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 1896 
 
 THE GREAT CAMPAIGN 
 
 OR 
 
 Political Struggles 
 
 OF 
 
 PARTIES, LEADERS AND IS5UES 
 
 COVERING EVERY PHASE OF 
 
 THE VITAL QUESTIONS OF THE DAY; PROTECTION; THE 
 
 GOLD STANDARD; FREE SILVER COINAGE; BOND 
 
 ISSUES AND SPECIE RESUMPTION, ETC., ETC. 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 Platforms of all Parties and Biographies 
 of the Presidential Candidates 
 
 TOGETHER WITH 
 
 A PORTRAIT GALLERY OF NATIONAL CELEBRITIES-COM 
 
 PRISING PHOTOTYPE AND OTHER PORTRAITS OF 
 
 ALL FORMER PRESIDENTS AND ACTIVE 
 
 STATESMEN OF THE DAY 
 
 THE WHOLE FORMING A 
 
 Complete Handbook of Political Information 
 Voter's Guide and Instructor 
 
 BY LAWRENCE F. PRESCOTT 
 
 The well-known author 
 
 LOYAL PUBLISHING CO. 
 
 PUBLISHERS.
 
 JJntered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1896, by 
 
 G. W. BERTRON, 
 
 In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. 
 All Rights Reserved.
 
 7/0 
 
 P 
 PREFACE. 
 
 rjlHIS comprehensive volume treats fully every 
 * great issue, every party and every question, 
 that enter into the political campaign of 1896. 
 It attacks no man's creed and upholds the ban- 
 ner of no party; but placing every party and 
 its principles, with its leaders, upon its own plat- 
 form, and bringing the several parties, platforms 
 and champions in their true light before the 
 mind of the reader, the intelligent citizen will, 
 in this book, be enabled to view and compare 
 them side by side and judge of their respective 
 claims upon his vote as an American citizen. 
 
 A vast storehouse of truth, plain, simple and 
 unvarnished, makes this book an unequalled 
 source of information upon the great issues of 
 this campaign, suited to the wants of every voter 
 irrespective of party and without partisan bias. 
 
 It tells the story of former Presidents, political 
 parties and statesmen, and shows the causes of their 
 successes and failures. In the light of the past and 
 the revelations of truth as here set forth, the voter 
 is enabled to gain a clearer view of the situation 
 and to cast his vote intelligently and wisely upon the 
 great issues of " High Protection " versus " Tariff for 
 Revenue Only," " A Gold Standard of Currency " 
 versus " Bimetallism and the Free and Unlimited 
 
 lii 
 
 1524938
 
 IV PEEFACE. 
 
 Coinage of Silver," " Prohibition " versus " A 
 Licensed Liquor Traffic." These momentous ques- 
 tions are eloquently discussed and expounded by 
 the great champions and apostles of each doctrine. 
 
 Since the rising war cloud of 1859-60 which 
 deluged our country in the blood of brother^ 
 our nation has not been so agitated, divided and 
 excited as it is to-day from ocean to ocean 
 North, South, East and West on the coinage 
 question. This must, necessarily bo the great 
 issue of this campaign; and its settlement is 
 fraught with threatenings and omens which indi- 
 cate political combinations, upheavals and sur- 
 prises which our shrewdest politicians seem un- 
 mindful of or unwilling to recognize. 
 
 Since 1873 the mutterings of discontent have 
 been growing louder between the advocates of gold 
 and bi-metal standards. During the past three 
 years, these mutterings have grown into clamorous 
 shouts and peremptory demands on both sides. 
 
 The tariff constitutes the next great issue. 
 Unexpectedly it is being intricately woven into 
 the fabric of the coinage question, and silver 
 advocates of the West declare free coinage only 
 a just offset against protected manufactures in 
 the East. All the old battle ground must be gone 
 over and new battles on new fields nr +. be 
 fought on this question. 
 
 Every intelligent reader will here find just the 
 information most needed to help him to a wise 
 and patriotic decision.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PJLCJB 
 
 HON. WILLIAM McKINLEY 17 
 
 HON. GARRET A. HOBART 47 
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896 55 
 
 HON. WILLIAM J. BRYAN 89 
 
 HON. ARTHUR SEWALL 105 
 
 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1896 Ill 
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY 145 
 
 HON. JOSHUA LEVERING . . 155 
 
 HON. HALE JOHNSON 157 
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS 167 
 
 HON. CHARLES E. BENTLEY 249 
 
 HON. JAMES H. SOUTHGATE 256 
 
 HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES . , .262
 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 THE TWO TAEIFF BILLS 280 
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN ON THE GEEAT 
 
 QUESTIONS OF THE DAY 289 
 
 INTERESTING FACTS ABOUT ALL OUE PRESIDENTS . 337
 
 p , .WILLIAM MCKINLEY
 
 MRS. WILLIAM McKINLEY
 
 WILLIAM J. BRYAN
 
 MRS. W. I-.- BRYAN
 
 GARRET A. HOBAKT
 
 4.RTHUR SEWALJ.
 
 JOSHUA LEVERIN 7 G
 
 CHARLES E. BENTLEY
 
 HAUv JOHNSON
 
 JAMES H. SOUTHGATE
 
 *** 
 
 
 JOHN vSHEKMAN
 
 MATTHEW S. QUAY
 
 THOMAS U. REE.
 
 ' ' . 
 
 HENRY M. TELLER
 
 RICHARD P. BLAND
 
 WILLIAM V. ALLEN
 
 HON. WILLIAM McKINLEI 
 
 Republican Nominee for the Presidency, 
 
 His Life and Public Services. 
 OELDOM in the public life of the statesmen of 
 this republic has the wisdom of pertinacious, 
 continuous application to one broad issue of na- 
 tional policy as a road to highest preferment been 
 BO completely approved as in the career of William 
 McKinley, nominated for President by the St. 
 Louis Convention. Twice his conspicuous cham- 
 pionship of protection and home markets for 
 American workmen has almost stampeded con- 
 ventions to his nomination, when acceptance would 
 have been violative of the high stand, and of per- 
 sonal honor, which has marked his public and 
 private life. -^ 
 
 Quiet, dignified, modest, considerate of others, 
 ever ready to postpone his own ambitions in favor 
 of those of veterans of longer service, faithful to 
 friends, unwavering in integrity, tactful in silencing 
 opposition, but unyielding in matters of principle, 
 strong in his sympathy with the toilers, unchanged 
 by success, resilient in hope under defeat, of un- 
 2 17
 
 18 LIFE OP WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 spotted private life, he has won his way to the 
 top as one of the best examples of courageous, per- 
 severing, vigorous manhood that the nation has 
 ever produced. 
 
 More than any other who has reached his proud 
 pre-eminence, save only Abraham Lincoln, his 
 touch is closest with those " plain people " upon 
 whom the martyred President relied with such 
 unhesitating confidence. 
 
 While yet a youth he marched in the ranks, a 
 private soldier, and saw four years of the bloody 
 struggle which made the country all free. In 
 poverty he wrought to acquire his profession. 
 These years of self-denial brought with them the 
 self-reliance and self-control which fruited in his 
 leadership on the floor of Congress at an age when 
 no other American save Henry Clay had ever 
 achieved similar prominence. 
 
 He bore his part in great debates in a manner 
 quiet, self-possessed and dignified. His incisive 
 logic, caustic raillery at antagonists, and sarcastic 
 comments on the shortcomings of his own party 
 gave him a mastery in debate which won the ad- 
 miration even of those who opposed him. Mr. 
 McKinley's personality, like his career, is the fruit 
 of a peculiarly logical and systematic character. 
 Where others knew superficially he knew thor- 
 oughly. 
 
 This thoroughness and skill in handling a slen-
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKLNLEY. 19 
 
 der majority of twenty-two enabled him to pass 
 that tariff bill which bears his name, which found 
 less favor when enacted than it has enjoyed since 
 its revision. He now stands as the embodiment 
 and apostle of that principle. 
 
 Strong Hold on the Masses. 
 
 It is not easy always to analyze the causes of a 
 popular favorite's hold upon the masses. High 
 principle, personal magnetism, gallantry, boldness 
 even to rashness, great skill in debate or ability as 
 a platform orator all these may in turn be cited 
 as reasons why a man should be liked or respected. 
 But to awake the love and warmest admiration of 
 a people requires qualities which well nigh defy 
 analysis. It has been Mr. McKinley's good for- 
 tune to be able to offer a very large class of hie 
 fellow-citizens just what they seemed to need. 
 
 He aroused and attracted their sympathies, and 
 this tremendous logical fact is what brought about 
 the overwhelming ground-swell which swept other 
 aspirants off their feet, and landed him an easy 
 winner over men of larger public service and 
 greater brilliance in many of the attributes of 
 statesmanship. "All things come to him who 
 waits," and William McKinley's self-denial stands 
 a chance of receiving its great reward. 
 
 Mr. McKinley has a long expectation of life if 
 the longevity of his parents can be taken as an
 
 20 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 indication. His father, William McKinley, Sr., 
 died in 1893, at the ripe age of 85, and his mother, 
 Mrs. Nancy McKinley, still lives in Canton, the 
 proud recipient of the unceasing filial attentions 
 of her distinguished son. Mrs. Nancy McKinley's 
 father was of German birth, and her mother was 
 of Scotch descent. William McKinley, Sr.'s, 
 grandfather was a Scotch-Irishman, and his mother 
 was an Englishwoman. Mr. McKinley, Sr., was 
 born in Mercer County, Pa., but his family moved 
 to New Lisbon, Columbiana County, 0., in 1809, 
 where for many years he was manager of a blast 
 furnace. 
 
 It was in New Lisbon that he met his wife, 
 whom he married in 1838. Two sons, David and 
 James, were born there, but owing to lack of edu- 
 cational facilities the father established his family 
 in a little house in Niles, Trumbull County. It 
 was in this house that William McKinley was born, 
 February 26, 1844. It is worth remark that a 
 considerable number of prominent Americans were 
 natives of counties of Ohio in the near vicinity of 
 Niles. 
 
 Cuyahoga, thirty miles away, was the birthplace 
 of James A. Garfield. Senator Allison, of Iowa, 
 lived only thirty miles from Canton, and Senator 
 Manderson, of Nebraska, lived and married only 
 fifteen miles from that city. Ex-Senator Thomas 
 Collier Platt kept store at one time in Massillon,
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 21 
 
 only eight miles away, and Senator Quay's home 
 at Beaver is only sixty miles off. Rutherford B. 
 Hayes was a native of Delaware County, near by, 
 and Senator Sherman and General William T. 
 Sherman were born and reared at Lancaster, 0., 
 less than a hundred miles away. 
 
 Several of Mr. McKinley's brothers and sisters 
 died in infancy. His oldest brother, David, is a 
 resident of San Francisco, where he discharges the 
 duty of Hawaiian Consul to the United States. 
 James, the next older brother, died about 1890. 
 Abner, a younger brother, is engaged in business in 
 New York. William McKinley entered the village 
 school in Poland, to which his family had removed, 
 when only five years old. He remained in the 
 schools of that town until in his seventeenth year, 
 when he made enough money by teaching in a 
 near by district public school to pay his matricula- 
 tion fees in Allegheny College. 
 
 He remained at the college only a few weeks 
 when the call to arms for the Civil War came, and 
 the pale-faced, grey-eyed, earnest and patriotic 
 young student flung aside his books and decided to 
 shoulder a musket for the preservation of the 
 Union. This step was taken only after earnest 
 conference with his parents. Owing to his youth 
 and physical immaturity they were loath to con- 
 sent to interruption of his studies and the incident 
 exposure to the hardships of campaigning.
 
 22 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 But the enthusiastic patriotism of the youth 
 kindled like emotion in the Scotch-Irish blood of 
 his parents and bore down their opposition, for 
 they saw that in spite of his youth there was 
 plenty of fighting stuff in him. And so his edu- 
 cation in books ended, and that broader education 
 of stirring events and the ways of men began. 
 
 A Private in the Ranks. 
 
 Young McKinley entered the Union army a 
 mere stripling, without influence or powerful 
 friends, with only a heart brimful of patriotism 
 and love for his flag. He joined a company of 
 volunteers from his own neighborhood, which, after 
 the fashion of the time, took the pretentious name 
 of "The Poland Guards." The company had 
 already selected its officers. The captain, a youth 
 named Zimmerman, was chosen because of brief 
 service in a Pennsylvania militia company, in 
 which he had learned the facings and a few other 
 rudiments of the school of the soldier. He was 
 the only man in the company who had any military 
 training whatever. 
 
 Another young fellow named Race was first 
 lieutenant, and J. L. Botsford, second lieutenant. 
 This company was mustered into the volunteer 
 service at Columbus by General John C. Fremont 
 in June, 1861, and was attached to the Twenty- 
 third Ohio Volunteer Infantry, of which William
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 23 
 
 S. Rosecranz was colonel and Rutherford B. Hayes 
 major. 
 
 The regiment saw service first in General George 
 B. McClellan's campaign in the Kanawha, which 
 wrested West Virginia from the parent State and 
 added another star to the sisterhood of States. It 
 was a campaign of few battles, hard marches and 
 plenty of experience in the hardships of soldier- 
 ing. Of the fourteen months which McKinley 
 served in the ranks he recently said : " I always 
 look back with pleasure on those fourteen months 
 of soldiering. They taught me a great deal. I 
 was only a school-boy when I entered the ranks, 
 and that year was the formative period of my life, 
 during which I learned much of men and affairs. 
 I have always been glad that I entered the ser- 
 vice as a private." 
 
 Promotion came to him after Antietam. Dur- 
 ing that battle he was acting commissary for his 
 company, and in the heat of the fight he took 
 cooked rations to the front to feed his hungry 
 comrades who had been in battle line for twenty- 
 four hours. The fighters fell back in squads to 
 refresh themselves, and were loud in praises of 
 McKinley's thoughtfulness. He obtained furlough 
 a few days after the battle. 
 
 On his way home he passed through Columbus 
 and paid his respects to Governor Tod, who surprised 
 the young volunteer by presenting him with a
 
 24 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 second lieutenant's commission. General Hayes, 
 who had been wounded at the battle, was home 
 and recommended the promotion. This was Sep- 
 tember 24, 1862. February 7, 1863, he was pro- 
 moted to first lieutenant, and on July 25, 1864, 
 captain. This latter promotion was supplemented 
 by his appointment as adjutant-general of his 
 brigade, and he remained upon the staff until mus- 
 tered out in July, 1865. 
 
 It was as assistant adjutant-general that he went 
 through Sheridan's famous campaigns in the Shen- 
 andoah Valley. While on his way to Winchester 
 Sheridan found young McKinley, then only 20 
 years old, rallying the panic-stricken troops at 
 Cedar Creek, and at Berryville the young officer's 
 horse was killed under him. " For gallant and 
 meritorious services at the battle of the Opiquan, 
 Cedar Creek and Fisher's Hill," reads his commis- 
 sion as brevet-major, and it is signed "A. Lincoln." 
 
 Thus William McKinley, at a time of his life 
 when most young men are at school or preparing 
 for professional life, had experience in over four 
 years of active warfare and had contributed as 
 many years of his life to active military service 
 of his country as any veteran of the Civil War. 
 This is one of the potent holds he has upon the 
 young men of the country who have steadily held 
 him in view as a paragon of youthful courage and 
 patriotism.
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 25 
 
 Enters the Profession of Law. 
 
 The war over, McKinley found himself at 22, a 
 man without a profession and without means to 
 live on. Military life still had many fascinations 
 for him, and a commission in the regular army 
 was within the reach of the influence he was now 
 able to exert. That would at least provide him 
 with a living, and the temptation was strong. His 
 sister, Miss Anna McKinley, a woman of fine 
 judgment and strong character, had already estab- 
 lished herself as a school teacher in Canton, 0., 
 and she proved to be the pioneer of the McKinley 
 family in Stark County. It was largely due to 
 her forceful arguments that the young soldier laid 
 off his uniform and devoted himself to study of 
 the law. 
 
 This period of three years between the time he 
 left the military service in 1865 and the day he 
 received his diploma from the Law School at 
 Albany, N. Y., in 1868, is one of which few facts 
 are known. The man who knows all about the 
 difficulties and struggles with lean purse and long 
 ambition that marked those years has never taken 
 any one into his confidence concerning them. He 
 had the advantage of the law library of Judge 
 Glidden, in whose office he was entered as law stu- 
 dent. That able jurist took great interest in his 
 pupil and gave him freely of his knowledge.
 
 26 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 When the young man was at last admitted to the 
 bar Judge Glidden gave him his first case. 
 
 It came about thus : McKinley had found a 
 hole in the wall outside of which he stuck up his 
 shingle as a lawyer. A fortnight passed and so 
 did all clients. Then Judge Glidden handed the 
 half-discouraged young attorney a bundle of papers 
 with the remark : 
 
 "Mac, here are the papers in a case which is 
 coming up to-morrow. I have to go out of town 
 and you must try it." 
 
 " I have never tried a case yet, you know, 
 Judge ! " McKinley replied. 
 
 " Well, begin on this one then," Glidden an- 
 swered. McKinley began work at once, and after 
 studying the case all night went to court next day 
 and won the suit. Glidden called at his office a 
 few days afterward and handed McKinley $25, 
 which he refused to take. 
 
 " It is too much, Judge, for one day's pay," the 
 conscientious young attorney said. 
 
 " Nonsense, Mac," said the veteran. " Don't let 
 that worry you. I charged them $100 and can 
 easily afford to give you a quarter of it." 
 
 In a case which came to him soon afterward 
 McKinley won one of his most substantial earlier 
 triumphs. He was pitted against John Mc- 
 Sweeny, one of the most brilliant lawyers at the 
 Ohio bar. It was a suit for damages for malprac-
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 27 
 
 tice against a surgeon, who, it was claimed, had 
 set a broken leg so unskillfully that the patient 
 was made bow-legged. McSweeny brought his 
 client into court, and after he had told his story 
 he bared his leg to show how far it was out of 
 
 line. 
 
 A Shrewd Defense. 
 
 McKinley, for the defense, demanded that the 
 plaintiff bare the other leg for comparison. The 
 court upheld this demand, in spite of McSweeny's 
 vigorous objection. To the confusion of the plain- 
 tiff and his counsel and the merriment of court 
 and jury that leg was found to be the worse bowed 
 of the two. His trousers had concealed his natu- 
 ral deformity. 
 
 " My client seems to have done better by this 
 man than did nature itself," said Counsellor Mc- 
 Kinley, " and I move that the suit be dismissed 
 with recommendation that he have his right leg 
 broken and set by the defendant in this case." The 
 plaintiff was laughed out of court. Soon after this 
 success Judge Belden, a leading lawyer of Canton, 
 formed a partnership with the young attorney 
 which lasted until the Judge's death, in 1870. 
 
 He had already won his way so that the people 
 in that year elected him Prosecuting Attorney of 
 Stark County, which office he filled for several 
 years. Practice now flowed in to him, and he 
 speedily won repute as an excellent advocate. He
 
 28 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 is credited with making some of the best jury 
 arguments ever heard at that bar. When elected 
 to Congress he was a recognized leader of the Stark 
 County bar and had one of the best general prac- 
 tices at that bar. 
 
 Another case in which he especially distinguished 
 himself was that of a number of miners prosecuted 
 for riot, whom he defended in an appeal to the 
 jury which is remembered to this day as a triumph 
 of eloquence over hard fact. It was the first oppor- 
 tunity in his career to attest his deep sympathy 
 with wage-workers, and his use of it gave him a 
 hold upon their gratitude that time has only 
 strengthened. 
 
 Apostle of Protection. 
 
 James G. Elaine, in his " Twenty Years of Con- 
 gress," wrote : " William McKinley, Jr., entered 
 from the Canton district. He enlisted in an Ohio 
 regiment when only 17 years old and won the rank 
 of Major by meritorious services. The interests 
 of his constituency and his own bent of mind led 
 him to the study of industrial questions, and he 
 was soon recognized in the House as one of the most 
 thorough statisticians, and one of the ablest de- 
 fenders of the doctrine of protection." 
 
 The Plumed Knight touched with his trenchant 
 pen the very needle's eye of character which has 
 placed McKinley where he stands to-day. Sympa- 
 thy with the toilers brought him to the study of
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 29 
 
 industrial questions, to which he gave the same 
 thorough analysis and intense application that he 
 gave to his law cases. In this respect he is much 
 like Garfield, having given like thorough study to 
 political subjects. 
 
 It is said that Rutherford B. Hayes took occasion 
 once to advise McKinley, who seemed destined for 
 public preferment, to confine his political studies as 
 far as possible to some particular subject, to master 
 that so as to be recognized as its most learned ex- 
 pounder. " There is the tariff and protection," he 
 is said to have advised. " It affords just the field 
 for such endeavor as I have described. In the 
 near future it is likely to become one of the lead- 
 ing issues upon which the voters of this nation will 
 divide probably for many years." 
 
 Won his Spurs Young. 
 
 This conversation may have occurred, but the 
 fact remains that the natural bent of McKinley's 
 mind and his tendency to sympathize with the 
 toilers had early turned his intellect toward that 
 precise question. That was his theme when very 
 early in his legal career he took the stump and 
 discussed political questions in his own and neigh- 
 boring counties, to which his reputation as an 
 attractive speaker early penetrated. 
 
 Major McKinley was only 33 years old when, 
 in 1877, the people of the Canton district elected
 
 30 
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKlNLEY. 
 
 him to represent them in Congress. Henry Clay 
 and James G. Blaine are the most conspicuous 
 statesmen who began Congressional careers at an 
 
 early age. It was a 
 Democratic House, 
 and the new mem- 
 ber began his ser- 
 vice at the foot 
 of the unimportant 
 Law Revision Com- 
 mittee. His first 
 term passed with 
 no public speech of 
 note to his credit, 
 but Speaker Sam- 
 uel J. Randall had 
 noticed the studious 
 application of the 
 young Ohioan and 
 his shrewdness in 
 committee work. 
 Hence, at the outset of his second term Me- 
 Kinley was placed on the Judiciary Committee 
 next to Thomas Brackett Reed. His ambition and 
 mental promptings led him to prefer the Ways and 
 Means Committee, but he was disappointed at that 
 time. However, early in his second session debate 
 on the tariff-revision bill of Fernando Wood gave 
 him his chance, and he riddled that measure with 
 
 HON. WILLIAM MCKINLEY.
 
 LIFE OP WILLIAM McKINLEY. 31 
 
 a grasp of fact and merciless logic that marked 
 him as one of the masters of protection knowledge. 
 McKinley's Congressional prominence may be 
 said to have fairly begun with the retirement of 
 Garfield from the Ways and Means Committee 
 after his election to the Presidency in 1880. Mc- 
 Kinley was appointed to the vacancy, and from 
 then until he retired from Congress in 1891, after 
 ten years of service that would have been contin- 
 uous except for that portion of the Forty-eighth 
 Congress when the Democrats unseated him, he 
 remained upon that most important committee. 
 His work was so strong and incisive that the 
 Democrats, fearing his abilities, three times sought 
 to throw him out of Congress by gerrymandering 
 his district. Twice placed in districts so fixed 
 that the Democratic majority seemed assured, he 
 nevertheless was elected by substantial majorities. 
 
 Gerrymandered Out. 
 
 In 1890 an international contest was brought 
 into the narrow limits of his Congressional district. 
 The order had gone forth from Democratic free- 
 trade headquarters that the peerless champion of 
 protection must be beaten at any cost. So his 
 district was patched up until it showed a nominal 
 Democratic plurality of 3,100 votes. Most men 
 would have shirked such a contest and retired 
 upon laurels already won.
 
 32 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 Not so McKinley. His Scotch-Irish blood was 
 up, and he threw himself into the fight with an 
 impetuosity that he had never before exhibited. 
 He actually carried three of the four counties of 
 his district, but was beaten by a slender plurality 
 of 302 votes. He had pulled down the Demo- 
 cratic majority 2800 votes, and what his enemies 
 sought to make his Waterloo proved to be a Mc- 
 Kinley triumph and turned Republican thought 
 in the country toward him as the leader of the 
 greater struggle of this year. It, however, closed 
 his Congressional career. 
 
 McKinley a Worker. 
 
 McKinley in Washington was a worker persis- 
 tent, methodical and indefatigable. Not objecting 
 to temperate use of stimulants, he was never found 
 in the haunts of convivial men. That side of life 
 which fascinates and has destroyed the usefulness 
 of many brilliant men had no fascination for him. 
 His work-day was spent in committee or in the 
 House, and the business of the day over, he went 
 straight to his home and his invalid wife. Tom 
 Murray, who for years was manager of the House 
 restaurant, says that for years he watched his daily 
 coming for a bowl of crackers and milk, which 
 consumed, he returned to his work and wrought 
 while his colleagues regaled upon terrapin and 
 champagne.
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKlNLEY. 33 
 
 And yet the hard-working, non-convivial mem- 
 ber from Canton was popular with his fellow- 
 members on both sides of the House. He led a 
 bare majority of twenty-two through all the perils 
 of conflicting interests. He, too, found time to 
 champion the Federal Elections bill, and to draw 
 to its support many men from widely separated 
 territory, and representing many diverse local 
 interests. 
 
 It was McKinley's Congressional record that has 
 made him illustrious. Beginning at the foot of the 
 ladder in committee appointment he forged steadily 
 to the front. Leadership was won, not conceded. 
 It was his presentment of the great tariff bill that 
 crowded the House of Representatives on that 
 ever-memorable May 7, 1890, when he reported it 
 and opened a debate which has become historical. 
 His contrast between protection and free trade, 
 which closed that famous forensic utterance, paints 
 at once a picture and a prophecy. 
 
 " We have now," he said, " enjoyed twenty-nine 
 years continuously of protective tariff laws the 
 longest uninterrupted period in which that policy 
 has prevailed since the formation of the Federal 
 Government and we find ourselves at the end of 
 that period in a condition of independence and 
 prosperity the like of which has no parallel in the 
 recorded history of the world. In all that goes to 
 make a nation great and strong and independent 
 3
 
 34 LIFE OP WILLIAM McKlNLEY. 
 
 we have made extraordinary strides. We have a 
 surplus revenue and a spotless credit. 
 
 " To reverse this system means to stop the pro- 
 gress of this Republic. It means to turn the 
 masses from ambition, courage and hope to depen- 
 dence, degradation and despair. Talk about de- 
 pression ! We would have it then in its fullness. 
 Everything would indeed be cheap, but how costly 
 when measured by the degradation that would 
 ensue ! When merchandise is cheapest men are 
 poorest, and the most distressing experiences of our 
 country aye, of all history have been when every 
 thing was lowest and cheapest, measured in gold, 
 and everything was highest and dearest, measured 
 by labor." 
 
 Governor of Ohio. 
 
 When Major McKinley, in 1890, lost his gerry- 
 mandered district by the narrow margin of 302 
 votes there was no doubt in the minds of Ohio 
 Republicans as to who should and must be their 
 candidate for Governor. It was no consolation 
 purse that he was to race for. It was simply and 
 solely that the fortune of hostile legislative control 
 had placed within reach as candidate for the Chief 
 Executive of the State a man of spotless honor, 
 whose many services made him the most popular 
 man in the Commonwealth. The room in the 
 northwest corner of the State House in Columbus 
 is brimful of nistory.
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 35 
 
 A Secretary of the Treasury, a Chief Justice of 
 the United States and a President sat there as the 
 Chief Executive of the State before being called to 
 higher preferment. Nearly every man who has 
 occupied the chief chair therein has been or still is 
 a vital force in the political or business history of 
 the nation. No other State has ever contributed 
 as many Governors to the National Executive in 
 chair or council. 
 
 Governor McKinley's career of four years in the 
 Executive Chair of Ohio is exemplification of the 
 fact that the most interesting period of a states- 
 man's public service is not necessarily that in 
 which he enjoys the greatest degree of public 
 prominence. That office claimed, almost monop- 
 olized, his attention, and local interests were never 
 in the remotest degree subordinated to wider 
 political necessities. But this lessened neither the 
 number nor loyalty of his friends in all parts of 
 the country. 
 
 Labor's Best Friend. 
 
 His solicitude for the toilers was marked. His 
 sympathy with the eight-hour movement was early 
 manifested. He was a conspicuous champion of 
 arbitration in the settlement of labor difficulties. 
 These convictions appeared in his recommenda- 
 tions of legislation to protect working-men in 
 hazardous occupations, to secure them more con- 
 siderate treatment as well as more safety in the
 
 36 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKlNLEY. 
 
 pursuit of their avocations. It was upon his 
 recommendation that the Ohio law was passed 
 requiring that all street cars should be furnished 
 with vestibules to protect the motormen and con- 
 ductors from inclement weather. 
 
 But it was along the line of arbitration author- 
 ized but not compulsory which he regarded as the 
 true solution of labor troubles that his best work 
 was done. During his first term the State Board 
 of Arbitration was created upon the Massachusetts 
 plan, but he made its workings the subject of his 
 personal supervision during all his administration. 
 During the existence of the Board, twenty-eight 
 strikes, some of them involving 2000 men, were 
 investigated, and in fifteen cases the Board found a 
 common basis upon which both parties could agree. 
 
 No account of Governor McKinlcy's connection 
 with labor problems would be complete without 
 mention of the tireless energy he displayed in 
 securing relief for the 2000 miners of the Hocking 
 Valley mining district, who, early in 1895, were 
 reported out of work and destitute. The news 
 reached him at midnight, but by 5 A. M. on his 
 own responsibility a car, loaded with provisions, 
 worth $1000, was dispatched to the afflicted dis- 
 trict. Appeals made subsequently to the Boards 
 of Trade or Chambers of Commerce of the great 
 cities of the State increased this initial benefaction 
 to $32,796 worth of clothing and provisions.
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 37 
 
 Governor McKinley's two terms as the State's 
 Executive were on the whole smooth and harmon- 
 ious, but he was repeatedly called upon to solve 
 perplexing problems in the relations of capital and 
 labor. In 1894 the State Government received no 
 fewer than fifteen calls for State troops to aid in 
 enforcing the law. No such demand had been 
 made since the Civil War, but Governor McKinley, 
 obeying the dictates of his judgment, answered 
 with such popular acceptation that even those 
 labor organizations which are most radical in 
 opposing any action in labor troubles on the part of 
 the State militia were forced to admit the wisdom 
 of his course. 
 
 Loyal to His Word. 
 
 No events in the history of Governor McKinley 
 commended him more to the confidence and respect 
 of his fellow-citizens than his honorable course in 
 two national conventions of his party when, had 
 he shown a momentary departure in steadfast 
 loyalty in support of the men he had been 
 instructed to vote for, he might have himself been 
 the nominee. Since 1876 he had borne a promi- 
 nent part in Republican national conventions, 
 He was a member of the Committee on Resolu- 
 tions of the convention of 1880 when the man 
 who led the Ohio delegation, pledged to the can- 
 didacy of Senator John Sherman and who placed 
 that veteran statesman in nomination in a speech
 
 38 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 that was one of the masterpieces of his public 
 utterances, yet suffered the convention to nomin- 
 ate himself and never raised a warning note to 
 recall delegates to respect for his representative 
 capacity. 
 
 Again, in 1884 he was the chosen member of the 
 Committee on Resolutions who drafted the party 
 platform with such skill that a newspaper raised 
 his name to its column head with the words, " Let 
 the man who wrote the platform of '84 be our 
 standard-bearer for 1888." 
 
 Perhaps McKinley himself realized in 1888 that 
 he then hardly measured up to the standard of the 
 tried and true veterans in the public service whose 
 names were to go before that convention. Cer- 
 tainly no one could have declared such fact more 
 unhesitatingly or earnestly than he did. It was 
 an occasion never to be forgotten and it demon- 
 strated even then that Mr. McKinley was a Presi- 
 dential possibility who could afford to bide his 
 time and need not crowd veterans in public favor 
 out of a nomination which for him could have no 
 charm unless fairly won. 
 
 The balloting for President had reached the 
 fourth call when a Connecticut delegate cast his 
 vote for McKinley. As soon as the vote was 
 announced McKinley rose in his seat and lifted 
 his hand for recognition of the Chair. Before he 
 could utter half a dozen words a great shout
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 39 
 
 " McKinley " went up from all over the conven- 
 tion. Unshaken by this evidence of popular 
 esteem he said : 
 
 The Speech of a True Man. 
 
 " Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conven- 
 tion : I am here as one of the chosen representa- 
 tives of my State ; I am here by resolution of its 
 Republican convention, passed without one dis- 
 senting voice, commanding me to cast my vote for 
 John Sherman and to use every worthy endeavor 
 for his nomination. I accepted this trust because 
 my heart and judgment were in accord with the 
 letter and spirit and purpose of that resolution. 
 It has pleased certain delegates to cast their votes 
 for me. I am not insensible of the honor they 
 would do me, but in the presence of the duty rest- 
 ing upon me I cannot remain silent with honor ; I 
 cannot consistently with the credit of the State 
 whose credentials I bear, and which has trusted 
 me; I cannot with honorable fidelity to John 
 Sherman, who has trusted me in his cause and 
 with his confidence ; I cannot consistently with 
 my own views of my personal integrity consent, 
 or seem to consent, to permit my name to be used 
 as a candidate before the convention. 
 
 " I would not restrict myself if I could find it 
 in my heart to do, to say, or to permit to be done 
 that which could even be ground for any one to
 
 40 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 suspect that I Wavered in my loyalty to Ohio 01 
 my devotion to the chief of her choice and the 
 chief of mine. I do not request I demand that 
 no delegates who would not cast reflection upon me 
 shall cast a ballot for me." 
 
 When McKinley, who spoke in tones whose 
 earnestness and sincerity could not be doubted,- 
 concluded his speech his audience applauded him 
 to the echo. It was so characteristic of the man 
 that his name was not mentioned by any as a 
 candidate. 
 
 Declined the Prize Again. 
 
 Four years later at Minneapolis McKinley again 
 had opportunity to show that he valued honor 
 above even nomination to the highest office in the 
 Republic. He was the chairman of the conven- 
 tion. When Ohio was reached on the first ballot 
 for President the leader of the delegation announced 
 its full vote for William McKinley. This was the 
 signal for an outburst of applause from floor and 
 gallery, as spontaneous as it was vociferous. Hur- 
 ried consultations were held by many State dele- 
 gations, and amid the cheers and applause which 
 still continued one leader after another arose to 
 the change of his State to McKinley. The Major, 
 evidently deeply affected by the demonstration, 
 but firm and composed, rose in his place and 
 said : 
 
 I challenge the vote of Ohio."
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 41 
 
 " The gentleman is not a member of the delega- 
 tion at present," said Governor Foraker, who was 
 chairman of the Ohio representatives. 
 
 "I am a delegate from that State," cried 
 McKinley, in tones that could be heard above the 
 confusion and uproar, " and I demand that my 
 vote be counted." 
 
 " Your alternative voted for you," Governor 
 Foraker persisted. + 
 
 The vote of the delegation was polled, neverthe- 
 less, and the solitary vote which was cast for 
 Harrison, was Major McKinley's. Harrison was 
 nominated, and Chairman McKinley, calling Col- 
 onel Elliott F. Shepard to the chair, moverj to 
 make the nomination unanimous. 
 
 "Your turn will come in '96," shouted on^ of 
 the 182 delegates, who, despite his protest, v. ted 
 for him in that convention. This prophecy ha& 
 been fulfilled. 
 
 McKinley at Home. 
 
 Two things commend McKinley mightily to the 
 average man he will fight and he loves his wife. 
 While these at first blush seem to be virtues com* 
 mon enough, yet he who has them has not far to 
 go to make him a man complete. He also loves 
 children with the pathetic love of the man whose 
 name will live only in history, for the two children 
 of his early married life are dead, and his wife is 
 a confirmed invalid.
 
 42 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 It was early in his struggles with the law in 
 Canton that William McKinley met Ida Saxton, a 
 beauty, the daughter of the richest banker in the 
 town, and a girl after his own heart. He has 
 never got over the surprise and joy which filled 
 his soul when, having made up his mind to put 
 his future happiness to the touch, Jie asked Ida 
 Saxton to be his wife and she said yes. It is said 
 that her father confirmed this when along with his 
 parental blessing he said : " You are the only man 
 of all that have sought her that I would have 
 given her to." 
 
 It was in 1871, after he had won his first suc- 
 cess at the bar and had been successful as Prose- 
 cuting Attorney. They went to housekeeping in 
 the same house to which he returned after his long 
 service in Congress and his two terms as Governor. 
 In that pleasant little villa his two children were 
 born. One lived to be nearly four years old, 
 while the other died in early infancy. 
 
 It was soon after the birth of the second 
 daughter that the fact became apparent that Mrs. 
 McKinley would be a lifelong invalid. Much 
 could be written of the tenderness of the strong 
 and virile man to his invalid wife, but the idle 
 gossip which has already been written upon that 
 subject has hurt where it was thought to comfort. 
 Newspapers have thoughtlessly dwelt upon this 
 affliction, singing praises of Jiis constancy and
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 43 
 
 devotion when even kind words carried with them 
 a penetrating sting. 
 
 It is enough to say that this husband and wife 
 have never been parted except during exigent 
 work in campaigning. During his service in 
 Washington she was always with him, embroider- 
 ing the slippers which has constituted her princi- 
 pal employment in his absence until the number 
 which have solaced the sufferers in hospitals is 
 said to amount to nearly four thousand. From 
 Congressional duty to his wife and back to duty 
 was the round of his Washington life. 
 
 While Governor of Ohio four rooms in the 
 Chittenden House in Columbus were their home. 
 An early breakfast and he was off to his executive 
 duties. It was remarked that he always left his 
 hotel by a side entrance, and when well across the 
 street he turned and lifted his hat, while a hand- 
 kerchief fluttered for an instant from the window 
 of his home. Then the Governor with a pleased 
 smile walked jauntily off toward the State House. 
 This was repeated every evening, showing that 
 loving watch was kept at that window. Occasion- 
 ally, weather and health permitting, Mrs. McKin- 
 ley indulged in a carriage ride, her husband 
 always accompanying her. Always on Sunday 
 the Governor took an early train for Canton, and 
 going to his mother's house, accompanied her to 
 the first M. E. Church, of which he has been a
 
 44 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 member for thirty-five years. He was superin- 
 tendent of its Sunday-school until public duty 
 took him to Washington. 
 
 His Personal Appearance. 
 
 Major McKinley is five feet seven inches in 
 height and is as straight as Michael Angelo's 
 statue of David. He undoubtedly looks like the 
 great Napoleon, although he has said more than 
 once that he does not like to be reminded of the 
 resemblance. He has the same grave, dignified 
 mouth, the same high, broad and full forehead and 
 the same heavy lower jaw. He is a better-looking 
 man than was Napoleon, and his bright, dark eyes 
 shine out under brows which are less heavy than 
 those of Bonaparte, and his frown is by no means 
 so terrible as that of the Little Corporal. He 
 appreciates, however, the value of dignity, always 
 dresses in a double-breasted frock coat and crowns 
 his classic head with a tall silk hat. 
 
 Personally Major McKinley is a charming man 
 to meet. His presence is prepossessing, though in 
 conversation he rarely develops brilliancy or ready 
 wit. Dignity and repose, rather than force and 
 action, appear as his strong characteristics to the 
 man who meets him casually. Yet his campaigns 
 show that when time for action comes he can go 
 through labor that wears out a corps of experienced 
 reporters, and come out of the immense strain of
 
 LIFE OP WILLIAM McKINLEY. 45 
 
 six weeks' constant canvass with little loss of flesh 
 and comparatively few signs of fatigue. The 
 Gubernatorial campaign of 1893 was notable in 
 this respect, and shows the character of the man in 
 his relations to politics. 
 
 With the chances favoring him and business 
 depression prevailing, many a man would have 
 trusted something to luck, and worked less per- 
 sistently and energetically than under other cir- 
 cumstances. But that was not McKinley's way. 
 He realized that his boom for the Presidency de- 
 pended very largely upon the size of his majority, 
 and worked like a Trojan. Those who followed 
 him in the famous Congressional campaign of 1890 
 against John G. Warwick, and again in 1891, when 
 he canvassed the State against Campbell with such 
 signal success, and were a third time with him in 
 1893, say that he worked as never before. 
 
 In the speeches he made one notable characteris- 
 tic is always prominent. He does not make ene- 
 mies. No one ever heard McKinley abuse a politi- 
 cal opponent from the stump. Few men have ever 
 heard him speak with disrespect or malignity of 
 one in private life. Only among his close confi- 
 dants, and they are carefully chosen and not numer- 
 ous, does he allow himself to speak his mind fully. 
 
 In 1893, when Major McKinley suffered some 
 serious financial reverses through over-fidelity in the 
 interests of a friend, Mrs. McKinley took quite a
 
 46 LIFE OP WILLIAM McKlNLEY. 
 
 noble stand. An Ohio banker named Walker, for 
 whom Mr. McKinley had indorsed notes, suddenly 
 failed. From boyhood the two men had been the 
 closest personal friends. When Mr. Walker re- 
 quested Mr. McKinley to indorse for him, Mr. 
 McKinley gave his signature without making any 
 investigation. Mr. McKinley continued placing 
 his signature on notes until the crash came. 
 
 It was found aftei the failure that Mr. McKin- 
 ley's liabilities were about $100,000, a sum nearly 
 five times as large as he had saved during the 
 forty-nine years of his life. Mrs. McKinley had 
 property which was worth probably $75,000 if 
 sold under the hammer. She at once turned this 
 over to her husband's trustees. Her fortune came 
 to her as a legacy from her father. Her friends 
 protested against allowing her means to go to can- 
 cel debts incurred by another man, but she insisted, 
 and Mr. McKinley and his wife together became 
 quite penniless. 
 
 The result, however, was not quite so bad, for 
 the trustees, chief of whom was Mr. H. H. Kohl- 
 saat, of Chicago, when they received the trust, 
 decided, without consulting the Governor, to raise 
 the money necessary to meet his obligations. This 
 was fully done by private subscriptions from gen- 
 erous people, and in February, 1894, a year after 
 the assignment, the property was restored to them 
 again in full.
 
 HON. GARRET A. HOBART: 
 
 Republican Nominee for the Vice-Presidency. 
 
 PARRET AUGUSTUS HOBART, the distin- 
 
 " guished son of New Jersey, who has been 
 selected as the Republican candidate for Vice- 
 President, is a big, rosy-cheeked gentleman known 
 to most every Jerseyman as " Gus " Hobart. His 
 face is as open as a book, and his clear eyes, dark 
 hair and brown mustache, create the impression 
 on first sight that he is a man of 40 or 45 years. 
 His age is 52. 
 
 He is a man of much magnetism and amiabil- 
 ity. He has displayed locomotive energy in all of 
 his undertakings, and is both powerful and fear- 
 less. His career as a citizen, lawyer, business 
 man and statesman justifies all of the claims for 
 brilliancy his friends make for him. 
 
 Jerseymen speak of him as a "true blue" 
 native of the State, and tell of it with pride that 
 he was born on a Monmouth County farm in 
 1844, and was reared amid the breezes that blow 
 off the shores of Long Branch. 
 
 He received a common school education, was 
 
 47
 
 48 HON. GARRET A. HOBART. 
 
 sent to Rutgers College at 15, and at 19 was given 
 the degree of A. M. He is now a LL. D. The 
 degree was given him on Tuesday, June 16, 1896, 
 by his alma mater. His friend and associate, 
 Governor Griggs, was honored at the same time 
 with the same degree. 
 
 Mr. Hobart began the study of law with 
 Socrates Tuttle, of Paterson, who was then the 
 leading practitioner of East Jersey. He was 
 admitted as an attorney in 1864 and as a coun- 
 selor in 1869. 
 
 Mr. Hobart' s entrance into politics was made in 
 May, 1871, when the Board of Aldermen of the 
 city of Paterson selected him as City Counsel. 
 The next year he was made counsel for the Board 
 of Chosen Freeholders of Passaic County. These 
 two offices brought him in direct contact with all 
 the prominent men of Passaic County and gave 
 him almost daily opportunity to show his ability 
 as a lawyer and politician. 
 
 These associations were directly beneficial, re- 
 sulting in his selection in 1872 to the House of 
 Assembly. He made a good record during his 
 first year, taking an active part in all debates, and 
 at once acquired a State reputation. Without 
 scarcely turning a hand he was re-elected in 1873 
 and was made the caucus nominee for Speaker of 
 the House, being unanimously elected. 
 
 He took the gavel untrammeled by promises or
 
 HON. GARRET A. HOBART. 49 
 
 pledges, and was enabled to select his committees 
 and direct the work of the House as his judgment 
 suggested. 
 
 In 1875 he declined a re-election. His client- 
 age had become extensive, and he needed all his 
 time and energy for his profession. In 1877 he 
 was induced to accept the Senatorial nomination, 
 and was elected. His success as Senator was even 
 greater than that in the lower house. 
 
 Prominent in the Senate - 
 
 He served his three years with distinction, and 
 was promptly re-elected by the largest majority 
 Passaic County had ever given to any candidate. 
 His extended experience, and the fact that he was 
 a second-term man, returned by such a compli- 
 mentary vote, made him a formidable candidate 
 for the President of the Senate, and in 1881 he 
 was accorded that honor. In 1882 he was again 
 called to preside over the upper house. 
 
 His legislative career was a brilliant one. He 
 made himself popular with all the prominent men 
 of the State because of his ability, amiability and 
 fairness. In 1884 he was the Republican caucus 
 nominee for United States Senator. 
 
 He was also a candidate for United States Sen- 
 ator in 1882. The Senate was Republican, but 
 the ' House was Democratic. Congressman John 
 
 J. Gardner, of Atlantic City, was President of the 
 4
 
 50 HON. GARRET A. HOBART. 
 
 Senate. A successor to United States Set ator 
 McPherson was to be chosen. Mr. McPh- -son 
 sought to succeed himself. Ex-Senator H. S Lit- 
 tle was leading a vigorous opposition against ini. 
 
 HON. GARRET A. HOBART. 
 
 An effort was made to get a strong candidate, 
 and among those selected was the late Chancellor, 
 Theodore Runyon, the present Attorney General, 
 John P. Stockton, and Leon Abbett. The Demo- 
 crats were very much mixed, and the Republicans 
 selected Garret A. Hobart as their candidate,
 
 HON. GARRET A. HOBART. 51 
 
 having assurances of a number of Democratic 
 votes. 
 
 The Democrats had only a slim majority on 
 joint ballot, and five of them were disaffected as 
 to McPherson. Senator John W. Taylor and 
 twenty Republicans gave assurances to Senator 
 McPherson that they would assist him in the 
 event of the Democratic plotters being successful. 
 The Senate voted for Mr. Hobart, and he received 
 altogether thirty-six votes, against forty-three given 
 to Senator McPherson. 
 
 Senator Hobart made the same remarkable ad- 
 vance in State, politics as in county matters, and 
 he was readily recognized as a leader, and was 
 selected a member of the State Committee while 
 presiding over the Senate. In 1880 he was elected 
 chairman, a place which he held until the selection 
 of John Kean in 1890. 
 
 He has, however, always been a committeeman- 
 at-large, and in all succeeding campaigns has given 
 his undivided time to the work of the Republican 
 party. His good judgment in political matters, as 
 well as his aggressiveness, caused him to be selected 
 in 1884 as a member of the National Committee 
 from New Jersey. 
 
 lie gave to National politics the same energy, 
 and did his work with the same affability. He 
 speedily won distinction as a loader in national 
 politics, and was made vice-chairman. The duties
 
 52 HON. GARRET A. HOBART. 
 
 imposed upon him in the National Committee did 
 not, however, cause him to lose interest in New 
 Jersey affairs, even to a personal direction of the 
 policy of his party in the Fifth New Jersey Con- 
 gressional District, where he resided. 
 
 Mentioned for Governor. 
 
 Mr. Hobart has several times been mentioned as 
 a candidate for Governor, and he was prominent 
 in the public mind at the time John W. Griggs 
 declared himself a candidate. 
 
 It is well known that Garret A. Hobart secured 
 the nomination of the present Republican Gov- 
 ernor. They were fast friends, and associated to- 
 gether in a number of enterprises, had studied law 
 in the same office, and the Governor became Mr. 
 Hobart' s political successor, following him in the 
 House of Assembly and in the Senate. 
 
 When it was announced that Garret A. Hobart 
 was a candidate for Governor, Senator Griggs 
 called upon him, and in a friendly conversation 
 asked him for a definite expression on the subject, 
 which was then somewhat in doubt. He received 
 from Mr. Hobart the assurance that the announce- 
 ment of his candidacy for Governor was only ,1 
 newspaper joke. It was then that Senator Griggs 
 declared himself as a candidate and secured the 
 promise of Mr. Hobart's active support. 
 
 He personally conducted the campaign, and not-
 
 HON. GARRET A. IIOBART. 53 
 
 withstanding the fact that there were six candi- 
 i dates in the field, he secured the nomination for 
 : Griggs and then assumed the duties of Chairman of 
 the Executive Committee of the Republican State 
 Committee, and devoted every hour of his time 
 until he secured Griggs' election by over 26,000 
 plurality. This was a climax to all his political 
 successes in the State, which made him a leader in- 
 dorsed and respected. 
 
 Mr. Hobartis considered a wealthy man, but is 
 not a millionaire, but a man comfortably fixed, 
 keenly enjoying the friends that he has made and 
 the success that has come to him because of his 
 energy and ability. He is active in benevolent 
 enterprises. 
 
 Garret A. Hobart was never a boss, but always 
 a persuader of men. He has been a leader and an 
 adviser all through his political career. His in- 
 fluence has always been for good in New Jersey 
 politics. His enthusiastic admirers advocated him 
 as the proper man to represent the East on the 
 national ticket. They attributed to him the suc- 
 cess of last Fall, which was the climax of the fight 
 of twenty years to ditch the Democratic machine. 
 
 All the Republicans in the State joined in the 
 Vice-Presidential boom, somewhat to the annoyance 
 of Mr. Hobart himself. It grew so fast that when 
 he did attempt to check it he found it impossible. 
 Democrats as well as Republicans shouted his
 
 54 HON. GARRET A. HUB ART 
 
 praises. No in in is uure approachable, and the 
 poorest laborer in Patersen finds him as easy of 
 access as the banker or the politician. 
 
 Mr. Hobart lives in a large frame house on the 
 corner of Carroll and Van Houten streets. 
 
 Mrs. Hobart was Miss Jennie Tuttle, daughter 
 of Mr. Hobart's preceptor and a sister of Hobart 
 Tuttle, private Secretary to Governor Griggs. She 
 is a woman of many accomplishments, having in- 
 herited much of the keen intellect and wit of her 
 famous father. 
 
 Mr. Hobart's family consists of Garret A. 
 flobart, Jr., now 12 years old. His daughter, who 
 was a great favorite in New Jersey and New York 
 society, died in 1895 in Italy while the family was 
 abroad.
 
 Republican National Convention of 1896, 
 
 rpHE Convention assembled in St. Louis, Tues- 
 day, June IGth. The first day opened with 
 unclouded skies, and with the prospect of ex- 
 tremely hot weather. Although the Convention 
 was not to be called until noon, the streets in the 
 vicinity of the hall were thronged for two hours 
 before that time with strangers. 
 
 The doors, however, were closed to all persons, 
 including delegates and alternates, until the time 
 should arrive for their official opening. The only 
 exceptions to this rule were newspaper men, fur- 
 nished with badges and tickets of admission ; 
 officials of the Convention, and several hundred 
 special and general aids to the sergeant-at-arms. 
 
 At 12.20 o'clock Senator Carter, Chairman of 
 the Republican National Committee, called the 
 Convention to order, all the seats of the delegates, 
 and nearly half of the gallery space being filled. 
 Rabbi Sale, the chaplain, opened the proceedings 
 with a prayer, the whole assemblage standing as 
 the chaplain invoked the divine benediction. 
 
 At the close of the chaplain's prayer Chairman 
 Carter said : " This Convention is assembled in 
 compliance with the terms of a call issued by the 
 National Committee December 14, 1895, which 
 call the secretary will now proceed to read." 
 
 65
 
 06 EEPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 The secretary did so, and Chairman Carter then 
 said : " Gentlemen of the Convention, by direction 
 of the National Committee I present for your ap- 
 proval for your temporary chairman, Hon. Charles 
 W. Fairbanks, of Indiana." Mr. Sutherland, on 
 behalf of the New York delegation, moved that 
 the selection of the Committee be approved, and 
 this was carried without a dissenting voice. 
 
 Mr. Fairbanks, a tall, slender man, with a dark, 
 close-cropped beard and mustache, came forward, 
 and in a clear and distinct voice, with occasional re- 
 ferences to his notes, began his address, which was 
 frequently applauded. He concluded as follows : 
 
 " There are many and important questions re- 
 quiring the enlightened and patriotic judgment of 
 the Republican party. A pan-American commer- 
 cial alliance was conceived by James G. Elaine, 
 and the highest motives of self-interest require us 
 to accomplish what he had so well begun. The 
 Monroe Doctrine must be firmly upheld, and the 
 Powers of the earth made to respect this great but 
 unwritten law. There can be no further territorial 
 aggrandizement by foreign Governments on the 
 Western Continent. Our devotion to the pension- 
 ers of the Nation was never more emphatic nor 
 more necessary than now. The Republican party 
 believes in the development of our Navy and mer- 
 chant marine until we establish our undisputed 
 supremacy upon the high seas. 
 
 " The struggle for Cuban liberty enlists the ar- 
 dent sympathy of the Republican party a party 
 which has given to liberty its fullest meaning on
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 5? 
 
 this continent. We wish to see a new republic, 
 born on Cuban soil, greet the new century whose 
 dawn is already purpling the east. 
 
 " My friends, the campaign of 1896 is upon us. 
 The great questions for debate in the august forum 
 of the United States are free trade and free silver 
 against protective tariff and sound money. As we 
 regard our homes and our honor, our happiness 
 and prosperit}', and the future power and majesty 
 of the republic, let us dedicate ourselves to the 
 restoration of a protective tariff which shall be 
 genuinely American, and to maintenance of high- 
 est standard of value with which to measure the 
 exchanges of the people. A distinguished Repub- 
 lican has said that the supreme desire of the 
 American people is for an ' honest currency, and 
 a chance to earn it by honest toil.' " 
 
 Long before he had finished his address Mr. 
 Fairbanks's voice, in the effort to accomplish the 
 impossible task of reaching every part of the im- 
 mense auditorium, became painfully distressed; 
 but most of his points were taken up by those 
 nearest to him, and those at a distance waved their 
 fans in unison with the applause of those in front. 
 His reference to the impossibility of causing fifty- 
 cent silver dollars to circulate in unlimited num- 
 bers on a parity with gold was greeted with a loud 
 burst of applause, while Senator Teller smiled 
 grimly, and one of the Western delegates in the 
 rear emitted a dismal owl-call. 
 
 His reference to Elaine produced a genuine
 
 58 .REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 demonstration, the Convention rising and cheering 
 repeatedly. When Cuba was referred to flags were 
 waved, and there was considerable hand-clapping, 
 redoubled when his closing sentences declared that 
 the fight of 1896 was between free trade and free 
 silver against honest money and protection. 
 
 3XTERIOR VIEW OF REPUBLICAN CONVENTION HALL, 1896. 
 
 At the conclusion of Mr. Fairbanks's speech 
 Mr. Carter proposed the appointment of the secre- 
 tary, assistant secretaries, sergeant-at-arms, official 
 stenographers and other officials, and the persons 
 so named were declared duly appointed. W. Lamb, 
 delegate from Virginia, offered a resolution, which 
 was agreed to, that, until a permanent organization 
 wis effected, the Convention should be governed
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 59 
 
 by the rules of the last Republican Convention, 
 and a resolution that the roll of States and Terri- 
 tories be called, and that the chairman of each 
 delegation announce the names of the persons 
 selected to serve on the several committees, and 
 
 FLOOR PLAN OF THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 
 HALL, 1896. 
 
 that all resolutions in respect to the platform should 
 be referred to the committee without debate. The 
 States were then called for their selection of dele- 
 gates as members of the several committees. 
 
 The various committees having been appointed, 
 the Convention adjourned until Wednesday morn- 
 ing at 10 o'clock.
 
 60 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 The Convention progressed only so far on the 
 second day as to effect a permanent organization 
 and dispose of the reports of the Committee on 
 Credentials. It adopted the majority report, seat- 
 ing the Higgins delegation from Delaware. The 
 convention took a test vote on a motion for the 
 previous question, which resulted in 568 1-2 ayes 
 and 339 1-2 nays. The latter represented the 
 whole strength of the McKinley opposition, in- 
 cluding the votes of the Pennsylvania delegation 
 controlled by Senator Quay. 
 
 The situation regarding the Vice-Presidency 
 showed that there was no probability of the nomi- 
 nation of Governor Morton for second place. A 
 canvass made late at night divided the prospective 
 vote as follows : Hobart, of New Jersey, 350 ; 
 Morton, of New York, 320 ; Evans, of Tennessee, 
 225, and the remainder scattering. The McKinley 
 people, headed by Mark Hanna, manager of Mc- 
 Kinley's campaign for the nomination, were for 
 Hobart, and expected to nominate him on the 
 second ballot by gains from the Evans vote. 
 
 Senators Teller, of Colorado, and Cannon, of 
 Utah, in the Committee on Resolutions, gave notice 
 that they would have to leave the convention if 
 the gold standard was put in the platform, but the 
 matter was talked over during the night with a 
 view to changing their purpose. 
 
 On Thursday, June 18th, the Convention com
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 18%. 
 
 61 
 
 pleted its work by nominating William McKinley, 
 of Ohio, for President, and Garret A. Hobart, of 
 New Jersey, for Vice-President. 
 
 MARCUS A. HANNA, 
 Leader of the McKinley Hosts. 
 
 But one ballot was required to make either 
 nomination. Governor Morton's name was not 
 presented for second place. 
 
 Scenes of the wildest enthusiasm attended the 
 nomination of the Presidential candidate.
 
 '62 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OP 1806. 
 
 The platform was adopted in the form presented 
 below. The free silver men attempted to amend 
 it by moving the substitution of a free silver plank. 
 It was laid upon the table by a vote of 81 8 i to 
 105i, and the platform was finally adopted by a 
 vote of 812i to 110J. 
 
 The free silver men then entered protests, and 
 twenty-one delegates, representing the purely 
 silver States, left the Convention, announcing the 
 severance of their relations with the Republican 
 party. 
 
 These were led by Senator Teller, of Colorado, 
 who made an impressive speech, announcing his 
 withdrawal from the Republican party after having 
 been an active member of it for forty years. His 
 eyes filled with tears and his voice trembled with 
 emotion as he bade farewell to his political col- 
 leagues and friends. A most respectful hearing 
 was accorded him, and although the majority of 
 the Convention was not in sympathy with his 
 principles, they were clearly in sympathy with the 
 man, believing him to be actuated by honest con- 
 victions and a high sense of duty. 
 
 The only entire delegations that withdrew were 
 those of Colorado and Idaho. The leave-taking 
 was accompanied by cheers and patriotic singing 
 and was not materially dramatic. 
 
 The Platform of Republican principles was then 
 adopted as presented by the Committee on Resolu-
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 65 
 
 tions, through its chairman, Senator Foraker, of 
 Ohio. 
 
 The Platform in Pull. 
 
 The Republicans of the United States, assembled 
 by their representatives in national convention, 
 appealing for the popular and historical justifica- 
 tion of their claims to the matchless achievements 
 of thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and 
 confidently address themselves to the awakened 
 intelligence, experience and conscience of their 
 countrymen in the following declaration of facts 
 and principles : 
 
 For the first time since the Civil War the Amer- 
 ican people have witnessed the calamitous conse- 
 quences of full and unrestricted Democratic con- 
 trol of the Government. It has been a record of 
 unparalleled incapacity, dishonor and disaster. In 
 administrative management it has ruthlessly sacri- 
 ficed indispensable revenue, entailed an unceasing 
 deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with 
 borrowed money, piled up the public debt by 
 $262,000,000 in time of peace, forced an adverse 
 balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging 
 over the redemption fund, pawned American credit 
 to alien syndicates and reversed all the measures 
 and results of successful Republican rule. 
 
 In the broad effect of its policy it has precipi- 
 tated panic, blighted industry and trade with pro- 
 longed depression, closed factories, reduced work 
 and wages, halted enterprise and crippled American 
 production while stimulating foreign production for 
 the American market. Every consideration of 
 public safety and individual interest demands that
 
 64 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 the Government shall be rescued from the hands 
 of those who have shown themselves incapable to 
 conduct it without disaster at home and dishonor 
 abroad, and shall be restored to the party which 
 for thirty years administered it with unequalled 
 success and prosperity ; and in this connection we 
 heartily indorse the wisdom, patriotism and the 
 success of the Administration of President Har- 
 rison. 
 
 The Tariff Plank. 
 
 We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the 
 policy of protection as the bulwark of American 
 industrial independence and the foundation of 
 American development and prosperity. This true 
 American policy taxes foreign products and en- 
 courages home industry; it puts the burden of 
 revenue on foreign goods ; it secures the Ameri- 
 can market for the American producer ; it upholds 
 the American standard of wages for the American 
 workingman ; it puts the factory by the side of 
 the farm and makes the American farmer less 
 dependent on foreign demand and price ; it diffuses 
 general thrift, and founds the strength of all on 
 the strength of each. In its reasonable applica- 
 tion it is just, fair and impartial, equally opposed 
 to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sec- 
 tional discrimination and individual favoritism. 
 
 We denounce the present Democratic tariff as 
 sectional, injurious to the public credit and 
 destructive to business enterprise. We demand 
 such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which 
 come into competition with American products as 
 will not only furnish adequate revenue for the
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 65 
 
 necessary expenses of the Government, but will 
 protect American labor from degradation to the 
 wage level of other lands. 
 
 We are not pledged to any particular schedules. 
 The question of rates is a practical question, to 
 be governed by the conditions of the time and of 
 production ; the ruling and uncompromising princi- 
 ple is the protection and development of American 
 labor and industry. The country demands a right 
 settlement and then it wants rest. 
 
 Reciprocity Indorsed. 
 
 We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrange- 
 ments negotiated by the last Republican Adminis- 
 tration was a national calamity, and we demand 
 their renewal and extension on such terms as will 
 equalize our trade with other nations, remove the 
 restrictions which now obstruct the sale of Ameri- 
 can products in the ports of other countries, and 
 secure enlarged markets for the products of our 
 farms, forests and factories. 
 
 Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of 
 Republican policy, and go hand in hand. Demo- 
 cratic rule has recklessly struck down both, and 
 both must be re-established. 
 
 Protection for what we produce ; free admission 
 for the necessaries of life which we do not pro- 
 duce; reciprocal agreements of mutual interests, 
 which gain open markets for us in return for our 
 open market to others. Protection builds up do- 
 mestic industry and trade and secures our own 
 market for ourselves ; reciprocity builds up foreign, 
 trade and finds an outlet for our surplus. 
 
 We condemn the present administration for not
 
 66 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 keeping faith with the sugar producers of this 
 country. The Republican party favors such pro- 
 tection as will lead to the production on American 
 soil of all the sugar which the American people 
 use, and for which they pay other countries more 
 than $100,000,000 annually. 
 
 To all our products to those of the mine and 
 the field, as well as to those of the shop and the 
 factory to hemp, to wool, the product of the 
 great industry of sheep husbandry, as well as to 
 the finished woolens of the mill we promise the 
 most ample protection. 
 
 We favor restoring the early American policy 
 of descriminating duties for the upbuilding of our 
 merchant marine and the protection of our ship- 
 ping in the foreign carrying trade, so that Ameri- 
 can ships the product of American labor, em 
 ployed in American ship yards, sailing under the 
 Stars and Stripes, and manned, officered and 
 owned by Americans may regain the carrying of 
 our foreign commerce. 
 
 For Gold Standard. 
 
