
 
 212 THIRD PART 
 
 ment of the Imperial and Royal Government, were hostile toward 
 the monarchy, as soon as the imperial and royal government has 
 communicated to them the passages in question in these remarks, 
 and as soon as they have shown that the remarks were actually 
 made by the said officials, and the Royal Government will itself 
 take steps to collect evidence and proofs. 
 
 lo. The Royal Government of Serbia will inform the imperial 
 and Royal Government of the execution of the measures comprised 
 under the above heads, in so far as this has not already been done 
 by the present note, as soon as each measure has been ordered and 
 carried out. 
 
 If the Imperial and Royal Government is not satisfied with this 
 reply, the Serbian Government, considering that it is not to the 
 common interest to precipitate the solution of this question, is 
 ready, as always, to accept a pacific understanding, either by re- 
 ferring these questions to the decision of the international tribunal 
 of The Hague, or to the great powers which took part in the draw- 
 ing up of the declaration made by the Serbian Government on 
 March 31, 1909. 
 
 The telegram announcing the above note by Pasic to 
 the Austro-Hungarian minister v^^as published as information 
 in the official correspondence bureau of Vienna (July 25, 
 1914) w^ith the follow^ing words: 
 
 The Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, before six P. M., went to the 
 Austrian Legation at Belgrade and gave an insufficient response to 
 the Austro-Hungarian note. 
 
 The Minister, Baron Giesl, then notified Pasic of the rupture of 
 diplomatic relations and left Belgrade with other officers of the 
 legation at 6:30 p. m.
 
 INTERESTING TELEGRAMS 213 
 
 An eloquent telegram from the English ambassador 
 in Vienna, Maurice di Bunsen, to Sir Edward Grey 
 (July 27, 1914). An official communication from the 
 Russian Government, published by the Courrier de la 
 Bourse, of Petrograd Quly 27, 1914), the reply of Czar 
 Nicholas II to Prince Alexander, regent of Serbia (July 
 27, 1914). The grateful acknowledgment of Prince 
 Alexander to Czar Nicholas II. 
 
 On July 27, 1914, the English ambassador at Vienna, 
 Maurice di Bunsen, sent the following telegram to Sir Ed- 
 ward Grey in London: 
 
 I have had conversations with all of my colleagues representing 
 the great powers. The impression which was left on my mind is 
 that the Austro-Hungarian note was so drawn up as to render a 
 war inevitable; that the Austro-Hungarian Government has fully 
 determined to have war with Serbia; that it considers its position 
 as one of the great powers in jeopardy, and that until punishment 
 has been administered to Serbia, it is unlikely that it will listen to 
 proposals of mediation. This country (Austro-Hungary) has 
 gone wild with joy at the prospect of war with Serbia, and its 
 postponement of prevention would undoubtedly be a great dis- 
 appointment. 
 
 The Courrier de la Bourse of Petrograd on July 27, 
 1914, published the following official communication: 
 
 Russia will be ready to respond by any means which are at the 
 disposal of a great power before any evidence in which it is proved 
 that its legitimate demands are despised. Russia will not permit 
 the annihilation of a Slavic State, but it is as ready to sustain 
 Austro-Hungary in its just demands as it is ready to recommend to 
 Serbia not to be unreasonable. In any case Russia will never per- 
 mit the punishment of an entire Serbian people for the crime of a 
 private individual. Neither Russia nor Serbia can consent to 
 interference with the sovereign right of a Balkan State. 
 
 And Czar Nicholas II on the same day responded to the
 
 214 THIRD PART 
 
 supplicating telegram sent to him by Prince Alexander, 
 Regent of Serbia, on July 24th. The Czar, in his response, 
 made known his wishes and recommendations and ex- 
 pressed his approbation of the attempt to avert war; but 
 concluded thus: "If, notwithstanding our most sincere de- 
 sires, we cannot prevent war, your highness may rest as- 
 sured that in any case Russia will be interested in the fate 
 of Serbia." 
 
 When the Russian minister in Serbia, Strandtman, con- 
 signed to the Prime Minister of Serbia the comforting 
 telegram of the Czar directed to Prince Alexander, Pasic, 
 after having read it, made the sign of the cross and exclaimed, 
 "O God! The Czar is great and merciful!" Then not 
 being able to restrain his emotion he embraced Strandtman; 
 and Prince Alexander telegraphed his thanks to the Czar, 
 in these terms: 
 
 Profoundly touched by the telegram Your Majesty has deigned 
 to send me, I hasten to thank you from my heart. I pray 
 Your Majesty to be persuaded that the cordial sympathy which 
 Your Majesty has shown toward our country is especially preci- 
 ous and fills our hearts with hope that the future of Serbia is 
 assured since this nation has become the object of your high 
 solicitude. These dark moments cement more than ever the 
 chains of deep attachment which unites Serbia with "Santa Russia 
 Slava"; the sentiments of eternal gratitude for the protection and 
 aid of your Majesty shall be held devoutly in the soul of every 
 Serbian. 
 
 VI 
 
 The declaration of war by Austria-Hungary against 
 Serbia (July 27, 1914). The proclamation of the 
 Emperor Francis Joseph to his people (July 28th). 
 Czar Nicholas sends an urgent telegram to the Kaiser, 
 begging of him to discourage war (July 29th). The 
 reply and the declaration of war (July 31st). 
 
 The inflexible plan of the Austro-Hungarian govern- 
 ment was announced on July 27, 1914, with the following 
 declaration made to the powers:
 
 AUSTRIA DECLARES WAR ON SERBIA 215 
 
 To put an end to the subversive plots coming from Belgrade 
 and directed against the territorial integrity of the Austro-Hun- 
 garian Monarchy, the imperial and Royal Government, warned the 
 Royal Government of Serbia July 23, 1914, by means of a note, in 
 which we find formulated a series of demands for the acceptance 
 of which there was accorded forty-eight hours. 
 
 The Royal Government of Serbia not having responded to 
 this note in a satisfactory manner, the Imperial Royal Govern- 
 ment of Austria found it necessary to provide, with force of arms, 
 for the defense of its rights and interests. 
 
 Austria, which had simultaneously directed a formal declara- 
 tion to Serbia, in conformity to Article I of the Convention of 
 October 18, 1907, relative to the opening of hostilities, considers 
 itself, from this moment in a state of war with Serbia. 
 
 The day after, July 28th, the Emperor Francis Joseph 
 published from Vienna a proclamation, in which among 
 things he said to his people: 
 
 My greatest desire has always been to consecrate the years, 
 which by "grace of God remain to me, to the work of peace, 
 and to preserve my people from the great sacrifice and burdens 
 of war. But Providence has willed otherwise. The conduct of 
 an adversary full of hate obliges me to defend the honor of my 
 monarchy; to protect its authority and its power; to guarantee its 
 position; to take the sword in hand after long years of 
 peace. 
 
 My Government has made, in vain, a last attempt to obtain by 
 pacific means its ambition to induce Serbia to change its course of 
 conduct; but Serbia has rejected the moderate overtures of my 
 government and has refused to do its duty. I see myself con- 
 strained to create by force, the indispensable guarantees which 
 must secure to my State internal calm and permanent peace with 
 the outside world. 
 
 I, in this grave hour, assume all of the burden of my decision 
 and the responsibility which I may encounter before Omnipotent 
 God. I have examined and studied everything. I pledge myself 
 conscientiously to the way which duty points out to me. I have 
 faith in my people, who during so many storms have always 
 united themselves around my throne; I have faith in the Austro- 
 Hungarian army, which is animated by sentiments of valor and 
 devotion. I have faith in Omnipotent God, who will give victory 
 to my armies.
 
 216 THIRD PART 
 
 On July 29th, Czar Nicholas II telegraphed to Kaiser 
 William II thus: 
 
 In this grave moment I beg of you to assist me. A cowardly 
 war has been declared against a weak nation. In Russia the 
 indignation, which I myself share, is enormous. I foresee that I 
 cannot long resist the pressure' forced upon me and I shall be con- 
 strained to take such measures as may lead to a European war. 
 I beg of you, in the name of our old friendship, to do all that is 
 possible to prevent your ally continuing. 
 
 But William II responded by insisting that Austria had 
 acted justly; that the conflict must be limited to Austria 
 and Serbia; but in any case Germany would be with her ally 
 Austria. 
 
 Events became more serious and continued to go rapidly 
 from bad to worse. 
 
 On the afternoon of July 31st, Kaiser William II was 
 obliged, by the insistent cheers of an immense crowd, to 
 present himself on the balcony of the Imperial Palace in 
 Berlin with the Empress at his side, together with the Crown 
 Prince and his consort, the Chancellor, and the principal 
 personages of the court. On this occasion he pronounced 
 these words: 
 
 A critical hour has fallen upon Germany. From every part 
 we are constrained, much to my grief, to take arms in just defense. 
 
 If at the last hour our efforts cannot induce our adversaries to 
 repent and maintain peace, for which for twenty-five years I have 
 worked, I hope that we, with the help of God, will unsheath the 
 sword, and I hope we shall sheath it again with honor. You must 
 be willing to endure enormous sacrifices of blood and of goods, 
 but you will endure this, I know, and to our adversaries we will 
 show what it means to oflfend Germany. 
 
 I commend you to God! Go to church and pray to God to 
 grant victory to the German arms and cause. 
 
 On August I, 1914, Germany declared war on Russia. 
 On August 3d, Germany declared war upon France and 
 on the same date (August 3d) Germany declared war on 
 Belgium.
 
 TRIPLE ALLIANCE 217 
 
 VII 
 
 The treaty of the Triple Alliance between the Govern- 
 ments of Italy, Austria, and Germany (1882-1912). The 
 articles III, IV, and VII of that same treaty. 
 
 When, in September, 1877, Francesco Crispi — who as 
 yet had not risen to power in the Government of Italy — 
 met Prince Bismarck at Wildbad and spoke of a possible 
 defensive alHance between Germany and Italy, and touched 
 on the compHcated Oriental question, Bismarck responded: 
 "If Austria should take Bosnia, Italy would take Albania, 
 or any other Turkish land on the Adriatic." One year 
 after (1878) Austria, following the congress of Berlin, 
 *'took" Bosnia; but Italy did not "take" Albania. 
 
 Instead, on October 31, 1881, Humbert I accompanied 
 by Queen Margherita, Minister Depretis, and Mancini, 
 visited Francis Joseph at Vienna, for important political 
 reasons. And on May 20, 1882, the Italian, Austrian and 
 German Governments signed the famous treaty of the Triple 
 Alliance which was afterward renewed in 1887, 1897, and 
 1902, and finally in 191 2 for another twelve years. 
 
 After the treaty was signed on May 20, 1882, Prince 
 Bismarck, in a speech in the German parliament on June 12, 
 1882, expressed himself thus: "We are united and allied, 
 gentlemen, with two great monarchies, Italy and Austria, 
 who will defend our interests and who want peace as we 
 want it." 
 
 From the documents published after the war broke out, 
 it clearly followed that the treaty of the Triple Alliance — 
 renewed, as has been said, in 191 2, for another twelve years — 
 contained among other things, three articles (3, 4, and 7). 
 
 Such articles were of the following tenor: 
 
 Article III. If one or two of the contracting parties, without 
 provocation on their part, are attacked by two or more Powers 
 which have not signed this treaty, and are implicated in a war with 
 them, this will at the same time raise the casus foederis for the other 
 parties.
 
 218 THIRD PART 
 
 Article IF. If a great Power which has not signed this treaty 
 menaces the national safety of one of the contracting parties and 
 the nation thus menaced were thus constrained to declare war, the 
 other two would be obliged to observe toward their ally a benev- 
 olent neutrality. Each one of the three contracting Powers in 
 this case, will remain free to participate in the war if it seems wise 
 and to make a common cause with her ally. 
 
 Article VII. Austria-Hungary and Italy, which have only 
 the object in view to maintain the status quo in the Orient, obligate 
 themselves to use their influence to prevent any territorial change 
 dangerous to one or the other of the contracting Powers. They 
 will reciprocally give all the explanations necessary to clarify 
 their respective intentions and the intentions of the other Powers. 
 
 But if, however, in the course of events a case presents in itself 
 w^hich it would be impossible to maintain the status quo in the terri- 
 tory of the Balkans, and of the Ottoman coasts and islands of the 
 Adriatic and Aegean Seas; and in consequence of the conduct of a 
 third Power, or for other causes, Austria and Italy would be obliged 
 to change the status quo with a temporary or lasting occupation, such 
 occupation would take place only after previous agreement be- 
 tween the two Powers, based on the principle of a reciprocal con- 
 sent ^ for all territorial or other sorts of advantages which could 
 come to one of them outside of the present status quo and in a 
 manner to satisfy the justifiable pretentions of both parties. 
 
 VIII 
 
 How the Government of Austria, in its fatal ultimatum 
 of July 23, 1914, and the consequent declaration of war 
 against Serbia, of July 27, 1914, violated the treaty of 
 the Triple Alliance to the injury of Italy. 
 
 The Giornale d' Italia (the great oificlal daily of Rome) 
 August I, 1914, published the follow^Ing: 
 
 During the grave crisis provoked by the note of Austria to 
 Serbia, the Italian government worked actively and In conjunc- 
 tion especially with the English Government, to avoid European 
 complications and to maintain peace. But unfortunately the 
 
 ^ Some publications say: "based on the principle of reciprocal compensation."
 
 AUSTRIA VIOLATED THE ALLIANCE 219 
 
 Italo-English efforts for peace did not succeed; and from day to 
 day the probabilities of an European conflagration became greater. 
 Thus the Italian Government had to considerthe situation in which 
 (the Government) Italy might find herself in a future conflict, and 
 place herself in accord in the following points: 
 
 First. The note of Austria to Serbia was communicated to the 
 Italian government after it had been communicated to the Serbian 
 government, so that there was no advice beforehand on the part 
 of the Chancellery of Vienna, nor any treaty with the Roman cabinet 
 regarding the grave decision which immediately had European 
 consequences. 
 
 Second. One of the fundamental characteristics of the Triple 
 Alliance is that no one of the allies can undertake an action in 
 the Balkans without first being in accord with the other allies. 
 Now there was no such preventive agreement between Austria 
 and Italy. 
 
 Third. The Triple Alliance has a defensive, not an offensive 
 character, and cannot obligate the allies to follow one of them, 
 who, on its own account and without previous advice, would have 
 the object in view of pursuing an aggressive action exactly such 
 as that undertaken by Austria against Serbia. 
 
 Fourth. The fundamental interest of Italy is, that the Adrl- 
 atic-Balkanic equilibrium, resulting from the recent wars in the 
 European East, shall not be disturbed, but instead, the principle 
 must continue to prevail that the Balkans must be for the Balkan 
 people. Now, the military action of Austro-Hungary against 
 Serbia — notwithstanding the Chancellery of Vienna had de- 
 clared that it had no territorial ambitions — is of such a nature that 
 a change may be precipitated in the aforesaid equilibrium. 
 
 Fifth. Italy, not having been advised In advance of the 
 thing which Austria was undertaking, could not even take one of 
 the necessary precautions for the protection of her most vital 
 interests in the eventuality of unforeseen European complications. 
 On these substantial points, the council of the ministers of Italy 
 (meeting August i, 1914) found themselves in accord. On the 
 other hand the Italian Government did not fail to make known Its 
 point of view to the governments of Vienna and Berlin, assuring 
 them that in any case Italy would have held an amicable attitude 
 toward the allies. But they observed In the meantime that the 
 sudden and not concerted action of Austria against Serbia could 
 not Impose on them the obligation to follow Austria everywhere, 
 and that the object of Italy was essentially pacific.
 
 220 THIRD PART 
 
 On the evening of August 2d, the Giornale d'ltalia 
 pubHshed the following: 
 
 This morning, a little before noon, the German ambassador in 
 Rome, Baron von Flotow, visited our minister of foreign affairs, 
 and communicated to him that Germany had declared war on 
 Russia. The minister, the Marquis of San Giuliano, received the 
 communication and declared that Italy, inspired by the spirit and 
 the letter of the treaty of the Triple Alliance, does not believe that 
 the actual conflict as it has risen and developed, can constitute the 
 casus foederis for the participation of Italy in this conflict; there- 
 fore the Honorable San Giuliano added that Italy will maintain 
 the most rigorous neutrality. 
 
 IX 
 The declaration of Italian neutrality (August 4, 1914). 
 
 On August 4, 1914, the oflftcial gazette of the kingdom of 
 Italy published the following: 
 
 The ItaUan cabinet has deliberated upon the following text 
 of a declaration of neutrality: 
 
 Finding some of the Powers of Europe in a state of war, and 
 Italy being in a state of peace with all belligerents, the government of 
 the King, citizens, and other subjects of the kingdom, are obliged to ob- 
 serve the duties of neutrality following the existing laws and following 
 the principle of international rights. 
 
 Whoever violates these duties must suffer the consequences, and 
 will inctir the punishments established by law. 
 
 Such proclamation of neutrality was unanimously ap- 
 proved by a great majority of the nation represented by the 
 Socialists, Republicans, Radicals, Democrats, Progressives 
 and by many of the Liberal Constitutional party; onone side, 
 for pacific and theoretic reasons of principle; on the other, 
 for party reasons, and for historical and sentimental reasons, 
 and on account of Masonic opposition to Catholic Austria, 
 against German militarism, in fact, against the Triple 
 Alliance; and also because of the fear of financial and 
 economic conditions which seemed very delicate for the
 
 ITALY DENOUNCES TRIPLE ALLIANCE 221 
 
 state and for the country — as was shown by the recent 
 parhamentary discussions — after the campaign with Lybia, 
 which brought to the national treasury a burden of no less 
 than one billion of lire to face, together with new taxes which 
 were exasperating additions to the old; there were citizens 
 of every sort who for one reason or another were not of any 
 party, not representative, non-agitators, because they were 
 opposed in general to the war, to the adventurous under- 
 taking and because they were desirous that Italy, in the 
 general interests of the nation, should have a long period of 
 peace and fruitful work. 
 
 The proclamation of neutrahty was disapproved and 
 combated by a small minority of the Italians who wanted 
 immediate intervention at the side of Germany and Austria, 
 and also by those who stood by the Triple Alliance at any 
 cost (ModerateLiberals, Conservatives and someof the Young 
 Nationalists) and who were convinced of the moral necessity 
 for Italy to face in Europe, for her present and for her future 
 place in the world among the nations, the cementation of 
 war and the necessary risks borne by it; and to acquire from 
 her natural boundaries from every part greater and na- 
 tural expansion on the surrounding seas. 
 
 X 
 
 The Italian Government, on May 3, 1915, denounces 
 the treaty of the Triple Alliance. 
 
 If the majority of the nation was in favor of neutrality 
 in 1914, in 191 5 it was in favor of war. On May 3, 191 5, 
 Baron Sydney Sonnino, minister of foreign affairs in Italy, 
 presented the following note to the minister of foreign 
 affairs of Austro-Hungary through the Duke of Avarna, 
 Ambassador of Victor Emanuel III at Vienna: 
 
 The alliance between Italy and Austria-Hungary became 
 stronger, from its very beginning, as an element and a guarantee of 
 peace, and aimed chiefly, at first, toward the end of mutual defense. 
 Considering the ulterior events and the new situation which resulted
 
 222 THIRD PART 
 
 from them, the governments of both countries were forced to 
 consider another, and no less essential aim in the course of the 
 successive renewals of the treaty, and thus applied themselves to 
 safeguard the continuance of their alliance, stipulating the prin- 
 ciple of previous understandings relative to the Balkans, in view 
 of conciliating the interests and divergent tendencies of the two 
 powers. 
 
 It is very evident that these stipulations, loyally observed, 
 would have been sufficient to furnish a solid basis for a mutual and 
 fecund action. Instead, Austria-Hungary, during the summer of 
 1914, without consulting Italy, without even giving her the least 
 notice, and taking no cognizance of the advices of moderation 
 which were given to her by the Royal Government, sent Serbia the 
 ultimatum of July 23, 1914, which was the cause and the starting 
 point of the present European conflagration. 
 
 Austria-Hungary, in neglecting the obligations arising from 
 the treaty, profoundly disturbed the status quo of the Balkan 
 States, and created a situation by which she alone was to profit, 
 to the detriment of the interests of the greatest importance, that 
 her ally had so many times affirmed and proclaimed. 
 
 So flagrant a violation of the letter and the spirit of the treaty, 
 not alone justified the refusal by Italy to take sides with the allies 
 in a war provoked without her consent, but took away at the same 
 time from the allies their most essential content and raison 
 d'etre. 
 
 The condition itself, of the benevolent neutrality provided for 
 by the treaty, was compromised by this violation. Reason and 
 sentiment are agreed, in fact, to exclude the idea that benevolent 
 neutrality could be maintained when one of the allies takes up 
 arms for the realization of a program diametrically opposed to 
 the vital interests of the other ally; interests, the safeguarding 
 of which constitutes the principal reason for the alliance itself. 
 
 In spite of these facts Italy has endeavored, during several 
 months, to create a situation favorable to the re-establishment be- 
 tween the two states of such amicable relations as constitute the 
 fundamental principles of all co-operation in the domain of general 
 politics. 
 
 With this end in view, and with this hope, the Royal Govern- 
 ment declared itself disposed to agree to an arrangement having as 
 a base the satisfaction in an equitable measure of the legitimate 
 national aspirations of Italy, and which would serve at the same 
 time to reduce the existing disparities in the reciprocal situations
 
 GOVERNMENT AND PARLIAMENT 223 
 
 of both states on the Adriatic. These negotiations, however, 
 brought no appreciable results. 
 
 All efforts of the Royal Government were frustrated by the 
 resistance of the Imperial and Royal Government, which, after 
 several months, onl}'^ decided to admit of the special interests of 
 Italy in Valona, and to promise an insufficient concession of ter- 
 ritory in the Trentino, a concession which did not achieve the nor- 
 mal adjustment of the situation, either from a political or a military 
 point of view. This concession, besides, was to have its execution 
 only at an indeterminate date, that is to say, only at the end of 
 the war. 
 
 In view of this state of affairs, the Italian Government must 
 give up the hope of reaching an understanding, and sees itself 
 forced to retire from all propositions of arrangement. 
 
 It is equally useless to maintain toward the alliance a formal 
 appearance which belies the reality of continual distrust and daily 
 disputes. 
 
 That is why, Italy, confident in her right, affirms and pro- 
 claims that it takes back, from this instant, its entire liberty of 
 action and declares annulled and forever without effect, its 
 treaty alliance with Austria-Hungary. 
 
 SONNINO. 
 
 XI 
 
 Antonio Salandra, president of the ministerial council 
 of Italy, in the historical session of the National Italian 
 Parliament in Rome, May 20, 1915, explains the reasons 
 which forced the Italian Government to declare war on 
 Austria-Hungary. 
 
 On May 20, 191 5, in the historical session of the National 
 Parliament at Rome, Antonio Salandra, president of the 
 ministerial council of Italy, presented a sketch of laws," for 
 the conferring of extraordinary powers on the Government 
 of the King in case of war,'* and made the following address : 
 
 Honorable Colleagues: Italy from the time in which she rose 
 to the unity of State, asserted herself in the world of nations as a 
 factor of moderation, concord and peace; and she can proudly 
 proclaim to have fulfilled such a mission with a firmness which 
 did not make her shrink even before the most painful sacrifices.
 
 224 THIRD PART 
 
 For more than thirty years, she has maintained a system 
 of alliance and of friendship, dominated principally by the desire 
 to better assure, in such a way, the European equilibrium, and 
 with it, peace. For the nobility of such an end, Italy has not 
 only tolerated the insecurity of her frontiers, not only has she sub- 
 ordinated to this end her most sacred national aspiration, but she 
 has been forced to assist, with repressed sorrow, in the attempts 
 methodically conducted to suppress those characteristics of Ital- 
 ianity which nature and history have indelibly impressed on gen- 
 erous regions. 
 
 The ultimatum that the Austro-Hungarian Empire directed 
 to Serbia in July 1914, at one blow annulled the effects of our 
 long efforts, violating the pact which tied us to that state. Austria 
 violated the aforesaid pact, by omitting the agreement with us, 
 and by not even having sent a simple notice to us. She violated 
 it in substance, thus intending to disturb, to our injury, the 
 delicate system of territorial possession and of spheres of 
 influence which had been formed in the Balkan peninsula. 
 
 But, to speak of more than this or that particular point, the 
 whole spirit of the treaty was offended even more than it was sup- 
 pressed; because it unleashed in the world this most terrible war 
 contrary to our sentiments and to our interests. And the equi- 
 librium, which the alliance might have secured, was destroyed; and 
 virtually but irresistibly, the problem of the national integration 
 of Italy arose, notwithstanding that for many months, the govern- 
 ment has patiently labored to effect a compromise which might 
 restore to the treaty its right to exist, which it has lost. But the 
 treaties necessary to effect such a compromise should have had 
 limitations not only of time but of prestige without which the inter- 
 est of our country would have been compromised. 
 
 For the guardianship, therefore, of these treaties the govern- 
 ment of the kingdom of Italy found itself constrained to notify 
 the imperial Austrian Government on the fourth of this month, 
 May, 191 5, that it must withdraw all of its proposals of agreement, 
 denounce the treaty of the alliance, and declare its own liberty 
 of action. Nor, on the other hand, was it more possible to leave 
 Italy in isolation without security and without prestige, just at the 
 moment in which the history of the world was taking on a decisive 
 phase. 
 
 Now in the name of the Patria and because of our devotion to 
 her, we fervently make our most earnest appeal to Parliament and 
 to the country that all dissensions stop, and, more than this, in 
 every part they must be forgotten.
 
 ITALY ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 225 
 
 The disputes between parties and classes, individual opinions 
 — always respected in normal times — in other words, the reasons 
 themselves, which give life to the daily fecund contrast of tenden- 
 cies and principles, must today disappear before an ideality which 
 inflames more than any other ideality the fortunes and greatness 
 of Italy. 
 
 Everything else we must forget from this moment, and re- 
 member only this: to be Italians, to love all Italy with the same 
 faith and fervor. The forces of all must be cemented into one 
 single heart; only one single will must guide all toward the wished 
 for end; and force, and art, and will must find their expression one, 
 alive, and heroic in the army and navy of Italy and in the august 
 leader who conducts them toward the destiny of the new history. 
 
 XII 
 
 Italy declares war against Austria-Hungary 
 (May 23, 1915). 
 
 On May 23, 191 5, the Government of Victor Emanuel 
 III, incited by the great majority (nine-tenths of the Italian 
 people), declared vv^ar on the Austro-Hungarian Empire 
 through the follov^ing communication by the duke of 
 Avarna, the Italian Ambassador to the Austrian Govern- 
 ment at Vienna: 
 
 Vienna, May 23, 1915. 
 
 Following the instructions that I have received from His 
 Majesty the King, my august sovereign, I, the undersigned, have 
 the honor to communicate to his excellency, minister of foreign 
 affairs of Austro-Hungary, the following declaration: 
 
 As has already been noted, on May 4, 1915, there was communi- 
 cated to the Imperial Royal Government the motives for which Italy, 
 confident of her rights, considered the treaty of the alliance zvhich had 
 been violated by the Imperial Royal Government, and declared it null 
 and without effect in the future, and she assumed her former liberty of 
 action. 
 
 The Government of the King, firmly determined to assure with 
 every means at its disposal the defense of Italian rights and interests, 
 will not neglect its duty to undertake, in the face of any present and 
 future threats, the measures which may be imposed for the accomplish- 
 ment of its national aspirations.
 
 226 THIRD PART 
 
 His Majesty the King declares that Italy from tomorrow must he 
 considered in a state of war zuith Austria-Hungary {May 24, IQ15). 
 
 I, the undersigned, have the honor to communicate at the same 
 time to his excellency, the minister of foreign affairs of Austro- 
 Hungary, that the passports will be handed today to the Imperial 
 Royal Ambassador at Rome. I shall be gratified if mine may also 
 be handed to me. 
 
 Duke of Avarna. 
 
 XIII 
 
 The Emperor Francis Joseph in a proclamation addressed 
 to his people on May 24, 1915, accuses Victor Emanuel 
 III, King of Italy, of treachery. 
 
 The day after (May 24, 191 5) Francis Joseph published 
 the following proclamation: 
 
 To my People! 
 
 The King of Italy has declared war. History does not record 
 such betrayal as this which has been accomplished by the King of 
 Italy against his two allies. After an alliance of more than thirty 
 years, during which time Italy has been able to increase her 
 territory and develop her resources, she has left us and goes forth 
 with her flag floating in the field of the enemy. 
 
 We have not threatened Italy, we have not lessened her prestige; 
 we have not hurt her goods nor her interests; we have always ob- 
 served our duty toward her as an ally, and have accorded to her 
 our defense when she went to war. 
 
 We have done more: when Italy turned her covetous eyes on 
 our boundaries we decided to maintain peace and alliance at 
 whatever great and painful sacrifice. This is especially painful 
 to our paternal heart. But Italian cupidity which wished to take 
 advantage of the moment, was insatiable. Destiny, however, 
 must be fulfilled. My armies, in faithful fraternity of arms with 
 those of my highest allies, have victoriously sustained a gigantic 
 fight of ten months with the powerful enemy of the east. 
 
 The perfidious enemy of the South is not a new adversary. 
 The great memories of Novara, Mortara, Custozza, Lissa, which 
 formed the pride of my youth; the spirit of Radetzky, the Arch- 
 duke Albert, and of Tegetthofi',^ which live in my army and 
 
 'The Austrian Admiral who at Lissa (July 20, 1866) defeated the Italian fleet.
 
 THE ACCUSATION OF GERMANY 227 
 
 navy, guarantee to me that we shall know how to defend with 
 success the boundaries of the monarchy even on the South. 
 
 I salute my troops and their commanders, who have proven 
 themselves victorious, and to whose admirable spirit of sacrifice 
 I owe my deepest gratitude, with the hope that my people will 
 pray to Almighty God to bless our flag and take our cause under 
 his protection. 
 
 Francis Joseph. 
 
 XIV 
 
 The " violent and false " speech of von Bethmann- 
 HoUweg, the German chancellor to the Reichstag in 
 Berlin, against Italy (May 28, 1915). 
 
 The German chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg de- 
 livered the following speech at the session of the Reichstag 
 of Berlin, May 28, 191 5: 
 
 When eight days ago I spoke, the hope still existed that it 
 would be possible to put off the war with Italy. The hope was a 
 delusion; in Germany it was impossible to believe that there would 
 be such a sudden change. Today the Italian government has 
 written for all time, in the book of the history of the people and in 
 letters of blood, its act of disloyalty. 
 
 It was, I believe, Machiavelli who said that sometimes a 
 necessary war was also a just war; now this war of Italy, considered 
 from a purely materialistic point of view, independent of any moral 
 obligation, is it necessary? Is it not rather madness? 
 
 No one, either in Austria or in Germany, threatens Italy. 
 History will judge in the future whether Italy has allowed herself 
 to be seduced by the fine promises of the Entente. Italy might 
 have obtained a series of concessions, of which I have recently 
 spoken: the territories of the Tyrol and Isonzo where Italian is 
 spoken, the acceptation of the national Italian reclamation, a free 
 hand in Albania and the seaport of Avlona which is of great 
 value. Why has not Italy accepted such offers? Does she hope 
 to conquer the Tyrol? Then let her show her hand! Does she 
 want to offend Germany who has done so much to elevate her to 
 a position as one of the great powers, and from whom she is not 
 separated by any discordance of interests? I have left no doubt 
 in the Reichstag on this point; an attack by Italy against the
 
 228 THIRD PART 
 
 Austro-Hungarian army would be a blow equally against the 
 German army. 
 
 Why has Italy rejected the proposals of Austria? The Italian 
 manifesto published on the occasion of the declaration of war, 
 shows that a bad conscience is hidden under empty phrases, and 
 it gives no explanations. It might perhaps be embarrassing to 
 declare openly some of the things which were said in conversations 
 in parliamentary circles, which were that the Austrian offers 
 have come too late and Italy could have no confidence in them. 
 In reality what does this mean? The Italian statesmen had no 
 reason to put their confidence in the loyalty of our nation only 
 in proportion to the measure of their own fidelity to the treaties. 
 Germany gave her word that the Austrian concessions would be 
 realized; therefore Italy had no right to distrust her. Why too 
 late? On May 4, 191 5, Trentino existed just as it had previously 
 existed, and to Trentino was joined a series of concessions which 
 were not thought of in the winter. 
 
 If it were too late, was it not rather because the Roman states- 
 men had not hesitated long since, while the triple alliance still 
 existed (an alliance which the King of Italy and the Italian Govern- 
 ment had formerly recognized even after the beginning of the war) 
 to compromise themselves so gravely with the Triple Entente, as 
 not to be able to extricate themselves from the meshes? 
 
 In December 1914, one could notice the first indication of the 
 change in the Roman Cabinet, because it is always ready to seize 
 upon new opportunities. On the other hand Italy has never 
 ceased, even in past times, to show her predilection for the changes 
 of the dance; but now there is no ballroom, there is instead a bloody 
 battle field in which Germany and Austro-Hungary fight for their 
 lives against a world of enemies. The Italian statesmen have 
 played against their own people the same game that they have 
 played against us. 
 
 Undoubtedly the regions of the Italian language situated on 
 the northern frontier were the object of the dreams and the desires 
 of every Italian; but the great majority of the people and the 
 majority of parliament did not want war. During the first days 
 of May, 191 5 — according to the observations of one who knew 
 Italian affairs very well — the senate (May 4, 191 5) and the 
 Chamber of deputies (May 12, 191 5), composed of the most serious 
 statesmen, were still against war. 
 
 We have done everything possible to prevent Italy from de- 
 taching herself from the Triple Alliance. Just for this, we have
 
 THE DEFENSE OF ITALY 229 
 
 assumed the ungrateful task of suggesting to our faithful ally, 
 Austria — by means of her army with which our troops daily divide 
 death and victory — to buy faithfulness from this third ally, 
 ceding to it territory which Austria acquired long ago. It is well 
 known that Austria-Hungary went to the extreme limits of con- 
 cessions. Prince von Biilow, again in the active service of the 
 Empire, has put to work with untiring energy all of his diplomatic 
 ability, and his exact knowledge of men and of things in Italy, to 
 bring about harmony. If his work has come to naught, the 
 people recognize it just the same. 
 
 XV 
 
 Antonio Salandra, president of the Italian Cabinet, in 
 a solemn and detailed speech delivered in the Campido- 
 glio of Rome, June 2,1915, defends Italy from the accusa- 
 tions of the Austro-Hungarian Emperor and the German 
 Chancellor. 
 
 On June 2, 191 5, Prime Minister Salandra delivered 
 the following memorable discourse ^ in the vast hall of the 
 Horatii in the Campidoglio at Rome. 
 
 We have entered upon a war, greater than any other recorded 
 in history, in order to safeguard the oldest and loftiest aspirations, 
 the most vital interests of our country. Italians of every calling 
 in life must not only have, as indeed they have wondrously proved 
 themselves to have, a spontaneous, instinctive and profound sense 
 of justice of our cause and the holiness of our war; they must have 
 also a rational conviction of it, and the whole civilized world must 
 be persuaded of it. 
 
 To Italy, therefore, and to the civilized world I now address my- 
 self, and I will demonstrate, not with violent words, but with pre- 
 cise facts and with unimpeachable documents how the fury of our 
 enemies has vainly sought to diminish the lofty moral and political 
 dignity of the cause which our arms shall make triumph. I will 
 speak with that calm serenity of which the King of Italy gave so 
 noble an example when he called to arms his soldiers on land 
 
 ^This speech was published in the American papers in October 1915, but was 
 so mutilated and altered as to be deceiving, especially in the documentary parts.
 
 230 THIRD PART 
 
 and sea.^ I will speak as I ought, with all the respect due to my 
 exalted position and to the place where I stand. I can afford to 
 pass by the insults written in imperial, royal and archducal pro- 
 clamations, because I speak from the Campidoglio, and because I, 
 in this solemn hour, represent the people and the government of 
 Italy. I, a modest burgess, feel myself nobler far than the head 
 of the Hapsburgs. 
 
 The mediocre statesmen who with trifling boldness, and mis- 
 taken in all their previsions, applied the torch to the whole of 
 Europe, and to their own homes as well, in July 1914, now, seeing 
 the colossal error which has been made, turn with brutal words 
 against Italy and her government in the parliaments of Budapest 
 and Berlin, with the evident purpose of reinstating themselves be- 
 fore their compatriots, and intoxicating them with visions of ha- 
 tred and blood. 
 
 The Chancellor of the German Empire has said he was filled 
 not with hatred but with anger. And very truly he spoke, since 
 he reasoned ill, as one usually does in an excess of rage. I could 
 not, even if I would, imitate that language. An atavistic re- 
 version to primitive barbarism is more difficult to us Italians, 
 who are twenty centuries farther removed from it. 
 
 But let us have done with words; let us deal with facts and rea- 
 sons. 
 
 The fundamental argument of the statesmen of Central Europe 
 is summed up in the words, treachery and jMrpru^, addressed to 
 Italy — treachery and surprise toward her faithful allies. It 
 would be easy enough to ask if a man had any right to speak of 
 alliances and of respect for treaties who, representing with far 
 less genius but with equal indifference to moral considerations the 
 traditions of Frederick the Great and Prince Otto von Bismarck, 
 
 Wictor Emanuel III, King of Italy, on assuming the'command of the land and 
 sea forces, sent out the following order of the day: 
 
 "Soldiers of the army and navy: The solemn hour of national vindication has 
 arrived. Following the example of my ancestors, I assume today the supreme 
 command of the army and navy; with the assurance of faith and victory that 
 your valor, your self-abnegation, and your discipline will know how to accomplish. 
 The, enemy you are preparing to combat is well equipped and a worthy ad- 
 versary. Favored by location and by learned military tactics, he will oppose 
 you with tenacious resistance, but your indomitable buoyancy will lead you to 
 victory. 
 
 "Soldiers! 
 
 "To you will belong the glory of planting the flag of Italy upon the sacred con- 
 fines which nature placed as the boundaries of our country. To you will belong 
 the glory of finally finishing the work begun by our forefathers, with so much 
 heroism." 
 
 "General Headquarters, May 26, 1915. Victor Emanuel."
 
 THE DEFENSE OF ITALY 231 
 
 has dared to proclaim that necessity knows no law and has con- 
 sented to his country's trampling under foot, burning, and burying 
 in the depths of the ocean every document and every civilized 
 practice of public international right. 
 
 But this would be too simple and misleading an argument. 
 Let us rather calmly examine the facts and see if our allies have any 
 right to say that they have been betrayed and surprised by us. 
 
 It had been evident for a time that our aspirations and our 
 judgment on that act of criminal folly, by which the allies amazed 
 the world, took from the alliance its fundamental reason for being. 
 The Green Book, prepared by Baron Sydney Sonnino, which 
 more than any other diplomatic collection of documents, has per- 
 meated the minds of the people, shows the long and painful transac- 
 tions which dragged on from December, 1915, to May, 1915. It 
 is not true, as astute attempts are being made to show, that the 
 ministry which was reconstituted last November changed the 
 direction of our international policy. 
 
 The Italian Government, whose line of conduct has never 
 changed, severely condemned the aggression of Austria against 
 Serbia the very moment it came within its knowledge; and it 
 foresaw the consequences, which those who had with such blind- 
 ness premeditated the blow had failed to foresee. 
 Here are the proofs: 
 
 I will read the very words, since we are dealing with documents. 
 On July 25, 1914, two days after Austria had sent the famous 
 ultimatum note to Serbia, the Marquis of San Giuliano, the 
 minister of foreign affairs of the Kingdom of Italy, telegraphed 
 to the Duke of Avarna, the ItaHan Ambassador at Vienna, as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 Today we three, the Prime Minister, Von Flotow and myself, 
 had a long conversation -which I summarize for the personal guidance 
 of your Excellency: 
 
 Salandra and myself made it quite clear to the Austrian Am- 
 bassador that Austria could have no right, according to the spirit of 
 the treaty of the Triple Alliance, to act as she has done at Belgrade 
 without previous understanding with her allies. Austria, in fact, 
 by reason of the tone in which her note is drawn up and by reason of 
 the demands she has made — which demands, while they are of little 
 effect against the Pan-Serbian peril, are deeply offensive to Serbia and 
 indirectly so to Russia — has clearly proved that she intends to 
 provoke a war. We therefore told Von Flotow that in consequence of 
 such a manner of proceeding on the part of Austria and by reason of
 
 232 THIRD PART 
 
 the defensive and conservative character of the treaty of the Triple Al- 
 liance, Italy is under no obligation to come to the aid of Austria in 
 the event of this action of hers involving her in a war with Russia; 
 since any European war whatever would in this event be the result of 
 a provocative and aggressive act on the part of Austria. 
 
 Shortly after, on July 27 or 28, 1914, we raised in clear 
 terms, at Berlin and Vienna, the question of the cession of the 
 Italian provinces of Austria, and we declared that if adequate 
 compensation were not obtained — I am reading the actual words 
 — the Triple Alliance would be irreparably broken. 
 
 The impartial historian will say that Austria, having found 
 Italy in July, 1913, and in October of the same year, hostile to her 
 aggressive designs against Serbia, attempted last summer in agree- 
 ment with Germany, to achieve her purpose by the surprise of an 
 accomplished fact. 
 
 The execrable crime of Sarajevo was only used as a pretext a 
 month after its perpetration. Austria's refusal to accept the prof- 
 fered submission of Serbia is proof of this. 
 
 Neither at the outbreak of the general conflagration would 
 Austria have been satisfied with the unconditional acceptance of 
 the ultimatum. On July 31, 1914, Count Berchtold (minister of 
 foreign aflFairs of Austria-Hungary) informed our Ambassador 
 that even if mediation had been possible, it could not have inter' 
 rupted the hostilities already engaged in with Serbia. This was the 
 mediation for which England and Italy were striving. In any event 
 Count Berchtold was not disposed to accept any mediation which 
 aimed at minimizing the conditions laid down in the Austro-Hungarian 
 note — conditions which could only have been increased at the con- 
 clusion of the war. On the other hand, if Serbia, meanwhile, had de- 
 cided unconditionally to accept the above mentioned note and had de- 
 clared herself ready to agree to the terms forced upon her — that 
 would not have induced the Imperial and Royal Government of 
 Austro-Hungary to cease hostilities. 
 
 It is not true that Austria pledged herself, as the Hungarian 
 Prime Minister asserted, not to undertake any acquisitions of 
 territory to the damage of Serbia, who, moreover, by accepting all 
 of the conditions imposed on her, would have become a vassal 
 state, even while she might remain unbroken territorially. 
 
 On July 30, 1914, the Austrian Ambassador Merey uses the 
 following words to the Marquis of San Giuliano: 
 
 Austria cannot make a binding declaration in regard to this 
 matter because she is unable to foresee if during the course of the war
 
 THE DEFENSE OF ITALY 233 
 
 she may not be obliged, against her will, to appropriate Serbian 
 territories. 
 
 And on July 29, 1914, Count Berchtold made the Duke of 
 Avarna understand that he was not disposed to pledge himself in 
 any way as to what he had said to him concerning the eventual 
 conduct of Austria in the case of a conflict with Serbia. 
 
 Where, then, is the betrayal, the treachery, where the surprise, 
 if, after nine months of vain efforts to arrive at an honorable under- 
 standing which should recognize in equitable measure our rights 
 and safeguard our interests, we have now resumed our liberty of 
 action and have taken such measures as the interests of our coun- 
 try have counseled us to take? 
 
 The fact is, both Austria and Germany believed up to the last 
 few days that they had to do with an Italy not only unwarlike and 
 clamorous, but feeble of purpose, capable of attempting to black- 
 mail, but never of enforcing her proper right by arms — with an 
 Italy that might be paralyzed by the expenditure of a few millions, 
 by shameful underhand methods, and by insinuating themselves 
 between the Country and the Government. 
 
 Kings and ministers have talked of the alliance which we have 
 denounced — after they have substantially broken it — as a 
 Providence under whose great wings Italy has lived for many 
 years, has developed economically, and has enlarged her ter- 
 ritories. I do not deny the benefits to be derived from the al- 
 liance, it would be foolishness to do so; but it would be not a one- 
 sided benefit, but a benefit to all concerned, and perhaps more of 
 an advantage to the others than to us. If it were not so, why did 
 the Central Empire wish to make and to renew it? Was Prince 
 Bismarck a sentimentalist, or a lover of the country where the 
 orange flourishes? And were the princes and the statesmen of the 
 Austro-Hungarian monarchy ever so tender toward us? 
 
 It is well to know in reality and with exactness of dates and 
 facts how the alliance has worked in its true spirit during the latter 
 years, and how it contributed to our only territorial enlargement, 
 which was Lybia. 
 
 The continual suspicion and the aggressive intentions of the 
 Austro-Hungarian monarchy against the ally are notorious, and 
 are shown by authentic proofs. 
 
 The head of the Austrian staff, General Conrad, has always 
 sustained the idea that war against Italy is inevitable, be it on ac- 
 count of the question of the Irredentist provinceSybe it for the jealousy 
 of the Kingdom of Italy for every undertaking of the Austro-Hun-
 
 234 THIRD PART 
 
 garian monarchy in the Balkans and in the eastern part of the 
 Mediterranean. 
 
 And at another time he said: "Italy wishes to expand when she 
 is hardly prepared; in the meantime she opposes all that we wish to 
 undertake in the Balkans. Consequently it is necessary to defeat 
 her in order to leave our hands free." 
 
 And he deplored that up to 1908, Italy had not been attacked 
 by Austria.^ 
 
 The same Austrian minister of foreign affairs recognized that 
 in the military party of the Empire the opinion obtained that the 
 kingdom of Italy must be crushed^ because from it comes the force 
 of attraction for the Italian provinces for the empire, and that there- 
 fore, with the victory over the kingdom of Italy, and with its political 
 annihilation, every hope of the Irredentists would cease. But 
 before the war, we should have oppressed the Italian provinces with 
 rigorous penalties, by opposing ourselves to all of their wishes re- 
 garding the question of education."^ 
 
 This thought shows clearly with what sincerity and good faith 
 the question of the Italian University at Trieste had been promised 
 and put off for so many years! 
 
 And now we will see how the allies aided in the conquest of 
 Lybya. 
 
 I will speak only of that which is proven by documents. 
 
 ^ At the foot of a report regarding the miUtary preparations of the Italo- 
 Austrian boundaries, the above-said General Conrad wrote: 
 
 "Why was I not listened to when I proposed and insisted upon attacking Italy 
 in 1908?" 
 
 In other words, the zealous head of the Austro-Hungarian stafF regretted the 
 opportunity which Austria lost to invade Italy when the latter was struck by 
 the terrible Calabrian-Sicilian earthquake on the last of December, 1908! 
 
 ^ Count Berchtold also recognized "the gravity of the problem of the Italians 
 subject to Austria," but he always affirmed that it is an evil without a remedy. 
 Instead the Armee Zeitung confessed frankly "that the Italian Irredentists should 
 be destroyed for the highest strategical reasons, for the purpose of not having 
 enemies at their backs on the day when Austria declares war on Italy." 
 
 Among the preparations for war by Austria against Italy, which were never 
 objected to by Germany, there was brought one day to the Chamber of deputies 
 in Rome, a singular document in the form of a hand book containing vocabularies 
 and dialogues in Italian and German for use by the Austrian army when it should 
 be ordered — according to its plans — to invade Italy. Its authenticity was 
 guaranteed by the official stamp and was never denied by the commandant at 
 Gratz, nor by the Government of Vienna. One can see in the replies to the ques- 
 tions their great importance and helpfulness when the time might come for 
 the Austrian troops to pass over the frontier into the kingdom of Italy. 
 
 "What is the attitude of the Italians? Are they haughty? Are they bold, 
 demoralized or sad? 
 
 "Where are the public treasures kept? Where are the depots for grain, wine 
 and food?"
 
 THE DEFENSE OF ITALY 235 
 
 The operations brilliantly begun by the Duke of Abruzzi 
 against the Turkish torpedoes assembled at Prevesa were suddenly 
 and absolutely stopped by Austria. 
 
 On October i, 191 1, Aehrenthal ^ said to our Ambassador at 
 Vienna that our military operations had impressed him painfully, 
 and that they could not be permitted to continue; it was most necessary 
 that they should cease and they were given orders to remain no longer 
 either in the waters of the Adriatic or of the Ionian Sea. 
 
 Worse still, the following day the German Ambassador in 
 Vienna informed our Ambassador confidentially that Aehrenthal 
 had begged of him to telegraph his own Government to say to the 
 Italian Government that if it had continued in its naval operations 
 in the Adriatic and the Ionian, the Italian Government would have had 
 to treat directly with Austria. ' 
 
 And not only in the Adriatic and the Ionian did Austria paralyze 
 our action. On November 5, 191 1, Count Aehrenthal informed 
 our Ambassador in Vienna that he understood that several Italian 
 battleships were sighted in the vicinity of Salonica where they 
 made electric light projections, and declared that not one single 
 action on the Ottoman coasts of European Turkey or even on the 
 Islands of the Aegean Sea would be permitted by either Austria- 
 Hungary or Germany because it was contrary to the treaty of the 
 Triple Alliance. 
 
 In March, 191 2, Berchtold, who succeeded Aehrenthal, de- 
 clared to the Ambassador of Germany at Vienna that regarding 
 one of our operations against the Ottoman-European coast, and the 
 islands of the Aegean Sea, he held Aehrenthal's point of view, ac- 
 cording to which operations were considered by the Imperial Royal 
 Government as opposed to the obligations assumed by us in Article 
 VII of the Treaty of the Triple Alliance. Regarding our operations 
 against the Dardanelles,^ he considered it in opposition: first, to our 
 promise not to proceed with any act which would place in jeopardy 
 the status quo of the Balkans; second, to the spirit itself which was 
 based on the maintenance of that same status quo. 
 
 Then when our fleet, finding itself bombarded at the mouth of 
 the Dardanelles by the Turkish forts of Kum Kalessi, replied, dam- 
 aging these same forts, Berchtold deplored the event, considering 
 
 * Minister of foreign affairs to Austria-Hungary. 
 
 ' It even resulted that because of the few projectiles thrown by the Duke of 
 Abruzzi from his torpedoes, Austria prepared her entire fleet for immediate action. 
 
 'This alludes to some Italian torpedoes which succeeded in penetrating (1912) 
 into the strait of the Dardanelles, making a daring raid.
 
 236 THIRD PART 
 
 it in contradiction to the promises made; and declared that, if 
 the Italian Royal Government wished to regain its liberty of action, 
 the Royal Imperial Government was able to do the same. 
 
 He added that he could not permit us in the future to repeat 
 any operations similar to those which had been accomplished, or to 
 do anything at all in opposition to his point of view. 
 
 The occupation of Chio ^ was thus prevented. 
 
 It is not necessary to repeat how many lives of Italian soldiers, 
 and how many millions of lire, the persistent obstructions at each 
 one of our moves against Turkey have cost us, who were sure of 
 the protection of our allies against every attack in her most vital 
 parts.^ 
 
 Another reproof which was bitterly made was that we were not 
 contented with the prodigious concessions which were offered to 
 us in these latter times. 
 
 Above all we could ask: were these concessions offered in good 
 faith? The suspicion is born from the reading of the last docu- 
 ments. 
 
 The Emperor Francis Joseph has said that Italy looked with 
 cupidity on the patrimony of his own house. 
 
 The Chancellor von Bethmann-Holweg said that with such 
 concessions it was meant to buy our fidelity. Therefore, you, 
 
 * Turkish Island in Aegean Sea. 
 
 ^ In the diplomatic conference of London for the Balkanic League against 
 Turkey (1912-1913) Austria, "dragging" Italy to her side, "imposed" the 
 exclusion of Montenegro from the conquered Scutari, and the creation of that 
 autonomous and independent Albania, when, in their own respective zones of 
 influence — at Durazzo, Austria; at Avlona, Italy — the two allied powers 
 believed they had finally found the means to satisfy and silence some of the reasons 
 for their unanswerable and fatal rivalries. But the discussions between Austria 
 and Italy repeatedly gave the impression of the lack of sincerity of Austria toward 
 Italy, especially when on March, 1914, the German Prince, William of Wied, 
 was seated on the throne of the new Albania, around which, there is no doubt, 
 Austria had created a net of Catholic-Austrian-anti-Italian intrigues; a net which 
 was one of the principal causes of that persistent rebellion of the Albanian Mus- 
 sulman elements (a natural reaction) because of sympathy toward Italian influ- 
 ence, in consequence of which, one sees in September, 1914, the disappearance — 
 in the tumult of the greater war — of the ephemeral sovereignty of this prince 
 who was thrust upon Albania by Germany. 
 
 The Austrian struggle in Albania aimed to make of this coast an impenetrable 
 barrier against Italian commerce toward the East. And in all of the Italian 
 Mediterranean there was jealousy and discontent. Thus, when Italy, being 
 in accord with England, obtained a railroad concession in Asia Minor (at Adalia), 
 the spectre of the allies followed her, each one according to his own methods: 
 Austria reclaimed a zone of territory near the place where the Italian railroad 
 started, which it had never thought of doing before; Germany hurriedly sent there 
 the agents oi the Deutsche Bank, who, under the pretext of selling agricultural 
 machines, attempted to buy up the ground which the Italian railroad occupied.
 
 THE DEFENSE OF ITALY 237 
 
 gentlemen, should applaud us for not having accepted such con- 
 cessions. 
 
 But let us turn to the concessions which reached the Foreign 
 Minister's hands and mine after they had been in the hands of 
 politicians and journalists hither and thither — these belated 
 concessions which, even if accepted as made in good faith, respond 
 in no way to the aims and objects which Italian policy must have 
 in view. 
 
 These aims and objects may be reduced to three: ist. The 
 defense of Italianity, our first and greatest duty. 2nd. A secure 
 military frontier which shall replace that which was imposed on us 
 in 1866, and by which all the gates of Italy are open to our en- 
 emies. 3rd. A less dangerous strategical position in the Adri- 
 atic, less insecure than that whose effects we have witnessed dur- 
 ing the past days. 
 
 All those advantages, so essential to us, were practically re- 
 fused. The offer of the Trentino, an offer increased bit [by bit, 
 never has reached, to the gorges of the Adige; it excluded the 
 Ampezzano — that Cortina to which our soldiers have now glori- 
 ously arrived — and the upper part — undoubtedly Italian — 
 of the Valley of Non, was refused under the pretext that in 
 Ampezzano, one did not treat with Italian people but with the 
 Ladin people; as if the difference between the Ladins and 
 Italians were not infinitely less than between the Ladins and 
 Teutons. And we had no aspirations for this territory for its 
 importance, but because of the boundaries assigned to us by Aus- 
 tria, in whose power the heads of the valley would have remained, 
 and we would have, as at first, opened the gateway of our own 
 country.^ 
 
 In the Green Book there is to be found an ingenuous Austrian 
 document in which it is said approximately: No, this we cannot 
 give to you because it would spoil our military boundaries. But we 
 
 ^ A propos of the new boundaries offered by the Austrian Government to Italy, 
 Prof. Gino Fani of the Polytechnic school of Turin, in one of his lectures observed 
 that "this new and insidious frontier constitutes a conventional line which always 
 leaves to Austria the upper part of our valleys, and, therefore, the possibility of 
 invasion of territory with no possibility of defense, if such invasion were to come 
 suddenly, and it would be very difficult in any case. In fact the upper parts of 
 the Valley of Non, Avisio, Cordevole and Boite, and the great road of the Dolomites 
 (Bolzano-Lago) would have remained in the hands of Austria, in such a way that 
 while we might have gained some groups of Italian people — leaving always outside 
 of the mother country important Italian centers — from a political and strategical 
 point of view we should certainly have gained nothing. 
 
 "Thus the acceptation, while it meant a definite renunciation, would have 
 continued to keep us at the mercy of our neighbor, and aggravate our subjection."
 
 238 THIRD PART 
 
 are not treating of the defensive military boundaries of Austria, 
 in which case the pretense of not leaving the door of one's home 
 open, would have been right; one is treating instead, of an offensive 
 military boundary for Italy, because one treats, I repeat, of leaving 
 open the doors of our country. 
 
 No concession was offered to us along the coast of the Adriatic, 
 even at the last moment, and when, with sadness in our souls, but 
 thinking that the greatest efforts were necessary to keep out of the 
 war, we stopped to ask, as the least favor, that Trieste and a 
 surrounding zone might be considered not a part of the kingdom of 
 Italy, but only that it should not be considered a part of the 
 Austrian Empire and should be constituted a free State. This 
 was denied; and at Trieste, what did they promise? Autonomous 
 administration! 
 
 Another and most important part of the matter in dispute 
 was concerning its execution. 
 
 I wonder what you would have said, you Italians, w^hat would 
 our Parliament have said if we, your Government, had presented 
 ourselves before you with the announcement that we were in 
 complete agreement with Austria-Hungary, and that we were to 
 have a part of the Trentino and some other small strip of land not 
 beyond the Isonzo, but only at the conclusion of peace. The 
 "conclusion of peace;" then it was weakened down to the offer, at 
 the last moment, of the nomination of mixed commissions which 
 should study the boundary line; after that, ratification should fol- 
 low; and after that, and within a month, the territories should be 
 occupied. How much time and how many probable sophisms 
 were used in the development of this procedure? 
 
 But we are met with the assertion that we ought to have had 
 no doubts as to the performance of the promise because there would 
 be Germany's guarantee. Let us suppose that this guarantee 
 was made with the full intention of carrying it out. Let us sup- 
 pose that at the end of the war Germany would be in a condition 
 to keep her word — which is by no means certain. What would 
 our position have been after this agreement? There would have 
 been a new Triple Alliance, a renewed Triple Alliance, but under 
 far other and far inferior conditions than had existed before, be- 
 cause there would have been one sovereign State and two vassal 
 States. 
 
 The day on which one of the clauses of the Treaty was not 
 fulfilled, the day on which, whether after a brief period or whether 
 after some years, the municipal autonomy of Trieste was broken
 
 THE DEFENSE OF ITALY 239 
 
 by an imperial decree or any Austrian lieutenant's orders, of 
 whom could we ask redress? Should we have to apply to our 
 common superior — to Germany? 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I wish to say that it is not my intention to 
 speak to you of Germany in other terms than those of admiration 
 and respect. I am the Prime Minister of Italy, not the German 
 Chancellor; and I do not lose the light of reason. But with all 
 the respect due to learned, powerful, great Germany, that mar- 
 velous example of organization and resistance, I must say, in the 
 name of my country — no vassalage; no protectorate under any 
 one. The dream of a universal hegemony has been shattered. 
 The whole world is risen up against it. The peace and civiliza- 
 tion of humanity must in the future be based on respect for exist- 
 ing nationalities, among which great Germany must take her 
 seat as an equal, and not as a mistress. 
 
 But the most striking example of the overweening pride with 
 which the men who direct the policy of the German Empire look 
 down on other nations is afforded by the picture which the 
 Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg has drawn of the Italian political 
 world. I will read it in a more complete form than that given by 
 the newspapers, the form in which it reached us the day after. 
 Here is what the Chancellor said of us: 
 
 Italian statesmen have played the same game with their people 
 that they played against us. Without doubt the possession of the 
 territories of the Italian language at the north of her frontiers has 
 always been the objects of the dreams and the desires of every Italian. 
 But the fact is that the greater part of the Italian people, and the 
 majority of parliament were opposed to the war. 
 
 In the first days of May, 1915, according to the observations of 
 the best informed men on Italian matters, four-fifths of the Senate 
 and two-thirds of the House were as yet opposed to war. Among 
 them one found the most serious and authoritative statesmen. 
 
 But the voice of good sense was not listened to, only the lowest 
 populace reigned. 
 
 With the benevolent toleration and the support of the chief members 
 of a Cabinet gorged with the gold of the Triple Entente, the populace, 
 led by unscrupulous provocateurs was goaded to bloody frenzy, threat- 
 ening the King with a revolution and all the Moderates with assas- 
 sination if they did not abandon themselves to the delirium of war. 
 
 The Italian people were deliberately left in ignorance of the 
 proceedings of the negotiations between Italy and Austria, and of the
 
 240 THIRD PART 
 
 importance of the Austrian concessions; in such a manner that, after 
 the resignation of the Salandra Cabinet, one could find no one with 
 sufficient courage to accept and form a new cabinet; and in the course 
 of the decisive discussions, no member of the constitutional parties 
 of the Senate and of the House attempted to appreciate the value of the 
 generous concessions made by Austria. 
 
 In this frenzy of war, honest men of politics became mute. But 
 when in future military operations the Italian people shall have re- 
 gained their good sense, as we hope and desire, then they ivill recognize 
 how imprudently they were forced to participate in the world wide war. 
 
 I know not, Gentlemen, if it was the intention of this man 
 (Bethmann-Hollweg), blinded with rage, personally to insult my 
 colleagues and myself (if it were I should pass it by); men whose 
 past you know; men who have served the State up to the 
 present day; men of unblemished fame; men who have given 
 the lives of their sons for the Country. But think not of us. Give 
 heed rather to the atrocious insult which that scrap of vandal 
 prose flings in the face of our King, in the face of the Italian people, 
 in the face of the Senate and the House, in the faces of those same 
 politicians who held an opinion different from ours. "All dumb," 
 it is said; therefore all cowards. 
 
 The information on which this judgment is based is attributed 
 by the Chancellor of the Empire to him whom he calls the best 
 judge of Italian affairs. Perhaps he is alluding, with a fraternal 
 desire of shifting the responsibility on to his shoulders, to Prince 
 von Billow. 
 
 Now Gentlemen, I do not wish you to carry away an erroneous 
 impression of Prince von Billow's intentions. I do believe he 
 had a real sympathy for our country, and that he has done every- 
 thing in his power to bring about an understanding. But how 
 great and how many are the errors he has made in translating his 
 good intentions into actions! He supposed that Italy could be 
 turned aside from her path by some few millions ill spent and by 
 the influence of a few persons who have lost touch with the soul of 
 the nation, by sinister contact, attempted, but I hope and believe 
 unsuccessfully, with Italian politicians. The very opposite was 
 the result. An immense outburst of [indignation flamed forth 
 throughout the whole of Italy, and not only in the populace, but 
 in the most educated classes; in the noblest breasts; in all those 
 who felt the dignity of the nation; in the whole of our youth ready 
 to shed their purest blood for the national ideals. An outburst 
 of indignation was kindled at the mere suspicion that a foreign
 
 THE DEFENSE OF ITALY 241 
 
 ambassador in Rome should interfere between the Government, 
 the Parliament and the Country. 
 
 In this fiery indignation all internal discord melted away, the 
 whole nation was fused together in a wondrous moral unity, which 
 will form our greatest strength in the hard struggle which lies be- 
 fore us, and which must lead us, not by benevolent concessions 
 from others, but by our own integral virtue, to the achievement 
 of the loftiest destinies of our Country.
 
 FOURTH PART 
 I 
 
 First reason: Patriotism. 
 
 The compendium of facts narrated in the first part of 
 this work may be officially called " The History of the Italian 
 Risorgimento/' with the exception of the episode of Balilla, 
 which logically may be considered the prelude to the history. 
 
 The narration of these facts differs more or less only 
 in form from the accounts of other writers who have pre- 
 ceded me. And this is but natural, because the form, espe- 
 cially in historical narrative, is simply a reflected quality of 
 the writer — a quality drawn from complex causes purely 
 literary and aesthetic. 
 
 The substance is identical. And that, too, is natural. 
 The diversity of form, whether aulic or free, cannot in any 
 manner alter the positive elements of the facts, their dy- 
 namic moral substratum, that Veritas which regulates and 
 dominates the manifestations of human thought and the 
 duties of human conscience. 
 
 Now such facts, with their suggestive eloquence, from 1870 
 were taught in all of the schools of Italy, according to the 
 government programmes. They were continually recalled 
 to mind by an entire nationalist literature extending even to 
 the daily papers. They were kept in mind by eulogies be- 
 fore the monuments erected in the great and small cities of 
 Italy in memory of the martyrs and heroes of revolutions 
 and the wars of liberation provoked in Italy by cruel Aus- 
 trian domination. They were always represented by the 
 scars, by the anecdotes, by the patriotic enthusiasm of the 
 veterans who were yet living. These facts were the spiritual 
 nutriment, if not the only food, of the ideality which kept 
 the entire peninsula alive and vibrating in its rising political 
 unity. 
 
 243
 
 244 FOURTH PART 
 
 This accumulation of things in their ceaseless rhythmical 
 repetition could not do other than rekindle and keep per- 
 manently burning, in a people so passionate as the Italians, 
 the old hatred against the Austrians. It could not do other 
 than fertilize (even in the most Franciscan souls) the soil 
 from which nothing could grow but a revengeful, militaris- 
 tic, and ferocious patriotism, the evil weeds from which 
 could be produced but one fruit: that of bitter and wicked 
 warfare. 
 
 It is true that Giordano Bruno affirmed that he was a 
 citizen of the world, son of mother Earth and of father Sun. 
 
 It is true that Tommaso Campanella demonstrated that 
 peace, prosperity and happiness are impossible without the 
 universal republic. 
 
 It is true that even Mazzini and Garibaldi, while fighting 
 for a sane nationalistic principle, fought also for the larger 
 principle of the brotherhood of all peoples. 
 
 But contrary to the thoughts and actions of those great 
 Italians, the privileged classes knew full well, theoretically 
 and practically, by means of the servile, dynastic, and non- 
 dynastic governments, how to keep up the selfish old axiom 
 divide et impera. 
 
 Thus the people, blinded by the astuteness and brutalized 
 by the perfidy of such parasitic hydras, could not see the 
 light diffused by the apostles of truth. They could not 
 assimilate the regenerating elements poured out by the 
 apostles of civilization. They could not free themselves 
 from the cancerous error, which is the above-named false 
 patriotism, the fundamental cause of all the calamities, of 
 all the sorrows which today more than ever oppresses 
 humanity. 
 
 In the schools of the different nations (I say in the 
 schools because there the conscience of the future citizens 
 is formed) one should teach the history of wars and the 
 domination of strangers by methods rigorously and con- 
 cretely objective; that is, one should eliminate from the 
 teaching of history, not only the details of facts describing 
 evil committed on the part of the aggressors who conquer 
 and tyrannize, but also the comments execrating the evil
 
 IRREDENTISM 245 
 
 and magnifying the heroism of those who have been 
 attacked, conquered, and tyrannized over. 
 
 In speaking, for example, of the Five Days of Milan, 
 the standard books and the teachers should simply say: 
 
 In 1848 the Milanese rebelled against their dominators (the 
 Austrians) and after five days of fighting, drove them from the city. 
 
 Thus the pupils of the schools would not feel and absorb 
 the poison which generates and nourishes enmity in their 
 innocent souls, by which, as Horace says, "man is a wolf to 
 other men." 
 
 The details of facts (for example, the Austrian soldiers 
 during the Five Days filed living infants on their bayonets, 
 and cut and pocketed the ringed hands of dead women) 
 should be left to adults, in whom the habits of study have 
 already eliminated, or at least have calmed, the fatal excit- 
 ability of the baser passions; to the adults, in whom the 
 evolution of the spirit has already developed to the highest 
 point, or to a high point, the sense of reason, and its noblest 
 derivative, Love: Love for one's neighbor. 
 
 By this means one might begin to cure the cursed frenzy 
 of war. 
 
 And that would be no small matter. 
 
 II 
 
 Second reason: Irredentism. 
 
 The facts, almost all proved by documentary evidence, 
 presented in the second part of the present volume would 
 alone be sufl&cient to justify the entrance of Italy into the 
 great war. 
 
 It was a question with the Italians how to liberate 
 thousands of their consanguineous relations who were 
 oppressed in their own homes (that is, on ground geograph- 
 ically, historically, and morally Italian) by a stranger 
 tyranny that the Italians themselves knew only too well. 
 
 It was a question with the Italians how to liberate
 
 246 FOURTH PART 
 
 thousands of their brothers of the same blood who were 
 fighting, fighting, fighting against such tyranny and had 
 always been longing and imploring to be returned to the 
 breast of their primigenious Latin mother. 
 
 It was a question with the Italians how to perform a duty 
 of love and of honor too long delayed. 
 
 It was a question with the Italians how to complete their 
 national unity in the northeastern division of their penin- 
 sula, affirmed by the law of Rome, and reaffirmed, even 
 immortalized, by Dante in Canto IX of the Divine Comedy. 
 
 Pola near the Quarnero [gulf] which surrounds Italy and bathes 
 its borders. 
 
 Italy, unsupported, had never been able (without risk 
 to her own territorial integrity or worse) to attack Austria 
 alone, as that country was superior to her in number of in- 
 habitants, in wealth, in her army, in the natural fortifica- 
 tions of her boundaries, and because she was sure of the 
 support of Germany. 
 
 Italy was obliged to attack the enemy at the opportune 
 and propitious moment; and that moment came when the 
 enemy was engulfed in the great war, and when the historic 
 fates seemed to will that her martyrology, synthesized in the 
 binomial Trent-Trieste, should finally enter into its last 
 phase. 
 
 Who could dare to say that the Italian people were in 
 the wrong? 
 
 Ill 
 
 Third reason: An unretumed visit. 
 
 The Emperor Francis Joseph never returned the visit 
 that King Humbert I and Queen Margherita of Savoy 
 officially made him at Vienna in 1882. 
 
 And why? 
 
 Because this would have necessitated Francis Joseph's 
 going to Rome, where Humbert and Margherita resided.
 
 NATIONAL COHESION 247 
 
 Now Rome was never recognized by the Vatican as 
 a legitimate conquest, as the capital of the kingdom of 
 Italy. 
 
 The taking of the eternal city by the Italian soldiers 
 September 20, 1870, was always considered by the Vatican 
 as a violent and sacrilegious usurpation. And the Vatican 
 considered the King of Italy an usurper. And the Italian 
 people were also considered usurpers by that same Vatican. 
 
 Francis Joseph, rabid Catholic that he was, openly 
 approved the anti-Italian attitude of the papal govern- 
 ment, and with full consciousness and of set purpose he 
 failed to observe the rules of Galateo^ and the duties imposed 
 on him by the Alliance. 
 
 Such discourtesies and insincerity were aggravated by 
 the assassinated Crown Prince Franz Ferdinand in Serajevo. 
 This latter, no less a bigot than his uncle, the emperor, 
 often boasted both in public and in private that he would 
 invade Italy with a powerful army, take Rome, and return 
 it to the Catholic Church, and thus re-establish the ancient 
 temporal power of the popes! 
 
 How the chivalrous and, more than that, the national 
 sentiments of the people were offended by such facts can 
 well be imagined when one considers that Rome is, as it was 
 in the past, and will be in the future, the source and center 
 of all the virile triumphant grandeur of Italy. 
 
 IV 
 
 Fourth reason: National cohesion; military efficiency. 
 
 The civic greatness of a people, according to the opinion 
 of the majority, consists, or at least did so consist up to the 
 time of the outbreak of the great war, in its national cohesion 
 and in its military efficiency. In Europe and also outside 
 of Europe it was believed, and too confidently, that the 
 Italian people lacked both. Other peoples believed that 
 Italy lacked national cohesion because, after she had brought 
 
 ^ Book of Manners, by the classic writer Giovanni Delia Casa (XVI century).
 
 248 FOURTH PART 
 
 about her unity and independence, she was often disturbed 
 by internal discords of a purely regional character; that she 
 lacked military efficiency, as was shown by her utter rout 
 in Africa in the war of 1896 against Abyssinia, and by the 
 lack of military ability also shown in Africa in the war of 
 1911-12 against Turkey. 
 
 One might be led to believe that the peninsula so famous 
 for its beauty and its ancient glories was nothing more than 
 a chain of dilapidated inns and a big carcass of museums 
 where a frivolous and lazy populace could do nothing 
 (between mandolin playing, dancing the tarantella, and 
 macaroni eating alia Napoletana), but serve camoristically 
 as they say, foreigners, who poured down from beyond the 
 Alps and seas, and show them awkwardly and vaingloriously 
 the mummified relics of its past greatness as if it had little 
 relation to the present life, and even less to the future. 
 
 A superficial American woman writer, for example, aping 
 the French poet Lamartine, who called Italy the *'Land of 
 the Dead,"^ had the impudence to assert that the Latin race 
 was a ''cadaver well on to putrefaction." * 
 
 And not only in private but also in official circles in 
 foreign countries everyone has had a knowledge, far from 
 exact, of Italy's national cohesion and of her military 
 efficiency. It is sufficient to recall the following incident. 
 
 On January 14, 1912, during the Italo-Turkish War, 
 the Italian torpedo boat Agordat stopped the French steamer 
 Carthago south of Sardinia, because the Italian Government 
 knew that it carried an aeroplane which was destined for 
 the Turks in Tripoli. After the search which the Italian 
 officers made of the French steamer, this aeroplane was taken 
 by the Agordat to the port of Cagliari in Sardinia, and there 
 was placed at the disposal of the Italian Governm.ent. 
 
 A few days later, that is on January i8th, this same 
 torpedo boat Agordat stopped the postal steamer Manouha^ 
 which plied between Marseilles and Tunis, and found there 
 were twenty-nine Turkish officers aboard dressed in the 
 
 * See tlie spicy reply to this given by the Italian satirical poet Giuseppe Giusti. 
 ^ See in my volume Journalism of the Italian Emigrants in America answer 
 which was given to this good woman (pages 1 18-123).
 
 NATIONAL COHESION 249 
 
 garb of the Mohammedan Red Cross, secretly making 
 their way into TripoH to take their places at the head of the 
 Arabs against the Italians. The twenty-nine so-called 
 members of the Turkish Red Cross were put ashore by 
 the crew of the Agordat at Cagliari, Sardinia, and there held 
 at the disposition of the Italian Government, while the 
 Manouha was left free to continue on its way. 
 
 Poincare, who previously had been made premier and 
 foreign minister of the French Republic, protested against 
 the "arbitrary acts" committed by the Italian torpedo boat 
 Agordaty and had the courage to declare among other things 
 in open parliament, that if the government of Rome had not 
 freed the Carthago and the twenty-nine Turkish officers 
 immediately, the French fleet would have attacked the 
 Italian fleet without delay and would have sent it to the 
 bottom in less time than it takes to tell of it, — just as one 
 might say that he would send to the bottom the three glori- 
 ous caravels of Christopher Colombus! 
 
 Now a people so calumniated and so misjudged, a people 
 who through Rome have touched the apogee of national 
 cohesion and of military efficiency, must naturally feel the 
 necessity of demonstrating with facts (it would be im- 
 possible with mere words) how false was the opinion which 
 the world had formed of them. 
 
 And they forced the war against Austria on the Govern- 
 ment of Victor Emanuel III, to prove that they, the Italian 
 people, notwithstanding their internal discords of a char- 
 acter purely regional (discords provoked by the injustice of 
 government more than by anything else) have today, as in 
 the days of Cato, a solid national cohesion; to prove that 
 they, the Italians, notwithstanding the rout in the war 
 against Abyssinia, and notwithstanding the deficiences in 
 the war against Turkey (routs and deficiencies coming more 
 than anything else from errors of government), have today, 
 as in the times of Julius Caesar, a formidable military 
 efficiency. Formidable, one means, not so much in a quanti- 
 tative as in a qualitative sense: in genius, in vigor, in en- 
 thusiasm, in tenacity and in faith of their final victory. 
 
 They, the Italian people, forced intervention in the great
 
 250 FOURTH PART 
 
 war on Austria to prove that they, the people, because of 
 one of those natural laws (law of continuity) — which eludes 
 the ignorant — can always reclothe themselves in the virtues 
 of their ancestors; to prove that they can, when they will, 
 rise (like the eternal Arabian phoenix) from the ashes of 
 their millenaries of civilization. 
 
 V 
 
 Fifth reason: Fear of isolation. 
 
 The Italian people quickly understood that the great 
 war which burst out in the latter part of July 1914 would 
 produce international political changes of the utmost 
 importance. And they foresaw the calamitous effects that 
 such changes would bring to the Patria did she remain 
 neutral. 
 
 If the Central Empires (Germany and Austria) should 
 conquer, Italy would remain at the mercy of these two 
 nations made bolder by their recent victories. She would 
 have suffered the vendetta which the Teutons had sworn 
 because she had not drawn up in line of battle on their side. 
 She would have been invaded and conquered. She would 
 again have become the slave of Austria. And England, 
 France, and Russia, whom she had abandoned and left 
 defeated and humiliated, would not have done other than 
 laugh at her coldly with hate and scorn. 
 
 If the nations of the Triple Entente (England, France, 
 and Russia) had remained conquerors, Italy would have 
 been obliged to submit to the masterful influence of these 
 three nations as the punishment for her neutrality, influence 
 which would have grown immeasurably after their victories. 
 She would have been so blocked on all sides in the Mediter- 
 ranean that she could not have had free access even to her 
 African colonies. She would have been paralyzed in every 
 expansive movement. She would have been reduced to 
 poverty. And Germany and Austria, whom she had left 
 defeated and humiliated, would then have laughed coldly 
 at her with hate and scorn.
 
 THE RIGHT TO TRAVEL 251 
 
 In fact, Italy, had she remained neutral in the great 
 war, would have lost all credit, all prestige in the world. 
 She would not have been considered nor respected by any 
 one. She would have been spurned by every one, by the 
 conquered and by the conquerors, as a mangy dog, and 
 avoided as a wormy carcass. She would have placed in 
 jeopardy even her own national unity. 
 
 In order to escape such misfortune, the Italian people 
 imposed on the Government of Victor Emanuel III armed 
 intervention by the nation. 
 
 Is not the preservation of one's own life, either individ- 
 ually or collectively, one of the supreme natural laws, the 
 protoplasmic law of all human laws? Is it not perhaps the 
 most impelling physical and moral necessity — the supreme 
 necessity? 
 
 VI 
 
 Sixth reason: The right to travel. 
 
 Man has the right at any time in his life to go about 
 the world far and wide. He has the right to go where his 
 will prompts and where his interests call him. This is a 
 natural right which no one can contest, for the simple reason 
 that the right to travel was born with the first man for his 
 needs and enjoyment; for the simple reason that the right 
 to travel is a motor force of human progress, a force that 
 more than any other contributes to create, to cultivate, to 
 consolidate (between people separated by distance, and 
 more than by distance, by prejudice of race and nationality) 
 those currents of sympathy which by an irresistible impulse 
 of love tend toward universal brotherhood, that is, to the 
 apogee of civilization which has for its substantial contents 
 (besides the splendor of science, of arts and letters) the 
 moral purity of the spirit, which man must sincerely feel 
 toward his equals. 
 
 I enunciated and sustained this idea in my book. Journa- 
 lism of the Italian Emigrants in America^ on page 104 where 
 I said, among other things, that ** for that great and sacred
 
 252 FOURTH PART 
 
 social principle, based upon the fact that every man has the 
 right to go to any country, to exercise freely and honestly 
 the demands of his work," the Italians who have emigrated 
 to the United States could not with a servile sense of grati- 
 tude, consider and exalt the American people as hosts. 
 More than this, the Americans, at least at that time, did not 
 receive them as equals. And yet these same Americans have 
 received a great part of the prosperity which has rendered 
 them so unreasonable, so unjust and overbearing, by means 
 of the strong and willing brawn of the Italian emigrants. 
 
 And I corroborated my statement by subjoining: *'The 
 English, the French, the Teutons, the Americans themselves 
 and all other foreigners whom one finds in Italy, speculating 
 and enriching themselves with flourishing industries and 
 commerce, never have dreamed of considering themselves 
 guests of the Italian people, but free men, who come to 
 our country to exercise the rights of their inclinations and 
 their interests." 
 
 Only tyrants who wish to provoke and direct wars dare 
 to contest and even to crush, in the cruelest manner, the 
 right that man has at any time in his life to travel far and 
 wide through the world. They wish to provoke and direct 
 war, thus blocking the land and waters wherever it pleases 
 them to do so, and forget or feign to forget that the globe 
 inhabited by men is for all men, as is the air which surrounds 
 the globe itself; as is the sun which illuminates, warms, and 
 fertilizes the globe. 
 
 These tyrants who wish to provoke and direct war, thus 
 preventing man (the one who is not implicated in war and 
 who is opposed to war) from going where his will prompts, 
 where his interests call, commit an arbitrary act of the 
 greatest gravity which no people, having at heart their own 
 liberty and the liberty of others, should tolerate. 
 
 The people of the new Italy, strong in their reawakened 
 consciousness, would not tolerate it. And they imposed on 
 the Government of Savoy armed intervention of the nation 
 in the European war to defend with their own blood one 
 of the most precious gifts of nature. 
 
 Thus the people of the new Italy devotedly followed the
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 253 
 
 examples of their apostles who preferred prisons, tortures, 
 or the stake rather than yield to any restriction whatsoever 
 of human liberty either for themselves or for humanity 
 whom they worthily represented. 
 
 VII 
 
 Seventh reason: Human solidarity. 
 
 The Italian people, on account of one of the natural 
 laws which psychologically distinguish the human races 
 from one another, have implanted in them two senti- 
 ments: a sentiment of sympathy for the weak, and a senti- 
 ment of indignation against the strong who abuse and 
 tyrannize over the weak. These sentiments form, in the 
 peculiar harmony of their spiritual essence and of their 
 practical workings out, the granite-like foundation of their 
 social life. 
 
 Glance for a moment at the history of Italy from the 
 time of the famous republic of Magna Grecia, which has 
 grown and blossomed in the southern part of the peninsula 
 up to the present time, and one cannot fail to see that 
 the Italian people were always moved by the condition of 
 the weaker. They embraced their cause in fact, and not in 
 words, for magnanimous and not for selfish and material 
 reasons, especially when their cause represented the tramp- 
 ling upon or simply the menacing of their national liberties 
 by presuming tyrants. 
 
 In corroboration of the above statement, I will limit 
 myself to a few of the more recent historical facts. 
 
 Giuseppe Garibaldi with a corps of Italian soldiers 
 went to the defense of the French Republic in the war of 
 1870 against the Prussians, performing heroic deeds at Dijon 
 worthy of an epopee.^ 
 
 Ricciotti Garibaldi, living son of the Hero, with a corps 
 of Italian volunteers went to the defense of Greece against 
 
 * Victor Hugo said: "During that memorable campaign Garibaldi was the only- 
 captain who really conquered."
 
 254 FOURTH PART 
 
 Turkey in 1897, performing heroic deeds worthy of an epopee 
 at Domokos.^ 
 
 Peppino Garibaldi, living son of Ricciotti, with a corps 
 of Italian volunteers went to the defense of the French 
 Republic in the present war against Germany, performing 
 heroic deeds worthy of an epopee in the Argonne.^ 
 
 And not only in battles of a collective public nature, 
 but also in the altercations of a private and personal char- 
 acter, the Italian people have put in evidence — or better, 
 into action — their innate sentiments of sympathy for the 
 weaker and of indignation against the stronger (strong 
 naturally, in the brutally physical sense of the word, be it 
 understood). In America, for example (particularly in 
 the city where for many years I have lived), I have frequently 
 witnessed disputes between two persons, usually for some 
 trivial reason, which quickly ended by their coming to 
 blows. No one among the bystanders ever moves to try 
 to pacify the two disputants or even to prevent the weaker 
 from receiving the worst of it. I have always seen the 
 stronger throw the weaker to the ground undisturbed by 
 anyone; stamp on his breast, his jaws, his nose, his eyes, 
 transforming his countenance into a horrible bloody mass, 
 leaving him half dead. The bystanders, even the acquaint- 
 ances, friends, or relatives of the weaker, look on with in- 
 difference (as if it were a moving picture) or with vile 
 voluptuousness at the doglike fight, seeming to feel an 
 admiration for the stronger. 
 
 In Italy, particularly in my native Calabria, which with 
 good reason is called strong and generous, nothing of this 
 kind could occur. There the bystanders, even though 
 they might be strangers; from the first word of altercation 
 interpose themselves between the disputants. And if they 
 are unable to calm them with reason and re-establish peace 
 between them and thus prevent the bestial fight, they 
 
 ^ In the battle of Domokos, among others who fell was Antonio Fratti, the 
 Republican deputy of the Italian National Parliament to whom Guglielmo Oberdan 
 left his political testament. 
 
 ^ In'the battle of the Argonne, between the Garibaldians and the Germans, among 
 other Italians who fell were the young Bruno and Sante Garibaldi, brothers of 
 Peppino.
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 255 
 
 immediately sympathize with the weaker; they openly and 
 resolutely take his part; they will not permit that a hair of 
 his head shall be touched; they prefer even at the risk of 
 death to themselves to receive the blows from the stronger, 
 on whose head will descend, sooner or later, a general 
 execration. 
 
 Now this people, so sensitive, so just, so humane, having 
 at their command a sufficiently formidable army and navy, 
 could not remain inert before the violence committed by 
 the strong and tyrannical Austria against little Serbia. They 
 could not remain inert before the incomparable crime com- 
 mitted by the strong and tyrannical Germany against little 
 Belgium. They could not remain inert before a scowling 
 and brutal Teutonic militarism which menaces with grow- 
 ing and strengthening gravity that republican France which 
 had poured out rivers of her blood for the unity and inde- 
 pendence of her Latin sister and for the triumph of demo- 
 cratic principles in all of Europe. They could not remain 
 inert before a scowling and brutal Teutonic militarism which 
 menaced with growing and strenghtening gravity that Eng- 
 land which even in a time of general reaction gave hospitality 
 with generous and affectionate liberality to the great exiles, 
 to all the great Italian political refugees from Giordano Bruno 
 to Ugo Foscolo, from Mazzini to Malatesta;^ to that Eng- 
 land which, with its battleships Intrepid and Argus, protected 
 and facilitated in the spring of i860 the memorable landing 
 of The Thousand at Marsala (a disembarkation which de- 
 cided the national unity of Italy) ; that England which received 
 Garibaldi like a god when the Hero in April, 1864, went as 
 a representative of the people of the new Italy to visit 
 London. They could not remain inert before the scowling 
 and brutal Teutonic militarism which menaced with grow- 
 ing and strengthening gravity that Russia whose great men 
 such as Turghenieff, Tchernichewsky, Tolstoy, Gogol, and 
 
 ^ Dr. E. Malatesta, one of the living Italian anarchist leaders, between June 
 7 and 10, 1914, headed a revolutionary movement vyhich had for its object the 
 overthrowing of the monarchy of Savoy and the proclaiming of the Republic of 
 Italy, in the provinces of Ancona, Forli, and Ravenna. Prosecuted by the govern- 
 ment of Victor Emanuel III, he wandered all over Europe and was everywhere 
 repulsed. He found refuge only in London, where he now lives.
 
 256 FOURTH PART 
 
 Gorky always admired and glorified Italy;^ that Russia 
 which was the first to send her sailors to Calabria and Sicily 
 to succor the people struck by the terrible earthquake of 
 1908. 
 
 If the Italian people had remained inert, they would 
 have negated their incomparable moral personality which 
 is composed of altruism and gratitude; they would have 
 obscured their most radiant traditions of thought and 
 action; they would have done that which is worse: at the 
 moment when death was preparing to form the new life 
 of the world on the battlefields of old Europe, they would 
 have betrayed the cause of humanity, which must stand 
 above every personal and national interest, as the physical 
 life of the universe stands perennially above the single 
 parts of which it is composed. 
 
 It is useless to deny it. The word, opposed to the fact, 
 has never been of value. And it never will be so long as 
 in the depths of certain human souls there dwell, as the 
 morchia^ at the bottom of jars of olive oil, as feccia^ in 
 the bottom of wine casks, as slime in the bottom of wells, 
 those turbid and wicked instincts which are in open antith- 
 esis to the sentiments of purity, compassion, and love 
 upon which every civilization should lean and from which 
 it should evolve. 
 
 The plea has always been made, and in every tone, to 
 the potentates of Europe, not to strengthen militarism; 
 but they have strengthened it — and alas, how well! 
 
 The potentates of Europe have been counseled in every 
 manner not to provoke war; but they have provoked it, 
 and how well! 
 
 Must one ignore the fact in this, the beginning of the 
 twentieth century, that the imperial soldiery, atavistically 
 imitating the hordes of Alaric and Attila, invade the 
 territories of small and independent nations, massacre 
 men, outrage women, mutilate children, seize the fruits of 
 
 * It is well to remember Maxim Gorky, who, after having been repulsed by the 
 United States because of a false puritanism, found refuge at Capri; and there, 
 received with respectful and affectionate hospitality, put in relief and exalted 
 in his writings the incomparable virtues of the Italian people. 
 
 ^The dregs of olive oil. ' The dregs of wine.
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 257 
 
 so much labor, burn homes, raze entire cities to the ground, 
 in such a manner for example, as the Turks have been 
 allowed to treat the Armenians for years and years? 
 
 If these things must be forgotten, then farewell to human 
 solidarity. 
 
 After so many promises, after so much enthusiasm, it 
 could not be other (except for the weak who have the 
 simplicity to believe and expect it) than an archaic, empty 
 and scoffing phrase, resurrecting once again the ignoble 
 farce of pulpiteers (both priests and laity) who know only 
 how to preach well and practice badly. The pulpiteers 
 who, when put to the test, know only how to put in practice 
 their selfish doctrine which is encased in the parabolic 
 formula, **Lontana da me, e dove va va."^ 
 
 The great crowned heads would not have wished any- 
 thing better! 
 
 Fortunately the Italian people, with their awakened in- 
 telligence, understood that words could not supplant the 
 facts. ^ And they threw themselves into the war (they, the 
 Italian people, with their childlike hearts) to meet facts with 
 facts, action with action, physical force with physical force 
 (a species of similia similibus curantur)^ to teach the mob 
 of querulous doctrinaires that the trampled rights of the 
 weak must be defended, not with words, but at the sacrifice 
 of life itself; that the innocent victims of barbarism (mili- 
 taristic and non-militaristic) must be avenged, not with 
 words, but at the sacrifice of life itself; that the true brother- 
 hood of nations, the ideal to which the human soul inces- 
 santly aspires because of an immutable natural law, must be 
 
 ^ "It may go where it will if it does not touch me." 
 
 'In the month of May, 191 5 (that is, on the eve of the declaration of war made 
 by the Italian government against the Austrian government), the walls of the cities 
 of Italy were covered with placards which said: 
 "We must never forget 
 Belgium, 
 
 The Lusitania, 
 
 The cutthroats of babies. 
 
 The aged who were massacred. 
 The violated women. 
 
 The devastated countries. 
 The bombarded hospitals, 
 for the sole mania of destruction by the army of his majesty William II."
 
 258 FOURTH PART 
 
 affirmed, be exalted, be perpetuated, not with words but at 
 the sacrifice of Hfe itself. 
 
 The Italian people know well that after the great war they 
 will have no other reward than that of starvation, scorn 
 and oblivion worse than before. But of what importance 
 is this? With spirits eminently poetic and philosophic at 
 the same time, inured to every privation, to every ingrati- 
 tude, to every sorrow, they will be convinced of having 
 opened the way, with their purest blood — given the 
 present order of things, the only way that could lead to the 
 longed-for universal peace. And such knowledge will be 
 sufficient to render them content, happy, and blessed. 
 
 I have said, "given the present order of things." I 
 have said, *'the only way." And I will explain. 
 
 The life of a nation, nowadays, notwithstanding its 
 complexities, depends in great part on essentially industrial 
 bases constructed by the people, not for their own advantage, 
 but for the advantage of a big-bellied and cruel minority 
 called plutocracy, which has nothing else in common with 
 the people except their simple Darwinian origin. 
 
 Such national industrialism, in order to maintain itself 
 and prosper — always to the benefit of the big-bellied and 
 cruel minority called plutocracy — must necessarily push 
 itself into commercial competition against the industrialism 
 of another nation, or other nations, and vice versa. But 
 commercial competition, in order to give financial results 
 proportionate to the insatiable greed of the nationalist 
 plutocracy, must be incessantly and strenuously favored 
 and defended by the State. 
 
 Does a State government of the present day lend itself 
 to a partisanship so bold and iniquitious? 
 
 Certainly it does! 
 
 And why shouldn't it, if the State government of today, 
 be it covered by a mask surmounted by a royal crown, or 
 be it a mask surmounted by a republican cap, is none 
 other than a being voluntarily placed at the service of the 
 big-bellied and cruel minority called plutocracy? 
 
 Now a Government thus made, frankly, could not with- 
 out injury to itself put in action the military forces, which
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 259 
 
 are the positive forces of the State, except for the protection 
 of its master; or more correctly speaking, for the protection 
 of its mistress (plutocracy in the Italian language is in the 
 feminine gender). Italy in its war against Africa, for ex- 
 ample (that is, against Abyssinia and Turkey), had no other 
 aim, at least originally, except that of the so-called "com- 
 mercial penetration" made by the monarchical Government 
 of Savoy in the interests of Italian plutocracy. And the 
 war which today rages in Europe is one provoked for no 
 other reason than that of jealousy of the German plutocracy, 
 for the English commercial supremacy in the world. ^ 
 
 In causes of a purely humanitarian character — that is, 
 where the intellectual, moral and economic elevation, justice, 
 liberty and the happiness of the people are involved — the 
 government of today never puts into action the military 
 forces of the State. And this is natural; for if the military 
 forces were to make the humanitarian causes triumph, only 
 one effect could follow: the end of plutocracy; the end, that 
 is, of inequality, of all injustice, of all social tyrannies: an 
 effect, as one can see, completely opposed to that for which 
 the military forces of a nation exist today. In causes of a 
 purely humanitarian character, the Government of today 
 employs only the negative force of the State: diplomacy, 
 which would have no other result than that of chattering; 
 stirring up confusion; tangling the skeins of yarn as much as 
 possible; throwing dust in the eyes of the masses; anaes- 
 thetizing the nation; reducing every heart throb of collective 
 life to status quo; to this most convenient Latin ellipsis 
 (convenient for the strong, but wickedly disastrous for the 
 weak), which is fossilized and is fossilizing. 
 
 Must the nations continue to face a situation so evident, 
 so tangible in chronic evil, opposing the murderous facts of 
 the deaf and ferocious plutocrats with only the usual 
 innocuous words? 
 
 If so, the people could not do other than rivet to them- 
 selves the chains of servitude; they could not do other than 
 perpetuate war, always to the advantage of the more astute, 
 
 ^The other causes which determined the great war (pan-Slavism, French 
 revenge, Italian Irredentism, etc.) were all of secondary importance.
 
 260 FOURTH PART 
 
 who idly reap all of the benefits, and to the damage of the 
 credulous, who labor and who suffer. 
 
 So long as nationalistic industrialisms with their 
 respective commercial competitions exist; so long as plu- 
 tocracies exist which have in their hands to dispose of at 
 their pleasure all of the positive forces of the nations (from 
 financial to military), duly legalized by governments and 
 blessed by religions, which are also, by the grace of God, 
 at the service of the strong; so long as plutocracies provoke 
 war because of a thirst for riches and dominion, originated by 
 innate hardness of heart; so long as all this exists, the inertia 
 of the people, armed only by old lachrymose and even 
 scornful rhetoric, is not other, to my mind, than an incon- 
 gruity, anachronism, folly, suicide. It is the fragile glass 
 that would resist the powerful blow of the sledge hammer, 
 the soap bubble that would resist the rock. 
 
 The way must be changed. We are in a century in 
 which one must reasonably believe in only a single truth: 
 that which teaches — or better, is demonstrated by — posi- 
 tive science. One must therefore live a little less in the 
 metaphysical world of dreams, and a little more in the 
 physical world of reality. The words with which Joshua 
 stopped the sun and moon, the words with which Christ 
 raised Lazarus of Bethany, are no other now than old and 
 rusty biblical iron. 
 
 The people must have facts. They must, without dis- 
 tinction, create among themselves a solid spiritual alliance 
 (prodrome of their universal political union) : and establish 
 as a fundamental principle of justice, inviolate and in- 
 variable, that when a controversy between two nations 
 degenerates into war, each of the people not involved in the 
 controversy so degenerated must a priori impose on their 
 own government an armed intervention in favor of the 
 weaker nation which one finds on the side of reason On 
 the side of reason, not according to the porcine point of 
 view of the big-bellied, cruel minority called plutocracy; 
 not according to verbose partisan laws voted by parliaments 
 and sanctioned by kings, emperors or presidents of republics; 
 not according to the fantastic and complacent sentences
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 261 
 
 flung by petticoated comedians of the different arbitrary 
 tribunals of the Hague. But on the side of reason accord- 
 ing to the judgment that springs spontaneously, free from 
 preconceived ideas and passions, from free intelligence, from 
 the candid conscience of the people themselves: above all, 
 according to the natural guide of life which makes the 
 cause of the weak always beautiful, sacred, and worthy of 
 victory. 
 
 Only in such a manner for the present can one curb the 
 aggressive mania of the stronger. Only in such a manner 
 can wars be prevented. 
 
 In fact, if the Government of Francis Joseph, for example, 
 could have known in anticipation that the peoples of Europe, 
 even of the whole world, would rise up and intervene prompt- 
 ly with all of the positive forces of their nations in defense 
 of little Serbia, the Government of Francis Joseph, however 
 powerful and arrogant, however much upheld by that 
 military colossus, the German Empire, would never have 
 dared to dictate to the little Balkan nation who was defend- 
 ing her own independence. It would not have had the 
 insane temerity to send to it in July, 1914, that ultimatum 
 which unchained the most terrible inferno in the world's 
 history. 
 
 But the spiritual alliance of the people (prodrome of 
 a universal political union) can never be effected if from the 
 first the two most advanced groups of doctrinaires, which 
 have an extraordinary moral ascendency over the people, 
 do not know how to adapt effectively their pacifist theories 
 — freed from every dogmatic sophism — to the events 
 which day by day unfold themselves. 
 
 The first group: those who limit human progress to 
 the struggle between classes (the economic problem) are 
 in favor of war only in the case where it is necessary to 
 defend from an invading foe the country in which all the 
 material interests of the national proletariat are concen- 
 trated. These are the Conditional Neutrals. 
 
 The second group: those who await the destruction 
 of every political, judicial, military, economic and religious
 
 262 FOURTH PART 
 
 authority by revolution and are opposed to all wars, because 
 wars are made only for the round-bellies of their masters. 
 These are Absolute Neutrals. 
 
 The members of these groups are doubtless animated by 
 right motives. They aim at the high purpose which every 
 open and active mind and sensitive heart aims: the eman- 
 cipation of all oppressed beings. I therefore wish to reason 
 calmly with them.^ 
 
 And I say to the Conditional Neutrals: 
 
 Thetheoryof waronly for national defense, which you sus- 
 tain, is in open contradiction to the doctrines which you say 
 that you profess, — doctrines which in their idealistic con- 
 tents are conspicuously and rigorously international and 
 do not admit of restrictions of any sort. The cry, ''Work- 
 men of every nation, unite!" in which are synthesized those 
 doctrines which cannot be interpreted exclusively in the 
 economic sense as you seem to believe — must be inter- 
 preted logically in a much wider sense, at least if one would 
 not wish to belittle the merit of him who launched it; 
 must be interpreted in a sense embracing every social 
 problem from which the economic problem cannot be 
 eliminated without disturbing the harmony or absolutely 
 breaking the compages of things which regulate and per- 
 petuate human progress. 
 
 Because the social question is polyhedric. And the 
 economic problem is none other than a part of the social 
 question, one face of the polyhedron each part of which is 
 intimately connected with the others; and the economic 
 problem is even dependent upon the others and it comes 
 from one cause: ignorance. This was clearly demonstrated 
 three centuries ago, during the most horrible torture of 
 the lay and ecclesiastic inquisition, by that most daring 
 father of universal communism, my encyclopaedic fellow- 
 countryman, Tommaso Campanella. 
 
 According to the belief of this giant precursor of the 
 civil redemption of humanity — a belief which has been 
 
 ^ I do not occupy myself with the other groups of pacifists, because they — being 
 an emanation more or less direct from the plutocracy — cannot be logical. 
 "Let us not speak of them, but look and pass." 
 
 (Dante, Inferno, Canto III.)
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 263 
 
 fully confirmed by the facts of the social situation, our 
 maladjustments come from the following causes: 
 
 First — Ig7iorancey which, preventing the knowledge of 
 true vices and of true virtues, generates and nourishes 
 evil, "under which the world chafes and weeps." 
 
 Second — Blind Self-love; that is, Egotism, worthy son 
 of Ignorance. 
 
 Third — Tyranny (false power), sophism (false science), 
 Hypocrisy (false love), the three extreme evils (the triple 
 lies) which have "root and fomentation" in blind self-love. 
 
 Fourth — Famine; that is, misery (the economic prob- 
 lem), warsy pestilence y envy, deceit^ injusticCy luxury ^ sloth, 
 disdain, all derived from the three extreme evils to which 
 they are hierarchically subject. 
 
 Therefore, the economic problem cannot be detached 
 from the others; cannot be settled independently of the 
 others. If it could thus be resolved, its isolated solution 
 could not attain its object (the moral betterment of the 
 world) toward which the whole question tends. And the 
 proof of this, my assertion, which at first seems a paradox, 
 comes to us by means of this same plutocracy in an un- 
 answerable manner. 
 
 It is a fact, and I trust that on this point there will be 
 no divergence of opinion, that plutocracy is composed of 
 flesh and bone, is of exactly the same species as that of the 
 proletariat. 
 
 The plutocrats have splendidly solved the economic 
 problem to their own advantage. I trust that on this point 
 there may be no difference of opinion. 
 
 But has the solution of the problem which has brought 
 all of the luxuries, all of the sensual pleasures of life within 
 the reach of the plutocrats, — has it brought to them a 
 proportionate betterment? 
 
 Absolutely it has not. 
 
 The solution of the economic problem (luxuries and 
 sensual pleasures ad infinitum) has instead brought to the 
 plutocrats a fearful moral retrogression visible even to the 
 blind. It has taught that this solution, when unaccom- 
 panied by the solution of the other social problems, is not
 
 264 FOURTH PART 
 
 and never can be the panacea which is preached by super- 
 ficial and short-sighted theorists. It has demonstrated 
 once more, and today more than ever, the positive value 
 of the truth which was proclaimed in the difficult and 
 dark ages by that great apostle from Stilo, Calabria, who 
 was, with Vinci, Pomponazzi, Telesio, Bruno, and Galilei, 
 one of the creative geniuses of modern positivism; of that 
 positivism which for the voluble authority of the word sub- 
 stituted the solid authority of facts; of that positivism cul- 
 minating in our day in the monumental works of that other 
 pure Italian who is the living pride and glory of Italy: Pro- 
 fessor Roberto Ardigo. 
 
 And if the cry which synthesizes the doctrine professed 
 by you, Conditional Neutrals, has a content conspicuously 
 and rigorously international, I do not understand with 
 what conscience or more, with what heart, you can restrict 
 the war to national defense only, permitting the stronger 
 nation, which is found on the side of wrong, to assault and 
 devour at its pleasure the weaker nations which are found 
 on the side of right. 
 
 Such a restrictive principle (war only for national de- 
 fense) is an unheard of and selfish cruelty. It is the most 
 repugnant ironic interpretation of internationalism, or what 
 calls itself internationalism. It is the absolute negation 
 of every human and animal solidarity. I say animal, because 
 even the animals feel and put in practice among themselves 
 that which we humans call moral solidarity toward the 
 weak. The example of the dog suffices to illustrate this. 
 He continually risks his own life to defend the weak and 
 innocent sheep from the strong, arrogant, and savage wolf. 
 
 And your own nation, my dear Conditional Neutrals, 
 would not be long in falling a victim to the plutocratic 
 perfidy and cupidity of some stronger nation; a victim of 
 your own error. 
 
 Because it is not enough to wish to defend. One must 
 be able to defend. Serbia also wished to defend herself 
 against Austria. Belgium wished to defend herself against 
 Germany. But each one, being too small, and in conse- 
 quence too feeble compared with its aggressors, was con-
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 265 
 
 strained to succumb, notwithstanding the fact that it based 
 its defense on its rights of independence and on points of 
 honor more than sacred. 
 
 And the two heroic peoples (Serbia and Belgium) can 
 never rise again, and will always remain slaves of the 
 tyrants who have trampled upon them with military 
 brutality, if they must await aid from brothers who boast 
 themselves internationalists but remain encased in their 
 shell of national neutrality. 
 
 And if the social question embraces many other problems 
 besides that of the economic, and if the emancipation of the 
 oppressed depends on the parallel solution of all of these 
 problems and not on the solution of only one of them, I 
 do not understand why you, followers of the cry which 
 synthesizes the social question in all of its idealistic entirety, 
 must persist only in the solution of the economic problem. 
 I do not understand how you can detach yourselves or in- 
 terest yourselves so little in the other problems when it 
 is demonstrated that the parallel solution of all, not the 
 isolated solution of one, can eliminate evils "under which 
 the world trembles and weeps"; the evils which retard the 
 longed-for emancipation. 
 
 One knows that nowadays wars are not waged to revenge 
 the offended honor of Menelaus — who may be more or less 
 crowned — as, for example, was the mythological war of 
 Greece made against Troy of Homeric memory. 
 
 Wars nowadays, as has been hinted before and as you 
 yourselves. Conditional Neutrals, recognize, are made for 
 ends essentially economic; for ends such as the doctrines 
 which you are said to profess tend, even when interpreted 
 in their highest sense. 
 
 And if they are made for ends essentially economic, I 
 do not see the reason for which you, followers of inter- 
 nationalism reduced even to its lowest terms, that is to 
 strictly economic terms, should abstain from intervention. 
 
 Because such ends, you object, do not touch the economic 
 interests of our national proletariat. 
 
 That the economic interests of a neutral nation are 
 endangered — given the present industrial and commercial
 
 266 FOURTH PART 
 
 organization of the world — by a war between two or more 
 nations, and especially by a war of such gigantic proportions 
 as that which has been raging for three years in old Europe 
 and by reflection has affected the whole world, is a self- 
 evident truth to every intelligence. 
 
 But even if — to take it as an hypothesis — the eco- 
 nomic interests of the neutral national proletariat were not 
 endangered by the war of others, you Conditional Neu- 
 trals should consider it equally your duty to interfere to 
 defend the economic interests of the proletariat of the 
 weaker nation which is assaulted by the plutocratically 
 stronger, and this because of the factive elements and not 
 the chatterings of the doctrines which you say that you 
 profess. 
 
 The sentimental scruples which w411 not permit you to 
 intervene in war because you would be constrained to kill 
 your brothers, must be eliminated. 
 
 In case of national defense would not the invaders be 
 your brothers whom you would be obliged to kill? 
 
 Are not the scabs also your brothers, and brothers of 
 your own nation whom you fight and kill during the strikes? 
 
 And these strikes themselves which you are continually 
 making as defensive means in the class struggle, are they 
 not substantially wars between brothers who are exploited, 
 and those who are not; wars of hate between unionist and 
 non-unionist brothers? 
 
 You unionist workmen strike, assault, and kill without 
 mercy your non-unionist brothers. And why? To defend 
 yourselves against their economic competition. But these 
 non-unionists rarely take your places in your work for malig- 
 nant reasons. In the majority of cases they are none other 
 (and I know this only too well) than sons, brothers, hus- 
 bands, and fathers reduced to extreme misery. They, not 
 knowing to what saint to pray in their extremity or where 
 to turn their heads, face your insults with desperation in 
 their souls and run to the conquest of a mouthful of bread 
 or a bit of coal which may save those dependent upon them 
 from starvation. 
 
 You do not wish to face these facts. You do not wish
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 267 
 
 to know the reasons, which are beyond their control, which 
 force your unfortunate brothers to enter into competition 
 against you. You know only that they injure your cause, 
 and for this you fight to destroy them. 
 
 And the gunmen, so-called in America (I allude to the 
 savage private policemen charged to ''maintain order" dur- 
 ing the strikes) are they not also your brothers? Why then 
 do you fight and destroy them? 
 
 Because they do not hesitate to shoot you. Because 
 they do not hesitate to massacre your women and chil- 
 dren. 
 
 I compare the scabs to the conscript soldiers. I compare 
 the gunmen to the professional soldier. The unwilling 
 action of the one (scab and conscript) is inspired as is the 
 voluntary action of the other (gunman and professional 
 soldier) by plutocracy and is stirred up by plutocracy 
 and terminates also to the advantage of plutocracy. 
 
 Now if you unionist workmen representing inter- 
 nationalism synthesized in the cry, "Workmen of all coun- 
 tries, unite!" if you fight to destroy scabs and gunmen 
 during strikes, why should you not fight to kill soldiers in 
 time of war? The scabs and gunmen, I repeat, are your 
 brothers as also are the soldiers. The sins which the soldiers 
 commit have the same root of evil as the scabs and gun- 
 men; they have only one root: plutocracy. This is the new 
 and real Pandora's box. 
 
 And if, with the struggle of classes culminating in the 
 murder of scabs and gunmen during strikes, you, Conditional 
 Neutrals, economically defend your national proletariat 
 interests against your national plutocracy, you must at the 
 same time and for the sake of the international doctrine 
 which you say you profess, not only admit the justice of 
 armed intervention in every way today in defense, not only 
 of the territorial integrity of your nation, protecting the 
 material interests of your national proletariat, but, also in 
 defense of the territorial integrity including the mate- 
 rial interests of all of the other weaker nations assaulted 
 by the common enemy (plutocracy) for economic and 
 insatiable greed.
 
 268 FOURTH PART 
 
 If you will persist in your restrictive attitude, Conditional 
 Neutrals, you will end by discrediting the cry synthe- 
 sizing the doctrine which you boast that you profess, be- 
 cause this cry was launched to give a [deadly blow by 
 means of the union of workmen of every country, not 
 to the plutocracy of one nation only, but to plutocracies 
 of every nation. 
 
 If the plutocracies of every nation, instead of dying, 
 continue to fatten on the blood of the workmen of every 
 country, it signifies that your restrictive action (that of 
 conditional neutrality) is not the right interpretation of the 
 cry synthesized in the doctrine reduced even to purely 
 economic terms. 
 
 And if, on the other hand, the workmen of five of the 
 greatest and most advanced nations of the world (France, 
 England, Russia, Japan and Italy) — those who have list- 
 ened to the gospel synthesizing the doctrine in the cry, 
 "Workman of all nations, unite!" — had placed themselves 
 militarily at the side of Serbia and Belgium, this would have 
 signified that they repudiated the restrictive interpretation 
 of conditional neutrality and resolutely put into practice, 
 especially the Italian proletariats, all of the idealistic con- 
 tents, conspicuously and rigorously international, which 
 their cry represented. 
 
 You, Conditional Neutrals, must recognize the error 
 into which you have fallen (error, considering the time in 
 which we live, considering the formidable positive efficiency 
 reached by plutocracies). You must follow the practical 
 good sense of the people. If you do not do this, your ranks 
 will continually become thinner; you will be swallowed up in 
 the furious whirlwind of facts. 
 
 If you obstinately refuse to follow the people in their 
 practical good sense, it means that you do not understand 
 their spirit. 
 
 And the people will abandon you, and they will give 
 themselves to those who will know how to lead them by a 
 less tortuous road to their emancipation. 
 
 Because the people are tired of waiting. Their physical 
 and moral sufferings are growing in proportion to the com- 
 modities and sensual pleasures of plutocracy. These suf-
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 269 
 
 ferings have increased in constant ratio to the increase of 
 the sensual pleasure of the plutocracy. 
 
 The people are tired of waiting. 
 
 Conditional Neutrals, meditate on these truths. 
 
 And I say to the Absolute Neutrals: 
 
 Is it true, as you have held and as I myself maintain, 
 that nowadays war is made for the round-bellies of the 
 plutocrats. But who does the fighting? Is it the plutocrats 
 who fight? The plutocrats only provoke and direct wars. 
 Those who in reality bear the brunt of the war are the 
 people whom the plutocrats dominate. 
 
 Now among those who are at war are also Absolute 
 Neutrals garbed as soldiers, not willingly so, but because 
 of one of those partisan laws favorable to plutocracy (mili- 
 tary conscription) which has been spoken of before. 
 
 And if they are the people who must fight; and if they 
 are your brothers; and if their industrial and collective 
 lives are placed in jeopardy, how can you remain dis- 
 interested and inert? 
 
 You could remain thus disinterested and inert, only 
 if the plutocrats lived on a different planet from that upon 
 which the people live, on which your brothers live, and where 
 they could fight among themselves. 
 
 But from the moment that the plutocrats inhabit a planet 
 inhabited also by the people, your brothers, and with the 
 positive means at their command to enable them at their 
 pleasure to provoke and direct wars, it is necessary that you 
 take an interested and active part in such wars. 
 
 Because the plutocrats lose nothing by wars; they 
 always gain. It is the people, your brothers, the humble, 
 those who have always striven and suffered day and night 
 who in war lose everything. Your absolute neutrality — 
 in the face of the weak massacred on the field of battle, 
 before their ravished virgins, their mutilated children, their 
 sacked and burned homes — places you in the same category 
 as the authorities (sanctified afterward by the church) who 
 retire to the solitude of [the desert and there, whistling at 
 the oppressed, selfishly and stupidly think of nothing ex- 
 cept the eternal salvation of their souls.
 
 270 FOURTH PART 
 
 You object: "But why don't the people enter into the 
 sphere ofour ideas which have no other reason for being than 
 that of hberating them by means of revolution (it not having 
 been possible up to the present time to do so by other means) 
 from plutocratic tyranny which starves and incites them to 
 fratricidal butchery?" 
 
 Before responding to such a question I assert my belief 
 that the individualist regime of life, which you long for and 
 defend, is possible. I believe it is possible, not because of a 
 more or less doctrinaire pretension, but because most men — 
 if not all, certainly a large part of them — have already 
 touched the point of moral purity sufficient to bring about 
 the aforesaid regime from the theoretic to the practical 
 stage. I have no need to search among the dead genera- 
 tions for proof of this assertion. It suffices for me to look 
 only among the living, and not farther than my native land, 
 to find the corroborative proof of my belief and affirma- 
 tion. Roberto Ardigo, Pasquale Villari, Theodore Moneta, 
 Guglielmo Marconi. Who would presume to say that these 
 men, and others such as these or even of lesser intellectual 
 qualities would have need of any sort of political, judicial, 
 military, economic or religious authority to live among 
 themselves in perfect peace and harmony? 
 
 Beside this, there are an infinite nu'rber of private busi- 
 ness associations (without speaking cf tribes falsely called 
 savage) which are satisfactorily regulated by laws not written 
 in any code; by laws which have no substantial authority 
 other than that which each person feels within himself and 
 obeys in his relation to others. 
 
 He who admits the law of evolution must honestly admit 
 individualism. 
 
 Because the law of evolution, morally speaking, implies 
 nothing else than the study of human virtues; while in- 
 dividualism is nothing more than the exercise of human 
 virtues. 
 
 Evolution is nothing more than the theory of civil life; 
 individualism is nothing more than the practice of human 
 life. 
 
 Individualism — so far as it represents the degree of
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 271 
 
 moral perfection already attained by man and according 
 to which he feels himself disposed to deal uprightly with his 
 fellow man and even capable of this — is the supreme ideal 
 of evolution, or I might say, is the complement of evolution, 
 did I not know that evolution as a synonym of progress is 
 infinite and therefore cannot have a complement, at least 
 in the absolute sense. 
 
 After making this declaration in honor of the truth, 
 Absolute Neutrals, let me say: the people do not enter 
 within the radius of your ideas because they have not yet 
 arrived at the intellectual heights necessary to comprehend 
 the sublimity of the goal to which you wish to attain. 
 And there are others who have reached such heights, but 
 who do not wish to engage in a revolution, because of a 
 repugnance for a means so violent and sanguinary; and 
 more than this, such methods have never brought, as history 
 teaches, substantial results proportionate to the efforts and 
 sacrifices made by revolutionists. Such methods have 
 never destroyed as they should have, and they have not even 
 arrested the sturdy and arrogant vitahty of plutocracies 
 which incarnate all of the evils of society. 
 
 But because the people have not yet reached the neces- 
 sary intellectual height, and because they will not engage 
 in revolutions, do you believe, you Absolute Neutrals, that 
 you have the right to leave them to themselves during a 
 war, or to leave them in the power of the more astute, of 
 the stronger, of the more malicious? 
 
 To tell the truth, such a vindictive plan, however 
 negative it may be, is not compatible, a priori^ with your 
 principles of universal brotherhood. It is unworthy of 
 your civil apostolate. Especially if one considers that you, 
 outside of war (one means military war), do not hesitate 
 to break the rigidity of your absolute neutrality — which 
 should be invulnerable — by descending in the field to fight 
 battles which are of a strictly economic character; battles 
 which are not favorable to your individualistic theories. I 
 am speaking of partial strikes. Why should one discuss 
 general strikes, national or international, if, from the day 
 that class struggle enters into a practical phase, strikes of
 
 272 FOURTH PART 
 
 every category are only made by rhetorical and high sound- 
 ing phrases? 
 
 You Absolute Neutrals have gone far afield, into abso- 
 lutely hostile camps, to defend openly and energetically the 
 rights of those who strike against the cruel greed of plutoc- 
 racy, the competition of scabs, the violence of gunmen. 
 
 However, those who strike do not comprise all of the 
 proletariat, but are only a small part of them (the privileged 
 part, a sort of caste), the part which is the antithesis of 
 your ideas. 
 
 Because, according to the idealistic contents of the doc- 
 trines which you say you profess, you work toward the en- 
 tire amelioration of all oppressed peoples without distinction 
 (there are hundreds of millions outside of the unions); while 
 the unionists who strike, work only to their own exclusive 
 material amelioration. 
 
 You are working toward the destruction of plutocracies 
 since you are justly convinced that on such destruction 
 depends the solution of the entire social question. The 
 unionists instead, as soon as they have attained the material 
 betterment for which they struck, are quieted as was the 
 famous Cerberus of Dante: 
 
 Cerberus, a cruel beast and strangely made, 
 Barks out of his three dog-like throats 
 At those who were there submerged. 
 
 When Cerberus, the great worm, saw us 
 
 He opened his mouth and showed his tusks 
 
 And quivered in every limb. 
 
 My guide^ .... took up earth: and with full 
 
 Fists cast it into his ravening gullets. 
 
 As the dog that barking craves and 
 
 Grows quiet when he bites his food, for he 
 
 Strains and battles only to devour it, so did 
 
 Those squalid visages of Cerberus, the 
 
 Demon, who thundered on the spirits so they would 
 
 Fain be deaf.^ 
 
 » Virgil. 
 
 ' The epicures and Rluttons of the Third Circle. Divine Comedy, Inferno, Canto 
 VI ("Temple Classics").
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 273 
 
 And when the unionists believe themselves to be well 
 paid, they no longer fight the plutocrats. They recognize 
 the legitimate existence of the plutocrats; they make them 
 more solid; they fatten them more and more. They even 
 come to a point where they admire, magnify, and idolize 
 them. One can see this in a thousand cases. For the 
 sake of brevity I will cite only two which are truly typical. 
 One case, proving my first affirmation — that the unionists 
 are selfishly quieted, after they have obtained the raise of 
 wages for which they have struck; the second case proving 
 my second affirmation that the unionists, when they believe 
 themselves well paid, recognize even indirectly the legitimate 
 existence of the plutocracy, and fatten the plutocrats more 
 and more even though they do so involuntarily; they admire, 
 they magnify, and they even idolize them hypocritically. 
 
 The first case: The unionists who work in the great 
 clothing factory of Hart, SchafFner & Marx, of Chicago, 
 Illinois, one day struck to obtain a raise of wages. Hart, 
 SchafFner & Marx raised the pay, according to the demands 
 of the strikers. These returned to their work satisfied. 
 From that moment one saw no more life among them, they 
 did not move again,notevenwhen their unionist brothers (the 
 other tailors of Chicago) were reduced to the most miserable 
 economic condition and struck solidly and fought desperate- 
 ly for weeks to obtain for themselves a raise of wages from 
 the other local manufacturers.^ 
 
 The second case: The employees of the automobile 
 manufacturer, Henry Ford, of Detroit, Michigan, believe 
 that they are well paid. But this fact does not prevent 
 this good man from annually accumulating millions and 
 millions of dollars for his own benefit from the work for 
 which the laborers beheve (bless them!) that the munificent 
 plutocrat has paid them so well. 
 
 And besides this, the unionists do not even in the final 
 count obtain for themselves the benefits for which they have 
 struck. 
 
 ^ During the tailors' strike of Chicago in 1915 it was shown that some women 
 workers did not receive more than ^1.75 per week. Of this amount they were 
 obliged to use daily ten cents for carfare to go and return from work.
 
 274 FOURTH PART 
 
 When the plutocrats accede to their demands by aug- 
 menting the pay of the strikers, the latter believe that they 
 have won. But this is simply an illusion. The truth is 
 very different. And it is the plutocrats who lose nothing. 
 That which they give with one hand, they take with the other 
 hand; they even retake double or more. (The plutocrats, 
 know arithmetic very well; intellectually speaking they 
 know little besides arithmetic.) 
 
 An example: the miners struck for a raise of wages. 
 The employers acceded to the demands and increased their 
 pay. But they afterward sold the coal to the same em- 
 ployees with an increase of price, corresponding to or more 
 than making up the raise of wage which the strike had obHged 
 them to yield. Without considering that such raise of 
 wages, which were wisely transformed by the plutocrats into 
 a raise in price, falls on the shoulders also of unionists of 
 the other categories of workers who have not struck; it falls 
 also on the shoulders of the workmen who cannot or will 
 not join the unions; it falls therefore on the shoulders of 
 that eternal, useful, patient, and beaten ass: the people. 
 
 And who suffers the other inconveniences which are born 
 out of strikes? Certainly not the plutocrats; instead, it is 
 the just who suffer for the unjust. In the Chicago tailors' 
 strike of 191 5, of which we have made mention for example, 
 I personally knew many who at the beginning of the strike 
 were without a penny in their pockets. These poor crea- 
 tures, during the long weeks of the strike, did not receive 
 one cent of assistance from the union of which they were a 
 part; thus they and their families suffered from hunger; while 
 the plutocrats (the employers who resisted the strike) did 
 not miss theirLucullan meals any morethan beforethe strike. 
 It is true that a certain sum (a few thousand dollars) was 
 collected at that time, but such alms (coming in great part 
 from private individuals, certainly not from the proletariat, 
 and I do not know with what conscience and dignity it was 
 accepted by the strike leaders) was unequal to the needs of 
 the strikers, partly because it was unequally distributed, not 
 to say worse. 
 
 Now if you. Absolute Neutrals, take an active part in
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 275 
 
 partial strikes to aid unionists who are substantially none 
 other than the privileged minority of the proletariat, as 
 plutocracy is none other than the privileged minority of the 
 bourgeoisie, with much more reason should you take an ac- 
 tive part in the war, which is made to aid the weaker nations 
 to free themselves from the cupidity of the stronger; in wars 
 which are much nearer to revolutions than strikes, especially 
 if one considers that only theoretically do you combat the 
 unions, while you defend the weaker nations. You theoret- 
 ically fight against unionist laborers, but practically you aid 
 them in their strikes against their oppressors. In fact, you 
 preach one thing and you practice another. 
 
 How much this system has damaged your cause you 
 yourselves can well imagine, especially if you consider that 
 by aiding the unionists in a strike you do not destroy the 
 positive forces of the plutocracy, but instead, you augment 
 and perpetuate them; while aiding the weaker nations in 
 war you destroy the positive forces of plutocracies; or if 
 you do not destroy them, you begin to destroy them, which 
 amounts to the same thing. 
 
 The groups which, inspired by the individualistic doc- 
 trines, are hoping to reach their goal by means of partial 
 strikes, are like those who grind water in a mortar; the groups 
 which obstinately remain in a verbose and virulent inertia 
 during such a war as that of Europe — a war which opens a 
 new historical epoch — are groups which are not in touch 
 with life, are against life, and in consequence against human- 
 ity which loves life, against humanity which is life. 
 
 They will be struck by the fatal law of elimination be- 
 cause of their own fault. They will perish. 
 
 Absolute Neutrals, meditate upon these truths! 
 
 The Italian people believed that the theory of conditional 
 neutrality (war only for national defense) and the theory of 
 absolute neutrality (peace at any price) if put into practice 
 would have driven humanity back into the primitive chaos 
 of barbarism where nothing but brute force reigned; would 
 have trampled under foot the foundation of every idea of 
 justice and civilization.
 
 276 FOURTH PART 
 
 Because the tyrants, always thirsting for more riches 
 and dominion, commit at their pleasure any sort of crime, 
 secure of immunity. Who indeed could punish them if the 
 people of the nations who are not implicated in wars (wars 
 incited by the stronger nation which is in the wrong, against 
 the weaker nation which is in the right), did not combine 
 solidly and practically with this latter? 
 
 Non-intervention before an evil is committed, and the 
 cry of peace after the evil is committed, would be a fine 
 comedy for crowned and uncrowned villains. 
 
 In such way the mine owner could very w^ell, for example, 
 have his striking miners, with wives and children, killed by 
 his gunmen; then he could demand peace and all would be 
 happily ended. Exactly as a certain rehgion which says to 
 man: "Commit any sin which you wish; afterward present 
 yourself at the feet of your confessor whom I keep at your 
 disposal, and all will be pardoned you in the name of the God 
 whom I represent." 
 
 What 3. festal What a game! 
 
 The splendid example of practical human solidarity 
 given by the Italian people, imposing on their own govern- 
 ment armed intervention in the great war in defense of the 
 weaker nations which were assaulted by the stronger, might 
 be pondered upon and imitated by other peoples. 
 
 This example shows in a solemn manner how it may be 
 possible, even easy, to bring about the spiritual alliance 
 of the people, provided that the Conditional Neutrals and 
 the Absolute Neutrals recognize their error. 
 
 Certain it is that the spiritual alliance of a people will 
 not destroy military influence in twenty-four hours, but 
 by strengthening, holding back skillfully and energetically 
 these forces against the plutocracy which owns them, the 
 spiritual alliance of the people would be able immediately to 
 put an end to war. 
 
 Do not in heaven's name repeat the old ritornello: "This 
 war will be the last. This war will signal the end of mili- 
 tarism. After this war we shall have permanent universal 
 peace," etc. 
 
 I conclude.
 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY 277 
 
 As long as there are national industrial plutocracies with 
 their related commercial competitions between nations, 
 there will be militarism and there will be war. 
 
 Because militarism (I speak of the militarism of today) 
 is none other than an organism created and maintained by 
 plutocracies to defend the infinite interests of plutocracies, 
 the infinite increase of plutocracies. 
 
 Plutocracies are the cause. Militarism is the effect. 
 Can one destroy the effect without first destroying the 
 cause.'' 
 
 And can one prevent war only by preaching peace and 
 continuing to kneel at the feet of potentates ? 
 
 War has existed since man existed. 
 
 Peace has been preached since war existed. 
 
 But the preaching of peace has never been able to pre- 
 vent war, because war is a material fact, is action, while the 
 preaching of peace is an immaterial fact; nothing but words. 
 
 If the preaching of peace could have prevented war, it 
 would have done so from the first day or during the cen- 
 turies in which peace has opposed itself to war. 
 
 And we cannot wait until the potentates themselves pre- 
 vent it, because war is the life of potentates. And the 
 potentates are not so tender, nor even so foolish as to sac- 
 rifice their own lives for the love of peace. 
 
 War will be prevented only when the preaching of peace 
 shall be transformed into a spiritual alliance of the peoples; 
 only when it shall transform itself into the armed interven- 
 tion of a people (allied spiritually among themselves) in 
 defense of the weaker nation which is in the right, and which 
 has been assaulted by the stronger nations which are in the 
 wrong. 
 
 Only then the pure blood of the youth of Italy, and of 
 the whole world, spilled in rivers on the fields of Europe for 
 the past three years, can seriously prelude universal peace so 
 longed for by humanity, and a lasting universal peace which 
 is so necessary to humanity.
 
 278 FOURTH PART 
 
 VIII 
 The betrayal. 
 
 Wherein was the treachery that the Italian people com- 
 mitted against Austria-Hungary and Germany by breaking 
 the treaty of the triple alliance and entering into war in 
 behalf of Serbia, Belgium, France, England, and Russia? 
 
 First of all, the legend must be destroyed that the 
 monarchical Government of Savoy is a constitutional one; 
 that the king is nothing, or less than nothing; that the repre- 
 sentatives of the people (the deputies of the national 
 parliament) are everything. 
 
 The monarchical Government of Savoy is, if not in name, 
 certainly in fact, a government absolute and despotic. The 
 King is everything. And the representatives of the govern- 
 ment are mere figures. 
 
 The King of Italy by virtue of the Statute (that is, the 
 fundamental law of the State which is today that same law 
 promulgated by Carlo Alberto on March 4, 1848) has the 
 right to direct personally — or by means of his ministers, 
 which is the same thing ^ — all foreign policies of the nation. '^ 
 
 Such right the Kings of Savoy have known only too well 
 how to use; and the present King, Victor Emanuel III, in 
 spite of his court-followers and courtiers who always extol him 
 as the most democratic sovereign in the world, has made un- 
 limited use of it. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III in 191 2 renewed the treaty of the 
 alliance with Austria and Germany for another twelve years, 
 without in any way consulting the deputies of the national 
 parliament elected by the people; without their consent; 
 
 * Article LXV of the Statutes 'says: "The King nominates and dismisses his 
 ministers." 
 
 ^Article V of the Statute says: "To the King alone belongs the executive 
 power. He is the Supreme Head of the State; he commands all of the forces of 
 land and sea; declares war; makes all treaties of peace, of alliance, of commerce, and 
 others, giving notice of them to the cabinet as soon as the interest and the security 
 of the State permits, or when it seems opportune. The treaties which might 
 bring honor to the finances of the State or increase its territory would not be 
 valid without the consent of the cabinet."
 
 THE BETRAYAL 279 
 
 against the will of the people; even against the interests of 
 the nation itself. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III declared and directed the colonial 
 war of 1911-1912 against Turkey without at all consulting 
 the deputies of the National Parliament elected by the 
 people; without their consent; against the will of the people. 
 And only at the conclusion of peace did Victor Emanuel III 
 deign to announce to the representatives of the people, 
 that is, to the people, that Libya (Tripoli and Cyrenaica) 
 was conquered, and, by royal decree, proclaimed a province 
 of the realm. 
 
 And not only the foreign policy but the internal policies 
 of the nation are personally directed by the King of Italy. 
 
 It is true that the honorable representatives of the people 
 discuss and approve the laws of the nation. But such 
 laws cannot be put in action, if first they are not discussed 
 and approved by the Senate and sanctioned by the King 
 himself.^ 
 
 What is the Senate.? The Senate, in Italy, is none other 
 than the direct representative of the King. The senators 
 in fact are not elected by the people. They are nominated 
 by the King, and nominated for life, from men proved 
 liege and faithful to the crown, from ex-monarchical depu- 
 ties, ministers of State, ambassadors, magistrates, generals, 
 admirals, high administrative functionaries and plutocrats. 
 A small minority is named by the King, and not without 
 caution, from the most conspicuous intellectual figures of 
 the nation.^ But this minority almost never takes part in 
 
 ^Article VII of the Statute says: /'The king only can sanction and promulgate 
 the laws." 
 
 ^Article XXXIII of the Statute says: "The Senate is composed of members 
 who are nominated for life by the King — these are not limited in number — 
 and who have completed forty years of age, and they are chosen from among the 
 following Usts: 
 
 1. The Archbishops and Bishops of the State; 
 
 2. The President of the Chamber of Deputies; 
 
 3. The Deputies after three terms, or six years of office; 
 
 4. The Ministers of State; 
 
 5. The Secretaries of State; 
 
 6. The Ambassadors; 
 
 7. The Envoys Extraordinary; after three years of office;
 
 280 FOURTH PART 
 
 the sittings and deliberations of the senate; it rarely inter- 
 ests itself in the active policy of the nation. It is a passive 
 minority, nominated by the King to throw dust in the eyes 
 of the people more than for anything else. 
 
 It will be objected "that divergencies never arise among 
 the deputies elected by the people, and the senators nomi- 
 nated by the King; that there never have been incompati- 
 bilities between the parliamentary institutes represented 
 by the one or the other; that the Senate has always approved 
 the laws discussed and voted by the Chamber of deputies." 
 
 It is true. But why? 
 
 Because the majority of the deputies is composed, as 
 is the majority of the senators, of men proved liege and 
 faithful to the crown. It is also a majority nominated by 
 the King. 
 
 And why are they nominated by the King? 
 
 I will tell you immediately: for the benefit of court 
 followers and sycophants who obstinately picture and extol 
 
 8. The First President, and Presidents of the Supreme Court, and of the 
 Treasury; 
 
 9. The First Presidents of the Court of Appeals; 
 
 10. The Attorney General of the Supreme Court, and of the Treasury, after 
 five years of office; 
 
 11. The Presidents of divisions of the Court of Appeals, after three years of 
 service; 
 
 12. The Councillors of the Supreme Court and the Treasury, after five years 
 of office; 
 
 13. The General Attorneys of the Court of Appeals, after five years of office; 
 
 14. Generals of land and sea, but the Major-Generals and the Rear-Admirals 
 must have had five years in that rank of active service; 
 
 15. The Councillors of State, after five years of office; 
 
 16. The members of Councils of Divisions, after having had three elections to 
 their presidency. 
 
 17. General Superintendents of Finance, after seven years of office; 
 
 18. The members of the Royal Academy of Science, after seven years of office; 
 
 19. The ordinary Members of the Supreme Council of Public Instruction, 
 after seven years of office; 
 
 20. Those who by high service or merit have honored the Patria; 
 
 21. The persons who for three years continuously have paid 3,000 lire of 
 direct tax in proportion to their goods or their business. 
 
 Article XXXIV of the Statute says: "The Princes of the Royal Family take 
 part with full rights in the Senate. They are seated directly after the President. 
 They enter the Senate at twenty-one years of age, and have their vote at twenty- 
 five years of age." 
 
 Article XXXV says: "The President and the Vice-Presidents of the Senate 
 are nominated by the king."
 
 THE BETRAYAL 281 
 
 the Italian Chamber of deputies as a direct and authentic 
 representative of the ItaHan people. 
 
 In the political elections — in the elections, that is, 
 of the deputies of the national parliament — the Italian 
 Government always presents, in almost all of the 508 elec- 
 toral colleges of the realm, its monarchical candidates in 
 opposition to the anti-monarchical candidates, or those 
 M^ho are not sufficiently monarchical. 
 
 To have such candidates elected, the Italian Government 
 feverishly puts into action all of the police officers of the 
 State (from the highest to the lowest). And through them 
 the Government causes to be lavishly spent among the 
 electoral masses the millions of lire of the so-called secret 
 funds drawn from the veins of the tax-payers (that is, from 
 the veins of the people); it causesextravagant promises of em- 
 ployments and favors to be made; in fact it corrupts without 
 scruple. And where it cannot corrupt it threatens to use 
 every sort of violence and abuse of power. In one of the 
 last general political elections, for example, Giovanni 
 Giolitti, then president of the ministry and minister of the 
 interior, even sent battleships to Sicily to intimidate (and 
 not only to intimidate!) with cannons of great caliber those 
 electors who had shown themselves but little disposed to 
 vote for the candidate of the Government. 
 
 Now can a cabinet elected by a system of government 
 so arbitrary, dishonest and infamous, call itself, in good 
 conscience, a true representative of the people? Is it not 
 rather — except the small minority representing the oppos- 
 ing electors which the Government in a manner overrules — 
 a representative (even though indirect) of the King? Can 
 it never elect a majority which will some time find itself in 
 serious disaccord with the Senate? 
 
 As soon as the great war broke out in 1914, Victor 
 Emanuel III — who could not personally put himself 
 forward for reasons easy to understand — in furious haste 
 called the Italian politicians who were most devoted to 
 him (Giolitti the chief of all, as being the most astute and 
 influential) and commanded them to bestir themselves, to 
 do everything possible to create in the nation a favorable
 
 282 FOURTH PART 
 
 current toward the central empires; to induce the Italian 
 people to respect the Triple Alliance, to enter without delay 
 into the war on the side of Austria and Germany. 
 
 The Italian people were ignorant of the contents of 
 the treaty of the Triple Alliance because the King had never 
 considered it his duty to communicate it to them, but 
 because of its having been published by the press they were 
 aware that the treaty contained a basic defensive clause. 
 
 Then why did the King wish that Italy should enter 
 the field in the defense of Austria and Germany in an 
 offensive war? 
 
 The Italian people wished to see clearly this matter. 
 And they knew that Victor Emanuel III wanted the inter- 
 vention of Italy at any cost in the European war on the side 
 of Austria and Germany for the following reasons: 
 
 First: From the standpoint of dynastic solidarity 
 toward the Hohenzollerns. This dynasty was considered, 
 at least until the breaking out of the great war, as the 
 prototype of the imperial militaristic dynasties of the world, 
 because on January i8, 1871, it founded the German 
 Empire and because it gave an incomparable impulse, 
 power and solidity to that empire. The dynasty of Savoy, 
 itself imperialistically military, could not but feel itself 
 attracted toward its consorella prototype. Like seeks its 
 like. It could not do other than feel the need of imitating 
 it. The English dynasty of Brunswick and the Russian 
 dynasty of Romanoff, on the other hand, were too tightly 
 bound to republican France. 
 
 Second: Because the House of Savoy was, and is, 
 related to the reigning Houses of Austria and Germany. 
 In fact, Victor Emanuel II, first King of Italy, grandfather 
 of the present Victor Emanuel III, married Maria Adelaide, 
 daughter of Giuseppe Ranieri, Archduke of Austria and 
 Austrian viceroy of Lombardo-Veneto from 18 18 to 1848. 
 And this same Archduke Ranieri, in 1820, married Eliza- 
 beth of Savoy-Carignano, sister of Carlo Alberto. The 
 present Queen Margherita, widow of the second King of 
 Italy, Humbert I, and mother of the present King, was a 
 daughter of Princess Elizabeth who was a daughter of King
 
 THE BETRAYAL 283 
 
 John of Saxony. Prince Thomas,^ brother of Queen Mar- 
 gherita, uncle of the present King Victor Emanuel III, mar- 
 ried Maria Isabel, daughter of Prince Adalbert of Bavaria. 
 
 Third: For personal friendship toward the Kaiser. 
 The intimate relations which exist between Emperor William 
 II and the parents of the present King Victor Emanuel III 
 and between this same William II and this same Victor 
 Emanuel III is well known in Italy and in all Europe. 
 
 Fourth: For personal financial interests. The Ameri- 
 can journals and also some newspapers of Italy published 
 the assertion that the present King Victor Emanuel III had 
 invested more than 100,000,000 lire of his private funds in 
 the German Krupp Manufacturing Company, in the manu- 
 factory that produces thousands of guns a year, as well as 
 caldrons, armored cars, locomotives and electric motors; in 
 the manufactory which owns arsenals, steamships, iron mines 
 and coal. 
 
 Fifth: For sympathy toward the German people. 
 Many Italians have always felt and still feel a sympathy 
 for the German people. Why should not Victor Emanuel III 
 have felt this? Is he not a man subject to sentiments and 
 passions as are all others? 
 
 Sixth: Because Victor Emanuel III believed that 
 intervention in the great war at the side of Austria and 
 Germany would have been of advantage to the nation. 
 Many private Italian citizens believed and still believe the 
 same. Why should Victor Emanuel himself not have 
 believed it? Does he not enjoy the rights which other 
 Italian citizens enjoy? 
 
 Seventh: On account of some secret treaty stipulated 
 betw^een Victor Emanuel III, William II and Francis 
 Joseph, with which treaty the sovereigns obligated them- 
 selves to help each other miUtarily even in case of an 
 offensive war. That such an agreement was made, one 
 logically infers from the fact that Emperor William, however 
 conscious of the German military power, however ambitious, 
 audacious or insane, would never have encouraged Francis 
 
 ^ Prince Thomas is at present the lieutenant of Victor Emanuel III that is, 
 V^iceroy of Italy.
 
 284 FOURTH PART . 
 
 Joseph to provoke this most dangerous of wars (dangerous 
 to Germany itself) if he had not been more than sure of the 
 unconditional and unlimited aid of Italy. Francis Joseph 
 himself — even had he been senilely obstinate — would never 
 have been so opposed to little Serbia. 
 
 Giolitti — who was indebted for fifteen years of govern- 
 ment dictatorship to the House of Savoy — obeyed the 
 command of his King, and, followed by his satellites, began 
 his work. He ran through and through (with mysterious 
 circumspection, more by night than by day) all of the 
 streets of the capital, running up and down stairs, confab- 
 ulating with the most equivocal figures, both indigenous 
 and foreign. Even though he sweated dozens of shirts, 
 his influence and astuteness, however much sustained by 
 the personal authority of the Sovereign, was of too corrupt 
 a sort and was too well known. And, therefore, it did not 
 have the effect which their highnesses wished. Instead it 
 had an absolutely contrary effect. In fact, the people 
 of the new Italy — in a referendum taken by the govern- 
 ment among the soldiers of sea and land — said proudly 
 but firmly that they would not fight for Germany and 
 Austria and especially for Austria, not even if commanded 
 by God in person. Not only that, but they imposed on the 
 King the breaking of the treaty of the alliance with the above 
 two nations and they also imposed the declaration of neu- 
 trality of Italy in the war; then they began to manifest 
 openly and strongly their sympathy for the nations assaulted 
 by the armies of Francis Joseph and the Kaiser. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III recognized, with an uneasy mind, 
 the impossibility of intervention in the war in favor of 
 Germany and Austria and he again called upon Giolitti; 
 he ordered him to lose no time; to stir things up and do 
 his best to induce the people of the new Italy at least to 
 maintain their neutrality and not to abandon themselves 
 to exaggerated and harmful sentimentality. 
 
 Giolitti — who was indebted for fifteen years for his 
 dictatorship to the House of Savoy — obeyed the commands 
 of his King. And, followed by his satellites, he plunged
 
 THE BETRAYAL 285 
 
 himself with more zeal, if not with more confidence, into 
 the work. Believing himself sure of immunity, he planned 
 dark intrigues and forced himself to commit acts more than 
 illicit. 
 
 But with the passing of the days, the Italian people 
 saw that little Serbia was crushed; saw that little Belgium 
 was crushed; saw that republican France was also on the 
 point of being crushed; saw that England and Russia 
 were also running into danger of being crushed; saw that 
 all Europe might fall into slavery at the feet of the pluto- 
 cratic Teutonic militarism. And then the people of Italy 
 demanded of the King's Government the armed intervention 
 of Italy in the war against the aggressive tyrants. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III, realizing, with a soul full of bitterness, 
 the impossibility of maintaining the neutrality of Italy for 
 any length of time, again called Giolitti and commanded 
 him to move himself and stir things up and do everything 
 that the desperation of the moment called for, to curb the 
 bellicose ardor of the Italian people. 
 
 GioHtti — who was indebted to the house of Savoy for 
 fifteen years* dictatorship — obeyed the commands of his 
 King. And, followed by his satellites, he precipitated him- 
 self headlong another time into the underworld of diplomacy. 
 There, creeping with a vileness without parallel, he began 
 with the famous pour parler with Prince von Biilow, which 
 very soon became the lynch pin of the treaties which the 
 government of Vienna (under the auspices of William II) 
 had already initiated with the government of Rome, with 
 the object in view of buying the permanent neutrality of 
 Italy by means of territorial concessions and millions of 
 lire.i 
 
 'The personal responsibility of Victor Emanuel III for the false steps taken by 
 Giolitti is clearly shown by the facts that have now passed into history, facts that 
 nothing can destroy. 
 
 One must be logical, and above all the Italian people if they wish to be really 
 respected must accustom themselves to call black black, and white white in ques- 
 tions of national interests. They must once and for all free themselves from the 
 prejudice legalized by Article IV of the Statuto Albertino which says: "The 
 person of the King is sacred and inviolable." 
 
 Giolitti, however, short-sighted as he had become politically, could not act 
 as he did on his own account at the moment when the new Italy was preparing 
 to take a great step forward in the life of the world. 
 
 Giolitti, as a private citizen, as minister, as prime minister, was always a
 
 286 FOURTH PART 
 
 Thus one passes on to the last days of April, 191 5. 
 
 Very early in May, 191 5, Gabriele d'Annunzio re- 
 turned from his exile in France. 
 
 The poet followed with Dantesque, Foscolian, Mazzlnian 
 anxiety the unfolding of events in Italy; he ranged himself 
 on the side of the people, and faced with extraordinary cour- 
 age, resoluteness, and energy the internal and external enemies 
 of his Patria (procurers, barterers, and similar scum). He 
 unmasked and lashed them till the blood ran. 
 
 Then from millions of breasts there burst volcanically 
 the cry for war. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III trembled. 
 
 He understood that his great historic hour had struck. 
 His throne rocked under his feet. An outside neutralistic 
 resistance would hopelessly have ruined him. 
 
 On the morning of May 23, 191 5, he declared war on 
 Francis Joseph of Austria through his ambassador at Vienna, 
 the Duke of Avarna. 
 
 Thus Italy entered into the great butchery. 
 
 But the Italian people by such an act committed no 
 treachery. 
 
 The people of Italy imposed the breaking of the treaty 
 
 strenuous defender of Italy's militaristic and monarchic policy. How could he 
 with sincerity suddenly begin to work for peace? 
 
 Giolitti was always with the parliamentary and popular majorities, even when 
 they were in the wrong. How could he suddenly' pass to the side of the minorities, 
 and to the side of the socialist minority against whom he had always struggled and 
 by whom he was always combated in the bitterest manner.^ How could he, 
 master opportunist that he was, set himself against the current? 
 
 Giolitti as a statesman of the most mediocre caliber, had reached the apex of 
 political greatness in Italy (the presidency of the ministry). And he was maintained 
 there longer than any other statesman. On the eve of the entrance of Italy into 
 the war he was as yet the supreme arbiter of the Italian National Parliament and of 
 Italian political life. Why should he risk such a position, when the risk, even if it 
 should redound to his benefit, could never give him any higher position? 
 
 Giolitti, during his permanency with the government, came out with a financial 
 position more than solid. He could, therefore, with the greatest ease, continue to 
 amass wealth without being observed very closely by the people. Why should he 
 almost publicly sell himself like any common beggar to the agents of Austria 
 and Germany when such a sale would bring about — and he knew this — his 
 complete moral ruin? 
 
 Giolitti as the perfect servant could do nothing but sacrifice himself to his master 
 who had so greatly benefited him. He preferred to filthily close his already vile 
 political life, rather than in a moment of greatest trial commit an act of ingratitude 
 toward his King, rather than compromise "the sacred person of his King." 
 
 This is the truth.
 
 THE BETRAYAL 287 
 
 of the Triple Alliance because it was not stipulated nor ap- 
 proved by them. 
 
 It may be objected "that a people who were governed 
 by a king and a statute should of necessity respect the acts 
 which the king executed on the basis of such a statute." 
 
 It is true. But one must also consider that when the 
 people of the New Italy demanded the rupture of the treaty 
 of the Triple Alliance stipulated by the king and operating in 
 opposition to that which the treaty itself established, they 
 demonstrated clearly that they no longer intended to follow 
 the old and beaten paths. (This is in itself I believe, a symp- 
 tom of political importance.) Their action showed that the 
 people of the New Italy were only disposed to respect the 
 King and the statute when both interpreted the needs and 
 will of the nation not when they revealed themselves, 
 especially at the most solemn and decisive moment of the 
 Patria, opposed to the sentiments and the national interests 
 of the people themselves; contrary to their human ideals. 
 
 On the other hand, neither did Victor Emanuel III in 
 the final count commit a real treason by breaking the treaty 
 of the triple alliance and declaring war on Austria, for the 
 simple reason that when he made the contract of the treaty 
 itself, he could not absolutely foresee that the shield of the 
 Italian people would be raised. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III when he agreed to the treaty of the 
 Triple Alliance, was sure, as were his colleagues, Francis 
 Joseph and William II, especially William II, that the people 
 of the New Italy would blindly follow the will of their King, 
 as they had done in the past. 
 
 Instead the people of the New Italy who had always re- 
 spected and blindly executed the will of their King, refused 
 to respect and execute it at the onset of the European war. 
 
 But Victor Emanuel III, as we have seen, did not fail 
 to do his best to demand the old obedience of his people. 
 As soon as the great war burst out in 1914, he delayed 
 the obligation assumed by him toward Francis Joseph and 
 WiUiam II. He forced his faithful Giolitti and satellites to 
 spread the idea that if the Italian people would avoid lasting 
 shame, they must respect the treaties by entering the field
 
 288 • FOURTH PART 
 
 of battle on the side of the two alhed nations, Austria and 
 Germany. The people of the New Italy, including the 
 soldiers to whom the referendum was made, replied that 
 they would never take up arms in defense of the two above- 
 named nations, especially Austria. And they then imposed 
 neutrality. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III did everything in his power at 
 least to maintain neutrality. Then the people of the New 
 Italy realized that their neutrality would secure victory 
 equally to the two aggressive emperors who were allied to 
 the Sultan of Turkey (another enemy of Italy and of 
 civilization) and they clamored for armed intervention in 
 favor of the allied nations. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III made desperate efforts to avoid 
 the supreme misfortune of intervention. The people of the 
 New Italy showed their teeth. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III then felt that his crown was in danger. 
 He had to bend. He had to obey. He had to declare 
 war against Austria. 
 
 How could he do otherwise? 
 
 For the first time he found himself before a people sud- 
 denly reawakened from the shameful lethargy in which they 
 had been thrown for so long a time; that is, from the time 
 that Italy had become a united and independent nation. 
 He found himself confronted by a people who had suddenly 
 discovered the consciousness of their own material force 
 and their moral dignity. He found himself confronted by a 
 people who were on the point of starting a revolution that 
 might turn the monarchy upside down and proclaim Italy 
 a republic, if he, the King, failed to obey orders at the roll 
 of the drum — orders, I say, which the people themselves 
 gave to him. He found himself confronted by a people 
 transformed from bleating sheep, ready to lick the hand 
 which was armed for their destruction, into fierce and 
 roaring lions ready to advance and mete out summary justice 
 upon those who had taken advantage of their patience and 
 lethargy. 
 
 How could Victor Emanuel III have foreseen all of this 
 ire of the gods? Could he have foreseen, when the alliance
 
 ENGLISH AND FRENCH GOLD 289 
 
 with Francis Joseph and Wilham II was formed, that the 
 people of the New Italy — who had always shown themselves 
 docile and resigned to the House of Savoy — would one 
 day rise up powerfully against this same dynasty? 
 
 Victor Emanuel III could not have foreseen so extraor- 
 dinary a fact, for the simple reason that, with all of the 
 superior intelligence which the court followers and syco- 
 phants attributed to him, he had not yet succeeded in fathom- 
 ing the souls of his people. Had he been able thus to fathom 
 them, he would easily have understood that the people of 
 the New Italy had tolerated the treaty of the Triple Alliance 
 up to a certain point, but that they could not longer tolerate 
 it when it menaced the nation and humanity with grave 
 harm. 
 
 It was one of those cases of force majeure justified by 
 all of the judicial laws of the world, including those which 
 are in force in the very states of their royal and imperial 
 majesties of Germany and Austria. 
 
 Therefore, there was no treachery, either on the part of 
 the Italian people or on the part of Victor Emanuel III, 
 King of Italy. 
 
 IX 
 
 English and French gold. 
 
 Where was the corrupting English gold.? 
 
 Where was the corrupting French gold.^' 
 
 There doubtless was gold, but from the German and 
 not from the English and French people. Prince von Bil- 
 low, representing the governments of Berlin and Vienna, 
 when he was in Rome in May, 191 5, scattered gold in Italy 
 with a lavish hand. But he could do nothing but corrupt 
 certain renegade politicians, some hungry scribblers, some 
 hardened jailbirds. 
 
 Gabriele d'Annunzio cried this aloud in his fierce public 
 accusations at that time. 
 
 Speaking to the people of Genoa on the evening of his 
 return (May 4, 191 5) the poet said, among other things:
 
 290 FOURTH PART 
 
 What will you, Genovese? What will you, Italians? Will 
 you have your nation diminish or grow? 
 
 You want a greater Italy, not by means of bribery, but by 
 conquest; not by shameful measures, but at the price of blood and 
 glory. 
 
 Haranguing the crowds in the streets of Rome on the 
 evening of May 12, 191 5, the poet said: 
 
 Now, as fifty years ago on this evening, at this same hour The 
 Thousand stopped on their march from Marsala toward Salemi; 
 and at the feet of their stacked bayonets sleepily ate their bread 
 and in silence laid themselves down. 
 
 They had in their hearts the stars, and the words of their 
 chief, which even today are a living and impelling force to us also: 
 // we will be united, our undertaking will he easy. Therefore, to arms! 
 
 It was the proclamation at Marsala; and it says again with rude 
 menace: Who does not arm himself is a coward or a traitor. 
 
 Would not the Liberator stamp with the same mark, if he could 
 descend from the Janiculum to the low places of earth, and would 
 he not thus stigmatize all those who today openly or secretly work 
 to disarm Italy and put to shame the Patria and throw her again 
 into a servile condition and nail her again to the cross? 
 
 O strength and scorn of Rome, overturn the tables of batterers 
 and falsifiers! 
 
 Root out, O Romans, all the foulness, return to the sewer all 
 such putridity! 
 
 Exhorting the Romans (May 13, 191 5) the poet among 
 other things said: 
 
 Companions, you must not permit that a handful of ruffians 
 and defrauders shall be able to defame and ruin Italy for us. 
 
 The treachery is manifest today. We not only breathe its 
 horrible stench, but we feel all of its opprobrious weight. In your 
 Rome the attempt has been made to strangle the Patria with a 
 Prussian halter. 
 
 We are on the point of being sold like a flock of sheep. 
 
 This meddler of Dronero', this obscene intriguer wants to do 
 this for us. This, that other licker'^ of dirty Prussian feet would 
 do to us. This would their canaille of followers do to us. 
 
 This they will not do, O Romans! 
 
 'Electoral political college of Giolitti. 
 * Ex-minister Bertolini?
 
 ENGLISH AND FRENCH GOLD 291 
 
 Your history, perhaps it was made in rag shops or pawn shops? 
 Perhaps the scales of your justice balanced on the side where was 
 placed a morsel of bread to chew, or a bone to gnaw? Your Cam- 
 pidoglio was perhaps a gambling table for barterers and defrauders ? 
 Glory perhaps was occupied in selling and gossiping in such a 
 place, like a small huckster? 
 
 Not bones, not crumbs, not rags, not batterings, not frauds. 
 Enough! Overthrow the tables! Break the false scales! 
 
 Our destinies cannot be measured by the yardstick of mer- 
 chantmen, but by the longsword. 
 
 And with sticks and slaps in the face, kicks and blows, we should 
 greet the accomplices and mediators, the lick-platters and lick- 
 spittles of the former German ex-chancellor [von Biilow] who on a 
 Roman hill made of himself a fat Jove, transforming himself now 
 into a tender bull, now into a rain of gold. 
 
 It must not be permitted that the slaying of the Patria shall 
 be consummated in Rome. You Romans must give to me this 
 security. 
 
 Hurling public accusation at a mass meeting of the 
 Romans on the evening of May 14, 191 5, the poet among 
 other things said: 
 
 The Patria is in danger, the Patria is on the point of being 
 lost. To save it from irreparable ruin and ignominy each one of 
 us must give all of himself and arm himself with all sorts of 
 weapons. 
 
 In a message to the students at the Roman Athenaeum, 
 assembled (May 15, 191 5) to deliberate on violence against 
 the traitors, the poet said: 
 
 Today is the anniversary of the most beautiful battle of the 
 Garibaldians; it is the anniversary of Calatafimi. Of this the 
 Chief usually said: // at the point of death you should see me smile, 
 friends, remember that it is the memory of Calatafimi which warms 
 my heart to its last beat. 
 
 But in order to make Garibaldi smile again, it will be neces- 
 sary to celebrate this anniversary with the expulsion of the 
 knave [Giolitti] who would sell Italy, and of the procurer [von 
 Biilow] who would buy it. It will be necessary to purify the skies 
 of Rome from these two infections. 
 
 The Italian people in their poverty, pure as the crystals
 
 292 FOURTH PART 
 
 of the Alps, refused to enter into the vile barter of von Biilow 
 and Giolitti. 
 
 And why should they not refuse, if they continually see 
 themselves mirrored in the lives of men whom gold never 
 could contaminate — of men who were representative of 
 their ideals? 
 
 I will here recall two episodes, one an ancient one which 
 is taught in all of the elementary schools in Italy, and the 
 other an episode of modern times which the national press 
 repeats every year. Both of these give an idea of the virtues 
 on which the people of the New Italy fashion, with the 
 admirable law of continuity, their own moral incorrupti- 
 bility. 
 
 First episode: In the summer of 282 B. C, a Roman 
 squadron, sailing toward Sena Gallica, cast anchor in the 
 port of Tarentum. The Tarentines, under pretext of an 
 ancient treaty, prohibited the Romans from navigating out- 
 side of the Lacinium Cape, assaulted the anchored ships, sent 
 some to the bottom and drove the others away. 
 
 The Roman senate called immediately for adequate 
 reparation from the Tarentines. But the ambassadors 
 sent by the senate on this mission, instead of being given 
 reparation, were basely outraged by the Tarentines. Then 
 Rome declared war. 
 
 TheTarentines called to their aid Pyrrhus, King of Epirus. 
 The latter, who was ambitious and very desirous of adven- 
 ture, came without much urging. He landed at Tarentum 
 (280 B. C.) with a great army, and twenty elephants carry- 
 ing on their backs fortresses behind which the soldiers 
 could fight with safety. They encountered the Romans, 
 commanded by the consul P. Valerius Levinus at Heraclea, 
 near the mouth of the river Aciris, and a sharp battle fol- 
 lowed. 
 
 The Roman soldiers — frightened by the enormous size 
 and by the bellowing of the quadrupeds — which they 
 saw for the first time — fled, leaving the victory to the enemy. 
 But this victory cost so dearly that Pyrrhus, full of marvel and 
 scorn, exclaimed: ** Another victory like this, and I should 
 be obliged to return alone to Epirus."
 
 ENGLISH AND FRENCH GOLD 293 
 
 During the winter, a Roman commission led by Caius 
 Fabricius, a poor man but of great military talent and of 
 noble spirit, presented itself to Pyrrhus to treat of an ex- 
 change of prisoners. 
 
 The austere simplicity of the Roman filled the strangers 
 with wonder. 
 
 Pyrrhus called Fabricius apart, and offered him most 
 precious gifts on condition that he would induce the Ro- 
 man senate to make peace. 
 
 But Fabricius responded haughtily: "Offer your gifts 
 to slaves, not to a Roman citizen. You should know that 
 I do not feel myself poor, but richer than you, because 
 my little farm and my humble home give me enough with 
 which to live happily." 
 
 Not being able to conquer with gold, Pyrrhus attempted 
 to conquer Fabricius with fear. At a given signal he incited 
 one of his largest elephants against him, which extended his 
 proboscis to the head of Fabricius and bellowed ferociously. 
 
 The strong and honest Roman did not tremble, did not 
 move. He smiled proudly and scornfully. And when the 
 elephant had ceased his roaring, Fabricius departed from 
 the field without concluding anything regarding the exchange 
 of prisoners. 
 
 Pyrrhus, stupified, exclaimed: **I see that it would be 
 easier to make the sun deviate from its course than to 
 turn Fabricius from the path of virtue!" 
 
 Fabricius returned to Rome and advised the senate not 
 to make peace. 
 
 "Rome must not descend to pacts, until foreign soldiers 
 shall have crushed the very soil of Italy." 
 
 The war continued. Pyrrhus was defeated by the Romans, 
 commanded by the consul M. Curius Dentatus, in a bitter 
 battle near Beneventum, and was forced to return to 
 Epirus. 
 
 Second episode: In the year 1888 it was necessary for 
 the Italian government to contract a debt of 6o,ooo,cxdo 
 lire. Some French bankers, desiring to conclude the busi- 
 ness, — which was a large sum for that time, — attempted 
 to corrupt one of the most austere and noble figures of the
 
 294 FOURTH PART 
 
 Italian parliament, Giovanni Bovio,^ offering him 1,200,000 
 lire. By means of the authority of that proud republican 
 deputy, they hoped — indeed, felt certain — that they 
 would be able to influence the Italian minister of Finance, 
 Agostino Magliani. But this is how Bovio responded to 
 the banker who had been entrusted by his colleagues of 
 France to make the audacious proposal: 
 
 Naples, Dec. 5, 1888. 
 
 Sir: By registered letter from Paris dated December i, 1888, 
 on paper upon which your name is printed, you write to me: / 
 have had the hoiior of knowing and listening to you. Can you ask 
 of Minister Magliani if it is true that the Italian government is in 
 absolute need of a loan of 50 or 60,000,000 lire, and at what rate of 
 interest it could be negotiated in France? If this is true you can assure 
 the minister that if the rate of interest is satisfactory, in eight days 
 from the day of the answer, the 50 or 60,000,000 lire of which he 
 has need will be brought to Rome. 
 
 As you see, this affair is most serious and requires the utmost 
 discretion. For your inconvenience and trouble, if the affair shall be 
 accomplished, there will be placed at your disposal the sum of 
 1,200,000 lire (un million deux cents mille francs) . 
 
 The proposition which you have made me, clearly Indicates 
 that you have seen and heard me, but that you did not know me. 
 
 To make such a proposition to me you should have shown my 
 name to the banker who will come to Rome. 
 
 Therefore permit me to defend my name, because I have noth- 
 ing else to protect and to transmit. 
 
 I will defend it, explaining to you in a few words the fact and 
 myself. 
 
 The fact, however colored and veiled, is that that which one 
 calls business cannot be linked with deputies, ministers, nor with 
 offices and companies dependent on the government. There is 
 no law which would prevent this, but the worst evils are not those 
 which are always punished by law. 
 
 ^ Giovanni Bovio of Trani, southern Italy, for many years republican deputy 
 in the Italian National Parliament, orator, philosopher, epigraphist, dramatist, 
 educator, was as conspicuous a figure as one of the ancient sages. He was born 
 of poor parents and self-educated. He was in intimate correspondence with 
 Mazzini, Saffi, Garibaldi, and others. As professor at the University of Naples he 
 taught successively philosophy and the history of human rights, comparative 
 public rights. He was an idealist, and followed Mazzinism in religion and politics. 
 His philosophy was a mathematic naturalism, a great dream exalted by ideality. 
 He died poor but uncorrupted. He was the author of profound works (1841-1903).
 
 ENGLISH AND FRENCH GOLD 295 
 
 As for myself, neither you who came to Naples, nor others, can 
 be ignorant of the fact that I support myself and family from day 
 to day by teaching and writing philosophy, added to which is a 
 little mathematics, but with arithmetic which has never arrived 
 at a million. 
 
 Since my work gives me independence, the million would be 
 superfluous. 
 
 You write that everything would be done quietly in Rome, 
 without the knowledge of anyone. 
 
 But shouldn't I know it? Have I not a code in my conscience.? 
 
 The bankers might leave their conscience at the footof the Alps, 
 and take it up on their return; but I carry mine everywhere, be- 
 cause inside of it there are the last ideals which I have been able 
 to protect from delusions. 
 
 You write that this mediation is a work of a good citizen; 
 but I say to you that it should be the work of an honest man 
 never to do anything about which it is necessary to conceal or to 
 keep quiet. 
 
 Now believe me because I have nothing to ask and nothing to 
 accept: you will not meet an Italian who does not wish good 
 relations between Italy and France, not for good business but for 
 good reasons. 
 
 The Italian democracy is not rich; it loves the dignity and 
 liberty of France; but it is not dazzled by French gold. 
 
 I and my friends will not mention your name, which is well 
 known and esteemed here; but you must say to your companions 
 that in Italy the sentiment of dignity is alive, and if a young 
 Italian;, educated by us, should have to choose between the 
 Austrian hangman's rope and French gold, he without a second's 
 hesitation would choose the rope. 
 
 Giovanni Bovio. 
 
 The Italian people, by not entering into the intrigues 
 of von Billow and Giolitti, followed faithfully the examples 
 of Fabricius and of Bovio. They did even more. They 
 met the Honorable Bertolini, ex-minister of the monarchy 
 of Victor Emanuel III, on the streets of Rome during the 
 stormy days of May, 191 5, and because he w^as suspected, 
 simply suspected, of having sold himself to the Teutons, 
 they assaulted him, throwing in his face handsful of money 
 accompanied by burning vituperations. 
 
 They would have lynched Giolitti himself, if the old
 
 296 FOURTH PART 
 
 "thick-lipped hangman" (thus d'Annunzio stigmatized 
 him) had not taken to his heels and sought protection 
 from the police. 
 
 The point is that the people of the New Italy are an 
 intelligent, not a stupid people; are an idealistic people, 
 not utilitarian; a tenacious people, not voluble. They 
 know easily how to distinguish the true from the false, 
 good from evil, beauty from ugliness. They quickly em- 
 brace all just causes by a natural impulse of their sensitive 
 souls. And once they have embraced them, they defend 
 them with enthusiasm, disinterestedness, and firmness. 
 
 When, in 1914, the great war broke out, the people 
 of the New Italy knew immediately what it meant, and 
 without hesitation spontaneously took the position which 
 reason and sentiment, each inspired by the rights of the 
 weaker, had imposed upon them. And in such a position 
 they have always maintained themselves with love and 
 unshaken constancy. 
 
 The gold of the English and the French was nothing 
 other than a calumnious story cast abroad by Teutonic 
 treachery. 
 
 One must consider a most essential circumstance, which 
 is this: While, from July, 1914, to May, 191 5, the struggle 
 waged between those who were in favor of Austria and 
 Germany (who later through force of circumstances be- 
 came neutralists) on the one hand, and those who favored 
 intervention against Austria on the other hand, several of 
 the cheap and starving scribblers before mentioned were 
 accused by Italian papers of having been bought by the 
 Teutons. The accused brought complaint against their 
 accusers for defamation. The trials were called before the 
 tribunals. But in the public debate the accusing newspapers 
 proved fully their accusations, which were that the penny-a- 
 liners had been really bought by the Teutons. And the 
 judges were obliged to absolve the accusing newspapers, 
 while the scribblers accused of having sold themselves to the 
 Teutons were buried under an avalanche of national in- 
 dignation and scorn. 
 
 Was not this perhaps the most opportune psychological
 
 ENGLISH AND FRENCH GOLD 297 
 
 moment to oppose the accusation and the proofs of Teutonic 
 gold with accusations and proofs of English and French 
 gold? It certainly was. 
 
 But the Teutons and their supporters did not profit by 
 this. They were silent. And why? 
 
 Because English and French gold was not flowing into 
 Italy. If it had flowed, the Teutons and their supporters 
 would not have ceased to scream to the four winds about it. 
 
 On the other hand, English and French gold, if it had 
 flowed, would only have corrupted, as had the Teuton gold, 
 some of the renegade politicians, some starving scribblers, 
 some hardened jail-birds. The Italian people in their pov- 
 erty, pure as the crystal of the Alps, would have remained 
 apart from the infamous traflSc. They would once more 
 be retempered in the solid virtues of their ancient Fabricius 
 and their modern Bovio. 
 
 And not only with gold, but by other means the Teutons 
 tried to force Italy to remain neutral as soon as they foun-d 
 themselves unable to drag her into the war at their side. 
 
 From July, 1914, to May, 1915, they inundated the 
 peninsula with publications (journals, bulletins, magazines, 
 handbills, books, pamphlets, et similia) in the Italian 
 language, and by means of these precious documents, 
 they tried to prove that the English and French had always 
 hated and scorned the Italians and would always continue 
 to do so, while they — the Teutons — had always been the 
 most enthusiastic admirers and the sincerest friends of the 
 Italians, and would always remain such in the future. 
 
 Numerous packages of such publications were sent to 
 me directly to Chicago by a German friend, who in 1914 
 and 191 5 was living in Italy. Thus I was able to read among 
 others, the pamphlet entitled The Truth About the Friend- 
 ship of England for Italy, by Dr. J. Lulves, printed in 
 Rome, 191 5; the pamphlet entitled, Italy and France, by 
 Alfredo Tusti, printed also in Rome in 191 5; The Bulletin 
 of the War (No. 30-31 of April 17-30, 191 5) published by 
 Dr. Fred B. Hardt, at Munich, Bavaria. 
 
 In the first I found chronologically enumerated the
 
 298 FOURTH PART 
 
 wrongs which the EngHsh had inflicted upon the ItaHans 
 from 1327 to 191 2. 
 
 In the second I found chronologically enumerated the 
 wrongs which the French had inflicted on the Italians from 
 March 30, 1282 (date of the SiciHan Vespers), down to 
 1912. 
 
 In the third I found an article entitled, Italian Culture 
 and the German Spirit^ which I quote verbatim: 
 
 In Europe there is a spiritual solidarity which is opposed to the 
 expression of Russian art and literature. We Germans admire the 
 works of Dostoievsky, but the spirit of the Russian remains foreign 
 to us; whereas Balzac makes us think and feel with him. A novel 
 of Boccaccio makes us laugh heartily, and Dante's verses fill our 
 souls with the same enthusiasm that the Italians themselves feel. 
 Between the Romans and Germans there is an ancient bond of 
 knowledge and memories by which Italian art and culture are 
 thoroughly appreciated by us. For their inflow into our intel- 
 lectual life we feel a deep sense of gratitude. The keen desire 
 which pushed Goethe and the novelists to Italy still vibrates in 
 every German heart. We will not repeat the history of the Ro- 
 man colonization of Germany, but we will call to mind that from 
 that period until today its influence has remained present all 
 through history in the Roman Law. 
 
 The Renaissance has transmitted to us treasures of Greek and 
 Latin thought. From the Italian Benedictine monasteries in the 
 middle ages there was a strong religious and intellectual current 
 toward Germany, and the earnest worship of the history of Italian 
 arts, comparing it with the worship we attribute to other forms of 
 culture, has always urged our best students of art and literature to 
 their greatest activity in Italy. It would require too much space 
 to quote the names of even the most important students whom 
 Germany enumerates in these fields, but we will mention a few 
 among the most celebrated. Who is not familiar with the name 
 of Winckelmann, the founder of modern archaeology? And who 
 does not know the famous Theodore Mommsen and his history of 
 Rome.? Or the works of Friedlander and his history of Roman 
 customs ? The splendid History of the City of Rome in the middle 
 ages by Ferdinand Gregorovius the Roman citizen^. Ranke's master- 
 piece on the History of the Papacy? The work of Jacob Burkhardt, 
 // Ciceroney which gives a complete and comprehensive history of 
 Italian art? The works of Hermann Grimm on the Renaissance,
 
 ENGLISH AND FRENCH GOLD 299 
 
 and the great works of Wolfflin who now occupies a chair in the 
 Riehl University of the Cathedral Riehl at Munich? 
 
 The Germans not only worked indefatigably and passionately 
 to acquire the knowledge of Italian history, but they were also 
 exceedingly interested in her poets and in the reproduction of their 
 works. In the home of every good German is to be found "The 
 Life of Benvenuto Cellini," which was translated for the first time 
 by Goethe. Among the numerous translations of the Divina 
 Comviedia one which bears the pseudonym of Philalethes was 
 written by King John of Saxony. The firm of E. Diederichs of 
 Jena is publishing a rich collection of ancient Italian documents of 
 the Renaissance which are splendidly translated; these are superb 
 editions of which, up to the present time, two series of twelve 
 volumes each have been issued. It is a pleasure for every cultured 
 German to pick up one of these volumes such as Matarazzo, La 
 Cronaca di Perugia, Napoli e gli Aragonesi, il Diario Fiorentino di 
 Landucci, il Diario di Roma di Infessura, the Letters of Aretino 
 and of Bracciolini, the Mysteries of Florence, History of Florence, 
 by Machiavelli, and many other similar choice works. 
 
 The bibliographical editions, by G. Miiller and von Weber of 
 Munich, of the Italian poets and thinkers, published by the house 
 of Insel in Leipzig, have a very large circulation in Germany. 
 The incomparable translation of these works is followed by a very 
 accurate criticism. 
 
 On the other hand, modern German painting was greatly 
 influenced by Italian art, which is really the only great paint- 
 ing. It is sufficient in this connection to remember Albert 
 Diirer's permanent residence in Venice. Even today the treasures 
 gathered in the Art Museums of Italy are the dreams of young 
 German artists who visit them, seeking and finding inspiration. 
 And in how many of our courts of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries do we find the stamp and style of the genius of Italian 
 artists and architects! 
 
 Modern Germany is not only interested in classical Italy and 
 in the Italian Renaissance, but also in the reconstruction of its 
 political unity, its economical development, which is watched with 
 keen interest, and which is understood and highly appreciated by 
 us, perhaps because we ourselves, like the Italians, recall the great 
 struggles which they had to endure to reach their national unity. 
 Victor Hehn, in his work, Italian cities and People, and P. D. 
 Fischer, in his studies of the political, economical, and social con- 
 ditions of Italy, as well as Hofmeister, in his work The Economic
 
 300 FOURTH PART 
 
 Development of the Romans, have through most delicate an- 
 alyses succeeded in penetrating the psychology of the Italian soul; 
 and with what marvelous clearness they knew how to value and 
 appreciate the high standard which Italy has knownhow to reach! 
 And with what keenness did our great historian, Treitschke suc- 
 ceed in penetrating the work and genius of the great Italian states- 
 man, Camillo Cavour! 
 
 Every year thousands and thousands of Germans visit the 
 peninsula. They are fascinated by the magic beauties of nature 
 and by the masterpieces which Italy possesses, and all go home af- 
 ter their too brief sojourn with their souls intoxicated by their im- 
 pression of the extraordinary beauty of the country, and with 
 hearts and souls overflowing with admiration for the wonderful 
 beauties of classical Italy, and ears still vibrating with the har- 
 monious echoes of conversations which may have incidentally 
 occurred among agreeable traveling companions. Only the 
 Germans, we dare to affirm it, carry out from Italy so many 
 fruitful impressions of the land which fascinates them as the cradle 
 of European civilization. The Frenchman does not travel much. 
 The Englishman, however, does; but he returns with what en- 
 tirely different observations and criticisms! The Russian who 
 betakes himself to Italy is usually of the intelligent and more 
 aristocratic type, but neither Italian art nor Italian civilization 
 will ever be the common patrimony of the Russian people, whose 
 psychology is foreign to European culture. 
 
 But the Italian people thought that English wrongs 
 could not be so grave w^hen confronted by German wrongs, 
 if Giuseppe Mazzini (the foremost Italian of the Ncav Italy) 
 had finally grown fond of England. 
 
 The Italian people thought that the French wrongs were 
 not unpardonable when confronted by Teuton wrongs, if 
 Giuseppe Garibaldi (the glorious hero of the New Italy), 
 Amilcare Cipriani (the most rebellious of the persecuted 
 patriots of the New Italy), Giovanni Bovio, Felice Caval- 
 lotti, and Matteo Renato Imbriani (three of the most fear- 
 less patriots of the New Italy), and Giosue Carducci and 
 Gabriele d'Annunzio (the two greatest poets of the New 
 Italy) had finally ended by defending and exalting 
 France. 
 
 The Italian people, moreover, not having allowed them-
 
 TERRITORIAL CUPIDITY 301 
 
 selves to be contaminated by German gold, were not be- 
 guiled by these tardy and flattering articles. 
 
 The Teutons finally resorted to threats, but in vain, for 
 the simple reason that the Italian people, once roused for a 
 reason which they believe to be just, fear nothing, — death 
 least of all, as is clearly proved by the history of their 
 martyrology. 
 
 X 
 
 Territorial cupidity. 
 
 Where was the territorial cupidity which incited the 
 Italian people to enter the great war, attacking Austria? 
 
 Without doubt Italy, who took her place as a great 
 power fifty years ago, found the most important positions of 
 the world solidly occupied by other nations who had been 
 powerful for centuries. She found an international hier- 
 archy long established and ironclad in which there remained 
 nothing for her but the last place. She found a rigid and 
 suflFocating equilibrium which she, smaller, poorer, and 
 weaker than all the others could not shake, and from which 
 she could not carve for herself the slightest portion of riches 
 and dominion, nor could she reconstruct her full national, 
 geographical, and ethnic unity. 
 
 Territorial expansion, however, was a vital incoercible 
 necessity. 
 
 For notwithstanding that the people of the New Italy 
 greatly respected the national independence of other peoples — 
 they even respected those whom so-called civilizations openly 
 call inferiors and barbarians — they were always opposed to 
 the policy and enterprises which had for their aim territorial 
 expansion. The people of the New Italy strongly opposed 
 the war against Abyssinia for the conquest of Eritrea, which 
 had for its epilogue the defeat of Adua, May i, 1896; and, 
 in 1911-1912, the war against Turkey for the conquest of 
 Tripoli and Cyrenaica, (the only two wars of the New Italy) 
 imposed by the monarchical Government of Savoy for the
 
 302 FOURTH PART 
 
 banking, industrial, commercial, and religious interests of 
 the Italian plutocracy. They opposed them, or rather did 
 not impose them as they did the present great war, because 
 those two African wars could only, up to a certain point, 
 harm the compages and the destiny of the nation, while the 
 great war is certain to harm the compages and destiny of all 
 Europe and of the whole world. 
 
 The people of the New Italy, entering into the great war 
 during the spring of 1915, did not have for their object 
 territorial advantages. 
 
 If they had had only this object in view they would 
 have drawn up in line of battle from the beginning of the 
 war, on the side of Austria and Germany, or at least they 
 would have remained neutral. 
 
 In the first case, France would have been crushed as 
 quickly as a lightning flash. The French disaster would 
 have unavoidably reacted upon England and Russia. And 
 Austria and Germany, remaining victorious and absolute 
 arbiters of the situation, would willingly have compensated 
 Italy with territorial concessions, comprising not only the 
 unredeemed regions at the east of the peninsula (from Tren- 
 tino to the southern coast of Albania) but also the unre- 
 deemed regions at the west of the peninsula (as Savoy, 
 Nice, and Corsica), the islands of Malta, Tunis, Gibraltar 
 and, dulcis in f undo y some "great colony" outside of the 
 Mediterranean. 
 
 In the second case, Austria and Germany, not less will- 
 ingly whatever may be said to the contrary, would have 
 compensated Italy with territorial concessions proportionate 
 to these which would have come to them in the event of vic- 
 tory to Francis Joseph and William II. 
 
 But rather than easy acquirement of territory, the 
 people of the New Italy preferred the cause of humanity, 
 -even at infinite sacrifice, above and beyond the value 
 synthesized in the binomial Trent-Trieste. They preferred 
 to destroy the dreams of Teutonic control and plutocratic 
 supremacy. They preferred to shake the foundations of 
 military Teutonic power. They preferred to save the in- 
 dependence of nations from Teutonic imperialism, which
 
 THE OMNIPOTENTS 303 
 
 latterly had become too arrogant, too disturbing, and too 
 dangerous. 
 
 If through the great war the mortal blow is struck at 
 Kultur and results in harm for real human progress, the 
 censure must be given to the people of the New Italy, and 
 with this censure must come remorse and shame forever. 
 
 If, instead, the mortal blow given to Kultur by the great 
 war results in good for real human progress, the credit for 
 this should in justice be given to the people of the New 
 Italy; and with the credit should also be given universal 
 recognition, and glory forever. 
 
 The future Tacitus will be the judge. 
 
 XI 
 
 The Omnipotents. 
 
 The present great war is the logical and natural epilogue 
 of the evils committed by the privileged class during its 
 long dominion over the world. It is the culmination of that 
 which this class could practically always commit to the harm 
 of the entire world. 
 
 It is true that the defenders of human rights have 
 counterposed across the centuries the fruits of their minds, 
 vigorous, noble, and immortal; the impulse of their con- 
 science, kind, pitiful, and affectionate; the martyrdoms of 
 their flesh, heroic, magnanimous, and sublime. But all 
 this effusion of beauty has not been able to prevent the 
 opening of that Pandora's box and the escaping of the 
 miasm of its putrid contents to the infection of the entire 
 social organism. 
 
 This indicates that the intellectual, moral, and material 
 elements used by the defenders of human rights, however 
 much they may spring from the purest fountains of thought 
 and sentiments, and however ardently they may have reached 
 toward the holiest ideals of life, were not adaptable to human 
 nature (whether to the oppressors nor to the oppressed). If 
 they had been adaptable, humanity would have assimilated
 
 304 FOURTH PART 
 
 them. And at the present time there would be neither op- 
 pressed nor oppressors. All would have already entered vol- 
 untarily or involuntarily into that longed-for phase of civil 
 life. Into that phase in which the people, all peoples with- 
 out distinction, can find only justice, liberty, prosperity, 
 brotherhood, peace, and happiness. 
 
 From the ruins of the great war, saturated by the blood 
 and anguish of all the human family, will arise a breath of 
 new and vitalizing energy. This breath will create a new 
 order of men, who will be omnipotent, and will be called the 
 Omnipote7its. 
 
 I predict this with the emotion born of inmost certainty. 
 
 The Omnipotents will take the place of those (both lay 
 and ecclesiastic) who have never done other than defend in 
 vain the rights of humanity. 
 
 The Omnipotents will overthrow those (lay and eccle- 
 siastic) who do not do other than obstinately further evil. 
 
 But their work— the work of the Omnipotents — will not 
 have the sudden destructive violence of seismic movements. 
 Their work will be like the gradual, fruitful virtue of the sun 
 which appears every morning on the horizon. Their work 
 will have the active principle of love, and, as such, will pene- 
 trate into the debilitated social organism (and no deleteri- 
 ous influence will be able to stop it); it will purify; it will 
 heal; it will be raised to the highest summits of physical, 
 psychological, and spiritual perfection, to the point where 
 the poetical dream of my Campanella will finally become a 
 reality — always progressive and triumphant in the daily 
 and perennial life of the human race: 
 
 O pietas, o prisca fides, o Candida corda^ 
 
 Lugenium ignorantumque atri ahiere colores; 
 
 Exulet impietas, fraudes, mendacia, lites. 
 
 Nee timeant agnive lupum, aut armenta leonem; 
 
 Inque bonum populi discent regnare tyranni; 
 
 Ocia cessarunt et cessavere labores, 
 
 Nam labor est iocus, in multos partitus amice. 
 
 O pity, O faith, O pure heart, 
 
 Of lying and ignorance the black colors have faded.
 
 THE OMNIPOTENTS 305 
 
 Wickedness, deceit, lying, and wrangling, will have burned out. 
 
 No longer will the lambs fear the wolves, nor the herds the lion, 
 
 And let the people teach the tyrants to rule well, 
 
 Laziness will cease and labors will become 
 
 A pleasure, when divided equally among many friends. 
 
 [the end]
 
 INDEX 
 
 Abba, Giuseppe Caesar, 140, and 
 
 note. 
 Abruzzi, Duke of, 235, and note. 
 Adalbert, Prince of Bavaria, 283. 
 Adam, 39. 
 
 Adami, Giovan B., 132. 
 Adrian IV, Pope 105, 106, 108. 
 Aehrenthal, Count, 235. 
 Ajani, Giulio, 88, 160. 
 Alaric, 256. 
 Albani, Felice, 169. 
 Albert, Archduke, 226. 
 Alboin, King, 100. 
 Aleardi, Aleardo, 147. 
 Alexander, Crown Prince, 210. 
 Alexander, Prince, Regent of Serbia 
 
 206, 214. 
 Alexander III, Pope, 108, iii. 
 Allemandi, General, 128. 
 Almerigotti, Alessandro, 133. 
 Almerigotti, Giovanni and Lodovi- 
 
 co, 133. 
 Amedeo VI, Duke of Savoy, 114. 
 Antonaz, Antonio, 147. 
 Apollinaris, Pinarius, 95. 
 Ardigo, Prof. Roberto, 264, 270. 
 Aretino, 299. 
 
 Ariberto da Intimiano, no. 
 Armani, Antonio, 139. 
 Armellini, Carlo, 55, 61. 
 Arnold of Brescia, 105. 
 Arquati-Tavani, Signora Giuditta, 
 
 88, 89, 90, 160. 
 Ascoli, Graziadio, 121. 
 Astolfo, King, 90 note. 
 Attila, 99. 
 
 Augustus, Emperor, 91, 92, 94. 
 Aurelius, Marcus, 92, 98. 
 Avarna, Duke of, 221, 225,226, 231, 
 
 233, 286. 
 Avezzana, 164. 
 
 Baiamonti, Antonio, 127, 198. 
 
 Balbo, Cesare, 38 
 
 Balilla, 24, 51. 
 
 Balzac, 298. 
 
 Bandiera, Attilio and Emilio, 121. 
 
 Baratieri, Oreste, 139. 
 
 Barbarossa, Frederick, Emperor 
 
 of Germany 51 note, 78 note, 
 
 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, III, 
 
 112. 
 Barge, Count de, 56. 
 Barzilai, Salvatore, 165 and note. 
 Bassi, Ugo, 62, 64. 
 Battera, Raimondo, 168. 
 Battorchi, Cernio, 154. 
 Bazzoni, Clementina, 172. 
 Bazzoni, Dr., 172. 
 Beatrice, 176. 
 Beccaria, Cesare, 172 note. 
 Belgiojoso, Princess of, 54. 
 Bell, 66. 
 
 Belloni, Giuseppe, 45. 
 Berardi, G., 121. 
 Berchet, Giovanni, 35. 
 Berchtold, Count, 208, 232, 233, 
 
 234note, 235. 
 Berini, Giovanni, 170. 
 Bertelli, Pietro, 131. 
 Bertolini, 290 note, 295. 
 Bethmann-Hollweg, von, 227, 240. 
 Bevilacqua, Achille, 131. 
 Bevilacqua, Giovanni, 133. 
 Bezzi, Enoch, 139. 
 Bezzi, Ergisto, 139, 140, 148, 149, 
 
 152, 154, 160. 
 Bidischini, Francesco, 139. 
 Bismarck, 217, 230, 233. 
 Bissolati, Minister of Italy, 20 
 
 note. 
 Bixio, Nino, 84. 
 Blasig, Carlo, 162. 
 
 307
 
 308 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Boccaccio, 298. 
 
 Boggio, Carlo, 158. 
 
 Bolcego, Tomaso, 139. 
 
 Bolza, 46, 49. 
 
 Bonetti, Domenico, 132, 
 
 Bonomo, Antonio, 116. 
 
 Borelli, Vincenzo, 36. 
 
 Borisi, Marcantonio, 133. 
 
 Borromeo, Count Vitaliano, 54. 
 
 Boscowich, Carlo, 134. 
 
 Bovio, Giovanni, 175, 294 and note, 
 
 295, 300. 
 Bracciolini, 299. 
 Brambilla, Pietro, 158. 
 Brescian, family The, 153. 
 Brisa, Bishop-Baron, 113. 
 Bronzetti, Narciso, 131, 136, 137. 
 Bronzetti, Oreste, 154. 
 Bronzetti, Pilade, 131, 141. 
 Bruck, 122. 
 
 Bruffel, Giovanni, 132. 
 Brul, 139. 
 Brunetti, Angelo, {Ciceruacchio) 
 
 62, 64. 
 Bruno, Giordano, 244, 255, 264. 
 Buchanan, 207. 
 Buchler, Gustavo, 152. 
 Billow, Prince von, 229, 240, 285, 
 
 289, 291, 295. 
 Bunsen, Maurice, 213. 
 Buono, Michele, 142. 
 Burkhardt, Jacob, 298. 
 
 Cadorna, General RafFaele,90, 152, 
 
 162. 
 Caesar, Julius, 92, 93 note, 95 
 
 note, 249. 
 Cairoli, Dr. Carlos, 161 note. 
 Cairoli, Adelaide, 161 note. 
 Cairoli, Benedetto, 161, 164. 
 Cairoli, The Brothers, 88, 159. 
 Cairoli, Enrico, 88. 
 Cairoli, Giovanni, 160. 
 Caligula, Caius, 95. 
 Calvi, Colonel Pietro Fortunato, 
 
 74- 
 Camerinus, Quintus Sulpicius, 95. 
 
 Campanella, Tommaso, 244, 262, 
 
 304- 
 Campbell, Robert, 48. 
 Canal, Giulio, 122. 
 Cancellieri, Giulio, 115. 
 Canella, Isidoro, 154. 
 Cantij, Cesare, 38. 
 Canzio, Stefano, 163. 
 Cappellini, Alfredo, 86. 
 Capponi, Gino, 38. 
 Capponi, Piero, 187 note. 
 Capna, 152. 
 Caprin, 163. 
 
 Caravati, the widow, 45. 
 Carbone, Giovanni, 25. 
 Carbonis, R., 121. 
 Carducci, Giosue, 90, 165, 172, 174 
 
 and note, 175, 188, 300. 
 Carli, Gian Rinaldo, 119. 
 Carlo Alberto of Savoy-Carignano, 
 
 32, 39, 40, 50, S3, 56, 85, 122. 128, 
 
 129, 278, 282. 
 Carlo, Felice, 32, 33, 40. 
 Carpaccio, 157. 
 Carrara, Francesco, 172. 
 Casanova, Don Pietro, 131. 
 Catherine II of Russia, 172 note. 
 Cato, 249. 
 Cattaneo, Carlo, 38, 42, 46 note, 
 
 47- 
 Cattarozzi, Vincenzo, 160. 
 Caucich, Pietro, 179. 
 Cavali, Pietro, 131. 
 Cavallotti, Felice, 300. 
 Cavour, Camillo Benso di, 38, 75, 
 
 76, 77^ 79. 81, 134' 145. I47» 150. 
 
 156, 300. 
 Cellini, Benvenuto, 299. 
 Cernuschi, Enrico, 47. 
 Charlemagne, Emperor, 100. 
 Charles, Archduke, 118. 
 Charles II of Parma, 74. 
 Charles III of Parma, 74. 
 Charles IV, 113. 
 Charles V, Emperor, 51 note, 115 
 
 note, 1 17. 
 Charles VI of Austria, 23, 24, 118.
 
 INDEX 
 
 309 
 
 Charles Albert of Bavaria, (Char- 
 les VII), 23. 
 Charles VIII of France, 187 note. 
 Charles Emmanuel III of Savoy, 
 
 23- 
 
 Charles Ludwlg, Archduke, 167. 
 
 Chimelli, Carlo, 154. 
 
 Chiozza, Pietro, 152. 
 
 Christ, 260. 
 
 Ciani, Giuseppina, 170. 
 
 Ciganovitch, Milan, 203, 211. 
 
 Cignoli, 79, 80. 
 
 Ciotti, Marziano, 139, 152, 160. 
 
 Cipriani, Amilcare, 300. 
 
 Clarendon, Lord, 63. 
 
 Claudius, Emperor, 95. 
 
 Clement VII, Pope, 51 note. 
 
 Clerici, Giorgio, 47. 
 
 Coen, Filippo, 133. 
 
 Coiz, Antonio, 135 note. 
 
 Colombus, Christopher, 249. 
 
 Colombo, Giacobbe, 72. 
 
 Combi, Carlo, 158. 
 
 Comelli, Federico, 134. 
 
 Conforti, Raffaele, 74. 
 
 Conrad, General, 233, 234 note. 
 
 Constantine, Emperor, 92. 
 
 Conti, Maria, 72. 
 
 Correnti, Caesar, 60 note. 
 
 Cortella, Paolo, 154. 
 
 Covi, Virgilio, 154. 
 
 Crispi, Francesco, 217. 
 
 Cristiano, Archbishop of Magonza, 
 
 108. 
 Cuder, Federico, 160. 
 Cumano, Costantino, 125, 133. 
 
 Dalia Costa, Giovanni, 139. 
 
 Dall 'Ongaro, Francesco, 72, 121 
 
 note, 131 note. 
 Dandolo, 198. 
 Dandolo, Enrico, 62. 
 D'Andri, Lieutenant Leonardo, 
 
 151,152. 
 Danielli, Giovanni, 128. 
 D'Annunzio, Gabriele, 177, 198 
 
 note, 286, 289, 296, 3CX3. 
 
 Dante, 90, 176, 182, 183, 246, 262 
 
 note, 272, 298. 
 D'Aspre, General, 61. 
 Davanzati, 157. 
 D'Azeglio, Massimo, 38. 
 De Bassetti, Tito, 143. 
 De Canal, Bernardo, 74. 
 De Carina, Pietro, 159. 
 De Haag, Riccardo, 179. 
 Delfino, Menotti, 166. 
 Delia Casa, Giovanni, 247. 
 Delia Croce, Ireneo, 118. 
 Delia Torre, Enrico, 113. 
 Dentatus, Curius, 293. 
 De Mulitsch, 166. 
 De Pregel, Melchiorre, 162. 
 De Pretis, Carlo, 154. 
 De Pretis, Giovanni, 143. 
 Depaugher, Carlo, 152. 
 Depretis, Minister, 217. 
 De Pretis family. The, 153. 
 De Rin, 149. 
 Di Rin, Nicolo, 125. 
 Dicio, Domenico, 131. 
 Diederichs, E., 299. 
 Diocletian, Emperor, 92, 97. 
 Donaggio, R., 152, 154, 160. 
 Donati, Giuseppe, 152. 
 D'Oria, Luciano, 197, 198. 
 Doria, Lamba, 197, 198. 
 Dostoievsky, 298. 
 Dragicchio, Giuseppe, 133. 
 DrufFel, Giovanni, 152. 
 Ducati, Angelo, 128. 
 Ducati, family. The, 153. 
 Duchie, Luigi, 179. 
 Dudovich, 163. 
 
 Durando, General Giovanni, 52. 
 Durando, Giacomo, 38. 
 
 Eccheli, family of Ala, The, 153. 
 Eccheli, family of Brentonico, The, 
 
 154. 
 Eccher, Alberto, 152. 
 Elizabeth of AustriaMaria, 83. 
 Elizabeth of Savoy-Carignano, 282. 
 Elizabeth, Princess of Saxony, 282.
 
 310 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Erberti, Francesco, 133. 
 Eugenius III, Pope, 105. 
 
 Fabius, 141. 
 
 Fabricius, Caius, 293, 295. 
 
 Fabricci, Gustavo, 166. 
 
 Fabrizi, 164. 
 
 Facchinetti, Michele, 135. 
 
 Faienz, Fillipo, 152. 
 
 Fani, Prof. Gino, 237 note. 
 
 Fattori, Antonio, 139. 
 
 Fausta, 92. 
 
 Favetti, Carlo, 134. 
 
 Favetti, Nepomuceno, 148. 
 
 Fenali, Giuseppe, 152. 
 
 Ferdinand I of Austria, 53. 
 
 Ferdinand I of Bourbon, 25, 28, 29, 
 
 31- 
 Ferdinand I, King of the Romans, 
 
 115 and note, 117. 
 Ferdinand II, of the Two Sicilies, 
 
 40, 52, 62, 122. 
 Ferdinand III, of Lorraine, 25. 
 Ferolli, Enrico, 152, 154, 160. 
 Ferrandi, Luciano, 72. 
 Ferrari, Carlo, 145. 
 Ferrari, Giuseppe, 38. 
 Ferrari, Major, 137. 
 Ferruccio, Francesco, 51. 
 Festi, Lorenzo, 128. 
 Figulo, Marcio, 97. 
 Fischer, P. D., 299. 
 Flaccio, 157. 
 
 Flotow, Baron von, 220, 231. 
 Foa, di Bruno, 88. 
 Fonda, Eugenio, 179. 
 Fontana, Giuseppe, 139, 140, 148, 
 
 152,159. 
 Ford, Henry, 273. 
 Fortis, Leone, 122, 132, 135. 
 Foscolo, Ugo, 255. 
 Francis I of Austria, 29, 47. 
 Francis I of Bourbons, 31. 
 Francis II of the Two Sicilies, 83, 
 
 85, 102. 
 Francis 11 of Austria, I02. 
 Francis IV of Modena, 35, 36. 
 
 Francis Ferdinand, Archduke, 210, 
 
 206 note, 247. 
 Francis Joseph, 19, 53, 70, 72, 74, 
 
 76, 80, 82, 83, 133, 149, 150, 158, 
 
 162, 168, 171, 172, 174, 201 note, 
 204, 215, 217, 226, 227, 236, 246, 
 246, 247, 261, 283, 284, 286, 287, 
 289. 
 
 Francis, Vicar, Regent of the Two 
 
 Sicilies, 30, 31. 
 Fratti, Antonio, 254 note. 
 Frattini, Pietro Domenico, 74. 
 Frederick, The Great, 230. 
 Frederick III of Austria, 116, 117. 
 Friedlander, 298. 
 Fusinato, Arnaldo, 56, 68, 135. 
 
 Galilei, 264. 
 
 Galletti, Colonel, 61. 
 
 Galli, Ernesta, 72. 
 
 Gallo, Michele, 152. 
 
 Gambaroni, Giuseppe, 45. 
 
 Garibaldi, Anita, 62, 64, 65. 
 
 Garibaldi, Bruno and Sante, 254. 
 
 Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 38, 61, 62, 6^, 
 65, 66, 77, 80, 81, 83,84,85,86 
 87,88,90, 123, 131,132 note, 135, 
 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, 144, 
 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152 
 and note, 153, 154, 157, 159, 160, 
 
 163, 164 and note, 165, 166, 174, 
 197 note, 198 note, 244, 253 and 
 note, 255, 291, 294, 3CX). 
 
 Garibaldi, Menotti, 163, 177. 
 Garibaldi, Peppino, 254. 
 Garibaldi, Ricciotti, 163, 177, 253, 
 
 254-. 
 Gattesi, Giuseppe, 133. 
 Gazzoletti, Antonio, 121 note, 128, 
 
 134- 
 Gervasio, Ricciotti, 167. 
 Giesl, Baron von Gieslman, 202, 
 
 204, 208, 212. 
 Gioberti, Vincenzo, 38, 39. 
 Giolitti, Giovanni, 281, 284, 285 
 
 and note, 287, 290 note, 291, 
 
 292, 295.
 
 INDEX 
 
 311 
 
 Giussano, Alberto da, no. 
 
 Giusti, Giuseppe, 38, 39, 248 note. 
 
 Gizzi, Cardinal, 40. 
 
 Gladstone, 74. 
 
 Godina, Alessandro, 133. 
 
 Goethe, 298, 299. 
 
 Gogol, 255. 
 
 Gorki, Maxim, 256 and note. 
 
 Gracchi, 161. 
 
 Gravisif Girolamo, 152. 
 
 Grazioli, Bartolomeo, 74. 
 
 Grego, Ado, 179. 
 
 Gregorich, Luigi, 166. 
 
 Gregorovius, Ferdinand, 298 
 
 Gregory XVI, Pope, 37. 
 
 Grey, Sir Edward, 207, 213. 
 
 Grimm, Hermann, 298. 
 
 Grio, Domenico, 152. 
 
 Grioli, Giovanni, 74. 
 
 Grioli, Giuseppe, 134. 
 
 Grion, Giovanni, 179. 
 
 Grozet, G., 121. 
 
 Guerrazzi, Francesco Domenco, 36, 
 
 55, 80, 131. 
 Guilay, Marshall, 79, 81, 82. 
 
 Hagender, 124. 
 
 Hannibal, 50 note. 
 
 Hardt, Dr. Fred, B., 297. 
 
 Hart, SchafFner & Marx, 273. 
 
 Hayman, General, 60. 
 
 Hehn, Victor, 299. 
 
 Helena, Queen, 178. 
 
 Herbert, Francesco, 133. 
 
 Hermet, Francesco, 126, 151. 
 
 Herod, King of Judea, 92. 
 
 Hess, General, 82. 
 
 Hofmeister, 299. 
 
 Hohenwarth, Count, 143. 
 
 Hortis, 151. 
 
 Hugo, Victor, 172, 174, 253. 
 
 Humbert, of Savoy, Prince, 148, 
 
 161. 
 Humbert I, 176, 177, 217, 246, 282. 
 
 Imbriani, Matteo Renato, 175, 300. 
 Inama, Virgilio, 154. 
 
 Insel, 299. 
 
 lolanda. Princess, 178. 
 Isnenghi, Enrico, 139, 140. 
 Ivancich, Giovanni, 153, 200. 
 
 Jagher, family. The, 154. 
 
 Jagher, Giovanni, 154. 
 
 Jamsy, Carlo, 165. 
 
 John, King of Saxony, 299. 
 
 Joshua, 260. 
 
 Jugurtha, King, 174 note, 
 
 Julia, 93. 
 
 Jurettig, Enrico, 173 
 
 Kalteneisen, Ferruccio, 179. 
 Kandler, Giovanni, 121 note. 
 Kandler, Pietro, 120. 
 Kattenbrunner, Arturo, 167. 
 Krammer, Giulietta, 167. 
 Kudachew, 206. 
 Krupp, 283. 
 
 La Marmora, General Alfonso, 73, 
 
 150. 
 Landucci, 299. 
 Lamartine, 228, 
 Lamoriciere, General, 81. 
 Lavisato, Domenico, 160. 
 Lazarus, of Bethany, 260. 
 Leggero, Captain, 64, 65. 
 Leo III Pope, 81. 
 
 Leonardi, Giuseppe, 139, 140, 152. 
 Leonidas, 141. 
 Leopardi, Giacomo, 38. 
 Leopold, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 
 
 40, 52» 55- 
 Leopold I, Emperor, 118. 
 Leopold III, Duke of Austria, 114, 
 
 115. 
 Levi, Sansone, 132. 
 Levinus, Valerius, 292. 
 Litta, Duke, 54. 
 Livaditi, Demetrio, 135. 
 Livy, 91. 
 Lorenzetti, 187. 
 Louis I, King of Portugal, 147. 
 Lovisoni, Gioacchino, 151.
 
 312 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Luccardi, Vincenzo, i66. 
 Lucius II, Pope, 105. 
 Lulves, Dr. J., 297. 
 Lusgar, 116. 
 
 Macchio, Baron, 207. 
 Machiavelli, 227, 299. 
 Maddali, Emilio, 160. 
 Madonizza, Dr. A., 121, 151. 
 Madonizza, Pietro, 152. 
 MafFezzoli, Basilio, 137. 
 Magllani, Agostino, 294. 
 Magrini, Luciano, 178, 179. 
 Magrini, Pietro, 179. 
 Malatesta, E., 255 and note. 
 Malfatti, Bartolomeo, 132. 
 Mameli, GofFredo, 50, 52, 56, 62, 
 
 140. 
 Mamiani, Terenzio, 38. 
 Manara, Luciano, 62 
 Manci, Filippo, 139, 140, 148, 152, 
 
 153- 
 
 Manci, Gaetano, 128, 143. 
 
 Manci, Sigismondo, 128. 
 
 Mancini, Minister, 217. 
 
 Mandich, 172. 
 
 Manin, Daniele, 38, 49, 53, 67, 70, 
 132, 147, 158. 
 
 Manzoni, Alessandro, 38, 164. 
 
 Marcabruni, Luigi, 139. 
 
 Marchetti, Dr. Levio, 131 note. 
 
 Marconi, Guglielmo, 270. 
 
 Margherita, Princess, 161. 
 
 Margherita, Queen, 217, 246, 282, 
 283. 
 
 Maria Adelaide, Queen, 282. 
 
 Maria Isabella, Princess of Bava- 
 ria, 283. 
 
 Maria Louisa, Daughter of the 
 Emperor of Austria, 25. 
 
 Maria Louisa of Bourbon, 25. 
 
 Maria Pia, 147. 
 
 Maria Sophia of Bavaria, 81. 
 
 Maria Theresa, 23, 25. 
 
 Marius, Caius, 174 and note. 
 
 Marsili, Antonio, 143. 
 
 Martini, Federico, 132. 
 
 Martini, Francesco, 139, 154. 
 
 Martini, Leopoldo, 136. 
 
 Martini, family of Riva, The, 154. 
 
 Martori, Pietro, 139. 
 
 Marzari, Carlo, 131. 
 
 Masi, Dr., 63. 
 
 Mattedi, Francesco, 131. 
 
 Mauro, Francesco, 160. 
 
 Mauro, Gino, 187. 
 
 Maxentius, 92. 
 
 Maximian, 92. 
 
 Mazza, Salvatore, 43. 
 
 Mazzini, Angelo, 152. 
 
 Mazzini, Giuseppe, 38, 39, 55, 61, 
 
 62. 70, 73, 90, 122, 148, 149. 163, 
 
 244, 255, 294 note. 
 Mazzoni, Giuseppe, 55. 
 MacMahon, General, 81. 
 Medici, General, 152. 
 Menelaus, 265. 
 Menotti, Giro, 35, 36. 
 Mercantini, Luigi, 77, 78 note. 
 Merey, Austrian Ambassador, 232. 
 Metternich, 29,30,40, 121, 122, 124. 
 Meucci, Antonio, 66. 
 Milius, 54. 
 Milla, Davide, 152. 
 Minos, 176. 
 Moiola, Quirino, 139. 
 Molinari, family, The, 153. 
 Mommsen, Theodore, 94, 298. 
 Mondolfo, 54. 
 Moneta, Theodore, 270. 
 Monferrato, Marquis of, 108. 
 Montanari, Count Carlo, 74. 
 Montanari, Pietro, 154. 
 Montanelli, Giuseppe, 38, 55. 
 Morosini, Emilio, 62. 
 Mortera, Attilio and Emilio, 166. 
 Mosettig, Pietro, 160. 
 Muller, G., 299. 
 
 Muratori, Lodovico Antonio, 110. 
 Muratti, Giusto, 160. 
 Muzio, 157. 
 
 Naldini, Dr., 64. 
 Napoleon I, 25, 102.
 
 INDEX 
 
 313 
 
 Napoleon III, 76, 81, 82, 87, 90 
 
 note, 158, 201, note. 
 Negri, Bishop Antonio, 113. 
 Negri, Edoardo, 131. 
 Nepos, Julius, 97. 
 Nero, Emperor, 67. 
 Niccolini, Giovan Battista, 38, 80. 
 Nicholas I of Russia, 75. 
 Nicholas II, Czar of Russia, 206, 
 
 213, 216. 
 Nisco, Nicola, 74. 
 Nugent, S3, 58. 
 
 Oberdan, Giuseppina, 174. 
 Oberdan, Guglielmo, 168, 169, 170, 
 
 171 and note, 162, 173, 174. 175, 
 
 183, 186, 188, 254 note. 
 Olacutti, Caroline, 167. 
 Olivieri, Alessio, 77. 
 Orefice, Giulio, 115. 
 Orestes, 97. 
 Orioli, F., 121. 
 
 Orlandini, Giovanni, 121, 132. 
 Orseolo, Peter, loi. 
 Orseolo, Peter II, loi, 103. 
 Otto, son of Barbarossa, III. 
 Oudinot, General, 61, 62. 
 
 Pallfly, Governor, 123. 
 
 Palmerston, Lord, 48. 
 
 Parisi, Rodolfo, 162. 
 
 Pasic, 204, 208, 212, 214. 
 
 Pasquale III, Pope, 108. 
 
 Patchou, 204 
 
 Pattini, Giovanni, 180. 
 
 Pecci, Cardinal, 81. 
 
 Pecenco, Luigi, 160. 
 
 Pellico, Silvio, 33, 35, 
 
 Pepe, General Guglielmo, 27, 28, 
 
 52. 53*67, 70. 
 Percoto, Caterina, 121 note. 
 Persano, Admiral, 86, 145. 
 Peter, 90. 
 
 Peter I Karageorgevic, 201 note. 
 Petitti, Ignazio, 38. 
 Piatti, Antonio, 45. 
 Piatti, family, The, 119. 
 
 Piazza, Giovanna, 45. 
 
 Pieri, Piero, 132 note. 
 
 Pipin, The Short, 90 note. 
 
 Pironti, 74. 
 
 Pisanelli, Giuseppe, 74. 
 
 Pitteri, Riccardo, 181. 
 
 Pius IX (Giovanni Mastai Ferretti) 
 
 40, 52, 55, 63, 81, 90 note, 122. 
 Planta, Julius, 95. 
 Pliny, 93 note. 
 Poerio, Alessandro, 38. 
 Poerio, Carlo, 74. 
 Pogatschnig, Emilio, 166. 
 Poincare, 249. 
 Pollini, Giuseppe, 160. 
 Poma, Carlo, 74. 
 Pompey, 93. 
 Pomponazzi, 264. 
 Ponti, 54. 
 
 Popovich, Eugenio, 152. 
 Poropat, Francesco, 133. 
 Prato, 130. 
 Princip, Gabrilo, 201. 
 Pyrrhus, King, 292, 293. 
 
 Radetzky, Josef Wenceslaus, Gov. 
 
 General of Lombardy, 41, 53, 
 
 54> 57. 67, 70, 72, 125 note, 132, 
 
 226. 
 Ranfo, Bishop Marco, 113. 
 Ranieri, Archduke, 282. 
 Ranke, 298. 
 
 Rascovich, Edgardo, 164, 165. 
 Ravaglia, 64. 
 Ravaglia, Stefano, 65. 
 Raymmi, 54. 
 
 Regazzini, Alessandro, 166. 
 Rendic, 167. 
 
 Ressmann, Costantino, 127. 
 Revere, Giuseppe, 123, 131, 132 
 
 note. 
 Riaviz, Clemente, 148. 
 Riaviz, Stefano, 166. 
 Ricchetti, Giuseppe, 165. 
 Ricci, Vittore, 129. 
 Rinaldi, Ferdinando, 154, 
 Rismondo, 151.
 
 314 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Ritozzo, Luigi, 133. 
 Rizzi, Giovanni, 129. 
 Romagnosi, Gian D., 42. 
 Romanin, Samuele, 133. 
 Romano, Pietro, 133. 
 Romulus, Augustulus, 97. 
 Rosmini, Antonio, 38. 
 Rossetti, Domenico, 120. 
 Rossetti, Dante Gabriel, 26 note. 
 Rossetti, Gabriel, 28, 29, 30 and 
 
 note. 
 Rossi, Francesco, 170. 
 Rossi, Giovanni, 170. 
 Rossi, Pellegrino, 55. 
 Rubinisch, Giuseppe, 133. 
 Ruffini, Minister of Italy, 20 note. 
 
 Saffi, Aurelio, 55, 61, 73, 131, 165, 
 
 175, 294 note. 
 Saglioso, Dr., 131 note. 
 Salandra, Antonio, 165 note, 223, 
 
 229, 240. 
 Saliceti, 74. 
 
 Sallier della Torre, General, 32. 
 San Giuliano, Marquis of, 220, 231, 
 
 232. 
 Santorre of Santarosa, Count, 32. 
 Sar, Tommaso, 132. 
 Sartori, Adolfo, 152. 
 Sartorio, 157. 
 Savo, Pietro, 127. 
 SazonofF, 204, 206. 
 Scarboncich, Pietro, 133. 
 Scartellini, Angelo, 74. 
 Schirone, Luigi, 167. 
 Schmid, General, 81. 
 Scialoia, Antonio, 74. 
 Sciesa, Antonio, 73. 
 Scipio, 50 and note. 
 Sclopis, Federico, 38. 
 Scocchi, Angelo, 179, 196. 
 Scorpion, Donato, 115. 
 Scussa, 118. 
 Seismit-Doda, Federico, 122 and 
 
 note, 123, 133. 
 Settembrini, Luigi, 74. 
 Settimo, Ruggiero, 38, 40. 
 
 Seufferheld, 53. 
 
 Sgarzolo, Captain Giuseppe, 121. 
 
 Silanus, Marcus Junius, 95. 
 
 Sizzo de Noris, Count, 154. 
 
 Sizzo, Pietro, 128. 
 
 Socci, Ettore, 175. 
 
 Solitro, Giulio, 126. 
 
 Sonnino, Baron Sydney, 221, 223, 
 
 231, 
 Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg, 201. 
 Sordello, 176. 
 
 Spadoni, Ernesto, 178, 187. 
 Spaventa, Silvio, 74. 
 Spazzapan, Francesco, 179. 
 Speri, Tito, 74. 
 Spinola, Gasparo, 197. 
 Spongia, Filippo, 168. 
 Stamura, 109. 
 Statutus, Camurius, 95. 
 Stefania, Princess, 167 
 Stella, Sigismondo, 166. 
 Stephen II, Pope, 90 note. 
 Sterchele, Anselmo, 139. 
 Sterle, Mario, 179. 
 Strabo, 93. 
 
 Strandtman, 204, 214. 
 Summa, Antonio, 121 note. 
 Sussa, Francesco, 162. 
 
 Tabai, Antonio, 165. 
 Tacitus, 303. 
 
 Tamaro, Attilio, 132, 186. 
 Tankosic, Commandant Voina, 
 
 203, 211. 
 Tarugi, 129. 
 
 Tavernini, family. The, 154. 
 Tazzoli, Enrico, 74. 
 Tchernichewsky, 255. 
 Tedeschi, Prof. Paolo, 147. 
 TegetthofF, Admiral, 226. 
 Telesio, 264. 
 Terzaghi, Giulio, 47. 
 Testi, Giuseppe, 128. 
 Thomas, Prince of Savoy, 283 and 
 
 note. 
 Thum, Matteo, 128. 
 Tiberius, Roman Emperor, 92.
 
 INDEX 
 
 315 
 
 Tivaroni, Carlo, 154, 160. 
 Toller, Domenico, 139. 
 Tolstoy, 255. 
 Tommaseo, Niccolo, 38, 49 and 
 
 note, 70, 124, 128, 132, 133, 13s, 
 
 150, 198. 
 Tonini, Leopoldo, 141. 
 Trajan, Emperor, 93 note. 
 Tranquillini, Filippo, 139, 140, 148, 
 
 152,154- 
 Treitschke, 300. 
 Trezzi, Giacomo, 72. 
 Turghenieff, 255. 
 Tusti, Alfredo, 297. 
 
 Ughelli, 118. 
 
 Urban, Lieutenant-Marshal, 80. 
 
 Urigio, Nicolo, 115. 
 
 Valussi, Pacifico, 121 note, 127, 145 
 
 Vascon, Giovanni, 152. 
 
 Venezian, Felice, 187. 
 
 Venezian, Giacomo, 132 and note. 
 
 Venier, Cristoforo, 162. 
 
 Venosta, Visconti, 155, 158. 
 
 Venturi, Captain, 141. 
 
 Verdi, 177, 121,122,133, 187. 
 
 Vergerio, 157. 
 
 Vergottini, Nicolo, 133. 
 
 Verzegnasse, Francesco, 135 note. 
 
 Victor Emanuel I of Savoy, 25, 32. 
 
 Victor Emanuel II, 56, 57, 76, 77, 
 79, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 13s, 136, 
 139, 142, 144, 147, 150, 151, 152, 
 153, I57» 158, 159» 161, 164, 166. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III, 19, 177, 221, 
 225, 230 note, 249, 251, 255 note, 
 278, 279, 281, 282, 283 and note 
 284, 285 and note, 286, 287, 288, 
 289, 295. 
 
 Vidacovich, Antonio, 164. 
 
 Vidacowich, Domenico, 152. 
 
 Vidali, Gian Luigi, 160. 
 
 Vidali, Giuseppe, 179. 
 
 Vidali, Marcello, 196. 
 
 Villari, Pasquale, 270. 
 
 Vinci, Giuseppe, 165. 
 
 Vinci, Leonardo, 264. 
 
 Virgil, 272 note. 
 
 Visconti di Mondrone, Duke of, 54. 
 
 Vittore IV, Pope, 108. 
 
 Voltaire, 172 note. 
 
 Vusio, Tommaso and Rovis, 160. 
 
 Walfer, 152. 
 
 Weber, von, 299. 
 
 Weiss, family, The, 154, 
 
 Welden, General, 53. 
 
 William II, Emperor of Germany, 
 
 201 note, 216, 283, 285, 287, 288, 
 
 289. 
 William of Weid, 236 note. 
 Wilson, President, 20 note 
 Winckelmann, 298. 
 Wolfflin, 299. 
 WuUenbacher, 172, 173. 
 
 Zambelli, Claudio, 152. 
 
 Zambelli, Giovanni, 74. 
 
 Zamboni, Filippo, 131, 132 and note 
 
 Zampieri, Riccardo, 184. 
 
 Zanardi, Ugo, 166. 
 
 Zancani, Camillo, 139, 140, 148, 
 
 152. 
 Zanetti, Arturo, 133. 
 ZanoUa, 152. 
 Zanotti, 139, 140. 
 Zecchia, Niccolo, 162. 
 Zenelli, Giambattista, 128. 
 Zeno, Donato, 198. 
 Ziani, Doge Sebestian, iii. 
 Zima, Carlo, 60. 
 Zinis, Alessandro, 154. 
 Zobel, Col., 129. 
 Zocchi, 176. 
 Zucchi, Martino, 151.
 
 Press and 
 Individual Opinions 
 on the hook 
 
 Journalism of the 
 
 Italian Emigrants in 
 
 America 
 
 hy Luigi Carnovale 
 
 Published in 
 
 Chicago^ Illinois 
 
 United States of America
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 The Chicago Record Herald (Edwin L. Shuman), Chicago Illinois: 
 
 In a volume in the Italian language entitled, // Giornalismo degli 
 Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America, Luigi Carnovale offers his compatriots 
 a score of lively and interesting essays on various timely topics touching 
 the Italians in the United States. The chief essay, as the foregoing title 
 indicates, is one on the tribulations of the men who are trying to publish 
 Italian newspapers in this country. The author tells many of his own 
 amusing and discouraging experiences. He has a poor opinion of the 
 average Italian immigrant and says so with refreshing frankness. But he 
 blames his fellow countrymen most of all for casting off their Italian 
 patriostim and adopting a shoddy Americanism in its stead. He thinks 
 Italians should not vote here, much less talk about putting up Italian 
 candidates, when an Irish boss boasts that he can buy all the Italian votes 
 he wants with a barrel of beer. The cure for the whole evil, in the opinion 
 of Signor Carnovale, is more education and more Italian patriotism. 
 
 In a later essay he pays his respects in language which he modestly 
 calls "piuttosto vivace," to the Chicago priest who maligned Mazzini 
 and Garibaldi in a sermon. He also has his opinion of American law 
 for allowing DeForest and others to usurp Marconi's wireless invention. 
 But perhaps the hottest shot for Americans will be found in the chapter 
 defending Caruso from the scandal of the monkey-house incident. One 
 wonders if the Chicago daily that originally printed this essay knew the 
 meaning of all the hot Italian metaphors in it. 
 
 Signor Carnovale writes with fluency, force and vivacity. His fancy 
 seems as inexhaustible as his vocabulary, and he has both humor and 
 intellectual poise. One needs to read only a few pages of his book to see 
 that he is a lively example of the alert young manhood which is regenerat- 
 ing Italy at the present moment. 
 
 Italy, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 Luigi Carnovale has brought out a volume entitled, // Giornalismo 
 degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 It is comforting to see that the restless American life based on mate- 
 rialism and the incessant running after the yellow demon (gold), as Maxim 
 Gorky would say, has not altered the pure idealism of the author, which 
 is one of the innate characteristics of the sons of the land where the Si is 
 sounded. 
 
 In fact, between the covers of the book which is (we do not know if 
 by chance or by premeditation) of a conspicuous green color, herald of 
 
 319
 
 320 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 hopes and illusions, one feels the heart-beats which the years passed in 
 America have not confused, have not deviated from the order of their 
 basic aspirations. 
 
 But because of that pessimism which exists in the human soul, it 
 would seem from the title of the book that the volume might easily 
 break a lance for and against that much criticised colonial press. In- 
 stead, Luigi Carnovale breaks not one but a thousand lances to show, in 
 the best light, that force which is the result of Italianity in America extend- 
 ing wherever a group of Italians are gathered together and that finds 
 — its eternal adversaries — indolence of the undeveloped mass, and a 
 cynical smile, one might almost say of compassion, on the lips of those who 
 through force of circumstances today hold tenaciousl}?^ to a handful of 
 gold. 
 
 Without reticence, without compromise, the author, with a style which 
 goes straight to the soul, praises where praise is necessary to encourage 
 initiative among emigrants; but his words descend like a whip when he 
 denounces some of those erroneous criterions which creep into our colonies. 
 
 But this book has not been written only to praise virtue or to censure 
 vices. A highly patriotic ideal floats through the whole volume: the 
 moral regeneration of our emigrants. These latter coming in great part 
 from little villages in Italy which are scattered among the wooded moun- 
 tains or are in the depths of the valleys, have had, up to this time the habit 
 of assuming a certain inferiority when they find themselves in contact 
 with the American people in the populous cities of sky-scrapers and 
 elevated railroads. 
 
 If our emigrants, who remember only as a dream Naples or Genoa, 
 knew their own country better which, to a past that is unique in the 
 world, unites a present equally glorious, they would have a greater self- 
 respect and would not look with exaggerated admiration at everything 
 which is not Italian. 
 
 This conception which we have presented in a few words is the spirit 
 of the book, // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale, Italian in his inmost fibre, deep student of the 
 thought of Dante and Mazzini, which he cites with great liberality, feels a 
 sacred cult which might almost be called a fanaticism — for his Patria. 
 
 With scrutinizing eye he does not stop at the superficialities which ap- 
 pear to make America seem great; but he goes to the bottom with his 
 surgeon's knife and with impartial examination puts in a true light the 
 facts which remind one of the famous clay-footed statue dreamed of by 
 Nebuchadnezzar. 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America is not a book 
 written by an amiable author to caress small ambitions and flatter self love. 
 With youthful enthusiasm the writer has transfused into his pages a little 
 of his own spirit, which is full of idealism and poetry. His book is the 
 cry of an exile who has tempered his spirit in the sacred cult of the " proud 
 Ghibelline" (Dante). He sees, above all other conceptions, the Patria,
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 321 
 
 as the land Avhich has given birth to martyrs of thought such as Campa- 
 nella and Giordano IJruno, to discoverers of natural forces and of physical 
 laws such as Galileo and Marconi, to great patriots, to illustrious writers: 
 he sees Italy in the most vigorous productions of her genius. And this 
 Italy he exalts; and it is this Italy he wishes recognized in America, the 
 land discovered by an Italian.^ 
 
 The Transtlantic Italian Tribune, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 As soon as we received the book, II Giornalismo degli Emigratiltaliani 
 nel Nord America, by Luigi Carnovale we read it from cover to cover with- 
 out stopping, so great was the interest that it inspired in us. 
 
 As soon as we had read the verses, 
 
 A conscience overcast, or with its own, or with another's shame, 
 will taste forsooth the tartness of thy word, 
 
 with which Dante prophesied the mission of the press, and which Carno- 
 vale placed so appropriately at the beginning of his work, we, in our quality 
 of journalists, began to feel a divine sense of gratitude to the author 
 for his work. And, as we continued in the reading of the preface, in 
 which the Colonial press was bravely defended, such a sense assumed 
 great proportions, until at a certain point of our enthusiasm we mentally 
 dedicated a monument of gratitude to our Carnovale. 
 
 We are sure that our Italian-American colleagues will not less than v/e, 
 but even more, join in declaring themselves grateful to the author of this 
 book for the rehabilitation which he makes for our mission, and of which 
 he merits the title of Cavalier. 
 
 The lances which Carnovale breaks for us deserve to be blessed. 
 From the preface follows a series of fine articles which the author had pub- 
 lished in various journals in the United States and which one re-reads with 
 pleasure and interest for the brilliancy of form as well as for the value of 
 his ideas. 
 
 The Patria (Silvio Picchianti Editor), Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 What truths Luigi Carnovale presents in his book // Giornalismo degli 
 Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America! And how he presents them ! 
 
 The vivacity, the purity of style, the sincerity of the presentation of 
 facts, the pictures of the surroundings, the colonial types, from the old 
 virago spitting gall against the director of the paper which had the audac- 
 ity to continue to send itself to her, to that president of a society who read 
 his paper upside down, all, all makes the book sympathetic and interesting. 
 
 And none better than we Journalists, who live in similar surround- 
 ings — the deficiencies, defects and shameful apathy of which Carnovale 
 places in relief — can judge the truth and honesty of the work of this 
 
 ^ This article was published also by The Transatlantic Italian Tribune of Chicago, 
 Illinois and in The Montagna of Newark, New Jersey.
 
 322 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 intelligent young man, who well knows the fate reserved for journalists, 
 who with the pen depict the lives of their own emigrant countrymen, 
 fraternally hiding their defects, exalting their virtues and defending 
 them from the base and malignant attacks of certain American Jour- 
 nalists, who know nothing about us except through the crimes of the 
 Black Hand, and always falsify, if they know, the history of our country, 
 the mistress of cilization and culture in the world including this coun- 
 try, which was discovered by one of the most glorious sons of Italy. 
 
 Carnovale in his book has gathered various articles from the columns 
 of the journals that he has directed in the United States — with which he 
 launched the cry of defense for his brother emigrants; and these articles, 
 besides revealing the strength of his mind, show the greatness of his true 
 Italian soul to whom the interests of his poor compatriots are of the first 
 importance, to whom are allotted not only spoliation but also the basest 
 insults and infamous calumnies. 
 
 The article entitled The Smearers of the Yellow Fever for instance, is a 
 masterpiece. The fiery words which with consummate eloquence Carno- 
 vale throws in the faces of the malignant accusers of the honest and sober 
 Italian laborers, are arrows of well merited rebuke. 
 
 But we repeat, the whole book is fine and interesting; and if there is 
 anything which gives us regret it is the word "Finis" which deprives us 
 of the further delightful reading of the best book which the valiant pen of 
 the author has written. 
 
 To Luigi Carnovale our sincere congratulations for the work of pa- 
 triotism accomplished by the publication of the book which every Italian 
 of heart and intelligence should read as have we, from the first to the last 
 page.i 
 
 The Century, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 The fine book, // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nelNordJmerica, 
 by Luigi Carnovale should be read by everybody, because all can learn 
 something from it, especially we, voluntary exiles, who live far from the 
 production of our own books and in a land where one finds no satisfac- 
 tion other than that of the conquest of the Yellozv God. 
 
 The book is divided into a preface and twenty-two chapters. 
 
 In the preface the author, young and full of faith, is animated by the 
 highest ideals. He explains the reasons which have induced him to 
 publish, in a single volume, the articles which he has written in various 
 journals of the United States. 
 
 With verve indeed, with much verve, he shows up in a clear light and 
 without compliments the intellectual inferiority of our emigrants and their 
 apathy toward everything that pertains to Italianity, and he affirms that 
 if our colonies are not given consideration, if they are scorned and vilhfied, 
 the fault is because of illiteracy. Therefore, there should be more educa- 
 tion in Italy and more Italianity in America. 
 
 ^This article was also published by The Banner of Baltimore, Maryland.
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 323 
 
 When our peasant has learned to know the land of his birth, when 
 he learns that Italy has led the whole world in civilization, he, we are cer- 
 tain, will no longer be ashamed to call himself an Italian. 
 
 In the chapters which follow the preface, the author, with no ordinary 
 acumen, has plunged his bistoury into the various colonial questions, and 
 with a sure hand incises and exposes to the public the moral misery in 
 which we emigrants live. 
 
 But at the same time the author with a soul exuberant with sentiment, 
 which is almost mystical, makes us re-live in our minds the most beautiful 
 pages of our history, and as in a cinematographic projection, he makes us 
 behold scenes which seize our souls and transport them high, high above, 
 where all is light, life and strength. 
 
 And we, exhausted by the daily struggle, plunge our souls into the 
 pages in order to re-inforce ourselves for new battles in the field of art 
 and letters; art which exalts with the charm of its beauty because beauty 
 is its natural foundation. And he who is conquered by beauty, as is 
 Luigi Carnovale, cannot remain indifferent to it but is attracted to it as 
 by a magnetic force. 
 
 In the book of Carnovale the echo of the human conscience and the 
 most important facts of the Italian colony are described in a fascinating 
 and suggestive manner. The reading of them, the facile form, the occult 
 beauty, transported us far from the base passions of men and for a time 
 we forgot the surroundings in which we are constrained to live. 
 
 It has not been our intention to give a critical review in this brief 
 notice but a slight hint of what the book contains and to express the hope 
 that Luigi Carnovale will give other things to literature to maintain high 
 and unsullied the Italian name in this land.^ 
 
 The Bulletin of the Italian Societies, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 "// Giornalismo degli Eniigrati Italiani nel Nord America" by Luigi 
 Carnovale contains a series of strong articles following a long preface which 
 epitomizes, with sagacious and truthful criticism, a full program of 
 Italianity. 
 
 The book contains fine ideas and is well written, and although on some 
 points we do not entirely agree with the author, we cannot do less than 
 congratulate him heartily and recommend the reading of his book. 
 
 The Sentinel, Hoboken, New Jersey: 
 
 Luigi Carnovale with his fine book // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani 
 nel Nord America has filled a gap in the Italo-American literary world, 
 defending in brilliant prose the not always gracious figure of our colonial 
 journalism, and discussing the mass of emigrants with a vivacity of 
 
 ^This article was reproduced in the Transatlantic Italian Tribune of Chicago, 
 Illinois:
 
 324 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 style which charms the reader and makes him devour it without stopping, 
 so splendid is the form, and the excellence of ideas, be it when he speaks 
 of the sorrows of our people, or when he describes their misunderstood or 
 unappreciated virtues. 
 
 Lulgi Carnovale, well known by other valuable works, merits our ad- 
 miration and gratitude. 
 
 This article was published also in The Transatlantic Tribune of Chicago. 
 
 The Patria, Spokane, Washington: 
 
 In the book, // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America, 
 are gathered various articles by that valiant writer Lulgi Carnovale. 
 
 We are pleased to see the practical utility of the above articles, written 
 by a master who, to the enthusiasm of youth, unites the judgment of an 
 erudite man. 
 
 // GtornaIis7no degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America in our opinion 
 is of interest to all of our emigrants, who would do well to acquire it and 
 treasure that which is so splendidly written in it. 
 
 The Gazette of Massachusetts, Boston, Mass: 
 
 The sympathetic writer, Lulgi Carnovale, has published a fine book of 
 more than 200 pages called, II Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America. 
 
 The book contains a score of articles which redound to the honor of the 
 young author both for the literary form and the wise, just and educative 
 ideas expressed therein. 
 
 The Courier of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, Ohio: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America has been brought 
 out in Chicago by Lulgi Carnovale. 
 
 The author reveals himself from the first to the last page of the book 
 above all as an Italian of mind and heart. With profound knowledge of 
 men and things he treats, in a masterly manner, important colonial ques- 
 tions in Italian life. 
 
 It is a most interesting book which should be read by everyone. 
 
 The Aurora, Houston, Texas: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America by Lulgi 
 Carnovale is a fine volume, an interesting work, especially in these 
 days in which nonentities can easily gain fame for grotesque impudences, 
 and audacious insolence; in these days when a crowd of lazy Ignoramuses 
 play with a sure hand on the tolerance and the immorality of the public; 
 in these days in which commercial speculation has even insinuated itself 
 into the sacred halls of thought.
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 325 
 
 Carnovale's book is a necessity for everyone. 
 
 We hope that the effort of this writer will carry a salutary reawaken- 
 ing to all of the Italian colonies of the United States. 
 
 The Light, Utica, New York: 
 
 The talented writer Luigi Carnovale has published in Chicago a 
 splendid volume entitled // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America. 
 
 It is written with simplicity and true literary style. And while it 
 exposes the pus which is contained in our colonies, it expresses with 
 thought based upon the most scrupulous truths, the erroneous and stupid 
 opinion which the emigrants have in regard to the Italo-American press. 
 Besides this the author tries to implant in the emigrants highly patriotic 
 ideas in order to further the moral redemption of our colonies. 
 
 Carnovale, who was the valiant director of // Pensiero and of other 
 journals, will please accept our congratulations for the book which he has 
 brought to light. Every Italian family should be provided with it. 
 
 The Free Thought, Ensley and Birmingham, Alabama: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America is the title of a 
 splendid book published by the strong and sympathetic writer Luigi 
 Carnovale. 
 
 In this book are gathered valuable articles which this clear writer had 
 previously published in various journals of the United States. 
 
 They are preceded by a preface in which the author describes very 
 wisely the colonial surrounding and lays bare certain hard facts. 
 
 This is a book which every Italian should read in order to reap benefit 
 to himself. 
 
 The Colonial Star, Pen Argyl, Pennsylvania: 
 
 A good book certainly is // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America by Luigi Carnovale in which a little of everything regarding the 
 Italian emigrant is compended. 
 
 The book is extremely well written, and the author merits the encom- 
 iums not only of the Italian press but of all intelligent Italians. 
 
 The Colonial Awakening, Syracuse, New York 
 
 An interesting book has been published in Chicago: // Giornalismo 
 degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 The author, signor Luigi Carnovale, shows himself to be a writer of 
 ability. 
 
 He develops his arguments with great facility and frankness, giving
 
 326 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 blame where it is necessary, while on the other hand he honestly prais- 
 ing those who merit it. 
 
 He develops his thought with patriotic love, and lucidity. With 
 scrutizining eye he does not stop at the superficialities of things, but goes 
 directly to the bottom, bringing to light all of the defects and at the 
 same time all of the merits of our emigrants. 
 
 Notwithstanding that on some points we may be a little at variance 
 with Carnovale, we must affirm that this is a most valuable book. 
 
 The Italian Messenger, San Antonio, Texas: 
 
 The fine book entitled,// Giomalismo degli Emigrati Italiant nel Nord 
 America, is a superior production by our intelligent compatriot, signor 
 Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 The author has known how to treat with delicate tact colonial questions 
 which are interesting to us all. The beauty of his volume consists in the 
 various truths which are well lighted up in it, and which our emigrants 
 should treasure. 
 
 To the brilliant writer we send our sincere congratulations. 
 
 Our Times, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania: 
 
 // Giomalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America by Luigi 
 Carnovale is written with vivacity and elegance. 
 
 The author touches vitally all the colonial ulcers, all the moral miseries, 
 all the little hates, and the eternal deplorable diatribes, in this country of 
 the "Yellow God." 
 
 Luigi Carnovale reveals himself in places limpid, harmonious and al- 
 most sculpturesque, a cultured and fearless journalist, free thinker with a 
 gentle soul, and, above all, an Italian of mind and heart. 
 
 There vibrates strongly from the first to the last page of this volume 
 the chord of Italianity as a spontaneous and noble, not as a simulating nor 
 calculating, sentiment. 
 
 These are the values of a book which deserve to be read by all who are 
 interested in the vast and complex colonial problems. 
 
 The Italian-American Progress, New York City: 
 
 // Giomalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America is the title of a 
 book which has come to light in Chicago, 
 
 The author, Luigi Carnovale, an exceptional young man, of active 
 mind, with a loyal, sympathetic and forceful character, writing in various 
 journals of the United States, has always given fine proof of his varied 
 abilities and of his facile touch. 
 
 In his II Giomalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord /Imerica which has 
 been accepted with favor by thepublic, strongly vibrates the patriotic note. 
 
 We extend our praise to the young author.
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 327 
 
 Why? Schenectady, New York: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italianinel Nord America is the title of a 
 fine volume of more than two hundred pages published by Luigi Carnovale, 
 of Chicago. 
 
 With it the author has made us enjoy hours of sound reading from 
 which we have gathered valuable opinions about Italo-American journ- 
 alism and original ideas about the hard road which one must travel who 
 honestly publishes a journal in the interest and dignity of our country 
 and our language. 
 
 Carnovale with facile pen has written words of truth because he has 
 felt them; instructive and moral pages, because they tend to the better- 
 ment of the emigrants. 
 
 // Gionalismo is a book attractive in appearance as well as useful in 
 substance. 
 
 The Twentieth Century, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America is full of wise 
 considerations on most important subjects. The preface alone is a 
 treasure. 
 
 The author reveals himself in it as a deep student of the elements which 
 conspicuously abound in our American colonies. 
 
 In fact the book of Luigi Carnovale is most useful in all respects, is 
 well written, and one does not lay it down until he has finished it. 
 
 Sunday, Rochester, New York: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America by Luigi 
 Carnovale reveals a good knowledge the Italian language; reveals also in 
 the author an ardent soul full of good will, despising all that is, or that 
 he believes to be, wrong. 
 
 It is a book one can read with pleasure because it is sincere, courageous, 
 and well written. 
 
 The Union, Pueblo, Colorado: 
 
 Our valorous colleague Luigi Carnovale has published in Chicago a 
 splendid book entitled // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America. 
 
 It is a most elegant volume written in a brilliant and vivacious style 
 and it should be read and studied by all intelligent and cultivated persons; 
 a volume which is a treasure because it contains profound observations 
 and a most accurate study of Italian life in this country of material affairs. 
 
 To the brilliant author who has published this eminently patriotic 
 work we send our praise and congratulations.
 
 328 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 The New Life, Rocksprlngs, Wyoming: 
 
 // Gtornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America by the illus- 
 trious writer Luigi Carnovale contains fine and healthy ideas. 
 
 Courier of Trinidad, Trinidad, Colorado: 
 
 // Gtornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America is a book which 
 is worthy of a place in every Italian home in the United States. 
 
 From the simplicity and purity of style there emanates from the book 
 of Carnovale that sense of Italianity which should be of benefit to every 
 compatriot emigrant and should also be their great pride. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale shows himself master of his subject. He develops, 
 in a forceful manner, certain hard truths concerning the Italian emigrants 
 in America. 
 
 In fact it is a fine book, this of Carnovale's, and the Courier advises its 
 reading by all those who still feel themselves to be Italians in this land of 
 voluntary exile. 
 
 Master Paul, Philadelphia, Pennsylania: 
 
 We have greatly admired // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel 
 Nord America, which Luigi Carnovale has published in Chicago. 
 
 It is impossible to put in relief all of the merits which the book con- 
 tains; merits which one can better find by reading the book itself than 
 by our few words of review. 
 
 Carnovale's book is a collection of historical and doctrinal articles 
 which treat of colonial questions. 
 
 The author exposes with clearness, truth and practical conviction that 
 which one feels, thinks and wishes for the Italians who live in the American 
 colonies. He brilliantly proves the apathy of the emigrants in regard to 
 admiration of ideals, patriotic sentiments, and civic education. 
 
 We shall keep this wise publication among our archives. 
 
 The Review, Newark, New Jersey: 
 
 Luigi Carnovale has gathered together a collection of serious, masterful 
 articles in his book II Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America, 
 touching at first hand all of the problems of the Italian emigrants in North 
 America. 
 
 The articles are written in a brilliant style. They are of the greatest 
 interest to students of the true and elegant language of Dante. And for 
 this reason we recommend everyone to acquire the book immediately. 
 
 The Echo, of Rhode Island, Providence, Rhode Island: 
 
 A most useful book is // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 329 
 
 America from the excellent and well-known writer, Signor Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 It is a work of patience and accuracy; a valuable book which one 
 reads with pleasure and enthusiasm. In it the author has had the noble 
 purpose of defending the native Patria and at the same time the rights of 
 the Italian laborers scattered in every part of the United States. 
 
 This important book is necessary for the emigrants; everyone of whom 
 should acquire it. 
 
 We heartily wish for the author a long life, in order that he may con- 
 tinue to write other useful books in the interest of the far away Patria, 
 and also for the interests of his compatriots in the United States. 
 
 The Italian, Cleveland, Ohio: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America by Luigi 
 Carnovale is a book written in an especially graceful style and with 
 heartfelt sentiments of Italianity. Errors, prejudices and questions of 
 colonial life are treated in a masterful manner. 
 
 The Italians, instead of buying and reading / Reali di Francia^ and 
 so many other useless books, would do well to buy and read this book of 
 Carnovale. 
 
 Rome, Denver, Colorado: 
 
 The fine book, // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America, 
 by Luigi Carnovale is, we can well say, a treasure of acute observations and 
 of serious discussions; it is a book which should be entered in the catalogue 
 of the best books which up to the present time have been written con- 
 cerning the welfare of our emigrants. 
 
 A hearty bravo to our colleague' Carnovale and the hope that the 
 public will give a warm welcome to his book which truly merits the 
 praise of all readers of good sense. 
 
 The Opinion, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 
 
 Our esteemed colleague, Luigi Carnovale, has published in Chicago a 
 book entitled // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America in 
 which are gathered many valuable articles, introduced by a preface in 
 which, in a vivid and sometimes biting prose, the author draws a picture of 
 colonial surroundings, bringing to light some hard facts. Although not 
 agreeing with Carnovale in many of his ideas and deductions, we agree 
 with him that the Italian colonial journalism in the United States, with 
 all of the evident defects of a new organization, is still worthy of support 
 and respect for the services it has and does render to the colonies and 
 the mother country. 
 
 ^ A book in which are fantastically described the heroisms of Charlemagne.
 
 330 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 The Sun, Bridgeport, Connecticut: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nelNord America byLuigiCarno- 
 vale is a good book. With it the author has accompHshed a saUitary work 
 for our emigrant compatriots. While bringing to light the pus contained 
 in the Italian colonies in America, he expresses clearly his thought, but 
 at the same time holds himself scrupulously impartial. 
 
 Carnovale in his articles, which we can qualify as critical and literary, 
 treats the question from a general standpoint. He shows that in the 
 Italian colonies of America there exists an ignorant, superstitious and bad 
 element. But his articles tend to the moral redemption of such elements. 
 Will he succeed in his effort? We wish to be optimistic and hope that 
 he may. 
 
 Whoever can absorb what Carnovale's book contains will never re- 
 gret having read it. 
 
 Sincere congratulations to the author for his interesting publication. 
 
 The Echo of Tampa, Tampa, Florida: 
 
 II Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nelNord America by Luigi Carno- 
 vale is one of those books which one can without reservation call fine, and 
 the author is preceded by a good reputation as a journalist and novelist. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale has had, in common with the rest of us, his sad ex- 
 periences as a colonial journalist, and in his volume he condenses in bril- 
 liant and sincere style, his memories and personal impressions, from which 
 we make no dissent for the great truths which they contain and reflect. 
 
 He who has lived in our colonies and has lived as a journalist conscious 
 of his mission, cannot but unconditionally approve the severe but just 
 criticism which Carnovale hurls against individuals and cliques who are 
 the real and mortal enemies of the moral elevation of our emigrants. 
 
 Perhaps we might find ourselves differing from the political opinions 
 of our author, opinions which are tranluscent, calm and well defined in the 
 pages of // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord Ainerica. But 
 we cannot deny to the interesting volume two most valuable qualities: 
 clearness and elegance of style, and the co-ordination of his talented 
 thought. 
 
 Those who have not yet read // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel 
 Nord Americas\\o\x\6. read it, and they will certainly form the same opinion 
 which we have of the author and his writings. 
 
 The Capital, Albany, New York: 
 
 II Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America is the title of a 
 book which has been published in Chicago by Luigi Carnovale who, be- 
 sides being a distinguished writer and a passionate student of the tongue of 
 Dante, is also an acute observer of the economic and social condition of the 
 Italian emigrants in America.
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 331 
 
 The Italian-American, New Orleans, Louisiana: 
 
 A book which should be in the hands of all Italians, whether in Italy 
 or in the United States, who are interested in the burning question of our 
 emigration, is // Giornalismo degli Emigrali Italiani nel Nord America 
 by Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 Pitiful truths there are which sadden one and which often destroy 
 our spontaneous enthusiasms, echoing the love for the Patria; pictures, 
 pervaded with bitter pessimism, in which one sees from time to time in 
 their proper light, the prominent colonial personage, and our illiterate 
 laborer (often the above personage is illiterate let us whisper in your ears, 
 readers); the regionalism which divides and embitters; the anti-Italianity 
 which dishonors. All of the lesser and greater colonial miseries in fact, 
 are the object of this brilliant volume. 
 
 To the author who, with sincerity of purpose and frank words exposes 
 many little souls inflated with their ridiculous megalomania, and who at 
 the same time comforts our spirits when, almost by happy contrast, he 
 recalls the refulgent history and glories of our Italy — we wish success 
 equal to his frank audacity. 
 
 The Awakening, Denver, Colorado: 
 
 Luigi Carnovale, who possesses a rare talent has published in Chicago 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America — a collection of 
 brilliant articles written with verve and erudition. 
 
 Vesuvius, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord AmericahyL,uigi Carno- 
 vale, one is compelled to read for beauty of style, for its interest in a variety 
 of subjects, and for acuteness of observation. 
 
 Some might disagree with the author in the manner in which he 
 regards some things; but we can be sure that all can find in the volume of 
 Carnovale, the satisfaction which one feels before an expression of life, 
 before sincerity of conviction. 
 
 We recommend it to our readers. 
 
 The Observer, Kansas City, Missouri: 
 
 We have carefully read the volume, // Giornalismo degli Emigrati 
 Italiani tiel Nord America. Our congratulations to Luigi Carnovale with 
 the wish that his work may illuminate the clouded minds of our laborers. 
 
 The Southern Courier, New Orleans, Louisiana: 
 
 A splendid book entitled, // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel 
 Nord America, has been brought out by Luigi Carnovale.
 
 332 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 In this book are gathered valuable articles that this clever writer 
 had already published in various journals of the United States. It is 
 prefaced by an article in which the author describes the colonial sur^ 
 roundings, laying bare hard truths. 
 
 The Italian Workman, Windber, Pennsylvania: 
 
 The new work of Luigi Carnovale entitled,// Giornalismo degli Emigrati 
 Italiani nel Nord Ainerica, is a fine and elegant volume of more than two 
 hundred pages. It is most interesting for anyone who cares for serious 
 reading. In it the author describes with high and noble sentiments, 
 free from any partiality, that which is done, that which is being done, 
 and that which must be done to hold high the prestige of the Italian name 
 in the United States of America. 
 
 The noble mission of the Italian press, which the author defends with 
 a spirit worthy of all respect, is given in sincere and enthusiastic words; 
 and for the noble defense which Carnovale makes for the Italians and for 
 Italy, his volume deserves to be read, well considered and appreciated 
 by every student. 
 
 We recommend this interesting book to everyone. 
 
 The Hour, Newark, New Jersey: 
 
 The young writer, Luigi Carnovale, has brought to light a book of more 
 than two hundred pages entitled II Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel 
 Nord America, which we have read without stopping and with keen interest. 
 
 The fine volume fills the gap which for years has existed among the 
 Italians. It is a red hot and caustic iron which Carnovale has applied to 
 the great and gangrenous ulcer of our journalism, which is often badly 
 managed, often misunderstood, and always and everywhere despised. 
 
 Carnovale, intelligent and courageous soldier of the true mission of the 
 press, has published articles in the various journals of the United States 
 which are now gathered together in the above volume and which are the 
 work of a valiant and daring pioneer who blazes the way through a dense 
 wood, and after having cleared it shouts courageously at the end of the 
 road. 
 
 Had we the authority, we should propose that the volume // Gior- 
 ■nalism degli Emigrati Italiani del Nord America should be published as an 
 appendix to all of the Italian journals of America as an austere admonition 
 to the respective colonies to appreciate the mission of the press; and to 
 show the journalists the duty of knowing how they might produce a work 
 replete with knowledge and progress. 
 
 In any case we are confident that this honest and truthful book of 
 Carnovale, written in a fine Italian style and with virile character may 
 be diflFused, read, and understood everywhere.
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 333 
 
 The Uprising, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 We have read without stopping // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani 
 nel Nord America by Luigi Carnovale and in it we have found honest 
 truths. We hope that all of our compatriots will read this fine book as we 
 have done. 
 
 The Socialist's Word, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 Our colleague, Luigi Carnovale, a cultured and sympathetic young 
 man, has published a well written study of impressions on the subject of 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 The book has been praised by writers and by journals in the United 
 States and in Italy, and the unanimous shower of eulogies have been well 
 merited. 
 
 The book, which one gladly reads because it is written in an Italian 
 form too little in use among the anglo-Saxonized (we hope to be pardoned 
 the horrible vocabulary) of our colonies, has one principal and indisput- 
 able merit: it is true. 
 
 In these columns we rarely interest ourselves with reviews. It is 
 because our readers in the daily struggle of life which cannot be de- 
 layed, would have little time to follow our critical dissertations. But we 
 willingly make an exception. 
 
 We say to our companions: read // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani 
 nel Nord America and there you will learn something. 
 
 We militants, internationalists by conviction, congratulate Carnovale 
 who, instructing and inviting to instruction, has known how to combat 
 that patriotism which is the most idiotic and stupid: patriotism for the 
 Patria of others. 
 
 And with this eulogy, truly felt we send the author a wish: that our 
 emigrants if they do not know how to become internationalists after they 
 have been stamped upon and kicked out of their own country, may not 
 become ardent patriots for another country which receives them only as 
 beasts of burden and of reproduction. 
 
 The Christian Register, of Boston, Mass.: 
 
 An interesting book has come into our hands which serves as an ex- 
 position of // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America. 
 It is a collection of articles written by Luigi Carnovale. The Italian 
 press of our country has attained a significant position when it is able to 
 call to its service writers possessed of such glowing imagination, generous 
 purpose, and literary ability as young Carnovale possesses, qaalities also 
 made evident by his charming idyl The Dream oj Francesco.
 
 334 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 The Canadian Tribune, Toronto, Canada: 
 
 Our brilliant colleague, Luigi Carnovale of Chicago, has published a 
 book entitled // Giornalisyno degli Eniigrati Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 It is an important work in which the writer has gathered a number of 
 wise articles previously published in various journals in the United States 
 and which one re-reads with pleasure because, besides being written in 
 good Italian, they are eminently patriotic. 
 
 We believe that this important book of Carnovale's should be in every- 
 one's hands. 
 
 The Popular Review of Literature and Social Science, edited by 
 Professor Napoleon Colaianni deputy to the National Parliament, 
 Rome-Naples, Italy: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America by Luigi 
 Carnovale is good in that it expresses sentiments full of Italianlty. 
 
 Arts and Labor, the magazine of the Ricordi Publishing House, Milan, 
 Italy: 
 
 The fine volume // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America by Luigi Carnovale contains articles which are of interest not 
 only to Italians scattered in America but to all Italians, because these 
 articles treat in a brilliant manner of questions which refer especially to 
 the prestige and well being of Italians. 
 
 The Goad, Naples, Italy: 
 
 A truly fine book of high patriotic and social sentiments is // Gior- 
 nalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America which has been 
 brought out in Chicago by the esteemed writer, Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale of Stilo, one of the strongest and most brilliant in- 
 tellects of young Calabria, has for a number of years pursued the pro- 
 fession of journalist with dignity and high ideals in America; and he has 
 gathered in this valuable volume many of his articles, the results of his 
 acute observation and wise study. 
 
 Various and vibrating questions are treated by Carnovale in this book, 
 which is the brightest gem of his works. 
 
 Journalism in America is doubtless deficient but is always high, noble, 
 patriotic, humanitarian, and is not appreciated nor encouraged by Amer- 
 icanized compatriots, nor by the representatives of the mother country. 
 All this is described in vivid colors and with sad reflections. 
 
 Carnovale describes the miserable condition in which the emigrants 
 live, who, because of their lack of education, of patriotism and cohesion, 
 remain in a state of continual inferiority before the ignorance of strangers 
 who are inflated with pride of gold.
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 335 
 
 Carnovale searches the most fundamental causes for all of this; points 
 out the remedies; spurs the society of the Dante Alighieri; proposes and 
 insists on teaching patriotism and upon compulsory teaching in the 
 schools in Italy, not abstractly as now, but in the practical things of life. 
 
 Carnovale treats profoundly of many other things, even literary, in 
 his excellent book. But the space which we lack coupled with our desire 
 that every Italian shall acquire and read the book with attention and love, 
 makes it seem best that we shall not prolong our review as we should wish 
 and as the book itself merits. 
 
 The volume // Giornalismo represents the highest manifestations of 
 Italianity and patriotism, impersonated in Luigi Carnovale, high-minded, 
 noble soul of Calabrian fibre. 
 
 It is enough to know that the most eminent men of Italy have congrat- 
 ulated the distinguished author for his work of inestimable merit, which 
 should be in the hands of everyone. 
 
 We, from these columns, cannot do other than send to Luigi Carno- 
 vale our most fervid good wishes for a long and brilliant career. 
 
 AccATTATis, Prof. Luigi: 
 
 Calabrian scholar, sent one of his pamphlets to Carnovale with these 
 autograph words: 
 
 "To Luigi Carnovale who honors Calabria, with admiring and 
 grateful sentiments the author sends this book. 
 
 Ardigo, Professor Roberto, Philosopher and Educator: 
 
 Esteemed Signor Carnovale: I received your book "// Giornalismo 
 degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America and I have read with the greatest 
 interest the forty-three pages of the preface. I will also read the re- 
 mainder. In the meantime I thank you for having had the goodness to 
 send me such a fine gift. 
 
 To my far off distant worthy Italian brother, I am happy to send my 
 affectionate salutations. 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 
 Prof. Roberto Ardigo. 
 
 Padua, Italy 
 
 Baccelli, Alfredo, Novelist, Poet, Deputy in the National Parliament, 
 ex-minister of Italy: 
 
 Esteemed Signor Carnovale: I have received your book and I thank 
 you. You have a fine talent and a brilliant culture. In cordial exchange 
 I send you my last romance. With a hand grasp. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 A. Baccelli. 
 Rome, Italy.
 
 336 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 
 
 BosELLi Paolo, present Prime minister of Italy, and honorary president 
 of the National Society of the Dante Alighieri: 
 
 Esteemed Signer Camovale: I am most grateful for your courtesy 
 in sending me your interesting book. 
 
 The thought of the Italians is always held in a single ideal wherever 
 they may live; not even the seas separate our spirits. 
 
 It is to our advantage to demonstrate the intellectual activity of Ita- 
 lians who live in far countries. 
 
 And it is fine to see that in that land of free and marvelous energies, 
 the Italian talents shine. 
 
 With particular regards, I am. 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 P. BOSELLI. 
 
 Turin, Italy. 
 
 Mantegazza, Professor Paolo, Anthropologist, Hygienist, Scientific 
 Writer, Educator, Senator of the Kingdom .of Italy: 
 
 Dear Signor Camovale: A thousand thanks for your gracious gift. 
 Your book vibrates with a warm patriotism which does great honor to 
 you and baptises you as an eloquent apostle of Italianity in America. , 
 
 Farewell, from my heart. 
 
 Mantegazza. 
 
 San Terenzio, Spezia. 
 
 Martini Ferdinando, Scholar, Deputy in the Italian National Parlia- 
 ment, ex-governor of Eritrea, ex-minister of public instruction and 
 ex-minister of colonial affairs. 
 
 Most Esteemed Signor Camovale: I have received your excellent 
 book and I thank you for it. 
 
 The sad pages of the preface show how important is the work which 
 you are doing with such untiring energy. 
 
 The problem of the Italians in foreign lands is one of the gravest 
 that the mother country must solve; it is the problem which must be 
 solved with calm study and with an intellect of love above everything 
 else. The Colonial Institute in the Council of which I have the honor to 
 take part, is now considering it, and of its work we shall have, I hope, 
 practical and prompt results. 
 
 It is well that help should come from the Italians themselves who 
 live in the colonies; and you send us most valuable aid, maintaining at 
 the same time the cult of the Patria, of her language and of her glorious 
 traditions. 
 
 Again thanking you, believe me, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 Rome, Italy. Martini.
 
 PRESS AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS 337 
 
 Among those who sent their congratulations to Luigi Carnovale for his 
 hook were the following: 
 
 Caruso, Enrico tenor. 
 
 Casolini, Antonio deputy to the National Parliament. 
 
 Ciccom, Professor Ettore socialist deputy to the Italian National 
 Parliament. 
 
 CiLEA, Francesco composer of music, director of the conservatory at 
 Palermo. 
 
 Costa, Andrea leader of the Italian socialist party and vice-president 
 of the chamber of deputies. 
 
 Cundari, Professor Antonio lawyer, mayor of Cosenza, Calabria. 
 
 D'Ancona, Professor Alessander scholar, critic, educator, senator of 
 the Kingdom. 
 
 Emanuele, Filiberto, duke of Aosta cousin of Emanuel III, King of 
 Italy. 
 
 FoRTUNATO, GiusTiNO deputy to the Italian National Parliament. 
 
 City Council of Milan. 
 
 Nathan, Ernesto Mayor of Rome. 
 
 PoMPiLj, GuiDO undersecretary of State of Foreign affairs. 
 
 Rapisardi, Mario poet. 
 
 Rava, Luigi minister of public instruction. 
 
 Rossi, Professor Luigi deputy to Italian National Parliament and gen- 
 eral commissioner of emigration. 
 
 Sonnino, Sidney ex-minister, ex-prime minister and present minister 
 of foreign affairs. 
 
 Victor Emanuel III, King of Italy. 
 
 ZuMBiNi, Professor Bonaventura, scholar, critic, senator of the King- 
 dom. 
 
 And many others. 
 
 In Preparation: 
 
 The Omnipotents 
 ToMMAso Campanella
 
 A U < 
 H U I 
 
 ^t^s^ 
 
 COMO 
 
 SONDRIO 
 
 BRESCIA 
 
 T Y R O L 
 
 BOTZFN 
 CLES 
 
 TRENTINO 
 
 TRENT* 
 )RIVA ^ /^RPVtRETO 
 JAU 
 
 lRONA 
 
 BELLUNO 
 
 UOI 
 
 PADUA 
 
 PIACENZA 
 
 ALESSANDRIA 
 
 mOOENA 
 
 BOLOGNA 
 
 FLORENCE 
 
 VJ PERUGIA
 
 T R I A- 
 G A R Y 
 
 ^''s (The unredeemed Italian Regions 
 
 U,Le REGION! ITALIANE IRREDENTE 
 
 ' MON FALCONE <^^*'>^TCv 
 
 NATURAL BOUNDARIES 
 CONFINI NATURALI 
 
 CONA
 
 Perche I'ltalia t Entrata 
 Nella Grande Guerra
 
 Perche I'ltalia e Entrata 
 Nella Grande Guerra 
 
 di 
 
 Luigi Carnovale 
 
 Autore di "Una Visita al Pittore Andrea Cefaly", "Mia Madre", 
 
 "II Sogno di Francesco", "V Giornalismo degli Emigrati 
 
 Italiani nel Nord America". 
 
 lo parlo per ■ver dire, 
 Non per odio d 'altrui ne per disprezzo. 
 — Petrarca. 
 
 Compagnia Editrice Italo-Americana 
 
 Chicago, Illinois 
 
 Stati Uniti d'America 
 
 1917
 
 Copyright, 1917. by Luigi Carnovale. 
 Riservdti tutti i diritti.
 
 Alia memoria dei caduti 
 
 e 
 
 al dolore dei sopravviventi 
 
 io dedico 
 
 questo lavoro d'amore 
 
 scritto neWesilio 
 
 col pensiero proteso ai supremi ideali umani 
 
 per rivendicare 
 
 al cospetto degli stranieri che ignorano la veritd 
 
 Ponore del popolo italiano. 
 
 LuiGi Carnovale. 
 
 Chicago, Illinois 
 
 Stati Uniti d'America 
 
 Anno 1917.
 
 INDICE DELLE MATERIE 
 
 PAGINA 
 
 Dedica 343 
 
 Introduzione — Una domanda. Un'insinuazione. Una . 
 premessa 357 
 
 PARTE PRIAIA 
 
 I. L'inizio delle militaresche violenze austriache in Italia. 
 
 La sassata del giovinetto Balilla (1746) 361 
 
 II. Smembramento e ripartizione dellTtalia nel 1815. La 
 parte del leone all'Austria. La Carhoneria 363 
 
 III. La rivoluzione del 1820 nel Regno delle Due Sicilie. 
 L'Austria, con la forza bruta dei suoi soldati, impone la 
 tirannide borbonica ai patrioti italiani lottanti per la 
 liberta. Persecuzioni e condanne (1821) 365 
 
 IV. La rivoluzione del 1821 nel Piemonte. L'Austria, con 
 la forza bruta dei suoi soldati, impone la tirannide dei 
 Savoia ai patrioti italiani lottanti per la liberta. Perse- 
 cuzioni e condanne 369 
 
 V. L'Austria, con la forza bruta dei suoi soldati, impone lapro- 
 pria tirannide ai patrioti italiani del Lombardo-Veneto lot- 
 tanti per la liberta. Persecuzioni econdanne(i820-i82i). 371 
 
 VI. Le rivoluzioni del 1831 nel Ducato di Modena e Reggio 
 e nello Stato Romano. L'Austria, con la forza bruta dei 
 suoi soldati, impone la tirannide d'un suo principe e la 
 tirannide papale ai patrioti italiani lottani per la liberta. 
 Persecuzioni e condanne 373 
 
 VII. Mazzini, Gioberti e altri grandi Italiani, con il loro 
 apostolato di pensiero e azione, formano la nuova co- 
 scienza nazionale e obbligano i tiranni e i tirannelli d'ltalia 
 a concedere i benefizi della liberta ai popoli oppressi. 
 Solo I'Austria, sprezzante e sfidante, s'ostina a opprimere, 
 con sempre maggiore crudelta, gl'Italiani del Lombardo- 
 Veneto 375 
 
 345
 
 346 INDICE DELLE MATERIE 
 
 PAGINA 
 
 VIII. Le rivoluzioni del 1848 in Italia. Milano insorge 
 contro la tirannide austriaca e lotta epicamente per 
 cinque giorni. La soldataglia del feld-maresciallo 
 Radetzky (20,000 uomini di fanteria e di cavalleria con 
 60 cannoni da campo) fa strage d'innocenti: sotterra e 
 arde adulti e fanciulli vivi; inchioda alle pareti bambini 
 lattanti, ne infilza alle baionette e li porta in giro come 
 trofei; oltraggia donne, le uccide, poi mozza e intasca le 
 mani inanellate dei cadaveri; ruba, insozza, massacra, 
 incendia, commette infiniti orrendissimi delitti. E il 
 popolo milanese — eroico e vittorioso — risponde con 
 civile generosita al male ricevuto. Venezia insorge 
 anch'essa, scaccia gli Austriaci oppressori e ricostituisce 
 I'antica Repubblica di San Marco 379 
 
 IX. L'inno di Mameli. La prima guerra di liberazione. 
 Gl'Italiani sono sconfitti per colpa di Pio IX e del Bor- 
 bone delle Due Sicilie. Gli Austriaci nuovamente 
 dominatori della Lombardia (1848) 387 
 
 X. I soldati austriaci, rientrati in Milano, s'abbandonano 
 a ogni sorta di rapine e vandalismi. II feld-maresciallo 
 Radetzky estorce "una taglia straordinaria di venti 
 milioni di lire a 185 nobili e cospicui cittadini" (1848). . 391 
 
 XI. L'insurrezione di Roma. E ucciso il primo ministro 
 pontificio Pellegrino Rossi. Pio IX fugge di notte a 
 Gaeta. Proclamazione della Repubblica Romana con a 
 capo Mazzini, Saffi e Armellini. La seconda guerra di 
 liberazione contro I'Austria. Gl'Italiani sono sconfitti 
 per colpa dei loro comandanti. Carlo Alberto e costretto 
 ad abdicare in favore di suo figlio Vittorio Emanuele. 
 Gli Austriaci, rimbaldanziti, estendono la loro tirannide 
 
 sul Piemonte (1849) 392 
 
 XII. La "leonessa d'ltalia". I soldatacci austriaci a Brescia 
 "scagliano giii dalle finestre, contro le barricate erette dai 
 cittadini, teste di teneri fanciulli divelte dai busti, braccia 
 di donne e carni umane abbrustolite", e commettono 
 altre incredibili scelleratezze. La tragica vendetta d'un 
 giovane bresciano arso vivo (1849) 394 
 
 XIII. I soldati austriaci in Toscana, a Bologna, ad Ancona. 
 I tiranni stranieri schiacciano la Repubblica Romana
 
 INDICE DELLE MATERIE 347 
 
 PAGINA 
 
 glorlosamente retta da Mazzini e difesa da Garibaldi, e 
 ristabiliscono il potere temporale del papi (1849). . . 398 
 
 XIV. I soldati austriaci inseguono Garibaldi e Anita (la 
 diletta consorte dell'Eroe) incinta. La fine dolorosa 
 dell'Eroina. Sotterrata nudal "La derelitta cagna, 
 ramingando . . /* (1849) 400 
 
 XV. Gli Austriaci assediano e bombardano per tre mesi di 
 continue Venezia. II feld-maresciallo Radetzky scim- 
 miotta Nerone. La regina dell'Adriatico e costretta 
 dalla fame e dal colera, piii che dall'armi nemiche, ad 
 arrendersi. L'elegia del poeta (1849) 403 
 
 XVI. II feld-maresciallo Radetzky e i suoi sguaiati ufficiali 
 festeggiano a Milano il genetliaco del loro imperatore 
 Francesco Giuseppe, provocando disonestamente e cari- 
 cando brutalmente con la cavalleria e la fanteria il popolo 
 inerme; bastonando patrioti; vergheggiando giovanetti 
 
 e signorine sulle nude reni (1849) 407 
 
 XVII. "L'imperatore degl'impiccati" (i 851-1853). . . . 409 
 
 XVIII. I bersaglieri alia guerra di Crimea (1855). Cavour 
 al Congresso di Parigi (1856). L'alleanza con Napoleone 
 III (1858). Le memorabili parole di Vittorio Emanuele 
 II all'inaugurazione del Parlamento subalpino. Uulti- 
 matum dell'Austria al piccolo Piemonte. L'inno di 
 Garibaldi. La famiglia Cignoli fucilata dai soldati 
 austriaci. I soldati papalini trucidano i patrioti di Peru- 
 gia. Pio IX e il cardinale Pecci (piij tardi Leone XIII) 
 esaltano gli assassini. La terza guerra di liberazione 
 vinta dagl'Italiani con Taiuto dei Francesi (1859). . . .411 
 
 XIX. Garibaldi e i Mille conquistano gloriosamente le Due 
 Sicilie (i860). Proclamazione del Regno d'ltalia (1861), 
 Si perde la quarta guerra di liberzione contro I'Austria 
 per colpa dei comandanti. L'annessione del Veneto 
 (1866). Villa Glori. I soldati mercenari del papa truci- 
 dano I'eroina romana Giuditta Arquati-Tavani e il marito 
 e il figlio di lei, Mentana (1867). La presa di Roma e la 
 caduta definitiva del potere temporale dei papi (1870). 
 
 La nazione una e indipendente 419
 
 348 INDICE DELLE MATERIE 
 
 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 PAGINA 
 
 I. Come Roma antica, sia durante' la Repubblica che du- 
 rante rimpero, conquisto e latinizzo il Friuli, I'lstria, 
 Trieste, Trento, il Trentino e la Dalmazia, e come fece 
 del mare Adriatico un gran lago romano. La "Tavola 
 Clesiana" 429 
 
 II. Le invasion! barbariche in Italia. Attila, flagellum Dei, 
 distrugge (anno 452) la bella citta d'Aquileia fondata dai 
 Romani fin dal 181-182 avanti Cristo. In un comizio 
 presieduto dall'imperatore Carlo Magno, glTtaliani del- 
 ITstria protestano contro I'immigrazione slava (anno 804). 
 La Repubblica dei dogi libera TAdriatico dai corsari 
 stranieri. Lo sposalizio di Venezia col mare. La sponta- 
 nea sudditanza della Dalmazia (anno 999). Fedele per 
 otto secoli. "L'onoratissima sepoltura" dello stendardo 
 
 di San Marco 436 
 
 III. I Comuni. Federico Barbarossa imperatore di Ger- 
 mania scende in Italia I'anno 1154 e massacra, saccheg- 
 gia, incendia; cattura il celebre riformatore Arnaldo da 
 Brescia e lo consegna al papa Adriano IV, il quale I'arde 
 vivo. La compiacente Dieta di Roncaglia. Milano, 
 Crema e Piacenza si ribellano. II Barbarossa si vendica 
 mostruosamente: assedia Crema, e non potendo vincerla 
 con I'armi, lega ad alcune torri mobili i fanciuUi cremaschi 
 e milanesi ch'egli tiene in ostaggio, e li espone ai colpi 
 degli assediati. L'amor di patria puo piu dell'amore 
 paterno suglTtaliani. La distruzione di Crema e di 
 Milano. La Lega Veronese. Un papa energico. La 
 Lega Lomharda. L'arcivescovo Cristiano di Magonza, 
 plenipotenziario del Barbarossa in Italia, assedia Ancona 
 e riduce i difensori a cibarsi d'ortiche e cuoio. L'eroismo 
 delle donne anconitane. L*unione dei Comuni italiani 
 genera I'epopea. II Carroccio. La Compagnia della 
 Morte. II Barbarossa e terribilmente sconfitto dagl'I- 
 taliani a Legnano (1176); e sconfitto anche per mare 
 dalla flotta unita di Venezia e di Trieste; deve baciare il 
 piede al suo piu fiero nemico (papa Alessandro III); deve 
 implorare la pace e abbandonare per sempre I'ltalia senza 
 averla potuta soggiogare 441
 
 INDICE DELLE MATERIE 349 
 
 PAGINA 
 
 IV. I Triestini per I'indipendenza municipale della loro 
 citta e per il mantenimento della loro italianita (dalla 
 pace di Costanza del 1183 in poi). Contro i vescovi- 
 baroni (1295-1349). Contro Venezia (1368-1381). La 
 "dedizione" aH'Austria (1382). II partito anti-austriaco, 
 le sue ribellioni, il suo martirolof^io. "L'orgoglio della 
 discendenza romana" (dal Quattrocento al Settecento). 449 
 
 V. Le lotte dell'italianita sostenute con intensa perse- 
 veranza dai Triestini, dagl'Istriani, dai Dalmati e dai 
 Trentini contro I'Austria, dal trattato di Vienna del 18 15 
 fino alle rivoluzioni italiane del 1848 456 
 
 VI. I Trentini, i Triestini, gl'Istriani e i Dalmati per la 
 Repubblica Romana retta dai triunviri Mazzini, Saffi e 
 Armellini e difesa da Garibaldi contro il papa, e per la 
 Repubblica di Venezia retta da Manin e dal Tommaseo 
 
 e difesa da Guglielmo Pepe contro I'Austria (1849). . . 467 
 
 VII. I Trentini, i Triestini, gl'Istriani e i Dalmati per la loro 
 italianita dal 1850 al 1858, II lor filiale contribute di 
 sangue alia seconda guerra di liberazione dell'Italia con- 
 tro I'Austria (1859) 470 
 
 VIIL I Trentini, i Triestini e gl'Istriani nella spedizione dei 
 Mille. II lor filiale contributo di sangue all'intera guerra 
 del i860 per la liberazione dell'Italia Meridionale e del- 
 l'Italia Centrale. La feroce reazione degli Austriaci. Le 
 somme di denaro raccolte dagl'Istriani per la causa 
 nazionale. La bandiera italiana delle donne triestine a 
 Garibaldi (i860) 475 
 
 IX. Le lotte dell'italianita sostenute con indomabile fierezza 
 dai Trentini, dai Triestini, dagl'Istriani e dai Dalmati 
 contro I'Austria dal 1861 al 1865 482 
 
 X. II filiale contributo di sangue dei Trentini, dei Triestini, 
 degl'Istriani e dei Dalmati alia guerra del 1866 contro 
 I'Austria per I'indipendenza e I'unita d'ltalia. Trieste e 
 ristria per la loro annessione alia madre patria (1866). . 486 
 
 XI. II filiale contributo di sangue dei Triestini, degl'Istriani, 
 dei Trentini e dei Dalmati all'Italia per la presa di Roma 
 (1867-1870) 495 
 
 XII. I Triestini tra i volontari italiani di Garibaldi in difesa 
 della Francia nella guerra del 1870 contro la Prussia.
 