 The Republican party is unreservedly for sound 
 money. It caused the enactment of the law pro- 
 viding for the resumption of specie payments in 
 1879. Since then every dollar has been as good 
 as gold. 
 
 We are unalterably opposed to every measure 
 calculated to debase our currency or impair the 
 credit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed 
 .to the free coinage of silver except by interna- 
 tional agreement with the leading commercial 
 nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 67 
 
 promote, and until such agreement can be ob- 
 tained the existing gold standard must be pre- 
 served. All our silver and paper currency must 
 be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor 
 all measures designed to maintain inviolable the 
 obligations of all our money, whether coin or 
 paper, at the present standard the standard of 
 the most enlightened nations of the earth. 
 
 The Pension Question. 
 
 The veterans of the Union Army deserve and 
 should receive fair treatment and generous recog- 
 nition. Wherever practicable they should be 
 given the preference in the matter of employment, 
 and they are entitled to the enactment of such 
 laws as are best calculated to secure the fulfill- 
 ment of the pledges made to them in the dark 
 days of the country's peril. We denounce the 
 practice in the Pension Bureau, so recklessly and 
 unjustly carried on by the present Administration, 
 of reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping 
 names from the rolls, as deserving the severest 
 condemnation of the American people. 
 
 Our Foreign Policy. 
 
 Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, 
 vigorous and dignified, and all our interests in the 
 Western Hemisphere carefully watched and guard- 
 ed. The Hawaiian Islands should be controlled 
 by the United States, and no foreign power should 
 be permitted to interfere with them. The Nica- 
 raguan Canal should be built, owned and operated 
 by the United States, and by the purchase of the 
 Danish Islands we should secure a proper and 
 much-needed naval station in the West Indies.
 
 68 KEPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 The massacres in Armenia have aroused the 
 deep sympathy and just indignation of the Ameri- 
 can people, and we believe that the United States 
 should exercise all the influence it can properly 
 exert to bring these atrocities to an end. In Tur- 
 key American residents have been exposed to the 
 gravest dangers, and American property destroyed. 
 There and everywhere American citizens and 
 l^merican property must be absolutely protected 
 at all hazards and at any cost. 
 
 The Monroe Doctrine. 
 
 "We reassert the Monroe doctrine in its full ex- 
 tent, and we reaffirm the right of the United States 
 to give the doctrine effect by responding to the 
 appeals of any American State for intervention in 
 case of European encroachment. We have not 
 interfered and shall not interfere with the exist- 
 ing possessions of any European power in this 
 hemisphere, but those possessions must not, on any 
 pretext, be extended. We hopefully look forward 
 to the eventual withdrawal of the European powers 
 from this hemisphere, and to the ultimate union of 
 all English-speaking parts of the continent by the 
 free consent of its inhabitants. 
 
 Sympathy for Cuba. 
 
 From the hour of achieving their own indepen- 
 dence the people of the United States have regarded 
 with sympathy the struggle of other American 
 peoples to free themselves from European domina- 
 tion. We watch with deep and abiding interest 
 the heroic battle of the Cuban patriots against 
 cruelty and oppression, and our best hopes go out
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 69 
 
 for the full success of their determined contest for 
 liberty. 
 
 The Government of Spain, having lost control 
 of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property 
 or lives of resident American citizens, or to com- 
 ply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the 
 Government of the United States should actually 
 use its influence and good offices to restore peace 
 and give independence to the island. 
 
 The peace and security of the Republic and the 
 maintenance of its rightful influence among the 
 nations of the earth demand a naval power com- 
 mensurate with its position and responsibility. 
 We, therefore, favor the continued enlargement of 
 the navy and a complete system of harbor and sea 
 coast defenses. 
 
 Educational Test of Immigrants. 
 
 For the protection of the quality of our Ameri- 
 can citizenship and of the wages of our working- 
 men against the fatal competition of low-priced 
 labor, we demand that the immigration laws be 
 thoroughly enforced, and so extended as to exclude 
 from entrance to the United States those who can 
 neither read nor write. 
 
 The civil service law was placed on the statute 
 book by the Republican party, which has always 
 sustained it, and we renew our repeated declara- 
 tions that it shall be thoroughly and honestly en- 
 forced and extended wherever practicable. 
 
 We demand that every citizen of the United 
 States shall be allowed to cast one free and unre- 
 stricted ballot, and that such ballot shall be counted 
 and returned as cast.
 
 70 EEPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of 
 the uncivilized and barbarous practice well known 
 as lynching or killing of human beings suspected 
 or charged with crime without process of law. 
 
 National Arbitration Board. 
 
 We favor the creation of a national board of 
 arbitration to settle and adjust differences which 
 may arise between employers and employees 
 engaged in interstate commerce. 
 
 We believe in an immediate return to the free 
 homestead policy of the Republican party; and 
 urge the passage by Congress of the satisfactory 
 free homestead measure which has already passed 
 the House and is now pending in the Senate. 
 
 We favor the admission of the remaining Terri- 
 tories at the earliest practicable date, having due 
 regard to the interests of the people of the Terri- 
 tories and of the United States. All the Federal 
 officers appointed for the Territories should be 
 selected from bona fide residents thereof, and the 
 right of self-government should be accorded as far 
 as practicable. 
 
 We believe the citizens of Alaska should have 
 representation in the Congress of the United States, 
 to the end that needful legislation may be intelli- 
 gently enacted. 
 
 We sympathize with all wise and legitimate 
 efforts to lessen and prevent the evils of intemper- 
 ance and promote morality. 
 
 Rights" of Women. 
 
 The Republican party is mindful of the rights 
 and interests of women. Protection of American 
 industries includes equal opportunities, equal pay
 
 EEPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 71 
 
 for equal work, and protection to the home. We 
 favor the admission of women to wider spheres of 
 usefulness, and we welcome their co-operation in 
 rescuing the country from Democratic and Populist 
 mismanagement and misrule. 
 
 Such are the principles atid policies of the 
 Republican party. By. these principles we will 
 abide and these policies we will put into execution. 
 We ask for them the considerate judgment of the 
 American people. Confident alike in the history 
 of our great party and in the justice of our cause, 
 we present our platform and our candidates in the 
 full assurance that the election will bring victory 
 to the Republican party and prosperity to the peo- 
 ple of the United States. 
 
 Nominations for the Presidency. 
 
 The Platform having been adopted by the vote 
 already stated, the next business in order was the 
 nomination of candidates. 
 
 The Chairman The regular order of business 
 is the roll-call of States for the presentation of 
 candidates for nomination. (Great Applause.) 
 
 The secretary proceeded to call the roll of States. 
 There was no response until the State of Iowa was 
 reached, when Mr. Henderson said : " Mr. Chair- 
 man, Mr. John N. Baldwin, of Council Bluffs, will 
 speak for Iowa." 
 
 Mr. Baldwin was greeted with applause as he 
 proceeded to nominate Senator Allison. 
 
 Senator Cullom instructed the delegation from 
 Illinois not to present his name.
 
 72 
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 Kansas, Kentucky and Louisiana were called, and 
 no one responded. Upon the call of Maine, 
 
 Henry Cabot Lodge, 
 of Massachusetts, 
 took the speaker's 
 stand to nominate 
 Thomas B. Reed. In 
 the course of his 
 speech he said : 
 
 " We want a Presi- 
 dent who will meet 
 this situation as Lin- 
 coln met that of 1861, 
 with the chiefs of the 
 Republicans about 
 him, and with party 
 and people at his 
 back. (Applause.) 
 We want a Presi- 
 dent, who, on the 5th 
 day of next March, will summon Congress in extra 
 session, and, refusing to make appointments, or to 
 deal with patronage, will say that all else must 
 wait until Congress sends to him a tariff which 
 shall put money in the Treasury and wages in the 
 pockets of the American workingman. 
 
 " We want a President who will protect at 
 all hazards the gold reserve of the Treasury 
 (prolonged applause) ; who will see to it that no 
 obligation of the Government is presented which 
 is not in whatever coin the creditor chooses 
 to demand, and who will never forget that the 
 
 SHELBY M. CTJLLOM.
 
 EEPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 73 
 
 nation which pays with honor borrows with 
 ease. 
 
 " We want a man who will guard the safety and 
 dignity of the nation at home and abroad, and who 
 will always and constantly be firm and strong in 
 dealing with foreign nations instead of suddenly 
 varying a long course 
 of weakness and indif- 
 ference with a convul- 
 sive spasm of vigor and 
 patriotism. 
 
 "Also, we want a 
 man who will lead his 
 party and act with it, 
 and who will not, by 
 senseless quarrels at 
 the White House and 
 the Capitol, reduce leg- 
 islation and execution 
 alike to imbecility and 
 failure. 
 
 " Such is the man we 
 want for our great office HENRY CABOT 
 in these bitter times, when the forces of disorder 
 are loosed, and the wreckers with their false lights 
 gather at the shore and lure the Ship of State 
 upon the rocks." (Applause.) 
 
 The mention of Mr. Reed's name was received 
 with loud applause and cheering, led by the Maine 
 delegation. To add to the enthusiasm, some 
 admirer of the Maine statesman suspended a large 
 picture of Mr. Reed from the gallery, which 
 evoked many demonstrations of approval.
 
 74 
 
 EEPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 Mr. Littlefield, of Maine, seconded the nomina- 
 tion of Reed. 
 
 The clerk proceeded with the call of the roll 
 
 until the State of 
 New York was 
 reached, when "Wil- 
 liam A. Sutherland, 
 of that delegation, 
 arose. His appear- 
 ance was greeted 
 with applause. He 
 said : " The claims 
 of the State of New 
 York and her favor- 
 ite son will be pre- 
 sented by her other 
 favorite son that 
 citizen of all the 
 States of the Union 
 Chauncey M. De- 
 
 THOMAS B. REED. 
 
 pew. 
 
 More enthusiasm was manifested by the con- 
 vention on this mention, during which Mr. Depew 
 proceeded to the platform, and was introduced by 
 the Chairman of the convention. 
 
 Among other things Mr. Depew said : 
 
 "The youth who came to manhood after the 
 Civil War, and knew little of its agonies or its ani- 
 mosities, found a glorious example of American
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 75 
 
 possibility and achievement in the canal driver, 
 the brilliant and magnetic Garfield. In defeat and 
 in victory, for the policies which stood for the de- 
 velopment of American industries, for America for 
 Americans, whether native or naturalized, and for 
 the reciprocity which bound the North American 
 and South American continents together, we had 
 the Plumed Knight of our enthusiasm and our 
 love, James G. Elaine. (Cheers.) 
 
 " As a new gener- 
 ation came to the 
 majority, the diffi- 
 cult task of develop- 
 ment and prosperity, 
 and the future the- 
 ory without expe- 
 rience, the Repub- 
 lican party again 
 happily practiced 
 that policy of pro- 
 tection of American 
 industries, and that 
 practice of sound 
 finance, which gave 
 to the Republic its 
 era of greatest pros- 
 perity, the fullest 
 employment for la- 
 
 j j.1- I,' l_ BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
 bor, and the highest 
 
 wages for work in the history of our nation in the 
 closing year of the administration of that able 
 statesman, Benjamin Harrison. (Cheers.) 
 
 " With Levi P. Morton there would be no defi- 
 ciency to be met by the issue of bonds, there
 
 76 
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 would be no blight on our credit which would call 
 
 for the services of 
 a syndicate, there 
 would be no trifling 
 with the delicate in- 
 tricacies of finance 
 and commerce 
 which would para- 
 lyze the operations 
 of trade and manu- 
 facture. 
 
 " Whoever may 
 be nominated by 
 this convention will 
 receive the cordial 
 support, the enthu- 
 siastic advocacy of 
 the Republicans of 
 New York, but in 
 the shifting condi- 
 tions of our Com- 
 monwealth Governor Morton can secure more than 
 the party strength, and without question in the 
 coming canvass, no matter what issues may arise 
 between now and November, place the Empire State 
 solidly in the Republican column." (Cheers.) 
 
 On the conclusion of Mr. Depew's speech, the 
 convention applauded his remarks liberally. The 
 secretary then proceeded with the calling of the 
 roll. There was no response from North Carolina 
 and North Dakota, but he said "Ohio," and it 
 seemed as though the whole convention was wait- 
 
 LEVI P. MORTON.
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 77 
 
 ing. More than half the delegates climbed on their 
 chairs, waving hats, and there was terrific cheering. 
 
 Governor Bushnell mounted, a chair and was 
 recognized, but the enthusiasm was so great that 
 he could not be heard for a minute. Finally he 
 was heard to say: " Mr. Chairman, Senator Foraker 
 will speak for Ohio and Ohio's candidate." 
 
 In the course of his address Mr. Foraker said : 
 
 " If we make no mistake, the Democratic party 
 rill go out of power on the 4th of March, to 
 /emain out until God in His wisdom and mercy 
 and goodness shall see fit once more to chastise 
 His people. (Applause.) So far we have not 
 made any mistake. We have adopted a platform 
 which, notwithstanding the scenes witnessed in 
 this hall this morning, meets the demands and 
 expectations of the American people. It remains 
 for us now as the last crowning of our work here to 
 complete our work by nominating a good candidate. 
 
 "The people want a good Republican; they 
 want something more than a wise, patriotic states- 
 man; they want a man who embodies in himself 
 not only all of those essential qualifications, but 
 who, in addition, in the highest possible degree, 
 typifies in a monetary character, in record, in am- 
 bition and in purpose, the exact opposite of all 
 that is signified and represented by the free-trade, 
 deficit-making, bond-issuing, labor-saving Demo- 
 cratic Administration. (Cheers.) 
 
 " I stand here to present to this convention such 
 a man. His name is William McKinley." 
 
 Senator Foraker got no farther than the name of
 
 78 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 the Ohio statesman. Even before the last syllable 
 had passed his lips, with one great swell the dele- 
 gates and the occupants of the galleries sprang to 
 their feet and let out a yell that would have driven 
 out of the pastures the far-famed bull of Bashan. 
 
 The precise time when this violent eruption occur- 
 red was 3.18 P. M., as indicated by the clock con- 
 fronting the Speaker's desk. Senator Foraker mod- 
 estly stepped back, and with his hand raised, seemed 
 to deprecate the simultaneous movement of voices 
 and action on the part of the people, and Chairman 
 Thurston hit the desk four or five thumps with 
 his gavel, but the howling crowd paid no more 
 attention to him and his gavel than if he were 
 located in some outlying member of the solar system. 
 
 Then the crowd had it all to themselves, and 
 they howled. As if shot into the air from some 
 concealed battery, a thousand variegated plumes 
 flashed into the air, almost concealing the thousands 
 of American flags, handkerchiefs and umbrellas that 
 were being wildly flourished by the enthusiastic 
 crowd. State standards were uprooted and carried 
 up and down the aisles by shrieking delegates. 
 
 A gigantic portrait of McKinley was hoisted to 
 a position in front of the gallery opposite the chair- 
 man's desk, and as the picture caught the eyes of 
 the assemblage there was an immense swell in the 
 volume of sound which filled the spacious hall. 
 
 In an effort to bring about a state of quietness
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 79 
 
 the band behind the chairman struck up " March- 
 ing Through Georgia." Instead of listening 
 quietly to the instrumental music, the crowd 
 simply drowned it out by singing in all sorts of 
 voices and in all kinds of time the rollicking 
 words of the song. 
 
 After the instrumental music ceased the crowd 
 took up the song and marched through Georgia with 
 an accompaniment of many thousand feet pounding 
 the floor in an attempt to correspond with the rhythm 
 of the tune. After awhile there was an ebb in the 
 volume of noise, and again the instruments started 
 in, this time with " The Battle Cry of Freedom." 
 
 Again the audience helped out the musicians, 
 and the " Battle Cry of Freedom " was shouted 
 out in a manner which reminded the old-timers o( 
 the war-time when no collection of loyal Ameri- 
 cans, not even prayer meetings, was considered 
 complete without an outburst of the stirring song, 
 
 At length, at 3.46 P. M., Mr. Foraker resumed 
 as follows : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Convention : You seem to 
 have heard of the name of my candidate before. 
 (Laughter.) And so you have. He is known the 
 world over. His testimonials are of private life 
 without reproach. Four years of heroic service 
 as a boy soldier on the battlefields of the Republic, 
 under such a gallant General as Philip H. Sheri- 
 dan. (Applause.) Twelve years of conspicuous 
 service in the halls of Congress, associated with
 
 80 
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 great leaders of Republicanism. (Applause.) Four 
 years of executive service as Governor of Ohio, 
 but, greatest of. all, measured by present require- 
 ments, leader of the House of Representatives and 
 author of the ' McKinley law.' " (Prolonged 
 applause.) 
 
 ' In eloquent terms Governor Hastings of Penn- 
 sylvania nominated Senator Quay. 
 
 The Convention then proceeded to ballot, the 
 vote standing as follows : 
 
 STATES. 
 
 McKinley. 
 
 I 
 
 8!* 
 
 1 
 
 | 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 Morton. 
 
 < 
 
 Alabama 
 
 19 
 Ifi 
 
 2 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 New York 
 North Carolina. 
 North Dakota... 
 Ohio 
 
 17 
 
 ij, 
 
 x; 
 
 2j 
 
 ... 
 
 55 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 
 
 
 
 Colorado* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 7 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pennsylvania.... 
 Khode Island... 
 South Carolina- 
 South Dakota... 
 
 6 
 
 "s 
 
 58... 
 
 ... 
 
 Florida 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 > 
 
 
 Georgia 
 Indiana 
 
 22 
 30 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 26 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 94 
 
 
 .. 
 
 : : : co eo 
 
 
 46 
 20 
 9 fi 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Texas 
 
 21 
 3 
 g 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 Kansas 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 Utah 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 12 
 
 * 
 
 
 i 
 
 Virginia 
 
 23 
 R 
 
 i 
 
 
 ... 
 
 Maryland 
 Massachusetts.... 
 Michigan 
 
 15 
 1 
 <>8 
 
 1 
 J9 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 West Virginia... 12 
 Wisconsin 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 Minnesota . 
 
 IS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 Mississippi 
 Missouri 
 
 17 
 Sd 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 New Mexico 
 Oklahoma.. 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 "i 
 
 35.] 
 
 Montana 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 Indian Territory 
 District of Col... 
 Alaska 
 
 Total 
 
 6 
 "4 
 
 661 } 
 
 "i 
 
 \ 
 
 5 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Ifi 
 
 
 
 
 
 Nevada 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 New Hampshire 
 New Jersey 
 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 84* 61 i 
 
 *Cast no vote. Idaho did not vote. Montana cast 1 vote for J 
 Donald Cameron, of Pennsylvania. Absent or not voting, 22.
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 81 
 
 The Convention had now been in session nearly 
 eight hours, but there was a general disposition to 
 finish business before adjournment. Senator Lodge, 
 of Massachusetts, made the motion that the Con- 
 vention proceed to the nomination of a Vice-Presi- 
 dent, and that the speeches be limited to five 
 minutes. 
 
 Samuel Fessenden, of Connecticut, was recog- 
 nized to nominate Governor Bulkeley. 
 
 At the end of the five minutes, the crowd 
 called "time" enthusiastically, and the roll-call 
 proceeded until New Jersey was reached, when 
 delegates began to cry " Hobart." This gentle- 
 man was put in nomination by Judge J. Franklin 
 Fort. 
 
 W. K. Allen, of Rhode Island, nominated 
 Governor Charles W. Lippitt. 
 
 William M. Randolph presented the claims 
 of the Southern States in his speech nominat- 
 ing Henry Clay Evans, of Tennessee. Evans 
 was seconded by a colored delegate, S. E. 
 Smith, of Kentucky, whose effort was loudly 
 cheered. 
 
 Virginia presented the name of General James 
 A. Walker. 
 
 No other nominations were made and the 
 ballot was taken. 
 
 The detailed vote for Vice-President was as fol- 
 lows :
 
 [REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 STATES 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 ;>, 
 
 .3 
 
 Scattering. 
 
 STATES. 
 
 1 
 
 H W 
 
 Alabama 
 
 10 
 10 
 14 
 
 11 
 5 
 3 
 
 1 
 ] 
 1 
 
 
 New York 
 
 79 
 
 
 Arkansas.. 
 
 North Carolina 
 North Dakota, 
 Ohio 
 
 !' 
 
 25 
 
 8 
 
 2 ^:: 
 
 15 ! 
 
 
 Colorado * 
 
 
 
 is 
 
 
 
 Oregon 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 64 
 
 
 Florida. 
 
 5 
 5 
 12 
 44 
 8 
 20 
 8 
 8 
 
 14 
 14 
 21 
 6 
 13 
 10 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 21 
 16 
 4 
 5 
 
 17 
 8 
 5 
 1 
 12 
 7 
 12 
 5 
 23 
 
 10 
 
 "a 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
 "2 
 3 
 
 "i 
 "5 
 
 "i 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 
 
 
 South Carolina 
 South Dakota. . 
 
 3 
 1 
 
 15 .. 
 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 
 23 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Texas?. . 
 
 11 
 5 
 
 R 
 
 12 .. 
 1 .. 
 
 Kansas 
 Kentucky 
 
 Utah 
 Vermont 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Virginia 
 
 
 
 
 
 g 
 
 
 Maryland 
 
 West Virginia 
 Wisconsin 
 
 12 
 3 
 6 
 4 
 
 "4 
 6 
 
 2 
 4 
 
 20 '.'. 
 
 "i "i 
 
 6 .. 
 2 .. 
 
 Massachusetts 
 Michigan 
 
 
 Minnesota 
 Mississippi 
 
 Arizona 
 New Mexico 
 Oklahoma 
 
 Missouri 
 Montanaf 
 
 Indian Territory.. . 
 District of Columbia 
 Alaska 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 NevadaJ 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 New Hampshire.... 
 New Jersey 
 
 8 
 M 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Totals 
 
 533J 
 
 
 277^39 
 
 * Cast no vote, t Not voting, 5. J Not voting, 3. \ Not voting, 7. 
 
 The scattering votes were cast as follows: Walker, 24; Lippitt, 8 ; 
 Reed, 3; Fred. Grant, 2; Depew, 3; Morton, 1 ; Thurston, 2; Brown, 
 2. The absentees numbered 29. 
 
 After several other items of business had been 
 disposed of, the Convention voted a final adjourn- 
 ment. 
 
 Following the Convention, the advocates of 
 silver, led by Senator Teller, of Col. and Senator 
 Cannon, of Utah, issued an address to the peo- 
 ple of the United States, setting forth their 
 views in strong language, and naming Mr. Teller
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 83 
 
 as candidate for the Presidency on a platform of 
 Free Silver coinage. 
 
 During the last day's session of the Convention 
 the people of Canton, Ohio, Mr. McKinley's place 
 of residence, were in a state of great excitement. 
 
 When the telegraph at 4.14 P. M. clicked off the 
 
 SENATOR CANNON. 
 
 deciding vote in the ballot at St. Louis the town 
 went into a state of wild, hilarious enthusiasm 
 that could no more be checked or held in control 
 than the demonstration in the convention itself. 
 The same moment that the last spark twinkled its 
 message the huge city fire-alarm gong sounded out 
 918 four consecutive times. Simultaneously a huge
 
 84 
 
 EEPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 parade of some 15,000 of Major McKinley's fellow- 
 soldiers and fellow-citizens formed by prearrange- 
 
 ment in front of the court house, escorted by three 
 companies of militia under the command of Captain
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 85 
 
 Harry Frease, with several bands and drum corps, 
 paraded up North Market Street to Governor 
 McKinley's home on the hill. The identical click 
 that notified Governor McKinley of his nomination 
 set the fire-alarm gong going. 
 
 MRS. WILLIAM M'KINLEY. 
 
 At length the formal exercises of the demonstra- 
 tion began. First Governor McKinley mounted a 
 chair and bowed to the throng of cheering people. 
 Then Chairman Case mounted another chair and 
 spoke as follows: 
 
 "Major McKinley Your neighbors and towns-
 
 86 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896 
 
 men wish to be first to congratulate you upon your 
 nomination to the highest office within the gift of 
 the people. None know better than these neigh- 
 bors here assembled how well this honor is merited. 
 " They come to congratulate you as neighbors, 
 without distinction of party, bearing in mind that, 
 while you have acted in a broader field, you have 
 not lost sight of the duties and obligations of the 
 citizen, and that, amid your many cares and 
 responsibilities, you have always found time and 
 opportunity to lend your valued assistance to all 
 that makes for good in your community. We all 
 unite in extending to you our hearty congratula- 
 tions and good wishes." 
 
 There was a sea of faces for blocks about, and 
 after a whirlwind of applause had greeted ex- 
 Governor McKinley he responded as follows : 
 
 " My friends and fellow- citizens : I am greatly 
 honored by this demonstration. Its non-partisan 
 character forbids political discussion, and I appear 
 only to make grateful acknowledgment to your 
 address and congratulations. 
 
 " I am not indifferent to the pleasure which you 
 exhibit at the news just received from the Repub- 
 lican National Convention. For days your interest 
 has been centred upon St. Louis, and your presence 
 here in such vast numbers testifies to your personal 
 good will as well as your gratification with the 
 work there done. Your cordial assurances are all 
 the more appreciated by me because they come 
 from my fellow-citizens, men of all parties, my 
 neighbors, my former constituents, and my old 
 army comrades, with whom I have lived almost a
 
 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 87 
 
 life-time, and who have honored me over and over 
 again with important public trusts. 
 
 " Your warm words are reciprocated and will be 
 long remembered. Many of these around me have 
 not always agreed with me, nor I with them, touch- 
 ing political questions. But it is pleasant, as I 
 look into your faces, to recall that in all the years of 
 the past there has never been a moment of time 
 when you have withheld from me your friendship, 
 your encouragement and your confidence. 
 
 " You have always been most generously loyal, 
 and my heart is full of gratitude to you all. 
 
 " There is nothing more gratifying or honorable 
 to any man than to have the regard and esteem 
 of his fellow-townsmen, and in this I have been 
 peculiarly blessed. Never were neighbors more 
 devoted or more unfaltering in their support than 
 you have been to me. You have always made my 
 cause your cause, and my home among you has 
 been one of increasing pleasure. 
 
 " This county and city are very dear to me. 
 Here I have spent all of my young manhood, and 
 I have been identified with this magnificent county 
 for nearly a third of a century. I have followed 
 its growth with unconcealed pride, and have noted 
 with satisfaction that it has kept pace with the 
 most advanced and prosperous communities, and 
 has fallen behind none. 
 
 " I am glad to greet you here. You have never 
 failed to greet me with your best wishes and con- 
 gratulations upon every occasion of my nomina- 
 tion to a public office, commencing twenty years 
 ago, when I was first named by my party for 
 Congress.
 
 88 REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 " I cannot undertake to estimate the value of 
 these many friendly demonstrations, so helpful, so 
 stimulating, more so than you could have antici- 
 pated or believed at the time. Your call to-day is 
 warmly appreciated, and I thank you from the 
 bottom of my heart for what you have said, so 
 expressive of the feelings of those for whom you 
 speak. This latest evidence of your esteem makes 
 me more than ever indebted to you, and the happy 
 memory of your kindness and confidence will abide 
 with me forever." 
 
 Mr. McKinley's speech was received with every 
 demonstration of approval, and the crowd mani 
 fested its delight by uproarious applause.
 
 HON. WILLIAM J. BRYAN: 
 
 Nominee of the Democratic Party for President. 
 
 f\N Friday, July 10, 1896, the youngest man ever 
 nominated for the Presidency by any influen- 
 tial party received a majority of the votes in the 
 National Democratic Convention at Chicago. On 
 the preceding day, Mr. Bryan made a captivating 
 speech on the silver-coinage question and kindred 
 topics, and his nomination was the result, as pre- 
 viously to that period in the Convention there was 
 scarcely a mention of his name for first place on 
 the ticket. 
 
 William Jennings Bryan, the Democratic nomi- 
 nee, has been considered the greatest orator in the 
 history of Nebraska. He has long been the idol 
 of the free-silver wing of the Nebraska Democracy. 
 
 Mr. Bryan was born in Salem, Marion County, 
 111., on March 19, 1860. At the age of fifteen he 
 entered Whipple Academy at Jacksonville; in 
 1877 he entered Illinois College, and graduated 
 valedictorian in 1881. For the next two years 
 he attended the Union Law College, Chicago, 
 
 89
 
 90 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 studying in the office of Hon. Lyman Trumbull. 
 After graduation he began practice at Jackson- 
 ville. 
 
 In 1887 he removed to Lincoln, Neb., and 
 
 WILLIAM J. BRYAN. 
 
 became a member of the law firm of Talbot & Bryan. 
 He was elected to Congress in the First Nebraska 
 District in 1890, over W. J. Connell, of Omaha, and 
 was re-elected in 1892 'over Alien W, Field, of
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 91 
 
 Lincoln. In 1894 Mr. Bryan declined a third 
 nomination, and was nominated by the Dem- 
 ocratic State Convention for the United States 
 Senate by the unanimous vote of the Convention. 
 The Republicans, however, had a majority in the 
 Legislature, and Bryan was defeated for the 
 Senatorship. Since Mr. Bryan's Congressional 
 term expired he has given his time exclusively to 
 spreading the doctrine of free silver. 
 
 He first appeared in the political arena of 
 Nebraska in the campaign of 1888, when he 
 stumped the First District for J. Sterling Morton, 
 nominee for Congress. The same year he declined 
 a nomination for Lieutenant-Governor. On July 
 30, 1890, he was nominated for Congress, and 
 wrote a platform on which he ran. Nobody but 
 himself thought he could be elected. He stumped 
 the district on the tariff issue, and won fame as a 
 political orator throughout the State. This beauti- 
 ful language has been used by an admirer to 
 describe his graces as an orator : 
 
 Bryan the Orator. 
 
 " Bryan neglects none of the accessories of 
 oratory. Nature richly dowered him with rare 
 grace. He is happy in attitude and pose. His 
 gestures are on Hogarth's line of beauty. Melli- 
 fluous is the word that most aptly describes his 
 voice. It is strong enough to be heard by thou-
 
 92 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 sands; it is sweet enough to charm those least 
 inclined to music. It is so modulated as not to 
 vex the ear with monotony, and can be stern or 
 pathetic, fierce or gentle, serious or humorous with 
 the varying emotions of its master. 
 
 " In his youth Bryan must have had a skillful 
 teacher in elocution, and must have been a docile 
 pupil. He enriches his speeches with illustrations 
 from the classics or from the common occurrences 
 of every-day life with equal felicity and facility 
 Some passages from his orations are gems, and art 
 being used as declamations by boys at school. 
 But his crowning gift as an orator is his evident 
 sincerity. He is candor incarnate, and thoroughly 
 believes what he says himself." 
 
 His Home and Family. 
 
 Mr. Bryan lives well in a commodious dwelling 
 in L the fashionable part of Lincoln. His family 
 consists of Mrs. Bryan ; Ruth, aged eleven ; Wil- 
 liam J., Jr., aged six, and Grace, aged five. The 
 study, in which both Mr. and Mrs. Bryan have 
 desks, is a very attractive room. It is filled with 
 books, statuary and mementoes of campaigns. 
 There are busts or portraits of noted men, and 
 there are two butcher knives which Mr. Bryan 
 used in the campaign with Field to refute the 
 latter' s boast of the effects of high protection. 
 
 Last year Mr. Bryan was asked if he had any
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PAKTY. 93 
 
 aspirations looking to the White House, and he 
 said : " No ; I have no wish to be a Presidential 
 candidate, neither now nor in the years to come. 
 My whole thought now is centred on my family 
 and my profession, so far as my personal desires go. 
 I was brought up in the country, and I wish my 
 children to have some of the same rearing. They 
 are now of the age when they need a father's care, 
 and I wish to get into practice again, for I very 
 much enjoy the law, which has been necessarily 
 abandoned during my four years in Washington." 
 
 The Populists Like Him. 
 
 This is the way an admirer of Bryan describes 
 one of his triumphs : 
 
 " It was Mr. Bryan who achieved the greatest 
 triumph within his party when, in the State Con- 
 vention two years ago, by common consent he took 
 the leadership. It was he who advised his fol- 
 lowers to indorse the candidacy of Silas A. Hoi- 
 comb, who had been nominated by the Populists 
 of Nebraska for the office of Governor. It was 
 also upon Mr. Bryan's recommendation that the 
 same convention indorsed the candidacy of other 
 men on the Populist ticket. 
 
 " What he did then gave Nebraska the first 
 Populist Governor and worked the defeat of 
 the Republicans, the sole object sought by Mr. 
 Bryan and his followers. The consistent course
 
 94 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 of Mr. Bryan as a silver advocate, and the kindly 
 feeling he has all along, 4s a Democrat, evinced 
 for the Populists of Nebraska, have made him 
 many friends in the Populist Party throughout 
 the West. He will, more than any other Western 
 man, draw support from the Populist organization." 
 
 His Populistic Leaning. 
 
 The following extracts from speeches of Mr. 
 Bryan show how close his approach is to Populism 
 of the worst kind : 
 
 " The gentlemen who are so fearful of socialism 
 when the poor are exempted from an income tax, 
 view with indifference those methods of taxation 
 which give the rich a substantial exemption. They 
 weep more because $15,000,000 are to be collected 
 from the incomes of the rich than they do at the 
 collection of $300,000,000 upon the goods which 
 the poor consume. And when an attempt is made 
 to equalize these burdens, not fully, but partially 
 only, the people of the South and West are called 
 Anarchists. I deny the accusation, sir. It is 
 among the people of the South and West, on the 
 prairies and on the mountains, that you find the 
 staunchest supporters of government and the best 
 friends of law and order. 
 
 " You may not find among these people the 
 great fortunes which are accumulated in cities, 
 nor will you find the dark shadows which these
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 95 
 
 fortunes throw over the community, but you will 
 find those willing to protect the rights of property, 
 even while they demand that property shall bear 
 its share of taxation. You may not find among 
 them as much of wealth, but you will find men 
 who are not only willing to pay their taxes in 
 support of the Government, but are willing when- 
 ever necessary to offer up their lives in its defense. 
 These people, sir, whom you call Anarchists because 
 they ask that the burdens of government shall be 
 equally borne, these people have ever borne the 
 cross on Calvary and saved their country with their 
 blood." 
 
 Two Additional Gems. 
 
 " The poor man who takes property by force," 
 Bryan said in one of his silver-tongued deliverances, 
 "is called a thief, but the creditor who can by legisla- 
 tion make a debtor pay a dollar twice as large as he 
 borrowed is lauded as the friend of sound currency. 
 The man who wants people to destroy the Govern- 
 ment is an Anarchist, but the man who wants the 
 Government to destroy the people is a patriot." 
 
 " I may be in error," said Bryan on another occa- 
 sion, "but in my humble judgment he who would 
 rob man of his necessary food or pollute the 
 springs at which he quenches his thirst, or steal 
 away from him his accustomed rest, or condemn 
 his mind to the gloomy night of ignorance, is no 
 more an enemy of his race than the man who, deaf
 
 96 THE DEMOCRATIC PAKTY. 
 
 to the entreaties of the poor and blind to the 
 suffering he would cause, seeks to destroy one of 
 the money metals given by the Almighty to supply 
 the needs of commerce." 
 
 Several Thoughts Mirrored. 
 
 Bryan's thoughts are mirrored in the following 
 signed dispatches sent out by him before his name 
 was presented at Chicago : 
 
 " There was a time when President Cleveland 
 had to face the question of turning either to the 
 Plutocracy or to the Democracy. Had he been a 
 Jackson or a Jefferson he would have turned to the 
 common people, and there would have been no need 
 of the Convention hereto-day to repudiate his policy. 
 
 " Those who have been heretofore recognized as 
 Democrats and who do not wish to stand with us 
 in carrying out the provisions of the Chicago 
 platform must find a location for themselves. 
 
 " I have but little doubt that Mr. Cleveland and 
 all those Democrats who choose to follow him will 
 have a ticket of their own in 1896, and will insist 
 that they are the Democratic Party. They think 
 the silver sentiment a craze, and that it is going 
 to blow over. 
 
 " That makes me think of a story. Out in the 
 Northwest, where the wind is high, the fences are 
 sometimes blown down and sometimes the houses 
 are blown over. A man was going along one day
 
 *(-
 
 WILLIAM C. WHITNEY.
 
 CHAUNCEY Al. DEPEW
 
 WILLIAM B.
 
 JIEV. CHARWSS H. PAK.KHURSX, D.
 
 
 JUDSON HARMO^
 
 
 HORACE BOIES.
 
 
 IAMBS
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 9i 
 
 and found another building a fence. He was put- 
 ting it up solidly, with mortar and stone. The 
 man said : ' You are putting a good deal of time 
 on that fence. Don't you think it will blow over ?' 
 And the man who was building the fence replied : 
 ' That is just the way I am building it. It is five 
 feet wide and four feet high, and when it blows 
 over it will be one foot higher than it is now.' 
 That is the way they are building this silver 
 craze. It is wider than it is high, and when it does 
 blow over it will be higher than it is now. 
 
 " I am not a believer in either free silver or gold, 
 but am an out-and-out bimetallist. It is clearly 
 apparent to me that financial stringency does not 
 hinge on the amount of money in circulation, but 
 rather on the influences that control circulation. 
 The very best times we ever had occurred when 
 there was a very low rate of money per capita in 
 circulation." 
 
 As to the Farmer. 
 
 " We have already suffered grievously because 
 of the fall in prices. The last census shows a 
 decrease in the proportion of farm owners, and an 
 increase in the proportion of farm tenants. It 
 also shows a farm mortgage debt which is truly 
 alarming. The continued appreciation of gold 
 that is, the continual fall in prices increases the 
 number of tenants and makes harder every year 
 the life of the farmer. 
 
 7
 
 98 THE DEMOUKATIC PARTY. 
 
 " He who aids in increasing landlordism in this 
 country hastens the overthrow of the Republic, 
 for free government will not long survive when a 
 few own the land and means of support, while the 
 many are tenants at will. No one would dare to 
 propose a law increasing the number of dollars 
 to be paid by a debtor. To increase the size 
 of the dollar by legislation has exactly the same 
 effect. 
 
 " That dollar will soon cease to be called honest, 
 which grows fatter every day. Tariff reform grew 
 strong in the West and South, while it was 
 rejected as a heresy in the East. It took years of 
 struggle to carry the cause of tariff reform across 
 the Alleghenies, but the principle conquered in 
 time. 
 
 " The protective policy was never as disastrous 
 to the agricultural classes as a gold standard would 
 be, for, while protection lessened the stream, golci 
 monometallism would dry up the very fountain of 
 prosperity. 
 
 " The friends of the ' gold and silver coinage of 
 the Constitution ' need not be discouraged. Strong 
 in the all-conquering might of right, their prin- 
 ciples will triumph, and that triumph will be 
 signalized by a return of prosperity to the great 
 masses of our people. ' Tariff reform ' and l the 
 coinage of the Constitution ' will remain the two 
 great issues until secured."
 
 100 THE DEMOCKATIC PAKTY. 
 
 i 
 
 A Giant Among Giants. 
 
 In 1890, when only 30 years of age, Bryan was 
 elected a member of the House from the First Dis- 
 trict of Nebraska, where he. located immediately 
 after his admission to the tjar. During the con- 
 sideration of the single tariff bills, which were 
 brought to the House during the first session of 
 that Congress, Mr. Bryan electrified his colleagues 
 by the force and vigor of his utterances, his 
 ntimate knowledge of economic matters, the grace- 
 fulness of his oratory and his ability to sustain 
 himself with credit against the ablest debaters upon 
 the Republican side of the chamber. His time, on 
 that occasion, was repeatedly extended, and he 
 spoke in all several hours. 
 
 He awoke the next morning to find himself 
 famous. Nor was it an ephemeral fame. He 
 became from that day a conspicuous figure in a 
 House which included such giants of debate as 
 Breckinridge, of Kentucky ; Bourke Cockran, and 
 John R. Fellows, of New York; Dingley and 
 Reed, of Maine ; Springer, of Illinois ; Lodge, of 
 Massachusetts ; Gates, of Alabama, and William 
 L. Wilson, of West Virginia, who now holds the 
 office of Postmaster-General. 
 
 Wife of the Nominee. 
 
 Gne of the women most talked about in all sec- 
 tions of the country to-day is Mrs. William Jen-
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 101 
 
 nings Bryan, wife of the Democratic nominee for 
 President of the United States. People who have 
 seen and know Mrs. Bryan think she is more than 
 a wife to the Democratic standard-bearer. They 
 regard her as his adviser, assistant, companion and 
 friend a woman of extraordinary intellectual abil- 
 ity, strong in character, feminine withal and a lov- 
 ing mother. 
 
 Mrs. Bryan's head is the most noticeable thing 
 about her. It is very shapely, and the heavy dark 
 brown hair is always brushed smoothly back froi 
 a very high, full forehead. The hair is thick, soft 
 and fine, and simply coiled into a mass on top o 
 the head. Mrs. Bryan isn't pretty nor handsome, 
 but she has a strikingly intelligent and strong face. 
 The eyes are dark and large and expressive. The 
 nose is large with good width between the eyes. 
 The mouth and chin might almost have been cast 
 in the same mould as Bryan's own, so striking is 
 the resemblance in firmness and determination. 
 
 Mrs. Bryan would sacrifice and endure anything 
 once she had made up her mind that a thing was 
 right. She has ideals and will consider her hus- 
 band's nomination as righteous and a step toward 
 what the Bryans maintain is the correction of the 
 wrongs of the masses of the people. She has a 
 sweet and well- trained voice in talking, and the 
 men and women who penetrate her reserve, appre- 
 ciate her honesty of purpose and sincerity. She
 
 102 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 despises shams of every kind, and, above all, is 
 natural and unaffected. 
 
 It would require more than the possibility cf 
 ruling in the White House to turn this woman's 
 head. With all this Mrs. Bryan is not at all as- 
 sertive. She might elect to run White House affairs 
 according to her own ideas and not after the man- 
 ner of so-called official society, but no one who 
 came in contact with her could help respecting her 
 and in time admiring her character. 
 
 Bryan and all his friends admit the wife has 
 held up the hands of her husband more than effec- 
 tively, and Bryan himself takes no praise that 
 does not include his wife. Briefly, she is a pale- 
 faced, intellectual slip of a woman. She has an 
 immense amount of determination and silent ag- 
 gressiveness, is rather studious and very reserved. 
 She does not care for fashion or society, and pays 
 no attention whatever to either. 
 
 Before her marriage to Bryan she was Mary 
 Baird. They first met and loved in Illinois. When 
 they were married and went to Nebraska to live 
 the husband studied law. So did Mrs. Bryan, and 
 they studied together. Then Bryan found himself 
 getting into politics, but Mrs. Bryan kept on with 
 her law studies, took her examinations and was 
 admitted to practice. All this was done that she 
 might work with and help her husband. 
 
 In this connection Mrs. Bryan said : " It amused
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 103 
 
 me after I was graduated to see the women in our 
 town. Of course it was then a little unusual for a 
 woman to be admitted to practice. My friends 
 called in numbers on me, and it was queer to see 
 how they manoeuvred to approach the subject. 
 About half of them finally got to it, but one and 
 all seemed to think that I was a bigger curiosity 
 than a mummy." 
 
 Mrs. Bryan can be very sarcastic when suffi- 
 ciently roused, and at any time will say droll witty 
 things with only a gleam of a smile in her dark eyes. 
 
 She is the mother of three children, and is very 
 domestic in her inclinations. When it was dis- 
 covered that she was a lawyer, a Congressman who 
 meant to be very agreeable inquired of her with 
 what line of law she was most familiar. 
 
 Mrs. Bryan's quick answer was : " Domestic re- 
 lations, sir." 
 
 Attention was first drawn to Mrs. Bryan at the 
 time Bryan made his famous tariff speech in the 
 House/ Inside of a few hours, in the midst of the 
 adulation he was receiving, Bryan generously de- 
 clared that his wife deserved a share in the praise. 
 A week before the big speech was made Bryan 
 had delivered a eulogy on a dead colleague. Mrs. 
 Bryan then, unknown even to her husband's col- 
 leagues, sat in the gallery and carefully noted the 
 volume of tone required by Bryan to fill the hall. 
 Anything more deliberate could hardly be con-
 
 104 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 ceived. By means of signals the husband on the 
 floor and the wife in the gallery communicated, 
 and he increased or lowered his voice at her sug- 
 gestion until she had satisfied herself that he had 
 struck the most effective tone. 
 
 When Bryan* began his speech his wife was in 
 the gallery. At first he held a low voice. Mrs. 
 Bryan nodded for fuller tones. Her eyes never 
 left his face except to study the effect some sen- 
 tence might have on the House. From time to 
 time Bryan glanced for encouragement at the pale 
 face of the woman in the gallery, and when it was 
 over there was one quick glance of intelligence ; 
 both knew that their work had been well done, 
 and the woman sank back in her seat almost over- 
 come by the intensity of her satisfaction and relief. 
 
 Referring to the Democratic ideas of the Bryans, 
 a popular writer says : " They went out very 
 seldom in Washington, and then only on official 
 occasions. I never heard of Mrs. Bryan appear- 
 ing in evening dress during their Washington life, 
 don't think she ever possessed a low-cut gown, nor 
 a dress with silk linings, and Bryan surely never 
 has owned a dress suit. They never attended fash- 
 ionable dinners and certainly gave none themselves. 
 
 " The Bryans when in Washington lived in a 
 small quiet boarding-house on Capitol Hill, three 
 blocks from the Capitol itself. There was a real- 
 estate office in a part of the ground floor. During
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 105 
 
 their stay in Washington they had rooms on the 
 second floor. Mrs. Bryan always wore the simplest 
 gray, brown and black dresses made in the plainest 
 fashion. She wore no jewels because they were 
 living as economically as possible and had no 
 money to waste in such frivolity. Then Mrs. 
 Bryan's tastes did not run in that direction." 
 
 HON. ARTHUR SEWALL: 
 
 Democratic Nominee for the Vice-Presidency. 
 
 Arthur Sewall was born in Bath, Me., in 1835. 
 He bears his three score and odd years as if they 
 were but forty-five. He is of medium height, 
 rather stout build, ruddy-faced, keen-eyed, and 
 generally well preserved. 
 
 From the days he left school, early in the 
 fifties, to the present he has been devoted to ship- 
 building. His father before him, William D. 
 Sewall, opened up his shipyards in Bath, Me., in 
 1825, and from the launching of the first chubby 
 little " Diana " in that year down to the great steel 
 steamer " Dirigo" was put afloat in 1894 the house of 
 Sewall has led the country in designs for merchant 
 vessels, and to-day the house of Sewall & Sons 
 own the largest sailor merchantmen afloat. 
 
 The Sewalls are an old and well-known family, 
 on both sides of the water. The first American 
 Sewall came to this country in 1654. James
 
 106 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PAKTY. 
 
 Sewall, grandfather of the shipbuilder, fought in 
 the Revolution. He went from York, Me., to 
 Bath, in 1762, and purchased the tract ol land on 
 
 ARTHUR SEWALL. 
 
 which to this day are located the Sewall shipyards 
 and the houses of the Sewall family. 
 
 It is now seventy-one years since the Sewalls
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 107 
 
 began building ships, and during that time they 
 have owned ninety-five of them. 
 
 Arthur Sewall, the Vice-Presidential candidate, 
 who succeeded his father in the ship-building 
 industry, was at first associated with his brother 
 under the firm name of E. & A. Sewall. The 
 firm is now A. Sewall & Co. Associated with Mr. 
 Sewall are William D. Sewall, his son, and Samuel 
 S. Sewall, his nephew. The elder Sewall grew up 
 in the shipyard and on the seashore, acquiring a 
 popularity with business life and affairs which has 
 since served him well. He is in every sense a 
 uan of affairs a capitalist. There is hardly a 
 corporation in Sagadahoc County in which he is 
 not a director, whether it is bank, factory or rail- 
 road. 
 
 For nine years, ending in 1893, he was Presi- 
 dent of the Maine Central Railroad, and then 
 only resigned to place a man of his own choice in 
 the same position. He is President of the Fourth 
 National Bank of Maine. He was for years 
 prominent in the management of the Mexican 
 Central & Sonora Railroad. He was President for 
 a time of the Eastern Railroad, and is now a 
 director. In all these he has shown himself to be 
 the keen, shrewd and progressive business man. 
 Under his management the Maine Central changed 
 from a third-class iron railroad to a first-class steel 
 railroad, with every modern appliance.
 
 108 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 When the question : " Shall the steamships 'City 
 of Paris ' and ' City of New York ' be admitted to 
 American registry ?" was exciting the shipping 
 men of the country, and particularly of Bath, the 
 man who stepped forward, and speaking as the 
 largest builder of sailing ships in America, showed 
 that the admission of these vessels would be the 
 first step in the way of reviving the merchant 
 marine, convinced by sheer logic those who were 
 mosi bitterly opposed to the measure, and thus 
 made possible the indorsement of it by such men 
 as Senator Frye and Nelson Dingley. 
 
 When a few years ago he completed that mag- 
 nificent fleet of ships, of which the " Roanoke" is 
 a type, he decided, and he was the first New 
 England shipbuilder to do so, that the time of 
 wood in the ocean marine was past; that the age 
 of steel had come. After a prolonged visit to the 
 great yards in England and Ireland, he returned 
 to Bath and put up a complete modern steel 
 plant. 
 
 The part of his whole life, and that in which he 
 takes the greatest interest, is his career as a ship 
 builder and ship owner. His belief in the future 
 of American shipping has never flagged, even 
 when he saw so many of the associates of his 
 youth go out of the business. 
 
 In politics Mr. Sewall has been a life-long Demo- 
 crat. He never voted any other ticket, and for
 
 109
 
 110 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 the past eight years had been Maine's representa- 
 tive on the Democratic National Committee until 
 a few days ago, when Dr. S. II. C. Gordon suc- 
 ceeded him. He was an original Cleveland man, 
 and followed the career of the Buffalo statesman 
 up until a couple of years ago, notwithstanding 
 the fact that he shared something of the protection 
 views of the late Samuel J. Randall. Ever since 
 the Greenback victory which swept over Maine, 
 Mr. Sewall has been a close student of financial 
 questions, and this has crystallized in him to a 
 thorough belief in bimetallism and the free coin- 
 age of both silver and gold. Mr. Sewall was 
 a candidate for United States Senator against 
 Senator Eugene Hale in 1893. 
 
 It was Mr. Sewall's free-coinage proclivities 
 which led his fellow-delegates to leave him off the 
 National Committee. 
 
 In 1859 Mr. Sewall married Emily Duncan 
 Crooker, daughter of a prominent citizen of Bath. 
 Three children were born to them, Harold Sewall, 
 former Consul-General to Samoa; William Sewall, 
 a junior member of the ship-building firm, and 
 Dernmer Sewall, who died in infancy. Harold 
 Sewall was sent to Samoa at the time of the 
 Samoan. outbreak, by President Cleveland. Later 
 he became a Republican, and at the recent Con- 
 vention in St. Louis he headed a Reed Republican 
 Club fix-rn Bath,
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. Ill 
 
 NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVEN- 
 TION OF 1896. 
 
 Crowds from the city were assembled in con- 
 stantly increasing numbers at the front of the 
 Coliseum in Chicago, at eleven o'clock, July 7th, 
 1896, but all the doors were closed. The news- 
 paper men strove in vain to raise the blockade 
 so far as they were concerned. The orders of 
 the Sergeant-at-arms, stupidly conceived, and as 
 stupidly executed, kept them out until, at lost, 
 a few of them managed to effect an entrance 
 and to make the way clear for many of their 
 associates. 
 
 In the meantime, without any imaginable good 
 reason for it, delegates and alternates and persons 
 holding tickets of admission were kept out in the 
 broiling sunshine, victims of the persons " clothed 
 with a little brief authority." 
 
 Finally, at half-past eleven o'clock, there was a 
 sweeping of the human wave through the vestibule 
 of the hall the portion cut off from the rest of 
 the building and the seats began to fill up, to the 
 music of a brass band playing popular airs. 
 
 As the hour of noon drew near the sections 
 assigned to delegates were gradually occupied. 
 Occasionally a large delegation entered with 
 banners and flags, and accompanied by bands of 
 music. The Iowa delegation bore along a silk flag,
 
 112 THE DEMOCRATIC PAETY. 
 
 on which were imprinted the benevolent looking 
 features of its candidate, Horace Boies. 
 
 Cheering for "Dixie." 
 
 Another delegation was attended by a splendid 
 band, which played in succession the " Red, White 
 and Blue," " Marching Through Georgia," " Mary- 
 land, My Maryland," and "Dixie." When the 
 first strains of "Dixie" were heard, the whole 
 audience stood up and cheered enthusiastically, 
 and at that moment, as if by pre-arrangement, 
 Senator Daniel, of Virginia, appeared and took a 
 seat on the platform. 
 
 Senators Vest, of Missouri ; Lindsay, of Ken- 
 tucky, and Stewart, of Nevada, with Representa- 
 tive McMillin, of Tennessee, had at that time 
 taken seats on the platform. W. C. Whitney 
 appeared as a proxy and took his seat among the 
 New York delegates without any demonstration. 
 So did former Postmaster-General Bissell. William 
 E. Russell, of Massachusetts, also took his seat as 
 a proxy among the delegates from his State. 
 
 Senator Hill and Roswell P. Flower entered the 
 hall at half-past twelve o'clock, closely followed by 
 William F. Sheehan, and they were greeted with 
 cheers, many delegates rising to do them honor. 
 Senator Blackburn, of Kentucky, came in soon 
 afterward and was also honored with cheers. The 
 Pennsylvania delegation occupied a half dozen of
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PAKTY. 113 
 
 the front rows of seats, and was conspicuous by the 
 fact that each delegate carried in his hand a small 
 flag and wore on his breast a wide red ribbon bear- 
 ing the name " Pattison." 
 
 Opened with Prayer. 
 
 The Convention was called to order at one o clock 
 by Mr. Harrity, of Pennsylvania, Chairman of the 
 Democratic National Committee, who asked that all 
 present should arise and stand while prayer was 
 offered by the Rev. Ernst H. Stires, rector of Grace 
 Episcopal Church, Chicago, who prayed in part : 
 
 "Almighty God, the hearts of Thy people are 
 lifted in gratitude to Thee for the manifold blessings 
 Thou hast vouchsafed to our country from the dawn 
 of its independence unto this day. We thank Thee 
 for the wisdom and courage which enabled our 
 fathers to build better than they knew, for deliver- 
 ance from all dangers within and without our 
 borders, and for our unparalleled progress in times 
 of prosperity and peace. God of our fathers, 
 continue to guide and sustain Thy children. In 
 our doubts and fears and distress, we cry unto Thee 
 for help. Grant us wisdom to know among all the 
 perplexing problems of this time where lies the 
 path of honor and safety. 
 
 " Upon the great Convention now assembled in 
 Thy presence send Thy gracious blessing. May 
 its members be inspired with the most exalted 
 8
 
 114 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 patriotism, seeking no private or sectional advan- 
 tage, but only the national good, so that our united 
 and prosperous land may continue to be, in all that 
 is truest and best, an inspiration to the nations of 
 the earth. And to Thee, our God, shall we ascribe 
 all the honor and glory, forever and ever. Amen ! " 
 
 Beginning the Proceedings. 
 
 Chairman Harrity, in slow deliberate tones said : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Convention : By direction 
 of the Democratic National Committee I desire to 
 report the following as the temporary organization 
 of the Convention : Temporary chairman, David 
 B. Hill, of New York " 
 
 Then there was an outbreak of applause, which 
 lasted for two minutes. A delegate from Minnesota 
 got up to make a motion, and the Chairman, intend- 
 ing to ring for order, rang the bell for the band to 
 play, remarking as the band started up amidst 
 laughter : " I rang the wrong bell." 
 
 The rest of the temporary organization report 
 was read by Mr. Harrity : " For temporary sec- 
 retary, Simon B. Sheerin, of Indiana ; for sergeant- 
 at-arms, Colonel John I. Martin, of Missouri. 
 
 " What is the pleasure of the Convention," Mr. 
 Harrity asked, " on the report as made from the 
 Democratic National Committee ? " 
 
 Henry D. Clayton, of Alabama, advanced to the 
 platform and said :
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 115 
 
 "Gentlemen of the Democratic National Con- 
 vention On behalf of twenty-three members of 
 your National Committee, as opposed to twenty- 
 seven, and, as I believe, in accordance with the 
 wish of the great majority of this nation, I am 
 authorized to present to this Convention a minority 
 recommendation, which I shall move as a substi- 
 tute for a part of the motion made by the chairman 
 of the National Committee." 
 
 Mr. Clayton then presented this substitute for 
 the majority report : 
 
 " The undersigned members of the Democratic 
 National Committee respectfully recommend that 
 the name of Hon. John W. Daniel, of Virginia, be 
 substituted in the committee report for that of the 
 Hon. David B. Hill, of New York, and that the 
 Hon. John W. Daniel be chosen temporary chair- 
 man of this Convention." 
 
 This was signed by Henry D. Clayton, Ala- 
 bama; Mr. MacRae, Arkansas; Michael F. Tar- 
 pey, California ; C. M. Thomas, Colorado ; Samuel 
 Pasco, Florida; Clark Howell, Georgia; C. W. 
 Blair, Kansas ; Arthur Sewall, Maine ; D. J. Cam- 
 pan, Michigan; A. J. Davidson, Montana; R. P. 
 Keating, Nevada; F. H. Busbee, North Carolina; 
 William C. Zeistikow, North Dakota; M. L. Don- 
 aldson, South Carolina; P. J. Otey, Virginia; J. 
 W. Burton, Utah; W. J. Kutkendall, Wyoming; 
 C. W. Shannon, Arizona; J. L. Norris, District of
 
 116 THE DEMOCRATIC PAETY. 
 
 Columbia; H. B. Ferguson, New Mexico; F. M. 
 Richardson, Oklahoma; J. L. Owen, Indian Terri- 
 tory. 
 
 Greeted With Cheers. 
 
 Mr. Clayton concluded by demanding the call 
 of States and a roll call, and cheers and cries of 
 " Call the roll " were raised. 
 
 C. M. Thomas, of Colorado, seconded the minor- 
 ity report, and again cries of " Roll call " were 
 raised, and Mr. Harrity said : 
 
 "It might as well be understood, gentlemen, 
 that as long as the present occupant is in the 
 chair, the proceedings will be conducted in a regu- 
 lar, orderly manner," an announcement which was 
 received with general applause. 
 
 Allan McDermott, of New Jersey, was tnen 
 recognized to speak in support of the majority 
 report. Ex-Governor Waller, of Connecticut, also 
 opposed the minority report. There were no 
 abler'men, he said, and no braver Democrats than 
 the two men whose names were involved in this 
 preliminary discussion. They should be honored 
 together Senator Hill, of New York, and Senator 
 Daniel, of Virginia. Said Mr. Waller : 
 
 " You ought to elect David B. Hill as your tem- 
 porary chairman, and every man in this Conven- 
 tion, whether 16 to 1 or 1 to 16, ought to vote for 
 him. And then you ought to elect Senator Dan- 
 iel, of Virginia, as permanent chairman. And I
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 117 
 
 will vouch for it that every man in this Conven- 
 tion whom I assume specially to represent will 
 vote for Daniel and will cheer for Daniel so that 
 the reverberation of that cheer will be heard in 
 Virginia." 
 
 C. E. Waller, of Alabama, also advocated the 
 adoption of the minority report and reminded the 
 Convention that the great State of New York had 
 received the Presidential nomination for the last 
 thirty-five years. The people of the South, he 
 declared, had the highest regard and respect for 
 Senator Hill, but he wanted to know how it was 
 that the servant, the National Committee, assumed 
 to be greater than its master. 
 
 Mr. Tarpey, of California, argued that if the 
 Convention chose as its temporary chairman a 
 man who represented the anti-silver side of the 
 question it would imply a lukewarmness and 
 weakness in the Convention which the Democratic 
 Party could not afford. The choice of temporary 
 chairman would sound the keynote of the cam- 
 paign, and he wanted that keynote to be sounded 
 by a silver representative, not by a gold represent- 
 ative. 
 
 Calling the Boll. 
 
 The roll call progressed without special incident 
 until Illinois was reached. Then cheers greeted 
 the announcement of forty-eight yea votes. 
 
 When Iowa was reached the vote as announced
 
 118 THE DEMOCRATIC PABTY. 
 
 twenty-six yeas was challenged and a roll call 
 of the delegation demanded. The result was 
 nineteen yeas and seven nays. Chairman Harrity 
 stated that, as the delegation had been instructed 
 to act as a unit, the vote would be recorded as 
 twenty-six yeas. 
 
 The vote of Kentucky was also challenged on 
 the ground that the delegation had been instructed 
 to vote as a unit, and the Chair again ruled that 
 the roll might be called in order to test the accur- 
 acy of the vote. As Senator Blackburn's name 
 was called and he voted " Aye," there were cheers, 
 and demonstrations of dissent and applause when 
 two delegates voted " No." The Chairman re- 
 peated his ruling that under the unit rule the 
 whole delegation must be recorded twenty-six 
 yeas. 
 
 The chairman of the Michigan delegation an- 
 nounced that a poll of the delegation stood 12 
 ayes to 14 noes, but under the unit rule he had 
 pleasure in casting the whole 26 votes for David 
 B. Hill. A poll was demanded and resulted as 
 stated by the chairman, and Mr. Harrity again 
 ruled that the 26 votes must be cast as a unit. 
 
 Mr. Flower cast the vote of New York Senator 
 Hill not voting as 71 noes amid applause. 
 
 After the calling of the roll was completed it 
 was announced that the vote stood as follows : 
 Daniel, 556; Hill, 349.
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 119 
 
 The Chair appointed Senator Jones, of Arkansas; 
 R. P. Keating, of Nevada, and Senator White, of 
 California, the committee to escort Senator Daniel to 
 the chair. 
 
 Daniel Takes the Gavel. 
 
 The greatest demonstration of the day up to this 
 time occurred when Senator Daniel came forward. 
 Delegates stood in their chairs and yelled with 
 might and main, 
 waving canes, hand- 
 kerchiefs and flags. 
 The band aided the 
 enthusiasm by start- 
 ing up a patriotic 
 air and the delegates 
 stamped, clapped 
 and cheered with a 
 vociferousness that 
 threatened to drown 
 the efforts of the 
 
 JOHN W. DANIEL. 
 
 musicians. 
 
 Senator Daniel, on 
 taking the chair, expressed profound gratitude for 
 the honor conferred upon him, and expressed his 
 regret that his name should have been brought in 
 even the most courteous competition with his dis- 
 tinguished friend Senator Hill, who would readily 
 recognize the fact, however, that there was no per- 
 sonality in the matter.
 
 120 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 Mr. Daniel closed by announcing that the 
 National Democratic Convention was now in ses- 
 sion and would proceed to the business of organi- 
 zation. Immediately there arose cries of " Hill ! " 
 from all parts of the hall, and the sergeant-at- 
 arms was called on to restore order. Senator 
 Jones, of Arkansas, offered resolutions of thanks 
 to Chairman Harrity, which were adopted, for the 
 manner in which he had discharged his duty as 
 presiding officer. 
 
 A resolution that the rules of the Fifty-third 
 Congress govern the Convention until otherwise 
 ordered was offered by Senator White, of Califor- 
 nia, and adopted. On motion of former Governor 
 Hogg, of Texas, the roll was called, to give each 
 State and Territory an opportunity to name its 
 selections for the committees on Credentials, Per- 
 manent Organization, Rules and Order of Business 
 and Platform. Loud cries of "Hill!" were re- 
 newed before the question could be put, but the 
 New York Senator did not respond and the call 
 proceeded. 
 
 General E. B. Finley, of Ohio, in behalf of the 
 contestants from South Dakota, entered a protest 
 against any of the members whose names are now 
 accredited to South Dakota being appointed to 
 serve on committees. Chairman Daniel decided, 
 however, that the contests could be decided only 
 by reference to the Committee on Credentials, and
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 121 
 
 that the request of the contestants could not be 
 granted. 
 