 350 INDICE DELLE MATERIE 
 
 PAGINA 
 
 Continue dimostrazioni d'italianita nelle regloni irredente 
 dal 1872 al 1882. II giovane triestino Guglielmo Ober- 
 dan, studente universitario a Roma, ardente apostolo 
 d'italianita, e impiccato a Trieste per avere attentato alia 
 vita dell'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe. Tremende 
 dimostrazioni italiane contro I'Austria (dicembre 1882). 499 
 
 XIII. II monumento a Dante nella citta di Trento (1896). 
 Manifestazioni d'italianita a Trieste e nell'Istria dal 1897 
 al 1903. Le scuole italiane elementari e medie a Gorizia, 
 a Gradisca, a Trieste, nell'Istria e nella Dalmazia. La 
 lampada eterna degl'Italiani irredenti sulla tomba di 
 Dante a Ravenna (1908). Gli studenti italiani irredenti 
 deirUniversita di Vienna aggrediti dagli studenti austriaci 
 della stessa universita spalleggiati dalla polizia. Tre- 
 mende dimostrazioni italiane di protesta contro I'Austria 
 (1908). L'incessante cospirazione di Trieste italiana 
 contro il governo austriaco sino al 1915 512 
 
 XIV. Proclama incitante I'ltaliaalla guerra contro I'Austria, 
 indirizzato dai Triestini a ciascun deputato del Parla- 
 mento nazionale italiano, fuorche ai socialisti, il giorno 
 in cui s'apri a Roma, nel febbraio del 1914, la nuova 
 legislatura 525 
 
 XV. Proclama incitante I'ltalia alia guerra contro I'Austria, 
 indirizzato dai Triestini a ciascun deputato socialista 
 del Parlamento nazionale italiano il giorno in cui s'apri 
 
 a Roma, nel febbraio del 1914, la nuova legislatura. . . 526 
 
 XVI. Proclama incitante I'ltalia alia guerra contro I'Austria, 
 lanciato dagl'Italiani delle province irredente di Gradisca, 
 Gorizia, Trieste e Istria (Venezia Giulia) e del Trentino 
 durante il mese d'aprile del 1914 "per I'unita della 
 Patria" 528 
 
 XVII. La bandiera italiana issata a Trieste sul campanile 
 di San Giusto e suU'antenna del porto di Muggia nel mese 
 di dicembre del 1914. Migliaia di Italiani irredenti cor- 
 rono ad ofFrire il loro sangue alia madre patria nella 
 grande guerra contro I'Austria (1914-1915) 532 
 
 XVIII. Gabriele d'Annunzio riafFerma ed esalta I'italianita 
 di Trieste nei giardini del Palagio di Andrea Doria in 
 Genova (6 maggio 191 5), ricevendo in dono il gesso del 
 Leone Tergestino che e murato in una casa dei Giustiniani. 533
 
 INDICE DELLE MATERIE 351 
 
 PAGIKA 
 
 XIX. Parole dette da Gabriele d'Annunzio in Geneva il 7 
 maggio 1915 agli Esuli Dalmati, ricevendo in dono il 
 Libro che afFerma, dimostra e propugna I'italianita della 
 Dalmazia, stampato in Geneva 534 
 
 PARTE TERZA 
 
 I. Perche lo studente serbo Gabrilo Princip uccise a Serajevo 
 — il 28 giugno 1914 — I'arciduca Francesco Ferdinando 
 erede del trono d'Austria-Ungheria 539 
 
 II. La fatale not a-uitimatum del governo austriaco al governo 
 serbo (23 luglio 1914) 540 
 
 III. L'attitudine partigiana della Germania. L'attitudine 
 conciliativa della Russia. Un supplichevole telegramma 
 del principe Alessandro reggente di Serbia alio zar 
 Nicola II. Un eloquente telegramma dell'ambasciatore 
 inglese Buchanan. L'ostinatezza del governo austriaco. 543 
 
 IV. La risposta del governo serbo (25 luglio 1914) alia 
 nota-ultimatum del governo austriaco 546 
 
 V. Un eloquente telegramma dell'ambasciatore inglese a 
 Vienna, Maurizio de Bunsen, a Sir Edward Grey (27 
 luglio 1914). Un comunicato ufficioso del governo russo 
 pubblicato dal Corriere della Borsa di Pietroburgo (27 
 luglio 1914). La risposta dello zar Nicola II al principe 
 Alessandro reggente di Serbia (27 luglio 1914). I 
 ringraziamenti del principe Alessandro alio zar Nicola IL 550 
 
 VI. La dichiarazione di guerra del governo austriaco alia 
 Serbia (27 luglio 1914). II proclama dell'imperatore 
 Francesco Giuseppe ai suoi popoli (28 luglio 1914). Lo 
 zar Nicola II telegrafa urgentemente (29 luglio 1914) a 
 Guglielmo II imperatore di Germania, pregandolo di 
 scongiurare la guerra. La risposta e le pubbliche dichia- 
 razioni di Guglielmo II (31 luglio 1914) 552 
 
 VII. II trattato della Triplice Alleanza stipulate tra i governi 
 d'ltalia, Austria e Germania (1882-1912). Gli articoli 
 
 3, 4 e 7 del trattato stesso 554 
 
 VIII. Come il governo d'Austria, con la sua nota-ulthnatum 
 del 23 luglio 1914 e la conseguente dichiarazione di guerra
 
 352 INDICE DELLE MATERIE 
 
 PA GIN A 
 
 del 27 luglJo 1914 alia Serbia, violo il trattato della Triplice 
 Alleanza ai danni dell'Italia 556 
 
 IX. La dichiarazione di neutralita dell'Italia (4 agosto 1914). 557 
 
 X. II governo d'ltalia, in data 3 maggio 1915, denunzia il 
 trattato della Triplice Alleanza 559 
 
 XI. Antonio Salandra presidente del Consiglio dei ministri 
 dTtalia, nella storica seduta del Parlamento nazionale a 
 Roma (20 maggio 1915), espone le ragioni per le quali il 
 governo italiano e costretto a dichiarare guerra all' Austria. 561 
 
 XII. La dichiarazione di guerra del governo d'ltalia all'Im- 
 pero austro-ungarico (23 maggio 191 5) 563 
 
 XIII. L'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe, in un proclama 
 diretto ai suoi popoli il 24 maggio 191 5, accusa di tradi- 
 mento Vittorio Emanuele III re d'ltalia 564 
 
 XIV. II "violento e menzognero'* discorso pronunziato dal 
 cancelliere germanico Bethmann-Hollweg contro I'ltalia 
 
 al Reichstag di Berlin© il 28 maggio 1915 565 
 
 XV. Antonio Salandra, presidente dei ministri d'ltalia, in 
 un solenne discorso documentato, pronunziato nel 
 Campidoglio a Roma il 2 giugno 1915, difende I'ltalia dalle 
 accuse dell'imperatore austro-ungarico e del cancelliere 
 germanico 567 
 
 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 I. Prima ragione: Patriottismo 579 
 
 II. Seconda ragione: Irredentismo 581 
 
 III. Terza ragione: Una visita non restituita 582 
 
 IV. Quarta ragione: Coesione nazionale ed efficienza 
 
 militate 583 
 
 V. Quinta ragione: II timore dell'isolamento 586 
 
 VI. Sesta ragione: II diritto di viaggiare 587 
 
 VII. Settima ragione: Solidarieta umana 589 
 
 VIII. II tradimento 615
 
 INDICE DELLE MATERIE 353 
 
 PACINA 
 
 IX. L'oro inglese e I'oro francese 626 
 
 X. Cupidige territorial! 627 
 
 XL Gli Onnipotenti 640 
 
 Indice alfabetico dei nomi propri di persona 643 
 
 ILLUSTRAZIONI 
 
 La "Tavola Clesiana" 434 
 
 Carta geografica delle regioni irredente 338-339 
 
 Giudizi di giornali e di persone sul libro // Giornalismo degli 
 EmigratiltalianinelNord America d'\h\ng\QvLvnovd\t. . 655
 
 Perche 1' Italia e Entrata 
 Nella Grande Guerra
 
 INTRODUZIONE 
 
 Una domanda. Un'insinuazione. Una premessa 
 
 Non appena Vittorio Emanuele III, il 23 maggio 191 5, 
 dichiaro guerra a Francesco Giuseppe, i miei numerosi amici 
 americani — persone d'ambo i sessi intellettualmente e 
 moralmente superiori — mi domandarono: 
 
 "Quali ragioni indussero I'ltalia ad entrare nella con- 
 flagrazione europea, attaccando TAustria?" 
 
 Tale domanda, suggerita senza dubbio da trepido afFetto 
 per 
 
 il bel Paese 
 che Appennin parte, e il mar circonda e I'Alpe, 
 
 mi convinse che quanto fino allora — fino alia suddetta 
 data ^ — s'era scritto e pubblicato intorno alio straordinario 
 avvenimento, non era stato sufficiente, almeno per una 
 buona parte del pubblico americano, a dare un'idea precisa, 
 e neppure approssimativa, delle cause che determinarono 
 I'intervento dell'Italia nel macello che da tre anni sta 
 terrorizzando e rovinando il mondo. 
 
 Credetti percio necessario, anzl doveroso, esporre in un 
 libro (come avrei potuto farlo a voce, o in un semplice 
 articolo di giornale, o anche in un opuscolo?) le cause del 
 tanto discusso intervento italiano: non per giudicare o con- 
 dannare il governo monarchic© dei Savoia (non e questo il 
 momento del redde rationem), ma per rispondere esauriente- 
 mente alia domanda rivoltami; sopratutto, per rivendicare in 
 modoefficacela verita e la giustiziaoltraggiate da un'insinua- 
 zione che parecchi dei miei amici americani ebbero il torto 
 (mi si perdoni la franchezza) di raccogliere sia pure in buona 
 fede. L'insinuazione, cioe, che il popolo italiano — quel 
 popolo tanto onesto decoroso magnanimo — abbia commesso 
 
 ^Oggi potrei ben dire: fino a ieri, cioe fino alia vigilia della pubblicazione di 
 questo libro. 
 
 357
 
 358 INTRODUZIONE 
 
 un infame tradimento dichiarando nullo il trattato della 
 Triplice Alleanza e defezionando, conseguentemente, la 
 causa deU'Austria e della Germania: ed abbia pazzamente 
 corso I'alea della guerra contro le due nazioni alleate, perche 
 comprato (il popolo italiano!) dall'oro inglese a dall'oro 
 francese, e perche smanioso (il popolo italiano!) di con- 
 quistare terre altrui: terre, come per esempio Trento e 
 Trieste, appartenenti per diritto divino ereditario aU'im- 
 periale e reale corona degli Asburgo/ 
 
 Premetto, a scanso d'equivoci, che ranimo mio rifugge 
 a priori da cio che, militarmente parlando, si chiama nazio- 
 nalismo, campanilismo, chauvinisme. Adoro I'ltalia — 
 ov'ebbi i natali — per il glorioso contribute di pensiero e di 
 sangue ch'ella sempre diede e da tuttavia alle incessanti lotte 
 della civilta, della vera civilta, contro la barbaric. Ma, nel 
 medesimo tempo, ammiro gli altri paesi; amo sinceramente, 
 
 ' The World (il noto quotldiano di New York), in data 12 gennaio 191 7, vale 
 a dire dopo venti mesi di guerra italiana, commentando le condizioni di pace 
 contenute nella risposta data dai governi alleati al presidente Wilson, si esprimeva, 
 rigiiardo alle aspirazioni irredentiste dell'Italia sulla costa orientale deirAdriatico, 
 nei seguenti termini: 
 
 Per lo meno due condizioni di secondaria importanza sono quanta mai immorali: 
 quelle, cioe, che includono la pretesa di territori i quali non appartennero mai all' Italia 
 e alia Rumenia, e che dovrehbero servire a pagare la camorra imposta da quesii due 
 governi eminentemente sordidi, come prezzo della loro entrata nella guerra a fianco 
 degli Alleati. 
 
 Contro questi gentili complimenti protestarono i giornali italiani degli Stati 
 Uniti e d'ltalia, nonche lo stesso governo di Roma per mezzo dei suoi ministri 
 Ruffini e Bissolati. 
 
 Ma il World, in data 30 gennaio 1917, ritornava impassibilmente alia carica, 
 pubblicando nelle sue colonne "editoriali" il seguente articolo: 
 
 Le pretese deW Italia. — Malgrado le proteste del ministro Bissolati, Commissario 
 Civile Italiano della Guerra, contro un recente articolo editoriale del "World", noi 
 continueremo ad essere del parere che i motivi addotti daW Italia per il suo intervento 
 in questa guerra sono tanto poco difendibili, quanta lo sono quelli della Rumenia e 
 della Bulgaria. 
 
 II ministro Bissolati ? rimasto sbalordito dalla colossale ignoranza del "World" 
 il quale contesta all' Italia il diritto di rivendicare il carattere italiano di Trieste e che 
 non prende in considcrazione a favor e dell'Italia i £0 anni di eroica resistenza contro 
 la brutale dominazione austriaca. 
 
 La dominazione austriaca non e ne piu ne meno brutale di quel che e stata durante 
 i jj anni nei quali I'ltalia era alleata dell' Austria nella Triplice Alleanza. 
 
 Trieste ora none italiana piu di quanto lo fosse quando I'ltalia lietamente godeva 
 dei vantaggi della sua alleanza con la Germania e I' Austria. 
 
 Ne e prohabile che I'Europa voglia iniprgnarsi in un'altra guerra per private 
 I' Austria del mare, e dare all' Italia territori sui quali essa etnicamente non ha maggiori 
 diritti di quelli che ha su un terzo della Svizzera, e su Nizza e la Corsica ora occupate 
 dalla Francia. 
 
 Molti altri giornali e riviste nord-americani hanno battuto e continuano a 
 battere la stessa solfa.
 
 INTRODUZIONE 359 
 
 poiche ramore e un sentimento naturale, gli uomini evoluti 
 e non evoluti di tutte le razze; desidero vivamente, e pro- 
 pugno con le mie forze piu pure e perseveranti, la pace uni- 
 versale avente per base — granitica perenne — la liberta, la 
 prosperita, la felicita di tutti i popoli della Terra. 
 
 Nello svolgimento del mio assunto usero solo — se non 
 con parsimonia, certo con la piii scrupolosa oggettivita — 
 elementi positivi, costituiti da fatti che la Storia ormai 
 registro definitivamente nelle sue pagine eterne: da fatti 
 che la Stampa, precorritrice e nutrice della Storia, riconobbe 
 autentici: da fatti accaduti, accertati, della cui assoluta 
 realta non si puo piii dubitare. 
 
 Naturalmente, per logica necessita di cose, dovro 
 interpolare, in tali fatti, note illustrative piii o meno brevi; 
 dovro spingermi a osservazioni, a considerazioni, a riflessioni 
 conclusive piii o meno rudi, ardite. Ma esse non saranno 
 che in parte I'espressione del mio giudizio e, piii che del mio 
 giudizio, dei miei sentiment! personali: I'espressione, cioe, 
 di quei larghi sentimenti altruistici, per i quali il mio cuore 
 palpito sempre, e sempre palpitera, di fraterna tenerezza 
 per le vittime — per tutte le vittime — delle iniquita sociali. 
 
 Le osservazioni, le considerazioni, le riflessioni ch'io faro, 
 saranno, nella loro quasi totalita, I'espressione dei sentimenti 
 che nella rossa primavera del 191 5 slanciarono il popolo 
 italiano al cimento della grande guerra. Sentimenti in cui 
 tanto vibro e prevalse la nota della solidarieta morale 
 verso le creature innocenti, umili, deboli, colpite con efferata 
 violenza nell'onore, nelle sostanze, nell'indipendenza nazio- 
 nale, in tutti i sacri diritti della loro esistenza individuale e 
 collettiva, dalla foia bestiale dei satrapaci potentati d'Euro- 
 pa. I quali ebbero pur sempre I'impudenza di strombazzar- 
 si pastori cristianamente buoni e pacifici, mentre, in so- 
 stanza, non furono che maligni ipocriti, lupi ferocissimi: 
 mentre i loro odierni delitti farebbero raccapricciare persino 
 i piii antropofagi trogloditi dell'antica Africa tenebrosa. 
 
 Le difficolta di questo mio lavoro saranno molte e non 
 lievi. Ma io spero superarle tutte felicemente.
 
 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 L'inizio delle militaresche violenze austriache in Italia. 
 La sassata del giovinetto Balilla (1746). 
 
 Carlo VI imperatore d'Austria (1711-1740), qualche 
 tempo prima di morire, violava la legge salica, pubblicando 
 un'ordinanza detta prammatica sanzioney con la quale nomi- 
 nava erede del trono la sua figliuola primogenita Maria 
 Teresa. 
 
 Le Potenze europee — Francia, Spagna, Prussia e 
 Baviera — che sostenevano la legge salica, non s'opposero 
 li per li all'atto arbitrario dell'autocratico sovrano. Vi 
 s'opposero dopo ch'egli cesso di vivere, dicendo chiaro e 
 tondo a Maria Teresa ch'ella non poteva usurpare i diritti 
 spettanti al sesso maschile. 
 
 La donna fece orecchie da mercante: ed esegui con 
 graziosa disinvoltura la comoda volonta del suo augusto 
 genitore. 
 
 Allora le quattro Potenze oppositrici ricorsero a mezzi 
 pill persuasivi. Proclamarono imperatore d'Austria uno dei 
 piu legittimi pretendenti al trono (Carlo Alberto di Baviera, 
 che assunse il nome di Carlo VII), e lo mandarono, accom- 
 pagnato da un grosso esercito, a Vienna, per impossessarsi 
 della corona *'al cospetto di Dio e dei sudditi". 
 
 All'appressarsi del rivale, Maria Teresa ebbe paura: 
 fuggi: riparo in Ungheria. Ma gli Ungheresi I'accolsero 
 afFettuosamente; le oflFrirono il loro braccio; giurarono, 
 insieme con gli Austriaci rimasti a lei devoti, di ricuperarle 
 il regno. 
 
 Agli Ungheresi ed agli Austriaci s'unirono ben presto 
 I'lnghilterra e I'Olanda e, piii tardi, anche Carlo Emanuele 
 III di Savoia. 
 
 361
 
 362 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 Tra i due gruppi s'accese una guerra che duro parecchio 
 tempo. Dopo battaglie favorevoli or all'una or all'altra 
 parte, la vittoria decisiva arrise finalmente, presso Piacenza, 
 ai sostenitori di Maria Teresa. 
 
 I Frances! e gli Spagnoli furono costretti ad abbandonare 
 ITtalia, dove I'ultima fase della guerra s'era svolta. 
 
 Cosi la figlia di Carlo VI pote salire indisturbata al trono. 
 
 L'esercito austriaco, imbaldanzito da tanto successo, 
 piombo su Genova, "per punirla" d'avere parteggiato in 
 favore del sesso maschile. 
 
 La citta non era preparata a un siflFatto colpo. Pur 
 nondimeno essa tento di resistere. " Ma fu minacciata d'essere 
 subitamente messa a ferro ed a foco. Per evitare tanta 
 iattura, coloro che la reggevano non seppero far di meglio 
 che consegnare bonariamente le chiavi delle porte cittadine 
 ai nemici. 
 
 La soldataglia austriaca, fremente di vendetta e avida 
 di bottino, urlo di gioia: entro, saccheggio, s'ubriaco, 
 insulto, "commise turpitudini che non hanno riscontro 
 nell'istoria". E come se cio non bastasse, voile sborsati 
 ventuno milioni di lire "per indennita di guerra". Ai 
 cittadini che imploravano clemenza, il generale austriaco 
 rispondeva brigantescamente ch'essi "meritavan di peggio: 
 che li avrebbe spogliati perfino della camicia che indossava- 
 no, non lasciando loro che i soli occhi per piangere". 
 
 II flagello duro tre mesi. 
 
 Nel pomeriggio del 5 dicembre 1746, mentre la solda- 
 taglia austriaca trascinava alcuni pezzi d'artiglieria nel 
 popoloso quartiere di Portoria, si sfondo a un certo punto la 
 strada, sotto il peso d'un enorme mortaio da bombe. Non 
 essendo facile continuare il lavoro, la soldataglia, fiottando 
 parole brusche e triviali, comando ai cittadini presenti di 
 dare aiuto. I cittadini si rifiutarono. La soldataglia, 
 artotando i denti, li ingiurio, li aggredi, li carico di pugni, 
 li bastono, li sciabolo senza pieta ne misericordia. 
 
 Un ardito fanciullo (Giovan Battista Perasso, soprannomi- 
 nato Balilla), irritato di sdegno per essere stato anch'egli 
 percosso in malo modo da un soldataccio asutriaco, raccatto 
 un sasso e — gridando la rompo?! — lo scaglio vigorosa-
 
 SMEMBRAMENTO DELL'ITALIA (1815) 363 
 
 mente contro il bruto, colpendolo alia testa e facendolo 
 stramazzare mezzo morto al suolo. 
 
 L'atto eroico del fanciullo animo gli adulti. In un 
 baleno si vide infuriare una gragnola di sassi sulla soldataglia. 
 Le campane sonarono a stormo. I cittadini ch'erano in casa 
 udirono, sussultarono, compresero, s'armarono, si precipi- 
 taron fuori, affrontarono i barbari tuonando: *'Viva 
 Geneva! Viva la liberta!" 
 
 La pugna, calda ostinata cruenta, duro cinque giorni. 
 Gli oppressori furono alia fine sopraffatti, messi in fuga, 
 inseguiti, dispersi. 
 
 Poco dopo, il popolano Giovanni Carbone, nel riconse- 
 gnare a nome dei Genovesi le chiavi della citta al doge e agli 
 altri supremi magistrati della Repubblica, pronunziava 
 queste memorabili parole: 
 
 Signori, ecco le chiavi che voi deste con tanta leggerezza ai 
 nostri nemici. Procurate in avvenire di meglio custodirle, poiche 
 esse furono ricuperate col nostro sangue! 
 
 II 
 
 Smembramento e ripartizione dell'Italia nel 1815. La 
 parte del leone all' Austria. La Carboneria. 
 
 Col trattato di Vienna, stipulate dai monarchi d'Europa 
 dopo vinto Napoleone I a Waterloo il i8 giugno 1815, 
 ritalia fu smembrata e ripartita nel modo seguente: 
 
 il Regno di Sardegna (Sardegna, Piemonte e Liguria) a 
 Vittorio Emanuele I di Savoia; 
 
 •' lo Stato Lomhardo-Veneto (Lombardia, Venezia, i territori 
 compresi tra il Po, il Ticino e I'Adriatico, Tantica Repubblica 
 di Ragusa, le valli di Valtellina, Chiavenna e Bormio) 
 all'Austria; 
 
 il Granducato di Toscana al principe austriaco Ferdinando 
 III di Lorena; 
 
 il Ducato di Modena e Reggio airarciduca Francesco IV, 
 cugino dell'imperatore d'Austria; 
 
 il Ducato di Lucca a Maria Luisa di Borbone;
 
 364 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 i Ducati di Parma, Piacenza e Guastalla a Maria Luigla, 
 figlia deH'imperatore d'Austria e seconda moglie di Napo- 
 leone; 
 
 lo Stato Romano al pontefice; 
 
 il Regno delle Due Sicilie (Italia Meridionale) a Ferdi- 
 nando I di Borbone; 
 
 la Repubblica di San Marino, sotto la protezione del 
 pontefice; 
 
 il Canton Ticino alia Confederazione Sviz/era; 
 
 il Principato di Monaco ai Grimaldi-Montignon, sotto 
 la protezione del re di Sardegna; 
 
 r Isola di Malta all'Inghilterra; 
 
 la Corsica alia Francia. 
 
 L'Austria, che direttamente e indirettamente aveva 
 avuto la parte del leone, si riserbo anche il diritto d'occupare 
 militarmente Ferrara e Comacchio. 
 
 Gli eflPetti che da tale smembramento e da tale riparti- 
 zione derivarono alia bella ma sventurata penisola, si possono 
 facilmente immaginare. Leggi inique: balzelli, persecuzio- 
 ni, spoliazioni, ingiustizie d'ogni sorta: tutti i mali che ancor 
 oggi formano la trista caratteristica di quei governi imperia- 
 listici, i quali antepongono, senza veruno scrupolo, i privati 
 interessi dinastici al benessere dei popoli. 
 
 Fortunatamente gl'Italiani non erano piii disposti a far 
 da spensierate pecore come per il passato. Le idee propa- 
 gate dalla rivoluzione francese e i fatti straordinari svoltisi 
 durante le guerre napoleoniche avevano drizzato le menti, 
 avevano risvegliato le coscienze intorpidite da tanti secoli di 
 servaggio. Sui monti della Calabria e degli Abruzzi s'era 
 gia formata da qualche tempo, tra gli uomini piii gagliardi 
 di quelle generose regioni, una societa segreta chiamata 
 Carhoneria, alio scopo di promovere e propugnare con ogni 
 mezzo, a costo di qualunque sacrificio, I'indipendenza e 
 I'unita della patria. II giorno prima del congresso di Vienna, 
 essa contava, nel suo seno, circa 800,000 membri. Pochi 
 giorni dopo, essa ne contava il doppio. Vi s'erano inscritti, 
 e continuavano a inscriversi, cittadini d'ogni eta e d'ogni 
 condizione sociale. 
 
 Nei primi anni la Carhoneria si limito a un cauto e pa-
 
 GLI AUSTRIACI A NAPOLI (1821) 365 
 
 ziente lavoro preparatorio allenatore. Solo nel 1820 — 
 fattasi alquanto adulta e formidabile per le sue ben coordi- 
 nate e disciplinate forze morali e intellettuali, piu che per il 
 numero dei suoi aderenti — essa die principio a quella serie 
 di pratici ardui cimenti, che dovevano, dopo cinquant'anni 
 d'eroismi e di martiri, culminare nella maggiore conquista 
 civile del secolo: cioe nel ritorno di Roma all'Italia gia ri- 
 diventata nazione una e indipendente, e nella conseguente 
 caduta definitiva del potere temporale dei papi. 
 
 Ill 
 
 La rivoluzione del 1820 nel Regno delle Due Sicilie. 
 L' Austria, con la forza bruta dei suoi soldati, impone la 
 tirannide borbonica ai patrioti italiani lottanti per la 
 liberta. Persecuzioni e condanne (1821). 
 
 Durante I'anno 1820 scoppio una rivoluzione nel Regno 
 delle Due Sicilie, dove la tirannide borbonica infieriva 
 maledettamente, insidiando, coartando, strozzando ogni 
 voce di liberta. 
 
 La mattina del 2 luglio 1820 i soldati e gli ufficiali distac- 
 cati a Nola e ad Avellino (la Carhoneria era penetrata 
 financo nelle file dell'esercito) insorsero gridando: "Viva la 
 Costituzione! Vogliamo la Costituzione!" 
 
 11 grido ribelle corse fulmineo per tutto il regno; scosse, 
 elettrizzo le popolazioni; fu ripetuto ardentemente; parve il 
 possente grido d'un oceano in tempesta. 
 
 La sera del 6 luglio 1820 si disse che il generate calabrese 
 Guglielmo Pepe — patriota energico, risoluto, universal- 
 mente stimato — s'era messo alia testa della rivoluzione. 
 Tale notizia aggiunse fiamme al foco. Nella notte stessa i 
 pill autorevoli Carbonari di Napoli si presentarono alia 
 reggia e, in nome del popolo e dell'esercito, chiesero al re la 
 Costituzione. 
 
 Ferdinando I rispose con la tipica burbanza dei tiranni. 
 I Carbonari lo lasciaron dire. Quand' ebbe finito, gli 
 voltaron dignitosamente le spalle e usciron fuori, silenziosi 
 ma fieri.
 
 366 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 Pochi momenti dopo, una folia Immensa di cittadini e dl 
 soldati afFratellati correva ruggendo per le vie della citta. 
 
 II Borbone udi, tremo, non pote dormire. Avanti I'alba, 
 egli pubblico il seguente proclama: 
 
 Essendosi manifestato il voto generale della nazione di volere 
 un governo costituzionale, di nostra piena volonta consentiamo e 
 promettiamo nel corso di otto giorni di pubblicarne le basi. 
 
 I rivoluzionari non si capacitarono, non s'acquietarono. 
 Essi sapevano che nel 1812 Ferdinando I aveva pur concessa 
 e poi abrogata la Costituzione in Sicilia. Pretesero quindi, 
 da lui, garanzie piii sicure, piii concrete; e cioe: giurare la 
 Costituzione sul vangelo di Cristo; dare al generale Pepe il 
 comando di tutte le forze militari dello Stato; affidare a una 
 Giunta provvisoria I'incarico di preparare la riunione del 
 Congresso. 
 
 II Borbone dove fare di necessita virtii. Dove cedere. 
 Cos! il generale Pepe, che si trovava a Monteforte, il 9 
 
 luglio 1820 entro trionfalmente in Napoli. 
 
 E la sera stessa il poeta Gabriele Rossetti ^ cantava: 
 
 Giungesti alfin, giungesti, 
 o sospirato giorno! 
 Tutto ci brilla intorno 
 di nuova ilarita. 
 Redenzion di patria 
 in ogni fronte e scolta. 
 Non sogno questa volta, 
 non sogno liberta! 
 
 II 13 luglio 1820, nella cappella privata della reggia, alia 
 presenza del Pepe, della Giunta provvisoria, dei ministri 
 e dei dignitari di Corte, Ferdinando I giuro solennemente la 
 Costituzione, pronunziando un enfatico discorso che termi- 
 nava cosi: 
 
 Onnipotente Iddio, che con lo sguardo infinite leggi neU'anima 
 e neH'avvenire, se io mento, o se dovro mancare al mio giura- 
 mento, tu in questo istante dirigi sul mio capo i fulmini della tua 
 vendetta. 
 
 La commozione fu generale. Gabriele Rossetti, che 
 
 ^Gabriele Rossetti — nato a Vasto (Abruzzi) nel 1783, morto a Londra nel 
 1854 — fu il padre di Carlo Dante Gabriele Rossetti, il celebre poeta e pittore 
 inglese, fondatore della Scuola prerafaellistica.
 
 GLI AUSTRIACI A NAPOLI (1821) 367 
 
 aveva cantato in versi la Costituzione "promessa", saluto 
 anche la Costituzione "giurata" con un inno profetico 
 esprimente tutt'altro che fiducia nel giuramento del re 
 borbonico, come si puo vedere dalla strofa ch'io qui riporto: 
 
 Cittadini, posiamo sicuri 
 
 sotto I'ombra dei lauri mietuti; 
 ma coi pugni sui brandi temuti 
 stiamo in guardia del patrio terren. 
 
 Nella pace prepara la guerra 
 
 chi da saggio previene lo stolto; 
 ci sorrida la pace sul volto, 
 ma ci frema la guerra nel sen. 
 
 Gli avvenimenti di Napoli, intanto, avevano preoccupato 
 non poco le teste coronate d'Europa. Francesco I impera- 
 tore d'Austria e i suoi colleghi di Russia e di Prussia, nel 
 mese d'ottobre del 1820 si riunirono a Troppau, citta della 
 Slesia, per discutere intorno alia grave situazione. Non 
 tardarono a intendersi tra loro e a stabilire il da fare. In- 
 giunsero a Ferdinando I d'abrogare subito, "possibilmente 
 con mezzi conciliativi", la Costituzione da lui promul- 
 gata. 
 
 Ferdinando I fece sapere che la cosa non era possibile 
 **con mezzi conciliativi". 
 
 Allora i tre monarchi s'unirono di bel novo nel mese 
 di dicembre 1820 a Lubiana, capitale della Carniola, e 
 questa volta insieme coi rappresentanti delle altre Potenze 
 europee, "per rimediare (cosi dichiaro il principe Metter- 
 nich, primo ministro austriaco) alle condizioni interne del 
 Regno di Napoli'*. 
 
 II Borbone scrisse loro "di soppiatto", pregandoli di 
 chiamarlo al Congresso, dove avrebbe reso conto del suo 
 operate e suggeriti i mezzi piii efficaci per reprimerc lo spirito 
 liberale dei Napoletani. 
 
 Fu chiamato. E siccome la Costituzione da lui promul- 
 gata gl'inibiva d'allontanarsi dal regno senza il permesso del 
 Parlamento, egli dove giurare che, recandosi a Lubiana, 
 avrebbe perorato la causa del popolo. Disse: "Difendero 
 nel Congresso i fatti del passato luglio; vorro fermamente
 
 368 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 per il mio regno la Costituzione; domandero la pace. Cosi 
 richiedendo la coscienza e I'onore". 
 
 Questo giuramento frutto a Ferdinando I la bramata 
 autorizzazione. Prima di partire, egli nomino suo figlio 
 Francesco reggente del trono, col titolo di vicario. Ma 
 giunto a Lubiana, s'affretto a confessare che solo la violenza 
 gli aveva strappato la Costituzione; che considerava nulli 
 gli obblighi assunti verso i rivoluzionari; che I'occupazione 
 militate del regno era I'unico mezzo capace di ripristinare e 
 consolidare la sovranita assoluta della monarchia. 
 
 Gli unti del Signore ascoltarono e approvarono. E, in 
 data 9 febbraio 1821, ordinarono, per mezzo del loro Met- 
 ternich che amava glTtaliani come il fumo negli occhi, 
 I'immediato e pieno ristabihmento del governo borbonico 
 neiritalia Meridionale. 
 
 II Parlamento napoletano rispose deliberando la guerra. 
 Un esercito austriaco non tardo ad apparire suUa frontiera. 
 
 Gabriele Rossetti incite I'ltalia a insorgere tutta contro 
 i nemici invasori. 
 
 Sorgi! Che tardi ancora? 
 
 Tu dormi, Italia? Ah no! 
 
 Di liberta Taurora 
 
 sui colli tuoi spunto. 
 Sorgi, e raffrena il corso 
 
 d'esercito invasor. 
 
 O schiava dei tuoi schiavi, 
 
 fosti regina un di! 
 Snuda I'acciar da forte, 
 
 ricingi I'elmo al crin; 
 
 sorgi: tra vita e morte 
 
 qui pende il tuo destin! 
 
 Ma grazie ai tradimenti del principe vicario, a cui i 
 Napoletani avevano ingenuamente affidato la direzione della 
 guerra, i soldati austriaci non incontrarono che poca resi- 
 stenza. Essi facilmente poterono entrare nella citta il 13 
 marzo 1821, e riconsegnare pomposamente a Ferdinando I lo 
 scettro del dispotismo. 
 
 II re spergiuro se ne valse subito, sfogando borbonica- 
 mente le sue basse vendette. Per mezzo di giudici compia-
 
 GLI AUSTRIACI NEL PIEMONTE (1821) 369 
 
 centi servili abietti, egli condanno i migliori cittadini a 
 morte, alia galera, all'esilio. Confisco loro i beni. Sciolse 
 I'esercito. Affido la difesa del trono a parecchi battaglioni 
 di mercenari svizzeri e a 35,000 soldati austriaci. 
 
 Grimprovvisati birri stranieri compirono I'opera nefasta 
 del tiranno, commettendo soverchierie, villanie, brutture 
 orribili. Ferdinando I li mantenne nel Regno delle Due 
 Sicilie fino a ch'egli, un bel giorno del 1825, non se n'ando, 
 esecrato da tutti, all'altro mondo. 
 
 II suo successore Francesco I, quantunque piu grossolano 
 bestiale feroce, non pote sopportarli a lungo. Eran di troppo 
 peso. Avevano dissanguato I'erario e per conseguenza il 
 popolo. Dove quindi rassegnarsi a mandarli via, confortato 
 dalla speranza ch'essi sarebbero ritornati alle prime nuove 
 pazzie dei Carbonari. 
 
 IV 
 
 La rivoluzione del 1821 nel Piemonte. L' Austria, con 
 la forza bruta dei suoi soldati, impone la tirannide dei 
 Savoia ai patriot! italiani lottanti per la liberta, Perse- 
 cuzioni e condanne. 
 
 L'esempio dei Carbonari napoletani fu seguito dai con- 
 fratelli piemontesi. 
 
 Nel gennaio 1821 gli studenti dell'Universita di Torino si 
 fregiarono i petti con le coccarde della Costituzione di 
 Napoli, e improvvisarono nelle vie della citta una dimostra- 
 zione inneggiante alia liberta. 
 
 La polizia aggredi i dimostranti, tutti giovani inermi, li 
 malmeno, li costrinse a ritirarsi. 
 
 Siffatta coercizione, anziche frenare, eccito maggiormente 
 gli animi. 
 
 La dimostrazione si ripete a Torino e in altre citta del 
 Piemonte, e assunse carattere spiccatamente rivoluzionario 
 ad Alessandria, ove i cittadini e i soldati insorsero (10 marzo 
 1821) gridando: *'Viva I'ltalia! Viva la Costituzione!" 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele I di Savoia, re di Sardegna, Piemonte 
 e Liguria, "nemico delle idee liberali", piuttosto che cedere,
 
 370 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 prefer! abdicare (13 marzo 1821) in favore di suo fratello 
 Carlo Felice che in quei giorni si trovava a Modena, affidando 
 provvisoriamente la reggenza del trono al principe cadetto 
 Carlo Alberto di Savoia-Carignano. Costui, incalzato dagli 
 avvenimenti, la sera del 13 marzo 1821 promulgo la Costitu- 
 zione; creo un ministero d'occasione con a capo il conte 
 Santorre di Santarosa ch'era stato il deux ex machina della 
 rivoluzione; promise di mantenere, e all'occorrenza difendere, 
 tutte le concessioni fatte. 
 
 Ma Carlo Felice, nemico acerrimo, peggio del fratello, 
 d'ogni liberta, appena saputa la cosa, monto in furia; lancio 
 da Modena un energico proclama, col quale dichiaro nulla la 
 concessa Costituzione; comando a Carlo Alberto di dimetter- 
 si immediatamente da reggente e recarsi a Novara, dove, 
 sotto gli ordini del generale Sallier della Torre, si sarebbero 
 adunate le milizie rimaste fedeli alia monarchia assoluta. 
 
 II principe cadetto obbedi. E i Carbonari, che aspetta- 
 vano da lui un atto di resistenza contro la dispotica imposi- 
 zione del nuovo re, lo gridaron traditore. 
 
 Un esercito di 30,000 uomini, in gran parte austriaci, 
 invase il Piemonte, sgomino i costituzionali, ristabili il 
 reazionario governo dei Savoia. 
 
 Carlo Felice, scimmiottando il Borbone di Napoli, si 
 diede a perseguitare spietatamente i fautori della Costitu- 
 zione. Due tribunali partigiani, da lui espressamente isti- 
 tuiti (uno per i civili, I'altro per i militari), condannarono 
 piij di mille persone a pene gravissime. 
 
 Santorre di Santarosa si salvo con la fuga. Egli mori 
 quattr'anni dopo a Sfacteria, combattendo generosamente 
 per I'indipendenza della Grecia. 
 
 Carlo Alberto, invece, se n'ando dapprima in Toscana, 
 poi in Ispagna, dove si schiero contro il popolo che, come 
 I'italiano, tentava sottrarsi al giogo della servitii. Ivi prese 
 parte aU'assalto del Trocadero (con la caduta di questa 
 fortezza, rimase schiacciata anche la Costituzione spagnola); 
 vi si distinse molto; ricntro cosi nelle buone grazie di Carlo 
 Felice. 
 
 L'occupazione del Piemonte, intanto, da parte delle 
 truppe austriache chiamate dai Savoia, duro fino al settem-
 
 GLI AUSTRIACI NEL LOMBARDO-VENETO (1821) 371 
 
 bre del 1823 e costo al pubblico erario, vale a dire alia povera 
 gente, la considerevole somma di diciotto milioni di lire; 
 senza contare le angherie, le estorsioni, le umiliazioni a cui la 
 depravata soldataglia imperiale sottopose privatamente i 
 cittadini che s'erano resi colpevoli soltanto d'avere amato e 
 desiderate la liberta. 
 
 V 
 
 L' Austria, con la forza bruta del suoi soldati, impone 
 la propria tirannide ai patrioti italiani del Lombardo- 
 Veneto lottanti per la liberta. Persecuzioni e condanne 
 (1820-1821). 
 
 Se I'Austria infieriva tanto barbaramente contro gl'Ita- 
 liani soggetti ai tiranni e ai tirannelli ch'essa semplicemente 
 proteggeva, e facile immaginare com'ella infierisse contro 
 gl'Italiani che il Iosco trattato di Vienna aveva gettato nelle 
 unghie rapaci dell'aquila bicipite. 
 
 I Carbonari del Lombardo-Veneto avevano fin dal 181 8 
 fondato a Milano un giornale intitolato II Conciliatore. Ne 
 era direttore Silvio Pellico, scrittore garbato, educatore 
 d'alti sensi morali, patriota gentile e forte. 
 
 Lo scopo apparente del detto giornale era quello di 
 "conciliare, nel campo letterario, non i leali coi falsi, ma 
 tutti i sinceri amatori del vero"; lo scopo recondito era quello 
 d'additare agl'Italiani la via della redenzione. 
 
 I conti, pero, erano stati fatti senza I'oste. II governo 
 austriaco (I'oste) aveva nel Lombardo-Veneto, oltre agli 
 enormi contingenti di truppe armate fino ai denti, uno 
 speciale servizio di polizia in cui predominavano — per 
 numero, per furberia, per malvagita — gli agenti segreti e le 
 spie d'ogni specie. 
 
 Esso, dunque — il governo austriaco — non tardo a 
 conoscere "quello che si celava entro le questioni letterarie 
 del Conciliatore". II 3 settembre 18 19 ne proibi la pubbli- 
 cazione. Poi si mise a molestare odiosamente i fondatori, i 
 redattori, tutti i cuori nobili, tutti i grandi ingegni che 
 avevano avuto, o ch'erano sospettati d'avere avuto, un
 
 372 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 qualche *interesse, una qualche relazione col soppresso 
 giornale. 
 
 Intanto scoppiava la rivoluzione napoletana. I Carbo- 
 nari del Lombardo-Veneto non potevano rimanere insensi- 
 bili. Palpitarono. Esultarono. I piu arditi espressero 
 apertamente la loro simpatia, la loro solidarieta per i fratelli 
 del Sud; tentarono financo imitarli. Ma furono rapidamente 
 soprafFatti dalla prevalente e prepotente forza dei domina- 
 tori. 
 
 Centinaia di cittadini, tra i quali lo stesso Pellico e molti 
 dei suoi amici, furono arrestati, svillaneggiati, vituperati. 
 Alcuni furono condannati a morte. Altri furono trascinati 
 in catene alio Spielberg, cupa fortezza della Moravia, e ivi 
 rinchiusi in luoghi angusti oscuri umidi luridi, e lasciati in 
 custodia di aguzzini ignoranti zotici ringhiosi aggressivi come 
 cani mastini. Altri fuggirono in terre libere e ospitali. 
 
 II poeta Giovanni Berchet, ch'era stato uno dei piii 
 brillanti collaboratori del Conciliatore e uno dei piii ardenti 
 cospitarori, melanconicamente esclamava daU'esilio: 
 
 Sono immensi i guai d'ltalia, 
 inesausto e il sue dolor! 
 
 Liberta voile; ma, stolta, 
 
 crede ai prencij e oso commettere 
 
 ai lor giuri il suo voler. 
 
 I suoi prenci Than travolta, 
 
 Than ricinta di perfidie, 
 
 Than venduta alio stranier. 
 
 Son disciolte le sue schiere; 
 £ compresso il labbro ai savi, 
 stretto in ferri ai giusti il pie! 
 
 Dopo un certo tempo, i rinchiusi nello Spielberg ebbero 
 commutata la pena di morte in quella del carcere per la 
 durata di dieci, quindici, venti anni ciascuno. Le torture 
 che vi sofFrirono con invitta rassegnazione furono descritte 
 "senz'odio" dal Pellico nel suo mirabile libro Le mie prigioniy 
 che costo all'Austria I'esecrazione del mondo, mentre alle
 
 GLI AUSTRIACI NELL'EMILIA (1831) 373 
 
 vittime della di lei tirannide frutto rimmortale qualifica- 
 zione di "martiri del Risorgimento Italiano". 
 
 VI 
 
 Le rivoluzioni del 1831 nel Ducato di Modena e Reggio 
 e nello Stato Romano. L' Austria, con la forza bruta dei 
 suoi soldati, impone la tirannide d'un suo principe e la 
 tirannide papale ai patrioti italiani lottanti per la liberta. 
 Persecuzioni e condanne. 
 
 La reazione infurio per dieci anni. Ma essa non pote 
 spegnere il fervore di liberta che agitava i vulcanici petti 
 degl'Italiani. 
 
 Schiacciata nel sud e nel nord, la rivoluzione scoppiava 
 nel centre della penisola. Giro Menotti, patriota di nobili e 
 fermi proponimenti, era riuscito, con I'ausilio d'animosi e 
 fidi compagni, a prepararla nel Ducato di Modena e Reggio, 
 dove I'austriaco Francesco IV tiranneggiava tanto barbara- 
 mente, da inchiodare con ceppi e collari di ferro i prigionieri 
 politici su tavolati di sotterranei resi micidiali dalla infiltra- 
 zione delle acque. 
 
 La rivoluzione, nel detto Stato, doveva scoppiare tra il 
 4 e il 5 febbraio 1831, Ma il 3 febbraio 1831 la polizia ducale, 
 messa sull'avviso dalle spie, comincio ad arrestare alcuni 
 cittadini sospetti. 
 
 Giro Menotti comprese che non c'era tempo da perdere. 
 Bisognava agire sollecitamente ed energicamente. La sera 
 stessa del 3 febbraio 183 1 egli riuni in casa sua i capi congiu- 
 rati, e con essi s'accingeva all'arduo cimento. Ma piombava 
 airimprovviso I'austriaco Francesco IV al comando di 
 ottocento soldati e due batterie. 
 
 La casa fu circondata, fucilata, cannoneggiata. I congiu- 
 rati si difesero eroicamente, lungamente. Alfine, il numero 
 e I'armi del tiranno ebbero il sopravvento. 
 
 Giro Menotti, ferito, grondante sangue, fu fatto prigio- 
 niero insieme coi suoi compagni. 
 
 L'austriaco Francesco IV, pazzo di gioia per la vittoria
 
 374 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 riportata, spediva, rindomani, con una staffetta speciale, 
 al governatore di Reggio, la seguente lettera: 
 
 Questa notte e scoppiata la rivoluzione. Mandatemi il boia. 
 
 Francesco. 
 
 Laconismo cinico, mostrante I'idiotica pravita deiruomo 
 che pure i potentati d'Europa avevano creduto degno di 
 governare un popolo come I'italiano! 
 
 Nel frattempo era scoppiata la rivoluzione anche a 
 Bologna. La folia aveva staccato dal palazzo governativo 
 e frantumato lo stemma pontificio, sostituendolo con la 
 bandiera italiana bianca, rossa e verde; aveva scacciato dalla 
 citta il rappresentante della santa sede, dichiarando abolito 
 il potere temporale dei papi; aveva nominato una commis- 
 sione provvisoria, coU'incarico d'annunziare e preparare 
 le elezioni politiche e formare un governo costituzionale 
 definitivo. 
 
 L'impeto veemente della dotta Bologna era stato seguito 
 in un lampo da altre citta dell'Italia Centrale. La Romagna, 
 le Marche, I'Umbria si proclamarono libere. 
 
 L'austriaco Francesco IV ebbe paura; non si senti piii 
 sicuro a Modena; fuggi accompagnato da uno stuolo di birri 
 e dal boia e trascinando seco, in catene, Ciro Menotti "come 
 ostaggio"; riparo a Mantova, citta appartenente al Lom- 
 bardo-Veneto e, per conseguenza, aU'Austria, dove si mise 
 sotto la diretta protezione del cugino imperatore. 
 
 Verso i primi di marzo del 183 1, grossi eserciti austriaci 
 invasero il Ducato di Modena e Reggio e lo Stato Romano; 
 si scontrarono con i rivoluzionari, ch'erano, relativamente, 
 esigui di numero, male armati, peggio disciplinati; li bat- 
 terono senza sforzo; ripristinarono il potere dei tiranni. 
 
 L'austriaco Francesco IV pote rientrare nei suoi domini 
 il 9 marzo 183 1, covando, in cuor suo, infernali propositi di 
 vendetta. 
 
 Costitui infatti immediatamente un tribunale eccezio- 
 nale, incaricato di giudicare tutti coloro che a mano armata 
 *'o con occulte trame" avevano partecipato alia rivolta. 
 
 II primo ad essere condannato a morte fu Ciro Menotti. 
 II quale sub! con virile stoicismo I'estremo supplizio (I'impic-
 
 LA NUOVA COSCIENZA NAZIONALE 375 
 
 cagione) il 26 maggio 183 1 su un bastione della citta- 
 della. 
 
 Nello stesso giorno "pen di laccio" I'avvocato Vincenzo 
 Borelli, colpevole d'avere compilato I'atto che dichiarava 
 I'austriaco Francesco IV decaduto dal trono. 
 
 Piu di cinquecento patrioti, cascati nelle granfie del 
 suddetto tribunale, furono condannati quali a morte, quali 
 alia galera. E piu di mille trovarono scampo prendendo la 
 triste via dell'esilio. 
 
 Non meno crudele fu la sorte toccata ai rivoluzionari 
 dello Stato Romano. Gregorio XVI (Mauro Cappellari di 
 Belluno), papa cipiglioso, intransigente, nemico d'ogni 
 umana liberta, riempi le carceri d'illibati cittadini; "adopero 
 senza risparmio il carnefice", e, a sostegno della tirannide da 
 lui impersonata, mantenne nei suoi domini, vale a dire 
 nello Stato Romano, per ben sette anni e a spese dell'erario, 
 parecchie migliaia di soldati austriaci. I quali non manca- 
 rono di compiere le solite gesta. Piii orrende, anzi, per la 
 semplice ragione ch'essi — quei barbari impenitenti — erano 
 fanaticamente inebriati dalla certezza di combattere per 
 I'onore e la gloria d'un principe del loro paese e del vicario 
 di Dio in terra. 
 
 Cos! i'ltalia ricadde piu serva, piii vile, piu derisa di 
 prima sotto il bastone dei tiranni interni ed esterni. 
 
 Cosi la Carboneria compiva nel campo attivo, infelice- 
 mente ma fecondamente, il suo nobile ciclo storico. 
 
 VII 
 
 Mazzini, Gioberti e altri grandi Italiani, con il loro 
 apostolato di pensiero e azione, formano la nuova 
 coscienza nazionale e obbligano i tiranni e i tirannelli 
 d'ltalia a concedere i benefizi della liberta ai popoli 
 oppressi. Solo 1' Austria, sprezzante e sfidante, s'ostina 
 a opprimere, con sempre maggiore crudelta, gl'Italiani 
 del Lombardo-Veneto. 
 
 Ma non indarno la magica parola liberta era echeggiata 
 alta e sonora per le rive del Tirreno, dell'Ionio, dell'Adriatico 
 e per le cime degli Apennini e dell'Alpi, risvegliando, inci- 
 tando, entusiasmando.
 
 376 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 Non indarno mlgliaia di spirit! eletti avevano sublime- 
 mente sofferto il martirio e afFrontata la morte per la 
 patria. 
 
 Dalle sacre rovine rivoluzionarie del 1820, 1821 e 183 1 
 sorgeva — nume possente, austero, solenne — Giuseppe 
 Mazzini col fatidico motto della Giovine Italia da lui fondata 
 a Marsiglia nel 1832: "Dio e Popolo, liberta, uguaglianza, 
 umanita, indipendenza, unita"; sorgevano Vincenzo Gio- 
 berti, Alessandro Manzoni, Cesare Balbo, Massimo D'Aze- 
 glio, Francesco Domenico Guerrazzi, Giovan Battista Nicco- 
 lini, Terenzio Mamiani, Antonio Rosmini, Giuseppe Giusti, 
 Gino Capponi, Cesare Cantii, Niccolo Tommaseo, Giuseppe 
 Montanelli, Federico Sclopis, Ignazio Petitti, Giacomo 
 Durando, Carlo Cattaneo, Giuseppe Ferrari, Daniele Manin, 
 Ruggiero Settimo, Camillo Benso di Cavour, Alessandro 
 Poerio, Giuseppe Garibaldi e molti altri — filosofi, poeti, 
 giuristi, economist!, statist!, storici, eroi — tutti filialmente 
 rivolti, con la viva luce delle loro menti, con i vivi palpiti 
 dei loro cuori, alia gran Madre. La quale si trovava ancora 
 nello stato miserando in cu! Giacomo Leopard! — il poeta 
 del dolore — I'aveva vista e scolpita, con folgoreggianti 
 rime, in uno dei suo! magnanimi deliri lirici: 
 
 O patria mia, vedo le mura e gli archi 
 E le colonne e i simulacri e Terme 
 Torri degli av! nostri, 
 Ma la gloria non vedo, 
 Non vedo il lauro e il ferro ond'eran carchi 
 I nostri padri antichi. Or fatta inerme, 
 Nuda la fronte e nudo il petto mostri. 
 Oime quante ferite, 
 
 Che lividor, che sangue! oh qual ti veggio, 
 Formosissima donna! lo chiedo al cielo 
 E al mondo: dite, dite, 
 Chi la ridusse a tale? E questo e peggio, 
 Che di catene ha carche ambe le braccia; 
 Si che sparte le chiome e senza velo 
 Siede in terra negletta e sconsolata, 
 Nascondendo la faccia 
 Tra le ginocchia, e piange. 
 Piangi, che ben ha! donde, Italia mia.
 
 LA NUOVA COSCIENZA NAZIONALE 377 
 
 Le gcnti a vincer nata 
 
 E nella fausta sorte e nella ria. 
 
 Se fosser gll occhi tuoi due fonti vive, 
 Mai non potrebbe il pianto 
 Adeguarsi al tuo danno ed alio scorno; 
 Che fosti donna, or sei povera ancella. 
 Chi di te parla o scrive, 
 Che, rimembrando il tuo passato vanto, 
 Non dica: gia fu grande, or non e quellal 
 Perche, perche? dov'e la forza antica, 
 Dove I'armi e il valore e la costanza? 
 Chi ti discinse il brando? 
 Chi ti tradi? qual arte o qual fatica 
 O qual tanta possanza 
 Valse a spogliarti il manto e I'auree bende? 
 Come cadesti e quando 
 Da tanta altezza in cosi basso loco? 
 Nessun pugna per te? Non ti difende 
 Nessun de' tuoi? L'armi, qua I'armi: io solo 
 Combattero, procombero sol io! 
 Dammi, o ciel, che sia foco 
 Agritalici petti il sangue mio. 
 
 Essi, i giganti sunnominati, sebbene discordi in alcuni 
 punti fondamentali delle loro idealita (Mazzini, per esempio, 
 voleva la repubblica con Roma capitale; Gioberti, la federa- 
 zione dei principi, con a capo il pontefice; qualche altro, la 
 monarchia con Carlo Alberto re), pur riuscirono, col loro 
 fervido e perseverante apostolato di pensiero e di azione, a 
 riaccendere la fade, a formare una nuova coscienza nazionale, 
 a spingere i tiranni sulla via delle riforme, ad affrettare 
 I'epopea della comune risurrezione. 
 
 Nel 1846 Giuseppe Giusti — il maggior poeta satirico del 
 secolo — sintetizzava il supremo desiderio degl'Italiani coi 
 seguenti versi: 
 
 Vogliam che ogni figlio d'Adamo 
 Conti per uomo, e non vogliam Tedeschi; 
 Vogliamo i Capi col capo; vogliamo 
 Leggi e Governi, e non vogliam Tedeschi. 
 
 Vogliamo, tutti, quanti siamo, 
 L'ltalia, Italia, e non vogliam Tedeschi;
 
 378 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 VogHam pagar di borsa e di cervello, 
 E non vogliam Tedeschi. 
 
 II i6 giugno dello stesso anno 1846, veniva eletto papa il 
 cardlnale Giovanni Mastai Ferretti, il quale assumeva il 
 nome di Pio IX e iniziava il suo regno amnistiando i condan- 
 nati politici, nominando segretario di Stato il cardinale Gizzi 
 ch'era in fama di liberale, mitigando i rigori della censura 
 preventiva sulla stampa, istituendo una Consulta di Stato in 
 cui ciascuna provincia aveva i suoi rappresentanti, permet- 
 tendo I'ordinamento della guardia civica, esclamando pubbli- 
 camente dalle logge vaticane: *'Gran Dio, benedite I'ltalia!" 
 
 La gioia dei patrioti fu immensa, come immenso fu lo 
 stupore deir Austria. II principe Metternich fu udito 
 bofonchiare: "Tutto mi sarei aspettato, fuorche un papa 
 liberale!" 
 
 Gli altri dominatori dovettero seguire I'esempio di Roma. 
 
 II re delle Due Sicilie, Ferdinando II (successo a Fran- 
 cesco I morto durante il 1830), soprannominato "re Bomba" 
 perche troppo bigotto sospettoso ingiusto feroce, tento re- 
 sistere; ma una generale rivolta dei Siciliani, i quali costi- 
 tuironoungovernoprovvisorio sottola presidenzadi Ruggiero 
 Settimo (gennaio 1848) e le sollevazioni di Salerno e di 
 Napoli, lo costrinsero il 10 febbraio 1848 a promulgare una 
 Costituzione rappresentativa. 
 
 La stessa cosa fecero Leopoldo granduca di Toscana (17 
 febbraio 1848) e Carlo Alberto (4 marzo 1848) ch'era suc- 
 cesso nel trono di Sardegna a Carlo Felice morto durante 
 il 1831. 
 
 Anche Pio IX, che da principio, a dire il vero, non 
 intendeva compromettersi tanto, dove alfine (14 marzo 
 1848), incalzato dagli avvenimenti, concedere una Costitu- 
 zione. 
 
 Solo gl'Italiani del Lombardo-Veneto non potevano 
 godere i benefici della liberta. Essi, anzi, erano trattati 
 peggio di prima. L'imperiale governo austriaco, per mezzo 
 dei suoi spietati agenti fiscali, li tartassava, li taglieggiava, 
 li scorticava; per mezzo dei suoi soldatacci di presidio (quasi 
 centomila), li intimidiva, li inviliva, li scherniva; per mezzo
 
 LE CINQUE GIORNATE DI MILANO 379 
 
 delle sue spie e dei suoi birri assoldati tra i piu brutti cefB 
 dei bassi fondi sociali, li insidiava, li difFamava, li gettava 
 senza scrupolo nelle adunche mani dei carnefici. 
 
 La vita, in quelle due disgraziate regioni italiane, era 
 diventata insopportabile. 
 
 VIII 
 
 Le rivoluzioni del 1848 in Italia. Milano insorge 
 contro la tiraimide austriaca e lotta epicamente per 
 cinque giorni. La soldataglia del feld-maresciallo 
 Radetzky (20,000 uomini di fanteria e di cavalleria con 60 
 cannoni da campo) fa strage d'innocenti : sotterra e arde 
 adulti e f anciulli vivi ; inchioda alle pareti bambini lattanti, 
 ne infilza alle baionette e li porta in giro come trofei; 
 oltraggia donne, le uccide, poi mozza e intasca le mani 
 inanellate dei cadaveri; ruba, insozza, massacra, 
 incendia, commette infiniti orrendissimi delitti. E il 
 popolo milanese — eroico e vittorioso — risponde con 
 civile generosita al male ricevuto. Venezia insorge 
 anch'essa, scaccia gli Austriaci oppressor! e ricostituisce 
 I'antica Repubblica di San Marco. 
 
 II 17 marzo 1848 alcuni cittadini milanesi si presentarono 
 al feld-maresciallo Giuseppe Venceslao Radetzky governa- 
 tore generale della Lombardia con pieni poteri civili e mili- 
 tari, per pregarlo di trattare piii umanamente il popolo; ma 
 furono accolti a fucilate, e molti uccisi, molti feriti, molti 
 trascinati in carcere. 
 
 La misura era colma: trabocco. Per la citta, la quale 
 allora non aveva che un perimetro di 12 chilometri e non 
 contava che 200,000 anime, corse un leonino fremito d'indi- 
 gnazione, foriero di tempesta. 
 
 II Radetzky vide I'addensarsi delle nubi, il balenar dei 
 lampi, I'oscuro pericolo che gli sovrastava; strinse le labbra, 
 corrugo la fronte, penso ai ripari. 
 
 Egli aveva in Milano ventiquattro battaglioni di fan- 
 teria e sei squadroni di cavalleria (20,000 uomini in tutto) 
 con sessanta cannoni da campo. Fece immediatamente
 
 380 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 chiudere e rigorosamente guardare le porte della citta, per 
 impedire che ai ribelli giungessero rinforzi dalla campagna; 
 riverso gran parte dell'esercito e pianto i cannoni di grosso 
 calibro nei quartieri centrali piu irrequieti; comando alia 
 cavalleria di perlustrare fuori e dentro le mura, sciogliere gli 
 assembramenti, frustrare ogni tentativo di dimostrazione; 
 dispose insomma le cose da par suo. 
 
 I Milanesi, dal canto loro, non se ne stettero con le mani 
 in mano. Lavorarono anch'essi alacremente. Nominarono, 
 prima di tutto, un Comitato di Guerra presieduto dal 
 mazziniano Carlo Cattaneo, uomo di bell'ingegno, probo 
 integro onesto, educato alia scuola dell'insigne filosofo Gian 
 Domenico Romagnosi che I'Austria aveva perseguitato nel 
 1821; poi — con pietre e legna, veicoli, botti, barili, sacchi 
 pieni di terra, porte, finestre, mobili, balle di cotone e altra 
 roba — costruirono in poche ore piii di 700 barricate; 
 s'armarono di vecchi schioppi (ai cittadini erano stati seque- 
 strati dal Radetzky i fucili di nuovo modello); brandirono 
 bastoni, tridenti, falci, accette, spiedi, coltelli, forchette. 
 E, all'alba del 18 marzo 1848, suonarono le campane a 
 stormo. 
 
 Rispose ben presto il rombo dei cannoni. 
 
 La guerra e, senza dubbio, la piii triste conseguenza 
 delle concitate passioni; e vita per vita; e carneficina. Ma 
 non sempre (la Storia insegna) il cuore dei combattenti 
 rimane chiuso a ogni senso d'umanita. 
 
 Nella lotta tra gli Austriaci e i Milanesi durata cinque 
 giorni (dal 18 al 22 marzo 1848), i primi — i soldati austriaci 
 — commisero, o, meglio, ripeterono con diabolica volutta 
 (maledetto vizio ereditario!) le efferatezze delle antiche orde 
 barbariche; i secondi — i Milanesi — , invece, compirono 
 atti d'eroismo in cui I'odio e il furore tacquero piii d'una 
 volta, per far posto alia compassione verso i nemici caduti. 
 
 Eccone le prove. 
 
 II 18 marzo 1848 (le ostilita erano appena incominciate; 
 gli animi, dunque, non erano ancora inaspriti in nessuna 
 delle due parti) alcuni manipoli di cavalleria austriaca, in 
 perlustrazione tra porta Tenaglia e porta Vercellina, s'im- 
 battono in tre carrozze trasportanti vecchi, donne e fanciulli,
 
 LE CINQUE GIORNATE DI MILANO 381 
 
 i quali tentano sottrarsi con la fuga alia bufera che sta per 
 imperversare sulla citta. I soldatacci s'avventano contro le 
 vetture, le fermano, frangono a sciabolate gli sportelli, 
 ammazzano un cocchiere, apostrofano gl'innocui fuggitivi, li 
 terrorizzano, li traducono al Castello "come fossero buona 
 cattura di guerra", e ivi li maltrattano, li trucidano, ne 
 bruciano i corpi. "Entratovi il sesto giorno (23 marzo 1848) 
 — cosi Salvatore Mazza — con un'onda di popolo per esplo- 
 rare, nel cortile di sinistra si presento uno spettacolo racca- 
 pricciante: tra un'informe congerie di ceneri e di rottami, 
 scernevansi le vestigia di tre carrozze, cerchioni e mozzi di 
 ruote, crani di cavalli, gambe e braccia umane staccate dai 
 busti, bruciacchiate, calpeste!" 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci irrompono in una casa alia 
 Cavalchina; mettono tutto a soqquadro; trovano timida- 
 mente nascosto con la propria famigliola un giovane ragio- 
 niere che non aveva avuto il coraggio di prendere parte all'in- 
 surrezione, e lo freddano con parecchie fucilate alia testa. 
 La moglie del disgraziato, fuori di se dal dolore, s'inginoc- 
 chia ai piedi dei carnefici e, singhiozzando, implora pieta 
 almeno per la bambina che le sta al petto. I vigliacchissimi, 
 per tutta risposta, sghignano satanicamente e scaricano i 
 loro fucili sul viso dell'innocente creaturina! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci penetrano nella canonica di 
 San Bartolomeo; vi manomettono ogni cosa; insultano e 
 fanno **prigionieri" tutti coloro che incontrano; sorprendono 
 in una cameretta il parroco che, solo silenzioso raccolto, sta 
 scrivendo una predica quaresimale per i suoi fedeli; lo 
 scherniscono bestemmiando; lo ghermiscono per il collo, lo 
 scotono, lo squassano, lo scaraventano al suolo, lo straziano 
 orrendamente con i calci dei fucili e le punte delle baionette! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci invadono il setificio Fortis; lo 
 rovistano, lo disordinano, lo scompigliano, guastano le mac- 
 chine, spezzano i telai, insudiciano e sbrindellano le stoffe, 
 ammazzano i lavoranti, passano negli appartamenti privati, 
 rompono i mobili, scassinano e rapinano gli scrigni pieni di 
 contante e di gioielli, ammazzano altre persone, scendono 
 nelle cantine, bucano le botti, trincano, s'ubriacano. E 
 quando la sera si ritirano, carichi del denaro e degli oggetti
 
 382 PARTE PRIAIA 
 
 preziosi rubati e con le facce, le mani, le monture coperte 
 dl polvere e intrise di sangue, i ladroni assassini non lasciano 
 alle loro spalle che mucchi di rovine e di cadaveri! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci il 19 marzo 1848 corrono, 
 spumanti di rabbia, in una casa dalla quale sospettano che 
 sieno state tirate alcune sassate contro di loro; imprecano, 
 strillano, schiamazzano, atterrano le porte, fracassano i 
 mobili, uccidono i primi innocenti che incontrano, dichiarano 
 "prigionieri" quelli che restano miracolosamente vivi, li 
 incatenano, li insultano, li precipitano dalle scale; poi abbat- 
 tono la porta d'un'attigua botteguccia da calzolaio, saltano 
 addosso a una povera vecchia ottuagenaria paralitica (la 
 madre del calzolazio) che sviene istantaneamente dalla 
 paura, la rotolano sul pavimento, la calpestano, la riducono 
 
 un cencio 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci, anche fuori Porta Tenaglia, 
 arrestano una diligenza diretta a Saronno, ammazzano i 
 cavalli e il cocchiere a colpi di fucile, trascinano i nove 
 passeggieri in un vicino orto e ivi li sotterrano vivi! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci, mentre commettono ogni sorta 
 di stragi nelle vie Sambuco e Scaldasole, s'introducono in 
 una casuccia, vi trovano un uomo mezzo infermo, lo tempe- 
 stano di pugni e dicalci, e poi lo crocifiggono con chiodi a una 
 parete! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci assalgono, tra il corso di Porta 
 Comasina e la via Santa Teresa, una casa nella quale si son 
 rifugiate cinque donne; la saccheggiano, I'incendiano, spin- 
 gono brutalmente nelle fiamme le tre donne piii anziane che 
 invano si dibattono per salvarsi, e le ardono vive; poi 
 afFerrano le due piu giovani, le legano con le braccia dietro le 
 spalle e, durante la notte, le trascinano al prossimo bastione, 
 le violentano turpemente, le appendono a un albero e, cosi 
 penzoloni, le tormentano con parolacce, risatacce, sputi sul 
 viso; le fucilano, le crivellano di ferite, tra rochi urrd di 
 trionfo! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci entrano nella casa di Giovanna 
 Piazza e in quella attigua della vedova Caravati, e scannano 
 il figlio e il fratello della prima e il figlio della seconda! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci entrano in un cortile del vicolo
 
 LE CINQUE GIORNATE DI MILANO 383 
 
 detto "Stretto Calasca", dove abitano parecchie famiglie 
 operaie; s'avventano "come orde di sfrenate belve sulle 
 prime persone che incontrano, e, senza riguardi di sorta a 
 vecchi, donne o fanciulli, e non ascoltando ne grida ne 
 preghiere, a calci, a pugni, a colpi d'ogni maniera, rovesciano 
 a terra tutti; poi afFerrano Giuseppe Gambaroni d'anni 58 
 ammogliato, Antonio Piatti d'anni 28 celibe e il sedicenne 
 Giuseppe Belloni, li trascinano in un orto vicino e ivi, da 
 uno all'altro — i soldatacci austriaci — se li gettano contro, 
 urtandoli e ricevendoli a colpi di sciabola e di baionetta", 
 mentre la moglie del Gambaroni e i genitori e le sorelle del 
 Piatti e del Belloni, piangendo, invocano invano miseri- 
 cordia. Infine, per aumentare il tormento dei tre disgraziati 
 e per meglio *'godere" dello spettacolo, vari ussari austria- 
 ci, appositamente scesi dai loro cavalli, e fanti del reggi- 
 mento Paumgarten, vanno in cerca di paglia, ritornano poco 
 dopo con alcuni pagliericci, buttano il contenuto di questi 
 addosso ai tre malcapitati cittadini, e vi appiccano il fuoco. 
 E allorquando i tormentati, agonizzanti, tentano con le loro 
 estreme forze di sfuggire al supplizio, i soldatacci austriaci, 
 urlando freneticamente, li rintuzzano nelle fiamme con le 
 punte delle loro baionette e costringono i parenti delle 
 vittime ad assistere all'orrenda scena! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci entrano in una casa, odono un 
 pargolo che vagisce, lo levano dalla cuUa, gli appoggiano 
 le manine al muro, I'inchiodano "come fosse un pipistrello 
 od altra bestia", e con un colpo di baionetta stendono morta 
 a terra la madre! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci infilzano alle loro baionette 
 inastate altri bambini lattanti, e li portano in giro come 
 trofei! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci mozzano bianche e leggiadre 
 mani di donne uccise, adorne di preziosi anelli, e se le 
 conservano in tasca! 
 
 Altri soldatacci austriaci trucidano e bruciano intere 
 famiglie di donne e di fanciulli, commettono altri orrendi 
 misfatti e non solo nella citta, ma anche nei sobborghi. 
 
 1 Croati — cosi una narrazione inviata il 10 aprile 1848 da 
 Milano a Venezia — infierirono, piii che sugli uomini, sulle donne
 
 384 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 e sui bambini. In una casa furono trovati tredici scannati, tra 
 i quali una madre con due bambini in braccio, uno dei quali senza 
 testa, Taltro con una baionetta confitta dal mento in su. Un 
 altro bambino fu spaccato per lungo, e i due pezzi furono inchiodati 
 alle muraglie. Un altro fu bagnato nell'acqua ragia e poi bruciato. 
 Una bambina fu infilzata pel dietro e portata sulla baionetta in 
 canna. A una donna fu cavato il cuore dal petto e poi cotto. 
 Un bimbo di 40 giorni fu fatto a bocconi e cotto anch'esso.^ 
 
 Quanta difFerenza dalla parte opposta, degna del latin 
 sangue gentile! 
 
 II seguente episodic (potrei narrarne molti, ma non lo 
 faccio per amore di brevita e per ragioni di delicatezza 
 facili a comprendersi) bastera da solo a dare un'idea della 
 civile generosita con la quale il popolo milanese corrispose al 
 male ricevuto. 
 
 I poliziotti, fin dall'inizio delle ostilita, avevano degna- 
 mente coadiuvato nelle gesta criminose i soldatacci austriaci. 
 Ma una notte, mentre essi — i poliziotti — dalle finestre dei 
 loro uffizi central! "godevano" a sparare e ucciderele persone 
 che passavano per le adiacenti vie, furono avvisati che 
 gl'insorti stavano per arrivare, forti impetuosi vittoriosi. 
 Gli sgherri impallidirono, tremarono, se la diedero a gambe 
 come lepri e, nel fuggi fuggi, dimenticarono di chiamare il 
 loro capo — un certo Bolza — che s'era ritirato in una stanza 
 attigua per mangiare e poi dormire. 
 
 Questo Bolza — **un oriundo villano, piccolo adiposo 
 deforme, che sentiva dello scimio e della tigre" — era state 
 per lunghi anni il piii fido e zelante cagnotto dell'Austria e, 
 come tale, il terrore della Lombardia. Egli aveva fatto 
 malvagiamente condannare centinaia di patriot! a morte, 
 alia galera, all'esilio; aveva crudelmente gettato centinaia 
 di famiglie nel lutto e nella miseria. L'imperatore Francesco 
 I, per siffatti servigi, I'aveva nominate conte. Ma il popolo 
 lo detestava, I'esecrava. 
 
 Al clamore degl'insorti invadenti gli uffici polizieschi 
 acclamando all'Italia, il ribaldo, che stava saporitamente 
 
 * Vedere, per queste incredibili mostruosita, i documenti conservati negli 
 Archivl di Milano, i rapporti consolari, i giornali e gli opuscoli del tempo, nonche 
 Le Cinque Giornate dello stesso Carlo Cattaneo e di altri autorevoli storici.
 
 LE CINQUE GIORNATE DI MILANO 385 
 
 sonnecchiando e russando, trasali, allividi, afflosci; ma non 
 perse tempo: raccatto e intasco i rimasuglioli della cena con- 
 sistent! in un po'di pane e cacio (le anime di fango hanno 
 sempre vivo e pronto I'istinto animalesco della propria 
 conservazione), e corse a nascondersi sotto un mucchio di 
 paglia. Fu subito scoperto e tratto fuori. Era sudicio, 
 Aveva gli occhi stralunati. Batteva i denti. Bofonchiava. 
 Si chiamava in colpa. Impetrava la grazia d'essere lasciato 
 vivo, promettendo, in cambio, rivelazioni della massima 
 importanza. Faceva schifo! 
 
 Gl'insorti rumoreggiavano. I piu focosi volevano, sen- 
 z'altro, sbranare I'aguzzino. I piii calmi s'opposero. Allora 
 si mando per consiglio a Carlo Cattaneo. II quale rispose 
 con queste divine parole: "Se I'ammazzate, fate una cosa 
 non giusta; se non I'ammazzate, fate una cosa santa". I 
 membri del Consiglio di Guerra — Enrico Cernuschi, 
 Giulio Terzaghi e Giorgio Clerici — s'afFrettarono a confer- 
 mare e corroborare la sentenza del loro magnanimo presi- 
 dente, pubblicando e difFondendo il seguente manifesto: 
 
 Prodi cittadini! Conserviamo pura la nostra vittoria. Non 
 discendiamo a vendicarci nel sangue di quei miserabili satelliti che 
 il potere fuggitivo lascia nelle nostra mani. £ vero che, per 
 trent'anni, essi furono il flagello delle nostre famiglie. Ma voi 
 siete generosi come siete prodi. Puniteli col vostro disprezzo! 
 
 II 22 marzo 1848 le truppe austriache fuggono davvero, 
 sconfitte, "portandosi in ostaggio parecchi cittadini legati 
 innanzi alle bocche dei cannoni con le micce accese!" 
 
 L'umiliante tirannia dei barbari in Italia e finita. Le 
 duecento campane della superba metropoli lombarda sonano 
 a festa. La bandiera nazionale bianca, rossa e verde sventola 
 trionfante e gloriosa sui pinnacoli del Duomo, sulle logge dei 
 pubblici edifizi, ai balconi e alle finestre delle case private. 
 I cittadini corrono per le vie e per le piazze, piangendo, 
 ridendo. abbracciandosi, baciandosi, gridando: "Viva la 
 liberta! Viva I'ltalial" 
 
 Subito dopo, il vice console inglese a Milano, Roberto 
 Campbell, mandava a lord Palmerston una dettagliata 
 relazione dei fatti. Dopo la descrizione delle atrocita
 
 3S6 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 commesse dai soldati austriaci e degli atti di grandezza 
 d'animo compiuti dal popolo milanese, la detta relazione 
 chiudeva cosi: 
 
 Per ora e impossibile dare, in alcuna guisa, il numero appros- 
 simativo dei morti e dei feriti nei combattimenti di questi cinque 
 giorni. Per efFetto dei rigorosi ordini e del buon sistema del 
 Governo Provvisorio (titolo ora assunto dal Municipio), regna 
 qui la pill perfetta tranquillita. Come si poteva aspettare, 
 I'esuberante gaudio della riportata vittoria rese i Milanesi quasi 
 deliranti. Ma non si commise eccesso di veruna sorta. 
 
 E V Allgemeine Zeitung del 2 aprile 1848 pubblicava la 
 seguente lettera inviatale da un suo speciale corrispondente 
 tedesco da Milano il 28 marzo 1848: 
 
 Un tremendo cannoneggiamento coperse la ritirata austriaca, 
 alia quale non si pote porre ostacolo. AUora finalmente divenne 
 possibile riconoscere alquanto dappresso tutte le crudelta che le 
 truppe austriache eransi permesse. Nei rioni si rinvennero intere 
 famiglie di vecchi, donne, fanciuUi e lattanti orribilmente trucidati 
 e mutilati. Dei cittadini incarcerati dagli Austriaci nei Castello, 
 alcuni erano stati fucilati, altri condotti via in ostaggio. Ovunque 
 si guardasse, si vedeva sangue. Ovunque si era saccheggiato e 
 incendiato. Parecchi ragguagli di queste scelleratezze mi stanno 
 sott'occbi; la mia penna rifugge dall'annoverarle. M'e piii caro 
 in cio rimanermi al di sotto del vero, per passare all'opposta parte, 
 onde mi viene un dolce conforto. Grande e sublime fu la con- 
 dotta dei Lombardi; le prime vittorie furono da loro conseguite 
 senz'armi; fu necessario sveller queste dalle mani del nemico, ed 
 essi — i Lombardi — I'osarono e lo compirono. Onore al loro 
 coraggio! Grande e sublime fu il modo in che essi usarono la 
 vittoria; questa non fu macchiata da un solo atto di vendetta; 
 tutti gli Austriaci feriti vennero dai Lombardi medicati e assistiti 
 come fratelli; tutti i prigionieri furono accuratamente, ma con la 
 piu grande indulgenza, custoditi; essi non mancano di nulla. 
 E, per dire tutto, I'essere piu aborrito in Milano, il commissario di 
 polizia — Bolza — che fu preso, ebbe salva la vita. 
 
 I Lombardi aggiunsero al disprezzo della morte, durante il 
 combattimento, una sublime magnanimita. La Storia, che tutto 
 giudica, ne tramandera memoria ai posteri. 
 
 Anche i Veneziani erano insorti.
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1848 387 
 
 Essi avevano presentata al governatore austriaco una 
 domanda di riforme firmata dallo statista Daniele Manin e 
 dal letterato Niccolo Tommaseo\ uomini di rare virtu civili 
 e morali, assai stimati dal popolo. 
 
 Ma il governatore aveva risposto facendo arrestare e 
 chiudere nelle buie segrete dei Piombiy e minacciare di grave 
 pena, i due "audaci" firmatari. 
 
 Allora i cittadini avvamparono di sdegno, invasero 
 I'arsenale, si fornirono d'armi e munizioni, corsero ruggendo 
 alle carceri, atterrarono le porte, presero i due chiari patrioti, 
 se li caricarono sulle spalle, li portarono fuori in trionfo, 
 affrontarono le truppe degli oppressori, le costrinsero a 
 sgomberare in fretta e furia la citta, ricostituirono (22 marzo 
 1848) I'antica Repubblica di San Marco, nominando doge lo 
 stesso Manin e ministro della Pubblica Istruzione il Tomma- 
 seo, respirarono, finalmente, al pari dei fratelli lombardi, le 
 dolci aure della liberta. 
 
 IX 
 
 L'inno di Mameli. La prima guerra di liberazione. 
 Gl'Italiani sono sconfitti per colpa di Pio IX e del Borbone 
 delle Due Sicilie. Gli Austriaci nuovamente dominatori 
 della Lombardia (1848). 
 
 Scacciati da Milano, da Venezia e da altre citta del 
 Lombardo-Veneto, gli Austriaci si rifugiarono nelle fortifica- 
 zioni del quadrilatero Verona-Peschiera-Mantova-Legnago. 
 E ivi si preparavano alia rivincita ; si preparavano, cioe, a repri- 
 mere con nuove carneficine lo spirito politico d'indipendenza 
 e d'unita che scaldava gl'Italiani, rendendoli sempre piii 
 gagliardi attivi irresistibili. 
 
 Ma Carlo Alberto, pressato da ogni parte, accorre con un 
 esercito di 25,000 uomini in aiuto dei fratelli minacciati 
 ancora una volta dal prepotente imperialismo straniero. 
 E nel varcare il Ticino (ultimi di marzo 1848), egli invita i 
 
 ^Niccolo Tommaseo, insigne letterato, critico, educatore italiano di Sebenico 
 (Dalmazia), autore del Dizionario della Lingua Italiana, Nuovo Dizionario dei 
 Sinonimi, Dizionario Estetico, DeW Educazione e di molti altri important! lavori 
 (1802- I 874).
 
 388 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 principi degli altri Stati d'ltalia a voler partecipare con lui 
 alia guerra santa, mentre il poeta ventunenne Goffredo 
 Mameli infiamma gli animi col seguente inno fatidico: 
 
 Fratelli d'ltalia, 
 
 L'ltalia s'e desta; 
 deU'elmo di Scipio * 
 s'e cinta la testa; 
 dov'e la vittoria? 
 Le porga la chioma, 
 che schiava di Roma 
 Iddio la creo. 
 
 Stringiamci a coorte, 
 
 Siam pronti alia morte, 
 
 Italia chiamo. 
 
 Noi siamo da secoli 
 calpesti e derisi, 
 perche non siam popolo, 
 perche siam divisi; 
 raccolgaci un'unica 
 bandiera, una speme; 
 di fonderci insieme 
 gia I'ora suono. 
 
 Stringiamci a coorte, 
 
 siam pronti alia morte, 
 
 Italia chiamo. 
 
 Uniamoci, amiamoci, 
 I'unione e I'amore 
 rivelano ai popoli 
 le vie del Signore; 
 giuriamo far libero 
 il suolo natio; 
 uniti per Dio 
 chi vincer ci puo? 
 
 Stringiamci a coorte, 
 
 siam pronti alia morte, 
 
 Italia chiamo. 
 
 ^ Scipio: abbrevlazione di Scipione I'Jfricano, i! potentissimo guerriero 
 romano che vinse Annibale il Grande a Zama (202 avanti Cristo).
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1848 389 
 
 Dall'Alpe a Sicilia 
 
 ovunque e Legnano ^; 
 ogn'uom di Ferruccio ^ 
 ha il core, la mano; 
 i bimbi d'ltalia 
 si chiaman Balilla; 
 il suon d'ogni squilla 
 i Vespri ^ suono. 
 
 Stringiamci a coorte, 
 
 siam pronti alia morte, 
 
 Italia chiamo. 
 
 Son giunchi che piegano 
 le spade vendute; 
 gia I'aquila d'Austria 
 le penne ha perdute. 
 il sangue d'ltalia 
 e il sangue Polacco 
 beve col Cosacco 
 ma il cor le brucio. 
 
 Stringiamci a coorte, 
 
 siam pronti alia morte, 
 
 Italia chiamo. 
 
 La penisola diventa tutt'a un tratto un vulcano in 
 eruzione. Non s'ode che un grido: **Fuori gli Austriacil" 
 
 11 granduca Leopoldo di Toscana e costretto dall'entusia- 
 smo popolare a mandare ottomila uomini, tra regolari e 
 volontari, sui campi del settentrione. Pio IX e costretto a 
 mandarne diecimila. Ferdinando II delle Due Sicilie e 
 costretto a mandarne sedicimila al comando del generale 
 Guglielmo Pepe ritornato in Napoli dopo 27 anni d'esilio. 
 I potentati italiani minori sono costretti a mandarne 
 anch'essi in proporzione dei loro domini. 
 
 I partenti, coi petti fregiati di coccarde tricolori, cantano 
 I'inno di Mameli e altri inni bellici estemporanei esaltanti 
 
 ^ Nei pressi di Legnano, citta della Lombardia, gl'Italiani sbaragliarono 
 I'esercito di Federico Barbarossa il 29 maggio 1176. 
 
 * Francesco Ferruccio fu I'eroico difensore della Repubblica fiorentina contro 
 le armi dell'imperatore Carlo V e del papa Clemente VII nel 1530. 
 
 ^ L'insurrezione della Sicilia contro I'insolente signoria francese (nel pomeriggio 
 del 31 marzo 1282) passo nella Storia col nome di Vespri Siciliani.
 
 390 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 la patria ed esecranti il nemico. E le donne spargono fiorl 
 sui passi dei figli, dei fratelli, degli sposi; fanno auguri; 
 benedicono. 
 
 Si vincono i primi combattimenti. Si vince la battaglia 
 di Goito (30 maggio 1848). La sera stessa si prende la 
 piazza forte di Peschiera. La fortuna deH'armi arride 
 ovunque al buon diritto. La Lombardia e Venezia, nel 
 colmo della gioia, votano la loro annessione al Piemonte. 
 
 Ma questi fatti straordinari e imprevisti turbano i 
 tiranni. Pio IX s'afFretta a richiamare le sue truppe, col 
 pretesto ch'egli, nella qualita di capo della Chiesa, non pud 
 partecipare a una guerra tra Cristiani. II re delle Due 
 Sicilie abolisce la Costituzione, inferocisce contro i cittadini, 
 comanda anch'egli ai suoi soldati di ritornarsene immediata- 
 mente indietro. 
 
 I pusillanimi, disgraziatamente non pochi, obbediscono. 
 Invece il generale pontificio Giovanni Durando e il generate 
 Pepe, coi generosi rimasti fedeli alia causa nazionale, prose- 
 guono arditamente il loro cammino. 
 
 Non si puo pero evitare che la defezione del papa e del 
 Borbone produca nelle file dell'esercito liberatore una certa 
 demoralizzazione. 
 
 Radetzky ne profitta: e, spalleggiato dai generali Nugent 
 e Welden, giunti sui campi lombardi con numerose truppe di 
 rinforzo, prende I'ofFensiva, sconfigge gl'Italiani a Custoza, 
 (15 luglio 1848); rientra da burbanzoso conquistatore in 
 Milano (6 agosto 1848); obbliga Carlo Alberto a chiedere un 
 armistizio e a rivarcare il Ticino; impone di nuovo sulle 
 terre riconquistate il giogo della servitii. 
 
 Solo Venezia non e subito piegata a tanto danno. Essa 
 ricostituisce la Repubblica e riaffida il dogato a Manin. 
 
 II generale Pepe, con le "reliquie" dell'esercito meri- 
 dionale, si trincera entro i confini della Laguna, e s'accinge a 
 gloriosa difesa. 
 
 E i Viennesi, dopo una sanguinosa insurrezione, impongo- 
 no aH'imperatore Ferdinando I di cedere la corona al nipote 
 Francesco Giuseppe.
 
 VANDALISMI AUSTRIACI (1848) 391 
 
 X 
 
 I soldati austriaci, rientrati in Milano, s'abbandonano 
 a ogni sorta di rapine e vandalismi. II feld-maresciallo 
 Radetzky estorce " una taglia straordinaria di venti 
 milioni di lire a 185 nobili e cospicui cittadini" (1848). 
 
 A Milano il Radetzky annunzio subito d'avere accentrato 
 nelle sue mani tutti i poteri pubblici civili e militari; dichiaro 
 la citta in istato d'assedio; fece bastonare e fucilare quei 
 patrioti eminent! che non avevano avuto il tempo o I'accor- 
 tezza di mettersi in salvo; fece prendere a vergate persino 
 donne e fanciulli; commise, com'al solito, soverchierie, vi- 
 gliaccherie, delitti d'ogni sorta. 
 
 "Ristabilito cosi I'ordine", il barbaro maresciallo lascio 
 il campo libero alle sue truppe. 
 
 Queste si mostrarono degne del loro superiore. Ufficiali 
 e soldati, in maggior parte croati e boemi, occuparono le case 
 dei fuggiaschi, con preferenza quelle dei patrizi che s'erano 
 distinti piu degli altri nei giorni della rivoluzione: e le 
 soqquadrarono e arrafFarono dalle cantine alle soffitte; vi 
 smattonarono i pavimenti di marmo; fransero gli speech! e i 
 vasi; gettarono gli archivi nei cortili; lacerarono le tappezze- 
 rie; bruttarono i dipinti; fecero cucina nelle pinacoteche; 
 bruciarono mobili, libri, pergamene d'inestimabile pregio; 
 regalarono le vesti di seta e le biancherie di lino delle dame 
 alle male femmine che li seguivano; intascarono tutto cio che 
 poteva essere intascato; s'abbandonarono a saccheggi, a 
 vandalismi, ad orge piu che bestiali. E non eran sazi. 
 Volevan denaro. Penso il Radetzky ad estorcerlo, impo- 
 nendo una **taglia straordinaria di venti milioni di lire a 
 carico di nobili e cospicui cittadini", dopo ch'egli aveva 
 preteso dal popolo il pagamento di tributi raddoppiati e 
 cento altre gravezze. 
 
 Ho determinate — cosi comandava per iscritto il tirannico ma- 
 resciallo austriaco — che debbano essere sottoposti a contribuzione 
 straordinaria i membri del cessato Governo Provvisorio; quelli che 
 ebbero parte precipua nei vari cosidetti Comitati; colore che si
 
 392 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 posero alia testa della rlvoluzione e vi hanno concorso colla loro 
 opera e coi loro mezzi materiali o inteliettuali. 
 
 I designati furono 185. 
 
 La militaresca galanteria austriaca impose a una signora 
 — alia principessa Cristina di Belgioioso — la quota piii 
 alta: 8oo,cxx) lire. Seguirono immediatamente, con quote 
 poco minori, il duca Visconti di Mondrone, il conte Vitaliano 
 Borromeo e il duca Litta. La quota piu infima a carico dei 
 patrizi fu di 10,000 lire. I banchieri e i negozianti — come 
 i Milius, i Mondolfo, i Ponti, i Raymmi, i SeufFerheld — 
 dovettero pagare 50,000 lire ciascuno. E 300.000 lire dove 
 pagarle perfino I'Ospedale Maggiore! 
 
 Si puo immaginare lo stato miserando in cui si trovava 
 la sventurata metropoli lombarda negli ultimi mesi del 1848. 
 
 XI 
 
 L'insurrezione di Roma. E ucciso il primo ministro 
 pontificio Pellegrino Rossi. Pio IX fugge di notte a 
 Gaeta. Proclamazione della Repubblica Romana con a 
 capo Mazzini, Saffi e Armellini. La seconda guerra di 
 liberazione contro 1' Austria. Gl'Italiani sono sconfitti 
 per colpa dei loro comandanti. Carlo Alberto e costretto 
 ad abdicare in favore di suo figlio Vittorio Emanuele. 
 Gli Austriaci, rimbaldanziti, estendono la loro tirannide 
 sul Piemonte (1849). 
 
 Ma la sconfitta non iscoraggi gl'Italiani. Li rese anzi 
 piu arditi e alacri. Li ritempro. 
 
 A Roma il popolo insorse contro il governo retrogrado di 
 Pio IX che aveva tradito la causa nazionale; uccise (15 
 novembre 1848) il primo ministro Pellegrino Rossi che aveva 
 preparato I'arresto e I'espulsione dei piii noti agitatori 
 patriottici; obbligo lo stesso pontefice a lasciare di notte la 
 capitale e riparare a Gaeta, dove allora si trovava anche il re 
 delle Due Sicilie; elesse un'Assemblea Costituente, la quale, 
 dopo lunga e animata discussione, approve e pubblico (9 
 febbraio 1849) un decreto dichiarante il papato "decaduto
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1849 393 
 
 di dirltto e di fatto dal governo temporale dello Stato 
 Romano" e proclamante la Repubblica con a capo un 
 triumvirato composto di Mazzini, Aurelio Saffi e Carlo 
 Armellini (marzo 1849). 
 
 In Toscana il popolo fece reiterate dimostrazioni irreden- 
 tiste; obbligo il granduca Leopoldo a seguire il transfuga 
 vicario di Cristo nella sua corsa verso Gaeta; affido la cosa 
 pubblica a Guerrazzi, Giuseppe Montanelli e Giuseppe 
 Mazzoni. 
 
 Nelle altre parti della penisola il popolo era del pari 
 irrequieto; voleva novamente la guerra, la guerra ad ogni 
 costo, a tutt'oltranza. 
 
 Noi vogliamo la guerra, la guerra, 
 finche resti all'Italia un guerrier, 
 finche i raggi dell'italo sole 
 segnin Tombra d'un solo stranier. 
 
 {Arnaldo Fusinato) 
 finche sia schiavo un angolo 
 dell'itala contrada, 
 finche non sia I'ltalia 
 una dall'Alpi al mar. 
 
 {Go ff redo Mameli). 
 
 Carlo Alberto il 12 marzo 1849 dove disdire la tregua 
 concordata con gli Austriaci Tanno avanti; dove riprendere 
 le ostilita. 
 
 I novantamila Italiani ch'egli comandava erano forti, 
 generosi, entusiasti, pronti a qualunque sacrifizio per il bene 
 della patria. Scontratisi con I'esercito nemico, essi si batte- 
 rono con impeto e resistenza mirabili; ma furono vinti il 21 
 marzo 1849 a Mortara e il 23 marzo 1849 alia Bicocca presso 
 Novara, per I'inettitudine militare dello stesso re e degli 
 altri comandanti. Una vera catastrofe! 
 
 Carlo Alberto si vide forzato a chiedere, come nel 1848, 
 un armistizio. Ma le condizioni imposte dagli Austriaci 
 erano cosi onerose e disonorevoli, ch'egli non pote accettarle. 
 Allora non gli resto altro che abdicare. La sera, tardi, si 
 raccolse coi figli e coi generali superstiti sotto le mura della 
 fatale citta (Novara), e ivi fece il gran passo, pronunziando 
 le seguenti parole:
 
 394 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 Ho sempre fatto ogni mio possibile per la causa d* Italia. Mi 
 e dolorosissimo vedere fallite le mie speranze. Forse la mia 
 persona e il solo ostacolo ad ottenere dal nemico un equo accordo. 
 E siccome non vi e piu mezzo di continuare la guerra, cosi rinunzio 
 in questo istante la corona in favore di mio figlio Vittorio Emanuele, 
 nella lusinga ch'egli possa conseguire migliori patti e procurare al 
 paese una pace vantaggiosa. 
 
 A mezzanotte il vinto re, assumendo il nome di Conte di 
 Barge, partiva tristemente per I'esilio, accompagnato da un 
 solo servo. Si reco ad Oporto (Portogallo), dove moriquattro 
 mesi dopo in un convent© di gesuiti. 
 
 II giovane re Vittorio Emanuele II s'incontro immediata- 
 mente col Radetzky nel campo austriaco di Vignale. Egli 
 dove far buon viso a cattiva fortuna; dove, cioe, firmare un 
 armistizio, col quale s'obbligo di riconoscere nei vincitori il 
 diritto d'occupare militarmente la citta d'Alessandria e il 
 territorio compreso tra il Po, la Sesia e il Ticino; s'obbligo 
 di ritirare la flotta piemontese dalle acque dell'Adriatico 
 spedita al principio della guerra, cio che significava I'ab- 
 bandono completo di Venezia nelle mani del nemico; s'ob- 
 bligo di pagare — ed effettivamente pago a pace conclusa — 
 settantacinque milioni di lire come indennita di guerra. 
 
 Le catene furono cos! ribadite. II grifagno uccellaccio 
 degli Asburgo continue a divorare il cuore degl'Italiani, 
 proprio come I'avvoltoio del mitologico Prometeo! 
 
 XII 
 
 La " leonessa d'ltalia". I soldatacci austriaci a 
 Brescia " scagliano giu dalle finestre, contro le barricate 
 erette dai cittadini, teste di teneri fanciuUi divelte dai 
 busti, braccia di donne e carni umane abbrustolite", 
 e commettono altre incredibili scelleratezze. La tragica 
 vendetta d'un giovane bresciano arso vivo (1849). 
 
 Le prime notizie giunte nel Lombardo-Veneto fecero 
 credere che gli Austriaci, non gl'Italiani, erano stati sconfitti 
 a Novara il 23 marzo 1849. 
 
 Si puo immaginare I'esultanza dei patrioti.
 
 LA LEONESSA D'lTALIA (1849) 395 
 
 Quei di Brescia s'armarono, inneggiando alia vittoria, 
 e ingiunsero ai soldati austriaci di presidio (cinquecento in 
 tutto; gli altri erano andati alia guerra) di sgomberare subito 
 la terra che non era loro. 
 
 Gli Austriaci risposero mandando a chiedere in segreto 
 urgenti aiuti; poi si rinchiusero nel castello sovrastante alia 
 citta, che in antecedenza avevano riempito di vettovaglie e 
 munizioni, e da quell'alto propugnacolo cominciarono a 
 scaricare fucilate e cannonate. 
 
 I Bresciani non si sgomentarono; afFrontarono con animo 
 risuluto e con polso gagliardo la lotta; pugnarono con ardore 
 e valore persistenti; e gia stavano per avere il sopravvento, 
 quando piombarono da Verona i primi aiuti nemici: una 
 colonna di truppa con numerosa artiglieria al comando del 
 generale Nugent. Costui fece immediatamente sapere 
 ch'egli doveva entrare per amore o per forza nella citta. 
 "Meglio, dunque, che i ribelli distruggessero le barricate 
 erette, deponessero le armi, s'arrendessero a discrezione". 
 Egli dava quattr'ore di tempo per la risposta, "mentre a 
 stento frenava i soldati, e per misericordia faceva tacere i 
 cannoni". 
 
 A sifFatta tracotanza, i cittadini arsero di sdegno e gri- 
 darono procellosamente: **Si resista! Piuttosto che cedere, 
 preferiamo perire tutti sotto le rovine della nostra patria!" 
 
 Nugent die principio all'attacco. Egli si riprometteva di 
 schiacciare in un batter d'occhio gli "audaci sudditi". Ma, 
 invece, rimase schiacciato lui, cadendo trafitto in uno 
 scontro. Fu subito rimpiazzato dal generale Haynan — una 
 belva — con altre truppe di rinforzo. 
 
 II nuovo comandante aggravo le intimazioni e le minacce 
 del collega morto. 
 
 I Bresciani, irremovibili, risposero: "Liberta o morte!" 
 Scoppio subito sulla citta una tempesta di ferro e di 
 fuoco. Ne segui una strage di case e d'abitanti. 
 
 Ma i difensori non si spaventarono, non si smarrirono; 
 sentirono invece sorgere e vibrare in ogni fibra dell'esser loro 
 una potenza sempre piu invitta; diventarono giganti; 
 batterono piu volte gli assalitori; compirono prodigi degni 
 d'epopea. "Anche le donne si mostrarono virilmente ardi-
 
 396 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 mentose; fra esse, due sorelle di onorata famiglia, piu che di 
 guerriere rendevano immagine di martiri cristiane". 
 
 II dispetto rodeva gli Austriaci. L'orgoglio militaresco, 
 di cui erano gonfi, non poteva sopportare piii a lungo la 
 fiera resistenza dei cittadini ch'essi consideravano "un 
 branco di pecore". La mattina del i° aprile 1849 effettua- 
 rono, in numero enorme, un assalto furioso selvaggio 
 decisive. 
 
 I difensori, sebbene impegnati duramente da parecchi 
 giorni, tennero testa: combatterono corpo a corpo, contra- 
 starono il terreno a palmo a palmo, profusero formidabil- 
 mente il lor vigore; ma alia fine caddero I'un dopo I'altro, 
 I'uno suiraltro, coi petti squarciati. Allora, soltanto allora, il 
 nemico, passando su mucchi di cadaveri, pote entrare nella 
 gloriosa citta che il poeta, piii tardi, chiamo **leonessa 
 d'ltalia". 
 
 I soldatacci austriaci, imbestiati piii che mai dalla resi- 
 stenza incontrata e dalle perdite subite, irruppero come lupi 
 afFamati nelle abitazioni rimaste immuni dal lungo bom- 
 bardamento: e vi rubarono il meglio, distrussero il resto; 
 sgozzarono malati, vecchi, donne, fanciuUi; ne inchiodarono 
 parecchi ai muri; infilzarono alle baionette inastate crea- 
 turine lattanti; ammazzarono a sciabolate, o sparando a bru- 
 ciapelo, uomini e donne incontrati per via; ne trascinarono 
 altri al Castello e ivi li gettarono nei sotterranei, li insulta- 
 rono, li tormentarono, li trucidarono in massa; commisero 
 infinite mostruosita. 
 
 E a stravolgere le menti, ad agghiacciar nelle vena il sangue, 
 s'aggiungeva la vista delle orribili enormezze a cui, o ebbri o 
 comandati o per natura stolidamente feroci, grimperiali austriaci 
 trascorsero: cose che escono dai confini non pur del credibile, ma 
 deirimmaginabile. Perche non solo inferocirono contro gl'inermi, 
 le donne, i fanciulli e gl'infermi, ma raffinarono per modo gli 
 strazi, che ben si parve come le umane belve anche in ferocia 
 passino ogni animale. Le membra dilacerate delle vittime, essi — 
 gl'imperiali austriaci — scagliavano giii dalle finestre e contro le 
 barricate dei cittadini, come si getta ai cani I'avanzo d'un pasto. 
 Teste di teneri fanciulli divelte dai busti e braccia di donne e 
 carni umane abbrustolite cadevano in mezzo alle schiere bresciane.
 
 LA LEONESSA D'lTALIA (1849) 397 
 
 a cui allora parvero misericordiose le bombe. E, sopratutto, 
 piacevansi i cannibali imperiali austriaci nelle convulsioni atro- 
 cissime dei morti per arsura; onde, immollati i cittadini prigionieri 
 con acqua ragia, li incendiavano; e spesso obbligavano le donne 
 dei martoriati ad assistere a sifFata festa: ovvero, per pigliarsi 
 giuoco del nobile sangue bresciano, si ribollente alle magnanime 
 ire, legati strettamente gli uomini, davanti agli occhi loro vitu- 
 peravano e scannavano le mogli e le figliuole. E alcuna volta 
 (Dio ci perdoni se serbiamo memoria dell'orribile fatto) gl'im- 
 periali austriaci sforzarono di fare inghiottire agli agonizzanti le 
 sbranate viscere dei loro diletti. Di che molti morirono d'an- 
 goscia, e piu assai impazzirono.^ 
 
 Pero un cittadino di nome Carlo Zima, arso vivo dai 
 soldatacci austriaci, riusci a vendicarsi del supplizio, e in una 
 maniera oltremodo tragica. 
 
 Era lo Zima un giovane popolano, gobbo e zoppo, per 
 conseguenza di fragile complessione, ma di spirito ribelle e 
 gagliardo, che aveva pugnato giorno e notte com'un antico 
 gladiatore. Alcuni soldatacci austriaci lo sorpresero mentre 
 stava ancora con I'arme alia mano. Che fecero? Gli 
 versarono addosso una quantita d'acqua ragia, e I'accesero. 
 In un baleno il corpo del disgraziato fu tutto in fiamme. E i 
 soldatacci austriaci, sghignando satanicamente, si misero a 
 riddargli intorno come pellirossi. Lo Zima, in un impeto 
 d'estremo odio causato dallo strazio morale, piii che dallo 
 strazio fisico, si slancio lesto com'una saetta sul caporione 
 aizzatore di quegl'indemoniati, e I'abbraccio, I'avvinghid, 
 gli comunico lo stesso fuoco, I'avvolse nelle stesse fiamme, 
 lo costrinse a morire della stessa morte. 
 
 Gli Austriaci pretesero anche dai Bresciani un'indennita 
 di guerra di sei milioni di lire. 
 
 Tante scelleraggini commossero e indignarono fortemente 
 I'Europa intera. "II generale Hayman, essendosi recato 
 qualche tempo dopo a Londra, e avendolo la folia ricono- 
 sciuto ai suoi gialli mustacchi, lo assali con le scope, lo 
 copri di fango e di contumelie, gridando: Ddgli al heccaio 
 austriaco! Ddgli alia tigr^I" 
 
 * Lf Died Giornate di Brescia di Cesare Correnti, insigne letterato italiano, 
 autore di varie opere storiche, deputato al Parlaemnto nazionale, due volte ministro 
 della Pubblica Istruzione, consigliere di Stato, segretario del "Gran Magistero 
 degli Ordini cavallereschi", senatore del Regno (1815-1888).
 
 398 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 XIII 
 
 I soldati austriaci in Toscana, a Bologna, ad Ancona. 
 I tiranni stranieri schiacciano la Repubblica Romana 
 gloriosamente retta da Mazzini e difesa da Garibaldi, e 
 ristabiliscono il potere temporale dei papi (1849). 
 
 I primi di maggio del 1849 il generale austrlaco d'Aspre, 
 alia testa di ventimila soldati, invadeva la Toscana, assaltava 
 paesi, spogliava e seviziava popolazioni, entrava arcigno 
 tronfio pettoruto in Firenze (25 maggio 1849), e vi ristabiliva 
 il potere del granduca. Costui, da misero tirannuccio asser- 
 vito agli Asburgo, aboliva subito la Costituzione e la ban- 
 diera nazionale, e riprendeva a governare con i birri e gU 
 ergastoli. 
 
 Quasi nello stesso tempo, quattro eserciti difFerenti (uno 
 francese, uno austriaco, uno spagnolo e uno borbonico) 
 marciavano contro Roma, alio scopo di schiacciarvi la 
 Repubblica e ristabilirvi il potere temporale dei papi. I 
 primi a giungere dinanzi alia citta eterna furono i Frances! 
 (piii di novemila) al comando del generale Oudinot. Essi 
 iniziarono immediatamente I'attacco a mezzo deirartiglieria, 
 mentre la fanteria tentava di scalare le mura. Ma Gari- 
 baldi — a cui i triunviri Mazzini, Saffi e Armellini avevano 
 saggiamente affidato la difesa della Repubblica — piombo 
 fulmineamente coi suoi volontari e con quelli comandati dal 
 dottor Masi e dal colonnello Galletti sugli assalitori, e li 
 batte, infliggendo loro gravi perdite, prendendone prigionie- 
 ri centinaia, mettendo in fuga tutti gli altri (30 aprile 1849). 
 
 L'esercito austriaco, dal canto suo, giungeva a Bologna 
 e dava principio alle ostilita, assaltando la porta di Galliera. 
 I Bolognesi respinsero I'assalto. I nemlci misero in azione 
 i cannoni e i mortal di cui erano abbondantemente muniti, 
 e cominciarono a flagellare la dotta citta con un'incessante 
 gragnola di proiettili pieni ed esplosivi. I Bolognesi si 
 difesero valorosamente per piii giorni. Ma il 16 maggio 1849 
 essi erano gia esausti di forze; non potevano piii resistere; 
 furono costretti ad arrendersi.
 
 NELL'ITALIA CENTRALE (1849) 399 
 
 Una settimana dopo, gli Austriaci attaccarono per terra 
 e per mare Ancona. Questa sorella minore di Venezia lotto 
 strenuamente per circa un mese; ma alia fine dove anch'essa 
 capitolare (20 giugno 1849). 
 
 L'esercito borbonico (sedicimila uomini) comandato da 
 Ferdinando II in persona, aveva occupato Velletri. Gari- 
 baldi, alia testa di soli tremila volontari in parte ragazzi, 
 corse ad affrontarlo: lo snido dalla citta, lo sbaraglio, 
 I'insegui fino ad Area (12-20 maggio 1849). 
 
 Gli Spagnoli erano sbarcati a Fiumicino e a Terracina. 
 
 E il generale Oudinot, con quarantamila soldati e 36 
 cannoni d'assedio, la sera del 2 giugno 1849 riprendeva le 
 ostilita contro Roma. La Repubblica non aveva a sua 
 disposizione che novemila volontari in tutto. Ma essi erano 
 cavalieri d'un alto ideale. Sulle loro fronti splendeva il 
 pensiero onnipresente di Mazzini. Nei loro petti palpitava 
 il vivo cuore di Garibaldi. La lotta fu lunga ed aspra; 
 culmino durante la notte del 29 giugno 1849 in una grande 
 battaglia. I difensori compirono gesta sovrumane. Cadde 
 nobilmente il poeta giovinetto Goffredo Mameli che coi 
 suoi inni aveva tanto infiammato a liberta il popolo d'ltalia. 
 Cadde Luciano Manara ch'era stato "il primo tra i primi" 
 nelle cinque giornate di Milano. Caddero Enrico Dandolo, 
 Emilio Morosini e mille altri. Ma tanto sacrifizio non valse 
 a salvare la Repubblica. 
 
 Garibaldi dove rassegnarsi a ringuainare la folgoreggiante 
 sua spada. E il 3 luglio 1849, egli usciva dall'alma Roma, 
 triste, silenzioso, povero (cosi povero, che, per le impellenti 
 necessita della vita, era stato costretto a vendersi I'orologio), 
 accompagnato dalla sua diletta consorte Anita incinta di 
 sette mesi, e da circa quattromila superstiti, tra i quali il 
 predicatore barnabita Ugo Bassi e il popolano romano An- 
 gelo Brunetti detto il Ciceruacchio, a cui I'Eroe non pote 
 offrire altro che "fame, freddo, sole e marce forzate". 
 
 Partiva anche Mazzini per I'esilio. Partirono tutti i capi 
 della gloriosa Repubblica. 
 
 E, il 1 2 luglio 1 849, rientrava Pio IX nella capitale, scortato 
 da Francesi e da Austriaci: e abrogava la Costituzione; 
 annullava le riforme; riempiva di condannati politici le
 
 400 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 career! ; avviliva le anime e i corpi; meritava che I'inglese 
 lord Clarendon chiamasse il governo del preti *'un obbrobrio 
 per I'Europa civile". 
 
 XIV 
 
 I soldati austriaci inseguono Garibaldi e Anita (la 
 diletta consorte dell'Eroe) incinta. La fine dolorosa 
 dell'Eroina. Sotterrata nuda! " La derelitta cagna, 
 ramingando ..." (1849). 
 
 Garibaldi, sottraendosi con raplde mosse ai nemici che 
 rabbiosamente I'inseguivano, giunse in Toscana e cerco 
 di sollevare quelle popolazioni; ma trovo dappertutto scora- 
 mento e timore. AUora grido disperatamente ai suoi volon- 
 tari: "Non ci resta che Venezia per morire!" 
 
 Ma come arrivare fino al Lido? Le marce forzate 
 lunghe e faticose sotto la sferza del Sole; le imboscate dei 
 segugi sguinzagliati dai tiranni per ogni dove; la fame, la 
 sete, i dolori morali avevano ridotto i superstiti a 1500. E 
 questi, per quanto animati ancora da generosi sentimenti di 
 patria, non erano davvero in grado d'affrontare nuove odis- 
 see. Garibaldi li condusse nella piccola Repubblica di San 
 Marino, e ivi stipulo col nemico una tregua, in base alia 
 quale i compagni potevano ritornarsene indisturbati alle 
 loro case. 
 
 Egli, personalmente, non voile stringere alcun patto con 
 I'Austriaco: prefer! riprendere il cammino a cui la previ- 
 dente e provvidente natura I'aveva predestinato. 
 
 I cento piii arditi e piii fidi, pero, vollero seguirlo ad ogni 
 costo. L'Eroe, ch'era gentile quanto invitto, non seppe 
 schermlrsi. Li accetto. E, con essi, tento fuggire per mare. 
 Ma le fragili barchette, sulle quali il sacro manipolo era 
 montato, furon presto raggiunte dagli sgherri austriaci che 
 stavano alia vedetta. Garibaldi salto con la sua coraggiosa 
 Anita nell'acqua: ed essendo egli un provetto nuotatore, 
 non tardo ad accostarsi alia riva e salvarsi insieme con 
 I'amata consorte. Invece Ugo Bassi, il Ciceruacchio e molti 
 altri Garibaldini furono presi e giustiziati.
 
 LA MORTE D'ANITA (1849) 401 
 
 4 agosto 1849. L'ora del tramonto. Un baroccio a un 
 cavallo, guidato dal capitano garibaldino Leggero, sale 
 lentamente la strada che va dalla marina ai boschi ravennatl. 
 Sul tavolato del rozzo legno giace una giovine donna febbri- 
 citante. 
 
 "Coraggio!" le dice dolcemente Garibaldi che, travestito 
 da contadino, le siede accanto carezzandole la fronte e 
 tenendole sulla testa un ombrello aperto per ripararla dai 
 raggi infocati del Sole. *'Coraggio, mia buona Anita; a 
 quelle case lassii domanderemo soccorso". 
 
 **0 Giuseppe, io muoio!" balbetta impallidendo I'am- 
 malata, mentre una schiuma biancastra le copre le labbra 
 riarse. 
 
 L'Eroe le terge con un fazzoletto di seta la bocca. Una 
 nube nera gli scende suH'anima. 
 
 Giungono finalmente nei pressi d'una casa poderale. Un 
 contadino guarda sorpreso lo strano veicolo. 
 
 **In nome deirumanita" supplica Garibaldi "salvate 
 questa donna! Io non vi chiedo nulla per me; tutto per lei. 
 La sete la brucia. Dateci un bicchiere d'acqua. Permette- 
 teci di riposare un momento." 
 
 "Io non sono il padrone qui" risponde il contadino; "ma 
 chiamero la Ravaglia." 
 
 Esce dalla casa una contadina, la quale, scorgendo Anita 
 tanto abbattuta, esclama commossa: "Povera donna! 
 Viaggiare in tale stato! Fortuna che c'e qui il medico. 
 Vado subito a chiamarlo." 
 
 Giunge il medico (il dottor Naldini), il quale osserva 
 ansiosamente I'ammalata e sentenzia: "Questa donna e 
 morente!" — Poi, fissando Garibaldi, soggiunge: "E voi, 
 con codesto viso, con codesta barba . . . ,.voi siete 
 Garibaldi!" 
 
 "Tacete, per pieta!" interrompe sottovoce I'Eroe. 
 "Sapete bene ch'io son cercato a morte e che son puniti 
 tutti coloro che m'aiutano. Non rivelate il mio nome." 
 
 In quel mentre giunge Stefano RavagUa, padrone della 
 casa. Si stabilisce con lui di portare Anita in una cameretta 
 superiore, dove c'e un lettuccio appartato. 
 
 Con delicata cautela, I'Eroe prende e solleva nelle sue
 
 402 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 braccia nerborute I'Eroina, e comincia a salire plan piano la 
 scala. Ma, fatti pochi gradini, Anita reclina indietro la 
 bella testa, dice flebilmente: "Giuseppe . . . , i figli 
 . . . 1" E muore. 
 
 L'Eroe torna giii, ripone al suolo I'adorato corpo, lo toccai 
 lo bagna di lagrime, lo tempesta di baci, lo chiama coi nom, 
 piij santi e piii soavi, dice disperatamente: **No, no, non e 
 mortal Portiamola su. £ uno svenimento. Ha tanto 
 sofferto, povera creatura! Si riavra. £ forte. Non e 
 morta, vi dico! £ impossibile! Se fosse vero, sarei morto 
 anch'io, perche la nostra vita fu sempre una sola. Guardami, 
 Anita, muovi le tue pupille, muovi le tue labbra, parlamil" 
 
 Tutti i presenti piangono. II capitano Leggero si china 
 rispettosamente sul Duce, e gli sussurra aU'orecchio queste 
 supplichevoli parole: "Alzatevi! Salvatevi! Per i vostri 
 figlil Perl'Italial" 
 
 "Soffocol" esclama I'Eroe. "Datemi un bicchiere 
 d'acqual" — Beve, si rizza, rivolge un ultimo sguardo pieno 
 d'amore e di dolore infiniti al corpo immobile della martire, 
 e s'allontana singhiozzando com'un fanciullo. Sull'uscio si 
 ferma ed ofFre un anello (I'unico sue tesoro), ch'egli aveva 
 tolto dal dito d'Anita, al Ravaglia, per ricompensarlo 
 dell'ospitalita accordata e per ricordo a un tempo. 
 
 "No," dice I'onesto contadino all'Eroe "tenetelo; esso e 
 sacro pervoi." 
 
 L'li agosto 1849, una "derelitta cagna, ramingando", 
 scopriva un cadavere seppellito a poca profondita nella 
 sabbia di Marina, parrocchia di Mandriole. Le autorita 
 accorse riscontrarono trattarsi del corpo d'una donna incinta 
 "che aveva i capelli tagliati alia puritana e portava la sottana 
 e un humus'*. 
 
 II vestito fu esposto al pubblico, alio scope d'identificare 
 il cadavere. 
 
 E la magnanima consorte dell'Eroe dei due mondi fu 
 risotterrata ignuda! 
 
 Pochi giorni dope, un uomo di robusta complessione ma 
 col viso stanco e mestissimo usciva dal paese di Modigliana. 
 
 Quell'uomo era Garibaldi. Frotte di soldatacci austriaci
 
 L'ASSEDIO DI VENEZIA (1849) 403 
 
 masticanti bestemmie ostrogote gli davano caninamente la 
 caccia. Vedendosi a un certo punto in imminente pericolo, 
 I'Eroe si rifugio in una vicina osteria. S'era appena seduto a 
 un posticino appartato, quando entrarono rumorosamente 
 alcuni Croati. 
 
 "Sono scoperto!" esclama I'Eroe tra se e se. 
 
 Ma i Croati non lo riconoscono. Essi vanno a sedersi a 
 una tavola, e ivi cominciano a ordinare e ingollare vino 
 senza misura. S'ubriacano. Gesticolano rozzamente. 
 Ridono idiotamente, sconciamente. Ripetono con roca 
 vociaccia: "Ah, Garibalda, Garibalda, noi ti scoveremo, 
 noi ti prenderemo in trappola! Ah, ah, ah!" 
 
 L'Eroe spicca un salto da leopardo verso I'uscio, e via di 
 corsa per i campi. Invano gU Austriaci tentano d'inseguirlo. 
 Le loro gambe, paraHzzate dal vino, si piegano. I loro corpi 
 cascano a terra e grufolano come porci. 
 
 Dopo traversie inenarrabiH, dopo indicibili sofFerenze, 
 I'Eroe giunse a Nizza, sua citta nativa, abbraccio la madre 
 ottantaquattrenne, bacio i figliuoletti, pianse con loro la 
 perdita d'Anita, poi con Tanima lacerata parti per I'esilio, 
 imbarcandosi su una nave diretta a Tunisi. II Bey lo 
 respinse, non volendo impicci. Allora I'Eroe vago dalla 
 Maddalena^ a Gibilterra, da Gibilterra a Tangeri; finche un 
 giorno salpo per New York, dove fu fraternamente accolto 
 dall'italiano Antonio Meucci, il defraudato inventore del 
 telefono che oggi porta il noma di Bell. 
 
 XV 
 
 Gli Austriaci assediano e bombardano per tre mesi di 
 continuo Venezia. II feld-maresciallo Radetzky scim- 
 miotta Nerone. La regina dell'Adriatico e costretta dalla 
 fame e dal colera, piu che dall'armi nemiche, ad arren- 
 dersi. L'elegia del poeta (1849). 
 
 Quarantamila soldati austriaci con 150 pezzi d'artiglieria 
 avevano assediato Venezia per mare e per terra. II 24 
 maggio 1849, essi cominciarono a tempestarla di bombe e di 
 razzi incendiari. 
 
 'La Maddalena e la maggiore delle isole nello stretto di Bonifacio (Sardegna).
 
 404 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 II feld-maresclallo Radetzky, volendo scimmiottare I'im- 
 peratore Nerone d'esecrata memoria, aveva invitato alcuni 
 arciduchi austriaci ad assistere alio spettacolo della citta 
 italiana colpita in ogni parte dal fuoco e dalla morte. 
 Vecchio barbaro rimbambito! 
 
 I Veneziani non si sgomentarono; si sentirono, anzi, piii 
 ingigantiti nel fisico e nel morale. Egregiamente guidati dal 
 doge Daniele Manin e dal prode generate Guglielmo Pepe, 
 essi contrapposero all'indurita crudelta del nemico una 
 resistenza formidabile. 
 
 La lotta duro a lungo; fu intensa e cruenta. La vlttoria 
 arrise piu volte agli assediati. Sarebbe arriso a loro anche il 
 trionfo finale, se, alia scarsezza d'armi e munizioni e alia 
 mancanza quasi assoluta di viveri, non si fosse aggiunto il 
 colera. Questo terribile flagello, non frenato dalle necessarie 
 misure scientifiche, favorito dal poco e cattivo nutrimento, 
 comincio a fare strage immensa, specialmente tra le donne e 
 i fanciulli. 
 
 II 15 agosto 1849 il bollettino sanitario segnava 402 casi 
 con 272 morti. 
 
 Una settimana dopo, I'indomabile morbo, coadiuvato 
 dalla fame sempre crescente e dalle artiglierie austriache 
 sempre piu intense, aveva trasformato I'incantevole citta dei 
 dogi in un vero inferno dantesco. I difensori, oppressi dal 
 dolore per la misera fine dei loro cari, avevano perduto ogni 
 entusiasmo, ogni energia. Solo allora fu decisa la resa. 
 Durante le trattative (23 agosto 1849), Venezia e immersa 
 in un sepolcrale silenzio. II poeta Arnaldo Fusinato, di 
 guardia all'isola del Lazzaretto Vecchio, scrive, col cuore 
 gonfio, i seguenti versi elegiaci: 
 
 E fosco I'aere, 
 
 il cielo e muto, 
 
 ed io sul tacito 
 
 veron seduto, 
 
 in solitaria 
 
 malinconia, 
 
 ti guardo e lagrimo, 
 
 Venezia mia! 
 Fra i rotti nugoli
 
 L'ASSEDIO DI VENEZIA (1849) 405 
 
 dell'occidente, 
 
 il raggio perdesi 
 
 del sol morente; 
 
 e mesto sibila 
 
 per I'aria bruna 
 
 I'ultimo gemito 
 
 della laguna. 
 Passa una gondola 
 
 della citta: 
 
 -Ehi della gondola, 
 
 qual novita? 
 
 -II morbo infuria, 
 
 il pan ci manca, 
 
 sul ponte sventola 
 
 bandiera biancal 
 Venezia! L'ultima 
 
 ora e venuta; 
 
 illustre martire, 
 
 tu sei perduta. 
 
 II morbo infuria, 
 
 il pan ci manca, 
 
 sul ponte sventola 
 
 bandiera bianca! 
 Ma non le ignivome 
 
 palle roventi, 
 
 ne i mille fulmini 
 
 su te stridenti, 
 
 troncaro ai liberi 
 
 tuoi di lo stame .... 
 
 Viva Venezia! 
 
 Muore di fame! 
 Sulle tue pagine 
 
 scolpisci, o storia, 
 
 I'altrui nequizie 
 
 e la sua gloria, 
 
 e grida ai posteri: 
 
 -Tre volte infame 
 
 chi vuol Venezia 
 
 morta di fame! 
 Viva Venezia! 
 
 L'ira nemica 
 
 la sua risuscita
 
 406 PARTE PRITvlA 
 
 virtude antica; 
 
 ma il morbo infuria, 
 
 ma il pan le manca . . . 
 
 Sul ponte sventola 
 
 bandiera bianca! 
 Ed ora infrangasi 
 
 qui sulla pietra, 
 
 finche e ancor libera 
 
 questa mia cetra. 
 
 A te, Venezia, 
 
 I'ultimo canto, 
 
 I'ultimo bacio, 
 
 I'ultimo pianto! 
 Ramingo ed esule 
 
 in suol straniero, 
 
 vivrai, Venezia, 
 
 nel mio pensiero; 
 
 vivrai nel tempio 
 
 qui del mio core, 
 
 come I'immagine 
 
 del primo amore. 
 Ma il vento sibila, 
 
 ma I'onda e scura, 
 
 ma tutta in tenebre 
 
 e la natura: 
 
 le corde stridono, 
 
 la voce manca . . . 
 
 Sul ponte sventola 
 
 bandiera bianca! 
 
 II 24 agosto 1849 Tolocausto era compiuto. 
 
 La gloriosa regina deH'Adriatico fu novamente ghermita 
 dalla sozza aquila a due teste. 
 
 II Manin, il Tommaseo, Guglielmo Pepe e altrl eminent! 
 patriot! furono costretti a imbarcarsi su navi inglesi e 
 francesi, e prendere, al pari di Mazzini e di Garibaldi, la 
 sospirosa via dell'esilio.
 
 MOSTRUOSITA AUSTRIACHE (1849) 407 
 
 XVI 
 
 n feld-maresciallo Radetzky e i suoi sguaiati ufficiali 
 festeggiano a Milano il genetliaco del loro imperatore 
 Francesco Giuseppe, provocando disonestamente e cari- 
 cando brutalmente con la cavalleria e la fanteria il popolo 
 inerme ; bastonando patrioti ; vergheggiando giovanetti e 
 signorine suUe nude reni (1849). 
 
 Mentre Venezia agonizzava, Radetzky commetteva 
 nuove infamie e Milano. Provocava i cittadini, per poi 
 poterli punire. 
 
 Valga per tutti il seguente episodic. 
 
 II 1 8 agosto 1849 ricorreva il 19° genetliaco dell'im- 
 peratore Francesco Giuseppe. Volendo il vecchio mare- 
 sciallo festeggiarlo con chiassosa teatralita, ordino per quella 
 occasione lo sparo di parecchi colpi di cannone all'alba; 
 I'addobbo dei balconi, delle finestre, delle piazze e delle 
 strade con damaschi e festoni dai colori austriaci; una 
 solenne funzione religiosa col canto del Te Deum nel Duomo; 
 una pomposa parata militate e, per la sera, **illuminazione 
 spontanea, sotto pena di giudizio statario agl'indocili". 
 
 Or ecco quel che accadde per le mali arti della prepotente 
 ufficialita radeschiana, sapientissima nell'organizzare provo- 
 cazioni. 
 
 A quel tempo esisteva in piazza del Duomo il CafFe 
 Mazza, uno dei piii frequentati della citta. Dirimpetto ad 
 esso abitava una certa donna di cattivi costumi, cara a non 
 pochi ufficiali austriaci, i quali si raccoglievano di giorno e di 
 sera davanti al detto Caffe, ed anche nell'interno, per gozzo- 
 vigliare e per insolentire contro i pacifici cittadini. 
 
 La donna in parola aveva preparato, per commissione 
 appunto d'alcuni ufficiali a lei devoti, un gran drappo con i 
 colori e gli emblemi imperiali d'Austria, e, in quel giorno 
 natalizio, Taveva esposto a un balcone della sua casa. 
 
 Gli ufficiali austriaci — bevendo, fumando, ciarlando 
 davanti al Gaffe Mazza — si congratulavano con la mala 
 femmina, che impudentemente stava al balcone, facendole
 
 408 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 un'infinita di smorfie oscene che volevano essere graziosl 
 sorrisi, mentre, d'altra parte, con certi loro caratteristici 
 ghigni, beffeggiavano e provocavano i passanti. 
 
 In un baleno la piazza del Duomo fu plena di gente. 
 Una fischiata, cento fischiate, un grido, cento grida di 
 sdegno e d'imprecazione, una pioggia di nastri tricolori 
 costrinsero la mala femmina a ritirarsi, portando seco 
 I'abominevole drappo. 
 
 Gli ufficiali austriaci pareva non aspettassero altro: si 
 slanciarono nella strada digrignando i denti; si fecero largo 
 tra la folia a colpi di frustino; chiamarono la mala femmina al 
 balcone e I'incitarono a esporre novamente il drappo. E 
 quando questo riapparve, i prepotenti proruppero in evviva 
 e battimani frenetici. 
 
 Lo sdegno e le imprecazioni della folia crebbero. 
 
 Allora giunse di corsa sul luogo uno squadrone di caval- 
 leria con le sciabole sguainate e un reparto di fanteria con le 
 baionette inastate. Si carico furiosamente la folia inerme, 
 senza riguardo ne a vecchi, ne a donne, ne a fanciulli. 
 
 Gli ufficiali austriaci, piantatisi sui marciapiedi coi 
 frustini branditi in alto, minacciando e urlando come tanti 
 energumeni, forzarono i fuggenti a levarsi il cappello e a 
 salutare il drappo; poi presero di peso la mala femmina, la 
 misero insieme col drappo in una carrozza, e la portarono 
 trionfalmente in giro per la citta. E come se cio non bastas- 
 se, arrestarono parecchie persone d'ambo i sessi e le accusa- 
 rono di "scandalose dimostrazioni anti-politiche, insulti ai 
 colori deirimpero e alle cifre di giubilo verso Sua Maesta". 
 
 II 22 agosto 1849, nella piazza del Castello, quindici 
 patrioti (studenti, possidenti, negozianti, capibottega, sem- 
 plici operai), dai 15 ai 50 anni d'eta, furono pubblicamente 
 sottoposti al supplizio della bastonatura. Legati, cioe, coi 
 petti su appositi panconi, gl'infelici, nudi dalla testa alle 
 gambe, ricevettero sulle parti posteriori dei loro corpi chi 
 30 chi 40, chi 50 colpi di bastone. 
 
 Tre adolescenti (Luciano Ferrandi d'anni 17 legatore di 
 libri, Giacomo Trezzi d'anni 17 conciatore di pelli, Giacobbe 
 Colombo d'anni 19 orefice), giudicati dai medici militari non 
 abbastanza robusti per sopportare le bastonate, ricevettero,
 
 L'IMPERATORE DEGL'IMPICCATI 409 
 
 in cambio, 30 colpi di verga il primo e 40 colpi ciascuno gli 
 altri due suUe nude reni. 
 
 Le signorine Maria Conti fiorentina d'anni 18 ed Ernesta 
 Galli cremonese d'anni 20, al cui onore avevano piii volte ma 
 invano attentate i sozzi ufficiali austriaci, "sostennero 
 privatamente" I'atrocissimo supplizio, ricevendo anche sulle 
 nude reni 30 colpi di verga la prima e 40 la seconda!^ 
 
 Altri 14 patrioti furono rinchiusi nelle carceri "in ferri 
 e con digiuni a pane ed acqua". 
 
 E pochi giorni dopo, il direttore del Castello ebbe la 
 sfacciataggine, I'austriaca sfacciataggine, di mandare al 
 municipio di Milano "per il rimborso" la nota delle spese 
 da lui fatte per I'acquisto dei bastoni, delle verghe, dell'aceto 
 e del ghiaccio "usati nell'esecuzione dei condannati". 
 
 Cosi I'incanaglito Radetzky festeggiava in Italia il 
 genetliaco del suo padrone I'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe! 
 
 Tanta scelleraggine scosse I'Europa intera. I giornali, 
 massimamente il Times di Londra, pubblicarono articoli di 
 fuoco contro il governo austriaco. 
 
 E il poeta Francesco Dall'Ongaro scrisse: 
 
 Lombardi, Veneti, Italiani tutti, dimenticate le vostre gloria, 
 le vostre speranze, i vostri disinganni, i vostri errori politici; ma 
 ricordate questo fatto, ricordate questo giorno, scrivetelo suUe 
 mura delle vostre case, sulle piazze, nelle chiese, sul frontespizio 
 dei libri, dappertutto. Chi puo dimenticarlo e un vile! L'ltalia 
 stessa fu bastonata, vergheggiata, contaminata in quei trenta- 
 quattro pazienti. E l'ltalia lo sa! 
 
 XVII 
 
 " L'imperatore degrimpiccati " (1851-1853). 
 
 II Lombardo-Veneto, ricascato nelle grinfe degli Austria- 
 ci, espio con tributi enormi, con vessazioni spietate, con 
 tormenti atrocissimi I'amore di patria. 
 
 Ma nessuna forza, per quanto militarescamente bruta, 
 
 * La verga, d'avellano, grossa quanto un pollice, era fissata al polso del soldato 
 aguzzino con un laccio di corame, affinche egli potesse percuotere con la massima 
 violenza la vittima. Se ne conserva ancora una nel Museo del Risorgimento di 
 Milano.
 
 410 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 poteva comprimere il bisogno innato, tradizionale, vivissimo 
 che della liberta sentivano gl'Italiani. 
 
 Giuseppe Mazzini, da Londra, coadiuvato da Saffi e da 
 altrl insigni esuli, incitava a nuove lotte i fratelli oppressi. 
 Per cui sorsero segretamente societa e comitati rivoluzionari 
 dappertutto. 
 
 Naturalmente la polizia austriaca non dormiva: spiava, 
 scopriva, inferociva. 
 
 Nel 1851, per esempio, essa arresto I'operaio milanese 
 Antonio Sciesa, sotto I'accusa d'avere congiurato, insieme 
 con altri numerosi patrioti, ai danni del governo dominatore. 
 
 L'accusato fu invitato con untuose lusinghe a rivelare i 
 nomi dei complici. Respinse I'invito. Fu minacciato, mal- 
 trattato, conquassato. Sopporto con pazienza eroica le 
 sevizie. Fu condannato a morte. Ascolto con fermo e 
 decoroso contegno la sentenza. Gli fu ofFerta la grazia, 
 purche confessasse. La rifiuto. Fu dai carnefici condotto 
 in catene presso la sua casa, nella speranza che I'idea della 
 famiglia I'intenerisse, gli facesse amare la vita, I'inducesse 
 a parlare. Non disse che due semplici parole dialettali: 
 Tiremm innanz! (Tiriamo innanzi!) — E, trascinato al 
 patibolo, affronto tacito e impavido I'estremo supplizio. 
 
 Tra il 1852 e il 1853, poi, sugli spalti di Belfiore a Man- 
 tova, il capestro austriaco troncava la vita d'altri patrioti: 
 Enrico Tazzoli e Giovanni Grioli sacerdoti, Carlo Poma 
 medico, Giovanni Zambelli pittore, il veneziano Angelo 
 Scartellini, Bernardo De Canal scrittore, il bresciano Tito 
 Speri letterato e poeta, Bartolomeo Grazioli sacerdote, il 
 conte Veronese Carlo Montanari, Pietro Domenico Frattini 
 da Legnano, il colonnello Pietro Fortunato Calvi da Briana 
 di Noale (Venezia). 
 