 When the various committees had been ap- 
 pointed the members withdrew for organization, 
 and the Convention then, at a quarter to five 
 o'clock, adjourned until the next morning at ten 
 o'clock. 
 
 Second Day of the Convention. 
 
 The business of the Convention was to have 
 begun at ten o'clock, but punctuality is not a car- 
 dinal virtue of this Convention, and for an hour 
 after that time the thousands of spectators were 
 entertained by musical selections, interspersed with 
 cheers, by a band in the gallery back of the plat- 
 form. 
 
 There were few demonstrations for public favor- 
 ites as they entered the hall. One of them started, 
 with not much spirit, for Bryan, the " Boy Orator 
 of the Platte," who, with his fellow silver delegates 
 from Nebraska, had gained a point by the report 
 of the Committee on Credentials admitting them 
 and excluding their gold contestants. 
 
 The temporary chairman called the Convention 
 to order a few minutes before eleven o'clock and 
 announced that its proceedings would be opened 
 by prayer by the Rev. Thomas Edward Green, 
 rector of Grace Episcopal Church, Cedar Rapids, 
 Iowa. 
 
 The prayer called for " special blessing on this
 
 122 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 Convention, assembled from all over our fair land," 
 and asked that the minds of the delegates should be 
 "dominated for good, for humanity and for God," 
 and " that what they did might tell in the years to 
 come for the advancement and lifting up of our 
 human kind." 
 
 Senator White, permanent chairman-elect, re- 
 lieved Senator Daniel of the gavel and presided 
 
 over the informal pro- 
 ceedings of the Con- 
 vention which follow- 
 ed, Mr. Daniel being 
 in poor voice after 
 his exertions of yes- 
 terday. 
 
 Senator Martin, of 
 Kansas, was recog- 
 nized and moved an 
 informal recess of five 
 minutes to permit 
 Governor Hogg, of 
 Texas, to address the 
 Convention. The motion was adopted, but a stray 
 band in the gallery, out of the reach of the chair- 
 man's gavel, kept on playing " Dixie " for nearly 
 ten minutes before it could be stopped. 
 
 Governor Hogg advocated the cultivation of a 
 spirit of friendliness in order to win the victory 
 next November. Every Democrat in the United 
 
 STEPHEN N. WHITE.
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 123 
 
 States, he said, should lay aside his prejudices and 
 march with his rival brother against the common 
 enemy, the Republican Party, which was pleading 
 in glittering generalities and promising better be- 
 havior if the people would only try them again. 
 
 If Democrats only united they could carry con- 
 sternation, disaster and defeat into the Republican 
 ranks. In condemning the Republican Party for 
 its declaration in regard to gold and silver, Gov- 
 ernor Hogg exclaimed, in tones of indignation : 
 " Are you Americans or are you truckling syco- 
 phants, winning smiles from foreign crowns ? " 
 
 Governor Hogg's " five minutes " were stretched 
 into half an hour, but still there were no tiding* 
 from the Committee on Credentials, and amid vo- 
 ciferous cries for Hill, who was not present, the 
 Chair recognized Senator-elect Money, of Missis- 
 sippi, who moved that Senator Blackburn, of Ken- 
 tucky, be invited to the stand. 
 
 Mr. Blackburn, the first pronounced candidate 
 to be heard, was received with tumultuous ap- 
 plause. He said the Democratic Party had opened 
 the campaign in splendid style. They had swept 
 over the skirmish line, and their further duty was 
 plain. 
 
 " Let us declare," he said, " we are to promul- 
 gate a platform that shall not obscure or deflect 
 public attention from the one great issue upon 
 which the campaign is to turn; that we mean to
 
 124 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 unlock the doors of the mint and put silver back 
 where it was before. Let us declare further that 
 we do not approve the issue of interest-bearing 
 bonds in time of peace, or of giving the option of 
 purchase to the man holding the obligation, and 
 that we oppose the retirement of the greenbacks." 
 
 Governor Altgeld, of Illinois, was then called 
 for, and, rising in the body of the hall, indicated a 
 desire to give way to Senator Hill, but the Chair 
 stated that Mr. Hill was engaged with the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions. 
 
 The band once more struck up to kill time, and 
 Governor Altgeld was again called in requisition 
 as a stop gap. His swarthy visage as it appeared 
 alongside the chairman was greeted with cheers, 
 to w r hich he responded by saying he did not come 
 here to make a speech, but to assist in nominating 
 a President and preparing a platform which 
 should bring hope to the people. 
 
 He was listened to with attention as he pro- 
 ceeded to discuss the cause of the existing condi- 
 tions of distress, which he summarized as the 
 combined action of the moneyed interests of the 
 world to make money dear and property and labor 
 cheap. 
 
 Governor Altgeld moved at twenty-three min- 
 utes of two o'clock that the Convention take a 
 recess till five o'clock. The proposition was met 
 with loud shouts of disapproval. Thereupon Sen-
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PAETY. 125 
 
 ator White stated it had become manifest that 
 there would be no report from the Committee on 
 Credentials for some time, and the motion just 
 made was the result of that fact. 
 
 The Convention re-assembled at a quarter after 
 five o'clock, with a full attendance of delegates 
 and with crowded galleries. Senator Daniel was 
 in the chair as temporary chairman. The section 
 assigned to the New York delegation was an 
 exception to the general rule, very few members 
 of the delegation being present. Senator Hill, 
 ex-Governor Flower and Mr. Whitney were con- 
 spicuously absent. 
 
 Senator Hill, followed by many members of the 
 New York delegation, came into the hall at 
 twenty minutes to six o'clock, and was immedi- 
 ately recognized and greeted with cheers and 
 shouts of "Hill! Hill!" No notice of this 
 demonstration was taken by him. 
 
 The chief feature of the proceedings was the 
 test vote on the adoption of a report from the 
 Committee on Credentials to seat the silver dele- 
 gates from Michigan instead of the gold delegates, 
 who claimed they had been regularly elected. A 
 minority report was presented, and the roll was 
 called amid great confusion. 
 
 When New York's seventy-two votes were 
 announced as in favor of the minority report a 
 tumultous wave of cheering broke over the assem-
 
 126 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 bly. The first efforts of the chairmaii to repress 
 the manifestation by the use of his gavel were met 
 by a counter demonstration on the part of the 
 gold delegates, who, rising and turning their backs 
 to the chairman and their faces to the immense 
 crowds in the galleries, waved hats and handker- 
 chiefs, and stood on their chairs and gesticulated. 
 
 The galleries, evidently strongly anti-silver in 
 sentiment, were not slow to respond, and unearthly 
 sounds from fifteen thousand throats filled even 
 the vast space of the great hall. The Tammany 
 yell was plainly heard in every temporary lull. 
 The band tried in vain to compete with the babel 
 of noise. Every rap of the Chairman's gavel only 
 seemed to start it again as it began to quiet down. 
 Shouts for Hill, loud calls and shrill whistles added 
 to the confusion. Then the silver men began to 
 hiss and stamp their feet, and this made matters 
 infinitely worse. 
 
 Senator Daniel's powerful voice, much worn 
 with its service yesterday, called the next State, 
 " North Carolina." " North Carolina declines to 
 vote till she can be heard," replied the chairman 
 of the delegation. 
 
 State Chairman Hinkley, Hugh J. Grant and 
 other prominent New Yorkers vainly tried to stop 
 the demonstration. It went on uninterrupted for 
 fifteen minutes, and was barely silenced when the 
 roll call was resumed. When Pennsylvania was
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 127 
 
 reached, and Chairman Harrity, mounted on a 
 chair, said : " Pennsylvania casts her sixty-four 
 votes aye," an attempt was made to renew the 
 demonstration, but it died away in a few se- 
 conds, spectators and delegates being almost tired 
 out. 
 
 The vote resulted in the rejection of the minority 
 report by yeas, 368; nays, 558; absent, 4. 
 
 " The noes have it," said the chairman, " and the 
 amendment is lost." It was now the silver men's 
 turn, and they yelled and waved hats and handker- 
 chiefs and displayed Bland pictures, and made the 
 night hideous for nearly as long as the gold men, 
 the galleries impartially assisting. 
 
 The report of the Committee on Permanent 
 Organization was then presented by Mr. Finley, of 
 Ohio, naming Senator White, of California, as per- 
 manent president of the Convention, and Thomas 
 J. Cogan, of Ohio, as permanent secretary. The 
 Convention then adjourned until Thursday at ten 
 o'clock. 
 
 Third Day of the Convention. 
 
 The day began with thousands clamoring for 
 entrance to the Coliseum, where it was felt that 
 political history was to be made. It was known 
 that the Populist free-silver majority in the Con- 
 vention would adopt the revolutionary platform 
 which had been agreed upon by the majority of 
 the Committee on Resolutions. The only ques-
 
 128 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 tion was how the protest of sound-money Dem- 
 ocrats would be received. 
 
 Senator Jones, of Arkansas, chairman of the 
 
 Committee on Reso- 
 lutions, let the plat- 
 form as reported by 
 the majority speak 
 for itself. Most of 
 the time was taken 
 up by Senator Till- 
 man, of South Caro- 
 lina. He offered 
 an amendment in 
 denunciation of 
 President Cleve- 
 land, and made it 
 the basis for one of 
 his familiar har- 
 angues. Populistic 
 
 and undemocratic as were a majority of the dele- 
 gates, tney seemed to have little sympathy with 
 Tillman. 
 
 The case for the minority was presented by 
 Senator Hill with conspicuous ability and adroit- 
 ness. He spoke for Democracy unsectional and 
 uncontaminated by Populism. His analysis of the 
 platform was keen and his arraignment of its 
 abandonment of Democratic principles was pointed. 
 In spite of the unpopularity of the cause he was
 
 121, 
 
 advocating with a majority of the delegates, Sen- 
 ator Hill IT speech made a marked impression. 
 
 The sensational incident of the day was the 
 stampede caused by Bryan, of Nebraska. In 
 supporting the majority report, he interpreted 
 accurately the spirit which dominated the dele- 
 gates from the South and West. They saw their 
 confused ideas set forth by a skillful orator, and 
 they made Bryan the hero of the hour. The 
 demonstration which followed Bryan's speech was 
 an extraordinary one. It made hirn at one bound 
 a leading candidate for the nomination. 
 
 The platform as reported by the majority was 
 adopted by a vote which showed that the free- 
 silver extremists had a two-thirds majority. 
 
 Previous to this, an amendment to the financial 
 plank was offered, which declared for the gold 
 standard. It was rejected by a vote of 626 to 303. 
 An amendment to indorse the administration was 
 also rejected by a vote of 564 to 357. The 
 majority report was then adopted by a vote of 
 628 to 301. 
 
 Here is the full text of the Democratic National 
 Platform, as finally agreed upon by the Committee 
 on Resolutions and adopted by the Convention : 
 
 We, the Democrats of die United States, i/i 
 National Convention assembled, do reaffirm our 
 allegiance to those great essential principles of 
 justice and liberty upon which our institutions are 
 
 9
 
 130 THE DEMOCRATIC PAETY. 
 
 founded, and which the Democratic Party has 
 advocated from Jefferson's time to our own free- 
 dom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of 
 conscience, the preservation of personal rights, the 
 equality of all citizens before the law and the 
 faithful observance of constitutional limitations. 
 
 During all these years the Democratic Party has 
 resisted the tendency of selfish interests to the 
 centralization of governmental power and stead- 
 fastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme 
 of government established by the founders of this 
 Republic of Republics. Under its guidance and 
 teachings the great principle of local self-govern- 
 ment has found its best expression in the main- 
 tenance of the rights of the States and in its 
 assertion of the necessity of confining the General 
 Government to the exercise of powers granted by 
 the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 Civil and Religious Liberty. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States guarantees 
 to every citizen the rights of civil and religious 
 liberty. The Democratic Party has always been 
 the exponent of political liberty and religious free- 
 dom, and it renews its obligations and reaffirms its 
 devotion to these fundamental principles of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 Act of 1873 Denounced. 
 
 Recognizing that the money question is para- 
 mount to all others at this time, we invite attention 
 to the fact that the Constitution names silver and 
 gold together as the money metals of the United 
 States, and that the first coinage law passed by
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 13} 
 
 Congress under the Constitution made the silver 
 dollar the money unit and admitted gold to free 
 coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar unit. 
 We declare that the Act of 1873, demonetizing 
 silver, without the knowledge or approval of the 
 American people, has resulted in the appreciation 
 of gold and a corresponding fall in the prices of 
 commodities produced by the people, a heavy 
 increase in the burden of taxation and of all debts, 
 public and private ; the enrichment of the money- 
 lending class at home and abroad, the prostration 
 of industry and impoverishment of the people. 
 
 Monometallism Un-American. 
 
 We are unalterably opposed to monometallism, 
 which has locked fast the prosperity of an indus- 
 trial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold 
 monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption 
 has brought other nations into financial servitude 
 to London. It is not only un- American, but anti- 
 American, and it can ba fastened on the United 
 States only by the stifling of that spirit and love 
 of liberty which proclaimed our political independ- 
 ence in 1776 and won it in the war of the Revolu- 
 tion. 
 
 We demand the free and unlimited coinage of 
 both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 1G 
 tj 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any 
 other nation. We demand that the standard 
 silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally 
 with gold, for al], debts, public and private, and we 
 favor such legislation as will prevent for the future 
 the demonetization of any kind of legal money by 
 private contract.
 
 132 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 Bond Issues Condemned. 
 
 We are opposed to the policy and practice of 
 surrendering to the holders of the obligations of 
 the United States the option reserved by law to 
 the government of redeeming such obligations in 
 either silver coin or gold coin. 
 
 We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bear- 
 ing bonds of the United States in times of peace, 
 and condemn the trafficking with banking syndi- 
 cates which, in exchange for bonds and at an 
 enormous profit to themselves, supply the Federal 
 Treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold 
 monometallism. 
 
 National Bank Notes Denounced. 
 
 Congress alone has the power to coin and issue 
 money, and President Jackson declared that this 
 power could not be delegated to corporations or 
 individuals. 
 
 We therefore denounce the issuance of notes 
 intended to circulate as money by national banks 
 as in derogation of the Constitution, and we de- 
 mand that all paper which is made a legal tender 
 for public and private debts, or which is receivable 
 for duties to the United States, shall be issued by 
 the Government of the United States and shall be 
 redeemable in coin. 
 
 McKinley Law Denounced. 
 
 We hold that tariff duties shall be levied for 
 
 purposes of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted 
 
 as to operate equally throughout the country and 
 
 not discriminate between class or section, and that
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 133 
 
 taxation should be limited by the needs of the 
 government honestly and economically adminis- 
 tered. We denounce as disturbing to business the 
 Republican threat to restore the McKinley law, 
 which has twice been condemned by the people in 
 national elections, and which, enacted under the 
 false plea of protection to home industry, proved 
 a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched 
 the few at the expense of the many, restricted 
 trade and deprived the producers of the great 
 American staples of access to their natural markets. 
 
 Supreme Court Attacked. 
 Until the money question is settled we are op- 
 posed to any agitation for further changes in our 
 tariff laws, except such as are necessary to meet 
 the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse deci- 
 sion of the Supreme Court on the income tax. 
 But for this decision by the Supreme Court there 
 would be no deficit in the revenue under the law 
 passed by a Democratic Congress in strict pursu- 
 ance of the uniform decisions of that Court for 
 nearly one hundred years, that Court having in 
 that decision sustained constitutional objections to 
 its enactment which had previously been over- 
 ruled by the ablest judges who have ever sat on 
 that bench. We declare that it is the duty of 
 Congress to use all the constitutional power which 
 remains after that decision, or which may come 
 from its reversal by the court, as it may hereafter 
 be constituted, so that the burdens of taxation may 
 be equally and impartially laid, to the end that 
 wealth may bear its due proportion of the ex- 
 penses of the government.
 
 134 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 Prevent Pauper Immigration. 
 We hold that the most efficient way of protect- 
 ing American labor is to prevent the importation 
 of foreign pauper labor to compete with it in the 
 home market, and that the value of the home 
 market to our American farmers and artisans is 
 greatly reduced by a vicious monetary system 
 which depresses the prices of their products below 
 the cost of production, and thus deprives them of 
 the means of purchasing the products of our home 
 manufactures, and as labor creates the wealth of 
 the country, we demand the passage of such laws 
 as may be necessary to protect it in all its rights. 
 
 Arbitration. 
 
 We are in favor of the arbitration of differences 
 between employers engaged in inter-state commerce 
 and their employes, and recommend such legis- 
 lation as is necessary to carry out this principle. 
 
 Transportation Questions. 
 
 The absorption of wealth by the few, the con- 
 solidation of our leading railroad systems and the 
 formation of trusts and pools require a stricter con- 
 trol by the Federal Government of these arteries 
 of commerce. We demand the enlargement of 
 the powers of the Inter-state Commerce Commis- 
 sion, and such restrictions and guarantees in the 
 control of railroads as will protect the people from 
 robbery and oppression. 
 
 We denounce the profligate waste of the money 
 wrung from the people by oppressive taxation and 
 the lavish appropriations of recent Republican
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 135 
 
 Congresses, which have kept taxes high, while the 
 labor that pays them is unemployed, and the 
 products of the people's toil are depressed in price 
 till they no longer repay the cost of production. 
 
 We demand a return to that simplicity and eco- 
 nomy which befit a Democratic government, and 
 a reduction in the number of useless offices, the 
 salaries of which drain the substance of the people. 
 
 Contempt of Court Bill Indorsed. 
 We denounce arbitrary interference by federal 
 authorities in local affairs as a violation of the 
 Constitution of the United States and a crime 
 against free institutions, and we especially object 
 to government by injunction as a new and highly 
 dangerous form of oppression by which federal 
 judges, in contempt of the laws of the States and 
 rights of citizens, become at once legislators, judges 
 and executioners, and we approve the bill passed 
 at the last session of the United States Senate, 
 and now pending in the House of Representatives, 
 relative to contempts in federal courts and pro- 
 viding for trials by jury in certain cases of contempt. 
 
 Pacific Railroad Funding Bill. 
 No discrimination should be indulged by the 
 Government of the United States in favor of any 
 of its debtors. We approve of the refusal of the 
 Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad 
 Funding Bill and denounce the efforts of the present 
 Republican Congress to enact a similar measure. 
 
 Pensions. 
 
 Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union 
 soldiers, we heartily indorse the rule of the pre-
 
 136 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 sent Commissioner of Pensions that no names 
 shall be arbitrarily dropped from the pension roll ; 
 and the fact of enlistment and service should be 
 deemed conclusive evidence against disease and 
 disability before enlistment. 
 
 Favor Admission of New States. 
 
 We favor the admission of the Territories of 
 New Mexico, Oklahoma and Arizona into the 
 Union as States, and we favor the early admission 
 of all the Territories having the necessary popula- 
 tion and resources to entitle them to Statehood, 
 and while they remain Territories we hold that 
 the officials appointed to administer the govern- 
 ment of any Territory, together with the District 
 of Columbia and Alaska, should be bona fide resi- 
 dents of the Territory or District in which the 
 duties are to be performed. The Democratic 
 Party believes in Home Rule, and that all public 
 lands of the United States should be appropriated 
 to the establishment of free homes for American 
 citizens. 
 
 We recommend that the Territory of Alaska be 
 granted a Delegate in Congress, and that the gen- 
 eral land and timber laws of the United States be 
 extended to said Territory. 
 
 Monroe Doctrine to be Upheld. 
 
 The Monroe Doctrine, as originally declared and 
 as interpreted by succeeding Presidents, is a per- 
 manent part of the foreign policy of the United 
 States, and must at all times be maintained. 
 
 We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba 
 in their heroic struggle for liberty and independence.
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 137 
 
 Civil Service Laws. 
 
 We are opposed to life-tenure in the public ser- 
 vice. We favor appointments based upon merit, 
 fixed terms of office, and such an administration 
 of the Civil Service laws as will afford equal 
 opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness. 
 
 No Third Term. 
 
 We declare it to be the unwritten law of this 
 Republic, established by custom and usage of 100 
 years and sanctioned by the examples of the 
 greatest and wisest of those who founded and have 
 maintained our government, that no man should 
 be eligible for a third term of the Presidential office. 
 
 For Internal Improvements. 
 
 The Federal Government should care for and 
 improve the Mississippi River and other great 
 waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for the 
 interior States easy and cheap transportation to 
 tidewater. When any waterway of the Republic 
 is of sufficient importance to demand aid of the 
 government, such aid should be extended upon a 
 definite plan of continuous work until permanent 
 improvement is secured. 
 
 Confiding in the justice of our cause and the 
 necessity of its success at the polls, we submit the 
 foregoing declarations of principles and purposes 
 to the considerate judgment of the American peo- 
 ple. We invite the support of all citizens who 
 approve them and who desire to have them made 
 effective through legislation for the relief of the 
 people and the restoration of the country's pros- 
 perity.
 
 138 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 The Fourth Day's Session. 
 
 The people began gathering in the great Coliseum 
 in anticipation of a renewal of the exciting inci- 
 dents of the day before, but the legions who were 
 to do the fighting came slowly. 
 
 It was after midnight when the fighting ceased, 
 and many of the leaders had been in counsel all 
 night. There were clans to be marshalled, broken 
 lines to be reformed, strategy to be devised, booms 
 to be fostered and booms to be checked. The 
 leaders hardly got a wink of sleep, while the rank 
 and file of the delegates slept like weary battle- 
 battered soldiers on their arms. 
 
 They came back to the field, hardly refreshed, 
 but still full of fight and resolution. The gold 
 men took their places, such of them as came, sul- 
 lenly and bitterly. The extent of the revolt in the 
 East against the platform adopted, and the refusal 
 of the Eastern gold delegations and that of Wis- 
 consin, headed by that scarred political veteran, 
 General Bragg, "who loved Cleveland for the 
 enemies he had made," came home with a realizing 
 sense to the silver leaders, and they planned with 
 skill to prevent their followers from being carried 
 away by their emotions. 
 
 The action of the gold men made it vital that 
 the man to carry the banner of the new creed should 
 be able to rally to his back all the silver elements.
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 139 
 
 The leaders came in quietly. Mr. Whitney 
 walked in with a group of the New York delega- 
 tion, but it was announced that Senator Hill, like 
 Achilles, sulked in his tent. New England dele- 
 gations, generally, were thin. The battle had 
 gone against them, and they appeared only to 
 hesitate as to whether they should remain, silent 
 and mute, when they were asked to participate in 
 the nomination of a candidate on a platform to 
 which they could not be reconciled, or to physically 
 withdraw from the convention. 
 
 At 10.57, Chairman White, of California, who 
 had recovered the use of his voice, stepped to the 
 front of the stage. Running his eye for a couple 
 of seconds over the acres of people, he glanced 
 down to the battered delegations, and with every 
 whack of the gavel called the convention to 
 order. With shuffling feet the vast audience 
 arose and listened to the Rev. Dr. Green, the 
 chaplain, petition the Throne for righteousness 
 and peace. 
 
 When the roll of delegates was called old con- 
 vention pressmen marvelled to hear Allan W. 
 Thurman, a son of the "Old Roman," cast his 
 vote for McLean, who, during the life of his father, 
 had been one of his bitter opponents. The call 
 showed 40 of Ohio's vote for McLean, 2 for Bland, 
 1 for Bryan and 2 for Pattison. There was one 
 absentee. Under the unit rule the 46 votes of
 
 140 THE DEMOCRATIC PAETY. 
 
 the State were counted for McLean. Oregon cast 
 her 8 votes for Pennoyer. 
 
 Pennsylvania cast her 64 votes for Pattison 
 amid the cheers of the galleries ; South Carolina 
 17 of her votes for Tillman, while the crowds 
 hissed. A big row occurred when Wisconsin was 
 called. General Bragg announced he was in^ 
 structed by the majority of the Wisconsin delega- 
 tion to cast no vote. 
 
 One of the silver delegates challenged this, and 
 insisted on a call of the roll of the State. The 
 result was that 19 delegates refused to vote; 1 
 voted for Blackburn and 4 for Bland. Senator- 
 elect Money, of Mississippi, made the point of 
 order that instructions to a delegation to vote as a 
 unit could not stifle the will of any who desired to 
 vote. General Bragg climbed on one of the chairs 
 of the Ohio delegation to protest, but the mad- 
 dened Buckeyes ordered him down. New York 
 and Vermont offered him a chair in their delega- 
 tions. 
 
 General Bragg made his statement as to the 
 return of the Wisconsin delegation, and was 
 replied to from the platform by Delegate Dock- 
 erey, one of the silver Hotspurs from Wisconsin. 
 He aroused great enthusiasm by declaring that if 
 Wisconsin's will was stifled here, it would be heard 
 for silver in November. 
 
 The silver-tongued Tammany orator, ex-Senator
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 141 
 
 Grady, made a fiery protest against a ruling, 
 which, he contended, would practically abrogate 
 the unit rule. The delegates grew still as Senator 
 White, the chairman, finally ruled that unit rule 
 instructions did not contemplate the refusal of 
 delegations to vote. He ruled that all such voters 
 would be considered absentees, but that every del- 
 egate present who desired to vote had the right to 
 have his vote registered. This ruling was loudly 
 cheered, as it blazed the way for an ultimate rul- 
 ing that the two-thirds required to nominate 
 within the meaning of the rule were two-thirds of 
 the votes cast, according to precedent. 
 
 When the second roll was begun, it furnished a 
 satisfaction at the outset, for Alabama shifted her 
 twenty-two votes from the Bland camp to Bryan, 
 and the young Nebraskan's friends waved their 
 handkerchiefs. 
 
 Bryan gained three in the California delegation 
 on a poll. Close Colorado's for Teller were again 
 hissed and cheered. Vice-President Stevenson 
 captured one of Bland's votes in Florida. Three 
 Maine men, who declined to vote, asked a call of 
 the State roll, but the chair refused. One Massa- 
 chusetts man, who refrained from voting on the 
 first call, came in for Matthews. Under the unit 
 rule Michigan's twenty-eight went for Bryan. 
 Bland gained two in Montana and McLean three 
 in Nevada. Two New Jersey men, who had atx
 
 142 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 stained on the first ballot, came to Pattison. Si- 
 lence followed the call of New York. 
 
 South Carolina gave up her Senator and brought 
 her votes into Bryan's column amid much enthu- 
 siasm, Tillman speaking of Bryan as the emanci- 
 pator of the white slave. Virginia abandoned 
 Blackburn to turn her twenty-four votes to Bland. 
 Wyoming changed her six votes from Blackburn 
 to Bryan. John McLean lost four in the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, and Bryan captured three of 
 them. 
 
 The name of Minnesota on the second call 
 brought a shout from Daniel Lawler : "Minnesota 
 on this and every other ballot, present and not 
 voting." 
 
 The turning of the tide toward Bryan, of Ne- 
 braska, was alarming the managers of wheel horses 
 so that these gentlemen skirmished about earnestly 
 among their followers and invaded alien camps 
 while the band discoursed a solemn air to give the 
 clerk another opportunity to practice addition. 
 
 In the meantime many voices from the galleries 
 called, " Hurrah for Bryan ! " and one shouter 
 called, " What is the matter with Bryan ? " being 
 answered by many voices, " He's all right ! " 
 
 Then the chairman of the California delegation 
 called that under instructions he desired to an- 
 nounce a change in the vote of California. Four- 
 teen, of the Yotcs were for Bryan, a change of ten,
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 143 
 
 the losers being Blackburn and Matthews, and 
 thereupon the calls of Bryan were renewed. 
 
 It will be seen from the following table that 
 Bryan was nominated on the 5th ballot : 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 Bryan, . . 
 
 119 
 
 190 
 
 219 
 
 280 
 
 500 
 
 Bland, . . . 
 
 235 
 
 283 
 
 291 
 
 241 
 
 106 
 
 Pattison, . . 
 
 95 
 
 100 
 
 97 
 
 97 
 
 95 
 
 Matthews, . . 
 
 37 
 
 33 
 
 34 
 
 36 
 
 31 
 
 Boies, . . . 
 
 85 
 
 41 
 
 36 
 
 33 
 
 26 
 
 Stevenson, . . 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 Hill, . . . 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 122 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Turpie, . . . 
 
 X 
 
 x 
 
 x 
 
 x 
 
 1 
 
 McLean, . . 
 
 54 
 
 53 
 
 54 
 
 46 
 
 x 
 
 Blackburn, 
 
 83 
 
 41 
 
 27 
 
 27 
 
 x 
 
 Pennoyer, 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 x 
 
 x 
 
 X 
 
 Teller, . . . 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 x 
 
 x 
 
 X 
 
 Russell, . . 
 
 2 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 
 Campbell, . . 
 
 1 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 
 Tillman, . . 
 
 17 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 
 X 
 
 In the fifth official ballot, as announced, Bryan 
 received 500 votes. Changes were made there- 
 after giving him more than the necessary 512 votes. 
 
 On the fifth and last day of the Convention, 
 Hon. Arthur Sewall, of Maine, was nominated for 
 Vice-President. 
 
 When Mr. Sewall, the millionaire shipbuilder, 
 was nominated, there was another uproar around 
 the great Convention hall. That was the only 
 impressive demonstration of the day, save when
 
 144 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 Gov. Flower announced that New York refused to 
 vote. 
 
 In spite of the fact that the Convention had 
 repudiated President Cleveland, his portrait was 
 allowed to hang beside the other great leaders of 
 the Democracy. More than two hundred dele- 
 gates bore witness for the President by declining 
 to take part in the proceedings. And the Con- 
 vention ended as it began, with the strains of 
 " Dixie." 
 
 Not more than a third of the hall was occupied. 
 The delirium was over, and to some extent the 
 enthusiasm also. Pretty women sat among the 
 delegates. There was plenty of room for them on 
 the main floor, for sound-money men had scat- 
 tered. Spears of sunlight touched the audience 
 here and there. Great stretches of unpainted 
 chairs indicated a listlessness of the public. 
 
 The Convention then adjourned, and soon the 
 hall was empty.
 
 National Convention of the Prohibition Party, 
 
 E seventh National Convention of the Prohi- 
 bition Party was called to order in Pitts- 
 burg, May 27, 1896, in the Exposition Hall. 
 There was quite a large attendance, abundantly 
 significant of the growth of the party since its 
 inception in 1869, when it cast barely seven thou- 
 sand votes, down to the last Presidential cam- 
 paign, when the total vote cast was nearly 280,- 
 000. 
 
 H. L. Castle, chairman of the Committee on 
 Reception, delivered an address of welcome. Sam- 
 uel Dickie, of Michigan, chairman of the National 
 Committee, the gentleman who, with the utmost 
 suavity and courtesy, let down a little avalanche 
 of proxies upon his " broad gauge " or free silver 
 opponents, thereby securing the temporary organi- 
 zation of the Convention, responded to the address 
 of welcome. 
 
 At the opening of the formal proceedings, when 
 Mr. Dickie presented the name of A. A. Stevens, 
 of Tyrone, Pa., as temporary chairman, the rebel- 
 lion of the free silver minority broke out. 
 
 Chauncey W. Dunn, of California, nominated 
 
 10 145
 
 146 CONVENTION OF THE PKOHIBITION PAKTY. 
 
 Edward J. Wheeler as the temporary chairman in 
 place of Stevens. Mr. Dickie ruled the motion 
 out of order, and ordered Mr. Dunn to take his 
 seat. Mr. Dunn refused to do so for some time, 
 and a scene of uproar ensued. 
 
 Mr. Dunn appealed from the decision of the 
 Chair, and Mr. Dickie refused to entertain the 
 appeal. 
 
 Mr. Dickie repeated his ruling that the nomina- 
 tion of Mr. Wheeler was out of order, and again 
 refused to entertain an appeal from this decision, 
 whereupon Mr. Dunn declared that all parlia- 
 mentary precedent had been violated, and former 
 Governor St. John, of Kansas, took up the discus- 
 sion with no better result. He was followed by 
 Mr. Woodbey, a colored delegate from Nebraska, 
 and confusion continued. 
 
 Chairman Stevens ordered the colored man to 
 be seated. 
 
 "I shall not sit down," shouted Woodbey. 
 
 " Then," said Mr. Stevens, " I shall order you 
 to be removed from the Convention." 
 
 Mr. Woodbey continued his rebellion by stand- 
 ing on his chair and shouting at the top of his 
 voice, and Mr. McWhirter, of Indiana, came to the 
 rescue of the Chair by asserting that Mr. Wood- 
 bey was not even entitled to the floor as a dele- 
 gate. 
 
 Then the band was called upon to drown the
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 147 
 
 uproar and to give the chairman time to recover 
 his composure, considerably disturbed. Mean- 
 while, half the Convention was walking the floor, 
 and a squad of policemen were ushered into the 
 hall to keep order. 
 
 Mr. Wheeler, of New York, the gentleman 
 named in the minority report as temporary chair- 
 man, rose, and, for the sake of harmony, withdrew 
 his name, although protesting against what he 
 called an arbitrary and unjust rule. 
 
 Then, at last, Temporary Chairman Stevens was 
 permitted to deliver his opening address, at the 
 close of which a recess was taken. 
 
 A caucus of three hundred " narrow gauge " del- 
 egates, who favored confining the action of the Con- 
 vention to taking a stand upon prohibition alone, 
 was held during the recess. The caucus adopted 
 a resolution, declining to support any issue which 
 could not command a three-fourths vote of the 
 Convention. The New York State delegates in 
 caucus decided by a vote of 79 against 15 to stand 
 for " narrow gauge," which meant " prohibition " 
 simply. 
 
 At a caucus of the " broad gaugers " a call of 
 the roll of delegates present showed their strength 
 to be but 355 votes, about one-third of the total 
 vote of the Convention. The " broad gauge " 
 leaders heretofore claimed that they would count 
 upward of 700 votes.
 
 148 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY- 
 
 Broad Gangers Win. 
 
 When the Convention re-assembled in the after- 
 noon the Committee on Credentials reported 810 
 delegates present. A resolution pledging the Con- 
 vention not to abate its relentless war on the 
 licensed rum power was ordered telegraphed to 
 various religious bodies then in conference ; also to 
 Congress, and to Miss Frances Willard and Lady 
 Somerset, in England. 
 
 Mrs. Helen Gougar, chairman of the Committee 
 on Permanent Organization, reported the name of 
 Oliver W. Stewart, of Illinois, one of the broad 
 gangers, as permanent chairman. 
 
 Mr. Ferguson, of New York, presented a minor- 
 ity report on behalf of the narrow gauge men, 
 recommending the continuance of Mr. A. A. 
 Stevens in the chair as the permanent chairman. 
 A tangle over a point of order threw the Conven- 
 tion into a scene of confusion, which lasted for 
 more than half an hour. 
 
 Much ill feeling developed, and Chairman Stevens 
 himself was for a long time refused a hearing, but 
 when at last he gained the attention of the dis- 
 turbing elements, he said that though he believed 
 he had been put forward as a representative of the 
 element in the Convention which believed in pro- 
 hibition and non-divisive issues, and though he 
 believed, on a call of the States, he would be sus-
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 149 
 
 tained, he desired to withdraw his name. This 
 announcement was received with cheers, and the 
 majority report of the committee was then adopted, 
 and Mr. Stewart was escorted to the chair. 
 
 A motion made by Mrs. Gougar to hold a mass 
 meeting at night, in lieu of a business session, was 
 carried, after considerable opposition, and the Con- 
 vention adjourned until next morning at nine 
 o'clock. 
 
 The second was the most exciting day of the 
 Prohibitionists' Convention, and a split in the 
 party resulted. The test of strength on the first 
 day made the " broad gauge," or free silver men, 
 believe they had a good working majority. On the 
 adoption of a free silver plank, however, they were 
 defeated by a vote of 427 to 388. 
 
 This victorious showing meant the nomination 
 of Joshua Levering, a millionaire tea importer, of 
 Baltimore, for President. When the Convention 
 nominated him the Western delegates bolted. 
 They went to another hall, where they held a con- 
 vention of their own. This did not scare the 
 " narrow gangers," who remained in their seats 
 and proceeded with the nomination of a candidate 
 for Vice-President. The Convention hall was the 
 scene of bitter strife from the time the Committee 
 on Resolutions reported until the silver men and 
 women bolted. After the platform had been read 
 ex-Governor St. John, of Kansas, offered a minor-
 
 150 CONVENTION OP THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 
 
 ity report. It declared for free silver at a ratio of 
 16 to 1. 
 
 When a motion was made to add it to the 
 majority report there was a rumble that shook the 
 rafters of the Exposition Building. It was the 
 most excited gathering ever held in Pittsburg, and 
 the police were powerless to preserve order. Men 
 and women stood on chairs and hurled vindictive 
 comments at the head of the chairman, who was 
 pounding vigorously for order. Finally one dele- 
 gate was recognized and moved to table the report. 
 Then the silverites broke out, and their voices 
 drowned the yells of the Eastern men. When the 
 chairman declared the motion to table had carried, 
 the excitement became worse. Delegates rushed 
 frantically from one end of the hall to the other, 
 and there was much confusion. A division was 
 demanded, and the roll was called. It was then 
 found that the "narrows" had thirty-nine majority, 
 and the Convention was on record against silver. 
 The Western men did not give up, and carried the 
 fight into the last ditch. 
 
 They went back to the hall in the evening and 
 started in to defeat the nomination of Levering. 
 In this they were unsuccessful. When they saw 
 the Convention would have nothing to do with 
 free silver they rallied and left the hall in disgust. 
 
 This is the platform adopted : 
 
 " The Prohibition party in National Convention
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 151 
 
 assembled declares its firm convictions that the 
 manufacture, exportation, importation and sale of 
 alcoholic beverages, has produced such social, com- 
 mercial, industrial, political wrongs, and is now so 
 threatening the perpetuity of all our social and 
 political institutions, that the suppression of the 
 same by a national party, organized therefor, is the 
 greatest object to be accomplished by the voters of 
 our country ; is of such importance that it, of 
 right, ought to control the political action of all 
 our patriotic citizens, until such suppression is 
 accomplished. The urgency of this cause demands 
 the union without further delay of all citizens 
 who desire the prohibition of the liquor traffic. 
 Therefore be it 
 
 "Resolved-, That we favor the legal prohibition 
 by State and national legislation of the manufac- 
 ture, importation, exportation, interstate trans- 
 portation and sale of alcoholic beverages. 
 
 " That we declare our purpose to organize and 
 unite all the friends of prohibition into our party, 
 and in order to accomplish this end we deem it 
 but right to leave every prohibitionist the freedom 
 of his own convictions Upon all other political 
 questions, and trust our representatives to take 
 such action upon other political questions as the 
 changes occasioned by prohibition and the welfare 
 of the whole people shall demand." 
 
 The Convention closed in such an outburst of
 
 152 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PAKTY. 
 
 enthusiasm as has never been seen in a Prohibition 
 Party Convention. Nearly a thousand delegates 
 threw up their hats and yelled themselves hoarse 
 over the platform, and the candidates of the con- 
 vention, Hon. Joshua Levering, of Maryland, and 
 Hale Johnson, of Illinois. The platform was of 
 such breadth that there was abundant room for 
 every enemy of the saloon to stand upon it, but 
 for nobody else. There was room enough for the 
 delegates to jump up and down, and they did it. 
 Sore-throat medicine was in great demand, and 
 jubilant delegates who were not obliged to leave 
 on night trains were holding love-feasts in the 
 corridors of the various hotels. 
 
 It was after 10 o'clock at night when the famous 
 resident of Baltimore was declared the unanimous 
 choice of the Convention for President of the 
 United States. A scene of the wildest enthu- 
 siasm prevailed: hats went up in the air, hand- 
 kerchiefs waved, and the great shout amounted to 
 an uproar. One excited delegate seized a big silk 
 flag and made his way to the Maryland delegation. 
 Responding to the general clamor, Chairman 
 Dickie and Samuel D. Hastings made their way 
 through the dense throng and escorted Mr. Lever- 
 ing to the platform. 
 
 When Permanent Chairman Stewart formally 
 introduced the candidate to the Convention, he 
 was given such an ovation that it was several
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 153 
 
 minutes before any one could be heard. When 
 order was restored, Mr. Levering said in substance : 
 
 " I would be less than human if my heart did 
 not beat quick, and every nerve pulsate with deep 
 emotion as I stand before you as the candidate 
 against the legalized liquor traffic of this country, 
 When an honor comes as a sacrifice for humanity 
 such as tli is is, it is an honor worth wearing. I 
 feel my own unfitness for it, and would shrink 
 from its acceptance but for one reason, and that is 
 that the secular press have come to realize that we 
 are in earnest in our purpose, and do us justice in 
 saying that we are honest. Therefore I feel that 
 I would waive my private interest and yield to 
 your wishes. I am tempted to cry out, as did the 
 servant of the Almighty, when he was called to 
 lead the children of Israel out of Egypt ' Who 
 am I that I should be called to lead the children 
 out of the wilderness?' 
 
 " Friends, trusting in the God of battles, and 
 trusting in you and those you represent, I am pre- 
 pared to stand here and accept this sacred trust, 
 and to the extent of my ability I assure you that 
 wherever the fight is the thickest, the white flag 
 of Prohibition will be planted. We may not suc- 
 ceed in planting our flag in the White House, but 
 I think we will come near it; but if we do the 
 government shall not be run in the interest of any 
 trust or individual. I want to remind you that
 
 154 CONVENTION OP THE PROHIBITIOX PAETY. 
 
 this great responsibility is yours, and the success 
 of the campaign is not ou the standard-bearers so 
 much as on the rank and file. Let us have the 
 faith to believe that right is might. God and 
 humanity expect every Prohibitionist to do his 
 duty." 
 
 Another ovation scarcely less enthusiastic than 
 the other greeted Mr. Levering at the close of his 
 address. 
 
 The selection of Hale Johnson, Illinois's bril- 
 liant son, required but a little time. E. W. Chafin, 
 of Wisconsin, presented the name of Captain J. 
 M. Cleghorn, of his State ; but the captain at once 
 withdrew his name, as he had the mishap to be 
 born in Canada. 
 
 The name of John Hipp, the gallant Prohibition 
 leader of Colorado, was proposed amid great en- 
 thusiasm ; but Hipp counseled that this action be 
 not taken under the circumstances. 
 
 Gov. T. C. Hughes, of Arizona, was presented, 
 but it was not certain that he would accept a 
 second place, which prevented him being strongly 
 supported. 
 
 Massachusetts presented the name of Edward 
 Kendall, of Cambridge, and A. A. Stevens nomi- 
 nated Homer L. Castle, in behalf of Pennsylvania ; 
 but Castle proposed in his stead R. H. Patton, of 
 Illinois. 
 
 Chairman Dickie, in a neat speech, nominated
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 155 
 
 Hon. Hale Johnson, of Illinois, who had become a 
 general favorite on account of his great harmony 
 speech in the debate on the money plank. Johnson 
 made an attempt to withdraw, but it didn't go. 
 The ballot resulted in his selection by a vote of 309 
 to 132 in favor of Hughes, and a motion to make 
 it unanimous went through with a rush and a shout. 
 The ovation extended to Johnson was scarcely 
 equaled by that extended to Mr. Levering. The 
 crowd were hoarser and couldn't yell as loud if 
 they tried. Mr. Johnson was promptly escorted to 
 the platform and made one of his characteristic 
 vigorous speeches. He counseled the delegates to 
 keep up their courage and keep up the good work. 
 
 Biographical Sketch of Hon. Joshua Levering. 
 Joshua Levering was born in the same place 
 where he now lives Baltimore, Md. This event 
 occurred September 12, 1845. In 1866 he became 
 a partner with his father, Eugene Levering, in the 
 coffee importing business, the firm name being E. 
 Levering & Co., the same as it is now. The busi- 
 ness is now conducted by the sons of Eugene 
 Levering, Sr , who died in 1870. In 1892 Joshua 
 married Martha W., daughter of Charles M. Key- 
 ser, and a sister of his first wife, who died in 1888. 
 Three sons and four daughters have resulted from 
 this union. 
 
 In 1871 Mr. Levering became a constituent
 
 156 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PAKTY. 
 
 member of Eutaw Place Baptist Church, and since 
 1881 he has been superintendent of its Sunday- 
 school. In 1888 he helped organize the American 
 Baptist Education Society, and has been its treas- 
 urer ever since. For a number of years he has 
 also been vice-president of the American Baptist 
 Publication Society. Once he was vice-president 
 of the Southern Baptist convention. 
 
 At present he is acting chairman of the board 
 of trustees of the Southern Baptist Theological 
 Seminary at Louisville, Ky. Since 1887 he has 
 been president of the Maryland House of Refuge 
 and is a director of the Provident Savings Bank 
 cf Baltimore. In 1885 he was elected president 
 of the Young Men's Christian Association and has 
 been re-elected every year since without a dissent- 
 ing vote. 
 
 He is also a member of the Young Men's Chris- 
 tian Associations of the United States and of 
 Canada. In 1887, and also in 1893, he was chair- 
 man of the State Prohibition Convention. In 
 1888 and 1892 he was a delegate to the National 
 Prohibition Convention, and on each occasion de- 
 clined to permit the use of his name for the Vice- 
 Presidency. On the latter occasion friends insisted, 
 and he received a majority of the votes, but before 
 the vote was announced enough votes were changed 
 to change the result to Dr. J. B. Cranfill. In 1891 
 Mr. Levering was nominated for State Controller,
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PAETY. 157 
 
 and at the last election he ran for Governor, poll- 
 ing a heavy vote. 
 
 Biographical Sketch of Hon. Hale Johnson. 
 
 It is a singular fact that both Joshua Levering 
 and Hale Johnson joined the Prohibition Party in 
 1884, casting their first Prohibition votes for, and 
 doing their first political work for John P. St. 
 John, who was then a candidate for President. 
 Mr. Johnson, the Prohibition candidate for Vice- 
 President, was born in Montgomery County, Ind., 
 Aug. 21, 1847, and lived there until the breaking 
 out of the war when he shouldered his musket and 
 went to the front, serving in the 135th Indiana 
 Volunteers. In 1865 he removed to Illinois, where 
 he took a prominent part in Republican politics. 
 In 1884 he was a delegate to the Republican con- 
 vention in Chicago, but left the party because the 
 organization refused to put a Prohibition plank in 
 their platform. The same year he went to Pitts- 
 burg and helped nominate St. John for President. 
 
 He is a member of the Christian church, a past 
 commander in the G. A. R., and a colonel in the 
 Veterans' Commandery. He is a member of no 
 secret societies save the Modern Woodmen. At 
 Newton, III., where he lives and enjoys a lucrative 
 law practice, he is honored and loved. When he 
 left the Republican Party his old political friends 
 tried to persuade him to remain, offering to send
 
 158 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PAETY. 
 
 him to the legislature, but all to no purpose. Pro- 
 hibition was the dominant issue with him, so 'he 
 joined the only party that put this principle before 
 all others. 
 
 What Some Leaders Said. 
 
 John G. Woolley made no attempt to conceal 
 his pleasure over the work of the convention, and 
 thought that nothing less than the hand of God 
 was to be seen through it all. " We can now," he 
 said, " go to the Christian voters of the country 
 and ask them to come into this party, and if they 
 don't do it we can put them in a box and nail 
 down the slats." 
 
 James A. Tate, the Tennessee leader, and editor 
 of The Pilot, at Nashville, said he could go home 
 to his work with more heart and assurance than 
 ever before in the history of the party. It has 
 been up-hill work, he said, trying to do much in 
 the South with the party's previous conglomerate 
 platform. 
 
 George C. Christian, of Arkansas, said he thought 
 the single-issue platform would not materially 
 affect the vote in his State. " Our folks are all 
 Prohibitionists," was his general remark covering 
 the whole question. If it had any effect it would 
 be to strengthen the vote. 
 
 " I don't feel down in the mouth over the out- 
 come," said Volney B. Gushing, when asked con- 
 cerning the exodus. " I think perhaps the seceders
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 159 
 
 may gather some strength from the outside. Those 
 who believe free silver to be the most important 
 issue will naturally go to the Populists. If the 
 free-silver men of all the parties get together they 
 will likely leave Prohibition out of their platform. 
 The Prohibition Party will not lose much, as those 
 who believe Prohibition to be the paramount issue 
 will remain with the organization." 
 
 C. C. Beveridge and wife, of Nebraska, are pre- 
 pared to warble Prohibition songs with more zeal 
 than ever. " I hardly know where I am at," said 
 Mr. Beveridge. " My delegation seem to be ex- 
 cited. I know one thing, Prohibition is my lead- 
 ing complaint, and I propose to stick to the party 
 as long as it remains true to that principle." 
 
 Professor Scomp, of the Temperance University, 
 Harriman, Tenn., who was for many years con- 
 nected with Emery College, Georgia, and left that 
 institution on account of his Prohibition work and 
 principles, was seen after the convention. He 
 said that he worked as hard as he could for a har- 
 monious settlement of the controversy in the party, 
 and while many of the "broad-gauge" friends had 
 assured him that in any event they would stand 
 by the party, he was not greatly surprised at the 
 result. In the South and East the party would 
 probably be strengthened; in certain sections of 
 the West the division would be more marked, and 
 would probably be in favor of the so-called " broad-
 
 160 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 
 
 gaugers," but he thought it quite likely that the 
 new party movement would find itself hampered 
 in its attempt to organize itself. 
 
 Oliver W. Stewart, the permanent chairman of 
 the Prohibition National Convention, and president 
 of the Illinois Christian Endeavor Society, in speak- 
 ing of the convention, said : " I could not and 
 would not join the movement for another political 
 party. I stood for equal suffrage before I became 
 a party Prohibitionist, and I voted for free silver 
 in our State Convention, and in the National Con- 
 vention that has just closed here, but I will not 
 allow my disappointment over the defeat of suffrage 
 and silver to drive me out of the party. It is no 
 easy thing to perfect the organization of a new 
 party. I am afraid that my friends on the 'broad- 
 gauge ' side, by whom I was made permanent chair- 
 man, have made a mistake in attempting such a 
 task. I still believe that we could have gained 
 thousands of votes in Illinois, as well as in other 
 States, on a broad platform, but we were defeated, 
 and I propose to abide by the decision of the con- 
 vention. This we would have asked of the other 
 side, had we won." 
 
 The following clear statement of the concep- 
 tion, introduction, and passage of the substitute or 
 single-issue platform, at the Pittsburg Convention, 
 by its author, was written to one of the journals 
 of the Prohibition Party :
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 161 
 
 " DEAR SIR : In view of your report of the Convention 
 and editorials just at hand, I deem it due to the cause of 
 truth and justice that I correct some of your statements. 
 You say : ' The fact is, that the single-plank platform pre- 
 sented by Mr. Patton was prepared before the convention 
 and brought to the Convention with the knowledge of 
 prominent leaders in the narrow-gauge ranks, for the pur- 
 pose of being introduced whenever a good opportunity pre- 
 sented.' 
 
 " You have certainly been misinformed in making such 
 statements. The facts concerning the single-issue plat- 
 form are as follows : 
 
 " A few days before the National Convention I told Oli- 
 ver W. Stewart, a broad-gauger, at my office, that I expected 
 to prepare a single-issue platform and present it in the 
 Convention as a substitute, whether the free-silver plank 
 was inserted or not. I did not have the time to prepare it 
 before I went to the Convention, but prepared it in my 
 room at the hotel the night before its adoption. With the 
 exception of R. W. Dillar, of Springfield, 111., who roomed 
 with me at the hotel, no one knew of my having prepared 
 the resolution, until after the noon session, when I read it 
 over to Mr. Whipple, of The Lever, and Mr. Wheel ock, of 
 Chicago. I stated to John G. Woolley about the same 
 time, that I had such a resolution prepared. 
 
 " Upon the vote on the financial plank, I voted with the 
 ' broad-gaugers ' for its adoption, and endeavored to get the 
 floor for its advocacy. If you will refer to the columns of 
 your paper in the report of our Illinois Convention, you 
 will ascertain the fact that I, then and there, advocated 
 and voted for free silver. I have, however, from the first 
 advocated a single-issue platform, or a ' broad-gauge plat- 
 11
 
 ] 62 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PART*, 
 
 form ' upon all issues. I regarded this as the only logical 
 position we could assume. I positively deny that my action 
 was induced by the influence of the leaders on either side, or 
 was anticipated or even known by the leaders on either side. 
 
 " After the defeat of the financial plank, some one, I 
 think Mr. Beveridge, of Nebraska, came to John G. 
 Woolley and conferred with him, and Mr. Woolley said to 
 me, ' Now is the time to introduce your single-issue plat- 
 form.' Something was said to the effect that the free-silver 
 men would favor such a platform in preference to a broad- 
 gauge platform with no financial plank. I then introduced 
 my platform and moved to substitute it for all the plat- 
 form before the convention. 
 
 " When I obtained the chair's recognition to speak in 
 behalf of my motion, I went to the platform and was 
 there met by Governor St. John, who said to me: 'Patton, 
 won't you let me have two minutes ahead of you? I have 
 something to suggest which will accomplish the same result 
 I think you are aiming at.' I asked him what it was he 
 wanted to suggest, and he not replying, I did not yield to 
 him. 
 
 " After my address Governor St. John was recognized 
 and stated to the Convention that inasmuch as he could not 
 get a declaration on other issues to suit him, he wanted 
 to see the platform as narrow as the narrow-gauge men 
 wanted it, and he then said, 'I will therefore support Mr. 
 Patton's resolution.' Immediately after this speech, you, 
 Mr. Editor, came to the front, and, as I understood you, 
 said you were glad the time had come when the platform 
 should be either the one thing or the other. That you 
 were tired of this fight in the party and would vote for 
 the resolution offered by myself.
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PKOHIBITION PAKTY. 163 
 
 " In doing this both you and Governor St. John led me 
 to believe, and no doubt the Convention, that you welcomed 
 this as a compromise, and intended to vote for it in good 
 faith. Why you both stated you would support this reso- 
 lution, and after it was carried, bolted, I am at a loss to 
 understand. Especially am I amazed to see you and 
 others attempt to justify your bolting upon the ground of 
 the adoption of my substitute after your public espousals 
 of adoption. 
 
 " I presented and advocated the adoption of the sub- 
 stitute after careful consideration, believing that the time 
 had come for concentration of all the Prohibition voters of 
 the country into our party, and that we could only do so 
 by leaving every Prohibitionist his convictions upon other 
 issues. For its preparation and presentation, I must 
 shoulder either the honor or the blame, but for its adoption 
 you and Governor St. John and every one else who advo- 
 cated its adoption or voted for it, must share either the 
 honor or the blame. 
 
 " The attempt on your part, or any one else, to attribute 
 the adoption of this platform to any antipathy to Woman 
 Suffrage, must inevitably fail because of a lack of any 
 truth for its foundation. 
 
 "As author of the platform I challenge the fullest in- 
 vestigation as to whether I have not always espoused the 
 cause of woman's enfranchisement. I am of the firm con- 
 viction that in the end the cause of woman's enfranchise- 
 ment and every other great reform movement must be the 
 easier accomplished by the concentration of the enemies of 
 the saloon into one party. The dram-shop stands in the 
 road of all reform, and its destruction is logically the first 
 work to be accomplished. With you I believe in the
 
 164 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 
 
 restoration of the free coinage of silver, but, sir, with the 
 liquor traffic in control of American politics, and with the 
 breweries and distilleries owned and controlled by British 
 capitalists, I do not expect to see their financial views 
 defeated, until their power in American politics is destroyed 
 by the destruction of the licensed saloon. 
 
 " I believe, with you, in Woman Suffrage, but I know 
 that so long as the saloon continues as the school-house of 
 American voters, our women will not receive justice. The 
 prohibition of the liquor traffic is not only the greatest 
 economic and moral question before the people, but it is 
 the gateway to all other reforms. It was a conviction of 
 this truth that led to the preparation of the substitute 
 platform, and adoption of this new policy by the over- 
 whelming vote of 650 to 150. To misrepresent it and 
 attribute our action to some other cause can do no good to 
 the National Party or humanity. Let the truth be spoken 
 and the right will triumph. 
 
 " Yours respectfully, 
 
 " ROBERT H. PATTON." 
 
 The New York Voice, the leading organ of the 
 Prohibition Party, thus defends the Pittsburg Con- 
 vention and the Platform of the Prohibitionists : 
 
 " The founders of the Prohibition Party in 1869, in the 
 reasons set forth for its organization, declared that the 
 party's primary object was to suppress the liquor traffic. 
 With that purpose absent or eclipsed there has never been 
 any real reason for the existence of the party. However 
 much may or may not have been associated in platform 
 utterance with that object in the course of events, does not 
 make at all unwise the position which this year presents
 
 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 165 
 
 the party's original purpose as the only national bond of 
 union. 
 
 " This has been first in the hearts and most abundant in 
 the speech of nine-tenths of our lecturers, as it has occupied 
 the major place in all our propaganda. This persistent 
 singleness of purpose has prevented the Prohibition Party 
 from meeting the fate of early oblivion which has over- 
 taken other minor parties. 
 
 " Criticism of the direct simplicity of our platform is 
 probably inspired because of the absence of some of the 
 form rather than the substance around which party activity 
 has centered. 
 
 1 The necessities of the case make the building of a 
 party more important than the broadening of a platform, 
 the requirements demanding the broadest bond of union, 
 consistent with the party's purpose. Such a bond is found 
 in the specific utterance regarding which the great body 
 of Prohibitionists of every class can agree, and that we. 
 have in the declaration adopted at Pittsburg. It in no 
 wav abridges the platform, broad, narrow, or medium, al- 
 ready adopted by the individual States, or yet to be adopted, 
 for the reason that it contains no declaration in conflict 
 with any of them, either in whole or in part. 
 
 "The testing time has come. Those who care more for 
 some other question than they do about the suppression of 
 the liquor traffic will throw their influence outside of the 
 Prohibition Party. 
 
 "All those who profess to hate the liquor traffic ; who 
 believe that its legalization is a sin which government 
 ought not to commit ; who feel that politics can receive no 
 permanent moral uplift, and law-making enjoy free pro- 
 gressive tendencies until the liquor power is made to let go
 
 166 CONVENTION OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY. 
 
 its grip on politics and government, will find it especially 
 encumbent upon them this year to get into the Prohibition 
 Party. 
 
 " Excuses of the old stock order are hardly pertinent 
 this time. Those who have been in the habit of saying 
 that they were Prohibitionists, but objected to endorsing 
 a vast collection of issues and disputed theories by voting 
 the ticket of the Prohibition Party, can not now honestly 
 present that plea. 
 
 " They can vote for Prohibition on its merits, unmixed 
 with matters about which they may be in doubt, or in 
 which they do not believe. Men of different creeds, of 
 opposing economic theories, and men of no creed at all, can 
 this year stand for the overshadowing issue upon which 
 tb^y agree in common, with nothing to disturb thero or 
 make them afraid. 
 
 " The three million nominal Prohibitionists in the coun- 
 try can say in one voice at the ballot-box this year, that 
 the saloon must go, and it \vill require neither dictionary 
 to define nor interpreter to explain what this voice does or 
 does not mean. It will be a clear, unmixed and uncom- 
 promising shout for the prohibition of the liquor traffic. 
 This is the accepted time in which the Prohibitionists of 
 the country can and should get together at the ballot-box."
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 THOMAS B. REED 
 
 fTlHE history of our country shows that in every 
 great crisis and emergency men have come 
 forward who were equal to the occasion. An 
 extraordinary demand has always developed ex- 
 traordinary characters and has been fruitful in 
 remarkable achievements. From the period of 
 the Revolution down to the present time, states- 
 men who would compare favorably with those of 
 any other nation, have appeared upon the scene 
 of action. Those who established our national 
 policy and guided the young republic through its 
 early career were not more conspicuous than those 
 who, in later times, have shaped the events whose 
 record is written upon the enduring pages of his- 
 tory. It is but just to say that our nation has 
 been gifted with wise and able statesmen, nor do 
 we need to go far back to discover their names. 
 
 Stormy times always bring grand men to the 
 front, the occasion affording opportunity for leaders 
 of intellectual force, heroic courage and glowing 
 patriotism. It has been no light task to guide 
 
 167
 
 168 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 American affairs during the period immediately 
 following our great Civil War. The conflict of 
 opinions has raged under the dome of the Capitol. 
 This was only to be expected, for a nation like 
 ours, covering so vast an extent of territory, the 
 life of which is composed of interests so varied, 
 and where there is always a strong local feeling, 
 must find that there will be differences of opinion 
 respecting many questions of national policy. 
 
 Few men have lately occupied more public 
 attention than Thomas Brackett Reed, a man con- 
 structed on a broad plan, with abundance of mate- 
 rial put into his original composition, and physi- 
 cally and intellectually the peer of the most con- 
 spicuous Americans who have gone before him. 
 As a party leader, he has shown pre-eminent 
 abilities, while at the same time he possesses the 
 elements of personal popularity to a remarkable 
 degree. He appears to have gained his full growth, 
 is not confined within narrow limits, and is so 
 ample in thought, energy and deed, that he must 
 be considered a grand outgrowth of American 
 institutions. 
 
 Mr. Reed was born in Maine, October 18th, 
 1839. After the usual common-school education, 
 which the most of American boys are fortunate in 
 being able to obtain, he continued his studies and 
 graduated at Bowdoin College in 1860. The choice 
 of his profession was that of law, and he imme-
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 169 
 
 diately began its study after leaving College. For 
 a short time he was diverted from the practice of 
 his profession, becoming acting paymaster in the 
 Navy in 1864. Here, however, he remained only 
 a year, and then resumed his profession. 
 
 His comprehensive knowledge of current politics 
 and his sound Republican principles made him 
 widely known in his own locality, and he was 
 honored with an election to the lower branch of 
 the Maine Legislature in 1868. At the next elec- 
 tion he was made Senator and was transferred to 
 the upper house. For two years he was attorney- 
 general of the State, and city solicitor for Portland 
 for a term of four years. During all this time his 
 reputation was extending, his marked qualities 
 were showing themselves, his strong individuality 
 was attracting observation, and it became evident 
 that he had abundant qualifications for a sphere of 
 the widest political action. 
 
 The next step in his career was his election to 
 Congress, in 1876. He has since been continuously 
 re-elected, a fact in itself affording sufficient evi- 
 dence of his great popularity and the unbounded 
 confidence reposed in him by his constituents. It 
 was soon admitted in Washington that a man of 
 extraordinary parts had taken his seat in the 
 House of Representatives. He did not commit 
 the error of expressing his views on every little 
 subject, on every little occasion, but when the
 
 170 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 turning-points came and matters of weighty import 
 were to be decided, Mr. Reed stood in the centre 
 of the arena, a valiant champion of his party faith, 
 and an opponent with whom few dared to measure 
 arms. 
 
 Mr. Reed showed an intricate knowledge of par- 
 liamentary law and usages, having made the con- 
 duct of public business a special study. He was 
 quick to detect any blunder or mistake in the 
 deliberations and modes of procedure on the floor 
 of the House. Naturally he became the leader of 
 his party, having a clear and comprehensive con- 
 ception of its principles, and being able to express 
 his views with such force and eloquence as to 
 command attention. He assumed his position at 
 the front without effort, without courting favor, 
 purely upon his own merits as a statesman of 
 broad views, generous impulses, magnetic force and 
 calm judgment. 
 
 He became the central figure of the Republican 
 party, and in the Fifty-first Congress was elected 
 Speaker of the House. It soon became evident 
 that a man of stern will and remarkable executive 
 ability was in the chair. Business was to go on. 
 The country expected legislation and was to have 
 it. The subterfuges and delays for defeating mea- 
 sures of public importance were to be branded as 
 infamous. The old-time usages and rules which 
 blocked legislative machinery were ^9 be dragged
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 171 
 
 forth and slain, as Samuel hewed Agag in pieces 
 before the Lord in Gilgal. 
 