 L'indignazione destata da tante nequizie fu grande. 
 L'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe ebbe affibbiato il sinistro 
 nomignolo di **imperatore degl'impiccati" che ancora oggi 
 gl'Italiani ripetono con maledicente dispregio. 
 
 Non meno bestiali si mostrarono gli altri tiranni e tiran- 
 nelli della penisola obbedienti all'Austria. Basti dire che 
 Carlo III, successo a Carlo II nel Ducato di Parma, fece 
 bastonare a sangue trecento cittadini in soli quattro mesi.
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1859 411 
 
 E nel Regno delle Due Sicilie i piu virtuosi e stimati patrioti 
 liberali — come il letterato Luigi Settembrini, il filosofo 
 Raffaele Conforti, reconomista Antonio Scialoia, il giure- 
 consulto Giuseppe Pisanelli, gli statisti Silvio Spaventa, 
 Carlo Poerio, Nicola Nisco, il Pironti, il Saliceti ed altri — 
 furono trattati tanto scelleratamente, da movere a sdegno 
 il mondo intero. Fu proprio allora che Guglielmo Gladstone 
 qualifico il governo borbonico in Italia "la negazione di Dio 
 eretta a sistema". 
 
 Insomma, dalle nevose Alpi all'isola del Sole, non si 
 vedeva che un popolo ardente di liberta, martirizzato dal- 
 I'Austria e da despoti arroganti, famelici, sanguinari che 
 I'Austria imbeccava, aizzava, spalleggiava. 
 
 Un simile stato di cose durava da lunghi anni. Sarebbe 
 durato chi sa quanto, se imprevisti avvenimenti non fossero 
 sopraggiunti per moderarlo e affrettare, nello stesso tempo, 
 I'unita della nazione e I'indipendenza per cui gl'Italiani lot- 
 tavano e soffrivano da secoli. 
 
 XVIII 
 
 I bersaglieri alia guerra di Crimea (1855). Cavour al 
 Congresso di Parigi (1856). L'alleanza con Napoleone 
 III (1858). Le memorabili parole di Vittorio Emanuele 
 II all'inaugurazione del Parlamento subalpino. U* ulti- 
 matum dell'Austria al piccolo Piemonte. L'inno di 
 Garibaldi. La famiglia Cignoli fucilata dai soldati 
 austriaci. I soldati papalini trucidano i patrioti di 
 Perugia. Pio IX e il cardinale Pecci (piu tardi Leone 
 XIII) esaltano gli assassini. La terza guerra di libera- 
 zione vinta dagl'Italiani con I'aiuto dei Francesi (1859). 
 
 Niccolo I di Russia, tra il 1853 e il 1854, col pretesto di 
 liberare dalla dominazione ottomana i popoli cristiani del 
 Danubio, moveva guerra alia Turchia. 
 
 La Francia e I'lnghilterra, le quali sapevano bene che il 
 fine occulto dello zar era quello di conquistare Costanti- 
 nopoli, credettero necessario, a tutela dei loro interessi mili-
 
 412 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 tari e commerciali, di contrastare I'agognata conqulsta: e 
 presero le difese dei Turchi. 
 
 Camillo Benso di Cavour, col suo non comune discerni- 
 mento politico, intravide nel detto avvenimento un'occa- 
 sione fortunata per I'ltalia; intravide, cioe, i benefici morali 
 che sarebbero derivati agl'Italiani, se essi fossero intervenuti 
 nella guerra d'Oriente. E ne profitto. S'accordo come 
 meglio pote con gli alleati, e mando in Crimea un esercito 
 di 15,000 uomini, in gran parte bersaglieri, comandati dal 
 generale Alfonso Lamarmora. 
 
 Alia Cernaia i soldati italiani si fecero onore. Tra 
 Taltro, il 16 agosto 1855, essi salvarono da una pericolosa 
 sorpresa I'esercito alleato, sostenendo bravamente I'urto di 
 60,000 soldati russi. E I'S settembre 1855 si coprirono 
 addirittura di gloria, battendosi gagliardamente sotto la 
 pioggia del fuoco nemico alia presa della torre di MalakofF, 
 ch'era il principale baluardo di Sebastopoli. 
 
 La Russia fu vinta. Nel Congresso tenutosi piii tardi a 
 Parigi, pote intervenire anche Cavour come rappresentante 
 ufficiale del Piemonte, nonostante le ire e i maneggi del- 
 I'Austria. E nella memorabile seduta del 30 marzo 1856, il 
 sagace ministro di Vittorio Emanuele II ebbe I'abilita di 
 mettere sul tappeto la "questione italiana", denunziando 
 con parola franca la preponderanza austriaca in Italia, cagio- 
 ne di tanti mali, e affermando esser dovere delle grandi 
 Potenze, arbitre dei destini d'Europa, di schierarsi efficace- 
 mente dalla parte d'un popolo il quale non voleva altro se non 
 la propria unita nazionale, libera da ogni tirannide straniera. 
 
 II rappresentante austriaco, che la rabbia aveva gonfiato 
 e arrossato com'un tacchino, fece le sue proteste. I rappre- 
 sentanti degli altri governi, invece, espressero la loro simpatia 
 per la causa perorata da Cavour. E sebbene il Congresso 
 si sciogliesse senza una risoluzione concreta riguardo al- 
 ritalia, pure la Francia e I'lnghilterra non mancarono 
 d'esortare I'Austria e i tiranni italiani ch'essa proteggeva — 
 come il pontefice, il Borbone e gli altri minori — a volere 
 introdurre nei loro governi quei miglioramenti che il pro- 
 gredire delle idee liberali rendeva ormai indispensabili. 
 
 D'altra parte Napoleone III meditava per conto proprio
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1859 413 
 
 rabbassamento dell'Austria. Gli parve che, all'efFettua- 
 zione d'un tale disegno, potesse benissimo contribuire il 
 popolo italiano. Percio, durante Testate del 1858, egli ebbe 
 a Plombieres, nei Vosgi, un abboccamento segreto con 
 Cavour. In esso furono gettate le basi d'un'alleanza franco- 
 piemontese, in forza della quale le due parti contraenti 
 s'obbligavano di combattere insieme I'Austria se questa 
 fosse stata provocatrice di guerra, e, in case di vittoria, 
 annettere il Lombardo-Veneto al Piemonte. 
 
 Questo successo diplomatico, dopo le vittorie militari 
 riportate in Russia, riempi di gioia e riapri alia speranza il 
 cuore degl'Italiani. Gli occhi della nazione si rivolsero 
 ansiosi al governo piemontese. I patrioti piii autorevoli, con 
 articoli di giornali e con discorsi pubblici e privati, incitavano 
 veementemente all'azione. 
 
 Francesco Giuseppe non seppe piii contenersi; invito 
 Vittorio Emanuele II a frenare la stampa e gli oratori. 
 
 L'umile re piemontese, consigliato da Cavour, sdegno 
 d'obbedire all'intimazione del potente imperatore d'Austria. 
 Non solo; ma nella solenne apertura del Parlamento subal- 
 pino (gennaio 1859) egli pronunzio, durante il prammatico 
 discorso della corona, le seguenti significative parole: 
 
 II nostro paese, piccolo per territorio, acquisto credito nei 
 consessi dell'Europa, perche grande per le idee che rappresenta 
 e per le simpatie ch'esso ispira. Questa condizione non e scevra 
 di pericoli, perche mentre rispettiamo i trattati, non siamo in- 
 sensibili al grido di dolore che da tante parti d'ltalia si leva verso 
 di noi. Forti per la concordia, fidenti nei nostro buon diritto, 
 aspettiamo prudenti e decisi i decreti della divina provvidenza. 
 
 L'assemblea scoppio in frenetici applausi. Un entusia- 
 smo guerresco vampeggio subitamente per la penisola. 
 Uomini di tutte le eta, di tutte le condizioni sociali corsero 
 festanti ad arrolarsi nell'esercito regolare piemontese o 
 sotto Garibaldi gia rimpatriato e autorizzato dal governo di 
 Vittorio Emanuele II a formare e comandare un corpo di 
 volontari chiamati Cacciatori delle Alpi. 
 
 L'Austria, sbufFante, impose al Piemonte un minaccioso 
 dilemma: o il disarmo e il congedo dei volontari nei 
 termine di tre giorni, o la guerra.
 
 414 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 II Piemonte non esito sulla scelta: la guerra! 
 
 Allora una divina esultanza sfolgoro per i monti e per i 
 mari d'ltalia; trasmuto, quasi riplasmo prodigiosamente la 
 coscienza nazionale; acciaio i polsi. E, nei cieli sublimati 
 dalla rinascente primavera, risono marziale e possente il 
 fatidico Inno di Garibaldi, poco prima scritto dal poeta Luigi 
 Mercantini e musicato dal maestro Alessio Olivieri. 
 
 Si scopron le tombe, si levano i morti; 
 I martiri nostri son tutti risortil 
 Le spade nel pugno, gli allori alle chiome, 
 La fiamma ed il nome d'ltalia nel cor! 
 
 Corriamo! Corriamo! Su, o giovani schiere, 
 Al vento spiegando le nostre bandiere; 
 Su, tutti col ferro, su, tutti col foco, 
 Su, tutti col foco d'ltalia nel cor! 
 
 Va fuori d'ltalia, va fuori ch'e I'ora, 
 Va fuori d'ltalia, va fuori, o stranierl 
 
 La terra dei fiori, dei suoni e dei carmi, 
 Ritorni qual'era la terra deH'armi! 
 Di cento catene le avvinser la mano, 
 Ma ancor di Legnano sa i ferri brandir. 
 
 Bastone tedesco I'ltalia non doma; 
 
 Non crescono al giogo le stirpi di Roma; 
 Piu Italia non vuole stranieri e tiranni, 
 Gia troppi son gli anni che dura il servir. 
 Va fuori d'ltalia, va fuori ch'e I'ora, 
 Va fuori d'ltalia, va fuori, o stranier! 
 
 Le case d'ltalia son fatte per noi, 
 £ la sul Danubio la casa dei tuoi; 
 Tu i campi ci guasti, tu il pane c'involi, 
 I nostri figliuoli per noi li vogliam. 
 
 Son I'Alpi e i due mari d'ltalia i confini, 
 
 Col carro di fuoco rompiam gli Appennini: 
 Distrutto ogni segno di vecchia frontiera, 
 La nostra bandiera per tutto innalziam. 
 Va fuori d'ltalia, va fuori ch'e I'ora, 
 Va fuori d'ltalia, va fuori, o stranier!
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1859 415 
 
 Sien mute le lingue, sien pronte le braccia: 
 Soltanto al nemico volgiamo la faccia, 
 E tosto oltre i monti n'andra lo straniero, 
 Se tutta un pensiero I'ltalia sara. 
 
 Non basta il trionfo di barbare spoglie, 
 Si chiudano ai ladri d'ltalia le soglie: 
 Le genti d'ltalia son tutte una sola, 
 Son tutte una sola le cento citta. 
 
 Va fuori d'ltalia, va fuori ch'e I'ora, 
 Va fuori d'ltalia, va fuori, o stranierl'^ 
 
 II 29 aprile 1859 un grosso esercito austriaco invase la 
 Lombardia e il Novarese che le truppe italiane avevano 
 abbandonato per ragioni strategiche. Dopo avervi com- 
 messo le solite violenze brigantesche contro le proprieta 
 private e le inermi popolazioni, esso s'avanzo nel Vercellese 
 coU'intento d'occupare Torino e poi spingersi fino al Monce- 
 nisio per sbarrare il passo ai Francesi. Ma le trincee italiane 
 erette presso la Dora arrestarono la marcia del nemico; 
 sconvolsero i suoi piani. E i Francesi poterono giungere in 
 Italia non solo dal Moncenisio, ma an^he dal Monginevro 
 e da Genova, senza incontrare il menomo ostacolo. 
 
 La guerra entro subito in una nuova fase. 
 
 Gl'Italiani, al comando supremo di Vittorio Emanuele 
 II, erano 80,000. I Francesi, al comando supremo di 
 Napoleone III, erano 200,000. E gli Austriaci, al comando 
 supremo del maresciallo Guilay, erano 300,000. 
 
 II primo scontro notevole ebbe luogo a Montebello, sulla 
 riva destra del Po a oriente di Voghera, tra 22,000 alleati e 
 30,000 Austriaci. Questi ultimi furono battuti e costretti e 
 ritirarsi di la dal fiume (20 maggio 1859). 
 
 Lo stesso giorno, essi si sfogarono vigliaccamente truci- 
 dando un'intera famiglia italiana. Ecco come Cavour narro 
 I'orribile delitto in un'apposita circolare ch'egli diramo 
 subito dopo ai funzionari del Regno: 
 
 II 20 maggio 1859, alquante milizie d'Austriaci campeggiavano 
 le alture di Torricella, piccola citta del Vogherese. Una partita 
 
 * Non riporto qui le iiltime qiiattro strofe deW'Inno di Garibaldi, perche esse 
 furono scritte dal Mercantini nel i860 per i fatti di Sicilia e di Napoli ch'io narrero 
 in succinto nel seguente capitolo.
 
 416 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 d'essi, arrestato il custode del tribunale, incontrato per via, lo 
 costringevano a servir loro di guida; penetravano, quindi, nella 
 casa dei fittaioli Cignoli, Dopo le piu minute ricerche fatte in 
 tutte le parti di quella, per aver trovato una fiaschetta di piombo 
 da caccia, menavano seco tutta la famiglia e alcuni contadini 
 recatisi per caso alia fattoria. Condotti al comandante austria- 
 co, che trovavasi a cavallo sulla grande strada, dopo avere esse 
 scambiato poche parole con un caporale, ordino ai prigionieri — 
 erano nove — di scendere in un sentiero che correva parallela- 
 mente a quella. Avevano quegl'infelici fatto appena brevi passi, 
 quando, dato dal comandante il segnale a un drappello dei suoi 
 di moschettarli, otto cadevano uccisi e il vecchio Cignoli ferito a 
 morte. Allora gli Austriaci continuarono il lor cammino sopra 
 Casteggio; e il comandante, voltosi al custode del tribunale, lo li- 
 cenziava, dandogli per salvacondotto una carta, sulla quale stava 
 scritto il nome del luogotenente maresciallo Urban. II vecchio 
 Cignoli, cinque giorni dopo, moriva all'ospedale di Voghera. 
 Simili enormita non abbisognano di commenti: e un assassina- 
 mento tanto vile, quanto atroce, e del quale altri esempi si po- 
 trebbero, al piia, rinvenire fra i barbari e i selvaggi. 
 
 L'indignazione in Italia fu grande. 
 Guerrazzi scrisse: 
 
 La tomba dei Cignoli sia di pietra, alta e larga a mo' di pira- 
 mide, di un pezzo solo e di granito. Si metta la, giusto nel luogo 
 dove i Cignoli caddero atrocemente, quanto vilmente assassinati; 
 sotto essa raccolgansi le reliquie loro; da parte di ponente pongasi 
 questa iscrizione: Sepolcro dei Cignoli. Da parte di oriente 
 quest'altra: Tutta una famiglia — da tutta una gente trucidata — 
 qui grida vendetta a Dio giudice — contro V Austria assassina. 
 Dalla parte di tramontana s'incidano i nomi e gli anni degli 
 assassinati. Da mezzogiorno, poi, quest'ultima iscrizione: Fra 
 gente italica e austriaca — in ogni tempo, in ogni loco — patto il 
 sepolcrOf tregua la morte. 
 
 E il Niccolini scrisse un sonetto, nel quale, tra I'altro, 
 diceva aU'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe: 
 
 Quando nascesti s*oscurava il Sole, 
 fu spento in terra ogni benigno lume, 
 corse sangue il Danubio ed ogni fiume, 
 ogni madre si strinse al sen la prole.
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1859 417 
 
 Quando morrai, gia veggo il Sol piu bello, 
 madri e spose danzar con piede alterno 
 sovra la tomba di si vil flagello. 
 
 Garibaldi, intanto, coi suoi baldi volontari, vinceva gli 
 Austriaci ad Arona, a Varese, a Como e in parecchi altri 
 punti (25, 26, 27 maggio 1859). 
 
 E i regolari italiani, coadiuvati dai Francesi, li vincevano 
 a Palestro il 29, 30 e 31 maggio 1859. 
 
 Nei primi di giugno 1859, poi, si combatteva sui piani 
 di Magenta una delle piii ostinate e sanguinose battaglie di 
 quella campagna. I Francesi, comandati dal generate 
 MacMahon, erano 125,000. Gl'Italiani erano pochi 
 (qualche divisione). Gli Austriaci, comandati dallo stesso 
 Guilay, eran superiori al numero degli alleati. La battaglia 
 comincio alle 5 del mattino e fini alle 7 di sera ( 4 giugno 
 1859). Gli Austriaci dovettero fuggire precipitosamente 
 e disordinatamente, lasciando sul terrene 12,000 tra morti 
 e feriti e 6,000 prigionieri. 
 
 E Garibaldi volava sempre vittorioso fine al lago di 
 Garda. 
 
 La citta di Milano, sgombrata ormai dagli odiati Austria- 
 ci come il resto della Lombardia, proclamo ancora una volta 
 la sua annessione al Piemonte. E Vittorio Emanuele II, 
 insieme con Napoleone III e gli eserciti collegati, vi entrava 
 trionfalmente I'S giugno 1859. 
 
 Le Marche e I'Umbria, soggette al papa, si provarono 
 a rispondere anch'esse al movimento generale, ribellandosi. 
 Ma furono sottomesse dall'esercito papalino composto da 
 un'accozzaglia di mercenari stranieri bigotti e reazionari 
 comandati dal generale Lamoriciere fuoruscito francese. 
 A Perugia i patrioti italiani avevano formato un Governo 
 provvisorio. I soldati papalini si preparavano a schiac- 
 ciarlo. I membri del Governo provvisorio si rivolsero al- 
 I'arcivescovo della citta, cardinale Gioacchino Pecci (piii 
 tardi Leone XIII), pregandolo d'interporre la sua influenza 
 per evitare che si spargesse sangue. Ma il cardinale Pecci 
 (piii tardi Leone XIII) non ascolto le preghiere dei patrioti 
 italiani. Cos! il colonnello Schmid, alia testa dei suoi feroci
 
 418 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 papalini, pote trucidare a suobell'agio i cittadini, compresi i 
 vecchi, le donne, i fanciulli. Pio IX — il papa allora regnante 
 — promosse lo Schmid generale. E il cardinale Pecci (piu 
 tardi Leone XIII) offri a Dio una messa solenne in memoria 
 e in onore dei soldati papalini caduti in quell'impresa da 
 masnadieri! 
 
 Per siffatte infamie, Cavour mando una vibrata protesta 
 ai governi d'Europa. 
 
 Gli Austriaci, dopo la disfatta di Magenta, s'erano 
 ridotti a mal partito. II maresciallo Guilay veniva rimosso 
 dal comando e rimpiazzato dal generale Hess. Si recava 
 sul campo Francesco Giuseppe, per rialzare con la sua pre- 
 senza il morale delle sue truppe alquanto abbattuto. 
 
 II 24 giugno 1859 gli Austriaci (200.000 con 700 cannoni) 
 occupavano baldanzosamente i colli di San Martino e 
 Solferino nel Mantovano, decisi a riguadagnare il terrene 
 perduto. Gli alleati, pronti a fronteggiarli, non erano che 
 160.000 in tutto. I Francesi, contro le posizioni di Solferino. 
 Gl'Italiani, contro le posizioni di San Martino. S'ingaggio la 
 battaglia alle ore 7 del mattino. Si combatte con furore 
 selvaggio, con tenacita tremenda fino alle 9 di sera. Gli 
 Austriaci ebbero la peggio. Ne caddero piu di 20.000. 
 
 Era il principio della fine per i tirannici dominatori. 
 Era I'aurora della redenzione per gl'Italiani oppressi. 
 S'inneggio alia vittoria. Si fraternizzo coi Francesi. Si 
 magnifico il latin sangue gentile. 
 
 Ma, airimprovviso, Napoleone III, che s'era mostrato 
 tanto ardito e prodigo, cambio d'idea per grette, pusilla- 
 nimi preoccupazioni politiche; accetto la proposta d'un 
 armistizio; s'incontro con Francesco Giuseppe a Villafranca 
 (11-12 luglio 1859). Ivi i due imperatori fissarono i prelimi- 
 nari di pace, che furono poi solennemente ratificati a Zurigo 
 il 10 novembre 1859. In base ad essi, Francesco Giuseppe 
 cedeva la Lombardia a Napoleone III: e costui, a sua 
 volta, la cedeva (che ipocrita formalita!) a Vittorio Emanuele 
 II. II Veneto rimaneva all'Austria. I principi spodestati 
 potevano ritornare nei loro domini, purche richiamati dal 
 voto dei rispettivi popoli e senza I'intervento armato di 
 stranieri. La penisola, compreso il Veneto, doveva ordi- 
 narsi in confederazione con a capo il pontefice.
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1866 419 
 
 Si puo immaginare I'impressione prodotta dall'azione 
 indegna di Napoleone IIL 
 
 Ma le speranze non erano del tutto perdute. La fortu- 
 nata clausola del non intervento straniero metteva nelle 
 mani degli stessi Italian! I'unita della loro patria. L'Emilia 
 e la Toscana non tardarono a profittarne, votando con 
 solenni plebisciti la loro annessione al Piemonte, che diven- 
 tava cosi un Regno di 12,000,000 d'abitanti. 
 
 Dall'altra parte il governo di Vittorio Emanuele II fu 
 costretto a cedere la Savoia e Nizza (quest'ultima, citta 
 italianissima, patria di Giuseppe Garibaldi) alia Francia. 
 
 XIX 
 
 Garibaldi e i Mille conquistano gloriosamente le Due 
 Sicilie (1860). Proclamazione del Regno d'ltalia (1861). 
 Si perde la quarta guerra di liberazione contro P Austria 
 per colpa del comandanti. L'annessione del Veneto 
 (1866). Villa Glori. I soldati mercenari del papa truci- 
 dano I'eroina romana Giuditta Arquati-Tavani e il marito 
 e 11 figlio di lei. Mentana (1867). La presa di Roma e la 
 caduta definitiva del potere temporale dei papi (1870). 
 La nazione una e indipendente. 
 
 Gli avvenimenti svoltisi nell'Italia Settentrionale du- 
 rante il 1859 ebbero una forte ripercussione nel Regno 
 delle Due Sicilie, dove infuriava la tirannide di Francesco 
 II di Borbone detto Franc eschiello (il figlio di Ferdinando II, 
 re Bomba, ch'era morto di morbo pedicolare da poco tempo), 
 uomo debole, incosciente, quasi idiota, alleato e imparentato 
 con la dinastia d'Austria (Francesco II aveva sposato Maria 
 Sofia duchessa di Baviera, sorella dell'imperatrice Elisabetta, 
 vale a dire della moglie di Francesco Giuseppe), contrario 
 all'indipendenza italiana, persecutore ferocissimo dei liberali. 
 
 Contro di lui insorse Palermo (primi d'aprile i860). 
 Furono sonate le campane a stormo, nella speranza che 
 insorgesse tutta la Sicilia. Ma, invece, accorsero le truppe, 
 le quali riuscirono a reprimere prontamente, con borbonica 
 violenza, la sollevata citta.
 
 420 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 La notizia dell'insurrezione palermitana, intanto, era 
 giunta a Genova e aveva riscaldato potentemente gli animi 
 dei patrioti meridionali ivi rifugiatisi. Si levo rapida 
 un'onda di simpatia per i fratelli isolani insorti. Si decise 
 d'accorrere al piii presto in loro aiuto. 
 
 II 6 maggio i860, infatti, salpavano dallo scoglio di 
 Quarto, ridente paesello della riviera ligure, i due piroscafi 
 Lomhardo e Piemonte con a bordo i mille argonauti della 
 liberta, guidati da Giuseppe Garibaldi. 
 
 L'li maggio i860 i Mille sbarcarono a Marsala. II Duce 
 lancio subito un proclama, col quale invito i Sicilian! ad 
 armarsi contro il Borbone oppressore, e combattere per 
 I'unita e I'indipendenza della patria. 
 
 II grido dell'Eroe fu accolto con giubilo dagli ardenti 
 isolani. E il numero dei Mille crebbe rapidamente. 
 
 II 15 maggio i860 i Garibaldini si scontrarono con 
 I'esercito borbonico, composto di parecchie migliaia d'uo- 
 mini, sulle alture di Calatafimi, e ingaggiarono con esso un 
 fierissimo combattimento. 
 
 A un certo punto pareva che i volontari italiani dovessero 
 essere travolti dai nemici, superiori assai di numero. Nino 
 Bixio — il primo dei Mille dopo Garibaldi — che comandava 
 I'ala destra, avvicinatosi al Duce gli disse: "Sara bene 
 ritirarsi," 
 
 "Che dite, Bixio?" rispose energicamente Garibaldi 
 "qui si fa I'unita d'ltalia, o si muore!" 
 
 E slanciandosi avanti con la fulminante sua spada in 
 alto, I'Eroe comando: "Alia baionetta!" 
 
 II nemico fu sbaragliato.^ 
 
 Da Calatafimi, Garibaldi marcio su Palermo, attacco il 
 nemico, lo sconfisse ed entro da Dittatore nella citta (26-29 
 maggio i860). 
 
 II 27 luglio i860 il nemico fu sconfitto anche a Milazzo 
 In una terribile mischia nella quale lo stesso Garibaldi dove 
 lottare corpo a corpo. 
 
 ^"Calatafimi! Avanzo di cento piigne: se, all'iiltimo mio respiro, i miei 
 amici mi vedranno sorridere per I'liltima volta d'orgORlio, sara ricordandoti; 
 perche io non rammento una pagina piu gloriosa!" Cos! scrisse Garibaldi nelle 
 sire Memorie,
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1866 421 
 
 In meno di tre mesi le truppe borboniche furono co- 
 strette a sgomberare la Sicilia. 
 
 E all'alba del 20 agosto i860, Garibaldi sbarcava con i 
 suoi in Calabria, piombava su Reggio e sconfiggeva ancora 
 una volta il nemico. 
 
 Tante vittorie suscitarono un vero delirio d'amore per 
 I'Eroe e spinsero le forti popolazioni calabresi ad insorgere 
 anch'esse contro i regi. 
 
 Poco dopo, sui colli di Soveria, presso Catanzaro, 
 Garibaldi affidava alia Storia le seguenti memorabili parole: 
 
 Dite al mondo, che con poche centinaia dei miei prodi Cala- 
 bresi ho fatto deporre le armi a dodicimila soldati borbonici! 
 
 Francesco II, atterrito, il 6 settembre i860 se ne fuggi- 
 va da Napoli e riparava a Gaeta, mentre il grosso delle 
 truppe rimastegli fedeli si rifugiava a Capua. 
 
 II giorno dopo, 7 settembre i860, Garibaldi entrava 
 glorioso e trionfante in Napoli. 
 
 E il 2 ottobre i860, egli debellava per I'ultima volta 
 presso il Volturno I'esercito borbonico, forte di 55,000 
 uomini. 
 
 Intanto s'erano ribellate anche I'Umbria e le Marche, 
 proclamando la loro annessione al Piemonte. 
 
 II governo pontificio soffoco nel sangue la volonta dei 
 popoli ad esso soggetti. 
 
 Accorse Vittorio Emanuele II con un buon nerbo di 
 truppe, e sconfiggeva su tutta la linea i papalini (settembre 
 i860). 
 
 Subito dopo, il figlio di Carlo Alberto proseguiva per 
 Napoli, per prendere possess© del Regno conquistato 
 dall'Eroe dei due mondi. 
 
 II 26 ottobre i860 Garibaldi e Vittorio Emanuele II, 
 entrambi a cavallo, s'incontrarono sulla strada di Teano. 
 Un testimone presente alia scena asseri che il Duce, mettendo 
 militarmente la mano al berretto, grido: "Salute al primo 
 re d'ltalia!" 
 
 Certo si e che Vittorio Emanuele II giunse a Napoli e vi 
 fu accolto con sommo onore. 
 
 L'Eroe, da parte sua, dopo ch'ebbe "donato un regno al
 
 422 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 sopraggiunto re", se ne ritornava poverissimo alia sua 
 isoletta di Caprera. 
 
 Compiutasi in tal modo I'annessione delle Due Sicilie, 
 deirUmbria e delle Marche, fu sciolto il Parlamento su- 
 balpino e si fecero le nuove elezioni generali, le quali compre- 
 sero tutta I'ltalia a eccezione del Veneto, che rimaneva 
 ancora sotto il dominio dell'Austria, e della citta di Roma, 
 che rimaneva ancora sotto il dominio del papa. 
 
 II primo Parlamento italiano s'inauguro solennemente a 
 Torino nel mese di febbraio del 1861. Esso proclamo 
 subito la formazione del Regno d'ltalia, confer! a Vittorio 
 Emanuele II il diritto d'assumere per se e per i suoi successor! 
 il titolo di Re d'ltalia, espresse il voto che "Roma, reclamata 
 dall'opinione nazionale, venisse al piii presto restituita 
 airitalia". 
 
 L'anno 1866 I'Austria e la Prussia si disputavano la pre- 
 minenza sulla Germania. 
 
 Non essendosi potute accordare con le buone, le dette 
 due Potenze dovettero ricorrere alle armi. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele II, coU'intento d'avere il Veneto, 
 stfinse un'alleanza ofFensiva e difensiva con la Prussia. 
 
 Quest'ultima, conformemente al trattato stipulato, apri 
 per la prima le ostilita contro I'Austria, invadendo I'Holstein. 
 
 Segui Vittorio Emanuele II, dichiarando guerra alia 
 comune nemica il 19 giugno 1866. 
 
 II 21 giugno 1866 egli partiva per il campo: e, il 24 
 giugno 1866, s'azzufFava a Custoza con gli Austriaci. I 
 soldati italiani si batterono virilmente come al solito; ma 
 I'inettitudine dei comandanti fece loro perdere la bat- 
 taglia. 
 
 Un colpo piii grave s'aveva per mare. Presso Lissa, 
 isoletta dell'Adriatico, la flotta italiana e quella austriaca 
 s'erano ingaggiate in un'aspra battaglia. Gli equipaggi 
 italiani fecero prodigi di valore. I capitani di vascello Foa 
 di Bruno e Alfredo Cappellini, comandanti del Re d'ltalia 
 e della Palestro, si lasciarono con istoica impassibilita 
 ingoiare dalle acque insieme con le loro navi, piuttosto che 
 arrendersi. Ma il loro eroico sacrifizio non valse a nulla.
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1866 423 
 
 La insipienza e la vilta deH'ammiraglio Persano fecero 
 vincere gli Austriaci (20 luglio 1866). 
 
 Garibaldi, che s'era avanzato nel Trentino, sbaragliando 
 ovunque il nemico, e gia s'apprestava ad assaltare e prendere 
 la citta di Trento, il 25 luglio 1866 ricevette improvvisa- 
 mente dal governo di Vittorio Emanuele II questo tele- 
 gramma: "Armistizio firmato; evacuate il Trentino". 
 
 Evacuate il Trentino, dopo ch'esso era stato bagnato dal 
 sangue di 3,400 Garibaldini? dopo che quelle popolazioni 
 avevano accolto con manifestazioni di giubilo le fiammeg- 
 gianti camicie rosse? dopo il disastro di Custoza? dopo 
 la vergogna di Lissa? 
 
 Dal campo s'alzo un ruggito leonino. I feriti si strap- 
 parono le bende, perche preferivano morire, piuttosto che 
 ritornare indietro. I volontari — ufficiali e subalterni — 
 rimasti incolumi, spezzarono le spade e le baionette; altri 
 si rotolarono per terra, furibondi, disperati, piangendo, 
 imprecando. 
 
 L'Eroe vittorioso e glorioso non disse verbo. Rispose 
 al re dTtalia con una sola parola: ''Obbediscol" — Ma 
 quanta eloquenza, quanto strazio, quanta magnanimita in 
 tale parola! 
 
 L'Austria, pero, era stata terribilmente sconfitta dai 
 Prussiani a Sadowa il 3 luglio 1866, e aveva perduto ogni 
 speranza di predominio sulla Germania. 
 
 Francesco Giuseppe fu costretto a cedere il Veneto, ma 
 non direttamente allTtalia ch'egli odiava a morte, sibbene a 
 Napoleone III. E costui, a sua volta, lo passo aglTtaliani. 
 La stessa commedia del 1859! 
 
 Cos! nei primi di novembre del 1866 il Veneto, dopo la 
 lunga e nefasta dominazione austriaca, fu ufficialmente ag- 
 gregate al Regno d 'Italia; ma coi confini di qua dal- 
 risonzo. 
 
 Dopo I'annessione del Veneto, glTtaliani sentirono ancor 
 piu vivo il bisogno di conquistare Roma. 
 
 Garibaldi era il centro luminoso da cui s'irradiava e a 
 cui convergeva I'agitazione nazionale per Roma. Egli 
 meditava il modo di liberare la citta eterna: liberazione
 
 424 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 allora ostacolata dal governo di Napoleone III e, per 
 riflesso, dal governo di Vittorio Emanuele II. 
 
 In un giro trionfale fatto per I'ltalia, I'Eroe parlo 
 alle popolazioni, dicendo loro della necessita suprema di 
 liberare Roma. Ma mentre s'avviava verso il confine 
 pontificio (23 settembre 1867), egli fu "arrestato" per 
 ordine del governo di Vittorio Emanuele II, e tradotto ad 
 Alessandria (Piemonte). 
 
 Grandissimo fu lo sdegno degl'Italiani. Per mitigarlo, 
 il governo stesso fu obbligato a rimandare I'Eroe a Caprera 
 "nominalmente libero, ma facendo sorvegliare I'isola da 
 parecchie navi da guerra". 
 
 Dopo pochi giorni Garibaldi, con un miracolo di fede 
 e di ardimento, riusci a fuggire da Caprera e dirigersi verso 
 I'Agro Romano, dove i suoi prodi volontari avevano gia 
 iniziato la guerra contro il papa. 
 
 Intanto anche il popolo romano aveva cominciato ad 
 insorgere. Ma esso non aveva armi. Pensarono i fratelli 
 Cairoli insieme con altri giovani patrioti (75 intutto) a por- 
 targliele. I generosi, carichi di fucili, daghe e munizioni, 
 passarono i confini dello Stato Romano e s'imbarcarono sul 
 Tevere. Ma durante la traversata furono avvertiti che una 
 insurrezione del giorno avanti in Roma aveva avuto un esito 
 disgraziato. Allora il generoso manipolo si reco presso una 
 cascina di Villa Glori situata a poca distanza dalla Porta 
 del Popolo. Ivi fu subito assalito da 500 soldati papalini. 
 La lotta, corpo a corpo, fu terribile. I volontari, gridando 
 "Viva Garibaldi! Viva Roma!", fecero miracoli. Cadde 
 coperto di ferite Enrico Cairoli. Caddero altri eroi. Ma i 
 papalini furono respinti (23 ottobre 1867). 
 
 I patrioti romani, nonostante le avversita e la mancanza 
 d'armi, persistevano nell'idea di fare qualunque sforzo per 
 liberare la loro citta dalla tirannide papale. Lo stesso 
 giorno 23 ottobre 1867 quaranta d'essi si radunarono 
 segretamente nel lanificio di Giulio Ajani situato in Trastc- 
 vere, e ivi s'accingevano a concertare nuovi tentativi 
 d'insurrezione. 
 
 Giuditta Arquati nata Tavani, la quale aveva tra i 
 convenuti il proprio marito e un figlio diciassettenne, voile
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1866 425 
 
 trovarsi in mezzo a loro, col pretesto di sorvegliare il pranzo. 
 Ella era ancor giovane e bella, di quella bellezza maestosa 
 e imponente delle antiche matrone romane. 
 
 Mentre i patrioti adunati concretavano i loro piani, ecco 
 giungere di corsa una compagnia di gendarmi a cavallo e 
 un battaglione di zuavi pontifici con i fucili carichi e pronti. 
 
 I patrioti chiusero le porte del lanificio, le sbarrarono, si 
 misero fulmineamente sulla difesa. Partirono i primi colpi. 
 I papalini, per meglio sostenere I'ofFesa, entrarono in un 
 vicino convento di monache, e dalle finestre di esso e dal- 
 I'alto del campanile si misero a bersagliare la casa Aiani. 
 I patrioti romani rispondevano bravamente. Giuditta 
 Arquati, correndo da una stanza all'altra, porgeva munizio- 
 ni ai combattenti, li animava, assisteva i feriti. E i valorosi, 
 confortati da quel sereno eroismo, riguadagnavano il lor 
 vigore, raddoppiavano la loro resistenza. 
 
 I 300 papalini che avevano dato il primo assalto, dopo 
 due ore di lotta furono respinti e stavano per desistere da 
 ogni ulteriore sforzo, quando ne sopraggiunsero altri 300. 
 
 La pugna si riaccese piii furiosa di prima. L'eroica Giu- 
 ditta stringeva la mano al marito, baciava i capelli al figlio 
 giovinetto, mentre porgeva loro i fucili da lei stessa caricati; 
 e a tutti infondeva coraggio esclamando: "Viva I'ltalia! 
 Viva Roma! Non cediamo e quegli assassini!" 
 
 I patrioti, esaltati dall'intrepidezza di quella donna 
 indomita meravigliosa, tennero testa ai 600, come avevano 
 tenuto testa ai 300; e piii volte li ributtarono. 
 
 Ma arrivarono ai papalini altri rinforzi, mentre ai 
 patrioti venivano mcno le munizioni. Fu allora che, ral- 
 lentato il fuoco dai difensori, gli zuavi riuscirono ad abbat- 
 tere la porta ed entrare nella casa. Si combatte ancora per 
 le scale, sulle logge, nei corridoi, nelle stanzc. Ma la lotta 
 era imparl; non pote durare a lungo. I papalini massacra- 
 rono i patrioti romani, "fracassando loro le teste, stritolando 
 loro le ossa, gettandonc pur taluni dalle finestre giij nel 
 cortile". 
 
 Giuditta Arquati-Tavani, ferita in piii parti del corpo, 
 pote trascinarsi a qualche passo di distanza dal luogo dove 
 agonizzavano suo marito e suo figlio. I gendarmi e gli zuavi
 
 426 PARTE PRIMA 
 
 pontifici si diedero a colpire i due uomini sotto gli occhi 
 dell'invitta donna, "e con colpi di baionetta si fieri, che, 
 trapassando i corpi dei caduti, si conficcarono nel muio e 
 nel pavimento". Poi trucidarono, con piu e piii di quegli 
 spietati colpi, anche I'eroina, la quale era incinta di vari 
 mesi! 
 
 Saziatisi cosi di sangue, gli sgherri del papa vollero 
 impinzarsi di cibo e inebriarsi di bevanda, e s'assisero cinica- 
 mente alia mensa che Giuditta Arquati-Tavani aveva 
 apprestato per i suoi infelici compagni. 
 
 Due giorni dopo — 25 ottobre 1867 — Garibaldi vendi- 
 cava a Monterotondo i martiri del lanificio Ajani, ripor- 
 tando suU'esercito papalino una splendida vittoria. 
 
 Ma il 3 novembre 1867 I'Eroe veniva anch'egli sopraf- 
 fatto dal numero dei nemici (soldati papalini e francesi) 
 a Mentana, vicino Roma, dopo una battaglia da titani: ed 
 era costretto a ritirarsi. 
 
 Tale ritirata fu giudicata degna del primo stratega 
 del mondo. 
 
 E la sconfitta di Mentana fu giudicata piii gloriosa di 
 tutte le vittorie riportate da Garibaldi durante la sua vita 
 avventurosa. 
 
 Surse in Mentana I'onta dei secoli 
 dal triste amplesso di Pietro ^ e Cesare ^: 
 tu hai, Garibaldi, in Mentana 
 su Pietro e Cesare posto il piede. 
 
 (Carducci). 
 
 II 20 settembre 1870 i soldati italiani al comando del 
 generale RafFaele Cadorna assaltarono Roma, aprirono una 
 breccia tra Porta Pia e Porta Salaria, ed entrarono nella 
 citta. 
 
 II millenario potere temporale dei papi ' e crollato. 
 
 La figlia primogenita del mondo latino, ricostituitasi a 
 
 1 Pio IX. 
 
 ^Napoleone III. 
 
 ^ Pipino il Brfve re dei Franchi nel 752 e poi anche re d'ltalia, dopo ayere 
 aiutato il pontefice Stefano II nella guerra contro Astolfo re dei Longobardi, diede 
 alia Chiesa Romana la Pentdpoli italiana comprendente le citta di Rimini, Pesaro, 
 Fano, Sinigaglia e Ancona. Da siffatta donazione ebbe origine il potere temporale 
 dei papi.
 
 LA GUERRA DEL 1866 427 
 
 nazione una e indipendente, ha di bel nuovo Roma per 
 sua capitale. 
 
 II martirio di tutto un popolo — e di qual popolo! — 
 ha dato i suoi frutti. 
 
 II sogno di tanti pensatori e apostoli — da Dante a 
 Mazzini — e ormai una realta: una vivissima realta.
 
 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Come Roma antica, sia durante la Repubblica che 
 durante I'lmpero, conquisto e latinizzo il Friuli, I'Istria, 
 Trieste, Trento, il Trentino e la Dalmazia, e come fece del 
 mare Adriatico un gran lago romano. La " Tavola 
 Clesiana". 
 
 Friuli. Verso I'anno 185 avanti Cristo, alcune tribu 
 transalpine, "per valichi malagevoli e per aspre foreste" 
 (Cadore, Carnia, Carinzia, Carso), riuscirono a penetrare 
 in Italia. II Senate romano impose loro di "ritornarsene 
 immediatamente ai paesi ond'erano venute, ricordando che 
 le Alpi erano il confine naturale insuperabile, posto tra 
 ritalia e gli stranieri". Cosi narra Tito Livio nel suo venti- 
 novesimo libro. 
 
 A quei tempi il Friuli — cioe la parte che comprende 
 I'odierna provincia italiana di Udine e la parte su cui oggi 
 sorgono Gorizia, Aquileia (o, meglio, le rovine d'Aquileia), 
 Grado, Gradisca, Monfalcone, Cervignano — non era che 
 una regione ancora primitiva, abitata da audacissimi 
 barbari. Essa progredi soltanto dopo che fu conquistata 
 dai Romani. Questi sapientissimi colonizzatori, quanto 
 invitti guerrieri, appena I'ebbero in loro mano, si misero a 
 lavorarla con alacrita straordinaria, dando incremento 
 all'agricoltura ed ai traffici. Insegnarono la loro lingua. 
 DilFusero le loro leggi. Abbellirono parecchie borgate, 
 trasformandole in citta. Fondarono Aquileia (182-181 
 avanti Cristo) sulla riva occidentale dell'Isonzo, in una bassa 
 e fertile pianura, e la fortificarono **per difenderla dai 
 barbari che abitavano piii su". Opus Romanorum est 
 Aquileia munitum adversus supra illam hahitantes barbaros. 
 
 All'epoca d'Augusto, Aquileia era cinta di solide mura 
 per un circuito di oltre 22 chilometri; aveva un Campidoglio, 
 
 429
 
 430 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 un tempio a Giove Ottimo Massimo e templi e Giunone, ad 
 Apollo, al dio Isonzo, al dio Beleno e un acquedotto e fori, 
 terme, circhi, teatri e piii di 200,000 abitanti (alcuni storici 
 dicono 500,000, altri un milione). Era in diretta comunica- 
 zione con Roma per mezzo della via Emilia (continuazione 
 della via Flaminia), e col mare Adriatico per mezzo di canali 
 navigabili con porto a Grado. Era la base militare dei 
 Romani contro i bellici popoli del Settentrione a dell'Oriente, 
 tanto che Augusto vi fisso il suo quartier generale nelle im- 
 prese contro i Pannoni, i Germani, gl'Illirici, mentre Giulio 
 Cesare vi si era rifornito di truppe nelle guerre contro i Reti 
 e gli Elvezi, com'egli stesso affermo nei suoi Commentari. 
 Era un centro commerciale di primissimo ordine, dove 
 affluivano giornalmente, da ogni parte del mondo, marinai, 
 mercanti, schiavi con grani, olii, vini, pellicce, metalli e 
 altri importanti prodotti. Era la sede d'una delle tre 
 tesorerie d'ltalia, dove si battevano in apposita zecca le 
 monete d'oro imperiali: Aquileiae percussae et signatae; un 
 privilegio, questo, che solo Aquileia — ricca d'ori, d'ambre 
 e di pietre preziose — poteva godere dopo Roma. Era 
 I'emporio della latinita. Era il baluardo rafFrenante la 
 cupida irrequietezza barbarica al di la delle Alpi. Ed era 
 anche un attraentissimo luogo di villeggiatura, dove con- 
 venivano genti d'ogni paese, perfino dall'Africa. Augusto 
 e sua moglie Livia, e poi gl'imperatori Tiberio, Marco 
 Aurelio, Diocleziano ed altri, non disdegnarono d'andarvi 
 a passare Testate. Augusto, anzi, durante Tanno 12 avanti 
 Cristo, vi ricevette Erode re di Giudea. E Costantino 
 il Grande vi sposo, nel 307, Fausta, figlia di Massimiano 
 e sorella di Massenzio. 
 
 L'IsTRiA E Trieste. Non meno alacri e prodighi i 
 Romani si mostrarono nellTstria — la penisola che sporge 
 all'estremo nord dell'Adriatico e che va dalle foci dellTsonzo 
 all'insenatura del Quarnero — da loro conquistata durante 
 gli anni 178-177 avanti Cristo ^ Vi costruirono cantieri, 
 
 ^ Tra le primitive emigrazioni, conosciute col nome generico di Pelasgi, che 
 dall'Asia si riversarono in Europa, una corrente abbastanza numerosa approdo 
 alia terra che oggi si chiama Istria, e specialmente nel vasto seno che si stende 
 davanti a Trieste. Ai Pelasgi si sovrapposero piii tardi gli Etruschi. Finche
 
 L'ALTA ORIGINE (182 AV. CRISTO) 431 
 
 sicuri punti d'approdo, fortezze. Tracciarono, com'essi 
 soli sapevano tracciare, vie maestre litorali e montuose 
 conducenti fin nel cuore della Carnia. Riedificarono parec- 
 chie citta sullo stile architettonico di Roma. A Pola eressero 
 le mura di cinta con porte solidissime, un tempio a Diana 
 e un tempio ad Augusto con colonnati monumentali, I'arco 
 dei Sergi, numerosi sepolcreti, un superbo anfiteatro di 
 granito, giudicato inferiore soltanto al Colosseo di Roma 
 sia per vastita (I'interno, nella sua forma elittica, misurava 
 140 metri di lunghezza e no di larghezza e poteva contenere 
 25,000 spettatori), sia per la maestosa bellezza artistica; 
 ampliarono e fortificarono il porto, facendone una base 
 navale di prim'ordine ^ A Parenzo {Parenthium) eressero 
 il Campidoglio, il Foro, i templi di Marte e di Nettuno e il 
 recinto dei Comizi, 
 
 Ma a Trieste (Tergeste) i Romani vollero principalmente 
 profondere i tesori materiali e morali di cui Roma non era 
 mai avara con i popoli ch'essa sapeva a lei devoti. Vi 
 costruirono un acquedotto, le mura di cinta, il Campidoglio, 
 le Terme, I'Arena, un tempio a Giove e un magnifico 
 porto militate, il piii importante dell'Adriatico, quello che 
 doveva servir loro di base nelle comunicazioni commerciali 
 e nelle guerre col centro d'Europa.^ Inscrissero la citta 
 alia tribii Papinia; la considerarono com'una continuazione 
 
 verso il 508 avanti Cristo vi giunse dalle foci dell'Istro (cosi a quei tempi si chiamava 
 il Danubio) e dalla Tracia una grossa tribii di gente grecanica, la quale si sostitui 
 ai primitivi abitatori, dando alia regione il noma d'Istria dal gran fiume d'onde 
 essa tribu proveniva. 
 
 Questo ci assicura la tradizione. 
 
 Piu tardi Strabone e Plinio ci designarono chiaramente i popoli che abitarono 
 la regione istriana prima dell'occupazione romana. Essi furono i Celti, i Liburni, 
 i Carnii e i Siapidi, con predominanza della razza celtica. 
 
 E quindi assodato che le primitive popolazioni dell'Istria erano etnograficamente 
 conformate, come gli altri popoli d'ltalia, da schiatte varie, unite piii o meno 
 dall'affinita, dalla lunga connivenza e dai bisogni comuni. 
 
 Trieste esisteva prima della conquista romana. 
 
 ^ Nelle rivalita tra Cesare e Pompeo, Pola parteggio per Pompeo. Cesare, 
 irato, voleva distruggere la citta. Ma ne fu dissuaso dalla sua gentile figliuola 
 Giulia. A memoria e a riconoscenza di tale atto, Pola fu da allora in poi e per 
 molto tempo chiamata Pietas Giuliae. 
 
 ^ Nella colonna Traiana a Roma, fra i tanti bassorilievi ve ne sono due che rap- 
 presentano la Trieste dei Romani circondata da mura solidissime, con le rive 
 guarnite, col porto diviso in due da un bel molo, all'estremita del quale sorge il faro 
 sopra una torre alta e rotonda: e I'imperatore Traiano che s'imbarca per Roma, 
 reduce da una vittoria riportata sui Daci.
 
 432 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 della provincia veneta; la investirono degli stessi diritti di 
 Roma, "cosi che i Triestini poterono, al pari dei Romani, 
 partecipare alle elezioni dei magistrati della Repubblica e 
 poi deirimpero, di esserne eletti e di votare leggi"; ne fecero, 
 insomma, I'espressione culminante della loro energia edifi- 
 catrice nell'Istria, irradiante su vastissima zona la fecondita 
 della sua esistenza.^ 
 
 Quando Augusto divise I'ltalia in undid regioni, Trieste, 
 ITstria e la Venezia formarono la decima regione italica: 
 X Regio Italica. E le milizie triestine furono inscritte nella 
 decima legione ApoUinare. Proprio allora la citta — 
 grata d'essere stata inalzata dalle vittrici aquile romane ai 
 piij alti fastigi della ricchezza, della cultura, della civilta: 
 orgogliosa d'avere appartenuto e di appartenere come parte 
 integrante alia piii forte e piii illuminata razza del mondo — 
 incise nel suo stemma, su campo purpureo, I'alabarda di ferro 
 pervenutale da Roma: alabarda simboleggiante VAlma 
 Mater nel suo possente fulgore latino. 
 
 Trentino. II Trentino e quell'incantevole paesaggio 
 montuoso che s'incunea tra il Veneto e la Lombardia, divi- 
 dendo per una larghezza di oltre lOO chilometri queste due 
 province italiane.^ I suoi confini girano per 452 chilometri, 
 dei quali 136 lo dividono dal Tirolo tedesco, 138 dalla 
 Lombardia e 178 dal Veneto. Da Bolzano a Riva sul lago 
 di Garda, esso e percorso dall'Adige, il rapido e impetuoso 
 fiume cantato da Virgilio e da Dante, sulle cui rive sorge 
 Trento (Tridentum), la piii importante citta del Trentino. 
 
 I primi abitatori di questa regione furono gli Etruschi, 
 poi i Galli, poi i Romani. Dalla fusione appunto della razza 
 quirita con la razza gallica nacque la razza itahca propria- 
 mente detta. 
 
 I Romani, dopo ch'ebbero ai tempi d'Augusto assoggetta- 
 to il Trentino, si misero con Icna intensa a colonizzarlo, 
 
 ^ Giuli» Cesare — che piii volte c«mbatte vittoriosamente contro le orde 
 teutoniche irrompcnti dalle Alpi, ricacciandola sempre alle loro sterili lande — 
 estese e porto il confine d'ltalia all'Arsia sul Quarnero. Da lui appunto la catena 
 di montagne che serra I'lstria a settentrione, e che fu testimone delle gesta del gran 
 capitano, prese il nome d'Alpe Giulia. 
 
 ^ In seguito al trattato di Vienna del 1815, I'Austria aggrego il Trentino al 
 Tirolo tedesco, e d'allora in poi lo chiamo Tirolo.
 
 L'ALTA ORIGINE (182 AV. CRISTO) 433 
 
 finche riuscirono a diirgli un assetto economico e civile degno 
 del loro imperio. 
 
 Tutto cio e storicamente assodato. Pur nondimeno la 
 romanita del Trentino fusempremessa in dubbio dai nemici 
 dei diritti nazionali italiani. Ogni dubbio, pero, dove tacere 
 di fronte a un fatto inaspettato accaduto nel secolo scorso. 
 II 29 aprile 1869 (e questo il fatto) due contadini italiani, 
 scavando in un campo vicino a Cles nel Trentino, trovarono 
 una tavola di bronzo perfettamente conservata, contenente 
 inciso un decreto in lingua latina, col quale Claudio, impera- 
 tore romano nelTanno 49 dell'era cristiana, risolveva la 
 disputa che da lungo tempo esisteva intorno alia nazionalita 
 degli abitanti delle vallate dell'estremo nord delle province 
 di Trento. 
 
 Ecco il testo del decreto tradotto in lingua italiana: 
 
 Marco Giunio Silano e Quinto Sulpicio Camerino, Consoli. A 
 Baia il 15 di marzo, in un editto di Tiberio Claudio Cesare Augusto 
 Germanico, fu proposto quanto segue: 
 
 Tiberio Claudio Cesare Augusto, Pontefice Massimo, con po- 
 tere di Tribuno per la sesta volta, Imperatore per la undicesima 
 volta, Console nominato per la quarta volta. Padre della Patria, 
 dichiara: 
 
 Considerando che, proprio sotto il governo di Tiberio Cesare, 
 mio zio, Pinario Apollinara fu mandato per regolare le vecchie 
 controversie, delle quali la mia memoria ritiene solo quelle tra i 
 Commensi e i Bergalei; e che il detto Pinario Apollinara, per 
 I'assenza di mio zio da Roma, ed anche piii tardi sotto il governo 
 di Caio Caligola, neglesse di riportare, come nessuno domando a 
 lui di fare; ed essendomi stato conseguentemente riferito da 
 Camurio Statute che la maggior parte delle terre e foreste abitate 
 dai suddetti popoli sono sotto il mio dominio: lo mandai il mio 
 amico Giulio Planta, perche, con I'aiuto dei miei procuratori e delle 
 persone del vicino territorio, investigasse attentamente tutte le 
 cose e rapportasse a me, com'egli efFettivamente mi rapporto in un 
 apposito memoriale da lui preparato; ed lo gli diedi I'autorita 
 d'investigare e decidere le rimanenti materie. 
 
 Come alia legale condizione dei Naumi, Tuliassi e Sinduni, 
 una parte d'essi e unita con i Tridentini, mentre un'altra non e 
 unita. Sebbene I'origine di questi ultimi non sia abbastanza 
 chiara per determinare se essi abbiano la cittadinanza Romana,
 
 434 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 pure, in vista del fatto che essi sono cosi misti con i Tridentini e 
 godettero il diritto di cittadinanza per lungo tempo, e che essi non 
 potrebbero essere separati da quella splendida municipalita senza 
 gran danno della medesima, lo permetto ch'essi rimangano in 
 possesso del diritto ch'essi per lungo tempo credettero di possedere, 
 e questo lo faccio volontariamente, per avere udito che, della 
 maggioranza di detto popolo, alcuni furono soldati nel mio corpo 
 di guardia, altri furono comandanti di truppe, altri furono membri 
 di giurie e presero parte in cause trattate a Roma. Questi diritti 
 lo do loro, cosi che tutti loro possano, come cittadini Romani 
 presso essi stessi e con i Tridentini o altrove, essere considerati 
 legali e conservare i nomi da loro precedentemente adottati di 
 cittadini Romani. 
 
 La scoperta d'un si prezioso documento, che fu subito 
 battezzato col nome di Tavola Clesiana, riempi di giubilo i 
 Trentini, glTtaliani tutti. E da ogni parte del mondo 
 giunsero congratulazioni al governo d'ltalia. Solo dall'Au- 
 stria e dalla Germania giunsero parole d'incredulita e 
 dispetto. Ma esse non potevano scuotere in verun modo il 
 bronzeo contenuto della verita. Si che gli autori di sifFatte 
 parole dovettero finite col riconoscere anch'essi I'auten- 
 ticita della Tavola Clesiana; ma si vendicarono, insinuando 
 che il luogo della scoperta era stato abitato sempre da 
 popoli di razza teutonica, non mai da popoli di razza latina. 
 
 I Trentini continuarono i loro scavi. E trovarono ben 
 presto un'immensa quantita di ossa e teschi umani, insieme 
 con lance, spade, giavelletti, monete romane, ecc. 
 
 L'insigne storico e archeologo tedesco Teodoro Mommsen 
 corse a Cles per investigate. Vi corsero anche molti altri 
 professori tedeschi, alio scopo di vedere se, per mezzo dei 
 nuovi oggetti rinvenuti, "si potevano distruggere le prove 
 messe in luce dalla Tavola Clesiana^'. 
 
 Dopo attento e minuzioso esame, risulto chiarissima- 
 mente che le ossa e i teschi con le lance, le spade, i giavelletti, 
 le monete, ecc. erano appartenuti senz'alcun dubbio a 
 individui di pura razza latina e non teutonica. 
 
 II Mommsen, che s'intendeva di cose romane antiche 
 meglio di qualsiasi altro studioso del suo tempo, pubblico il 
 risultato delle sue accurate e autorevoli investigazioni in un 
 apposito opuscolo, nel quale concluse che tutti i fatti pro-
 
 -'. ^-w<»»«»Mit »? »i) i« i iW' ' ''t iMtt»aa!<i»..- ^ ■ 
 
 MlVMOSllANO-Q'SVLPiaO'CAMEMNOCoyt 
 
 [plBVS'MAMls ^BMi'-lMPHAttORlOlDICTYM i^i 
 
 Tr-ClAVDf CA£SKK[5\VCVSTiGlRWAN{Crf F.or05lTVMfVa ID ■ | 
 
 C^yODiNfP.A'SCMrTVMtSl I 
 
 T[dAVDlVSa£SARAVGVMV5C£RMANICVSrONT >. ' 
 
 MAXIM Iff arOltSTYf i S\? XI- T'f ' COS ■ DESrCNAIVS (III' riJClT i ^\ 
 
 CvMf K'V ^'^KtBVSCONIPvOVlKSls raeN1lftV5AUQyA,VvD5Vfr[Af>i ';| 
 
 TtMro ?v' nVSTI-CArSAW.STMKVt-Mtl- AD OVAS OPvDf rv AN'O A S 'f f 
 
 r {NAKIV ^A ArOUlNAlVtM-NMS^RAT VABANl VAVWODO ; f 
 
 INTll^COMf NSlSi5<:£N'TQy,\NtVM-MfM0P.tA ?.! ff^O- tl 1 1 
 
 nf ?kGAi£0;^ - j^ayr rKlA^vMKrs WHAT cmi ivAci'PAia-vKMf ! : i 
 
 MF£?.K£Nt N :rtVl.TCaViDr>A;NlGl EXStMt- TT rO.VItAC '5' ^ 
 OnvUMtCAMVMY-S'-5TXlVtVS A0Mf AC1<v05 rilKOiXe/i. 1 i 
 
 KVs^'Vl?vtiWf.t-<lVC>KVM;eA^U,Vvn')f:iX1CS.APtKl^Vt\)^^t 
 
 TXN\' 1 1 > t AX- M A"0V £ F,tO • N* ONK \ >V»V>.\ < iK N\ A /V^ ! !>ei"N V5 H '^ M * 
 
 tWlil NI1NU M'SVI ?vAtA,'^A{.5'>t 4V&£ M HOfv- 
 
 »;) Hi )> »».y « wi » »mWiWitt i * N < 'J WD MM it Wi.n aw'WTCy'- .»»5«^*«»-?i^«*«^>»--<x- 
 
 I,A "TA\'()LA CLKSIANA"
 
 L'ALTA ORIGINE (182 AV. CRISTO) 435 
 
 vavano pienamente e solennemente che la regione di Trento 
 "e italiana e appartenne all'Italia". 
 
 GFinsinuatori dovettero ingoiar la pillola e turarsi la 
 bocca. 
 
 Dalmazia *. Una contesa tra i Dalmati e alcuni 
 popoli (Lissani e Daorsi) alleati di Roma provoco per la 
 prima volta I'intervento dei Romani negli afFari della Dal- 
 mazia. Un forte esercito romano, comandato dal console 
 Marcio Figulo, shared nella detta regione I'anno 156 avanti 
 Cristo, assedio la capitale ch'era allora Dalminio, I'espugno 
 e costrinse i Dalmati a una pace onerosa. 
 
 Ma assai piii tardi Roma pote soggiogare definitiva- 
 mente la Dalmazia, fiera quanto mai della propria liberta, e 
 tramutarla, da terra barbarica e povera qual'era, in paese 
 civile e ricco. 
 
 Sulle coste dalmate i porti come Zara, Salona presso 
 Spalato, Ragusa e Antivari ricevettero un potentissimo 
 impulso, e insieme con i porti di Fiume, Trieste, Pola, 
 Aquileia, Ravenna, Rimini, Ancona, Bari, Brindisi e 
 Durazzo, tutti importantissimi, fecero del mare Adriatico 
 un gran lago romano fiorente di vita e di commerci. 
 
 La romanizzazione della Dalmazia fu tanto profonda e 
 salda, che Diocleziano, allorquando, stanco di mente e di 
 corpo per le gravi cure di Stato e gli acciacchi, abdico 
 airimpero nel 305, non prefer! altro luogo di riposo che 
 Salona, dove si ritiro e visse, occupato nella poetica e 
 deliziosa coltivazione dei suoi splendidi giardini, fino al 313. 
 
 E Giulio Nipote, quando nel 478 fu deposto da Oreste 
 (il padre di Romolo Augusto), non seppe far di meglio che 
 rifugiarsi nella Dalmazia, da dove Roma imperiale mando 
 I'ultimo guizzo di luce sul mondo. 
 
 Cos! il dominio di Roma, dapprima temuto e osteggiato, 
 fini col diventare — grazie alia saggezza con cui fu eserci- 
 tato — I'eta delForo degl'Istriani, dei Triestini, dei Trentini, 
 dei Dalmati, di tutti i popoli che oggi sono al confine orien- 
 tale d'ltalia. 
 
 * La regione litorale a est del mare Adriatico.
 
 436 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 E il nome sacro dell'Urbe, generatore di luce a di calore 
 al pari del Sole, sebbene macchiato dalle colpe dei tiranni, 
 fu dai detti popoli amato, difeso, benedetto, inciso gloriosa- 
 mente nelle pagine della loro storia. 
 
 II 
 
 Le invasioni barbariche in Italia. Attila, Hagellum 
 Dei, distrugge (anno 452) la bella citta d'Aquileia fondata 
 dai Romani fin dal 182-181 avanti Cristo. In un comizio 
 presieduto dall'imperatore Carlo Magno, gl'Italiani del- 
 I'lstria protestano contro I'immigrazione slava (anno 804). 
 La Republica dei dogi libera I'Adriatico dai corsari 
 stranieri. Lo sposalizio di Venezia col mare. La 
 spontanea sudditanza della Dalmazia (anno 999). 
 Fedele per otto secoli. "L'onoratissima sepoltura " 
 dello stendardo di San Marco. 
 
 Con la morte dell'imperatore romano Marco Aurelio, 
 avvenuta a Vindobona (Vienna) I'anno i8o, tramonto 
 per sempre I'eta dell'oro nelle region! del confine orientale 
 d'ltalia. L'Impero romano caduto in balia di soldati 
 accecati dalle piii basse e sfrenate passioni, degenero; 
 perdette I'antico vigore, I'antico prestigio, I'antico splendore; 
 rovino. E allora i barbari (Goti, Vandali, Svevi, Borgo- 
 gnoni, Unni) — le teste ornate con corna di buoi, le spalle 
 e i petti coperti con pelli d'animali feroci — che il possente 
 gladius romano aveva tenuto per secoli in soggezione, si 
 rovesciarono — assetati di vendetta, avidi di preda e di 
 dominio — dall'Alpi: e, facendo strage di campi, di citta, 
 di popoli, stremarono I'ltalia; I'avvilirono; la ridussero a 
 durissima servitCi; la sprofondarono in quell'abisso tenebroso 
 che fu poi chiamato Medio Evo. 
 
 La prima furia barbarica colpi naturalmente le regioni 
 del confine orientale: il Trentino, il Friuli, I'lstria, la 
 Dalmazia. Ma queste non si fecero ingoiare tanto facil- 
 mente; opposero, ai brutali invasori, una resistenza quanto 
 mai tenace; difesero con supremo ardimento, con supremo
 
 LE INVASIONI BARBARICHE 437 
 
 eroismo, la propria italianita, germe iniziale di quell'irre- 
 dentismo che doveva, insieme con altre cause, determinare 
 I'intervento dell'Italia (maggio 191 5) nel piu grande conflitto 
 delle nazioni, e rinnovare cosi (circolo fatale delle alterne 
 vicende umane!) le orrende tragedie che si svolsero, nel 
 passato, tra gli stessi popoli e sulle stesse Alpi. 
 
 Basta ricordare Aquileia assediata dagli Unni. Essa lotto 
 strenuamente contro i nemici, respingendoli piii volte. 
 Per punirla appunto dello straordinario valore dimostrato, 
 Att'i\3.f flage Hum Deiy dopo che con impetuosi e rabbiosi assalti 
 riusci a prenderla, vi trucido i cittadini, compresi i vecchi, 
 le donne, i fanciulli; la saccheggio, I'incendio; fece sparire 
 dalla faccia della terra (anno 452), come sotto torrenti di 
 lava, la metropoli piena di forza e di bellezza che i Romani 
 avevano eretto con tanta sapienza, con tanto amore. 
 
 I superstiti d'Aquileia, nonche quelli delle altre citta 
 di confine distrutte da Attila, si rifugiarono presso la 
 isoletta del vicino estuario, e ivi fondarono a poco a poco 
 la citta che doveva, per virtii di governanti, diventare nei 
 secoli successivi la regina dell'Adriatico: Venezia.^ 
 
 E quando non poterono con I'armi, le regioni del confine 
 orientale d'ltalia sostennero la loro nazionalita con altri 
 mezzi. L'anno 568 cominciarono a calare in Italia i Longo- 
 bardi (gente germanica) comandati dal loro re Alboino. I 
 nuovi barbari, al pari dei precedenti, non fecero che opera 
 di distruzione e di morte. 
 
 Gl'Italiani del confine orientale, costretti ad abban- 
 donare i loro paesi interni continuamente messi a ferro ed 
 a fuoco dai selvaggi invasori, si ridussero al mare, il quale 
 apriva loro, se non altro, una via di scampo. Ed ivi si 
 dedicarono alia pesca e alia navigazione. 
 
 ^ Piu tardi Aquileia risorse e ridivento potente in grazia del suo patriarcato, 
 uno dei maggiori principati teocratico-militari del Medio Evo. La sua Cliiesa, 
 dopo quella di Roma, fu la piu illustre della Cristianita. E la Corte dei patriarchi 
 d'Aquileia, i quali prestavano agl'iiTiperaton che dominavano I'ltalia un semplice 
 omaggio feudale, fu delle piu splendide e celebrate di quell'eta. II secolo XIII 
 segno I'apice della potenza patriarcale. Ma durante il 1420 Venezia, rimasta 
 padrona del Friuli, soppresse quella potenza teocratico-feudale, e il vescovo vene- 
 ziano ottenne egli stesso da Roma il titolo di patriarca d'Aquileia con giurisdizione 
 su quella diocesi.
 
 438 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Ma rimperatore Carlo Magno scaccio i Longobardi 
 dairitalia e, coH'intento, forse lodevole, di ripopolare le 
 terre interne dell'Istria lasciate deserte dagl'Italiani, 
 commise I'errore di chiamarvi alcune tribu slave che da 
 tempo le appetivano. 
 
 Gl'Istriani non videro di buon occhio un tale atto. 
 Lo credettoro nocivo alia loro compagine etnica e alia 
 futura ricostituzione della loro unita politica. Eppero 
 s'agitarono, protestarono altamente in un solenne comizio 
 da loro tenuto presso il flume Risano, sotto la presidenza 
 dello stesso Carlo Magno (anno 804). Ed ebbero la virtii 
 di far si che il potentissimo imperatore dei Franchi si con- 
 vincesse dell'errore commesso, sospendesse immediatamente 
 la gia avviata colonizzazione slava neiristria,e vi ravvivasse, 
 invece, le piii utili istituzionl romane, adattandole alle mu- 
 tate condizioni dei tempi. 
 
 E quando videro che Venezia seguiva le virili tradizioni 
 di Roma, meglio delle altre repubbliche italiche contempo- 
 ranee, le regioni del confine orientale d'ltalia, che non ave- 
 vano mai tollerato volontariamente la mala signoria dei 
 barbari, non esitarono a passare sotto la protezione del 
 governo dei dogi. Basta ricordare la Dalmazia. I pirati 
 narentani, slavi e croati infestavano da un pezzo I'Adriatico, 
 assaltando, assassinando, rapinando. E non contenti di 
 cio, essi erano riusciti, col terrore, ad imporre gravi tributi 
 agli abitatori delle coste dalmatiche e perfino agli stessi 
 Veneziani. 
 
 I Dalmati implorarono I'aiuto della Repubblica, che 
 altra volta li aveva anche difesi contro la prepotenza 
 degli stranieri. Per fortuna era allora doge un uomo straor- 
 dinariamente gagliardo risoluto magnanimo, "amalgama 
 dinamico e vibrante di tutte le energie venete": Pietro II 
 Orseolo, figlio di quel Pietro Orseolo, santificato poi dalla 
 Chiesa cattolica, che aveva cominciato a proprie spese e 
 portato a buon punto la costruzione della monumentale 
 chiesa di San Marco. 
 
 L'Orseolo, ascoltati e confortati gli ambasciatori dal- 
 mati, disse ai Veneziani con accento fermo che, per cancellare
 
 LE INVASIONI BARBARICHE 439 
 
 rignominia a cui la Repubblica era da tanto tempo soggetta, 
 per ridonare la sicurezza ai fratelli continuamente ta- 
 glieggiati dai corsari, bisognava fare la guerra. 
 
 I Veneziani, commossi, assentirono: e diedero ampia 
 llberta d'azione al loro doge. 
 
 II giorno deH'Ascensione dell'anno 999 una flotta for- 
 midabilmente armata salpava da Venezia al comando di 
 Pietro II Orseolo. 
 
 I corsari, intanto, instavano piu che mai per la riscossione 
 del solito tributo. 
 
 II doge fece risponder loro che sarebbe andato di persona 
 a portarglielo. 
 
 Vi ando, infatti. Ma, invece del tributo pecuniario, 
 egli porto ai nemici la ruggente forza dell'alato leone di 
 San Marco. 
 
 Si combatterono grandi battaglie navali, specialmente a 
 Curzola e a Lagosta. I corsari slavi del golfo di Narente 
 opposero, piii di tutti, una resistenza accanitissima. Ma a 
 nulla valse. I loro navigli furono dai Veneziani incendiati. 
 I corsari stessi furono parte uccisi, parte inseguiti nel con- 
 tinente e ricacciati e dispersi oltre i confini. 
 
 L'Adriatico fu cosi liberato dalle piraterie e dai terrore 
 dei barbari. 
 
 I Veneziani accolsero in trionfo il doge vincitore, e gli 
 conferirono il titolo di "Duca della Dalmazia". E a 
 ricordanza dell'alta impresa compiuta, celebrarono lo sposa- 
 lizio simbolico di Venezia col mare. II doge, imbarcato 
 con gli altri supremi magistrati della Repubblica sul dorato 
 Bucintoro sfarzosamente ornato, getto un anello benedetto 
 nel mare e pronunzio queste significative parole: Desponsa- 
 mus te, mare nostro, in signum veri perpetuique domi7iii; in 
 segno del vero e perpetuo dominio che la Repubblica aveva 
 ormai acquistato sul mare Adriatico, il quale fu, d'allora in 
 poi, chiamato Golfo di Venezia.^ 
 
 La Dalmazia, dai canto suo, esultante e riconoscente, 
 ricompenso la sorella liberatrice facendole **spontaneo 
 omaggio di sudditanza", giurandole ubbidienza e fedelta 
 
 * La festa dello sposalizio di Venezia col mare si celebro anche nei secoli suc- 
 cessivi in ogni giorno deH'Ascensione.
 
 440 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 "in eterno". Rimase ella infatti contenta e felice sotto 
 il mite governo di Venezia, prima per quattro secoli interi, 
 poi, dopo una breve involontaria interruzione, per altri 
 377 anni (in tutto otto secoli circa!). E vi sarebbe rimasta 
 davvero "in eterno", se il trattato di Campoformio, stipu- 
 lato il i6 ottobre 1795 tra Napoleone I e Francesco II 
 imperatore d'Austria, non avesse traditorescamente colpita 
 a morte anche la Repubblica dei dogi, sacrificandola alle 
 oblique cupidige degli Asburgo. 
 
 II dolore provato dai Dalmati per sifFatto trattato non si 
 puo descrivere. A Zara, capitale della Dalmazia, le bandiere 
 venete furono portate sull'altare maggiore della chiesa, 
 "ed ivi, prima dagli ufficiali, poi dai soldati, quindi dal 
 popolo, furono baciate e talmente asperse di lagrime, che 
 restarono tutte inumidite". 
 
 E a Perasto lo stendardo della Repubblica di San 
 Marco, come una reliquia sacra, fu dai cittadini posto sotto 
 I'altar maggiore della chiesa, mentre il comandante delle 
 milizie, rivolto alio stendardo stesso, diceva in dolce dialetto 
 veneziano queste toccanti parole di devozione: 
 
 Per 577 anni la nostra fede, el nostra valor id sempre custodio 
 per mar dove n' a chiamd i to nemici. Per^'j'j anni le nostre sostanze, 
 el nostro sangue, le nostre vite xe stade sempre per ti, e felicissimi 
 s'avemo reputd. Ti con nu, nu con ti, semo stai sempre vittoriosiy 
 sempre illustri. Za che non ne resta altro de far per ti, il nostro cor 
 sia I'onoratissima to sepoltura, e el piu grande, el piu vero elogio le 
 nostre lagrime! Per 377 anni la nostra fede e il nostro valore ti 
 hanno sempre custodito per mare, dove ci hanno chiamato i tuoi 
 nemici. Per 377 anni le nostre sostanze, il nostro sangue, le 
 nostre vite sono state sempre per te, e felicissimi ci dobbiamo 
 reputare. Tu con noi, noi con te, siamo stati sempre vittoriosi, 
 sempre illustri. Giacche non ci resta altro da fare per te, il nostro 
 cuore sia I'onoratissima tua sepoltura, e il piu grande, il piii vero 
 elogio sieno le nostre lagrime! 
 
 Anche le isole del QuarneroS conquistate dal doge Pietro 
 
 ^ II golfo del Quarnero e quel largo braccio di mare Adriatico che s'insinua tra 
 la costa orientale della penisola istriana e il litorale croato. Esso — dalla insena- 
 tura di Porto Re alle alrtire di Meia e di Tcrsato, fino a Fiiime — e Italia e segna il 
 confine geografico d'ltalia. Le sue isole furono anche in potere dei Romani. 
 Ai tempi di Giiilio Cesare esse erano inscritte alia Liburnia che faceva parte del- 
 I'llliria.
 
 I COMUNI E BARBAROSSA 441 
 
 II Orseolo, rimasero sempre sotto il governo di Venezia 
 (eccetto il periodo dal 1378 al 1409 in cui esse furono con la 
 Dalmazia cedute transitoriamente aH'Ungheria). Vi rima- 
 sero fino alia caduta della Repubblica, con la quale furono 
 consegnate all'Austria in forza del suddetto trattato di 
 Campoformio riconfermato dal Congresso di Vienna del 
 1815. 
 
 Ill 
 
 I Comuni. Federico Barbarossa imperatore di Ger- 
 mania scende in Italia I'anno 1154 e massacra, saccheg- 
 gia, incendia; cattura il celebre riformatore Amaldo da 
 Brescia e lo consegna al papa Adriano IV, il quale I'arde 
 vivo. La compiacente Dieta di Roncaglia. Milano, 
 Crema e Piacenza si ribellano. II Barbarossa si vendica 
 mostruosamente : assedia Crema, e non potendo vin- 
 cerla con I'armi, lega ad alcune torri mobili i fanciulli 
 cremaschi e milanesi ch'egli tiene in ostaggio, e li espo- 
 ne ai colpi degli assediati. L'amor di patria puo piu 
 dell'amore paterno sugl'Italiani. La distruzione di 
 Crema e di Milano. La Lega Veronese. Un papa 
 energico. La Lega Lombarda. L'arcivescovo Cristiano 
 di Magonza, plenipotenziario del Barbarossa in Italia, 
 assedia Ancona e riduce i difensori a cibarsi d'ortiche e 
 cuoio. L'eroismo delle donne anconitane. L'unione 
 del Comuni italiani genera I'epopea. II Carroccio. 
 La Compagnia della Morte. II Barbarossa e terribil- 
 mente sconfitto dagl'Italiani a Legnano (1176); e scon- 
 fitto anche per mare dalla flotta unita di Venezia e di 
 Trieste; deve baciare il piede al suo piu fiero nemico 
 (papa Alessandro III) ; deve implorare la pace e abban- 
 donare per sempre I'ltalia senza averla potuta soggiogare. 
 
 E quando i Comuni d'ltalia tentarono di ricostituire a 
 unita e indipendenza la patria invasa e devastata ancora 
 una volta dai Teutoni, le regioni del confine orientale non si 
 limitarono soltanto a manifestazioni di solidarieta pura- 
 mente spirituale, ma si slanciarono con fede e ardore sul 
 campo dell'azione, dove piii sovrastava il pericolo, dando
 
 442 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 il loro contributo di pensiero e di sangue alia causa nazionale. 
 Basta ricordare Trieste. 
 
 E noto che sulle rovine del vecchio edificio feudale in 
 Italia sorse il governo comunale autonomo, ossia il reggi- 
 mento libero delle citta, con una magistratura suprema di 
 tre, sei o dodici consoli; con un consiglio minore di notabili, 
 detto di credenza, che deliberava delle cose ordinarie; con 
 un'assemblea generale di tutti i cittadini, la quale deli- 
 berava delle cose piii importanti (votare leggi, stipulate 
 trattati d'alleanza, dichiarare guerra, concludere pace, 
 battere moneta). 
 
 Federico Barbarossa imperatore di Germania, deciso 
 di ridurre ITtalia all'antica obbedienza teutonica, I'invase 
 durante I'anno 1154 con un grosso esercito; devasto cam- 
 pi; incendio villaggi e citta, tra cui Chieri ed Asti; as- 
 sedio Tortona e le ingiunse di rompere immediatamente 
 I'alleanza ch'essa aveva con Milano. La nobile cittadetta 
 respinse il disonorante comando. II Barbarossa I'assalto: 
 e, dopo due mesi d'aspra lotta, I'espugno, la saccheggio, la 
 distrusse. Compiute sifFatte prodezze, se n'ando a Pavia, 
 dove si fece incoronare re dTtalia; poi, invitato da Adriano 
 IV, prese la via dellTtalia Meridionale, alio scopo d'esten- 
 dere anche laggiii il suo dominio e, nello stesso tempo, 
 catturare Arnaldo da Brescia — un terribile nemico della 
 Chiesa cattolica di quei tempi — e consegnarlo al detto 
 pontefice. 
 
 Era Arnaldo da Brescia un monaco dalla mente ispirata 
 e severa, che vagheggiava il rinnovamento religioso e 
 politico del genere umano, ponendo per base la verita e la 
 morale in un senso positivo e sano. Non riconosceva il 
 battesimo dei fanciulli, le preghiere dei defunti, il sacrifizio 
 della messa. Predicando con ardente infrenabile foga contro 
 il potere temporale dei papi e contro i corrotti costumi degli 
 ecclesiastici, era riuscito ad acquistarsi il favore e I'amore 
 del popolo; a scacciare, successivamente, i papi Lucio II 
 ed Eugenio III; a fondare in Roma una repubblica laico- 
 democratica con un senato. Pero, dopo dieci anni di potere, 
 Adriano IV — papa astuto, audace, senza scrupoli — I'at- 
 tacco; localunnio; loscomunico insieme con quelli che mag-
 
 I COMUNI E BARBAROSSA 443 
 
 giormente lo sostenevano; riempi di tanto terrore la citta di 
 Roma, che il generoso novatore fu ripudiato, espulso, perse- 
 guitato. 
 
 II Barbarossa lo trovo rifugiato in un castello della 
 Campania; lo strappo a viva forza dalle mani di chi I'ospi- 
 tava; lo trascino in catene a Roma ai piedi d'Adriano IV. 
 E costui, da buon vicario di Cristo, lo condanno al rogo; 
 fece gittare le ceneri del martire nel Tevere; ricompenso 
 il Barbarossa del servizio reso alia Chiesa, cingendogli 
 con gran pompa la corona imperiale nel Vaticano. 
 
 II popolo romano si sdegno a tanta nequizia: e insorse: 
 ed obbligo il Barbarossa a partire precipitosamente per la 
 Germania. 
 
 II tiranno si vendico deH'umiliazione patita, mettendo 
 a ferro e foco I'innocente citta di Spoleto. 
 
 Ripiombo in Italia tre anni dopo, sempre assetato di 
 sangue e di dominio; espugno Brescia; poi, con un esercito 
 di 100,000 fanti e 15,000 cavalieri, marcio su Milano per 
 punirla d'avere riedificato Tortona; per punirla, sopratutto, 
 dello spirito ribelle ch'essa troppo tenacemente dimostrava 
 contro la signoria teutonica. 
 
 La metropoli lombarda sostenne leoninamente I'urto 
 nemico, e resiste finche ebbe viveri. Quando questi le 
 mancarono, essa s'arrese, ma non a discrezione, sibbene a 
 patti onorevoli (1158). 
 
 II Barbarossa allora convoco a Roncaglia, nel Piacen- 
 tino, una compiacente Dieta, dalla quale fece sentenziare 
 che le citta d'ltalia rette a Comune dovevano, al pari di 
 tutte le altre, dipendere amministrativamente e giudizia- 
 riamente da un rappresentante imperiale detto Podestd. 
 
 Milano, Crema, Piacenza fremettero; protestarono; 
 dissero chiaro e tondo ch'esse non si sarebbero mai piegate 
 a sifFatta imposizione. 
 
 II Barbarossa monto in bestia. Gli latrarono nella 
 superba anima i piii truci propositi di vendetta. Si scaglio, 
 alia testa d'un poderoso esercito, contro Crema ch'era la 
 pill debole. Ma fu respinto. Allora ricorse a uno strata- 
 gemma terribile. Fece costruire alcune torri mobili di 
 legno; nell'interno d'esse apposto i suoi piii feroci soldati
 
 444 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 armati fino ai denti; all'esterno lego molti fanciulli di 
 Crema e di Alilano ch'egli teneva in ostaggio. Cos! cariche, 
 accosto le scellerate torri alle mura, sperando che gli asse- 
 diati, per non uccidere i propri figli, si sarebbero astenuti da 
 ogni ulteriore resistenza. Invece successe tutto il contrario. 
 Gli assediati, massimamertte i padri, continuarono a difen- 
 dersi. E, tempestando a un tempo le loro adorate creature 
 e I'odiato nemico, gridavano con fede di neofiti: "Fortunati 
 coloro che muoiono per la patria!" 
 
 Ben sei mesi — dal luglio 1159 al gennaio 1160 — duro 
 la tragica lotta. Alia fine — tagliati gli acquedotti, mancati 
 i viveri, spento il fiore dei cittadini — Crema fu costretta 
 a cedere. II Tedesco la premio dell'eroismo dimostrato, 
 saccheggiandola e incendiandola. 
 
 Nonostante lo scempio di Crema, Milano persiste 
 nella sua attitudine ribelle. II Barbarossa, che gia aveva 
 ricevuto rinforzi dalla Germania, I'assalto con impeto ferino. 
 Ma non gli valse. L'assalto piii volte. Ma i suoi conati 
 si fransero sempre come onde di mare in burrasca contro 
 una costiera. Allora capi che soltanto con la fame avrebbe 
 potuto vincere i Milanesi. Chiese altri rinforzi. Li ottenne. 
 Assedio la citta. Questa resiste due lunghissimi anni. 
 Poi, stretta dal sempre crescente numero di nemici, esausta 
 dalla mancanza di viveri, s'arrese (marzo 1162). II Teutone 
 la tratto ferocissimamente; la distrusse; la semino di sale: 
 segno ch'essa non poteva piii risorgere! Indi se ne torno 
 in Germania per ricevervi e godere gli onori del trionfo. 
 
 L'atroce fine di Milano, pero, commosse profondamente 
 le altre citta d'ltalia; le impensieri; le convinse che, per la 
 salvezza'Lcomune, bisognava urgentemente e saldamente 
 unirsi. 
 
 Le prime ad allearsi tra loro, dopo avere scacciato dalle 
 rispettive sedi le guarnigioni e i ministri imperiali, furono 
 Verona, Vicenza, Padova e Treviso. Lega Veronese. 
 
 II Barbarossa ripiombo com'un falco su Verona, Ma 
 trovo duro: tanto duro, ch'egli stimo prudente rivolarsene 
 immediatamente in Germania per rifornirsi d'altri uomini 
 
 (1 164). 
 
 Intanto nel 11 59 era morto Adriano IV. II Barbarossa
 
 I COMUNI E BARBAROSSA 445 
 
 — trescando, corrompendo, minacciando, intimidendo — era 
 riuscito a far eleggere dai suoi cardinali un antipapa a lui 
 ligio (Vittore IV) e, morto cestui, Pasquale III, animo vile 
 e servo al pari dell'altro. 
 
 I cardinali indipendenti, invece, avevano votato per il 
 Bandinelli di Siena (Alessandro III), uomo sagace ed 
 energico, favorevole alia causa dei Comuni. Questo papa 
 scomunico da Anagni il Barbarossa; poi s'accinse a combat- 
 terlo a tutt'oltranza, unendosi — insieme con Venezia, 
 Bergamo, Brescia, Mantova e Ferrara — alia Lega Veronese^ 
 la quale da quel momento fu chiamata Lega Lombarda. 
 
 I rappresentanti delle citta alleate, nonche i profughi 
 milanesi, s'incontrarono il 7 aprile 1167 nel convento di 
 Pontida situato tra Bergamo e Lecco. Ivi si strinsero \& 
 destre; si guardarono negli occhi; si lessero nei cuori; fusero 
 le loro volonta in una sola volonta; giurarono di difendere, 
 fraternamente compatti fino alia morte, la liberta della 
 patria continuamente insidiata, conculcata, vilipesa dalla 
 barbarica prepotenza straniera. 
 
 Al memorabile convegno parteciparono anche — con la 
 stessa fede, con lo stesso ardore degli altri — i rappresentanti 
 di Trieste. E, in progresso di tempo, vi aderirono Piacenza, 
 Parma, Modena, Bologna Reggio, Novara, Vercelli, Como, 
 Asti, Tortona, Ravenna, Rimini, Imola, Forli. 
 
 La Lega Lombarda si mise subito al lavoro: riedifico 
 Milano, contro il divieto del Barbarossa; poi, in contrapposi- 
 zione di Pavia e del marchese di Monferrato rimasti par- 
 tigiani del tiranno, fondarono tra il Tanaro e la Bormida 
 una citta, alia quale posero il nome d'Alessandria, in onore 
 d'Alessandro III che aveva promosso e sosteneva e dirigeva 
 sapientemente e gagliardamente la Lega. 
 
 In questo mentre, I'arcivescovo Cristiano di Magonza, 
 "legato plenipotenziario" del Barbarossa in Italia, cerco 
 di sottomettere Ancona che s'era ribellata al giogo teutonico. 
 La nobile citta dell'Adriatico fu assediata per mare e per 
 terra; fu attaccata e bersagliata giorno e notte; ma si difese 
 con sublime eroismo, anche quando i suoi figli furono ridotti 
 dalla crudelta nemica a cibarsi di ortiche bollite e cuoio 
 ammollito nell'aceto.
 
 446 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Qualche episodic. 
 
 Una giovane madre, col bambino al petto, visto presso le 
 mura un guerriero disteso a terra boccheggiante per fame, 
 s'accosto e gli disse: "Non mangio da piii giorni; non ho 
 pill latte nemmeno per il mio piccino; ma se una goccia 
 ancora ne resta nel mio seno, prendila, e tua!" — Le soa- 
 vissime parole ebbero un prodigioso efFetto. II guerriero si 
 rianimo, si rizzo, sorrise alia generosa donna, corse dove piii 
 ferveva la mischia, affronto beato la morte. 
 
 Un violentissimo attacco minacciava di subissare la 
 citta. I difensori si battevano col consueto valore, ma non 
 s'illudevano sul funesto pericolo che sovrastava la loro 
 patria. Allora una donna di nome Stamura, afferrato un 
 tizzone ardente, si slancio in mezzo a un nembo di strali 
 contro le macchine nemiche, e le incendio. 
 
 Sopraggiunse un soccorso di Lombardi e Romagnoli. 
 I Tedeschi dovettero fuggire. Ancona ebbe salva la propria 
 liberta. (1174). 
 
 II Barbarossa, infastidito dalla piega che prendevano a 
 suo danno le cose, si mise alia testa d'un altro colossale 
 esercito, e ridiscese in Italia per i valichi del Moncenisio, 
 deciso a farla finita una buona volta con le velleita libertarie 
 e unitarie degl'Italiani. 
 
 In primo luogo egli arse Susa, poi soggiogo Torino ed 
 Asti; poi marcio contro Alessandria. Questa citta, pur non 
 avendo che primitive fortificazioni composte di terra e 
 paglia, tenne testa agli assalti nemici per ben quattro mesi. 
 Alia fine gli assediati seppero che i soccorsi dei collegati 
 stavano per arrivare. Pieni d'esultanza, essi fecero di 
 notte, al buio, un'improvvisa sortita: piombarono sui 
 nemici: ne accopparono un gran numero: costrinsero gli 
 altri a ritirarsi disordinatamente (1175). 
 
 II Barbarossa s'impressiono. Capi che I'impresa alia 
 quale s'era accinto presentava gravi difficolta. Tento 
 patteggiare con la Lega. Ma riuscirono infruttuose le sue 
 trattative. Allora aspetto che gli giungessero dalla Ger- 
 mania nuovi rinforzi. E, quando li ebbe, mosse risoluto 
 contro Milano.
 
 I COMUNI E BARBAROSSA 447 
 
 I collegati non gli fecero compire il viaggio. Andarono ad 
 incontrarlo lungo la via, seguiti dal Carroccio.^ 
 
 Era questo, secondo la descrizione lasciataci da Lodovico 
 Antonio Muratori nei suoi Annali d'ltalia, un gran carro 
 a quattro ruote, assai piii alto dell'ordinario, con una 
 piattaforma assai piii vasta di quella dei carri comuni, 
 dipinto tutto in colore vermiglio fiammante. Nel mezzo 
 sorgeva un altare ricoperto d'un ricchissimo tappeto rosso 
 di dimensioni tali, che ricadeva dalla piattaforma sui lati, 
 fino a toccare le ruote. Nel mezzo dell'altare s'inalzava 
 un'antenna dello stesso color rosso, dalla quale sventolava, 
 mantenutovi da corde dorate e di gran costo, il gonfalone 
 di Milano con la croce rossa in campo bianco. A meta 
 dell'antenna pendeva un immenso crocifisso e una campana 
 per dare gli ordini. 
 
 II carro era tirato da quattro paia di buoi d'imponente 
 statura, tutti di dimensioni e di colore uguali, coperti di 
 ricchissime gualdrappe, rosse per i buoi di destra, bianche 
 per i buoi di sinistra. Esso era la sede mobile del comando 
 generale. AH'intorno doveva rimanere compatta la fanteria 
 contro la cavalleria nemica. 
 
 Caduto il Carroccioy eran perduti la guerra e I'onore. 
 I Milanesi avevano percio formato, a estrema difesa di 
 questo loro sacro propugnacolo, due compagnie di giovani, 
 scelti tra i piu vigorosi e virtuosi cittadini (una di 300, 
 I'altra di 900), armati d'usbergo, azza e pugnale. Quella 
 dei 900 — comandata da Alberto da Giussano indossante 
 la corazza e portante la spada con cintura di cuoio dorato 
 ofFertagli dal popolo, giusta la tradizione — si chiamava la 
 Compagnia della Morte, per avere i guerrieri che la compone- 
 vano, all'atto della partenza, giurato di vincere o morire. 
 
 Anche i 300 avevano giurato di difendere il Carroccio e 
 lasciarsi uccidere tutti, piuttosto che abbandonarlo. 
 
 II giorno di sabato 29 maggio 1176 I'esercito del Barba- 
 rossa e quello della Lega Lojnbarda si trovarono faccia a 
 faccia presso il castello di Legnano, tra I'OIona e il Ticino, 
 a circa venti miglia da Milano. Al primo scontro, la caval- 
 
 ^ Ariberto da Intimiano vescovo di Milano e supremo magistrate del Comune 
 nel 1038 ideo e costrui per la prima volta il Carroccio.
 
 448 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 leria milanese fu respinta; la cavalleria tedesca galoppo 
 verso il Carroccio. I difensori di questo si gettarono in 
 ginocchio; invocarono Dio e sant'Ambrogio (il patrono di 
 Milano); si rialzarono di slancio; si piantarono saldamente 
 come giganti; sostennero formidabilmente I'urto nemico; 
 picchiaron sodo; spaccaron teste di cavalli e di cavalieri. 
 Ma il loro eroismo stava per essere soprafFatto dal numero 
 enorme dei nemici. II Carroccio — simbolo di patria, di 
 liberta, di gloria — correva serio pericolo. 
 
 AUora la CompagJiia della Morte, ripetendo ad alta voce 
 il giuramento di vincere o morire, s'avvento con impeto 
 ruggente travolgente tremendo nel piu folto della mischia: 
 e macello tutti i Tedeschi che incontro; atterro lo stendardo 
 imperiale; sgomino I'intero es'ercito nemico. 
 
 La sopraggiunta cavalleria della Lega diede il colpo di 
 grazia, inseguendo con le spade alle reni i vinti per ben 
 otto miglia. 
 
 II Barbarossa, che aveva pugnato personalmente tra le 
 prime file, rimase sepolto insieme col suo cavallo sotto un 
 monte di cadaveri.^ Fu creduto morto. Ma due giorni 
 dopo, egli comparve a Pavia, solo, senz'elmo, senza spada, 
 tutto lordo di polvere, accigliato, silenzioso. 
 
 La battaglia di Legnano fu la piii potente, la piii bella 
 affermazione d'italianita e di concordia fatta dagl'Italiani 
 nel Medio Evo. 
 
 La citta di Trieste, fedele al giuramento profFerito dai 
 suoi rappresentanti a Pontida, non solo vi contribui degna- 
 mente col valore dei suoi figli, ma fece di piu. S'uni a 
 Venezia per battere anche per mare il nemico. II giorno 
 dell'Ascensione del 1177, infatti, la flotta associata, composta 
 di 50 legni tra galee veneziane e triestine, comandata dal 
 doge Sebastiano Ziani, afFronto presso Salvore (un pro- 
 montorio a poca distanza da Trieste) la flotta imperiale 
 forte di 75 galee: e, dopo aspra battaglia, la sconfisse, 
 riuscendo a catturare perfino la nave ammiraglia, sulla 
 quale si trovava lo stesso figlio del Barbarossa: Ottone. 
 
 II tiranno tedesco dove affrettarsi a baciare il piede ad 
 Alessandro III. 
 
 ^ Alcuni storici dicono ch'egli sia fuggito codardamente.
 
 TRIESTE DAL 1183 AL 1800 449 
 
 Soltanto allora egli pote ottenere dalla Lega una tregua 
 di sei anni, firmata a Venezia durante il 1177. 
 
 Tento piu tardi (il lupo perde il pelo, non mai il vizio) 
 con ogni arte, con ogni sforzo, di rifarsi deirumiliazione 
 patita; ma non vi riusci. Per esempio: con un editto del 
 1 1 82, egli ingiunse alia citta di Trento, che si reggeva a 
 Comune, di non eleggere piii i suoi magistrati-consoli, di 
 cessare da ogni atto di sovranita, di sottostare a un vicario 
 imperiale. Ma Trento non obbedi e continue a reggersi 
 con la propria indipendenza. 
 
 Perduta ogni speranza di soggiogare ITtalia, il Barba- 
 rossa, appena spirata la tregua accordatagli, si rassegno a 
 concludere con glTtaliani una pace definitiva, firmata a 
 Costanza, citta della Germania, I'anno 1183. 
 
 IV 
 
 I Triestini per I'indipendenza municipale della loro 
 citta e per il mantenimento della loro italianita (dalla 
 pace di Costanza del 1183 in poi). Contro i vescovi- 
 baroni (1295-1349). Contro Venezia (1368-1381). La 
 " dedizione " all' Austria (1382). II partito anti-austria- 
 co, le sue ribellioni, il suo martirologio. " L'orgoglio 
 della discendenza romana " (dal Quattrocento al Sette- 
 cento). 
 
 E nelle vicende che succedettero alle guerre contro il 
 Barbarossa, le regioni del confine orientale d'ltalia non 
 tralasciarono mai di lottare per la loro indipendenza e per 
 la loro italianita. Basta ricordare ancora Trieste, che fu 
 ed e la citta raccogliente in se, meglio d'ogni altra citta 
 italiana irredenta, quasi tutte le tradizioni storiche, quasi 
 tutte le idealita politiche delle dette regioni. 
 
 Trieste, quando entro nella Lega Lomharda^ era gover- 
 nata da un vescovo-barone dipendente dal patriarcato 
 d'Aquileia. Ma col trattato di Costanza del 1183, essa 
 ottenne, come le altre citta della Lega Lomharday I'autonomia 
 della propria amministrazione, il diritto d'eleggere i propri
 
 450 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 magistrati, nonche quelle di stringere alleanze, dichiarare 
 guerra e trattare pace. 
 
 Con tutto cio, non prima del 1295 Trieste pote acqui- 
 stare una vera e propria indipendenza municipale. Ed ecco 
 come. II vescovo-barone Brisa aveva urgente bisogno di 
 denaro per pagare i debiti nei quali era afFogato. I Triestini, 
 ch'erano ricchi, ne profittarono. E offrirono al vescovo- 
 barone indebitato i mezzi di levarlo d'impiccio. 
 
 L'offerta fu accettata. Si chiamarono i notari e si 
 rogo un atto col quale il vescovo-barone Brisa rinunziava 
 "per se e per tutti i suoi successori" ai diritti di signoria 
 su Trieste. 
 
 Da quel momento il potere sovrano della citta passo 
 realmente nelle mani dei cittadini. Fu eletto il primo 
 podesta — il capo del "libero Stato di Trieste" — Enrico 
 della Torre appartenente alia famiglia Torriani di Milano 
 stabilitasi da lungo tempo nellTstria. 
 
 II della Torre promulgo subito gli statuti a somiglianza 
 degli altri Comuni d'ltalia; cinse la citta di solide mura per 
 premunirla dalle insidie di fuori; sistemo gli affari interni; 
 diede incoraggiamento a ogni buona iniziativa, per cui 
 sorsero molti edifizi, societa letterarie, collegiate d'arti 
 e mestieri. E s'irrobustirono sempre piia le virtii civiche. 
 
 Un si rapido sviluppo morale e materiale doveva natu- 
 ralmente destare le invidie e le cupidige dei nemici. 
 
 Nel 1 3 13 un Marco Ranfo, gia vassallo vescovile, ordi 
 una congiura per rovesciare il potere popolare e ristabilire 
 quello baronale dei vescovi. I Triestini se n'accorsero in 
 tempo e, al suono deWarrengo, assaltarono la casa del 
 Ranfo, la rasero al suolo, giustiziarono il traditore e i suoi 
 complici. 
 
 Nel 1349 il vescovo Antonio Negri, uomo violent© e 
 attaccabrighe quanto mai, asservito a Carlo IV, riaccese 
 la questione, reclamando il dominio baronale della citta. 
 I Triestini gli risposero armandosi. II vescovo li scomunico. 
 I Triestini decretarono una specie di boicottaggio contro il 
 vescovo e contro il capitolo della cattedrale; poi ricorsero 
 agli arbitri. E questi diedero ragione al Comune. 
 
 Nell'estate del 1368 una galea veneta ancorata nel porto
 
 TRIESTE DAL 1183 AL 1800 451 
 
 di Trieste catturava un legno mercantile triestino, il quale 
 s'era rifiutato di pagare la tassa di libero transito nel- 
 TAdriatico "ch'era mare di proprieta della Repubblica di 
 San Marco". I Triestini assaltarono la galea e massacra- 
 rono il capitano e I'equipaggio. 
 
 Venezia mando subito una flotta e un esercito per vendi- 
 care I'offesa. Dopo un "faticoso assedio", Trieste dove 
 arrendersi. Ma insorse I'anno dopo. Nuovo assedio da 
 parte dei Veneziani. 
 
 I Triestini, non sapendo a qual santo votarsi per salvare 
 I'indipendenza della loro citta, invocarono I'aiuto di Leo- 
 poldo III duca d'Austria. Costui accorse con un esercito 
 di i2,ooo uomini. Ma fu sonoramente battuto dai Vene- 
 ziani. E quando, con forze superiori, egli s'accingeva alia 
 rivincita, i Veneziani lo calmarono, dandogli 75,000 zecchini 
 d'oro (un milione di lire circa) "per il disturbo del viaggio 
 e per le legnate prese". 
 
 Trieste fu abbandonata al suo destino. 
 
 Essa tento — cinque anni piii tardi con I'aiuto dei 
 Genovesi, nel 1379 con I'aiuto del Comune d'Udine, nel 
 1380 un'altra volta con I'aiuto dei Genovesi — di sottrarsi 
 al dominio della Serenissima. Ma non vi riusci. 
 
 Finalmente tra le due sorelle belligeranti s'intromise 
 come paciere Amedeo VI duca di Savoia, detto il Conte 
 Verde. Costui, con un lodo emanato il 24 agosto 1381, 
 decise che, per evitare ulteriori contese, "Venezia doveva 
 rinunziare a ogni pretesa sulla citta di Trieste e sue dipen- 
 denze". Venezia rinunzio. 
 
 Ma tale soluzione, per quanto favorevole, non tran- 
 quillizzo i Triestini. Essi credettero necessario premunirsi 
 contro i pericoli futuri, assicurandosi la protezione d'un 
 potentato che fosse in grado di difenderli validamente in 
 ogni evenienza, cioe contro chiunque avesse osato di riatten- 
 tare alia loro indipendenza municipale. E non avevano 
 torto, se si consider! che Trieste, in quel secolo, non era 
 stata lasciata un sol momento in pace. Si rivolsero alle 
 Repubbliche italiane. Ma non ottennero che rifiuti. Allora 
 si videro costretti a rivolgersi agli stranieri. Altri Comuni 
 dTtalia non avevano fatto lo stesso? Si guardarono intorno.
 
 452 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 La scelta non poteva che cadere sopra un vicino. A setten- 
 trione del territorio di Trieste confinava il territorio dei 
 duchi d'Austria. A costoro, specialmente, poteva pre- 
 mere I'amicizia di Trieste, dal cui porto essi potevano facil- 
 mente avviare correnti prosperose di commercio neH'interno 
 dei loro paesi. Questa considerazione, piii che altro, spinse 
 i Triestini a fare il memorabile passo che poi i nemici del- 
 I'unita italiana chiamarono "la dedizione all'Austria". 
 
 Nel 1382 i Triestini mandarono ambasciatori a Gratz, per 
 offrire "in protezione e tutela" il Comune al duca Leopoldo. 
 Costui non si fece pregare. Accetto. Ma dove giurare 
 "per se e per i suoi eredi" di rispettare il governo municipale 
 di Trieste e tutti i diritti di signoria acquisiti dal popolo, 
 principalmente quello di dichiarare guerra e concludere 
 pace; di non annettere la citta agli Stati ducali "e di non 
 darla in feudo, ne venderla ad alcuno". 
 
 Una "dedizione" molto limitata, come si vede. Lo 
 dimostrarono, piij tardi, le condanne che i magistrati del 
 Comune inflissero ai cittadini i quali, contro le sentenze 
 dei giudici municipali, s'appellarono aU'autorita imperiale", 
 ed ai cittadini i quali congiurarono in favore dell'impera- 
 tore.^ Lo dimostro, sopratutto, il partito anti-austriaco 
 sorto in Trieste dopo che il governo della citta cadde, per 
 intrighi e violenze, nelle mani dei sostenitori del duca: 
 partito che non manco d'avere il suo martirologio. Nel 
 1424, infatti, furono impiccati Donato Scorpion e Nicolo 
 Urigio, mentre altri Triestini, tra i quali Giulio Orefice, 
 furono condannati al carcere, perche trovati rei d'avere 
 agitato il popolo contro la signoria austriaca. E nel 1443 
 il triestino Giulio Cancellieri, capo d'un' altra sollevazione 
 contro I'Austria, fu prima trascinato a coda di cavallo per 
 le vie della citta e poi impiccato alia presenza dei suoi 
 congiunti. 
 
 Ma tante persecuzioni e coercizioni cruente non fecero 
 che ingrossare sempre piii il partito anti-austriaco a Trieste. 
 Tanto vero ch'esso, nel 1467, capitanato dal tribuno popo- 
 
 ^ Lo dimostro perfino il libro primo dello Statuto riformato nel 1550 da Ferdi- 
 nand© I (fratello di Carlo V) re dei Romani, dove la citta di Trieste fu ufficialmente 
 chiamata Repubblica.
 
 TRIESTE DAL 1183 AL 1800 453 
 
 lare Antonio Bonomo, riusci a riconquistare rammini- 
 strazione comunale, a scacciare dalla citta i partigiani degli 
 stranieri e ristabilirvi la liberta. 
 
 L'imperatore Federico III duca d'Austria non sofFri un 
 siffatto colpo. Egli mando immediatamente un suo com- 
 missario — Nicolo Lusgar (qualche storico dice Luogar) 
 capitano croato del Vipacco — alia testa di mille mercenari 
 tedeschi, per rimettere le cose a posto. 
 
 II Lusgar e i suoi armigeri penetrarono di nottetempo in 
 Trieste, assaltarono e saccheggiarono le case, fecero prigio- 
 nieri i migliori cittadini e li rinchiusero nel castello di 
 Duino. Poi, con ogni sorta di violenze, riuscirono a strappar 
 loro una lettera diretta all'imperatore, "con la quale alcuni 
 Triestini dichiaravano di voler rinunziare ai diritti garan- 
 titi alia citta dal patto di dedizione". 
 
 Ma il 15 agosto 1468 s'udi improvvisamente suonare la 
 campana deWarrengo. Era un segnale convenuto. II 
 popolo, infiammato e capitanato ancora una volta dal suo 
 tribuno Antonio Bonomo, insorse; mise in fuga il commissario 
 e i mercenari ch'erano con lui; impicco 15 magistrati au- 
 striacanti ai merli del palazzo municipale; die alle fiamme le 
 case dei patrizi imperialisti; riproclamo solennemente 
 I'indipendenza di Trieste. 
 
 L'imperatore monto su tutte le furie; digrigno i denti; 
 strinse i pugni; affido alio stesso Lusgar un nuovo esercito, 
 con ordine di punire senza pieta ne misericordia la citta 
 ribelle. 
 
 II Bonomo e il popolo si difesero disperatamente. Ma, 
 alia fine, i soldatacci tedeschi, bene addestrati alle armi, 
 ebbero il sopravvento: irruppero nella citta; la saccheggia- 
 rono per tre giorni continui; poi I'incendiarono. Molti 
 cittadini, tra i quali lo stesso Bonomo, riuscirono a fuggire 
 parte nellTstria, parte a Venezia. E quelli che non poterono 
 fuggire, furono presi, incatenati, tormentati, impiccati. 
 
 Cosi I'ordine imperiale fu eseguito appuntino; tanto 
 appuntino, che la cronaca registro quell'anno, cioe il 1468, 
 "come I'anno della distruzione di Trieste". 
 
 Pur nondimeno Sua Maesta, quando piii tardi (1470) si 
 benigno di visitare in forma ufficiale la citta da lui sotto-
 
 454 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 messa con la forza bruta, crede prudente di esiliare altrl 
 300 cittadini e incamerarne i beni. 
 
 11 partito anti-austriaco a Trieste fu in tal modo ridotto 
 ai minimi termini; fu quasi interamente distrutto. Ma 
 risorse a grado a grado. E furono frequenti le risse "tra 
 i cittadini e i milites theutonici". E alle ordinarie pane 
 corporali si dovettero aggiungere pane pecuniarie per colore 
 che "sparlavano contro la signoria austriaca". 
 
 E quando, dal 1485 in poi, Federico III tento piii volte 
 d'annettere Trieste all'impero, i Triestini s'opposero sempre 
 recisamente, *'ricordando che la loro citta era italiana". 
 
 E nel 1508 in un pubblico comizio, mentre un vecchio 
 arringava i cittadini sostenendo che sarebbe stato molto 
 meglio per Trieste di passare sotto la dominazione di 
 Venezia, la folia getto le bandiere imperiali "nel fango del 
 fossato delle mura". 
 
 E anche dopo che Carlo V assegno nel 1522 la citta a suo 
 fratello Ferdinando, i Triestini non dimenticarono mai di 
 sentirsi e riaffermarsi italiani. Per esempio: la cancelleria 
 imperiale durante il 1523 invio al Comune di Trieste un 
 atto scritto in lingua tedesca. II Comune lo respinse, 
 rispondendo con fiera semplicita: Cu7n latini simus linguam 
 ignoramus theutonicam. E avendo nel 1524 la cancelleria 
 imperiale "rinnovato I'offesa", il Comune di Trieste, re- 
 spingendo un'altra volta I'atto, replied con meravigliosa di- 
 gnita italica: Quia civitas tergestma est in finihus et limitihus 
 Italiae, omnes civis et ibidem oriundi habent proprium sermo- 
 nem et idioma italicum. 
 
 Fatti superbi ma ultimi della vigorosa anima comunale. 
 Trieste cadde dalla sua nobilta, insieme con gli altri Comuni 
 dTtalia. 
 
 Solo due cose i Triestini custodirono con tenace gelosia: 
 le tradizioni della loro origine romana e la loro autonomia 
 comunale. Da ogni imperatore, essi pretesero sempre la 
 conferma giurata dei loro antichi privilegi. Nel 1564 si 
 rifiutarono di riformare gli statuti municipali, come voleva 
 imporre I'arciduca Carlo. Nel 1660 salutarono come ospite, 
 non come signore, I'imperatore Leopoldo I andato a Trieste, 
 e designarono la comunita romanamente: Senatus Popu-
 
 TRIESTE DAL 1183 AL 1800 455 
 
 lusque Tergestinus. L'Ughelli, il quale visito Trieste nel 
 XVII secolo, rilevo che i Triestini "si compiacevano di 
 vantarsi progenie dei Romani". E lo storico Scussa, se 
 ricorda che il Comune di Trieste aveva deciso di tenere la 
 cronaca degli avvenimenti: se ricorda che al capitano della 
 citta si dava per segno del comando una mazza: se ricorda 
 che in certe gare si davano alcune balestre in premio ai 
 vincitori, dice sempre che si faceva tutto cio "a uso dei 
 Romani, imitatori dei quali, come di loro sangue discendenti, 
 si ritenevano i Triestini". Nel i688 il Comune raccolse 
 nella piazza grande le antichita romane minori, "perche 
 testimoniassero con onore dell'origine della citta". Nel 
 1694 lo stesso Comune decreto la stampa di quella Storia 
 di Trieste di Ireneo della Croce, che e una continua e vi- 
 brante esaltazione della romanita di Trieste. E non poche 
 aristocratiche famiglie triestine del suddetto periodo di tempo 
 usarono mettere nei loro stemmi la frase de stirpe quiritdy 
 per magnificare con essa la loro presunta origine romana. 
 Finance nel 1727, ossia dieci anni dopo che Carlo VI im- 
 peratore d'Austria, approfittando del decadimento di Venezia, 
 aveva dichiarato Trieste "porto franco", financo allora i 
 patrizi triestini, mandando un atto al governo imperiale, si 
 vantarono d'essere discendenti plurimis ex equestri patricio 
 ac consulari ordiiie familiis ad has extremas oras ex Urhe 
 emigratis. 
 
 Dichiarata porto franco nel 1717, collegata al suo 
 naturale retroterra con vie commerciali, ravviata alia for- 
 tuna dei grandi traffici, Trieste non tardo a diventare un 
 centro d'immigrazione intensa. Vi affluirono migliaia 
 'dTtaliani, specialmente dallTtalia del nord. Vi affluirono 
 contemporaneamente migliaia di Tedeschi, Illirici, Greci, 
 Ebrei abbastanza intriganti e impertinenti,tanto da arro- 
 garsi ben presto il diritto — spinti e protetti in cio dal 
 governo austriaco — di combattere I'italianita della citta 
 ospitale non solo nello spirito e nella fisonomia, ma anche 
 nel nome. 
 
 II Comune di Trieste resiste prodigiosamente. Costretto, 
 per esempio, dopo lunga opposizione, ad accettare la nomina
 
 456 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 sovrana d'uno dei suoi giudici, esso protesto scrivendo 
 malinconicamente aH'imperatore: "Restera solo alia citta 
 il deplorare per sempre le sue disgrazie a causa della dero- 
 gazione delle sue leggi". 
 
 Cosi la fine del Settecento trovo Trieste ingombra di 
 stranieri, immersa negli affari, nuotante in un'opulenza 
 borghese priva affatto di fierezza politica, e vero; ma la 
 trovo benanco e sopratutto italiana. Italiani il municipio, 
 le scuole, le accademie, i teatri, i clubs. Italiani i piii emi- 
 nenti cittadini, dei quali basta ricordare, nel campo del 
 pensiero, Gian Rinaldo Carli nativo di Capodistria ma 
 triestino d'adozione, autore della celebre lettera Sulla 
 Patria degV Italiani che, sol cuo appello "diveniamo 
 finalmente italiani per non cessare d'essere uomini", espresse 
 per la prima volta il concetto concreto dell'unita nazionale; 
 e, nel campo dell'azione, la famiglia Piatti immolatasi nel 
 1779 a Napoli per la gloria di quella Repubblica Partenopea, 
 la quale fu uno dei fulgidi episodi iniziali del Risorgimento 
 Italiano. Pietro, il padre della famiglia Piatti, e il figlio 
 Antonio morirono da forti sul patibolo; la madre Andreana 
 Prosdocimi e la figlia Elisabetta furono gettate nel carcere 
 di Santa Maria Apparente; il figlio Giuseppe, graziato 
 perche adolescente, fu rinchiuso nel carcere di Favignana; 
 il figlio Pietro, riuscito a fuggire, mori di crepacuore in esilio 
 dopo pochi giorni. Primi martiri, primi e sacri testimoni 
 della nuova anima italiana di Trieste! 
 
 V 
 
 Le lotte dell'italianita sostenute con intensa perse- 
 veranza dai Triestini, dagl'Istriani, dai Dalmati e dai 
 Trentini contro 1' Austria, dai trattato di Vienna del 1815 
 fino alle rivoluzioni italiane del 1848. 
 
 Dopo il trattato di Vienna del 181 5, le regioni del confine 
 orientale d'ltalia, nonostante il dominio politico dell'Au- 
 stria e gli sforzi fatti dai governo austriaco per deturpare 
 il carattere italiano dei cittadini, si mantennero sempre
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1815 AL 1848 457 
 
 italiane e diedero con filiale amore uno splendido contributo 
 di pensiero, di denaro e di sangue alle lotte del patrio risorgi- 
 mento. 
 
 A Trieste, per esempio, trovarono rifugio non pochi 
 liberali napoletani del 1821. 
 
 Dopo il 1 82 1, Vendite carhoniche (comitati della Carhone- 
 ria) s'agitarono a Trieste e nellTstria e con tanto fervore, 
 da far proseliti perfino nel clero. Un decreto del governo 
 austriaco del 20 agosto 1823 dava appunto al clero la colpa 
 "delle trasgressioni politiche delle popolazioni istriane". 
 
 Nel 1829 il triestino Domenico Rossetti — poeta, storico, 
 archeologo, anima fiera di patrizio d'antico Comune italico 
 — fondava a Trieste il giornale italiano intitolato V Archeo- 
 grafo Triestino, e con esso rinfacciava aH'impero austriaco 
 la inosservanza dei patti, gli contrastava I'azione snatura- 
 trice dell'italianita, alimentava la protesta dei Triestini 
 contro le illegalita e gli abusi governativi. E Pietro Kandler 
 esumava la nobilta romana di Trieste, la magnificenza ro- 
 mana di Pola, la sopravvissuta impronta romana di Parenzo, 
 la potenza romana della X Regio Italica, il vallo romano del- 
 I'estremo confine orientale dTtalia dal passo di Postumia a 
 Fiume, e, con la severa eloquenza della storia, riaffermava 
 in faccia alio straniero la profonda italianita della terra posta 
 tra le Alpi Giulie e il mare. 
 
 A Trieste nel 1833 fu arrestato il capitano di mare 
 Giuseppe Sgarzolo, "sotto I'accusa d'avere accolto, a bordo 
 del suo bastimento Spartano, segrete riunioni di cospiratori 
 italiani e di avere tramato contro la vita di Metternich". 
 
 A Trieste, tra il 1834 e il 1836, fu fondata da un gruppo 
 di capitalisti in gran parte italiani la compagnia del Lloyd 
 austro-ungarico.^ 
 
 Intorno alio stesso tempo fu fondato, anche a Trieste, 
 dal dottor A Madonizza di Capodistria e da Giovanni 
 
 ^ II primo piroscafo di questa Compagnia salpo il i6 maggio 1837 per Costanti- 
 nopoli. 
 
 Da quel giorno, la storia del Lloyd austro-ungarico non segno che una sequela di 
 crescenti success!. I suoi vapori batterono tutti i mari del mondo: dal Mediter- 
 raneo al Pacifico, dal mar Rosso all'Atlantico. 
 
 II Lloyd austro-ungarico rimase sempre un'istituzione italiana. Italiani inomi 
 dei suoi cento piroscafi, italiano il suo Consiglio d'Amministrazione, italiani i suoi 
 impiegati, italiani i suoi marinari, italiani gli operai del suo splendido arsenale,
 
 458 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Orlandini libraio triestino, un altro giornale intitolato 
 La Favilla col motto "Poca favilla gran fiamma seconda" 
 (il primo numero di questo giornale usci il 31 luglio 1836) 
 che divento ben presto un centro animatore d'italianita.^ 
 
 Centinaia di Triestini nel 1843 si recarono a Venezia 
 per assistere all'inaugurazione della ferrovia: e i congressi, 
 anche quelli scientifici, ai quali essi parteciparono, si tra- 
 sformarono in entusiastiche manifestazioni d'italianita. 
 
 A Trieste nel 1843 si rappresentarono il Nahucco e i 
 Lomhardiy e nel 1844 VErnani (tre opere verdiane di pro- 
 fondo significato patriottico), provocando frenetiche dimo- 
 strazioni d'italianita. 
 
 Nel 1844 la propaganda della Giovine Italia a Trieste e 
 neiristria era quanto mai attiva. La polizia austriaca dove 
 andare in traccia di quattro ardenti emissari della detta 
 societa: G. Berardi, F. Orioli, R. Carbonis, G. Grozet, 
 accusati di "girovagare sottO' different! pretesti di commercio 
 e di letteratura". 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1844 i fratelli Attilio ed Emilio Bandie- 
 ra disertarono dalla marina austriaca, della quale erano 
 ufficiali, e andarono in Calabria per suggerimento di Mazzini 
 ch'essi adoravano, alio scopo di sollevare quelle popolazioni 
 in favore della causa nazionale. Ma furono traditi, quindi 
 presi e fucilati dai soldati borbonici a Cosenza. Trieste 
 offri anch'essa un martire in quella patriottica occasione: 
 Giulio Canal, il quale, arrestato dagli Austriaci come com- 
 plice del nobile tentative, mori nel 1845 in carcere a causa 
 dei tormenti fisici e morali inflittigli. 
 
 Nel 1846 si rappresento a Trieste un'altra opera verdiana 
 di chiaro significato patriottico — Y Attila — provocando 
 nuove frenetiche dimostrazioni d'italianita. 
 
 Trieste — appena seppe che Ferdinando II di Borbone 
 il 10 febbraio 1848 aveva promulgate la Costituzione nel 
 Regno delle Due Sicilie, Costituzione seguita da quelle 
 
 ^ Furono collaboratori de La Favilla: prima i poeti Francesco Dall'Ongaro 
 sacerdote di Mansue (Oderzo), Antonio Gazzoletti da Nago presso Riva di Trento 
 e Antonio Summa (il noto librettista di Verdi) della Carnia; poi il pubblicista Paci- 
 fico Valussi c il pittore Giovanni Kandler; infine la novelliera friulana Caterina 
 Percoto e Graziadio Ascoli da Gorizia. 
 
 L'Ascoli divento giottologo, fonologo, filologo di fama mondiale ed anche senatore 
 del Regno d'ltalia (1829-1907).
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1815 AL 1848 459 
 
 del Granduca di Toscana, di Carlo Alberto e di Pio IX e dai 
 moti rivoluzionari di Vienna — s'abbandono a straordinarie 
 dimostrazioni d'italianita. La folia, capitanata da Leone 
 Fortis giornalista e drammaturgo triestino e da Federico 
 Seismit-Doda dalmataS percorse giubilante le vie <lella 
 citta, inneggiando alia liberta, bruciando I'effige del principe 
 Metternich ministro austriaco, costringendo il tedesco 
 Bruck a sputare su quell'effige e a salutare il vessillo italiano 
 bianco, rosso, verde. Nel Teatro Comunale il pubblico saluto 
 con vivissimi applausi gli artisti presentatisi sul palcosce- 
 nico con coccarde tricolori al petto e agitando una grande 
 bandiera italiana spiegata. Al Tergesteo, sede della Camera 
 di Commercio, la folia, durante la notte, decreto che il 
 giorno seguente — 17 marzo 1848 — fosse festa nazionale 
 e reclamo per il detto giorno la chiusura dei negozi, degli 
 uffici governativi e della Borsa. Furono cambiati i nomi ai 
 pubblici ritrovi. Per esempio: il Teatro Filodrammatico 
 fu chiamato Teatro Costituzionale, I'Hotel Metternich fu 
 chiamato Albergo Nazionale, il Caffe Stella Polare fu 
 chiamato CafFe Gioberti, il CaflFe Tommasi fu chiamato 
 CafFe Tommaseo. Fu istituita la Guardia nazionale. Un 
 gruppo di patrioti, fattosi dare un piroscafo dal Lloyd 
 austro-ungaricOy salpo alia volta di Venezia per portare la 
 fausta novella della Costituzione ai fratelli della riva 
 opposta. In un'assemblea popolare fu dichiarato "abusivo" 
 I'aggregamento del 181 5. Una Giunta municipale provvi- 
 soria protesto contro la Dietadi Francoforte cheaveva delibe- 
 rato I'annessione di Trieste alia Confederazione Germanica, 
 affermando — essa Giunta — che Trieste era citta italiana; 
 mando un indirizzo di simpatia alia rivoluzionaria Costi- 
 tuente Viennese; concreto un programma col quale reclamo 
 scuole italiane, il riconoscimento della lingua italiana negli 
 uffici governativi, la istituzione d'un'universita o almeno 
 d'una Facolta Giuridica italiana. E la Societd dei Triestini 
 chiese che, ripristinati i patti del 1382, Trieste, non potendo 
 passare all'Italia, fosse almeno dichiarata indipendente 
 dalle altre province soggette all'Austria e avesse uno statute 
 
 * Federico Seismit-Doda da Ragusa (Dalmazia) fu due volte ministro delle 
 Finanze del Regno d'ltalia (1825-1893).
 
 460 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 proprio, autorita giudiziarie propiie, tutti i privilegi d'una 
 citta perfettamente autonoma e libera. La detta societa, 
 inoltre, respinse una proposta d'omaggio aH'imperatore e 
 congiuro di bruciare le navi austriache ancorate nel porto 
 di Trieste. 
 
 I Lombardi e i Veneti, intanto, facevano la rivoluzione. 
 Alle cinque giornate di Milano e all'assedio di Venezia 
 
 non mancarono glTtaliani irredenti. Basta ricordare per 
 tutti il triestino Giuseppe Revere poeta e drammaturgo 
 insigne, coUaboratore deWItalia del Popolo di Mazzini, 
 nelle cui colonne Garibaldi pubblico i suoi primi appelli 
 alia gioventii italiana. 
 
 E basta ricordare il seguente episodic. 
 
 II governatore austriaco Pallfly, scacciato da Venezia, 
 fuggiva verso Trieste. Durante la traversata, il vapore sul 
 quale egli si trovava s'incontro con un legno sul quale si 
 trovava Seismit-Doda diretto a Venezia. Ecco come lo 
 stesso Seismit-Doda narro I'incontro in una pagina vibrante 
 d'italianita: 
 
 I piroscafi si erano accostati. Appena si pote udire la voce, 
 noi domandammo: Oual nuove di Venezia? Ci fu risposto con 
 una sola parola: Repuhblica! lo ebbi la forza di urlare: Viva San 
 Marco! Ebbi quella forza che li per li manco ai marinai, i quali 
 caddero a terra senza voce, piangendo e levando le braccia a Dio 
 per ringraziarlo di quella notizia. La piii parte erano Dalmati! 
 Viva San Marco! Viva la Repuhblica! E questi gridi erano pu- 
 gnalate al cuore di chi assisteva dall'altro bastimento alio spetta- 
 colo della nostra gioia, alia frenesia del nostro santo entusiasmo. 
 
 Quando il prioscafo diretto a Trieste ripiglio la sua via, lento 
 e silenzioso come un corteggio funebre, quando le due navi, sim- 
 boleggianti la morte e la vita, si staccarono, un tiro di fucile sul 
 nostro bordo saluto pel primo la Repubblica Veneta. Dopo 
 cinquant'anni la bandiera di San Marco tornava a sventolare 
 sull'Adriatico, e gli evviva repubblicani risuonavano nell'aria. 
 Quel colpo, o Veneziani, partiva da un fucile dalmata, era sparato 
 da un Dalmata! Avvenimento degno di memoria duratura, se si 
 pensi che gli ultimi tiri di saluto alia morente Repubblica di San 
 Marco, cinquant'anni prima, si erano fatti dai Dalmati davanti 
 alia Piazzetta, quando fu d'uopo a Venezia di cacciarli a viva forza 
 e piangenti, per non averli difensori ultimi e disperati contro
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1815 AL 1848 461 
 
 I'Austria. Veneziani, come foste fratelli ai Dalmati nei giorni 
 della gloria vostra, siatelo anche oggi che la nuove era promette 
 glorie maggiori a noi tutti! I Dalmati ve ne ricambieranno d'in- 
 vincibile amore. Perche da cinquant'anni, sappiatelo adesso 
 pubblicamente, da cinquant'anni, in un'ignorata chiesetta della 
 Dalmazia stanno sepolte le bandiere della Repubblica, alle quali i 
 Dalmati piangendo resero nel 1797 i funebri onori. Se alle ban- 
 diere la terra, agli afFetti nostri per voi fu sacrario il cuore. lo mi 
 sento Italiano, come Dalmata nacqui. Nell'afFetto che a un 
 grande mio compatriota e maestro — a Niccolo Tommaseo — voi 
 dimostrate, io vedo la caparra d'un'indissolubile unione dell'Italia 
 con la Dalmazia. 
 
 L'Hagenaer, deputato triestino alia Costituente di 
 Vienna, esclamava: '*Io sono deputato d'ltalia!" 
 
 Un giornalista tedesco, sempre nel 1848, alludendo alia 
 forma geografica dell'Italia, asseriva malignamente ch'egli 
 non sapeva come fosse fatto uno stivale. Gliel'insegno 
 La Gazzettadi Trieste con un pepatoarticolo, nel quale I'autore 
 dimostro tra I'altro che "I'lstria era appunto il tirante dello 
 stivale italiano, come bene aveva compreso Metternich 
 che, per infilare tale stivale, quel tirante s'era prima assi- 
 curato". 
 
 Dopo Curtatone e MontanaraS // Giornale di Trieste 
 osava scrivere: 
 
 A placare i mani di Curtatone e Montanara, altro non resta 
 che spingere I'iride italiana dal Ticino al Mincio, dal Piave al- 
 risonzo, fin dove stende la sua curva ultima il sorriso del cielo 
 d'ltalia. 
 
 Ed esprimendo i sentiment! della parte piii vibrante dei 
 Triestini, lo stesso giornale soggiungeva: 
 
 L'unico nemico che abbia oggi (1848) I'ltalia e il Tedesco. 
 Non parlo d'individui e nemmeno di popoli, ma di quall'atteggia- 
 mento che alia gente germanica e suggerito dagli antichi interessi 
 e dalla moderna ambizione. Ma che importa se la Germania non 
 
 *A Curtatone e a Montanara (provincia di Mantova) il 29 maggio 1848 si 
 scontrarono 40,000 Austrian comandati da Radetzky con 6,500 studenti in maggior 
 parte toscani, napoletani, modenesi, reggiani e non pochi triestini e trentini. Dopo 
 un fiero combattimento di sei ore, i giovani italiani, che s'erano battuti come leoni, 
 furono accerchiati, soverchiati e fatti prigionieri, mentre lasciavano numerosi 
 morti e feriti sul terreno.
 
 462 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 vuole la vittoria della causa italiana? Chi pensa a questo? Vo- 
 gliono glTtaliani, I'hanno giurato, e qui e tutto. La Germania 
 protesti; ai campagnoli bavarici faccia indossare le assise militari 
 deU'Austria e passare le Alpi. LTtalia dara piamente sepoltura 
 anche ad essi. 
 
 // CostituzionaUy organo liberale dei Triestini, rivolgeva, 
 sempre nel 1848, al popolo di Trieste il seguente appello: 
 
 II volere essere in niun tempo altri da quelli che Iddio ci ha 
 fatti, cioe a dire Italiani, sarebbe delitto in faccia alio stesso Dio, 
 delitto in faccia ai nostri poveri morti che credettero vivere, 
 credettero morire italiani; delitto, o Popolo, in faccia ai nostri 
 figliuoli a cui dobbiamo illesa e bella e accresciuta lasciare I'eredita 
 che abbiamo nascendo ricevuta. Se niuna terra ebbe ed ha 
 tuttavia piu sve;nture, quale altra mai illuminata dal sole ha anche 
 un pill bel nome, piij glorie, piu splendido e piu maestoso passato 
 della terra a cui, stretta da vincoli intessuti dalla mano di Dio, 
 appartiene questa terra tua? 
 
 Altre manifestazioni pubbliche, comprovanti il senti- 
 mento di Trieste nel 1848, furono capitanate dal capodi- 
 striano Nicolo de Rin e dal triestino Costantino Cumano 
 uomini di tenace fede italiana fieramente avversi al dominio 
 austriaco, dal giovane ardentissimo Francesco Hermet e 
 dal giornalista Giulio Solitro. Si tento perfino d'inalzare 
 il tricolore italiano sul Castello. Vi furono scontri di 
 carattere anti-austriaco tra soldati e cittadini. Vi furono 
 moltissime zufFe tra mazziniani o liberali da una parte "e 
 poliziotti misti a plebaglia straniera assoldata" dall'altra, 
 con molti feriti e molti morti. Alcuni Triestini, giunti a 
 bordo di piccoli legni da Venezia a Trieste, furono massacra- 
 ti dai soldati austriaci, perche alio sbarco gridarono: "Viva 
 la Repubblica di Venezia e di Trieste!" 
 
 Cosi il movimento nazionale s'andava sempre piii 
 accentuando nelle regioni italiane soggette all'Austria. II 
 governo austriaco ne era preoccupatissimo. Per riparare, 
 s'affretto ad "importare", nelle dette regioni, numerosi 
 stranieri *'caninamente famelici e fidi". Ne importo piii 
 di 15,000 (tedeschi e slavi) soltanto a Trieste nel 1848, 
 e ad essi diede subito ogni sorta di protezione e affido.
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1815 AL 1848 463 
 
 con una sfacciataggine da sbalordire, i piu importanti e 
 lucrosi impieghi cittadini. 
 
 Un giornale locale saluto i nuovi arrivati con queste 
 ingenue ma significative parole; 
 
 Viva a tutti! Pensate solo che questa (la citta di Trieste) 
 e terra italiana; italiano il lieto mare che la confina; italiano 
 I'animo nostro. Serbate in cuore il sacro tesoro dei vostri afFetti 
 nativi che noi rispettiamo e ammiriamo. Ma voi, frattanto, 
 rispettate il nostro amore per I'ltalia, perche noi siamo e saremo 
 sempre italiani. 
 
 // Costituzionale fu piii esplicito. Esso accuso il govern© 
 austriaco "di essersi fatto avvocato dello Slavismo in 
 Trieste, dopo avere favorito il Germanismo". 
 
 E La Gazzetta di Trieste corroboro I'accusa, scrivendo 
 amaramente: 
 
 Ai cittadini che resta? Invasi da altri che essi i pubblici 
 uffici, le pubbliche scuole; signoreggiato il libero pensiero da 
 un'altra lingua che la loro; pasciuti degli odori che escono dalla 
 cucina altrui, sono essi soli — i Triestini — i forestieri nella loro 
 citta. Addio signori che noi ospitammo, che i nostri padri ac- 
 colsero con tanta, con troppa fiducial Prometteteci almeno, o 
 signori stranieri, che un giorno avremo un piccolo posto nel nostro 
 cimitero. 
 
 Quale solida base di verita avessero le afFermazioni dei 
 giornali triestini del 1848, lo dimostrarono due postumi 
 documenti, cioe: un memoriale mandato a nome di Trieste 
 nel 1859 al Congresso di Parigi, e un opuscolo del Valussi 
 e di Costantino Ressmann (altro triestino, piii tardi amba- 
 sciatore dTtalia a Costantinopoli e a Parigi) pubblicato nel 
 1 861 e diflFuso per tutta I'Europa. 
 
 Diceva il primo: 
 
 L' Austria, con I'intrusione in Trieste dei Tedeschi e altri 
 stranieri a lei dediti in tutte le cariche, in tutti gli uffici, sin nei 
 seggi del nostro municipio, ordina e disordina a suo talento ogni 
 nostro interesse, secondo i suoi fini, e con scuole tedesche e preti 
 slavi e impiegati d'ogni stirpe, tenta imbastardire e farci dimen- 
 ticare la nostra nazionalita italiana. 
 
 Diceva il secondo:
 
 464 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Nel 1848 e in appresso, veggendo che la natura insegnava 
 ai Triestini di essere Italiani, si fece dai partigiani dell'Austria un 
 grande sforzo contro tutto cio che era italiano. Si spesero im- 
 mense somme per corrompere la plebe, facendo da facchini prezzo- 
 lati perseguitare tutti quelli che si pensava dovessero parteggiare 
 per ritalia. Le denunzie, le perquisizioni, le persecuzioni per- 
 sonali, i carceramenti, i processi, gli sfratti arbitrari, le violenze 
 d'ogni sorta al sentimento italiano formano la storia di questi 
 ultimi 13 anni. 
 