 Of course, there was a stir among the dry bones. 
 It had never been so seen in Washington before. 
 A new man was at the helm, a new life and vigor 
 were infused into the deliberations and actions of 
 the House of Representatives. Men who had 
 resorted to the most unscrupulous methods for 
 defeating projects which they did not favor, were 
 respectfully but firmly told to take a back seat. 
 Rules were adopted for "counting a quorum," and 
 permitting public business to be transacted, a very 
 wise and indispensable proceeding, as would be 
 said by any man of common sense. It was justly 
 concluded that where something was expected to 
 be done, it was the height of idiocy and obstinacy 
 to allow a small minority to paralyze all action, 
 resulting in the doing of nothing. 
 
 As might have been expected, a storm of criti- 
 cism was awakened. In the midst of it all Mr. 
 Reed stood like a rock, conscious that he was right 
 and that the position he had taken was a public 
 necessity. Americans do not like a weak man. 
 They had found a strong one, and the entire ap- 
 probation of his party sustained Mr. Reed and 
 applauded his administration. He was unmoved 
 by assaults, bitter criticisms, storms of vitupera- 
 tion. His enemies gave him the title of " Czar," 
 berated what they called his tyranny, yet inwardly
 
 172 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 respected him and bowed before the majesty of his 
 will. 
 
 Time has justified fully the position Mr. Reed 
 assumed, and the very rules which the minority 
 opposed they were compelled to adopt when they 
 became the majority. Mr. Reed's views upon 
 great public questions are so well known as to 
 require little reference here. Suffice it to say, he 
 is a thorough American, believes in a strong for- 
 eign policy, is an advocate of reasonable protec- 
 tion to American industries, and stands with his 
 windows open to the light, ready for any and all 
 measures that will promote the widest public 
 welfare. 
 
 In personal characteristics and force of character 
 Mr. Reed is a typical American and seems abun- 
 dantly able to bear the responsibilities which have 
 fallen to his lot as a public man. 
 
 DAVID B. HILL. 
 
 A MONG the distinguished leaders of the Demo- 
 "*^ cratic party no one is more prominent than 
 Senator Hill. A man of intellectual force, ener- 
 getic and aggressive nature, sound judgment on 
 party issues, magnetic and eloquent as a speaker, 
 having the ability to command and control men, 
 experienced in public affairs, and having risen from 
 comparatively humble life, he . combines in a sin- 
 gular degree nearly all the elements which render
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 173 
 
 a statesman popular and draw to him the con- 
 fidence of the people. 
 
 Mr. Hill was born in Havana, Chemung Co., 
 N. Y., August 29th, 1843. His mind in early life 
 inclined to the study of law, and we therefore find 
 that his first employment was in a lawyer's office 
 in his native village. He had obtained a good 
 common-school education, and shown himself to be 
 a thorough scholar, diligent at his books, and some- 
 what shy of social life, fearing that it might inter- 
 fere with his life purposes and pursuits. He was 
 such a lad as the neighbors predicted would have a 
 useful and honorable career. The old saying, "the 
 boy is the father of the man " was true in his case, 
 and he gave promise at this early period of one 
 day holding a high position in his professio as 
 well as in public life. He afterward studied law 
 in Elmira, and was admitted to the bar in 1864. 
 
 In course of time, he received the appointment 
 of city attorney, and in this office drew wide atten- 
 tion for the aggressive, skillful and able manner in 
 which he conducted his cases. During this time 
 his attention was turned to politics, for which he 
 seemed to have a natural taste and adaptation. 
 He was located in a community with excellent 
 schools and where the people generally took a 
 deep interest not only in their own local affairs, 
 but in the larger questions which affected the 
 nation. He was many times a delegate to the
 
 174 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 Democratic State Conventions, and was made the 
 permanent chairman of those held in 1877 and 
 1881. 
 
 He was also prominent in the Democratic Na- 
 tional Conventions of 1876 and 1884, where he 
 began to command attention as a leader, shaping 
 to some extent the policy of his party. He was 
 elected a member of the New York Legislature of 
 1870 and 1871, rendering valuable service upon 
 committees and being recognized as one of the 
 foremost leaders of that body. In 1882 he was 
 elected Mayor of Elmira, a tribute to the con- 
 fidence placed in him by his fellow-townsmen. 
 During this year Grover Cleveland received the 
 nomination for Governor of the State of NeM 
 York, and Mr. Hill was nominated with him for 
 the office of Lieutenant-Governor. The campaign 
 of this year and the great success of the Demo- 
 cratic party are matters of history. Mr. Hill 
 threw himself heartily into the campaign, took the 
 stump and by his speeches contributed largely to 
 the result. 
 
 When Mr. Cleveland resigned in 1884, having 
 been elected President of the United States, Mr. 
 Hill succeeded him as Governor of New York. 
 In 1885 he was made the candidate for Governor 
 and was elected for the full term of three years. 
 His course during this time commended itself to 
 his party, and he became his own successor in 1888,
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 175 
 
 being re-elected over Warner Miller, who was 
 made the nominee for Governor by the Republican 
 party. The position and influence he had already 
 gained pointed him out as a suitable candidate for 
 the position of United States Senator, to which 
 position he was chosen by the Legislature of New 
 York, to succeed that distinguished and able law- 
 yer and statesman, Wm. M. Evarts, of whom it 
 was said when he was made United States Senator, 
 " What more natural disposition could be made of 
 Mr. Evarts than simply to transfer him from the 
 head of the New York State Bar to the head of 
 the United States Senate ? " 
 
 By this time Mr. Hill, being a man of resolute 
 convictions, heroic purposes, able to think for him- 
 self, and to defend in a masterly way his own 
 thinking, had antagonized certain elements of his 
 party, who criticised his alliance with Tammany 
 of New York City and endeavored to bring him 
 into disrepute. There was, however, a larger 
 number who applauded his course of action and 
 showed themselves to be his faithful friends and 
 supporters. He opposed the nomination of Grover 
 Cleveland for a second presidential term in 1892. 
 At this time there were many who would have 
 preferred that Mr. Hill should receive the nomina- 
 tion, and there was good reason for believing that 
 the "presidential bee" was buzzing around his 
 ears. He made a trip through the Southern
 
 176 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 States, delivering speeches at many points, but 
 failed to command the support of his party for 
 the presidential nomination on the Democratic 
 ticket. 
 
 Once in the Senate, he became the leader of a 
 faction opposed to Mr. Cleveland. His utterances 
 in the Senate Chamber were bold, spirited and 
 sometimes bitter. His views and opinions, how- 
 ever, were so pronounced and so well sustained 
 that they carried great influence with other Sen- 
 ators, and he was able to defeat several nomina- 
 tions sent to the Senate by Mr. Cleveland , notably 
 two for the position of Judges on the Supreme 
 Bench. No one maintained that these nomina- 
 tions were not good ones, but as they did not com- 
 mend themselves to Mr. Hill, and, it was claimed, 
 were made without any reference to his wishes, 
 he succeeded in effecting their summary rejection. 
 
 In stature Mr. Hill is rather below than above the 
 average height, and, although somewhat sparely 
 built, he is a man of physical strength and capable 
 of enduring a large amount of labor and fatigue. 
 Being a bachelor and unencumbered with domestic 
 cares and concerns, he can devote himself exclu- 
 sively to the affairs of State. He shows an inti- 
 mate acquaintance with the history of his party, 
 he is far-seeing and shrewd, is a master of debate, 
 a sturdy antagonist when encountered, is perfectly 
 cool and self-possessed, is skillful in the use of
 
 DAVID B. HILL.
 
 JOSEPH B. FORAKER
 
 JOH
 
 WII^IAM M. STEWART
 
 BENRY
 
 CHARLES FREDERIC^ CRISP.
 
 JOHN G. CARLISLE
 
 - ADLAI E. STEVENSON.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 177 
 
 invective, and upon entering the Senate immedi- 
 ately assumed a commanding position. While 
 looking after the interests of his native State, he 
 has always been considered a strong partisan, and 
 this must be accounted one of the elements which 
 have given him success among those of his own 
 political faith. 
 
 It is but just to say that Mr. Hill has been 
 remarkably successful in his profession as a lawyer 
 and in his efforts and aspirations as a politician. 
 He does not seem to writhe under defeat, but 
 assuming that there is another day coming and 
 that the end is not yet, he fixes his face like a 
 flint and pushes on against every storm of oppo- 
 sition or calumny. This in brief is the history of 
 a man who exercises great influence in the coun- 
 cils of his party and is now prominent before the 
 American people. 
 
 FRANCES E. WILLARD. 
 
 TN every walk of life where it is possible for 
 - woman to display her talents, her success has 
 been conspicuous. Our country has every reason 
 to be proud of those members of the gentler sex 
 who have commanded attention in authorship, 
 sometimes in business, especially in works of 
 reform, and whose influence has always been upon 
 the side of good morals, higher education, and the 
 'development of the noblest womanhood. 
 
 12
 
 178 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 While our progress as a nation has been rapid 
 and such as to draw the wondering attention of 
 the world, it is not all due to soldiers or states- 
 men. Our history could not be correctly written 
 without mention of those women who, in the 
 walks of private life, and frequently in more pub- 
 lic spheres, have made their influence felt and 
 have been leaders of thought and public opinion. 
 
 One of our most distinguished American women 
 is the subject of this sketch. No one is more 
 widely known or universally respected. She is 
 possessed of talents of an unusual order, a warm 
 and earnest spirit, untiring energy, the ability to 
 influence others, and seems to be lacking in none 
 of those qualities essential to successful achieve- 
 ment. 
 
 Miss Willard is known throughout the country 
 for her devotion to the cause of reform, especially 
 that branch of it embraced in Temperance work. 
 She has attended meetings and conventions, and 
 has lectured in every part of the land, and has 
 always been received with the attention due to 
 her position and character and the worthy objects 
 she seeks to promote. She is eloquent in the best 
 sense of the term, very fluent in speech, possessed 
 of unusual tact, and has been heard by multitudes 
 who are in the habit of affirming that they " do 
 not care to hear a woman speak in public." 
 
 It may be truthfully said that her career exhib-
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 179 
 
 its all those elements which go to make one in- 
 dependent, aggressive, and progressive likewise. 
 Throughout her life she has never thrust herself 
 into notice, but has simply embraced the oppor- 
 tunities open to her, and has entered the field of 
 usefulness when she heard the call for service. 
 She was born in Churchville, N. Y., September 28, 
 1839, and was educated at Milwaukee and the 
 Northwestern Female College at Evanston, 111., 
 from which she graduated in 1859. She became 
 Professor of Natural Science there in 1862, and 
 was Principal of Genesee Wesleyan Seminary in 
 1866-'67. 
 
 Considering that no person's education is com- 
 plete without those advantages furnished by travel 
 and contact with the world, she spent two years 
 abroad, and then returned to become Professor of 
 ^Esthetics in Northwestern University and Dean 
 of the Woman's College. This position she nlled 
 from 1871 to 1874, and there developed her sys- 
 tem of self-government, which has attracted wide 
 attention and has been adopted by other educa- 
 tors. She became convinced at this time that 
 there was a work for her to do in connection with 
 the cause of Temperance. 
 
 In consequence of this decision she gave up all 
 other engagements in 1874 to identify herself with 
 the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. She 
 was immediately made corresponding secretary,
 
 180 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 discharging the duties of this office until 1879. 
 when she was elevated from the position of secre- 
 tary to that of president. 
 
 In 1876 she assisted Dwight L. Moody in his 
 evangelistic work and rendered efficient service. 
 During these years she traveled through the coun- 
 try, addressing legislatures and people's meetings 
 in behalf of temperance and prohibition. She 
 organized the Home Protection Movement, and 
 sent an appeal from nearly two hundred thousand 
 people to the Legislature of Illinois, asking for the 
 Temperance ballot for women. She has always 
 been of the opinion that the great reforms needed 
 in America will never be brought about until 
 women are permitted to vote, having a voice not 
 merely in domestic affairs, but in public measures 
 for the welfare of the community. Some of her 
 hardest work has been done in the advocacy of 
 this project. 
 
 On the death of her brother, Oliver A. Willard, 
 in 1879, she succeeded him as chief editor of the 
 Chicago Evening Post, but resigned soon afterward 
 to devote all her time to the work which was dear 
 to her heart, and in which she had exerted a wide 
 and commanding influence. In 1886 she accepted 
 the leadership of the White Cross movement in 
 the societies founded by herself, and obtained en- 
 actments in many States for the protection of 
 women.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 181 
 
 In 1888 she was made President of the Ameri- 
 can Branch of the International Council of Women 
 and of the World's Christian Union. In 1892 she 
 visited England, and received an enthusiastic wel- 
 come from the friends of reform in that country. 
 She was at the head of the Women's Committee 
 of Temperance Meetings at the World's Fair in 
 1893. She is the editor-in-chief of the Union Siy* 
 nal, a journal of large circulation, and has issued 
 nine volumes, containing addresses and other mat- 
 ter connected with those reforms in which she has 
 been so conspicuous a figure. 
 
 Miss Willard bears her honors with becoming 
 modesty and grace. Although a positive charac- 
 ter, she is never bold or obtrusive, giving evidence 
 constantly of the cultivated lady, the considerate 
 adviser, and the warm-hearted, genial friend. Iq 
 person she is a little above the medium height, has 
 a clear-cut intellectual face, is always self-possessed 
 and affable in manner. 
 
 In Miss Willard' s career we have a graphic 
 illustration of the influence woman can exert upon 
 all the great questions of the day. She and others 
 rightly believe that the great fountain of a pure 
 national life is the home. This must be carefully 
 guarded, and the rising generation must be cor- 
 rectly taught. Sound morals must be inculcated, 
 and the noblest aims held up to view. 
 
 But what kind of a home can that be which is
 
 182 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 cursed by the power of drink ? What is to be 
 done with this great evil that throws its withering 
 blight over the whole land? If women can be 
 excused, even commended and applauded, for 
 showing an interest in public questions, urging on 
 all true reforms, it surely is in the present case, since 
 by efforts to check and destroy the evil of intem- 
 perance much is done for the salvation and the 
 uplifting of the home. We are mainly concerned 
 with Miss Willard's crusade, which could not be 
 carried on without bringing her into public notice, 
 and incurring the criticism that she is stepping 
 out of the domestic sphere. Let her and all others 
 step out, if thereby lasting good shall come to the 
 country. 
 
 She will be identified with Temperance work 
 and other reforms as long as she lives, and the 
 best and truest womanhood will owe her a debt of 
 profound gratitude. She stands for what is noblest 
 in her sex, and may be congratulated upon having 
 escaped hostile criticism to so large an extent. 
 
 Taking comparatively little interest in other 
 questions of the day, except as they affect the cause 
 to which she has devoted all her talents and ener- 
 gies, she constantly keeps one great end in view. 
 
 The best wishes of her country-women are with 
 her in her great labor of love. There are many 
 sympathetic souls who pray that her life may long 
 be spared, and her influence widely extended.
 
 T 
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 183 
 
 WILLIAM B. ALLISON. 
 
 HE career of this distinguished Senator affords 
 another striking proof of the power and 
 influence belonging to the individual man. Money 
 talks for some men, social influence for others, 
 learning and culture for others, and brains for 
 others. The last-named element of success belongs 
 especially, to Mr. Allison. Combined with it is his 
 sterling integrity and a character that has never 
 \>een called in question. 
 
 For a long time he has stood in the halls of the 
 United States Senate, taking an active part in all 
 its deliberations and debates. He is considered a 
 statesman, eminently wise and safe. While it may 
 be said that he has gained large experience in 
 Congress, it may also be said that he brought his 
 experience with him. He was a man of public 
 affairs, prominent and widely known, before going 
 to Washington. It was but natural that, having 
 gained a local celebrity, he should be transferred 
 to the wider field. 
 
 His native state is Ohio, where he was born at 
 Perry, Wayne County. March 2, 1829. Like many 
 others who have molded the affairs of the nation, 
 he spent his early years upon a farm. While the 
 pursuit of agriculture is honorable and, fortunately,
 
 184 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 is universally considered so, it is proverbial that 
 farmers' boys rebel against the hard labor and 
 monotonous life incident to a farm and seek some 
 other calling. 
 
 These sons of farmers constitute some of the 
 best timber we have in the nation. Their sur- 
 roundings are not generally luxurious, they are 
 trained to habits of industry, they usually obtain 
 at least a good common-school education, and by 
 the sheer force of intellectual ability and perse- 
 verance, they often rise to positions of great honor 
 and usefulness. It did not take long for Mr. 
 Allison to outgrow the farm. He had an ambition 
 which could not be gratified by any such pursuit. 
 
 He was educated at Allegheny College, Pa., and 
 at the Western Reserve College, Ohio, after which 
 he took up the study of law and practiced his pro- 
 fession in Ohio until 1857. He wished to locate 
 farther west, where he could be identified with a 
 growing town. He removed to Dubuque, Iowa, 
 where he has since made his home. Being by 
 nature a citizen of public spirit, interested in all 
 that concerned the town of his adoption, he soon 
 became widely known, and was not more widely 
 known than he was respected. His gift of speech 
 was such as to inspire confidence. Matters of 
 grave responsibility were at once committed to his 
 hands. Like many lawyers, he anticipated public 
 life and political preferment.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 185 
 
 He was sent as a delegate to the Chicago con- 
 vention that nominated Abraham Lincoln for the 
 presidency in 1860, and in the following year 
 became a member of the staff of the governor of 
 Iowa. When the war brokfe out he was among 
 the first to offer his services to the government, 
 being willing to let his profession suffer in order 
 to help maintain the cause of the Union. He 
 rendered valuable service in raising troops and 
 organizing volunteer regiments for the war. Those 
 were stirring times, and the exigencies brought 
 into prominence many men who might otherwise 
 have remained in comparative obscurity. 
 
 In 1862, Mr. Allison was elected to the 38th 
 Congress as a Republican. He served in this 
 capacity with such fidelity and distinction that he 
 was re-elected lo the three succeeding Congresses. 
 His re-election, his neighbors were accustomed to 
 remark facetiously, was chronic. He served con- 
 tinuously as a member of that body from Decem- 
 ber 7, 1863, until March 3, 1871. Often he was 
 appointed on important committees, and being a 
 willing worker, was soon known as one of the most 
 industrious members of the House. 
 
 At the same time, he kept in close touch with 
 his constituents at home. They marked his 
 achievements and were proud of his advancement 
 in the estimation of the public. He was always 
 found at the post of duty, never shuffled or evaded
 
 186 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 any question of impo: tance, was always willing to 
 have his opinions known, and was always able to 
 give a reason for the faith that was in him. 
 
 In 1873, he was elected by the Legislature of 
 Iowa to the United States Senate to succeed James 
 Harlan, and since that time has been re-elected 
 almost without opposition. Thus it will be seen 
 that he has had one of the longest terms of ser- 
 vice that has fallen to the lot of any public man. 
 There are no sensational elements in his character. 
 He does not glare like a meteor nor astonish otherp 
 by ill-considered and unexpected methods. 
 
 Mr. Allison's character, attainments and public 
 services have been such as to point to him for a 
 presidential nomination. Accordingly, on several 
 occasions, his name has been mentioned in the 
 national Republican Conventions. While he has 
 had a large following, and many prominent men 
 in the Northwest and elsewhere have endorsed 
 him, others have distanced him in the race. 
 
 It is, however, a high distinction to be promi- 
 nently named for a presidential nomination. 
 Such an honor can never be conferred upon a 
 weak, insignificant man. Mr. Allison is one who 
 fully justifies the confidence of the public and 
 whose elevation to the highest position in the 
 nation would be fittingly bestowed. 
 
 It is frequently the case that men of reputation 
 diminish and appear to disadvantage as one gets
 
 CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 187 
 
 near to them. They do not stand out in all the 
 grand proportions pictured by our imagination. 
 "'Tis distance lends enchantment to the view," 
 and as they are looked at from afar they are apt to 
 be invested with very heroic qualities. Then, as we 
 get a nearer view, the charm is dispelled, and the 
 delusion and disappointment become apparent. 
 Very few men gain much by a close inspection. 
 We are apt to place our public men on a pedestal, 
 and look up to them with a kind of awe. Upon 
 a nearer approach we find that they stand on the 
 ground, and perhaps are not so very far above the 
 common level. 
 
 It has, however, been said of Mr. Allison, that 
 the near view is the one most favorable. He 
 bears acquaintance remarkably well, and while 
 not showy or dazzling, there is much about him 
 to be commended, and the service he has rendered 
 as a national legislator forms the record of an 
 honored page of our history. 
 
 The personal appearance of Mr. Allison indi- 
 cates strength of body and of mind. He is large 
 and well formed. His face is not that of a scholar, 
 but rather the man of affairs. He is a type of the 
 sturdy, honest, practical man, who conveys at once 
 the impression of good sense and the possession of 
 a level head. In his speeches he does not circum- 
 navigate his subject, but comes at it at once. He 
 always speaks to the point. Having something
 
 188 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 to say and being able to say it, others are willing 
 to listen and be instructed. 
 
 He has the rare faculty of saying what he means 
 and clothing his thoughts in such language that 
 no double interpretation can be put upon his state- 
 ments. The quaint old adage of calling a spade a 
 spade applies in his case. As a type of the useful 
 citizen, the able legislator, the genial and hearty 
 friend, the man of culture, breadth and fullness, 
 Mr. Allison is conspicuous. Such men at the 
 head of public affairs give stability and confidence 
 to the nation. Our country has been favored 
 with many of this description, and among this 
 galaxy of shining ones must be placed the subject 
 of this brief biography. 
 
 CHARLES FREDERICK CRISP. 
 
 IV/TR. CRISP has been a well-known figure in 
 -*** Congress since the period of his first elec- 
 tion. He had gained a wide celebrity in Georgia, 
 had shown himself, in various ways, to be a man 
 suited to leadership, and his elevation to the 
 House of Representatives was only to be expected, 
 and was a worthy tribute to the man. He seems 
 to have been by nature marked out for political 
 life, and it will be generally admitted that in 
 Washington he found his appropriate sphere. 
 
 Mr. Crisp was born in Sheffield, England, Janu- 
 ary 20, 1845. His parents were Americans, tern-
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 189 
 
 porarily residing in England, and returned to this 
 country in 1846, when the subject of the sketch 
 was about one year old. Thus, although Mr. 
 Crisp is not a native of the United States, he 
 comes as near it as one possibly can, being dis- 
 tinctively American by parentage and education. 
 
 The family having settled in Georgia, the boy 
 was placed in the common schools, where he 
 received his education. While quick to learn and 
 exhibiting qualities of mind much above the aver- 
 age, he also displayed marked traits which have 
 been prominent through all his subsequent career. 
 He was independent, positive, aggressive, and self- 
 reliant. He was not in the habit of allowing any 
 of his rights to be invaded without showing quick 
 resentment. In time, he became a leader among 
 the young men by whom he was surrounded, and 
 over whom he exerted great influence. 
 
 Even at this period he seemed to combine Li a 
 remarkable degree wise foresight and judgment 
 with impetuous force. He was evidently born 
 to be a power in whatever sphere circumstances 
 placed him. He shared the spirit of the South 
 which flamed out in secession, and in this he was 
 only like the great body of young men in the 
 Southern States. It is a well-known fact that 
 quite largely the Confederate Army was composed 
 of this class. They were strong in their convic- 
 tions ; they were eager for action in the field ; they
 
 190 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 were willing to take risks and make sacrifices. They 
 did not count their lives dear to them, and history 
 shows that tens of thousands of them fell upon the 
 battle-field, reddening its sod with their warm blood. 
 
 In 1861 Mr. Crisp entered the Confederate Army 
 as a lieutenant. He saw a good deal of active 
 service in the field, showed himself to be a good 
 soldier, and won the approbation of his superiors. 
 He was a prisoner of war from May, 1864, until 
 June, 1865. After his release he studied law, and 
 practiced first at Ellaville, and afterward at Ameri- 
 cus, Ga., which latter place became his subsequent 
 home. He quickly took high rank in his profes- 
 sion, and gained rapid prominence, being well 
 thought of by older lawyers as well as by the 
 community in which he lived. 
 
 In 1872 he was appointed solicitor-general of 
 the Southwestern Judicial Court, and held that 
 office until the middle of 1877, when he became 
 judge of the Superior Court of the same circuit. 
 He showed himself to be fully equipped for the 
 exacting duties of his position, lending dignity to 
 his office, and evincing that impartial spirit which 
 properly belongs to the occupant of the judicial 
 bench. He could have remained in this position 
 if he had chosen, but whether satisfied with his 
 successes or not, his fellow-citizens had already 
 expressed their wishes to have him represent them 
 at Washington.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 191 
 
 He resigned from the bench in September, 1882, 
 to accept the Democratic nomination for Congress. 
 He was permanent president of the Democratic 
 Convention which assembled in Atlanta in April, 
 1883, to nominate a candidate for governor. Thus 
 his steps all seemed to be in the natural order of 
 things, one following the other in a kind of logical 
 sequence. He was elected to the Forty-eighth Con- 
 gress, and immediately took high rank among the 
 members of the House, being prominent on all occa- 
 sions in the deliberations of his party, and regarded 
 as one of the wisest and most efficient leaders. 
 
 When the Democratic party came into power 
 with Mr. Cleveland's second administration, Mr. 
 Crisp was unanimously selected to assume the re- 
 sponsible duties of Speaker of the Houso, and was 
 chosen to that position. His knowledge of parlia- 
 mentary law, his experience upon the floor of Con- 
 gress, his character for impartial judgment, gained 
 when connected with the courts of his adopted 
 State, all marked him out as possessing the neces- 
 sary qualifications for the Speakership. During 
 the sessions of the Fifty-second Congress he added 
 greatly to his reputation, and it was generally 
 conceded that he was a worthy successor of the 
 able presiding officers who had gone before him. 
 
 Eren his political opponents agreed that his 
 rulings and decisions showed at all times careful 
 consideration, and were unbiased by prejudice.
 
 192 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 In manner, Mr. Crisp is a typo of the cultivated 
 gentleman, urbane, cordial, courteous, and ap- 
 proachable upon all occasions. Possessed of great 
 independence and resolution, always looking at 
 public questions from a practical point of view, 
 firm in the maintenance of his opinions, and im- 
 movable as a rock when conscious that he is in the 
 right, he affords a central point around which the 
 sentiment of his party shapes itself. In debate, 
 he is incisive, fluent, forcible, and ordinarily shows 
 a thorough study and complete grasp of his subject. 
 
 He has proven himself to be a formidable antag- 
 onist, and many are the weapons of lesser men 
 that have been broken upon, his shield, and have 
 fallen harmless at his feet. At times his utterances 
 are bold and almost defiant, yet his evident sincer- 
 ity assures him a respectful hearing, while the 
 honesty of his convictions is always plainly appar- 
 ent. Taking him all in all, he is a typical repre- 
 sentative of the locality from which he comes and 
 of the party whose ideas and principles he holds 
 with tenacity and expounds with such marked 
 ability. 
 
 After the shifting fortunes of political parties 
 had deprived Mr. Crisp of his position at the head 
 of the House of Representatives, he resumed his 
 place on the floor to represent again the district 
 that had repeatedly honored him. He did not 
 seem to lose interest in national legislation, but,
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 193 
 
 although acting with the minority, and knowing 
 beforehand that measures advocated by himself 
 and friends were not certain to be passed, he did 
 not relax his vigilance, or in any way diminish his 
 efforts in behalf of what he deemed essential to 
 the public welfare. 
 
 By common consent he was leader of his party, 
 and, being so regarded, he had the chief voice in 
 its deliberations. His entire history as a public 
 man had been so free from mistakes, and so con- 
 trary to the intrigues of the mere self-seeking parti- 
 san, that he commanded the utmost respect and 
 confidence. It was sufficient to know what were 
 his views on public questions in order to gather 
 around him a strong and loyal band of supporters. 
 Not that he has ever been in the habit of exer- 
 cising a domineering spirit, or of showing any 
 attempt to override the honest convictions of other 
 men. His appeal has always been to reason and 
 common sense. Mr. Crisp's native qualities have 
 been his success ; at the same time they have 
 been quickened by a broad culture and large ex- 
 perience. 
 
 Not over-ambitious for personal preferment, not 
 willing to sacrifice conviction to popularity, not 
 crazed by the allurements of office, but willing to 
 fulfill every obligation as it comes, he is the kind 
 of man the people delight to honor with their good 
 will and appreciation. 
 
 13
 
 194 CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADEES. 
 
 CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW. 
 
 FT1HERE are Americans who do not need to be 
 * placed in official position, who do not need to be 
 Governors, Senators or Presidents, to exert a com- 
 manding influence and stand in the eye of the nation. 
 They are capable of winning celebrity in more pri- 
 vate walks. Some of our most distinguished citizens 
 have never been placed to any considerable extent 
 under political responsibility. There are those who 
 appear to be naturally outside of office, if not alto- 
 gether superior to it. Their worth lies entirely in 
 themselves, irrespective of position or surroundings. 
 If one were asked to name the most eminent 
 citizen of our country, Chauncey Mitchell Depew 
 would be mentioned as one of them. His fame 
 has gone into all parts of the land, among men of 
 business, politicians, leaders of thought, those who 
 are especially interested in moral reform in fact, 
 among all classes of our citizens Mr. Depew is 
 known for his estimable qualities, his intellectual 
 ability and his genial nature. He did, indeed, at 
 one time hold office, but this was many years ago, 
 and, while he has always been interested in poli- 
 tics, and has even been suggested as the candidate 
 of his party for the Presidency, he does not appear 
 to have sought distinctions of this description.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 195 
 
 Mr. Depew is a man of broad and liberal educa- 
 tion. He was born in Peekskill, N. Y., April 23, 
 1834. Even in his boyhood he was a gifted de- 
 claimer, and gave prophecy then of his distin- 
 guished career as an orator. The old saying that 
 " the boy is the father to the man " is illustrated 
 in his case. He graduated from Yale College in 
 1856, having taken high rank during his course, 
 especially in the department of rhetoric and oratory. 
 Many were the contests he had in college, and 
 many were the times that he emerged from them 
 with complete success. His social disposition, his 
 breezy manner, his happy knack of merry-making 
 and his fund of anecdote, rendered him a general 
 favorite. 
 
 In 1858 he began practicing law, considering 
 that this profession furnished the widest opportu- 
 nities for such abilities as he could command. His 
 public career as an orator was begun in 1856 in 
 the Fremont campaign. At this time he identified 
 himself with the young Republican party, of which 
 ^ x has since been a prominent and enthusiastic 
 member. He became widely known throughout the 
 eastern part of New York for his pithy and eloquent 
 stump-speeches, and very soon found himself in 
 favor with the older leaders of the party. His youth, 
 his self-possession, his fluency, his grasp of the sub- 
 jects he treated, his unbounded enthusiasm, drew 
 immediate attention and marked a coming man.
 
 196 CELEBKATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 In 1861 he was sent to the Legislature of New 
 York, and two years later he was elected Secretary 
 of State, declining a re-election two years subse- 
 quently. He found it necessary to devote his time 
 somewhat exclusively to his profession, consider- 
 ing that this was his legitimate calling, and to 
 pursue it would prove of lasting benefit to him in 
 the end. In 1866 he was chosen attorney for the 
 New York and Harlem Railroad, and three years 
 later, when the railroad was consolidated with the 
 New York Central, he became general counsel of 
 the company. He was elected second Vice-Presi- 
 dent of the Central Railroad in 1882, and the fol- 
 lowing year President of the "Vanderbilt roads." 
 
 In person Mr. Depew is above the medium 
 height, has prominent features and a clear, pene- 
 trating voice that can be heard by the largest 
 audiences. 
 
 JOHN SHERMAN. 
 
 Civil War and the stirring times that fol- 
 lowed it have developed some statesmen of 
 distinguished ability, who will long be remembered 
 and honored for the invaluable services they have 
 rendered to the nation. There is always a large 
 class of people prating about the " good old times," 
 telling how superior the early statesmen were to 
 those of more recent date, glorifying the founders 
 of the Republic, and implying that with their
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 197 
 
 death a large part of our national capacity for 
 public affairs went out of existence, never to return. 
 
 It is well to be patient with those who live in 
 the shadow of bygone days, although we may be 
 compelled to pity their simplicity. They show 
 very little knowledge of current history, if they 
 imagine that all the virtue and all the statesman- 
 ship belong to a past generation. With all due 
 respect to the ability of that great class of heroes 
 and patriots whose deeds have given lustre to our 
 early American history, it must yet be remembered 
 that there are giants in these days, and that the 
 next generation will outline their figures in grand 
 proportions, as we do those of former times. 
 
 The name of John Sherman has been closely 
 associated with our national affairs for more than 
 thirty years. During this long period few men 
 have wrought more valiantly, have stood out more 
 prominently in the eye of the nation, have marked 
 their career with greater achievements or have 
 committed fewer mistakes. An eminently wise 
 and safe man he has been. Always strong in his 
 party convictions, he has yet been something more 
 than a politician. He was originally freighted 
 with material sufficient to enable him to fill every 
 position he has occupied, so that it has never been 
 said of him that he was unequal to the occasion. 
 
 From early manhood he has given to the public 
 an impression of massive strength, great intellec-
 
 198 CELEBKATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 tual insight, close familiarity with public affairs, 
 unswerving integrity, and an ability, especially in 
 the matter of finances, second to that of no other 
 man in the nation. To write Mr. Sherman's his- 
 tory is to write his eulogy. 
 
 He was born in Lancaster, Ohio, May 10, 1823. 
 When he was but six years old his father died, 
 leaving a large family in reduced circumstances, 
 and he was subsequently adopted by a relative 
 living at Mt. Vernon, Ohio. At the age of twelve 
 a sister took charge of him and put him in a 
 school at Lancaster, where he acquired an educa- 
 tion. 
 
 He studied law with his brother, C. T. Sher- 
 man, at Mansfield, where he afterward practiced 
 for ten years, and where he was married, in 1848, 
 to a daughter of James Stewart. He was looked 
 upon as a rising man, and gained a distinction 
 which was not confined to the limits of his pro- 
 fession. His neighbors and friends believed that 
 he possessed unusual qualifications for public life. 
 
 In 1855 he was elected to the 34th Congress in 
 the interest of the Free Soil party, and was re- 
 elected to the 35th and 36th Congresses. He 
 became a power on the floor and in committees, 
 and was recognized as the foremost man in the 
 House, particularly in matters affecting finance. 
 He was again elected to Congress in 1860, but in 
 the following year was chosen to the United States
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 199 
 
 Senate, where he at once became a leader. After 
 the close of the Civil War he and Thaddeus Stevens 
 prepared the bill for the reconstruction of the 
 Southern States, which was passed by Congress in 
 the winter of 1866-67. 
 
 In March, 1877, Senator Sherman was appointed 
 by President Hayes, Secretary of the Treasury, 
 a position which he retained until the close of Mr. 
 Hayes' administration, in 1881, when he re-entered 
 the Senate, of which he has been a member ever 
 since, having discharged his duties with such fidel- 
 ity and efficiency as to insure his continual re-elec- 
 tion. Few men have ever had such confidence 
 placed in them, and few have ever done so little to 
 disappoint it. 
 
 Having made the subjects of Finance and 
 Revenue a special study, he was looked upon as 
 eminently fitted for his position in the Cabinet, 
 and when he returned to the Senate and there 
 found grave problems confronting the country, he 
 addressed himself earnestly to the task of solving 
 them and putting the finances of the nation upon 
 a sound basis. It was due to his management, 
 while at the head of the Treasury, that the 
 resumption of specie payments was effected in 
 1879, without disturbance to the financial or com- 
 mercial interests of the country. Naturally he 
 has been brought into close relations with capital, 
 with banks and bankers, with moneyed men of
 
 200 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 every description, who have placed great reliance 
 on his judgment and advice. 
 
 He was a prominent candidate for the Repub- 
 lican presidential nomination in 1880, and again 
 in 1888, but if this was ever seriously his goal of 
 ambition, he stopped short of gaining the prize. 
 Lacking, probably, in some of those magnetic 
 qualities which belong to a great popular leader, 
 he has never been able to command a following 
 large enough to place him at the head of his party 
 in a presidential campaign. His intellect is cold 
 and keen, his manner is dignified and somewhat 
 reserved; he means business, and that only, so 
 constantly, that he has never drawn around him 
 a sufficient number of influential men who were 
 willing to make him their idol and stake ever^ - 
 thing upon his advancement. 
 
 Mr. Sherman would not be selected as a shining 
 example of the brilliant statesman. He is not 
 possessed of that peculiar magnetism by which 
 many other prominent men in the nation have 
 been distinguished, but he is a fine type of those 
 substantial, useful qualities by which the best 
 results are always brought about. He has never 
 aimed to startle the public by dash and enthusiasm. 
 His mind is judicial, and as a jurist he would be 
 preeminent. 
 
 His ripe age, calm judgment, and devotion to 
 his constituents on the one hand, and to his own
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 201 
 
 political faith on the other, have drawn to him 
 universal respect. His life is one that is well 
 rounded and complete. Especially has he shown 
 himself familiar with our national finances, upon 
 which he has long been an authority. 
 
 That his service in Washington has been as use- 
 ful as it has been protracted, will be denied by no 
 one. He was, until 1893, chairman of the Com- 
 mittee on Foreign Relations, and a member of the 
 Committee on Finance, the Committee on Organi- 
 zation, Conduct and Expenditures of the Execu- 
 tive Departments, the Select Committee on the 
 Quadro-Centennial and the Committee on Rules. 
 
 In person Mr. Sherman is very tall and some- 
 what spare. He has a nervous, energetic tempera- 
 ment, and is capable of great endurance and of a 
 vast amount of work. Having risen from the 
 poverty of boyhood to the commanding heights of 
 personal power and influence, he affords a fine 
 illustration of the ample success within the grasp 
 of every young American possessed of ability, 
 industry and laudable ambition. He has left his 
 imprint upon the recent history of our country, 
 which cannot be written without frequent refer- 
 ence to the important measures conceived and fos- 
 tered by his wise and eminent statesmanship. 
 
 In a ripe old age, he can look back with no or- 
 dinary satisfaction upon his long and successful 
 career.
 
 202 CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 JOHN G. CARLISLE. 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury during Mr. 
 Cleveland's second administration is a man 
 of national repute. Few men in our public coun- 
 cils have exerted an influence upon their party 
 and its policies so controlling and so constantly 
 felt. Mr. Carlisle has many of the characteristics 
 which gain distinction and draw the attention of 
 the people at large. While not wishing to differ 
 from others, he yet has views and opinions which 
 are clearly defined and which have been so care- 
 fully thought out that he is able to give a reason 
 for the faith that is in him. 
 
 It is noticeable that in his political career he has 
 advanced steadily step by step and has met with no 
 crushing defeats or disappointments. With him, 
 political life does not seem to have been a lottery, 
 but by substantial merit and active service he has 
 advanced to the highest positions possible for one 
 to occupy. 
 
 Like many others who have been conspicuous 
 in public life, he is a native of Kentucky, a 
 State which is eminent for having produced able 
 men whose names are to be found in every pursuit 
 and profession. 
 
 He was born in Campbell, now Kenton, County,
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 203 
 
 September 5, 1835. The same story of compara- 
 tively humble life, in which so many distinguished 
 men have been reared, must be told of him. Yet 
 the American people feel a kind of pride in a self- 
 made man, and are not unwilling to honor him 
 when he is worthy of their profound regard. Mr. 
 Carlisle was a school-teacher in his younger days, 
 a profession which educates those who engage 
 in it, while they are the educators of their 
 pupils. 
 
 He devoted himself to the study of law, and in 
 1858 was admitted to the bar. At once he became 
 a public man and was elected a member of the 
 Kentucky Legislature in 1859. Among men much 
 older than himself, and of wider repute, he held a 
 place second to that of no other, and gave promise 
 at that time of his subsequent long and distin- 
 guished career. Not assuming to possess abilities 
 which did not belong to him, others were all the 
 more willing to concede to him what was his 
 honest due. In 1864 he was nominated as presi- 
 dential elector on the Democratic ticket, but de- 
 clined to serve. 
 
 He was afterward elected to the Senate of his 
 native State and held this office until 1871, when he 
 was nominated for lieutenant-governor, and, with 
 the other candidates upon the ticket, was elected 
 by a large majority. In the various positions he 
 held he showed himself always to be the same
 
 204 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 man, conscientious, of broad views and unim- 
 peachable integrity. 
 
 By this time it was felt that his party could 
 not well dispense with his services, and he was 
 elected to Congress. The wider sphere of in- 
 fluence seemed to call out all his latent powers 
 and energies, and he gradually became one of 
 the most influential members in the House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 During a part of the time he occupied the chair 
 of Speaker, the highest position in the gift of his 
 party. He filled this place with marked ability, 
 never having been accused of unfair decisions or 
 unjust treatment of the opposing party in the 
 House. He also showed himself to be a man of 
 good executive ability, doing much to expedite 
 public business and showing himself impatient 
 with delays and the various subterfuges sometimes 
 adopted to block legislation. 
 
 Mr. Carlisle's next position of honor was an 
 election to the United States Senate as successor 
 to Senator Blackburn. He remained in the Sen- 
 ate until he was chosen by President Cleveland as 
 Secretary of the Treasury. It was felt that no 
 other Democrat was better fitted to have charge 
 of our national finances. His views upon finan- 
 cial questions were well known, and in one of the 
 state elections in Kentucky, he expressed himself 
 in favor of sound money in the most unmistakable
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 205 
 
 terms. His views, so ably presented, attracted 
 universal attention. 
 
 Mr. Carlisle has been considered an advocate of 
 a low tariff. While believing in the principle of 
 protection, he has been very careful to express his 
 dissent from carrying it to excess. In all his pub- 
 lic utterances he has aimed to present such argu- 
 ments as would convince the popular mind. His 
 skill as a debater, his comprehensive grasp of 
 every subject he treats and his evident candor, 
 give great weight to his views and go far toward 
 convincing those whom he wishes to win to his 
 own political faith. 
 
 Personally, Mr. Carlisle is affable, a man of gen- 
 erous impulses, and popular among men of all 
 shades of political belief. 
 
 ADLAI E. STEVENSON. 
 "VI" R. STEVENSON was born in Christian County, 
 -*-"- Kentucky, October 28, 1835, and was edu- 
 cated at Center College, Danville. From the pe- 
 riod of his entrance into this institution, he was 
 well thought of and highly respected. As a 
 young man he exhibited few of the boyish traits 
 which characterize so many. He appeared to be 
 mature beyond his years, and by close attention 
 to his studies and strict obedience to the rules of 
 order in the College, he merited and received the 
 esteem of his instructors and fellow-students. He
 
 206 CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADEES. 
 
 was evidently bent on business, with no intention 
 of making his time in College a mere play-spell. 
 The high position he gained is evident from the 
 fact that he afterward married the daughter of the 
 president of the College, Dr. Lewis Green. 
 
 His family having removed to Bloomington, Illi- 
 nois, during his College course, he repaired thither 
 after his graduation and entered upon the study 
 of law in the office of the late David Davis. He 
 became a thorough master of his profession, gain- 
 ing meanwhile the esteem of his fellow-townsmen 
 and their high opinion of his ability. He contin- 
 ued the practice of his profession in Metamora 
 and Bloomington until 1874, when he was elected 
 to Congress on the Democratic ticket. 
 
 This honor was all the more remarkable from the 
 fact that Mr. Stevenson possessed few of the traits of 
 the typical politician. He was modest in disposition 
 and more retiring than men are apt to be who seek 
 public office. In fact, it may be said that he did 
 not seek the office ; rather, the office sought him. 
 Having served in Congress two years, he was a 
 candidate for re-election in 1876, but was defeated. 
 
 In 1878 he was again the candidate of his party, 
 and this time was elected. In 1880 and 1882 he 
 was again defeated by small majorities. He was 
 considered in Washington an able legislator, a 
 strong debater, and a Congressman of much more 
 than ordinary ability and efficiency.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 207 
 
 In 1885 President Cleveland appointed him 
 First Assistant Postmaster-General, a tribute to 
 the esteem in which he was held, and the confi- 
 dence reposed in him, which his administration of 
 his office proved was not misplaced. He was popu- 
 lar with public officials in Washington, and by 
 close attention to the postal affairs of the nation, 
 rendered excellent service. At the same time he 
 was a thorough party man, being such, evidently, 
 from conviction. He made his support of Presi- 
 dent Cleveland conspicuous and was a trusted 
 friend and counsellor of the administration. 
 
 Even before 1892 he had been much talked of 
 in the West as a presidential possibility, and many 
 of his party were outspoken in advocating his 
 claims. It was felt that a man of his sagacity, 
 wisdom and executive ability should be at the head 
 of national affairs, and this sentiment became so 
 strong that in 1892 many predicted he would re- 
 ceive the nomination for the Presidency on the 
 Democratic ticket. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland, however, was the choice of the 
 party, and Mr. Stevenson was named for the Vice- 
 Presidency. He immediately threw himself heart 
 and soul into the campaign, and his speeches and 
 efforts in other directions, did much toward swing- 
 ing Illinois into the Democratic column, a result 
 which, to say the least, was a profound surprise to 
 the whole nation. The office of Vice-President
 
 208 CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADEES. 
 
 has never been regarded as the most desirable for 
 the display of statesmanship, or as a stepping- 
 stone to the White House. 
 
 Thus circumscribed as Mr. Stevenson has been, 
 he has not occupied that share of public attention 
 which naturally would have fallen to his lot if he 
 had been an ordinary member of the Senate, or 
 even of the House. Yet he has discharged the 
 duties of his office efficiently, without partisan bias, 
 and in such a way as to gain the respect of even 
 his political opponents. 
 
 It is one of the anomalies of political life in our 
 country that so few men who have held the office 
 of Vice-President have been elevated to the chair 
 of the Chief Executive. Yet there can be no doubt 
 that the founders of the nation intended it to be 
 otherwise. In their thought the Vice-President 
 was the heir apparent to the higher position, but 
 the changes of public sentiment have otherwise 
 determined. 
 
 In person Mr. Stevenson is rather tall and well 
 built. He has a strong voice, fluent utterance and 
 is admirably adapted for discussing political ques- 
 tions before the people. His grasp of his subject 
 and ability to handle it are apparent, and he re- 
 ceives strict attention to what he has to say. 
 Tak : ng him all in all, few leaders of his party are 
 more worthy of being honored or more deserving 
 of confidence.
 
 ROBERT E. PATTISON
 
 RICHARD OLNEY.
 
 WILKINSON CALL
 
 \ 
 
 ROSWELL P. FLOWER.
 
 LEVI P. MORTON
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON, D. C.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 209 
 
 ROBERT T. LINCOLN. 
 
 ~VTO figure in American history is more majestic 
 M than that of Abraham Lincoln. He was 
 called to lay his hand on the helm when the ship 
 of state was among the breakers and threatened 
 with destruction. His sturdy common sense, his 
 broad statesmanship, his unswerving patriotism, 
 his skill in handling men, combined to make him 
 a great man for a great emergency. Such an 
 emergency was the Civil War, through which 
 Mr. Lincoln displayed the qualities of a great 
 leader. 
 
 The fatal bullet that resulted in his death left 
 only one to bear his honored name who was 
 destined to reach mature life. Several sons died 
 in their early days, and Mr. Lincoln was peculiarly 
 unfortunate in the loss of his children. One, 
 however, Robert Todd Lincoln, grew to manhood, 
 a strong, muscular, well-proportioned, vigorous 
 man, yet not closely resembling his father whose 
 slender, yet rugged figure, towered above ordinary 
 men. Looking at the faces of father and son, one 
 would discover no marked resemblance between 
 them. The face of the father is long, spare and 
 marked by prominent features ; that of the son is 
 more round and full, yet is characterized by what 
 
 14
 
 210 CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 could best be described as a combination of intelli- 
 gence and dignity. 
 
 Near the close of the Civil War, we find Robert 
 T. Lincoln a captain on the staff of General Grant. 
 Thus the White House was represented on the 
 battle-field, and the only son of the President of 
 the United States took up arms in defense of his 
 country. No stronger evidence could be furnished 
 of the patriotic spirit which pervaded the high 
 places of the land. Although young at this time, 
 Mr. Lincoln showed the commanding qualities 
 which distinguished his father, and was a faithful 
 and efficient staff-officer. 
 
 He was born at Springfield, Illinois, August 1, 
 1843. Although his father had only a common- 
 school education, and somewhat limited, even at 
 that, he knew the value of education and resolved 
 that his children should have as good advantages 
 as he could possibly furnish them. Robert took a 
 course of study at Phillips Academy, Exeter, N. 
 H., and at Harvard. He resolved to study law, 
 and his course at Harvard was shaped with this 
 end in view. Having been admitted to the bar, 
 he practiced law in Chicago until 1881. Not 
 merely by reason of being the son of President 
 Lincoln, but by reason of his own manly qualities, 
 sound judgment and ability in his profession, he 
 attracted public notice and was already embarked 
 upon a distinguished career. The public press
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 211 
 
 pointed to him as one in every way worthy of a 
 position in the cabinet of President Garfield, and 
 there was no surprise, but rather universal gratifi- 
 cation, when he received the portfolio of Secretary 
 of War. This office he retained until the close of 
 President Arthur's administration, when he re- 
 turned to his practice of law in Chicago. 
 
 The position of Secretary of War did not per- 
 mit of any brilliant display of talents. It required 
 strict attention to public affairs, to the details of 
 the office, and to the measures relating to the War 
 Department, which were from time to time enacted 
 by Congress. All these duties were discharged by 
 Mr. Lincoln in the most creditable manner, and he 
 became one of the most conspicuous members of 
 the cabinet. He was never charged with any 
 visionary schemes, was sound and just in his con- 
 clusions, was so conservative as to command the 
 respect and confidence of all thoughtful persons, 
 and left his office with an enviable national repu- 
 tation. 
 
 When President Harrison came into office in 
 1889, Mr. Lincoln was strongly recommended by 
 his friends as a suitable person to represent our 
 country at one of the foreign courts. It required 
 no urging for Mr. Harrison to confer this honor, 
 and Mr. Lincoln was appointed Minister to Eng- 
 land. This position he filled with distinguished 
 ability during President Harrison's term of office,
 
 212 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADEBS. 
 
 and returned to this country in 1893 when Presi- 
 dent Cleveland began his second administration. 
 He passed gracefully again into private life, yet 
 was not forgotten by his party, who have, in 
 various ways, shown him marks of the highest 
 esteem and expressed a desire that he should hold 
 such relations to public affairs as would enable 
 him to render the services that could be expected 
 of him in view of his past successes. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln is a strong, forcible speaker, some- 
 what resembling his honored father in this respect, 
 exhibiting the more weighty and convincing ele- 
 ments of oratory, in contrast with the brilliant 
 pyrotechnics by which so many men in public life 
 render themselves notorious. He is a fine exam- 
 ple to the young men of our country in those 
 noble qualities which go to form the best manhood. 
 It is safe to say that whatever position or sphere 
 he may occupy he will prove himself to be a public 
 man of sterling integrity, strict honesty, safe judg- 
 ment, exerting an influence which will tend to 
 promote the public welfare irrespective of all party 
 prejudice. Such men are the nation's treasure, 
 her most enduring riches. 
 
 The consciousness of personal integrity and well- 
 merited appreciation belongs to many men who are 
 not panting for public office, yet, if it is bestowed, 
 they are capable of showing themselves well-fitted 
 for the task.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 213 
 
 MELVILLE W. FULLER. 
 
 T AWYERS of high reputation are found in all 
 -^ parts of our country, and here, more than in 
 almost any other profession, it is difficult to draw 
 distinctions and say that one is superior to another. 
 Taken as a whole, the profession of law exhibits 
 keen intellectual ability and marked oratorical 
 power. 
 
 Some members of the profession have been emi- 
 nent as jurists, such as Chief-Justice Marshall and 
 Chief-Justice Chase. Others have been eloquent 
 pleaders, like Webster and Choate. Others have 
 excelled in that intellectual acuteness which is 
 especially required in untangling the meshes of 
 the law. 
 
 It is true that very able jurists have been placed 
 upon the bench of the Supreme Court. Yet these 
 never have enjoyed a monopoly of legal talent. 
 Others of equal ability might have been elevated 
 to the same position, fulfilling its duties with equal 
 efficiency. 
 
 The subject of this sketch did not have a national 
 reputation until he was nominated for Chief Justice 
 by President Cleveland and promptly confirmed by 
 the Senate. That such an honor is great is uni- 
 versally conceded ; it is one of the highest that
 
 214 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 can be conferred. It has been said that the Supreme 
 Court is peculiarly the pride and glory of our coun- 
 try. Although this was said by a member of the 
 Court and appears to have a touch of self-praise 
 about it, nevertheless it must be admitted to be 
 true. 
 
 Here is the tribunal of last resort. Here ques- 
 tions are decided which pertain even to the Consti- 
 tution and government of the country. Matters of 
 the gravest import are constantly before the Court, 
 vast interests hinging upon their decision. Beyond 
 this tribunal there is no appeal. Its word is final 
 and is not to be disputed. Its decisions pass into 
 laws, into principles of action, and even become a 
 part of our unwritten Constitution. 
 
 History furnishes a record of many tribunals, 
 some just, some unjust, some cruel, some merciful, 
 some pure, and many corrupt; but in all the long 
 story of civilization from ancient Egypt down 
 through the Greek and Roman Empires to the 
 present day, there can be found no judicial organi- 
 zation more worthy of high honor and profound 
 respect than the Supreme Court of the United 
 States. 
 
 Intimately interwoven as its proceedings have 
 been with the national and individual life of our 
 people, calmly deciding, as it has, matters of the 
 gravest import, involving vast measures of wealth, 
 political consequences unmeasurable in mere money,
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 215 
 
 and questions on the turn of which hung millions 
 of lives, no taint of suspicion ever sullied its honor, 
 the serious charge has seldom been made, even in 
 the heat of sectional strife and bitterness, that its 
 decision, or the decisions of its individual members, 
 were guided by aught save the cold, passionless 
 mandate of the law, clothed with the significance 
 that each one attached to its utterance. 
 
 It was characterized by an eminent jurist as 
 " The court which interprets the living voice of the 
 Constitution." " In whatever has concerned the 
 national welfare, this court has," he said, "always 
 stood for the conscience of the people of the United 
 States." 
 
 The character and eminence of its members 
 must ever be a subject of deepest interest to all 
 Americans, for it is readily conceivable that with- 
 out a Marshall, a Waite, a Storey and a Chase, as 
 Chief-Justices, our national and political develop- 
 ment might have proceeded upon lines far differ- 
 ent from the ones which it has followed. 
 
 The position held by the Supreme Court, the 
 importance of the cases brought to its judgment 
 and the far-reaching effects of its decisions, require 
 jurists of the most profound learning, the widest 
 experience, the utmost patience and candor, and 
 personal characters above reproach. That Mr. 
 Fuller meets these requirements to a most eminent 
 degree, is universally admitted. He was born in
 
 216 CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 Augusta, Maine, Februnry 11, 1833, and twenty 
 years later graduated from Bowdoin College, an 
 institution which has been peculiarly favored in 
 its distinguished graduates. Having studied law 
 at Harvard College, Mr. Fuller entered upon the 
 practice of his profession in his native city in 1855. 
 
 His mind seems to have had a leaning toward 
 journalism, and he became the editor of the Augusta 
 Age, while at the same time he became prominent 
 in local politics, having been made president of the 
 Common Council during his editorship. In 1856 
 he was elected City Attorney. But, like many 
 young men born and reared in New England, he 
 was seized with the Western fever, and determined 
 to go "West to find a wider field for his energies. 
 He removed to Chicago, where, for thirty-two 
 years, he conducted a highly successful law prac- 
 tice, having gained immediately a wide reputation 
 for legal acumen, and for honorable methods in the 
 management of his cases. 
 
 At the same time, he did not divorce himself 
 from public affairs. He was a member of the 
 Illinois Constitutional Convention in 1862, and of 
 the Illinois House of Representatives in 1863. 
 A strong Democrat, he served as a delegate to all 
 the national Conventions from 1864 to 1880 inclus- 
 ive, and was always prominent in the councils of 
 his party, where his word had the greatest influ- 
 ence. His successful career naturally pointed to a
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 217 
 
 higher position of service than he had hitherto 
 occupied. Not only the men of his own party, 
 but his fellow-citizens generally looked upon him 
 as an able, honorable and upright man. 
 
 When President Cleveland selected him to fill 
 the vacancy on the Supreme Bench of the United 
 States caused by the death of Chief-Justice Waite, 
 the choice was pronounced a wise one by those who 
 knew Mr. Fuller best. Those who had not known 
 him were somewhat surprised at his selection, but 
 subsequent events have justified the wisdom of the 
 choice. He was confirmed by the Senate July 20, 
 1888, and took the oath of office on the 8th of 
 October following. 
 
 In the social life of Washington, Mr. Fuller and 
 his family are widely known, making it a point to 
 entertain their friends and show attention to stran- 
 gers. Their delightful hospitalities are widely 
 extended and thoroughly enjoyed. A large family 
 of daughters, bright and well educated, lend attrac- 
 tion to the home. These have been reared, not 
 after the straight-laced fashion, but, while placed 
 under judicious parental restraint, they have been 
 allowed such freedom as develops individuality of 
 character, and, to a considerable extent, independ- 
 ence of action. They think for themselves, have 
 opinions of their own, and are fully equal to all 
 the social functions in which they are required to 
 take part.
 
 218 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 Mr. Fuller has received the degree of LL.D. 
 from Bowdoin College, and also from the North- 
 western University. This is simply the recogni- 
 tion of those distinguished abilities which have 
 placed him at the head of the highest judicial 
 tribunal in the land. In person he is of medium 
 height and build, and not at all remarkable for 
 what we are in the habit of calling "presence." 
 His hair is white and is worn long; his face 
 smooth, with the exception of a somewhat heavy 
 mustache. His features are clear cut, giving evi- 
 dence of the scholar and the thinker. 
 
 His decisions are marked by learning, profound 
 insight into the merits of the case, and a simplicity 
 and clearness of expression which render them 
 capable of being comprehended by the average 
 mind. 
 
 WILLIAM EUSTIS RUSSELL. 
 FT1HE " Old Bay State " can point with pride to 
 the long array of illustrious names that 
 illuminate the pages of its history. Some of the 
 greatest orators, statesmen, successful merchants, 
 and men eminent in every profession, have be- 
 longed to Massachusetts. 
 
 In early days the State was made up of a rugged, 
 intelligent, Puritan stock, and the position it then 
 gained in national affairs has been continued in a 
 large degree to the present time. Many of the
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 219 
 
 great reforms which have swept over the nation, 
 opposed at first, yet finally triumphant, have 
 originated among the citizens of Massachusetts, 
 and have been defended and carried forward by 
 powerful advocates. The State may well take a 
 lawful pride in the names that stand high upon 
 the roll of her distinguished sons. 
 
 One of these is the subject of this sketch, William 
 E. Russell, who, for various reasons, is a party 
 leader of wide influence, and considered not only 
 a rising man in his owii community, but also by 
 his party throughout the country. It is rarely 
 that one so young is called to the highest positions 
 of honor and responsibility. It does sometimes 
 happen, however, that men appear on the scene of 
 action who exhibit a maturity of mind and judg- 
 ment beyond their years, and a personal magnetism 
 that draws to them many followers and champions. 
 
 In the Eastern States the name of Mr. Russell 
 seems to be a kind of talisman, a fine rallying cry. 
 His success in public life has been very marked, 
 and while he has a large following among the 
 young men, great confidence is also placed in him 
 by those who are older, and who, we would natu- 
 rally suppose, would be somewhat suspicious of 
 the sagacity and wisdom of a young man. This 
 fact speaks volumes for Mr. Russell, and is some- 
 thing that never could have been said if he were 
 not very evenly balanced, combining sound judg-
 
 220 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 ment and deep acumen with the ardor and enthu- 
 siasm of youth. 
 
 He was born in Cambridge, Mass., January 6, 
 1857. Not having enjoyed all the advantages of 
 academical training, he had to content himself 
 with a common-school education. Yet it may be 
 said that he was not " spoiled by college." He 
 entered young into political life, soon became 
 popular, and when but twenty-five years old was 
 elected alderman, showing such rare ability in this 
 office that he was re-elected without opposition. 
 
 In 1885 he was a candidate for mayor of Cam- 
 bridge, was easily elected, and gave such satisfac- 
 tion in the administration of that office that he 
 was re-elected for three successive terms. He then 
 abandoned politics and went into business; but 
 one who had shown such ability, and enjoyed such 
 popularity, could not be set aside by his party 
 which was in need of a dashing leader. 
 
 He received the nomination for governor, but 
 was defeated by 28,000. This, however, did not 
 discourage him, and, having been nominated again 
 in the succeeding year, he was defeated this time 
 by only 6,775 votes. In 1890 he was again nomi- 
 nated and elected by nearly 9,000 plurality. The 
 sentiment of his party crystallized around him, 
 and so skillfully was his campaign conducted that 
 even the dominant party of his State was unable 
 to defeat him. At the end of his term he was re-
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 221 
 
 elected, and was finally defeated only by the great 
 change in public sentiment which placed the Re- 
 publican party again in the ascendant. 
 
 By this time he began to be talked about as one 
 who was fitted for a place on the national ticket 
 of his party. It was felt that his success and 
 sterling qualities entitled him to such a place, as 
 he had already gained the highest honor that 
 could be conferred by his native State. In 1892 
 he was prominently mentioned for the Vice-Presi- 
 dency, and again for the Presidency in 1896. If 
 he were a western man he would doubtless have 
 a much better chance for political promotion. 
 
 Mr. Russell is a young-looking man, with smooth 
 face, strong features, and has withal an attractive 
 personality. He is a good speaker, forcible and 
 earnest, talks right home to his hearers, is brim- 
 ming over with facts and arguments, possesses 
 the courage of his convictions, and is so highly 
 esteemed, and is manifestly so able, that many 
 predictions have been made that he will yet gain 
 a much more exalted place than any he has hith- 
 erto occupied. 
 
 There are unquestionably certain advantages in 
 being " a young man in politics." An older man 
 might say and do the same things, yet they would 
 not attract so much attention as in the case of one 
 younger. The latter also would have a more 
 enthusiastic following.
 
 222 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADEKS. 
 
 JOHN WANAMAKER. 
 
 nnHE career of no business man in the United 
 States has been more successful than that of 
 John Wanamaker. From the poor boy to the 
 foremost merchant of our time, is an amazing step. 
 Others may be accounted self-made men, miracles 
 we might call them of energy and achievement, 
 but to no other does the term phenomenal apply 
 with as much force as it does to the subject of this 
 sketch. 
 
 Not only is Mr. Wanamaker the greatest mer- 
 chant in America, he is also one of our greatest 
 men. By this we do not mean that he is brilliant 
 from all points of view, that he is a profound 
 scholar or a great orator, but in all the elements 
 which go to form a true and noble manhood, a 
 man successful in all his undertakings, and a pri- 
 vate and public citizen of pre-eminent worth and 
 influence, he may be considered unique. 
 
 It has been quite customary for instructors of 
 the rising generation to point to Mr. Wanamaker 
 as a shining example for young men. The young 
 as well as the old learn best from object lessons. 
 That Mr. Wanamaker should have been selected 
 so frequently as a pattern for imitation is not sur- 
 prising to those who know him best. Standing
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 223 
 
 conspicuously as he does before the public, it is 
 not to be wondered at that he should have his 
 critics, perhaps even enemies. All positive char- 
 acters do have them, and it is greatly to their 
 credit that they do. What impresses one espe- 
 cially is, that Mr. Wanamaker has so many sides 
 to his character, and shows so much of genius, not 
 only in one direction, but in many. It is not too 
 much to say that if he had been engaged in any 
 other pursuit than the mercantile, he would 
 instantly have come to the front. . 
 