 Ma non solo a Trieste, anche nelle altre terre irredente, 
 la lotta dell'italianita nel 1848 assunse vaste proporzioni. 
 
 In parecchie citta della Dalmazia si formo la Guardia 
 civica. A Spalato il popolo libero dal carcere Antonio 
 Baiamonti e Pietro Savo, due ardenti propugnatori della 
 causa italiana. 
 
 A Trento (19 marzo 1848) il popolo insorse, inalbero la 
 bandiera tricolore, sfido le fucilate del picchetto austriaco 
 di guardia, distrusse gli uffici delle Finanze, corse al palazzo 
 municipale e impose che partisse subito per Vienna un'appo- 
 sita commissione coll'incarico di domandare rimmediata 
 separazione del Trentino dal Tirolo tedesco e I'aggrega- 
 zione di esso al Lombardo-Veneto. L'indomani, 20 marzo 
 1848, il municipio di Trento istitui anch'esso la Guardia 
 nazionale e rivolse alia cittadinanza un appello patriottico 
 nel quale s'esprimeva I'augurio che I'esempio di Trento 
 fosse seguito dall'intero Trentino. Ad Ala, infatti, a Rovere- 
 to, a Riva, in altre citta, nelle vallate, dappertutto, gli 
 abitanti del Trentino issarono la bandiera italiana e si 
 fregiarono i petti con coccarde tricolori. 
 
 II 4 aprile 1848 Niccolo Tommaseo dirigeva alia popola- 
 zioni del Trentino un manifesto patriottico, incitandole a 
 combattere e vincere nel nome d'ltalia. 
 
 II 6 dello stesso mese il generale Allemandi lanciava da 
 Brescia un proclama col quale incitava i fratelli trentini 
 a unirsi ai volontari per scacciare lo straniero dall'I- 
 talia. 
 
 E i giovani trentini non rimasero sordi: formarono una 
 Legione Trentina, un corpo di Franchi Cacciatori e un altro 
 di Guide del Tirolo, e corsero generosamente a difendere la
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1815 AL 1848 465 
 
 patria, cantando un inno scritto appositamente per loro 
 dal poeta trentino Antonio Gazzoletti. 
 
 Le trombe squillano, 
 pronto e il fucile, 
 la patria misera 
 ci chiama a se. 
 
 Di Carlo Alberto 
 seguiam le file. 
 Morte ai Tedeschi! 
 Evviva il Re! 
 
 II governo austriaco, intanto, proclamava lo state 
 d'assedio a Trento; intimava ai cittadini, pena la vita, di 
 consegnare le armi al Castello; inibiva loro di radunarsi 
 in piii di due per le vie; aboliva la Guardia nazionale; 
 arrestava i piii eminenti patrioti, tra i quali Gaetano Manci, 
 Matteo Thum, Giuseppe Testi, Pietro Sizzo. 
 
 Per tutta risposta, il Gazzoletti, Angelo Ducati, Sigi- 
 smondo Manci, Giovanni Danielli, Lorenzo Festi e Giam- 
 battista Zenelli trentini, andavano a Valleggio e presenta- 
 vano a Carlo Alberto un indirizzo col quale il Trentino 
 dichiarava d'aderire alia fusione col Piemonte. Un'identica 
 domanda la presentavano a Carlo Alberto anche i trentini 
 Vittore Ricci e Giovanni Rizzi. 
 
 II 15 aprile 1848 ci fu uno scontro a Castel Toblino tra 
 Italiani ed Austriaci. Rimasero prigionieri degli Austriaci 
 ventuno volontari italiani tutti giovani. Condotti a Trento, 
 essi furono presentati al comandante austriaco della guarni- 
 gione, colonnello Zobel, il quale disse loro cipigliosamente di 
 prepararsi senz'altro a morire. 
 
 Gl'infelici passarono la notte esposti all'aria aperta, su poca 
 paglia, nella fossa del Castello. Due monaci francescani li con- 
 fortavano pietosamente. Al rullo prolungato del tamburo, una 
 squadra di soldati austriaci si present© aU'imboccatura della fossa. 
 Le vittime furono divise in due drappelli. Poi si comincio I'esecu- 
 zione. Sotto gli occhi dei compagni si prese a bendare i giovani 
 del primo drappello; ma i generosi, strappate le bende, le gettarono 
 lontano, gridando: Viva V Italia! Ci fu una salva . . ., di li a 
 pochi minuti un'altra . . ., e tutto fu consumato!
 
 466 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 I prigionieri presi dai soldati austriaci il 29 maggio 1848 
 nelle battaglie di Curtatone e Montanara, furono condotti 
 anch'essi oltre le Alpi, attraverso il Trentino. 
 
 Le popolazioni irredente fecero di tutto perche nelle soste 
 del passaggio fossero alleviate le sofFerenze di quegl'infelici. 
 Dalle finestre di Trento — gremite di persone piangenti e 
 gridanti Jddio, Jratelli iialianil — piovevano quattrini e 
 pane. Lungo le vie, chi diede cibo, chi vino, chi acquavite, 
 chi tabacco. Fu una gara d'ospitalita veramente fraterna. 
 Fu una commovente affermazione d'italianita, tanto piii 
 significativa, in quanto si videro i soldati austriaci fremere 
 di rabbia. 
 
 A Bolzano i prigionieri ebbero ancora cordiali accoglienze, 
 e cosi a Bressanone, fino al Brennero, culmine delle Alpi 
 Retiche alto 2,022 metri. 
 
 In quel punto — cosi il Tarugi, uno dei prigionieri — vi e un 
 termine; su quel termine tutti scrivemmo il nostro noma e lo 
 baciammo con entusiasmo, come per dire addio all'Italia neH'atto 
 di mettere il piede su terra straniera, o perche ci accarezzasse in 
 cuore la speranza che un giorno la nostra patria avrebbe raggiunto 
 quel suo confine naturale. 
 
 Nello stesso mese di maggio del 1848 i Trentini furono 
 invitati dal governo austriaco a partecipare alle discussioni 
 della Dieta del Tirolo. Essi opposero un energico rifiuto, 
 considerando la loro partecipazione come dannosa alia 
 popolazione del Trentino e in aperta contradizione coi diritti 
 di nazionalita e di lingua che dalla Costituzione erano a 
 loro garantiti. Inviarono, al contrario, deputati al Parla- 
 mento germanico per propugnare in quell'Assemblea i 
 diritti italiani. Caratteristico e oltremodo coraggioso fu 
 il discorso del deputato da Siessen, che spezzo I'ultima 
 lancia dell'italianita nella seduta del 31 giugno 1848. 
 
 Riporto qui qualche brano del detto discorso: 
 
 Vorrei solo sapere — disse I'oratore — se il Tirolo italiano 
 si chiama Tirolo italiano perche abitato da Tedeschi! Vorrei 
 sapere se le quattro cuoche, gli ostieri, gl'impiegati tedeschi che vi 
 abitano si debbano chiamare I'elemento tedesco! Se volete fare 
 un'enumerazione, io vi assicuro che troverete a Milano e a Roma
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL 1848 E 1849 467 
 
 piu elemento tedesco che a Rovereto; e in questo caso, andate: 
 fate entrare anche Roma e Milano nella Confederazione germanica. 
 Ci fu detto inoltre, o signori, che i deputati tirolesi italiani, con la 
 loro comparsa in questo luogo, hanno riconosciuto in via di fatto di 
 appartenere di buon diritto alia Germania. Certo che essi rico- 
 noscono il fatto di questa unionc; ma e appunto I'unione di diritto 
 ch'essi vorrebbero vedere sciolta; e per ottenere questo, dovevano 
 venire qui. Se si fossero rifiutati di scegliere deputati, chi avrebbe 
 qui difesa la causa della loro nazionalita? Voi avete inteso che 
 I'oratore Prato si esprimeva con difficolta. Ora io vi chieggo: 
 se gl'Italiani del Tirolo meridionale avessero potuto scegliere 
 persone che tutte sapessero parlare correttamente il tedesco, non 
 le avrebbero essi scelte? II fatto sta che non ne hanno, ne possono 
 trovarne, appunto perche sono Italiani. Ci fu detto che questa 
 Assemblea nazionale dev'essere un'Assemblea tedesca e non 
 italiana. Sia pure. Ma se essa dev'essere un'Assemblea tedesca, 
 non costringete gl'Italiani a mandare qui deputati italiani. 
 Lasciate che li mandino altrove, a una Dieta italiana, cioe verso 
 quel punto dove son chiamati dalle loro simoatie, verso la loro 
 patria italiana. 
 
 Infine i Trentini inviarono a Vienna i loro deputati 
 col mandate di propugnare la separazione del Trentino 
 dal Tirolo, e nello stesso tempo indirizzarono alia Costi- 
 tuente una petizione con 46,000 firme, nella quale chiede- 
 vano "che sia pronunziata la separazione amministrativa 
 e parlamentare dei Circoli di Trento e Rovereto dalla 
 parte tedesca della provincia del Tirolo, e che tra loro siano 
 organizzati ed equamente distribuiti tutti i poteri, in base 
 al nuovo sistema della nazionalita". 
 
 VI 
 
 I Trentini, i Triestini, gl'Istriani e i Dalmati per la 
 Repubblica Romana retta dai triunviri Mazzini, Saffi 
 e Armellini e difesa da Garibaldi contro il papa, e per la 
 Repubblica di Venezia retta da Manin e dal Toinmaseo 
 e difesa da Guglielmo Pepe contro 1' Austria (1849). 
 
 Numerosi furono i Trentini, i Triestini, gl'Istriani e i 
 Dalmati accorsi nel 1849 alia difesa di Roma "per sigillare 
 col sangue — come disse Guerrazzi — il patto di famiglia
 
 468 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 che lega tutti gl'Italiani intorno alia citta eterna". Basta 
 dire che dei 4CK) difensori caduti nella memorabile battaglia 
 del 29 giugno 1849 — rultima che Garibaldi combatte 
 per la vita e per I'onore della Repubblica Romana retta 
 dai triunviri Mazzini, Saffi e Armellini — 50 erano trentini 
 e triestini. 
 
 E trentini, triestini, istriani, dalmati furono in gran parte 
 i volontari che, dopo I'epica lotta e la gloriosa sconfitta, 
 seguirono I'Eroe nella sua dolorosa ritirita, sulla spinosa 
 via del patrio ideale. Trentini: Edoardo Negri, Francesco 
 Mattedi, Pietro Bertelli, Achille Bevilacqua, Pietro Cavali, 
 don Pietro Casanova, I'ingegnere Carlo Marzari, Domenico 
 Dicio, i fratelli Pilade e Narciso Bronzetti.^ Triestini: 
 il poeta Giuseppe Revere^ Filippo Zamboni^ Giacomo Vene- 
 zian\ Sansone Levi "amicissimo di Garibaldi", Giovanni 
 Bruflrel. 
 
 Ancora piii numerosi furono i Trentini, i Triestini, 
 gl'Istriani e i Dalmati accorsi, dopo la caduta della Repub- 
 blica Romana, alia difesa della Repubblica di Venezia 
 retta da Manin e dal Tommaseo. 
 
 Si formo per quell'occasione una speciale Legione 
 dalmato-istriana. 
 
 E da tutta la sponda orientale — cosi il giovane triestino At- 
 tilio Tamaro — fu portato un tribute di sangue e d'ingegno, di 
 energia e di eroismo alia risorta Repubblica di San Marco. Ma 
 nessun episodic incarno in una linea tanto semplice e tanto 
 rappresentativa quello accorrere di popoli adriatici verso il rina- 
 scente splendore di San Marco, quanto il seguente, ch'io stesso 
 sent! raccontare con profonda commozione. 
 
 Appena incominciata la lotta tra la Repubblica e Radetzky, 
 si presentarono al doge Daniele Manin due giovani dalmati, e uno 
 
 ^ Vedere I'elenco complete nel volume // Trentino nel Risorgimento del dottor 
 Levio Marchetri. 
 
 '' Fu degli ultimi — col dottor Saglioso, con Francesco DaU'Ongaro e Aurelio 
 Saffi — a lasciare Roma. 
 
 ^ Lo Zamboni e Pietro'Pieri, rimasti ultimi sul campo di battaglia, salvarono la 
 bandiera che poi consegnarono al Municipio di Roma capitale d'ltalia dopo il 
 1870. Alio Zamboni scrisse Garibaldi: "Voi la salvaste la bandiera della gio- 
 ventu italiana con pericolo della vita vostra preziosa". 
 
 * II Venezian, battutosi valorosamente, riporto ferite gravi. Cesso di vivere 
 il 2 luglio 1849 nelle braccia dell'amico e concittadino Revere. La povera madre, 
 accorsa frettolosa, lo trovo cadavere; poco dopo mori anch'essa di dolore.
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL 1848 E 1849 469 
 
 di loro gli disse in pretto dialetto veneziano: Nostra pare ne ga 
 mandd a difender San Marco. El ne ga dito che 7 ga inteso che el 
 Leon de San Marco se xe risveglid, e che de tre fioi do el li manda a 
 lu. El ne ga dito che saludemo el Doxe e che ghe dixemo che se no '/ 
 fusse troppo vecio el sarave vignu anca lui a basarghe la man e a 
 difenderlo! Nostro padre ci ha mandato a difendere San Marco. 
 Egli ci ha detto di avere inteso che il Leone di San Marco s'e 
 risvegliato, e che di tre figlioli due li manda a lui. Egli ci ha detto: 
 Salutatemi il Doge e ditegli che se non fossi troppo vecchio, sarei 
 venuto anch'io a baciargli lamano e a difenderlo. 
 
 I due giovani presero parte all'assedio, compiendo pro- 
 digi di valore. 
 
 Dei volontari trentini, basta ricordare il capitano Federi- 
 co Martini, Giovan Battista Adami, Domenico Bonetti, 
 Bartolomeo Malfatti e Tommaso Sar (questi due ultimi, 
 ricordati nei documenti dell'epoca per I'intrepidezza dimo- 
 strata "nei momenti piii ardui"). E dei triestini: Leone 
 Fortis, Giovanni Orlandini (I'antico editore de La Favilla 
 di Trieste e auditore maggiore del Governo provvisorio di 
 Venezia), Filippo Coen, Francesco Erberti, Costantino 
 Cijmano, Samuele Romanin (insegnante alia patriottica cat- 
 tedra di Storia Veneta istituita dalla nuova Repubblica), 
 Francesco Poropat, Arturo Zanetti, Pietro Romano, Fran- 
 cesco Herbert e il pittore Giuseppe Gattesi. Degl'istriani: 
 Nicolo Vergottini, il capitano Marcantonio Borisi che in 
 un'arditissima sortita da Mestre prese parecchi cannoni 
 agli Austriaci, Alessandro Almerigotti, Alessandro Godina, 
 Giuseppe Dragicchio, Giuseppe Rubinisch, Pietro Scar- 
 boncich, Luigi Ritozzo, i fratelli Giovanni e Lodovico Alme- 
 rigotti e Giovanni Bevilacqua (quest'ultimo si batte come 
 un leone sotto il forte Montedoro, tre volte a Campalto e 
 pill di venti volte su zattere). E dei dalmati: Seismit- 
 Doda e il piu illustre di tutti — Niccolo Tommaseo — ch'era 
 allora ministro della pubblica istruzione nella Repubblica 
 di San Marco.
 
 470 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 VII 
 
 I Trentini, i Triestini, gl'Istriani e i Dalmati per la 
 loro italianita dal 1850 al 1858. II lor filiale contributo 
 di sangue alia seconda guerra di liberazione dell'Italia 
 contro 1' Austria (1859). 
 
 La lotta deU'italianita, dopo il 1849, continuo con lo 
 stesso fervore di prima nel Trentino, a Trieste, nellTstria 
 e nella Dalmazia, nonostante le severe misure preventive 
 e repressive della polizia austriaca. 
 
 Nel 1850, per esempio, ando a Trieste Giuseppe Verdi. 
 II grande maestro fu accolto con gioia e con feste dai citta- 
 dini. 
 
 Nello stesso anno vi ando, invece, I'imperatore Francesco 
 Giuseppe. "Ma I'accoglienza — scrisse il console sardo 
 al suo governo — che il monarca austro-ungarico riceve 
 fu freddissima, per non dire glaciale* non si senti un solo 
 evviva in tutta la giornata". 
 
 II 30 agosto 1 85 1 I'imperiale e reale rappresentante del 
 governo austriaco a Gorizia, preoccupato della caratteri- 
 stica foggia di vestire dei patrioti italiani, foggia troppo 
 significativa, pubblicava la seguente **Notificazione" che 
 e un gioiello di tirannia e d'amenita a un tempo: 
 
 II portare vestiti che per la loro singolarita si distinguono in 
 modo sorprendente daH'ordinario costume del paese e che, nella 
 loro singolarita appunto, portano I'impronta di una provocante 
 arroganza, non sono da tollerarsi. Annovero pure tra simili 
 distintivi i cappelH bruni di ala larga che da poco anche in questo 
 paese della corona presero piede e spesso vengono portati unita- 
 mente ad un vestito di colore eguale. Sono intimamente convinto 
 che dagli abitanti delle unite contee principesche di Gorizia e 
 Gradisca questi e simili distintivi non vengono portati che per 
 mania d'imitazione,'^ed e percio che vorrei vedere allontanato tutto 
 cid che potrebbe dar motivo di sospettare sul retto contegno di 
 questa popolazione. Invito quindi gli abitanti delle contee di 
 Gorizia e Gradisca a non usare simili vestiti ed altri segni distin- 
 tivi, e a riguardare questo mio eccitamento per un'amichevole 
 ammonizione, onde non essere costretto a dover imputare al
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1850 AL 1859 471 
 
 contravventore della medesima una tendenza perversa, che da me 
 verrebbe soppressa con vigore e irremissibilmente punita. 
 
 I plu ardenti patriot!, stanchi di tante vessazioni, decisero 
 di preparare un moto rivoluzionario. Esso doveva scoppiare 
 a Trieste il i° marzo 1853, e da Trieste doveva estendersi 
 nelle altre citta irredente. Ma il governo austriaco, che 
 non dormiva, seppe la cosa e s'affretto a provvedere, 
 ingrossando le file delle spie, aumentando le guarnigioni, 
 consegnando i soldati nelle caserme, raddoppiando i posti 
 di guardia, sguinzagliando pattuglie di ferocissimi birri a 
 destra e a sinistra, procedendo a perquisizioni e ad arresti, 
 esiliando (il giovane dalmata Carlo Boscovich, per esempio, 
 dove andarsene in Piemonte), sopprimendo giornali (furono 
 soppressi tra gli altri // Giornale di Gorizia fondato a Gorizia 
 da Carlo Favetti e L'Eco dell'Isonzo di Gradisca diretto 
 da Federico Comelli), condannando distinti cittadini a 
 duro carcere (Giuseppe Grioli, "per la propaganda liberale 
 da lui fatta in Dalmazia", fu condannato a 12 anni di lavori 
 forzati). 
 
 Nel 1856 Antonio Gazzoletti e parecchi altri Italian! 
 irredenti, neirimminenza del Congresso di Parigi, pensa- 
 rono di richiamare per mezzo di Cavour I'attenzione del 
 Congresso stesso sul Trentino, alio scopo di ottenere il 
 distacco di detta regione dalla Confederazione Germanica. 
 Uno d'essi ando appositamente a Torino a conferire col 
 ministro. E questi rispose esprimendo la propria simpatia 
 per i Trentini e assicurando ch'egli non si sarebbe lasciata 
 sfuggire I'occasione di parlare nel Congresso a favore delle 
 loro aspirazioni nazionali. Demetrio Livaditi fondava il 
 periodico La Ciarla a Trieste, dove gia si pubblicavano // 
 Pungolo e Quel che si vede e quel che non si vede. E in tutt'e 
 tre i giornali scrissero per la causa nazionale, tra gli altri, 
 il poeta Arnaldo Fusinato e Leone Fortis. Contro il Fortis 
 fu anzi spiccato mandato di cattura, e i giornali furono 
 poco dopo soppressi. NellTstria fu pubblicato // Popolano 
 d'Istria da Michele Facchinetti autore d'una Preghiera 
 Nazionale (imparata a memoria dagli abitanti dell'intera 
 regione) che finiva cosi: *'Fate dunque, o Signore, ch'io
 
 472 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 ami la mia nazionalita, e I'amore e la stima per essa sieno 
 motivo ad amare e stimare le altre in un vincolo di pace e 
 di felicita". E il Tommaseo scriveva lettere e volumi, in 
 cui fortemente vibrava il cuore della Dalmazia per I'ltalia. 
 
 Si giunse cosi fino al 1859. 
 
 In quell'anno I'Austria attacco il piccolo Piemonte che 
 s'era gia alleato con la Francia. Al cominciamento della 
 guerra, si videro accorrere in Italia volontari da Trieste, 
 dallTstria/ dal Friuli; si vide accorrere in difesa della 
 patria la piii bella gioventii trentina, nonostante le baionette 
 austriache assiepate sui confini, nonostante i pericoli 
 d'ogni sorta. 
 
 II governo di Vienna, in data 7 giugno 1859, invano 
 decretava a nome deH'imperatore che, per la seconda leva, 
 il contingente del Circolo di Trento "doveva essere di 1,000 
 uomini". I giovani gli sfuggivano e correvano con in- 
 frenabile slancio ad arrolarsi sotto le bandiere di Vittorio 
 Emanuele II e di Garibaldi. 
 
 Oltre a cio, una deputazione trentina si presentava al 
 campo e consegnava alio stesso Vittorio Emanuele II un 
 indirizzo cosi concepito: 
 
 Adesso che a fianco del generoso vostro alleato, I'imperatore 
 dei Francesi, per una via seminata ad ogni passo di vittorie e 
 benedizioni, vi inoltrate trionfalmente per le province italiane 
 redente nel vostro nome, permettete, o Sire, che anche glTtaliani 
 della provincia di Trento vengano per mezzo nostro innanzi a voi 
 a ripetere che la Croce di Savoia non e meno invocata tra i loro 
 monti di quello che lo sia nelle altre parti dell'Alta Italia; che nella 
 provincia di Trento siete pure aspettato e sospirato liberatore e re. 
 Noi non ci nascondiamo, o Sire, la gravita delle circostanze ecce- 
 zionali in cui versa il nostro paese di fronte alia gloriosa vostra 
 impresa; ma appunto perche infeudati mostruosamente alia 
 Germania, noi sentiamo con piu calore d'essere italiani e stretta- 
 mente legati alia causa dei nostri fratelli, da voi con tanta lealta 
 e valore propugnata. II cielo, o Sire, non cessi un istante di pro- 
 sperare le vostre armi; e possano I'esultanza e la gloria che, com- 
 piuta la grande impresa, circonderanno il vostro trono, non essere 
 
 * II professore Antonio Coiz narivo di Faedils (Friuli), che si trovava ad inse- 
 gnare nell'Istria, corse con tutti i suoi allievi istriani ad arrolarsi in Italia. E il ricco 
 goriziano Francesco Verzegnasse a Torino mise tutto se stesso e le sue sostanze a 
 disposizione dei volontari.
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1850 AL 1859 473 
 
 contristate dal pianto di Italian! curvi ancora sotto il peso del- 
 I'oppressione straniera. 
 
 E, quasi contemporaneamente, le donne dell'Istria 
 mandavano a Vittorio Emanuele II la bandiera per il 370 
 reggimento fanteria e un indirizzo nel quale dicevano: 
 
 Sono le donne dell'Istria, le quali, pegno di loro lagrime, vi 
 mandano e ofFrono questo stendardo, questo labaro di certa salute, 
 ricordando che I'lstria hi sempre italiana, da quando Roma antica 
 le affidava la guardia del varco piu geloso d'ltalia. 
 
 Nella vittoriosa campagna, i volontari delle regioni 
 italiane irredente si fecero non poco onore. Basta ricordare, 
 per tutti, i trentini Leopoldo Martini tenente dei bersaglieri 
 e Narciso Bronzetti garibaldino. 
 
 II Martini cadde a San Martino (24 giugno 1859) mentre 
 impavido guidava la sua compagnia di bersaglieri al- 
 I'assalto. 
 
 E Narciso Bronzetti, capitano della terza compagnia 
 del primo reggimento Cacciatori, dopo avere valorosamente 
 combattuto a fianco del Duce a Varese e a San Fermo, 
 I'S giugno 1859 con soli 94 volontari mise in fuga presso 
 Seriate 1,500 soldati austriaci. "Con uomini di tanta pro- 
 dezza — scriveva subito Garibaldi — si puo tentare ogni 
 impresa! L'ltalia deve ricordarli eternamente". 
 
 Nel combattimento di Treponti, poi (15 giugno 1859), 
 il Bronzetti compi gesta degne d'epopea. Una prima palla 
 austriaca lo colpi gravemente al braccio destro, facendogli 
 cader di mano la spada. II valoroso la raccatto con la 
 sinistra, I'agito in alto quanto pote, gridando avanti\ — E 
 continuo a pugnare. 
 
 Avanti! Avanti! 
 Gridava il forte, e rotto il destro braccio 
 Da una palla, con I'altro alzo la spada, 
 E avanti; e un'altra palla anche il sinistro 
 Gli ruppe, e avanti! E cosi tutto sangue 
 Correa contro il nemico. 
 
 Finche una terza palla lo colpi mortalmente al fianco. 
 
 Insin che il fianco 
 Gli trapasso una terza, e pur due passi
 
 474 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Far voile, e avanti, avanti sempre! 
 Gridava ai suoi cadendo. 
 
 Allora fu portato aH'ambulanza e poco dopo a Brescia in 
 casa del suo amico Basilio Maffezzoli. Ivi il maggiore 
 Ferrari gli porto una medaglia d'argento al valor militare. 
 "Garibaldi — disse il portatore a Narciso ,Bronzetti — ti 
 manda questo segno d'onore per il fatto di Seriate, riser- 
 vandosi di darti condegna ricompensa per quello di ieri". 
 
 L'eroe trentino sorrise, accosto la medaglia alle labbra, 
 la bacio e spiro, mentre il maggiore Ferrari gli leggeva una 
 lettera che lo stesso Garibaldi gli aveva mandato insieme 
 con la medaglia. 
 
 Carissimo Bronzetti, 
 
 Voi siete certamente al disopra di qualunque elogio, e avete 
 giustamente meritato il nome di prode dei prodi della nostra 
 colonna. II vostro coraggio supero la gravita delle vostre ferite, 
 e voi sarete reso ai vostri compagni d'arme. 
 
 Accogliete un fraterno abbraccio dal vostro amico 
 
 Giuseppe Garibaldi. 
 
 A guerra finita, nonostante la croce militare di Savoia e 
 la nomina a maggiore decretate alia memoria di Bronzetti, 
 Garibaldi, in un indirizzo ai Trentini, si faceva interprete 
 della gratitudine nazionale verso quei generosi, scrivendo 
 loro: 
 
 Furono centinaia e centinaia i concittadini di Bronzetti che 
 si distinsero nella sacra guerra, ed una parola non s'e alzata per 
 segnalarli alia gratitudine nazionale. Valga la mia debole voce 
 a supplire in parte all'involontario oblio e a ricordare dei piu 
 nobili e generosi della famiglia italiana, su cui posano merita- 
 mente le nostre speranze di redenzione. 
 
 I Trentini risposero all'Eroe: 
 
 Per quanto un paese italiano ancora oppresso dallo straniero 
 puo esultare, il Trentino esulta per quello che avete detto in 
 favor suo, e con quanto v'ha di piu nobile nell'anima, vi ringrazia 
 e vi benedice dal fondo delle sue sciagure. II sangue versato e 
 gli amari disinganni e tutti i dolori patiti, gli paiono piii sopporta- 
 bile cosa, poiche gli valsero il vostro encomio, la vostra racco- 
 mandazione.
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL 1860 475 
 
 II municipio di Trento, inoltre, e i municipi delle altre 
 citta del Trentino (Rovereto, Ala, Tione, Condino, Levico, 
 Strigno) reclamarono a Vienna la loro aggregazione al 
 Veneto, "aggregazione richiesta dal sentimento nazionale 
 del Trentino e dai suoi bisogni e interessi". Con tale passo, 
 i Trentini miravano a condividere le sorti del Veneto, "quan- 
 do questo sarebbe stato unito all'Italia". 
 
 E alia fine dell'anno (dicembre 1859) anche i Triestini 
 redassero un memoriale, che poi fu presentato al Congresso 
 Europeo, col quale chiesero che Trieste, "impregiudicati 
 i diritti unitari, fosse dichiarata citta libera, facente parte 
 della Confederazione italiana, come pareva dovesse essere 
 del Veneto". 
 
 VIII 
 
 I Trentini, i Triestini e gl'Istriani nella spedizione dei 
 Mille. II lor filiale contributo di sangue all'intera 
 guerra del i860 per la liberazione dell'Italia Meridionale 
 e dell'Italia Centrale. La feroce reazione degli Austriaci. 
 Le somme di denaro raccolte dagl'Istriani per la causa 
 nazionale. La bandiera italiana delle donne triestine a 
 Garibaldi (i860). 
 
 Garibaldi, nel preparare la spedizione dei Mille, apriva 
 una sottoscrizione nazionale per un milione di fucili. A 
 Trieste, nel Trentino, nel Friuli orientale, nellTstria, come 
 in tutto il resto d'ltalia, la notizia di tale fatto suscito un 
 entusiasmo straordinario. Nei caffe, nelle farmacie, in 
 ogni pubblico ritrovo, nelle case private, non si parlava 
 d'altro e apertamente. In talune citta dellTstria fu perfino 
 issata la bandiera italiana. Sui muri apparvero iscrizioni 
 inneggianti a Garibaldi e a Vittorio Emanuele II e impre- 
 canti al governo austriaco e alle sue spie. 
 
 La polizia, fremente, ricomincio a perquisire a repri- 
 mere. A Trieste, presso un certo Brul, essa sequestro piii 
 di 3,000 fucili e represse violentemente una dimostrazione 
 anti-austriaca. A Gorizia, per tema di dimostrazioni 
 italiane, proibi la passeggiata al Corso. Furono messe in 
 istato d'assedio parecchie citta. Furono sequestrati i beni
 
 476 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 dei cittadini trentini e istriani emigrati in Italia. Un 
 autografo imperiale comando alle sentinelle di pattuglia 
 sui confini di fare "il piii esteso uso delle armi contro le 
 persone che tentassero di varcarlo". 
 
 Ma nonostante tutto, i Trentini riuscirono ad afFermare 
 i loro sentimenti con un'espressione plebiscitaria ricompen- 
 diata in questa concisa formula: "I sottoscritti dichiarano 
 essere desiderio e voto generale del paese I'annessione di 
 questo al regno costituzionale di Vittorio Emanuele II". 
 NeU'Istria pote girare una poesia popolare con la quale si 
 mettevano in ridicolo il Borbone e la corte di Vienna. E 
 fucili ne furono mandati non pochi in Italia. 
 
 AU'alba del 6 maggio i860, sui piroscafi Piemonte e 
 Lombardo, salpati dal fatale scoglio di Quarto, vi erano coi 
 Mille di Garibaldi i trentini Antonio Armani, Oreste Bara- 
 tieri, Ergisto Bezzi, Tomaso Bolcego, Domenico Toller 
 detto Giacomo Costa, Giovanni Dalla Costa, Antonio 
 Fattori, Giuseppe Fontana, Enrico Isnenghi, Giuseppe 
 Leonardi, Filippo Manci, Quirino Moiola, Pietro Martori, 
 Anselmo Sterchele, Filippo Tranquillini, Camillo Zancani 
 e Attilio Zanotti (i trentini Enoch Bezzi, fratello d'Ergisto, 
 il conte Francesco Martini e Luigi Marcabruni, non avendo 
 fatto in tempo a imbarcarsi a Quarto, raggiunsero Garibaldi 
 a Milazzo), Francesco Bidischini del Friuli Goriziano, 
 Marziano Ciotti di Gradisca ed altri. A Trieste fu arrestato 
 un intero comitato d'arrolamento. E a causa appunto del 
 rigore spiegato dal governo austriaco, si dove se molti 
 Triestini non poterono raggiungere la gloriosa spedizione. 
 
 Giuseppe Fontana e Camillo Zancani della quinta 
 compagnia, Filippo Manci, Filippo Tranquillini ed Ergisto 
 Bezzi detti i tre moschettieri, furono i primi alia memorabile 
 salita del colle di Calatafimi e poi all'assalto di Palermo. 
 Ed Enrico Isnenghi e Giuseppe Leonardi, sebbene feriti, 
 continuarono a combattere leoninamente sulle barricate di 
 quest'ultima citta. 
 
 II garibaldino Giuseppe Cesare Abba ' tratteggio da 
 
 • L'Abba fu uno dei piu eroici volontari dei Mille, poi illustratore incomparabile 
 della leggendaria spedizione, aiifore di parecchie altre opere storiche, educatore 
 insigne. Silenzioso e modesto, visse in poverta decorosa, non facendo mai pompa 
 dei servigi resi alia Patria. Fu nominate senatore del Regno il 6 giugno 1910. 
 Mori cinque mesi dopo (1838-1910).
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL 1860 477 
 
 par suo il profilo di parecchi suoi commilitoni trentini. 
 Lo Zancani: "con le tempie gia grige, e di cui le rughe pro- 
 fonde dalle nari agli angoli della boca dicevano ch'egli 
 sapeva il dolore da un pezzo, ma che pure aveva I'aria quasi 
 lieta e pareva dicesse continuamente a se stesso: allegri 
 e avantiV* — Lo Zanotti: "sempre giovane e bello, sempre 
 largo del suo gran cuore". — L'Isnenghi: "semplice come 
 acqua d'altissima vena, umile in tutto come un fraticello 
 di quelli a cui san Francesco diceva per via le sue soavi cose". 
 — II Tranquillini: "fiore di gioia e di cortesia da stare in 
 un canto di gesta". — II Manci: "cosi verginale nella 
 finezza del viso, che, se non fosse stata la prestante persona, 
 si sarebbe detto ch'era una donzella in uniforme garibaldina; 
 e cosi amante del pericolo, che per un rischio in cui ci fosse 
 stato da contendersi il posto, era capace di corrucciarsi 
 col piii caro degli amici". — Ergisto Bezzi: ''pareva il 
 Ferruccio staccatosi da una tela del 500 per venir vivo a 
 vedere che cosa sapessimo fare noi, dopo avere tanto can- 
 tato col Mameli d'avere il suo cuore (il cuore del Ferruccio), 
 d'avere la sua mano (la mano del Ferruccio), e che merite- 
 rebbe da solo (il Bezzi) che giustizia di popoli desse all'Italia 
 la terra di Trento dov'e Cusiana, il borghetto in cui egli 
 (il Bezzi) nacque". 
 
 Molti altri Trentini raggiunsero Garibaldi in Sicilia, e 
 lo seguirono in tutta la campagna dell'Italia Meridionale 
 fino a che il Borbone non fu interamente sconfitto. Basta 
 ricordare Pilade Bronzetti, fratello di Narciso "il prode 
 dei prodi". Nella sanguinosissima mischia corpo a corpo 
 che segui a Milazzo il 20 luglio i860 tra Garibaldini e 
 Borbonici, Pilade Bronzetti, che aveva il grado di maggiore, 
 prese tre pezzi d'artiglieria al nemico. E piii tardi a Castel 
 Morone con soli 270 uomini respinse per undici ore di 
 seguito gli assalti di ben 4,000 Borbonici, finche, ferito di 
 baionetta e colpito da una palla al petto, cadde, brandendo 
 la spada, per non piii rialzarsi. 
 
 Sdegnoso 
 d'ogni resa, Leonida novello, 
 ruotando a cerchio la fraterna spada, 
 lanciavasi a morir per mezzo i mucchi 
 dei fraterni cadaveri.
 
 478 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Garibaldi, annunziando il fatto nell'Ordine del giorno 
 alle sue legioni, disse: 
 
 A Castel Morone, Pilade Bronzetti, emulo degno del fratello, 
 vi ripeteva uno di quei fatti che la storia porta certamente accanto 
 a quelli compiuti dai Leonida e dai Fabi. 
 
 E nelle sue Memories I'Eroe soggiunse: 
 
 Accanto alle immortali famiglie del Cairoli e dei De Benedetti 
 e a tante altre per cui veste lutto I'ltalia, poniamo quella dei Bron- 
 zetti. II maggiore dei fratelli cadde contro gli Austriaci a Tre- 
 ponti; il secondo cadde non meno eroicamente a Castel Morone. 
 Resta un terzo ai vecchi genitori, e anche questo, col consenso de- 
 gl'incomparabili vegliardi, e pronto a dar la sua vita all'Italia. 
 
 Nella liberazione d'Ancona si distinsero non poco i 
 trentini Leopoldo Tonini e il capitano Venturi. Quest'ul- 
 timo s'adopero attivamente per promovere un'insurre- 
 zione nello Stato Romano soggetto al pontefice. 
 
 Insomma i Trentini pugnarono dovunque nel i860: 
 nelle file dell'esercito piemontese, come nelle file degli 
 eserciti dell' Italia Centrale e dellTtalia Meridionale. 
 Non ci fu brigata in cui non se ne sia contato piii d'uno. 
 Se ne trovarono 22 nella brigata Modena, 29 nella brigata 
 Reggio, loi nella brigata Bologna, quasi 100 nel battaglione 
 Vignola e 120 nell'esercito meridionale. Circa 500 in 
 tutto. Furono ben poche le province italiane che poterono 
 contarne altrettanti. Prendendo per base la proporzione 
 della leva ordinaria ch'era allora in Italia del 25 per mille, 
 il Trentino, con una popolazione di 330,000 abitanti, avrebbe 
 dovuto fornire 825 soldati. Ne form invece 500, ossia due 
 terzi del contingente ordinario. Ma bisogna considerare 
 ch'esso — il Trentino — dove pur sostenere il peso delle 
 leve austriache forzate. 
 
 Anche il contingente dato dai Trentino alia legione dei 
 Mille fu oltremodo lusinghiero. Nella proporzione di mille 
 sopra 25 milioni d'abitanti (tanti ne contava ITtalia nel 
 i860), il Trentino, in ragione della sua popolazione, avrebbe 
 dovuto dare 13 uomini circa. Ne diede invece 17. 
 
 Benche in numero minore, i Triestini e glTstriani corsero 
 anch'essi ad arrolarsi sotto le bandiere italiane nel i860, e si
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL 1860 479 
 
 distinsero per eroismo al pari degli altri fratelli irredenti. 
 AH'assalto di Perugia, per esempio, una compagnia composta 
 tutta di Triestini e Istriani contribui efficacemente (i8 
 settembre i860) a far prigioniero I'intero presidio papalino 
 composto di ben 8,000 mercenari irlandesi. 
 
 Inoltre, furono raccolte grandi somme di denaro in 
 mezzo alle popolazioni delle regioni irredente per la guerra 
 italiana del i860 contro I'Austria. 
 
 Rimettendo appunto una di tali somme, il comitato 
 triestino per i soccorsi a Garibaldi scriveva al comitato 
 di Milano: 
 
 Trieste ebbe generose vittime nel 1849 a Roma; ha i suoi figli 
 quest'anno (1860) nell'esercito del magnanimo Re Galantuomo e 
 sotto le bandiere dell'invitto Garibaldi. Ma non cessara di fare 
 ancora, per quanto sara possibile eludere la irrequieta vigilanza dei 
 satrapi austriaci. 
 
 Cera davvero la vigilanza. E di che sorta! Michele 
 Buono, organizzatore d'un comitato segreto d'arrolamento 
 a Trieste, veniva condannato a morte (pena commutatagli 
 poi in 20 anni di lavori forzati). Un marinaio di Pola, a cui 
 in piazza proruppe irresistibile il grido di Fiva V Italia\ fu 
 istantaneamente ammazzato a sciabolate da un ufficiale 
 austriaco. A Pirano I'operaio Mistare, per avere pronun- 
 ziato parole di simpatia all'indirizzo dellTtalia, fu da una 
 sentinella austriaca freddato con una fucilata alia testa. 
 Le famiglie dei disertori erano vessate nel peggiore dei modi. 
 11 governo austriaco le costrinse perfino a rimborsare il 
 prezzo delle divise militari. E promise vistosi premi pecu- 
 niari a tutti quei soldati "che avessero denunziato gl'inci- 
 tatori alia diserzione e coloro che avessero tenuto discorsi 
 ostili al governo medesimo". Nel Trentino il commissario 
 austriaco conte Hohenwarth diramava una circolare con la 
 quale ordinava alle autorita governative "di energica- 
 mente opporsi alle idee di separazione del Trentino dal 
 Tirolo che avevano gia messo nel paese radici cosi profonde"; 
 minacciava "esser ben deciso a reprimere inflessibilmente 
 ogni dimostrazione d'italianita da qualunque parte venisse; 
 destituiva Gaetano Manci podesta di Trento; destituiva
 
 480 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 anche il podesta di Rovereto e i podesta d'altre citta irre- 
 dente, e li sostituiva con commissari politici fidi al governo 
 di Vienna; faceva eseguire le solite requisizioni d'armi, le 
 persecuzioni, le proscrizioni, le bastonate, ecc. Molti 
 cospicui cittadini — quali ad esempio I'ottantenne Tito 
 De Bassetti, nonche Giovanni De Pretis e Antonio Marsili 
 — furono arrestati a capriccio, maltrattati ed esiliati. 
 
 Ma tanta rabbia repressiva non valse a frenare I'irrom- 
 pente sentimento d'italianita che animava le popolazioni 
 del confine orientale d'ltalia. 
 
 II comitato nazionale dellTstria, mandando a Milano 
 (sempre nel i860) una somma di denaro raccolta per la 
 causa italiana, scriveva: 
 
 LTstria, povera di tutto, fuorche di generoso sentire e d'amore 
 sviscerato per la comune madre Italia, non puo che una tenue 
 somma offrire; ma la conforta il pensiero che ITtalia sapra, meglio 
 che all'ofFerta, avere riguardo al coraggio con cui essa fu raggra- 
 nellata sotto la pressura della polizia austriaca, e al cuore con che 
 essa — ITstria — la porta suU'altare della Patria. Dite al prode 
 Garibaldi che ITstria non fu mai ne sara mai timida di sacrifici 
 per la fausta causa nazionale. Ma ditegli pure che quel giorno 
 ch'egli potra libera far sventolare I'itala bandiera sulle adriatiche 
 sponde, I'lstria risorgera con giubilo a rafforzare di marinai la 
 patria armata e dei piu coraggiosi suoi figli il patrio esercito. 
 Vedranno allora le province sorelle dTtalia se ITstria — che I'Au- 
 stria tanto oppresse per toglierle lingua ed affetti e per ispe- 
 gnerne, se fosse stato possibile, il nazionale sentimento — sia 
 indegna di loro. Per ora non le e dato che, nel segreto dell'anima 
 e fra le torture, di proferire gli adorati nomi dTtalia, di Vittorio 
 Emanuele II e di Garibaldi; ma allora questa voce segreta, nello 
 slancio di centinaia di migliaia di cuori, si cambiera in altissimo 
 grido che, echeggiato dalle nostre colline, si propaghera per la 
 marina fino alia spiaggia opposta deU'Adriatico golfo. 
 
 E le donne triestine, mandando a Garibaldi (sempre 
 nel i860) una bandiera italiana fatta da loro, scrivevano: 
 
 II dispotismo austriaco, se trovo del proprio conto, una volta, 
 di migliorare le condizioni materiali di Trieste aprendo la citta 
 aH'immigrazione ed ai traffici, nelle troppo decantate prerogative 
 nascondeva un mortifero veleno, vero premio alia spontanea
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL I860 481 
 
 dedizione! Poiche, dopo averla asservita in onta ai piu solenni 
 patti, adopero per anni e anni ogni arte e prepotenza alio scopo di 
 spegnere le natural! aspirazioni di civile e morale progresso e 
 rapirle costumi e linguaggio. Non ne voile risparmiato I'onore, e 
 la chiamo fedelissima. Menzogna, o Generale! Perche ne le 
 soverchierie dei dominatori, ne gli aulici decreti, ne la vilta dei 
 degeneri patrizi, valsero a snaturare il nostro popolo che e rimasto 
 italiano e che ora piii che mai ha la coscienza deirimprescrittibile 
 suo diritto di appartenere all'italica famiglia. E la bandiera che 
 noi, donne triestine, vi mandiamo in dono, vi sia debole pegno del 
 sentimento nazionale che rianima i nostri mariti e i nostri figli. 
 Aggraditela, o Generale, e accordatele Tonore di guidare con essa 
 alcune delle vostre intrepide legioni nelle future battaglie del- 
 I'indipendenza nazionale e della liberta comune, col grido di 
 Fiva r Italia! Viva Vittorio Emanuele II! 
 
 E il comitato triestino-istriano, facendo quasi un bilancio 
 alia fine del i860, diceva in un apposito proclama: 
 
 Moiti dei nostri figli hanno sparso il loro sangue sui campi 
 gloriosi di Calatafimi e di Castelfidardo; molti altri gemono nelle 
 carceri austriache o vanno esulando. 
 
 E Carlo Ferrari soggiungeva poco dopo: 
 
 Trieste a envoye des sommes considerables au comite garihaldien. 
 Une bonne partie des ses enfants etaii avec les vainquers de Palerme 
 et de Milazzo. Les dames triestines out brode des drapeaux, envoye 
 des adresses aux soldats de Vindependance italienne. 
 
 Infine il giornalista triestino Pacifico Valussi ricordo uno 
 dei tanti episodi mostranti lo spirito d'italianita da cui 
 erano infiammati le popolazioni del confine orientale 
 d'ltalia nel i860. 
 
 Fu un tempo — cosi egli scrisse — in cui un bravo Goriziano 
 mi porto una somma di denaro che i suoi compatrioti volevano 
 spendere per la patria italiana. Era il momento in cui la flotta 
 borbonica era stata catturata da Garibaldi e consegnata all'ammi- 
 raglio Persano, ma che veniva abbandonata dai marinai. Da 
 alcuni Triestini, Istriani e Friulani si fece un fondo per attirare 
 marinai dell'Istria, del Veneto e della Dalmazia per la nuova flotta 
 italiana; e ci si riusci; e Cavour gradi il dono e intese molto bene 
 il doppio vantaggio del togliere i marinai all'Austria e farli propri.
 
 482 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Ora dico qui ai patrioti goriziani, che quella somma, deposltata 
 fiduciosamente nelle mie mani, ando ad arricchire quel fondo. 
 
 IX 
 
 Le lotte dell'italianita sostenute con indomabile 
 fierezza dai Trentini, dai Triestini, dagl'Istriani e dai 
 Dalmati contro 1' Austria dai 1861 al 1865. 
 
 II 6 giugno i86i moriva Cavour. Le popolazioni del 
 confine orientale d'ltalia manifestarono il loro cordoglio 
 in forme diverse (chiusura di negozi, astensione dai teatri 
 e dalle feste, ecc), nonostante le misure di precauzione 
 prese dalla feroce polizia austriaca per impedire o almeno 
 celare tali manifestazioni. 
 
 Dal i86i al 1865 ci fu tregua d'armi in Italia, ma non 
 sospensione di lotta per la causa nazionale. II Trentino 
 non voile saperne di restare unito al Tirolo tedesco. Quando 
 si fecero nel 1861 le elezioni per la Dieta di Innsbruck, a 
 Trento andarono a votare soltanto un cittadino e 27 impie- 
 gati del governo austriaco; a Rovereto 7 cittadini e 70 
 impiegati; a Riva 2 cittadini e 16 impiegati. Nelle altre 
 citta neppure gl'impiegati si mossero. Nel tempo stesso 
 gli elettori di Trento sottoscrivevano la dichiarazione 
 di astenersi dalle elezioni, "nella certezza di rispondere in 
 tal modo al sentimento universale del paese". Dichiara- 
 zioni analoghe furono sottoscritte dagli elettori di parecchie 
 altre localita. E dei deputati eletti, i due che si recarono 
 alia Dieta proposer© subito la separazione del Trentino dai 
 Tirolo. Gli astenuti indirizzarono alia Dieta stessa il voto 
 che, "pill della loro parola, potesse essere eloquente il 
 generale silenzio, e che la solenne manifestazione della 
 volonta popolare non avesse a rimanere lungamente incom- 
 presa". 
 
 Proprio nelle elezioni del 1861 il partito liberale italiano 
 a Trieste conquisto con grandissima maggioranza i pubblici 
 poteri (Congresso municipale e Dieta provinciale). E 
 d'allora in poi li tenne sempre vittoriosamente, *'come
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1861 AL 1865 483 
 
 conseguenza della sua ottima e patriottica amministra- 
 zione". 
 
 Nello stesso anno i86i la Dieta dell'Istria, invitata dal 
 governo austiiaco ad eleggere i suoi rappresentanti al 
 Parlamento di Vienna, metteva nell'urna le schede con la 
 parola nessuno. 
 
 Dopo un anno il governo austriaco riconvoco i comizi 
 elettorali nel Trentino. Gli elettori andarono a votare in 
 massa, facendo trionfare i capi del partito italiano autonomo. 
 Questi s'afFrettarono a indirizzare un memoriale alia Dieta 
 per dichiarare ch'essi non sarebbero intervenuti alia sessione, 
 e un memoriale al Consiglio dell'Impero per chiedere il 
 distacco del Trentino dal Tirolo. 
 
 L'8 giugno 1862 gli emigrati istriani e triestini manda- 
 vano in dono a Garibaldi alcune carte geografiche e idrogra- 
 fiche del mare Adriatico e della costa orientale dell'Adria- 
 tico, con questa lettera: 
 
 Generale! L'Istria e Trieste anelano di essere sottratte al 
 giogo straniero. Dio voglia che anche il piccolo presente che i 
 lore figli vi ofFrono, vi giovi, e presto, a far paghi i loro voti. 
 
 Garibaldi, in data 10 giugno 1862, rispondeva: 
 
 10 so che I'Istria e Trieste anelano a frangere le catene con cui 
 le avvince I'odiata signoria straniera; so che afFrettano col desiderio 
 il compimento del voto di essere restituite alia madre Italia. lo 
 ho fede non sia lontano il giorno delle ultime vittorie, da cui sara 
 suggellato il completo riscatto nazionale. 
 
 11 16 agosto 1862 le popolazioni del Trentino, di Trieste 
 e dell'Istria, trasmettendo una cospicua somma di denaro 
 al comitato veneto centrale costituitosi per I'erezione d'un 
 monumento a Cavour in Torino, scrivevano al presidente 
 del comitato stesso: 
 
 Noi trasmettiamo a Vostra Signoria illustrissima quest'ofFerta, 
 pegno del sentimento patriottico che anima le popolazioni italiane 
 stanziate in terra ancora straniera, aspiranti anch'esse a far parte 
 della grande famiglia italiana che, dopo tanti secoli di sventure, 
 tutta vuole raccogliersi in unita sotto lo scettro costituzionale di 
 re Vittorio Emanuele II.
 
 484 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 L'li novembre 1862, dopo un processo clamoroso contro il 
 giornale // Tempo di Trieste, che dimostro quanto intelli- 
 gente, intensa e ardita fosse in quell'anno la propaganda 
 italiana fra i Triestini, furono condannati a pene non lievi 
 il professore Paolo Tedeschi e Antonio Antonaz redattori 
 del giornale stesso. 
 
 Nei primi del 1863 il gentile poeta Veronese Aleardo 
 Aleardi, il quale per incarico di Manin aveva nel 1848 
 rappresentato la Repubblica di Venezia a Parigi, con- 
 segnava a Vittorio Emanuele II un albo che le donne istriane, 
 trentine e venete avevano destinato a Maria Pia, figlia 
 dello stesso Vittorio Emanuele II, andata sposa a Luigi I 
 re del Portogallo. AU'atto della consegna, il poeta pro- 
 nunziava queste parole: 
 
 Sanno (le donne istriane, trentine e venete) che quando Iddio, 
 nelle passate mischie, sciava dal vostro petto animoso le palle, 
 gli era per serbarvi alio splendido mandato di compiere ITtalia. 
 E quando poi avverra che la nostra bandiera sventoli sulle torri 
 italiane di Trento, e dalle italiane colline di Pola si specchi nel- 
 TAdriatico nostro, allora voi potrete dire con sublime orgoglio, 
 o Sire, al vostro figliuolo: Umberto, io ti ho composto la piu bella 
 corona d'Europa. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele II accolse benigno e incoraggiante il 
 dono e i voti. 
 
 Nei primi del 1863 il governo austriaco respinse la 
 domanda di distacco del Trentino dal Tirolo tedesco, e 
 intimo ai deputati astensionisti "che, se nel giro di otto 
 giorni, essi non si fossero affrettati ad accettare e ad eserci- 
 tare il mandato loro affidato, avrebbero avuto luogo le 
 nuove elezioni". I deputati non si presero neppur la 
 briga di rispondere all'intimazione imperiale. E alle 
 nuove elezioni, essi furono tutti rieletti. Allora inviarono le 
 loro dimissioni alia Dieta, dichiarandosi "lieti d'avere 
 potuto offrire ripetutamente ai loro conterranei I'occasione 
 di manifestare ai poteri legislativi dello Stato, in via legale 
 e costituzionale, quale fosse la tendenza della pubblica 
 opinione, quale la ferma volonta del paese". Le elezioni 
 successive diedero risultati afFatto identici.
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1861 AL 1865 485 
 
 II 17 febbraio 1863 ad un veglione tenutosi nel teatro 
 di Gorizia intervennero 7 fanciulle e 16 giovanotti goriziani 
 vestiti tutti da garibaldini. La polizia austriaca li arresto, 
 e fece condannare al carcere duro i caporioni, tra i quali 
 Nepomuceno Favetti e Clemente Riaviz, anche perche 
 questi due avevano I'abitudine nelle dimostrazioni di salu- 
 tarsi col motto: "Uno, due, tre, Garibaldi nostro re", 
 e perche il Riaviz aveva imposto a un Austriaco di baciare 
 il ritratto di Garibaldi. 
 
 II 14 maggio 1863 il governo austriaco scioglieva il 
 Consiglio comunale di Pisino per avere aderito alle feste 
 centenarie di Pirenze. 
 
 Nel 1864, a ispirazione di Mazzini e ad incoraggiamento 
 di Garibaldi, fu promossa nel Trentino un'azione militare 
 contro I'Austria, Ne era capo il garibaldino Ergisto Bezzi, 
 che pote raccogliere intorno a se i suoi correligionari e com- 
 militoni dei Mille (Fontana, Manci, Tranquillini, Zancani 
 ed altri) e organizzare un comitato centrale a Trento e 
 sotto-comitati nelle citta minori, II governo austriaco 
 seppe la cosa e fece arrestare i principali cospiratori (una 
 quarantina), li trascino a Innsbruck e ivi li fece condannare 
 da un tribunale militare per il reato d'alto tradimento 
 chi a 9, chi a 7, chi a 5, chi a 3, chi a 2 anni di carcere duro. 
 
 Mazzini, che tanto dolore aveva provato nell'udire 
 I'insuccesso dell'impresa, scrisse al Bezzi: 
 
 Una linea speciale a voi, per dirvi che io vi ammiro ed amo 
 sempre piu. So che quanto poteva farsi fu da voi fatto. Dio sa 
 s'io mi dolgo della posizione in cui vi trovate; ma siete giovane 
 e I'avvenire fara lunga giustizia a voi e alia vostra fade. Chie- 
 detemi quanto possa giovarvi, liberamente come fratello a fratello. 
 
 Anche Garibaldi scrisse al Bezzi: 
 
 Voi faceste il vostro dovere da quel valoroso che siete, e sin 
 quando gl'Italiani non seguano gli esempi d'uomini come voi, essi 
 staranno meritamente sotto la verga e il disprezzo universale. 
 Ai vostri prodi compagni del carcere un saluto dall'anima. 
 
 Nel 1864 un senatore italiano conservatore dichiarava 
 imprudentemente in piena Assemblea "non essere Trieste 
 nelle aspirazioni del governo italiano". Da Trieste fu
 
 486 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 immediatamente spedita una protesta firmata dai piu 
 ragguardevoli cittadini e da centinaia di patriot!. II 
 governo austriaco voile che alia prima occasione il Con- 
 siglio comunale di Trieste dimostrasse falsa quella protesta. 
 Nel gennaio 1865, convocato il Consiglio, il podesta, ch'era 
 a quei tempi un asservito all'Austria, propose d'annuUare 
 rimportanza della protesta, deliberando a unanimita di 
 voti un atto d'omaggio all'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe. 
 I consiglieri, illuminati e guidati dal patriota De Rin, 
 respinsero fieramente la proposta. II Consiglio fu natural- 
 mente disciolto. Ma i Triestini ebbero poco dopo la 
 sodisfazione di vedere pubblicata nella Gazzeita Ufficiale 
 del Regno d'ltalia una dichiarazione del governo italiano, 
 smentente I'asserzione del senatore conservatore ed afFer- 
 mante che Trieste non solo era italiana, e quindi nelle 
 aspirazioni della madre patria, ma anche per "quel fatto" 
 — per avere cioe respinto la proposta d'omaggio all'impe- 
 ratore Francesco Giuseppe — essa s'era resa quanto mai 
 benemerita della causa italiana. 
 
 Si pubblicarono nel frattempo numerosi libri compro- 
 vanti I'italianita e le aspirazioni di Trieste, dell'Istria e del 
 Trentino, mentre il Tommaseo, instancabile, continuava 
 con magnifici scritti a difendere I'italianita della Dalmazia, 
 affermando tra I'altro che ivi la lingua italiana s'era sempre 
 mantenuta purissima e vi si adoperava "meglio di quella 
 che aveva adoperato, parlando e scrivendo, lo stesso conte 
 di Cavour". 
 
 X 
 
 II filiale contributo di sangue dei Trentini, dei Trie- 
 stini, degl'Istriani e dei Dalmati alia guerra del 1866 
 contro I'Austria per I'indipendenza e I'unita d'ltalia. 
 Trieste e I'Istria per la loro annessione alia madre 
 patria (1866). 
 
 II 1866 passo come una bufera. Appena si seppe che 
 stava per scoppiare la guerra tra la Prussia e I'ltalia alleate 
 da una parte contro I'Austria dall'altra, il comitato degli
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL 1866 487 
 
 emigrati triestini e istriani peroro subito la causa delle 
 terre irredente con indirizzi rivolti a Vittorio Emanuele II 
 ed ai membri del governo italiano. 
 
 Alfonso La Marmora, allora presidente del Consiglio dei 
 ministri, rispondeva a tutti: 
 
 Le passate nvalita di Trieste e Venezia sono cose viete, da 
 mettersi a fascio con quelle di Firenze e Pisa, di Venezia e Genova 
 e di cento altre citta italiane. I paesi d'oltre Isonzo sono italiani 
 quanto qualunque altra provincia di confine della grande penisola. 
 Sentono di esserlo, e se sieno decisi a volerlo, lo dica la lunga serie 
 di manifestazioni coraggiose e calorose che si succedono da tanto 
 tempo nei loro principali centri, Lo scioglimento ripetuto dei 
 Consigli municipali di Trieste, di Gorizia, di Pisino, di Capodistria; 
 lo scioglimento delle Diete provinciali di Trieste e di quelle dellTstria 
 (Parenzo) perche non vollero mandare nessuno al Reichsrath 
 di Vienna; gli stati d'assedio del 1848 e 1859; i processi e le 
 condanne politiche pronunziate specialmente da quell'epoca in 
 poi; la proibizione perfino di carte geografiche, di opere storiche e 
 diplomatiche che trattano serenamente di quei paesi; infine i 
 bandi, gli arresti, la sospensione delle liberta personali che s'annun- 
 ziano in questi giorni, sono fatti che non si distruggono oramai con 
 I'usata frase dei pochi malintenzionatiy del pugno di faziosi favoriti 
 dal Piemonte. 
 
 II governo austriaco, dal canto suo, prese come ostaggi 
 parecchi dei migliori cittadini di Trieste e dellTstria (Mar- 
 tino Zucchi, Gioacchino Lovisoni, I'Hermet, I'Hortis, il 
 Madonizza, il Rismondo ed altri), e li interne nelle fortezze 
 dellTmpero. 
 
 Ma tanta violenza non sgomento i patriot! irredenti. 
 Quelli emigrati mandarono in data 18 giugno 1866 a Vittorio 
 Emanuele II, che stava per recarsi al campo, I'augurale 
 saluto dei fratelli oppressi, dicendo: 
 
 I Triestini e glTstriani saranno i guardiani dell'Alpe Giulia: 
 di quell' Alpe che, violata troppe volte dallo straniero, e comple- 
 mento necessario e sicurezza del territorio nazionale. Essi vi 
 daranno in mano quella Pola che, fin dall'epoca romana porto 
 militate italiano, I'Austria ha ormai convertito in minaccia di 
 tutta la nostra costa adriatica. Essi vi daranno quella Trieste 
 che I'Austria vorrebbe malamente far credere di pertinenza
 
 488 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 germanica. £ voce di popolo che vi chiama in quelle parti. E 
 grido di dolore e di speranza che erompe dal cuore di Italiani che 
 vi invocano Liberatore e vi salutano loro Re. 
 
 La gioventij trentina, triestina, istriana e dalmata, 
 infatti, accorse con mirabile slancio d'amore e di fede ad 
 arrolarsi sotto le patrie bandiere (nell'esercito regolare e 
 tra le file garibaldine), e si batte con supremo ardore contro 
 gli Austriaci. 
 
 A Custoza (24 giugno 1866) cadde, tra gli altri, il tenente 
 Leonardo D'Andri di Capodistria, mentre pugnava leoni- 
 namente alia testa della sua compagnia rimasta priva di 
 capitano. Egli era volato in aiuto dei granatieri di Sardegna 
 duramente provati a Monte Croce, aveva assaltato impetuo- 
 samente quell'altura, I'aveva ritolta agli Austriaci e aveva 
 ripreso nello stesso tempo i cannoni e i prigionieri italiani 
 di cui i nemici s'erano impossessati conquistando il monte. 
 All'eroico D'Andri fu, per questo fatto, decretata la medaglia 
 d'oro. 
 
 Nella stessa battaglia di Custoza cadde anche da prode 
 il trentino Claudio Zambelli. E si distinsero per il loro 
 valore i triestini Adolfo Sartori, R. Donaggio, Davide 
 Milla, Giovanni DrufFel, Eugenio Popovich, Gustavo 
 Buchler, Enrico Ferolli, gl'istriani Girolamo Gravisi, 
 Giovanni Vascon, Michele Gallo, Carlo Depaugher, Do- 
 menico Grio, Domenico Vidacowich, Pietro Madonizza, il 
 goriziano Angelo Mazzini, il trentino professore Alberto 
 Eccher e tanti altri d'ogni eta, d'ogni condizione sociale, 
 tutti uniti in un sol pensiero: I'ltalia. 
 
 Alia vittoria di Monte Suello nel Trentino (3 luglio 
 1866), riportata da Garibaldi sugli Austriaci superiori di 
 numero, meglio armati e in una posizione favorevole, 
 contribui non poco I'eroismo di Ergisto Bezzi, del Tranquil- 
 lini, del Ciotti, del Fontana, del Manci, dello Zancani, del 
 Leonardi, dello Zanolla e di altri Garibaldini irredenti.^ 
 
 La notizia di questo brillante fatto d'armi e la notizia 
 che il generale Medici era giunto felicemente coi suoi a 
 poche miglia da Trento e che il generale Cadorna, all'estrema 
 
 ' A Monte Suello ritnase ferito lo stesso Garibaldi da una palla di fucile a una 
 coscia.
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL 1866 489 
 
 destra dell'esercito di spedizione, marciava su Trieste, 
 sollevarono immensamente gl'Italiani, i quali s'erano giusta- 
 mente turbati alia notizia del disastro di Custoza. 
 
 I patrioti delle regioni irredente il 9 luglio 1866 man- 
 darono a Vittorio Emanuele II un indirizzo in cui dicevano 
 con fede: 
 
 Tutta la terra italiana deve essere sgombra dallo straniero, 
 e la intera cerchia delle Alpi, nostro naturale confine, deve essere 
 in nostro potere. 
 
 A Condino nel Trentino, dove il 16 luglio 1866 Garibaldi 
 combatte e vinse un'asprissima battaglia contro gli Austria- 
 ci, caddero i triestini Giuseppe Donati, Filippo Faienz, 
 Giuseppe Fenali, Pietro Chiozza, il Capria e il Walfer. 
 
 Due giorni dopo (18 luglio 1866), Garibaldi, che in pochi 
 giorni aveva liberato dagli Austriaci gran parte del Tren- 
 tino, lanciava a quelle popolazioni il seguente proclama: 
 
 Trentini! I vostri voti e quelli di tutta I'ltalia stanno per 
 essere sodisfatti. L'inno di guerra della nostra moschetteria 
 vi porta di eco in eco il primo appello della liberta; vi porta un 
 fraterno saluto. Voi intendete I'uno e I'altro. Combatteremo 
 insieme per la liberta e I'unita d'ltalia. E qui, su questi vostri 
 monti, formidabili difese per uomini liberi, serrandoci le mani, 
 giureremo insieme il Finis Austriae, la fine della dominazione 
 straniera. 
 
 Nella battaglia navale di Lissa (20 luglio 1866), com- 
 battuta tra la flotta italiana contro la flotta austriaca, 
 cadde col nome dTtalia sulle labbra il guardiamarina 
 Giovanni Ivancich dalmata. E non pochi Italiani irredenti 
 caddero a Bezzecca nel Trentino (21 luglio 1866), dove 
 Garibaldi combatte e vinse contro gli Austriaci una terribile 
 battaglia che duro 12 ore di continuo e costo all'Eroe 1,522 
 volontari morti. 
 
 II 25 luglio 1866 Garibaldi riceveva dal governo del re 
 d'ltalia il famoso telegramma: ** armistizio firmato; eva- 
 cuate Trentino", al quale I'Eroe rispondeva con I'ancor 
 piQ famoso: "obbedisco". 
 
 Poco dopo (fine di luglio 1866) i Consigli comunali e il 
 clero dei paesi italiani liberati — Storo, Darzo, Lodrone,
 
 490 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Magaza, Dondone, Condino, Cimego, Dono, Bersone, 
 Drione, Strada, Tiarno di sopra, Tiarno di sotto, Ledro, 
 Bezzecca, Pieve di Ledro, Mezzolago, Molina e Barcesina, 
 Legos, Pie di Ledro, Biacesa, Concei, Locca, Eugenise e 
 Leusumo — sottoscrissero e mandarono a Vittorio Emanuele 
 II il seguente indirizzo: 
 
 Ora che i maggiori sacrifici sono consumati, era che I'Austria 
 crolla da tutte le parti, ecco che la diplomazia si pianta tra noi e 
 i nostri diritti, le voci di pace prendono tuttavia maggiore con- 
 sistenza, sicche temiamo di noi, mentre avevamo tanto sperato 
 nei giorni addietro. In queste angustie, noi volgiamo una parola 
 a Voi che non foste mai sordo alle grida di dolore mosse dai vostri 
 popoli, e vi diciamo che noi siamo Vostri, perocche siamo parte 
 della Nazione italiana e pronti a dare per essa sostanze e vita. 
 
 Parecchie famiglie trentine — come i Bresciani di Riva, 
 i De Pretis di Cagno, i Ducati e i Molinari di Trento, gli 
 Eccheli di Ala, i Tavernini di Dro, i Weiss di Strigno — 
 diedero due fratelli alle schiere italiche nella guerra del 1866 
 contro I'Austria. La famiglia dei conti Sizzo De Noris di 
 Trento ne diede tre. E alcune famiglie — come gli Eccheli 
 di Brentonico, gli Jagher di Trento e i Martini di Riva — 
 ne diedero perfino quattro. 
 
 Si guadagnarono la medaglia d'argento al valore il 
 triestino Enrico Ferolli gravemente ferito a Cimego; la 
 menzione onorevole il triestino Rodolfo Donaggio; e meda- 
 glia e menzione i trentini Carlo Chimelli, Virgilio Inama, 
 Giovanni Jagher, Alessandro Zinis, Carlo De Pretis, Ferdi- 
 nando Rinaldi, Virgilio Covi e Filippo Tranquillini. A 
 Ergisto Bezzi, per gli straordinari servigi resi durante 
 I'intera campagna, fu offerta la croce d'ufficiale dell'Ordine 
 Militate di Savoia. Ma egli la rifiuto, come aveva altra 
 volta rifiutato la croce di cavaliere. 
 
 Si distinsero molto nelle schiere garibaldine anche i 
 trentini Oreste Bronzetti fratello dei due caduti eroi Narciso 
 e Pilade, il sottotenente Pietro Montanari e Carlo Tivaroni. 
 
 Alcuni volontari delle terre italiane irredente erano 
 disertori recenti dell'Austria. Essi quindi misero a doppio 
 rischio la loro vita. Tali, ad esempio, il tenente Paolo
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL 1866 491 
 
 Cortella di Storo, Cernio Battorchi di Tione e Isidore 
 Canella di Riva. 
 
 I primi d'agosto l866 alcuni patrioti trentini, capitanati 
 dai gaiibaldini Francesco Martini e Filippo Manci, tenta- 
 rono nel Trentino un moto rivoluzionario tendente ad ag- 
 gregare all'Italia — allorquando si sarebbe stipulata la 
 pace — almeno il territorio del Trentino occupato con 
 I'armi da Garibaldi. Ma il tentative falli. 
 
 L'li agosto 1866 i Triestini lanciavano il seguente 
 appello: 
 
 Perche I'ltalia sia guarentigia di pace all'Europa, conviene 
 ricomporia a famiglia politica in tutta la sua unita fisica. Monca 
 e quindi scontenta e bramosa d'altri eventi, ella avrebbe in se 
 la ragione, la necessita di nuovi dissidi e conflitti. Ora le Alpi, 
 che formano reterno confine della penisola italiana, girano a 
 tergo deiristria non meno che nel Piemonte, nella Lombardia e 
 nella Venezia propriamente detta. Dal Tricorno, il gigante 
 alpino che s'alza sulle scaturigini dell'Isonzo, le acque di questo 
 fiume corrono tra le regioni della Drava, della Sava e della Culpa 
 e quelle deirAdriatico: fra contrade che mandano il tribute delle 
 loro acque ai piani del Danubio e quindi al Mar Nero, e le terre 
 che s'inchinano sullo stesso continente italiano. La Natura, 
 dunque, non fu incerta nemmeno sui termini orientali d'ltalia, 
 elevando si notevole barriera tra paesi che in tutto il loro aspetto 
 recisamente si difFerenziano, tanto che anche Tocchio il piu pro- 
 fane scorge teste — alio stesso colore dell'aria, alia temperatura, 
 alia vegetazione — quante va disgiunto per legge inalterabile. 
 
 L'Isonze — I'aulico confine d'ltalia imposte da Vienna — 
 e un fiumicelle che rimarrebbe pressoche ignorate se all' Austria, 
 che e astuta nelle sue previsioni, non fosse cadute in mente di 
 fermare, poc'oltre alia sua riva destra, una distinta amministra- 
 zione per la luogotenenza imperiale di Venezia. Anche quando su 
 quel fiume imperavano i conti di Gorizia e pei gli arciduchi d'Au- 
 stria di faccia alia Repubblica di Venezia, non era gia tutto il sue 
 corse il confine dei due domini, ma le erane altre acque mineri e 
 fossati e segni di privati pederi piii addentre nella pianura e nei 
 monti del Friuli. Quelli che appresere in confuse ad arrestare la 
 Venezia al sue eriente in sui margini d'un rigagnolo, devrebbero, 
 per mostrarsi conseguenti alle loro reminiscenze storiche, cedere 
 all'Austria anche la destra dell'Isonzo gia accordatale per la fretta 
 degli ordinamenti non definiti nella formazione del napoleonico
 
 492 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Regno d'ltalia, quando pure a fronte di cio s'annetteva al Regno 
 stesso il dipartimento dell'Istria. 
 
 Cessino, dunque, una buona volta, tali nozioni di geografia 
 d'ltalia, le quali non hanno altro fondamento che le insidiose mire 
 delle cancellerie austriache. La geografia della nostra patria va 
 per noi imparata dalla natura che ce I'ha fatta, e non da quanto 
 vorrebbe I'Austria per serbarsi le sue lusinghe di rivincita. 
 
 E conoscere e volere casa nostra e il primo nostro dovere. Ne 
 le civili nazioni potrebbero non ammettere ch'esso e pure un no- 
 stro diritto. 
 
 E gl'Istriani, insieme con gli stessi Triestini, pubbli- 
 cavano un lungo memoriale indirizzato a Visconti Venosta 
 ministro degli Esteri del Regno d'ltalia, del quale riporto 
 qui i punti piii salienti: 
 
 L'lstria e un posto avanzato rimpetto alia Laguna, alia quale 
 s'attacca mediante gli isolotti e le paludi di Grado, di Marano e 
 di Aquileia; e un pezzo di terreno staccatosi dalle nostre Alpi e 
 scivolato sul nostro mare; e a noi quasi un molo d'approdo e un 
 luogo di necessaria poggiata. Le flotte Romane e le Venete 
 svernavano a Pola che, secondo il mutare dei secoli, fu succursale 
 d'Aquileia, di Ravenna, di Venezia. Le triremi venete s'arma- 
 vano nel porto di Quieto, a Umaga, a Pirano. A Venezia non si 
 va senza rasentare le coste dell'Istria. E nessuna flottiglia, sia 
 pure a vapore, potrebbe avventurarsi in certe stagioni nell'alto 
 Adriatico, senza pericolo d'essere portata sotto il cannone di Pola. 
 
 L'lstria, d'altronde, e italiana per origini, veneta per dedizione 
 spontanea. Caduta con Venezia nel 1797, in forza della malau- 
 gurata pace di Campoformio, e giusto, e necessario che con 
 Venezia risorga. Altrimenti non ne soffrirebbe la sola Istria, 
 ma Venezia con essa. 
 
 L'lstria formo parte del primo Regno d'ltalia dal 1805 al 
 1810, e quando ritorno in mano dell'Austria, questa le promise 
 d'accomunarla alle altre province venete, promessa che, more 
 austriaco, non fu mantenuta. 
 
 J Nel 1848 e nel 1859, a clamore di popolo e mediante i suoi 
 municipi, l'lstria domando e ridomando d'essere riunita alia 
 Venezia, ma sempre indarno, poiche I'Austria rimase padrona 
 della situazione. 
 
 Col nuovo assetto che va necessariamente a prendere I'Europa, 
 e interesse della civilta che ci sia un'Italia sodisfatta e forte. 
 Ma tale non sara mai, senza la frontiera delle Alpi Retiche,
 
 GL'IRREDENTI NEL 1866 493 
 
 Carniche e Giulie, e senza i porti che la natura ofFre sulle cost 
 deiristria a compenso di quelli che le ha negato sulla restante 
 costa adriatica da Otranto a Grado. 
 
 La nazione itahana tiene gH occhi rivolti aU'esercito e alia 
 flotta; pensa che una mossa sollecita e ardita, dandoci il possesso 
 di quelle terre, renderebbe piu agevole il compito della diplo- 
 mazia e ofFrirebbe alle popolazioni istriane la bramata occasione 
 di smentire coi fatti i dubbi che alcuno ancora si ostina a movere 
 sul conto loro. 
 
 Nel ripetervi, adunque, I'alta fiducia che abbiamoinvoi,neirin- 
 tero Consiglio dei ministri e nell'illustre suo capo (il Lamarmora), 
 non vi taceremo la speranza che la memoria del grande Cavour 
 ispiri — al Governo italiano e al Comando deirarmata di terra 
 e di mare — deliberazioni pronte, concordi ed energiche, quali 
 sono richieste dall'interesse e daH'onore dell'Italia che aspetta, 
 ma che sente, in ogni sua parte, piena la vita, e vuole essere intera 
 per esistere non solo, ma per occupare il posto che ormai le com- 
 pete in Europa. 
 
 Neiristria non sorge un villaggio, in cui si agiti un poco di 
 vita civile, il quale non sia prettamente italiano. II carattere 
 nazionale e spiccatissimo in ogni sua esteriore manifestazione. 
 I vestiti, gli usi, le tradizioni, le leggende, i canti, i proverbi sono 
 italiani. Italiana I'architettura, dall'umile casolare al palazzo 
 pretorio. Italiani il pennello e lo scalpello che decorano i templi 
 e i pubblici edifizi. Italiane le istituzioni di beneficenza. Italiane 
 le leggi dei Comuni, di cui si hanno luminosi esempi fin dal 1200 
 in quegli statuti municipali foggiati alia romana che regolavano 
 la vita civile dei paesi istriani, mentre in non poche illustri parti 
 della rimanente Italia non vi erano che signori feudatari e plebe 
 inconscia di se, del suo passato e del suo avvenire, 
 
 E bellissimi nomi vanta I'lstria tra i migliori ingegni d'ltalia. 
 Chi non conosce il Vergerio e il Flaccio, tanto celebri nella storia 
 della Riforma? il Sartorio, caposcuola delle scienze mediche? 
 il Muzio, emulo del Davanzati? I'economista Carli? il Car- 
 paccio e le sue tele? le musiche del Tortini, per non dire di cento 
 altri che dall'Istria partirono ai seggi piii onorati nelle universita di 
 Padova, di Pisa, di Bologna e di Roma? 
 
 Con Roma le province istriane furono sempre una regione 
 d'ltalia e, fuori dubbio, la piu gelosa, come lo provano i 
 monumenti militari di cui ammiriamo ancora oggi i numerosi 
 avanzi e che lungo la frontiera aveva eretto il genio romano di 
 contro alle nazioni d'oltr'alpe. E quando queste nazioni, fiaccata
 
 494 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 la potenza dell'Impero, irruppero di la per depredare e asservire 
 ritalia, furono le genti della Venezia marina e dell'Istria che, me- 
 glio di tutte le altre, ne sal varono il nome, costituendosi a reggimento 
 di liberi Comuni (i primi Comuni italiani del Medio Evo) sotto la 
 nominale signoria di Bisanzio. 
 
 L'Istria continue poscia sempre generosa la lotta contro gli 
 stranieri (Longobardi, Slavi, Avari, Unni, Saraceni), si che 
 sappiamo fin d'allora che I'onore del vessillo veneto o, come 
 dicevasi in quei tempi, I'onore del Beato Marco, era affidato alle 
 galee e alle armi alleate degl'Istriani, 
 
 Ma tutto fu inutile. Nel trattato di pace firmato a 
 Praga il 24 agosto 1866, le giuste pretese dell'Italia sopra 
 le terre irredente, e neppure su quella parte del Trentino 
 conquistata dalle schiere garibaldine, non furono ricono- 
 sciute dalla Prussia vincitrice, ne dalla Francia mediatrice. 
 Cosi che il governo di Vittorio Emanuele II, in virtii della 
 pace firmata a Vienna il 3 ottobre 1866, dove accontentarsi 
 della sola Venezia ceduta dall'imperatore Francesco Giu- 
 seppe a Napoleone III, e da costui all'Italia. 
 
 Quanto dolore recasse un tale fatto nel cuore delle 
 popolazioni italiane irredente si puo bene immaginare, 
 quando si consideri che il triestino Pietro Brambilla era state 
 informato dal ministro Visconti Venosta che Trieste era 
 la meta delle operazioni militari italiane e che ravvocato 
 Hortis e Carlo Combi triestini erano stati perfino nominati 
 vice-commissari del governo italiano (uno per Trieste e 
 I'altro per ITstria), e Tavvocato Carlo Boggio, morto nella 
 battaglia navale di Lissa, aveva con se il decreto del go- 
 verno italiano che lo nominava commissario regio di Trieste. 
 
 II 14 novembre 1866 Vittorio Emanuele II fu di passag- 
 gio a Udine. Al corteo, che si formo in suo onore, parteci- 
 parono piii di 3,000 fra Triestini, Goriziani e Istriani, con 
 una bandiera italiana abbrunata portata da un Garibaldino 
 dei Mille, nativo di Trieste. 
 
 II giorno dopo, la bandiera fu consegnata dagli stessi 
 tremila al slndaco d'Udine, insieme con una cospicua 
 somma di denaro come contribute deglTtaliani irredenti 
 per I'erigendo monumento a Daniele Manin, il glorioso doge 
 della Repubblica di Venezia del 1848-1849.
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1867 AL 1870 495 
 
 XI 
 
 II filiale contributo di sangue dei Triestini, degl'Istria- 
 ni, dei Trentini e dei Dalmati all'Italia per la presa di 
 Roma (1867-1870). 
 
 I patriot! delle regioni irredente d'ltalia, sebbene colpiti 
 in pieno cuore dalle disillusioni del i866, non disperarono. 
 Essi continuarono a lavorare alacremente per la causa 
 unitaria. 
 
 Nel maggio 1867 il governo italiano consegnava al 
 governo austriaco i carcerati che questo aveva lasciati nel 
 Veneto. Li mandava alia stazione di Gorizia, ove dalla 
 custodia dei carabinieri italiani passavano a quella dei 
 gendarmi austriaci. I Goriziani accolsero festosamente i 
 carabinieri italiani, oflPrendo loro cibi e sciampagna, e 
 inneggiando all'Italia, a Garibaldi, a Vittorio Emanuele II. 
 Ma, durante la notte, la polizia austriaca opero vari arresti. 
 E, dopo un paio di giorni, quattordici cittadini di Gorizia, 
 tutti giovani, furono condannati ciascuno a due settimane 
 di carcere con due giorni di digiuno. 
 
 La sera del 12 luglio 1867, numerosi bifolchi sloveni, 
 aizzati e protetti dalla polizia austriaca, scesero processional- 
 mente a Trieste, urlando Fiva I'Austrial e provocando i 
 cittadini. Questi — al grido di Fiva I'ltalial — respinsero 
 i provocatori. La processione fu rinnovata il giorno dopo 
 (13 luglio 1867). I cittadini affrontarono e disarmarono i 
 bifolchi sloveni. Ma intervenne la truppa imperiale au- 
 striaca, la quale fece fuoco sui Triestini, uccidendone due e 
 ferendone ventitre. 
 
 Quando Garibaldi fu **arrestato" nel settembre del 
 1867 per ordine del governo dei Savoia, I'indignazione 
 avvampo anche nei petti deglTtaliani irredenti. Al comizio 
 tenutosi a Udine nel Teatro Minerva il 26 settembre 1867, 
 Pietro De Carina di Monfalcone, protestando a nome delle 
 province italiane soggette all'Austria, ricordo tra I'altro le 
 parole rivolte dall'Eroe pochi mesi prima in Udine stessa 
 agli emigrati irredenti:
 
 496 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Parole di speranza e di conforto — disse I'oratore — che non 
 tardarono a varcare i non lontani confini, trovando giuliva eco 
 dalle baize delle Alpi Giulie alia roccia del Timavo, alle rive del 
 Quarnero e — mi trema il cuore al dirlo — nei sepolcri ancora 
 cruenti del Trentino, nei sepolcri delle povere vittime del 1866. 
 
 AH'impresa garibaldina dell'Agro Romano furono rap- 
 presentate tutte le regioni irredente d'ltalia. II trentino 
 Giuseppe Fontana fu il primo a passare i confini dello Stato 
 Romano alia testa di 150 volontari. Dei 75 Italiani for- 
 manti il manipolo condotto dai fratelli Cairoli, manipolo che 
 doveva portare aiuto ai patriot! rivoluzionari di Roma, 20 
 eranotriestini. Nei combattimento di Villa Glori (23 ottobre 
 1867) caddero morti 4 Triestini ed altri furono feriti, tra i 
 quali Gian Luigi Vidali e Pietro Mosettig "che giacque 
 presso Giovanni Cairoli". Tra quelli che riuscirono a 
 penetrare nella citta, vi fu anche Giusto Muratti triestino. 
 E nei lanificio di Giulio Ajani in Trastevere, accanto alia 
 eroina Giuditta Arquati-Tavani e agli altri generosi, furono 
 massacrati dai papalini (lo stesso giorno 23 ottobre 1867) 
 anche Francesco Mauro ed Enrico Ferolli triestini, e rimase 
 ferito Rodolfo Donaggio pure triestino. 
 
 A Monterotondo (25 ottobre 1867), fu il capitano gari- 
 baldino Marziano Ciotti di Gradisca che appiccando il 
 fuoco alia porta del forte, lo costrinse alia resa e decise cosi 
 della vittoria riportata in quel giorno da Garibaldi sulle 
 truppe pontifice. II Duce scrisse poi al Ciotti: 
 
 Voi, alia testa della vostra compagnia, siete entrato il prime a 
 Monterotondo sulle rovine incendiate e fumiganti della Porta 
 San Rocco. lo vi proclamo un prode, e valorosa la compagnia 
 da voi comandata. Le donne italiane onoreranno i campioni delle 
 glorie nostre. Ed io vi do un bacio fraterno. 
 
 Garibaldi. 
 
 A Mentana, poi, nella gloriosa sconfitta, combatte 
 eroicamente il medesimo Marziano Ciotti di Gradisca; 
 caddero morti sul campo il triestino Luigi Pecenco e il 
 sedicenne Giuseppe Pollini di Rovereto; rimase gravemente 
 ferito e prigioniero il trentino Ergisto Bezzi. E degli 
 ultimi a lasciare il campo furono il capitano Emilio Maddali
 
 GL'IRREDENTI DAL 1867 AL 1870 497 
 
 triestino, Carlo Tivaroni dalmata, Federico Cuder istriano 
 e Vincenzo Cattarozzi trentino. 
 
 A Firenze s'agitarono per il riscatto di Roma i fratelli 
 Tommaso e Rovis Vusio dalmati. 
 
 A Padova cospirarono, anche pel riscatto di Roma, gli 
 studenti universitari istriani con a capo Domenico Lavisato. 
 
 Garibaldi, rispondendo da Caprera a un saluto che gli 
 stessi studenti gli avevano mandato, li incitava con queste 
 parole: 
 
 Grazie per la gentile attestazione d'afFetto. Italiani d'origine 
 e d'aspirazioni, I'ltalia non deve dimenticarvi, siccome una delle 
 piu belle gemme della sua corona. Jo daro volentieri la vita per 
 I'afFrancaniento completo della famiglia nostra. 
 
 II 20 aprile i868 si celebrarono le nozze del principe 
 ereditario Umberto di Savoia con la cugina principessa 
 Margherita. Gli emigrati irredenti, in un indirizzo a Vit- 
 torio Emanuele II, porsero da Udine il saluto augurale 
 delle terre trentine e giulie agli sposi, ricordando in pari 
 tempo che "solo per I'afFrancamento di dette terre potra 
 risplendere senza macchia I'astro d'ltalia". 
 
 Nello stesso anno i868 gl'Istriani, i Triestini, i Friulani 
 e i Dalmati ebbero il conforto di vedere approvata dal 
 governo italiano la legge con la quale "tutti gl'Italiani delle 
 province che non fanno ancora parte del Regno d'ltalia, 
 sono pareggiati nell'esercizio dei diritti civili ai cittadini 
 dello Stato, purche, presentando Tatto di nascita e adem- 
 piendo alle altre formalita volute dalla legge, s'inscrivano nei 
 ruoli d'un Comune italiano di loro scelta". 
 
 A Benedetto Cairoli,^ che aveva presentato e sostenuto 
 la detta legge fin dal 1862, i membri del comitato nazionale 
 di Gorizia scrissero ricordando che, se incrollabile fu e 
 sarebbe stata la fede dei Goriziani nell'Italia, "pur aveva 
 d'uopo che i fratelli liberi talvolta la rinfrancassero con una 
 parola di conforto"; lo ringraziavano d'averla detta lui 
 tale parola, lo pregavano di ricordarsi sempre di loro e in- 
 vocarono il giorno del riscatto. 
 
 ' Figlio del dottor Carlo e di Adelaide Bono, la nuova madre dei Gracchi; 
 uno dei piu belli eroi del Risorj^imento italiano; deputato al Parlamento nazionale 
 per 30 anni e ministro degli affari esteri sotto Umberto I (1825-1889).
 
 498 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Benedetto Cairoli rispose: 
 
 II vostro infortunio e danno comune e sarebbe anche vergogna 
 se dimenticato; ma cio non e. Ricordero i vostri patimenti e le 
 vostre ardite dimostrazioni e la cooperazione presa alle battaglie, 
 ai lutti, alle glorie della patria italiana? La causa vostra e adun- 
 que anche nostra, e io mi auguro di poterle consacrare non solo 
 la parola, ma anche la vita. Accogliete, o benemeriti cittadini 
 e degni interpreti del pensiero nazionale, un fraterno saluto. 
 
 Nel luglio 1868, in seguito a varie manifestazioni liberali 
 del municipio e della cittadinanza di Trieste, un'altra 
 torma di bifolchi slavi, aizzata e spalleggiata dal battaglione 
 territoriale austriaco composto anche di Slavi ferocissimi 
 detti hdcoli (blatte), assail brutalmente i Triestini al grido 
 di Viva V Austria\ I Triestini respinsero gli assalitori al 
 grido di Viva VItalia\ La lotta continue il giorno dopo. 
 Lo studente triestino Rodolfo Parisi e due operai anche 
 triestini — Francesco Sussa e Niccolo Zecchia — giacquero 
 morti sulla strada; il primo, colpito da 22 colpi di baionetta! 
 E le vie centrali furono insanguinate da diecine di feriti. 
 Ai funerali delle vittime accorse una folia immensa, in mezzo 
 alia quale furono raccolte piii di 11,000 firme di cittadini 
 chiedenti al governo austriaco lo scioglimento del batta- 
 glione territoriale. Ma invece di giustizia, i Triestini non 
 ebbero altro che una terribile reazione poliziesca. Furono 
 arrestati e condannati a pene gravi numerosi cittadini. 
 L'anima di Trieste s'inaspri. Essa senti ancora di piii il 
 peso e I'obbrobrio del giogo austriaco. 
 
 Nell'agosto del 1868 a Gorizia scoppiava un petardo 
 nel Duomo durante la messa che si celebrava per il com- 
 pleanno dell'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe. I sospetti della 
 polizia austriaca caddero sul cittadino Carlo Blasig, il quale 
 fu arrestato e condannato a 6 anni di carcere. Nell'ergastolo 
 di Gradisca, dove fu rinchiuso a scontare la pena, il Blasig 
 incontro Melchiorre De Pregel, suo concittadino e fratello 
 di fede, condannato a quattro anni, e con lui riusci a fuggire 
 dal carcere e riparare felicemente a Udine. 
 
 Cosi, tra cospirazioni, dimostrazioni, persecuzioni, pro- 
 cessi, condanne, martiri d'ogni sorta, glTtaliani irredenti 
 giunsero fino alia seconda meta del 1870.
 
 GUGLIELMO OBERDAN (1882) 499 
 
 II 20 settembre di quell'anno i soldati italiani comandati 
 dal generale RafFaele Cadorna entrarono in Roma. 
 
 In quella memorabile occasione si distinsero molto 
 parecchi irredenti, tra i quali I'ufficiale Cristoforo Venier 
 di Capodistria che rimase anche ferito, 
 
 A Trieste la notizia della presa di Roma fu accolta con 
 supremo entusiasmo. Le vie della citta furono immediata- 
 mente percorse dalla popolazione acclamante allTtalia. I 
 poliziotti austriaci caricarono con le baionette inastate i 
 dimostranti. Ma questi si riunirono novamente e reagirono 
 contro la violenza. La sera, tutte le finestre della citta 
 furono illuminate straordinariamente. I poliziotti austriaci 
 corsero di casa in casa a spegnere i lumi. Ma i lumi si 
 riaccesero. La polizia austriaca allora inferoci contro il 
 popolo. E non senza verita fu detto che quel giorno — 20 
 settembre 1870 — "fu sparso piii sangue a Trieste che a 
 Roma". 
 
 XII 
 
 I Triestini tra i volontari italiani di Garibaldi in difesa 
 della Francia nella guerra del 1870 contro la Prussia. 
 Continue dimostrazioni d'italianita nelle region! irredente 
 dal 1872 al 1882. II giovane triestino Guglielmo Ober- 
 dan, studente universitario a Roma, ardente apostolo 
 d'italianita, e impiccato a Trieste per avere attentato alia 
 vita dell'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe. Tremende 
 dimostrazioni italiane contro 1' Austria (dicembre 1882). 
 
 Nell'autunno del 1870 Garibaldi, dimenticando il male 
 ricevuto dai Francesi a Roma nel 1848 e nel 1866, si mise 
 alia testa d'un corpo di volontari italiani, tra i quali i suoi 
 due figli Menotti e Ricciotti e suo genero Stefano Canzio, 
 e ando in Francia a difendere quella Repubblica contro la 
 Prussia. L'Eroe vinse con cariche alia baionetta i Prussiani 
 a Pasques, Prenois, Commarin. Poi, in tre giorni d'aspris- 
 sima battaglia (21, 22, 23 gennaio 1871), li vinse a Digione, 
 prendendo loro la bandiera del 61^ reggimento fanteria:
 
 500 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Tunica bandiera perduta dai Prussiani nella memorabile 
 guerra contro la Francia. 
 
 A tali battaglie presero parte il Caprin, il Dudovick e 
 parecchi altri Triestini, per i quali Garibaldi impersonava 
 le aspirazioni, la liberta di tutti i popoli oppressi e special- 
 mente del popolo italiano. 
 
 La morte di Mazzini, avvenuta a Pisa il lo marzo 1872, 
 produsse immenso dolore nelle terra irredente. A Trieste 
 furono difFusi manifestini listati a lutto. II giornale VOpe- 
 raio, organo della locale Societa Operaia presieduta da 
 Edgardo Rascovich, per essersi fatto interprete di tanto 
 dolore, fu sequestrato dalla polizia austriaca. 
 
 Nel 1873 Vittorio Emanuele II, recandosi a Vienna, 
 passo per Nabresina. La polizia austriaca fermo sulla via 
 provinciale centinaia di carrozze cariche di Triestini, i 
 quali volevano ossequiare il "loro re": e ne arresto un 
 gran numero. 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1873 mori Alessandro Manzoni.* 
 A Trieste ebbero luogo manifestazioni di cordoglio da parte 
 dei cittadini e persecuzioni da parte della polizia austriaca. 
 
 Nel luglio del 1877 un comitato triestino-istriano pubbli- 
 cava un proclama col quale assicurava gl'irredenti che i 
 piu intemerati patrioti d'ltalia — Garibaldi, Cairoli, 
 Avezzana, Fabrizi ed altri — tenevano fiso la sguardo sulle 
 terre ancora soggette agli Asburgo. 
 
 E quando a Trieste giunse la notizia che lo stesso Vittorio 
 Emanuele II era morto il 9 gennaio 1878, i cittadini, in segno 
 di dolore, chiusero immediatamente i negozi e i teatri. 
 La polizia austriaca tento di far riaprire gli uni e gli altri. 
 Ma non vi riusci. Allora essa strappo bandiere italiane 
 velate di nero; sequestro giornali; arresto e condanno 
 cittadini in massa. Nonostante cio, ai funerali fatti nel 
 Pantheon a Roma il 14 gennaio 1878 apparve una superba 
 corona di fiori inviata dalla citta di Trieste al "suo re" per 
 mezzo d'un'apposita commissione. E il 15 gennaio 1878, 
 per la messa funebre promossa dal regio Consolato dTtalia 
 
 * L'insigne poeta e letterato milanese, autore del celebre romanzo / Promessi Sposi 
 tradotto in tutte le lingue. Un giorno il Manzoni, ricevendo nella propria casa 
 la visita di Garibaldi, con le lagrime agli occhi per I'emozione, esclamava: "Questo 
 c il piu bel giorno della mia vital" (1785-1873).
 
 GUGLIELMO OBERDAN (1882) 501 
 
 a Trieste, ebbe luogo una nuova e solenne manifestazione 
 popolare d'italianita sotto il Consolato stesso e nelle vie 
 principali della citta; e il Consiglio comunale, su proposta 
 del consigliere Antonio Vidacovich, levo la seduta in segno 
 di lutto. 
 
 A Gorizia il 2 giugno 1878 fu inalberata sulla vetta del 
 colle una grande bandiera italiana con un'invocazione 
 unitaria. Nello stesso giorno un'altra grande bandiera 
 italiana apparve sul colle di Montuzza a Trieste. 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1878 si reco a Trieste, per una visita, 
 Giosue Carducci. Fu accolto con gioia e con feste. Da tale 
 visita il poeta trasse ispirazione alle sue odi Saluto italico e 
 Miramar. La prima edizione del Saluto italicoy pubblicata 
 in un foglio volante a cura della Giovine Trieste, ando a 
 ruba. Divento subito popolare Tultimo distico, col quale 
 il poeta si rivolge aglTtaliani soggetti all'Austria e dice loro: 
 
 In faccia a lo stranier, che armato accampasi 
 sul vostro suol, gridate: Italia, Italia, Italia! 
 
 Furono in quell'occasione arrestati e condannati parecchi 
 cittadini. 
 
 II 15 ottobre 1878 Garibaldi scriveva da Caprera alia 
 societa triestina Giovine Trieste: 
 
 Se oggi sento d'esser vecchio, e per essere poco valevole alia 
 causa Santa di Trieste e di Trento. Comunque, saro superbo di 
 potervi dare gli ultimi giorni della mia vita. 
 
 II 19 ottobre 1878 un convegno riservatissimo a Forli, 
 presieduto da Aurelio Saffi e presente Edgardo Rascovich 
 di Trieste, deliberava d 'aprire arrolamenti in Italia per una 
 spedizione liberatrice nelle terre irredente. E all'uopo 
 iniziava la necessaria raccolta d'armi. 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1878 a Trieste furono arrestati sotto 
 I'accusa d'alto tradimento parecchi studenti triestini, tra i 
 quali Salvatore Barzilai.^ 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1878 s'inizio a Gorizia la pubblicazione 
 d'un giornale nazionale battagliero intitolato // Goriziano, 
 
 ^ II triestino avvocato Salvatore Barzilai e da 25 anni deputato al Parlamento 
 nazionale italiano per uno dei collegi elettorali di Roma. Fu presidente dall'Asso- 
 ciazione della Stampa Italiana per vari anni e ministro nel Gabinetto Salandra.
 
 502 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 il quale, pur essendo fatto bersaglio a replicati sequestri, 
 continuo imperterrito la lotta per I'italianita. II governo 
 austriaco arresto i redattori (I'architetto Antonio Tabai e 
 Giuseppe Vinci), li sottopose a processo e li condanno al 
 carcere. II 15 dicembre 1878 i due condannati riuscirono 
 a compiere un'ardita evasione e riparare a Udine. 
 
 Dalle Assise di Gratz, durante il 1878, furono anche 
 condannati a parecchi anni di carcere i goriziani Giuseppe 
 Ricchetti, Carlo Jamsy, Giuseppe De Mulitsch, Luigi 
 Gregorich, Stefano Riaviz, Emilio Pogatschnig e Vincenzo 
 Luccardi. 
 
 Nel febbraio del 1879, in seguito alio scoppio d'alcuni 
 petardi a Gorizia, la polizia austriaca perquisi le migliori 
 famiglie della citta, arresto Ugo Zanardi, Menotti Delfino, 
 Attilio ed Emilio Mortera, Gustavo Fabricci, Sigismondo 
 Stella e Alessandro Regazzini, e li condanno tutti chi a 
 due, chi a tre anni di detenzione da scontarsi negli ergastoli 
 di Capodistria e di Gradisca. 
 
 E quando la mattina del 3 giugno 1882 si seppe che la 
 sera precedente era morto Giuseppe Garibaldi a Caprera, 
 nelle citta delle regioni irredente successe quello ch'era 
 successo per la morte di Vittorio Emanuele II: grandi 
 manifestazioni di dolore da parte dei cittadini; feroci perse- 
 cuzioni da parte della polizia austriaca. 
 
 Gia il 1882 fu uno degli anni piia irrequieti e importanti 
 per I'irredentismo italiano. La dipartita dell'Eroe aveva 
 rievocato la poesia e il fascino di giorni quanto mai gloriosi; 
 aveva risuscitato nei vecchi e suscitato nei giovani tutto 
 il santo entusiasmo per I'epopea garibaldina. Tanto piij 
 che correva insistente la voce d'un' alleanza tra il governo 
 d'ltalia e quello d'Austria. L'anima del popolo italiano si 
 ribellava all'idea d'una unione con I'antica tiranna, la quale 
 faceva ancor pesare la sua ferrea catena sopra terre italiane. 
 Unione che voleva dire, in sostanza, formale, decisiva rinunzia 
 al riconquisto di tali terre. I piii generosi patrioti non 
 potevano rassegnarsi ad accettare le fredde e calcolatrici 
 ragioni di Stato. Eppero le giudicavano illogiche, innaturali, 
 mostruose. 
 
 L'Austria, del resto, poco curandosi della suscettibilita
 
 GUGLIELMO OBERDAN (1882) 503 
 
 italiana, voile festeggiare, proprio in quell'anno 1882, il 
 quinto centenario della cosidetta "dedizione" di Trieste, 
 quasi a sfida del sordo e continue rumoreggiare irredentista. 
 
 II governo austriaco promosse e organizzo per queH'oc- 
 casione un' Esposizione industrial a Trieste, e ingiunse ai 
 Triestini di parteciparvi. La cittadinanza rispose mostran- 
 dosi indifFerente, ostile ai comandati festeggiamenti. 
 Allora i rappresentanti del governo di Vienna assoldarono 
 stranieri, li ubriacarono e, con essi, cercarono d'organizzare 
 a Trieste, nei giorni dell'apertura dell'Esposizione, dimo- 
 strazioni favorevoli allTmpero. La stampa vendereccia 
 avrebbe poi gonfiato tali dimostrazioni e avrebbe fatto 
 credere all'Europa che Trieste era una citta devota agli 
 Asburgo. 
 
 Ma I'attitudine risoluta dei cittadini frustro i tentativi 
 degli elementi cortigiani. Per esempio: una locale societa 
 austriacante si provo d'inaugurare una bandiera donatale 
 dalla principessa austriaca Stefania. Nel momento dell'i- 
 naugurazione, la bandiera, trafugata dai patrioti italiani, 
 non fu pill trovata. Lo scultore slavo Rendic, entrato una 
 mattina nello studio per preparare il trasporto in piazza 
 d'una sua statua raffigurante la **dedizione" di Trieste, 
 trovo la statua decapitata. 
 
 La polizia austriaca arse d'ira. Prendendo le mosse 
 dalla visita dell'arciduca austricaco Carlo Lodovico la 
 vigilia dell'apertura dell'Esposizione, essa fece percorrere 
 le vie di Trieste da una musica militate, seguita da una 
 turba di brutti ceffi croati capeggiati da una ventina d'alti 
 funzionari governativi austriaci. Costoro si sfogarono 
 urlando: "Abbasso I'ltalia! Morte agl'Italiani! Galera, 
 forca e piombo ai liberali!" 
 
 La provocazione era grave. Scoppiarono improvvisa- 
 mente due bombe. Tre alti funzionari austriaci e una 
 ventina d'ausiliari e spie rimasero colpiti. Alcuni d'essi 
 espiarono con la vita, altri con lunghe sofFerenze, I'insulto 
 al sentimento d'italianita e di liberta d'un'intera popolazione. 
 
 La polizia austriaca non riusci mai a scoprire gli autori 
 dell'attentato. Ma si vendico, incarcerando numerosi 
 cittadini sospetti, tra i quali i giovani tipografi Luigi Schi-
 
 504 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 rone, RIcciottI Gervasio e Arturo Kattenbrunner, che 
 avevano clandestinamente stampato I'esaltazione dell'at- 
 tentato. I tre furono condannati per apologia di reato. 
 Per il medesimo reato, la polizia austriaca fece condannare 
 anche due donne del popolo: Giulietta Krammer e Carolina 
 Olacutti; la prima a un anno e mezzo, la seconda a due anni 
 di carcere duro. 
 
 II 1 8 agosto 1882 al nocchiero del Lloyd austro-ungarico 
 Filippo Spongia di Rovigno d'Istria, la polizia austriaca di 
 Trieste sequestro un baule contenente una bomba all'Orsini, 
 un petardo e proclami insurrezionali. Tutte queste cose 
 provenivano dai Triestini esuli a Milano affiliati al Circolo 
 Garibaldi di Trieste presieduto da Raimondo Battera. Si 
 ebbero arresti e condanne. 
 
 Ma all'inaugurazione dell'Esposizione non si presenta- 
 rono che i soli impiegati governativi tra folte schiere di 
 soldati austriaci. La citta vi si astenne completamente. 
 Alia cassa dell'Esposizione non fu trovato che un solo 
 biglietto d'ingresso *'pagato"; mentre il giardino dell'Espo- 
 sizione stessa fu trovato, I'indomani, tutto seminato di 
 coccarde tricolori e di proclami italiani. 
 
 A Vienna, la fiera condotta dei Triestini urto terribil- 
 mente i nervi dei circoli governativi. S'annunzio subito 
 ufficialmente che nel settembre (1882) si sarebbe recato a 
 Trieste I'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe, per rialzare con 
 la sua augusta presenza le sorti tutt'altro che liete del- 
 l'Esposizione e per mettere un freno alio spirito ribelle dei 
 Triestini. 
 
 In quel tempo frequentava I'Universita di Roma (sezione 
 ingegneria) il triestino Guglielmo Oberdan, giovane venti- 
 quattrenne di bella cultura e di austere doti morali, apostolo 
 fervente dell'irredentismo italiano, assai stimato e amato 
 dagli altri studenti, dai professori, dai piii autorevoli patrioti 
 italiani. Era senza padre e povero. La madre era gorizia- 
 na. Impartendo lezioni private ai compagni e lavorando 
 come disegnatore presso un ingegnere di Roma, era riuscito 
 a guadagnarsi 100 lire mensili con le quali poteva vivere 
 "da gran signore" e mandare anche qualche cosuccia 
 alia madre ch'egli adorava.
 
 GUGLIELMO OBERDAN (1882) 505 
 
 Quando giunse il 1882, Oberdan stava per laurearsi. Ma 
 il fermento irredentista, le voci d'un' alleanza italo-austriaca 
 e gli ultimi avvenimenti della sua Trieste lo distolsero dagli 
 studi e gli misero la febbre addosso. Egli aveva detto piii 
 volte che "la causa di Trieste aveva d'uopo del sangue d'un 
 martire triestino". La maturita dei tempi gli parve giunta. 
 I disegni di spedizioni armate dallTtalia nelle regioni irre^ 
 dente — disegni rinnovati ogni anno — erano sempre falliti. 
 Si voto lui al sacrificio. Decise cioe d'andar lui solo a pro- 
 movere un moto insurrezionale a Trieste, con la speranza che 
 avrebbe ricevuto aiuti dall'Italia. 
 
 Prima di partire, il giovane irredento ando negli uffici 
 del Dovere, giornale repubblicano di Roma diretto da 
 Felice Albani, e ivi scrisse e firmo il suo testamento politico. 
 
 Ai fratelli italiani. 
 
 Vado a compiere un atto solenne e importante. Solenne, 
 perche mi dispongo al sacrificio; importante, perche dara i suoi 
 frutti. 
 
 E necessario che atti simili scuotano dal vergognoso torpore 
 Tanimo dei giovani liberi e non liberi. 
 
 Gia da troppo tempo tacciono i sentimenti generosi; gia da 
 troppo tempo si china la fronte ad ogni specie d'insulto straniero. 
 I figli dimenticano i padri. II nome italiano minaccia di diventare 
 sinonimo di vile o d'indifFerente. 
 
 No, non possono morire cosi gl'istinti generosi! Sono assopiti 
 e si ridesteranno. 
 
 Al primo grido d'allarme correranno i giovani d'ltalia; corre- 
 ranno coi nomi dei nostri Grandi sulle labbra a cacciare per 
 sempre da Trento e da Trieste I'odiato straniero che da tanto tempo 
 ci minaccia e ci opprime. 
 
 Oh potesse questo mio atto condurre I'ltalia a guerra contro 
 il nemico! Alia guerra, sola salvezza, solo argine che possa 
 arrestare il disfacimento morale sempre crescente della gioventii 
 nostra. 
 
 Alia guerra, giovani, finche siamo ancora in tempo di can- 
 cellare le vergogne della presente generazione, combattendo da 
 leoni. 
 
 Fuori lo straniero! E vincitori, e forti ancora del grande amore 
 della patria vera, ci accingeremo a combattere altre battaglie, a 
 vincere per la vera idea, per quella che ha sempre spinto gli animi 
 forti alle cruente iniziative, per I'idea repubblicana.
 
 506 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Prima indipendenti, poi liberi. 
 
 Fratelli d'ltalia! Vendicate Trieste e vendicatemi! 
 
 Settembre 1882. 
 
 GUGLIELMO ObERDAN. 
 
 II giovane parti da Roma, dopo aver ricevuto dai 
 Triestini la promessa d'un'insurrezione, d'un "vespro 
 tergestino", per il quale si dicevano apprestati i mezzi; 
 dopo aver ricevuto incoraggiamenti e anche promesse d'aiuti 
 da parecchi eminenti uomini democratici d'ltalia. 
 
 Giunto a Udine (15 settembre 1882), si diresse verso il 
 confine italo-austriaco: e, sotto un cielo minaccioso (la 
 notte precedente aveva piovuto dirottamente) e con un 
 vento freddo, per sentieri e viottoli scoscesi malagevoli 
 fangosi, riusci a varcarlo. A Ronchi, paesetto del Friuli 
 orientale, si fermo nella locanda d'un certo Giovanni 
 Berini, e chiese una camera. Era stanco. Si getto imme- 
 diatamente sul letto e si mise a dormire. Ma lo desto 
 un improvviso bussare alia porta. In camicia e scalzo, il 
 giovane ando ad aprire e si vide dinanzi i gendarmi austriaci. 
 
 "Chi siete?" gli domando il capo. 
 
 "Giovanni Rossi da Gorizia" rispose I'Oberdan, che 
 aveva gia compreso d'essere stato tradito. E, spianando la 
 rivoltella, grido in dialetto ti mil e fece fuoco. 
 
 II capo gendarme, che aveva tentato di sviare il colpo, 
 si ebbe un dito della mano fracassato. 
 
 II giovane fu sopraffatto dal drappello poliziesco austria- 
 co, fu disarmato e legato strettamente. Nella valigia gli 
 furono trovate due bombe e una fiaschetta di polvere. I 
 gendarmi lo trascinarono in catene a Monfalcone. Quivi, 
 all'imperiale e reale commissario austriaco, I'Oberdan 
 ripete di chiamarsi Giovanni Rossi fu Francesco e di Giu- 
 seppa Ciani, d'anni 25, da Trieste, studente universitario 
 in scienze fisiche e matematiche. Disse d'avere fatto fuoco 
 sul capo gendarme, perche I'assisa austriaca, a lui italiano, 
 era obbrobriosissima come quella che rappresentava un 
 potere "che sta per forza in casa nostra". Circa le sue 
 intenzioni, confess© ch'era diretto a Trieste per prendere 
 parte alle feste che ivi si facevano "e per dare in qualche 
 modo un saluto al graziosissimo sovrano". Riconobbe per
 
 GUGLIELMO OBERDAN (1882) 507 
 
 sue le bombe, la rivoltella, la fiaschetta di polvere, alcune 
 capsule esplodenti e tutte le altre cose rinvenute nella sua 
 valigia. 
 
 In consequenza di tali dichiarazioni, I'Oberdan fu tra- 
 dotto, in mezzo a grande scorta d'Austriaci armati, a 
 Trieste, e ivi rinchiuso nel forte di San Giusto in attesa 
 del giudizio. 
 
 Quando giunse I'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe per 
 visitare I'Esposizione di Trieste, la citta — che appariva 
 austriaca soltanto per le bandiere imperiali delle navi 
 ancorate nel porto, per le insegne degli uffici governativi, 
 per la presenza dei soldati e delle guardie con I'elmo chio- 
 dato — brillo per la sua assenza. 
 
 Chiunque si fosse in quei giorni accomunato alia vita cittadina 
 di Trieste, avrebbe sentito ch'essa palpitava con anima italiana. 
 Chiunque avesse ascoltato le intime voci di queiranima, avrebbe 
 sentito ripetere senza fine un nome: Italia! 
 
 Nel giorno natalizio dell'imperatore, I'Esposizione di 
 Trieste raggiunse il massimo numero dei visitatori: due- 
 cento! 
 
 Tre mesi intanto erano passati dall'arresto deH'Oberdan. 
 Alia fine, quale disertore^ e quale reo d'avere voluto atten- 
 tate alia vita deH'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe e alia 
 compagine dell'impero austro-ungarico, egli fu condannato 
 da quella corte marziale alia pena di morte mediante il 
 capestro. 
 
 Udita la lettura della sentenza, il giovane triestino 
 sorrise, fisso i suoi begli occhi azzurri e sereni sui giudici, e 
 disse semplicemente: "Grazie!" 
 
 La madre, disperata, s'affretto ad impetrare la grazia 
 dairimperatore. Ma le fu negata. Le fu soltanto concesso 
 "in via eccezionale" di visitare il figlio, a patto ch'essa 
 lo inducesse a invocare lui direttamente la grazia sovrana. 
 
 ^ II Comune di Trieste aveva assegnato ad Oberdan giovinetto una borsa di 
 studio di 300 corone annue, perche egli frequentasse le scuole a Vienna e si laureasse 
 in ingegneria. Oberdan giunse cosi all'eta della leva militare e, come studente 
 universitario, fu dal governo austriaco incorporate nel 22^ reggimento Weber che 
 doveva, in quell'anno 1878, reprimere i moti dei fieri montanari della Bosnia, i 
 quali difendevano il loro diritto all'indipendenza contro I'Austria. Guglielmo, 
 anima sensibilissima assetata di liberta e di giustizia, diserto I'esercito austriaco 
 e riparo ad Ancona, e da Ancona a Roma.
 
 508 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Tento la poveretta. Ma il figlio respinse sdegnosamente 
 la carta che gli si presentava per la firma. E alia madre 
 singhiozzante disse con voce dolce ma ferma: "Madre 
 mia, sta tranquilla, io sapro essere degno di te". 
 
 Da quel momento all'infelice donna non fu piu permesso 
 di vedere il frutto delle sue viscere. 
 
 Nel frattempo, un numero infinito di telegrammi invo- 
 canti la grazia per il giovane triestino condannato a morte 
 giungeva da ogni parte d'Europa aH'imperatore Francesco 
 Giuseppe. Telegrafarono, tra gli altri, I'insigne giurista e 
 criminalista italiano Francesco Carrara e il poeta Giosue 
 Carducci. Telegrafo da Parigi Victor Hugo dicendo: 
 "Maesta, c'e una grazia da fare. Tutto il mondo I'aspetta. 
 La clemenza e la virtii dei re. La pena di morte e abolita 
 per ogni uomo incivilito. La pena di morte sara cancellata 
 dai codici nel ventesimo secolo. Bello sarebbe praticare 
 fin d'ora una legge deH'avvenire".^ Telegrafarono le signore 
 triestine con alia testa Clementina Bazzoni moglie del 
 dottor Bazzoni podesta di Trieste. Esse, tra I'altro, dicevano 
 a Francesco Giuseppe: "Maesta, salvate una giovine vita; 
 risparmiate alia citta di Trieste tutto I'orrore d'una esecu- 
 zione capitale". 
 
 Ma I'imperatore degli Asburgo fu irremovibile e non 
 rispose a nessuno. 
 
 La cella nella quale stava rinchiuso Oberdan era lunga 
 tre metri e larga due, e aveva la porta di ferro. Una cella 
 attigua era occupata da un drappello di rozzi soldati au- 
 striaci, i quali non facevano altro che sghignazzare e insultare 
 il condannato. Oberdan rispondeva loro cantando inni 
 patriottici italiani. 
 
 II 19 dicembre 1882, vigilia del supplizio, fu una giornata 
 d'angoscia indicibile per i patrioti triestini. Le signore si 
 accalcavano continuamente all'ufficio luogotenenziale, spe- 
 rando di vedere giungere da un momento all'altro il tanto 
 bramato telegramma di risposta concedente la grazia. Ma 
 non giunse nulla. Giunse invece, alle ore otto di sera, col 
 
 ' In Italia la pena di morte fu abolita in seguito all'opera Dei delitti e delle pene 
 dell'illustre penalista italiano Cesare Beccaria (1738-1794): opera che Voltaire 
 chiamo "il vero codice deH'umanita" e che Caterina II imperatrice di Russia fece 
 inserire per intero nel sue codice.
 
 GUGLIELMO OBERDAN (1882) 509 
 
 direttissimo proveniente da Vienna, il signer Wullenbacher 
 boia dell'impero austro-ungarico. Egli era tutto vestito 
 di nero, con cilindro e guanti anche neri. Aveva seco 
 due aiutanti. Pochi seppero del suo arrive. Dalla stazione 
 si reco in vettura chiusa alia caserma grande, ove ceno e 
 pernotto. 
 
 L'indomani mattina (20 dicembre 1882), alle ore sei, 
 Guglielmo Oberdan fu vestito con I'assisa del reggimento 
 austriaco Weber ch'egli aveva disertato; fu visitato dal 
 medico militare Mandich e poi dal cappellano. Ma il 
 giovane rifiuto i cosidetti conforti religiosi. 
 
 Verso le ore sette, egli fu fatto uscire dalla cella. Soffiava 
 la borea. Faceva freddo. Nel cortile umido regnavano 
 ancora le tenebre lugubramente rischiarate dalla rossa 
 luce fumosa delle lanterne dei carcerieri. Nell'oscurita 
 brillavano le punte delle baionette dei soldati austriaci di 
 cui era pieno tutto il cortile, e si profilava sinistramente il 
 braccio della forca. 
 
 Oberdan fisso lo sguardo impavido sul maledetto ordigno 
 della tirannide, e gli mosse incontro con passo sicuro. A 
 pie di esso si tolse rapidamente la tunica militare, la butto 
 a terra e la calpesto con estremo disprezzo. Indi sali la 
 scala fatale. Giunto sul palco, grido: 
 
 "Muoio contento, perche spero che la mia morte giovera 
 a riunire la mia cara Trieste alia madre patria." 
 
 II comandante militare lo interruppe, imponendogli di 
 tacere; ordino ai tamburi di coprire con il loro rullo le 
 parole audaci; ingiunse al carnefice di sbrigarsi. 
 
 Oberdan afFerro il laccio e se lo passo con le sue propria 
 mani al collo, gridando piii forte di prima: 
 
 "Viva Trieste Italiana! Viva ITtalial" 
 
 II laccio assassino tronco la voce e la vita del giovane. 
 
 La tragedia era compiuta. Un nuovo nome s'era inciso 
 infuturandosi nell'albo glorioso dei martiri del Risorgi- 
 mento Italiano. 
 
 I giornali dell'impero austro-ungarico pubblicarono la 
 notizia dell'esecuzione d'Oberdan con ogni piii minuto 
 particolare. Dissero, tra I'altro, che lo stesso boia Wullen- 
 bacher aveva dichiarato che dei molti da lui giustiziati,
 
 510 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 nessuno aveva dimostrato la risolutezza e il coraggio del 
 giovane triestino. 
 
 La costernazione di Trieste fu immensa. Ebbero luogo 
 energiche proteste. I teatri rimasero deserti per tre sere di 
 seguito, nonostante che la polizia austriaca imponesse agli 
 attori di recitare egualmente, pena il bando. Furono 
 sequestrati i giornali italiani che avevano commentato 
 acerbamente I'uccisione del giovane triestino, e i redattori 
 processati e condannati. Enrico Jurettig, per esempio, 
 direttore AtW Indipendente di Trieste e gia direttore del- 
 Vlsonzo di Gorizia, "per avere esaltato il martirio del- 
 rOberdan fu condannatoa i8 mesi di carcere e mori durante 
 I'espiazione della pena". 
 
 Giuseppina Oberdan, sfogando con infinito pianto il 
 suo grandissimo dolore materno, tesse a ritesse I'elogio del 
 figliuolo con queste commoventi parole: 
 
 II mio Guglielmo aveva un cuore d'angelo. Era mite di co- 
 stumi, studioso, d'ingegno elevate, d'animo amoroso. Quanta 
 volte mi disse carezzandomi: Povera mamma! Tu hai fatto tanto 
 ■per me, ma non dubitare; quando sard professore di matematica, ti 
 compensero di tutte le tiie angustie, vivremo sempre insieme e felici. 
 I suoi professori lo idolatravano. Era sempre il primo della sua 
 classe. A quindici anni si guadagnava qualche denaro dando 
 ripetizioni. Non aveva vizi. Non aveva abitudini di lusso. 
 Era felice se, coi pochi soldi che studiosamente accumulava, poteva 
 comprarsi qualche libro. 
 
 In Italia, I'annunzio dell'uccisione d'Oberdan produsse 
 un'impressione enorme. Da un capo all'altro della penisola 
 corse un possente fremito, un possente ruggito. 
 
 Carducci disse: 
 
 Guglielmo Oberdan fu impiccato questa mattina a Trieste. 
 £ austriacamente naturale. 
 
 Cosi I'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe s'afFretto a rispondere 
 al poeta francese Victor Hugo e al professore italiano ^ che lo 
 invocavano magnanimo. E, austriacamente, piii che naturale. 
 Nel sangue ingiovani (Francesco Giuseppe), nel sangue invecchia, 
 nel sangue speriamo che afFoghi. E sia sangue suo. 
 
 L'ltalia intanto e debole dentro, debolissima alia frontiera. 
 
 * Lo stesso Carducci, professore di belle lettere all'Universita di Bologna.
 
 GUGLIELMO OBERDAN (1882) 511 
 
 Ora bisognano riforme sociali, per la giustizia; riforme economiche, 
 per la forza; armi, armi, armi, per ia sicurezza, E armi non per 
 difendere, ma per ofFendere. L'ltalia non si difende che ofFen- 
 dendo. Altrimenti sara invasa. 
 
 La gioventu italiana ci pensi. E si stanchi di far sempre acca- 
 demia e schermaglia di parole noiose. 
 
 Confortiamo la memoria di Guglielmo Oberdan che si e sa- 
 crificato per colpa nostra e per noi. 
 
 E leviamo, fra dieci anni, suU'uItima cresta delle Alpi nostra, 
 un monumento a Caio Mario ^ e a Giuseppe Garibaldi col motto: 
 Stranieriy indietro! 
 
 Altrove lo stesso Carducci: 
 
 Guglielmo Oberdan ando non per uccidere, io credo, ma per 
 essere ucciso. Egli ci getta la sua vita e ci dice: Eccovi il pegno: 
 Trieste e dell 'Italia. Rispondiamo: Guglielmo Oberdan, noi 
 accettiamo: alia vita e alia morte. Riprendemmo Roma al Papa; 
 riprenderemo Trieste aWlmperatore! 
 
 E Giovanni Bovio, filosofo e moralista: 
 
 Oberdan, chiudendo il martirologio italiano, riapriva la tradi- 
 zione italica. II canape che lo strangolava, intrecciato alia 
 nostra bandiera, indica che il nuovo diritto pubblico passera sopra 
 I'Austria. 
 
 E Aurelio Saffi, il piii grande dei Mazziniani: 
 
 Passa, con mutabile vicenda d'egoismi e d'errori, I'onda del 
 tempo e porta seco, condannati alio sprezzo e all'oblio, i nomi 
 degli oppressori dei popoli; ma la memoria di Guglielmo Oberdan 
 vivra perenne nel cuore degl'Italiani, perche il suo martirio rap- 
 presenta la protesta immortale della Natura contro I'arbitrio che 
 ne infrange le leggi. 
 
 E Matteo Renato Imbriani, I'intemerato tribuno del 
 popolo italiano: 
 
 II suo martirio e il nuovo simbolo del patrio riscatto. Ultimo 
 fra i martiri d'ltalia per ragion cronologica, fra i primi — se 
 intelletto di patria non falla — per alta coscienza e determinate 
 volere. 
 
 * Caio Mario fu uno dei piu potenti generali romani, sette volte Console, celebre 
 specialmente per avere vinto Giugurta re di Numidia e i Teutoni (156-86 avanti 
 Cristo).
 
 512 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Ed Ettore Soccl, apostolo del femminismo in Italia: 
 
 La vita di Guglielmo Oberdan si compendia in amore alia 
 madre, amore alio studio, amore alia patria. Giovani, amate, 
 studiate e accingetevi ad affrontare la morte per la patria. 
 
 In quasi tutte le citta, gli studenti e i lavoratori improv- 
 visarono alte dimostrazioni di protesta, Al giovine martire 
 furono votati ricordi, decretate epigrafi, delle quali rimase 
 celebre quella dello stesso Carducci apparsa nell'atrio del- 
 I'Ateneo di Bologna: 
 
 A Guglielmo Oberdan — morto santamente per ITtalia — 
 terrore, ammonimento, rimprovero — ai tiranni di fuori — ai 
 vigliacchi di dentro. 
 
 Ma il governo d'Umberto I di Savoia, invece d'unirsi 
 alia voce della nazione e salvare cosi, almeno in parte, la 
 dignita italiana, fece di tutto per sofFocare il grido d'in- 
 dignazione di tutto un popolo. 
 
 Esso — il governo d'Umberto I di Savoia — poco dopo 
 (1883) annunziava d'avere firmato sin dal 20 maggio 1882 
 il trattato d'alleanza con I'Austria: il trattato della Triplice 
 Alleanza! 
 
 XIII 
 
 II monumento a Dante nella citta di Trento (1896). 
 Manifestazioni d'italianita a Trieste e nell'Istria dal 1897 
 al 1903. Le scuole italiane elementari e medie a 
 Gorizia, a Gradisca, a Trieste, nell'Istria e nella Dal- 
 mazia. La lampada eterna degl'Italiani irredenti suUa 
 tomba di Dante a Ravenna (1908). Gli studenti italiani 
 irredenti dell'Universita di Vienna aggrediti dagli 
 studenti austriaci della stessa universita spalleggiati 
 dalla polizia. Tremende dimostrazioni italiane di 
 protesta contro I'Austria (1908). L'incessante cospira- 
 zione di Trieste italiana contro il governo austriaco sine 
 al 1915. 
 
 L'li ottobre 1 896 s'inaugurava a Trento un monumento a 
 Dante, fatto in seguito a pubblica sottoscrizione tra gl'Ita- 
 liani delle regioni irredente.
 
 LE SCUOLE DEGL'IRREDENTI 513 
 
 II monumento, opera dello scultore Zocchi, era alto metri 
 17.70 (la sola statua del poeta misurava metri 5 d'altezza) 
 con una base larga metri 13. Attorno al piedistallo erano 
 raffigurate le tre cantiche della Divina Commedia: I'lnferno 
 dalla statua di Minosse; il Purgatorio dall'episodio di 
 Sordello; il Paradiso da Beatrice fra gli angioli. L'iscri- 
 zione diceva cosi: "A Dante, al Padre, il Trentino — col 
 plauso e I'aiuto della Nazione — MDCCCLXXXIX [anno 
 in cui fu lanciata I'iniziativa del monumento] — 
 MDCCCXCVI [anno dell'inaugurazione]". 
 
 Le feste celebrate in tale occasione dai Trentini e dagli 
 altri Italiani, accorsi da ogni parte delle terre irredente, 
 furono oltremodo solenni. 
 
 Trieste si rifiuto per ben 25 anni di mandate deputati 
 a Vienna. Finalmente, nel 1897, la promulgazione della 
 legge che estendeva il diritto di voto anche al proletariato, 
 nonche le sempre piii gravi condizioni nazionali, consiglia- 
 rono di rompere la tenace astensione e concorrere alle ele- 
 zioni. Risultarono eletti plebiscitariamente i candidati 
 liberali italiani. Nell'accettare il mandato, essi espressero 
 subito "la riserva contro ogni e qualunque pregiudizio che 
 si volesse far derivare dall'invio di deputati riguardo ai 
 rapporti storico-giuridici fra Trieste e I'impero austriaco"; 
 e nel Parlamento a Vienna fecero ripetutamente afferma- 
 zioni chiarissime contro I'appartenenza di Trieste alia 
 monarchia austro-ungarica e auguri per I'annessione di 
 Trieste medesima al Regno d'ltalia, Affermazioni ed 
 auguri contro cui insorsero e inveirono i ministri austriaci 
 e i deputati tedeschi e slavi e perfino i rappresentanti del 
 socialismo austriaco. 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1897, numerosi giovani triestini e delle 
 altre citta irredente corsero ad arrolarsi nel corpo di volon- 
 tari garibaldini organizzato e guidato da Ricciotti Gari- 
 baldi, secondo figlio dell'Eroe, in difesa della Grecia nella 
 guerra contro la Turchia. 
 
 Nel 1899 Menotti Garibaldi, primo figlio dell'Eroe, 
 ando a Trieste. Fu accolto trionfalmente dal popolo. Le 
 solite persecuzioni da parte della polizia austriaca.
 
 514 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Quando nel 1900 giunse a Trieste la notizia dell'ucci- 
 sione d'Umberto I, la citta fu tutta in lutto. I deputati 
 triestini e quelli della Venezia Giulia mandarono a Roma 
 un telegramma di condoglianze. La polizia austriaca 
 sequestro il telegramma dei deputati, sequestro giornali, 
 arresto cittadini, condanno perfino alcune signorine che in 
 segno di lutto avevano portato nastri neri al collo o al 
 braccio. 
 
 Nel 1901 ando Gabriele d'Annunzio a Trieste. Fu accol- 
 to con gioia e con feste. Le solite persecuzioni da parte 
 della polizia austriaca. 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1901 cessava di vivere Giuseppe 
 Verdi. Manifestazioni di cordoglio a Trieste e nelle altre 
 citta italiane irredente. Le solite persecuzioni da parte 
 della polizia austriaca. 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1901 Vittorio Emanuele III si reco 
 a Udine con la regina Elena per visitare quell'Esposizione 
 regionale. GlTtaliani irredenti di Trieste, dellTstria e di 
 Gorizia accorsero a migliaia per salutare **il loro re". 
 Ernesto Spadoni, consigliere comunale di Trieste, sacrifi- 
 cando per amore della nazionalita i suoi sentimenti repub- 
 blicani, si fece presentare al re. Ci fu anche un convegno 
 studentesco, al quale parteciparono centinaia di giovani 
 delle terre irredente. Si parlo in esso di prossime spedi- 
 zioni e di arrolamenti. E il triestino Luciano Magrini 
 pubblico un appello vibratissimo in cui predominava la 
 frase Trieste mortef Al ritorno, quasi 200 cittadini 
 irredenti furono arrestati e processati. 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1901, all'annuncio della nascita di 
 Jolanda, prima figlia di Vittorio Emanuele III, furono lancia- 
 ti da Trieste 50 colombi viaggiatori, i quali volarono verso 
 Roma per recare attraverso lo spazio gli auguri dei Triestini 
 alia famiglia regnante d'ltalia. 
 
 Nel febbraio del 1902, per protesta contro il governo 
 austriaco che aveva messo al servizio del Lloyd austro- 
 ungarico i soldati austriaci in sostituzione dei fochisti 
 italiani in isciopero, fu proclamato lo sciopero generale, al 
 quale aderi tutta la cittadinanza di Trieste e lo stesso 
 municipio, onde assunse tosto — esso sciopero — carattere
 
 LE SCUOLE DEGL'IRREDENTI 515 
 
 politico anti-austriaco. Coi soldati crumiri si resero ben 
 presto solidali, in odio all'elemento italiano unitario, anche 
 le turbe campagnole ciecamente clericali e quindi austria- 
 canti. Ci furono violente dimostrazioni e reazioni. La 
 truppa sparo sulla folia. Quattordici cittadini furono uccisi 
 e centinaia feriti. 
 
 Allora un gruppo di studenti triestini, tutti figli della 
 classe operaia, e un gruppo di giovani lavoratori, italiani 
 di fede e fervidamente unitari, decisero d'allearsi tra loro e 
 contrapporre ai nemici dell'italianita la diffusione del 
 pensiero di Mazzini, "associante in mirabile sintesi I'idea 
 di giustizia sociale con I'idea d'indipendenza nazionale e 
 di liberta politica". 
 
 La lotta ingaggiata dai due gruppi alleati fu impetuosa 
 e vigorosa, suscito un nuovo spirito di combattivita tra 
 gl'Italiani irredenti, abbraccio ogni manifestazione della 
 vita pubblica. Fu fondato un giornale — V Emancipazione — 
 "organo dei mazziniani". Fu fondato dagli stessi mazzi- 
 niani e dai socialisti dissidenti la Camera del Lavoro. 
 Furono fondati circoli popolari di cultura e societa sportive. 
 Da Trieste la propaganda si diffuse ben presto nellTstria, 
 nel Friuli, nella Dalmazia, a Fiume. A Gorizia, per esempio, 
 tutto il movimento operaio fu assorbito dai mazziniani e 
 diretto intelligentemente e onestamente da Francesco 
 Spazzapan. 
 
 Contro i mazziniani il governo austriaco rivolse natural- 
 mente le armi della persecuzione. Nel 1903 esso arresto e 
 processo i membri del primo comitate mazziniano direttivo 
 a Trieste: Riccardo De Haag, Pietro Caucich, Eugenio 
 Fonda, Ado Grego ed Angelo Scocchi. Luciano Magrini 
 riusci a fuggirsene in Italia. 
 
 Poi il governo austriaco procede ad arresti e a condanne 
 di mazziniani in tutte le altre citta irredente. Ne chiuse 
 nelle carceri **inquisizionali e criminali" di Trieste e nelle 
 carceri di Capodistria, Rovigno, Pola, Gorizia. Pietro 
 Magrini di Grado, per esempio, sconto due anni nell'erga- 
 stolo di Gorizia. Luigi Duchie di Trieste sconto la condanna 
 nella casa di pena di Capodistria; Ferruccio Kalteneisen nel 
 castello di Lubiana; Mario Sterle nelle prigioni di Pilsen;
 
 516 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Giovanni Grion a Marburg. Giuseppe Vidali di Trieste 
 fu trascinato com'un Cristo per tutte le galere deU'impero: 
 da Pola a Rovigno, a Trieste, a Lubiana, a Klagenfurt, a 
 Marburg. 
 
 Ma una delle question! piii scottanti, quella che sempre 
 diede grave pensiero aglTtaliani soggetti all'Austria e alio 
 stesso governo austriaco, fu la questione degli studi e della 
 cultura. 
 
 Gl'Italiani irredenti non poterono mai tollerare che i 
 loro figli fossero costretti a cibarsi, nelle scuole tedesche, 
 della cultura teutonica tanto contrastante col loro pensiero, 
 con le loro gloriose tradizioni intellettuali. S'adoperavano 
 quindi da anni, con non poca fatica e non pochi sacrifici 
 finanziari ma con grande successo, a impiantare in quasi 
 tutte lo loro citta — a Trieste, a Trento, a Pola e nelle 
 altre minori — soggette all'Austria, scuole elementari, 
 tecniche, ginnasiali e liceali con maestri, professori, lingua 
 e metodi puramente italiani, mantenendole a spese dei loro 
 municipi o delle loro associazioni come la Lega Nazionale 
 e la Dante Alighieri.'^ 
 
 Con i contributi dunque dei municipi e delle associa- 
 zioni e con i contributi di privati cittadini, s'aprirono scuole 
 italiane dappertutto, specialmente nei paesi piii minacciati 
 dalla cultura teutonica. 
 