 The secret of all this is simply in the man him- 
 self. Having the ability, it cannot help exhibit- 
 ing itself under all circumstances. The man who 
 is a natural-born leader is pretty sure to lead 
 wherever you place him. He carries in his own 
 strong will and iron arm successes beyond the 
 reach of feebler men. Such an one does not need 
 to have greatness thrust upon him; he is great 
 already. The world always has estimated, and 
 always will estimate, men by their successes. 
 Judged by this inevitable standard, Mr. Wana- 
 maker is a Saul among the Prophets. 
 
 He was born in Philadelphia, July 11, 1838; 
 attended a country school until he was fourteen, 
 and there obtained about the only education he 
 ever received. His first place was that of messen- 
 ger boy with the publishing house of Troutman & 
 Hayes, at the exceedingly modest salary of $1.25
 
 224 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 a week. He lived over four miles from the store ? 
 and footed it morning and evening, eating at noon 
 the plain lunch brought with him from home, put 
 up for him by a loving mother's hands. Subse- 
 quently the family lived for a time in Kosciusko 
 County, Indiana, but returned to Philadelphia in 
 1856, where young Wanamaker eventually ob- 
 tained employment in Tower Hall, then the 
 largest clothing house in that city. 
 
 At the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, when 
 he was twenty-three years old, he married Miss 
 Brown, and, having obtained a very small capital, 
 he went into the clothing business in partnership 
 with his brother-in-law. Here the qualities of the 
 man began to show themselves, and he became 
 conspicuous for that business shrewdness, push, 
 and perseverance, enterprise, courage, and breadth 
 of views which have distinguished him ever since. 
 
 Of course, the business prospered and grew rap- 
 idly, until in time his clothing house became the 
 largest in America. A second store was opened 
 in the city, and afterwards several branch houses 
 in other parts of the country. It is noticeable 
 that from early manhood Mr. Wanamaker devoted 
 himself enthusiastically to religious work, his 
 activity in this respect keeping pace with that dis- 
 played in his business. He established a mission 
 school in what was then a poor, neglected part of 
 the city, so infested with rough, criminal charac-
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 225 
 
 ters, that it was scarcely safe for a respectable cit- 
 izen to walk through its streets after nightfall. 
 
 This mission has grown to amazing proportions. 
 It was the forerunner of the great Bethany Church 
 and Sunday-schools, which have attracted atten- 
 tion, not merely in Philadelphia, but in all parts 
 of the country. It may as well be said here that 
 in connection with Bethany, advantages have been 
 offered to young persons in humble circumstances 
 for the study of various secular branches, a knowl- 
 edge of which is intended to prepare them for 
 business life. Moreover, arrangements have been 
 made for the founding of an institute which will 
 cost from one to two million dollars, where at a 
 nominal rate young persons of both sexes can 
 pursue academical studies, and have ample oppor- 
 tunities for manual training. This is one of Mr. 
 Wanamaker's crowning achievements. 
 
 After the Centennial Exhibition of 1876, with 
 the financial management of which he was promi- 
 nently connected, he opened the great general 
 store in Philadelphia which continues to be one of 
 the wonders of the age. It occupies an entire 
 square in one direction and half this space in 
 another. The building was once a large freight 
 depot, and when Mr. Wanarnaker conceived the 
 idea of opening a store of such gigantic dimensions 
 it was freely prophesied that he would fail. Not- 
 withstanding all reports to the contrary, there has 
 
 15
 
 226 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 doubtless never been a time when Mr. Wanamakei 
 was anywhere near the point of failing. Failure 
 does not seem to be in the man. 
 
 Mr. Wanamaker's methods of conducting busi- 
 ness have shown his original genius. These have 
 been quite different from those long pursued, being 
 especially noticeable in the liberality shown to the 
 public. They are made to feel quite at home in 
 the great establishment, are treated with the 
 utmost courtesy, and if, after making purchases, 
 these are not satisfactory, they can be returned. 
 The theory is, that to treat the public liberally pays. 
 
 Quite naturally Mr. Wanamaker became promi- 
 nent as a citizen and public man. He appeared 
 to have no ambition for office, but for many years 
 was fully occupied with the management of his 
 vast concerns. His counsel and advice were, how- 
 ever, often sought, and it is probable that no pre- 
 ferment within the gift of his native city would 
 have been denied him. 
 
 But he was destined to hold a much higher 
 position and one that would identify him with the 
 affairs of the nation at large. Having many times 
 declined public office, in 1889 he accepted the 
 portfolio of Postmaster-General in President Har- 
 rison's Cabinet, and intoduced into the department 
 the most approved business methods. His efficient 
 administration did much toward perfecting aiid 
 extending the postal service.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 227 
 
 Mr. Wanamaker has long been distinguished 
 for his liberal contributions to benevolent work, 
 and it is certain that more than one institution, 
 endowed by his munificence, will stand as a monu- 
 ment to his business capacity and liberal spirit. 
 
 He takes the view that a considerable part of 
 his vast estate should be distributed during his 
 lifetime under his own care and supervision. He 
 is not willing merely to part with his money when 
 compelled to by grim death, after the example of 
 a great many. 
 
 RICHARD OLNEY. 
 
 A POSITION in the Cabinet at Washington re- 
 "*** quires ability of a high order. Especially is 
 this true of the positions of Attorney-General and 
 Secretary of State. An Attorney-General must 
 add to profound legal knowledge a sound judg- 
 ment, a wise discretion, and executive ability equal 
 to that of any manager of a large and exacting 
 business. It is not enough that he should be 
 merely a shrewd lawyer, a man skilled in the sup- 
 posed tricks of the profession, nor is it expected 
 that he should practice any of the unscrupulous 
 arts that are so often charged upon the members of 
 the bar. 
 
 A Secretary of State is expected to be a states- 
 man. He must understand the policy of the 
 government, and know by a kind of instinct what
 
 228 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 position to take upon all critical questions. He 
 must be a profound student of international law 
 and be well acquainted with our relations to foreign 
 governments. 
 
 That Richard Olney meets these unusual de- 
 mands in an eminent degree, is universally con- 
 ceded. By natural ability and broad culture, he 
 is amply qualified for the positions he has held at 
 Washington. 
 
 He was but little known, except in his native 
 State of Massachusetts, when called to the Cabinet 
 during the second administration of President 
 Cleveland, although it must be said that his asso- 
 ciates considered him one of the ablest lawyers of 
 his time. He comes from one of the oldest New 
 England families, and has back of him a sturdy 
 stock and ancestry which have had so much to do 
 in moulding the nation and shaping its history. 
 
 He was born in Oxford, Mass., in 1835, and at 
 the comparatively early age of twenty-one gradu- 
 ated with high honors from Brown University, at 
 Providence, R. I. In college he was distinguished 
 for close application to his studies, rare scholarship 
 and excellent literary ability. He was easily the 
 peer of the brightest and most brilliant of his 
 class. He seemed to be able to do easily what 
 others could do only by the hardest labor. 
 
 After his graduation he entered the Harvard 
 Law School, and in two years completed the
 
 CELEBKATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 229 
 
 course. Thus, at the age of twenty-three, he was 
 prepared to enter upon his profession. He was 
 fortunate in being able to associate himself with 
 Judge B. F. Thomas, a descendant of Isaiah 
 Thomas, the publisher of the old Thomas Almanac, 
 a publication known everywhere in Massachusetts, 
 and regarded with a feeling almost akin to venera- 
 tion. He was also the founder of the well-known 
 journal, The Worcester Spy. In 1861 Mr. Obey 
 married the daughter of Judge Thomas, thus unit- 
 ing two distinguished families. 
 
 Efforts have been made in Massachusetts to 
 make Mr. Olney one of the judges on the Supreme 
 Bench of the State, but on two occasions he has 
 declined the honor, and also, for the most part, 
 has separated himself from political life. His 
 ambition appeared to lie in other directions,, and 
 many positions of honor would have been con- 
 ferred upon him if he had been willing to accept 
 them. He did, however, in 1874, represent Rox- 
 bury in the State Legislature, proving himself to 
 be a useful member of that body and thoroughly 
 acquainted with the duties of a representative. In 
 1876 he was a candidate for Attorney-General of 
 the State on the Democratic ticket, but was defeated 
 with the other candidates of his party. 
 
 He has been counsel for two big western rail- 
 roads, the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe and the 
 Chicago, Burlington and Quincy. This shows the
 
 230 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 estimate placed upon his legal ability. His work 
 is always thorough, his arguments are logical and 
 presented with admirable skill, he is quick to take 
 advantage of the weak places in the case of his 
 opponent, he exhibits a complete mastery of law, 
 and, withal, impresses others as a man of honor 
 and high character. His political party has always 
 placed great confidence in his judgment, and in all 
 critical periods have sought his counsel and advice. 
 
 It is said that during the first administration of 
 President Cleveland his name was favorably con- 
 sidered for the position of Chief Justice of the 
 United States Supreme Court ; but the President 
 did not quite reach the point of sending his name 
 to the Senate for confirmation. That he would 
 have been an able member, an ornament of that 
 dignified body, is doubted by none who are ac- 
 quainted with his qualifications and his admitted 
 integrity. 
 
 In 1893 he was appointed by President Cleve- 
 land Attorney-General of the United States, where 
 his strength of character, his eminent ability and 
 profound knowledge of international law have 
 made him conspicuous. Upon the death of Secre- 
 tary Gresham, which occurred May 28, 1895, Mr. 
 Olney was made Secretary of State. He has had 
 the handling of some very important matters con- 
 nected with the foreign policy of our government, 
 and has acquitted himself in such a manner as to
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 231 
 
 command the admiration of his fellow-countrymen. 
 He believes in a vigorous policy, yet one that is 
 always founded upon right principles. He never 
 takes a position which he is unable to defend and 
 maintain. 
 
 He is a man of method, carrying on his work 
 always in an orderly way, and showing marked 
 attention to those details upon which success in 
 any pursuit so largely depends. He is not accus- 
 tomed to do things in any fitful or spasmodic man- 
 ner, but on the contrary always shows cool judg- 
 ment and calm deliberation. There is an absence 
 of impulse and recklessness of decision which helps 
 to fit him for his official duties. 
 
 Exhibiting these characteristics, he soon gained 
 the confidence of public men in Washington. 
 What opportunities in public life may lie before 
 him no one can predict ; neither would any one be 
 surprised if he were to have larger responsibilities 
 placed upon him. 
 
 A recent biography says : " Mr. Olney is a man 
 of dignified bearing, one who appreciates the 
 responsibilities of the position he occupies, and his 
 reputation is that of a profound legal scholar, 
 whose judgment on questions of law is seldom at 
 fault." 
 
 Mr. Olney is a substantial, well-built man, capa- 
 ble of a great amount of labor ; he has a genial, 
 pleasant face, but never gives one the impression
 
 232 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 that he is courting popularity. His manner is 
 calm, yet his addresses are full of force, always 
 engaging the attention of his hearers. There is a 
 sharp expression to his eyes and a forward thrust 
 of the head which seems to indicate a disposition 
 to see his way, and a determination to go straight 
 through every matter that occupies his attention. 
 
 Although not widely known when he went to 
 Washington, he has become a man of national 
 reputation. The best elements of manhood enter 
 into his composition. He is a wise and safe coun- 
 sellor, is possessed of marked individuality, and 
 must be considered as one of the brightest orna- 
 ments of his profession. His comparatively quiet 
 yet successful career furnishes a good example to 
 the rising generation of lawyers. It shows what 
 can be done by ability well applied and by industry 
 that never tires. 
 
 HORACE BOIES. 
 
 a farm near Buffalo, Erie County, New 
 York, the subject of this biography was born 
 in 1827. So far he had everything in his favor, 
 being the son of a hard-working, honest farmer, 
 and, as was supposed, destined to grow up in a 
 pursuit which is honorable, healthful and affording 
 the means of independence, for such are the views 
 universally entertained of country life and the 
 great farming community. Better, most persons
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 233 
 
 would say, thus to be a country boy than to run 
 in the streets of the city, be prematurely developed, 
 and become familiar with the vices of the town. 
 
 A sound mind in a sound body, is the first 
 requisite of success in life, and if this is not the 
 heritage of a farmer's boy, where else can it be 
 found ? To roam the hills and fields, to breathe 
 the free fresh air, to feel the touch of nature in all 
 her varied moods all this is something to be 
 coveted by the lad who means to make his mark in 
 the world. 
 
 Horace Boies worked on the farm as assistant to 
 his father in clearing the timber-land until he was 
 sixteen years old, and during this time did manj 
 a hard day's work, and, to his credit let it be said, 
 did it well. 
 
 At the age of seventeen he went West, to the 
 great State of Wisconsin, under the impression 
 that there he would have a better chance for mak- 
 ing his way, obtaining a livelihood and, perhaps, 
 amassing a fortune. He found employment on a 
 farm, but did not long remain, for the reason that 
 he was eager to obtain an education. He returned 
 to his old home, took an academic course of study, 
 and went into a lawyer's office. 
 
 In 1852 he began the practice of his profession 
 in Buffalo, and in a few years had established an 
 excellent reputation as a criminal lawyer. Still 
 his mind was turned toward the West, and he
 
 234 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 resolved to make another trial, with the intention 
 and hope of becoming more prominent in public 
 affairs than was likely to be the case if he remained 
 in the city where he had begun the practice of his 
 profession. 
 
 He removed to Waterloo, Iowa, in 1867, and 
 there practiced in partnership with H. B. Allen for 
 several years. He was afterwards associated with 
 C. F. Couch until that gentleman retired to become 
 a district judge in 1884. Gradually his name 
 became widely known, his ability attracted notice, 
 and, being a staunch Democrat, he soon became 
 one of the most influential managers of his party 
 in the State. They honored him with the nomina- 
 tion for governor in 1889, and so great was his 
 popularity that he was elected. Two years later 
 he was re-elected, but was subsequently defeated, 
 although the excellence of his administration was 
 universally admitted. 
 
 The triumph of the Democratic party in 1889 
 under his leadership was one of the unexpected 
 revolutions in the State of Iowa, to which his per- 
 sonal popularity and masterly qualities as a leader 
 largely contributed. He led the fight against pro- 
 hibition legislation and gained a complete victory. 
 
 Mr. Boies was the choice of the Iowa and several 
 other State delegations for the Presidency in the 
 Democratic National Convention of 1892. For a 
 number of years he has been regarded as the
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 235 
 
 leader of his party in Iowa, a skillful politician 
 and effective speaker, a wise administrator of pub- 
 lic office, and every way worthy of the great con' 
 fidence reposed in him by his constituents. 
 
 WILLIAM C. WHITNEY. 
 ]V/TR. WHITNEY must be considered one of the 
 foremost leaders of the Democratic party, 
 A gentleman of fine culture, large wealth, patriotic 
 spirit, and possessed of great political shrewdness, 
 which is universally admitted, he has long been 
 eminent among the celebrities whose names are 
 associated with our national affairs. 
 
 He was born in Con way, Mass., July 15, 1841. 
 The circumstances of his family were such that he 
 could receive a thorough preliminary education, 
 and, being thus well fitted for College, he entered 
 Yale, graduated in 1863, and subsequently studied 
 law at Harvard, leaving the latter institution in 
 1865. 
 
 In the city of New York he began at once the 
 practice of his profession, and soon won distinction. 
 Possessed of a legal mind, vast social influence, 
 and being withal a hard worker, he immediately 
 stepped ir.to the front ranks of the legal profession. 
 
 This did not prevent him from turning his at- 
 tention to politics, and in 1871 he joined the 
 Young Men's Democratic Club, soon acquiring a 
 prominence almost beyond his years, by the active
 
 236 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 part lie took in the famous fight against the Tweed 
 ring. 
 
 Being a man possessed of liberal culture, and 
 interested in all matters of education, he was made 
 inspector of public schools in 1872. This office 
 would scarcely satisfy the ambition of such a man 
 as Mr. Whitney, and he naturally looked for 
 greater distinction in the political arena. He ran 
 as a candidate for district attorney under the 
 auspices of the reformed Democracy and was de- 
 feated. This, however, only increased his deter- 
 mination to succeed, and we soon find him appear- 
 ing again as a candidate for office. 
 
 He was active in the campaign of 1875, and 
 during this year was appointed Corporation Coun- 
 sel in New York. It has been said with truth 
 that Mr. Whitney, during his term of office, saved 
 New York City millions of dollars by his wise 
 opposition to various claims brought by the politi- 
 cal sharks, who attempted to make raids upon the 
 city treasury. 
 
 With the election of Mr. Cleveland to the Presi- 
 dency, Mr. Whitney received a sudden elevation 
 by being selected as one of the members of the 
 Cabinet. He was made Secretary of the Navy, 
 and such vigor, discrimination, energy and enter- 
 prise did he put into his office that he attracted 
 favorable comment throughout the country from 
 all political parties. To him is due, to a large
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 23) 
 
 extent, the creation of an American Navy. By 
 his tact and ability, by his watchfulness over the 
 public treasury, and by the administration of his 
 office with the same efficiency and economy that 
 he would have given to his own private concerns, 
 he set up a standard in the public service which 
 has been pointed to with pride. 
 
 Having returned to the practice of his profes- 
 sion, he has not ceased to exhibit great interest in 
 public affairs, and it may justly be said that there 
 is no position in the gift of his party which they 
 would not be willing to confer upon him if only 
 his acceptance could be gained. 
 
 He is a shining example of those noble qualities 
 which, in alliance with great wealth, make for the 
 welfare of the nation. 
 
 REV. CHARLES H. PARKHURST, D.D. 
 T1HE late Reverend Howard Crosby, D.D., was 
 for many years President of the Society for 
 the Prevention of Crime, a large and influential 
 organization in the city of New York. Upon the 
 death of Dr. Crosby, it was conceded that it would 
 be difficult to find a person possessing the peculiar 
 qualifications necessary for the position he had 
 held with such distinguished ability and efficiency. 
 Dr. Parkhurst had been favorably known as a 
 member of the organization, was noted for intel- 
 lectual ability and zeal in the work of reform,
 
 238 CELEBKATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 and the choice of the society placed him at its 
 head. 
 
 It became evident immediately that a man of 
 great courage, political insight, enthusiasm in 
 carrying out his objects, and able to command the 
 co-operation of the most influential men in New 
 York, was now fully identified with the great 
 reform movements contemplated by the society. 
 His strong personality was immediately felt. For 
 several years he has been one of the most noted 
 figures in New York, applauded by some, and 
 execrated by others. 
 
 Dr. Parkhurst was born in Framingham, Mass., 
 April 17, 1842. He came from a vigorous stock, 
 containing a pretty strong infusion of old Puritan 
 element. Thoughtful and studious in his boy- 
 hood, he marked himself out for the career of a 
 professional man, and having become an earnest 
 and devout adherent of the Christian faith, his 
 family and friends naturally set him aside for the 
 work of the ministry. 
 
 Accordingly he prepared for college and gradu- 
 ated from Amherst in 1866. He did not consider 
 that his education would be complete if confined 
 within narrow limits of thought, or favored with 
 only meagre advantages. He studied theology 
 at Halle, Germany, in 1869, and at Leipsic in 1872 
 and 1873, during the intervals of which studies 
 he was principal of the High School in Amherst,
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 239 
 
 and professor of Williston Seminary at Easthamp- 
 ton, Mass. Thus it seems that he was in no exces- 
 sive hurry to enter upon his life-work, being occu- 
 pied with laying broad and deep foundations upon 
 which to rear a superstructure of strength and 
 commanding proportions. 
 
 From 1874 to 1880, he was pastor of the Con- 
 gregational Church at Lennox, Mass., where he 
 became widely known for his eminent pulpit 
 ability. His congregation, especially during the 
 summer months, contained many persons of cul- 
 ture, who enjoyed his keen, intellectual discourses 
 and looked upon him as one of the rising men in the 
 ministry. Upon the death of Rev. Dr. Adams, who 
 had long been the pastor of the Madison Square 
 Presbyterian Church, New York City, and who was 
 a man of peculiar gifts, the church sought far and 
 near for a suitable successor. Not being very sue-' 
 cessful in the attempt, attention was turned toward 
 Dr. Parkhurst, who was chosen as pastor in 1880. 
 
 Since this period he has occupied one of the most 
 influential positions in New York. The church 
 lias been largely attended, the aggregation of 
 wealth is great, the culture and refinement of the 
 congregation are conspicuous, merchants and pro- 
 fessional men are found there in large numbers, 
 and added to large benevolent contributions is 
 the missionary work, in which many of the mem- 
 bers take a special personal interest.
 
 240 CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 In 1893 Dr. Parkhurst became prominent through 
 his efforts to make the Society for the Prevention 
 of Crime true to its name. He saw no reason why 
 a society, organized for a special purpose, con- 
 fessedly a good one, should not be active and 
 accomplish something for the welfare of the city. 
 He had no fear of those petty criticisms aimed at 
 ministers who take some interest in public affairs. 
 Dr. Parkhurst considered that his profession had 
 not only the right to promote all true reform, but, 
 in fact, was bound to do it. Those who were dis- 
 turbed in their nefarious business were the ones 
 who were so anxious that he should keep to what 
 they called his legitimate work. 
 
 He felt that his position would be stronger and 
 his influence more widely felt if he could speak of 
 the gigantic evils in New York from personal 
 observation. He wanted the facts that did not 
 come by hearsay. Vague insinuations, statements 
 that could easily be doubted and opinions based 
 'upon guesses were not the ammunition with which 
 to load his guns, trained against the enemy. He 
 wanted facts, and such only as came within the 
 sphere of his personal knowledge. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that Dr. Parkhurst went 
 about his work in the right way. Convinced him- 
 self from his own observation, he was able to con. 
 vince others. In company with judicious friends 
 he stepped into the haunts of vice, some of them
 
 ARTHUR P. GORMAN.
 
 MELVILLE W. FULLER.
 
 
 JERRY SIMPSON
 
 BENJAMIN R. TIUMAN
 
 NELSON W. ALDRICH
 
 I 
 
 WILLIAM E. RUSSELL.
 
 JOSEPH C. S. BLACKBURN
 
 UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON, D. C.
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 241 
 
 almost under the shadow of his own church, and 
 others of palatial gorgeousness located in some of 
 the most respectable and aristocratic quarters of 
 the city. Each new step in the investigation con- 
 vinced him of the enormity of the evils on every 
 side and of the connivance of city officials in 
 allowing them to exist. His blood was stirred, 
 and he came forth like a prophet of old to 
 denounce the wickedness that cursed the city. 
 
 When he began his crusade he was fully armed 
 and equipped with the facts he had gathered. 
 Even with these a smaller man would have made 
 little or no impression, but embodied in him were 
 intellectual power, commanding force of speech, a 
 position in the pulpit second to that of none, a 
 mighty array of influential men and ample re- 
 sources for the great struggle. The downfall of 
 the corrupt political organization that ruled the 
 city was assured. The rotten fabric trembled tc 
 its base under the strokes of the sturdy foe, who 
 had decreed its overthrow. 
 
 It is said that in college Dr. Parkhurst's profes- 
 sor of rhetoric criticized his style of writing very 
 severely, but there are few public men who can 
 put so much into a single sentence. His thoughts 
 are at once bold and striking, and his style is pre- 
 eminently concise and original. He has contri- 
 buted to various magazines and has published sev- 
 eral volumes, including " The Forms of the Latin 
 
 16
 
 242 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 Verb, Illustrated by Sanskrit," The Blind Man's 
 Creed, and other Sermons," and "Pattern in the 
 Mount, and other Sermons." 
 
 In person Dr. Parkhurst is of medium size, com- 
 pactly built and a fair specimen of muscular 
 Christianity. His great courage, persistence and 
 untiring energy have made him the most success- 
 ful political leader of the day, and given him a 
 wide and enviable fame. 
 
 Nor has his influence been confined to New 
 York City alone, but other cities throughout the 
 country have patterned by the movement he has 
 inaugurated, and have taken active steps for the 
 investigation of municipal evils and misrule. He 
 addressed large audiences in a number of towns, 
 presenting the plan of reform of which he is the 
 acknowledged chief exponent, and thus awakened 
 public interest which resulted in organized effort. 
 
 'Dr. Parkhurst's career teaches especially the 
 lesson of strong and persistent courage and endea- 
 vor in the face of opposition. The consciousness 
 of being in the right always arms a man with 
 aggressive weapons, and keeps him firm and 
 patient, even though robbed for the moment of 
 success. That so much should have been accom- 
 plished in the face of opposition so great and even 
 venomous, is of itself a grand tribute to this emi- 
 nent divine and leader. He has " wrested victory 
 from the jaws of defeat."
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 243 
 
 ROBERT E. PATTISON. 
 
 T30BERT EMORY PATTISON, late Governor 
 ^ of Pennsylvania, was born at Quantico, McL, 
 December 8th, 1850. His father, Robert Henry 
 Pattison, a native of Maryland, was born Jan. 
 22nd, 1824 ; graduated from Dickinson College in 
 1843 ; entered the Philadelphia Conference of the 
 Methodist Episcopal Church in 1846 ; filled a 
 number of prominent appointments in Philadelphia 
 and elsewhere ; was a Presiding Elder from 1869 
 to 1872; received the degree of D. D., from Dick- 
 inson in 1867 ; was for several years chaplain of 
 the Grand Lodge of Masons in Pennsylvania ; and 
 at his death in Philadelphia, February 14, 1875, 
 was one of the ablest and most popular ministers 
 of his church. His mother, Catherine P. Woolford, 
 was a grand-daughter of Col. Thomas Woolford, 
 of the Maryland line in the Revolution. When 
 Robert was six years old, his father was appointed 
 to Asbury church, Philadelphia. He obtained his 
 education in the public schools of that city, and 
 was graduated from the Central High School, de- 
 livering the valedictory address. 
 
 In 1869, on the recommendation of Prof. Riche, 
 of the high school, he entered the law office of 
 Lewis C. Cassidy, then one of the most brilliant
 
 244 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADEES. 
 
 advocates of the Philadelphia bar, and was admitted 
 to practice in 1872. He had good prospect of suc- 
 cess as a lawyer, but his career was destined to be 
 political rather than legal. 
 
 In 1877 he was named as a candidate of the 
 Democratic party for Auditor-General of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and on first ballot in the convention stood 
 next to William P. Schell, who was nominated and 
 elected. A few months later, at the suggestion of 
 Mr. Cassidy, he was the Democratic nominee for 
 City Controller of Philadelphia. This depart- 
 ment, like others in the city government at the 
 time, was badly managed, and if he should be 
 elected he would have a task of reform before him 
 that needed a good deal of experience and a very 
 level head. The people were ripe for revolt, and 
 he was elected Controller by a majority of 2,000, 
 although the Republican candidates on the State 
 ticket carried the city by 6,000 majority. 
 
 Mr. Pattison entered upon his duties January 1, 
 1878, and recognizing the fact that he had been 
 elected to reform the office and its methods, he set 
 about his work with a determination to honestly 
 administer its affairs. He found the credit of the 
 city impaired ; its paper at a discount in the money 
 market but by adopting a funding plan, order 
 was brought out of chaos; and such was the 
 appreciation of his services by the people that at 
 the expiration of his three-years term, he was re-
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 245 
 
 elected by a majority of 13,593 over his contest- 
 ant, one of the most esteemed citizens and success- 
 ful merchants of Philadelphia. This was not a 
 triumph of party, but one due to the personal and 
 exceptional ability with which Mr. Pattison had 
 discharged his office, for it was at a time when the 
 Republican candidate for President carried the 
 city by over 20,000 majority. 
 
 This popularity placed him in 1882 as an avail- 
 able candidate for Governor. After a close and 
 vigorous contest in the State convention he was 
 nominated, and in November of that year was 
 elected by a plurality of 40,202 over his Republi- 
 can opponent, Gen. Jas. A. Beaver, although for 
 thirty years previously his party had been in a 
 minority in the State. This result was due more 
 to his vigorous and independent personality and 
 to his successful administration of the finan- 
 cial affairs of the metropolis, than to the dissen- 
 sions in the Republican ranks at that particular 
 time. 
 
 During his administration, the finances of the 
 State were economically managed and the State 
 debt steadily reduced. Although hampered at every 
 step by the legislative branch of the government, 
 which was in the control of his political opponents, 
 he was patient and persevering, setting his face 
 against extravagant appropriations, and holding 
 the corporations of the State to a strict obedience
 
 246 CELEBKATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 to the Constitution and the laws. His success was 
 a phenomenal one. 
 
 Under the Constitution of Pennsylvania the 
 Governor cannot succeed himself, so that at the 
 end of his term, January 18, 1887, he retired from 
 office. A leading opposition newspaper at that time 
 gave this testimony 
 
 " Gov. Pattison retires from office with the en- 
 comiums of political friends and foes, with the ( well 
 dones ' of the people ringing in his ears to cheer 
 his heart. He has been a good Governor. He 
 made that sort of a ruler that the people like. He 
 was bold and fearless, and he was not afraid to do 
 and say what he thought was right Even his 
 bitterest enemies in his own party were forced to 
 admire the man who rejected unwise counsel and 
 followed it to the line. The people admire a man 
 of brains, and they are quick to recognize an honest 
 official. Gov. Pattison fills the measure of these 
 qualifications. He will be heard from in the 
 future." 
 
 In the light of subsequent events the last sen- 
 tence seems almost prophetic. Upon returning to 
 private life he resumed the practice of law in 
 Philadelphia. Three months later he was elected 
 President of the Chestnut Street National Bank. 
 He had previously declined the Auditorship of the 
 Treasury tendered him by President Cleveland, 
 but afterwards accepted an appointment as Pacific
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 247 
 
 Railroad Commissioner, and was elected President 
 of that commission. His report on the relations 
 of that corporation to the government is one of the 
 ablest and most valuable papers in the financial 
 history of the land-aided roads and on the existing 
 status of their debt to the government. On the 
 completion of his work as head of the Commission 
 he returned to Philadelphia and devoted his atten- 
 tion to the bank. 
 
 He was a lay delegate to the General Conference 
 of the Methodist Episcopal church in 1884 and 
 1888 ; in 1S90 fraternal delegate to the General 
 Conference of the M. E. Church South, and in 
 1891, a delegate to the Methodist (Ecumenical 
 Council, held in Washington, D. C. In 1884, 
 Dickinson College conferred upon him the degree 
 of Doctor of Laws. In 1890, owing to the errors 
 of the Republican party, the Democracy seized the 
 golden opportunity and again nominated Mr. Pat- 
 tison to the Executive office. His campaign was 
 a vigorous and aggressive one, and his speeches 
 were masterly presentations of the real issues 
 before the people. 
 
 For a second time he carried Pennsylvania on a 
 platform of reform, being elected by a majority of 
 16,554, although the Republican candidates for 
 Lieutenant-Governor and Secretary of Internal 
 Affairs were elected by majorities above 20,000. 
 His victory gave him a position of national impor-
 
 248 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADEKS. 
 
 tance. He was inaugurated January 20, 1891, for 
 the term of four years. 
 
 Upon assuming the functions of office for a 
 second time he laid special stress upon the four 
 important problems confronting the people : " First : 
 Constitutional Enforcement; second, the Purifica- 
 tion of Elections involving Ballot Reform, Per- 
 sonal Registration, and the Prevention of the 
 Misuse of Money in Politics ; third, Taxation ; 
 fourth, Municipal Government." With these aims 
 in view, and with the knowledge that Governor 
 Pattison's performance in the Executive chair has 
 heretofore made his administration an enviable 
 one, there can be little doubt that whether the 
 measures recommended by him be adopted during 
 his term of office, they will eventually be carried 
 out by his successors of the same or opposing 
 political party.
 
 HON. CHARLES E. BENTLEY: 
 
 Nominee of the National Party for the Presidency. 
 
 rpHE National Party nominee for President, 
 Charles Eugene Bentley, was born at War- 
 ner's, Onondaga County, New York, April 30, 
 1841. Mr. Bentley is the eldest of a family of 
 six children, and is the only surviving one. The 
 paternal grandparents were from Rhode Island, 
 sturdy New England stock. Early in the century 
 they removed to the then unexplored West of 
 Central New York, coming in 1809 to the pioneer 
 settlement at Warner's, and carving out of the 
 primeval forest the farm of one hundred acres 
 which for eighty-seven years has been occupied 
 and owned by the Bentley family. 
 
 In the War of 1812, with Great Britain, the 
 grandfather was enlisted for service as an Ameri- 
 can soldier, and was assigned for duty at Sackett's 
 Harbor. 
 
 As a contrast to the nomadic habits that per- 
 tain to the West, it is an interesting fact that Mr. 
 Bentley' s father, himself and his oldest child were 
 all born on the old farm. Mr. Bentley 's father
 
 250 THE NATIONAL PARTY. 
 
 died in 1877, but the mother, now nearly seventy- 
 eight years old, still survives, living at the old 
 home. Mr. Bentley's parents were mentally and 
 physically well endowed. While they had but few 
 opportunities for schooling in those early times, 
 when the old English Reader was sole text book, 
 they nevertheless obtained a sound and practical 
 education, becoming well informed upon all the 
 questions of the day. They had decided literary 
 taste, and read with discriminating care history, 
 biography and poetry. Both loved politics as the 
 science of government, and were ardent advocates 
 of the principles of the Whig and Republican 
 parties. Mr. Bentley has often said that he could 
 not escape the marked conditions of a political 
 heredity, that must environ one born at the close 
 of the never-to-be-forgotten Harrison and Tyler 
 campaign of 1840. 
 
 He has, however, cause for thankfulness, that 
 while this law of heredity brings him into vital 
 sympathy of the ballot-box sort with social and 
 political reforms, heredity may be so modified by 
 intelligent citizenship that its subjects never climb 
 into a party band wagon that is run for monopoly, 
 Wall Street, partial suffrage and the saloon. Mr. 
 Bentley's education was obtained in the schools of 
 the Empire State, and in Seminary courses at 
 Elbridge and Cazenovia, N. Y. He lived on the 
 home farm until he reached manhood's estate and
 
 THE NATIONAL PARTY. 251 
 
 established a home of his own. He was married 
 in 1863, to Persis Freeman, of Baldwinsville, N. Y., 
 and in 1866 removed permanently to the West, 
 locating in Clinton, Iowa, where he engaged in 
 active business life. During the twelve years' 
 residence in that city Mr. Bentley was almost con- 
 stantly in public service, holding for a period of 
 years positions as City Clerk and Treasurer, and 
 Secretary of the Board of Education, until his 
 removal to Nebraska in 1878. Although politi- 
 cally allied during these years to the Republican 
 Party, he cherished an inborn hatred to the drink 
 traffic and the rule of monopolistic wealth. This 
 led him at times to open rebellion against the 
 party policy which was annually bidding for both 
 the church and saloon vote. 
 
 On removing to Nebraska Mr. Bentley returned 
 to the farm, settling on a quarter of raw prairie at 
 Surprise, in Butler County, and located about fifty 
 miles from the State Capital. Here the family 
 remained for nearly thirteen years. The school 
 life of the children was so arranged that study and 
 farm work were judiciously blended. Every mem- 
 ber of the family contributed directly to the sum 
 of the labor and toil required for developing the 
 farm into one of the finest and most productive in 
 the State. More than this, they contributed to the 
 moral and social uplift of the community in the 
 organization of churches, temperance and literary
 
 252 THE NATIONAL PAETY. 
 
 societies, Chautauqua Circles and one of the most 
 influential W. C. T. U. organizations in the State. 
 
 Mr. Bentley and his wife are, and have been for 
 ten years, active white ribboners. Probably no 
 other man in the State has been so often called 
 upon to speak in public addresses for the Union. 
 Mrs. Bentley is the leader of the local union 
 known as the East Lincoln, and she has also the 
 superintendency in district and State of the Evan- 
 gelistic and Unfermented Wine Departments. 
 
 In 1890 Mr. Bentley remeved to Lincoln that 
 the family might avail themselves of the superior 
 educational advantages of the capital city. The 
 two eldest sons are graduates of the State Univer- 
 sity, the older having taken his degree of M. A., 
 and the second one securing in competitive work 
 a scholarship in Philosophy at Cornell University, 
 Ithaca, N. Y. The younger daughters and son 
 are taking preparatory courses in the graded and 
 High Schools. The eldest daughter, Lucy, is her 
 father's helper in his large and increasing corre- 
 spondence. She is an enthusiastic student and 
 worker in National party politics, a ready writer, 
 and for some time edited a column of news for the 
 party State paper. 
 
 In 1884, Mr. Bentley failed to " cordially sym- 
 pathize" any longer with the Republican Party 
 and came out for St. John and the Prohibition 
 Party. As was natural for a man of his ability,
 
 THE NATIONAL PAKTY. 253 
 
 he was chosen chairman of the first Prohibition 
 Party Convention ever held in Nebraska, that oi 
 1884, a place which he has often filled since with 
 conspicuous ability and fairness. 
 
 His active work as a reformer began at this 
 time, and he has been unceasing in his efforts for 
 the upbuilding of the Prohibition Party. He 
 says, " Since becoming a party adherent in 1884 I 
 have never voted for any person for any office who 
 was not a recognized party Prohibitionist." 
 
 Mr. Bentley has often been a candidate upon 
 the Prohibition ticket, and has the unbroken 
 record of having always led his ticket in the num- 
 ber of votes received. He has been nominated 
 twice for the State legislature, once for Congress 
 and once for the United States Senate. 
 
 In 1892, when a candidate for governor, he 
 polled 1,333 votes more than General Bid well 
 received for President at the same election ; and 
 in 1894, when nominated as popular choice for 
 United States Senator to head the Prohibition 
 ticket and make the race against Hon. W. J. 
 Bryan, the free silver Democrat, Mr. Bentley 
 received 25,591 votes at the general election. 
 This indicates the measure of his popularity 
 among his fellow-citizens. 
 
 In 1890 he was chosen chairman of the State 
 Prohibition Committee, to manage the famous con- 
 stitutional amendment campaign of that year. In
 
 254 THE NATIONAL PARTY. 
 
 this campaign $23,000.00 were disbursed directly 
 by the state committee, and over three thousand 
 speeches made for constitutional prohibition under 
 Mr. Bentley's direction. 
 
 The executive ability displayed was so marked 
 that he has been retained as chairman ever since, 
 except in 1892, when, in response to an over- 
 whelming popular demand, he made the race for 
 governor. 
 
 In 1892 Mr. Bentley was elected a member 
 of the National Prohibition Committee. At the 
 State Convention of 1895 a stirring resolution was 
 unanimously adopted indorsing Mr. Bentley for 
 presidential honors, and at the February Conven- 
 tion of 1896 this indorsement was even more em- 
 phatically repeated, and the delegation instructed 
 accordingly. In the face of this call from his 
 friends, Mr. Bentley reluctantly consented to have 
 his name go before the new party Convention. 
 
 He has been actively instrumental in' his own 
 State in having the party take advanced position 
 on all economic questions. The Nebraska plat- 
 form has always been notably broad, and has in 
 other States served as a model in setting forth in 
 clear and direct statement the distinctive principles 
 of the party. It is in fact, in method and phrase- 
 ology, the National party platform, and could be 
 re-affirmed without change as the principles of that 
 party in State and nation.
 
 THE NATIONAL PARTY. 255 
 
 Some months ago, as a member of the National 
 Committee of the Prohibition Party, Mr. Bentley 
 sent out to each member of that committee a 
 strong protest against the efforts of Mr. Dickie 
 and others in minimizing or ignoring the position 
 of the party on all its platform declarations except 
 that of saloon suppression, and urged the com- 
 mittee to unite in this protest against a policy so 
 suicidal and unwarranted. That he correctly in- 
 terpreted the narrow policy if carried out as 
 bringing sure dismemberment to the party, the 
 Pittsburg Convention furnishes abundant proof. 
 
 Mr. Bentley is and has been a sturdy and de- 
 termined advocate of woman suffrage. No party 
 can hold him in political leading that in open 
 opposition or silent, cowardly evasion denies to 
 woman the right of the ballot. Mr. Bentley re- 
 tains at Surprise the pastoral charge of the Baptist 
 Church, over which he has presided since he per- 
 sonally led in its organization in 1830. He also 
 preaches as supply for the church at Friend, Neb. 
 The doors of his church have always been opened 
 for every righteous reform. His plain, uncompro- 
 mising declarations of truth, as he preaches 
 political righteousness and denounces parties that 
 have made a " Covenant with Death," are in re- 
 freshing contrast to the timid, time-serving utter- 
 ances of the average license party preacher. 
 
 In personal appearance Mr. Bentley is a man of
 
 256 THE NATIONAL PARTY. 
 
 more than average attractions, gifted with splendid 
 physique, a genial manner, forcefulness of expres- 
 sion and those rare gifts of oratory which come 
 from a direct statement of the truth. He is a 
 leader by virtue of his natural endowments, 
 coupled with the experience which he has had all 
 these years. 
 
 HON. JAMES H. SOUTHGATE: 
 
 Nominee of the National Party for the Vice-Presidency. 
 
 Mr. Southgate was born in Norfolk, Ya., the 12th 
 of July, 1859, moved to North Carolina in 1861, 
 and has lived in Franklin, Iredell, Orange and 
 Durham Counties in that State, in the last men- 
 tioned, twenty years. He was prepared for College 
 by Major D. H. Hamilton, of Hillsboro, and the 
 Horner and Graves Military Academy of the same 
 place. He was also a student at the University of 
 North Carolina during the years 187679 inclusive, 
 and on leaving College studied the banking business 
 and opened the first set of banking books ever 
 opened in Durham. 
 
 In 1882 he went into partnership with his 
 father, James Southgate, in the general insurance 
 business. He was married in that year to Kate 
 Shepard, oldest daughter of B. and M. H. Fuller. 
 Mrs. Southgate died in February, 1893. Two 
 children survive her.
 
 THE NATIONAL PARTY. 
 
 257 
 
 Mr. Southgate, an ex-President of the Y. M. C. 
 A. Convention of North Carolina, is now a member 
 of its State Execu- 
 tive Committee, 
 and has been for a 
 number of years. 
 He was Secretary 
 of the first State 
 Convention ever 
 held in the interest 
 of that order in 
 North Carolina, in 
 the year 1877; has 
 been a member of 
 the Executive Com- 
 mittee of the State 
 Sunday-school As- 
 sociation for nearly ten years, and is now the 
 Treasurer of that body, and a trustee' and member 
 of the Executive Board of Trinity College, Durham, 
 N. C., President of the Educator Publishing Com- 
 pany, and Director in the Morehead Banking Com- 
 pany. ' 
 
 He has been a member of the State Executive 
 Committee of the Prohibition Party for nearly a 
 decade, and was elected Chairman of the State 
 Executive Committee of that party in 1892; was 
 Chairman of the North Carolina delegation to the 
 Prohibition Convention in Cincinnati, in 1892, and 
 17 
 
 JAMES H. SOUTHGATE.
 
 258 THE NATIONAL 
 
 is at present the General Agent for North Carolina 
 for the American Union Life Insurance Company 
 of New York. 
 
 Mr. Southgate is an active business man, at the 
 same time taking a profound interest in the politi- 
 cal questions of the day. As an earnest advocate 
 of Prohibition, he has long been one of the chief 
 pillars of that cause in the South, and has done 
 much by his speeches and example to aid the party 
 that has now so signally honored him. 
 
 Platform of the National Party. 
 At Pittsburg, May 29th, 1896, the Convention 
 of the Prohibition Party was divided on several 
 questions which were not immediately connected 
 with Prohibition. A large number of the dele- 
 gates went out of the Convention, organized a new 
 party and adopted the following Platform : 
 
 The National party, recognizing God as the 
 author of all just power in government, presents 
 the following declaration of principles, which it 
 pledges itself to enact into effective legislation 
 when given the power to do so : 
 
 1. The suppression of the manufacture and sale, 
 importation, exportation and transportation of in- 
 toxicating liquors for beverage purposes. We 
 utterly reject all plans for regulating, or compro- 
 mising with this traffic, whether such plans be 
 called local option, taxation, license or public
 
 THE NATIONAL PAKTY. 259 
 
 control. The sale of liquors for medicinal and 
 other legitimate uses should be conducted by the 
 State, without profit and with such regulations as 
 will prevent fraud or evasion. 
 
 2. No citizen should be denied the right to vote 
 on account of sex. 
 
 3. All money should be issued by the general 
 government only, and without the intervention of 
 any private citizen, corporation or banking institu- 
 tion- It should be based upon the wealth, 
 stability and integrity of the Nation. It should be 
 a full legal tender for all debts, public and private, 
 and should be of sufficient volume to meet the 
 demands of the legitimate business interests of the 
 country. For the purpose of honestly liquidating 
 our outstanding coin obligations, we favor the free 
 and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold, at the 
 ratio of 16 to 1, without consulting any other nation. 
 
 4. Land is the common heritage of the people 
 and should be preserved from monopoly and specu- 
 lation. All unearned grants of land, subject to 
 forfeiture, should be reclaimed by the government 
 and no portion of the public domain should here- 
 after be granted except to actual settlers, contin- 
 uous use being essential to tenure. 
 
 5. Railroads, telegraphs and other natural mon- 
 opolies should be owned and operated by the 
 Government, giving to the people the benefit of 
 service at actual cost.
 
 260 THE NATIONAL PARTY. 
 
 6. The national Constitution should be so 
 amended as to allow the national revenues to be 
 raised by equitable adjustment of taxation on the 
 properties and incomes of the people, and import 
 duties should be levied as a means of securing 
 equitable commercial relations with other nations. 
 
 7. The contract convict-labor system, through 
 which speculators are enriched at the expense of 
 the State, should be abolished. 
 
 8. All citizens should be protected by law in 
 their right to one day of rest in seven, without 
 oppressing any who conscientiously observe any 
 other than the first day of the week. 
 
 9. The American public schools, taught in the 
 English language, should be maintained, and no 
 public funds should be appropriated for sectarian 
 institutions. 
 
 10. The president, vice-president and United 
 States senators should be elected by direct vote of 
 the people. 
 
 11. Ex-soldiers and sailors of the United States 
 army and navy, their widows and minor children, 
 should receive liberal pensions, graded on disability 
 and term of service, not merely as a debt of grati- 
 tude, but for service rendered in the preservation 
 of the Union. 
 
 12. Our immigration laws should be so revised 
 as to exclude paupers and criminals. None but 
 citizens of the United States should be allowed to
 
 THE NATIONAL PAETY. 261 
 
 vote in any State, and naturalized citizens should 
 not vote until one year after naturalization papers 
 have been issued. 
 
 13. The initiative and referendum, and propor- 
 tional representation should be adopted. 
 
 14. Having herein presented our principles and 
 purposes, we invite the co-operation and support 
 of all citizens who are with us substantially agreed.
 
 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 Abolitionists. 
 
 During the Revolution, and when the Constitu- 
 tion was made, various societies were formed for 
 the abolition of slavery, the first originating in 
 Philadelphia, April 14, 1775, with Benjamin 
 Franklin as president. A second society with the 
 same purpose in view, formed in New York, Jan- 
 uary 25, 1785, with John Jay as president (later 
 succeeded by Alexander Hamilton). These were 
 the beginnings of many throughout the States, 
 their meetings, publications and petitions being 
 treated respectfully until the development of cotton 
 planting in the early part of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury raised the price of slaves, when the struggle 
 between the anti-slavery and pro-slavery interests 
 began. The contest out of which the term Aboli- 
 tion grew dates with William Lloyd Garrison's 
 arraignment of slave-holders as criminals in 1829, 
 he two years later publishing " The Liberator." 
 This was afterward followed by the formation in 
 Boston of the New England AntirSlavery Society, 
 for the purpose of promoting the cause of emanci-
 
 . POLITICAL PARTIES. 263 
 
 pation, and with a similar object at Philadelphia, 
 the creation of the American Anti-Slavery /Society. 
 
 The Abolitionists appeared in 1840, as a distinc- 
 tive party, calling themselves the Liberty Party, 
 whose advocacy finally culminated in the Emanci- 
 pation Proclamation of January 1, 1863. In 
 February, 1866, slavery was abolished forever from 
 the territory of the United States, by act of Con- 
 gress. 
 
 The Abolition, Whig and Federal were parties 
 of liberal ideas and aggressiveness ; when their 
 mission was accomplished, each disappeared until 
 called into life to meet a new crisis. 
 
 American. 
 
 The Kansas-Nebraska bill of 1853 occasioned a 
 split in the Whigs in 1854, who allied with the 
 Know-Nothings and became the American Party. 
 In 1860 it took the place of the Whigs in the 
 South. 
 
 In convention at Philadelphia, September 16-17, 
 1887, the name again assumed as a party politic, 
 founded on " love for our country and its institu- 
 tions, believing that America should be governed 
 by Americans." (See Know-Nothings.) 
 
 Anti-Federalists. 
 
 One of the first two political parties under the 
 present Constitution, the outcome of the Parties 
 larists. They were the opposers of the Constitu-
 
 264 POLITICAL PAKTIES. 
 
 tion of the United States, which was then spoken 
 of as the Federal Constitution. 
 
 The Anti-Federalists were unwilling to take cer- 
 tain great powers from the States and give them to 
 the General Government, were jealous of the power 
 of Congress, too much national power, lest a mon- 
 archy should be established, and were strong ad- 
 herents to rights of State and local self-government. 
 
 In 1791 withdrew against the Constitution, 
 turning against financial measures of the Federals 
 toward funding of State debts. In 1796 became 
 the Republican Party, branching into JefFersonian 
 Republicanism, afterward becoming the Democrat. 
 (See Republican and Democrat.) 
 
 Anti-Monopoly. 
 
 Formed May 14, 1884, at Chicago, under the 
 title of The Anti-Monopoly Organization of the 
 United States, demanding economical government, 
 enactment and enforcement of equitable laws, in- 
 cluding an Inter-state Commerce Law (a law en- 
 acted in 1887), establishing Labor Bureaus, pro- 
 viding Industrial Arbitration, direct vote for Sena- 
 tors, graduated income tax, payment of the na- 
 tional debt as it matures, and " fostering care " for 
 agriculture ; and denouncing the tariff and grant- 
 ing of lands to corporations. Joined issue with 
 the Greenback-Labor Party under the name of th 
 (t People's Party."
 
 POLITICAL PARTIES. 265 
 
 Bloody Shirts. 
 
 Applied to those Republicans who are continu- 
 ally raising the late war issues ; appealing to war 
 sentiments. The term originating from a disguise 
 of the Ku-Klux-Klan, pictured by the Republicans 
 as covered with negro blood. 
 
 Carpet-Baggers. 
 
 Applied to Northern Republicans, who it was 
 alleged came South after the war, and by the aid of 
 negro votes were elected to local and State offices. 
 Being so-called transient politicians, it was said they 
 brought all their effects in their carpetrbags. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Anglicized, from the French word democrats, 
 which finds its derivation from two Greek words, 
 Demos, the " people," cratos, " government," liter- 
 ally, " one who is in favor of government by the 
 people." 
 
 The party successor, in name of the Republi- 
 can, descending unbrokenly from Anti- Federalist, 
 through the Jeffersonian branch of Republicanism. 
 Its title of Democrat being fully assumed as a party 
 name in 1812, at the second election of Madison 
 as President ; in fact, as a party it has remained 
 almost intact, botli in form and name, from the 
 first Presidential election (1789), being aided by 
 conservatism and a policy of negation,
 
 266 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 The adoption of the word Democrat traceable to 
 the introduction, in 1793, by Citizen Genet, of 
 France (imitative of the Jacobin Clubs of Paris), of 
 sociable clubs, known as "Democratic Societies; " 
 the first being instituted in Philadelphia, on May 
 30 of that year. 
 
 The party constructed and maintained upon 
 the principle of popular government or popular 
 sovereignty, with an indifference to the sub- 
 ject of slavery as to whether it was voted up or 
 down. 
 
 In 1860 it lost a section on squatter sovereignty 
 which took the name of National Democrats. In 
 1872 it endorsed the Liberal Republicans as to the 
 necessity of reform, a change demanded, lest the 
 disease of one political organization infect the body 
 politic, and lest in making no change of men or 
 parties the country obtains no change of measures 
 and no real reform. 
 
 Dough-Faces. 
 
 Applied in 1820, from a remark that " they 
 were plastic in the hands of demagogues ; " a 
 reference to the action of certain Republicans, who, 
 for the sake of a compromise, voted in favor of 
 striking slavery out of the Missouri Bill. 
 
 Also used as a nickname ; given to Northern 
 favorers and abettors of negro slavery ; meaning a 
 politician who is accessible to political influences
 
 POLITICAL PARTIES. 267 
 
 and considerations. Likewise given to such North- 
 ern members of Congress as manifested especial 
 willingness to fall in with the views and demands 
 of the South on questions involving slavery ; i. e. } 
 the Northerner false to the principles of free- 
 dom, or the Southerner false to the principles of 
 slavery. 
 
 Federalist. 
 
 From the French word Federalists, derived from 
 Latin fcedus, fcederw ; a covenant, a league. 
 
 One of the first two political parties under the 
 new Constitution (1787). It was the outcome of 
 the strong government Whigs opposing every pre- 
 liminary step looking to the abandonment of the 
 Articles of Confederation and the adoption of 
 the Federal Constitution, in which it eventually 
 succeeded, thereby creating the Federal Govern- 
 ment, hence its name. It was the political party 
 which favored the administration of Washington 
 for President. 
 
 Through Adams' administration, the Alien and 
 Sedition laws lost to the party the election of 
 1800. In 1808 it recovered with a strong minority, 
 though bitterly opposing the war policy of the 
 Republicans, on which, as a party, it eventually 
 split, merging into the Whigs. As a party it 
 disappeared with its candidate of 1816, Rufus
 
 268 POLITICAL PAKTIES. 
 
 Fire-Eaters. 
 
 Applied in 1857 to strong anti-slavery politicians 
 of the North. The Southern politician who 
 vehemently denounced the Union also so called. 
 
 Free-Soilers. 
 
 Formed in 1848, from disaffected Democrats, 
 advocating Congress should abolish slavery where 
 it constitutionally had the power so to do (intended 
 to apply to the District of Columbia), that it should 
 not interfere with the slave States, but prohibit it 
 in the Territories. It became the nucleus of the 
 modern Kepublican Party, drawing largely from 
 the Whigs, in 1848, who were opposed to the 
 Omnibus Bill. The name of Free-Soilers came 
 from the party cry of " free soil, free speech, free 
 labor and freemen." 
 
 Grangers. 
 
 A secret society first formed in Washington, in 
 1867, and known as the Patrons of Husbandry ; 
 the subordinate lodges were known as granges, 
 hence the party name. 
 
 The object was co-operative among farmers, in 
 purchasing supplies from first hands, thereby doing 
 away with middle men ; and while declared not 
 to be political, in order to serve the interest of cer- 
 tain land ends, it became necessary that individ- 
 uals representative of their interests should be in 
 Congress, and to serve 'to purpose the combined
 
 POLITICAL PARTIES. 269 
 
 fnfluence of the Grangers was secretly brought to 
 bear in voting, so that in time a strong political 
 party was in actual existence, somewhat on the 
 principle of the Know-Nothings. 
 
 G. O. P. 
 
 Initial letters of the Grand Old Party, a desig- 
 nation of the modern Republican Party. 
 Greenback. 
 
 Party favoring an unlimited issue of greenbacks 
 (paper money), or an issue based upon the resources 
 of the country, toward easing the rigors of a 
 money panic; they opposed the resumption of 
 specie payments according to act passed in January, 
 1875. In 1884 they amalgamated with the labor 
 element under the name of National Labor and 
 Greenback Party, as against Democrats. Also 
 called Inflationists, Soft-Money Men, and Fiatists. 
 
 Know-Nothings. 
 
 Bartlett, in his Americanisms, notes: "The 
 Know-Nothing Party was first formed by a person 
 of some notoriety in New York, who called him- 
 self 'Ned Buntline' (Edward Z. C. Judson). 
 Ned was once a midshipman in the United States 
 Navy, but left the service, and commenced the 
 business of Americanism on a large scale, by 
 founding a secret political order, of so exclusive a 
 character that none were to be admitted as mem- 
 bers whose grandfathers were not natives of the
 
 270 POLITICAL PAKTIES. 
 
 country. It is a difficult matter in a country like 
 the United States where free inquiry is so common 
 to keep anything secret; and so Ned instructed 
 his proselytes and acolytes to reply to all questions 
 in respect to the movements of the new party, ' I 
 don't know.' So that they were at first called 
 Dorit-Knows and then Know-Nothings, by outsiders, 
 who knew nothing further of them than that they 
 invariably replied to all questions, ' I don't know.'" 
 The platform was: 
 
 1. Repeal of all naturalization laws. 
 
 2. None but native Americans for office. 
 
 3. A pure American common-school system. 
 
 4. War to the hilt on Romanism. 
 
 Ku-Klux-Klan, or K. K. K. 
 A secret society of great political significance 
 in the Southern Central States, formed in 1868 
 for the intimidation of negro voters in order to 
 defeat the Republicans. They traveled at night, 
 disguised, among the negro sections, not hesitating 
 at various outrages on the race ; and before their 
 disbandment by Republican Congressional action 
 in 1872, it is stated they had reached nearly 300,- 
 000 in numbers. Their general purpose was 
 similar to the White Liners of Louisiana. 
 
 Labor. 
 
 A general name given to labor politics; the 
 divisions or factions are United Labor, Union
 
 POLITICAL PARTIES. 271 
 
 Labor, Progressive Labor, and the Anti-Poverty 
 Society. All divided on the interpretation of the 
 term, " the land for the people," and a direct main- 
 tenance and protection of the laborer. 
 
 Loco-foco. 
 
 A division arose in the Democratic Party (Oct. 
 29, 1835) in consequence of the nomination of 
 Gideon Lee as the Democratic candidate foi Con- 
 gress, by the committee chosen for that purpose. 
 The nomination, as customary, had to be con- 
 firmed at a general meeting of Democrats, called 
 for October 29, 1835, at Tammany Hall, New 
 York City. Lee's friends, anticipating opposition, 
 assembled in large numbers in order to support 
 him. The selection of chairman was the first 
 question that arose, and it tested the strength of 
 the divisions. The Tammany men (friends of Mr. 
 Lee) supported Mr. Varion, while the Ant) Mono- 
 polists did similar office for Mr. Curtis ; each side 
 claimed their party as the duly elected presiding 
 officer, whereupon great confusion ensued, and 
 during the excitement the lights were extin- 
 guished. 
 
 The Equal Rights (Anti-Monopolists) Party, 
 having witnessed similar occurrences, or having 
 received some intimations that such would be the 
 course of their opponents, had previously provided 
 themselves with Loco-foco matches and candles,
 
 272 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 and the room was re-lighted in a moment. The 
 meeting continued, and the Equal Rights section 
 accomplished their object. 
 
 The " Courier and Enquirer " newspaper dubbed 
 the Anti-Monopolists who used the matches, with 
 the name of Loco-focos. 
 
 Mugwump. 
 
 Imparted in the Presidential campaign of 1884 
 to the Independents or Republican Seceders who 
 favored the Democratic candidate for the reason 
 that a change in administration was necessary, as 
 twenty-four years was long enough for a party t" 
 be in power ; too long a life-engrafted corruption. 
 
 The meaning of the word had no connection 
 with its political application or use, being taken 
 up in the nature of a by- word, It was first used 
 as meaning a /Seceder, by Gov. Waller, of Connecti- 
 cut, and by one of the New York dailies intro- 
 duced into the political literature of the time. 
 
 Mugwump is an India'n word, occurring in 
 Eliot's Indian Bible, where it is used as an equiv- 
 alent of " duke," as this latter word occurs in Gen- 
 esis, chapter xxxvi. 
 
 National. 
 
 A split from the Prohibition Party in 1896. In 
 addition to Prohibition it advocates the free coin- 
 age of silver, woman suffrage, and the abolition 
 of all trusts and monopolies.
 
 POLITICAL PAKTIES. 273 
 
 National Prohibition. 
 
 Out of the Independent Order of Good Tem- 
 plars, instituted in 1851 on the Temperance ques- 
 tion, emanated a faction with political tendencies, 
 that favored and elected Neal Dow as Mayor of 
 Portland, Me., 1853, and in 1854, as the Temper- 
 ance Party elected Myron Clark as Governor of 
 New York. In 1868 Illinois and Michigan had 
 taken up the matter on local issues, and formed 
 Temperance and Prohibition political parties. 
 
 The first move toward a National Party in the 
 interest of Temperance was in May 25, 1869, dur- 
 ing a session of the Right Working Grand Lodge, 
 I. 0. G. T., at Oswego, N. Y., when a meeting was 
 held to " favor independent action for the promo- 
 tion of the temperance cause," resulting in a call 
 for a National Convention to organize a National 
 Prohibition Party; the meeting was ultimately 
 held at Chicago, September 1, 1869. 
 
 The first Temperance candidate for the Presi- 
 dency on a National Ticket was James Black, 
 nominated in convention held at Columbus, 0., 
 February 22, 1872. The platform declaration of 
 principles claimed the traffic in intoxicating bever- 
 ages a dishonor to Christian civilization, a political 
 wrong, and suppression only effective when legal 
 prohibition is both State and National. That the 
 entire prohibition of the liquor traffic is declared 
 
 18
 
 274 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 to be a principle good in law and feasible in prac- 
 tice. 
 
 Native American. 
 
 The Federalists being anti-alien, the Democrats 
 naturally sought alliance with aliens, as foreigners 
 with the five-year naturalization limit, centering 
 in New York, filled the New York division of De- 
 mocracy to the exclusion of native Federalism, in 
 the control of the city government, and to meet 
 this condition of affairs the first attempt at a Native 
 American organization was made. It began in 
 1835, and with the mayoralty election of 1837 
 failed, was renewed in 1844, with the vital princi- 
 ple of American, and was successful in electing its 
 mayor of New York, its boom being incident to the 
 action of Bishop Hughes in a speech in Carroll 
 Hall, 1843, in which he advocated a distinct or- 
 ganization, as a party, of the Irish voters of New 
 York. This was the first attempt to organize for- 
 eign citizens for political purposes. The party 
 advocated the extension of the naturalization laws 
 to twenty-one years, which with other extreme 
 measures resulted in its defeat in 1845, through 
 the strong opposition of Democrats and the Irish 
 and Roman Catholic elements. 
 
 People's. 
 
 Originated in New York in 1823, as the Demo- 
 cratic supporters of Mr. Crawford and the Albany
 
 POLITICAL PAETIES. 275 
 
 Regency, advocating that electors should be chosen 
 by the people and not by the Legislature, proclaim- 
 ing they would favor only such candidate as would 
 avow himself in favor of giving the people the 
 right of appointing presidential electors. (See 
 Anti-Monopoly. ) 
 
 Personal Liberty. 
 
 Originated in New York, in 1887, as a pro-liquor 
 combination, alleging sumptuary laws having no- 
 where proved effectual in extirpating intemperance 
 nor in reducing immorality or vice, but invariably 
 stirred up ill-feeling, that under pretence of serving 
 religion and morality, of aiding in the prevention 
 of crime, and diminishing the causes of pauperism, 
 attempts are multiplying to encroach upon the 
 rights of person and property guaranteed, laws 
 having been passed detrimentally affecting time- 
 honored customs and individual rights and privi- 
 leges. " That as a political body they use all hon- 
 orable means to promote the cause of civil and re- 
 ligious liberty by insisting upon the repeal of the 
 obnoxious portions of the excise laws until that 
 result be attained." 
 
 Populists. 
 
 (See Anti-Monopoly.) 
 
 Progressive Labor. 
 
 The radical, or socialistic, element that withdrew 
 from the United Labor Party, at Syracuse, N. Y.,
 
 276 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 August 19, 1886 ; their platform notes that the 
 soil of every country is the social and common in- 
 heritance of the people ; that labor produces all 
 wealth, which includes the instruments through 
 which alone the forces of nature become accessible, 
 therefore all should have free access to land, and 
 to the instruments of production without tribute 
 to landlords and monopolists. That to the imme- 
 diate relief of the working-class : eight hours a 
 day's work, no child labor, no female labor in oc- 
 cupations detrimental to health or morality, an 
 extension of the common-school system, equal pay 
 to both sexes, payment of wages weekly, first lien 
 for workmen's wages, enactment of juster laws for 
 liability of employer to employe, abolish contract 
 system in prisons and on public works, and tene- 
 ment-house manufacturing. Have thorough sani- 
 tary inspection to secure health of laborers, a non- 
 importation of labor, to force existing beneficial 
 ^abor laws, equal sex-citizenship and suffrage, repeal 
 blue laws interfering with interests of labor, and 
 all conspiracy tramp laws, class legislation and 
 privileges ; not allow Pinkertons ; to have a public 
 ownership in industries involving public franchises 
 or performance of public functions ; a direct issue 
 of money, not through the banks ; a special tax on 
 unimproved land sufficiently high to compel its 
 surrender to the community; tax incomes over 
 $2,000 per annum graduated to be most heavy on
 
 POLITICAL PARTIES. 277 
 
 monopolists ; demand home rule, and many other 
 "progressive" planks of interest to the labor class. 
 
 Prohibition. 
 (See National Prohibition.) 
 
 Republicans. 
 
 From the French republicain, from the Latin, 
 respublica, res, " an affair," publicus, publica, " of 
 or pertaining to the people, common to all." 
 
 The outcome of the Anti-Federalists, 1796. 
 When the Bill of Rights to recognize the equality 
 of all men, and their rights " to life, liberty and 
 the pursuit of happiness," has been incorporated 
 in and attached to the Constitution as Amend- 
 ments, the Anti-Federalists amalgamated with a 
 section of the Federalists, and at the suggestion of 
 the party leader, Jefferson, it became known as the 
 Republican Party, Jefferson promulgating this 
 name, as he thought the name Anti-Federalist was 
 inappropriate, the original cause of the name hav- 
 ing become lost, as the party principles were more 
 directly the opposers of Federal party measures. 
 
 The name Republican suggested to Jefferson 
 through his being an ardent, enthusiastic friend of 
 the French Revolution and its Republican prin- 
 ciples, and maintained until 1826, when as repre- 
 senting the name of a political party disappeared 
 into Democrat. 
 
 As a party name Republican re-appeared in 1855,
 
 278 POLITICAL PAKTIES. 
 
 they interpreting its application as meaning " na- 
 tionality." The Republicans have twice been a 
 strong party politic ; the original looked upon the 
 Union as a democracy, persons, not States; the 
 modern Republicans contemplated the Union as a 
 Republic of itself, believing in its existence as a 
 nation-republic. 
 
 In 1859, the modern adaptation was called into 
 existence solely to resist the encroachments of 
 slavery upon the free territory of the Union and 
 the free States, that there should be an entire pro- 
 hibition of the " twin relics of barbarism, polygamy 
 and slavery," that white slavery must remain and 
 be protected where it was. In the Republican 
 platform the attempt of John Brown was de- 
 nounced as " lawless and unjustifiable," denying 
 the authority of Congress, of a Territorial legisla- 
 ture or of any individuals to " give legal existence 
 to slavery in any territory of the United States," 
 affirming the principles of the Constitution of the 
 United States as essential to the preservation of 
 Republican institutions, and that the rights of 
 the States should be held inviolate, and especially 
 that " the right of each State to order and control 
 its own domestic institutions according to its own 
 judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance 
 of power on which the perfection and endurance 
 of our political fabric depends." 
 
 In 1876, it demanded a vigorous Southern policy
 
 POLITICAL PARTIES. 279 
 
 and arraigned their opponents (Democrats) as seek- 
 ing to perpetuate sectional strife. In connection 
 with the name Republican as a great party name, 
 there occurs a coincidence worthy of note, the 
 " Republican Supremacy " of each party extended 
 over the space of twenty-four years 1801 to 1825, 
 and 1861 to 1885. 
 
 Tammany. 
 
 A society, Tammany Society, otherwise called 
 the Columbian Order from 1789, composed of 
 New York Democrats ; the order originally formed 
 by William Mooney of New York, an upholsterer, 
 during the administration of Washington, in 
 1789, with the probable purpose of antagonism to 
 the Cincinnati Society, which had an aristocratical 
 tendency. Tammany originally having in view 
 the preservation of democratic institutions, from 
 contamination by the adoption of any aristocratic 
 principles. 
 
 The name Tammany or St. Tammany adapted 
 from the name of an Indian chief, Tammenund, 
 tradition alleging " his attachment to liberty was 
 greater than his love of life." The belief is, that 
 the name was one of fancy in its selection, having 
 no significant meaning.
 
 THE TWO TARIFF BILLS: 
 
 Known as the McKinley and the Wilson Bills. 
 
 fin HE following table shows the rates fixed by the 
 old and new tariffs, respectively, on the most 
 important articles affected by each. (No notice is 
 taken in this table of those articles on which the 
 duties are the same in both tariffs.) It will be 
 seen that the reductions on manufactured woolens, 
 china and glassware are important. The duty on 
 tin plates is reduced from 2 1-5 to 1 1-5 cents a 
 pound ; that on linseed oil from 32 to 20 cents a 
 gallon, and on castor oil from 80 to 35 cents. 
 These are instances of large reductions ; but the 
 duties on most of the miscellaneous articles have 
 been considerably cut down. 
 
 Estimating the average ad valorem rate on 
 these articles under the McKinley act at 50 per 
 cent., it would probably be fair to state that the 
 Senate bill reduces that average to 37 J per cent. 
 It should be remembered, however, in attempting 
 any comparison of the two tariffs, that estimates 
 of ad valorem, based on specific rates, are subject 
 to error because of fluctuations in prices. 
 
 Among the important additions to the free list, 
 besides wool and lumber, are binding twine, paint- 
 ings statuary, fresh fish, jute bagging and burlaps. 
 
 280
 
 THE TWO TARIFF BILLS. 281 
 
 Schedule A. Chemicals, Oils and Paints. 
 
 Old Rate. New Bate. 
 
 Acetic Acid, per Ib lc. 20 p.c. 
 
 Alumina, alum, alum cake, per Ib 6-lUc. 4-10c. 
 
 Blacking of all kinds 25 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Refined Borax, per Ib 5c. 2c. 
 
 Camphor, refined, per Ib 4c. 10 p.c. 
 
 Chalk, prepared, precipitated, French and red, 
 
 per Ib lc. 20 p.c. 
 
 All coal tar colors or dyes 35 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Collodion, per Ib 50a 40c. 
 
 Extracts aud decoctiojis of logwood and other dye 
 
 woods, extract of sumac, per Ib c. 10 p.c. 
 
 Gelatine, glue, isinglass or fish glue, worth not 
 
 over 7c. j>er Ib., per Ib l|c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Glycerine, refined, per Ib 4Jjc. 3c. 
 
 Ink and ink powders, printer's ink 30 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Sulph. of magnesia or Epsom salts, per Ib 3-10c. l-5c. 
 
 Castor oil, per gal 80c. 35c. 
 
 Cod liver oil, per gal 15c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Cottonseed oil, per gal lOc. 20 p.c. 
 
 Flaxseed or linseed and poppyseed oil 32c. 20c. 
 
 Opium, liquid preparations 40 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Chrome yellow, chrome green, and all other 
 
 chromium colors, per Ib 4ic. 3c. 
 
 Varnishes 35 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Whiting and Paris white, dry, per Ib .. c. \c. 
 
 Artists' water color paints 30 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 White lead, per Ib 3c. IJc. 
 
 Phosphorus, per Ib 20c. 15c. 
 
 Potash, bichromate and chromate of, per Ib 3c. 25 pc. 
 
 Potash, hydriodate, iodide and iodate of, per Ib... 50c. 25c. 
 
 Potash, nitrate of, r saltpetre, refined, per Ib lc. ^c. 
 
 Potash, prussiate ot. red, per Ib lOc. 25 p.c. 
 
 Potash, yellow, prussiate of, per Ib 5c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Toilet preparations and articles of perfumery 50 p.c. 40 p.c. 
 
 Castile soap, per Ib IJc. 20 p.c. 
 
 Bicarbonate of soda or supercarbonate of soda or 
 
 saleratus, per Ib lc. %c. 
 
 Hydrate of soda or caustic soda, per Ib lc. lc. 
 
 Sal soda or soda crystals, per Ib Jc. |c. 
 
 Sponges 20 p.c. 10 p.c. 
 
 Sea moss or Iceland moss, crude Free 10 p.c. 
 
 Strychnia, or strychnine, and all salts thereof, 
 
 per oz 40c. 30c. 
 
 Sulphur, refined, per ton $800 20 p.c 
 
 Tartar, cream of, and patent tartar, per Ib 6c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Tartrate of soda and potassa, or Rochelle salts, 
 
 per Ib 3c. 2c.
 
 282 
 
 THE TWO TARIFF BILLS. 
 
 B. Earths, Earthenware and Glassware, Brick and Tile. 
 
 Old Kate. New Rate. 
 
 Brick, glazed, enameled, ornamented or decorated. 45 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 Tiles, ornamented, glazed, painted, enameled, vit- 
 rified or decorated 45 p.c. 49 p.c. 
 
 Cement 20 p.c. 10 p.c. 
 
 Lime, per 100 Ibs 6c. 5c. 
 
 Gypsum, calcined, per ton $1.75 $1.25 
 
 China, clay or kaolin $3.00 $2.00 
 
 Common yellow and brown earthenware 25 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Plain white china, not ornamented or decorated... 55 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 China, porcelain and crockery ware, painted, 
 
 tinted, enameled, or otherwise decorated in 
 
 any manner 60 p.c. 35 p.c. 
 
 Glass bottles, holding more than 1 pint, per Ib Ic. fc. 
 
 Fluted, rolled or rough plate glass, not exceeding 
 
 16x24 inches square foot, sq. ft Ic. fc. 
 
 Above that and not exceeding 24x30 inches square, 
 
 sq. ft IJc. Ic. 
 
 All above that, sq. ft 2c. l^c. 
 
 Marble of all kinds in block, rough or squared 
 
 only, cubic foot 65c. 50c. 
 
 Manufactures of marble 50 p.c. 45 p.c. 
 
 Manufactures of alabaster and onyx 25 p.c. 45 p.c. 
 
 Freestone, granite, sandstone, limestone and other 
 
 building stone, cubic foot lie. 7c. 
 
 Freestone, granite, sandstone, limestone and other 
 
 building stone, hewn, dressed or polished 40 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 
 Roofing slates 25 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 C. Metals and Manufactures of. 
 
 Iron in pigs, per ton $6.00 $4.00 
 
 Structural iron, per Ib 9-10c. 6-10c. 
 
 Steel rails, per Ib 6-10c. 7-20c. 
 
 Wire rods 6-10c. 4-10c. 
 
 Tin plates, per Ib 2 l-5c. 1 l-5c. 
 
 Manufactures of tin 55 p.c. 35 p.c. 
 
 Anchors and forgings of iron and steel, for vessels, 
 
 steam engines and locomotives, per Ib 1 8-10c. 1 2-10c. 
 
 Axles, axle bars, axle blanks or forgings for axles, 
 
 per Ib 2c. 1 Jc. 
 
 Anvils of iron or steel, per Ib 2Jc. ifc. 
 
 Blacksmith's hammers and sledges and crowbars, 
 
 whether of iron or steel, per Ib 2|c. lc. 
 
 Castings of malleable iron, per Ib Ifc. 9-10c. 
 
 Cast hollow ware, coated glazed or tinned, per Ib. 3c. 2c. 
 
 Chains of all kinds made of iron or steel, per Ib... 1 6-10c. 30 p.c. 
 Penknives, pocketknives, or erasers of all kinds, 
 
 per doz 12c.&50p.c. 25p.c. 
 
 Valued at more than $3 per dozen, per doz $2 & 50 p.c. 50 p.c.
 
 THE TWO TARIFF BILLS. 283 
 
 Old Bate. New Bate. 
 Razors and r#.zor blades, valued at less than $4 
 
 per dos $1 & 30 p.c. 45p.c. 
 
 Valued at nore than $4 per dozen, per doz $1.75 & 30 p.c. 45 p.c. 
 
 Double-barreled, breech-loading shotguns worth 
 
 not more than $6 each, each $1.50&35p.c. 30p.c. 
 
 Valued at more than $12 each, each $6 & 35 p.c. 35 p.c. 
 
 Wire nails, per Ib 2c. 25p.c. 
 
 Needles 35 p.c. 25p.c. 
 
 Railway fah plates, per Ib lc. 25 p.c. 
 
 Hand, buck and all other saws 40 p.c. 25p.c. 
 
 Screws, more than two inches in length, per Ib. 5c. 3c. 
 
 Over one inch and not more than two inches in 
 
 length, per Ib 7c 5c. 
 
 Over one-half inch and not more than one inch in 
 
 length, per Ib lOc. 7c. 
 
 One half inch and less in length, per Ib 14c. lOc. 
 
 Umbrella and parasol ribs and stretcher frames 45 p.c. 50p.c. 
 
 Wheels for railway purposes, per Ib 2c. l|c. 
 
 Aluminum in crude form, alloys of any kind, 
 
 per Ib 15c. lOc. 
 
 Copper in rolled plates, called braziers' copper. 35 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 Copper, old, taken from the bottom of American 
 
 yesr-els, compelled by marine disaster to repair 
 
 in foreign ports Free. 20 p.c. 
 
 Gold and silver bullion 30 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Gold leaf $2.00 30p.c. 
 
 Silver leaf 75c. 30p.c. 
 
 Lead ore, per Ib lc. |c. 
 
 Lead, in pigs, per Ib 2c. lc. 
 
 Mica 35 p.c. 20p.c. 
 
 Nickel, per Ib lOc. 6c. 
 
 Pens, metallic, except gold pens, per gross 12c. 8c. 
 
 Pins, metallic 30 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Quicksilver, per Ib lOc. 7c. 
 
 Type metal, per Ib lc. fc. 
 
 New types 25 p.c. 15 p.c. 
 
 Clocks of metal and wood 45 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Zinc in blocks or pigs, per Ib Ifc. lc. 
 
 In sheets, per Ib 2Jc. IJc. 
 
 Manufactured articles or wares, composed wholly 
 
 or in part of any metal 45 p.c. 35 p.c. 
 
 D. Wood and Manufactures of. 
 
 Osier or willow, prepared for basketmakers' use 80 p.c. 20 p.c 
 
 Manufactures of osier or willow 40 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Casks and barrels (empty), sugar-box shooks and 
 
 packing boxes of wood 30 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 E. Sugar. 
 
 Sugar, raw Free 40p.c. 
 
 Sugar, refined, per Ib Jc. $<:. & 40 p.c.
 
 284 THE TWO TAKIFF BILLS. 
 
 F. Tobacco and Manufactures of. 
 
 Old Bate. New Bate. 
 Wrapped tobacco, unstemmed, imported in any 
 
 bale, box, package or in bulk, per Ib .". $2.00 $1.50 
 
 If stemmed, per Ib $2.75 $2.25 
 
 G- Agricultural Products and Provisions. 
 
 Horses worth $150 and over 30 p. c. 20p.c. 
 
 Wheat, flour 25 p.c. 20p.c. 
 
 Bice, cleaned, per Ib.. 2c. 1-lc. 
 
 Uncleaued rice, per Ib l\c. 8-10c. 
 
 Butter and substitutes therefor, per Ib 6c. 4c. 
 
 Cheese, per Ib 6c. 4c. 
 
 Milk, preserved or condensed, including weight of 
 
 packages, per Ib 3c. 2c. 
 
 Sugar of milk, per Ib 8c. 5c. 
 
 Pickles and sauces of all kinds 45 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 
 Other vegetables, prepared or preserved in tins, 
 
 jars, bottles or otherwise. 45 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 
 Eggs, per doz. oc. 3c. 
 
 Hay, per ton $4 $2. 
 
 Honey, per gal 20c. lOc. 
 
 Hops, per Ib 15c. 8c. 
 
 Onions, per bush 40c. 20c. 
 
 Potatoes, per bush, of 60 Ibs., per bush 25c. 15c. 
 
 Castor beans or seeds, per bush, of 50 Ibs 50c. 25c. 
 
 Flaxseed, linseed, poppy seed, and other O;l seeds, 
 
 per bosh, of 56 Ibs 30c. 20c. 
 
 Garden seeds, agricultural seeds and other seeds 20 p.c. 10 p.c. 
 
 Vegetables in their natural state 25 p.c. 10 p.c. 
 
 Straw 30 p.c. 15 p.c. 
 
 Fish in cans or packages 30 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Dates, green, ripe and dried Free 20 p.c. 
 
 Dates, preserved in sugar 35 p.c. 20p.c. 
 
 Pineapples Free 20p.c. 
 
 Pineapples, preserved in sugar 35 p.c. 20p.c. 
 
 Olives, green or prepared Free 20p.c. 
 
 Figs,perlb 2.]c. lie. 
 
 Raisins, per Ib 2Jc. lc. 
 
 Other dried grapes, including Zante currants, 
 
 perlb Free lc. 
 
 Comfits and sweetmeats 35 p.c. SOp.c. 
 
 Fruits preserved in their own juices 30 p.c. 20 p.c 
 
 Almonds, not shelled, per Ib 5c, 3c. 
 
 Peanuts, or ground beans, unshelled, per Ib Ic. 20 p.c. 
 
 Cocoanuts Free 20 p.c. 
 
 Nuts of all kinds, shelled or unshelled, per Ib. lie. 20 p.c. 
 
 Lard, per Ib 2c. Ic. 
 
 Meats, prepared and preserved 25 p.c. 20p.c. 
 
 Poultry, live, per Ib 3c. 2o. 
 
 Poultry, dressed, per Ib 5c. 3c.
 
 THE TWO TARIFF BILLS. 28& 
 
 Old Bate. Ktw Bate. 
 Chocolate confectionery worth over 12c. a pound, 
 
 per Ib 50 p. c. 35p.c. 
 
 Starch, per Ib 2c. IJc. 
 
 Orchids, lily of the valley, azaleas, palms and 
 other plants used for forcing under glass for 
 
 cut flowers or decorative purposes Free lOp.c. 
 
 Spices, ground or powdered, per Ib 4c. 3c. 
 
 H.-Spirlts, Wines and Other Beverages. 
 
 Brandy, and other spirits, per proof gal $2.50 .?!.*" 
 
 Ale, porter and beer, in bottles or jugs, per gal. 40c. 30c, 
 
 Otherwise than in bottles or jugs, per gal 20c. 15c. 
 
 Malt extract, fluid in casks, per gal 20c. 15c. 
 
 In bottles or jugs 40c. 30c. 
 
 Solid or condensed 40 p. c. 30p.c. 
 
 I. Cotton Manufactures. 
 
 Cotton cloth, not bleached, per sq. yd 2|c. IJc, 
 
 If bleached, per sq. yd 3c. l|c. 
 
 If dyed, colored, stained, painted or printed, 
 
 per sq. yd 4c. 2|c. 
 
 Clothing, ready made, and articles of wearing ap- 
 parel of every description, handkerchiefs and 
 neckties or neckwear, composed of cotton or 
 
 other vegetable fibre 50 p. c. 40 p.c. 
 
 Chenille curtains 60 p.c. 40 p.c. 
 
 Shirts or drawers, composed of cotton.. $1 and 35 p.c. 50 p.c. 
 
 Stockings, hose and half-hose, composed of co. ton.. 35 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 
 Cords, braids, lacings, tapes, suspenders and braces, 
 
 made of cotton 40 p.c. 45 p.c. 
 
 All manufactures of cotton, including cloth hav- 
 ing India rubber as a component material 40 p. c. 35 p.c. 
 
 J. Flax, Hemp and Jute and Manufactures of. 
 Flax, hackled, known as "dressed line," per Ib... 3c. IJc. 
 
 Hemp, hackled, known i as " dressed line, ' ' per Ib.. 2 a Ic. 
 
 Cables, cordage and twine (except binding twine) 
 
 per Ib IJc. 10 p.c. 
 
 Oil cloth for floors, valued at 25c. or less, pr. sq. yd. 40 p. c, 25 p.c. 
 
 Collars and cuffs, composed wholly or in part of 
 
 linen, per dozen pieces 30c. & 40 p.c. 30c.&30p.c. 
 
 Shirts and all otht r articles of wearing apparel of 
 
 every description, composed wholly or in part 
 
 of linen 55 p.c. 50 p.c. 
 
 Laces, edgings and embroideries 60 p.c. 50 p.c. 
 
 K. Wool and Manufactures of Wool. 
 
 On woolen or worsted yarns, valued at not more 
 
 than 30c. per pound, per Ib 27Jc. &35 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 
 Woolen shawls, valued at not exceeding 40c. per 
 
 pound, per Ib 38Jc. &40p.c. 35 p.a
 
 286 THE TWO TARIFF BILLS. 
 
 Old Rate. New Rate. 
 
 Blankets, hats of wool and flannels for underwear, 
 
 valued at more than 30c. and not more than 
 
 40c. per pound, per Ib 22c. &35 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 
 Carpets of wool, flax or cotton, or composed in 
 
 part of either 50 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 
 L. Silks and 811k Goods. 
 
 Silks partially manufactured, per Ib 50c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Spun silks, in skeins, cops, warps, or on beams.... 35 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 Webbings, goriugs, braces, beltings and silk 
 
 buttons 50 p.c. 45 p.c. 
 
 Articles of silk lace 60 p.c. 50 p.c. 
 
 All manufactures of silk or of which silk is the 
 
 component material of chief value 50 p.c. 45 p.c. 
 
 M. Pulp, Papers and Books. 
 
 Mechanically ground wood pulp, per ton, dry 
 
 weight $2.50 10 p.c. 
 
 Roofing felt 20 p.c. 10 p.c. 
 
 Printing paper, sized or glued, suitable only for 
 
 books and newspapers 20 p.c. 15 p.c. 
 
 Paper envelopes, per M 25c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Writing paper, drawing paper and all other paper.. 25 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Blank books of all kinds 25 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 N.-Sundrles. 
 
 Brooms 40 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Bristles, per Ib lOc. 7^c. 
 
 Pearl and shell buttons 2Jc.&25p.c. lc.'&15p.c. 
 
 Buttons of ivory, vegetable ivory, glass, bone and 
 
 horn 50 p.c. 35 p.c. 
 
 Coal, bituminous and shale, per ton 75c. 40c. 
 
 Coke 20 p.c.. 15 p.c. 
 
 Dolls (this paragraph not to take effect until Jan- 
 uary 1, 1895) 35 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Matches, per gross lOc. 20 p.c. 
 
 Strings for musical instruments, if catgut Free 25 p.c. 
 
 Strings for musical instruments, if metal 45 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Feathers and downs of all kinds, when dressed, 
 colored or manufactured, suitable for millin- 
 ery use 50 p.c. 35 p.c. 
 
 Palm-leaf fans, with artificial handles 30 p.c. 40 p.c. 
 
 Haircloth, known as " crinoline cloth," pr. sq. yd.. 8c. 6c. 
 
 Hats 55 p.c. 40 p.c. 
 
 Jewelry 
 
 All articles commercially known as "jewelry ".. 50 p.c. 35 p.c. 
 
 Precious stones of all kinds, cut but not set 10 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 If set 25 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 
 Uncut precious stones of all kinds Free 10 p.c. 
 
 Pianoforte leather and piano action leather 35 p.c. 20 p.c. 
 
 Boots and shoes made of leather 25 p c. 20 p.c-
 
 THE TWO TARIFF BILLS. 287 
 
 . . 
 
 Gloves, ladies' or children's, " glace " finish, kid, 
 
 not over 14 inches in length, per dozen pair.. $3.25 $2.25 
 
 Manufactures known commercially as bead, beaded 
 
 or jet trimmings or ornaments .................... 45 p.c. 35 p. c, 
 
 Photographic dry plates or films ....................... 60 p.c. 25 p.c. 
 
 Pipes and all smokers' articles .......................... 70 p.c. 50 p.c- 
 
 All common tobacco pipes made wholly of clay, 
 
 valued at no more than 50c. per gross, per 
 
 gross ..................................................... 15c. 10 p.c. 
 
 Umbrellas, parasols and sunshades, covered with 
 
 material composed wholly or in part of silk 
 
 or alpaca ............................................... 55 p.c. 45 p.c. 
 
 Sticks for umbrellas, parasols and sunshades, plain 35 p.c. 30 p.c. 
 
 FREE LIST. 
 
 Jute and hemp bagging, per square yard ............ 1 6-10c. Free 
 
 Binding twine, per Ib ..................................... 7 lOc. Free 
 
 All hydrographic charts, and scientific books and 
 
 periodicals devoted to original scientific re- 
 
 search, and publications issued for their sub- 
 
 scribers by scientific and literary associations 
 
 or academies, or publications of individuals 
 
 for gratuitous private circulation, and public 
 
 documents issued by foreign governments ...... 25 p.c. Free 
 
 Books, maps, etc., for any State or public library.. 25 p.c. Free 
 
 Burlaps, not exceeding 60 inches in length, per Ib. Ifc. Free 
 Burlaps in bag lengths, and bags for grain, made 
 
 of burlaps, per Ib .................................... 2c. Free 
 
 Cabbages, each .............................................. 3c. Free 
 
 Copper ores, per Ib ........................................ ^c. Free 
 
 Cotton ties, per Ib .......................................... 2-10c. Free 
 
 Flax straw, per ton ......................................... $5 Free 
 
 Flax, not packed, per Ib ......... ........................ Ic. Free 
 
 Tow of flax or hemp, per Ib ............................. $c. Free 
 
 Hemp, not hackled, per ton ............................. $25 Free 
 
 Cod oil, foreign fisheries, per gal ....................... 8c. Free 
 
 Milk, fresh, per gal ........................................ 5c. Free 
 
 Petroleum, crude ........................................... 10 p.c. Free 
 
 Refined ................................................. 20 p.c. Free 
 
 Paintings in oil or water colors, and statuary ...... 15 p.c. Free 
 
 Original drawings or sketches ........................... 20 p.c. Free 
 
 Artists' proofs of etchings and engravings .......... 25 p.c. Free 
 
 Plants, trees, shrubs and vines of all kinds com- 
 
 monly known as nursery stock .................... 20 p.c. Free 
 
 Plows, tooth and disk harrows, harvesters, reapers, 
 
 agricultural drills and planters, mowers, horse 
 
 rakes, cultivators, threshing machines and 
 
 cotton gins ............................................ 45 p.c. Free 
 
 Hatters' plush ............................................... 10 p.c. Free
 
 288 THE TWO TARIFF BILLS. 
 
 Old Kate. New Rate. 
 
 Salt in bags or other packages, per 100 Ibs 12c. Free 
 
 In bulk, per 100 Ibs 8c. Free 
 
 Burr stones 15 p.c Free 
 
 Sulphuric acid, per Ib ^c. Free 
 
 Paving posts, railroad ties, telephone and tele- 
 graph poles, all of cedar 20 p.c. Free 
 
 Timber, hewn and sawed, and timber used for spars 
 
 and in building wharves 10 p.c. Free 
 
 Timber, squared or sided, per cubic foot c. Free 
 
 Sawed boards, plank, deals and other lumber, of 
 
 hemlock, whitewood, sycamore, white pine 
 
 and bass wood, per 1,000 feet, board measure $1 Free 
 
 Sawed lumber, per 1,000 feet, board measure $2 Free 
 
 Pine clapboards, per M $1 Free 
 
 Spruce clapboards, per M $1.50 Free 
 
 Hubs for wheels, posts, last blocks, wagon blocks, 
 
 oar blocks, gun blocks, heading and all like 
 
 blocks or sticks, rough hewn or sawed only... 20 p.c. Free 
 
 Laths, per 1,000 pieces 15c. Free 
 
 Pickets and pailings 10 p.c. Free 
 
 White pine shingles, per 1,000 30 p.c. Free 
 
 All other shingles, per 1,000 30 p.c: Free 
 
 Staves of wood of all kinds, wood unmanufactured 10 p.c. Free 
 
 Veneers, unmanufactured 20 p.c. Free 
 
 Wool. 
 
 Class 1. Wools of the merino blood, immediate 
 
 or remote, down clothing wools and wools of 
 
 like character with the foregoing, including 
 
 those usually imported from Buenos Ayres, 
 
 New Zealand, Australia, Cape of Good Hope 
 
 Russia, Great Britain, Canada, and elsewhere, 
 
 and all wools not described in classes 2 or 3, 
 
 perlb lie Free 
 
 Class 2. Combing wool, Canada long wools, and 
 
 hair of the camel, goat, alpaca and other like 
 
 animals, per Ib 12c. Free 
 
 Class 3. Donskoi, native South American, Cor- 
 dova, Valparaiso, native Smyrna, Russian 
 
 camel's hair, and wools usually imported 
 
 from Turkey, Greece, Egypt and Syria, valued 
 
 at 13 cents or less per Ib 32 p.c. Free 
 
 When valued at more than 13 cents per Ib. 50 p.c. Free
 
 Views and Opinions of Leading Statesmen upon the 
 Great Issues of the Campaign, 
 
 THE GOLD RESERVE AND THE FINANCIAL DIFFICULTY. 
 
 Speech Delivered in the United States Senate, Jan. 3, 1896, 
 
 BY HON. JOHN SHERMAN, OF OHIO. 
 
 "MR. PRESIDENT: In his annual message to 
 Congress the President confined himself to 
 two important subjects, one our foreign relations and 
 the other the condition of our national finances. He 
 followed it by another message on the application 
 of the Monroe Doctrine to the controversy between 
 Great Britain and Venezuela. 
 
 While Congress has heartily, perhaps too hastily, 
 but with entire unanimity, supported him in main- 
 taining the interests and honor of our country in 
 the field of diplomacy, it has not and will not 
 approve his recommendations on the more impor- 
 tant subject of our financial policy and especially 
 of our currency. He has mistaken the cause of 
 our present financial condition in attributing it to 
 the demand for gold for United States notes instead 
 of to the deficiency of revenue caused by the legis- 
 lation of the last Congress. He places the effect 
 before the cause, 
 
 19 389
 
 290 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 He proposes as a remedy the conversion of 
 the United States notes and the Treasury notes 
 into interest-bearing bonds, thus increasing the 
 interest-bearing debt nearly $500,000,000. He 
 proposes a line of public policy that will produce 
 a sharp contraction of our currency, add greatly 
 to the burden of existing debts, and arrest the 
 progress of almost every American industry which 
 now competes with foreign productions. 
 
 The President is supported in these views by 
 Mr. Carlisle, his able Secretary of the Treasury, 
 in his report to Congress. It is with diffidence I 
 undertake to controvert their opinions ; but my 
 convictions are so strong that they are in error 
 that I hope the strength of the facts I will submit 
 to the Senate will convince it that the true line of 
 public policy is to supply the Government with 
 ample means to meet current expenditures and to 
 pay each year a portion of the public debt. 
 
 The gold reserve provided for the redemption of 
 United States notes can then be easily maintained 
 without cost, except the loss of interest on the gold 
 in the Treasury, but with a saving of interest on 
 United States notes and Treasury notes of five 
 times the interest lost by the gold held in reserve. 
 A vastly greater benefit than saving interest is 
 secured to our people by a national paper currency 
 at par with coin supported by the credit of the 
 United States and redeemed on demand in coin at
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 291 
 
 the Treasury in the principal city of the United 
 States. 
 
 The only difficulty in the way of an easy main- 
 tenance of our notes at par with coin is the fact 
 that during this Administration the revenues of 
 the Government have not been sufficient to meet 
 the expenditures authorized by Congress. If Con- 
 gress had provided necessary revenue, or if the 
 President and Mr. Carlisle had refused to expend 
 appropriations not mandatory in form, but per- 
 missive, so as to confine expenditures within 
 receipts, they would have had no difficulty with 
 the reserve. 
 
 This would have been a stalwart act in harmony 
 with the President's character and plainly within 
 his power. All appropriations which are not pro- 
 vided to carry into effect existing law are permis- 
 sive, but not mandatory, and his refusal to expend 
 money in excess of the revenues of the Govern- 
 ment would not only be justified by public policy, 
 but would have been heartily approved by the 
 people of the United States. He knew as well as 
 any one that since the close of the Civil War to the 
 date of his inauguration the expenditures of the 
 Government had been less than its receipts. 
 
 From the official statement it appears that each 
 and every year during that long period there was 
 a surplus, which was applied to the reduction 
 of the public debt bearing interest, This debt
 
 292 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 amounted August 31, 1865, to $2,381,530,294. 
 On the 1st of March, 1893, it was $585,034,260, 
 thus showing a reduction of the interest-bearing 
 debt of $1,796,496,034. The public faith was 
 pledged to this reduction in our loan laws and by 
 the act creating a sinking fund, and though in 
 some years we did not comply with the terms of 
 the sinking fund, yet in other years we exceeded 
 its requirements, and prior to this Administration 
 ihe aggregate reduction of debt was greater than 
 the law required. Now, for the first time since 
 1866, we have deficiencies of revenue. Since the 
 1st of March, 1893, to the 1st of December, 1895, 
 the national debt has been increased $162,602,245. 
 I insert an official table showing in detail the 
 reduction of the public debt in periods of four 
 years from August, 1865, to March 1, 18V: 5, and 
 its increase from that date to December 1, 1895. 
 
 The President, in his recent annual message, 
 complains that the law of October 6, 1890, known 
 as the McKinley Act, was " inefficient for the pur- 
 poses of revenue." That law, though it largely 
 reduced taxation by placing many articles on the 
 free list and granted a bounty for the production 
 of sugar, yet did not reduce revenues below expen- 
 ditures, but provided a surplus of $37,239,762.57 
 June 30, 1891, and $9,914,453.66 June 30, 1892, 
 and $2,341,674.29 on the 30th of June, 1893, 
 when Mr. Cleveland was President and a Demo-
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 293 
 
 cratic majority in both Houses of Congress had 
 been elected, all pledged to repeal the McKinley 
 Act and to reduce duties. 
 
 That the McKinley Act did not produce more 
 revenue in 1893 and 1894 is not a matter of sur- 
 prise. Any tariff law denounced by the party in 
 power, with a promise to repeal it and to reduce 
 duties, would prevent importations under the old 
 law and thus lower the revenue. Early in Decem- 
 ber, 1893, at the first regular session of Congress 
 during Mr. Cleveland's term, a bill was formulated, 
 and as soon as practicable passed the House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 That bill met the hearty approval of the Presi- 
 dent. If it had become a law as originally pre- 
 sented, the deficiency in revenue would have been 
 much greater than now ; but conservative Demo- 
 cratic Senators, with the aid of Republican Sena- 
 tors, greatly improved the House bill, added other 
 duties and changed the scope of the measure. 
 With these amendments it became a law. The 
 President refused to sign it, expressing his opposi- 
 tion to the Senate amendments, and yet now 
 supports it when deficiencies have been greatly 
 increased, when the public debt is increasing, and 
 doubts are expressed as to the ability of the 
 Government to maintain its notes at par with 
 coin. 
 
 The President makes no mention in his message
 
 294 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 of these deficiences ; no mention of the issue of 
 interest-bearing bonds to meet them. The Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury is more frank in his state- 
 ment. He reports a deficiency of 169,803,260.58 
 during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1894, and for 
 the year ended June 30, 1895, $42,805,223.18, and 
 for the six months prior to December 1, 1895, 
 $17,613,539.24; in all, $130,221,023. 
 
 No complaint was made that the McKinley law 
 " was inefficient for the purposes of revenue " 
 when the Wilson bill was pending. The objection 
 to the McKinley law was that it was a " protec- 
 tive tariff," and the Wilson bill was a " revenue 
 tariff." I have a statement showing the receipts 
 and expenditures under each law each month, the 
 McKinley law from its passage to the election of 
 Cleveland, and the Wilson law from its passage 
 to December 1, 1895. During the twenty-five 
 months of the McKinley law the average monthly 
 surplus was $1,129,821. During the existence of 
 the Wilson law the average monthly deficiency 
 was $4,699,603. If the McKinley law was, in the 
 opinion of the President, inefficient for revenue, he 
 should have said of the Wilson law that it was 
 bounteous in deficiencies. 
 
 I beg the attention of Senators to the statistics 
 I have presented. They are authentic and offi- 
 cial. During the first year of the Wilson law the 
 agricultural imports, all of which are such as are
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 295 
 
 produced in the United States, the most common 
 products of our farms, were of the value of $107,- 
 342,522. During the last year of the McKinley 
 law the imports of the same farm products were of 
 the value of $51,414,844. So under the Wilson 
 law the imports of agricultural products, which we 
 produce in the greatest abundance, were doubled 
 in amount as compared with the amount imported 
 under the McKinley law. 
 
 Notably, during the same time, the importation 
 of two articles (that we can produce in the United 
 States) under the Wilson law were wool, valued 
 at $32,589,791, and hides, $24,623,239. Under 
 the McKinley law wool valued at $6,299,934 and 
 hides valued at $10,480,562 were imported. Im- 
 portations of wool were increased under the Wil- 
 son law sixfold. It is no wonder that our sheep 
 are being destroyed. The importation of hides 
 under the present act increased two and one-half 
 fold. The American farmer was thus deprived of 
 his home market. 
 
 Other importations made during a year under 
 the Wilson law of articles which we can readily 
 produce in this country were valued at $263,684,- 
 513, while under the McKinley law the value of 
 the same articles imported was $172,743,601. 
 
 The enormous importations under the Wilson 
 law, for which we had to pay gold, necessarily 
 diminished the exports of the United States.
 
 296 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 Our chief reliance in our foreign trade is to export 
 our products, mainly agricultural, in sufficient 
 quantity or more to pay for our imports, so that 
 the balance of trade shall be in our favor. Under 
 the Wilson law we exported in a year agricultural 
 productions valued at $301,578,885, while during 
 the last year of the McKinley law we exported 
 similar productions valued at $371,125,299. 
 
 It will thus be seen that under the McKinley 
 law we exported more and under the other act 
 less, the difference amounting to about $70,000,- 
 000. Therefore, the balance of trade necessarily 
 turned against us. 
 
 MR. GEORGE. Which two years are compared ? 
 
 MR. SHERMAN. We compare the last year under 
 the McKinley Act with the first year under the 
 Wilson Act; they follow each other. 
 
 I could pursue the analysis of these two laws 
 further, but I have said enough to explain the 
 preference by the President of the Wilson bill. 
 He believes in large importations at the lowest 
 cost, without regard to the industries and labor of 
 our countrymen, while I believe in a careful dis- 
 crimination and the imposition of such duties on 
 articles that compete with home productions as 
 will diversity our employments and protect and 
 foster impartially all industries, whether of the 
 farm, the workshop, the mine, the forest, or the 
 sea. I have not been satisfied with any tariff law
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 297 
 
 made during my public life, though I have shared 
 in framing many. I prefer a law that will impar- 
 tially protect and encourage all home industries, 
 and regard the McKinley law as infinitely better 
 than the Wilson law, which I believe is the cause 
 of all the evils which we now encounter by 
 adverse balance of trade, by exportation of gold 
 and derangement of our monetary system. 
 
 The Wilson law has produced a deficiency in 
 every hour and day that it has been on the stat- 
 ute book, while the McKinley law has always pro- 
 duced a surplus until after the incoming of this 
 Administration, and if administered since that 
 time by friendly agents would have furnished the 
 Government all the revenue needed. 
 
 The deficiency of revenue was the primary cause 
 of the demand for gold for United States notes. 
 The gold hoarded for resumption purposes was not 
 separated from the money received for current 
 revenue, and this revenue being insufficient to 
 meet expenses, the gold accumulated for redemp- 
 tion purposes was drawn upon to make good defi- 
 ciencies. This created a doubt of the ability of 
 the Government to maintain the parity of United 
 States notes with coin, and led to their presenta- 
 tion for redemption in coin. The draft on the 
 Treasury for coin during this Administration has 
 been greater than the amount of deficiency of 
 revenue during the same period.
 
 298 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 In every aspect in which the subject presents 
 itself to my mind I come to no other conclusion 
 than that the deficiency of revenue and the con- 
 sequent encroachment upon the redemption fund 
 is the cause of our present financial condition and 
 that the only remedies are either a radical reduc- 
 tion of expenditures or an increase of taxation, 
 and perhaps both. I do not believe that the con- 
 dition requires a suspension of public works or a 
 postponement of measures now in progress to 
 strengthen the Army and Navy. 
 
 A careful study of the systems of banking, cur- 
 rency, and coinage adopted by the principal nations 
 of Europe convinces me that our system, when 
 cured of a few defects developed by time, founded 
 upon the bimetallic coinage of gold and silver 
 maintained at par with each other, with free 
 national banks established in every city and town 
 of importance in the United States, issuing their 
 notes secured beyond doubt by United States 
 bonds or some equivalent security, redeemable on 
 demand in United States notes, and the issue of 
 an amount of United States notes and Treasury 
 notes equal to the amount now outstanding, with 
 )rovision for a ratable increase with the increase 
 of population, always redeemable in coin and sup- 
 ported by an ample reserve of coin in the Trea- 
 sury, not to be invaded by deficiencies of revenue, 
 and separated by the sub-treasury system from all
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 299 
 
 connection with the receipts and expenditures of 
 the Government such a system would make our 
 money current in commercial circles in every land 
 and clime, better than the best that now exists in 
 Europe, better than that of Great Britain, which 
 now holds the purse-string of the world. 
 
 It is not given to man to foresee with certainty 
 the future; but if we may judge the future by the 
 past, the growth and progress of our country will 
 continue, the diversity and extent of our indus- 
 tries will expand, the vast plains of our broad 
 territory will be teeming with population. The 
 rapid growth of our cities, unexampled in the his- 
 tory of mankind, will continue. 
 
 A century spans the life of this Republic; what 
 will the next century do? I have seen great 
 changes in my life, but those who come after us 
 will see greater changes still. I may on some 
 proper occasion hereafter give the reasons for my 
 faith in our present financial system. All I ask 
 now is that you will not disturb it with your 
 deficiencies, you will not rob it of its safeguards, 
 you will not return to the days of wildcat money, 
 you will not lessen the savings of prudent labor 
 or the accumulations of the rich. Time makes 
 all things even. Let us give to the executive 
 authorities ample means to meet the appropria- 
 tions you have made, but let us strengthen rather 
 than weaken our monetary system, which lies at 
 the foundation of our prosperity and progress.
 
 300 OPINIONS OP LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 THE FREE COINAGE OF SILVER. 
 
 Speech Delivered in the United States Senate, April 29th, 1896, 
 
 BY HON. HENRY M. TELLER, OF COLORADO. 
 
 M R. PRESIDENT : I do not intend to enter into 
 any general discussion of the financial ques- 
 tion on the naval appropriation bill ; but inasmuch 
 as the question of our revenues was discussed on 
 both sides of the Chamber yesterday, I feel at 
 liberty, as a member of the Committee on Appro- 
 priations, and as such somewhat responsible for the 
 character of the appropriations, to express some 
 dissent from the utterances perhaps on both sides 
 of the Chamber with reference to this question. 
 
 The Senator from Ohio [Mr. SHERMAN] during 
 the whole of this session, whenever he has spoken 
 upon this question at all, has insisted that the 
 only trouble in this country is from a lack of 
 revenue. He opened up the discussion early in 
 the campaign by a declaration, in a very able 
 speech, that all we needed at this time was more 
 revenue ; that, if we had more revenue, the coun- 
 try would be in a state of peace, order and pros- 
 perity. Yesterday the Senator again reiterated 
 his anxiety for more revenue, and complained 
 that the Democratic minority in this Senate for 
 no political party has a majority here had not
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 301 
 
 come to the rescue of the Republican minority for 
 the purpose of securing needed revenue. 
 
 In all these discussions the Senator has sought 
 to make the public believe that the most objection- 
 able feature of this Administration the issue of 
 bonds in time of peace has grown out of the 
 necessity for more revenue. I find in the public 
 press of the country a very general disposition to 
 attribute the issue of these bonds, amounting to 
 $262,000,000, to a lack of revenue. Particularly 
 is this true of the party to which I am attached. 
 All their public statements, and, as a rule, the 
 statements of the Eastern press, have approved of 
 the issue of bonds, and have excused it on the 
 ground that it was necessary because there was 
 not sufficient revenue ; and, of course, they corne 
 back to the charge against the Democratic party, 
 that it ie responsible because the revenue is defi- 
 cient. 
 
 Mr. President, before I go into the question 
 whethei chese bonds have been issued because of 
 a lack of revenue, I want to go back to 1890, when 
 the Democratic party was not responsible for legis- 
 lation and the Republican party was. We passed 
 then what has been known as the McKinley law, 
 a law which seems just now to be in great favor 
 and very popular, although, I believe, it cost us 
 the following election. 
 
 The McKinley law did not provide a sufficiency
 
 302 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 of revenue ; everybody knows that it did not, and 
 I think it but fair and honest to say that, if there 
 had been no change of Administration, there would 
 still have been a deficiency of revenue under that 
 law. The condition of the country was such that 
 it was impossible that there should not have been 
 a deficiency. In each of the four months preced- 
 ing the incoming Administration of Mr. Cleveland 
 there was a deficiency in the Government receipts 
 amounting, on an average, to over a million dol- 
 lars a month, and we got through with that fiscal 
 year, which ended in June, 1893, with a surplus 
 of $2,300,000. 
 
 Then came what is known as the panic of 1893, 
 in which the consumption and consequently the 
 importation of foreign products fell off, which, of 
 course, produced a falling off in the revenues. It 
 must be borne in mind, which the Senator from 
 Ohio never stated, I believe, until yesterday, that 
 from the time that this Administration came into 
 power, and before they had had an opportunity to do 
 the damage that we on our side recognize that they 
 did in the passage of the Wilson-Gorman law 
 there had been a failure of revenue in nearly every 
 month after the Administration came in. If there 
 was any month in which there was not a deficiency, 
 it was in the first months in which the Adminis- 
 tration took office. 
 
 Mr. Prepidont, that is a condition which ought
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 303 
 
 not to exist. I do not think, however, that this 
 Senate is properly subject to the castigation which 
 the Senator from Ohio gives it when he says that 
 it is a disgrace to the Senate that there is not 
 more revenue. The question whether we need 
 more revenue now that is, a new levy, a new 
 order of duties will depend upon various things 
 and circumstances. I am of opinion myself, and I 
 believe it can be thoroughly demonstrated, that 
 the present tariff law will produce as much revenue 
 as will be needed whenever prosperity comes to 
 this country. 
 
 No revenue law, no collection of imports, which 
 is fairly levied, fairly laid, and fairly collected, will 
 bring to this country a sufficient income until con- 
 ditions change, and the people are ready to buy 
 and consume. That is the first subject to which 
 the statesmen of this country should direct their 
 attention ; that is the first thing which is absolutely 
 essential and necessary. We must bring back to 
 this country the prosperity which formerly existed 
 and ought still to exist in this country. 
 
 I know, Mr. President, that as a Republican it 
 may be considered to be my duty from a partisan 
 standpoint to insist that the lack of prosperity is 
 the result of a Democratic Administration. I do 
 not so believe. 
 
 I do not approve of the Wilson-Gorman Act. 
 I think it is an inartistic measure j but I think in
 
 304 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 many respects it carries as much duty upon articles 
 of import as any law ever should carry. I said 
 when that measure was pending in the Senate that 
 there were duties levied by that bill so large that 
 if it had been proposed by a Republican House or 
 a Republican Senate I should myself, as a protec- 
 tionist, have voted to reduce them. That law is 
 an unfair one in many respects. It is unfair in 
 this, that it does not equitably distribute the bur- 
 dens and does not equitably distribute the advan- 
 tages which arise under a tariff law. One of the 
 great industries in the State which I represent, the 
 wool industry, is entirely ignored by that law. 
 
 The trouble with the duty on woolen goods is 
 aot that it is too high or too low, but that Europe 
 is in a condition where she can manufacture and 
 must manufacture cheap goods. She has large 
 foreign markets. She has large markets other 
 than ours, and when the conditions here invited 
 her imports she put her goods at such low rates 
 that no American manufacturer, paying American 
 wages, could compete with her. The foreign 
 manufacturers are putting their goods at a price 
 which is less than profitable, if the statements 
 made in Europe are true. They are sending us 
 goods which they manufacture with their cheap 
 labor and which are not required for the other 
 markets. No tariff that you could put on goods 
 would probably meet that condition.
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 305 
 
 I do not know what the deficiency is going to 
 be this year, but I do know that the deficiencies 
 on the 28th day of April for the year were $24,- 
 247,517.83. On that day we had $273,522,338 in 
 the Treasury. I repeat, there is not a nation on 
 the face of the earth that holds $273,000,000 in 
 its Treasury for ordinary purposes. If there is 
 such a nation at all it is Russia, that is stated to 
 have accumulated a large amount, nobody knows 
 how much, for war purposes not to be used except 
 in case of an emergency for war. There is more 
 money in the Treasury than the people of the 
 United States are willing should be put there and 
 there tied up. 
 
 Every dollar of money that is put into the 
 Treasury comes out of the circulation that is 
 necessary in this country to maintain even the 
 present bad conditions of commerce and trade. 
 Inside of twenty-seven months you have put into 
 the Treasury $JOO,000,000 that had been in cir- 
 culation. You drew out of the circulation of this 
 country $200,000,000 and put it where it is of no 
 more value to commerce and trade than it would 
 be if it were in the depths of the sea. 
 
 And yet, Mr. President, Senators rise here and 
 wonder why it is that business does not revive, 
 why it is that prosperity does not come to us. We 
 have had contraction at the rate of $100,000,000 
 a year, contraction since the 1st of February this 
 
 20
 
 306 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 year of $100,000,000, apparently in ignorance of 
 a well-known and well-settled principle of political 
 economy, that when you decrease the circulation 
 of the money you destroy prices and you discour- 
 age enterprise and retard all movements toward 
 production. 
 
 Mr. President, if there ever was a nation in the 
 world that seems to be governed by imbeciles and 
 men without thought or men without reason, it is 
 fair to say we are now in the hands of that class 
 of people. The history of the world does not 
 show such contraction as we have voluntarily and 
 deliberately and willingly taken it upon ourselves 
 to create for the simple purpose of maintaining the 
 gold standard, and nothing else. 
 
 The Senator from Ohio [Mr. SHERMAN] knows, 
 and every man in this Chamber knows, that the 
 $262,000,000 is a debt put upon this country to 
 maintain the gold standard. And he knows, as I 
 know, that the $262,000,000 is but the beginning 
 of a debt that is to be put upon us if the gold 
 standard is to be maintained. It will not do for 
 the Senator to tell me or anybody else in this 
 Chamber that revenue is what you want. What 
 you want, Mr. President, is some system of finance 
 that shall bring confidence to the people who 
 create and produce, that shall encourage them in 
 the belief that when they manufacture an article 
 they want to sell they can sell it for as much at
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 307 
 
 least as it cost. The absolute certainty exists 
 to-day in every productive circle in the United 
 States, and pretty nearly in the world, that he 
 who produces to-day must sell to-morrow at a 
 loss. 
 
 Mr. President, the financial question is at the 
 bottom of this trouble, not a lack of revenues. I 
 do not intend myself to allow either the Senator 
 from Ohio or anybody else to fool the people of 
 this country with the idea that all you need is to 
 pass the McKinley bill again, and that then pros- 
 perity will corne. You will never see the McKin- 
 ley bill re-enacted, and if you did you would not see 
 prosperity come from it. We have been promised 
 all these years that if we would do this and if we 
 would do the other thing, prosperity would be at 
 our door. Every promise made has failed. 
 
 Mr. President, I have myself an idea that there 
 is a method by which we can relieve the people of 
 this country. I do not know that I am correct. 
 I will not insist that I am infallible upon the ques- 
 tion. I may be in error. In my anxiety that the 
 people should have some opportunity of recover- 
 ing their standing, restoring the industries, bring- 
 ing back prices where they ought to be brought, 
 it is possible that I have thought so much of it and 
 have been so anxious about it that my judgment 
 may not be good. But in my judgment there is 
 no one who has proposed any system in this coun-
 
 308 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 try that will save this people except that of the 
 free coinage of silver. 
 
 The President of the United States said that he 
 wanted to retire the greenbacks. The Senator 
 from Ohio said on this floor that that would not 
 do. The President of the United States wanted 
 to meet the crisis in financial affairs by a further 
 and a greater contraction of the currency. The 
 Senator from Ohio was not willing to go to that 
 extent, and he said it ought not to be done. But 
 yet the Senator said they ought to pile up the notes 
 in the Treasury and keep them out of circulation. 
 I believe the Senator from Ohio proposed in this 
 Chamber that $100,000,000 of them should at all 
 times be locked up in the Treasury and kept there 
 a permanent contraction. 
 
 Mr. President, I am concerned, I freely admit, 
 for the future of my country. I have stood in 
 this Chamber and defended what I believe to be a 
 correct monetary system, not because the people 
 of my State produce silver, not because the people 
 of my State are locally interested, but because I 
 believe that the peace and prosperity, the morality 
 and the religion of this country are dependent 
 upon a sound and proper financial system. I do 
 not believe you can have patriotism and love of 
 country while the people are in distress. Empty 
 stomachs do not make patriots; destitute homes 
 do not make liberty-loving men. No nation can
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 309 
 
 maintain its freedom and independence if it does 
 not have as the substratum for its people to stand 
 on, prosperity, not to a few, but to all. The sys- 
 tem now in vogue is one calculated to make the 
 rich richer and the poor poorer. I do not intend 
 to go into details ; I do not intend to cite, as I 
 could, statistics to show that the great laboring 
 mass, the twenty-odd millions of men who till the 
 soil, are practically tilling it to-day without profit. 
 They are farming, as was said of the English 
 farmer by an Englishman not long since, for a bare 
 subsistence. 
 
 Mr. President, I should despise myself, holding 
 the views I do, if I should lift my hand to put in 
 power any man who could from the Executive 
 Chamber use the slightest influence to continue the 
 existing system of finance. Holding, as I do, that 
 the interest of the whole race is wrapped up in 
 this question ; that it is not only for our interest, 
 but the interest of the world for I believe all 
 peoples are interested in it, and that if we do not 
 restore the par of exchange between the gold- 
 stan'dard and the silver-using countries inside of a 
 generation, that we shall transform Christendom 
 into Asiatic conditions and we shall put the laborers 
 of Christendom under Asiatic pay as well as under 
 Asiatic conditions believing that, as I do, I should 
 despise myself, as you ought to despise me, if I 
 did not lift my voice against a system threatening
 
 310 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 such danger; and if I should lift my voice one way 
 and vote another, you would have aright to accuse 
 me of hypocrisy and deceit. As I speak, Mr. 
 President, so shall I vote, in the interest, as I 
 believe, of the great masses of ir.e:i in this country ; 
 and in the interest, as I believe, of the great masses 
 of men throughout Christendom. 
 
 MR. SHERMAN. Mr. President, I may be ex- 
 pected, probably, through courtesy to the Senator 
 from Colorado [MR. TELLER], to make some brief 
 reply to the speech he has just made. 
 
 I know that the Senator from Colorado is an 
 honest man; he has strong convictions, the strongest 
 of all of which is that silver is the loadstone of 
 prosperity. I always respect a man who stands 
 up for his opinions, whether they be right or wrong. 
 Most of the Senator's argument has been repeated 
 to us before, and necessarily so, because the Senator 
 has often spoken on this subject. He has said 
 many things to which I should like to reply, but I 
 do not care to do so except as to some few points. 
 
 The Senator believes that the free coinage of 
 silver, which means a dollar worth 50 cents in gold, 
 
 will be the salvation of the country. 
 
 * # * * # 
 
 MR. TELLER. Mr. President, the Senator from 
 Ohio repeats what the gold-standard people always 
 state when they make a speech. There is not a 
 speech made that does not have in it the statement
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 311 
 
 that if you go to free coinage you will have a 50- 
 cent dollar. The fact is you have a two-dollar 
 dollar now, and that is what is the trouble with 
 this country. The dollar of this country to-day 
 measures twice what it used to measure ; it com- 
 mands twice .the products. There are -several 
 countries in the world that have free coinage, 
 notably Mexico and Japan, and neither of them 
 has a 50-cent dollar. 
 
 It is a notorious fact which no one will deny 
 who is at all acquainted with the conditions (and 
 if any one doubts my statement he can take the 
 consular reports from Mexico and Japan and find 
 that I make a correct statement) that the purchas- 
 ing power of the Mexican dollar and the Japanese 
 yen, which is equivalent to a dollar practically, is 
 as great now as it was thirty years ago. That is 
 true of the Mexican dollar, which circulates all 
 over Asia, in the Straits Settlements, in China, and 
 to some extent, though not much, in India; it will 
 buy as much as it ever bought. The Indian rupee, 
 equivalent at its face value to about 2 shillings of 
 English money, will buy just as much as it would 
 ever buy. 
 
 There has been no depreciation, or, in other 
 words, there has been no rise of prices when meas- 
 ured by the three kinds of money that I have 
 mentioned in the countries in which they circulate. 
 The Japanese money, which is the standard there,
 
 312 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 is about the same as the Mexican dollar, and it 
 buys just as much as it used to buy. When the 
 Japanese pays his workmen he pays them just 
 what he used to pay them in silver. When the 
 Mexican pays his workmen he pays them just what 
 he used to pay them in silver. If he wants to buy 
 material for his manufacture, he pays the same 
 price if it is home-raised and home-produced. The 
 same may be said of India. 
 
 Now, why does the Senator from Ohio say there 
 will be a 50-cent dollar ? There has been no 50- 
 cent dollar in the countries that have maintained 
 free coinage. The theory of the Senator is that 
 gold has advanced, and if we went to coining silver 
 it would be worth half as much, or worth in its 
 dollar state just as much as in its bullion state. 
 
 Mr. President, I do not intend to go into any 
 discussion of that point, except to say that the 
 moment you opened your mint and gave to the 
 silver dollar the same power that you gave to the 
 gold dollar for every purpose whatever in the 
 domestic economy, at least of this country, it 
 would be equivalent to gold.
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 313 
 
 BIMETALLISM AND BOND ISSUES. 
 
 Speech Delivered in the United States Senate, Jan. 16, 1896. 
 BY HON. W. A. PEFFER, OF KANSAS. 
 
 T\IR. PRESIDENT : We have been from the be- 
 ginning a bimetallic people, supplementing 
 our metal with paper money as our business 
 necessities required. Paragraph 5 of Section 8 of 
 Article I. of the Constitution of the United States 
 provides that Congress shall have power " to coin 
 money, to regulate the value thereof, and of foreign 
 coin." In pursuance of this authority, Congress 
 provided early for the coining of money out of 
 gold and silver at a valuation named in the law, 
 and all our subsequent legislation down to 1873 
 was enacted 011 the bimetallic basis. 
 
 All political parties uniformly recognized the 
 law of our monetary system. No party at any 
 time would uave dared to advocate a change. The 
 alteration had to be done without the people's 
 knowledge, or it could not have been done at all. 
 
 Even now, while both of the great political par- 
 ties practice gold monometallism through their 
 members chosen to administer the laws, the parties 
 in their national and State conventions declare in 
 favor of bimetallism. 
 
 The Republican party, in the last national plat-
 
 314 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 form, asserted a well-known fact when declaring 
 that " the American people from tradition and 
 interest favor bimetallism." And the Democratic 
 party declared the same idea. Nobody disputes 
 that proposition. Our history is very clear on 
 that point. But the bimetallism which the Ameri- 
 can people favor from " tradition and interest " is 
 the bimetallism established by the fathers, and 
 continued by their descendants the dollar to be 
 the unit, and its representative coin to be made of 
 371 i grains of silver, with multiples made of gold 
 at a proper ratio fixed by United States laws. 
 
 Free and unlimited coinage means the coining 
 without charge of all gold and silver bullion 
 brought to the mini, and delivering the coin to 
 the owner of the bullion as soon as it is coined. 
 It is exactly the same kind of a transaction as 
 taking a grist of wheat or corn to the mill, and 
 having it ground into flour or meal, except that 
 the miller exacts toll, while the mint makes no 
 charge. 
 
 There is another thing about free coinage that 
 is especially important and must not be overlooked. 
 The owner of bullion takes bullion to the mint, 
 and takes coin away with him. It is the owner 
 of the bullion, and not the Treasury of the United 
 States, that gets the coin. And he wants it be- 
 cause it is coin, something that he can use any- 
 where and everywhere in the country in the trans-
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 315 
 
 action of business, and in the forwarding of enter- 
 prises in which he wishes to engage. In short, he 
 wants it because it is money. And it is of no 
 benefit to him without use. Its use is circulating 
 among the people, performing the functions of 
 money. It pays for labor, it purchases materials, 
 it pays debts, it stimulates industry, and it infuses 
 life into trade. 
 
 These coins which have been fashioned from the 
 bullion are charged with the highest and most ex- 
 alted attributes of sovereignty. They are author- 
 ized and empowered to effect exchanges of property 
 and of values among the people, and they are com- 
 missioned to cancel pecuniary obligations among 
 citizens. 
 
 They have a still higher prerogative than this. 
 They may take the place of a specific performance 
 of a contract which one or both parties has been 
 unable to execute according to agreement. From 
 the moment these coins go into the possession of 
 their owner they are that much added t," the stock 
 of active money of the country, for their owner 
 got them for that purpose, and he will see to it 
 that they get into active circulation as soon as 
 
 But when the Government purchases bullion, 
 and piles the coin in the Treasury, it does not get 
 into circulation at all. And herein lies one advan- 
 tage of free coinage to the people. In the latter
 
 316 OPINIONS OP LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 case the coin goes out at once among them. It is 
 the chief business of its owner to get it into circu- 
 lation, for it is of no benefit to him until he does. 
 When it lies in treasury vaults it is of no use to 
 any person, unless it is represented by certificates 
 or notes that are out circulating as money. But 
 the certificates do not affect the value of gold unless 
 they are made lawful tender in payment of debts 
 to private creditors. 
 
 There is not coin enough in the world to transact 
 the ordinary business of the people, and in our own 
 country we are now buying gold to maintain a coin 
 basis for our monetary system. 
 
 We shall need a great deal more coin than we 
 now have or can procure unless we go into our 
 mines and dig the metal there to manufacture the 
 coin out of. We have an immense outstanding 
 indebtedness that we have promised to pay in coin, 
 and this obligation must be provided for if we do 
 not wish to play Micawber and pay our debts with 
 new notes. 
 
 I believe in the coinage of both gold and silver, 
 but not as an original proposition. If we were just 
 setting out to establish a new monetary system, 
 having had no experience with metallic corns, I 
 should not favor the use of any material that is 
 very costly, any material which speculators and 
 money-changers could corner and thus force oppres- 
 sive financial legislation upon the people. I would
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 317 
 
 choose some material out of which to make our 
 coins that had of itself very little value, but suit- 
 able in every way for the purpose, so that a small 
 quantity of it, as much as would be used in one 
 piece or one coin, to represent $1, or $5, or $10, 
 would be so small that there would be no induce- 
 ment to speculate in it. 
 
 I believe in the coinage of gold and silver, first, 
 because our people have long been accustomed to 
 it. The people of the entire world have been 
 accustomed to it. It is part of the financial policy 
 of all civilized and enlightened men everywhere, 
 descended to us from the far distant past. 
 
 I favor the coinage of gold and silver for another 
 reason. At this time gold alone is being coined, 
 and there is not one-hundredth part enough of 
 gold and silver combined to perform the monetary 
 functions required among the people. I favor the 
 restoration of the coinage of silver for still another 
 reason, that we may, as soon as possible, out of our 
 own mines or mines in other portions of the world, 
 secure the coin we need for the purpose of paying 
 our coin obligations. 
 