 La Lega Nazionale, quando scoppio la grande guerra, 
 era rappresentata a Trieste, nell'Istria, nel Friuli orientale 
 e nella Dalmazia da circa lOO comitati. Nella sola Venezia 
 Giulia (cioe nelle tre province di Trieste ed Istria, Gorizia, 
 Gradisca) essa possedeva piii di 60 scuole proprie, ne 
 sussidiava 140, spendeva oltre mezzo milione di corone^ 
 all'anno nella sua opera di difesa scolastica. 
 
 ^ Nel 1885 fu fondata nel Trentino la societa italiana Pro Patria che si diffuse 
 anche nell'Istria. Nel 1890, per un saluto alia Dante Aligliieri (la societa con 
 sede centrale in Roma che ha per iscopo la ditfusione della lingua italiana e del- 
 I'italianita in tutte le parti del mondo) votato nel congresso nazionale di Trento, 
 e per il mancato imbandieramento austriaco della citta, la Pro Patria fu disciolta 
 dal governo austriaco. Ma, sullc sue rovine, sorse la Lega Nazionale, con lo scopo 
 di difendere e diffondere tra la gioventu irredenta la lingua e la cultura della madre 
 patria. La Lega Nazionale, seguendo una politica piu intelligente e prudente 
 della Pro Patria, seppe reggersi e prosperare. 
 
 * La corona, moneta austriaca, corrisponde a £1,10 it.
 
 LE SCUOLE DEGL'IRREDENTI 517 
 
 La Lega Nazionale — cosi I'italiano irredento Giovanni 
 Pattini nel suo volume L' Italia Irredenta — e la prima scuola che 
 insegna, con la sua umile propaganda e le sue piccole necessita, il 
 primo verbo della coscienza nazionale italiana. A scuola i ragazzi, 
 dalla terza o quarta classe ginnasiale, cominciano a raccogliere 
 denari. A 20 centesimi ciascuno per settimana, che depositano 
 nelle mani d'un cassiere eletto fra loro stessi, aumentati con 
 I'introito di piccole lotterie e di piccoli balli, s'accumulano migliaia 
 di corone all'anno. D'estate le fanciulle triestine stendono la 
 mano ai forestieri domandando I'obolo per I'associazione che educa 
 e fa italiani i figli del popolo: e nessuno rifiuta. 
 
 A Trieste come a Pola, a Gorizia come a Zara, a Trento come 
 a Pisino, si fanno continuamente feste e coUette, tutte in favore 
 della Lega Nazionale. E il popolo accorre e profonde gioiosamente 
 il denaro che non pagherebbe per una tassa al governo austriaco, 
 che non darebbe come quota d'un'associazione politica. 
 
 Quando muoiono parenti o amici, invece di fiori e d'inutili 
 parole, si fanno in loro memoria elargizioni finanziarie alia Lega 
 Nazionale. 
 
 La Lega Nazionale ha piu di 42,000 soci sugli 800,000 Italiani 
 soggetti all'Austria. La quota e di soli 50 centesimi all'anno per 
 ogni socio. Pure, le sue entrate, negli ultimi bilanci, hanno oltre- 
 passato il mezzo milione di corone all'anno, appunto per il 
 ricavato delle feste e per le elargizioni volontarie. 
 
 Cosi per le somme di denaro raccolte nelle citta e nei villaggi 
 delle terre irredente nelle ore di gioia e nelle ore di dolore, da 
 quelli che amano la patria con ferrea coscienza e da quelli che la 
 sentono come un lieve sogno, sorgono le piccole scuole italiane. 
 Sorgono nelle citta della costa dalmata. Sorgono nei villaggi 
 pietrosi dell'Istria. Piccole case quadrate bianche o gialle, isolate 
 in mezzo a case di nemici, sopra terre ostili. Esse hanno sentito 
 passare le foUe sibilanti, urlanti, esecranti; hanno subito la sassa- 
 iuola, I'assalto, la devastazione; ma sono rimaste sempre la ed 
 hanno aperto tutti i giorni le loro porte ai piccoli soldati. 
 
 La Lega Nazionale non ha mai chiuso una scuola. Dov'essa 
 entra, e piantato il vessillo della patria italiana. E la bandiera 
 d'ltalia non s'abbassa mai. 
 
 La Lega Nazionale ha attratto nelle sue scuole anime ignare 
 con la promessa delle cognizioni, del pane e delle vesti; e le ha 
 rimandate sature d'ideali e pronte a sacrificare per lei le vesti, 
 il pane, la vita. 
 
 La Lega Nazionale ha sorriso tra i bimbi nelle feste puerili;
 
 518 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 ma fra i canti e le luminarie degli alberi di Natale, essa ha insegnato 
 loro un virile patriottismo. 
 
 La Lega Nazionale da denari e vesti anche e quelli che si 
 dedicano agli studi medi e superiori, non con la noncurante carita 
 della filantropia, ma con la severa coscienza di fare un prestito che 
 dovra essere pagato poi ad usura in amor di patria, in sacrifizi, in 
 lavoro. 
 
 Cos! la Lega Nazionale delle terre italiane soggette all'Austria 
 e diventata il simbolo della patria negata. 
 
 Ed il suo inno e cantato dalle scolaresche come un inno di 
 guerra. 
 
 L'inno della Lega Nazionale — una volta tutto modi- 
 ficato e corretto daH'imperiale censura austriaca — fu 
 alfine scritto dal pregiato poeta triestino Riccardo Pitteri, 
 morto poco tempo addietro in Italia, dopo che gli fu sac- 
 cheggiata e distrutta la casa dagli Austriaci. 
 
 Eccolo: 
 
 Viva Dante! Questa pura 
 Soavissima parola, 
 Cinque popoli consola 
 E afFratella in un pensier. 
 
 Oh, ne echeggino de I'Alpi 
 I burroni e le foreste, 
 Ogni riva di Trieste, 
 E di Trento ogni sentier. 
 
 Lo ripetan le reliquie 
 D'Aquileia e di Salona, 
 Gli archi e i templi, ovunque sona 
 Dolcemente il nostro Si. 
 
 Su da I'Adige al Timavo 
 Che in un mare afFrettan I'onda, 
 Per le coste si difFonda, 
 Per le valli, i monti, il pian. 
 
 Viva Dante! questo il motto 
 Delle cinque genti sia, 
 Cui la santa poesia 
 Del linguaggio riuni. 
 
 Viva Dante! Cinque foglie 
 Giunte insieme al fior dan vita; 
 Da I'union di cinque dita 
 Vien la forza de la man.
 
 LE SCUOLE DEGL'IRREDENTI 519 
 
 Ma se il problema della cultura italiana nelle province 
 irredente era stato vittoriosamente risolto per le scuole 
 elementari e medie che il governo austriaco, pur rodendosi, 
 aveva dovuto finire col tollerare e legalizzare per non gettare 
 troppa polvere sul fuoco, non era stato egualmente risolto 
 per le universita che sono il veto focolare dove si comple- 
 tano la cultura e I'anima d'un popolo. I giovani italiani 
 irredenti, che avevano studiato in ginnasi e licei italiani 
 nelle loro regioni, se non volevano terminare i loro studi in 
 atenei tedeschi dove tutto era tedesco, perfino il linguaggio 
 dei bidelli, dovevano andare a conseguire una laurea a 
 Padova, a Pavia o magari a Roma, come appunto aveva 
 fatto Guglielmo Oberdan, e sobbarcarsi cosi a spese enormi.^ 
 
 Pero non tutti gli studenti triestini, istriani, trentini, 
 friulani e dalmati potevano sopportare le spese necessarie 
 per recarsi e mantenersi agli studi in citta tanto lontane 
 dalle case loro. Essi, quindi, reclamarono I'istituzione 
 d'un'universita italiana a Trieste o almeno in un'altra 
 citta italiana delle regioni irredente. II governo austriaco 
 fece sempre orecchie da mercante. 
 
 Gli studenti italiani irredenti intanto, costretti dalle 
 modeste condizioni finanziarie di famiglia a rimanere nelle 
 universita austriache, mordevano il freno. Questo loro 
 atteggiamento urtava maledettamente i nervi degli studenti 
 austriaci, i quali mal tolleravano recriminazioni "in casa loro ". 
 
 La corda fini col diventare troppo tesa. E si spezzo la 
 prima volta nel 1906 aU'Universita di Innsbruck, dove 
 scoppio una rissa tra studenti tedeschi e trentini. Questi 
 ultimi, inferiori assai di numero agli avversari, furono 
 soprafFatti. II governo austriaco intervenne, prese in 
 esame la cosa, o, meglio, finse di prenderla; tergiverso; 
 meno il can per I'aia. Alfine promise di creare non gia 
 un'universita (sarebbe stata troppa grazia), ma una sem- 
 plice Facolta di Diritto con sede a Trento o a Rovereto, 
 mentre glTtalianJ irredenti preferivano Trieste. Promise, 
 ma non mantenne la promessa. Si sforzava anzi di farla 
 morire. 
 
 ^11 governo austriaco dove piegarsi a riconoscere come legali anche i titoli 
 conseguiti dai giovani irredenti negli atenei d'ltalia.
 
 520 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Gl'Italiani irredenti non rinunziarono per questo alia 
 religione dei loro ideali. AU'opposto: vi s'infiammarono 
 sempre piu. 
 
 Nel 1908 ritalia pose sulla tomba di Dante a Ravenna 
 una lampada eterna. 
 
 L'anfora vollero spontaneamente offrirla le terre 
 italiane soggette aH'Austria, Riccardo Zampieri, nel 
 lanciare, un anno prima (23 settembre 1907), I'iniziativa 
 da Trieste, cosi scriveva nel giornale triestino V Indipen- 
 dente da lui diretto: 
 
 Ardera dunque sulla tomba del sommo vate d'ltalia, assunto 
 a simbolo possente d'italianita, una lampada eterna fregiata del 
 Giglio Fiorentino e del Leone di San Marco. E la fiamma ine- 
 stinguibile e destinata ad avere una significazione magnifica. 
 Essa sara nutrita d'olio puro. Ora l'anfora destinata ad acco- 
 glierlo, noi vorremmo che fosse ofFerta da Trieste. Ecco la nostra 
 idea. Alere fiammam. E il vaso dovrebbe essere cesellato con 
 I'alabarda di san Sergio e con gli stemmi delle province con- 
 dannate a lottare per difendere e serbare intatte le loro vestigia 
 d'italianita. 
 
 La nobile e patriottica iniziativa ebbe un successo 
 strepitoso, perche non solo Trieste, ma tutte le province 
 italiane soggette all'Austria vi concorsero con oflFerte 
 popolari spontanee. 
 
 Lo stesso Indipendente di Trieste voile ofFrire il fuoco 
 con il quale doveva essere accesa per la prima volta la 
 simbolica fiamma. Esso fece percio incastonare una scatola 
 di fiammiferi della Lega Nazionale in un astuccio d'oro 
 finemente cesellato con la dedica: "A suscitar la fiamma. 
 Vlndependente di Trieste". 
 
 E le due reliquie — la lampada e la scatola — furono 
 portate a Ravenna dai migliori cittadini italiani delle 
 regioni irredente in sacro e solenne pellegrinaggio. 
 
 Firenze — la citta nativa dell'altissimo Poeta — offri 
 I'olio e s'obbligo di fornirlo cotidianamente in perpetuo, 
 "affinche la fiamma non muoia", in espiazione dell'esilio a 
 cui essa ingiustamente condanno il piii glorioso dei suoi 
 figli.
 
 LE SCUOLE DEGL'IRREDENTI 521 
 
 Nello stesso anno 1908, mentre I'Austria, dopo I'annes- 
 sione della Bosnia, stava per invadere la Serbia, i mazzi- 
 niani di Pola difFusero manifesti tra I'esercito austriaco, 
 incitanti gl'Italiani a non combattere contro I'indipendenza 
 del popolo serbo. La polizia austriaca arresto e condanno 
 parecchi cittadini. 
 
 Nell'autunno di quello stesso anno 1908, alia riapertura 
 delle scuole in Austria, gli studenti delle regioni italiane 
 irredenta presso I'Universita di Vienna cominciarono ad 
 agitarsi con tutti i mezzi legali ed anche per mezzo dei loro 
 deputati al Reichsrat, per indurre una buona volta il 
 governo austriaco a mantenere la promessa fatta circa 
 I'istituzione d'un'universita italiana o almeno d'una 
 Facolta universitaria a Trieste o sia pure a Trento o a 
 Rovereto. 
 
 Ma in una delle loro adunanze nei locali della stessa 
 Universita di Vienna, gli studenti italiani (in numero appena 
 di duecento) furono improvvisamente aggrediti da duemila 
 studenti tedeschi armati di rivoltelle. 
 
 La mischia che s'accesse tra i due gruppi fu violenta e 
 cruenta. Gli studenti italiani si difesero con coraggio e 
 gagliardia mirabili. Ma furono soprafFatti dal numero degli 
 studenti tedeschi ed anche dalla partigiana condotta della 
 polizia Viennese. E ne rimasero gravemente feriti non pochi. 
 
 II fatto ebbe una profonda eco d'indignazione e di dolore 
 in tutte le province italiane soggette all'Austria. S'improv- 
 visarono dappertutto alte e minacciose dimostrazioni di 
 protesta, alle quali parteciparono anche le donne. 
 
 LTtalia freme e ruggi com'una leonessa a cui fossero 
 stati maltrattati i leoncini. Dall'Alpi alia Sicilia il popolo, 
 capitanato dagli studenti, percorse le vie delle citta, impre- 
 cando, minacciando, bruciando sulle pubbliche piazze la 
 bandiera austriaca. A Roma i dimostranti presero a 
 sassate I'Ambasciata di Francesco Giuseppe, rompendole 
 i vetri delle finestre. Gli studenti dell'intera nazione 
 s'inscrissero in massa al Tiro a Segno Nazionale. Furono 
 dovunque raccolte somme di denaro e spedite alia Lega 
 Nazionale e alia Dante Alighieri delle regioni irredente. 
 II comitato Pro Italia Irredenta^ in data 24 novembre 1908,
 
 522 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 pubblico un vibratissimo proclama incitante la nazione alia 
 guerra contro I'Austria. Eccolo: 
 
 Fratelli italiani! 
 
 Su, su, scuotetevi dal vergognoso torpore; ritrovate Tantica 
 vigoria e I'indomita fede. A Vienna assassinano i fratelli nostri. 
 Un'orda di barbari, briaca d'odio e di sangue, ha aggredito nel 
 tempio che dovrebbe esser sacro alia scienza, gli studenti nostri che 
 domandano I'universita italiana, unico baluardo per difendere il 
 loro patrimonio intellettuale e tenere alto, come simbolo, il lore 
 ideale. 
 
 La nuova ofFesa non pud essere lasciata impunita. Non 
 possono morire gl'istinti generosi della razza italiana. Gia da 
 troppo tempo si china la fronte ad ogni insulto straniero. II 
 patto d'odio tra genti italiche e genti austriache e risuggellato con 
 I'aggressione codarda di Vienna, e dobbiamo sorgere contro lo 
 straniero che offende, calpesta, assassina. 
 
 Alia politica servile e codarda del govemo d'ltalia, dobbiamo 
 contrapporre la politica del popolo, senza rinunce e senza vilta. 
 
 Fratelli d'ltalia, e vile chi sopporta le ofFese del carnefice dei 
 propri fratelli; ma e vile anche chi dei fratelli non ode il singhiozzo 
 e dorme. 
 
 Le parole lihertd e vendetta non debbono essere strozzate dalle 
 male arti dei governanti. Alia guerra, dunque! II grido incita- 
 tore si soileva dalla fossa invendicata di Guglielmo Oberdan, si 
 solleva dal tumulo di tutti i martiri della ferocia austriaca. 
 
 Su, fratelli d'ltalia, alia guerra! Destatevi, levatevi con- 
 cordi nella santa ira e nel santo grido. Su! L'epopea garibaldina 
 ha bisogno di nuove fulgide pagine; I'idea, di nuovi martiri; la 
 patria, di una riparazione. 
 
 II govemo italiano si Hmito a fare le sue diplomatiche 
 rimostranze al govemo austriaco. Questo, a sua volta, finse 
 di commoversi e promise ancora una volta I'istituzione della 
 invocata Facolta giuridica italiana in una delle citta irre- 
 dente. Ma si tratto, come al solito, d'una semplice promessa 
 austriaca non mai mantenuta. 
 
 Esso, invece — il govemo austriaco — seppe bene mante- 
 nersi coerente a se stesso, riprendendo le canagliesche perse- 
 cuzioni contro i principali agitatori irredentisti. Subito 
 dopo (1909), per esempio, insceno un processo clamoroso a 
 carico dei 24 dirigenti il movimento mazziniano nella
 
 LE SCUOLE DEGL'IRREDENTI 523 
 
 regione Giulia. II giornale U Emancipazione di Trieste dove 
 sospendere le sue pubblicazioni, perche i redattori, i coUa- 
 boratori, i corrispondenti furono tutti rinchiusi in carcere. 
 Ma le persecuzioni, i processi, le condanne non riusci- 
 rono a spegnere il naturale sentimento d'italianita delle 
 regioni irredente. 
 
 Furono a Trieste, la citta sintetizzante le dette regioni — cosi 
 il sunnominato Attilio Tamaro in un suo scritto pubblicato nel 
 marzo-aprile del 191 5 — due societa borghesi distinte: una ufficiale, 
 I'altra italiana, che non s'incontrarono mai, neppure su un terreno 
 neutrale. Nulla valse a smovere i Triestini dal loro atteggiamento 
 d'odio. Inutili furono le ofFerte di benefici materiali, di leggi e 
 di concessioni favorevoli fatte loro dai governanti austriaci. 
 Somma fu I'indifferenza per tutto cio che era austriaco. Direttori 
 di giornali, autorita comunali, maestri di scuola dimostrarono sem- 
 pre di non conoscere neanche i nomi dei primi ministri deU'impero 
 austriaco, Mai fu nominato in un atto comunale o in un giornale 
 cittadino I'imperatore d'Austria col pronome nostro. 
 
 I Triestini non vollero mai un governo austriaco liberale o 
 amico; ma vollero sempre, soltanto e fortemente, che il governo 
 austriaco se ne andasse da casa loro. Quali nomi e quali fatti 
 bisogna ricordare dei tempi piij recenti? Felice Venezian, che nel 
 Consiglio comunale predisse il giorno in cui anche i Triestini avreb- 
 bero dato di piglio alle loro italiche campane?^ Ernesto Spadoni, 
 il quale nello stesso Consiglio comunale di Trieste espresse I'au- 
 gurio che un taggio della Stella che hrilla sul Tevere irradi I'orizzonte 
 delle nostre province irredente"^ II grido di Viva I' Italia! risuo- 
 nato mille e mille volte a Trieste contro il governo austriaco? O 
 I'inno di Garibaldi cantato centinaia di volte sotto la Luogotenenza 
 austriaca fra guardie imperversanti con ogni violenza? O la 
 festa del centenario verdiano nel 1913, quando, avendo la polizia 
 austriaca proibito che un coro cantasse nella piazza grande di Trie- 
 ste il divino Fa pensiero su I'ali dorate del Nabucco, si trovarono 
 sulla piazza stessa, nell'ora indicata per il concerto, piu di 30,000 
 persone che lo cantarono, sostituendo all'esigua voce del coro 
 
 * L'imperatore Carlo VIII, disceso in Italia verso la fine del Quattrocento* 
 pretendeva la signoria di Firenze. Piero Capponi, gonfaloniere deila citta, fu 
 incaricato con altri tre deputati di trattare col pretendente. Ma cestui voleva 
 imporre inique condizioni. II Capponi, allora, straccio la carta contenente siffatte 
 condizioni, e grido fieramente alio straniero: "Voi suonerete le vostre trombe, 
 noi suoneremo le nostre campane!" 
 
 In seguito a tale atto. Carlo VIII crede prudente cambiare attitudine e pro- 
 porre moderate condizioni a Firenze.
 
 524 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 quella immensa e possente deH'anima cittadina? Dobbiamo 
 ricordare i giovani triestini che inalzarono la bandiera italiana 
 sul municipio, o dipinsero coi tre colori italiani perfino i muri degli 
 uffici di polizia? O dobbiamo ricordare il vecchio patriota trie- 
 stino Lorenzetti, il quale, prima di morire pochi mesi addietro, 
 disse ai suoi parenti che quel giorno andassero a picchiare suUa sua 
 tomba per avvertirlo che I'ltalia era finalmente arrivata a Trieste^ 
 Dobbiamo ricordare il triestino Gino Mauro, spentosi anch'egli 
 poco tempo addietro, il quale sul letto di morte, piangendo, sup- 
 plicava il medico di tenerlo in vita soltanto fino al giorno della 
 liberta di Trieste? 
 
 Fu talmente generate e profondo I'odio contro I'Austria, che 
 i Triestini vissero sempre appartati dagli Austriaci, ed era reputato 
 universalmente disonore per un Italiano irredento avere invitato 
 a casa sua un ufficiale austriaco, o per una donna italiana irredenta 
 fare all'amore con uno di tali ufficiali. 
 
 Non e mai riuscita al governo austriaco una festa imperiale 
 a Trieste. II popolo fu assente perfino da quelle che potevano 
 sembrare feste di lavoratori, cioe dai vari delle navi da guerra. 
 Non s'e istituita una banda municipale nella citta, solo per non 
 costringerla a suonare nelle occasioni ufficiali austriache. Non 
 v' e piazza o via triestina che sieno macchiate con un nome au- 
 striaco. Molto accorgimento e coraggio ci vollero per evitare che 
 il Corso fosse chiamato col nome dell'imperatore Francesco Giu- 
 seppe, mentre fu arditamente intitolata a Carducci la via che passa 
 dinanzi alia caserma dove fu ucciso Oberdan. 
 
 Nelle sventure nazionali i Triestini furono pari a tutti gli altri 
 Italiani nel raccogliere soccorsi. II partito nazionale riusci perfino 
 a commemorare, quasi ogni anno, con pubbliche manifestazioni, 
 la morte d'Oberdan. E come sia riuscito a far cio, non si pud 
 ancora dire. 
 
 Sia che lottasse, sia che si divertisse, quando chiedeva diritti 
 o quando organizzava feste sportive, quando pregava e quando 
 minacciava, negli ambienti piii disparati, nelle sue innumerevoli 
 associazioni, nei suoi grandi cafFe, nelle sue biblioteche, nelle sue 
 scuole, Trieste, col suo atteggiamento italiano fermo ed ostinato, 
 costitui un'incessante e generale cospirazione contro il governo 
 austriaco. 
 
 Cosi essa attese la liberta. Cosi se ne resa degna.
 
 TRIESTE PER LA GUERRA (1914) 525 
 
 XIV 
 
 Proclama incitante ITtalia alia guerra contro 1' Austria, 
 indirizzato dai Triestini a ciascun deputato del Parla- 
 mento nazionale italiano, fuorche ai socialist!, il giomo 
 in cui s'apri a Roma, nel febbraio del 1914, la nuova 
 legislatura. 
 
 Onorevole Signore, 
 
 Trieste, la citta d'ltalia ancora soggetta al dominie straniero, 
 nel giorno in cui si riapre il Parlamento nazionale italiano, si 
 rivolge alia Signoria Vostra fraternamente con un monito e un 
 augurio. 
 
 Con un monito, giacche si rivolge a Vostra Signoria pregandola 
 di voler pensare e ricordare: 
 
 — che il governo straniero, padrone di Trieste, fa ogni sforzo 
 per slavizzare la citta che la geografia, la storia e il diritto, ol- 
 treche la nazionalita e la volonta dei cittadini, consacrano citta 
 d'ltalia; 
 
 — che I'Austria, poiche slavizza Trieste e la Venezia Giulia, 
 non costituisce piii un argine contro lo slavismo, ma porta gli 
 Slavi entro i confini d'ltalia; 
 
 — che Trieste e ormai una citta d'ltalia governata con leggi 
 tedesche amministrate da Slavi, perche tutti i dicasteri dello 
 Stato sono in mano degli Slavi; 
 
 — che il governo austriaco, con la slavizzazione della Venezia 
 Giulia e di Trieste, tende, oltreche a far perdere ad esse il diritto 
 e alia Nazione italiana il dovere del riscatto, anche a balcanizzare 
 quelle terre, e sopra tutte Trieste, per concentrare su di esse e 
 staccare dai porti del Regno d'ltalia il commercio e la politica dei 
 paesi balcanici occidental!; 
 
 — che la resistenza dell'Istria e di Gorizia e ridotta agli estremi, 
 e che Trieste, per le condizioni dei suoi contrafforti e per la forza 
 dell'invasione, pur combattendo con fede, con amore, con sacrificio, 
 e ridotta alle ultime risorse della difesa nazionale; 
 
 — che la ricchezza che da a Trieste la sua posizione geografica, 
 essendo la citta una citta d'ltalia, e ricchezza nazionale sfruttata 
 dallo straniero; 
 
 — che Trieste, riunita per forza del diritto nazionale alia 
 Patria, apportera a questa il dominio sicuro di tutti i commerci 
 balcanici e uno dei piii possenti mezzi per la risoluzione del pro-
 
 526 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 blema mediterraneo col possesso delle grandi linee che Trieste ha 
 ed avra sempre imprescindibilmente con la Grecia e col Levante. 
 
 Per questi fatti principal!, fidenti che la Signoria Vostra vorra 
 fraternamente meditarii, considerando quale immensa somma di 
 interessi nazionali contenga il problema dell'indipendenza na- 
 zionale di Trieste, i Triestini augurano a Vostra Signoria, per 
 I'onore suo e per I'onore della Nazione italiana, che Ella voglia 
 contribuire a disciplinare le forze nazionali verso il compimento 
 definitivo deU'Unita nazionale; che Ella voglia cooperare ad efFet- 
 tuare che all'attuale legislatura sia riservato I'altissimo onore di 
 poter proclamare ricostituita I'ltalia entro i confini naturali; 
 che Ella possa dire un giorno con orgoglio di avere contribuito con 
 la sua opera e col suo voto a risolvere il grande problema della 
 liberta e dell'italianita dell'Adriatico. 
 
 Se il tempo della remissivita e passato, si possa trovare nel 
 Parlamento della nuova Italia chi afFermi il diritto della Nazione 
 al possesso della sua Trieste, come nel 1861 s'e affermato il diritto 
 su Roma! 
 
 Trieste, febbraio 1914. 
 
 XV 
 
 Proclama incitante I'ltalia alia guerra contro 1' Austria, 
 indirizzato dai Triestini a ciascun deputato socialista 
 del Parlamento nazionale italiano il giorno in cui s'aprt 
 a Roma, nel febbraio del 1914, la nuova legislatura. 
 
 Onorevole Signore, 
 
 Trieste, la citta d'ltalia ancora soggetta alio straniero, nel 
 giorno in cui si riapre il Parlamento nazionale a Roma, si rivolge 
 fraternamente alia Signoria Vostra e, mentre sull'attuale momento 
 della lotta nazionale da chi e interessato a negare la verita si 
 diffondono menzogne, mentre di piu non e improbabile che per 
 naturale conseguenza degli avvenimenti la lotta nazionale della 
 Venezia Giulia e di Trieste entri nell'ambito del Parlamento ita- 
 liano, prega la Signoria Vostra di voler meditate i seguenti inoppu- 
 gnabili fatti: 
 
 — che la geografia, la storia, il diritto, oltreche la volonta e la 
 nazionalita della grandissima maggioranza dei. cittadini, dichia- 
 rano che Trieste e citta italiana, e citta d'ltalia; 
 
 — che il governo austriaco e gli Slavi fanno un enorme
 
 TRIESTE PER LA GUERRA (1914) 527 
 
 sforzo per snaturare I'italianita di Trieste, intensificando I'immi- 
 grazione ed esigendo Tequiparazione degli immigrati stranieri 
 agl'italiani; 
 
 — che Trieste e ormai una citta d'ltalia governata con leggi 
 tedesche amministrate da Slavi, perche tutti i dicasteri dello 
 Stato sono in mano degli Slavi; 
 
 — che gli Slavi combattono la lotta nazionale in masse com- 
 patte, composte in minima parte di borghesi, in massima di pro- 
 letari; 
 
 — che I'invasione naturale degli Slavi (urbanesimo) e dovuta 
 al fatto che la citta appartiene all'Austria, perche se, reintegrata 
 nei suoi diritti nazionali, essa facesse parte dello Stato italiano, il 
 suo grande mercato di lavoro sarebbeaperto soltanto ai lavoratori 
 italiani; 
 
 — che I'invasione artificiale, compiuta in grandi proporzioni, 
 e, in genere, la slavizzazione di Trieste e della Venezia Giulia 
 sono volute dal governo austriaco, che vuole far perdere a queste 
 terre il diritto e all'Italia il dovere del riscatto nazionale e, oltre a 
 cio, halcanizzare Trieste per concentrare in essa politicamente e 
 commercialmente i Balcani occidentali; 
 
 — che la pace fra le nazioni e impossibile, perche non si possono 
 delimitare i confini del possesso di ciascuna nazione, perche la 
 lotta nazionale e un fatto di storia naturale eppero imprescindibile, 
 perche alle spalle degli Slavi gia immigrati premono milioni di 
 Sloveni e di Croati che tendono alia conquista dell'Adriatico; 
 
 — che se avesse dovuto valere in altri tempi la tesi di equipara- 
 zione che si vuol far valere oggi per Trieste, cioe che gli Slavi, 
 poiche sono immigrati, hanno il diritto di snaturare la citta 
 italiana, ITtalia sarebbe ancora serva dello straniero; 
 
 — che non sono possibili altre soluzioni della lotta nazionale se 
 non queste: o la sconfitta dellTtalianita, o I'unione politica con 
 lo Stato nazionale a cui per ragioni ideali, culturali e morali Trieste 
 gia appartiene; 
 
 — che I'irredentismo si sintetizza e si esprime in un concetto 
 che non puo non essere sacro ad ogni uomo: Liberta! 
 
 — che un irredentismo slavo, ricongiunta Trieste con la nazione 
 per il compimento definitivo dell'unita italiana, o non esisterebbe, 
 come non esiste un irredentismo italiano a Nizza, o sarebbe assurdo, 
 come sarebbe un irredentismo deglTtaliani di Marsiglia. 
 
 Per questi fatti principal!, fidenti che la Signoria Vostra vorra 
 prenderli in considerazione, fidenti che la Signoria Vostra doman- 
 dandosi che cosa avrebbe fatto se fosse stato cittadino di Milano
 
 528 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 prima del 1859 o di Venezia prima del 1866 si rispondera che 
 avrebbe combattuto per I'indipendenza nazionale contro il governo 
 straniero, i Triestini Le augurano, per Tonore suo e per quello della 
 Nazione, che Ella possa dire un giorno con orgoglio di aver con la 
 sua opera e col suo voto cooperato alia liberta deU'ultima grande 
 citta d'ltalia che e ancora soggetta alio straniero. 
 Trieste, febbraio 1914. 
 
 XVI 
 
 Proclama incitante I'ltalia alia guerra contro 1' Austria, 
 lanciato dagl'Italiani delle province irredente di Gradisca, 
 Gorizia, Trieste e Istria (Venezia Giulia) e del Trentino 
 durante il mese d'aprile del 1914 " per I'unita della 
 Patria".! 
 
 Le Porte d'ltalia (la Venezia Giulia e il Trentino) sono le terre 
 nostre che I'Austria ha saputo tenere sotto il suo dominio con 
 I'intento di avere sempre i suoi piedi in Italia per gli efFetti della 
 sua politica adriatica e per dare allTtalia una sensazione di 
 perpetua inferiorita militare con la sua prepotente incombenza sui 
 confini. 
 
 Le Porte d'ltalia sono le terre nostre, la Venezia Giulia sopra 
 tutte, poiche essa ha i due grandi valichi del Predil e delle Porte di 
 ferro al Nevoso e quello Massimo di Monte Re per i quali sono 
 sempre entrati i barbari in Italia, dal primo secolo avanti Cristo 
 in poi; per i quali I'Austria puo oggi facilmente riversare un esercito 
 in Italia. 
 
 Sono terre d'ltalia le nostre, poiche tali si sono dichiarate 
 sempre e tali sono state sempre anche ufficialmente riconosciute. 
 E sono terre d'ltalia da quando esiste I'ltalia: fisicamente, perche 
 le Alpi Giulie costituiscono con indiscutibile evidenza i confini 
 naturali del Paese; politic amente, perche sono regioni italiche dal 
 tem!po in cui Roma costitui I'ltalia; moralmente, perche sono state 
 in ogni tempo tributarie dei loro inge<:;ni, della loro volonta, della 
 loro fede, non meno delle altre province d'ltalia, alia grandezza 
 della Nazione. 
 
 Orbene, queste terre d'ltalia, che dal loro seno fecondato dal 
 sangue degli innumerevoli figli che da Aquileia ad Albona difeisero 
 
 1 Questo proclama doveva far parte d'un Numero Unico che non fu poi stam- 
 pato. Esso — il proclama — fu invece diffuse segretamente a Trieste e pubblicato 
 nella Voce della P atria del 4 aprile 1914.
 
 GL'IRREDENTI PER LA GUERRA (1914) 529 
 
 i confini d'ltalia contro i barbari, e che producono uomini nei quali 
 la difesa nazionale costituisce la piu possente ragione di vita, 
 queste terre d'ltalia, dicevamo, sono le sole che non obbediscano 
 a leggi italiane, che non siano rette da un governo italiano, che non 
 abbiano in cima della lore vita italiana il Re d'ltalia. Mentre 
 tutte le altre province italiane sono state liberate dai domini 
 stranieri o da quelli anti-unitari, la Venezia Giulia e il Trentino 
 sono le sole terre che si trovano fuori dell'unita nazionale, che 
 sono ancora soggette al dominio straniero, anzi a quel governo 
 austriaco che tento di assassinare I'ltalia, che per tenerla in servitij 
 e per distruggere il suo sogno, il suo ideale, la sua volonta che 
 si glorificavano nella parola libertd, mando soldati fanatici e feroci, 
 alzo forche in tutte le citta, insanguino tutti i campi, empi tutte 
 le carceri, bastono, incateno, rubo, saccheggio, impicco, fucilo do- 
 vunque senti palpitare anime italiane in un'ardente brama di 
 liberta. La Venezia Giulia e il Trentino sono le ultime, le sole 
 terre d'ltalia che soggiacciono ancora e servono, legate con un re- 
 gime di violenza a siffatto governo austriaco. 
 £ giusto.f' 
 
 E giusto che, mentre tutti gli altri Italiani, entro i naturali 
 confini d'ltalia, vivono in liberta, si chiamano cittadini italiani 
 e si governano con leggi e governi italiani, noi Italiani della 
 Venezia Giulia e del Trentino, noi soli dobbiamo essere soggetti 
 a un dominio straniero e anti-italiano, noi soli dobbiamo essere 
 chiamati sudditi austriaci, noi soli dobbiamo essere governati da 
 leggi tedesche e da governi slavo-tedeschi? Se siamo Italiani, 
 perche dobbiamo ubbidire a leggi tedesche e ad impiegati slavi? 
 
 Non e chi non veda I'iniquita della nostra condizione; non e 
 chi non veda la miseria morale che ci sofFoca ogni giorno piu, 
 sotto il tirannico governo straniero, mentre gli altri Italiani, nel 
 regime della liberta nazionale, sono invece portati a sempre piii 
 nobile e piii superba ascensione dalle rinnovate energie, dal pos- 
 sente spirito della nazione. 
 
 Ma a noi Italiani della Venezia Giulia e del Trentino non tocca 
 solo la sventura d' essere i soli Italiani d'ltalia non uniti ancora al 
 Regno nazionale; a noi Italiani del Goriziano, Italiani di Trieste, 
 Italiani dell'Istria, tocca anche la sventura di vedere le nostre 
 belle citta invase dagli Slavi. Calano a torme, calano a branchi 
 per le aperte vie delle Alpi, calano per moto naturale, avvinti dal 
 mare e dalle citta promettenti ricchezza, calano per tradimento di 
 alcuni dei nostri (oh, sono ben pochi!), ma calano, in masse mag- 
 giori, ordinati come mandre che si portino sui grassi pascoli del
 
 530 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 piano, per volonta del governo austriaco, del governo che essendo 
 straniero, per rendere discutibile con una parvenza di giustizia 
 I'indiscutibile iniquita che e nel dominio straniero, e per cingerci 
 di nemici soflFocanti i nostri gridi di liberta, tende con enormi sforzi 
 a snazionalizzare le nostre terre, le ultime terre d'ltalia rimaste in 
 suo potere. 
 
 Da ogni parte, in ogni parte distendono le loro forze gli Slavi: 
 son pill di 40,000 nel comune di Trieste, sono 10,000 a Gorizia, 
 sono 10,000 a Pola. Pirano li sente insultare la sua storia alle sue 
 porte. Parenzo li vede puUulare nelle sue campagne. Montona 
 e Albona sono ridotte alle estreme disperate difese dei loro muni- 
 cipi. Pinguente, Pisino, Rozzo, strette ciascuna con unanime 
 meravigliosa concordia in una sola volonta italiana, sono coman- 
 date e tormentate dagli Slavi delle campagne che hanno arrafFato 
 ^ protetti da leggi inique — i loro municipi. Contro ogni citta, 
 contro ogni borgo risuonano I'insulto e la sfida, e dovunque da 
 il tono il governo austriaco. Accanto aU'avversario che con tutte 
 le armi piii potenti della banca e dello Stato invade le terre nostre, 
 snatura il loro carattere storico e naturale e violenta tutti i diritti 
 col diritto del piu forte alio scope di "balcanizzarle", gli avversari 
 interni dell'integrita nazionale — i socialist! — fedeli all'idea 
 dello Stato austriaco e imprescindibilmente bisognosi delFaiuto 
 degli Slavi per le lotte elettorali, deridono e ingiuriano quelli che 
 indicano I'invasione slava, quelli che proclamano la necessita 
 della difesa, quelli che invocano la liberta, I'indipendenza. 
 
 Nella lotta contro i due avversari, la forza intima della nostra 
 gente si rinsalda, la compagine diventa granitica, I'animo si fa 
 ardente, le energie vibrano con impeto, mentre il segreto della 
 razza italiana, il segreto che ha salvato tutto il resto d'ltalia dai 
 barbari, salva I'italianita nostra ancora per alcun tempo dalla de- 
 finitiva contaminazione, dalla distruzione della sua forza politica, 
 dalla sorte avuta dalla Dalmazia. Combatteremo ancora in- 
 cessantemente, per tutte le rappresentanze, per tutte le istituzioni; 
 qua vinceremo, la perderemo; ma la difesa nazionale sara sempre 
 strenua e instancabile. 
 
 Pero non basta! 
 
 Al di la della difesa nazionale contro gli Slavi e al disopra di 
 questa, devono stare la lotta per la liberta, la lotta per I'indipen- 
 denza nazionale a cui abbiamo quello stesso diritto che ha avuto 
 tutto il resto d'ltalia, la lotta per il compimento definitivo del- 
 rUnitd italiana. 
 
 Per questo ideale, che deve tramutarsi nella piii concreta
 
 GL'IRREDENTI PER LA GUERRA (1914) 531 
 
 realta, dobbiamo agire tutti con maggiori vedute, con maggiore 
 impeto che per la difesa nazionale. E sopratutto con fede. Ma 
 non con una fede generica rivolta con santa pazienza ad un incerto 
 e fumoso avvenire, si bene con una chiara e precisa fede materiata 
 di fatti e agente come molla che potentemente sospinga ai 
 fatti. 
 
 Dobbiamo agire tutti, giovani e uomini maturi, ciascuno col 
 suo compito. I giovani debbono fare della loro giovinezza una 
 milizia e devono agire e agitare per far bene intendere a tutta 
 ritalia, al governo nazionale e al governo austriaco che vogliamo 
 la liberta, che vogliamo la liberazione, che I'ltalia non e ancora 
 compiuta. E gli uomini maturi, specie quelli a cui i cittadini o le 
 istituzioni hanno dato un carattere rappresentativo, debbono con 
 la loro autorita fare intendere e far valere i diritti unitari delle 
 citta e dei cittadini che rappresentano. 
 
 Tutti dobbiamo agire, tenacemente, fortemente. 
 
 E si moltiplichino a mille con giusto patriottismo i cooperatori 
 nostri nel Regno, con risoluta volonta di mettere fine alle nostre 
 miserie, con immutabile fede nell'attuazione dei diritti nazionali. 
 Bisogna scuotere il governo, i deputati, il popolo; bisogna vincere 
 le indifferenze e i vacui sentimentalismi, le diffidenze e le ironie, le 
 renitenze e le vigliaccherie, le ipocrisie della diplomazia e dei 
 politicanti e le imbecillaggini dei demagoghi. Fa d'uopo, sia pure 
 con un'agitazione violenta, imporre alia coscienza italiana il 
 problema dell'unita italiana; fa d'uopo imporre con qualunque 
 mezzo, con qualunque sacrificio, il problema nostro all'attenzione 
 dell'Europa, e imporlo con tutto il suo contenuto di giustizia. 
 
 E possiamo far cio oggi con fede piii sicura, con piij serena 
 coscienza della nostra responsabilita, poiche oggi il problema della 
 nostra liberta si sintetizza nel nome di Trieste con una grande 
 importanza, non solo rispetto al diritto che abbiamo all'indipen- 
 denza, ma anche per la politica internazionale del Regno. Trieste 
 e oggi per ITtalia la chiave dell'Oriente. A Trieste la storia ha 
 trasmesso per tutta I'ltalia la dominazione commerciale dei mari 
 orientali che e stata di Venezia in altre epoche. II possesso di 
 Trieste vuol dire garanzia di pace con I'attuale Stato di confine, 
 garanzia di difesa poderosa e sicura contro gli Stati slavi di domani, 
 vuol dire assoluta garanzia di liberta alle spalle per ogni eventuale 
 conflitto con altri nemici. 
 
 Quindi, oggi, combattere per la liberta nostra, vuol dire in- 
 segnare all'Italia quale somma d'interessi nazionali si risolva nell'A- 
 driatico orientale, vuol dire aiutare I'ltalia ad aprirsi le vie del-
 
 532 PARTE SECOND A 
 
 rOriente, vuol dire spingere I'ltalia a prendere una piu salda e piu 
 sicura posizione di fronte o accanto alle altre Potenze. 
 
 Non si combatte dunque soltanto per un ideale di liberta 
 regionale, ma per la grandezza d'ltalia, per una piu vasta ricchezza, 
 per un piii superbo avvenire della Nazione. 
 
 L'agitazione unitaria intensa, violenta, tenace provochera il 
 governo austriaco a repressioni e ad un piu largo favoreggiamento 
 degli Slavi? Anzitutto e da domandarsi se le nostre condizioni 
 possano essere peggiori di quanto sono. Ma poi dobbiamo 
 ricordare I'indiscutibile verita che tutte le repressioni e tutti i 
 favoreggiamenti non faranno che imporre sempre piii efficacemente 
 il problema nostro alia Nazione e all'Europa. 
 
 AU'opera, dunque, tutti, ciascuno col suo compito! 
 
 I tempi incalzano. II turbine irredentistico e le gravissime 
 lotte interne scuotono, squassano le fondamenta dell'impero 
 austriaco. II problema deU'Austria e posto in discussione dinanzi 
 a un'Europa che ha esaltato in questi ultimi tempi il principio 
 di nazionalita. 
 
 £ tempo che noi aglamo con tutte le nostre forze, per immettere 
 il nostro diritto nell'ingranaggio diplomatic© che prepara il domani, 
 per far si che I'ltalia non sia assente coi suoi diritti, coi suoi 
 interessi dalla discussione internazionale del problema austriaco. 
 
 AU'opera tutti, e nel cuore una sola volonta. Fiva I'ltalia! 
 
 XVII 
 
 La bandiera italiana issata a Trieste sul campanile 
 di San Giusto e suU'antenna del porto di Muggia nel 
 mese di dicembre del 1914. Migliaia di Italiani irre- 
 denti corrono ad offrtre il loro sangue alia madre patria 
 nella grande guerra contro 1' Austria (1914-1915). 
 
 Lo scoppio della grande guerra (fine di luglio 1914), 
 provocate dalV ultimatum deU'Austria alia Serbia, riaccese 
 le speranze anche dei piii sfiduciati Italiani irredenti nella 
 liberazione delle terre sintetizzate dal binomio Trento e 
 Trieste. 
 
 Nel settembre e nell'ottobre del 1914 — cosi il triestino Angelo 
 Scocchi — Trieste, specialmente, fremeva d'azione. Un moto 
 rivoluzionario contro I'Austria pareva imminente. Prima d'in-
 
 D'ANNUNZIO E TRIESTE (1915) 533 
 
 coraggiarlo, i patrioti vollero sapere quale eco esso avrebbe avuto 
 in Italia. I Triestini furono scongiurati a non moversi, a non 
 afFrettare un avvenimento che doveva compiersi ineluttabilmente, 
 a non compromettere le sorti dell'Italia, a non trascinare la nazione 
 in un intervento immature. 
 
 Nonostante cid, all'alba del i° dicembre 1914 una grande ban- 
 diera italiana sventolava a Trieste sul campanile di San Giusto 
 e un'altra suU'antenna del porto di Muggia. 
 
 II 2 dicembre 1914 Trieste era piena di manifestini incitanti 
 il popolo a rifiutare I'obolo alia Croce Rossa austriaca. Furono 
 arrestati parecchi cittadini, tra i quali il mazziniano Marcello 
 Vidali che fu prima internato nel castello di Lubiana e poi nel 
 carcere di Marburg. Molti furono imbrancati nell'esercito 
 austriaco. I piii finirono prigionieri volontari dei Russi e dei 
 Serbi. Altri lasciarono la giovine esistenza in Galizia e in Bosnia 
 con un'ultima invocazione allTtalia lontana. 
 
 Ma parecchie migliaia, sfidando il rigore del governo au- 
 striaco e ogni altra sorta di pericoli, riuscirono, tra la fine 
 del 1914 e i primi mesi del 1915, a varcare i confini e spar- 
 gers! nellTtalia Settentrionale e a Roma, dove ofFrirono 
 entusiasticamente il loro sangue per la liberazione delle 
 terre ancora soggette alia schiavitii austriaca e per I'unione 
 di esse alia madre patria. 
 
 XVIII 
 
 Gabriele d'Annunzio riafferma ed esalta Titalianita di 
 Trieste nei giardini del Palagio di Andrea Doria in Gene- 
 va (6 maggio 1915), ricevendo in dono il gesso del Leone 
 Tergestino che e murato in una casa dei Giustiniani. 
 
 Brevi parole diro, tanta e qui I'eloquenza delle memorie, delle 
 cose, dei segni, tanto e grave di destino questo dono che io ricevo 
 con cuore tremante, come se in me, per grazia d'una fedelta 
 senza fallo, a piii degnamente riceverlo, entrasse I'ansia di quella 
 (Trieste) che laggiu soffre la fame del corpo, sofFre la fame del- 
 I'anima, violata, straziata, calcata con ferocia ogni giorno piu 
 maledetta. 
 
 La sentiamo qui in presenza vera. £ davanti a noi, come 
 quell'urna scolpita, come quelle statue. £ diritta davanti a noi,
 
 534 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 con tutte le sue piaghe aperte, con tutte le sue Hvidure, con le 
 tracce di tutte le ingiurie, come il Paziente alia Colonna. 
 
 Ah, veramente, noi cominciamo a vergognarci di tanto par- 
 lare. E intendiamo il rude bisticcio di quell'uno dei Mille, gran- 
 dissimo animo in piccolo corpo, il quale ier sera grido nel convito, 
 con la sua voce di assalto: Meglio che la parola, io vorrei riprendere 
 il fucile, compagni. 
 
 Motto garibaldino, ben detto e bene udito in Geneva. 
 
 Non questo gesso che io custodiro piamente, ma il Leone di 
 pietra istriana, tratto dal glorioso muro in un altro giorno di 
 sagra marina, Genova rimandera per mare a Trieste: restituzione 
 magnifica. 
 
 Passi la nave in vista della Caprera S che forse s'empira di 
 ruggito ripercosso dalle rocce. E navighi all'Adriatico. E il 
 morto figlio di Lamba sepolto nelle acque trionfate, e Luciano 
 d'Oria davanti a Pola, e Gasparo Spinola davanti a Trieste, e gli 
 altri terribili vostri riappariranno in epifania d'amore commisti 
 ai vendicati di Lissa, luminosissimamente. 
 
 E il Leone di San Marco, recato nell'Adriatico da nave di 
 Genova, significhera per gli Italiani: Questo mare profondo, ove la 
 cresta di ogni flutto e fiore di nostra gloria, si chiavia, di nuovo e 
 per sempre, nei linguaggi di tutte le nazioni il Golfo di Venezia. 
 
 XIX 
 
 Parole dette da Gabriele d'Annunzio in Genova il 7 
 maggio 1915 agli Esuli Dalmati, ricevendo in done il 
 Libre che afferma, dimostra e propugna Titalianita della 
 Dalmazia, stampato in Genova. 
 
 Questo libro d'amore, di fede e di rampogna un Italiano 
 dovrebbe oggi riceverlo in ginocchio umiliato, in atto di chiedere 
 il perdono e di fare I'ammenda. A me rimanere in piedi davanti 
 a voi, reverente ma non vergognoso, e consentito dalla coscienza 
 di non aver mai dimenticata quella che Antonio Baiamonti, il 
 podestd mirabile di Spalato, ch'izmb figlia minore d' Italia, quella che 
 seconda Italia chiamo il dantesco Tommaseo. Ma I'lddio degli 
 eserciti mi conceda di potermi inginocchiare, in uno dei giorni 
 
 • Caprera, I'isoletta presso le coste della Sardegna, divenuta celebrc perche fu 
 il soggiorno prediletto di Garibaldi e perche I'Eroe vi mori e vi fu sepolto.
 
 D'ANNUNZIO E LA DALMAZIA (1915) 535 
 
 prossimi, dinanzi a quell'uno del vostri altari sotto la cui tavola i 
 padri lacrimando riposero il ripiegato gonfalone repubblicano di 
 San Marco. 
 
 Se in Genova io nomino Sebenico, Zara, Trau, sobbalzano nel 
 sepolcro di San Matteo le ossa di Luciano d'Oria, che seppero il 
 sale dell'Adriatico. La sua vittoria e la sua morte si commemorano 
 alia stessa data che ci aduno sul lido di Quarto^: il cinque maggio. 
 Veggo le citta dalmate insanguinate e affocate, prima che il ferro 
 di Donate Zeno finisca sul ponte Tammiraglio ancora urlante dalla 
 bocca squarciata: San Zorzof San Zorzo! 
 
 Ma un'altra visione mi viene da un'altra vittoria inscritta 
 fra le liste bianche e nere del tempio navale. £ come un'allegoria 
 della nostra lunga cecita. Nelle acque di Curzola, Lamba Doria, 
 avendo disposte le sue galee sopra vento, con polvere di calce 
 viva brucio gli occhi dei Veneziani condotti dal Dandolo; e sgomino 
 quei disperati ciechi. 
 
 Mi sembra che da una simile cecita ostile siamo noi rimasti 
 afflitti, dopo la sciagura di Lissa. Non abbiamo veduto, non ab- 
 biamo voluto vedere quel che i vincitori operavano, senza tregua, 
 senza misericordia, per cancellare ogni vestigio del nostro dominio 
 su la costa orientale, per distruggere ogni traccia d'itallanita su la 
 bella spiaggia latina non consacrata soltanto dal sangue ma dallo 
 spirito, non conquistata soltanto dalle armi ma dalle arti, non sol- 
 tanto nostra per antica signoria ma per sempre novo pensiero, non 
 soltanto ricca di reliquie mute ma di cultura eloquente. Noi ab- 
 biamo lasciato compiere su voi, per anni e per anni, le piu inique 
 persecuzioni, o fratelli nostri magnanimi che opponeste alia 
 minaccia il coraggio, all'ingiustizia la pazienza, la maschia gen- 
 tilezza alia stupida atrocita. Noi non abbiamo osato aiutare ne 
 confortare la triste e taciturna lotta proseguita da voi, o fedeli di 
 Roma, per custodire la benedetta lingua d'ltalia, per difendere i 
 documenti dell'alta origine, per serbarvi contro tutti e contro tutto 
 italiani. Come i marinai del Dandolo, noi abbiamo distolto dalla 
 battaglia i nostri occhi dolorosil 
 
 Chiediamo perdono, facciamo ammenda. I nostri occhi 
 alfine si riaprono, sanati dal vento salutifero che soffia su tanta 
 strage, su tanta virtij, su tanto orrore, su tanto amore. Di rimorso 
 e'di pieta dovremmo piangere, o fratelli; ma non piangiamo, si 
 bene guardiamo fermamente il destine. 
 
 *A Quarto, il 5 maggio 1915, fu inaugurato un monumento ai MilU. D'An- 
 nunzio vi pronunzio il discorso commemorativo.
 
 536 PARTE SECONDA 
 
 Questo libro, che voi ponete nelle mie mani, e un atto di 
 possesso. £ breve, e pure ha grande peso. Ci significa, chiaro e 
 conciso, nello stile di Roma, che la Dalmazia appartiene all'Italia 
 per diritto divino ed umano; per la grazia di Dio il qual foggia le 
 figure terrestri in tal modo che ciascuna stirpe vi riconosca scolpita- 
 mente la sorte sua; per la volonta deH'uomo che moltiplica la 
 bellezza delle rive inalzandovi i monumenti delle sue glorie e 
 intagliandovi i segni delle sue piii ardue speranze. 
 
 £ questo un vangelo dalmatico su cui possiamo giurare. 
 
 Sotto la forza latina di Roma, dei Papi, di Venezia, come 
 sotto la forza barbara dei Goti, dei Longobardi, dei Franchi, degli 
 Ottoni germanici, dei Bisantini, degli Ungari, degli Austriaci, la 
 vita civile della costa di la, come quella della costa di qua, fu 
 costantemente di origine e di essenza italiane. Fu, e, sara. Non 
 il Tedesco dell'Alpe, non lo Sloveno del Carso, ne il Magiaro della 
 Puszta, ne il Croato che ignora o falsa la storia, ne pure il Turco 
 che si camuffa da Albanese, niuno potra mai arrestare il ritmo 
 fatale del compimento, il ritmo romano. lo ve lo dico, fratelli, 
 ma voi lo sepate. Su questo vangelo dalmatico possiamo far 
 giuro. 
 
 L'antichissima via consolare, che si partiva da Salona per a 
 traverso la Bosnia, non e tuttavia battuta? Ella e, voi lo sapete, 
 il solo cammino che allacci i borghi solinghi e i villaggi dispersi. 
 Ella e cosi bene condotta, cosi bene costrutta, cosi bene assodata 
 che gli uomini dovranno seguirla fino al termine degli evi. 
 
 Piu lung!, su I'altro versante del monte Koaratch, le rovine 
 robuste d'una citta operaia romana si levano in mezzo ai prati e 
 alle selve, in vista alle cime cerulee della Serbia guerriera. 
 
 Or sembra che quivi il genio del luogo, genius loci, non sia 
 nella lapide inscritto ma grandeggi tuttavia e del suo soffio 
 riempia la curia, il tribunale, I'ipocausto, gli altari, i focolari. 
 II castro, dissepolto su la riva destra del torrente Saso, ha tuttavia 
 la sua muraglia ben connessa, contro cui non valsero quindici 
 secoli edaci. 
 
 Che mai puo dunque valere lo sforzo dei barbari contro la 
 legge di Roma? La dove tali fondamenta ponemmo, la il genio 
 del luogo ci aspetta; la torneremo, la ritroveremo i segni vetusti 
 e intaglieremo i nuovi. 
 
 Se stretta e la vostra spiaggia, o Dalmati, amplissima e la 
 civilta che I'illustra. Siete quasi orlo di toga, ma tutta la toga 
 e romana. 
 
 Rallegratevi, miei giovani compagni. II tempo di servire e
 
 D'ANNUNZIO E LA DALMAZIA (1915) 537 
 
 compiuto, il tempo di patire e compiuto. £ giunto il tempo di 
 combattere e di redimere; il tempo di liberate e di rivendicare e 
 imminente. 
 
 A Lissa peri da prode il guardiamarina dalmata Giovanni 
 Ivancich, somigliante forse a taluno di voi che mi guarda con 
 accesa la battaglia negli occhi lionati. 
 
 Come ti chiami, tu che arrossisci, fanciullo? Me lo dira forse 
 la gloria domani, me lo dira la liberta nel suo grido sopra il mare 
 sonoro. 
 
 Su questo vangelo dalmatico, intanto, giuriamo con un'anima 
 sola. 
 
 Cosi sia, per i figli dei figli e nei secoli dei secoli.
 
 PARTE TERZA 
 
 I 
 
 Perche lo studente serbo Gabrilo Princip uccise a 
 Serajevo — il 28 giugno 1914 — I'arciduca Francesco 
 Ferdinando erede del trono d'Austria-Ungheria. 
 
 II 28 giugno 1914 (era domenica) lo studente serbo 
 Gabrilo Princip d'anni 19 uccideva in Serajevo, con due 
 colpi di pistola Brownings I'arciduca Francesco Ferdinando, 
 erede della corona imperiale e reale d'Austria-Ungheria, 
 e la di lui moglie Sofia Chotek di Chotkowa e Wognin 
 duchessa di Hohenberg. 
 
 Da parecchio tempo — cosi disse il giovane Princip all'inter- 
 rogatorio — avevo concepito I'idea d'uccidere un'alta personalita 
 austriaca, per vendicare i Serbi della Bosnia del trattamento lore 
 usato dal governo di Vienna. Non ho complici. Ho voluto solo 
 colpire nella persona dell'arciduca Francesco Ferdinando I'im- 
 perialismo austriaco.^ 
 
 * Cinque anni dopo I'elevazione di Pietro I Karageorgevic al trono serbo* 
 rAustria-Ungheria, celebrando i sessant'anni di regno deH'imperatore Francesco 
 Giuseppe, s'annette, dopo trent'anni d'occupazione e di sfruttamento, la Bosnia e 
 I'Erzegovina, proclamandole "dominio della corona dell'Imperatore e Re". 
 
 S'accentuo cosi alia fine del 1908 tra I'Austria e la Serbia, e contemporanea- 
 mente tra I'Austria e la Russia, la tensione che tra le dette tre Potenze esisteva fin 
 dal 1878, nell'irrigidirsi della quale la Germania prese un atteggiamento molto 
 esplicito a favore dell'Austria sua alleata. L'imperatore Guglielmo II fece com- 
 prendere che a difesa dell'impero austro-ungarico sarebbe stata sempre pronta 
 "la rilucente spada tedesca". E la Russia dove finite col riconoscere un'annes- 
 sione che in tutto il mondo slavo ed anche in Turchia aveva suscitato proteste e 
 dimosttazioni anti-austriache; e in Italia, malgrado i legami triplicistici, aveva 
 prodotto un senso d'amarezza. 
 
 La tensione tra I'Austria e la Serbia fu tale, dall'ottobre 1908 al marzo 1909, 
 che per poco non scoppio una guerra tra i due Stati. Senonche la sproporzione tra 
 le forze austriache e le forze serbe era pid che evidente, e a fianco della Serbia, 
 perche essa potesse fare contro I'Austria nei Balcani cio che aveva fatto il Piemonte 
 in Italia nel 1859, non vi era un idealista come Napoleone III. La Russia avrebbe 
 potuto aiurare, si; ma, dato I'atteggiamento risoluto della Germania, essa non 
 erede prudente spingersi troppo; sollevo, circa I'annessione della Bosnia e del- 
 I'Erzegovina, semplici questioni di procedura; poi dichiaro che i suoi precedenti 
 impegni non le permettevano d'impugnare il fatto compiuto creato dall'Austria. 
 
 Cosa fare? Alia Serbia non rimaneva altro che piegare il capo: e lo piego, 
 rilasciando all'Austria, in data 31 marzo 1909, la seguente dichiarazione: 
 
 539
 
 540 PARTE TERZA 
 
 II 
 
 La fatale notsi-uUimatum del governo austriaco al 
 govemo serbo (23 luglio 1914). 
 
 II 23 luglio 1914, alle ore 6 pomeridiane, il barone Giesl 
 von Gieslesen, ministro austriaco a Belgrado, presentava 
 in nome del governo di Vienna al ministro delle finanze di 
 Serbia, Patciu, sostituente Pasic presidente dei ministri 
 ch'era assente dalla capitale per un giro elettorale, la fatale 
 not2i-ultimatum che concludeva cosi: 
 
 II Governo reale di Serbia fara pubblicare nella prima pagina 
 del suo Giornale Ufficiale del 26 luglio 1914 la seguente dichiara- 
 zione: 
 
 // Governo reale ^ condanna la propaganda diretta contro VAu- 
 stria-Ungheria, cioe Vinsieme delle tendenze che aspirano in ultima 
 analisi a distaccare dalla Monarchia austro-ungarica territori che 
 ne fanno parte ^ e deplora sinceramente le conseguenze funeste di 
 queste mene criminose. II Governo reale deplora che ufficiali e 
 funzionari serbi abbiano partecipato alia summenzionata propaganda 
 e compromesso con cid le relazioni di buon vicinato a cui il Governo 
 reale si era solennemente impegnato con la sua dichiarazione del 31 
 marzo igog. II Governo reale, che disapprova e ripudia ogni idea 
 e tentativo d'ingerenza nei destini degli abitanti di qualsiasi parte 
 delV Austria-Ungheria, consider a proprio dovere avvertire fornial- 
 mente gli ufficialiy i funzionari e tutta la popolazione del Regno che, 
 d'ora innanzi, procederd con estremo rigore contro le persone che 
 
 "La Serbia riconosce ch'essa non e stata colpita nei suoi diritti dal fatto com- 
 piuto create in Bosnia ed Erzegovina e che, per conseguenza, essa si conformera a 
 quelle decisioni che le Potenze prenderanno in relazione all'articolo 25 del trattato 
 di Berlino del 13 luglio 1878. 
 
 "Rimettendosi ai consigli delle grandi Potenze, la Serbia s'impegna fin d'ora 
 ad abbandonare I'attitudine di protesta e di opposizione ch'essa aveva adottato 
 dall'autunno scorso riguardo all'annessione della Bosnia-Erzegovina, e s'impegna 
 anche a modificare I'indirizzo della politica attuale verso I'Austria, per vivere ormai 
 con quest'ulfima su un piede di buon vicinato." 
 
 Ma questo impegno diplomatico non miito, ne poteva mutare, Tanimo dei Serbi 
 verso I'Austria; ne attenuo le intime inquietudini austriache verso i popoli della 
 Serbia propriamente detta e del Montenegro, considerati a Vienna e a Budapest 
 come le sentinelle avanzate di quel movimento panslavista del quale la Russia 
 rimaneva sempre I'alta ispiratrice e patrona. 
 
 * II "Governo reale" e il Governo di Serbia. 
 
 * La Bosnia e I'Erzegovina.
 
 IL FATALE ULTIMATUM 541 
 
 si rendessero colpevoli di simili mene; mene che esso porrd ogni suo 
 sforzo nel prevenire e nel reprimere. 
 
 Questa dichiarazione sara portata contemporaneamente a 
 conoscenza deU'esercito reale con un ordine del giorno di Sua 
 Maesta il Re, e sara pubblicata nel Bollettino Ufficiale deU'esercito. 
 
 II Governo reale s'impegna inoltre a: 
 
 1°. sopprimere ogni pubblicazione che ecciti all'odio e al 
 disprezzo contro la Monarchia austro-ungarica e la cui tendenza 
 generale sia diretta contro la sua integrita territorial; 
 
 2°. sciogliere immediatamente la societa detta Narodna 
 Obrana e confiscarne tutti i mezzi di propaganda; procedere nello 
 stesso modo contro le altre societa e sette in Serbia che si dedicano 
 ad una propaganda contro la Monarchia austro-ungarica. II 
 Governo reale prendera le misure necessarie perche le societa 
 disciolte non possano continuare la loro attivita sotto altro nome 
 e sotto altra forma; 
 
 3°. eliminare senza indugio dall'istruzione pubblica in Serbia, 
 tanto per quanto riguarda il corpo insegnante come per quel che 
 riguarda i mezzi d'istruzione, tutto cio che serve o potrebbe servire 
 a fomentare la propaganda contro I'Austria-Ungheria; 
 
 4°. allontanare dal servizio militare e dall'Amministrazione 
 in generale tutti gli ufficiali e funzionari colpevoli di propaganda 
 contro la Monarchia austro-ungarica e dei quali il Governo im- 
 periale e reale ^ si riserva di comunicare nomi e fatti al Governo 
 reale; 
 
 5°. accettare la coUaborazione in Serbia degli organi del 
 Governo imperiale e reale nella soppressione del movimento 
 sovversivo diretto contro I'integrita territoriale della Monarchia 
 austro-ungarica; 
 
 6°. aprire un'inchiesta giudiziaria contro i partecipi del 
 complotto del 28 giugno 1914 che si trovano sul territorio serbo. 
 Organi delegati dal Governo austro-ungarico prenderanno parte 
 alle ricerche relative; 
 
 7°. procedere d'urgenza all'arresto del comandante Voijna 
 Tankosic e del nominato Milan Ciganovic impiegato dello Stato 
 serbo, compromessi dai risultati dell'istruttoria di Serajevo; 
 
 8°. impedire con misure efficaci il concorso delle autorita 
 serbe neltrafficoillecito di armi edi esplosivi attraversolafrontiera; 
 licenziare e punire severamente i funzionari del servizio di frontiera 
 di Schabatz e di Loznica colpevoli d'avere aiutato gli autori del 
 delitto di Serajevo, facilitando loro il passaggio della frontiera; 
 
 ' II "Governo imperiale e reale" c il Governo austro-ungarico.
 
 542 PARTE TERZA 
 
 9°. dare al Governoaustro-ungaricospiegazioni sulle espressio- 
 ni ingiustificabili di alti funzionari serbi, tanto in Serbia quanto 
 all'estero, che, malgrado la loro situazione ufficiale, non hanno 
 esitato, dopo il delitto del 28 giugno 1914, ad esprimersi in inter- 
 viste in modo ostile verso la Monarchia austro-ungarica; 
 
 10°, avvertire senza ritardo il Governo imperiale e reale 
 della esecuzione delle misure comprese nei punti precedenti. 
 
 II Governo imperiale e reale attende risposta dal Governo 
 reale al piii tardi entro sabato 25 del corrente mese di luglio 1914 
 alle ore 6 di sera. 
 
 L'incaricato d'afFari russo in Belgrade, Strandtman, 
 spedi immediatamente a Pietroburgo al ministro degli affari 
 esteri Sazanoff il seguente telegramma: 
 
 II ministro d'Austria ha consegnato ora, 6 pomeridiane, al 
 ministro delle finanze Patciu, che sostituisce Pasic, una nota- 
 ultimatum del suo Governo, fissante un termine di 48 ore per 
 I'accettazione delle domande contenutevi. Giesl ha soggiunto 
 verbalmente che, nel caso in cui la nota non fosse accettata inte- 
 gralmente nel termine di 48 ore, egli aveva I'ordine di lasciare 
 Belgrado col personale della Legazione. Pasic e gli altri ministri, 
 che si trovano a fare un giro elettorale, sono stati richiamati e 
 sono attesi a Belgrado domani venerdi alle 10 del mattino. Patciu, 
 che mi ha comunicato il contenuto della nota, sollecita I'aiuto 
 della Russia e dichiara che nessun governo serbo potra accettare 
 le domande dell'Austria. 
 
 La mattina del 24 luglio 1914 gli ambasciatori au- 
 striaci in Germania, Inghilterra, Russia, Francia, Italia 
 e Turchia, comunicavano rispettivamente ai governi di 
 queste Potenze il testo della nota.-ultimatum indirizzata 
 dal governo imperiale e reale di Francesco Giuseppe al 
 governo di Serbia il giorno precedente (23 luglio 1914).
 
 GERMANIA E RUSSIA 543 
 
 III 
 
 L'attitudine partigiana della Germania. L'attitudine 
 conciliativa della Russia. Un supplichevole telegramma 
 del principe Alessandro reggente di Serbia alio zar 
 Nicola II. Un eloquente telegramma dell'ambasciatore 
 inglese Buchanan. L'ostinatezza del governo austriaco. 
 
 Unanime fu nel mondo la sensazione della gravita della 
 not^L-uliimatiim mandata dal governo di Vienna al governo 
 di Belgrado. 
 
 II pensiero della Germania fu espresso lo stesso giorno 
 24 luglio 1914 da vari giornali germanici, particolarmente 
 dalla Kreuz Zeitung organo del Ministero degli esteri a 
 Berlino. 
 
 E da sperare — cosi diceva il detto giornale — ove il dissidio 
 precipitasse in una guerra, che questa rimanga isolata. La 
 scintilla scoppietta troppo vicino ai barili di polvere deU'Europa; 
 ma finora si puo e si deve sperare che le grandi Potenze riconoscano 
 la giustizia delle pretese austriache, e che quindi nessuna di esse 
 andra in aiuto della Serbia per respingere le giuste domande del- 
 TAustria. 
 
 Lo stesso concetto era ribadito e ampHato da un altro 
 comunicato ufficioso berlinese affermante "non essere da 
 credere, fino a prova contraria, che vi sia qualche Potenza 
 disposta a prestare il suo aiuto morale o materiale ai Serbi, 
 giacche trattasi di questione dalla quale si deve necessaria- 
 mente risvegliare il sentimento della solidarieta monarchica 
 e della solidarieta fra gli Stati onestamente legati. La 
 Serbia, dunque, — concludeva questa voce ufficiosa — ac- 
 cettera le richieste austriache, o perira". 
 
 E il Lokal Ameiger: 
 
 La Germania si sente molto alleggerita, perche e finalmente 
 giunto il momento di chiarire definitivamente la situazione balca- 
 nica, e si congratula con I'lmpero alleato per la virile risoluzione, 
 e gli assicura fedelta e aiuto incondizionato nei difficili giorni a cui 
 va incontro.
 
 544 PARTE TERZA 
 
 E questo non era soltanto il sentimento dei circoli 
 governativi germanici, dei quali anche il Lokal Anzeiger 
 era portavoce, ma pur quello del popolo tedesco, com'era 
 dimostrato daH'unanimita dei suoi organi e dalle entusia- 
 stiche manifestazioni popolari in tutte le grandi citta della 
 Germania: da Berlino a Monaco. Non eravi accordo nelle 
 previsioni (aggiustamento pacific© o guerra); ma tutti 
 concordavano che "la Germania sara, in qualunque caso, 
 a fianco dell'Austria". 
 
 Intanto il ministro degli afFari esteri di Russia, SazonofF, 
 appena informato del passo austriaco presso il governo 
 serbo, e appena ricevuta dall'incaricato russo in Belgrado 
 la richiesta d'aiuto in favore della Serbia, trasmise, lo 
 stesso giorno 24 luglio 1914, per mezzo del proprio amba- 
 sciatore Kudachew, la seguente dichiarazione al governo di 
 Vienna: 
 
 La comunicazione del Governo austriaco alle Potenze, I'indo- 
 mani della presentazione dtW ultimatum a Belgrado, non lascia 
 alle Potenze stesse che un termine del tutto insufficiente per intra- 
 prendere cio che possa essere utile per I'appianamento delle com- 
 plicazioni sorte. 
 
 Per prevenire le conseguenze incalcolabili, ed egualmente 
 nefaste per tutte le Potenze, che possano susseguire al modo d'agire 
 del Governo austriaco, ci pare indispensabile che, innanzi tutto, 
 il termine dato alia Serbia per rispondere sia prolungato, L' Au- 
 stria, dichiarandosi disposta ad informare le Potenze dei risultati 
 deH'istruttoria ^ sui quali il Governo imperiale e reale basa le 
 proprie accuse, dovrebbe dar loro ugualmente il tempo di render- 
 sene conto. 
 
 In questo caso, se le Potenze si convincessero della plena 
 fondatezza di talune esigenze austriache, si troverebbero in grade 
 di far pervenire al Governo serbo consigli in correlazione. Un 
 rifiuto di prolungare il termine deW ultimatum priverebbe di ogni 
 efficacia il passo del Governo austriaco presso le Potenze e sarebbe 
 in contradizione con le basi medesime delle relazioni internazionali. 
 
 Mentre la Russia faceva a Vienna un tale passo, rac- 
 comandandolo contemporaneamente all'attenzione dei 
 
 * Dall'istruttoria eseguita da agenti austriaci in Serajevo, risulro che I'uccisione 
 dell'arciduca ereditario Francesco Ferdinando ebbe liiogo in seguito ad un com- 
 plotto del quale fecero parte ufficiali dell'esercito e funzionan governativi serbi.
 
 GERMANIA E RUSSIA 545 
 
 governi di Londra, Berlino, Parigi e Roma, il principe reg- 
 gente di Serbia, Alessandro, indirizzava alio zar Nicola II 
 a Pietroburgo un telegramma cosi concepito: 
 
 II Governo austriaco ha rimesso ieri sera al Governo serbo 
 una nota concernente il delitto di Serajevo. Conscia dei suoi 
 doveri internazionali, la Serbia, fin da! primo giorno dell'orribile 
 delitto, ha dichiarato ch'essa lo condannava e ch'era pronta ad 
 aprire un'inchiesta sul proprio territorio, se la complicita di certi 
 suoi sudditi risultasse provata nel corso del processo incoato dalle 
 autorita austriache. Per conseguenza, le domande contenute 
 nella nota austriaca sono inutilmente umilianti per la Serbia ed 
 incompatibili con la sua dignita quale Stato indipendente. Ci e 
 dato un termine di 48 ore per accettare ogni cosa, senza di che la 
 Legazione austriaca lascera Belgrade. Siamo pronti ad accettare 
 le condizioni austriache compatibili con la situazione di uno Stato 
 indipendente, come pure quelle la cui accettazione ci sara consi- 
 gliata da Vostra Maesta; tutte le persone la cui partecipazione nel 
 delitto di Serajevo sara dimostrata saranno severamente punite 
 da noi. Talune delle domande austriache non potrebbero essere 
 eseguite senza mutamenti nella nostra legislazione; cio che richiede 
 del tempo. Ci e stato dato un termine troppo breve. Possiamo 
 essere attaccati, appena spirato il termine, dall'esercito austriaco 
 che si concentra sulla nostra frontiera. Ci e impossibile difenderci, 
 e supplichiamo Vostra Maesta di darci il suo aiuto al piu presto 
 possibile. La benevolenza preziosa di Vostra Maesta, manifesta- 
 tasi tante volte a nostro riguardo, ci fa sperare fermamente che 
 questa volta ancora il nostro appello sara udito dal suo generoso 
 cuore slavo. In questi momenti difficili, io interpret© il sentimento 
 del popolo serbo che supplica Vostra Maesta di volersi bene inte- 
 ressare alle sorti del Regno di Serbia. 
 
 Inoltre, I'ambasciatore inglese a Pietroburgo, Buchanan, 
 il 25 luglio 1914 informava Sir Edw^ard Grey a Londra che 
 la Russia era favorevole ad un appello della Serbia alle 
 Potenze. 
 
 II ministro degli esteri russo Sazonoff — cosi diceva Buchanan 
 nel suo telegramma a Grey — desidererebbe vedere la questione 
 posta su di una base internazionale, poiche gl'impegni assunti dalla 
 Serbia nel 1909, ai quali si allude neWultimatum austriaco, furono 
 dati non all'Austria ma alle Potenze. Se la Serbia si appellasse 
 alle Potenze, la Russia sarebbe ben disposta a starsene in disparte
 
 546 PARTE TERZA 
 
 e lasciare la questione nelle mani dell'Inghilterra, della Francia, 
 della Germania e dell'Italia. 
 
 Ma nel pomeriggio del 25 luglio 1914 il barone Macchio, 
 primo sostituto del ministro degli esteri d'Austria, conte 
 di Berchtold assente dalla capitale, comunicava all'amba- 
 sciatore russo in Vienna che il governo austriaco non aveva 
 creduto di potere accogliere la domanda della Russia di 
 prorogare alia Serbia il termine per la risposta, sostenendo 
 "che la soluzione dell'incidente con la Serbia e una questione 
 che interessa esclusivamente I'Austria e la Serbia. L'Austria 
 e quindi decisa in qualsivoglia circostanza a respingere ogni 
 tentative d'intervento straniero". 
 
 IV 
 
 La risposta del governo serbo (25 luglio 1914) alia 
 nota-ultimatum del governo austriaco. 
 
 Le 48 ore — proprio quante I'Austria ne aveva concesse 
 al Piemonte nel 1859 — stavano per spirare. Venti minuti 
 prima, vale a dire alle 5.40 pomeridiane del 25 luglio 1914, 
 il primo ministro serbo Pasicconsegnava al ministro austria- 
 co in Belgrado la seguente nota di risposta della Serbia 
 alia notA-ultimatum del governo di Vienna: 
 
 II Governo reale ha ricevuto la dichiarazione del Governo 
 imperiale e reale del 23 luglio 1914, ed e persuaso che la sua risposta 
 allontanera tutti i malintesi che minacciano di compromettere i 
 buoni rapporti di vicinanza tra la Monarchia austro-ungarica e il 
 Regno di Serbia. 
 
 La Serbia ha, a numerose riprese, dato prove della sua politica 
 pacifica ed ha dimostrato durante la crisi balcanica che, grazie 
 alia Serbia ed ai sacrifici da essa compiuti nel piii vivo interesse 
 della pace europea, questa pace e stata conservata. 
 
 II Governo reale non puo essere reso responsabile di manifesta- 
 zioni di carattere privato, come gli articoli dei giornali e le mene 
 delle societa, manifestazioni che si verificano quasi in tutti i paesi 
 come una cosa ordinaria e che sfuggono, in regola generale, al control- 
 lo ufficiale, tanto piii in quanto il Governo reale, in occasione della
 
 LA RISPOSTA SERBA 547 
 
 soluzione di tutta una serie di questionl che si sono presentate 
 tra la Serbia e I'Austria-Ungheria, ha mostrato una grande cortesia 
 ed e in tal modo riuscito a risolvere il massimo numero con van- 
 taggio del progresso dei due pa^si vicini. 
 
 Percio il Governo reale e stato penosamente sorpreso dalle 
 osservazioni secondo le quali persone del Regno serbo avrebbero 
 partecipato ad una preparazione deldelitto commesso a Serajevo. 
 Essos'aspettava d'essere invitato a coUaborare alia ricerca di tutto 
 quanto si riferisce a quel delitto, ed e pronto a dimostrare con gli 
 atti la sua piena correttezza e ad agire contro tutte le persone, a 
 proposito delle quali gli fossero fatte comunicazioni. 
 
 Aderendo dunque al desiderio del Governo imperiale e reale, 
 il Governo reale e disposto a consegnare al Tribunale ogni suddito 
 serbo, senza riguardo alia sua situazione e alia sua classe, per la 
 cui complicita nel misfatto di Serajevo gli saranno fornite prove. 
 Esso s'impegna specialmente a far pubblicare nella prima pagina 
 del Giornale Uffi-ciale del 26 luglio 1914 la seguente enunciazione: 
 
 // Governo reale di Serbia condanna ogni propaganda che fosse 
 diretta contro V Austria-Ungheria, cioe il complesso delle tendenze 
 che aspirano, in ultima analisi, a staccare dalla Monarchia austro- 
 ungarica territori che ne fanno parte, e deplora sinceramente le 
 funeste conseguenze di queste delittuose mene. II Governo reale si 
 duole che alcuni ufficiali e funzionari serbi abbiano partecipato, 
 secondo la comunicazione del Governo imperiale e reale, alia propa- 
 ganda summenzionata e compromesso cost le relazioni di buon 
 vicinato alle quali il Governo reale si era solennemente impegnato 
 con la sua dichiarazione del ji marzo igog. II Governo reale, 
 che disapprova e respinge ogni idea tentativo d'ingerenza nei 
 destini degli abitanti di qualsiasi parte deW Austria-Ungheria, 
 considera come suo dovere avvertire formalmente gli ufficiali, i 
 funzionari e la popolazione del Regno di Serbia che, d'ora innanzi, 
 procederd con estremo rigore contro le persone che si rendessero 
 colpevoli di simili mene e porrd ogni sforzo nel prevenirle e nel 
 reprimerle. 
 
 Questa enunciazione sara portata a cognizione dell'esercito 
 serbo con un ordine del giorno, a nome di Sua Maesta il Re, da Sua 
 Altezza Reale il Principe Ereditario Alessandro, e sara pubblicata 
 nel prossimo Bollettino Ufficiale deWEsercito. 
 
 II Governo reale s'impegna inoltre: 
 
 1°. A presentare alia prima convocazione regolare della 
 Scupcina una disposizione nella legge sulla stampa, con la quale 
 saranno puniti nel modo piii severo gl'incitamenti all'odio e al
 
 548 PARTE TERZA 
 
 disprezzo contro la Monarchia austro-ungarica ed ogni pubblica- 
 zione la cui tendenza generale sia diretta contro Tintegrita terri- 
 toriale deirAustria-Ungheria. Esso s'incarica, al momento della 
 revisione della Costituzione che e imminente, di fare introdurre 
 nell'articolo 22 della Costituzione medesima un emendamento di 
 natura tale che le pubblicazioni di cui sopra possano essere con- 
 fiscate, cio che attualmente, a termini categorici del suddetto 
 articolo 22, e impossibile. 
 
 2°. II Governo reale non possiede alcuna prova — e la nota del 
 Governo imperiale e reale non gliene fornisce nemmeno alcuna — 
 che la societa Narodna Ohrana e le altre societa similari abbiano 
 fino ad oggi commesso qualche atto delittuoso di questo genere. 
 Tuttavia il Governo reale accogliera le domande del Governo im- 
 periale e reale, e sciogliera la Narodna Obrana e qualsiasi altra so- 
 cieta che agisse contro TAustria-Ungheria. 
 
 3°. II Governo reale s'impegna di eliminare senza indugio 
 dall'istruzione pubblica in Serbia tutto quanto serve o potrebbe 
 servire a fomentare la propaganda contro I'Austria-Ungheria, 
 quando il Governo imperiale e reale gli fornira fatti e prove di 
 questa propaganda. 
 
 4°. 11 Governo reale accetta anche di allontanare dal servizio 
 militate coloro che I'inchiesta giudiziaria avra provato essere 
 colpevoli di atti diretti contro I'integrita dei territori della Monar- 
 chia austro-ungarica, ed attende che il Governo imperiale e reale 
 gli comunichi ulteriormente i nomi e gli atti di questi ufficiali e 
 funzionari al fine della procedura che deve essere seguita. 
 
 5°. II Governo reale deve confessare che non si rende inte- 
 ramente conto del senso e della portata della domanda del Governo 
 imperiale e reale tendente a che la Serbia s'impegni ad accettare 
 sul suo territorio la collaborazione degli organi imperiali e reali; 
 ma dichiara che ammettera ogni collaborazione la quale risponda 
 ai principi del diritto internazionale e alia procedura penale, 
 nonche ai rapporti di buon vicinato. 
 
 6°. II Governo reale, com'e naturale, considera suo dovere 
 d'aprire un'inchiesta contro tutti coloro che sono o eventualmente 
 si sarebbero trovati immischiati nel complotto del 28 giugno 1914 
 e che si troverebbero nel territorio del Regno. Quanto alia 
 partecipazione a questa inchiesta degli agenti delle autorita 
 austro-ungariche che sarebbero delegati a tale intento dal Governo 
 imperiale e reale, il Governo reale non puo accoglierla, perche 
 sarebbe una violazione della Costituzione e della legge di procedura 
 criminale. Tuttavia, in casi concreti, comunicazioni sui risultati
 
 LA RISPOSTA SERBA 549 
 
 dell'istruttoria in questione potrebbero essere date agli organi del 
 Governo imperiale e reale. 
 
 7°. II Governo reale ha fatto procedere fin dalla sera stessa 
 della consegna della nota all'arresto del comandante VoijnaTanko- 
 sic. Quanto a Milan Ciganovic, che e suddito della Monarchia 
 austro-ungarica e che sino al 28 giugno 1914 era impiegato come 
 aspirante alia Direzione delle ferrovie, non e stato ancora rag- 
 giunto. II Governo imperiale e reale e pregato di volere, nella 
 forma abituale e al piu presto possibile, render note le presunzioni 
 di colpabilita e le prove eventuali di colpabilita che sono state 
 raccolte sino ad oggi dall'inchiesta di Serajevo per ulteriori 
 inchieste. 
 
 8°. II Governo reale rinforzera ed estendera le misure prese 
 per impedire I'illecito trafiico di armi e di esplosivi attraverso la 
 frontiera. Esso ordinera subito un'inchiesta e punira certamente 
 i funzionari di frontiera sulla linea Schabatz-Loznica, i quali 
 hanno mancato al loro dovere ed hanno lasciato passare gli autori 
 del delitto di Serajevo. 
 
 9°. II Governo reale dara volentieri spiegazioni sui giudizi 
 che i suoi funzionari, cosi in Serbia come all'estero, hanno espresso 
 in interviste dopo il delitto e che, secondo I'afFermazione del 
 Governo imperiale e reale, sono stati ostili alia Monarchia austro- 
 ungarica, non appena il Governo imperiale e reale gli avra comu- 
 nicato le relative frasi di questi giudizi e gli avra dimostrato che i 
 giudizi stessi sono stati infatti espressi dai funzionari suddetti: 
 giudizi, a proposito dei quali il Governo reale avra cura di racco- 
 gliere prove e conferme. 
 
 10°. II Governo reale informera il Governo imperiale e reale 
 dell'esecuzione delle misure comprese nei punti precedenti, in 
 quanto questo non sia gia stato fatto dalla presente nota, non appe- 
 na che ciascuna misura sara stata ordinata ed eseguita. 
 
 Nel caso che il Governo imperiale e reale non fosse soddisfatto 
 di questa risposta, il Governo reale, considerando essere nel comune 
 interesse di non precipitate la soluzione di tale questione, e pronto, 
 come sempre, ad accettare un accordo pacifico, rimettendo tale 
 questione sia alia decisione del Tribunale internazionale dell'Aia, 
 sia alle grandi Potenze che hanno partecipato alia elaborazione 
 della dichiarazione fatta dal Governo reale il 31 marzo 1909. 
 
 II comunicato telegrafico, annunziante la consegna fatta 
 da Pasic al ministro austriaco in Belgrado della nota su 
 riferita, era concepito, come informazione deirufficioso 
 Correspondenz Bureau di Vienna del 25 luglio 191 4, cosi:
 
 550 PARTE TERZA 
 
 II presidente del Consiglio serbo Pasic s'e recato prima delle 
 ore 6 pomeridiane alia Legazione austro-ungarica a Belgrade, e 
 ha dato una risposta insufficiente alia nota austro-ungarica. 
 
 II ministro d'Austria-Ungheria, barone Giesl, ha allora notifica- 
 to a Pasic la rottura delle relazioni diplomatiche, ed ha lasciato 
 col personale della Legazione, alle ore 6.30 pomeridiane, Belgrado. 
 
 Un eloquente telegramma dell'ambasciatore inglese a 
 Vienna, Maurizio de Bunsen, a Sir Edward Grey (27 
 luglio 1914). Un comunicato ufficioso del govemo 
 russo pubblicato dal Corriere della Borsa di Pietroburgo 
 (27 luglio 1914). La risposta dello zar Nicola II al 
 principe Alessandro reggente di Serbia (27 luglio 1914). 
 I ringraziamenti del principe Alessandro alio zar 
 Nicola II. 
 
 II 27 luglio 1914 rambasciatore inglese a Vienna, Mauri- 
 zio de Bunsen, inviava a Londra a Sir Edward Grey il 
 seguente telegramma: 
 
 Ho avuto conversazioni con tutti i miei colleghi rappre- 
 sentanti le grandi Potenze. L'impressione che me ne e derivata e 
 che la Nota austro -ungarica fu compilata in quel modo per rendere 
 inevitabile la guerra; che il Governo austro-ungarico e assolutamen- 
 te deciso ad avere la guerra con la Serbia; che esso considera la 
 propria posizione di grande Potenza in gioco, e che finche un 
 castigo non sia stato inflitto alia Serbia, e improbabile ch'esso 
 voglia prestare ascolto a voci di mediazione. Questo paese (I'Au- 
 stria-Ungheria)staimpazzendodalla gioia all'idea della guerra con- 
 tro la Serbia, ed il rinviarla, o prevenirla, cagionerebbe indubbia- 
 mente una grande contrarieta. 
 
 II Corriere della Borsa di Pietroburgo in data 27 luglio 
 1914 pubblicava il seguente comunicato di carattere uffi- 
 cioso: 
 
 La Russia sara pronta a rispondere con tutti i mezzi dei quali 
 dispone una grande Potenza a qualsiasi indizio il quale dimostrasse 
 che si disprezzano le sue legittime domande. La Russia non
 
 TELEGRAMMI INTERESSANTI 551 
 
 permettera rannientamento d'uno Stato slavo, ma e pronta a 
 sostenere I'Austria-Ungheria nelle sue domande giustificate, come 
 a raccomandare alia Serbia di non essere intransigente. Tuttavia 
 la Russia non permettera mai che si punisca I'intero popolo serbo 
 per il delitto di un private. Ne la Russia, ne la Serbia possono 
 consentire un'ingerenza sui diritti sovrani d'uno Stato balcanico. 
 
 E lo zar Nicola II, rispondendo lo stesso giorno 27 
 luglio 1914 al telegramma supplicativo indirizzatogli il 
 24 luglio 1914 dal principe Alessandro reggente di Serbia, 
 faceva auguri e raccomandazioni, ed esprimeva fiducia nelle 
 trattative "che impedirebbero" — diceva egli di sperare — 
 la guerra; ma soggiungeva: "se, malgrado il nostro piii 
 sincero desiderio, non riusciremo, Vostra Altezza puo 
 essere sicura che in nessun caso la Russia si disinteressera 
 delle sorti della Serbia". 
 
 Quando I'incaricato russo in Serbia, Strandtman, con- 
 segno al primo ministro serbo il telegramma confortante 
 che lo zar aveva diretto al principe Alessandro, Pasic, dopo 
 averlo letto, si fece il segno della croce ed esclamo: "O 
 Signore, lo zar e grande e clemente!" — Poi, non potendo 
 piii frenare I'emozione che I'aveva preso, abbraccio Strandt- 
 man e pianse. 
 
 E il principe Alessandro ringraziava telegraficamente lo 
 zar in questi termini: 
 
 Profondamente toccato dal telegramma che Vostra Maesta ha 
 ben voluto indirizzarmi, m'afFretto a ringraziarla con tutto il mio 
 cuore. Prego Vostra Maesta di essere persuasa che la cordiale 
 simpatia da cui Vostra Maesta e animata verso il nostro paese ci 
 e particolarmente preziosa e riempie la nostra anima della speranza 
 che I'avvenire della Serbia e assicurato, poiche questa nazione e 
 divenuta I'oggetto dell'alta sollecitudine di Vostra Maesta. 
 Questi momenti penosi non possono che rinsaldare i vincoli del- 
 Tattaccamento profondo che uniscono la Serbia alia Santa Russia 
 slava; e i sentimenti di riconoscenza eterna per la protezione e I'aiuto 
 di Vostra Maesta saranno conservati devotamente nell'anima di 
 tutti i Serbi.
 
 552 PARTE TERZA 
 
 VI 
 
 La dichiarazione di guerra del governo austriaco al- 
 ia Serbia (27 luglio 1914). II proclama deirimpera- 
 tore Francesco Giuseppe ai suoi popoli (28 luglio 1914). 
 Lo zar Nicola II telegrafa urgentemente (29 luglio 1914) 
 a Guglielmo II imperatore di Germania, pregandolo di 
 scongiurare la guerra. La risposta e le pubbliche 
 dichiarazioni di Guglielmo II (31 luglio 1914). 
 
 Ma rirremovibile proposito del governo austriaco 
 veniva annunziato il 27 luglio 1914 con questa comunica- 
 zione del governo stesso alle Potenze europee: 
 
 Per mettere fine alle mene sovversive partenti da Belgrade e 
 dirette contro I'integrita territoriale della Monarchia austro- 
 ungarica, il Governo imperiale e reale ha fatto pervenire in data 
 23 luglio 1914 al Governo reale di Serbia una Nota nella quale si 
 trovava formulata una serie di domande per I'accettazione delle 
 quali un termine di 48 ore era stato accordato al Governo reale. 
 II Governo reale non avendo risposto a questa Nota in modo soddi- 
 sfacente, il Governo imperiale e reale si trova nella necessita di 
 provvedere esso stesso alia difesa dei suoi diritti e dei suoi interessi, 
 e di ricorrere a tale effetto alia forza delle armi. 
 
 L'Austria-Ungheria, che ha indirizzato contemporaneamente 
 alia Serbia una dichiarazione formale, in conformita dell'articolo 
 1° della Convenzione del 18 ottobre 1907, relativa all'apertura 
 delle ostilita,si considera daquesto momento in istato di guerra con 
 la Serbia. 
 
 L'indomani — 28 luglio 1914 — I'imperatore Francesco 
 Giuseppe lanciava da Vienna un proclama, nel quale, tra 
 I'altro, diceva ai "suoi" popoli: 
 
 II mio piu grande desiderio fu sempre quello di consacrare gli 
 anni, che la grazia di Dio ancora mi riserva, alle opere di pace, e di 
 preservare i miei popoli dai gravi sacrifici e dagli oneri della guerra. 
 Ma la Provvidenza ha deciso altrimenti. La condotta d'un avver- 
 sario pieno d'odio mi obbliga, per difendere I'onore della mia 
 Monarchia, per proteggere la sua autorita e la sua potenza, per 
 garantire la sua posizione, a prendere in mano la spada, dope 
 lunghi anni di pace.
 
 LO SCOPPIO DELLA GRANDE GUERRA 553 
 
 Mi vedo costretto a crearmi con la forza le garanzie indispensa- 
 bili che devono assicurare al mio Stato la calma aH'interno e 
 la pace permanente airestero. 
 
 Assume in quest'ora grave tutto il peso della mia decisione 
 e la responsabilita a cui vado incontro di fronte all'onnipotente 
 Iddio. Ho tutto esaminato e tutto studiato. In tutta coscienza 
 m'impegno nella via che m'e mostrata dal dovere. Ho fiducia 
 nel mio popolo che durante tante tempeste si e sempre riunito 
 intorno al mio trono; ho fiducia nell'esercito dell'Austria-Ungheria 
 animato da sentimenti di valore e di devozione. Ho fiducia 
 nell'onnipotente Iddio, che dara ai miei eserciti la vittoria. 
 
 II 29 luglio 1914 lo zar Nicola II telegrafava a Guglielmo 
 II imperatore di Germania: 
 
 In questo momento tanto grave ti supplico d'aiutarmi. Una 
 guerra vile e stata dichiarata contro un paese debole. In Russia 
 lo sdegno, ch'io condivido, e enorme. Prevedo che ben tosto 
 non potro piii resistere alia pressione esercitata su di me, e saro 
 costretto a prendere delle misure che condurranno alia guerra 
 europea. Ti prego, in nome della nostra vecchia amicizia, di 
 fare tutto il possibile per impedire al Tuo alleato d'andare troppo 
 oltre. 
 
 Ma Guglielmo II rispose insistendo che I'Austria aveva 
 agito bene, che bisognava restringere il conflitto tra I'Austria 
 e la Serbia, che in tutti i casi la Germania sarebbe stata con 
 la sua alleata Austria. 
 
 Gli avvenimenti non potevano che aggravarsi e precipi- 
 tare rapidissimamente. 
 
 Guglielmo II a Berlino, nel pomeriggio del 31 luglio 
 1914 — quando, acclamato da immensa folia commossa, 
 fu costretto ad afFacciarsi al balcone del castello impe- 
 riale con a fianco I'imperatrice, il principe ereditario e la 
 moglie di costui, il cancelliere e i piii alti personaggi di Corte — 
 pronunzio queste parole: 
 
 Una difficile ora e oggi piombata sulla Germania. Da tutte 
 le parti ci costringono con mio rammarico ad una giusta difesa, 
 obbligandoci a prendere le armi. Se all'ultim'ora gli sforzi 
 nostri non riusciranno a indurre i nostri avversari a ravvedersi 
 e a mantenere la pace ch'io ho cercato per 25 anni, spero che noi, 
 con I'aiuto di Dio, snuderemo la spada, e spero che la rinfodereremo 
 con onore.
 
 554 PARTE TERZA 
 
 Voi dovrete sopportare enormi sacrifizi di sangue e di benessere, 
 ma li sopporterete, io lo so: ed ai nostri avversari mostreremo che 
 cosa significhi aggredire la Germania. 
 
 10 vi raccomando a Dio. Andate nelle chiese e pregate il 
 Signore perche conceda la vittoria all'esercito tedesco e alia 
 causa tedesca. 
 
 11 1° agosto 1914 la Germania dichiarava guerra alia 
 Russia. 
 
 11 3 agosto 1914 la Germania dichiarava guerra alia 
 Francia. 
 
 II 3 agosto 1914 la Germania dichiarava guerra al 
 Belgio. 
 
 VII 
 
 II trattato della Triplice Alleanza stipulate tra i governi 
 d'ltalia, Austria e Germania (1882-1912). Gli articoli 
 3, 4 e 7 del trattato stesso. 
 
 Quando nel settembre 1877 Francesco Crispi, non ancora, 
 fino a quel momento, salito al governo d'ltalia, s'incontro a 
 Wildbad col principe di Bismarck e accenno a un'alleanza 
 difensiva possibile tra la Germania e I'ltalia, e tocco della 
 complicata "Questione Orientale", si sent! rispondere dal 
 cancelliere di ferro: *'Se I'Austria si prendera la Bosnia, 
 ritalia si prenda I'Albania o qualche altra terra turca sul- 
 I'Adriatico". 
 
 L'anno dopo (1878), I'Austria, seguendo la decisione del 
 Congresso di Berlino, si "prese" la Bosnia; ma I'ltalia non 
 si "prese" I'Albania. 
 
 Invece, il 31 ottobre 1881, Umberto I di Savoia, accom- 
 pagnato dalla regina Margherita a dai ministri Depretis e 
 Mancini, ando improvvisamente "per motivi di politica 
 estera" a visitare I'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe a Vienna. 
 
 E il 20 maggio 1882 i governi d'ltalia, d'Austria e di 
 Germania stipulavano il famoso trattato della Triplice Al- 
 leanza, che fu poi rinnovato nel 1887, nel 1897, "^1 ^9°^ ^» 
 infine, nel 1912 per altri dodici anni. 
 
 Avvenuta la sottoscrizione del trattato, il principe di
 
 TRIPLICE ALLEANZA 555 
 
 Bismarck, in un discorso da lui pronunciato al Parlamento 
 germanico nella tornata del 12 giugno 1882, si epresse cosi: 
 
 Noi siamo ora uniti e alleati, o signori, con due grandi monar- 
 chic — ritalia e I'Austria — le quali difendono i nostri interessi 
 e vogliono la pace come noi la vogliamo. 
 
 Dai documenti pubblicati dopo lo scoppio della grande 
 guerra, risulto che il trattato della Triplice Alleanza stipulate 
 tra ritalia, I'Austria e la Germania nel 1882, e rinnovato 
 I'ultima volta nel 1912 per altri dodici anni, conteneva, tra 
 I'altro, tre articoli (gli articoli 3, 4 e 7), i quali erano del 
 seguente tenore: 
 
 Articolo 3. Qualora una o due delle Potenze contraenti, 
 senza diretta provocazione da parte loro, fossero attaccate da due 
 o piu grandi Potenze non firmatarie del presente trattato e si 
 trovassero con queste Potenze in guerra, sorgerebbe immediata- 
 mente il casus foederis per tutt'e tre le Potenze contraenti. 
 
 Articolo 4. Qualora una grande Potenza non firmataria del 
 presente trattato minacciasse la sicurezza nazionale di una delle 
 tre Potenze contraenti, e la nazione minacciata fosse per tal 
 modo costretta a dichiarare la guerra, le altre due Potenze si 
 obbligano a mantenere verso la loro alleataunaneutralita benevola. 
 Ognuna di esse, pero, se lo credera conveniente, potra partecipare 
 alia guerra per fare causa comune con I'alleata. 
 
 Articolo 7. L'Austria e I'ltalia, nell'intento di mantenere lo 
 statu quo in Oriente, s'obbligano di adoperarsi con tutta la loro 
 influenza per evitare qualsiasi mutamento territoriale dannoso 
 all'una o all'altra delle Potenze contraenti. Esse si daranno 
 reciprocamente tutte le informazioni atte a chiarire le intenzioni 
 rispettive, come pure quelle delle altre Potenze. Se tuttavia si 
 desse il caso che nel corso degli avvenimenti il mantenimento 
 dello statu quo nel territorio dei Balcani e suUe coste e nelle isole 
 ottomane dell'Adriatico e dell'Egeo divenisse impossibile e che — 
 sia in conseguenza dell'azione d'una terza Potenza, sia per altre 
 cause — I'Austria e I'ltalia fossero costrette a mutare lo statu quo 
 con un'occupazione temporanea o permanente da parte loro, 
 questa occupazione potra avvenire soltanto dopo precedenti ac- 
 cordi tra le due Potenze in base al principiodi un reciproco consen- 
 so ' per tutti i vantaggi territoriali o d'altra specie che I'una 
 
 ' Qualche pubblicazione dice: " basati sul principio di un reciproco compenso".
 
 556 PARTE TERZA 
 
 o Taltra venisse a conseguire oltre al presente statu quo e in modo 
 da soddisfare gl'interessi e le pretese giustificate d'ambo le parti. 
 
 VIII 
 
 Come il govemo d' Austria, con la sua noiSi- ultimatum 
 del 23 luglio 1914 e la conseguente dichiarazione di 
 guerra del 27 luglio 1914 alia Serbia, violo il trattato 
 della Triplice Alleanza ai danni dell'Italia. 
 
 II Giornale d' Italia (il grande quotidiano ufficioso di 
 Roma) in data i° agosto 1914 pubblicava: 
 
 Durante la gravissima crisi provocata dalla notz-ultimatum 
 deH'Austria alia Serbia, il Governo italiano lavoro attivamente, 
 tenendosi specialmente in contatto col Governo inglese, per 
 evitare le complicazioni europee e mantenere la pace. Purtroppo 
 I'azione pacificatrice italo-inglese non riusci nell'intento, e di 
 giorno in giorno le probabilita d'una conflagrazione europea si 
 fecero maggiori, sicche il Governo italiano dovette considerare 
 la situazione che in un eventuale conflitto sarebbe stata fatta 
 airitalia, e si trovo Concorde nel considerare alcuni punti, che si 
 possono riassumere: 
 
 1°. La notz-ultimatum dell'Austria alia Serbia fu comunicata 
 al Governo italiano dopo ch'era stata gia comunicata al Governo 
 serbo, sicche non vi fu da parte della Cancelleria di Vienna ne 
 alcun preavviso, ne alcuna trattativa col Gabinetto di Roma, circa 
 la gravissima decisione che immediatamente ebbe una portata 
 europea. 
 
 2°. Una delle caratteristiche fondamentali del trattato della 
 Triplice Alleanza e che nessuna delle alleate possa intraprendere 
 un'azione nei Balcani senza preventivamente accordarsi con le 
 altre alleate. Ora, un tale preventivo accordo fra I'Austria e 
 ITtalia non vi fu. 
 
 3°. La Triplice Alleanza ha carattere difensivo, non aggres- 
 sivo, e non puo obbligare gli alleati a seguire quello di essi che 
 intendesse intraprendere per proprio conto e senza preventiva 
 intesa un'azione aggressiva, com'e appunto quella dell'Austria 
 contro la Serbia. 
 
 4°. Interesse fondamentale dell'Italia e che I'equilibrio 
 balcanico risultante dalle recenti guerre neU'Oriente europeo non
 
 LA NEUTRALITA DELL'ITALIA 557 
 
 venga turbato, e continui invece a prevalere il concetto: i Balcani 
 ai popoli balcanici. Ora, I'azione militare dell'Austria contro la 
 Serbia — tuttoche la Cancelleria di Vienna abbia dichiarato di 
 non aver mire territoriali — e invece tale da poter provocare un 
 mutamento dell'equilibrio suddetto. 
 
 5°. L'ltalia, non essendo stata preavvisata di quanto I'Au- 
 stria stava per intraprendere, non pote prendere, nell'eventualita 
 di prevedibilissime complicazioni europee, neanche talune pre- 
 cauzioni necessarie per la tutela dei propri piu vitali interessi. 
 
 Su questi punti sostanziali il Consiglio dei ministri d'ltalia 
 tenutosi il i° agosto 1914 si trovo d'accordo. Del resto il Governo 
 italiano non aveva mancato di far conoscere ai Governi di Vienna 
 e di Berlino il proprio punto di vista, assicurando che l'ltalia 
 avrebbe bensi tenuto in qualunque caso un atteggiamento ami- 
 chevole verso le AUeate, ma osservando che I'improvvisa e non 
 concertata azione dell' Austria contro la Serbia non poteva imporre 
 all'Italia I'obbligo di seguire I'Austria dovunque, e che I'obiettivo 
 dell'Italia era essenzialmente pacifico. 
 
 La sera del 2 agosto 1914 lo stesso Giornale d'ltalia 
 pubblicava: 
 
 Questa mattina, poco prima di mezzogiorno, I'ambasciatore 
 germanico a Roma, barone von Flotow, s'e recato dal nostro 
 ministro degli esteri alia Consulta, e gli ha comunicato che la 
 Germania aveva dichiarato guerra alia Russia. II marchese di 
 San Giuliano, ministro degli esteri d'ltalia, ha preso atto della 
 comunicazione e ha dichiarato che I'ltaHa, ispirandosi alio spirito 
 e alia lettera del trattato della Triplice Alleanza, non ritiene che 
 I'attuale conflitto, cosi com'e sorto e s'e svolto, possa costituire il 
 casus foederis per la partecipazione dell'Italia al conflitto stesso. 
 Quindi I'onorevole di San Giuliano ha soggiunto che l'ltalia man- 
 terra la piu rigorosa neutralita. 
 
 IX 
 
 La dichiarazione di neutralita dell'Italia (4 agosto 
 1914). 
 
 II 4 agosto 1914 la Gazzetta Ufficiale del Regno d'ltalia 
 pubblicava: 
 
 II Consiglio dei ministri d'ltalia ha deliberate il testo seguente 
 della dichiarazione di neutralita:
 
 558 PARTE TERZA 
 
 Trovandosi alcune Potenze d'Europa in istato di guerra, ed essendo 
 r Italia in istato di pace con tutte le parti belligeranti, il Governo del 
 Re e i cittadini e sudditi del Regno hanno Vobhligo di osservare i 
 doveri della neutralitd, secondo le leggi vigenti e secondo i principi 
 del diritto internazionale. 
 
 Chiunque violerd questi doveri suhird le coyiseguenze del propria 
 operato e incorrerd, quando sia il caso, nelle pene dalla legge sancite. 
 
 Tale proclamazione di neutralita fu concordemente 
 approvata dai socialisti, dai repubblicani, dai radicali, dai 
 democratici, dai progressisti e da molti del partito costi- 
 tuzionale liberale, per ragioni pacifiste astratte dottrinarie 
 di principi, per ragioni di partito e per gravitazione storica 
 del loro contenuto sentimentale e massonico contro I'Austria 
 cattolica, contro il militarismo germanico, contro la Triplice 
 Alleanza, per la preoccupazione delle condizioni finanziarie 
 economiche apparse molto delicate per lo Stato e per il 
 paese dopo I'impresa di Libia che aveva portato al Tesoro 
 pubblico un aggravio — da fronteggiare con tributi nuovi 
 e con rincrudimento di tributi vecchi — non inferiore ad 
 un miliardo di lire. Fu approvata da cittadini d'ogni specie 
 non partecipanti alle passioni in un sense o nell'altro dei 
 partiti, non rappresentativi, non agitantisi, per contra- 
 rieta in genere alia guerra e ad imprese avventurose, per il 
 desiderio — nell'interesse generale della nazione — d'un 
 lungo periodo di pace e di fecondo lavoro. Fu invece 
 riprovata e combattuta dai fautori non certo numerosi 
 deirintervento immediato a fianco della Germania e del- 
 I'Austria, dai triplicisti ad oltranza (liberali, moderati, 
 conservatori, nazionalisti giovani), perche convinti, questi, 
 della necessita da parte del popolo italiano d'afFrontare 
 in Europa il cimento della guerra, alio scopo di portare la 
 nazione al conseguimento dei suoi confini naturali da 
 ogni parte e alia sua maggiore e naturale espansione sui 
 mari circostanti, e prepararle cosi un piii proficuo, un piii 
 sicuro, un piu degno avvenire nel mondo.
 
 LA DENUNZIA IL TRATTATO 559 
 
 X 
 
 II governo d'ltalia, in data 3 maggio 1915, denunzia il 
 trattato della Triplice AUeanza. 
 
 Ma se la grande maggioranza degl'Italiani era stata per 
 la neutralita durante il 1914, nel 191 5 essa fu per la guerra. 
 
 In data 3 maggio 191 5 il barone Sydney Sonnino, mini- 
 stro degli affari esteri d'ltalia, faceva presentare daU'amba- 
 sciatore italiano a Vienna la seguente nota al ministro 
 degli affari esteri d'Austria-Ungheria: 
 
 L'alleanza tra 1' Italia e rAustria-Ungheria s'affermo, fin dalle 
 sue origini, come un elemento e una garanzia di pace, e miro 
 prima di tutto alio scopo principale della difesa comune. 
 
 In presenza degli ulteriori avvenimenti e della nuova situa- 
 zione che ne risulto, i Governi dei due paesi dovettero proporsi 
 un altro scopo non meno essenziale, e nel corso dei rinnovamenti 
 successivi del trattato, essi s'adoperarono a salvaguardare la con- 
 tinuazione della loro alleanza, stipulando il principio degli accordi 
 preliminari relativamente ai Balcani, alio scopo di conciliate 
 gl'interessi e le tendenze divergenti delle due Potenze. 
 
 £ pill che evidente che tali stipulazioni, osservate lealmente, 
 sarebbero hastate a fornire una base solida per un'azione comune 
 e feconda. Al contrario, TAustria-Ungheria, durante Testate del 
 1914, senza prendere nessun accordo con I'ltalia, senza fade per- 
 venire neppure il minimo avviso e non tenendo alcun conto dei 
 consigli di moderazione che le furono dati dal Governo Reale, 
 notified alia Serbia Vultimatum del 23 luglio 1914 che fu la causa 
 e il punto di partenza della presente conflagrazione europea. 
 
 L'Austria-Ungheria, negligendo le obbligazioni derivanti dal 
 trattato d'alleanza, turbo profondamente lo statu quo balcanico 
 e creo una situazione dalla quale essa sola era chiamata a profit- 
 tarne, a detrimento degl'interessi di grandissima importanza che 
 la sua alleata aveva tante volte affermati e proclamati. 
 
 Una violazione cosi flagrante della lettera e dello spirito del 
 trattato, non solamente giustifico il rifiuto dell'Italia di schierarsi a 
 fianco degli alleati in una guerra provocata senza il suo consenso, 
 ma tolse nel medesimo tempo all'alleanza il suo contenuto essen- 
 ziale e la sua ragione d'essere. 
 
 La condizione stessa della neutralita benevola prevista dal
 
 560 PARTE TERZA 
 
 trattato si trovo compromessa per siffatta violazione. La ragione 
 e il sentimento, infatti, si trovano concordi nello escludere che la 
 neutralita benevola possa essere mantenuta quando uno degli 
 alleati prende le armi per la realizzazione d'un programma dia- 
 metralmente opposto agl'interessi vitali dell'altro alleato, interessi, 
 la cui salvaguardia costituisce la ragione principale dell'alleanza 
 stessa. 
 
 Cio non pertanto I'ltalia si sforzo per parecchi mesi di creare 
 una situazione favorevole al ristabilimento tra i due Stati di 
 quei rapporti amichevoli che costituiscono il fondamento essen- 
 ziale di ogni cooperazione nel dominio della politica generale. 
 
 Con questo scopo e con questa speranza il Governo Reale 
 si dichiaro disposto a prestarsi ad un accomodamento che avesse 
 per base la soddisfazione in una misura equa delle legittime aspira- 
 zioni nazionali dell'Italia e che fosse servito nello stesso tempo a 
 ridurre la disparita esistente nella situazione reciproca dei due 
 Stati nell'Adriatico. 
 
 Senonche questi negoziati non dettero alcun risultato ap- 
 prezzabile. Tutti gli sforzi del Governo Reale furono frustrati 
 dalla resistenza del Governo Imperiale e Reale, il quale dopo 
 parecchi mesi soltanto si decise a riconoscere gl'interessi speciali 
 dell'Italia su Vallona e a promettere un'insufficiente concessione 
 di territori nel Trentino, concessione che non garantiva in verun 
 modo ne dal punto di vista politico, ne dal punto di vista militate 
 I'andamento normale della situazione. Inoltre la detta concessione 
 non doveva avere la sua esecuzione che ad un'epoca indeterminata, 
 vale a dire alia fine della guerra. 
 
 In tale state di cose il Governo italiano deve rinunziare alia 
 speranza di pervenire ad un accordo, e si vede costretto a ritirare 
 tutte le sue proposte d'accomodamento. 
 
 £ inutile mantenere all'alleanza un'apparenza formale, la 
 quale non sarebbe destinata che a dissimulare la realta d'una 
 sfiducia continua e di contrasti quotidiani. 
 
 £ per questo che I'ltalia, fiduciosa nel suo buon diritto, afferma 
 e proclama ch'essa riprende fin da ora la sua piena liberta d'azione, 
 come fin da ora e per sempre dichiara nuUo e privo d'effetti il 
 trattato d'alleanza con I'Austria-Ungheria. 
 
 SONNINO.
 
 IL GOVERNO AL PARLAMENTO 561 
 
 XI 
 
 Antonio Salandra presidente del Consiglio dei ministri 
 d'ltalia, nella storica seduta del Parlamento nazionale a 
 Roma (20 maggio 1915), espone le ragioni per le quali 
 il governo italiano e costretto a dichiarare guerra al- 
 1' Austria. 
 
 II 20 maggio 191 5, nella storica seduta del Parlamento 
 nazionale italiano a Roma, Antonio Salandra, primo 
 ministro del Regno d'ltalia, presentando un disegno di 
 leggi "per il conferimento al Governo del Re di poteri 
 straordinari in caso di guerra", pronunciava il seguente 
 discorso: 
 
 Onorevoli CoUeghi! 
 
 Sin da quando risorse ad unita di Stato, I'ltalia si afFermo, nel 
 mondo delle nazioni, quale fattore di moderazione, di concordia 
 e di pace; e fieramente essa puo proclamare d'avere adempiuto 
 a tale missione con una fermezza che non s'e piegata neppure 
 dinanzi ai piu penosi sacrifici. 
 
 NeU'ultimo periodo piii che trentenne, essa ha mantenuto un 
 sistema di alleanze e di amicizie, dominata precipuamente dall'in- 
 tento di meglio assicurare per tal modo Tequilibrio europeo e, 
 con esso, la pace. 
 
 Per la nobilta di quel fine, I'ltalia non soltanto ha tollerato 
 I'insicuiezza delle sue frontiere, non soltanto ha subordinato ad 
 esso le sue piu sacre aspirazioni nazionali, ma ha dovuto assistere, 
 con represso dolore, ai tentativi metodicamente condotti di 
 sopprimere quei caratteri d'italianita che la natura e la storia 
 avevano impresso, indelebili, su generose regioni. 
 
 IJ ultimatum che nel luglio 1914 I'lmpero austro-ungarico 
 dirigeva alia Serbia, annullava d'un colpo gli efFetti del lungo 
 sforzo durato, violando il patto che a quello Stato ci legava. Lo 
 violava per il modo, avendo omesso, non che il preventive accordo 
 con noi, persino un semplice avvertimento; lo violava per la sostan- 
 za, mirando a turbare, in danno nostro, il delicato sistema di 
 possessi territoriali e di sfere di influenza che s'era costituito 
 nella penisola balcanica. 
 
 Ma piu ancora che questo o quel punto particolare, era tutto 
 lo spirito animatore del trattato che veniva offeso, anzi soppresso;
 
 562 PARTE TERZA 
 
 giacche, scatenando pel mondo la piu terribile guerra in contrasto 
 coi nostri sentimenti e coi nostri interessi, si distruggeva I'equili- 
 brio che I'alleanza doveva servire ad assicurare; e, virtualmente, 
 ma irresistibilmente, risorgeva il problema della integrazione na- 
 zionale d'ltalia. 
 
 Pur nondimeno per lunghi mesi il Governo del Re d'ltalia 
 s'e pazientemente adoperato nel cercare un componimento il quale 
 restituisse all'accordo la ragion d'essere che aveva perduta; quelle 
 trattative, pero, dovevano avere limiti non solo di tempo ma di 
 dignita, al di la dei quali si sarebbero compromessi, insieme, 
 gl'interessi e il decoro del nostro paese. 
 
 Per la tutela, dunque, di tali supreme ragioni, il Governo 
 del Re d'ltalia si vide costretto a notificare al Governo Imperiale 
 e Reale d'Austria-Ungheria, il giorno 4 di questo mese di maggio 
 191 5, il ritiro d'ogni sua proposta d'accordo, la denunzia del 
 trattato d'alleanza e la dichiarazione della propria liberta d'azione. 
 Ne, d'altra parte, era piii possibile lasciare I'ltalia in un isolamento 
 senza sicurta e senza prestigio, proprio nel momento in cui la 
 storia del mondo sta attraversando una fase decisiva. 
 
 Ora, nel nome della Patria e per la devozione ad essa, noi 
 fervidamente rivolgiamo il piu commosso appello al Parlamento e 
 al Paese: che tutti i dissensi si compongano e che su di essi, da 
 tutte le parti, sinceramente discenda I'oblio. 
 
 I contrasti di partiti e di classi, le opinioni individual!, in tempi 
 ordinari rispettabili sempre, le ragioni stesse, insomma, che dan 
 vita al quotidiano fecondo contrasto di tendenze e di principi, 
 debbono oggi sparire di fronte a una necessita che supera ogni 
 altra necessita, a un'idealita che infiamma piii d'ogni altra idealita: 
 la fortuna e la grandezza d'ltalia. 
 
 Ogni altra cosa dobbiamo da oggi dimenticare, e ricordar 
 questa sola: di essere tutti Italiani, di amar tutti I'ltalia con la 
 medesima fede e con il medesimo fervore. Le forze di tutti s'in- 
 tegrino in una forza sola; i cuori di tutti si rinsaldino in un sol 
 cuore; una sola unanime volonta guidi verso la meta invocata; 
 e forza e cuore e volonta trovino la loro espressione — una, viva 
 ed eroica — nell'esercito e nell'armata d'ltalia e nel Capo Augusto 
 che li conduce verso i destini della nuova storia.
 
 L'ENTRATA DELL'ITALIA 563 
 
 XII 
 
 La dichiarazione di guerra del govemo d'ltalia 
 airimpero austro-ungarico (23 maggio 1915). 
 
 II 23 maggio 191 5 il governo di Vittorio Emanuele III 
 re d'ltalia, incitato, anzi costretto dalla grande maggioranza 
 della nazione (quasi i nove decimi), presentava, per mezzo 
 del duca d'Avarna ambasciatore italiano a Vienna, la se- 
 guente dichiarazione di guerra al ministro degli afFari esteri 
 d'Austria-Ungheria : 
 
 Vienna, 23 maggio 1915. 
 
 Secondo le istruzioni ricevute da Sua Maesta il Re, mio 
 augusto Sovrano, io qui sottoscritto ho ronore di partecipare a Sua 
 Eccellenza il Ministro degli Esteri d'Austria-Ungheria la seguente 
 dichiarazione: 
 
 Gid il 4 del mese di maggio 191 5 vennero comunicati al Governo 
 Imperiale e Reale i motivi per i quali V Italia, fiduciosa nel suo buon 
 diritto, ha considerato decaduto il trattato d'alleanza con VAustria- 
 Ungheria violato dal Governo Imperiale e Reale, lo ha dichiarato 
 per I'avvenire nullo e senz'effetto, ed ha ripreso la sua lihertd d'azione. 
 
 II Governo del Re, fermamente deciso di assicurare con tutti 
 i mezzi a sua disposizione la difesa dei diritti e degli interessi ita- 
 liani, non trascurerd il suo dovere di prendere contro qualunque 
 minaccia presente e futura quelle misure che vengano imposte dagli 
 avvenimenti per realizzare le aspirazioni nazionali. 
 
 Sua Maesta il Re dichiara che I'ltalia si considera in istato di 
 guerra con V Austria-Ufigheria da doniani {24 maggio 1915)- 
 
 Io qui sottoscritto ho I'onore di comunicare nello stesso tempo 
 a Sua Eccellenza il Ministro degli Esteri austro-ungarico che i 
 passaporti vengono oggi consegnati airambasciatore imperiale e 
 reale a Roma. 
 
 Saro grato se vorra provvedere a farmi consegnare i miei. 
 
 Il Duca d'Avarna.
 
 564 PARTE TERZA 
 
 XIII 
 
 L'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe, in un proclama 
 diretto ai suoi popoli il 24 maggio 1915, accusa di tradi- 
 mento Vittorio Emanuele III re d'ltalia. 
 
 II giorno dopo — 24 maggio 191 5 — l'imperatore austro- 
 ungarico Francesco Giuseppe pubblicava il seguente pro- 
 clama: 
 
 Ai miei popoli. 
 
 II Re d'ltalia ci ha dichiarato la guerra. Un tradimento 
 quale la storia non conosce fu compiuto dal Re d'ltalia contro i 
 suoi due alleati. Dopo un'alleanza d'oltre trent'anni, durante la 
 quale I'ltalia pote ampliare il suo territorio e spiegare un'impensata 
 fortuna di sviluppo, I'ltalia ci abbandona e passa a bandiera spie- 
 gata nel campo nemico. 
 
 Noi non minacciammo I'ltalia, non diminuimmo il suo prestigio, 
 non intaccammo ne i suoi beni ne i suoi interessi; osservammo 
 sempre i nostri doveri d'alleata e le accordammo la nostra difesa 
 quando ando in guerra. Facemmo di piu: quando I'ltalia rivolse 
 i suoi cupidi sguardi sopra i nostri confini, ci decidemmo, per 
 mantenere la pace e I'alleanza, a grandi e dolorosi sacrifici che 
 riuscivano particolarmente penosi al nostro cuore paterno. Ma 
 I'avidita italiana, che credeve di dovere sfruttare il momento, fu 
 insaziabile. Si compia dunque il destino. 
 
 Le mie armate, in fedele fratellanza d'armi con quelle del mio 
 altissimo alleato, hanno sostenuto vittoriosamente una gigantesca 
 lotta di dieci mesi col potente nemico dell'Est. 
 
 II nuovo perfido nemico del Sud non e un ayversario nuovo. 
 I grandi ricordi di Novara, Mortara, Custoza, Lissa, che formano 
 I'orgoglio della mia gioventu; lo spirito di Radetzky, dell'arciduca 
 Alberto e di TegetthofF ^ che vive nel mio esercito e nella mia 
 armata, mi garantiscono che sapremo difendere con successo 
 anche a sud i confini della Monarchia. 
 
 Saluto le mie truppe provate alia vittoria e i loro capi, con 
 fiducia che il mio popolo, al cui mirabile spirito di sacrificio devo 
 la mia profonda gratitudine, preghi I'Altissimo perche benedica 
 la nostra bandiera e prenda sotto la sua protezione la nostra 
 giusta causa. 
 
 Francesco Giuseppe. 
 ' L'ammiraglio austriaco che a Lissa (20 luglio 1866) vinse !a flotta italiana.
 
 LE ACCUSE GERMANICHE 565 
 
 XIV 
 
 II " violento e menzognero " discorso pronunziato dal 
 cancelliere germanico Bethmann-HoUweg contro 
 I'ltalia al Reichstag di Berlino il 28 maggio 1915. 
 
 II cancelliere germanico Bethmann-Hollweg, nella seduta 
 del 28 maggio 191 5 al Reichstag di Berlino, pronunzio il 
 seguente discorso: 
 
 Quando otto giorni or sono presi la parola, esisteva ancora la 
 speranza che sarebbe stato possibile evitare la guerra dell'Italia. 
 La speranza rimase delusa; ci si rifiutava di credere in Germania al- 
 ia sola possibilita di un tale cambiamento di rotta. Oggi il Governo 
 Italiano ha scritto per sempre nel libro della storia dei popoli a 
 lettere di sangue il suo atto sleale. 
 
 Fu, credo, Machiavelli il quale disse un giorno che una 
 guerra necessarin e anche una guerra giusta; ora questa guerra 
 dell'Italia, considerata dal punto di vista puramente realista, 
 facendo astrazione da ogni preoccupazione morale, eessanecessaria? 
 Non e essa, piuttosto, insensata? 
 
 Nessuno, ne in Austria ne in Germania, minacciava I'ltalia. 
 La storia dira piu tardi se questa si e lasciata sedurre dalle belle 
 promesse dell'Intesa. L'ltalia poteva ottenere una serie di con- 
 cessioni, delle quali ho dato recentemente notizia: i territori del 
 Tirolo e dell'Isonzo ove si parla italiano, I'accoglimento delle 
 rivendicazioni italiane a Trieste, mani libere in Albania, il porto 
 di grande valore di Vallona. 
 
 Perche I'ltalia non accetto tali ofFerte? Pretende essa di 
 conquistare il Tirolo? Allora abbasso le mani! Desidera essa di 
 urtarsi con la Germania, la quale tanto fece per elevarla al grado 
 di grande Potenza e dalla quale non e separata da alcuna di- 
 scordanza d'interessi? Non ho lasciato sussistere al Reichstag 
 nessun dubbio a tale riguardo: un attacco italiano contro le 
 truppe austro-ungariche si sarebbe urtato egualmente contro 
 le truppe tedesche. 
 
 Perche I'ltalia respinse le proposte austriache? II manifesto 
 italiano pubblicato in occasione della dichiarazione di guerra, 
 in cui la cattiva coscienza viene dissimulata sotto frasi vuote, non 
 da alcuna spiegazione. Si e forse imbarazzati a dichiarare aperta- 
 mente cio che si diceva nelle conversazioni dei circoli parlamen-
 
 566 PARTE TERZA 
 
 tari, e cioe che le ofFerte austriache furono fatte troppo tardi e 
 non si doveva fidarsene? Che vuol dire cio in realta? Gli uomini 
 di Stato italiani non avevano alcun diritto di accordare la loro 
 fiducia alia lealta della nostra Nazione, soltanto nella misura della 
 loro fedelta ai trattati. La Germania dette la sua parola che le 
 concessioni austriache sarebbero state realizzate, percio non era il 
 caso di diffidare. Perche troppo tardi? II 4 maggio 191 5 il 
 Trentino non aveva cessato di essere cio che era per I'innanzi, 
 e al Trentino venne ad aggiungersi tutta una serie di concessioni 
 alle quali non si era pensato nell'inverno. Se era troppo tardi, 
 non era piuttosto perche gli uomini di Stato romani non avevano 
 avuto timore, molto tempo prima, mentre la Triplice Alleanza 
 esisteva ancora — alleanza di cui il re e il governo d'ltalia avevano 
 formalmente riconosciuto I'esistenza anche dopo lo scoppio della 
 guerra — di compromettersi cosi gravemente con le Potenze della 
 Triplice Intesa da non potersi piii liberare dalla stretta? Gia fin 
 dal dicembre 1914 si poterono constatare gl'indizi del cambia- 
 mento del Gabinetto romano, perche e sempre utile avere il ferro 
 nel fuoco. Del resto I'ltalia non ha mai cessato, anche tempo 
 addietro, di dimostrare la sua predilezione per i giri di valzer; 
 ma non c'e ora una sala da ballo, c'e un sanguinoso campo di batta- 
 glia in cui la Germania e I'Austria-Ungheria lottano per la vita 
 contro un mondo di nemici. Gli uomini di Stato italiani gioca- 
 rono contro il loro popolo lo stesso gioco che contro di noi. 
 
 Indubbiamente il paese di lingua italiana situato alia frontiera 
 del nord era oggetto dei sogni e dei desideri di ogni italiano; ma il 
 popolo, nella sua grande maggioranza, e la maggioranza parla- 
 mentare von volevano saperne afFatto della guerra. Durante i 
 primi giorni di maggio del 191 5, secondo le osservazioni del migliore 
 conoscitore delle cose italiane, il Senato (4 maggio 191 5) e la 
 Camera dei deputati (12 maggio 1915), compresi gli uomini di 
 Stato i pill seri, erano ancora contro la guerra. 
 
 Abbiamo fatto di tutto per impedire che ITtalia si distaccasse 
 dall'alleanza. Per questo fine ci e toccato il compito ingrato di 
 suggerire alia nostra fedele alleata, con gli eserciti della quale le 
 nostre truppe condividono giornalmente morte e vittoria, di com- 
 prare la fedelta della terza alleata, cedendole territori acquisiti 
 da molto tempo. £ noto che I'Austria ando fine all'estremo limite 
 delle concessioni. 
 
 E il principe di Bulow, nuovamente al servizio attivo dellTm- 
 pero, mise in opera con instancabile energia tutta la sua abilita 
 diplomatica e la sua conoscenza cosi precisa degli uomini e delle
 
 LA DIFESA DELL'ITALIA 567 
 
 cose in Italia per determinare I'accordo. Se anche il suo lavoro 
 riusci vano, il popolo intero gliene e riconoscente lo stesso. 
 
 XV 
 
 Antonio Salandra presidente dei ministri d'ltalia, in 
 un solenne discorso documentato, pronunziato nel 
 Campidoglio a Roma il 2 giugno 1915, difende I'ltalia dalle 
 accuse dell'imperatore austro-ungarico e del cancelliere 
 germanico.* 
 
 II 2 giugno 191 5 il primo ministro d'ltalia, Antonio 
 Salandra, pronunzio nel Campidoglio a Roma, nella gran- 
 diosa sala degli Orazi, il seguente memorabile discorso: 
 
 Occorre che della giustizia della nostra causa, della santita 
 della nostra guerra gl'Italiani d'ogni ceto abbiano non solo, come 
 meravigliosamente mostrano d'avere, la sensazione spontanea, 
 istintiva, profonda, ma anche la persuasione ragionata. Occorre 
 ne sia persuaso il mondo civile. 
 
 Airitalia e al mondo civile io mi rivolgo, per mostrare non con 
 parole veementi, ma con fatti precisi e documentati, come la 
 rabbia nemica abbia invano tentato di sminuire I'alta dignita 
 morale e politica della causa che le nostre armi faranno prevalere. 
 
 Parlero con la serena compostezza della quale ha dato no- 
 bilissimo esempio il Re d'ltalia chiamando alle armi i suoi soldati 
 di terra e di mare.^ Parlero come debbo, osservando il rispetto 
 dovuto al mio grado e al luogo onde parlo. Potro non curare le 
 ingiurie scritte nei proclami imperiali, reali e arciducali. Poiche 
 
 ^ Questo discorso fu pubblicato neH'ottobre 1915 dai giornali nord-americani, 
 ma mutilate e travisato in piu parti, specialmente nella parte documentata. 
 
 ^ Vittorio Emanuele III re d'ltalia, assumendo il comando supremo delle 
 forze di terra e di mare, emano il seguente ordine del giorno: 
 
 "Soldati di terra e di mare! 
 
 "L'ora solenne delle rivendicazioni nazionali e suonata. 
 
 "Seguendo I'esempio del mio Grande Avo, assumo oggi il comando supremo 
 delle forze di terra e di mare, con sicura fede nella vittoria che il vostro valore, la 
 vostra abnegazione, la vostra disciplina sapranno conseguire. 
 
 "II nemico che vi accingete a combattere e agguerrito e degno di voi. Favorito 
 dal terreno e dai sapienti apprestamenti dell'arte, egli vi opporra tenace resistenza, 
 ma il vostro imdomito slancio sapra, di certo, superarla. 
 
 "Soldati, a voi la gloria di piantare il tricolore d'ltalia sui terreni sacri che 
 natura pose ai confini della Patria nostra, a voi la gloria di compiere, finalmente, 
 I'opera con tanto eroismo iniziata dai nostri padri. 
 
 "Gran Quartiere Generale, 26 maggio 1915. 
 
 "ViTTORio Emanuele."
 
 568 PARTE TERZA 
 
 parlo dal Campidoglio e rappresento in quest'ora solenne il Popolo 
 e il Governo d'ltalia, io, modesto borghese, mi sento di gran lunga 
 piij nobile del capo degli Asburgo-Lorena. 
 
 I mediocri uomini di Stato, i quali con temeraria leggerezza, 
 errando in tutte le loro previsioni, appiccarono nel luglio del 1914 
 il fuoco all'Europa intera e alle stesse loro case, accorgendosi ora 
 del nuovo colossale errore, nei Parlamenti di Budapest e di Berlino 
 si sono sfogati con brutali parole contro I'ltalia e contro il suo 
 Governo, col fine evidente di farsi perdonare dai loro concittadini, 
 ubriacandoli con truci visioni di odio e di sangue. II Cancelliere 
 deirimpero germanico disse essere egli compreso, se non di odio, 
 di collera. E dovette dire il vero; poiche egli ragiono male, come 
 si ragiona negli accessi di furore. Io non saprei, se anche volessi, 
 imitare il loro linguaggio. II ritorno atavistico alia barbaric 
 primitiva e piu difficile a noi che ne siamo di venti secoli piu 
 lontani. 
 
 Ma non badiamo alle parole; atteniamoci alle ragioni ed ai 
 fatti. 
 
 La tesi fondamentale degli uomini di Stato deglTmperi Cen- 
 trali si racchiude nelle due parole tradimento e sorpresa rivolte 
 airitalia, tradimento e sorpresa verso i suoi fedeli alleati. Sa- 
 rebbe facile domandare se abbia il diritto di parlare di alleanza e di 
 rispetto ai trattati chi, rappresentando con tanta minor genialita 
 di mente ma con uguale indifferenza morale la tradizione di Fe- 
 derico il Grande e di Ottone di Bismarck, ha proclamato che 
 necessitd non ha legge, ed ha acconsentito che il suo paese calpestas- 
 se, bruciasse, seppellisse in fondo all'Oceano tutti i documenti e 
 tutte le civili consuetudini del diritto pubblico internazionale. 
 
 Ma sarebbe troppo facile e soltanto pregiudiziale argomento. 
 Esaminiamo invece positivamente se gli alleati abbiano il diritto 
 di dirsi traditi e sorpresi da noi. 
 
 Note da gran tempo erano le nostre aspirazioni, e noto era il 
 nostro giudizio sopra I'atto di follia criminale pel quale essi — 
 gli alleati — scompigliarono il mondo e tolsero all'alleanza stessa 
 la sua intima ragione d'essere. 
 