 I regard a correct system of money as among 
 the most important agencies in human develop- 
 ment. Commerce has uniformly opened the way 
 for advancing civilization, and money in one form 
 or another has been the handmaid of trade. Fairs 
 afforded opportunities during the Dark Ages for
 
 318 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 people to exchange property by barter ; but ships 
 and railways and banks and telegraphs have 
 brought a new citizenship to the nations and have 
 established a new kingdom on the earth. Rapid 
 communication, ready exchange, quick returns, 
 and the massing of capital make new agencies of 
 effort to be among the necessary accompaniments 
 of these new conditions. 
 
 The Phoenicians and the Romans propelled their 
 ships with oars ; now we drive great ocean steam- 
 ers across the Atlantic in five days. The Britons 
 and the Anglo-Saxons, the Normans and the Gauls 
 carried their produce on the backs of animals or 
 in rude carts on heavy roads; but the modern 
 railway train has reached a speed of 80 miles an 
 hour. All the machinery of life and labor has 
 been changed, and the world seems to have been 
 created anew. 
 
 We have made some progress in the develop- 
 ment of devices to be used as money, and in our 
 experience we have produced some wonderful 
 implements in exchange. Banks, as places of 
 deposit ; banks as places to buy and sell money 
 places to exchange exchange, if the expression is 
 allowable, are highly wrought contrivances to aid 
 commerce, and with but little improvement in 
 their constitution, object, and management, they 
 could be made mighty instruments of power for 
 good in the best direction of human endeavor.
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 319 
 
 But banks, like all other public agencies, being 
 intended for the good of the people at large, ought 
 to be conducted as public institutions. The money 
 they use ought to be of only one kind, and that 
 created and supplied by the General Government. 
 No private concern of any character ought to be 
 permitted to issue its notes to be used as money, 
 and interest ought to be abolished. All the money 
 required in a legitimate transaction of the people's 
 business ought to be supplied by the Government 
 through its own agents at a charge sufficient to 
 cover only the operating expenses of the business. 
 
 Holding these opinions, I believe that among the 
 things required of us, and what, in self-defense, 
 we must sooner or later do, is, after providing for 
 the accumulation of coin enough to meet our coin 
 obligations, to reconstruct our monetary system so 
 that the money function shall be discharged in a 
 natural way. 
 
 Let us christen and baptize the unit, and we 
 have a standard forever. We will name it " Dol- 
 lar," and call its one-hundredth part a cent, and 
 we have a simple standard of value by which we 
 can express any and all values in dollars and cents. 
 
 Among the advantages of this system of money 
 may be mentioned 
 
 First. It would be just to all the people alike in 
 its use. It would be the only money of the coun- 
 try, excepts coins that would better serve the pur-
 
 320 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 poses of small transactions, and would be full 
 legal-tender everywhere, thus saving to the people 
 everything that is now lost by reason of using a 
 small amount of metal coin as the only legal- 
 tender money. 
 
 Second. It would do away with usury, for it would 
 develop a system of public banking through which 
 money would be circulated at cost of the business. 
 
 Third. It would reduce rents to a reasonable 
 level, so that common people could procure and 
 hold their homes. 
 
 Fourth. It would bring about a simpler, a 
 juster, and more natural system of taxation, for 
 (a) it would teach the people that personal prop- 
 erty the things which men and women produce 
 by their labor ought not to ba taxed; and (b) 
 this would lead to the taxation of the rental value 
 of lands, without regard 13 improvements, which 
 would afford sufficient public revenue and leave 
 the people free to work and earn money for them- 
 selves and not for Bothers. 
 
 Fifth. It would terminate the rule of the money 
 power. The quantity of paper required for all the 
 money needed by the people from year to year 
 would be too small and the profit on its manufac- 
 ture too little to tempt any speculator to corner 
 the paper market. And the rate of interest that 
 could be procured for the use of private money 
 would not justify any person on his own individual
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 321 
 
 account to engage in the business of money-lend- 
 ing. This could be done only in cases of enormous 
 aggregations of wealth, for it would have to be 
 done in competition with Government banking, 
 through which charges for the use of borrowed 
 money would be only what would defray expenses 
 of doing the work. 
 
 I have to add but a single thought, as it was 
 expressed in the conclusion of a speech I had the 
 honor to deliver in this Chamber on the 12th day 
 of May, 1892. 
 
 Mr. President, standing as we do in the evening 
 of the most fruitful century of human progress, 
 looking backward over achievements grand in 
 their scope, astounding in their numbers, and 
 bewildering in their effects, discovery, invention, 
 development in all departments of effort, change 
 and improvement everywhere, and looking forward 
 toward the dawn of a higher and broader civiliza- 
 tion, with fresh discoveries of genius and nobler 
 reaches of mind, when we shall have happier con- 
 ditions, with larger liberty, purer pleasures, and 
 the enjoyment of more abundant leisure, strange 
 it is that we are just beginning to study one of 
 the most subtle and cunning agencies of human 
 activity. 
 
 How strange that this should be true; that 
 while we have changed our methods in all depart- 
 ments of industry, and are now searching for new 
 21
 
 322 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 and better ways along every avenue of growth, we 
 hold with an almost desperate grip to a money 
 system that descended to us from the barbarism of 
 the past! The time is at hand when we need 
 improvement in our methods of providing and 
 distributing this most convenient repository of 
 values. 
 
 The things which are bound up in the one word 
 "money" are an innumerable host that no man 
 can number, involving endless development of 
 mind and thought and energy, perpetual progress 
 and growth. Like the rod of Moses, money brings 
 forth water from nature's rock. As healthy blood 
 imparts vigor and strength to the human body, so 
 money in active circulation quickens the pulses of 
 trade, encourages the toiling poor, gives employ- 
 ment to willing hands, and brings prosperity and 
 peace to the people. 
 
 ISSUE AND SALE OF* BONDS. 
 
 Speech Delivered in the United States Senate, 
 BY HON. WILLIAM V. ALLEN, OF NEBRASKA. 
 
 ll|R. PRESIDENT: Much is being said about 
 the gold-reserve fund, and the necessity of 
 preserving it inviolate. If there is such a thing 
 as a reserve fund for the purpose of redeeming 
 legal-tender Treasury notes, this fund should be 
 used for that purpose whenever demanded, and
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 323 
 
 there is no necessity for an issuance and sale of 
 bonds until this is done. 
 
 On the other hand, if there is no reserve fund, 
 then there is sufficient money in the Treasury to 
 meet the obligations of the Government as fast as 
 they mature, until sufficient revenue flows into it 
 from tariff and internal taxation. In either event 
 there is no necessity for the issuance and sale of 
 bonds. 
 
 But, sir, there is not, by provision of law, a 
 reserve fund. There never was such a thing until 
 some lord of the Treasury Department, who was 
 devoted to the interests of the money power, at 
 his own caprice and without the authority of la^\ 
 created it. Every dollar of the so-called reserve 
 fund can to-day be paid out without violating any 
 law or contract, and if the Secretary of the 
 Treasury does not do so it is simply because 
 he does not see fit to discharge his duty and 
 expects party discipline and indulgence to sustain 
 him. 
 
 The so-called reserve fund is one of the instru- 
 ments used in a gigantic system of buncoing the 
 people. It is used as the occasion and pretext for 
 the unnecessary issuance and sale from time to 
 time of Government bonds, with which to stop 
 the clamoring of Lombard and Wall Street sharks, 
 as the dismal bark of Cerberus, the triple-mouthed 
 dog that stood guard at the gate of Hades, was
 
 3^4 OPINIONS OP LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 stopped by being fed with victims destined for the 
 weird and waste land of Pluto. 
 
 It may be said in extenuation of Mr. Carlisle's 
 conduct that his usurpation of power is justified by 
 the gravity of the financial situation. Sir, there 
 can be no excuse for usurpation. There never 
 was a usurper in all past time who did not under- 
 take to justify his conduct by the specious plea of 
 necessity. Necessity has been the pretext of 
 kings and pretenders since the dawn of history, 
 and every step taken in advance by the human 
 race has been in spite of the cunning of such 
 men. 
 
 Against John G. Carlisle,, the individual, eminent 
 citizen, and illustrious statesman, I have not one 
 word to offer ; but against the usurpation of the 
 Secretary of the Treasury and against his resur- 
 rection of a statute quiescent for years and dead 
 for decades by fulfillment of its provisions and 
 which had fallen by repeal, I desire to enter a 
 most emphatic and solemn protest. I enter this 
 protest in the interest of my countrymen now and 
 hereafter ; in the interest of constitutional govern- 
 ment ; in the interest of republican institutions ; 
 in the interest of efficiency in office, and in the 
 interest of civil liberty itself.
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 325 
 
 OPPOSED TO FREE SILVER. 
 BY HON. GROVER CLEVELAND. 
 
 WASHINGTON, June 16, 1896. 
 
 I have made no figures as to the probable action 
 of delegates already chosen or to be chosen to the 
 Democratic National Convention, but I refuse to 
 believe that when the time arrives for deliberate 
 action there will be engrafted upon our Democratic 
 creed a demand for the free, unlimited and indepen- 
 dent coinage of silver. I cannot believe this, because 
 I know the Democratic party is neither unpatriotic 
 nor foolish, and because it seems so clear to me 
 that such a course will inflict a very great injury 
 upon every interest of our country, which it has 
 been the mission of Democracy to advance, and wil I 
 result in lasting disaster to our party organization. 
 
 There is little hope that as a means of success 
 this free silver proposition, after its thorough dis- 
 cussion during a political campaign, will attract a 
 majority of the voters of the country. It must be 
 that many of the illusions influencing those now 
 relying upon this alleged panacea for their ills, 
 will be dispelled before the time comes for them to 
 cast their ballots, which will express their sober 
 second thought. The adoption by the Democracy 
 of this proposition would, I believe, give to our
 
 326 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 opponents an advantage both in the present and 
 future, which they do not deserve. 
 
 My attachment to true Democracy is so strong 
 that I consider its success as identical with the 
 promotion of the country's good. 
 
 This ought sufficiently to account for my anx- 
 iety that no mistake be made at our party conven- 
 tion. In my opinion no effort should be spared to 
 secure such action of the delegates as will avert 
 party demoralization. 
 
 It is a place for consultation and comparison of 
 views ; and those Democrats who believe in the 
 cause of sound money should there be heard and 
 be constantly in evidence. 
 
 A cause worth fighting for is worth fighting for 
 to the end. If sound money Democrats suppose 
 there is danger of a mistake being made, such 
 danger should stimnlate their activity in averting 
 it, instead of creating discouragement. 
 
 I am very far from arrogating to myself a con- 
 trolling influence upon the policy of my party; 
 but as an unflinching Democrat who has been 
 honored by his party, and who desires hereafter no 
 greater political privilege than to occupy the place 
 of private in its ranks, I hope I may not be blamed 
 for saying this much at this time, in the interest, 
 as it seems to me, of the grand old organization, 
 so rich in honorable traditions, so justly proud of 
 its achievements, and always so undaunted and 
 brave in its battles for the people's welfare.
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 327 
 
 THE EAST AND THE WEST. 
 
 BY E. L. GODKIN, 
 
 Editor New York Evening Post. 
 
 [Reprinted from "The Forum," by courtesy of "The 
 Forum " Publishing Company and the Author.] 
 
 E currency problem is complicated by the 
 attitude of the West toward the East. That 
 there is a line dividing the two regions has been 
 for a long time vaguely perceived, but it was never 
 so clearly denned as by the war feeling and by the 
 silver question. Speaking generally, the bulk of 
 whatever there was of pugnacity toward England 
 after Mr. Cleveland's Message was to be found 
 west of the Alleghanies ; and, speaking generally, 
 also, it may be said that the principal support of 
 the silver standard is to be found west of the 
 Alleghanies. 
 
 It is accompanied in both cases by a dislike or 
 distrust of the East, which is partly social and 
 partly financial, and covers also European coun- 
 tries, but principally England. The social dislike 
 or distrust would need an article to itself. The 
 financial is, in the main, that of a borrowing for a 
 creditor community, and that of a new agricul- 
 tural community for one which is devoted mainly 
 to the business of selling commodities and exchang-
 
 328 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 ing money. It is composed, in part, of the old 
 dislike of the farmer for the financier, and in part 
 that of the poor debtor for the rich creditor. 
 
 Behind it all lies great ignorance about foreign- 
 ers and foreign relations, and of the other forms 
 of society than those by which western men are 
 surrounded, combined with an immense sense of 
 power. It is difficult to make a western man 
 understand that a country of 70,000,000 of inhabi- 
 tants cannot do anything that it has a fancy to 
 do, including the circulation of silver at a fixed 
 ratio. It is also difficult to persuade him that a 
 well-dressed man with superfine manners does not 
 cherish evil designs of some sort. 
 
 Escape from the silver idea is not likely to be 
 easy. The protective idea is incorporated with it. 
 The belief that silver is a commodity, not simply a 
 measure of value, has taken possession of the 
 western mind. The notion that it is, therefore, 
 as much entitled to protection as any other com- 
 modity, by any means within reach of the Govern- 
 ment, is not easily dislodged, so long as the protec- 
 tive theory prevails at the East. 
 
 It is not easy for an eastern protectionist to face 
 the arguments by which a western man refuses to 
 help the East to support its industries by heavy 
 duties so long as the West, and more especially 
 the mining States, have no share in the blessings 
 derived from the national policy. The western
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 329 
 
 man is a protectionist, too, but he wishes to push 
 the plan farther, and he has concocted a theory of 
 currency to go along with it. A self-supporting 
 Europe-defying country, producing everything it 
 wants for its own use, including its own money, is 
 his idea of a state. 
 
 The eastern man goes only half way. He 
 wishes to be independent of Europe industrially, 
 but to keep up his connection with it pecuniarily, 
 which is not thorough and complete "Ameri- 
 canism." 
 
 That these ideas will be overcome, except by 
 actual experiment, seems unlikely. If the cur- 
 rency should by the next election fall into the 
 hands of a Government dominated by the ideas of 
 the silverites, we must be prepared for deliverance 
 through a panic of very great magnitude. This 
 is the way, as a general rule, the financial heresies 
 of a democracy are dissipated. Books are not 
 read, or theorists much listened to. The thing has 
 to be tried. 
 
 Nevertheless discussion has produced a great 
 deal of effect in the great cities where commercial 
 considerations tell, and the chances are that, if the 
 sound -money men shall get hold of the Govern- 
 ment in 1897, the cult of silver will gradually 
 retreat, like paganism in the early ages, to remote 
 country districts, and linger rather as a supersti- 
 tion than as a financial theory. Several things
 
 330 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 are working against it, and the most powerful is 
 the great increase in the production of gold ; but 
 its greatest support, that which will probably last 
 longest, is patriotic belief in the power of the 
 nation to do what it pleases. 
 
 Much the same things may be said, mutatis 
 mutandis, of the tariff question. I am quite aware 
 that there is a great deal to be said for a tariif that 
 shall fairly protect native industries from foreign 
 competition. The theory of protection has been 
 defended by many able men, and is held by many 
 honest ones. But the protective tariff, as enacted 
 by legislation either in this or in any other demo- 
 cratic country, is never the protective tariff which 
 publicists or economists work out in their libraries. 
 
 The latter takes a general view of the whole 
 field of industry, and endeavors to impose duties 
 with such impartiality that no one industry shall 
 profit at the expense of another, or interfere with 
 another's freedom of action. Moreover it insists 
 above all things on permanence or, at all events, 
 on sufficient permanence to enable the legislator to 
 see the result of his own experiments, as regards 
 the amount and the incidence of his duties. This 
 is the sort of tariff protectionists write books about, 
 and lecture about and laud on the stump. 
 
 The actual tariff of legislation is a totally differ- 
 ent affair. It is made up not so much on a general 
 view of the needs of all industries, as on the ac-
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 331 
 
 count each industry gives of the amount of duty 
 it needs to make it profitable. It favors, too, those 
 which are able to make the largest contributions 
 to electioneering expenses of the party which 
 enacts it, without regard to the general effect. 
 Permanence is the last thing it thinks of. 
 
 Our tariff has undergone twenty-five changes 
 since the war, all in the direction of higher duties. 
 All but one of these changes were made on the de- 
 mand of manufacturers, who claimed more assist- 
 ance, and got it without any inquiry into the reason 
 why they needed it, or why they had failed to 
 make sufficient profits under the existing duties. 
 So that the tariff of the scientific protectionists is 
 never seen and probably never will be seen in 
 practice, nor is it at all likely that any tariff can 
 ever have much stability, and this for reasons 
 which apply to all, or nearly all, governmental in- 
 terferences with trade and industry. 
 
 No such interference can in modern society ever 
 be isolated or confined to one object or class of 
 objects. Its effects are always vastly more far- 
 reaching than the promoter ever imagines. One 
 of the most marked of these is to stimulate compe- 
 tition at home by bringing more capital into every 
 protected industry, thus diminishing the advan- 
 tages of protection to each beneficiary, while 
 tempting people to start new industries without a 
 special fitness for them, in reliance on protection.
 
 332 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 So that, like all stimulants, its influence diminishes 
 as time goes on, and the cry for more duties or 
 new duties is constant. 
 
 There have been, as I have said, twenty-five 
 changes in the tariff since 1861, and only one of 
 them has been due to the so-called free-traders. 
 All the others were made on the demand of dis- 
 satisfied protectionists. And yet, as any business 
 man will tell you, nothing is more necessary to 
 prosperous industry than stability in the conditions 
 under which it is carried on. That is, business 
 can flourish under either a high or low tariff, if the 
 business man can make his calculations with cer- 
 tainty. But of any steady tariff there is no more 
 promise, apparently, to-day than there was ten 
 years ago. 
 
 If the Republicans elect the President next 
 fall and have a majority in both Houses, they will 
 probably pass something like the old McKinley 
 tariff bill, and they will generally suppose that 
 this will bring in an era of prosperity ; but it will 
 not do so any more than the old McKinley tariff 
 which led to the terrible defeat of 1890. It will 
 be full of excesses and abuses which will bring 
 about another reaction, and there will then be in 
 a few years another kind of tariff with a similar 
 result. Prosperity will wait for a settlement of 
 the currency question. Business the making of 
 money by the production or sale of commodities
 
 OPINIONS OP LEADING STATESMEN. 333 
 
 is the greatest interest of life to the bulk of the 
 American community. As soon as government is 
 presented to men as an instrument for the addition 
 to their income of a sum in dollars and cents 
 which they can enter in their ledgers every year, 
 as they can profits from a speculation, they cease to 
 think of it as an instrument for the promotion of 
 the general welfare. Their mind gets fixed on it 
 wholly as a means of increasing their own revenues. 
 
 When a man has once entered in his accounts a 
 good sum as the result of a piece of legislation 
 procured by his own exertions, he is never again 
 the same man as a citizen. He takes an entirely 
 different view of the state, of the objects of gov- 
 ernment, of the nature of patriotism, and of the 
 functions of the legislator. Politics becomes busi- 
 ness to him. The duty of getting high-tariff men 
 into Congress who will put the right duty on his 
 commodity becomes a duty which he owes to his 
 partners, to his creditors, to his family, and to the 
 community. The expediency of paying any sum 
 necessary to elect such men becomes as plain as 
 the expediency of paying the expenses of his 
 drummers. 
 
 Opponents of his tariff become to him assailants 
 of property and order. A speech against the 
 tariff is an instigation to communists to wreck his 
 mill or his workshop. Free trade-books become 
 quasi-incendiary publications. Free-trade profea-
 
 334 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 sors and editors are corrupters of youth. All the 
 mental influences which create orthodoxy on any 
 subject, work for the conversion of defence against 
 foreign industrial competition into the highest 
 duty of the citizen. 
 
 Once fill the country with this idea, as with a 
 religion, and the effect on politics soon becomes 
 manifest. Men who believe in freedom of thought 
 and expression, and who think that government 
 has other and higher duties than seeing that the 
 business of the private citizen is profitable, are 
 generally the fittest men for public life. 
 
 Such men are rarely good tariff men, and they 
 are, therefore, sedulously discarded by caucuses and 
 conventions. Bosses are hostile to them because 
 money cannot readily be obtained to promote their 
 election, and because they are too independent to 
 be easily disciplined. When this process has lasted 
 a number of years, the thoughts of the elite of the 
 nation naturally turn away from politics to fields 
 in which a man may speak the thing he wills, and 
 be the master of his own career. 
 
 The financial situation is simply thus: Partly 
 under the influence of the silver craze, partly 
 under the influence of a renewal of the greenback 
 craze, which makes greenbacks a sacred relic of 
 the war, to be preserved in spite of their defects 
 as money, we have undertaken to keep about 
 $900,000,000 of mixed silver and government
 
 OPINIONS OF LEADING STATESMEN. 335 
 
 paper at par with gold. This is the most tremen- 
 dous task aijy civilized government has ever im- 
 posed upon itself. The Bank of England only 
 agrees to keep $80,000,000 of paper at par. The 
 Bank of France has only $700,000,000 to look 
 after, at the most, for this is all the paper it is 
 allowed to issue, and keeps gold for nearly half of 
 this. The German bank has only to keep its 
 paper at par in securities, bank notes, discounted 
 bills, and legal-tender notes of the government. 
 
 But we undertake to see that everybody who 
 wants it shall get gold for more than $400,000,000 
 of silver, which bring only 58 per cent, of intrinsic 
 value in the market, and for about $500,000,000 
 of paper which has no intrinsic value whatever. 
 In order to do this, we borrow gold whenever our 
 stock of it runs short, and every successful loan is 
 greeted as a great financial triumph. 
 
 The work of currency reform, therefore, consists 
 in following the example of the other great nations 
 of the earth and leaving silver to do the best it 
 can as token-money or small change, that is, 
 limiting its legal-tender quality, and in reducing 
 the volume of the greenbacks, or wholly redeem- 
 ing them, and discharging the Government from 
 the duty of keeping anything at par, except its 
 own credit. But this involves the substitution, 
 for the greenbacks and silver, of some sort of 
 banking system whose paper shall be secure and
 
 336 OPINIONS OP LEADING STATESMEN. 
 
 whose circulation shall contract and expand with 
 the wants of trade. 
 
 No Legislature since 1815 has had a more seri- 
 ous task before it than this, and we doubt if any 
 Legislature has ever had. It will need a Congress 
 either of remarkable intelligence or of remarkable 
 docility. It will need a first-rate financier to 
 direct the operation, one who is intimately ac- 
 quainted with currency problems both as affected 
 by home trade and by foreign exchange, such a 
 man, in truth, as Alexander Hamilton or Albert 
 Gallatin.
 
 Interesting 
 Facts about all our Presidents. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 1789-1797. 
 
 THE 4th of March, 1789, was the time appointed 
 for the Government of the United States to go into 
 operation under its new organization ; but several 
 weeks elapsed before quorums of both Houses of 
 Congress were assembled. The city of New York 
 was the place where Congress then mot. 
 
 On the 6th of April the electoral votes were 
 counted. At that time, and until 1805, each elec- 
 tor voted by ballot for two persons. If a majority 
 of all the votes were cast for any person, he who 
 received the greatest number of votes became 
 President, and he who received the next greatest 
 number became Vice-President. When the votes 
 were counted they were found to be for George 
 Washington, of Virginia, 69 (all of the electors 
 having voted for him), John Adams, of Massachu- 
 setts received 34 votes, and 35 votes were cast for 
 various other candidates. 
 
 Charles Thompson, the oldest secretary of Con- 
 gress, was sent to Mount Vernon to notify Wash- 
 ington of his election. Washington promptly sig- 
 nified his acceptance of the office, and, two days 
 later, started for New York. He was desirous of 
 22 337
 
 338 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 travelling as quietly and unostentatiously as possi- 
 ble, but ;he people of the States through which he 
 passed would not permit him to do so. His jour- 
 ney was a constant ovation. Crowds greeted him 
 at every town with the most enthusiastic demon- 
 strations of affection and confidence; triumphal 
 
 GEOKGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 arches were erected, and his way was strewn with 
 dowers by young girls ; and maidens and mothers 
 greeted him with songs composed in his honor. 
 In consequence of these demonstrations his pro< 
 gress was so much retarded that he did not reach 
 New York until the latter part of April. 
 
 On the 30th of April Washington appeared on
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 339 
 
 the balcony of Federal Hall, New York, on the 
 site of which the United States Treasury now 
 stands, and took the oath of office in the presence 
 of the Senate and House of Representatives, and 
 a large crowd of citizens assembled in the streets 
 below. He then repaired to the Senate chamber, 
 and there delivered an address to both Houses of 
 Congress. The plan of the new government 
 being now completed, Congress proceeded to its or- 
 ganization through the departments of the judi- 
 ciary, of state, of the treasury, of war, and of 
 attorney-general. 
 
 President Washington appointed Thomas Jeffer- 
 son, of Virginia, Secretary of State, Alexander Ham- 
 ilton, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury, and 
 General Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, Secretary 
 of War. John Jay, of New York, was made Chief- 
 Justice of the United States, and Edmund Ran- 
 dolph, of Virginia, Attorney-General. 
 
 Frederick A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, was 
 chosen Speaker of the House ; but his election was 
 not a party triumph, for parties were still in a 
 state of utter confusion. Between the extreme 
 Anti-Federalists, who considered the Constitution 
 a long step toward a despotism, and the extreme 
 Federalists, who desired a monarchy modeled on 
 that of England there were all varieties of polit- 
 ical opinion. Washington, through the universal 
 confidence in his integrity and good judgment, had 
 the ability to hold together the conservative men
 
 340 rACTS ABOUT ALL DUE PRESIDENTS*. 
 
 of -ill parties for a time, and prevent party contest 
 upon the interpretation of Federal powers until 
 the Constitution should be tested and its value de- 
 monstrated to the people. 
 
 In 1792 the second Presidential election took 
 place. Washington was anxious to retire, but 
 yielded to the wishes of the people, and was again 
 chosen President by the unanimous vote of the 
 electoral colleges of the several States. 
 
 The electoral votes were counted in February, 
 1793, and found to be for George Washington 132 
 (all the electors having voted for him), for John 
 Adams 77, for George Clinton 50, for Thomas 
 Jefferson 4, and for Aaron Burr 1. Washington 
 was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1793. 
 
 At the close of his term of office Washington 
 withdrew to his home at Mount Vernon, to enjoy 
 the repose he had so well earned, and which was 
 so grateful to him. His administration had been 
 eminently successful. When he entered upon the 
 duties of the Presidency the government was new 
 and untried, and its best friends doubted its ability 
 to exist long ; the finances were in confusion, and 
 the country was burdened with debt ; the disputes 
 with Great Britain threatened to involve the 
 country in a new war : and the authority of the 
 general government was uncertain and scarcely 
 recognized. When he left office the state of affairs 
 was changed. The government had been severely 
 tested, and had been found equal to any demand
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 341 
 
 upon it. The disputes with England had been OP 
 ranged, and the country, no longer threatened with 
 war, but was free to devote its energies to its im- 
 provement. Industry and commerce were growing 
 rapidly. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS. 
 4th of March, 1797 4th of March, 1801. 
 
 At the elections held in the fall of 1796 the 
 Federalists put forward John Adams, of Massa- 
 chusetts, as their candidate, while the Republicans 
 or Democrats supported Thomas Jefferson, of Vir- 
 ginia. The contest was very bitter, and resulted in 
 the election of Mr. Adams. Mr. Jefferson, receiv- 
 ing the next highest number of votes, was de- 
 clared Vice-President, in accordance with the law 
 as it then stood. 
 
 The electoral vote was counted in February and 
 was as follows : For John Adams 71. for Thomas 
 Jefferson 68, for Thomas Pinckney 59, for Aaron 
 Burr 30, and the rest scattering. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1797, Mr. Adams, the 
 second President of the United States, was inau- 
 gurated at Philadelphia, in the presence of both 
 Houses of Congress, and Thomas Jefferson was in- 
 augurated as Vice-President. Mr. Adams was 
 dressed in a full suit of pearl-colored broadcloth, 
 and wore his hair powdered. He was in the sixty- 
 second year of his age, and in the full vigor of 
 health and intellect.
 
 342 
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Mr. Adams made no changes in the cabinet 
 left by President Washington, and the policy of 
 his Administration corresponded throughout with 
 that of his great predecessor. He came into office 
 at a time when this policy was to be subjected to 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 the severest test, and was to be triumphantly vin- 
 dicated by the trial. Mr. Adams began his official 
 career with the declaration of his " determination 
 to maintain peace and inviolate faith with all 
 nations, and neutrality and impartiality with the 
 belligerent powers of Europe."
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 343 
 
 During the summer of the year 1800 the seat of 
 the general government was removed from Phila* 
 delphia to the new federal city of Washington, in 
 the District of Columbia. On the 22d of Novem- 
 ber, the session of Congress was opened in the un- 
 finished capitol of Washington. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JEFFERSON. 
 4th of March, 1801 4th of March, 1809. 
 
 The elections for President and Vice-President 
 ivere held in the autumn of 1800. John Adams
 
 344 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 was the Federalist candidate for the Presidency, 
 and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney the candidate 
 of that party for Vice-President. The Republican 
 or Democratic party nominated Thomas Jefferson 
 for the Presidency, and Colonel Aaron Burr, of 
 New York, for the Vice-Presidency. The alien 
 and sedition laws had rendered the Federalist party 
 so unpopular that the electors chosen at the polls 
 failed to make a choice, and the election was 
 thrown upon the House of Representatives, ac- 
 cording to the terms of the Constitution. 
 
 The votes of the electoral college were for 
 Jefferson, 73; Burr, 73; Adams, 65; Pinckney, 
 64 ; and John Jay, 1. The States that cast the 
 electoral votes of their colleges for Mr. Jefferson 
 jid Colonel Burr were nine ; to wit, New Yorl^ 
 Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky 
 North Carolina, Tennessee, South Carolina, and 
 Georgia. Those that cast the electoral votes of 
 their colleges for Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney 
 were seven; to wit, New Hampshire, Massachu 
 setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New 
 Jersey, and Delaware. Rhode Island cast one 
 vote for Mr. Jay, to prevent that equality of votes 
 on the Federal ticket, which, for the want of a 
 like precaution, resulted on the Republican side, 
 and which caused so much excitement and confu- 
 sion. Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr having re- 
 ceived an equal number of votes, there was no 
 election by the colleges, as the Constitution then
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 345 
 
 stood. It then devolved upon the House of Rep. 
 resentatives, voting by States, to choose for Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President between Mr. Jefferson and 
 Colonel Burr. 
 
 On the 17th of February, 1801, after thirty-six 
 ballots, the House elected Thomas Jefferson Presi- 
 dent, and Aaron Burr Vice-President of the United 
 States, for a term of four years from and after the 
 4th of March, 1801. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the 
 United States, was inaugurated at the new capitol, 
 in the city of Washington, on the 4th of March, 
 1801. He was in his fifty-eighth year, and had 
 long been regarded as one of the most illustrious 
 men in America. He was the author of the Dec- 
 laration of Independence, had represented the 
 country as minister to France, had served in the 
 cabinet of General Washington as Secretary of 
 State, and had filled the high office of Vice-Presi 
 dent during the administration of Mr. Adams. 
 He was the founder of the Democratic party, and 
 was regarded by it with an enthusiastic devotion 
 which could see no flaw in his character. By the 
 Federalists he was denounced with intense bitter* 
 ness as a Jacobin, and an enemy of organized gov 
 ernment. He was unquestionably a believer in 
 the largest freedom possible to man ; but he was 
 too deeply versed in the lessons of statesmanship, 
 and was too pure a patriot to entertain for a mo- 
 ment the levelling principles with which his ene*
 
 346 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 mies charged him. Under him the government of 
 the republic suffered no diminution of strength, but 
 his administration was a gain to the country. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson began his administration by seek- 
 ing to undo as far as possible the evil effects of 
 the sedition act of 1798. A number of persons 
 were in prison in consequence of sentences under 
 this act at the time of his inauguration. These 
 were at once pardoned by the President and re- 
 leased from prison. 
 
 At the meeting of the seventh Congress, in 
 December, 1801, President Jefferson, in pursuance 
 of an announcement made some time before, in- 
 augurated the custom which has since prevailed 
 of sending a written message to each House of 
 Congress, giving his views on public affairs and 
 the situation of the country. Previous to this the 
 President had always met the two Houses upon 
 their assembling, and had addressed them in 
 person. 
 
 In the fall of 1804 the fifth Presidential election 
 was held. The Republicans, or Democrats, voted for 
 Mr. Jefferson for the office of President ; this time 
 Mr. Burr was dropped by his party, who nomi- 
 nated George Clinton, of New York, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent in his place. The Federals supported Charles 
 Cotesworth Pinckney for President, and Rufus 
 King for Vice-President. The result was one 
 hundred arid sixty-two electoral votes for Mr. 
 Jefferaon and Mr. Clinton, and fourteen only for
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 347 
 
 Mr. Pinckney and Mr. King. By States the vote 
 stood: fifteen for the Democratic or Republican 
 ticket, and only two States for the Federal. These 
 two were Connecticut and Delaware. So popular 
 was Mr. Jefferson's Administration, that the cen- 
 tralizing party, styling itself " Federal," had be- 
 come almost extinct. He was inaugurated for a 
 second term on the 4th of March, 1805. 
 
 Aaron Burr had at last experienced the reward 
 of his insincerity : both parties had come to dis- 
 trust him. After his defeat for the Vice- Presidency 
 he had been nominated by his party as their can- 
 didate for governor of New York. He was warmly 
 opposed by Alexander Hamilton, who was mainly 
 instrumental in bringing about his defeat. Burr 
 sever forgave Hamilton for his course in this 
 election, and took advantage of the first opportu- 
 nity to challenge him to a duel. They met at 
 Weehawken, on the banks of the Hudson opposite 
 New York, on the llth of July, 1804. Hamilton, 
 who had accepted the challenge in opposition to 
 his better judgment, and who had expressed his 
 intention not to fire at Burr, was mortally wounded, 
 and died within twenty-four hours. In him per- 
 ished one of the brightest intellects and most 
 earnest patriots of the republic. His loss was 
 regarded as second only to that of Washington, 
 and the sad news of his death was received in all 
 parts of the country with profound and unaffected 
 sorrow.
 
 348 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 The murder of Hamilton, for it was nothing 
 else, closed Burr's political career. His remaining 
 years were passed in restless intrigue. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF - JAMES MADISON. 
 4th of March, 1809 4th of March, 1817. 
 
 In the election of 1808 Mr. Jefferson, following 
 the example of President Washington, declined to 
 be a candidate for a third term, and the Democratic 
 or administration party supported James Madison 
 for the Presidency, and George Clinton for the Vice- 
 Presidency. The Federal party again nominated 
 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney for President, and 
 Rufus King for Vice-President. The result of the 
 election was, 122 electoral votes for Madison and 
 47 for Pinckney, for President, and 113 for Clinton 
 and 47 for King for Vice-President. By States 
 the vote stood : 12 for the Democratic ticket, and 
 -5 for the Federal. These five were New Hamp- 
 shire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, 
 and Delaware. 
 
 James Madison, the fourth President of the 
 United States, was inaugurated at Washington on 
 the 4th of March, 1809. He was in the fifty-eighth 
 year of his age, and had long been one of the most 
 prominent men in the Union. He had borne a 
 distinguished part in the convention of 1787, and 
 was the author of the Virginia resolutions of 1786, 
 which brought about the assembling of this con*
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 349 
 
 vention. He had entered the convention as one 
 of the most prominent leaders of the national 
 party, which favored the consolidation of the 
 States into one distinct and supreme nation, and 
 had acted with Randolph, Hamilton, Wilson, 
 Morris, and King, in seeking to bring about such 
 a result. When it was found impossible to carry 
 out this plan Mr. Madison gave his cordial support 
 to the system which was finally adopted by the 
 convention; and while the constitution was under 
 discussion by the States, he united with Hamilton 
 and Jay in earnestly recommending the adoption of 
 the constitution by the States, in a series of able 
 articles, to which the general title of the " Feder* 
 alist " was given. After the organization of the 
 government Mr. Madison was a member of the 
 House of Representatives, and was regarded as 
 one of the leaders of the Federalist party, and gave 
 to Hamilton his cordial support in the finance 
 measures of that minister. Towards the close of 
 Washington's administration, however, Mr. Madi- 
 son's political views underwent a great change. 
 He was a near neighbor and warm friend of Mr. 
 Jefferson, and v/as greatly influenced by the opin- 
 ions and the strong personal character of that great 
 statesman. As the political controversies of the 
 time deepened, he became more and more inclined 
 towards the Republican or " Strict Construction " 
 party, and in Mr. Adams' administration took his 
 position as one of the leaders of that party. At
 
 HMES MADISON.
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 351 
 
 the time of his election to the Presidency, Mr. 
 Jefferson having withdrawn from public life, Mr. 
 Madison was the recognized leader of the Demo- 
 cratic party, as the Republican party had come to 
 be called. 
 
 In 1812 Mr. Madison was again nominated foi 
 President by the Democratic party, and Elbridge 
 Gerry, of Connecticut, for Vice-President. De 
 Witt Clinton, of New York, was supported by the 
 anti-administration or old Federal party for Presi- 
 dent, and Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, for 
 Vice-President. Mr. Madison received 128 elec- 
 toral votes for President, and Mr. Clinton 89. Mr. 
 Gerry received 131 for Vice-President, and Mr. 
 Ingersoll 86. By States, the vote stood : For the 
 regular Democratic candidates, 11 ; and for tht 
 Opposition candidates, 7. The eleven States that 
 voted for Mr. Madison were : Vermont, Pennsyl- 
 vania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina. South 
 Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, and 
 Louisiana; and the seven that voted for Mr. Clin- 
 ton were : New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and 
 Delaware. 
 
 Mr. Madison was inaugurated President for a 
 econd time, on the 4th of March, 1813. The 
 most distinguishing feature of his administration 
 was the war with Great Britain. Whatever may 
 be thought of the wisdom or the policy of that 
 war, or of its general conduct, the result unquee-
 
 352 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 tionably added greatly to the public character of 
 the United States in the estimation of foreign 
 powers. The price at which this had been pur- 
 chased was in round numbers about one hundred 
 million dollars in public expenditures, and the loss 
 of about thirty thousand men, including those who 
 fell in battle as well as those who died of disease 
 contracted in the service. At the close of his 
 term Mr. Madison retired from office, leaving the 
 coin; try at peace with the world, and rapidly re- 
 covering from the injurious effects of the late war. 
 He returned to his home at Montpelier, Virginia, 
 where he enjoyed the society of his friends and the 
 general esteem of his countrymen. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES MONROE. 
 4th of March, 1817 -4th of March, 1825. 
 The eighth presidential election took place in the 
 fall of 1816. Mr. Madison having declined to be 
 a candidate for a third term, the Democratic party 
 nominated James Monroe, of Virginia, for Presi- 
 dent; Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, for 
 Vice-President, and elected them by large majori- 
 ties over the Federal candidates, who were : For 
 President, Rufus King, of New York ; for Vice- 
 President, John Howard, of Maryland. The re- 
 sult of the vote of the Electoral Colleges was 183 
 for Mr. Monroe, and 34 for Mr. King, for President ; 
 183 for Mr. Tompkins, and 22 for Mr. Howard, for 
 Vice-President. The vote by States at this election
 
 JAMES MONROE. 
 
 353
 
 354 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 stood : 16 for the Democratic, and 3 for the Federal 
 candidates. The 16 States that voted for Mr. 
 Monroe and Mr. Tompkins were : New Hamp- 
 shire, Rhode Island, Vermont, New York, New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Ten- 
 nessee, Ohio, Louisiana, and Indiana. The 3 that 
 voted for Mr. King were : Massachusetts, Connec" 
 ticut, and Delaware. 
 
 James Monroe, the fifth President of the United 
 States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 
 1817, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. His in- 
 augural address gave general satisfaction to all 
 parties. His cabinet were : John Quincy Adams, 
 of Massachusetts, Secretary of State ; William H 
 Crawford, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; 
 John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Secretary of 
 War; William Wirt,of Virginia, Attorney-General; 
 Smith Thompson, of New York, Secretary of the 
 Navy. These were all men of distinguished 
 ability, and thoroughly identified with the Demo- 
 cratic party at the time. 
 
 In the fall of 1820 Mr. Monroe and Governor 
 Tompkins were re-elected President and Vice- 
 President of the United States. Mr. Monroe re- 
 ceived at the polls a majority of the votes of every 
 State in the Union, and every electoral vote but 
 one. The electoral college of New Hampshire 
 cast one vote for John Quincy Adams. 
 
 The 4th of March this year coming on Sunday,
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 355 
 
 Mr. Monroe was inaugurated for the second term 
 on the succeeding day, Monday, the 5th of that 
 month. 
 
 Monroe's election had been so nearly unanimous, 
 and party divisions had nominally so far disap- 
 peared, that his administration is commonly 
 called the era of good feeling. In reality there was 
 as much bad feeling between the Strict Construc- 
 tionists and the Loose Constructionists of his party 
 as could have existed between two opposing parties. 
 The want of regularly organized parties had only 
 the effect of making the next Presidential election 
 a personal instead of a party contest, the worst 
 form a political struggle can take. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN QUINCY 
 ADAMS. 
 
 4th of March, 1825 4th of March, 1829. 
 
 In the fall of 1824 the presidential election was 
 held amid great political excitement. The " era 
 of good feeling " was at an end, and party spirit 
 ran high. There were four candidates in the field, 
 Mr. Monroe having declined a third term ; Andrew 
 Jackson, John Quincy Adams, William H. Craw- 
 ford, and Henry Clay. None of these received a 
 popular majority, and the election was thrown into 
 the House of Representatives in Congress, and re- 
 sulted in the choice of John Quincy Adams, of 
 Massachusetts, as President of the United States.
 
 356 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 The result of the electoral vote was 99 for 
 Andrew Jackson, 84 for John Quincy Adams, 41 
 for William H. Crawford, and 37 for Henry Clay, 
 for President ; and 182 for John C. Calhoun for 
 Vice-President, with some scattering votes for 
 others. The States that voted for Gen. Jackson 
 were : New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, and Alabama eleven 
 in all. Those which voted for John Quincy Adams 
 were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New 
 York seven in all. Those that voted for Mr. 
 Crawford were : Delaware, Virginia, and Georgia. 
 While those that voted for Mr. Clay were : Ken- 
 tucky, Ohio, and Missouri. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun, having received a large majority 
 of the electoral votes, was duly declared elected 
 Vice-President ; but neither of the candidates for 
 President having received a majority of the votes 
 of the Electoral Colleges, the choice, under the 
 Constitution, devolved upon the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, voting by States. This choice was 
 made on the 9th of February, 1825; when, upon 
 counting the ballots, it was found that John Quincy 
 Adams received the votes of thirteen States, 
 Andrew Jackson the votes of seven States, and 
 Mr. Crawford the votes of four States. Mr. Adams 
 having received the votes of a majority of the 
 States was declared elected to succeed Mr. Monroe.
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 357 
 
 This election produced great discontent through- 
 out the country, and most seriously affected the 
 popularity of Mr. Clay, as the election of Mr. 
 Adams was attributed mainly to his agency, which 
 had been exerted, as was supposed by many, 
 with a view to defeat the election of Gen. Jackson, 
 
 JOHN QTTINCY ADAMS. 
 
 who by the returns of the electoral vote seemed to 
 stand highest in the popular favor. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1825, John Quincy Adams 
 was inaugurated President of the United States. 
 He was the son of John Adams, the second Presi- 
 dent of the republic, and was in his fifty-eighth
 
 358 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 year. He was a man of great natural ability, of 
 strong personal character, and of unbending integ- 
 rity. He had been carefully educated, and was 
 one of the most learned men in the Union. Apart 
 from his general education he had received a special 
 training in statesmanship. He had served as min- 
 ister to the Netherlands, and in the same capacity 
 at the courts of Portugal, Prussia, Russia, and 
 England, where he had maintained a high reputa- 
 tion. He had represented the State of Massachu- 
 setts in the Federal Senate, and had been secretary 
 of state, in the cabinet of Mr. Monroe, during the 
 last administration. He was, therefore, thoroughly 
 qualified for the duties of the high office upon 
 which he now entered. He called to his cabinet 
 men of marked ability, at the head of which was 
 Henry Clay, who became secretary of state. The 
 administration of Mr. Adams was one of remark- 
 able prosperity. The country was growing 
 Wealthier by the rapid increase of its agriculture, 
 manufactures, and commerce ; and abroad it com- 
 manded the respect of the world. Still party 
 spirit raged with great violence during the whole 
 of this period. 
 
 During Mr. Adams' administration the tariff 
 question again engaged the attention of the country. 
 The manufacturing interests were still struggling 
 against foreign competition, and it was the opinion 
 of the Eastern and Middle States that the general 
 government should protect them by the imposition
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 359 
 
 of high duties upon products of foreign countries 
 imported into the Union. The South was almost 
 a unit in its opposition to a high tariff. Being, as 
 we have said, an agricultural section, its interests 
 demanded a free market, and it wished to avail 
 itself of the privilege of purchasing where it could 
 buy cheapest. The South and the West were the 
 markets of the East, and the interests of that sec- 
 tion demanded the exclusion of foreign competition 
 in supplying these markets. 
 
 In July, 1827, a convention of manufacturers 
 was held at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and a me- 
 morial was adopted praying Congress to increase 
 the duties on foreign goods to an extent which 
 would protect American industry. When Congress 
 met in December, 1827, the protective policy was 
 the most important topic of the day. It was 
 warmly discussed in Congress and throughout the 
 country. The interests of New England were 
 championed by the matchless eloquence of Daniel 
 Webster, who claimed that as the adoption of the 
 protective policy by the government had forced 
 New England to turn her energies to manufac- 
 tures, the government was bound to protect her 
 against competition. The Southern representatives 
 argued that a protective tariff was unconstitutional, 
 and was injurious in its operations to the interests 
 of the people of the Southern States, who, being 
 producers of staples for export, ought to have 
 liberty to purchase such articles as they needed
 
 360 FACTS ABOUT A r ,L OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 wherever they could find them cheapest. They 
 declared that duties under the protective policy 
 were not only bounties to manufacturers, but a 
 heavy tax levied upon their constituents and a 
 great majority of the consumers in all the States, 
 which never went into the public treasury. The 
 tariff bill was passed by the House on the 15th of 
 April, 1828, and was approved by the President a 
 little later. It was termed by its opponents the 
 " Bill of Abominations." 
 
 In the midst of this excitement the presidential 
 election occurred. Mr. Adams was a candidate 
 for re-election. The contest between the two 
 parties, the Administration and Opposition, over 
 the powers and limitations of the Federal Govern- 
 ment, became almost as not and fierce as it was in 
 1800, between the Federalists and Republicans of 
 that day. General Jackson, without any caucus 
 nomination, was supported by the Opposition every- 
 where for President, and Mr. Calhoun for Vice- 
 President. The friends of the Administration put 
 forth the utmost of their exertions for the re-elec- 
 tion of Mr. Adams to the office of President, and 
 Richard Rush to the office of Vice-President. The 
 result of the vote of the Electoral Colleges was, 178 
 for Jackson, and 83 for Adams; 171 for Mr. 
 Calhoun, and 83 for Mr. Rush. The vote for 
 President by States stood : 15 for Jackson and 9 
 for Adams. The 15 States that voted for Jackson 
 were : New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 361 
 
 Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Ten 
 nessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, Mississippi, Illi 
 nois, Alabama, and Missouri ; the 9 that voted foi 
 Mr. Adams were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- 
 chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, 
 New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 March 4th, 1829 March 4th, 1837. 
 
 Andrew Jackson, the seventh President of the 
 United States, was inaugurated at Washington, on 
 the 4th of March, 1829. 
 
 President Jackson was in many respects one of 
 the most remarkable men of his day. He pos- 
 sessed a combination of qualities seldom met with 
 in any one person. Education had done but little 
 for him ; but by nature he was fitted for the gov- 
 ernment of men both in the field and in the Cabi- 
 net. During the Administration of the elder 
 Adams he had occupied a seat in the United States 
 Senate from Tennessee, and gave a most cordial 
 support to the principles of Mr. Jefferson. Resign- 
 ing his place in that body, he was afterwards 
 elected one of the judges of the Supreme Court of 
 his State. His military achievements in the wars 
 against the Creek and Seminole Indians, and his 
 victory over the British at New Orleans, have been 
 fi'ily recorded. 
 
 The election of General 7^kson to the Presi-
 
 ANDREW
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 363 
 
 dency was regarded with some anxiety, for though 
 his merits as a soldier were conceded, it was feared 
 by many that his known imperiousness of will and 
 his inflexibility of purpose would seriously dis- 
 qualify him for the delicate duties of the Presi- 
 dency. Nature had made him a ruler, however, 
 and his administration was marked by the fearless 
 energy that characterized every act of his life, and 
 was on the whole successful and satisfactory to 
 the great majority of his countrymen. 
 
 General Jackson began his administration by 
 appointing a new cabinet, at the head of which he 
 placed Martin Van Buren, of New York, as Secre- 
 tary of State. Until now the postmaster-general 
 had not been regarded as a cabinet officer. General 
 Jackson invited that officer to a seat in his cabinet 
 and a share in its deliberations, and his course has 
 been pursued by all of his successors. 
 
 Early in 1831, the question of the Presidential 
 succession was agitated. The Legislature of Penn- 
 sylvania put General Jackson in nomination for 
 re-election, he having consented to be a candidate. 
 
 The election took place in the fall of 1832. 
 General Jackson was supported for the Presidency 
 by the Democratic party, and Mr. Clay by the 
 Whig party. The contest was marked by intense 
 bitternesn, for Jackson's veto of the charter of the 
 Bank of the United States, his other vetoes of 
 public itt*provement bills, and his attitude in the 
 " Nullifacation " controversy between the United
 
 364 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 States and South Carolina, had created a strong 
 opposition to him in all parts of the country. In 
 spite of this opposition he was re-elected by a tri' 
 umphant majority, and Martin Van Buren, of 
 New York, the Democratic nominee, was chosen 
 Vice-President. 
 
 The following electoral votes were cast for the 
 respective candidates : for Jackson, 219 ; for Clay, 
 49 ; and for Wirt, the Anti-Masonic candidate, 7 
 votes. For Vice-President, the electoral votes 
 stood : for Martin Van Buren, 189 ; for John 
 Sergeant, 49; for Amos Ellmaker, 7. The vote 
 by States for the candidates for the Presidency 
 stood: 16 for Jackson; 6 for Clay; and 1 for 
 Wirt. The 16 States that voted for Jackson were: 
 Maine, New Hampshire, New York, New Jersey, 
 Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, 
 Tennessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, 
 Illinois, Alabama, and Missouri ; the 6 States that 
 voted for Mr. Clay were : Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, Delaware, Maryland, and 
 Kentucky ; the State that voted for Mr. Wirt was: 
 Vermont; South Carolina cast her vote for John 
 Floyd, of Virginia, for President, and Henry Lee, 
 of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. 
 
 President Jackson was inaugurated for his 
 second term on the 4th of March, 1833. 
 
 In the meantime serious trouble had arisen be- 
 tween the general government and the State of 
 South Carolina. During the year 1832 the tariff
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 365 
 
 Was revised by Congress, and that body, instead of 
 diminishing the duties, increased many of them. 
 This action gave great offence to the Southern 
 States, which regarded the denial of free trade as 
 a great wrong to them. They were willing to sub- 
 mit to a tariff sufficient for a revenue, but were 
 utterly opposed to a protective tariff for the reasons 
 We have already stated. 
 
 The State of South Carolina resolved to " nul- 
 lify " the law within its own limits. A convention 
 of the people of the State was held, which adopted 
 a measure known as the " Nullification Ordinance." 
 Thia ordinance declared that the tariff act of 1832, 
 being based upon the principle of protection, and 
 not upon the principle of raising revenue, was un- 
 constitutional, and was therefore null and void. 
 This ordinance was to take effect on the 12th of 
 February, 1833, unless in the meantime the general 
 government should abandon its policy of protection 
 and return to a tariff for revenue only. 
 
 The country at large was utterly opposed to the 
 course of South Carolina, and denied its right to 
 nullify a law of Congress, or to withdraw from the 
 Union in support of this right. Intense excitement 
 prevailed, and the course of the President was 
 watched with the gravest anxiety. He was 
 known to be opposed to the protective policy ; but 
 it was generally believed that he was firm in his 
 intention to enforce the laws, however he might 
 disapprove of them.
 
 366 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 President Jackson took measures promptly to 
 enforce the law. He ordered a large body of troops 
 to assemble at Charleston, under General Scott, 
 and a ship of war was sent to that port to assist 
 the federal officers in collecting' the duties on im- 
 ports. Civil war seemed for a time inevitable. 
 The President was firmly resolved to compel the 
 submission of South Carolina, and the issue of such 
 a conflict could not be doubtful. 
 
 Fortunately a peaceful settlement of the trouble 
 was effected. Mr. Verplanck, of New York, a sup- 
 porter of the administration, introduced a bill into 
 Congress for a reduction of the tariff, and the State 
 of Virginia sent Benjamin Watkins Leigh, a dis- 
 tinguished citizen, as commissioner to South Caro- 
 lina, to urge her to suspend the execution of her 
 ordinance until March 4th, as there was a proba- 
 bility that a peaceful settlement of the difficulty 
 would be arranged before that time. South Caro- 
 lina consented to be guided by this appeal. 
 
 Henry Clay, with his usual patriotic self-sacrifice, 
 now c*ane forward in the Senate with a compromise 
 which he hoped would put an end to the trouble. 
 He introduced a bill providing for the gradual re- 
 duction in ten years of all duties then above the 
 revenue standard. " One-tenth of one-half of all the 
 duties for protection above that standard was to be 
 taken off annually for ten years, at the end of 
 which period the whole of the other half was to be 
 taken off, and thereafter all duties were to be
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 367 
 
 levied mainly with a view to revenue and not for 
 protection." This measure with some modifica- 
 tions was adopted by both Houses of Congress, 
 and was approved by the President on the 2d of 
 March, 1833. The people of South Carolina 
 rescinded their " Nullification Ordinance," and the 
 trouble was fortunately brought to an end. 
 
 The Administration of Gen." Jackson was distin- 
 guished for many acts of foreign as well as domes- 
 tic policy which cannot be embraced in this brief 
 sketch. Taken all together, it made a deep and 
 lasting impression upon the policy and history of 
 the States. On his retirement, following the ex- 
 ample of Washington, he issued a Farewell Address* 
 in which he evinced the most ardent patriotism and 
 the most earnest devotion to the cause of constitu* 
 tional liberty. 
 
 The presidential election was held in the fall of 
 1836. General Jackson having declined to be a 
 candidate for a third term, the Democratic party 
 supported Martin Van Buren for President, and 
 Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent. Mr. Van Buren was elected; but the 
 electors having failed to make a choice of a candi- 
 date for Vice-President, that task devolved upon 
 the Senate, which elected Colonel Richard M 
 Johnson by a majority of seventeen votes. 
 
 The electoral votes cast for the several can- 
 didates for President were as follows: 170 for 
 Martin Van Buren, 14 for Daniel Webster, 73 for
 
 368 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 William Henry Harrison, 11 for W. P. Mangum, 
 of N. C., and 26 for H. L. White, of Tennessee. 
 Mr. Van Buren, having received a majority, was 
 duly declared President for the next term. The 
 vote by States in this election was: 15 for Mr. 
 Van Buren, 7 for General Harrison, 2 for Mr. 
 White, and 1 for Mr. Webster. The 15 States 
 that voted for Mr. Van Buren were : Maine, New 
 Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, 
 Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, 
 and Michigan ; the 7 that voted for General Har 
 rison were : Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, 
 Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, and Indiana; the 2 
 that voted for Mr. White were : Georgia and Ten- 
 nessee ; the one State that voted for Mr. Webber 
 was Massachusetts 
 
 The votes of the Electoral Colleges for Vice 
 President were : 147 for Richard M. Johnson, oi 
 Kentucky ; 77 for Francis Granger, of New York-, 
 47 for John Tyler, of Virginia; and 23 for WiU 
 liam Smith, of Alabama. Neither of the candi- 
 dates for Vice-President having received a majority 
 of the votes, the choice of that officer devolved upon 
 the Senate, and that body elected Col. Johnson by 
 a vote of 33, against 16 for Mr. Granger. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF VAN BUREN. 
 4th of March, 1837 4th of March, 1841. 
 Martin Van Buren, the eighth President of the
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 369 
 
 United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of 
 March, 1837, in the 55th year of his age. "At high 
 noon the President elect took his seat, with his 
 venerable predecessor, General Jackson, in a car- 
 riage, made from the wood of the frigate Con~ 
 stitution, presented to General Jackson by the 
 Democracy of the city of New York. In this from 
 the White House they proceeded to the Capitol. 
 After reaching the Senate Chamber Mr. Van Buren, 
 attended by the ex-President, and the members of 
 the Senate, led the way to the rostrum, where the 
 Inaugural Address was delivered in clear and im- 
 pressive tones. At the close of the Address the 
 oath of office was administered by Chief-Justice 
 Taney." 
 
 In the Address Mr. Van Buren indicated his 
 purpose, on all matters of public policy, to follow 
 in the " footsteps of his illustrious predecessor." 
 
 A distinguished writer, in speaking of Mr. Van 
 Buren's Administration, as a whole, says : 
 
 " The great event of General Jackson's Admin- 
 istration was the contest with the Bank of the 
 United States, and its destruction as a Federal 
 institution that of Madison's was the war while 
 Jefferson's was a general revolution of the anti- 
 Democratic spirit and policy of the preceding 
 Administration. The great event of Mr. Van 
 Buren's Administration, by which it will hereafter 
 be known and designated, is, the divorce of Bank 
 and State in the fiscal affairs of the Federal Gov- 
 
 24
 
 MARTIN VAN BUKET 
 
 370
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 371 
 
 eminent, and the return, after half a century of 
 deviation, to the original design of the Constitu- 
 tion." 
 
 In the fall of 1840 another Presidential election 
 was held. Mr. Van Buren and Vice-President 
 Johnson were nominated for re-election by the 
 Democratic party, and the Whigs supported Gen- 
 eral William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, for Presi- 
 dent, and John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent. The financial distress of the country which 
 had been very great since 1837, was generally 
 attributed by the people to the interference of the 
 government with the currency. This feeling made 
 the Democratic nominees exceedingly unpopular^ 
 and the political campaign was one of the most 
 exciting ever conducted in this country. 
 
 The principal issues in this contest were the 
 sub-treasury system, extravagant appropriations, 
 defalcations, and profligacy of numerous subordi- 
 nate officers. The "gold spoons" furnished the 
 Executive Mansion figured prominently in the 
 canvass. All the opposing elements united under 
 the Whig banner. This party held a general con- 
 vention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the 4th 
 of December, 1839, for the purpose of nominating 
 candidates for President and Vice-President. It 
 was generally supposed that Mr. Clay would re- 
 ceive the nomination of this body for President. 
 But his course on the Tariff Compromise of 1833 
 had greatly weakened him with the Protectionist*
 
 372 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 "When he adopted that course he was told it would 
 lose him the Presidency. His reply at the time 
 was, " I would rather be right than be President." 
 The Democratic party held their general conven- 
 tion in Baltimore on the 5th of May, 1840. Log- 
 cabins and hard cider, which were supposed to be 
 typical of Harrison's frontier life, became very 
 popular with the Whigs. The result of the elec- 
 tion, after a heated canvass, was 234 electoral 
 votes for Harrison for President, and 234 for John 
 Tyler for Vice-President. Mr. Van Buren re- 
 ceived 60 electoral votes for President; Richard 
 M. Johnson, of Kentucky, received 48 for Vice- 
 President; Littleton W. Tazewell, of Virginia, 11, 
 and James K. Polk, of Tennessee, 1. The vote 
 for President by States stood 19 for General Har- 
 rison and 7 for Mr. Van Buren. The seven States 
 that voted for Mr. Van Buren were : New Hamp- 
 shire, Virginia, South Carolina, Illinois, Alabama, 
 Missouri, and Arkansas. 
 
 ADMINISTRATIONS OF HARRISON AND 
 TYLER. 
 
 4th of March, 1841 4th of March, 1845. 
 
 "William Henry Harrison, the ninth President 
 of the United States, was inaugurated on the 4th 
 of March, 1841, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. 
 The city of Washington was thronged with people, 
 many of whom were from the most distant States
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 373 
 
 of the Union. A procession was formed from his 
 hotel quarters to the capitol. The President-elect 
 was mounted upon a white charger, accompanied 
 by several personal friends, but his immediate escort 
 were the officers and soldiers who had fought under 
 him. The inaugural address was delivered on a 
 
 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 
 
 platform erected over the front steps of the portico 
 of the east front of the capitol. The oath of office 
 was administered by Chief-Justice Taney, before 
 an audience estimated at 60,000 people. 
 
 He was a man of pure life and earnest character, 
 and the certainty of a change of policy in the 
 measures of the federal government had caused
 
 374 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 the people of the country to look forward to his 
 administration with hope and confidence. He 
 began by calling to seats in his cabinet men of 
 prominence and ability. At the head of the cab- 
 inet he placed Daniel Webster as Secretary of 
 State. The President was not destined to fulfil 
 the hopes of his friends. He was suddenly at- 
 tacked with pneumonia, and died on the 4th of 
 April just one month after his inauguration. 
 
 It was the first time that a President of the 
 United States had died in office, and a gloom was 
 cast over the nation by the sad event. The mourn- 
 ing of the people was sincere, for in General Har- 
 rison the nation lost a faithful, upright, and able 
 leader. He had spent forty years in prominent 
 public positions, and had discharged every duty 
 confided to him with ability and integrity, and 
 went to his grave a poor man. 
 
 The office of President now, for the first time, de- 
 volved upon the Vice-President, John Tyler, who, 
 by the death of General Harrison, became the tenth 
 President of the United States. He was not in the 
 City of Washington at the time of the death of his 
 predecessor, but repaired to that city without loss 
 of time, upon being notified of the death of General 
 Harrison, and on the 6th of April took the oath of 
 office before Judge Cranch, Chief-Justice of the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia. Mr. Tyler was in his fifty-second 
 year, and had served as governor of Virginia, and 
 as representative and senator in Congress from
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 375 
 
 fliat State. On the 9th of April President Tyler 
 issued an address to the people of the United States, 
 in which there was no indication of a departure 
 from the policy announced in the inaugural of Gen- 
 eral Harrison. He retained the cabinet ministers of 
 his predecessors in their respective positions. 
 
 The last years of Mr. Tyler's administration 
 were devoted to the effort to secure the annexation 
 
 JOHN TYLER. 
 
 of the republic of Texas to the United States. The 
 territory embraced within the limits of Texas con- 
 stituted a part of the Spanish-American possessions, 
 and was generally regarded as a part of Mexico. 
 
 In April, 1844, Texas formally applied for ad- 
 mission into the United States, and a treaty for 
 that purpose was negotiated with her by the gov-
 
 376 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 ernment of this country. It was rejected by the 
 Senate. 
 
 In the fall of 1844 the presidential election took 
 place. The leading political question of the day 
 was the annexation of Texas. It was advocated 
 by the administration of President Tyler and by 
 the Democratic party. This party also made the 
 claim of the United States to Oregon one of the 
 leading issues of the campaign. Its candidates 
 were James K. Polk, of Tennessee, and George M. 
 Dallas, of Pennsylvania. The Whig party sup- 
 ported Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and Theodore 
 Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, and opposed the 
 annexation of Texas. 
 
 During this campaign, which was one of unusual 
 excitement, the Anti-slavery party made its appear- 
 ance for the first time as a distinct political organ- 
 ization, and nominated James G. Birney as its 
 candidate for the Presidency. 
 
 The result of the campaign was a decisive vic- 
 tory for the Democrats. This success was gen- 
 erally regarded as an emphatic expression of the pop- 
 ular will respecting the Texas and Oregon questions. 
 