 II Libro Verde preparato da Sidney Sonnino, che piu d'ogni 
 altro fascicolo di documenti diplomatici e penetrato nella coscienza 
 del popolo italiano, dimostra le lunghissime penose trattative 
 trascinatesi dal dicembre 1914 al maggio 191 5. Ma non e vero, 
 come artificiosamente si tenta far credere, che il Ministero, rico- 
 stituitosi nel novembre 1914, mutasse I'indirizzo della nostra 
 politica internazionale.
 
 LA DIFESA DELL'ITALIA 569 
 
 II Governo italiano, la cui linea di condotta nonha mai mutato, 
 giudico severamente, al momento stesso che ne ebbe conoscenza, 
 I'aggressione dell'Austria alia Serbia, e ne previde le conseguenze 
 non prevedute da coloro che con tanta incoscienza avevano pre- 
 meditate il colpo. 
 
 Eccone la prova. 
 
 Leggero, perche si tratta di documenti . 
 
 II 25 luglio 1914 (due giorni dopo che I'Austria aveva consegnato 
 la famosa notz-ultimatum alia Serbia) il marchese di San Giuliano, 
 ministro degli esteri del Regno d'Italia,telegrafava al duca d'Avar- 
 na ambasciatore italiano a Vienna come segue: 
 
 Oggi abbiamo avuto una lunga conversazione a ire — il Pre- 
 sidente del Consiglio dei ministri, il signor Flotow {ambasciatore 
 gernianico in Roma) ed io — che riassumo per informazione personale 
 di Vostra Eccellenza e per eventuale norma di linguaggio. 
 
 Abbiamo — Salandra ed io — fatto notare anzitictto air am- 
 basciatore che r Austria non avrebbe avuto il diritto, secondo Io 
 spirito del trattato della Triplice Alleanza, di fare un passo come 
 quello che ha fatto a Belgrado, senza previo accordo coi suoi alleati. 
 
 V Austria infatti, pel modo come la Nota alia Serbia e concepiia 
 e per le cose che domanda, le quali, mentre sono poco efficaci contro 
 il pericolo panserbo, sono profondamente offensive per la Serbia 
 e indirettamente per la Russia, ha chiaramente dimostrato che vuole 
 provocare una guerra. Abbiamo percio detto al signor Flotow che, 
 per tal modo di procedere deW Austria e per il carattere difensivo 
 e conservatore del trattato della Triplice Alleanza, I'ltalia non ha 
 obbligo di venire in aiuto deW Austria in caso che, per effetto di 
 questo suo passo, essa si trovi poi in guerra con la Russia, poiche 
 qualsiasi guerra europea e in questo caso conseguenza di un atto di 
 provocazione e di aggressione dell' Austria. 
 
 Poco dopo, il 27 o 28 luglio 1914, noi ponemmo a chiare note 
 a Berlino e a Vienna la questione della cessione delle province italia- 
 ne dell'Austria; e dichiarammo che se non si ottenessero adeguati 
 compensi (leggo le testuali parole), la Triplice Alleanza sarebbe 
 stata irreparabilmente spezzata. 
 
 La storia imparziale dira che I'Austria, avendo trovata I'ltalia 
 ostile nel luglio 191 3 enell'ottobredello stesso anno ai suoi propositi 
 di aggressione alia Serbia, tento Testate scorsa (1914), d'accordo 
 con la Germania, la via della sorpresa e del fatto compiuto. 
 
 L'esecrando delitto di Serajevo fu sfruttato come un pretesto 
 un mese dopo ch'era stato compiuto. Lo prova il rifiuto austriaco 
 di accettare le profferte remissive della Serbia. Ne al momento
 
 570 PARTE TERZA 
 
 della conflagrazione generale si sarebbe contentata I'Austria 
 dell'accettazione integrale deW ultimatum. II 31 luglio 1914 il 
 conte Berchtold (ministro degli esteri d'Austria-Ungheria) 
 dichiarava al nostro ambasciatore a Vienna che, ove la mediazione 
 avesse potuto essere esercitata, non avrehhe dovuto fare interrompere 
 le ostilitd gid iniziate con la Serbia. Era la mediazione intorno a 
 cui s'afFaticavano I'lnghilterra e I'ltalia. In ogni caso il conte 
 Berchtold non era disposto ad accettare la mediazione intesa ad 
 attenuare le condizioni indicate nella Nota austro-ungarica, le quali 
 non avrehhero potuto naturalmente che essere aumentate alia fine della 
 gtierra. D^altra parte, se la Serbia si fosse decisa nel frattempo di 
 aderire sen'z altro alia Nota suddetta, dichiarandosi pronta ad ese- 
 guire le condizioni impostele, cid non avrebbe potuto indurre ilGoverno 
 Imperiale e Reale a cessare le ostilitd. 
 
 E non e vero che I'Austria s'impegnasse, come ha detto il 
 Presidente del Consiglio ungherese, a non compiere acquisti 
 territoriali a danno della Serbia, la quale, del resto, accettando tutte 
 le condizioni impostele, sarebbe diventata, se anche territorialmen- 
 te integra, uno Stato vassallo. 
 
 II 30 luglio 1914 I'ambasciatore austriaco in Roma, Merey, 
 disse al marchese di San Giuliano le seguenti parole: 
 
 V Austria non pud fare una dichiarazione impegnativa al riguar- 
 do, perche non pud prevedere se, nel corso della guerra, non sard 
 obbligata, contro la sua volontd, a conservare dei territori serbi. 
 
 E il 29 luglio 1914 Berchtold aveva fatto intendere ad Avarna 
 che non sarebbe stato disposto a prendere impegno alcuno circa 
 quanto gli aveva detto in ordine aW eventuale condotta deW Austria 
 nel caso di conflitto con la Serbia. 
 
 Dov'e dunque il tradimento, dove I'iniquita, dove la sorpresa 
 se, dopo nove mesi di sforzi vani per arrivare ad un'intesa onorevole 
 la quale riconoscesse in equa misura i nostri diritti e tutelasse i 
 nostri interessi, noi riprendemmo la nostra liberta d'azione e 
 provvedemmo come I'interesse della Patria ci consigliava? 
 
 Sta invece in fatti che Austria e Germania credettero fino 
 agli ultimi giorni di avere a fare con un'Italia imbelle, rumorosa 
 ma non fattiva, capace di tentare un ricatto, non mai di far valere 
 con le armi il suo buon diritto, con un'Italia che si potesse para- 
 lizzare spendendo qualche milione di lire e frapponendosi con in- 
 confessabili raggiri fra il Paese e il Governo. 
 
 Sovrani e ministri hanno parlato dell'alleanza, che noi abbiamo 
 denunciata dopo ch'essi sostanzialmente I'avevano infranta, 
 come di una Provvidenza sotto le cui grandi ali I'ltalia ha vissuto
 
 LA DIFESA DELL'ITALIA 571 
 
 per tanti anni, si e sviluppata economicamenteesie territorialmen- 
 te accresciuta. Non neghero, sarebbe stoltezza, i benefici del- 
 Talleanza; benefici pero non unilateral!, ma di tutti i contraenti, 
 e non forse piu di noi che degli altri. Perche, altrimenti, gl'Imperi 
 Centrali I'avrebbero voluta e rinnovata? Era forse un sentimen- 
 tale, un innamorato del bel paese dove fiorisce I'arancio, il prin- 
 cipe Ottone di Bismarck? E furono forse in qualunque tempo 
 teneri di noi i principi e gli uomini di governo della Monarchia 
 austro-ungarica ? 
 
 Giova sapere in realta, e con precisione di date e di fatti, come 
 abbia funzionato I'alleanza in questi ultimi anni nel suo spirit© 
 vero e come abbia contribuito al nostro unico ingrandimento 
 territoriale che fu I'impresa di Libia. 
 
 II continue sospetto, le intenzioni aggressive della Monarchia 
 austro-ungarica contro I'alleata sono notorie e risultano da prove 
 autentiche. 
 
 II capo dello stato maggiore austriaco generate Conrad ha 
 sostenuto sempre il concetto che la guerra contro V Italia e inevita- 
 bile, sia per la questione delle province irredente, sia per la gelosia 
 del Regno d" Italia al riguardo di tutto cid che la Monarchia austro- 
 ungarica intraprende nei Balcani e nel Mediterraneo orientale. 
 
 E altrove: 
 
 V Italia vuole estendersi non appena si sia preparata; e intanto si 
 oppone a tutto cid che noi vogliamo intraprendere nei Balcani. Ne 
 consegue che bisogna batterla per aver noi le mani libere. 
 
 E deplorava che fin dal 1908 non si fosse attaccata I'ltalia.^ 
 
 Lo stesso Minister© austriaco degli afFari esteri riconosceva 
 che nel partito militare dell'Impero era diffusa Vopinione che si 
 debba opprimere in guerra il Regno d' Italia, perche da questo viene 
 la forza d'attrazione per le province italiane dell'Impero; e che quindi, 
 con la vittoria sul Regno d'ltalia e il suo annientamento politico^ 
 cesserebbe ogni speranza per gl'irredenti. Intanto, fino al momenta 
 della guerra, si dovrebbero opprimere le province italiane col rigore 
 penale e con I'opporsi ad ogni desiderio riguardante le questioni di 
 cultural 
 
 ^ A pie d'una relazione sugli apparecchi militari al confine italo-austriaco, il 
 suddetto generale Conrad scrisse: 
 
 "Oh, perche non fui ascoltato quando propugnai di attaccare I'ltalia nel 1908?" 
 
 In altri termini lo zelante capo dello stato maggiore austro-ungarico rimpian- 
 geva I'opportunita di invadere I'ltalia, che I'Austria s'era fatta sfuggire allorquando 
 ritalia fu colpita daH'orribile terremoto calabro-siculo della fine di dicembre del 
 1908! 
 
 *I1 conte Berchtold riconobbe pur esso "la gravita del problema degl'Italiani 
 dell'impero austriaco", ma afFermo trattarsi di un male "senza rimedio". Invece 
 V Armee Zeitung confesso francamente che " bisognava distruggere quegritaliani
 
 572 PARTE TERZA 
 
 Da questo pensiero risulta evidente con quanta sincerita e 
 buona fede sia stata trascinata per tanti anni la questione del- 
 rUniversita italiana a Trieste! 
 
 Ed ora vediamo come gli alleati ci abbiano alutato nell'acquisto 
 della Libia. 
 
 Non diro se non cio che risulta da documenti. 
 
 Le operazioni brillantemente iniziate dal Duca degli Abruzzi 
 contro le torpediniere turche raccolte a Prevesa furono arrestate 
 dall'Austria in modo brusco e assoluto. II conte Aehrenthal 
 (allora ministro degli esteri d'Austria-Ungheria) significava il i° 
 ottobre 191 1 al nostro ambasciatore a Vienna che le nostre opera- 
 zioni militari lo avevano penosamente impressionato e che non si 
 poteva ammettere che esse continuassero; era urgente che vi fosse 
 posto termine, e che ordini fossero dati per impedire che esse avve- 
 nissero di nuovo nelle acque sia deWAdriatico sia deWIonio. 
 
 Piu minacciosamente ancora il giorno dopo I'ambasciatore di 
 Germania a Vienna informava confidenzialmente il nostro amba- 
 sciatore che Aehrenthal lo aveva pregato di telegrafare al propria 
 Governo che facesse intendere al Governo italiano che se avesse con- 
 iinuato nelle sue operazioni navali neW Adriatic e neWIonio, il 
 Governo italiano avrebhe avuto a che fare direttamente con V Austria} 
 
 E non soltanto nell'Adriatico e nellTonio I'Austria paralizzava 
 la nostra azione. II 5 novembre 191 1 il conte Aehrenthal in- 
 formava il duca D'Avarna di aver saputo che alcune navi da guerra 
 italiane erano state segnalate nelle vicinanze di Salonicco, dove 
 avrebbero proceduto a proiezioni a luce elettrica, e dichiarava che 
 una nostra azione sulle coste ottomane della Turchia europea, come 
 sulle isole del Mare Egeo, non avrehhe potuto essere ammessa ne 
 daW Austria ne dalla Germania, perche contraria al trattato della 
 Triplice Alleanza. 
 
 per supreme ragioni strategiche, per non trovarsi ad avere elementi infidi alle 
 spalle nel giorno in cui I'Ausfria avesse dichiarato guerra all'Italia". 
 
 E dei preparativi di guerra dell'Austria contro I'ltalia, non mai deprecati dalla 
 Germania, fu recato un giorno alia Camera italiana in Roma un singolar documento, 
 un manuale-vocabolario di dialoghi tedesco-italiani per uso dell'escercito austriaco, 
 preordinato al piano d'invasione dell'Italia e garantito nella sua autenticita, non 
 mai smentita dal governo di Vienna, dal bollo del Comando militate di Gratz. 
 
 Si provvedeva, nel detto manuale-vocabolario, alia traduzione delle domande di 
 maggiore urgenza e utilita, per quando le truppe austriache avessero varcato i 
 confini del Regno d'ltalia. 
 
 "Qual'e Tanimo dei soldati italiani? Sono essi alteri, baldanzosi, sfiduciati, 
 tristi?" 
 
 "Dove sono chiusi i denari erariali? Dove stanno i deposit! del grano, del vino, 
 dei viveri?" 
 
 ^ Risulto pcrfino che il governo austriaco, per i pochi proiettili lanciati allora 
 dalle siluranti del Duca degli Abruzzi contro Prevesa, mise le navi della propria 
 squadra in pressione.
 
 LA DIFESA DELL'ITALIA 573 
 
 Nel marzo del 1912 Berchtold, succeduto frattanto ad Aehren- 
 thal, dichiarava aH'ambasciatore di Germania in Vienna che 
 
 per cid che riguardava una nostra operazione contro le coste ottomane 
 europee e le isole deWEgeo, egli manteneva il punto di vista di Aehren- 
 tkal, secondo il quale quelle operazioni erano considerate dal Governo 
 Imperiale e Reale contrarie agfimpegni da noi assunti con I'articolo 
 7 del trattato della Triplice Alleanza. Quanta alia nostra operazione 
 contro i Dardanelli S egli la considerava in opposizione: i°. alia 
 promessa da noi fatta di non procedere ad alcun atto che potesse 
 mettere a cimento lo statu quo dei Balcani; 2°. alio spirito stesso del 
 trattato che si basava sul mantenimento di quello statu quo. 
 
 Di poi, quando la nostra squadra, trovandosi all'imboccatura 
 dei Dardanelli, veniva bombardata dai forti turchi di Kum Kalessi 
 e rispondeva danneggiando i forti stessi, Berchtold si lamento 
 deH'accaduto, considerandolo in contradizione delle promessa 
 fatte; e dichiaro che se il Regio Governo italiano desiderava riprendere 
 la sua libertd d'azione, il Governo Imperiale e Reale avrehbe potuto 
 fare altrettayito. Aggiunse che non avrebbe potuto ammettere che 
 noi avessimo fatto in avvenire operazioni simili a quelle compiute, 
 o in qualsiasi modo in opposizione al suo punto di vista. 
 
 Cosi pure ci fu impedita la disegnata occupazione di Chio.^ 
 Non occorre rilevare quante vite di soldati italiani e quanti 
 milioni di lire ci sia costato il persistente impedimento ad ogni 
 nostra azione risolutiva contro la Turchia, la quale si sapeva 
 protetta dalle nostre alleate contro ogni attacco alia sua parti 
 vitali.' 
 
 ^ Allude ad alcune torpediniere italiane che riuscirono, in quell'anno 1912, a 
 penetrare nello Stretto dei Dardanelli, compiendo un arditissimo raid. 
 
 ^ Isola turca nel Mare Egeo. 
 
 ' E nelle conferenze diplomatiche di Londra per la guerra della Lega Balcanica 
 contro la Turchia (1912-1913), I'Austria, "traendo" seco I'ltalia, "impose" 
 I'esclusione del Montenegro dalla conquistata Scutari e la creazione di quella 
 Albania autonoma e indipendente, dove, nelle rispettive zone d'influenza — a 
 Durazzo I'Austria, a Vallona I'ltalia — le due Potenze alleate credevasi avrebbero 
 trovato il modo di soddisfare e far tacere alcune cause della loro innegabile fatale 
 rivalita. Senonche le incessanti trattative fra I'Austria e I'ltalia diedero ripetuta- 
 mente la sensazione della scarsa sincerita dell'Austria verso I'ltalia, specialmente da 
 quando, nel marzo 1914, fu insediato sul trono della nuova Albania il tedesco 
 principe Guglielmo di Wied, attorno al quale, non v'ha dubbio, I'Austria creo 
 tutto un lavorio d'intrigo cattolico-austrofilo-antitaliano, che non fu I'ultima causa 
 di quella pertinace ribellione degli elementi albanesi-musulmani guardanti (naturale 
 reazione) con simpatia all'influenza italiana, onde si vide, nel settembre 1914, 
 dileguarsi, tra il turbinio della piu grande guerra, I'effimera sovranita del principe 
 piovuto in Albania dalla Germania. 
 
 La lotta austriaca nell'Albania mirava a fare della costa albanese una barriera 
 impenetrabile ai traffici italiani verso I'Oreinte. 
 
 E a tutto il Mediterraneo italiano s'estesero I'invidia e la gara. 
 
 Cosi quando, d'accordo coU'Inghilterra, I'ltalia ottenne nell'Asia Minora —
 
 574 PARTE TERZA 
 
 Un altro rimprovero che ci e stato amaramente fatto e di non 
 esserci accontentati delle prodigiose concessioni le quali ci furono 
 offerte in questi ultimi tempi. 
 
 Anzitutto si potrebbe domandare: Queste concessioni erano 
 offerte in buona fede? II sospetto nasce leggendo gli ultimi 
 documenti. 
 
 L'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe ha detto che I'ltalia guardava 
 con cupidi sguardi verso il patrimonio della sua Casa. 
 
 II cancelliere Bethmann-HoUweg ha detto che con queste 
 concessioni s'intendeva comperare la nostra jedeltd. E allora, o 
 signori, applauditeci per non averle accettate. 
 
 Ma guardiamo tuttavia alia sostanza delle cose. Queste 
 concessioni, pur movendo dall'ultima tardiva edizione che pervenne 
 nelle mani del Ministro degli Esteri e mie dopo ch'era stata tra le 
 mani di uomini politici e di giornalisti di varia provenienza . . . , 
 queste tardive concessioni, se pure le avessimo potuto accettare 
 per buone, non rispondevano in alcun modo agli obiettivi che la 
 politica italiana doveva proporsi. 
 
 Tali obiettivi possono ridursi a tre: i°. la difesa dell'italianita, il 
 maggiore nostro dovere; 2°. un confine militare sicuro, che sostituis- 
 se quello che nel 1866 ci fu imposto e per il quale le porte e le 
 sponde d'ltalia sono aperte ai nostri avversari; 3°. una posizione 
 strategica nell'Adriatico meno malsicura, meno infelice di quella 
 che abbiamo e di cui si vedono in questi giorni gli effetti. 
 
 Tutti questi vantaggi, per noi essenziali, ci erano sostanzial- 
 mente negati. 
 
 L'offerta, a grado a grado accresciuta, del Trentino, non 
 
 arrivava, non e maiarrivata, all'Alto Adige, ed escludeval'Ampez- 
 
 zano, quella Cortina in cui i nostri soldati sono ora gloriosamente 
 
 giunti, nonche la parte superiore, indubbiamente italiana, della 
 
 Val di Non, col pretesto per I'Ampezzano che si trattasse non di 
 
 genti italiane ma di genti ladine: come se la differenza fra ladini 
 
 e italiani non fosse infinitamente minore che fra ladini e tedeschi. 
 
 E noi non vi aspiravamo per I'importanza di quel territori, ma 
 
 perche col confine segnatoci dall'Austria, in cui potere sarebbero 
 
 rimaste le testate delle valli, avremmo avuto, come prima, aperte 
 
 le porte di casa nostra.^ 
 
 a Adalia — una concessione ferroviaria, gli spettri degli alleati la seguirono, Cia- 
 scuno di essi secondo il suo metodo: I'Austria, che non ci aveva pensato mai, 
 reclamo una zona accanto a quella dove avea da sorgere la ferrovia italiana; e la 
 Germania s'affretto a mandarvi gli agenti della Deutsche Bank, i quali, col pretesto 
 di vendere macchine agricole, ccrcarono d'accaparrarsi essi i terreni attraverso i 
 quali doveva correre la linca ferroviaria italiana. 
 
 ' A proposito del nuovo confine ofFerto dal governo austriaco all'Italia, il pro- 
 fessor Gino Fani del Politecnico di Torino fece notare, in una sua conferenza, come
 
 LA DIFESA DELL'ITALIA 575 
 
 Nel Libro Verde si puo leggere un ingenuo documento austriaco 
 in cui si dice press'a poco: Noy questo non possiamo darvelo, 
 perche ci guasterebbe il confine militare. Ma non si trattava di un 
 confine militare di difesa per I'Austria, nel qual caso sarebbe stata 
 giusta la pretesa di non lasciarsi aperta la porta di casa sua, bensi 
 di un confine militare di ofFesa per I'ltalia, perche si trattava — 
 lo ripeto — di lasciare aperte le porte di casa nostra. 
 
 SuU'Adriatico nessuna concessione ci fu mai offerta, neanche 
 all'ultimo. E quando noi, col pianto nell'anima, ma pensando 
 che ogni massimo sforzo si dovesse fare per evitare la guerra, ci 
 piegammo a chiedere come minimo che Trieste e una zona circo- 
 stante fossero considerate non parte del Regno d'ltalia, ma non 
 piu parte dell'Impero austriaco e fossero costituite a Stato libero, 
 questo ci fu negato, e a Trieste si promise che cosa? I'autonomia 
 amministrativa! 
 
 Un altro punto importantissimo della questione dibattuta 
 fu quello della esecuzione. 
 
 lo penso che cosa avreste detto voi, voi Italiani, che cosa 
 avrebbe detto il nostro Parlamento se noi, uomini di governo, ci 
 fossimo presentati annunziando che eravamo in pieno accordo con 
 TAustria-Ungheria, che avremmo avuto una parte del Trentino e 
 qualche altro piccolo lembo di terra non oltre ITsonzo, ma a pace 
 compiuta. La pace compiuta, poi, si attenuo con I'offerta, nell'ul- 
 timissimo giorno, della nomina di commission! miste le quali 
 avrebbero studiato il confine, dopo di che sarebbero venute le 
 ratifiche; e dopo, entro un mese da queste, si sarebbero occupati 
 i territori. Quanto tempo e quanti probabili cavilli nell'esauri- 
 mento di questa procedural 
 
 Ma ci si oppone che dell'esecuzione non avremmo dovuto 
 dubitare, perche ci sarebbe stata la guarentigia della Germania. 
 
 Supponiamo questa guarentigia data con perfetta intenzione 
 di dimostrarla efficace. Supponiamo che la Germania alia fine 
 della guerra sarebbe stata in condizione di poter mantenere la 
 parola data, cio che non e sicuro; quale sarebbe stata la nostra 
 
 "questa nuova ed insidiosa frontiera costituiva una linea convenzionale che lasciava 
 sempre all'Austria le teste delle nostre valli e quindi la possibilita d'un'invasione 
 del nostro territorio con nessuna possibilita di difesa quando fosse avvenuta im- 
 provvisa (I'invasione) e, comunque, difficilissima in qualsiasi momento. Infatti 
 le teste delle valli di Non, Avisio, Cordevole e Boite, nonche la grande strada 
 delle Dolomiti (Bolzano-Lago), sarebbero rimaste in mano dell'Austria, per modo 
 che, mentre avremmo guadagnato qualche nucleo di popolazione italiana, lasciando 
 sempre fuori dalla madre patria altri importanti nuclei italiani, dal lato politico 
 e strategico nulla avremmo certo guadagnato. 
 
 "Cosicche I'accettazione, mentre costituiva una definitiva rinuncia, continuava 
 a metterci alia merce della nostra vicina, e aggravava la nostra soggezione."
 
 576 PARTE TERZA 
 
 condizione dopo questo accordo? Si sarebbe costituita una nuova 
 Triplice, una Triplice rinnovata, ma in ben altre e per noi inferiori 
 condizioni da quella di prima, poiche sarebbe stata formata da uno 
 Stato sovrano e da due Stati sostanzialmente vassalli. 
 
 II giorno in cui una delle clausole del trattato non fosse stata 
 eseguita, il giorno in cui, dopo breve tempo, dopo anni, I'auto- 
 nomia municipale di Trieste fosse stata infranta da un qualsiasi 
 decreto imperiale o da un qualsiasi luogotenente austriaco, a chi 
 avremmo potuto rivolgerci? Avremmo dovuto ricorrere al co- 
 mune superiore, alia Germania. 
 
 Ora, Signori, io voglio dirvi che della Germania non intendo 
 parlare senza ammirazione e senza rispetto. Io sono Primo 
 Ministro d'ltalia, non Cancelliere tedesco, e non perdo il lume della 
 ragione. Ma, con tutto il rispetto dovuto alia dotta, alia potente, 
 alia grande Germania, mirabile esempio di organizzazione e di 
 resistenza, in nome del mio Paese debbo dire: vassallaggio no, 
 protettorato no, verso nessuno. 
 
 II sogno dell'egemonia universale e stato infranto. II mondo 
 e insorto. La pace e la civilta dell'umanita futura debbono 
 fondarsi sul rispetto delle compiute autonomic nazionali, tra le 
 quali la grande Germania dovra vivere pari alle altre, non padrona. 
 
 Ma il pill notevole esempio dell'orgoglio smisurato con cui 
 gli uomini che dirigono la politica dellTmpero germanico conside- 
 rano le altre nazioni, si trae dal quadro che il cancelliere Bethmann- 
 Hollweg ha fatto del mondo politico italiano. Voglio leggerlo in 
 un riassunto piu completo di quelle che fu dato dai giornali, in 
 un riassunto arrivato il giorno dopo. Ecco che cosa il Cancelliere 
 germanico disse di noi: 
 
 Gli uomini di Stato italianifecero contra il loro popolo il medesimo 
 giuoco che contra di noi. Senza dubhio il possesso di territori di 
 lingua italiana al nord delle sue frontiere era oggetta dei sagni e dei 
 desideri d'ogni italiano. Ma il fatto e che gran parte del popolo 
 italiano e la maggioranza del Parlamento non volevano saperne della 
 guerra. 
 
 Nei primi giarni di niaggio (191 5), secondo le osservazioni del 
 miglior conoscitore delle cose italiane, i quattra quinti del Senate 
 e i due terzi della Camera erano ancora contra la gtierra. 
 
 Tra essi si trovavano gli uomini di Stato piu seri ed autorevoli. 
 Ma la voce del buon sensa non era piu ascoltata; soltanto la plehaglia 
 regnava. 
 
 Con la henevola tolleranza e Vappaggia dei principali membri di
 
 LA DIFESA DELL'ITALIA 577 
 
 un Gahinetto rimpinzato (Voro dalla Triplice Intesa, il popolaccio, 
 guidato da ageyiti provocatori senza scrupoli, fu spinto a frenesia 
 sanguinariay minacciando al Re la rivoluzione e a tutti i vioderati 
 Vassassinio, se non si fossero ahbandonati al delirio della guerra. 
 
 Si lascio, per deliberato proposito, ignorare al popolo italiano 
 r andamento dei negoziati italiani con V Austria e la portata delle 
 concessioni austriache, di guisa che, dopo le dimissioni del Gabinetto 
 Salandra, non si trovo alcuno che avesse il coraggio di accettare e di 
 formare un nuovo Gabinetto; e nel corso delle discussioni decisive 
 nessun membro dei partiti costituzionali del Senato e della Camera 
 tento neppure di apprezzare il valore delle concessioni cost estese 
 deir Austria. In questa frenesia di guerra, onesti uomini politici 
 divennero muti. Ma quando, nel seguito delle operazioni viilitari, 
 come noi speriamo e desideriamo, il popolo italiano sard rientrato 
 nel buon senso, riconoscerd quanto leggermente sia stato spinto a 
 partecipare a questa guerra mondiale. 
 
 lo non so, Signori, se vi sia stata in quest'uomo (Bethmann- 
 Hollweg), accecato dalla rabbia, intenzione di ofFendere per- 
 sonalmente i colleghi miei e me. Se cosi fosse, non lo rileverei. 
 Uomini noi siamo di cui conoscete il passato, uomini che hanno 
 servito lo Stato fino a questa tarda eta, uomini di fama inconta- 
 minata, uomini che danno al paese la vita dei loro figli. Ma non 
 pensate a noi. Ponete mente invece all'ingiuria atroce che quel 
 brano di prosa vandalica scaglia contro il Re, contro il popolo 
 d'ltalia, contro la Camera e il Senato, contro gli stessi uomini 
 politici che avevano un'opinione politica diversa dalla nostra. 
 Tutti muti, si disse: dunque tutti vili. 
 
 Le informazioni sulle quali questo giudizio e fondato, sono 
 attribuite dal Cancelliere dell'Impero germanico a quegli che egli 
 chiama il miglior conoscitore delle cose italiane. Forse allude, con 
 fraterno desiderio di addossargliene la responsabilita, al principe 
 di Bulow. 
 
 Ora, o Signori, io voglio che delle intenzioni del principe di 
 Bulow voi non abbiate un erroneo apprezzamento; lo credo che, 
 animato da vera simpatia per il nostro Paese, egli abbia fatto tutto 
 quello che poteva per riuscire ad un'intesa. Ma quali e quanti 
 errori nel tradurre in atto le sue buone intenzioni! Egli suppose 
 che ritalia potesse sviarsi dalla sua rotta per qualche milione di 
 lire male speso, per I'influenza di poche persone che hanno perso la 
 percezione dell'anima nazioriale, per obliqui contatti tentati, ma 
 spero e credo non riusciti, con uomini politici italiani. 
 
 Ne derive refFetto opposto. Un immense scoppio d'indigna-
 
 578 PARTE TERZA 
 
 zione si accese in tutta ITtalia, e non nel popolaccio, ma nelle 
 classi veramente piii elevate, nei cuori piu nobili, in tutti colore 
 che sentono la dignita della Nazione, nella gioventii che e pronta a 
 dare all'idealita della Patria il suo purissimo sangue; uno scoppio 
 di indignazione si accese al sospetto che un'Ambasciata straniera 
 in Roma si inframmettesse tra Governo, Parlamento e Paese. 
 
 In questo fuoco si fusero le discordie interne, e la Nazione 
 tutta si rinsaldo in una meravigliosa unita morale che sara la 
 nostra massima forza nel duro cimento e che deve condurci, per 
 virtu nostra, non per altrui benevola concessione, alia efFettua- 
 zione dei piii alti destini della Patria.
 
 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 I 
 
 Prima ragione: Patriottismo. 
 
 I fatti narrati nella prima parte di questo lavoro sono il 
 compendio di cid che ufficialmente si chiama Storia del 
 Risorgimento Italiano. A eccezione dell'episodio di Balilla, 
 che si puo considerare, a rigor di logica, come il preludio 
 di detta storia. 
 
 Solo nella forma essi — i fatti in parola — difFeriscono 
 pill o meno da quelli narrati da altri scrittori. E cio e 
 naturale, non essendo la forma, massime nelle narrazioni 
 storiche, se non una riflessa qualita dell'individuo che scrive; 
 qualita derivante da un complesso di cause puramente 
 letterarie, estetiche. La sostanza e perfettamente identica. 
 Ed e anche naturale che sia cosi, non potendo la diversita 
 della forma, per quanto aulica o ribelle, alterare in verun 
 modo gli elementi positivi dei fatti, il lor dinamico sub- 
 strate morale, quella Veritas che regola, sovrastando sempre, 
 tutte le manifestazioni dell'umano pensiero, tutti i doveri 
 dell'umana coscienza. 
 
 Ora, tali fatti, nella loro suggestiva eloquenza, furono 
 sempre, dal 1870 in poi, insegnati obbligatoriamente nelle 
 scuole d'ltalia, giusta i programmi governativi. Furono 
 sempre rievocati da un'intera letteratura nazionalista sten- 
 dentesi fino al giornale quotidiano. Furono sempre com- 
 memorati davanti ai monumenti eretti nelle grandi e nelle 
 piccole citta italiane ai martiri e agli eroi delle rivoluzioni 
 e delle guerre liberatrici provocate in Italia dalla crudele 
 dominazione austriaca. Furono sempre rappresentati dalle 
 cicatrici, dai ricordi aneddotici, dal patrio entusiasmo dei 
 veterani ancora sopravviventi. Furono sempre il cibo 
 spirituale — preponderante, se non unico — di quelle idea- 
 lita che nutrirono e tennero costantemente satura e vibrante 
 di se I'intera penisola nella sua risorta unita politica. 
 
 579
 
 580 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 E questo cumulo di cose, dalle pulsazioni ritmiche 
 incessant!, non poteva che rattizzare e tenere permanente- 
 mente acceso, in un popolo passionate come I'italiano, 
 I'odio d'una volta contro I'Austria. Non poteva che irri- 
 goglire, anche negli animi i piii francescani, la mala pianta 
 del patriottismo vendicativo militarista feroce. La mala 
 pianta che non puo produrre se non un solo frutto: quello 
 amarissimo e tristissimo della guerra. 
 
 £ vero che Giordano Bruno afFermo essere egli un citta- 
 dino del mondo, figlio della madre Terra e del padre Sole. 
 
 £ vero che Tommaso Campanella dimostro essere 
 impossibile la pace, il buon essere, la felicita senza la re- 
 pubblica universale. 
 
 £ vero che lo stesso Mazzini e lo stesso Garibaldi lot- 
 tarono, attraverso un sano principio di nazionalita, per la 
 fratellanza di tutti i popoli. 
 
 Ma al pensiero e all'azione di questi sommi Italiani, le 
 caste privilegiate ebbero cura di contrapporre sempre — 
 teoricamente e praticamente, a mezzo dei loro asserviti 
 governi dinastici e non dinastici — I'egoistico vecchio 
 assioma divide et impera. 
 
 Si che i popoli, accecati dall'astuzia e abbrutiti dalla 
 periidia di siffatte idre parassite, non poterono mai vedere 
 la luce diffusa dagli apostoli della verita; non poterono mai 
 assimilate gli elementi rigeneratori profusi dagli apostoli 
 della civilta; non poterono mai liberarsi da quell'errore 
 cancrenoso che e il falso patriottismo suaccennato, causa 
 fondamentale di tutte le calamita, di tutti i dolori che op- 
 primono, oggi piii che mai, la povera umanita. 
 
 Nelle scuole delle different! nazioni (dico nelle scuole, 
 poiche ivi si plasma la coscienza dei futuri cittadini del 
 mondo), la storia delle guerre aggressive e delle dominazioni 
 straniere si dovrebbe insegnare con metodi rigorosamente 
 compendiosi e oggettivi. Si dovrebbero, cioe, eliminare 
 dall'insegnamento storico non solo i dettagli di fatto descri- 
 venti le mostruosita commesse dagli aggressor! e da! domina- 
 tori, ma anche i comment! esecranti tali mostruosita e 
 magnificanti gli eroismi, i sacrifici, le magnanimita com- 
 piuti dai popoli conquistati e tiranneggiati.
 
 IRREDENTISMO 581 
 
 Parlando, per esempio, delle Cuique Giornate di MilanOy 
 i libri di testo e i maestri dovrebbero semplicemente dire: 
 *'Nel 1848 i Milanesi si ribellarono ai loro dominatori 
 (gli Austriaci) : e, dopo cinque giorni di lotta, li scacciarono 
 dalla citta". 
 
 Cosi nelle anime sensibili, quanto candide, degli alunni 
 non si porrebbero i semi velenosi che generano le nemicizie 
 per cui "I'uomo e poi lupo all'altro uomo", come dice 
 Orazio. 
 
 I dettagli di fatto (per esempio: *'i soldati austriaci, 
 durante le cinque giornate di Milano, infilzarono bambini 
 vivi alle baionette, ne inchiodarono ai muri, tagliarono e 
 intascarono mani inanellate di donne morte") bisognerebbe 
 lasciarli agli adulti, nei quali I'abito dello studio ha gia 
 eliminato, o per lo meno attutito, I'esiziale eccitabilita 
 delle basse passioni; agli adulti, nei quali il processo evolu- 
 tivo della mente ha gia sviluppato al massimo grado, 
 o ad un alto grado, il senso della ragione e il suo piia nobile 
 derivato: I'amore, L'amore per il prossimo. 
 
 Si principierebbe in tal modo a curare la maledetta 
 frenesia della guerra. 
 
 E non sarebbe poco! 
 
 II 
 
 Seconda ragione: Irredentismo. 
 
 I fatti, quasi tutti documentati, esposti nella seconda 
 parte del presente volume, basterebbero da soli a giustili- 
 care I'entrata dell'Italia nella grande guerra. 
 
 Si trattava, da parte degl'Italiani, di liberare migliaia 
 di fratelli consanguinei oppressi in casa propria — vale 
 a dire su suolo geograficamente, storicamente, moralmente 
 italiano — da una tirannide straniera che I'ltalia ben cono- 
 sceva; migliaia di fratelli consanguinei che, lottando lottando 
 lottando contro sifFatta tirannide, sempre avevano anelato 
 e implorato di ritornare nei grembo della primigenia madre 
 latina. 
 
 Si trattava, da parte degl'Italiani, di completare, a
 
 582 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 nord-est della loro penisola, I'unita nazionale secondo 
 la legge di Roma, secondo la legge autorevolmente riaffer- 
 mata, anzi eternata, dall'Alighieri nella sua Divina Corn- 
 media (Inferno, canto IX). 
 
 a Pola presso del Quarnero, 
 che Italia chiude e i suoi termini bagna. 
 
 Si trattava, da parte degl'Italiani, d'adempiere una 
 buona volta a un sacro dovere d'amore e d'onore troppo a 
 lungo protratto. 
 
 L'ltalia non avrebbe mai potuto, senza rischio della 
 propria integrita territoriale e peggio, attaccare da sola 
 I'Austria, superiore a lei in numero d'abitanti, in ric- 
 chezza, in preparazione militate e per il sicuro spalleggia- 
 mento della Germania. 
 
 L'ltalia dove attaccare la nemica, soltanto quando 
 questa si trovo impegnata a fondo nella grande guerra. 
 Dove attaccarla nel momento propizio, quando la fatalita 
 storica voile che il martirologio secolare sintetizzato nel 
 binomio Treyito e Trieste entrasse, alfine, nella sua naturale 
 fase risolutiva. 
 
 Chi oserebbe dare torto al popolo italiano? 
 
 Chi oserebbe dire ch'esso, attaccando I'Austria nella 
 primavera del 191 5, abbia, dal punto di vista patriottica- 
 mente irredentista, cimentato ingiustamente il proprio 
 sangue? 
 
 Ill 
 Terza ragione: Una visita non restituita. 
 
 L'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe non restitui mai la 
 visita che i reali d'ltalia — Umberto I e Margherita di 
 Savoia — gli fecero ufficialmente a Vienna nel 1881. 
 
 Perche? 
 
 Perche egli avrebbe dovuto recarsi a Roma, dove 
 Umberto I e Margherita risiedevano. 
 
 Ora, Roma non fu mai riconosciuta dal Vaticano come 
 conquista intangibije e tanto meno come capitale legittima 
 del Regno d'ltalia.
 
 COESIONE NAZIONALE 583 
 
 La presa della citta eterna (20 settembre 1870), da parte 
 dei soldati della nuova Italia, fu dal Vaticano considerata 
 sempre com'un'usurpazione violenta e sacrilega. E 
 usurpatore sacrilego fu dallo stesso Vaticano considerate 
 il re d'ltalia. E usurpatore sacrilego fu dallo stesso Vati- 
 cano considerate il popolo italiano. 
 
 Francesco Giuseppe, cattolico sfegatato, approve a piene 
 mani I'attitudine anti-italiana del governo papale. Se ne 
 rese solidale. E manco con piena coscienza e con piena 
 volonta alle regole impostegli dal Galateo\ ai doveri impo- 
 stigli dall'alleanza. 
 
 Tanta scortesia e tanta insincerita furono aggravate 
 dalle spavalderie del principe ereditario d'Austria Fran- 
 cesco Ferdinando, I'assassinato di Serajevo. Cestui, non 
 meno bigotto delle zio imperatere, si vanto piii volte, in 
 private e in pubblico, di volere invadere con un grosso eser- 
 cito ritalia, per prender Roma, restituirla alia Chiesa catto- 
 lica e ristabilire cosi I'antico potere temporale dei papi. 
 
 Quanto ne sia rimaste offese il sentimento cavalleresco 
 e, pill che questo, il sentimento nazionale del popolo italiano, 
 ben si puo immaginare, quando si consideri che Roma e — 
 come fu nel passato, come sara nell'avvenire — la sorgente 
 e, ad un tempo, il centre di gravita di tutte le virili bellezze 
 italiche, di tutte le trionfanti grandezze italiche. 
 
 IV 
 
 Quarta ragione : Coesione nazionale ed efficienza militare. 
 
 La superiorita civile d'un popolo, seconde I'opiniene dei 
 pill, consiste (consisteva, almeno, fine alio sceppio della 
 grande guerra) nella sua coesione nazionale e nella sua 
 efficienza militare. 
 
 In Europa — e anche fuori d'Europa, purtroppo! — si 
 credeva che il popolo italiano difettasse dell'una e dell'altra. 
 Di coesione nazionale, perche I'ltalia, dopo raggiunte la 
 
 ^ Libro del classico italiano monsignor Giovanni Della Casa (secolo XVI), 
 dove s'insegnano le buone creanze.
 
 584 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 sua unita e la sua indipendenza, fu spesso turbata da 
 discordie intestine di carattere spiccatamente regionale. 
 D'efficienza militare, per lo scacco subito in Africa nella 
 guerra del 1896 contro I'Abissinia, e per la poca abilita 
 dimostrata, anche in Africa, nella guerra del 1911-1912 
 contro la Turchia. 
 
 S'era quindi sicuri che la penisola, tanto famosa per il 
 suo antico fulgore, non fosse altro, oramai, che uno stam- 
 bergone di locanda e un carcassone di museo, dove un popolo 
 frivolo e poltrone non sapesse fare altro — tra una mando- 
 linata, una tarantella e una maccheronata alia napoletana 
 — che servire camorristicamente i signori visitatori piovuti 
 d'oltr'alpe e d'oltremare, e mostrar loro, gofFamente quanto 
 vanagloriosamente, le mummificate reliquie d'un passato, 
 il quale non ha piu nulla a che vedere con la vita presente e 
 tanto meno con la vita futura. 
 
 Una flaccida scrittrice nord-americana, per esempio, 
 scimmiottando il poeta francese Alfonso di Lamartine che 
 chiamo I'ltalia "terra dei morti"^ si spinse fino aH'impu- 
 denza d'asserire che la razza latina "e un cadavere in via 
 di putrefazione"^ 
 
 E non solo negli ambienti privati, ma anche nelle sffere 
 ufficiali, s'aveva all'estero una cognizione tutt'altro che 
 esatta e benevola della coesione nazionale e dell'efficienza 
 militare del popolo italiano. 
 
 Basta ricordare il seguente episodio. 
 
 II 14 gennaio 1912, durante la guerra italo-turca, la 
 torpediniera italiana Agordat fermo a sud della Sardegna 
 il piroscafo francese Carthago, sul quale era stata segnalata 
 al governo italiano la presenza d'un velivolo destinato 
 ai Turchi in Tripolitania. Dopo la requisizione fatta 
 dagli ufficiali italiani, il Carthago fu d^WJgordat scortato 
 a Cagliari ed ivi messo a disposizione del governo di Roma. 
 
 Pochi giorni dopo, cioe il 18 gennaio 191 2, la stessa 
 torpediniera Agordat fermo il vapore postale francese 
 Manouba che faceva servizio tra Marsiglia e Tunisi, e 
 
 ^ Vedere la risposta che al Lamartine diedc il poeta satirico italiano Giuseppe 
 Giusti. 
 
 ^ Vedere nel mio iibro // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America 
 (da pag. 118 a pag. 123) la risposta ch'io diedi a qucsta buona donna.
 
 COESIONE NAZIONALE 585 
 
 trovo che a bordo d'esso vi erano zgufficiali turchi camuffati 
 da membri della Mezzaluna Rossa, diretti clandestinamente 
 in Tripolitania per ivi combattere alia testa degli Arabi 
 i soldati italiani. I 29 sedicenti membri della Mezzaluna 
 Rossa furono dagli ufficiali dtW Agordat sbarcati a Cagliari, 
 ed ivi messi anche a disposizione del governo di Roma, 
 mentre il Manouba veniva rilasciato, 
 
 Poincare, ch'era da pochi giorni presidente dei ministri 
 e ministro degli esteri della Repubblica francese, nel pro- 
 testare contro gli atti "arbitrari" commessi dalla torpe- 
 diniera italiana Agordat, ebbe, tra I'altro, il coraggio di 
 dichiarare in pieno Parlamento che, se il governo di Roma 
 non avesse rilasciato immediatamente il Carthago e i 29 
 ufficiali turchi, la flotta francese avrebbe senz'altro attac- 
 cato la flotta italiana e I'avrebbe mandata a fondo nel 
 giro di pochi minuti. Proprio come se si fosse trattato di 
 mandare a fondo le tre gloriose caravelle di Cristoforo 
 Colombo! 
 
 Ora, un popolo cosi misconosciuto, che con Roma 
 tocco I'apogeo della coesione nazionale e dell'efficienza 
 militare, doveva pur sentire il bisogno di mostrare coi 
 fatti (sarebbe stato impossibile con le parole) quanto falsa 
 fosse I'opinione che il mondo s'era formata di lui. 
 
 E impose al governo di Vittorio Emanuele III la guerra 
 contro I'Austria, per provare ch'esso — il popolo italiano — 
 nonostante le sue discordie intestine spiccatamente regionali 
 (discordie dovute, piij che altro, a ingiustizie di governo), ha 
 anche oggi, come ai tempi di Catone, una saldissima coesione 
 nazionale; per provare ch'esso — il popolo italiano — nono- 
 stante lo scacco subito nella guerra contro I'Abissinia e 
 nonostante le deficienze dimostrate nella guerra contro la 
 Turchia (scacco e deficienze dovute, piii che altro, a errori 
 di governo), ha anche oggi, come ai tempi di Giulio Cesare, 
 una formidabile efficienza militare. Formidabile, s'intende, 
 in senso non quantitative, ma qualitative : in genio, in ga- 
 gliardia, in entusiasmo, in perseveranza,in fede nella vittoria. 
 
 Impose I'intervento nella grande guerra il popolo 
 italiano, per provare ch'esso — per una di quelle leggi 
 naturaH (legge di continuita) che sfugge agl'ignoranti —
 
 586 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 puo sempre rinnovellarsi nelle virtu dei potentissimi avi; 
 puo sempre risorgere — eterna araba fenice — dalle ceneri 
 dalle sue millenarie civilta. 
 
 V 
 
 Quinta ragione: II timore dell'isolamento. 
 
 II popolo italiano capi subito che la grande guerra 
 scoppiata in Europa alia fine di luglio del 1914 avrebbe 
 prodotto cambiamenti politici internazionali della massima 
 importanza. E intravide gli efFetti funesti che da tali 
 cambiamenti sarebbero derivati alia patria, s'essa fosse 
 rimasta neutrale. 
 
 Se avessero vinto gl'Imperi Centrali (Germania ed 
 Austria), I'ltalia sarebbe rimasta alia merce di queste due 
 Potenze, rese ancora piii baldanzose dalla recente vittoria. 
 Sarebbe stata fatta segno alia vendetta che i Teutoni le 
 avevano giurato, per non essersi essa schierata dalla parte 
 loro. Sarebbe stata invasa e conquistata. Sarebbe ridiven- 
 tata serva dell'Austria. E I'lnghilterra, la Francia, la 
 Russia, ch'essa aveva lasciato sconfiggere e umiliare, 
 non avrebbero fatto altro che sorridere gelidamente con 
 odio e disprezzo. 
 
 Se fosse rimasta vincitrice la Triplice Intesa (Inghil- 
 terra, Francia, Russia), I'ltalia avrebbe dovuto subire, 
 come punizione della sua neutralita, I'influenza padronesca 
 di queste tre Potenze, influenza cresciuta a dismisura dopo 
 la recente vittoria. Sarebbe stata bloccata da tutti i lati 
 nel Mediterraneo, tanto da non poter piu accedere libera- 
 mente neppure alle sue colonie africane. Sarebbe stata 
 paralizzata in ogni suo movimento espansivo. Sarebbe 
 stata ridotta alia poverta. E la Germania e I'Austria, ch'essa 
 aveva lasciato sconfiggere e umiliare, non avrebbero fatto 
 altro che sorridere gelidamente con odio e disprezzo. 
 
 A buon conto I'ltalia, se fosse rimasta neutrale nella 
 grande guerra scoppiata in Europa alia fine di luglio del 
 1914, avrebbe perduto ogni credito, ogni simpatia nel
 
 IL DIRITTO DI VIAGGIARE 587 
 
 mondo. Avrebbe messo a repentaglio la sua stessa unita 
 nazionale, la sua stessa indipendenza. Si sarebbe preclusa 
 la via del progresso. Non sarebbe stata piii rispettata e 
 amata da nessuno. Sarebbe stata sfuggita e schifata da 
 tutti — dai vinti e dai vincitori — com'una cagna affamata, 
 com'una carogna verminosa. 
 
 Per scongiurare una si immensa iattura, il popolo 
 italiano impose al governo di Vittorio Emanuele III I'in- 
 tervento armato della nazione. 
 
 La conservazione della propria vita, sia negli esseri 
 singoli che negli esseri collettivi, non e forse una suprema 
 legge naturale? la legge protoplasma di tutte le leggi 
 umane? non e forse una suprema necessita? la piii im- 
 pellente delle necessita fisiche e morali? 
 
 VI 
 
 Sesta ragione: II diritto di viaggiare. 
 
 Un uomo ha il diritto, in qualunque momento della 
 sua vita, di girare il mondo per lungo e per largo. Ha il 
 diritto d'andare dove la sua volonta lo spinge, dove i suoi 
 interessi lo chiamano. Diritto naturale che nessuno puo 
 contestargli, per la semplice ragione ch'esso — il diritto 
 di viaggiare — nacque col primo uomo e per i bisogni e i 
 godimenti degli uomini; per la semplice ragione ch'esso — 
 il diritto di viaggiare — e una forza motrice dell'umano 
 progresso. Forza che piii d'ogni altra contribuisce a creare, 
 coltivare, rinsaldare — tra i popoli che sono separati dalle 
 distanze e, piii che dalle distanze, dai pregiudizi di razza 
 e di nazionalita — quelle correnti di simpatia che tendono, 
 per un'irresistibile propulsione d'amore, alia fratellanza 
 universale, vale a dire all'apogeo della civilta umana. All'a- 
 pogeo che ha, come contenuto sostanziale — oltre alio 
 splendore delle scienze, delle arti, delle lettere — la purita 
 morale dello spirito, per cui I'uomo non puo che sinceramente 
 sentire e operare il bene, non mai il male, verso i suoi simili. 
 
 Id enunciai e sostenni questo concetto nel mio libro
 
 588 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America 
 a pagina 104, dove dissi che — "per quel grande e sacro 
 principio sociale, in base a cui ogni uomo e padrone d'entrare 
 in qualsiasi paese del mondo per esercit-arvi liberamente e 
 onestamente i diritti del suo lavoro" — gl'Italiani emigrati 
 negli Stati Uniti non dovevano, con servile senso di grati- 
 tudine, considerare e magnificare come- ospitale il popolo 
 americano. Tanto piii che questo popolo non li accoglieva, 
 almeno allora, da pari a pari. Tanto piii che questo popolo 
 ritraeva, almeno allora, dalle braccia poderose e operose 
 degli emigrati italiani, gran parte della prosperita che 
 rendeva esso popolo tanto irragionevole, ingiusto, altezzoso. 
 
 E corroborai tale concetto, soggiungendo: "Non mai 
 glTnglesi, i Francesi, i Tedeschi, gli stessi Americani e 
 tutti gli altri forestieri che si trovano in Italia a speculare 
 e ad arricchirsi con industrie e commerci fiorenti, non mai 
 si son sognati di considerarsi ospiti del popolo italiano, 
 ma uomini liberi, andati nel nostro paese per esercitarvi 
 appunto i diritti della loro volonta e dei loro interessi". 
 
 Solo i tiranni, che vogliono, provocano e dirigono le 
 guerre, osano contestare, anzi conculcare nel peggiore dei 
 modi, il diritto che I'uomo ha, in qualunque momento della 
 sua vita, di girare il mondo per lungo e per largo. 
 
 Essi — i tiranni che vogliono, provocano e dirigono le 
 guerre — bloccando le terre e le acque che a loro fa comodo 
 di bloccare — dimenticano, o fingono di dimenticare, che il 
 globo abitato dagli uomini e di tutti gli uomini: com'e 
 di tutti gli uomini I'aria che circonda il globo stesso: com'e 
 di tutti gli uomini il sole che illumina, scalda e feconda il 
 globo stesso. 
 
 Essi — i tiranni che vogliono, provocano e dirigono le 
 guerre — impedendo all'uomo (massimamente a quello che 
 non e implicato nelle guerre, che e contro le guerre) d'andare 
 dove la sua volonta lo spinge, dove i suoi interessi lo chia- 
 mano, commettono un atto arbitrario della massima gravita: 
 atto che nessun popolo, avente a cuore la propria liberta e la 
 liberta degli altri popoli, dovrebbe tollerare. II popolo della 
 nuova Italia, forte della sua risvegliata coscienza, non lo 
 tollero. E impose al governo monarchico dei Savoia I'inter-
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 589 
 
 vento armato della nazione nella grande guerra, per difen- 
 dere col pioprio sangue uno dei piu preziosi doni della 
 natura. 
 
 Cosi esso — il popolo della nuova Italia — seguT in 
 modo mirabile gli esempi dei suoi apostoli. I quali preferi- 
 rono le carceri, le torture, i roghi, piuttosto che piegarsi, 
 per conto loro o per cento deH'umanita ch'essi degnamente 
 rappresentavano, a qualsiasi restrizione di liberta. 
 
 VII 
 
 Settima ragione: Solidarieta umana. 
 
 II popolo italiano, per una di quelle leggi naturali che 
 caratterizzano psicologicamente le razze umane I'una 
 dall'altra, ha insiti in se due sentimenti: un sentimento di 
 simpatia per gli esseri deboli, e un sentimento d'indigna- 
 zione contro i forti che degli esseri deboli abusano e ne 
 fanno scempio. Due sentimenti che formano, nella pecu- 
 liare armonia della loro essenza spirituale e della loro 
 estrinsecazione pratica, il granitico fondamento della sua 
 vita sociale. 
 
 Si dia uno sguardo alia storia d'ltalia — dai tempi in 
 cui sorsero e fiorirono nel sud della penisola le famose 
 repubbliche della Magna Grecia, fino ai tempi odierni — e 
 si vedra che il popolo italiano si commosse sempre della 
 sorte dei deboli; abbraccio sempre — a fatti e non a parole, 
 per magnanimo impulso morale e non per egoistici interessi 
 materiali — la loro causa, specie quando essa implied 
 liberta nazionali calpestate o semplicemente minacciate da 
 tiranni prepotenti. 
 
 A corroborazione di tale mia affermazione, basta ricor- 
 dare qui qualcuno dei fatti storici piii recenti. 
 
 Giuseppe Garibaldi, alia testa d'un corpo di volontari 
 italiani, corse in difesa della Francia repubblicana nella 
 guerra del 1870 contro la Prussia, compiendo gesta eroiche 
 vittoriose degne d'epopea a Digione ^ 
 
 ' In quella memorabile campagna, Garibaldi fu "il solo capitano — cosl afFermo 
 Victor Hugo — che seppe vincere eroicamente".
 
 590 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 Ricciotti Garibaldi, figlio vivente dell'Eroe, alia testa 
 dun corpo di volontari italiani, corse in difesa della Grecia 
 nella guerra del 1897 contro la Turchia, compiendo gesta 
 eroiche vittoriose degne d'epopea a Domokos ^ 
 
 Peppino Garibaldi, figlio vivente di Ricciotti, alia 
 testa d'un corpo di volontari italiani, corse in difesa della 
 Francia repubblicana nella grande guerra odierna contro 
 la Germania, compiendo gesta eroiche vittoriose degne 
 d'epopea alle Argonne ^. 
 
 E non solo nelle lotte di carattere pubblico coUettivo, 
 ma benanche negli alterchi di carattere privato individuale, 
 il popolo italiano mise sempre in evidenza, o, meglio, in 
 azione, i suoi innati sentimenti di simpatia verso i deboli 
 e d'indignazione verso i forti (forti nel senso brutalmente 
 fisico della parola, s'intende). 
 
 In America, per esempio, particolarmente nella citta 
 dov'io risiedo da parecchio tempo, m'accadde spesso di 
 vedere, nelle strade, persone (due alia volta) disputare 
 brevemente tra loro per motivi ordinariamente futili, e 
 poi azzufFarsi e tempestarsi di pugni. Non uno degli astanti 
 si mosse mai per appaciare i due disputanti, o per evitare, 
 almeno, che la zuffa ingaggiata finisse con la peggio del 
 debole. II forte pote sempre a suo bell'agio atterrare il 
 debole; cavalcargli sul petto; martellargli le mascelle, il 
 naso, gli occhi; trasformargli il viso (il nobile viso umano!) 
 in un'orrida piaga sanguinolenta; ridurlo in fin di vita. Gli 
 astanti — anche se conoscenti, amici, congiunti del debole 
 — assistirono sempre indifFerenti, come ad una scena cine- 
 matografica o con ignava volutta, alFaccanitoyigA^ sentendo 
 perfino ammirazione per il forte. 
 
 In Italia, specialmente nella mia terra di Calabria a 
 buon diritto qualificata "forte e generosa", non puo acca- 
 dere mai nulla di simile. Ivi gli astanti, anche se estranei, 
 s'interpongono fin dalle prime frasi alterate tra i due dispu- 
 tanti. E se non riescono con le ragioni, con le preghiere 
 
 ^ Nella battaglia di Domokos cadde, tra gli altri, il deputato repubblicano al 
 Parlamento nazionaie italiano Antonio Fratti, a cui Guglielmo Oberdan aveva 
 affidato il suo testamento politico. 
 
 ^ Nel combattimento delle Argonne tra volontari garibaldini e soldati tedeschi, 
 caddero, tra gli altri italiani, i giovani Bruno e Sante Garibaldi, fratelli di Peppino.
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 591 
 
 a calmarli, a ristabilire tra loro la pace, a evitare la zufFa 
 bestiale, simpatizzano senz'altro per il debole; si schierano 
 apertamente e risolutamente dalla parte sua; non permettono 
 che gli si torca un capello; preferiscono ricever essi stessi 
 i colpi, sia pure mortali, del forte, sul quale non tarda a 
 rovesciarsi I'esecrazione generale. 
 
 Ora, un popolo cosi sensibile, cosi giusto, cosi umano, 
 avente a sua disposizione un esercito e una flotta formida- 
 bili — abbastanza formidabili — non poteva assolutamente 
 rimanere inerte di fronte alia violenza commessa dalla 
 forte e prepotente Austria contro la piccola Serbia. Non 
 poteva rimanere inerte di fronte al delitto commesso dalla 
 forte e prepotente Germania contro il piccolo Belgio. Non 
 poteva rimanere inerte di fronte al torvo e brutale mili- 
 tarismo teutonico, minacciante, con crescente incalzante 
 gravita, quella Francia repubblicana che aveva versato 
 fiumi di sangue per I'unita e I'indipendenza della sorella 
 latina e per il trionfo dei principi democratici in tutta 
 I'Europa. Non poteva rimanere inerte di fronte al torvo 
 e brutale militarismo teutonico, minacciante, con crescente 
 incalzante gravita, quell'Inghilterra che ospito sempre, con 
 larga e afFettuosa liberalita, anche in tempi di generale 
 reazione, tutti gli esuli, tutti i grandi perseguitati politici 
 italiani (da Giordano Bruno a Ugo Foscolo, da Mazzini a 
 Malatesta ^); quell'Inghilterra che con le sue navi Intre- 
 pido e Argus protesse e facilito, nella primavera del i860, 
 il memorabile sbarco dei Mille a Marsala, sbarco che 
 decise dell'unita nazionale italiana; quell'Inghilterra che 
 accolse Garibaldi com' un dio, quando I'Eroe impersonante 
 il popolo della nuova Italia si reco nell'aprile del 1864 a 
 visitare Londra. Non poteva rimanere inerte di fronte al 
 torvo e brutale militarismo teutonico, minacciante, con 
 crescente incalzante gravita, quella Russia che, a mezzo 
 dei suoi grandi uomini come Turgheniew, Tolstoi, Tcher- 
 
 ^11 dottor Enrico Malatesta — uno dei leaders anarchici italiani viventi — 
 tra il 7 e il 10 giugno 1914 capeggio nelle province d'Ancona, Forli e Ravenna un 
 moto rivoluzionario tendente ad abbattere la monarchia dei Savoia e proclamare 
 la Repubblica d'ltalia. Perseguitato dal governo di Vittorio Emanuele III, erro 
 per tutta I'Europa e fu dovunque respinto. Trovorifugio soltanto a Londra, dove 
 attualmente risiede.
 
 592 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 nichewski, Gogol, Gorki, sempre ammiro e glorifico leal- 
 mente I'ltalia ^; quella Russia che fu la prima a mandare i 
 suoi marinari in Calabria e Sicilia per soccorrere quelle 
 popolazioni colpite dal terribile terremoto del 1908. 
 
 Se fosse rimasto inerte, esso — il popolo italiano — 
 avrebbe rinnegato la sua incomparabile personalita morale 
 materiata tutta d'altruismo e gratitudine; avrebbe offuscato 
 le sue piii fulgide tradizioni di pensiero e d'azione; avrebbe, 
 quel che e peggio — nel momento in cui la morte s'accingeva 
 a plasmare sui campi di battaglia della vecchia Europa 
 la nuova vita del mondo — tradito la causa dell'umanita. 
 La quale deve stare al disopra d'ogni e qualunque interesse 
 personale e nazionale, come la vita fisica dell'universo sta, 
 perennemente, al disopra delle singole parti che la com- 
 pongono. 
 
 Perche e inutile negarlo! La parola, contrapposta al 
 fatto, non ebbe mai valore. E non ne avra mai, finche 
 nel fondo di certi esseri umani risiedera — come morchia 
 in fondo a giare piene d'olio, come feccia in fondo a botti 
 piene di vino, come melma in fondo a pozzi pieni d'acqua 
 — quell'istinto malvagio che e in aperta antitesi con i 
 sentimenti della bonta, della pieta, dell'amore, su cui 
 dovrebbero poggiare ed evolversi tutte le civilta. 
 
 Si disse sempre, in tutti i toni, ai potentati d'Europa, 
 di non alimentare il militarismo. Ma essi ralimentarono, 
 e come! 
 
 Si disse sempre, in tutti i toni, ai potentati d'Europa, 
 di non provocare le guerre. Ma essi le provocarono, e come! 
 
 Bisognava lasciare, in su I'aurora del ventesimo secolo, 
 che i soldatoni imperiali — imitando le ataviche orde 
 d'Alarico e d'Attila — invadessero i territori delle nazioni 
 piccole indipendenti e vi trucidassero gli uomini, v'insoz- 
 zassero le donne, vi mutilassero i bambini, vi rubassero il 
 frutto di tanti sudori, v'incendiassero case, radessero al 
 suolo intere citta — cinicamente, impunemente — come si 
 lascio, ad esempio, che i Turchi facessero per anni e anni coi 
 poveri Armeni? 
 
 ' Basta ricordare il solo Gorki, che, dopo respinto dagli Stati Uniti d'America 
 per colpa d'un ipocrito puritanismo, si stabili a Capri ed ivi, ospitato rispetfosa- 
 mente e amorosamente, rilevo e magnifico nei suoi scritti le virtu del popolo italiano.
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 593 
 
 Ma allora addio solidarieta umana! 
 
 Essa — dopo tante promesse, dopo tanti entusiasmi — 
 non sarebbe stata per i deboli, i quali avevano avuto la 
 semplicita di credere e aspettare, se non una frase arcadica, 
 vuota, schernitrice, epilogante ancora una volta I'ignobile 
 farsa dei pulpitisti (preti e non preti) che sanno soltanto 
 predicar bene e razzolar male; dei pulpitisti che, alia prova 
 del foco, sanno soltanto mettere in pratica la loro egoistica 
 teoria ingusciata tutta nella parabolica formula: "lontano 
 da me, e dove va va". 
 
 I testoni coronati non avrebbero voluto altro! 
 Fortunatamente il popolo italiano, con la sua svegliata 
 
 intelligenza, comprese subito che le parole non avrebbero 
 potuto impedire i fatti ^ 
 
 E si slancio nella grande guerra, esso — il popolo italiano 
 — col suo cuor di fanciullo, per contrapporre fatti a fatti, 
 azione ad azione, forza bruta a forza bruta (una specie di 
 similia similibus curantur); per insegnare alia turba dei 
 queruli dottrinai, che il diritto conculcato dei deboli si 
 difende non con le parole, ma col sacrificio della propria 
 vita; che le vittime innocenti della barbarie (militaresca e 
 non militaresca) si vendicano non con le parole, ma col 
 sacrificio della propria vita; che la vera fratellanza dei 
 popoli — ideale a cui tende di continuo per immutabile 
 legge naturale I'anima umana — s'afferma, s'esalta, si 
 perpetua non con le parole, ma col sacrificio della propria 
 vita. 
 
 II popolo italiano sa bene che, dopo la grande guerra, 
 non gli tocchera che una sola ricompensa: quella della 
 fame, del disprezzo, dell'oblio peggio di prima. Ma che 
 
 ^ Nel mese di maggio del 1915, cioe alia vigilia della dichiarazionedi guerra fatta 
 dal governo italiano al governo austriaco, le mura delle citta d'ltalia erano tutte 
 tappezzate di cartelloni che dicevano: 
 "Non dimentichiamo mai 
 il Belgio, 
 
 il Lusitania, 
 
 i bimbi sgozzati, 
 
 i vecchi massacrati, 
 le donne violate, 
 
 i paesi devastati, 
 
 gli ospedali bombardati 
 per sola mania di distruzione daU'esercito di Sua Maesta Gugliclmo II."
 
 594 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 gl'importa? Esso — spirito eminentemente poetico e filo- 
 sofico a un tempo, provato a tutte le privazioni, a tutte le 
 ingratitudini, a tutti i dolori — pensera d'avere tracciata, 
 col suo purissimo sangue, la via che, unica, dato I'attuale 
 ordine di cose, potra condurre alia tanto sospirata pace 
 universale. E un tale pensiero sara piii che sufficiente a 
 renderlo contento, felice, beato. 
 
 Ho detto "dato I'attuale ordine cose". Ho detto 
 "unica". E mi spiego. 
 
 La vita d'una nazione, oggigiorno, per quanto complessa, 
 poggia in gran parte su basi essenzialmente industrial, 
 costruite dal popolo non per il proprio tornaconto, ma per 
 il tornaconto d'una minoranza ventraiola e crudele chia- 
 mata plutocrazia, la quale col popolo non ha altro di comune 
 se non la semplice darviniana origine scimmiesca. 
 
 Un sifFatto industrialismo nazionalista, per mantenersi 
 e prosperare — sempre, s'intende, a beneficio della mino- 
 ranza ventraiola e crudele chiamata plutocrazia — deve, 
 necessariamente, spingersi a competizioni commerciali con 
 I'industrialismo d'un'altra nazione o d'altre nazioni, e 
 viceversa. 
 
 Ma le competizioni commerciali, affinche diano risultati 
 finanziari proporzionati alle voglie ingorde della pluto- 
 crazia nazionalista, debbono essere ineluttabilmente e 
 strenuamente favorite e protette dallo Stato. 
 
 Si presta a una partigianeria tanto sfacciata e iniqua 
 il governo d'uno Stato odierno? 
 
 Sicuro che vi si presta! 
 
 E come potrebbe non prestarvisi, se esso — il governo 
 d'uno Stato odierno — sia che si copra con la maschera 
 sormontata da una corona reale o imperiale, sia che si 
 copra con la maschera sormontata da un berretto frigio 
 repubblicano — non e altro, oramai, se non un ente volon- 
 tariamente asservito alia minoranza ventraiola e crudele 
 chiamata plutocrazia.'' 
 
 Ora, un siffatto governo non potrebbe, francamente, 
 senza darsi con la zappa sui piedi, cimentare le forze militari, 
 cioe le forze positive della nazione, se non per favorire e 
 proteggere gl'interessi del padrone, o, per essere grammati-
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 595 
 
 calmente piu esatti, della padrona (plutocrazia, in lingua 
 italiana, e di genere femminile). Le guerre della nuova 
 Italia in Africa (per esempio quella contro I'Abissinia e 
 quella contro la Turchia) non ebbero altro scopo, almeno 
 originario, se non la cosidetta *'penetrazione commerciale", 
 voluta ed efFettuata dal governo monarchico dei Savoia 
 per conto della plutocrazia italiana. E la stessa grande 
 guerra che da tre anni infuria suU' Europa non fu provocata 
 che dall'invidia della plutocrazia germanica per il primato 
 commerciale della plutocrazia inglese nel mondo ^ 
 
 Nelle cause di puro carattere umanitario — quelle cioe 
 che involgono I'elevamento intelletuale morale economico, 
 la giustizia, la liberta, la felicita dei popoli — il governo d'uno 
 Stato odierno non cimenta mai le forze militari della nazione. 
 Ed e naturale; poiche le forze militari, facendo trionfare la 
 causa umanitaria, non sortirebbero che un solo effetto: 
 la fine della plutocrazia, vale a dire la fine di tutte le disugua- 
 glianze, di tutte le ingiustizie, di tutte le tirannidi sociali. 
 Un eflFetto, come si vede, ben diverso da quello per cui le 
 forze militari delle nazioni oggigiorno esistono. 
 
 Nelle cause di puro carattere umanitario, esso — il 
 governo d'uno Stato odierno — impiega solo la forza nega- 
 tiva della nazione: la diplomazia. La quale non ha altro 
 compito, se non quello di ciarlare, arruffare il piii che sia 
 possibile la matassa, gettare polvere negli occhi ai gonzi, 
 cloroformizzare la nazione, riducendo ogni palpito di vita 
 collettiva alio statu quo, a questa comoda ellissi latina 
 (comoda per i forti, ma nefasta per i deboli) fossilizzata e 
 fossilizzatrice. 
 
 Debbono i popoli continuare ad afFrontare una situa- 
 zione tanto tangibile nel suo vizioso male cronico, contrap- 
 ponendo le solite innocue parole ai fatti assassini delle 
 feroci e sorde plutocrazie? 
 
 Ma, in tal modo, essi — i popoli — non farebbero che 
 ribadire sempre piii con le proprie mani le catene della 
 schiavitu; non farebbero che perpetuate le guerre, sempre a 
 
 ^ Le altre cause che determinarono la grande guerra (panslavismo, revenge 
 francese, irredentismo italiano, ecc.) non furono che cause d'importanza affatto 
 secondaria.
 
 596 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 vantaggio dei furbi che, oziando, godono, e a danno de- 
 gl'ingenui che, lavorando, soffrono. 
 
 Finche esistono grindustrialismi nazionalisti con le 
 rispettive competizioni commerciali: finche esistono le 
 plutocrazie che nelle loro mani hanno accentrate, e pos- 
 sono disporne a lor talento, tutte le forze positive delle 
 nazioni (dalla forza finanziaria a quella militare) co- 
 tidianamente legalizzate dai governi e benedette dalle 
 religioni che sono anche, per grazia di Dio, al servizio dei 
 forti: finche sifFatte plutocrazie, per sempre maggiore sete di 
 ricchezza e di dominio — sete originata da innata e incallita 
 malvagita d'animo — provocano le guerre, I'inerzia dei 
 popoli, armata solo di vecchio rettoricume lacrimoso e sia 
 pure sdegnoso, non e altro, secondo me, che un'incongruenza, 
 un anacronismo, una follia, un suicidio. E il fragile vetro 
 che vuol resistere ai colpi del maglio possente. E la bolla 
 di sapone che vuol resistere al cozzo della viva roccia 
 calcarea. 
 
 Bisogna cambiar rotta. Siamo in un secolo nel quale 
 non si puo piii credere, ragionevolmente, se non ad una sola 
 verita: a quella che ci viene insegnata o, meglio, dimostrata 
 dalla scienza positiva. Bisogna quindi vivere un po' meno 
 nel mondo metafisico dei sogni, e un po' piii nel mondo 
 fisico della realta. Le parole con le quali Giosue fermo 
 il sole elaluna; le parole con le quali Cristo risuscito Lazzaro 
 di Betania, non sono altro, oramai, che arrugginiti ferra- 
 vecchi biblici. 
 
 I popoli debbono far fatti. Debbono, tutti indistinta- 
 mente, creare tra loro una salda alleanza spirituale (pro- 
 dromo della loro unione politica universale) e stabilire, 
 come principio fondamentale di giustizia inviolabile e 
 invariabile, che quando una controversia sorta tra due 
 nazioni degenera in guerra, ciascuno di essi — ciascuno dei 
 popoli non implicati nella controversia degenerata in 
 guerra — deve, a priori, impOrre al proprio Governo I'in- 
 tervento armato in favore della nazione debole che si trova 
 dalla parte della ragione. Dalla parte della ragione non 
 secondo il porcino punto di vista della minoranza ventraiola 
 e crudele chiamata plutocrazia; non secondo le verbose
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 597 
 
 leggi partigiane votate dai Parlamenti e sanzionate dai 
 re, dagrimperatori e dai president! delle repubbliche; non 
 secondo le cervellotiche sentenze sputate dagl'ingonnellati 
 commedianti dei diversi tribunali arbitrali dell'Aia. Ma dalla 
 parte della ragione, secondo il giudizio che scaturisce spon- 
 taneo, scevro di preconcetti e di passioni, dalla libera 
 intelligenza, dalla Candida coscienza dei popoli stessi; 
 secondo, sopratutto, quel naturale diritto alia vita che rende 
 sempre bella, sacra, degna di trionfo la causa dei deboli. 
 
 Solo in tal modo — per ora — si puo frenare la morbosa 
 fregola aggressiva dei forti. Solo in tal modo si possono 
 subitamente evitare le guerre. 
 
 Infatti, se il governo di Francesco Giuseppe, per esem- 
 pio, avesse saputo in antecedenza che i popoli d'Europa, 
 anzi del mondo intero, sarebbero insorti e intervenuti 
 prontamente con tutte le forze positive delle loro nazioni 
 in difesa della Serbia, esso — il governo di Francesco Giu- 
 seppe — per quanto potente e prepotente, per quanto spal- 
 leggiato da quel colosso militaresco ch'era I'impero germanico 
 — non si sarebbe azzardato di fare la voce troppo grossa 
 contro la piccola nazione balcanica difendente la propria 
 unita, la propria indipendenza; non avrebbe commesso 
 I'insana temerita di mandarle, nel luglio del 1914, quel- 
 Vultimatum che doveva scatenare sul mondo il piu terribile 
 degl'inferni. 
 
 Ma, purtroppo, Talleanza spirituale dei popoli, prodrome 
 della loro unione politica universale, non si potra mai 
 effettuare, se, prima, i due piii avanzati gruppi di dottrinai, 
 che sui popoli hanno uno straordinario ascendente morale, 
 non sapranno efficacemente adattare la loro concezione 
 paciflsta, sfrondata d'ogni intransigenza dogmatica, agli 
 avvenimenti che giorno per giorno si svolgono sulla Terra. 
 
 Primo gruppo. Quelli che — circoscrivendo il progresso 
 umano alia sola lotta di classe (problema economico) — 
 sono in favore della guerra, soltanto nel caso in cui si tratti 
 di difendere da un'invasione nemica il paese nel quale stanno 
 riconcentrati tutti gl'interessi material! del proletariato 
 nazionale ch'essi rappresentano. Astensionisti condizionali.
 
 598 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 Secondo gruppo. Quelli che — aspettando dalla rivolu- 
 zione la distruzione d'ogni autorita politica, giudizlaria, 
 militare, economica, religiosa — sono contrari a tutte le 
 guerre, poiche esse non si combattono che per il rotondissimo 
 ventre di "lor signori". Astensionisti assoluti. 
 
 I membri di questi due gruppi sono, senza dubbio, 
 animati da rette intenzioni; mirano all'alto fine, cui mira 
 ogni mente aperta e operosa, ogni cuore sensibile e gentile: 
 all'emancipazione di tutte le creature oppresse. 
 
 lo percio voglio ragionare un po' con loro, serenamente^ 
 
 E dico agli astensionisti condizionali: 
 
 La tesi della guerra per sola difesa nazionale, da voi 
 sostenuta, e in aperta contradizione con le dottrine che voi 
 dite di professare. Dottrine che, nel loro contenuto ideali- 
 stico spiccatamente e rigorosamente internazionale, non 
 ammettono restrizioni di sorta. 
 
 II grido *'lavoratori di tutti i paesi, unitivi!" — sinte- 
 tizzante codeste dottrine — non va interpretato nel senso 
 esclusivamente economico che voi credete. Esso — a 
 meno che non si voglia impicciolire il merito di chi lo lancio 
 — va, logicamente, interpretato in un senso molto piii 
 vasto. In un senso abbracciante tutti i problemi sociali, 
 dai quali quello economico non si puo astrarre, senza 
 turbare I'armonia o rompere addirittura la compagine delle 
 cose che regolano e perpetuano il vero progresso umano. 
 
 Perche la questione sociale e poliedrica. 
 
 E il problema economico non e altro che una parte 
 della questione sociale (una faccia del poliedro). Una parte 
 intimamente connessa alle altre, anzi dipendente dalle altre 
 e specialmente da una: dall'ignoranza. 
 
 Lo disse autorevolmente tre secoli addietro, fra le 
 pill orribili torture dell'inquisizione laica ed ecclesiastica, 
 quell'arditissimo padre del comunismo universale che fu 
 il mio enciclopedico concittadino Tommaso Campanella. 
 
 Secondo il pensiero di questo gigante precursore delle 
 
 ^ Non mi occupo degli altri gruppi pacifist!, perche essi, essendo emanazione 
 piu o mcno dirctta delle plutocrazie, non possono essere sin.ceri. 
 "Non ragioniam di lor, ma Riiarda e passa." 
 
 (Dante, Divina Commcdia, Inferno, canto III).
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 599 
 
 civili rivendicazioni umane — pensiero confermato appieno 
 dai fatti — la questione sociale abbraccia: 
 
 Primo: Vignoranzay la quale, impedendo di far conoscere 
 i veri vizi e le vere virtu, genera e nutrisce i mali '*sotto cui 
 freme e piange il mondo". 
 
 Secondo: il cieco amor propria^ ossia I'egoismo, figlio 
 degno dell'ignoranza. 
 
 Terzo: la tirannide (falsa possanza), il sofisma (falsa 
 scienza), Vipocrisia (falso amore), cioe i tre mali estremi 
 (la "trina bugia") che hanno radice e fomento nel cieco amor 
 proprio. 
 
 Quarto: le carestie, ossia la miseria (il problema econo- 
 mico), le guerre, le pestiy Vinvidia, VingannOy V ingiustizia, 
 la lussuria, Yaccidia, lo sdegno, derivanti tutti dai tre mali 
 estremi, ai quali gerarchicamente sottostanno. 
 
 II problema economico, dunque, non si puo astrarre 
 dagli altri. Non si puo risolvere indipendentemente dagli 
 altri. Se si potesse risolvere indipendentemente dagli 
 altri, la sua soluzione isolata non raggiungerebbe lo scopo 
 (il miglioramento morale del mondo) a cui tende I'intera 
 questione sociale. E la prova di questa mia afFermazione, 
 che a prima vista puo sembrare un paradosso, ce la da in 
 modo irrefutabile la stessa plutocrazia. Proprio cosi! 
 
 E un fatto — e spero che su questo punto non ci saranno 
 divergenze — che la plutocrazia e composta, al pari del 
 proletariato, d'uomini di carne e d'ossa della medesima 
 specie. 
 
 Questi uomini (i plutocrati) hanno gia risolto, e splendida- 
 mente risolto, a loro vantaggio, il problema economico. 
 Spero che neanche su questo punto ci saranno divergenze. 
 
 Ma la soluzione di tale problema, che ha portato tutte 
 le comodita, tutti i piaceri sensuali della vita ai plutocrati, 
 ha essa, nello stesso tempo, portato loro un proporzionato 
 miglioramento morale? Neppure per sogno! 
 
 La soluzione del problema economico (comodita, piaceri 
 sensuali a bizzeffe) ha invece portato ai plutocrati un enorme 
 peggioramento morale, visibile perfino ai ciechi. Ha in- 
 segnato ch'essa — la detta soluzione — scompagnata dalla 
 soluzione degli altri problemi sociali, non e, e non potra mai
 
 600 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 essere, la panacea predicata dai teorici di superficiale od 
 ottenebrata mentalita; ha dimostrato ancora una volta, ed 
 oggi piu che mai, il valore positive della verita proclamata 
 in tempi difficili dal sommo apostolo stilese. II quale fu — 
 col Vinci, col Pomponazzi, col Telesio, col Bruno, col 
 Galilei — un genio creatore del positivismo moderno: di 
 quel positivismo che, alia volubile autorita della parola, 
 sostitui la stabile autorita dei fatti: di quel positivismo, 
 culminato ai nostri giorni nella monumentale opera filoso- 
 fica di quell'altra gloria italiana che e il vivente professor 
 Roberto Ardigo. 
 
 E se il grido sintetizzante la dottrina professata da voi, 
 astensionisti condizionali, ha un contenuto idealistico 
 spiccatamente e rigorosamente internazionale, non capisco 
 con quale coscienza o, peggio, con che cuore, voi possiate 
 restringere la guerra alia sola difesa nazionale, lasciando che 
 le nazioni forti, trovantisi dalla parte del torto, aggredissero 
 e schiacciassero a lor piacimento le nazioni deboli, trovan- 
 tisi dalla parte della ragione. 
 
 Un siffatto principio restrittivo (guerra per sola difesa 
 nazionale) e d'una crudelta egoistica inaudita. E la piii 
 ripugnante ironia dell'internazionale, o internazionalismo 
 che dir si voglia. E I'assoluta negazione d'ogni solidarieta 
 umana e animale. Dico animale, perche financo gli animali 
 sentono e mettono in pratica, tra loro, quella che noi chia- 
 miamo solidarieta morale verso i deboli. II cane (basta 
 questo solo esempio) arrischia continuamente la propria vita 
 per difendere le pecore (animali deboli e innocenti) dal lupo 
 (animale forte, selvaggio e prepotente). 
 
 E la vostra stessa nazione, astensionisti condizionali, 
 non tarderebbe a cadere vittima della malvagita, delle 
 cupidige plutocratiche d'una nazione piii forte; vittima del 
 vostro stesso errore. 
 
 Perche non basta volersi difendere. Bisogna potersi 
 difendere. La Serbia voleva anche difendersi dall'Austria. 
 II Belgio voleva anche difendersi dalla Germania. Ma I'una 
 e I'altro, essendo troppo piccoli e, per conseguenza, troppo 
 deboli di fronte ai loro aggressori, dovettero soccombere, 
 nonostante poggiassero la loro difesa su diritti d'indipen-
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 601 
 
 denza e su punti d'onore piu che sacri. E non si rialzereb- 
 bero piu, e rimarrebbero per sempre schiavi dei tiranni che 
 con soldatesca brutalita li calpestarono, se essi — i due 
 popoli eroici serbo e belga — dovessero aspettare aiuto 
 dai fratelli i quali si strombazzano internazionalisti, stando 
 rinchioccioliti neH'astensionismo nazionalista. 
 
 E se la questione sociale abbraccia moiti altri problemi, 
 oltre a quelle economico: e se I'emancipazione delle crea- 
 ture oppresse dipende dalla soluzione parallela di tutti 
 questi problemi e non dalla soluzione d'un solo d'essi, non 
 capisco perche voi, seguaci del grido sintetizzante la que- 
 stione sociale in tutta la sua idealistica interezza^ dobbiate 
 persistere nella soluzione del solo problema economico. 
 Non capisco perche dobbiate disinteressarvi, o interessarvi 
 assai poco, degli altri problemi, quand' e assodato che 
 la parallela soluzione di tutti, non la soluzione isolata 
 d'uno d'essi, potra eliminare i mali"sotto cui freme e piange 
 il mondo": i mali che impediscono I'emancipazione tanto 
 sospirata. 
 
 Si sa che le guerre, oggigiorno, non si fanno per vendicare 
 I'onore offeso d'un qualsiasi Menelao piij o meno coronato, 
 come si fece, per esempio, la mitologica guerra dell'antica 
 Grecia contro Troia d'omerica memoria. 
 
 Le guerre, oggigiorno, come ho accennato piii su e come 
 voi stessi astensionisti condizionali riconoscete, si fanno 
 per fini essenzialmente economici: per quei fini ai quali 
 tende appunto la dottrina che voi dite di professare, pure 
 a volerla interpretare nel senso il piii angusto. 
 
 E se si fanno per fini essenzialmente economici, non 
 vedo la ragione per cui voi, seguaci dell'internazionalismo 
 ridotto sia pure ai minimi termini, vale a dire ai termini 
 strettamente economici, dobbiate asternervi dall'inter- 
 venire in esse. 
 
 Perche tali fini, obietterete, non compromettono gl'interessi 
 economici del nostro proletariato nazionale. 
 
 Che gl'interessi economici del proletariato d'una nazione 
 astensionista (neutrale) sieno compromessi — data la 
 presente organizzazione industriale e commerciale del
 
 602 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 mondo — da una guerra tra due o piu nazloni e massima- 
 mente da una guerra di gigantesche proporzioni come 
 quella che da tre anni infuria sulla vecchia Europa e, per 
 riflesso, su tutto il mondo, e una verita accessibile a tutte 
 le intelligenze. 
 
 Ma se anche, per una lontana ipotesi, gl'interessi econo- 
 mici del proletariato nazionale neutrale non fossero meno- 
 mamente compromessi dalle guerre altrui, voi, astensionisti 
 condizionali, avreste egualmente il dovere d'intervenire in 
 esse, per difendere gl'interessi economici del proletariato 
 della nazione piii debole aggredita da una nazione pluto- 
 craticamente piii forte. E cio per coerenza fattiva, non 
 parolaia, con la dottrina sia pure strettamente economica 
 che voi dite di professare. 
 
 Gli scrupoli sentimentali di non volere intervenire 
 nelle guerre, perche sareste costretti ad ammazzare i fra- 
 telli vostri, dovreste ormai lasciarli da parte. 
 
 Non sono fratelli vostri i soldati invasori che dovreste 
 ammazzare in caso di difesa nazionale? 
 
 Non sono fratelli vostri — e fratelli della vostra stessa 
 nazione! — i crumiri (scabs) che voi combattete e ammaz- 
 zate durante gli scioperi? 
 
 E gli scioperi stessi, a cui voi ricorrete sovente come 
 mezzo difensivo nella lotta di classe, non sono essi, in so- 
 stanza, guerre tra fratelli sfruttati e fratelli sfruttatori? 
 guerre d'odio e di sangue tra fratelli proletari unionisti e 
 fratelli proletari non unionisti? 
 
 Voi proletari appartenenti alle unioni, quando siete in 
 isciopero, assalite e ammazzate senza tanti complimenti i 
 vostri fratelli proletari non appartenenti alle unioni. 
 Perche? 
 
 Per difendervi dalla loro concorrenza economica. 
 
 Eppure raramente i proletari non appartenenti alle 
 unioni vi sostituiscono nel lavoro per cattivezza d'animo. 
 
 Essi, nella maggior parte dei casi, non sono (ed io lo so, 
 lo so!) che figli, fratelli, mariti, padri ridotti all'estrema 
 miseria. Non sapendo a qual santo votarsi nei tristi giorni 
 della loro esistenza, non sapendo dove battere la testa, i 
 disgraziati aflFrontano con la disperazione addosso i vostri
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 603 
 
 insulti, le vostre violenze, il vostro disprezzo: e corrono alia 
 conquista del tozzo di pane e del pezzo di carbone che 
 debbono servire a salvare le loro amate creature agonizzanti 
 di fame e di freddo. 
 
 Voi non volete saperne di cio. Voi non volete saperne 
 dei motivi, pur derivanti da forza maggiore, che costringono 
 i vostri sventurati fratelli a farvi la concorrenza nel lavoro. 
 Voi sapete solo ch'essi vi fanno male. Eppero li combattete 
 e ammazzate. 
 
 E i poliziotti — sia quelli pubblici che quelli privati 
 (con questi ultimi intendo alludere ai ferocissimi poliziotti 
 privati nord-americani soprannominati gunmen) — adibiti 
 "a mantenere I'ordine" durante gli scioperi, non sono an- 
 ch'essi, in fin dei conti, fratelli vostri? E perche li combat- 
 tete e ammazzate? 
 
 Perche essi non esitano punto a sparare contro di voi. 
 Perche essi non esitano punto a trucidare le vostre donne 
 e i vostri bambini. 
 
 lo paragono i crumiri ai soldati di leva forzata; paragono 
 i poliziotti ai soldati di professione. L'azione involontaria 
 degli uni (crumiri e soldati di leva forzata) e ispirata, come 
 l'azione volontaria degli altri (poliziotti e soldati di pro- 
 fessione), dalla plutocrazia, e incitata dalla plutocrazia, 
 si risolve a vantaggio della plutocrazia. 
 
 Ora se voi — proletari unionist! rappresentanti I'inter- 
 nazionalismo sintetizzato nel grido "lavoratori di tutti 
 i paesi, unitevi!" — combattete e ammazzate i crumiri 
 e i poliziotti durante gli scioperi, perche non dovreste 
 combattete e ammazzate anche i soldati durante le 
 guerre? 
 
 I crumiri e i poliziotti sono, ripeto, fratelli vostri al 
 pari dei soldati. II male che fanno questi ultimi (i soldati) 
 ha la stessa radice del male che fanno gli altri (crumiri e 
 poliziotti); ha un'unica radice: la plutocrazia, questo mo- 
 derno vaso di Pandora. 
 
 E se con la lotta di classe, culminante negli ammazza- 
 menti dei crumiri e dei poliziotti durante gli scioperi, voi, 
 astensionisti condizionali, difendete economicamente i 
 vostri interessi proletari nazionali contro la vostra pluto-
 
 604 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 crazia nazionale, dovete nello stesso tempo, per coerenza alia 
 dottrina internazionale che voi dite di professare, ammettere 
 rintervento armato in tutte le guerre odierne in difesa 
 non solo dell'integrita territoriale della vostra nazione rac- 
 chiudente in se gl'interessi materiali del vostro proletariato 
 nazionale, ma anche in difesa dell'integrita territoriale 
 racchiudente gl'interessi materiali del proletariato di tutte 
 le nazioni deboli aggredite per ingordigia economica dal 
 comune nemico: dalla plutocrazia. 
 
 Se persisterete nella vostra attitudine restrittiva, voi, 
 astensionisti condizionali, finirete col discreditare il grido 
 sintetizzante la dottrina della quale vi vantate propu- 
 gnatori. 
 
 Perche esso grido fu lanciato per colpire a morte, a 
 mezzo dell'unione dei lavoratori di tutti i paesi, non la 
 plutocrazia d'una sola nazione, ma le plutocrazie di tutte 
 le nazioni. 
 
 Se le plutocrazie di tutte le nazioni, invece di morire, 
 continuano a vivere e ad impinguire sempre piii col sangue 
 dei lavoratori di tutti i paesi, significa che la vostra azione 
 restrittiva (astensionismo condizionale) non e la giusta 
 interpretazione del grido sintetizzante la dottrina ridotta 
 sia pure ai termini strettamente economici. 
 
 Del resto, se i proletariati di cinque tra le maggiori 
 nazioni del mondo (Francia, Inghilterra, Russia, Giappone, 
 Italia) — proletariati che piii e meglio degli altri avevano 
 ascoltato il verbo della dottrina sintetizzata nel grido 
 "lavoratori di tutti i paesi, unitevi!" — si schierarono nella 
 grande guerra a fianco della Serbia e del Belgio, significa 
 ch'essi — i suddetti proletariati — ripudiarono I'interpre- 
 tazione restrittiva dell'astensionismo condizionale e misero 
 risolutamente in pratica (specialmente il proletariato italia- 
 no) tutto il contenuto idealistico spiccatamente e rigorosa- 
 mente internazionale ch'esso grido sintetizzava. 
 
 Voi, astensionisti condizionali, ravvedetevi lealmente 
 dell'errore in cui cadeste (errore relativamente ai tempi, 
 relativamente alia formidabile efficienza positiva raggiunta 
 dalle plutocrazie, s'intende), e seguite il buon senso pratico 
 dei popoli, se non volete che le vostre file s'assottiglino
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 605 
 
 sempre piu, se non volete rimanere travolti nel turbine 
 imperversante dei fatti. 
 
 Ostinandovi a non seguire i popoli nel loro buon senso 
 pratico, significa che voi non sapete comprendere la loro 
 anima. 
 
 E i popoli vi abbandoneranno e si daranno a chi sapra 
 condurli — per vie meno tortuose, meno impervie — alia 
 tanto necessaria emancipazione. 
 
 Perche i popoli sono stanchi d'aspettare. Le loro sofFe- 
 renze fisiche e morali sono cresciute in proporzione delle 
 comodita, dei piaceri sensuali delle plutocrazie. Hanno 
 raggiunto — le sofFerenze fisiche e morali dei popoli — il 
 grado massimo raggiunto dalle comodita, dai piaceri sen- 
 suali delle plutocrazie. 
 
 I popoli sono stanchi d'aspettare. 
 
 Astensionisti condizionali, meditate queste verita. 
 
 E dico agli astensionisti assoluti: 
 
 E vero, come voi sostenete e com'io stesso sostengo, che 
 le guerre, oggigiorno, si combattono per il rotondissimo 
 ventre di *'lor signori". Ma chi e che le combatte? Forse 
 "lor signori"? Essi le provocano e le dirigono solamente. 
 Chi in realta le combatte sono i popoli, sui quali le pluto- 
 crazie dominano. 
 
 Ora, in mezzo ai popoli che fanno le guerre vi sono anche 
 astensionisti assoluti travestiti da soldati non per volonta 
 propria, ma per forza d'una di quelle leggi partigiane 
 favorevoli alle plutocrazie nazlonaliste (coscrizione militate 
 obbligatoria), delle quali ho fatto cenno piii su. 
 
 E se sono i popoli, se sono i fratelli vostri, se ne va di 
 mezzo la loro vita individuale e collettiva, come fate voi a 
 disinteressarvene, a restarvene inerti? 
 
 Potreste disinteressarvene, restarvene inerti, se "lor 
 signori" abitassero un pianeta diverso da quello abitato 
 dai popoli, dai fratelli vostri, e ivi avessero vaghezza di 
 scannarsi a vicenda, distruggersi tra loro, soltanto tra loro. 
 
 Ma dai momentoche "lor signori" abitano il pianeta abitato 
 dai popoli, dai fratelli vostri e, per i mezzi positivi di cui 
 dispongono, possono a lor talento provocare e dirigere le
 
 606 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 guerre, e necessario che voi ve ne interessiate, prendendovi 
 parte attiva. 
 
 Perche essi — "lor signori" — dalle guerre non perdono 
 mai nulla; guadagnano sempre. 
 
 Sono i popoli, sono i fratelli vostri, sono gli umili, i quali 
 lavorano e penano giorno e notte, che nelle guerre perdono 
 sempre e tutto. 
 
 II vostro astensionismo assoluto — di fronte ai deboli 
 trucidati sui campi di battaglia, di fronte alle donne stu- 
 prate, ai bambini mutilati, alle case saccheggiate, alle citta 
 incendiate — vi mette nella stessa lista di quei tali anacoreti 
 (santificati poi dalla Chiesa cattolica), i quali si ritiravano 
 nelle solitudini dei deserti, ed ivi, infischiandosi delle 
 creature oppresse nel mondo, non pensavano ad altro — 
 egoisticamente, quanto stupidamente — che alia salvezza 
 eterna delle loro anime. 
 
 Obietterete: 
 
 Ma perche i popoli non entrano neU'orbita delle nostre idee, 
 le quali non hanno altro scopo se non quello di liberare per mezzo 
 della rivoluzione, poiche con altri mezzi non e stato finora possi- 
 bile, i popoli stessi dalla tirannide plutocratica che li afFama e li 
 spinge continuamente al macello fratricida? 
 
 Prima di rispondere a una tale domanda, dichiaro ch'io, 
 personalmente, credo possibile il regime di vita individua- 
 lista da voi bramato e propugnato. Lo credo possibile 
 non per snobismo piii o meno dottrinario, ma perche gli 
 uomini — se non tutti, certo una buona parte — han gia 
 toccato il grado di purita morale necessario per far passare 
 il detto regime dallo stato teorico alio stato pratico. Non 
 ho bisogno di cercare tra le morte generazioni. Mi basta 
 guardare tra le viventi, e nella sola Italia, per trovare le 
 prove corroboranti una tale mia credenza, una tale mia 
 affermazione. Roberto Ardigo, Pasquale Villari, Teodoro 
 Moneta, Guglielmo Marconi. Chi oserebbe dire che questi 
 uomini, ed altri come questi o anche di minore entita morale, 
 avrebbero bisogno d'una qualsiasi autorita politica, giudizia- 
 ria, militare, economica, religiosa per vivere tra loro in per- 
 fetto buon essere, in perfetta pace, in perfetta armonia?
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 607 
 
 E un'infinita d'aziende private (senza contare le nume- 
 rose tribu ingiustamente chiamate selvagge) non si reggono 
 esse prosperosamente, tranquillamente, felicemente con 
 leggi che non sono scritte in nessun codice? con leggi che 
 non hanno altra sostanziale autorita se non quella prove- 
 niente dai doveri che ciascun socio delle aziende in parola 
 sente naturalmente in se, e osserva immancabilmente, a 
 favore degli altri soci? 
 
 Chi ammette la legge dell'evoluzione, deve, onestamente, 
 ammettere I'individuaHsmo. 
 
 Perche la legge dell'evoluzione, moralmente parlando, 
 non e altro che lo studio delle umane virtii; mentre I'indi- 
 vidualismo non e altro che I'esercizio delle umane virtii. 
 
 L'evoluzione non e altro che la teoria del vivere civile. 
 L'individualismo non e altro che la pratica del vivere civile. 
 
 L'individualismo — in quanto rappresenta il grado di 
 perfezione morale a cui I'uomo e gia pervenuto, e per il 
 quale egli si sente irresistibilmente inclinato, anzi capace, 
 di praticare sempre il bene, non mai il male, verso i suoi 
 simili — e I'ideale supremo dell'evoluzione; e, direi quasi, 
 il complement© dell'evoluzione, se non sapessi che l'evolu- 
 zione, come sinonimo di progesso, e infinita e non puo avere, 
 per conseguenza, almeno in senso assoluto, un complement©. 
 
 Detto questo, a onore della verita, rispondo alia vostra 
 obiezione, astensionisti assoluti. 
 
 I popoli non entrano nell'orbita delle vostre idee, perche 
 essi non sono ancora arrivati a quell'elevazione intellettuale 
 necessaria per comprendere la sublimita del fine a cui voi 
 tendete. E non fanno la rivoluzione, perche essi — o 
 quelli d'essi che a tale elevazione son gia arrivati — rifug- 
 gono, per innata delicatezza d'animo o per altre rispettabili 
 ragioni, da un mezzo di lotta cosi violento e cruento. Tanto 
 pill ch'esso — il mezzo in parola (la rivoluzione) non diede 
 mai — come la storia insegna — risultati pratici proporzio- 
 nati agli sforzi, ai sacrifici fatti dai rivoluzionari; non debello 
 mai, come avrebbe dovuto, e neppure arresto in qualche 
 modo, la rigogliosa vitalita delle plutocrazie incarnanti 
 tutti i mali sociali. 
 
 Ma sol perche i popoli non sono ancora arrivati alia
 
 608 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 suddetta elevazione intellettuale: sol perche essi non 
 possono o non vogliono fare la rivoluzione, voi, astensionisti 
 assoluti, vi credete in diritto di lasciarli, durante le guerre, 
 in balia di se stessi, in balia dei piii astuti, dei piii forti, dei 
 piii cattivi? 
 
 Una siffatta intransigenza vendicativa, quanto negativa, 
 non si concilia, a dire il vero, coi vostri aprioristici principi 
 di fratellanza universale; e indegna del vostro civile apo- 
 stolato, specie se si consideri che voi, fuori delle guerre — 
 delle guerre militaresche, s'intende — non esitate a rompere 
 la rigidita, che dovrebb'essere invulnerabile, del vostro 
 astensionismo assoluto, scendendo in campo per combattere 
 battaglie di carattere strettamente economico, che non 
 sono di certo favorevoli alle vostre teorie individualistiche. 
 
 Intendo parlare degli scioperi, E degli scioperi parziali. 
 Perche dovrei parlare degli scioperi generali nazionali o 
 internazionali — gli scioperi, cioe, abbraccianti tutte le 
 categorie dei lavoratori d'una nazione o di tutte le nazioni 
 — se essi, dacche la lotta di classe e entrata nella sua fase 
 pratica, non si sono fatti che a furia di sole frasi rettoriche 
 piii o meno reboanti? 
 
 Voi dunque, astensionisti assoluti, scendete in un campo 
 assolutamente ostile al vostro, per difendere apertamente 
 ed energicamente i diritti di coloro che scioperano contro la 
 crudele ingordigia della plutocrazia, contro la concorrenza 
 dei crumiri, contro le violenze dei poliziotti. 
 
 Eppure coloro che scioperano non sono tutto il prole- 
 tariato, ma una piccola parte del proletariato (la parte 
 privilegiata). E una parte, ripeto, che e agli antipodi 
 delle vostre idee. 
 
 Perche voi — secondo il contenuto idealistico delle 
 dottrine che dite di professare — tendete al completo 
 miglioramento di tutte, indistintamente, le creature op- 
 presse (e ce ne sono centinaia di milioni fuori delle unioni); 
 mentre gli unionisti, che scioperano, non tendono che al 
 loro esclusivo miglioramento materiale. 
 
 Voi vi agitate per la distruzione delle plutocrazie, poiche 
 siete convinti, e non a torto, che da siffatta distruzione 
 dipende la soluzione dell'intera questione sociale. Gli
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 609 
 
 unionist!, invece, appena ottenuto il miglioramento mate- 
 riale per il quale hanno scioperato, s'acquetano come il 
 famoso Cerbero dantesco. 
 
 Cerbero, fiera crudele e diversa, 
 Con tre gole caninamente latra 
 sovra la gente che quivi e sommersa.^ 
 
 Quando ci scorse Cerbero, il gran vermo, 
 le bocche aperse, e mostrocci le sanne; ' 
 non avea membro che tenesse fermo, 
 
 E il duca mio ^ distese le sue spanne, 
 prese la terra, e con piene le pugna 
 la getto dentro alle bramose canne. 
 
 Qual e quel cane che abbaiando agugna, 
 e si racqueta poi che il pasto morde, 
 che solo a divorarlo intende e pugna: 
 
 Cotai si fecer quelle facce lorde 
 dello dimonio Cerbero che introna 
 I'anime si, ch'esser vorrebber sorde. 
 
 E quando credono d'essere pagati bene, essi — gli 
 unionisti — non combattono piii i plutocrati. Ne ricono- 
 scono anzi la legittima esistenza. Li consolidano, li ingras- 
 sano sempre piii. Arrivano perfino ad ammirarli, a magni- 
 ficarli, a idolatrarli. Lo si puo vedere in mille casi. lo, 
 per amore di brevita, ne cito qui solamente due, davvero 
 tipici. Uno, comprovante la mia prima affermazione (gli 
 unionisti s'acquetano egoisticamente dopo che hanno 
 ottenuto I'aumento di paga per il quale hanno scioperato). 
 L'altro, comprovante la mia seconda affermazione (gli 
 unionisti, quando credono d'essere pagati bene, ricono- 
 scono la legittima esistenza della plutocrazia, sia pure 
 indirettamente; ingrassano sempre piii i plutocrati, sia pure 
 involontariamente; li ammirano, li magnificano, li idola- 
 trano, sia pure ipocritamente). 
 
 * Sopra gli epicure! e i golosi del terzo cerchio infernale {Divina Commedia, 
 Inferno, canto VI). 
 
 * Virgilio.
 
 610 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 Primo caso. Gli unionist! che lavorano nella grande 
 manifattura d'abiti da uomo Hart, Schaffner e Marx di 
 Chicago, Illinois (Stati Uniti d'America) un bel giorno 
 scioperano per ottenere un aumento di paga. Hart, Schaff- 
 ner & Marx aumentano la paga, secondo i desiderata degli 
 scioperanti. Costoro, sodisfatti, ritornano al lavoro."^ Da 
 allora in poi non si fanno piii vivi, non si movono piu, 
 nemmeno quando i loro compagni d'unione, cioe gli altri 
 sarti di Chicago, ridotti agli estremi, scioperano compatti 
 e lottano disperatamente parecchie settimane per ottenere 
 anch'essi dalle altre sartorie locali un qualsiasi aumento 
 di paga.^ 
 
 Secondo caso. Gli operai del fabbricante d'automobili 
 Henry Ford di Detroit, Michigan (Stati Uniti d'America) 
 credono — beati loro! — d'essere da lui pagati bene. Ma cid 
 non impedisce che il munifico plutocrate accresca di milioni 
 e milioni di dollari all'anno la sua immensa ricchezza perso- 
 nale ammassata (vedete miracolo!) sul lavoro degli operai 
 ch'egli paga bene. 
 
 D'altra parte, gli unionisti non arrivano neppure, in 
 fin dei conti, a conseguire essi stessi i benefici per i quali 
 hanno scioperato. 
 
 Quando i plutocrat! cedono, aumentando la paga agli 
 scioperanti, costoro credono d'avere vinto. Ma non si 
 tratta che d'una semplice illusione. La verita e tutt'altra. 
 Ed e che i plutocrat! non perdono mai. Quello ch'essi 
 danno con una mano, a causa degli scioperi da loro perduti, 
 se lo riprendono subito con I'altra. E se lo riprendono al 
 doppio, o moltiplicato (essi — i plutocrati — sanno benis- 
 simo I'aritmetica; non sanno altro, intellettualmente par- 
 lando, che I'aritmetica). 
 
 Un esempio. I minatori di carbone scioperano per 
 ottenere un aumento di paga. I plutocrati — padroni delle 
 miniere — cedono, aumentando la paga. Ma essi, dopo, 
 vendono il carbone agli stessi minatori con un aumento di 
 prezzo corrispondente o superiore all'aumento di paga che 
 
 ^Durante lo sciopero di Chicago del 1915, al quale alliido, risiilto che alcune 
 sartine non ricevevano dai loro padroni piu di $1.75 alia settimana. Con questa 
 paga, esse dovevano spendere dieci soldi al giorno per solo tranvai.
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 611 
 
 lo sciopero li ha costretti ad accordare. Senza contare che 
 un siffatto aumento di paga, sapientemente trasformato 
 dai plutocrat! in aumento di prezzo, va a cadere pure sulle 
 spalle degli unionist! delle altre categoric di lavoratori 
 che non hanno scioperato; va a cadere pure sulle spalle dei 
 proletari che non possono o non vogliono appartenere alle 
 unioni; va a cadere, insomma, sulle spalle dell'eterno asino 
 utile, paziente e bastonato che e il popolo. 
 
 E gli altri inconvenient! che nascono dagl! scioperi, 
 chi e che 1! soffre? Non certo i plutocrat!, ma i giusti per 
 i peccatori. Nello sciopero dei sarti di Chicago del 191 5, 
 di cui ho fatto menzione piii su, ho conosciuto parecchi 
 scioperanti che alio scoppiar dello sciopero non avevano 
 in tasca neppure un soldo. I poveretti, durante le lunghe 
 settimane dello sciopero, non ricevettero nessunissimo 
 sussidio dall'unione alia quale appartenevano; si che furono 
 costretti a languir di fame insieme con le loro famigliuole, 
 mentre ai plutocrat! (! padroni manifatturier! che resiste- 
 vano alio sciopero) non mancarono — come prima dello 
 sciopero, come sempre — i pranz! e le cene luculliane. Si 
 raccolse, e vero, in quell'occasione, una certa somma di 
 denaro (poche migliaia di dollar!) per soccorrere gli scio- 
 peranti. Ma sifFatta elemosina, proveniente in gran parte 
 da privat! non certo proletari, e accettata non so con quale 
 coerenza di principi e con quale dignita dai leaders dello 
 sciopero, fu inadeguata ai bisogn! degli scioperanti, anche 
 perche distribuita con criteri tutt'altro che equi, per non dir 
 peggio. 
 
 Ora se voi, astensionisti assoluti, prendete parte attiva 
 agli scioperi parziali per aiutare i lavoratori unionist!, 
 i quali, in sostanza, non sono altro che la minoranza privi- 
 legiata del proletariato, come la plutocrazia non e altro che 
 la minoranza privilegiata della borghesia, a maggior ragione 
 dovreste prendere parte attiva alle guerre che si combat- 
 tono per aiutare le nazioni deboli contro le cupidige delle 
 nazioni forti, alle guerre che rassomigliano, molto piii degli 
 scioperi, alle rivoluzioni che voi vorreste fare. 
 
 Tanto piu che voi, teoricamente, combattete le unioni 
 dei lavoratori; mentre, teoricamente, difendete le nazioni
 
 612 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 deboli. Combattete teoricamente i lavoratori unionisti, 
 ma li aiutate praticamente negli scioperi contro i loro 
 oppressori. Difendete teoricamente le nazioni deboli, ma 
 non le aiutate praticamente nelle guerre contro i loro oppres- 
 sor!. Insomma predicate una cosa, e ne fate un'altra. 
 
 Quanto sia nocivo un sifFatto procedere al progresso 
 umano, alia vostra stessa causa, ben potete immaginarlo se 
 considerate che, aiutando gli unionisti negli scioperi, voi 
 non distruggete le forze positive delle plutocrazie, ma le 
 ingrandite, le perpetuate; mentre, aiutando le nazioni deboli 
 n,elle guerre, voi distruggete le forze positive delle pluto- 
 crazie, o, se non le distruggete, certamente le minate, 
 incominciate a distruggerle. Che e quanto dire. 
 
 I gruppi che, ispirandosi alle dottrine individualistiche, 
 s'afFannano ad arrivare, per mezzo degli scioperi parziali, 
 dove s'arriva pestando I'acqua nel mortaio, mentre, d'altra 
 parte, s'ostinano in un'inerzia verbosa e virulenta contro chi, 
 volente o nolente, si trova travolto nella guerra che e 
 destinata a segnare nel campo sociale una nuova grande 
 epoca storica, la piii grande epoca storica, sono gruppi 
 che si mettono fuori della vita, contro la vita e, per conse- 
 guenza, fuori dell'umanita che ama la vita, contro I'umanita 
 che e la vita. 
 
 Essi subiranno, per colpa loro stessa, la fatale legge 
 dell'eliminazione. Periranno. 
 
 Astensionisti assoluti, ponderate queste verita. 
 
 II popolo italiano penso che la tesi dell'astensionismo 
 condizionale (guerra per sola difesa nazionale) e la tesi 
 dell'astensionismo assoluto (guerra in nessun caso), messe 
 in pratica, avrebbero ricacciato I'umanita nel caos primitive 
 dalla barbaric, in cui non regnava altra forza che quella 
 bruta; avrebbero scalzato, dalle fondamenta, ogni idea di 
 giustizia e di civilta. 
 
 Perche i prepotenti, per sempre maggiore sete di ric- 
 chezza e di dominio, potrebbero commettere a lor piaci- 
 mento ogni sorta di delitti, sicuri dell'impunita. Chi 
 infatti li punirebbe, se i popoli delle nazioni estranee alle 
 guerre volute dalle nazioni forti che hanno torto, contro
 
 SOLIDARIETA UMANA 613 
 
 le nazioni deboli che hanno ragione, non si rendessero 
 praticamente solidali con queste ultime? 
 
 E il non intervenire prima del male, per gridar pace 
 dopo commesso il male, sarebbe un bel comodo per gli 
 scellerati coronati e non coronati. In tal modo, il padrone 
 d'una miniera potrebbe benissimo, per esempio, fare assas- 
 sinare dai suoi poliziotti i minatori scioperanti, le loro mogli 
 e i loro bambini; poi chiederebbe la pace, e tutto finirebbe 
 li. Proprio come quella tale religione che dice all'uomo: 
 "Commetti tutti i peccati che vuoi; poi presentati ai piedi 
 del confessore ch'io tengo a tua disposizione, e tutto ti 
 sara da lui perdonato in nome del Dio ch'egli rappresenta 
 sulla Terra". 
 
 Che bella festa! Che bella cuccagna! E come si potreb- 
 be piii vivere cosi? 
 
 Lo splendido esempio di pratica solidarieta umana che 
 il popolo italiano diede, imponendo al governo di Vittorio 
 Emanuele III I'intervento armato dellTtalia nella grande 
 guerra in difesa delle nazioni deboli aggredite dalle nazioni 
 forti, sia ponderato e imitato dagli altri popoli. 
 
 Esso — il detto esempio — dimostro a luce meridiana 
 come sia possibile, anzi facile, I'alleanza spirituale dei popoli. 
 
 Purche si ravvedano lealmente del loro errore gli asten- 
 sionisti condizionali e gli astensionisti assoluti. 
 
 Certo, I'alleanza spirituale dei popoli non distruggera 
 in ventiquattr'ore le forze brute del militarismo. 
 
 Ma ritorcendo abilmente ed energicamente sifFatte forze 
 contro le plutocrazie che le possiedono, essa — I'alleanza 
 spirituale dei popoli — potra impedire subito le guerre. 
 
 Non si ripetano, per carita, i vecchi ritornelli: "Questa 
 guerra sara I'ultima. Questa guerra segnera la fine del 
 miUtarismo. Dopo questa guerra, avremo la pace univer- 
 sale permanente". 
 
 Concludo. 
 
 Finche esisteranno le plutocrazie industriali naziona- 
 liste con le relative competizioni commerciali tra le nazioni, 
 esistera il militarismo e ci saranno le guerre. 
 
 Perche il miUtarismo (il militarismo odierno, s'intende) 
 non e altro che un organismo creato e mantenuto dalle
 
 614 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 plutocrazie per difendere gl'interessi infiniti delle pluto- 
 crazie, lo sviluppo infinito delle plutocrazie, il dominio 
 infinite delle plutocrazie. 
 
 Le plutocrazie sono la causa. II militarismo e I'efFetto. 
 Si puo distruggere I'efFetto senza prima distruggere la causa? 
 
 E si possono impedire le guerre con la sola predicazione 
 della pace, continuando a genuflettersi ai piedi dei po- 
 tentati ? 
 
 La guerra esiste dacche esiste I'uomo. 
 
 La pace si predica dacche esiste la guerra. 
 
 Ma la predicazione della pace non pote mai impedire la 
 guerra, perche la guerra e un fatto materiale, e azione; 
 mentre la predicazione della pace e un fatto immateriale, 
 e parola. 
 
 Se la predicazione della pace avesse potuto impedire la 
 guerra, I'avrebbe gia impedita dal primo giorno, o durante 
 i secoli, in cui essa — la predicazione della pace — si con- 
 trappose alia guerra. 
 
 E non si pud aspettare che la guerra sia impedita dagli 
 stessi potentati, perche la guerra e la vita dei potentati. 
 E i potentati non sono cosi teneri, e neanche cosi stolti, da 
 sacrificare la loro vita per i begli occhi sempliciotti della 
 pace. 
 
 La guerra sara impedita, soltanto quando la predicazione 
 della pace si trasmutera in alleanza spirituale dei popoli; 
 soltanto quando la predicazione della pace si trasformera 
 in intervento armato dei popoli (alleati spiritualmente tra 
 loro) in difesa delle nazioni deboli che hanno ragione, 
 aggredite dalle nazioni forti che hanno torto, 
 
 Soltanto allora il purissimo sangue della gioventii 
 italiana, della gioventii di tutto il mondo, che da tre anni 
 scorre a torrenti sui campi della vecchia Europa, potra 
 seriamente preludiare alia pace universale. Alia pace uni- 
 versale duratura tanto bramata dall'umanita, tanto neces- 
 saria all'umanita.
 
 IL TRADIMENTO 615 
 
 VIII 
 II tradimento. 
 
 Dove fu dunque il tradimento che il popolo italiano 
 commise a danno dell'Austria e della Germania, rompenda 
 il trattato della Triplice Alleanza ed entrando in guerra o 
 favore della Serbia, del Belgio, della Francia, dell'Inghil- 
 terra e della Russia? 
 
 In primo luogo bisogna sfatare la leggenda che il governo 
 monarchico dei Savoia in Italia sia un governo costituzionale 
 rappresentativo; che il re sia niente, o meno che niente; 
 che i rappresentanti del popolo — i deputati al Parlamento 
 nazionale — sienotutto. 
 
 II governo monarchico dei Savoia in Italia e — se non 
 di nome, certo di fatto — un governo eminentemente asso- 
 luto, dispotico. II re e tutto. E i rappresentanti del popolo 
 non sono che un bel niente. 
 
 II re d'ltalia — in forza dello Statuto (Legge fondamen- 
 tale dello Stato), che e ancora oggi quello stesso promulgato 
 da Carlo Alberto il 4 marzo 1848 — ha il diritto di dirigere 
 personalmente, o a mezzo dei suoi ministri che e lo stesso ^, 
 tutta la politica estera della nazione.^ 
 
 Di tale diritto i Savoia s'avvalsero pur troppo. Se ne 
 avvalse piii di tutti il presente re Vittorio Emanuele III, 
 a dispetto dei cortigiani e degl'ingenui che sempre lo dipin- 
 sero e lo decantarono come il piii democratico sovrano 
 d'Europa. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III, infatti, rinnovo nel 1912 il 
 trattato d'alleanza con I'Austria e la Germania (il trattato 
 della Triplice Alleanza) per la durata d'altri 12 anni, senza 
 
 *L'articolo 65 dello Statuto dice: 
 
 "II Re nomina e revoca i suoi Ministri". 
 
 ^ L'articolo 5 dello Statuto dice: 
 
 "Al Re solo appartiene il potere esecutivo. Egli e il Capo supremo dello Stato: 
 comanda tutte le forze di terra e di mare: dichiara la guerra: fa i trattati di pace, 
 d'alleanza, di commercio ed altri, dandone notizia alle Camere tosto die I'interesse 
 e la sicurezza dello Stato il permettano, ed unendovi le comunicazioni opportune. 
 I trattati che importassero un onere alle finanze, o variazione di territorio dello 
 Stato, non avranno efFetto se non dopo ottenuto I'assenso delle Camere."
 
 616 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 punto consultare i deputati al Parlamento nazionale eletti 
 dal popolo, senza il loro assenso, contro la volonta del popolo, 
 contro gli stessi interessi della nazione. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III dichiaro e diresse la guerra 
 coloniale del 1911-1912 contro la Turchia, senza punto 
 consultare i deputati al Parlamento nazionale eletti dal 
 popolo, senza il loro assenso, contro la volonta del popolo. 
 E solo a pace conclusa, egli — Vittorio Emanuele III — si 
 degno annunziare ai rappresentanti del popolo, vale a 
 dire al popolo, che la Libia (Tripolitania e Cirenaica) era 
 stata conquistata e, con regio decreto, proclamata pro- 
 vincia italiana. 
 
 E non solo la politica estera, ma benanche la politica 
 interna della nazione e diretta personalmente dal re in 
 Italia. 
 
 Gli onorevoli rappresentanti del popolo discutono e 
 approvano le leggi della nazione, e vero. Ma tali leggi non 
 possono andare in vigore, se prima non sono discusse e 
 approvate dal Senato e sanzionate dal re medesimo ^. 
 
 Cos'e il Senato in Italia.'* II Senato in Italia non e 
 altro che una diretta rappresentanza del re. I senatori, 
 infatti, non sono eletti dal popolo. Essi sono nominati dal 
 re, e nominati a vita, tra gente provata, ligia, fedele alia 
 Corona. Ex deputati monarchici, ministri di Stato, amba- 
 sciatori, magistrati, generali, ammiragli, alti funzionari 
 amministrativi, plutocrati. Solo una piccola minoranza 
 e dal re nominata, e non senza cautele, tra le piii cospicue 
 figure intellettuali della nazione ^ Ma questa minoranza 
 
 * L'articolo 7 dello Statute dice: 
 
 "II Re solo sanziona le leggi e le promulga." 
 
 * L'articolo 33 dello Statuto dice: 
 
 "II Senato e composto di membri nominati a vita dal Re, in numero non limi- 
 tato, aventi I'eta di quarant'anni compiuti, e scelti nelle categoric seguenti: 
 
 1. Gli Arcivescovi e Vescovi dello Stato; 
 
 2. II Presidente della Camera dei Deputati; 
 
 3. I Deputati dopo tre Legislature, o sei anni di esercizio; 
 
 4. I Ministri di Stato; 
 
 5. I Ministri Segretari di Stato; 
 
 6. (jli Ambasciatori; 
 
 7. Gl'Inviati Straordinari, dopo tre anni di tali funzioni; 
 
 8. I Primi Presidenti e Presidenti del Magistrate di Cassazione e della Camera 
 dei Conti;
 
 IL TRADIMENTO 617 
 
 non interviene quasi mai alle sedute del Senate; non prende 
 parte quasi mai alle deliberazioni del Senate; non s'interessa 
 quasi mai della politica attiva della nazione. E una mino- 
 ranza astratta, nominata dal re per gettare polvere negli 
 occhi al popolo, piu che per altro. 
 Si obiettera: 
 
 Ma tra i deputati eletti dal popolo e i senatori nominati dal 
 re non sorsero mai divergenze, Non si rese mai incompatibile 
 I'istituto parlamentare impersonato dagli uni, con I'istituto parla- 
 mentare impersonato dagli altri. II Senato approve sempre le 
 leggi discusse e votate dalla Camera dei deputati. 
 
 £ vero. Ma perche? 
 
 Perche la maggioranza dei deputati e composta, al pari 
 della maggioranza dei senatori, di gente provata, ligia, 
 fedele alia Corona. E anch'essa una maggioranza nominata 
 dal re. 
 
 "E come?" 
 
 Lo dico subito, a edificazione dei cortigiani e degl'ingenui, 
 i quali s'ostinano a dipingere e decantare la Camera dei 
 deputati d'ltalia come una diretta, genuina, autentica 
 rappresentanza del popolo italiano. 
 
 9. I Primi Presidenti dei Magistrati di Appello; 
 
 10. L'Avvocato Generale presso il Magistrate di Cassazione e della Camera 
 dei Conti, dopo cinque anni di funzioni; 
 
 11. I Presidenti di Classe dei Magistrati di Appello, dopo tre anni di funzioni; 
 
 12. I Consiglieri del Magistrate di Cassazione, e della Camera dei Conti, dopo 
 cinque anni di funzioni; 
 
 13. Gli Avvocati Generali o Fiscali Generali presso i Magistrati di Appello, 
 dopo cinque anni di funzioni; 
 
 14. Gli Uffiziali Generali di Terra e di Mare. Tuttavia i Maggiori Generali 
 e i Contr'Ammiragli dovranno avere da cinque anni quel grado di attivita; 
 
 15. I Consiglieri di Stato, dopo cinque anni di funzioni; 
 
 16. I Membri dei Consigli di Divisione, dopo tre elezioni alia loro Presidenza; 
 
 17. Gli Intendenti Generali, dopo sette anni di esercizio; 
 
 18. I Membri della Regia Accademia delle Scienze, dopo sette anni di nomina; 
 
 19. I Membri ordinari del Consiglio superiore d'lstruzione pubblica, dopo 
 sette anni di esercizio; 
 
 20. Coloro che con servizi o meriti eminenti avranno illustrata la Patria; 
 
 21. Le persone che da tre anni pagano tremila lire d'imposizione diretta in 
 ragione dei loro beni o della loro industria." 
 
 L'articolo 34 dello Statuto dice: 
 
 "I Principi della Famiglia Reale fanno di pieno diritto parte del Senato. 
 Essi seggono immediatamente dopo il Presidente. Entrano in Senato a ventu- 
 n'anno, ed hanno voto a venticinque." 
 
 L'articolo 35 dello Statuto dice: 
 
 "II Presidente e i Vice Presidenti del Senato sono nominati dal Re."
 
 618 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 Nelle elezioni politiche, nelle elezioni cioe dei deputati 
 al Parlamento nazionale, il governo italiano presenta 
 sempre, in quasi tutti i 508 collegi elettorali del Regno, i 
 suoi candidati monarchici, in contrapposizione dei candidati 
 che sono antimonarchici o non abbastanza monarchici. 
 
 Per fare eleggere siffatti candidati, esso — il governo 
 italiano — mette febbrilmente in moto tutti gli ufficiali 
 polizieschi dello Stato (dai piQ alti ai piii bassi). E, da 
 costoro, fa profondere, in mezzo alle masse elettorali, i 
 milioni di lire dei cosidetti fondi segreti, smunti dalle tasche 
 dei contribuenti, dalle vene del popolo; fa profondere 
 promesse d'impieghi e di favori; fa insomma corrompere, 
 senza veruno scrupolo. E dove non puo con la corruzione, 
 esso — il governo italiano — fa minacciare, fa commettere 
 ogni sorta di soprusi e di violenze. In una delle ultime 
 elezioni generali politiche, per esempio, I'allora presidente 
 dei ministri e ministro degl'interni — Giovanni Giolitti — 
 mando in Sicilia perfino le navi da guerra, per intimidire 
 (e non solo intimidire!), coi cannoni di grosso calibro, 
 quegli elettori che s'erano mostrati poco propensi a votare 
 per i candidati del governo. 
 
 Ora, una Camera eletta con sistemi governativi tanto 
 arbitrari, disonesti, infami, puo essa chiamarsi, in co- 
 scienza, una vera rappresentanza del popolo? Non e essa, 
 piuttosto (eccetto la piccola minoranza eletta dagli elettori 
 ribelli che il governo non puo in nessun modo coartare), 
 una rappresentanza, sia pure indiretta, del re? E puo 
 essa aver mai, nel suo seno, una maggioranza che si trovi, 
 qualche volta, in serio disaccordo col Senato? 
 
 Scoppiata nell'estate del 1914 la grande guerra, Vittorio 
 Emanuele III, che non poteva, per ragioni facili a compren- 
 dersi, agire direttamente, chiamo in fretta e furia i politi- 
 canti italiani a lui piii devoti (Giolitti a capo di tutti, come 
 il piu influente e il piu astuto), e comando loro di moversi, 
 agitarsi, fare il possibile per creare nella nazione una cor- 
 rente favorevole agl'Imperi Centrali, per indurre il popolo 
 italiano a rispettare il trattato della Triplice Alleanza, 
 schierandosi senz'altro dalla parte dell'Austria e della 
 Germania.
 
 IL TRADIMENTO 619 
 
 II popolo italiano ignorava il contenuto del trattato 
 della Triplice Alleanza, poiche il re non aveva sentito il 
 dovere di comunicarglielo. Ma, per notizie pubblicate dai 
 giornali, esso — il popolo italiano — era riuscito a sapere 
 che il trattato stesso conteneva una clausola basica esclusi- 
 vamente difensiva. 
 
 E allora perche il re desiderava che I'ltalia scendesse in 
 campo per difendere I'Austria e la Germania in una guerra 
 ofFensiva ? 
 
 II popolo italiano voile vederci chiaro. E seppe che 
 Vittorio Emanuele III desiderava ad ogni costo I'intervento 
 deiritalia nella grande guerra a fianco dell'Austria e della 
 Germania, per i seguenti motivi: 
 
 Primo. Per solidarieta dinastica verso gli Hohenzollern. 
 Questa dinastia — per avere fondato, il i8 gennaio 1871, 
 rimpero germanico: per avere dato a siffatto Impero un 
 impulso, una potenza, una saldezza senza pari — era con- 
 siderata, almeno fino alio scoppio della grande guerra, come 
 il prototipo delle dinastie militarmente imperialiste del 
 mondo. La dinastia di Savoia, anch'essa militarmente 
 imperialista, non poteva che sentirsi irresistibilmente 
 attratta verso la sua consorella prototipo. II simile ama il 
 suo simile. Non poteva che sentire il bisogno d'imitarla. 
 La dinastia inglese di Brunswick e la dinastia russa dei 
 Romanow erano troppo legate alia Francia repubblicana. 
 
 Secondo. Perche la casa di Savoia era ed e imparentata 
 con le case regnanti d'Austria e di Germania. Infatti Vit- 
 torio Emanuele II, primo re d'ltalia, nonno del presente 
 re Vittorio Emanuele III, sposo Maria Adelaide, figlia di 
 Giuseppe Ranieri arciduca d'Austria e vicere austriaco del 
 Lombardo-Veneto dal 1818 al 1848. E questo stesso 
 arciduca Ranieri aveva sposato, nel 1820, Elisabetta di 
 Savoia-Carignano sorella di Carlo Alberto. E la vivente 
 regina Margherita, vedova del secondo re d'ltalia Umberto 
 I e madre del presente re Vittorio Emanuele III, nacque 
 dalla principessa Maria Elisabetta, figlia del re Giovanni di 
 Sassonia. E il vivente principe Tommaso^ fratello della 
 
 ^ II principe Tommaso e I'attuale luogotenente di Vittorio Emanuele III, cioe 
 I'attuale vicere d'ltalia.
 
 620 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 regina Margherita e zio del presente re Vittorio Emanuele 
 III, sposo Maria Isabella, figlia del principe Adalberto di 
 Baviera. 
 
 Terzo. Per amicizia personale verso Guglielmo II. 
 Sono ben note in Italia, anzi in tutta I'Europa, le intime 
 relazioni d'amicrzia corse tra Guglielmo II di Germania e 
 Umberto I e Margherita di Savoia, genitori del presente 
 re Vittorio Emanuele III, e tra lo stesso Guglielmo II e lo 
 stesso Vittorio Emanuele III. 
 
 Quarto. Per interessi finanziari privati. I giornali 
 nord-americani, ed anche qualche giornale d'ltalia, pubbli- 
 carono che il presente re d'ltalia Vittorio Emanuele III 
 aveva investita la somma di cento e piii milioni di lire di 
 sua privata pertinenza nella casa germanica Krupp (nella 
 casa che produce migliaia di cannoni all'anno e caldaie, 
 corazze, vagoni, locomotive, elettromotori; nella casa 
 che possiede cantieri, piroscafi, miniere di ferro, di carbon 
 fossile, ecc). 
 
 Quinto. Per simpatia verso il popolo tedesco, Molti 
 uomini nutrirono e nutrono ancora oggi simpatia per il 
 popolo tedesco. Perche non avrebbe potuto nutrirla anche 
 Vittorio Emanuele III? Forse ch'egli non era e non e un 
 uomo soggetto a sentimenti e a passioni come tutti gli 
 altri uomini? 
 
 Sesto. Perche egli — Vittorio Emanuele III — credeva 
 che I'intervento dell'Italia nella grande guerra a fianco 
 dell'Austria e della Germania avvantaggiasse la nazione. 
 Molti cittadini italiani privati credettero e credono tuttavia 
 
 10 stesso. Perche non avrebbe potuto crederlo anche 
 Vittorio Emanuele III? Forse ch'egli non godeva e non gode 
 i diritti che godono tutti gli altri cittadini italiani? 
 
 Settimo. Per qualche trattato segreto in base al quale 
 Vittorio Emanuele III, Guglielmo II e Francesco Giuseppe 
 s'obbligavano d'aiutarsi militarmente a vicenda anche in 
 caso di guerra ofFensiva. Che un simile trattato ci sia stato, 
 si desume logicamente dal fatto che I'imperatore Guglielmo 
 
 11 — per quanto conscio della strapotenza militare germa- 
 nica: per quanto ambizioso, audace, pazzo — non avrebbe 
 giammai incoraggiato I'imperatore Francesco Giuseppe a
 
 IL TRADIMENTO 621 
 
 provocare la piu pericolosa delle guerre (pericolosa per la 
 stessa Germania), se egli — Guglielmo II — non fosse stato 
 piu che sicuro dell'aiuto incondizionato e illimitato del- 
 I'ltalia. Ne lo stesso Francesco Giuseppe, per quanto 
 senilmente cocciuto, si sarebbe spinto, come si spinse, fino 
 agli estremi contro la piccola Serbia. 
 
 Giolitti, ch'era debitore alia dinastia di Savoia d'un 
 quindicennio di dittatura governativa, obbedi ai comandi 
 del suo re. E, seguito dai suoi satelliti, comincio a lavorare. 
 Percorse e ripercorse — con misteriosa circospezione e di 
 notte, piii che di giorno — tutte le vie della capitale. Sail 
 e scese scale. Confabulo coi piii equivoci figuri indigent e 
 stranieri. Sudo dozzine di camicie. Ma la sua influenza 
 e la sua astuzia, per quanto sostenute dall'autorita personale 
 del sovrano, erano da politicone troppo bacato, erano da 
 volpone troppo invecchiato. Eppero non sortirono I'efFetto 
 che in alto si desiderava. Sortirono, invece, un eflPetto 
 tutto contrario. Infatti il popolo italiano, dopo un refe- 
 rendum riservatissimo indetto dal governo tra i soldati di 
 terra e di mare, rispose fieramente ch'esso non si sarebbe 
 battuto per la Germania e per I'Austria, specialmente per 
 I'Austria, neanche se glieravesse comandato Domeneddio 
 in persona. Non solo, ma impose al re la rottura del trattato 
 d'alleanza con le dette due nazioni; impose la dichiarazione 
 di neutralita dell'Italia nelle grande guerra; si diede a mani- 
 festare apertamente e fortemente le sue simpatie per le 
 nazioni aggredite dagli eserciti di Francesco Giuseppe e di 
 Guglielmo II. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III — vista e considerata, con animo 
 alquanto preoccupato, I'impossibilita d'intervenire nella 
 grande guerra a favore della Germania e dell'Austria — 
 chiamo novamente a se Giolitti. E gli comando di moversi, 
 agitarsi, fare del suo meglio per indurre il popolo italiano a 
 mantenere almeno la neutralita, a non abbandonarsi a 
 sentimentalismi esagerati e dannosi. 
 
 Giolitti, ch'era debitore alia dinastia di Savoia d'un 
 quindicennio di dittatura governativa, obbedi ai comandi 
 del suo re. E, seguito dai suoi satelliti, si ringolfo nel
 
 622 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 lavoro con piu zelo, se non con piu fede, di prima. Riordi 
 intrighi, tenebrosi intrighi. Si spinse, sicuro deU'immunita, 
 fino ad atti piii che illeciti. 
 
 Ma, col passar dei giorni, il popolo italiano vide che la 
 piccola Serbia era schiacciata; vide che il piccolo Belgio 
 era schiacciato; vide che la Francia repubblicana stava per 
 essere schiacciata; vide che I'lnghilterra e la Russia erano 
 sul punto d'essere anch'esse schiacciate; vide che I'Europa 
 intera correva rischio di cadere schiava ai piedi del pluto- 
 cratico militarismo teutonico. E allora, esso — il popolo 
 italiano — chiese al governo del re I'intervento armato 
 deiritalia nelle grande guerra, contro i tirannici aggressori. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III — vista e considerata, con I'anima 
 piena d'amaritudine, I'impossibilita di mantenere a lungo 
 la neutralita dell'Italia — chiamo novamente a se Giolitti. 
 E gli comando di moversi, agitarsi, fare cid che la dispera- 
 zione del momento richiedeva, per frenare gli ardori bellici 
 del popolo italiano. 
 
 Giolitti, ch'era debitore alia dinastia di Savoia d'un 
 quindicennio di dittatura governativa, obbedi ai comandi 
 del suo re. E, seguito dai suoi satelliti, si precipito ancora 
 una volta a capofitto nei bassi fondi della diplomazia. Ivi, 
 strisciando con una vilta senza pari, die principio a quei 
 famosi pour parler col principe von Bulow, che dovevano 
 ben presto — i pour parler — diventare Tanello intermedio 
 delle trattative che il governo di Vienna, auspice Guglielmo 
 II, aveva gia intavolato col governo di Roma, alio scope 
 di comprare, per mezzo di concession! territoriali e di milioni 
 di lire, la neutralita permanente dell'Italia. "^ 
 
 ^ La responsabilita personale di Vittorio Emanuele III nei mali passi di Giolitti, 
 emersa da fatti ormai passati nei dominio della storia, non puo essere distrutta 
 dai soliti sofismi. 
 
 Bisogna esser logici! Bisogna, sopratutto, che il popolo italiano — se vuole 
 che gli stranieri lo rispettino veramente — s'abitui a dir pane al pane e vino al 
 vino nelle questioni d'interesse nazionale. Bisogna, cioe, che il popolo italiano 
 si liberi una buona volta dai pregiudizio legalizzato dall'articolo 4 dello Statuto 
 Albertino che dice: "La persona del Re e sacra e inviolabile". 
 
 Giolitti, per quanto politicamente Iosco, non poteva agire, come agi, per conto 
 proprio, nei momento in cui la nuova Italia s'accingeva a fare il suo piu arduo passo 
 nella vita del mondo. ] 
 
 Giolitti — da privato, da deputato, da ministro, da presidente dei ministri — 
 fu sempre un fautore arrabbiato della politica monarchica italiana la piu mili- 
 tarista. Come poteva egli, all'improvviso, lavorare sinceramente per la pace?
 
 IL TRADIMENTO 623 
 
 Si giunse cosi fino agli ultimi d'aprile del 191 5. 
 
 Nei primi di maggio del detto anno rimpatrio dalla 
 Francia Gabriele d'Annunzio. 
 
 II poeta, che dall'esilio aveva seguito con dantesca fosco- 
 liana mazziniana ansieta lo svolgersi degli avvenimenti in 
 Italia, si schiero immediatamente dalla parte del popolo. 
 E afFronto con coraggio, risolutezza ed energia mirabili i 
 nemici interni ed esterni della sua patria (i ruffiani, i barat- 
 tieri e simile lordura). E li smaschero, li sferzo, li bollo a 
 sangue. 
 
 Allora da milioni di petti eruppe vulcanicamente il 
 grido di guerra. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III tremo. 
 
 Egli comprese che la sua suprema ora storica era suonata. 
 II trono gli vacillava sotto i piedi. Un'ulteriore resistenza 
 neutralista I'avrebbe irremissibilmente perduto. 
 
 La mattina del 23 maggio 191 5, egli — a mezzo del suo 
 ambasciatore a Vienna, duca d'Avarna — dichiaro guerra 
 a Francesco Giuseppe d'Austria. 
 
 Cosi ritalia entro nell'immane macello. 
 
 Ma il popolo italiano, con tale entrata, non commise 
 nessun tradimento. 
 
 II popolo italiano impose la rottura del trattato della 
 
 Giolitti fu sempre dalla parte delle maggioranze parlamentari e popolari, anche 
 quando queste si trovarono dalla parte del torto. Come poteva egli, aU'improvviso, 
 passare dalla parte della minoranza, e della minoranza socialista ch'egli aveva 
 combattuto sempre e dalla quale era stato sempre combattuto asprissimamente? 
 Come poteva egli, maestro d'opportunismo, mettersi contro corrente? 
 
 Giolitti, come statista di mediocrissimo calibro, aveva raggiunto I'apice della 
 grandezza politica in Italia (la presidenza dei ministri), e vi si era mantenuto piu 
 di qualsiasi altro statista. Alia vigilia dell'entrata in guerra dell'Italia, egli era 
 ancora I'arbitro supremo del Parlamento nazionale italiano, della vita politica 
 italiana. Perche doveva egli arrischiare una tale posizione, quando il rischio, 
 anche se riuscito, non avrebbe potuto mai dargli una posizione piu alta? 
 
 Giolitti, durante il suo lungo potere governativo, era riuscito a formarsi una 
 posizione finanziaria piu che solida. E poteva ancora continuare, con la massima 
 facilta, ad ammassar denari, senza dar troppo nell'occhio. Perche doveva egli, 
 quasi pubblicamente, vendersi com'un pezzente qualunque agli agenti dell'Austria 
 e della Germania, quando una tale vendita costituiva — ed egli lo sapeva bene — 
 la sua completa rovina morale? 
 
 Giolitti, da perfetto servitore, non fece altro che sacrificarsi al padrone che 
 I'aveva tanto beneficato. Egli prefer! chiudere ibridamente la sua ibrida vita 
 pubblica, piiittosto che commettere, nel momento della piu dura prova (dura prova 
 per Vittorio Emanuele III) un atto d'ingratitudine contro il suo re; piuttosto che 
 compromettere la persona "sacra e inviolabile" del suo re. 
 
 Questa e la verita.
 
 624 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 Trlplice Alleanza, perche il trattato stesso non era stato 
 stipulate ne approvato da lui: dal popolo. 
 Si obiettera: 
 
 Un popolo, il quale si fa governare da un re e da uno 
 statuto, deve necessariamente rispettare gli atti the il detto re 
 compie in base al detto Statuto. 
 
 E vero. Ma bisogna pur considerare che il popolo 
 italiano, imponendo la rottura del trattato della Triplice 
 Alleanza stipulate dal re, e agendo in opposizione a quanto 
 il trattato stesso stabiliva, dimostro chiaro e tondo ch'esso 
 
 — il popolo italiano — non intendeva seguire piii la vecchia 
 via (fatto, questo, oltremodo significativo); dimostro ch'esso 
 
 — il popolo italiano — e disposto a rispettare il re e lo 
 Statuto, soltanto quando I'uno e I'altro sanno rendersi 
 interpreti dei bisogni e della volonta della nazione, non 
 quando essi — il re e lo Statuto — si rivelano, massime 
 nella pratica e nei momenti piu gravi e decisivi della vita 
 della patria e del mondo, contrari ai sentimenti e agl' inte- 
 ressi nazionali del popolo stesso, contrari ai suoi ideali 
 umani. 
 
 Del resto, neanche Vittorio Emanuele III, in ultima 
 analisi, commise un tradimento vero e proprio, rompendo 
 il trattato della Triplice Alleanza e dichiarando guerra 
 all'Austria: per la semplice ragione ch'egli, quando stipulo 
 il trattato stesso, non poteva prevedere la levata di scudi 
 del popolo italiano. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III, quando stipulo il trattato della 
 Triplice Alleanza, era sicuro, com'erano sicuri i suoi colleghi 
 Francesco Giuseppe e Guglielmo II — specialmente Gu- 
 glielmo II — che il popolo della nuova Italia avrebbe eseguito 
 ciecamente la volonta del suo re, come aveva fatto sempre 
 nel passato. 
 
 Invece il popolo della nuova Italia, che aveva sempre, e 
 vero, rispettato ed eseguito ciecamente la volonta del suo 
 re, si rifiuto di rispettarla ed eseguirla in occasione della 
 grande guerra. 
 
 Ma Vittorio Emanuele III, come abbiam visto, non 
 manco di fare del suo meglio per richiamare all'antica obbe-
 
 IL TRADIMENTO 625 
 
 dienza il suo popolo. Appena scoppiata la grande guerra 
 nell'estate del 1914, egli, per ottemperare agli obblighi da 
 lui assunti verso Francesco Giuseppe e Guglielmo II, fece 
 propagare dal fido Giolitti e dai suoi satelliti che il popolo 
 italiano, se voleva evitare I'onta eterna del disonore, doveva 
 rispettare i trattati, scendendo in campo a favore delle due 
 nazioni alleate Austria e Germania. II popolo della nuova 
 Italia, non esclusi i soldati in mezzo ai quali si fece il referen- 
 dum, rispose invece fermamente che non avrebbe giammai 
 impugnato le armi per difendere le dette due nazioni, 
 specialmente I'Austria. E impose la neutralita. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III s'affanno a mantenere almeno la 
 neutralita. II popolo della nuova Italia, vedendo che la 
 neutralita avrebbe egualmente assicurato la vittoria ai due 
 imperatori aggressori alleatisi per giunta col sultano di 
 Turchia (altro nemico dell'Italia e della civilta), s'agito per 
 I'intervento armato a favore dei popoli aggrediti. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III fece sforzi disperati per iscansare 
 la suprema iattura dell'intervento. II popolo della nuova 
 Italia mostro i denti. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III senti che la corona gli pericolava 
 sulla testa. Dove piegarsi. Dove obbedire. Dove dichia- 
 rare la guerra all'Austria. 
 
 Come poteva fare altrimenti? 
 
 Egli si trovo per la prima volta di fronte a un popolo 
 risvegliatosi dal letargo vergognoso in cui giaceva da lungo 
 tempo: dal tempo, cioe, in cui I'ltalia era risorta a nazione 
 una e indipendente. Si trovo di fronte a un popolo che 
 aveva improvvisamente ritrovata in se la coscienza della 
 propria forza materiale e della propria dignita morale. 
 Si trovo di fronte a un popolo ch'era sul punto di fare la 
 rivoluzione, alio scopo di rovesciare la monarchia e procla- 
 mare la repubblica, se egli — il re — non avesse obbedito 
 a tamburo battente ai comandi, dico comandi, impartitigli 
 dal popolo stesso. Si trovo di fronte a un popolo che, da 
 pecora belante e leccante, s'era trasformato in leone ruggente 
 e fremente, pronto ad avventarsi su chi aveva tanto abusato 
 della sua pazienza, della sua debolezza. 
 
 Come poteva egli — Vittorio Emanuele III — prevedere
 
 626 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 questa ira di DIo? Come poteva egli prevedere, quando 
 strinse alleanza con Francesco Giuseppe e Guglielmo II, 
 che il popolo della nuova Italia, mostratosi sempre docile e 
 rassegnato verso la dinastia di Savoia, sarebbe un giorno 
 insorto formidabilmente contro la dinastia stessa? 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele III non poteva provedere un fatto 
 cosi straordinario, per la semplice ragione ch'egli, con tutta 
 la superiore intelligenza decantatagli sempre dai cortigiani 
 e dagl'ingenui, non era ancora riuscito a penetrare Tanima 
 del suo popolo. Se fosse riuscito a penetrarla, egli avrebbe 
 facilmente capito che il popolo della nuova Italia tollero il 
 trattato della Triplice Alleanza, quando esso non nocque 
 che fino a un certo punto alia nazione e all'umanita; ma 
 che non poteva tollerarlo piij, quando esso — il trattato 
 della Triplice Alleanza — minaccio di nuocere gravissi- 
 mamente alia nazione e all'umanita. 
 
 Si tratto d'uno di quei casi di forza maggiore contem- 
 plati e giustificati da tutte le leggi giuridiche del mondo, 
 comprese quelle che sono in vigore negli stessi Stati delle 
 loro maesta gl'imperatori di Germania e d'Austria. 
 
 Nessun tradimento, dunque, ne da parte del popolo 
 italiano, ne da parte di Vittorio Emanuele III re d'ltalia. 
 
 IX 
 L*oro inglese e I'oro francese. 
 
 Dove fu I'oro inglese? 
 
 Dove fu I'oro francese? 
 
 Oro ce ne fu, senza dubbio; ma da parte dei Tedeschi, 
 non da parte degl'Inglesi e dei Francesi. II principe von 
 Bulow, rappresentante nel maggio del 191 5 i governi di 
 Berlino e di Vienna a Roma, ne profuse a piene mani in 
 Italia. Ma egli non pote che corrompere qualche politi- 
 cante rinnegato, qualche famelico scribacchino, qualche 
 incallito ceffo da galera. 
 
 Lo disse e lo ripete senza posa Gabriele d'Annunzio 
 nelle sue terribili requisitorie di quei giorni.
 
 L'ORO INGLESE E FRANCESE 627 
 
 Parlando al popolo di Geneva nella sera del ritorno 
 (4 maggio 191 5), il poeta, tra I'altro, disse: 
 
 Che volete voi, Genovesi? Che volete voi, Italiani? meno- 
 mare o crescere la nazione? 
 
 Voi volete un'Italia piii grande, non per acquisto ma per con- 
 quisto, non a misura di vergogna ma a prezzo di sangue e di 
 gloria. 
 
 Arringando il popolo di Roma accalcato nelle vie e 
 acclamante (la sera del 12 maggio 191 5), il poeta, tra Taltro, 
 disse: 
 
 Or e cinquantacinque anni, in questa sera, in quest'ora stessa, 
 i Mille, in marcia da Marsala verso Salemi, sostavano; e a pie dei 
 lor fasci d'armi mangiavano il loro pane e in silenzio si addormenta- 
 vano. 
 
 Avevano in cuore le stelle e la parola del Duce, che e pur viva 
 e imperiosa oggi a noi: Se saremo tutti uniti, sard facile il nostra 
 assunto. Dunque, aWarmi! 
 
 Era il proclama di Marsala; e diceva ancora, con rude minaccia: 
 Chi non s'arma e un vile un traditore. 
 
 Non stamperebbe dell'uno e dell'altro marchio, Egli il Libera- 
 tore, se discendere potesse dal Gianicoio alia bassura, non in- 
 famerebbe Egli cosi quanti oggi in palese o in segreto lavorano a 
 disarmare I'ltalia, a svergognare la Patria, a ricacciarla nella con- 
 dizione servile, a rinchiodarla su la sua croce? 
 
 Che la forza e lo sdegno di Roma rovescino alfine i banchi dei 
 barattieri e dei falsari! 
 
 Spazzate, o Romani, spazzate tutte le lordure, ricacciate 
 nella Cloaca tutte le putredini! 
 
 Arringando il popolo di Roma in tumulto (la sera del 13 
 maggio 1915), il poeta, tra I'altro, disse: 
 
 Compagni, voi dovete impedire che un pugno di ruffiani e di 
 frodatori riesca a imbrattare e a perdere I'ltalia. 
 
 II tradimento e oggi manifesto. Non ne respiriamo soltanto 
 I'orribile odore, ma ne sentiamo gia tutto il peso obbrobrioso. 
 Nella Roma vostra si tenta di strangolare la Patria con un ca- 
 pestro prussiano. 
 
 Noi siamo sul punto d'essere venduti come una greggia infetta. 
 
 Questo vuol fare di noi il mestatore di Dronero ^ intruglio 
 
 ' Dronero (provincia di Cuneo), collegio elettorale di Giolitti.
 
 628 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 osceno. Questo vuol fare di noi quell'altro leccatore di sudici 
 piedi prussiani ^ Questo di noi vuol fare la loro seguace canaglia. 
 
 Questo non faranno, o Romani. 
 
 La storia vostra si fece forse nelle botteghe dei rigattieri e 
 dei cenciaiuoli? Le bilance della vostra giustizia crollavano forse 
 dalla banda ov'era posto un tozzo da maciullare, un osso da ro- 
 dere? II vostro Campidoglio era forse un banco di barattatori e di 
 truffardi? La gloria vi s'afFacciava e ciangottava da rivendu- 
 gliola? 
 
 Non ossi, non tozzi, non cenci, non baratti, non trufFe. Basta! 
 Rovesciate i banchi! Spezzate le false bilance! 
 
 Le nostre sorti non si misurano con la spanna del merciaio, 
 ma con la spada lunga. 
 
 E col bastone e col ceffone, con la pedata e col pugno si misu- 
 rano i manutengoli e i mezzani, i leccapiatti e i leccazampe del- 
 Tex-cancelliere tedesco (Bulow) che sopra un colle quirite fa il 
 grosso Giove trasformandosi a volta a volta in bue tenero e in 
 pioggia d'oro. 
 
 £ necessario che non sia consumato in Roma I'assassinio della 
 Patria. Voi me ne state mallevadori, o Romani. 
 
 Pronunziando I'accusa pubblica nell'adunanza del popolo 
 romano la sera del 14 maggio 1915, il poeta, tra Taltro, disse: 
 
 La Patria e in pericolo, la Patria e in punto di perdimento. 
 Per salvarla da una ruina e da una ignominia irreparabili, ciascuno 
 di noi ha il dovere di dare tutto se stesso e d'armarsi di tutte le 
 armi. 
 
 In un messaggio agli studenti dell'Ateneo romano adu- 
 nati per deliberare la violenza (15 maggio 191 5), il poeta, 
 tra I'altro, disse: 
 
 Oggi e I'anniversario della piii bella battaglia garibaldina, e 
 Tanniversario di Calatafimi. Di essa il Duce soleve dire: Se 
 nel punto del trapasso voi mi vedrete sorridere, amici, pensate che 
 il ricordo di Calatafimi mi risale dal cuore con Vultimo palpito. 
 
 Ma perche egli risorridesse, bisognerebbe celebrare questo 
 anniversario con la cacciata del trufFatore (Giolitti) che vuol 
 vendere I'ltalia e del mezzano (Bulow) che la vuol comperare. 
 Bisognerebbe oggi purificare delle due infezioni il cielo di Roma. 
 
 II popolo italiano, nella sua poverta pura come cristallo 
 ' L'ex ministro Bertolini?
 
 L'ORO INGLESE E FRANCESE 629 
 
 d'Alpi, rimase estraneo al turpe mercato dei Bulow e dei 
 Giolitti. 
 
 E come poteva non rimaner estraneo, se esso si specchio 
 sempre nella vita d'uomini che I'oro non pote mai conta- 
 minare? d'uomini che sono il piu onesto orgoglio di razza? 
 
 10 voglio qui ricordare due episodi: un episodio antico, 
 che s'insegna nelle scuole elementari d'ltaha; un episodio 
 dei tempi moderni, che la stampa nazionale rievoca ogni 
 anno. L'uno e I'altro daranno un'idea delle virtii sulle 
 quah il popolo della nuova ItaHa foggia con mirabile legge 
 di continuita la sua incorruttibilita morale. 
 
 Primo episodio. Nell'estate dell'anno 282 avanti Cristo, 
 una squadra romana, che veleggiava verso Sena-GalHca, 
 gitto I'ancora nel porto di Taranto. 
 
 I Tarantini, col pretesto che un antico trattato vietava 
 ai Romani di navigare oltre il Capo Licinio, assaltarono le 
 navi ancorate, ne affondarono alcune e misero in fuga le 
 altre. 
 
 11 Senato romano chiese subito un'adeguata riparazione 
 ai Tarantini. Ma gli ambasciatori ch'esso all'uopo mando, 
 invece d'ottenere la chiesta riparazione, furono dai Taran- 
 tini bassamente oltraggiati. 
 
 Allora Roma dichiaro la guerra. 
 
 I Tarantini chiesero aiuto a Pirro re dell'Epiro. Costui, 
 ch'era ambizioso e vago quanto mai d'avventure, non si fece 
 molto pregare. Sbarco a Taranto (280 avanti Cristo) con 
 un grosso esercito e 20 elefanti trasportanti sul dorso alcune 
 fortezze, dalle quali i soldati potevano combattere al sicuro. 
 E scontratosi coi Romani comandati dal console P. Valerio 
 Levino ad Eraclea presso le foci dell'Agri, ne segui un'acca- 
 nita battaglia. 
 
 I soldati romani, spaventati dall'enorme grossezza e 
 dai barriti di quei quadrupedi ch'essi non avevano mai visto 
 prima, si diedero alia fuga, lasciando al nemico la vittoria. 
 Ma questa era costata tanto cara, che Pirro, pieno di mera- 
 viglia e di dispetto, esclamo: "Ancora una vittoria come 
 questa, e dovro tornarmene solo in Epiro!" 
 
 Durante I'inverno, un'ambasceria romana condotta da 
 Caio Fabrizio, uomo povero ma di gran talento militate
 
 630 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 e d'animo nobilissimo, si presento a Pirro per trattare dello 
 scambio dei prigionieri. 
 
 L'austera semplicita del Romano meraviglio non poco 
 lo straniero. 
 
 Pirro, tratto in disparte Fabrizio, gli ofFri preziosissimi 
 doni, purche promettesse d'indurre il Senato romano a far 
 la pace. 
 
 Ma Fabrizio rispose alteramente: 
 
 Offri i tuoi doni agli schiavi, non gia ad un cittadino romano. 
 E sappi bene ch'io non mi sento povero, ma piii ricco di te, perche 
 il mio campicello e la mia casetta mi danno abbastanza per vivere 
 beato. 
 
 Non potendo vincerlo con I'oro, Pirro tento di vincere 
 Fabrizio con la paura. Gli aizzo contro il piii grosso degli 
 elefanti, il quale, a un dato cenno, stese la proboscide sulla 
 testa di Fabrizio e barri spaventosamente. II forte Romano 
 non si scosse, non si mosse: sorrise fieramente. E quando 
 I'elefante ebbe finite, parti senza concludere nulla sullo 
 scambio dei prigionieri. 
 
 Pirro, stupefatto, esclamo: 
 
 Vedo che sarebbe piij facile far deviate il Sole dal sue corso, che 
 Fabrizio dal sentiero della virtu! 
 
 Ritornato a Roma, Fabrizio consiglio al Senato di non 
 fare la pace. 
 
 Roma non dovra scendere a patti — egli grido — finche soldati 
 stranieri calcheranno il suolo d'ltalia! 
 
 La guerra fu continuata. Pirro, sconfitto dai Romani 
 comandati dal console M. Curio Dentato in un'asprissima 
 battaglia presso Benevento, dove riprendere per sempre 
 la via dell'Epiro. 
 
 Secondo episodio. L'anno 1888 il governo italiano 
 aveva bisogno di contrarre un prestito di 60 milioni di lire. 
 
 Alcuni banchieri francesi, desiderosi di combinare essi 
 I'affare abbastanza grasso per quei tempi, tentarono di 
 corrompere, con I'ofFerta d'un milione e duecentomila lire, 
 una delle piii illibate figure del Parlamento nazionale
 
 L'ORO INGLESE E FRANCESE 631 
 
 italiano: Giovanni Bovio^ Per mezzo dell'autorita di 
 questo austero deputato repubblicano, essi speravano, 
 anzi erano sicuri, di potere influenzare il ministro delle 
 finanze d'ltalia ch'era allora Agostino Magliani. 
 
 Ma ecco come Bovio rispose al banchiere che aveva 
 avuto I'incarico dai suoi colleghi di Francia di fare la 
 temeraria proposta: 
 
 Napoli, 5 dicembre 1888. 
 Signore, 
 
 Con lettera assicurata da Parigi, in data 1° dicembre 
 1888 e in carta intestata col vostro noma, voi scrivete a me: 
 
 Ho I'onore d'avervi conosciuto e udito. Potete voi chiedere al mini- 
 stro Maglianiy se vero e che il governo italiano abbia assolutamente 
 bisogno di collocare a breve scadenza cinquanta sessanta milioni di 
 buoni del Tesoro e se e vero che questa realizzazione sia naufragata 
 in Francia^ Infine a qual tasso egli vorrebbe realizzarlil 
 
 Se SI, potete assicurare che, se il tasso e accettabile, fra otto giorni 
 dal di della risposta, verranno recati a Roma i cinquanta sessanta 
 milioni di cui egli avrebbe uopo. Come voi vedete, questo affare e dei 
 piu seri e richiede la piu grande discrezione. Per incomodi e cure, 
 se V affare si fa, verrd messa a disposizione vostra la somma di un 
 milione e duecentomila franchi {un milion deux cents mil francs). 
 
 La proposizione fattami indica chiaramente che voi mi avete 
 veduto e udito, ma non mi avete conosciuto. 
 
 Per fare a me siffatta proposta, voi avete dovuto indicate ai 
 banchieri che verranno in Roma il mio nome, e permettete che lo 
 difenda io, che non ho altro da custodire e da trasmettere. 
 
 Lo difendero spiegandovi in poche parole il fatto e me. 
 
 II fatto, comunque colorito e velato, e di quelli che si chiamano 
 affari, e che i deputati non debbono trattare ne coi ministri ne con 
 uffici e compagnie dipendenti dal governo. Non c'e legge che vi 
 si opponga, ma i fatti peggiori non sono quelli che cadono sotto le 
 sanzioni delle leggi. 
 
 Quanto a me, ne a voi che siete stato in Napoli, ne ad altri 
 pud essere ignoto che io sostento me e la famiglia di per di, inse- 
 
 'Giovanni Bovio, uomo politico di Trani (Bari), filosofo, oratore, epigrafista e 
 drammaturgo, spiccata figura di savio antico. All'Universita di Napoli insegno, 
 successivamente, Filosofia e Storia del diritto, Enciclopedia giuridica, ecc. La sua 
 filosofia fu un gran sogno esaltato da idealita. Autore della Filosofia del diritto, 
 della Storia del diritto in Italia, del Naturalismo e di altre opera profonde. Fu in 
 intima corrispondenza con Mazzini, Saffi, Garibaldi e con tutti gli altri grandi 
 Italian! del suo tempo. Mori povero e incorrotto. (1841-1903.)
 
 632 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 gnando e scrivendo filosofia, congiunta con un po' di matematica, 
 ma con aritmetica che non e mai arrivata al milione. 
 
 Se il lavoro mi frutta I'indipendenza, il milione mi e soverchio. 
 
 Voi scrivete che tutto sarebbe fatto di cheto in Roma, senza 
 che altri ne sappia. 
 
 E non lo saprei io? E non porto nella mia coscienza un codice? 
 
 I banchieri possono lasciare la loro coscienza a pie delle Alpi e 
 ripigliarsela al ritorno; ma io la porto dovunque, perche la dentro 
 ci sono gli ultimi ideali che ho potuto salvare dalle delusioni. 
 
 Voi scrivete che e opera di buon cittadino questa mediazione; 
 ma io vi dico che e opera di onesto uomo non far mai cio che si ha 
 bisogno di tacere e di coprire. 
 
 Ed ora, credete a me, che non ho da chiedere nulla e neppure 
 da accettare. Voi non incontrerete un Italiano che non si auguri 
 buone relazioni con la Francia, non per i buoni affari, ma per la 
 buona ragione. 
 
 La democrazia italiana non e ricca: ama il decoro e la liberta 
 della Francia, ma dall'oro francese non si fa abbagliare. 
 
 10 ed i miei amici non pronunzieremo il vostro nome qui noto 
 e stimato; ma voi avete I'obbligo di dire ai vostri compagni che 
 in Italia il sentimento della dignita e vivo, e se un giovane italiano, 
 da noi educato, dovesse scegliere tra il canape austriaco e I'oro 
 francese, senza un istante di esitanza, egli si darebbe al canape. 
 
 Giovanni Bovio. 
 
 11 popolo italiano, rimanendo estraneo ai maneggi di 
 von Bulow^ e di Giolitti, segui fedelmente gli esempi tra- 
 mandatigli da Fabrizio e insegnatigli da Bovio. Anzi fece 
 di piii. Incontrato per le vie di Roma, durante le tempestose 
 giornate del maggio 191 5, I'onorevole Bertolini, ex ministro 
 di Vittorio Emanuele III, sospettato, semplicemente so- 
 spettato, d'essersi venduto ai Tedeschi, lo invest! scaglian- 
 dogli i piii roventi improperi insieme con pugni di monete 
 in faccia. E avrebbe linciato lo stesso Giolitti, se il vecchio 
 "boia labbrone" (cosi d'Annunzio ingiurio Giolitti) non 
 se la fosse data a gambe protetto dalla polizia. 
 
 Gli e che il popolo della nuova Italia e un popolo intelli- 
 gente, non imbelle; un popolo idealista, non utilitario; un 
 popolo tenace, non volubile. Esso sa facilmente distinguere 
 il vero dal falso, il bene dal male, il bello dal brutto. Ab- 
 braccia prontamente, per naturale impulse dell'animo suo
 
 L'ORO INGLESE E FRANCESE 633 
 
 sensibilissimo, tutte le cause giuste. E una volta abbrac- 
 ciate, le difende con entusiasmo, con disinteresse, con fer- 
 mezza. 
 
 Scoppiata nel 1914 la grande guerra, il popolo italiano 
 seppe subito di che si trattava. E non esito un solo istante 
 a prendere spontaneamente la posizione che la raglone e il 
 sentimento — ispirati Tuna e I'altro dal diritto dei deboli 
 — gl'imposero. E in tale posizione si mantenne sempre 
 con amore e costanza incrollabili. 
 
 L'oro inglese e I'oro francese non furono che una storiella 
 calunniosa messa fuori, per giunta assai tardivamente, 
 dalla malafede teutonica. 
 
 Perche bisogna fermarsi sopra una circostanza essen- 
 zialissima. Che e questa. Mentre dal luglio 1914 al maggio 
 191 5 fervevano in Italia le lotte tra i fautori deH'intervento 
 a favore dell'Austria e della Germania (fautori che la forza 
 delle cose cambio poi in neutralisti) da una parte, e i fautori 
 dell'intervento contro I'Austria e la Germania dall'altra, 
 parecchi dei summenzionati scribacchini furono, da alcuni 
 giornali italiani, accusati d'essersi venduti ai Teutoni. 
 
 Gli accusati sporsero querela di difFamazione. 
 
 Ma nei pubblici dibattimenti, svoltisi dinanzi ai tri- 
 bunali, i giornali accusatori provarono pienamente le loro 
 accuse. E i giudici li dovettero assolvere; dovettero cioe 
 assolvere i giornali accusatori, mentre gli scribacchini 
 accusati d'essersi venduti ai Teutoni furono seppelliti 
 sotto la valanga dell'indignazione e del disprezzo nazionali. 
 
 Non era forse quello il momento psicologico piii op- 
 portuno per contrapporre alle accuse e alle prove dell'oro 
 teutonic©, le accuse e le prove dell'oro inglese e dell'oro 
 francese? 
 
 Era certamente quello il momento! 
 
 Ma i Teutoni e i teutonici non ne approfittarono. Non 
 si fecero avanti. Tacquero. Perche? 
 
 Perche oro inglese e francese non ne era corso in Italia. 
 Se ne fosse corso, i Teutoni e i teutonici non avrebbero 
 mancato di gridarlo ai quattro venti. 
 
 Del resto, anche l'oro inglese e francese, se fosse corso, 
 non avrebbe fatto altro che corrompere, al pari dell'oro
 
 634 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 teutonico, qualche politicante rinnegato, qualche famelico 
 scribacchino, qualche incallito cefFo da galera. 
 
 II popolo italiano, nella sua poverta pura come cristallo 
 d'Alpi, sarebbe rimasto estraneo al turpe mercato. Esso 
 si sarebbe ritemprato ancora di piu nelle immortali virtu 
 dei suoi Fabrizi antichi e dei suoi Bovio moderni. 
 
 E non solo con I'oro, ma anche con altri mezzi i Teuton! 
 tentarono di neutralizzare ITtalia, poiche non erano riusciti 
 ad attrarla in favor loro sui campi di battaglia. Inondarono 
 la penisola, dal luglio 1914 al maggio 191 5, di giornali, 
 bollettini, riviste, fogli volanti, libri, opuscoli, tutti in lingua 
 italiana. E, con questa grazia di Dio, si sforzarono di dimo- 
 strare che glTnglesi e i Francesi avevano sempre odiato 
 e avversato glTtaliani, e sempre li avrebbero odiati e avver- 
 sati in avvenire; mentre essi — i Tedeschi — erano stati 
 sempre i piii entusiastici ammiratori e i piii sinceri amici 
 deglTtaliani, e tali sarebbero sempre rimasti in avvenire. 
 
 Numerosi pacchi di siffatte pubblicazioni furono man- 
 dati a me direttamente in Chicago da un mio amico tedesco 
 che tra il 1914 e il 191 5 si trovava in Italia. lo, cosi, potei 
 aver I'onore di leggere, tra I'altro, I'opuscolo intitolato 
 La veritd nelV amicizia deW Inghilterra per V Italia del dottor 
 J. Lulves stampato a Roma con la data del 191 5; I'opuscolo 
 intitolato Italia e Francia di Alfredo Tusti stampato anche 
 a Roma con la data del 191 5; e il Bollettino della Guerra 
 (numero 30-31 del 17-30 aprile 191 5) pubblicato dal dottor 
 Fred. B. Hardt a Monaco di Baviera. 
 
 Nel primo, vidi cronologicamente enumerati i torti 
 che glTnglesi fecero aglTtaliani dal 1327 fino al 1912. 
 
 Nel secondo, vidi cronologicamente enumerati i torti 
 che i Francesi fecero aglTtaliani dal 30 marzo 1282 (data 
 dei Vespri Siciliani) fino al 191 2. 
 
 Nel terzo, vidi un articolo intitolato La civiltd italiana 
 e V anima tedesca che qui riproduco testualmente: 
 
 In Europa vi e un'affinita spirituale che dissente dalle manifesta- 
 zioni deH'arte e della letteratura russa; noi Tedeschi ammiriamo 
 le composizioni di un Dostojewski, ma lo spirito deH'anima russa 
 rimane estraneo a noi; mentre invece Balzac ci fa pensare e sentire
 
 L'ORO INGLESE E FRANCESE 635 
 
 insieme con lui, come una novella di Boccaccio ci fa ridere since- 
 ramente, e i versi di Dante inalzano ed entusiasmano I'anima 
 nostra come quella degl'Italiani stessi. Tra Romani e Germani 
 vi e un antico rapporto di conoscenza e di memorie, per cui I'arte 
 e la civilta italiane sono da noi profondamente intese; noi sentiamo 
 per I'influsso delle medesime nella nostra vita intellettuale un vivo 
 senso di riconoscenza. L'intenso desiderio che spingeva Goethe 
 ed i romantici verso I'ltalia sopravvive in ogni cuore germanico. 
 Non rifacciamo tutta la storia della colonizzazione romana della 
 Germania, ma ricordiamo solamente che da quel tempo fino ad 
 oggi I'influsso di essa e rimasto costante, attraverso tutta la storia, 
 nel Diritto romario. 
 
 II Rinascimento ha trasmesso a noi i tesori del pensiero greco e 
 latino. Dai monasteri benedettini italiani flui nel Medio Evo una 
 larga corrente intellettuale e religiosa verso la Germania, il cui 
 studio passionato verso la storia dell'arte italiana, paragonato con 
 il culto da noi attribuito alle altre civilta, ha sempre spinto verso 
 di quella tutta I'attivita e il desiderio di ricerca dei nostri sommi 
 cultori dell'arte e della storia. Sarebbe troppo lungo citare qui 
 anche solo i piii importanti fra i cultori che la Germania annovera 
 nel campo suddetto; vogliamo solo ricordare alcuni fra i piii 
 eminenti e noti a tutti. Chi ignora il nome di Winckelmann, il 
 fondatore dell'archeologia moderna? E chi non conosce I'illustre 
 Teodoro Mommsen e la sua storia di Roma, i lavori di Friedlander 
 suUa storia dei costumi dei Romani, la splendida storia della citta 
 di Roma nel Medio Evo di Ferdinando Gregorovius il cittadino di 
 Roma, il capolavoro di Ranke sulla storia del Papato, il Cicerone 
 di Jacob Burckhardt che offre una comprensiva esposizione di 
 tutta la storia dell'arte italiana, i lavori di Hermann Grimm sul 
 Rinascimento e i sommi lavori di Wolffin che tiene oggi la cattedra 
 di Riehl a Monaco? 
 
 Ne solamente alio studio della storia italiana hanno i Tedeschi 
 rivolto il loro lavoro indefesso e la loro passione per I'ltalia, ma 
 anche nella versione dei suoi poeti e nella riproduzione dei suoi 
 lavori. In ogni casa di un buon tedesco si trova la Vita di Benve- 
 nuto Cellini tradotta la prima volta da Goethe. Tra le moltissime 
 traduzioni della Divina Commedia, una, che porta il pseudonimo di 
 Philalethes, e stata fatta dal re Giovanni di Sassonia. La casa 
 E. Diederichs di Jena sta pubblicando una ricca collezione di an- 
 tichi documenti italiani, cronache e diari del Rinascimento, splen- 
 didamente tradotti; superbe edizioni di cui fino ad oggi sono uscite 
 due serie di 12 volumi ciascuna. £ un piacere per ogni Tedesco
 
 636 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 colto prendere in mano uno di questi volumi come Matarazzo, 
 La Cronaca di Perugia, Napoli e gli Aragonesi, il Diario fiorentuio 
 di Landucci, il Diario di Roma di Infessura, le Lettere dell'Aretino 
 e del Bracciolini, i Misteri fiorentini, le Istorie fiorentine di Machia- 
 velli ed altre tali rarita. 
 
 Le edizioni bibliofile dei poeti e pensatori italiani della casa 
 editrice Insel di Lipsia, di G. Miiller e von Weber di Monaco sono 
 in Germania difFusissime; in esse, accanto a un'impeccabile tra- 
 duzione del testo, segue un commento critico sempre accurato. 
 
 Altrettanto forte fu I'influsso della pittura italiana, Tunica 
 veramente grande, sulla pittura tedesca moderna. Basti ricordare 
 Albrecht Diirer e la sua permanenza in Venezia. Oggi ancora 
 i tesori raccolti nei musei dTtalia sono il sogno di molti giovani 
 artisti tedeschi che vi si recano a cercarvi ed a trovarvi I'ispira- 
 zione. Ed in quante Corti nostre del secolo XVII e XVIII non 
 troviamo I'impronta della genialita degli architetti e degli artisti 
 italiani! 
 
 La Germania moderna non si occupa solamente dellTtalia 
 classica e del Rinascimento italiano, ma anche della ricostituzione 
 della sua unita politica, del suo sviluppo economico il quale e 
 seguito con vivo interesse ed e da noi altamente compreso ed 
 apprezzato, forse perche noi, al pari degl'Italiani, ci ricordiamo 
 delle grandi lotte che entrambi le nazioni dovettero sostenere per 
 raggiungere la loro unita nazionale. Con quale fine e delicata 
 analisi Viktor Hehn nella sua opera Paesi e popolazioni in Italia^ 
 e P. D. Fischer nei suoi studi sulle condizioni politiche ed econo- 
 miche dellTtalia, come anche I'Hofmeister nei suo lavoro Lo 
 sviluppo economico dei Romani, sanno penetrare la psiche dell'a- 
 nima italiana e con quanta meravigliosa chiarezza sanno valutare 
 e apprezzare il grado di grandezza che ITtalia ha saputo raggiun- 
 gere! E con quale sagacia il nostro grande storico Treitschke ha 
 saputo penetrare I'opera e la genialita del grande statista italiano 
 Camillo Cavour! 
 
 A migliaia e migliaia vanno ogni anno i Tedeschi nella penisola, 
 attratti dalle magiche bellezze di natura e dai capolavori d'arte 
 che ITtalia possiede, e tutti ritornano, dopo quel soggiorno troppo 
 breve, coU'anima inebriata dalla suggestiva e straordinaria bellez- 
 za del paese, traboccante il cuore e il pensiero delle infinite 
 meravigliose bellezze della classica Italia, con I'orecchio ancora 
 vibrante dell'eco armoniosa dei discorsi intavolati con un qualun- 
 que gentile compagno di viaggio o di mensa. Soltanto i Tedeschi, 
 osiamo afFermarlo, portano via dallTtalia tante fruttuose impres-
 
 CUPIDIGE TERRITORIAL! 637 
 
 sioni della terra che li afFascina, della culla della civilta europea! 
 II Francese non viaggia molto; I'Inglese assai, ma con criteri di 
 osservazione e risultati di impressione ben diversi dai nostri; il 
 Russo poi che si reca in Italia appartiene generalmente al ceto delle 
 intelligenze piii elevate, ne I'arte e la civilta italiane potranno 
 essere mai il comune patrimonio della popolazione russa, la cui 
 psiche e lontana ed estranea alia civilta europea. 
 
 Ma il popolo italiano penso che i torti inglesi non eran 
 poi stati tanto gravi in confronto dei torti tedeschi, se 
 Giuseppe Mazzini (il primissimo degl'Italiani della nuova 
 Italia) aveva finito con I'amare I'lnghilterra. 
 
 II popolo italiano penso che i torti francesi non eran 
 poi stati tanto gravi in confronto dei torti tedeschi, se 
 Giuseppe Garibaldi (il gloriosissimo Eroe della nuova 
 Italia), Amilcare Cipriani (il piii ribelle dei perseguitati 
 politici della nuova Italia), Giovanni Bovio, Felice Caval- 
 lotti e Matteo Renato Imbriani (tre dei piii intemerati 
 uomini politici della nuova Italia), Giosue Carducci e 
 Gabriele d'Annunzio (i due piii grandi poeti della nuova 
 Italia) avevano finito col difendere ed esaltare la Francia. 
 
 II popolo italiano, percio, come non s'era fatto con- 
 taminate dall'oro dei Tedeschi, cosi non si fece sedurre 
 neppure dalla loro tardiva prosa adulatrice. 
 
 I Teutoni, infine, ricorsero anche alle minacce. Ma 
 invano: per la semplice ragione che il popolo italiano, 
 quando e infiammato da una causa ch'esso crede giusta, 
 non ha paura di nessuno, tanto meno della morte, come lo 
 prova luminosissimamente il suo secolare martirologio. 
 
 X 
 
 Cupidige territoriali. 
 
 Dove furono le cupidige territoriali che spinsero il popolo 
 italiano ad entrare nellagrandeguerra, attaccandol'Austria? 
 
 Senza dubbio ITtalia, risorta come grande Potenza 
 soltanto mezzo secolo addietro, trovo le piQ importanti
 
 638 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 posizioni mondiali saldamente occupate da quelle nazioni 
 ch'erano grandi Potenze da secoli. Trovo una gerarchia 
 internazionale precostituita e ferrea, in cui a lei, tra le 
 grandi Potenze, non restava che I'ultimo posto. Trovo un 
 equilibrio rigido e sofFocante ch'essa — piij piccola, piij 
 povera, piii debole delle altre — non poteva scrollare per 
 tagliarsi nel mondo una meno angusta porzione di ricchezza 
 e di dominio, e nemmeno per ricostituirsi a piena unita 
 nazionale, geografica, etnica. 
 
 L'espansione territoriale era dunque per ITtalia una 
 vitale incoercibile necessita. 
 
 Pur nondimeno il popolo italiano, rispettoso quanto 
 mai dell'indipendenza nazionale degli altri popoli, anche 
 di quelli che ingiustamente sono chiamati inferiori, anzi 
 addirittura barbari, rifuggi sempre dalla politica e dalle 
 imprese aventi carattere espansivo territoriale. Si oppose 
 con le barricate alia guerra contro I'Abissinia per la con- 
 quista dell'Eritrea epilogata con la disfatta d'Adua il i° 
 marzo 1896 e alia guerra contro la Turchia del 191 2 per la 
 conquista della Tripolitania e della Cirenaica (le due uniche 
 guerre della nuova Italia) volute dal governo monarchico 
 dei Savoia per gl'interessi bancari, industriali, commerciali 
 e religiosi della plutocrazia italiana. Si oppose e non s'im- 
 pose, come nella grande guerra odierna, perche le due 
 summenzionate guerre africane potevano nuocere fino a un 
 certo punto alia compagine e ai destini della nazione, mentre 
 la grande guerra odierna alterera certamente la compagine 
 e i destini dell'intera Europa, dell'intero mondo. 
 
 II popolo della nuova Italia, entrando nella grande 
 guerra durante la primavera del 191 5, non ebbe di mira 
 vantaggi territoriali. 
 
 Se avesse avuto di mira vantaggi territoriali, esso si 
 sarebbe schierato, fin dall'inizio della guerra stessa, a fiance 
 dell'Austria e della Germania, o per lo meno sarebbe rimasto 
 neutrale. 
 
 Nel primo case, la Francia sarebbe stata fulmineamente 
 schiacciata. II disastro francese si sarebbe ineluttabil- 
 mente ripercosso sullTnghilterra e sulla Russia. E I'Austria 
 e la Germania, rimaste vittoriose e arbitre della situazione
 
 CUPIDIGE TERRITORIAL! 639 
 
 europea, anzi mondiale, avrebbero ben volentieri ricompensa- 
 ta ritalia con concession! territoriali comprendenti non solo 
 le terre irredente a est della penisola (dal Trentino fino alle 
 coste meridionali dell'Albania), ma anche le terre irredente 
 a ovest della penisola (come Savoia, Nizza e la Corsica), 
 le isole di Malta, la Tunisia, Gibilterra e — dulcis in fundo 
 — qualche "grossa colonia" al di la del Mediterraneo. 
 
 Nel secondo caso, I'Austria e la Germania avrebbero non 
 meno volentieri — checche si dica in contrario — ricom- 
 pensata ITtalia con concession! territoriali proporzionate 
 alle probabilita di vittoria che dal mantenimento della 
 neutralita italiana sarebbero derivate agl'imperi di Fran- 
 cesco Giuseppe e di Guglielmo II. 
 
 Ma ai facili ingrandimenti territoriali, il popolo della 
 nuova Italia prefer! — a costo di sacrifizi superior! di molto 
 al valore delle terre irredente sintetizzate nel binomio Trento 
 e Trieste e a qualsiasi altro compenso materiale — la causa 
 dei deboli, la causa dell'umanita. Prefer! distruggere i 
 sogni egemonici della plutocrazia teutonica. Prefer! scuo- 
 tere dalle fondamenta la potenza militate teutonica. Pre- 
 fer? salvare le nazioni dalle insidie e dall'arroganza dell' im- 
 perialismo teutonic©. 
 
 Se il colpo mortale che, per mezzo della grande guerra, 
 ricevera la Kultur si risolvera in male per la vera civilta 
 umana, la colpa di cio bisognera darla per giustizia al 
 popolo della nuova Italia. E, con la colpa, il rimorso e la 
 vergogna in eterno. 
 
 Se, invece, il colpo mortale che, per mezzo della grande 
 guerra, ricevera la Kultur si risolvera in bene per la vera 
 civilta umana, il merito di cio bisognera darlo per giustizia 
 al popolo della nuova Italia. E, col merito, la riconoscenza 
 universale e la gloria in eterno. 
 
 II future Tacito giudichera.
 
 640 PARTE QUARTA 
 
 XI 
 
 Gli Onnipotenti. 
 
 La grande guerra odierna e I'epilogo logico e naturale 
 dei mali che le caste privilegiate commisero durante il loro 
 lungo imperio sul mondo. E il colmo del male che le dette 
 caste potevano praticamente commettere ai danni del 
 mondo. 
 
 I propugnatori dei diritti umani contrapposero, e vero, 
 attraverso i secoli, i frutti della loro mente, vigorosi mirabili 
 immortali; gl'impulsi della loro coscienza, gentili pietosi 
 afFettuosi; i martiri della loro carne, eroici magnanimi su- 
 blimi. Ma tanta efFusione di bellezza non pote impedire che 
 il vaso di Pandora traboccasse e che i miasmi del suo putrido 
 contenuto infettassero I'intero organismo sociale. 
 
 Significa che gli elementi — intellettuali morali materia- 
 li — usati dai propugnatori dei diritti umani, per quanto 
 sgorgati dalle piii pure fonti del pensiero e del sentimento, 
 per quanto ardentemente protesi verso i piii santi ideali 
 della vita, non furono adattabili alia natura umana (ne 
 alia parte opprimente, ne alia parte oppressa). Se fossero 
 stati adattabili, I'umanita li avrebbe assimilati. E a 
 quest'ora non ci sarebbero piii oppressi ed oppressor!. 
 Gli uni e gli altri sarebbero gia entrati, volenti o nolenti, 
 nella fase tanto vagheggiata del vivere civile. In quella 
 fase, nella quale i popoli, tutti i popoli indistintamente, 
 non possono che trovare giustizia, liberta, prosperita, 
 fratellanza, pace, felicita. 
 
 Dalle rovine della grande guerra, sature del sangue e 
 del pianto di tutta I'umana famiglia, si levera un soffio di 
 novissima energia intelligente. 
 
 Questo soffio creera i novissimi uomini, i quali saranno 
 onnipotenti e si chiameranno Onnipotenti. 
 
 lo ne faccio il preannunzio con la commozione che pro- 
 viene dall'intima certezza. 
 
 Gli Onnipotenti si sostituiranno a coloro (laici ed eccle- 
 siastici) i quali non seppero fare altro che propugnare invano 
 i diritti dell'umanita.
 
 GLI ONNIPOTENTI 641 
 
 Gli Onnipotenti colpiranno coloro (laici ed ecclesiastici) 
 i quail non seppero fare altro che opera ostinatamente 
 nefasta. 
 
 Ma la loro azione — I'azione degli Onnipotenti — non 
 avra la brusca violenza distruttiva dei moti sismici. 
 
 Essa avra la graduale virtu fecondatrice del Sole che 
 appare ogni mattina sull'orizzonte. Azione d'amore. E, 
 come tale, penetrera, senza che nessuna influenza deleteria 
 possa impedirlo, nell'infetto organismo sociale: e lo puri- 
 fichera; lo guarira; lo elevera alle piii alte cime della perfe- 
 zione fisica, psicologica, spirituale, dove il sogno poetico del 
 mio Campanella potra alfine diventare realta. Realta 
 sempre progrediente e trionfante nella quotidiana e perenne 
 vita del genere umano. 
 
 O pietaSj o prisca fides, o Candida corda, 
 
 Lugentum ignorantumque atri ahiere colores; 
 
 Exulet impietas, fraudes, mendacia, lites. 
 
 Nee timeant agnive lupum, aut armenta leonem; 
 
 Inque bonum populi discent regnare tyranni; 
 
 Ocia cessarunt et cessavere labores, 
 
 Nam labor est iocus, in multos partitus amice. 
 
 O pieta, o prisca fade, o candidi cuori, 
 Gli atri e funesti colori dell'ignoranza sono spariti; 
 Sono sparite Tempieta, la frode, la menzogna, le guerre. 
 Non piu I'agnello temera il lupo, ne gli armenti il leone; 
 I popoli insegneranno ai tiranni di ben governare; 
 L'ozio cessera, cesseranno le lotte per I'esistenza, 
 E il lavoro non sara che un gioco diviso tra buoni amici. 
 
 FINE.
 
 INDICE ALFABETICO 
 
 dei Nomi Propri di Persona 
 
 Abba Giuseppe Cesare, 476. 
 
 Abruzzi, duca degli, 572. 
 
 Adalberto di Baviera, 620. 
 
 Adami Giovan Battista, 469. 
 
 Adamo, 377. 
 
 Adriano IV, papa, 442, 444. 
 
 Aehrenthal, conte, 572, 573. 
 
 Ajani Giulio, 424, 496. 
 
 Alarico, 592. 
 
 Albani Felice, 505. 
 
 Alberto, arciduca, 564. 
 
 Alboino, 417. 
 
 Aleardo Aleardi, 484. 
 
 Alessandro III, papa, 445, 448. 
 
 Alessandro di Serbia, 545, 547, 551. 
 
 Alighieri, 582. 
 
 AUemandi, 464. 
 
 Almerigotti Alessandro, 469. 
 
 Almerigotti Giovanni e Lodovico, 
 
 469. 
 Amedeo VI di Savoia, 451. 
 Annibale, 388. 
 Antonaz Antonio, 484. 
 Apollinara Pinario, 433. 
 Ardigo prof. Roberto, 600, 606. 
 Aretino, 636. 
 
 Arberto da Intimiano, 447. 
 Arimani Antonio, 476. 
 Armellini Carlo, 393, 398, 468. 
 Arnaldo da Brescia, 442. 
 Arquati Tavani Giuditta, 424, 425, 
 
 426, 496. 
 Ascoli Graziadio, 458. 
 Astolfo, 426. 
 Attila, 437, 592. 
 Augusto, 429, 430, 432. 
 Aurelio Marco, 430, 436. 
 Avezzana, 500. 
 
 Baiamonti Antonio, 464, 534. 
 Balbo Cesare, 376. 
 
 Balilla, 362, 389. 
 
 Balzac, 634. 
 
 Bandiera Attilio ed Emilio, 458. 
 
 Baratieri Oreste, 476. 
 
 Barbarossa Federico, 389, 442, 443, 
 
 444, 445, 446, 447, 448, 449. 
 Barge, conte di, 394. 
 Barzilai Salvatore, 501. 
 Bassi Ugo, 399, 400. 
 Battera Raimondo, 504. 
 Battorchi Cernio, 491. 
 Bazzoni Clementina, 508. 
 Bazzoni, dottor, 508. 
 Beatrice, 513. 
 Beccaria Cesare, 508. 
 Belgioioso, principessa Cristina di, 
 
 392. 
 Bell, 403. 
 
 Belloni Giuseppe, 383. 
 Berardi G., 458. 
 Berchet Giovanni, 372. 
 Berchtold, conte di, 546, 570, 571, 
 
 573; 
 
 Berini Giovanni, 506. 
 Bertelli Pietro, 468. 
 Bertolini, 628, 632. 
 Bethmann-HoUweg, von, 565, 574, 
 
 576. 
 Bevilacqua Achille, 468. 
 Bevilacqua Giovanni, 469. 
 Bezzi Enoch, 476. 
 Bezzi Ergisto, 476, 477, 485, 488 
 
 496. 
 Bidischini Francesco, 476. 
 Bismarck, 554, 568, 571. 
 Bissolati, ministro, 358. 
 Bixio Nino, 420. 
 Blasig Carlo, 498. 
 Boccaccio, 635. 
 Boggio Carlo, 494. 
 Bolcego Tomaso, 476. 
 
 643
 
 644 
 
 INDICE ALFABETICO 
 
 Bolza, 384, 386. 
 
 Bonetti, Domenlco 469. 
 
 Bonomo Antonio, 453. 
 
 Borelli Vincenzo, 375. 
 
 Borisi Marcantonio, 469. 
 
 Borromeo, conte Vitaliano, 392. 
 
 Boscovich Carlo, 471. 
 
 Bovio Giovanni, 511, 631, 632, 634, 
 
 637; 
 
 Bracciolini, 636. 
 Brambilla Pietro, 494. 
 Bresciani, famiglia, 490. 
 Brisa, vescovo-barone, 450. 
 Bronzetti, famiglia, 478, 
 Bronzetti Narciso, 473, 474, 477. 
 Bronzetti Oreste, 490. 
 Bronzetti Pilade, 477, 478. 
 Bronzetti Pilade e Narciso, 468, 
 
 490. 
 Bruck, 459. 
 BrufFel Giovanni, 468. 
 Brul, 475. 
 Brunetti Angelo (Ciceruacchio), 
 
 399, 400. 
 Bruno Giordano, 580, 591, 600. 
 Buchanan, 545. 
 Buchler Gustavo, 488. 
 Bulow, principe di, 566, 577, 622, 
 
 626, 628, 632, 
 Bunsen Maurizio, 550. 
 Buono Michele, 479. 
 Burckhardt Jacob, 635. 
 
 Cadorna Raffaele, 426, 488, 499. 
 
 Cairoli Adelaide, 497. 
 
 Cairoli Benedetto' 497, 498, 500. 
 
 Cairoli dottor Carlo, 497. 
 
 Cairoli Enrico, 424. 
 
 Cairoli, famiglia, 478. 
 
 Cairoli, fratelli, 424, 496. 
 
 Cairoli Giovanni, 496. 
 
 Caligola Caio, 433. 
 
 Calvi Pietro Fortunate, 410. 
 
 Camerino Quinto Sulpicio, 433. 
 
 Campanella Tommaso, 580, 598, 
 
 641. 
 Campbell Roberto, 385. 
 
 Canal Giulio, 458. 
 
 Cancellieri Giulio, 452. 
 
 Canella Isidore, 491. 
 
 Cantu Cesare, 376. 
 
 Canzio Stefano, 499. 
 
 Cappellini Alfredo, 422. 
 
 Capponi Gino, 376. 
 
 Capponi Piero, 523. 
 
 Capria, 489. 
 
 Caprin, 500. 
 
 Caravati, vedova, 382. 
 
 Carbone Giovanni, 363. 
 
 Carbonis R., 458. 
 
 Carducci Giosue, 426, 501, 508, 
 
 510, 512,637. 
 Carli, 493. 
 
 Carli Gian Rinaldo, 456. 
 Carlo Alberto di Savoia-Carignano, 
 
 370, 377> 378, 387* 390» 393. 421 
 
 459, 465, 615, 616, 619. 
 Carlo II duca di Parma, 410. 
 Carlo Emanuele III di Savoia, 361. 
 Carlo, arciduca, 454. 
 Carlo III, duca di Parma, 410. 
 Carlo Felice di Savoia, 370, 378. 
 Carlo Lodovico, arciduca, 503. 
 Carlo Magno, 438. 
 Carlo IV, 450. 
 Carlo V, 389, 452, 454. 
 Carlo VI d' Austria, 361, 362, 455, 
 Carlo Alberto di Baviera (Carlo 
 
 VII), 361. 
 Carlo VIII, 523. 
 Carpaccio, 493. 
 Carrara Francesco, 508. 
 Casanova don Pietro, 468. 
 Caterina II di Russia, 508. 
 Catone, 585. 
 
 Cattaneo Carlo, 376, 380, 384, 385. 
 Cattarozzi Vincenzo, 497. 
 Caucich Pietro, 515. 
 Cavali Pietro, 468. 
 Cavallotti Felice, 637. 
 Cavour, Camillo Benso di, 376, 411, 
 
 412, 415, 418, 471, 481, 482, 483, 
 
 486, 636. 
 Cellini Benvenuto, 635.
 
 INDICE ALFABETICO 
 
 645 
 
 Cernuschi Enrico, 385. 
 
 Cesare Giulio, 426, 430, 431, 432, 
 
 440, 585. 
 Chimelli Carlo, 490. 
 Chiozza Pietro, 489. 
 Chotek Sofia, 539. 
 Ciani Giuseppa, 506. 
 Ciganovic Milan, 541, 549. 
 Cignoli, 416. 
 
 Ciotti Marziano, 476, 488, 496. 
 Cipriani Amilcare, 637. 
 Clarendon, 400. 
 Claudio, 433. 
 Clemente VII, papa, 389. 
 Clerici Giorgio, 385. 
 Coen Filippo, 469. 
 Coiz prof. Antonio, 472. 
 Colombo Cristoforo, 585. 
 Colombo Giacobbe, 408. 
 Combi Carlo, 494. 
 Comelli Federico, 471. 
 Conforti Raffaele, 413. 
 Conrad, 571. 
 Conti Maria, 409. 
 Correnti Cesare, 397. 
 Cortella Paolo, 491. 
 Costantino il Grande, 430. 
 Covi Virgilio, 490. 
 Crispi Francesco, 554. 
 Cristiano di Magonza, arcivescovo, 
 
 445- 
 Cristo, 366, 596. 
 Cuder Federico, 497. 
 Cumano Costantino, 462, 469. 
 
 Dalla Costa Giovanni, 476. 
 DairOngaro Francesco, 409, 458, 
 
 468. 
 Dandolo, 535. 
 Dandolo Enrico, 399. 
 D'Andri Leonardo, 488. 
 Danielli Giovanni, 465. 
 D'Annunzio Gabriele, 514, 535, 
 
 623, 626, 632, 637. 
 Dante, 427, 432,512, 513, 519,520, 
 
 598. 635. 
 D'Aspre, 398. 
 
 Davanzati, 493. 
 
 D'Avarna, duca, 563, 572, 623. 
 
 D'Azeglio Massimo, 376. 
 
 De Bassetti Tito, 480. 
 
 De Benedetti, famiglia, 478. 
 
 De Canal Bernardo, 410. 
 
 De Carina Pietro, 495. 
 
 De Haag Riccardo, 515. 
 
 Delfino Menotti, 502. 
 
 Delia Casa Giovanni, 583. 
 
 Delia Croce Ireneo, 455. 
 
 Delia Torre Enrico, 450. 
 
 De Mulitsch, 502. 
 
 Dentato M. Curio, 630. 
 
 Depaugher Carlo, 488. 
 
 De Pregel Melchiorre, 498. 
 
 De Pretis Carlo, 490. 
 
 De Pretis, famiglia, 489. 
 
 De Pretis Giovanni, 480. 
 
 Depretis, ministro, 554. 
 
 De Rin Nicolo, 462, 486. 
 
 Dicio Domenico, 468. 
 
 Diederichs E., 635. 
 
 Diocleziano, 430, 435. 
 
 Donaggio Rodolfo, 488, 490, 496. 
 
 Donati Giuseppe, 489. 
 
 Doria Lamba, 534, 535. 
 
 D'Oria Luciano, 534, 535. 
 
 Dostojewski, 634. 
 
 Dragicchio Giuseppe, 469. 
 
 Druffel Giovanni, 488. 
 
 Ducati Angelo, 465. 
 
 Ducati, famiglia, 490. 
 
 Duchie Luigi, 515. 
 
 Dudovick, 500. 
 
 Durando Giacomo, 376. 
 
 Durando Giovanni, 390. 
 
 Eccheli, famiglia di Ala, 490. 
 Eccheli, famiglia di Brentonico, 
 
 490. 
 Eccher prof. Alberto, 488. « 
 Elena, regina, 514. 
 Elisabetta, imperatrice d'Austria, 
 
 419- 
 Elisabetta di Savoia-Carignano, 
 619.
 
 646 
 
 INDICE ALFABETICO 
 
 Erberti Francesco, 469. 
 
 Erode, 430. 
 
 Eugenio III, papa, 442. 
 
 Fabi, 478. 
 
 Fabricci Gustavo, 502. 
 
 Fabrizi, 500. 
 
 Fabrizio Caio, 629, 630, 632, 634. 
 
 Facchinetti Michele, 471. 
 
 Faienz Filippo, 489. 
 
 Fani prof. Gino, 574. 
 
 Fattori Antonio, 476. 
 
 Fausta, 430. 
 
 Favetti Carlo, 471. 
 
 Favetti Nepomuceno, 485. 
 
 Federico III d'Austria, 453, 454. 
 
 Fenali Giuseppe, 489. 
 
 Ferdinando I di Borbone, 364, 365, 
 
 366, 368. 
 Ferdinando I d'Austria, 390. 
 Ferdinando I, re dei Romani, 452, 
 
 454- 
 Ferdinando II di Borbone, 378, 
 
 389^ 399» 419. 458. 
 Ferdinando III di Lorena, 363. 
 FeroUi Enrico, 488, 490, 496. 
 Ferrandi Luciano, 408. 
 Ferrari Carlo, 481. 
 Ferrari Giuseppe, 376. 
 Ferrari, maggiore, 474. 
 Ferruccio Francesco, 389, 477. 
 Festi Lorenzo, 465. 
 Figulo Marcio, 435. 
 Fischer P. D., 636. 
 Flaccio, 493. 
 
 Flotow, barone von, 557, 569. 
 Foa di Bruno, 422. 
 Fonda Eugenio, 515. 
 Fontana Giuseppe, 476, 485, 488, 
 
 496. 
 Ford Henry, 610. 
 Fortis Leone, 459, 469, 471. 
 Foscolo Ugo, 591. 
 Francesco I d'Austria, 367, 384. 
 Francesco I di Borbone, 369, 378. 
 Francesco II di Borbone {France- 
 
 schiello), 419, 421. 
 
 Francesco II d'Austria, 440. 
 
 Francesco Ferdinando, arciduca 
 d'Austria, 529, 544. 
 
 Francesco Giuseppe, 357, 390, 407, 
 410, 412, 416, 418, 419, 423, 470, 
 486, 494, 498, 507, 508, 510, 521, 
 524, 539, 542, 552, 554, 563, 574, 
 582, 583, 597, 620, 621, 623, 624, 
 625, 626, 639. 
 
 Francesco IV arciduca di Modena, 
 
 363, 373. 374» 375- 
 Fratti Antonio, 590. 
 Frattini Pietro Domenico, 410. 
 Friedlander, 635. 
 Fusinato Arnaldo, 393, 404, 471. 
 
 Galilei, 600. 
 
 Galletti, 398. 
 
 Galli Ernesta, 409. 
 
 Gallo Michele, 488. 
 
 Gambaroni Giuseppe, 383. 
 
 Garibaldi Anita, 399, 400, 401, 402, 
 
 403- 
 
 Garibaldi Bruno e Sante, 590. 
 
 Garibaldi Giuseppe, 376, 398, 399, 
 400, 401, 402, 403, 406, 412, 417, 
 419, 420, 421, 423, 424, 426, 460, 
 468, 472, 473, 474, 475, 476, 478, 
 479, 480, 481, 483, 485, 488, 489, 
 491, 495, 496, 497, 499, 500, 501, 
 502, 511, 534, 580, 589, 591, 631, 
 
 637- 
 Garibaldi Menotti, 499, 513. 
 Garibaldi Peppino, 590. 
 Garibaldi Ricciotti, 499, 513, 589, 
 
 590- 
 Gattesi Giuseppe, 469. 
 Gazzoletti Antonio, 458, 465, 471. 
 Gervasio Ricciotti, 504. 
 Giesl von Gieslesen, 540, 542, 550. 
 Gioberti Vincenzo, 376, 377. 
 Giolitti Giovanni, 618, 621, 622, 
 
 623, 625, 627, 628, 629, 632. 
 Giosue, 596. 
 
 Giovanni, re di Sassonia, 619, 635. 
 Giugurta, 511. 
 Giulia, 431.
 
 INDICE ALFABETICO 
 
 647 
 
 Giussano, Alberto da, 447. 
 
 Giusti Giuseppe, 376, 377, 584. 
 
 Gizzi, cardinale, 378. 
 
 Gladstone Guglielmo, 413. 
 
 Godina Alessandro, 469. 
 
 Goethe, 635. 
 
 Gogol, 592. 
 
 Gorki, 592. 
 
 Gracchi, 497. 
 
 Gravisi Girolamo, 488. 
 
 Grazioli Bartolomeo, 410. 
 
 Grego Ado, 515. 
 
 Gregorich Luigi, 502. 
 
 Gregorio XVI, papa, 375. 
 
 Gregorovius Ferdinando, 635. 
 
 Grey Edward, 545, 550. 
 
 Grimm Hermann, 635. 
 
 Grio Domenico, 488. 
 
 Grioli Giovanni, 410. 
 
 Grioli Giuseppe, 471. 
 
 Grion Giovanni, 516. 
 
 Grozet G., 458. 
 
 Guerrazzi Francesco Domenico, 
 
 376, 393. 416, 468. 
 Guglielmo di Wied, 573. 
 Guglielmo II, 539, 553, 620, 621, 
 
 624, 625, 626, 639. 
 Guilay, 415, 418. 
 
 Hagenaer, 461. 
 
 Hardt Fred. B., 634. 
 
 Hart, SchafFner & Marx, 610. 
 
 Hayman, 397. 
 
 Hehn Viktor, 636. 
 
 Herbert Francesco, 469. 
 
 Hermet Francesco, 462, 487. 
 
 Hess, 418. 
 
 Hofmeister, 636. 
 
 Hohenwarth, conte, 479. 
 
 Hortis, 487, 494. 
 
 Hugo Victor, 508, 510, 589. 
 
 Imbriani Matteo Renato, 511, 637. 
 
 Inama Virgilio, 490. 
 
 Infessura, 636. 
 
 Insel, 636. 
 
 Isnenghi Enrico, 476, 477. 
 
 Ivancich Giovanni, 489, 537. 
 
 Jagher, famiglia, 490. 
 
 Jagher Giovanni, 490. 
 
 Jamsy Carlo, 502. 
 
 Jolanda di Savoia, principessa, 514. 
 
 Jurettig Enrico, 510. 
 
 Kalteneisen Ferruccio, 515. 
 Kandler Giovanni, 458. 
 Kandler Pietro, 457. 
 Kattenbrunner Arturo, 504. 
 Krammer Giulietta, 504. 
 Krupp, 620. 
 Kudachew, 544. 
 
 Lamarmora Alfonso, 411, 487, 
 Lamartine Alfonso, 584. 
 Lamoriciere, 417. 
 Landucci, 636. 
 Lavisato Domenico, 497. 
 Lazzaro di Betania, 596. 
 Leggero, 401. 
 
 Leonardi Giuseppe, 476, 488. 
 Leone XIII, papa, 417, 418. 
 Leonida, 477, 478. 
 Leopardi Giacomo, 376. 
 Leopoldo, granduca di Toscana, 
 
 378, 389. 393- 
 Leopoldo I d'Austria, 454. 
 Leopoldo III d'Austria, 451, 452. 
 Levi Sansone, 468. 
 Levino P. Valerio, 629. 
 Litta, duca, 392. 
 Livaditi Demetrio, 471. 
 Livia, 430. 
 Lorenzetti, 524. 
 Lovisoni Gioacchino, 487. 
 Luccardi Vincenzo, 502. 
 Lucio II, papa, 442. 
 Luigi I di Portogallo, 484. 
 Lulves J., 634. 
 Lusgar Nicolo, 453. 
 
 Mac Mahon, 417. 
 Macchio, barone, 546. 
 Machiavelli, 565, 636. 
 Maddali Emilio, 496. 
 Madonizza dott. A., 457, 487.
 
 648 
 
 INDICE ALFABETICO 
 
 Madonizza Pietro, 488. 
 Maffezzoli Basilio, 474. 
 Magliani Agostino, 631. 
 Magrini Luciano, 514, 515. 
 Magrini Pietro, 515. 
 Malatesta Enrico, 591. 
 Malfatti Bartolomeo, 469. 
 Mameli GofFredo, 388, 393, 399, 
 
 477- 
 Mamiani Terenzio, 376. 
 Manara Luciano, 399. 
 Manci Filippo, 476, 477, 485, 488, 
 
 491. 
 Manci Gaetano, 465, 479. 
 Manci Sigismondo, 465. 
 Mancini, 554. 
 Mandich, 509. 
 Manin Daniele, 376, 387, 390, 404, 
 
 406, 468, 484, 494. 
 Manzoni Alessandro, 376, 500. 
 Marcabruni Luigi, 476. 
 Marchetti dott. Levio, 468. 
 Marconi Guglielmo, 606. 
 Margherita di Savoia, principessa, 
 
 497- 
 Margherita, regina, 554, 582, 619, 
 
 620. 
 Maria Adelaide, 619. 
 Maria Elisabetta, 619. 
 Maria Isabella, 620. 
 Maria Luigia d' Austria, 364 
 Maria Luisa di Borbone, 363. 
 Maria Pia di Savoia, 484. 
 Maria Sofia di Baviera, 419. 
 Maria Teresa d'Austria, 361, 362. 
 Mario Caio, 511. 
 Marsili Antonio, 480. 
 Martini, famiglia, 490. 
 Martini Federico, 469. 
 Martini Francesco, 476, 491. 
 Martini Leopoldo, 473. 
 Martori Pietro, 476. 
 Marzari Carlo, 468. 
 Masi, 398. 
 Massenzio, 430. 
 Massimiano, 430. 
 Mattedi Francesco, 468. 
 
 Mauro Francesco, 496. 
 
 Mauro Gino, 524. 
 
 Mazza Salvatore, 381. 
 
 Mazzini Angelo, 488. 
 
 Mazzini Giuseppe, 376, 377, 393, 
 398, 399, 406, 410, 427, 458, 460, 
 468, 485, 500, 515, 580, 591, 631, 
 
 637. 
 Mazzoni, 393. 
 Medici, generale, 488. 
 Menelao, 601. 
 Menottl Giro, 373, 374. 
 Mercantini Luigi, 414. 
 Merey, 570. 
 Metternich, 367, 368, 378, 457, 459, 
 
 461. 
 Meucci Antonio, 403. 
 Milius, 392. 
 Milla Davide, 488. 
 Minosse, 513. 
 Moiola Quirino, 476. 
 Molinari, famiglia, 490. 
 Mommsen Teodoro, 434, 635. 
 Mondolfo, 392. 
 Moneta Teodoro, ^06. 
 Monferrato, marchese di, 108. 
 Montanari Carlo, 410. 
 Montanari Pietro, 490. 
 Montanelli Giuseppe, 376, 393. 
 Morosini Emilio, 399. 
 Mortera Attilio ed Emilio, 502. 
 Mosettig Pietro, 496. 
 Muller G., 636. 
 
 Muratori Lodovico Antonio, 447. 
 Muratti Giusto, 496. 
 Muzio, 493. 
 
 Naldini, dottore, 401. 
 
 Napoleone I, 363, 440. 
 
 Napoleone III, 411, 415, 417, 418, 
 
 419, 423, 424, 426, 494. 
 Negri Antonio, 450. 
 Negri Edoardo, 468. 
 Niccolini Giovan Battista, 376, 416. 
 Niccolo I di Russia, 413. 
 Nicola II zar di Russia, 545, 551, 
 
 553-
 
 INDICE ALFAFETICO 
 
 649 
 
 Nipote Giulio, 435. 
 Nerone, 404. 
 Nisco Nicola, 413. 
 Nugent, 390, 395. 
 
 Oberdan Giuseppina, 510. 
 Oberdan Guglielmo, 504, 505, 506, 
 
 507, 508, 509, 510, SI I, 512, 519, 
 
 522, 524, 590. 
 Olacutti Carolina, 504. 
 Olivieri Alessio, 414. 
 Orazio, 581. 
 Orefice Giulio, 452. 
 Oreste, 435. 
 Orioli F., 458. 
 
 Orlandini Giovanni, 457, 469. 
 Orseolo Pietro, 438. 
 Orseolo Pietro II, 438, 439, 440. 
 Ottone, 448. 
 Oudinot, 398, 399. 
 
 Pallfly, 460. 
 
 Palmerston, 385. 
 
 Parisi Rodolfo, 498. 
 
 Pasic, 540, 542, 546, 549, 550, SSI. 
 
 Pasquale III, antipapa, 44s. 
 
 Patciu, S40> 542. 
 
 Pattini Giovanni, SI7- 
 
 Pecci Gioacchino, cardinale, 417, 
 
 418. 
 Pecenco Luigi, 496. 
 Pellico Silvio, 371, 372. 
 Pepe Guglielmo, 365, 366, 389, 390, 
 
 404, 406. 
 Percoto Caterina, 458. 
 Persano, ammiraglio, 423. 
 Petitti Ignazio, 376. 
 Piatti Antonio, 383. 
 Piatti, famiglia, 456. 
 Piazza Giovanna, 382. 
 Fieri Pietro, 468. 
 Pietro, 426. 
 
 Pietro I Karageorgevic, S39- 
 Pio IX, papa, 378, 389, 390, 392, 
 
 399, 418, 426, 459. 
 Pipino, 426. 
 Pironti, 413. 
 Pirro, 629 630. 
 
 Pisanelli Giuseppe, 413. 
 
 Pitteri Riccardo, 518. 
 
 Planta Giulio, 433. 
 
 Plinio, 431. 
 
 Poerio Alessandro, 376. 
 
 Poerio Carlo, 413. 
 
 Pogatschnig Emilio, S02. 
 
 Poincare, 585. 
 
 PoUini Giuseppe, 496. 
 
 Poma Carlo, 410. 
 
 Pompeo, 431. 
 
 Pomponazzi, 600. 
 
 Ponti, 392. 
 
 Popovich Eugenio, 488. 
 
 Poropat Francesco, 469. 
 
 Prato, 467. 
 
 Princip Gabrilo, 539. 
 
 Radetzky, feld-maresciallo, 379, 
 380, 390, 391, 394, 404, 407, 409, 
 461, 468, 564. 
 
 Ranfo Marco, 450. 
 
 Ranieri Giuseppe, arciduca, 619. 
 
 Ranke, 63s. 
 
 Rascovich Edgardo, soo, soi. 
 
 Ravaglia, 401. 
 
 Ravaglia Stefano, 401, 402. 
 
 Raymmi, 392. 
 
 Regazzini Alessandro, 502. 
 
 Rendich, S03. 
 
 Ressmann Costantino, 463. 
 
 Revere Giuseppe, 460, 468. 
 
 Riaviz Clemente, 485. 
 
 Riaviz Stefano, 502. 
 
 Ricchetti Giuseppe, S02. 
 
 Ricci Vittore, 465. 
 
 Rinaldi Ferdinando, 490. 
 
 Rismondo, 487. 
 
 Ritozzo Luigi, 469. 
 
 Rizzi Giovanni, 465. 
 
 Romagnosi Gian Domenico, 380. 
 
 Romanin Samuele, 469. 
 
 Romano Pietro, 469. 
 
 Romolo Augusto, 435. 
 
 Rosmini Antonio, 376. 
 
 Rossetti Dante Gabriele, 366. 
 
 Rossetti Domenico, 457.
 
 650 
 
 INDICE ALFABETICO 
 
 Rossetti Gabriele, 366, 368. 
 Rossi Giovanni fu Francesco, 506. 
 Rossi Pellegrino, 392. 
 Rubinisch, 469. 
 Ruffini, ministro, 358. 
 
 Saffi Aurelio, 393, 398, 410, 468, 
 
 501, SI I, 631. 
 Saglioso, dottore, 468. 
 Salandra, 501. 
 
 Salandra Antonio, 561, 567, 569. 
 Saliceti, 413. 
 Sallier della Torre, 370. 
 San Giuliano, marchese di, 557, 
 
 569* 570. 
 Santorre di Santarosa, 370. 
 Sar Tommaso, 469. 
 Sartori Adolfo, 488. 
 Sartorio, 493. 
 Savo Pietro, 464. 
 SazonofF, 542, 544, 545. 
 Scarboncich Pietro, 469. 
 Scartellini Angelo, 410. 
 Schirone Luigi, 503. 
 Schmid, 417. 
 Scialoia Antonio, 413 
 Sciesa Antonio, no. 
 Scipio (Scipione rAfricano), 388. 
 Sclopis Federico, 376. 
 Scocchi Angelo, 515. 
 Scorpion Donate, 452. 
 Scussa, 455. 
 Seismit-Doda Federico, 459, 460, 
 
 469- 
 Settembrini Luigi, 413. 
 Settimo Ruggiero, 376, 378. 
 SeufFerheld, 392. 
 Sgarzolo Giuseppe, 457. 
 Silano Marco Giunio, 433. 
 Sizzo De Noris, famiglia, 490. 
 Sizzo Pietro, 465. 
 Socci Ettore, 512, 
 Solitro Giulio, 462. 
 Sonnino, barone Sydney, 559. 560, 
 
 568. 
 Sordello, 513. 
 Spadoni Ernesto, 514. 
 
 Spaventa Silvio, 413. 
 Speri Tito, 410. 
 Spinola Gasparo, 534. 
 Spongia Filippo, 504. 
 Stamura, 446. 
 Statuto Camurio, 433. 
 Stefania, principessa, 503. 
 Stefano II, papa, 426. 
 Stella Sigismondo, 502. 
 Sterchele Anselmo, 476. 
 Sterle Mario, 515. 
 Strabone, 431. 
 Strandtman, 542, 551. 
 Summa Antonio, 458. 
 Sussa Francesco, 498. 
 
 Tabai Antonio, 502. 
 
 Tacito, 639. 
 
 Tamaro Attilio, 468, 523. 
 
 Tankosic Voijna, 541, 549. 
 
 Tarugi, 466. 
 
 Tavernini, famiglia, 490. 
 
 Tazzoli Enrico, 410. 
 
 Tchernichewski, 591. 
 
 Tedeschi Paolo, 484. 
 
 Tegetthoff, 564. 
 
 Telesio, 600. 
 
 Terzaghi Giulio, 385. 
 
 Testi Giuseppe, 465. 
 
 Thum Matteo, 465. 
 
 Tiberio, 430. 
 
 Tito Livio, 429. 
 
 Tivaroni Carlo, 490, 497. 
 
 Toller Domenico (Costa Giacomo), 
 
 476. 
 Tolstoi, 591. 
 Tommaseo Niccolo, 376, 387, 406, 
 
 461, 464, 468, 469, 472, 486, 534. 
 Tommaso, principe di Savoia, 619. 
 Tonini Leopold©, 478. 
 Traiano, 431. 
 Tranquillini Filippo, 476, 477, 485, 
 
 488, 490. 
 Treitschke, 636. 
 Trezzi Giacomo, 408. 
 Turgheniew, 591. 
 Tusti Alfredo, 634.
 
 INDICE ALFABETICO 
 
 651 
 
 Ughelli, 455. 
 
 Umberto, principe di Savoia, 497. 
 
 Umberto I di Savoia, 497, 512, 514, 
 
 554, 582, 619, 620. 
 Urban, 416. 
 Urigio Nicolo, 452. 
 
 Valussi Pacifico, 458, 463, 481. 
 
 Vascon Giovanni, 488. 
 
 Venezian Felice, 523. 
 
 Venezian Giacomo, 468. 
 
 Venier Cristoforo, 499. 
 
 Venturi, 478. 
 
 Verdi Giuseppe, 458, 470, 514. 
 
 Vergerio, 493. 
 
 Vergottini Nicolo, 469. 
 
 Verzegnasse Francesco, 472. 
 
 Vidacovich Antonio, 501. 
 
 Vidacowich Domenico, 488. 
 
 Vidali Gian Luigi, 496. 
 
 Vidali Giuseppe, 516. 
 
 Vidali Marcello, 533. 
 
 Villari Pasquale, 606. 
 
 Vinci Giuseppe, 502. 
 
 Vinci Leonardo, 600. 
 
 Virgilio, 432, 609. 
 
 Visconti di Mondrone, duca, 392. 
 
 Visconti Venosta, 494. 
 
 Vittore IV, antipapa, 445. 
 
 Voltaire, 508. 
 
 Vittorio Emanuele I di Savoia, 363, 
 
 369- 
 Vittorio Emanuele II, 394, 411, 
 412, 415, 417, 418, 419, 421, 422, 
 423, 424, 472, 473, 475, 476, 480, 
 
 481, 483, 484, 487, 489, 490, 494, 
 
 495. 497> 500» S02, 619. 
 Vittorio Emanuele III, 357, 514, 
 
 563. 567. 58S» 587, 615, 616, 618, 
 
 619, 620, 621, 622, 623, 624, 625, 
 
 626, 632. 
 Vusio Tommaso e Rovis, 497. 
 
 Walfer, 489. 
 Weber, von, 636. 
 Weiss, famiglia, 490. 
 Welden, 390. 
 Wilson, presidente, 358. 
 Winckelmann, 635. 
 Wolffin, 635. 
 WuUenbacher, 509. 
 
 Zambelli Claudio, 488. 
 
 Zambelli Giovanni, 410. 
 
 Zamboni Filippo, 468. 
 
 Zampieri Riccardo, 520. 
 
 Zanardi Ugo, 502. 
 
 Zancani Camillo, 476, 477, 485, 488. 
 
 Zanetti Arturo, 469. 
 
 Zanolla, 488. 
 
 Zanotti Attilio, 476, 477. 
 
 Zecchia Niccolo, 498. 
 
 Zenelli Giambattista, 465. 
 
 Zeno Donate, 535. 
 
 Ziani Sebastiano, 448. 
 
 Zima Carlo, 397. 
 
 Zinis Alessandro, 490. 
 
 Zobel, 465. 
 
 Zocchi, 513. 
 
 Zucchi Martino, 487.
 
 Giudizi di giornali 
 
 e di persone 
 
 sul libro 
 
 II Giornalismo degli 
 
 Emigrati Italiani nel 
 
 NoRD America 
 
 di Luigi Carjiovale 
 
 puhblicato a 
 
 Chicago^ Illinois 
 
 Stati Uniti d^ America 
 
 653
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 
 The Chicago Record-Herald (Edwin L. Shuman), Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 In un volume in lingua italiana intitolato // Giornalismo degli Emi- 
 grati Italiani nel Nord America, Luigi Carnovale offre ai suoi compatrioti 
 una ventina di vividi e interessanti essays (saggi), ch'egli opportunamente 
 ha scritto in varie occasioni sugl'Italiani residenti negli Stati Uniti 
 d'America. Nel piQ importante di tali essays sono descritte, come il titolo 
 stesso del libro indica, le tribolazioni di coloro che tentano di pubblicare 
 giornali italiani in questo paese. L'autore narra molte delle sue perso- 
 nali esperienze su questo campo: esperienze divertenti e scoraggianti a 
 un tempo. Egli ha una povera opinione della maggioranza degli emigrati 
 italiani, e lo dice con Candida franchezza. Ma cio ch'egli rimprovera di 
 piii ai suoi connazionali, e il mal vezzo ch'essi hanno di spogliarsi della 
 loro italianita per adottare, invece, uno spurio americanismo. Egli 
 crede che gl'Italiani non dovrebbero votare qui, e tanto meno parlare 
 d'imporre candidati italiani, dal momento che un qualsiasi politicante 
 irlandese puo vantarsi di poter comprare con un barile di birra tutti i voti 
 italiani ch'egli vuole. II rimedio per sifFatti mali, secondo il signor Carno- 
 vale, e piii istruzione e piii italianita. 
 
 In uno degli ultimi essays, il signor Carnovale "paga i suoi rispetti", 
 con un linguaggio ch'egli modestamente chiama "piuttosto vivace", al 
 prete di Chicago che in un sermone ha attaccato malignamente Mazzini 
 e Garibaldi. II signor Carnovale ha anche una cattiva opinione delle leggi 
 americane, per avere esse tollerato che un De Forest ed altri usurpassero 
 I'invenzione del telegrafo senza fili di Marconi. Ma forse il colpo piii 
 forte per gli Americani si trova nel capitolo difendente Caruso dallo scan- 
 dalo suscitato per I'incidente della monkey-house (casa delle scimmie). 
 Che stupore se il giornale quotidiano di Chicago, il quale ha original- 
 mente pubblicato il detto essay, avesse capito bene tutto il significato 
 delle roventi metafore italiane che I'articolo stesso conteneva! 
 
 II signor Carnovale scrive fluentemente, con forza e vivacita. La sua 
 fantasia si mostra inesauribile come il suo vocabolario, ed egli ha un senso 
 d'umore accoppiato a un equilibrio intellettuale. Basta soltanto leggere 
 poche pagine del suo libro, per vedere ch'egli e un vivo esempio della 
 vigile giovine generazione che sta al presente rigenerando I'ltalia. 
 
 L' Italia, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 Luigi Carnovale ha dato alia luce un libro intitolato // Giornalismo 
 degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 E confortante constatare che la tormentosa vita americana a base di 
 materialismo, e la corsa incessante appresso al "demone giallo" — come 
 
 655
 
 656 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 
 direbbe Massimo Gorki — non hanno alterato Tidealismo piii puro che 
 e proprio una caratteristica dei figli della terra dove il si suona. 
 
 Infatti sotto la copertina del libro che — non sappiamo se per case 
 fortuito o per pensiero premeditato — e di un pronunciato color verde, 
 araldo di speranze e di illusioni, batte un cuore che gli anni passati in 
 America non hanno travolto, non hanno deviato da un ordine di recondite 
 aspirazioni. 
 
 Per quel maligno pessimismo, che e in fondo all'anima umana, parrebbe, 
 dal titolo del libro, che il volume dovesse spezzare una lancia contro, 
 anziche a favore della tanto criticata stampa coloniale. Invece Luigi 
 Carnovale non una, ma mille lance spezza per lumeggiare sotto i migliori 
 aspetti questa forza, compendio d'italianita in America, che si estende 
 ovunque esiste un nucleo d'ltaliani e che trova — suoi eterni avversari — 
 I'indolenza della massa poco evoluta e un cinico sorriso, diremo quasi 
 di compatimento, suUe labbra di coloro che per un cumulo di circostanze 
 stringono oggi con ferrea mano un mucchio d'oro. 
 
 Senza reticenze, senza mezzi termini, I'autore, con uno stile spigliato 
 che va diritto al cuore, loda quando la lode occorre per incoraggiare tra 
 gli emigrati un'iniziativa; ma la sua parola scende come una scudisciata 
 quando trattasi di denunziare qualcuno di quei criteri erronei che serpeg- 
 giano tra le nostre colonic. 
 
 Ma non e soltanto per lodare virtu o biasimare vizi che il libro e state 
 scritto. 
 
 Un'idea altamente patriottica aleggia in tutto il volume: il risorgimento 
 morale dei nostri emigrati; i quali — provenienti in gran parte dai 
 paeselli d'ltalia sperduti sui monti boscosi o in fondo alle valli — hanno 
 avuto finora il mal vezzo di subire spontaneamente una certa inferiorita 
 quando si son trovati a contatto col popolo americano nelle popolose citta 
 dei grattanvvole e delle ferrovie aeree. 
 
 Se i nostri emigrati, che solo ricordano come un sogno Napoli o 
 Genova, conoscessero meglio la loro patria — che al suo passato, unico 
 nel mondo, accoppia un presente egualmente glorioso — avrebbero mag- 
 giore dignita di se stessi e non guarderebbero dal basso in alto tutto cio 
 che non e italiano. 
 
 Questo concetto, che noi abbiamo esposto in poche parole, e I'anima 
 del libro. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale — italiano in ogni sua intima latebra, profondo cono- 
 scitore del pensiero di Dante e di Mazzini ch'egli cita con grande liberalita 
 — ha per la patria un sacro culto, diremmo quasi un fanatismo. 
 
 Con occhio scrutatore, egli non si ferma alia superficie che fa sembrare 
 grande I'America, ma afFonda il ferro anatomico e, con un esame impar- 
 ziale, mette nella loro vera luce fatti che ci fanno ricordare la famosa 
 statua dai piedi d'argilla sognata da Nabucodonosor. 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America non e un libro 
 scritto da un autore compiacente per carezzare velleita e lusingare amor 
 propri. Con giovanile entusiasmo, lo scrittore ha trasfuso nelle sue pagine 
 un po' della sua anima impastata di idealismo e di poesia. II suo libro e
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 657 
 
 il grido dell'esiliato che ha temprato lo spirito nel culto sacro del "fiero 
 ghibellino" (Dante). Egli, al di sopra d'ogni altra concezione, vede la 
 patria, la terra che ha dato i natali a martiri del pensiero come Campanella 
 e Giordano Bruno, e divinatori delle forze natural! e di leggi fisiche come 
 Galileo e Marconi, a grandi patrioti, a illustri scrittori; egli vede I'ltalia 
 nelle piii rigogliose produzioni del genio. E quest'Italia egli decanta; 
 e quest 'Italia egli vorrebbe affermata sul suolo americano che da un Ita- 
 liano fu scoperto.^ 
 
 La Tribuna Italiana Transatlantica, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 Appena ricevuto il libro // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel 
 Nord America di Luigi Carnovale, lo leggemmo tutto d'un Bate, tanto 
 grande fu I'interesse ch'esso seppe ispirarci. 
 
 Gia fin dalla lettura dei versi 
 
 Coscienza fusca 
 O della propria, o dell'altrui vergogna. 
 Pur sentira la tua parola brusca, 
 
 con i quali Dante profetizza I'ufficio della stampa e che il Carnovale mise 
 felicemente in cima al suo lavoro, noi, nella qualita di giornalisti, comin- 
 ciammo a provare un divino senso di gratitudine per I'autore e I'opera sua. 
 E allorquando c'inoltrammo nella lettura della prefazione, in cui la stampa 
 coloniale e valorosamente difesa, tale senso assunse proporzioni gi- 
 gantesche, finche a un certo punto, nel forte dell'entusiasmo, dedicammo 
 mentalmente al nostro Carnovale un monumento di gratitudine. 
 
 Siamo sicuri che i colleghi italo-americani non saranno meno di noi, 
 ma piij di noi, nel dichiararsi grati all'autore di questo libro per la riven- 
 dicazione ch'egli fa del nostro ufficio, del quale egli merita il titolo di 
 cavaliere. 
 
 Le lance che il Carnovale spezza per noi vanno benedette. 
 
 Alia prefazione segue una serie di splendidi articoli, dall'autore pub- 
 blicati in diversi giornali degli Stati Uniti, che si rileggono sempre con 
 diletto e interessamento sommi, per la continua splendidezza della forma 
 e il denso scintillio delle idee eccellenti. 
 
 La Patria (Silvio Picchianti editore), Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 Quante verita Luigi Carnovale dice nel suo libro // Giornalismo degli 
 Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America] E come le dice! 
 
 II brio, la purezza dello stile, la .sincerita dell'esposizione dei fatti, il 
 quadro dell'ambiente, i tipi coloniali — da quel donndne sputante fiele 
 contro il direttore del giornale che ha il coraggio d'insistere nell'invio di 
 questo, a quel presidente di societa che legge il giornale capovolto — tutto, 
 tutto rende il libro simpatico e interessante. 
 
 'Questo articolo fu pubblicato anche dai giornali La Tribuna Italiana 
 Transatlantica di Chicago, Illinois e La Montagna di Newark, New Jersey,
 
 658 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 
 E nessuno meglio di noi giornalisti, viventi in quell'ambiente stesso 
 del quale il Carnovale rileva le deficienze, i difetti, le apatie vergognose, 
 puo giudicare vera e onesta I'opera di questo giovane intelligente, al quale 
 non sono restate ignote le sorti riserbate a chi con la penna prende a 
 dipingere la vita dei propri connazionali emigrati, celandone fraterna- 
 mente i difetti, esaltandone le virtii, difendendoli dagli attacchi bassi e 
 maligni dei giornalisti americani, i quali di noi non conoscono altro che le 
 gesta della Mano Nera, e ignorano completamente, falsandola sempre se 
 la sanno, la storia nostra, maestra di civilta e di grandezza in tutte le 
 parti del mondo, compresa questa che ad essi diede il genio eletto d'un 
 figlio d'ltalia. 
 
 II Carnovale, nel suo libro, ha raccolto vari di quegli articoli con i 
 quali, dalle colonne dei periodici da lui diretti negli Stati Uniti, lanciava il 
 grido di difesa per i suoi fratelli emigrati; e questi articoli, oltre a rivelare la 
 poderosita del suo ingegno, dimostrano la grandezza deU'animo suo 
 d'italiano veto, a cui premono, piQ d'ogni altra cosa, gl'interessi dei suoi 
 poveri connazionali, ai quali si riserba — oltre lo sfruttamento — 
 I'insulto basso e la calunnia infame. 
 
 L'articolo Gli untori della febbre gialla, per esempio, e un capolavoro. 
 Le parole di fuoco, che con somma dialettica il Carnovale lancia in faccia 
 agli accusatori maligni dell'onesto e sobrio operaio italiano, sono veri strali 
 di rampogna. 
 
 Ma, ripetiamo, tutto il libro e belle ed interessante; e se c'e una cosa 
 che addolori in esso, e la parola^n^, la quale ci toglie alia deliziosa lettura 
 delle pagine bellissime che la penna valorosa di Luigi Carnovale ha vergato 
 cosi dottamente. 
 
 All'amico carissimo i nostri sinceri rallegramenti per I'opera sua d'alto 
 patriottismo, compiuta con la pubblicazione di questo libro che ogni Ita- 
 liano di cuore e d'intelligenza dovrebbe leggere — come noi — dalla prima 
 all'ultima pagina.^ 
 
 Il Secolo, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 II bellissimo libro // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America di Luigi Carnovale dovrebbe essere letto da tutti, perche ognuno 
 vi avrebbe da apprendere qualche cosa, specie noi esuli volontari che vi- 
 viamo lontano dalle produzionilibrarie, in una terra dove altra sodisfazione 
 non si prova che quella della conquista del Dio Giallo. 
 
 II libro e diviso in una prefazione e ventidue capitoli. 
 
 Nella prefazione I'autore, giovane pieno di fede e animato dai piii 
 santi ideali, spiega le ragioni che I'hanno indotto a riunire in un volume gli 
 articoli da lui pubblicati in diversi giornali degli Stati Uniti. 
 
 Con verve, anzi con molta verve, egli — I'autore — dimostra a luce 
 chiara e senza fronzoli I'inferiorita intellettaule dei nostri emigrati e la 
 loro apatia per tutto cio che sa d'italianita, ed afferma che se le nostre 
 
 ^Questo articolo fu pubblicato anche dal giornale // Vessillo di Baltimore, 
 Maryland.
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 659 
 
 colonic sono tenute in non cale, disprezzate, vilipese, la colpa e dell'anal- 
 fabetismo. Dunque: istruzione in Italia, italiani sempre in America. 
 
 Quando il nostro contadino avra imparato a conoscere la terra che gli 
 ha dato i natali: quando avra saputo che I'ltalia e stata maestra di civilta 
 a tutto il mondo, egli, siamone certi, non si vergognera piii di dire che e 
 italiano. 
 
 Nei capitoli che seguono la prefazione, Tautore, con non comune acume, 
 afFonda il bisturi nelle diverse questioni coloniali e, con mano sicura, incide 
 denudando al pubblico la miseria morale in cui noi emigrati viviamo. 
 
 Ma, nello stesso tempo, egli, con I'anima esuberante di sentimentalismo 
 quasi mistico, ci fa rivivere nella mente le pagine piCi belle della nostra 
 storia; e, come in una proiezione cinematografica, ci fa assistere a delle 
 scene che ci rapiscono I'animo, trasportandolo in alto, in alto, dove tutto 
 e luce, vita, forza! 
 
 Noi in quelle pagine tuffiamo lo spirito esausto dalle lotte che qui 
 combattiamo ogni ora, per ritemprarci a sostenere ancora, con maggiore 
 energia, nuove lotte e nuove conquiste nel campo della natura e dell'arte: 
 di quell'arte che vl rapisce e sublima con I'incanto della sua bellezza, 
 perche la bellezza e il suo naturale fondamento. E chi e amante del bello, 
 chi e conquiso dalla bellezza come Luigi Carnovale, non puo restarne 
 estraneo, ma vi e attratto come da forza magnetica. 
 
 Nel libro del Carnovale, V eco delle coscienze umane, i fatti coloniali 
 piij importanti sono descritti in modo affascinante e suggestivo, si da fonderii 
 in una mirabile sintesi armonica. 
 
 Questa lettura che vi estasia, quella forma che vi ammalia, quella 
 bellezza occulta che si ripercuote al di dentro della nostra anima, vi 
 trasportano lontano dalle passioni malvage degli uomini e, per un mo- 
 mento, vi fanno dimenticare I'ambiente in cui siete costretto a vivere. 
 
 Non un esame critico e stato nostro intento di fare in questa breve 
 recensione, ma un sereno cenno di quanto nel libro // Giornalismo si con- 
 tiene, per raffermare la speranza che I'amico Carnovale possa altro dare 
 all'arte, per mantenere, anche in queste contrade, alto ed intemerato il 
 nome italiano.^ 
 
 Il Bollettino Delle Societa Italiane, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di Luigi 
 Carnovale contiene una serie di poderosi articoli, i quali a ragione dimo- 
 strano, con una critica sagace e veritiera, quanto grande sia I'ignoranza 
 delle nostre colonic; mentre, d'altra parte, la lunga prefazione che precede 
 tali articoli, compendia tutto un programma d'italianita. Benche su 
 certi punti non condividiamo Ic idee deH'autore, pure non possiamo fare a 
 meno di congratularci vivissimamente con lui e raccomandare la lettura 
 del suo libro. 
 
 ^ Questo articolo fu pubblicato anche da La Tribuna Italiana Transatlantica di 
 Chicago, Illinois.
 
 660 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 La Sentinella, Hoboken, New Jersey: 
 
 Luigi Carnovale, col suo bel libro // Giornalsimo degli Emigrati Italiani 
 nel Nord America, ha colmato una lacuna nel mondo letterario italo- 
 americano, difendendo con una prosa smagliante la non sempre gradita 
 figura del giornalista coloniale, e parlando delle masse immigrate con una 
 vivacita di stile che afFascina il lettore e gli fa scorrere le numerose pagine 
 tutte d'un fiato, tale e la splendidezza della forma e I'eccellenza delle idee, 
 sia che parli del dolore di nostra gente, sia che ne descriva le virtu misco- 
 nosciute o poco apprezzate. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale, conosciutissimo per altri pregevoli lavori, ha diritto 
 all'ammirazione e alia riconoscenza nostra. 
 
 La Patria, Spokane, Washington: 
 
 Nel libro // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America sono 
 raccolti diversi articoli del valoroso giornalista Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 Ci siamo compiaciuti nel rilevare I'utilita pratica di detti articoli, 
 scritti da una penna maestra che ai bollori della gioventii accoppia I'assen- 
 natezza della persona erudita. 
 
 II detto libro, per quanto ci detta il nostro giudizio, interessa tutti gli 
 Italiani emigrati, i quali farebbero cosa utile ad acquistarlo e far tesoro di 
 quanto in esso e splendidamente scritto. 
 
 La Gazzetta Del Massachusetts, Boston, Massachusetts: 
 
 II geniale scrittore Luigi Carnovale ha pubblicato un bellissimo volume 
 di oltre 200 pagine intitolato // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel 
 Nord America. 
 
 II libro contiene una ventina d'articoli che fanno veramente onore al 
 giovine scrittore, sia per la forma letteraria che per le savie, giuste e 
 istruttive idee ivi espresse. 
 
 Il Corriere di Cincinnati, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 E uscito // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di 
 Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 L'autore si rivela, dalla prima all'ultima pagina del libro, sopratutto 
 italiano di mente e di cuore. 
 
 Egli, con profonda conoscenza d'uomini e di cose, tratta magistral- 
 mente di importanti questioni coloniali e di vita italiana. 
 
 E un libro interessantissimo, che dovrebbe essere letto da tutti. 
 
 L'AuRORA, Houston, Texas: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di Luigi 
 Carnovale e un bel volume, e un'opera interessante, specie in questi
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 661 
 
 tempi, nei quali la gloria e il facile appannaggio delle nullita boriose, 
 deH'improntitudine grottesca, dell'audacia insolente; in questi tempi, nei 
 quali una folia d'oziosi e incolti gioca a colpo sicuro sulla tolleranza e 
 suU'amoralita del pubblico; in questi tempi, nei quali la speculazione com- 
 merciale s'e insinuata perfino nella sacra aula del pensiero. 
 
 II libro del Carnovale e una vera e propria necessita per tutti. 
 
 Noi ci auguriamo che lo sforzo di questo letterato porti un salutare 
 risveglio nelle colonie italiane degli Stati Uniti. 
 
 La Luce, Utica, New York: 
 
 II geniale scrittore Luigi Carnovale ha pubblicato a Chicago uno 
 splendido libro intitolato // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nei Nord 
 America. 
 
 II detto libro e scritto con semplicita e con vera forma letteraria e, 
 mentre pone a nudo il marcio che contengono le nostre colonie, manifesta, 
 con pensieri improntati alia piu scrupolosa verita, il concetto erroneo e 
 stupido che i coloni hanno della stampa italo-americana. Cerca inoltre 
 d'infondere negli emigrati italiani idee altamente patriottiche per ottenere 
 il risorgimento morale delle nostre colonie. 
 
 II Carnovale, gia valoroso direttore del Pensiero e di altri giornali, 
 gradisca i nostri rallegramenti per il bellissimo libro dato alia luce, di cui 
 ogni famiglia italiana dovrebbe essere provvista. 
 
 Il Libero Pensiero, Ensley and Birmingham, Alabama. 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nei Nord America e il titolo 
 d'uno splendido libro pubblicato a Chicago dal valoroso e simpatico 
 giornalista Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 In questo libro sono raccolti pregevolissimi articoli che il chiaro scrit- 
 tore ebbe gia a pubblicare in alcuni giornali degli Stati Uniti. 
 
 Li precede una prefazione, nella quale molto assennatamente e de- 
 scritto I'ambiente coloniale e sono messe a nudo delle dure verita. 
 
 E questo un libro che tutti gl' Italiani dovrebbero leggere per trarne 
 grande ammaestramento. 
 
 La Stella Coloniale, Pen Argyl, Pennsylvania: 
 
 Un buon libro e certamente // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nei 
 Nord America di Luigi Carnovale. Esso compendia un po' di tutto cid 
 che riguarda I'emigrato italiano ed e benone scritto. 
 
 L'autore merita I'encomio di tutta la stampa italiana non solo, ma di 
 tutti gl'Italiani che comprendono. 
 
 Il Risveglio Coloniale, Syracusa, New York: 
 
 E stato recentemente pubblicato a Chicago un interessante libro: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nei Nord America.
 
 662 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 
 L'autore signer Luigi Carnovale dimostra d'essere uno scrittore di 
 vaglia. 
 
 Egli svolge i suoi argomenti con molta facilita e franchezza, dando il 
 colpo proprio dove spetta, mentre dall'altro lato loda schiettamente chi 
 dev'essere lodato. 
 
 Egli svolge i suoi pensieri con amor patrio, limpidamente; e con occhio 
 scrutinatore non si ferma alia superficie delle cose, ma va direttamente al 
 fondo, mettendo a luce tutti i difetti e, nello stesso tempo, tutti i meriti 
 dei nostri emigrati. 
 
 Sebbene non possiamo essere interamente d'accordo col Carnovale in 
 vari punti, pure dobbiamo affermare che il suo libro e utilissimo. 
 
 Il Messaggero Italiano, San Antonio, Texas: 
 
 II bel volume intitolato // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America e un lavoro squisito del nostro intelligente connazionale signer 
 Luigi Carnovale, il quale ha saputo trattare con fine tatto questioni colo- 
 niali molto interessanti a noi tutti. 
 
 La bellezza di questo libro consiste principalmente nelle diverse verita 
 che in esso ben vengono lumeggiate e di cui si dovrebbe far tesoro da noi 
 emigrati. 
 
 Al brillante scrittore signor Carnovale mandiamo le nostre sincere 
 congratulazioni. 
 
 I Nostri Tempi, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di Luigi 
 Carnovale e scritto con brio e con elegante correttezza; tocca al vivo 
 tutte le piaghe coloniali, tutte le miserie morali, tutti i meschini odi e le 
 eterne, riprovevoli diatribe di questa terra del Dio Giallo. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale si rivela, attraverso i periodi limpidi, armonici e 
 diremmo quasi scultori dei suoi scritti, un giornalista colto e valoroso, 
 libero pensatore, di animo buono e gentile e, sopratutto, italiano di mente 
 e di cuore. Dalla prima all'ultima pagina del suo bel volume vibra, e 
 fortemente, la corda dell'italianita, quale sentimento spontaneo e nobile, 
 non finto e calcolatore. 
 
 Tali i pregi del libro, che merita di essere letto da quanti s'interessano 
 del vasto e complesso problema coloniale. 
 
 II Progresso Italo- Americano, New York City: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America e il titolo 
 d'un libro che in questi giorni ha visto la luce a Chicago. Ne e autore 
 I'egregio giovane signor Luigi Carnovale, un ingegno laborioso, un carat- 
 tere leale, simpatico, vibrante, il quale, collaborando in diversi giornali 
 degli Stati Uniti, diede sempre bellissimo saggio di svariata disposizione
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 663 
 
 e di rapidissimo tocco. Nel detto libro, che e stato accolto dal pubblico 
 con favore, vibra assai la nota patriottica. 
 A! giovine autore il nostro plauso. 
 
 PERCHi?, Schenectady, New York: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America e il titolo 
 d'un bellissimo volume d'oltre 200 pagine pubblicato da Luigi Carnovale 
 a Chicago. 
 
 Con esso I'autore ci ha fatto gustare ore di sana lettura, dalla quale 
 abbiamo raccolto pregevoli giudizi intorno ai periodici italo-americani, e 
 pensieri originali sul calvario che sale colui il quale onestamente stampa o 
 fa stampare un foglio per il decoro della nostra patria e della nostra lingua. 
 
 II Carnovale, con parola facile e corretta, ha scritto pagine vere, perche 
 sentite, e pagine istruttive e morali, perche mirano al bene deiremigrato. 
 
 // Giornalismo e un libro elegante nell'apparenza, come utile nella 
 sostanza. 
 
 Il Secolo XX, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di Luigi 
 Carnovale e pieno di sagge considerazioni su soggetti importantissimi. 
 La sola prefazione vale un PerCi. L'autore si rivela in essa profondo cono- 
 scitore dell'elemento che abbonda cospicuo nelle nostre colonic d'America. 
 
 Insomma il libro del Carnovale e utilissimo sotto tutti i rapporti, e 
 bene scritto e si lascia leggere d'un sol fiato. 
 
 La Domenica, Rochester, New York: 
 
 II libro intitolato // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America di Luigi Carnovale rivela una buona conoscenza della lingua 
 italiana; rivela anche nell'autore un animo ardente, pieno di buona 
 volonta, sdegnoso di tutto cio che e o che egli crede wrong (ingiusto). 
 
 E un libro che si fa leggere con piacere, perche sincero, coraggioso, 
 bene scritto: il che e gia grande lode. 
 
 L'Unione, Pueblo, Colorado: 
 
 II valoroso collega signer Luigi Carnovale ha teste pubblicato a Chicago 
 uno splendido suo nuovo libro intitolato // Giornalismo degli Emigrati 
 Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 E un elegantissimo volume scritto con forma smagliante e briosa, che 
 dovrebbe essere letto e studiato da tutte le persone intelligenti e coke. 
 Un volume che e un veto tesoro, acchiudendo osservazioni profonde e 
 uno studio accuratissimo della vita italiana in queste terre dell'affarismo. 
 
 Al brillante scrittore, che ha compiuto opera eminentemente e ita- 
 lianamente patriottica, vadano il nostro plauso e le nostre congratulazioni.
 
 664 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 V^iTA NuovA, Rocksprir^.gs, Wyoming: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani net Nord America deU'illustre 
 scrittore signer Luigi Carnovale contiene bellissime e sante idee. 
 
 CoRRiERE Di Trinidad, Trinidad, Colorado: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di Luigi 
 Carnovale e un libro che meriterebbe d'essere accolto in ogni casa di 
 connazionale. 
 
 Attraverso la semplicita dello stile e la purgatezza della lingua, emana 
 dal libro del Carnovale quel senso d'italianita che dovrebbe assistere ogni 
 connazionale emigrato e formarne il suo nobile orgoglio. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale, nel suo Giornalismo, si mostra all'altezza del soggetto. 
 Egli tratta e svolge maestrevolmente certe dure verita suH'emigrazione 
 italiana negli Stati Uniti. 
 
 £ insomma un bel libro questo del Carnovale: ed il Corriere ne consi- 
 glia la lettura a quanti sentono ancora d'essere italiani in questa terra di 
 volontario esillo. 
 
 Mastro Paolo, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 
 
 Abbiamo molto ammirato // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel 
 Nord America che Luigi CarnovLle ha teste pubblicato a Chicago. 
 
 £ impossibile ricordare tutti i pregi che esso ha: pregi che meglio si 
 rilevano dalla lettura del libro stesso, anziche da poche parole di recensione, 
 la quale tante volte e sospetta di favoritismo. 
 
 II libro del Carnovale e una raccolta di belli articoli storico-dottrinali 
 che trattano di cose coloniali. 
 
 II Carnovale espone con chiarezza, verita e convinzione pratica quelle 
 che sente, pensa e vuole ITtaliano che vive nelle colonic americane. 
 
 II Carnovale prova brillantemente I'apatia degli emigrati per tutto 
 cio che riguarda ammirazione di ideali, sentimenti patriottici, educazione 
 civile. 
 
 Conserveremo nel nostro archivio la dotta pubblicazione. 
 
 La Rivista, Newark, New Jersey: 
 
 Luigi Carnovale nel suo elegante volume // Giornalismo degli Emigrati 
 Italiani nel Nord America ha voluto riunire una serie di suoi articoli seri 
 e magistrali toccanti da vicino tutti i problemi concernenti gli emigrati 
 italiani negli Stati Uniti. 
 
 Gli articoli sono scritti con uno stile veramente smagliante; essi sono 
 del massimo interesse per gli studiosi della vera ed elegante lingua di 
 Dante; eppero noi raccomandiamo I'acquisto immediate del libro.
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 665 
 
 L'Eco Del Rhode Island, Providence, Rhode Island: 
 
 Un utilissimo libro, elegante nella forma, e // Giomalismo degli Emi- 
 grati Italiani nel Nord America deU'esimio e conosciutissimo pubblicista 
 signer Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 Lavoro di pazienza e di accuratezza, lavoro prezioso che si legge con 
 entusiasmo e piacere. In esso I'autore ha avuto la nobile idea di difendere 
 i diritti della patria natia e quelli di tanti operai italiani sparsi negli 
 Stati Uniti. 
 
 L'importante volume e necessario agli emigrati, e ognuno dovrebbe 
 acquistarlo. 
 
 Noi auguriamo di cuore una lunga vita all'autore, affinche egli possa 
 continuare a scrivere altri libri simili per gl'interessi della patria lontana 
 e dei connazionali residenti neU'Unione Americana. 
 
 L'Italiano, Cleveland, Ohio: 
 
 // Giomalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di Luigi 
 Carnovale e un libro elegante scritto con garbo, con cuore, con sentimento 
 d'italianita. Errori, pregiudizi e questioni della vita coloniale sono 
 trattati magistralmente. 
 
 Gritaliani, invece di comprare e leggere i Reali di Francia e tanti 
 altri libri inutili, farebbero bene a comprare e leggere il libro del Carnovale. 
 
 Roma, Denver, Colorado: 
 
 II bellissimo libro // Giomalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America di Luigi Carnovale e, possiamo ben dirlo, una perla di acute os- 
 servazioni e di elevate discussioni; e un libro che puo senza dubbio entrare 
 nel "catalogo dei migliori libri scritti fino ad oggi suU'anima dei nostri 
 emigrati. 
 
 Un bravo di cuore al collega Carnovale e I'augurio che il pubblico 
 faccia buon viso al suo lavoro, il quale merita per davvero il plauso dei 
 lettori di buon senso. 
 
 L'Opinione, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 
 
 II chiaro collega Luigi Carnovale ha pubblicato a Chicago un libro 
 intitolato // Giomalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America. In 
 esso sono raccolti diversi pregevoli articoli, preceduti da una prefazione, 
 ove, con prosa vivida e a volte mordace, I'autore fa un quadro dell'am- 
 biente coloniale, mettendo a nudo delle dure verita. 
 
 Pur non andando d'accordo col Carnovale su moltissime sue idee e 
 conclusioni, conveniamo con lui che il giomalismo coloniale italiano negli 
 Stati Uniti, con tutti i visibili difetti di un organismo ai primordi della 
 sua vita, e degno, in complesso, di un maggiore appoggio e rispetto per i 
 servizi che ha reso e che rende alle Colonic e alia Madre Patria.
 
 666 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 II Sole, Bridgeport, Connecticut: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di Luigi 
 Carnovale e un buon libro. 
 
 Con esso I'autore ha fatto opera salutare per i connazionali emigrati. 
 Mettendo in rilievo il marcio esistente nelle colonic italiane d'America, 
 egli ha reso chiaro il senso del suo pensiero; ma, nello stesso tempo, s'e 
 mantenuto scrupolosamente lontano dalla benche minima imparzialita. 
 
 > II Carnovale nei suoi articoli, che possono ben definirsi critico-letterari, 
 tratta la questione dal punto di vista generale. Egli dimostra che nelle 
 colonic italiane d'America esiste un elemento ignorante, superstizioso, 
 cattivo. Ma alia rcdenzione morale di tale elemento tendono i suoi 
 articoli. 
 
 Riuscira egli nel suo intento? Mostriamoci ottimisti: speriamolo. 
 
 Chi e in grado di potere c sapere assaporare quanto il libro del Carno- 
 vale contiene, non si pcntira certo d'averlo letto. 
 
 Congratulazioni sincere all'autore per la sua interessante pubbli- 
 cazione. 
 
 L'Eco Di Tampa, Tampa, Florida: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America e uno di quei 
 libri che possono, senz'altro, chiamarsi buoni; e chi I'ha scritto e preceduto 
 da buona fama di pubblicista e novelliere. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale ha fatto, come tutti noi, le sue dolorose esperienze di 
 giornalista coloniale; e nel suo volume egli condensa, con frase smagliante 
 e sincera, i suoi ricordi e le sue imprcssioni pcrsonali, dalle quali non si 
 puo dissentire, per le grandi verita che racchiudono e che riflettono. 
 
 Chi ha vissuto la vita dcUe nostre colonic, e I'ha vissuta da pubblicista 
 cosciente del suo mandato, non puo che aderire incondizionatamente alle 
 critiche severe ma giuste che il Carnovale muove a individui e a cricche 
 rappresentanti i veri e piii mortali nemici deU'elevamento morale delle 
 nostre colonic. 
 
 Si puo magari dissentire dal pensiero politico del nostro autore, che 
 traluce nitido, sereno, ben definite dalle pagine del Giornalismo; ma non 
 si puo negate al prezioso volume due doti pregevolissime: la chiarezza e 
 I'clcganza dello stile, e la coordinatczza del pensiero genialissimo. 
 
 Chi non ha letto ancora il Giornalismo, lo legga, e non manchera di 
 formarsi deU'autore c dci suoi scritti I'Dpinione che noi ci siamo formata. 
 
 La Capitale, Albany, New York: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America e il titolo d'un 
 libro pubblicato ultimamente a Chicago da Luigi Carnovale, il quale, 
 oltre ad essere uno scrittore insigne e un appassionato cultore della lingua 
 di Dante, e anche un acuto osservatore dellc condizioni economiche e 
 sociali degli emigrati italiani nel Nord America.
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 667 
 
 L'Italo-Ameri<"ano, New Orleans, Louisiana: 
 
 Un libro che dovrebbe correre per le mani di quanti Italiani, in Italia 
 e negli Stati Uniti, s'interessano della scottante questione della nostra 
 emigrazione, e il Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di 
 Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 Verita dolorose che attristano, che qualche volta spezzano i piii 
 spontanei entusiasmi, echeggianti dell'intimo afFetto per la patria; quadri 
 pervasi di amaro pessimismo, in cui passano a volta a volta, nella loro 
 luce propria, il prominente coloniale e il nostro lavoratore analfabeta 
 (spesso e analfabeta il prominente, ci sia permesso di bisbigliarvelo all'o- 
 recchio, o lettori); il regionalismo che divide e inasprisce; I'anti-italianita 
 che disonora; tutte le piccole e grandi miserie coloniali sono I'oggetto di 
 questo nitido volume. 
 
 AU'autore — che con sincerita di intenti e con parola franca mette a 
 nudo tante piccole anime gonfie della loro ridicola megalomania, e che pur 
 solleva lo spirito, quando, quasi per felice contrasto, ricorda belle glorie e 
 fulgide storie dell'Italia nostra — auguriamo successo pari alia sua franca 
 audacia. 
 
 Il Risveglio, Denver, Colorado: 
 
 Luigi Carnovale, dotato di ingegno non comune, ha pubblicato a 
 Chicago // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America: raccolta 
 d'articoli brillanti scritti con verve di erudito pubblicista. 
 
 Il Vesuvio, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di Luigi 
 Carnovale si fa leggere per bonta di stile e interessa pervarieta di soggetti 
 e genialita di osservazioni. 
 
 Qualcuno potra difFerire con I'autore dal modo di vedere certe cose; 
 ma siamo certi che tutti potrebbero trovare nel volume del Carnovale la 
 sodisfazione che si prova al cospetto d'una espressione di vita e sincerita 
 di convinzione. 
 
 Raccomandiamo il libro ai nostri lettori e alle nostre lettrici. 
 
 L'OssERVATORE, Kansas City, Missouri: 
 
 Abbiamo letto attentamente il volume // Giornalismo degli Emigrati 
 Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 II nostro encomio a Luigi Carnovale e I'augurio che il sue lavoro valga 
 ad illuminare le menti ofFuscate dei nostri lavoratori. 
 
 Il Corriere Del Sud, New Orleans, Louisiana: 
 
 E stato pubblicato dal valente pubblicista Luigi Carnovale uno splen- 
 dido libro intitolato // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America.
 
 668 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 
 In questo libro sono raccoiti pregevolissimi articoll che il chiaro 
 scrittore ebbe gia a pubblicare in diversi giornali degli Stati Uniti. Li 
 precede una prefazione, nella quale molto assennatamente I'autore de- 
 scrive I'ambiente coloniale, mettendo a nudo delle dure verita. 
 
 L'Operaio Italia no, Windber, Pennsylvania: 
 
 II nuovo lavoro di Luigi Carnovale intitolato // Giornalismo degli 
 Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America e un bellissimo ed elegante volume 
 di oltre 200 pagine, interessantissimo per chi ama una buona e sana lettura. 
 In esso I'autore descrive con sentimenti nobili, scevri da qualsiasi parti- 
 gianeria, cio che si e fatto, cio che si fa e cio che si dovra fare per tenere 
 alto il prestigio del nome italiano negli Stati Uniti d'America. 
 
 L'alta missione della stampa italiana, che I'autore difende con spirito 
 degno d'ogni riguardo, e quivi riprodotta con parole sincere ed entusiaste. 
 
 Per la difesa nobile che il Carnovale fa degl'Italiani e dell'Italia nel 
 suo volume, merita che questo sia da tutti letto, studiato, considerato e 
 bene apprezzato. 
 
 Noi ne raccomandiamo I'interessante lettura. 
 
 L'Ora, Newark, New Jersey: 
 
 II giovine scrittore Luigi Carnovale ha dato alia luce un libro di oltre 
 
 200 pagine intitolato // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord 
 America, che noi abbiamo letto d'un fiato e con viva attenzione. 
 
 Questo bel volume riempie il vuoto che da anni esiste tra gli emigrati 
 italiani nel Nord America. Esso e un caustico roventissimo che scende 
 suUa grande e cancrenosa piaga del nostro giornalismo, sovente mal retto, 
 spesso non compreso, sempre e dovunque disprezzato. 
 
 II Carnovale, soldato intelligente e coraggioso della vera missione della 
 stampa, ha pubblicato in diversi giornali degli Stati Uniti quanto ora e 
 raccolto nel detto volume e che e tutto un lavoro d'un pioniere valente ed 
 ardito, il quale s'apre il varco in un campo ostruito e, conquistato il passo, 
 grida coraggioso alio sboscamento e alia edificazione. 
 
 Se ci fosse lecito, proporremmo che il volume del Carnovale fosse pub- 
 blicato in appendice in tutti i giornali italiani dell'Unione Americana, come 
 grave ammonimento alle rispettive colonic di ben conoscere e apprezzare 
 la stampa italiana, ed ai giornalisti il dovere grandissimo di un lavoro sano, 
 illibato e fecondo di sapere e di progresso. 
 
 A ogni modo confidiamo che questo libro integro e veritiero, col quale 
 I'autore, in bella forma italiana e con virile carattere, ha fustigato i gravi 
 difetti che inquinano le colonic italiane del Nord America, sia ovunque 
 letto e compreso. 
 
 Il Risorgimento, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 Abbiamo letto tutto d'un fiato // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 669 
 
 nel Nord America di Luigi Carnovale, e vi abbiamo trovato delle sante 
 verita, 
 
 Speriamo che tutti i connazionali leggeranno, come noi, il bel libro. 
 
 La Parola DEI SociALiSTi, Chicago, Illinois: 
 
 II collega Luigi Carnovale, un colto e simpatico giovane, ha pubblicato 
 un riuscitissimo studio di impressioni sul Giornalismo degli Emigrati 
 Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 II libro e stato lodato da scrittori e da giornali negli Stati Uniti e in 
 Italia, e il coro unanime di elogi e stato meritato. 
 
 II libro, che si legge anche volentieri perche scritto in un italiano poco 
 in uso fra gli anglosassonizzati (ci sia perdonato I'orribile vocobolo) delle 
 nostre colonic, ha un merito principale, indiscusso: e vero. 
 
 Da queste colonne ci capita raramente di occuparci di recensioni. 
 
 E che i nostri lettori, nell'assillo quotidiano di conquiste improroga- 
 bili, avrebbero poco tempo per seguirci nei nostri ragionamenti biblio- 
 grafici. Ma facciamo volentieri un'eccezione. Leggano i nostri compagni 
 questo libro; vi apprenderanno qualcosa. 
 
 Noi, internazionalisti convinti e militanti, ci congratuliamo col Carno- 
 vale che, istruendo e invitando all'istruzione, ha saputo e voluto combattere 
 il patriottismo piCi cretino e piu stupido di tutti i patriottismi: il pa- 
 triottismo per la patria degli altri. 
 
 E con I'elogio, davvero sentito, all'autore, un augurio: che i nostri 
 immigrati, se non sanno diventare internazionalisti, una volta cacciati a 
 pedate dal loro paese, facciano ammeno, se e possibile, di ardere di sacro 
 fuoco patriottico per un altro paese che li accoglie solo come animali da 
 tiro e da riproduzione. 
 
 The Christian Register, Boston, Massachusetts: 
 
 E venuto nelle nostre mani un interessante libro che e come un espo- 
 nente del Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America. Esso 
 contiene una collezione d'articoli scritti da Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 La stampa italiana del nostro paese ha conquistato un'importante 
 posizone, se essa e capace d'avere nel suo seno scrittori che possiedono, come 
 il giovane Carnovale, tanta calda immaginazione, tanti generosi propositi, 
 tanta abilita letteraria; qualita, queste, messe in evidenza anche nel- 
 I'incantevole idillio // Sogno di Francesco dello stesso Carnovale. 
 
 La Tribuna Canadiana, Toronto, Ontario (Canada): 
 
 II brillante collega Luigi Carnovale ha pubblicato giorni or sono a 
 Chicago un interessante lavoro dal titolo // Giornalismo degli Emigrati 
 Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 £ un'opera importante, dove I'autore ha sapientemente raccolto un 
 buon numero di articoli ch'egli ha pubblicato in diversi giornali degli
 
 670 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 
 Stati Uniti e che si rileggono sempre con piacere, perche, oltre aH'essere 
 scritti in buon italiano, sono eminentemente patriottici. 
 
 Noi crediamo che I'importante libro del Carnovale dovrebbe trovarsi 
 nelle mani di tutti. 
 
 La Rivista Popolare di Politica, Lettere e Scienze sociali diretta dal 
 prof. Napoleone Colaianni, deputato al Parlamento nazionale, Roma- 
 Napoli, Italia: 
 
 // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America di Luigi 
 Carnovale e buono, in quanto vi si esprimono sentimenti improntati alia 
 italianita. 
 
 Ars et Labor, la rivista edita dalla Casa Ricordi di Milano, Italia: 
 
 II bel volume // Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America 
 di Luigi Carnovale contiene articoli che interessano non solo gl'Italiani 
 sparsi nel Nord America, ma tutti gl'Italiani, perche in tali articoli sono 
 trattate, in forma brillante, questioni riguardanti esclusivamente il pre- 
 stigio e il benessere italiano. 
 
 Il Pungolo, Napoli, Italia: 
 
 Un libro veramente buono e di elevati sentimenti patriottici e sociali 
 e quello che ha dato alle stampe, a Chicago, Tegregio pubblicista Luigi 
 Carnovale sul Giornalismo degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America. 
 
 Luigi Carnovale di Stilo, uno dei piii forti e brillanti ingegni della 
 giovine Calabria, ha per lunghi anni esercitato con decoro e nobilta la 
 professione di pubblicista nelle terre d' America, ed ha cosi raccolto, in 
 questo prezioso e nitido volume, parecchi suoi articoli, frutto di acuta 
 osservazione e di studio sagace. 
 
 Le questioni piu varie e piu palpitanti sono trattate dal Carnovale in 
 questo suo libro, che e la piii fulgida gemma della sue opere. Vi e descritto 
 con tinte vivaci e con dolorose considerazioni il giornalismo degli emigrati 
 italiani nel Nord America, alto, nobile, patriottico, umanitario sempre, ma 
 con i suoi difetti e le sue deficienze, non tenuto in conto e non incoraggiato 
 dagli stessi connazionali americanizzati e neppure dai rappresentanti del 
 patrio governo. Vi e descritto lo stato reietto in cui versano gli emigrati 
 italiani che, per difetto di educazione, di patriottismo e di coesione, re- 
 stano in una continua inferiority di fronte alia boriosa ignoranza, gonfia 
 d'oro, degli stranieri. 
 
 11 Carnovale ne ricerca le cause piij recondite, addita i rimedi, sprona 
 la Dante Alighieri, propone e insiste sull'insegnamento patriottico e sul- 
 I'istruzione obbligatoria nelle scuole d'ltalia non astrattamente com' e 
 adesso, ma nella pratica della vita. 
 
 Di moke altre cose, anche letterarie, tratta profondamente il Carno- 
 vale nel suo ottimo libro. Ma lo spazio, da una parte, che manca, e il
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 671 
 
 desiderio che ogni vero Italiano acquisti e legga attentamente con amore il 
 libro in parola, fan si che noi non ci dilunghiamo come vorremmo e come 
 il libro merita. Libro che e la piii alta manifestazione d'italianita im- 
 personata in Luigi Carnovale, mente elevata, animo nobilissimo, fibra 
 calabra. 
 
 Basti ricordare che i piu eminenti uomini si sono vivamente congratu- 
 lati col distinto autore per il suo lavoro di pregi inestimabili che dovrebbe 
 andare nelle mani di tutti. 
 
 Noi, da queste colonne, non possiamo che inviare a Luigi Carnovale 
 i piQ fervidi auguri di una luminosa carriera. 
 
 AccATTATis Prof. Luigi, letterato calabrese, mando, in ricambio del 
 Giornalismo, un suo opuscolo al Carnovale con queste autografe 
 parole: 
 
 "A Luigi Carnovale, che onora la Calabria, ammirando, con 
 animo grato, dona 1' Autore." 
 
 Ardigo Prof. Roberto, educatore, filosofo: 
 
 Egregio Sig. Carnovale: Ho ricevuto il di Lei libro // Giornalismo degli 
 Etnigrati Italiani nel Nord America, e ne ho gia letto le 43 pagine della 
 prefazione con vivissimo interessamento. Leggero anche il resto. E 
 intanto La ringrazio di essersi compiaciuto di mandarmi il bel regalo. 
 
 Al lontano degno fratello italiano, godo di significare I'afFettuoso mio 
 saluto. 
 
 Da Padova. 
 
 Devotissimo 
 Prof. Roberto Ardigo. 
 
 Baccelli Alfredo, romanziere, poeta, deputato al Parlamento nazionale 
 italiano, ex ministro del Regno: 
 
 Egregio Sig. Carnovale: Ho ricevuto il suo volume e La ringrazio. 
 Ella ha un bell'ingegno e una brillante cultura. In cordiale ricambio Le 
 mando il mio ultimo romanzo. 
 Una stretta di mano dal 
 
 suo 
 Da Roma. 
 
 Alfredo Baccelli. 
 
 Boselli Paolo, decano del Parlamento nazionale italiano, ex-ministro, 
 presidente onorario della Dante Alighieri, presidente del Consiglio dei 
 ministri: 
 
 Egregio Sig. Carnovale: Le sono gratissimo per la cortesia con la 
 quale m'invio I'interessante suo volume.
 
 672 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 
 
 II pensiero degl'Italiani e stretto in una sola idealita dovunque vivano: 
 ne i mari separano gli animi nostri. 
 
 Giova afFermare I'operosita intellettuale degl'Italiani che sono in 
 paesi lontani. 
 
 Ed e bello che in codesta terra di libera, mirabili energie, I'ingegno 
 italiano rifulga. 
 
 Con particolari sensi, 
 
 obbligatissimo 
 
 Da Torino. Paolo Boselli. 
 
 Mantegazza Prof. Paolo, antropologo, igienista, scrittore di scienze, 
 educator e, senatore del Regno d'ltalia: 
 
 Caro signor Carnovale: Mille grazie per il dono gentile. 
 
 II vostro libro vibra di un caldo patriottismo che vi fa molto onore e vi 
 battezza per un eloquente apostolo dell'Italianita in America. 
 
 Addio di cuore. 
 Da San Terenzio (Spezia). 
 
 Paolo Mantegazza. 
 
 Martini Ferdinando, letterato, deputato al Parlamento nazionale 
 italiano, ex governatore dell'Eritrea, ex ministro della Pubblica 
 Istruzione, ex ministro delle Colonie: 
 
 Pregiatissimo Sig. Carnovale: Ho ricevuto il suo bel volume e ne la 
 ringrazio. 
 
 Le dolorose pagine della prefazione dicono di per se quanto buona e 
 utile opera Ella faccia con instancato vigore. 
 
 II problema degl'Italiani all'Estero e dei piu gravi fra quanti la madre 
 patria ha da risolvere, e quello che vuol essere risoluto con studio pacato e 
 intelletto d'amore sopra ogni altra cosa. L'Istituto Coloniale, del cui 
 Consiglio mi onoro far parte, sta ora occupandosene: e del lavoro suo si 
 avranno, confido, pratici e solleciti effetti. 
 
 Bene sta che a questo lavoro venga aiuto dagl'Italiani stessi che 
 dimorano nelle Colonie; ed Ella lo porge validissimo, mantenendovi il 
 culto della patria, della sua lingua, delle sue tradizioni gloriose. 
 
 Grazie di nuovo ed Ella mi abbia per 
 
 devotissimo suo 
 
 Da Roma. Ferdinando Martini. 
 
 Mandarono congratulazioni al Carnovale per il suo libro // Giomalismo 
 degli Emigrati Italiani nel Nord America: 
 
 Caruso Enrico, tenore. 
 
 Casolini Antonio, deputato al Parlamento nazionale italiano.
 
 GIUDIZI DI GIORNALI E DI PERSONE 673 
 
 CiccoTTi Prof. Ettore, deputato socialista al Parlamento nazionale 
 
 italiano. 
 CiLEA Francesco, compositore di musica, direttore del Conservatorio di 
 
 Palermo. 
 Costa Andrea, leader del Partito Socialista italiano, vice presidente 
 
 della Camera dei deputati. 
 CuNDARi Prof. Aw. Antonio, sindaco di Cosenza. 
 D'Ancona Prof. Alessandro, letterato, critico, senatore del Regno 
 
 d'ltalia. 
 Emanuele Filiberto, Duca D'Aosta, cugino di Vittorio Emanuele III 
 
 re d'ltalia. 
 Fortunato Giustino, deputato al Parlamento nazionale italiano. 
 Giunta Municipale Di Milano. 
 Nathan Ernesto, sindaco di Roma. 
 PoMPiLj GuiDO, deputato al Parlamento nazionale italiano; sotto- 
 
 segretario di Stato per gli AfFari Esteri. 
 Rapisardi Mario, poeta. 
 Rava Luigi, deputato al Parlamento nazionale italiano, ministro della 
 
 Pubblica Istruzione. 
 Rossi Prof. Luigi, Commissario Generale dell'Emigrazione. 
 SoNNiNO Sidney, deputato al Parlamento nazionale, ex ministro, ex 
 
 presidente dei ministri e presente ministro degli AfFari Esteri. 
 Vittorio Emanuele III, re d'ltalia. 
 ZuMBiNi Prof. Bonaventura, letterato, critico, senatore del Regno 
 
 d'ltalia. 
 E molti altri. 
 
 In preparazione: 
 Gli Onnipotenti 
 ToMMAso Campanella
 
 
 DATE DUE 
 
 
 rp^' 1 
 
 L ki'-ji. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 CAYLORO 
 
 
 
 PRINTED INU.S A.
 
 3520 I7C3 
 Carnoval e, . ^ ■ . 
 
 Wny Italy entered into the 
 great war. 
 
 AA 001310 921