 The result of the election by the colleges was : 
 170 electoral votes for James K. Polk, for Presi- 
 dent, and 170 for George M. Dallas, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent; 105 for Henry Clay, for President, and 105 
 for Theodore Frelinghuysen, for Vice-President. 
 By States the vote stood : 15 for the Democratic 
 ticket, and 11 for the Whig ticket. Mr. Birney
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 377 
 
 received no electoral vote; but local returns 
 showed that, out of the popular vote of upward* 
 of two and a half millions, there were polled for 
 him only 64,653. The fifteen States that voted 
 for Mr. Polk were : Maine, New Hampshire, New 
 York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, 
 Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, 
 Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, and Michigan; the 
 eieven that voted for Mr. Clay were : Massachu- 
 setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New 
 Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Ken- 
 tucky, Tennessee, and Ohio. 
 
 After the expiration of his term of office, Mr. 
 Tyler retired from the seat of Government to his 
 residence in Virginia. His administration was a 
 stormy one, but signalized by many important 
 events. It was during" this period that the electro- 
 telegraphic system was established by Morse. A 
 room was furnished him at the Capitol for his ex- 
 perimental operations in extending his wires to 
 Baltimore; and among the first messages ever 
 transmitted over them was the announcement of 
 the nomination of Mr. Polk for the Presidency. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK. 
 4th of March, 1845 4th of March, 1849. 
 
 James K. Polk, the eleventh President of the 
 United States, was inaugurated on the 4th of 
 March, 1845, in the 50th year of his age. The 
 oath of office was administered by Chief-Justice
 
 378 
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Taney, in the presence of a large assemblage of 
 citizens. In his inaugural, the new President 
 spoke favorably of the late action of Congress in 
 relation to Texas, and asserted that the title of the 
 United States to the whole of Oregon was clear 
 and indisputable, and intimated his intention to 
 maintain it by force if necessary. 
 
 JAMES K. POLK. 
 
 The new cabinet consisted of James Buchanan, 
 of Pennsylvania, Secretary of State; Robert J. 
 Walker, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
 William L. Marcy, of New York, Secretary of 
 War; George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, Secre- 
 tory of the Navy; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee,
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 379 
 
 Postmaster-General ; and John Y. Mason, of Vir- 
 ginia, Attorney-General. 
 
 President Polk had served the country as gov- 
 ernor of the State of Tennessee, and for fourteen 
 years had been a member of Congress from that 
 State, arid had been chosen speaker of that body. 
 Two important questions presented themselves to 
 the new administration for settlement : the troubles 
 with Mexico growing out of the annexation of 
 Texas, and the arrangement of the northwestern 
 boundary of the United States. 
 
 During the Presidential campaign of 1844 the 
 Democratic party adopted as its watchword, " all 
 of Oregon or none," and the excitement upon the 
 question ran high. The election of Mr. Polk 
 showed that the American people were resolved to 
 insist upon their claim to Oregon, and when the 
 new President in his inaugural address took the 
 bold ground that the American title to " Oregon 
 territory " " was clear and indisputable," and de- 
 elared his intention to maintain it at the cost of 
 War with England, the matter assumed a serious 
 aspect, and for a while it seemed that party pas- 
 sion would involve the two countries in hostilities. 
 President Polk, upon a calmer consideration of the 
 subject, caused the secretary of state to reopen the 
 negotiations by proposing to Great Britain the 
 forty-ninth parallel of latitude as a boundary, and 
 that was finally agreed upon. 
 
 During the fall of 1848 another Presidential
 
 380 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 election came off. The combined elements of 
 opposition to the administration, in the main, 
 continued to bear the name of Whigs, though the 
 anti-slavery element now formed a distinct organi- 
 zation known as " Free-Soilers." The Democratic 
 party held their General Convention at Baltimore, 
 on the 22d of May, and put in nomination for the 
 Presidency General Lewis Cass, of Michigan, and 
 for the Vice-Presidency General William 0. Butler, 
 of Kentucky. The Whigs held their Convention 
 at Philadelphia on the 1st of June, and put in 
 nomination for the Presidency General Zachary 
 Taylor, of Louisiana, and for the Vice-Presidency 
 Millard Fillmore, of New York. The Free-Soileif 
 held their Convention at Buffalo, N. Y., on the 
 8th of August, and put in nomination for the 
 Presidency Martin Van Buren, of New York, and 
 for the Vice-Presidency Charles Francis Adams, 
 of Massachusetts. 
 
 The result of the election was 163 electoral 
 votes for the Whig ticket and 127 for the Demo- 
 cratic. The Free-Soil ticket received no electoral 
 vote ; but local returns showed that out of a popu- 
 lar vote of nearly 3,000,000, there were polled for 
 it nearly 300,000 votes. The vote for Taylor and 
 Fillmore by States stood 15; and for Cass and 
 Butler 15 also. The 15 States that voted for 
 Taylor and Fillmore were Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, North
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 381 
 
 Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, 
 and Florida ; the 15 that voted for Cass and Butler 
 were Maine, New Hampshire, Virginia, South 
 Carolina, Ohio, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Ala- 
 bama, Missouri, Arkansas, Michigan, Texas, Iowa, 
 and Wisconsin. Taylor and Fillmore, having 
 received a majority of the electoral votes, were 
 declared elected to the offices of President and 
 Vice-President. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1849, Mr. Polk retired to 
 his home in Tennessee. His administration had 
 been a stormy one. It will, however, always be 
 distinguished in history by its eminently wise 
 financial and revenue policy, the settlement of the 
 Oregon question with England, and the immense 
 acquisition of territory from Mexico. During its 
 period also, great lustre was added to the military 
 renown of the United States. 
 
 ADMINISTRATIONS OF 
 TAYLOR AND FILLMORE. 
 
 4th of March, 1849 4th of March, 1853 
 The 4th of March, 1849, coming on Sunday 
 General Taylor was duly inaugurated as the 
 twelfth President of the United States on the next 
 day, Monday, the 5th of that month, in the 65th 
 year of his age. The oath of office was adminis- 
 tered by Chief-Justice Taney, in the presence of an 
 immense concourse of people. 
 
 The new President was a native of Virginia,
 
 TAYLOR, 
 
 382
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. " 383 
 
 but had removed with his parents to Kentucky at 
 an early age, and had grown up to manhood on the 
 frontiers of that State. In 1808, at the age of 
 twenty-four, he was commissioned a lieutenant in 
 the army by President Jefferson, and had spent 
 forty years in the military service of the country. 
 His exploits in the Florida war and brilliant vic- 
 tories in Mexico had made him the most popular 
 man in the United States, and had won him the 
 high office of the Presidency at the hands of his 
 grateful fellow-citizens. He was without political 
 experience, but he was a man of pure and stain- 
 less integrity, of great firmness, a sincere patriot, 
 and possessed of strong good sense. He had re- 
 ceived a majority of the electoral votes of both the 
 Northern and Southern States, and was free from 
 party or sectional ties of any kind. His inaugural 
 address was brief, and was confined to a statement 
 of general principles. His cabinet was composed 
 of the leaders of the Whig party, with John M. 
 Clayton, of Delaware, as Secretary of State. The 
 last Congress had created a new executive depart- 
 ment that of the interior to relieve the secre- 
 tary of the treasury of a part of his duties, and 
 President Taylor was called upon to appoint the 
 first secretary of the interior, which he did in the 
 person of Thomas Ewing, of Ohio. The new de- 
 partment was charged with the management of the 
 public lands, the Indian tribes, and the issuing vff 
 patents to inventors.
 
 384 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Since the announcement of the Wilmot Proviso, 
 the agitation of the slavery question had been in- 
 cessant, and had increased instead of diminishing 
 with each succeeding year. It was one of the chief 
 topics of discussion in the newspaper press of the 
 country, and entered largely into every political 
 controversy, however local or insignificant in its 
 nature. The opponents of slavery regarded the 
 annexation of Texas and the Mexican war as 
 efforts to extend that institution, and were resolved 
 to put an end to its existence at any cost. The 
 advocates of slavery claimed that the Southern 
 States had an equal right to the common property 
 of the States, and were entitled to protection for 
 their slaves in any of the Territories then owned 
 by the States or that might afterwards be acquired 
 by them. The Missouri Compromise forbade the 
 existence of slavery north of the line of 36 3CK 
 north latitude, and left the inhabitants south of 
 that line free to decide upon their own institutions. 
 The Anti-slavery party was resolved that slavery 
 should be excluded from the territory acquired 
 from Mexico, and in the Wilmot Proviso struck 
 their first blow for the accomplishment of this pur* 
 pose. 
 
 Upon the organization of the House President 
 Taylor sent in his first and only message. He re- 
 cognized the danger with which the sectional con- 
 troversy threatened the country, expressed his 
 views of the situation in moderate terms, and inti-
 
 386 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 mated that he should faithfully discharge his 
 duties to the whole country. 
 
 About the last of June, 1850, President Taylor 
 was stricken down with a fever, which soon ter- 
 minated fatally. He died on the 9th of July amid 
 the grief of the whole country, which felt that it 
 had lost a faithful and upright chief magistrate. 
 Though the successful candidate of one political 
 party, his administration had received the earnest 
 support of the best men of the country without 
 regard to party, and his death was a national 
 calamity. He had held office only sixteen months, 
 but had shown himself equal to his difficult and 
 delicate position. 
 
 By the terms of the Constitution the office of 
 President devolved upon Millard Fillmore, Vice- 
 President of the United States. On the 10th of 
 July he took the oath of office, and at once entered 
 upon the duties of his new position. 
 
 Mr. Fillmore was a native of New York, and 
 was born in that State in the year 1800. He had 
 served his State in Congress, and as governor, and 
 was personally one of the most popular of the 
 Presidents. The cabinet of General Taylor re 
 signed their offices immediately after his death, 
 and the new President filled their places by ap- 
 pointing a new cabinet with Daniel Webster at ita 
 head as Secretary of State. 
 
 On the 4th of July, 1851, the corner-stone of 
 the two new" wings of the capitol was laid. Mr.
 
 TACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 387 
 
 Webster delivered a speech on the occasion which 
 was considered one of the greatest of his life. It. 
 was delivered to an immense audience, on a plat- 
 form erected on the east side of the capitol. In it, 
 among other things, he said: 
 
 " If it shall hereafter be the will of God that 
 this structure shall fall from its base that its 
 foundations shall be upturned, and the deposit be- 
 neath this stone be brought to the eyes of men 
 be it then known that on this day the Union of tl__ 
 United States of America stands firm, that this 
 Constitution still exists unimpaired, and, with all 
 its usefulness and glory, is growing every day 
 stronger in the affections of the great body of the 
 American people, and attracting more and more 
 the admiration of the world." 
 
 During the fall of this year (1852) another 
 Presidential election took place. 
 
 The Democratic party nominated Franklin 
 Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, and Wil- 
 liam R. King, of Alabama, for Vice-President. 
 The Whig party nominated General Winfield Scott 
 for President, and William A. Graham, of North 
 Carolina, for Vice-President. The Anti-slavery 
 party put in nomination John P. Hale, of New 
 Hampshire, and George W. Julian, of Indiana. 
 The election resulted in the choice of the candi- 
 dates of the Democratic party by an overwhelming 
 majority. 
 
 Mr. King, the Vice-President elect, did not long
 
 388 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 survive his triumph. His health had been deli- 
 cate for many years, and he was obliged to pass the 
 winter succeeding the election in Cuba. Being 
 unable to return home, he took the oath of office 
 before the American consul, at Havana, on the 4th 
 of March. He then returned to the United States, 
 and died at his home in Alabama on the 18th of 
 April, 1853. 
 
 The result of the election was : 251 electoral 
 Votes for Pierce and King ; and 42 for Scott and 
 Graham ; by States, 27 for Pierce and King, and 
 1 for Scott and Graham. The States which voted 
 for General Scott were : Massachusetts, Vermont, 
 Kentucky, and Tennessee. The anti-slavery ticket 
 received no electoral vote, but out of the popular 
 vote of nearly 3,500,000, it polled 155,825 indi- 
 vidual votes, being little over half of what it polled 
 at the previous election. 
 
 In October, 1852, the whole country was again 
 thrown into mourning by the announcement of the 
 death of Mr. Webster, the last survivor of the great 
 senatorial "trio," Clay, Calhoun and Webster. 
 
 They were regarded as the three greatest states- 
 men of the country in their day. They were all 
 men of very great ability, of very different charac- 
 ters of mind, as well as styles of oratory. They 
 differed also widely on many questions of public 
 policy. But they were all true patriots in the 
 highest sense of that term.
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 389 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE. 
 4th of March, 1853 4th of March, 185T. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1853, Franklin Pierce, ^f 
 New Hampshire, the fourteenth President of the 
 United States, was duly inaugurated in the 49th 
 
 FKANKLIX PIERCE. 
 
 year of his age. The oath of office was adminis- 
 tered by Chief-Justice Taney. 
 
 General Pierce was an accomplished orator, and 
 his inaugural address was delivered in his happiest 
 style, in a tone of voice that was distinctly heard 
 at a great distance. It was responded to by shouts 
 from the surrounding multitudes.
 
 390 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 The most important measure of Mr. Pierce's ad- 
 ministration was the bill to organize the Territories 
 of Kansas and Nebraska. The region embraced 
 in these Territories formed a part of the Louisiana 
 purchase, and extended from the borders of Mis- 
 souri, Iowa, and Minnesota to the summit of the 
 Rocky mountains, and from the parallel of 36 SO* 
 north latitude to the border of British America. 
 This whole region by the terms of the Missouri 
 Compromise had been secured to free labor by the 
 exclusion of slavery. 
 
 The people engaged warmly in the discussion 
 aroused by the reopening of the question of slavery 
 in the Territories. The North resented the repeal of 
 the Missouri Compromise, and in the South a large 
 and respectable party sincerely regretted the repeal 
 of that settlement. By the passage of the Kansas- 
 Nebraska bill the Thirty-third Congress assumed 
 a grave responsibility, and opened the door to a 
 bloody and bitter conflict in the Territories between 
 slavery and free labor. The troubles in Kansas 
 which followed gave rise to a new party which 
 called itself Republican, and which was based 
 upon an avowed hostility to the extension of 
 slavery. A third party, called the American, or 
 Know Nothing, also took part in the Presidential 
 campaign of 1856, and was based upon the doctrine 
 that the political offices of the country should be 
 held only by persons of American birth. The 
 Democratic party nominated James Buchanan, of
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 391 
 
 Pennsylvania, for the Presidency, and John C. 
 Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for the Vice-Presidency. 
 The Republican nominee for the Presidency was 
 John C. Fremont, of California; for the Vice- 
 Presidency William L. Dayton, of New Jersey. 
 The American or Know Nothing party supported 
 Millard Fillmore, of New York, for the Presidency, 
 and Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennessee, for the 
 Vice-Presidency. The Whig party had been 
 broken to pieces by its defeat in 1852, and had 
 now entirely disappeared. 
 
 The canvass was unusually excited. Slavery 
 was the principal question in dispute. Party ties 
 had- little influence upon men. The sentiment of 
 the nation at large had been outraged by the re- 
 peal of the Missouri Compromise, and thousands 
 of Democrats, desiring to rebuke their party for its 
 course in bringing about this repeal, united with 
 the Republican party, which declared as its lead- 
 ing principle that it was " both the right and the 
 duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories 
 those twin relics of barbarism polygamy and 
 slavery." 
 
 The elections resulted in the triumph of James 
 Buchanan, the candidate of the Democratic party. 
 Mr. Buchanan received 174 electoral votes; Gen. 
 eral Fremont 114, and Fillmore 8. The vote by 
 States was: 19 for the Democratic ticket; 11 for 
 the Republican, and 1 for the American. The 
 nineteen States that voted for Mr. Buchanan were:
 
 392 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Ken- 
 tucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, 
 Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, Florida, 
 Texas, and California. The eleven that voted for 
 Fremont were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- 
 chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, 
 New York, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin. 
 The one that voted for Fillmore was Maryland. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 March 4th, 1857 March 4th, 1861. 
 
 James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, the fifteenth 
 President of the United States, was inaugurated 
 on the 4th of March, 1857, in the 66th year of 
 his age, and was a statesman of ripe experience. 
 The oath of office was administered by Chief* 
 Justice Taney. His inaugural was conciliatory, 
 and approbatory of the principles of the Kansas 
 and Nebraska bill upon which he had been elected. 
 He was born in Pennsylvania, in 1791, and was 
 by profession a lawyer. He had served his State 
 in Congress as a representative and a senator, had 
 been minister to Russia under President Jackson, 
 and had been a member of the Cabinet of Presi- 
 dent Polk, as Secretary of State. During the four 
 years previous to his election to the Presidency, 
 he had resided abroad as the Minister of the 
 United States to Great Britain, and in that capao-
 
 Ji^MES BUCHANAN. 
 
 393
 
 394 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 ity had greatly added to his reputation as a states- 
 man. The intense sectional feeling which the dis- 
 cussion of the slavery question had aroused had 
 alarmed patriotic men in all parts of the Union. 
 and it was earnestly hoped that Mr. Buchanan's 
 administration would be able to effect a peaceful 
 settlement of the quarrel. Mr. Buchanan selected 
 his Cabinet from the leading men of the Democratic 
 party. Lewis Cass, of Michigan, was appointed 
 Secretary of State ; Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury ; John B. Floyd, of Vir- 
 ginia, Secretary of War ; Isaac Toucey, of Connec- 
 ticut, Secretary of the Navy ; Jacob Thompson, of 
 Mississippi, Secretary of Interior; Aaron V. Brown, 
 of Tennessee, Postmaster-General, and Jeremiah S. 
 Black, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General. The 
 two leading subjects which immediately engaged 
 the attention of the new administration were 
 the state of affairs in Utah on the one hand, and 
 Kansas on the other. 
 
 On the night of the 16th of October, 1859, John 
 Brown, who had acquired a considerable notoriety 
 as the leader of a Free Soil company during the 
 war in Kansas, entered the State of Virginia, at 
 Harper's Ferry, with a party of twenty-one men, 
 and seized the United States arsenal at that place. 
 He then sent out parties to induce the negro slaves 
 to join him, his avowed object being to put an end 
 to slavery in Virginia by exciting an insurrection 
 of the slaves. Several citizens were kidnapped by
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 395 
 
 these parties, but the slaves refused to join Brown, 
 or to take any part in the insurrection. 
 
 The effect of Brown's attempt upon the South- 
 ern people was most unfortunate. They regarded 
 it as unanswerable evidence of the intention of the 
 people of the North to make war upon them under 
 the cover of the Union. The John Brown raid 
 was the most powerful argument that had ever 
 been placed in the hands of the disunionists, and 
 in the alarm and excitement produced by that 
 event, the Southern people lost sight of the fact 
 that the great mass of the Northern people sin- 
 aerely deplored and condemned the action of 
 Brown and his supporters. 
 
 While the excitement was at its height the 
 Presidential campaign opened in the spring of 
 1860. The slavery question was the chief issue 
 in this struggle. The Convention of the Democra- 
 tic party met at Charleston, 'in April, but being 
 unable to effect an organization, adjourned to Bal- 
 timore, and reassembled in that city in June. The 
 extreme Southern delegates were resolved that the 
 convention should be committed to the protection 
 of slavery in the Territories by Congress, and fail- 
 ing to control it withdrew from it in a body, and 
 organized a separate convention, which they de- 
 clared represented the Democratic party, but which, 
 in reality, as the vote subsequently proved, repre- 
 sented but a minority of that party. 
 
 The original convention, after the withdraw*J
 
 S96 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 of these delegates, nominated for the Presidency 
 Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, and for the Vice- 
 Presidency Herschell V. Johnson, of Georgia. It 
 then proceeded to adopt the platform put forward 
 by the entire party four years before, at Cincinnati, 
 upon the nomination of Mr. Buchanan, with this 
 additional declaration : " That as differences of 
 opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the 
 nature and extent of the powers of a territorial 
 legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Con- 
 gress under the Constitution of the United States 
 over the institution of slavery within the Territo- 
 ries, . . . the party will abide by the decisions of 
 the Supreme Court of the United States on the 
 questions of constitutional law." 
 
 The " Seceders' Convention," as it was commonly 
 called, also adopted the Cincinnati platform, and 
 pledged themselves to non-interference by Congress 
 with slavery in the Territories or in the District of 
 Columbia. This party held to the doctrine that 
 the Constitution recognized shivery as existing in 
 the Territories, and sanctioned and protected it 
 there, and that neither Congress nor the people of 
 the Territories could frame any law against 
 slavery until the admission of such Territories 
 into the Union as States. The " Seceders' Con- 
 vention " put forward as its candidate for the Pres- 
 idency John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and 
 for the Vice-Presidency Joseph Lane, of Oregon. 
 
 The Republican party took issue with both wings
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 397 
 
 of the Democratic party. Its convention was held 
 at Chicago, Illinois, and its candidates were, for 
 President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, and for 
 Vice-President Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. The 
 platform of principles adopted by the Republican 
 Convention declared that " the maintenance of the 
 principles promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence and embodied in the federal Constitution 
 is essential to the preservation of our republican 
 institutions. . . . That all men are created equal ; 
 that they are endowed by their Creator with cer- 
 tain inalienable rights." 
 
 A fourth party, known as the "American or 
 Constitutional Union Party," proclaimed as its 
 platform the following vague sentence : "TLd con- 
 stitution of the country, the union of the States, 
 and the enforcement of the laws." The convention 
 *>f this party met at Baltimore, and nominated for 
 jhe Presidency John Bell, of Tennessee, and for 
 the Vice-Presidency Edward Everett, of Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 The contest between these parties was bitter 
 beyond all precedent, and resulted as follows : 
 
 Popular vote for Lincoln, . 1,866,452 
 Douglas, . 1,375,157 
 " " Breckinridge, 847,953 
 
 " " Bell, . . 590,631 
 
 The electoral vote stood as follows: For Lincoln. 
 180; for Breckinridge, 72 ; for Bell, 39; foi 
 Douglas- 12,
 
 398 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was thus elected by a plurality oJ 
 the popular vote, which secured for him the elec 
 toral votes of eighteen States. These States were 
 entirely north of the sectional line, and he received 
 not a single electoral vote from a Southern State. 
 The States which cast their electoral votes for 
 Breckinridge, Bell, and Douglas, were entirely 
 slaveholding. The division thus made was alarm- 
 ing. It was the first time in the history of the 
 republic that a President had been elected by the 
 votes of a single section of the Union. 
 
 The eighteen States that voted for Mr. Lincoln, 
 under the plurality count of the popular vote, 
 were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, 
 New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
 Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, California, Minnesota, 
 and Oregon. The eleven that voted for Mr. 
 Breckinridge were : Delaware, Maryland, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Mis- 
 sissippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, and Texas, 
 The three that so voted for Mr. Bell were : Vir- 
 ginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee ; and the one that 
 so voted for Mr. Douglas was Missouri. Mr. Lin- 
 coln did not receive the majority of the popular 
 vote in but sixteen of the thirty-three States then 
 constituting the Union ; so he had been constitu- 
 tionally elected, without having received a majority 
 of the popular vote of the States or of the people.
 
 JACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 390 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF ABRAHAM 
 LINCOLN. 
 
 March 4th, 1861 April 15th, 1865. 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, the sixteenth President of 
 the United States, was inaugurated at Washington 
 on the 4th of March, 1861. As it was feared 
 that an attempt would be made to prevent the in- 
 auguration, the city was held by a strong body of 
 regular troops, under General Scott, and the Presi- 
 dent elect was escorted from his hotel to the capito! 
 by a military force. No effort was made to inter- 
 lere with the ceremonies, and the inauguration 
 passed off quietly. 
 
 The new President was in his fifty-third year, 
 and was a native of Kentucky. When he was biK 
 eight years old his father removed to Indiana, and 
 the boyhood of the future President was spent iu 
 hard labor upon the farm. Until he reached man- 
 hood he continued to lead this life, and during this 
 entire period attended school for only a year. At 
 the age of twenty-one he removed to Illinois, 
 where he began life as a storekeeper. Being anx 
 ious to rise above his humble position, he deter- 
 mined to study law. He was too poor to buy the 
 necessary books, and so borrowed them from a 
 neighboring lawyer, read them at night, and re- 
 turned them in the morning. His genial character, 
 great good nature, and love of humor, won him
 
 400 
 
 TACTS ABOUT ALL 
 
 OlESIDENTS. 
 
 the friendship of the people aroon?* whom he re- 
 sided, and they elected him to the Uwer house of 
 the legislature of Illinois. He now abandoned his 
 mercantile pursuits, and began the practice of the 
 taw, and was subsequently elected a representative 
 
 V 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 to Congress from the Springfield district. He took 
 an active part in the politics of his State, and in 
 1858 was the candidate of the Republican party 
 for United States senator. In this capacity he en- 
 gaged in a series of debates in various parts of the
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PKESIDENTS. 401 
 
 State with Senator Douglas, the Democratic can- 
 didate for re-election to the same position. This 
 debate was remarkable for its brilliancy and intel- 
 lectual vigor, and brought him prominently before 
 the whole country, and opened the way to his 
 nomination for the Presidency. In person he was 
 tall and ungainly, and in manner he was rough and 
 awkward, little versed in the refinements of so- 
 ciety. He was a man, however, of great natural 
 vigor of intellect, and was possessed of a fund of 
 strong common sense, which enabled him to see at 
 a glance through the shams by which he was sur- 
 rounded, and to pursue his own aims with single- 
 ness of heart and directness of purpose. He had 
 sprung from the ranks of the people, and he was 
 never false to them. He was a simple, unaffected, 
 kind-hearted man ; anxious to do his duty to the 
 whole country ; domestic in his tastes and habits ; 
 and incorruptible in every relation of life. He 
 was fond of humor, and overflowed with it ; find- 
 ing in his " little stories " the only relaxation he 
 ever sought from the heavy cares of the trying 
 position upon which he was now entering. He 
 selected his cabinet from the leading men of the 
 Republican party, and placed William H. Seward, 
 of New York, as Secretary of State; Salmon P. 
 Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury ; Simon 
 Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; 
 Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the 
 Navy ; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the
 
 402 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Interior; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Port- 
 master-General; and Edward Bates, of Missouri, 
 Attorney-General. 
 
 The Great Civil War was the all-important 
 event of Mr. Lincoln's administration. 
 
 In 1864 the next Presidential election was held. 
 The Republican National Convention met at Bal- 
 timore, June 7, and adopted a platform declaring 
 war upon slavery, and demanding that no terms 
 but unconditional surrender should be given to the 
 rebellious States. It nominated Abraham Lincoln, 
 of Illinois, for President, and Andrew Johnson, of 
 Tennessee, for Vice- President. 
 
 The latter was a United States Senator when 
 his State allied itself to the Confederacy. He, 
 however, continued to hold his seat, and was the 
 only Senator from any of the States, who did so 
 after the withdrawal of their States from the 
 Federal Union. 
 
 The Democratic Convention met at Chicago Au- 
 gust 29, and nominated for the Presidency General 
 George B. McClellan, of the Federal army, and for 
 the Vice-Presidency, George H. Pendleton, of 
 Ohio. The result was Messrs. Lincoln and John- 
 son carried the electoral votes of every State ex- 
 cept three, tc wit : New Jersey, Delaware, and 
 Kentucky ; of the popular vote the Democratic 
 ticket received 1,802,237, against 2,213,665 cast 
 for Lincoln and Johnson. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln having been duly elected was
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 403 
 
 inaugurated for his second term on the 4th of 
 March, 1865. On the night of April 14th, Presi 
 dent Lincoln was assassinated at Ford's Theatre 
 in Washington City, by John Wilkes Booth. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JOHNSON. 
 15th of April, 1865 4th of March, 1869. 
 
 Upon the death of Mr. Lincoln, Andrew John- 
 eon, the Vice-President, by the terms of the Con- 
 stitution, became President of the United States. 
 He took the oath of office on the 15th of \pril, 
 and at once entered upon the discharge Jf his 
 duties. His first act was to retain all the mem- 
 bers of the Cabinet appointed by Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 Mr. Johnson was a native of North Carolina, 
 having been born in Raleigh, on the 29th of De- 
 cember, 1808. At the age often he was bound as 
 an apprentice to a tailor of that city. He was at 
 thia time unable to read or write. Some years 
 later, being determined to acquire an education, 
 he learned the alphabet from a fellow-workman, 
 and a friend taught him spelling. He was soon 
 able to read, and pursued his studies steadily, 
 working ten or twelve, hours a day at his trade f 
 and studying two or three more. In 1826 he re- 
 moved to Greenville, Tennessee. He was subse- 
 quently chosen alderman of his town, and with 
 this election entered upon his political career. 
 Studying law he abandoned tailoring, and devoted 
 himself to legal pursuits and politics. He war
 
 ANDREW JOHNSON. 
 
 )4
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 405 
 
 successively chosen Mayor, Member of the Legisla- 
 ture, Presidential elector, and State Senator. He 
 was twice elected Governor of Tennessee, and 
 three times a Senator of the United States from 
 that State. Upon the secession of Tennessee from 
 the Union, he refused to relinquish his seat in the 
 Senate, and remained faithful to the cause of the 
 Union throughout the war, winning considerable 
 reputation during the struggle by his services in 
 behalf of the national cause. He was an earnest, 
 honest-hearted man, who sincerely desired to do 
 his duty to the country. His mistakes were due 
 to his temperament, and proceeded from no desire 
 to serve his own interests or those of any party. 
 In his public life he was incorruptible. A man of 
 ardent nature, strong convictions, and indomitable 
 will, it was not possible that he should avoitf 
 errors, or fail to stir up a warm and determined 
 opposition to his policy. 
 
 The first duty devolving upon the new adminis- 
 tration was the disbanding of the army, which at 
 the close of the war numbered over a million of 
 men. It was prophesied by foreign nations and 
 feared by many persons at home, that the sudden 
 return of such a large body of men to the pursuits 
 of civil life would be attended with serious evils, 
 but both the Union and the Confederate soldiers 
 went back quietly and readily to their old avoca- 
 tions. Thus did these citizen-soldiers give to the 
 world a splendid exhibition of the triumph of law
 
 406 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 ttnd order in a free country, and a proof of the 
 stability of our institutions. 
 
 The restoration of the Southern States to their 
 places in the Union was the most important work 
 of Mr. Johnson's administration. 
 
 In the fall of 1868 another Presidential election 
 was held. The Republican party nominated Gen- 
 eral Ulysses S. Grant for the Presidency, and 
 Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, for the Vice-Presi- 
 dency. The Democratic party nominated Horatio 
 Seymour, of New York, for the Presidency, and 
 Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, for the Vice-Presi- 
 dency. The election resulted in the ehoice of 
 General Grant by a popular vote of 2,985,031 to 
 2,648,830 votes cast for Mr. Seymour. In the 
 electoral college Grant received 217 votes and 
 Seymour 77. The States of Virginia, Mississippi 
 and Texas were not allowed to take part in this 
 election, being still out of the Union. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF ULYSSES S. 
 
 GRANT. 
 
 4th of March, 1869 4th of March, 1877. 
 Ulysses S. Grant, the eighteenth President of 
 the United States, was inaugurated at Washington 
 with imposing ceremonies on the 4th of March, 
 1869. He was born at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, on 
 the 27th of April, 1822. His father was a tanner, 
 and wished him to follow his trade, but the boy 
 had more ambitious hopes, and at the age of seven-
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 407 
 
 teen a friend secured for him an appointment as 
 a cadet at West Point, where he was educated. 
 Upon graduating he entered the army. Two 
 years later he was sent to Mexico, and served 
 through the war with that country with distino 
 
 
 ULYSSES S. GRANT. 
 
 tion. He was specially noticed by his comman- 
 ders, and was promoted for gallant conduct. Soon 
 after the close of the war he resigned his commis- 
 sion, and remained in civil life and obscurity until 
 the breaking out of the civil war, when he volun-
 
 408 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 teered his services, and was commissioned by 
 Governor Yates Colonel of the Twenty-first Bli 
 nois regiment. He was soon made a Brigadier- 
 General, and fought his first battle at Belmont. 
 His subsequent career has been related in all his- 
 tories of the Great Civil War. He selected the 
 members of his Cabinet more because of his per- 
 sonal friendship for them than for their weight 
 and influence in the party that had elected him. 
 
 General Grant was the fifth President whose 
 military achievements had contributed more to his 
 election to this high office than any services ren- 
 dered in the civil departments of the government. 
 His inaugural, delivered before an immense crowd 
 of enthusiastic admirers, on the east portico of the 
 capitol, was brief and pointed. He was no orator, 
 and his address on this occasion was rehearsed 
 from a manuscript before him. It might be char- 
 acterized as a good specimen of the " multum in 
 parvo" He said " he should have no policy of his 
 own, except to carry out the will of the people, as 
 expressed by the legislative department, and ex- 
 pounded by the judiciary. Laws," said he, "are 
 to govern all alike, those opposed, as well as those 
 who favor them. I know of no method to secure 
 the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as 
 their stringent execution." The oath of office was 
 administered by Chief-Justice Chase. 
 
 His cabinet consisted at first of Elihu B. Wash- 
 burne, of Illinois, Secretary of State; Alexander
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 409 
 
 T. Stewart, of New York, Secretary of the 
 Treasury; John D. Rawlins, of Illinois, who had 
 been his chief of staff from the beginning of the 
 great war until its termination, Secretary of War; 
 Adolph E. Borie, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of 
 the Navy ; Jacob D. Cox, of Ohio, Secretary of 
 the Interior ; John A. J. Cresswell, of Maryland, 
 Postmaster-General ; and Ebenezer R. Hoar, of 
 Massachusetts, Attorney-General. 
 
 Several changes in the cabinet were afterwards 
 made, the most notable of which were George S. 
 Boutwell, of Massachusetts, Secretary of the 
 Treasury, instead of Alexander T. Stewart, the 
 famous merchant of New York. Soon after the 
 confirmation of the latter by the Senate, it was 
 ascertained that he was ineligible under the law, 
 because of his being engaged in commerce. Mr. 
 Washburne also gave up his place to accept the 
 position of Minister to France, and the vacant 
 Secretaryship of the State Department was given 
 to Hamilton Fish of New York. 
 
 The President on the 20th of March, 1870, issued 
 a proclamation announcing that the Fifteenth 
 Amendment had been duly ratified by a sufficient 
 number of States, and therefore declared it to be 
 part of the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 In the fall of 1872, another presidential election 
 occurred. The canvass was marked by the most 
 intense partisan bitterness. The Republican party 
 renominated General Grant for the presidency, and
 
 410 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 supported Henry Wilson lor the vice-presidency. 
 The measures of the administration had arrayed a 
 large number of Republicans against it. These 
 now organized themselves as the Liberal Republican 
 party, and nominated Horace Greeley of New York 
 for the presidency, and B. Qratz Brown of Missouri 
 for the vice-presidency. The Democratic party 
 made no nominations, and its convention indorsed 
 the candidates of the Liberal Republican party. 
 The election resulted in the triumph of the 
 Republican candidates by overwhelming majorities. 
 The elections were scarcely over when the 
 country was saddened by the death of Horace 
 Greeley. He had been one of the founders of the 
 Republican party, and had been closely identified 
 with the political history of the country for over 
 thirty years. He was the "Founder of the New 
 York Tribune" and had done good service with his 
 journal in behalf of the cause he believed ^o be 
 founded in right. He was a man of simpk and 
 childlike character, utterly unaffected, and generous 
 to a fault. In his manner and dress he was eccen- 
 tric, but nature had made him a true gentleman at 
 heart. His intellectual ability was conceded by all. 
 His experience in public life and his natural dis- 
 position induced him to favor a policy of concilia- 
 tion in the settlement of the reconstruction ques- 
 tion, and, influenced by these convictions, he signed 
 the bail-bond of Jefferson Davis and secured the 
 release of the fallen leader of the South from his
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 411 
 
 imprisonment. This act cost him a large part of 
 his popularity in the North. He accepted the 
 presidential nomination of the Liberal party in the 
 belief that his election would aid in bringing about 
 a better state of feeling between the North and the 
 South. He was attacked by his political opponents 
 with a bitterness which caused him much suffering, 
 and many of his old friends deserted him and 
 joined in the warfare upon him. Just before the 
 close of the canvass, his wife, to whom he was 
 tenderly attached, died, and his grief for her and 
 the excitement caused by the political contest 
 broke him down and unsettled his mind. He was 
 conveyed by his friends to a private asylum, where 
 he died on the 29th of November, 1872, in the 
 sixty-second year of his age. The result of the 
 election by States was 286 electoral votes for Grant, 
 for President, 286 for Wilson, for Vice-President, 
 and 47 for B. Gratz Brown, for Vice-President. 
 
 Mr. Greeley having died soon after the election, 
 and before the meeting of the Electoral Colleges, 
 the electoral votes that he carried at the popular 
 election (only 65) were cast in the colleges for a 
 number of persons whose names had never been 
 connected with < he office. 
 
 The votes by States for Grant were Alabama, 
 California, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Illinois, 
 Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, 
 Michigan, Mississippi, Minnesota, Nebraska, Ne- 
 vada, North Carolina. New Hampshire, New
 
 412 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, 
 Rhode Island, South Carolina, West Virginia, Vir- 
 ginia, Vermont, Wisconsin 29. Those casting 
 electoral votes against Grant were Maryland, 
 Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and 
 Texas 6. The electoral votes of the States of 
 Arkansas and Louisiana were not counted. 
 
 On the 4th day of July, 1876, the United States 
 of America completed the one hundredth year of 
 their existence as an independent nation. The 
 day was celebrated with imposing ceremonies and 
 with the most patriotic enthusiasm in all parts of 
 the Union. The celebrations began on the night 
 of the 3d of July, and were kept up until midnight 
 on the 4th. Each of the great cities of the Uniofl 
 vied with the others in the splendor and complete* 
 ness of its rejoicings ; but the most interesting of 
 all the celebrations was naturally that which was 
 held at Philadelphia, in which city the Declaration 
 of Independence was adopted. 
 
 In the summer of 1876 the various political par- 
 ties met in their respective conventions to nomi- 
 nate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presi- 
 dency of the United States, which officers were to 
 be chosen at the general election in November. 
 The Republican Convention assembled at Cincin- 
 nati, Ohio, on the 14th of June, and resulted in 
 the nomination of Governor Rutherford B. Hayes, 
 of Ohio, for President of the United States, and 
 of William A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice-
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 413 
 
 President. The Democratic Convention was held 
 at St. Louis on the 27th of June, and nominated 
 Governor Samuel J. Tiiden, of New York, for the 
 Presidency, and Governor Thomas A. Hendricks, of 
 Indiana, tor the Vice-Presidency. A third Conven- 
 tion, representing the Independent Greenback party, 
 met at Indianapolis on the 18th of May, and norm*' 
 nated Peter Cooper, of New York, for President, 
 and Samuel F. Gary, of Ohio, for Vice-President. 
 
 The campaign which followed these nominations 
 was one of intense bitterness, and was in many 
 respects the most remarkable the country has jvef 
 witnessed. 
 
 The election was held on the 7th of November. 
 The popular vote was as follows : 
 
 For Samuel J. Tiiden 4,284,265 
 
 " Rutherford B. Hayes 4,033,295 
 
 " Peter Cooper 81,737 
 
 Tiiden thus received a popular majority of 
 250,970 votes over Hayes, and a majority of 169,- 
 233 votes over both Hayes and Cooper. 
 
 Both sides claimed the success of their tickets. 
 In several of the States there were two returns- 
 Three hundred and sixty-nine was the aggregate 
 number of votes of the electoral college. It re- 
 quired 185 to elect. The advocates of Tiiden and 
 Hendricks maintained that by right they were en- 
 titled to the electoral votes of South Carolina, 
 Florida, and Louisiana, which would give them an
 
 414 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 aggregate of 203 votes ; but that if the votes of 
 these three States, amounting to 19, were given to 
 Hayes and Wheeler, Tilden and Hendricks would 
 still have 184 undisputed votes, a*id that they were 
 clearly entitled to one vote from Oregon, which 
 would give them 185 the requisite majority. 
 Meantime the Republican leaders maintained that 
 upon a right connt of the vote of the four Statee 
 in dispute Hayes and Wheeler had the majority. 
 Leading Republicans in Congress maintained that 
 the presiding officer of the Senate had a right to 
 count the votes as sent up from the several States, 
 and to decide questions of dispute between differ- 
 ent returning boards. The Democrats proposed 
 that the matter should be settled and adjusted 
 under the previously existing joint rule of the two 
 Houses on the subject of counting the electoral 
 votes. This the Republicans refused to do. The 
 condition of affairs was assuming a threatening 
 aspect, when a proposition was made to provide by 
 law for a Joint High Commission to whom the 
 whole subject should be referred. This was to 
 consist of five members of the House, five of the 
 Senate, and five of the Supreme Court. The five 
 Judges of the Supreme Court were Clifford, Miller, 
 Field, Strong, and Bradley ; the Senators were 
 Edmunds, Morton, Frelinghuysen, Bayard, and 
 Thurman ; the members of the House were Payne, 
 Hunton, Abbott, Garfield, and Hoar. 
 
 To the commission thus constituted, the whole 
 subject was referred by special act of Congress.
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 415 
 
 The two Houses of Congress met in joint con- 
 vention on the 1st of February, 1877, and began 
 the counting of the electoral vote. When the 
 vote of Florida was reached, three certificates were 
 presented and were referred to the Electoral Com- 
 mission. This body, upon hearing the arguments 
 of the counsel of the Democratic and Republican 
 parties, decided that it had no power to go behind 
 the action of the Return Board, and that the cer 
 tificate of that body giving the vote of that State 
 to Hayes must be accepted by the two Houses of 
 Congress The vote by which this decision was 
 reached stood eight (all Republicans) in favor of 
 it, and seven (all Democrats) against it. A similar 
 conclusion was come to in the case of Louisiana. 
 Objections were made to the reception of the votes 
 of Oregon and South Carolina. In the Oregon 
 case the decision was unanimously in favor of 
 counting the votes of the Hayes electors. In the 
 South Carolina case the commission decided that 
 the Democratic electors were not lawfully chosen ; 
 but on the motion to give the State to Hayes the 
 vote stood 8 yeas to 7 nays. So South Carolina 
 was counted for Hayes. Objection was made on 
 the ground of ineligibility to certain electors from 
 Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, 
 Vermont, and Wisconsin, but the objections were 
 not sustained by the two Houses. 
 
 This Commission made its final report on all the 
 cases submitted to them, on the 2d day of March,
 
 416 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. ' 
 
 and according to their decision, Hayes and Wheeler 
 received 185 votes, and Tilden and Hendricks 184 
 votes. The States that v^ted for Hayes and 
 Wheeler were California, Colorado, Florida, Illinois, 
 Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts, 
 Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New 
 Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Rhode Island, Pennsyl- 
 vania, South Carolina, Vermont and Wisconsin ; 
 and those which voted for Tilden and Hendricks 
 were Alabama, Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, 
 Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, 
 Missouri, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, 
 Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia. 
 
 General Grant, on the expiration of his second 
 term, retired from office, but remained in Wash- 
 ington City, receiving marked demonstrations of 
 the admiration of his friends for some months, 
 before starting upon an extensive travel through 
 Europe and around the world. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF RUTHERFORD B. 
 HAYES. 
 
 4th of March, 1877 4th of March, 1881. 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes, the nineteenth President of 
 the United States, was inaugurated at Washington 
 on Monday, March 5th, 1877. As the 4th of 
 March fell on Sunday, the President-elect simply 
 took the oath of office on that day. The inaugural 
 ceremonies were carried out on the 5th at the
 
 BUTHERFORD B. HAYES. 
 
 27
 
 418 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 capitol with the usual pomp and parade, and hi 
 the presence of an enormous multitude of citizens 
 and visiting military organizations from all parts 
 of the country. After the customary reception by 
 the Senate, the new President was escorted to the 
 eastern portico of the capitol, where he delivered 
 his inaugural address to the assembled multitude, 
 after which the oath of office was publicly adminis- 
 tered to him by Chief-Justice Waite. 
 
 The new President was a native of Ohio, having 
 been born at Delaware, in that State, on the 4th 
 of October, 1822. He graduated at Kenyon Col- 
 lege, Ohio, and obtained his professional education 
 at the law school, Cambridge, Mass. He began the 
 practice of law at Cincinnati in 1856. Soon after 
 the opening of the war he enlisted in the Twenty- 
 third Ohio Volunteers, with which regiment he 
 served as major, lieutenant-colonel and colonel 
 He led his regiment, which formed a part of 
 General Reno's division, at the battle of South 
 Mountain, in September, 1862, and was severely 
 wounded in the arm in that engagement. In the 
 fall of 1862 he was made colonel of the regiment, 
 and in 1864 was promoted to the rank of brigadier, 
 general of volunteers, and was brevetted major- 
 general, "for gallant and distinguished services 
 during the campaigns of 1864 in West Virginia, 
 and particularly in the battles of Fisher's Hill and 
 Cedar Creek." At the time of this last promotion 
 he was in command of a division. He serve4
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 419 
 
 until the close of the war, receiving four wounds 
 and having five horses shot under him during his 
 fnilitary career. In the fall of 1864 he was elected 
 to Congress, and was returned a second time in 
 1866. In 1867, before the expiration of his Con- 
 gressional term, he was elected Governor of Ohio, 
 and was re-elected to that office in 1869, being 
 each time the candidate of the Republican party. 
 In 1870 General Hayes was again elected to Con- 
 gress, and in 1874 was nominated for a third term 
 as Governor of Ohio. His opponent was Governor 
 William Allen, one of the most popular of the 
 Democratic leaders of Ohio. General Hayes \vn 
 elected by a handsome majority. He resigned this 
 office in March, 1877, to enter upon his new duties 
 as President of the United States. 
 
 President Hayes selected as his cabinet William 
 M. Evarts, of New York, Secretary of State; 
 John Sherman, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
 George W. McCrary, of Iowa, Secretary of War; 
 Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, Secretary of 
 the Navy; Carl Schurz, of Missouri, Secretary of 
 the Interior ; David M. Key, of Tennessee, Post/ 
 master-General ; and Charles E. Devens, of Massa- 
 chusetts, Attorney-General. The cabinet was of a 
 composite character and generally regarded as a very 
 conservative one. Mr. Hayes, early in his admin' 
 istration, adopted several reforms in the civil servicej 
 one of which was not to allow Federal office- 
 holders to take active part in elections.
 
 420 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Few Presidents were ever so embarrassed upon 
 entering on the duties of the office as he was. At 
 this time the States of South Carolina and Lou- 
 isiana were in a quasi civil war. Two Governors 
 in each were claiming to be entitled to the execu- 
 tive chair. Two legislatures in each were also 
 claiming to be rightfully entitled to the law-making 
 power. 
 
 Mr._Haves displayed the most consummate skill 
 in the conduct and settlement of these most em- 
 barrassing questions. In the summer of 1880 the 
 various political parties of the country met in Con- 
 vention to nominate candidates for the Presidency 
 and Vice-Presidency of the United States. The 
 Republican Convention met in Chicago on the 2d 
 of June, and nominated James A. Garfield, of Ohio, 
 for President, and Chester A. Arthur, of New 
 York, for Vice- President. (The platform and all 
 the ballots of this convention will be found in 
 another part of this work.) The Democratic Con- 
 vention met in Cincinnati, on the 22d of June, and 
 nominated Winfield Scott Hancock, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, for President, and William H. English, of 
 Indiana, for Vice-President. The Greenback Con- 
 vention met at Chicago, on the 9th of June, and 
 nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for Presi- 
 dent, and B. J. Chambers, of Texas, for Vice- 
 President. 
 
 The election was held on the 2d of November, 
 <md resulted in the choice of General James A,
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 421 
 
 Garfield, who received 214 electoral votes to 155 
 electoral votes cast for General Hancock. 
 
 The States that voted for Garfield and Arthur 
 were : Colorado, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, 
 Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, 
 Minnesota, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New York, 
 Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Ver- 
 mont, Wisconsin ; and those that voted for Han- 
 cock and English were : Alabama, Arkansas, Del- 
 aware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, 
 Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, New 
 Jersey, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, 
 Texas, Virginia, West Virginia. 
 
 The State of California was divided. She casi 
 one vote for Garfield and Arthur, and five fot 
 Hancock and English. 
 
 The last days of Mr. Hayes' administration were 
 the happiest he spent in the White House. Ai 
 the close of his term, he retired to his residence at 
 Fremont, Ohio, followed by the good will of mil* 
 lions of his fellow-citizens. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF GARFIELD. 
 
 4th of March, 1881 19th of September, 1881. 
 
 On Friday, March 4th, 1881, the inauguration 
 ceremonies took place upon a scale of unusual mag 
 nificence, and were participated in by nurnerouu 
 military and civic organizations, and by thousand j 
 of citizens from all parts of the country, After thi
 
 422 
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 new Vice-President had taken the oath of office, 
 President-elect Garfield was formally received by 
 the Senate, and escorted to the eastern portico of 
 the capitol, where, in the presence of an immense 
 multitude of citizens and soldiery, he delivered 
 
 JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 an able and eloquent inaugural address, and took 
 the oath of office at the hands of Chief-Justice 
 H r aite. 
 The new President had been long and favorably
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 423 
 
 known to his countrymen. He was in his fiftieth 
 year, and in vigorous health. A man of command- 
 ing presence, he was dignified and courteous in his 
 demeanor, accessible to the humblest citizen, and 
 deservedly popular with men of all parties. Born 
 a poor boy, without influential friends, he had by 
 his own efforts secured a thorough collegiate edu- 
 cation, and had carefully fitted himself for the 
 arduous duties he was now called upon to dis- 
 charge. Entering the army at the outbreak of the 
 civil war, he had won a brilliant reputation as a 
 soldier, and been promoted to th*e rank of Major- 
 General of volunteers. Elected to Congress from 
 Ohio, in 1862, he had entered the House of Repre- 
 sentatives in December, 1863, and had seen almost 
 eighteen years of constant service in that body, in 
 which he had long ranked as one of the most bril- 
 liant and trusted leaders of the Republican party. 
 Early in 1880 he had been chosen a United States 
 Senator from Ohio, but had been prevented from 
 taking his seat in the Senate by his election to the 
 Presidency. Immediately after his inauguration 
 the names of the new cabinet were sent to the 
 Senate, and were confirmed without opposition. 
 James G. Blaine, of Maine, was Secretary of State ; 
 William Windom, of Minnesota, was Secretary of 
 the Treasury ; Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois, son of 
 ex-President Abraham Lincoln, was Secretary of 
 War; William H. Hunt, of Louisiana, was Secretary 
 of the Navy ; Samuel J. Kirk wood, of Iowa, was Sec-
 
 424 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 retary of the Interior ; Thomas L. James, of New 
 York, was Postmaster-General, and Wayne Me 
 Veagh, of Pennsylvania, was Attorney-General. 
 
 The Cabinet was regarded, generally, as one 
 very judiciously selected, being all men of marked 
 ability, though of somewhat different shades of 
 opinion in the Republican party. 
 
 As the time wore on, President Garfield gained 
 steadily in the esteem of his countrymen. His 
 purpose to give to the nation a fair and just ad- 
 ministration of the government was every day 
 more apparent, and his high and noble qualities 
 became more conspicuous. Men began to feel for 
 the first time in many years that the Executive 
 chair was occupied by a President capable of con- 
 ceiving a pure and noble standard of duty, and 
 possessed of the firmness and strength of will 
 necessary to carry it into execution. The country 
 was prosperous, and there was every reason to ex- 
 pect a continuance of the general happiness. 
 
 On the morning of July 2d, President Garfield, 
 accompanied by a distinguished party, including 
 several members of the Cabinet, preceeded to the 
 Baltimore and Potomac depot, in Washington, to 
 take the cars for Long Branch. The President 
 arrived in company with Secretary Blaine. They 
 left the President's carriage together, and walked 
 arm-in-arm into the depot. In passing through 
 the ladies' waiting-room, the President was fired at 
 twice by a man named Charles J. Guiteau. The
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 425 
 
 first shot inflicted a slight wound in the President's 
 right arm, and the second a terrible wound in the 
 right side of his back, between the hip and the 
 kidney. The President fell heavily to the floor, 
 and the assassin was secured as he was seeking to 
 make his escape from the building. 
 
 The whole city was thrown into the greatest 
 consternation and agitation when swift-winged 
 rumor bore the news through every street and 
 avenue, that the President had been assassinated ! 
 The wires carried the same consternation through- 
 out the length and breadth of the Union, as well 
 as to foreign nations. 
 
 In the meantime, the suffering President re- 
 ceived every attention that could be given. He 
 was borne as soon as possible to the Executive 
 mansion, where many eminent surgeons of the 
 country were soon summoned to his bedside ; but 
 no permanent relief was given. The ball was not 
 found, and he continued to suffer and languish for 
 weeks. His physicians thought it best to remove 
 him to Long Branch. Suitable and comfortable ar- 
 rangements were made for his travel from the 
 White House to Francklyn Cottage, at Elberon, at 
 that place, and his journey was successfully per- 
 formed on the 6th of September. 
 
 Here he continued to languish, with intervals of 
 hopeful improvement until he suddenly grew worse 
 on the 18th, and finally expired quietly at 10.35 
 p. M. ; on the 19th of September.
 
 426 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 His remains were taken to Washington and lay 
 in state in the rotunda of the capitol, after which 
 they were conveyed to Cleveland, Ohio, and there 
 interred with the most solemn and impressive cer- 
 emonies, Never before was there such universal 
 and unfeigned sorrow over the death of any public 
 official. 
 
 On the night of the death of the President at 
 Elberon, the members of the Cabinet present joined 
 in sending the following telegram to Mr. Arthur, 
 the Vice-President, who was at that time in the 
 city of New York : 
 
 " It becomes our painful duty to inform you of 
 the death of President Garfield, and to advise you 
 to take the oath cf office without delay." 
 
 Mr. Arthur, as advised by Mr. Garfield's Cabi- 
 net, immediately took the oath of office before 
 Judge Brady, one of the Justices of the Supreme 
 Court of the State of New York. 
 
 On the 22d of September President Arthur again 
 took the oath of office, this time at the hands of 
 the Chief-Justice of the United States, and was 
 quietly inaugurated in the Vice-President's room, 
 m the Capitol at Washington, delivering upon this 
 occasion a brief inaugural address. 
 
 President Arthur entered quietly upon the duties 
 of his administration, and his first acts were sat- 
 isfactory to a majority of his countrymen. As he 
 had been the leader of " the Stalwart " section of 
 the Republican party, it was felt by the menr
 
 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 427 
 
 bers of the Cabinet of the late President that he 
 should be free to choose his own advisers. There- 
 fore, immediately upon his accession to the Execu- 
 tive chair, Mr. Elaine and his colleagues tendered 
 
 CUESTER A. ARTHUR. 
 
 him their resignations. They were requested, 
 however, by the new President to retain their 
 offices until he could find suitable successors to
 
 428 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 them. To this they agreed, but before the yea* 
 was oul several important changes had been made 
 in the Cabinet. The principal of these were the sub- 
 stitution of Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New 
 Jersey, for Mr. Elaine, as Secretary of State, and 
 the appointment of Judge Charles J, Folger, of 
 Ohio, to the Treasury Department. 
 
 One of the first acts of tKe new administration 
 was to cause the indictment of Charles J. Guiteau 
 for the murder of President Garfield. After some 
 delay the trial of the assassin began on the 14th 
 of November. It ended on the 25th of January, 
 1882, in the conviction of Guiteau for the murder 
 2)f the late President. 
 
 The execution took place in the District jail on 
 the 30th of June, 1882, and was witnessed by 
 about 200 people, many of whom were represen- 
 tatives of the press. 
 
 The administration of President Arthur resulted 
 in the prosperity of the whole country, and was 
 satisfactory to the mass of the people. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF GROVER CLEVELAND. 
 
 THE twenty-second President of the United 
 States was Grover Cleveland. Mr, Cleveland was 
 a native of New Jersey, and was born in Caldwell, 
 Essex Co., March 18, 1837. He came from sturdy 
 New England stock, many of his ancestors having 
 held honorable positions in their respective locali- 
 tifiP Some of thorn were ministers, of which
 
 PRESIDENT GROYER CLEVELAND. 
 
 429
 
 430 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 number was President Cleveland's father. The 
 training in the family was such as to make the 
 boys, of whom there were several, upright, self- 
 reliant, acquainted with public affairs, and quali- 
 fied for useful life. 
 
 President Cleveland, after teaching two or three 
 years, studied law in Buffalo, was admitted to the 
 bar, became sheriff of the county, and, having re- 
 ceived the nomination for Governor of New York, 
 was elected by a large i:;ajority. This was fol- 
 lowed by his nomination in the Democratic Con- 
 vention of 1884 and his election in the following 
 November. 
 
 With very imposing ceremonies Mr. Cleveland 
 was inaugurated at Washington on the 4th of 
 March, 1885. His inaugural address was a clear, 
 manly and forcible presentation of the duties be- 
 longing to his high office, with some suggestions 
 concerning the vital questions of the hour. 
 
 President Cleveland's administration was char- 
 acterized by a conservative policy, a desire to pu- 
 rify official life, a bold and vigorous dealing with 
 the tariff question, and a careful guarding of the 
 public treasury. At the close of the third year of 
 his administration the Democratic party naturally 
 looked to him to be their standard-bearer during 
 the ensuing campaign.
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 431 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
 Benjamin Harrison was born at North Bend, 
 Ohic, August 2oth, 1833. John Scott Harrison, 
 
 BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
 father of Benjamin, served as a Governor of the 
 Northwestern Territory, and in this position as
 
 432 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 well as in that of member of Congress, rendered 
 good service. He was a farmer by occupation, 
 and entered public life only at the call of his 
 constituents. His illustrious son graduated at 
 Miami University, Ohio, in 1851, and on October 
 20th, 1853, married Miss Caroline Lavinia Scott, 
 of Oxford, Ohio. 
 
 Mr. Harrison was inaugurated March 4th, 1889. 
 His administration was such as to inspire con- 
 fidence in his ability, honesty of purpose, and 
 statesmanlike wisdom. With James G. Elaine for 
 Secretary of State, matters at issue between our 
 Government and Great Britain and Italy were 
 handled in a conservative manner, and at the 
 same time in a way so positive that no charge 
 of weakness or unpatriotic hesitation could be 
 brought against him. 
 
 Mr. Harrison approved the tariff legislation, 
 which had for its object protection to American 
 industries. He took decided groun^l in the dispute 
 with England concerning the Bering Sea fisheries. 
 He approved the legislation upon the Chinese 
 question, and was an ardent advocate of reciprocity 
 with the Republics of South America. 
 
 On public occasions he showed the same felicity 
 of speech which characterized him during the 
 campaign preceding his election, find his course 
 during his term of office was such as to enhance 
 his popularity and gather to his support the 
 substantial, controlling elements of his party.
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUE PKESIDENTS. 4o3 
 
 SECOND ADMINISTRATION OF GKOVEK CLEVELAND. 
 
 In November, 1892, Mr. Cleveland was elected 
 by a large majority, and was inaugurated on the 
 4th of March, 1893. There was the usual large 
 gathering at Washington of people from all parts 
 of the country, who were drawn together by the 
 imposing ceremonies of the occasion. 
 
 The capital was in gay attire ; there was a fine 
 military display; the streets through which the 
 procession passed were lined with crowds of spec- 
 tators, and among the Democrats there was a jubi- 
 lant feeling and expressions of congratulation upon 
 the return of Mr. Cleveland to the White House. 
 
 He entered upon the duties of his office at a 
 time when there was much discussion concerning 
 public questions, especially the tariff and the free 
 coinage of silver. A low protective tariff had 
 been the chief issue of the preceding campaign, 
 and it was understood that such legislation would 
 be adopted as would change the McKinley bill 
 and admit various kinds of imports from other 
 countries at lower rates. 
 
 One of the main features of Mr. Cleveland's 
 second administration was the enactment of the 
 Wilson tariff bill, which produced a marked effect 
 upon the revenues of the Government. So great 
 was the falling off in the treasury receipts that 
 upwards of $250,000,000 in bonds were issued, 
 " rl ' 1 'h found a ready market, thus relieving the
 
 434 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUK PRESIDENTS. 
 
 emergency and providing money for current ex- 
 penditures. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland's administration was also charac- 
 terized by a vigorous foreign policy. This was not 
 so evident in the early periods of it as subsequently, 
 when he protested against the encroachments of 
 Great Britain upon territory which the Republic 
 of Venezuela, in South America, claimed as her 
 own by lawful right. Much discussion followed 
 his message upon this subject, and there were 
 angry mutterings of war in both England and 
 America. This folly was speedily suppressed by 
 the uprising of a strong sentiment in both nations 
 in favor of peace and the settlement of all inter- 
 national questions by a court of arbitration. 
 
 Next came the Cuban question, the party of 
 freedom in that island having risen again in an 
 insurrection which was very formidable and prom- 
 ised to be successful. There were multitudes of 
 sympathizers with struggling Cuba throughout the 
 country, and their sentiment was vigorously ex- 
 pressed by the members of Congress. Resolutions 
 were passed by both houses granting the rights of 
 belligerents to the Cuban insurgents, but these 
 resolutions were not signed by Mr. Cleveland and 
 consequently failed of their intended effect. The 
 action of Congress produced a profound impression 
 in Spain, mobs assembled at various points, and 
 bitter insults were offered to the American flag. 
 Happily a peaceful policy prevailed.
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 WHAT IT COSTS THE PRESIDENT TO LIVE. 
 
 The official salary of t}ie President is fixed 
 by law at fifty thousand dollars per annum, 
 or two hundred thousand dollars for his term 
 of four years. At the beginning of each 
 term Congress makes an appropriation for 
 refurnishing the Executive Mansion. The 
 kitchen and pantry are supplied to a consid- 
 erable extent by the same body. Congress 
 pays all the employees about the house, from 
 the private secretary to the humblest boot 
 black; it provides fuel and lights; keeps up 
 the stables; and furnishes a corps of gar- 
 deners and a garden to supply the Presiden* 
 tial board with fruits, flowers, and vegetables, 
 Many persons suppose that these allowance? 
 ought to be enough to enable him to liv<? 
 comfortably. They are mistaken, however 
 The President is required by public opinion 
 to live in a style consistent with the dignity 
 of his position and the honor of the country, 
 and such a mode of life imposes upon him 
 many very heavy expenses. Besides this, 
 he is expected to be liberal and charitable 
 towards persons and meritorious causes seek- 
 ing his aid, and "their name is legion.'* Ee 
 cannot give as a private individual; his do- 
 riation must be large. The expense of en- 
 tertaining the various officers of the Govern- 
 ment, members of Congress, and Foreign
 
 438 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 Ministers, is enormous. One hundred thou 
 sand dollars per annum would not be too 
 much to allow him. 
 
 THE PRESIDENT'S VISITORS. 
 
 Access to the President may be easily had 
 by any person having legitimate business 
 with him, or wishing to pay his respects to 
 the Chief Magistrate of the Union, but, as 
 His Excellency's time is valuable and much 
 occupied, interviews are limited to the short- 
 est possible duration. Visitors, upon such 
 occasions, repair to the reception-room ad- 
 joining the President's private office, send 
 in their cards, and await His Excellency's 
 pleasure. 
 
 Besides granting these private interviews, 
 the President holds public receptions or 
 levees at stated times during the sessions of 
 Congress. 
 
 His official title ;s "Mr. President," but 
 courtesy has added that of "His Excellency." 
 It is worthy of remark that none of the Ex- 
 ecutive officers of the States of the Union 
 except the Governor of Massachusetts, have 
 any legal claim to the titles "His Excel- 
 lency" and "Tour Excellency." 
 
 All sorts of people come to see the Presi- 
 dent, on all sorts of business. His immense 
 patronage makes him the object of the 
 efforts of many unprincipled men. His in-
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 437 
 
 tegrity is subjected to the severest trials 
 and if he come out of office poor, as happily 
 all of our Presidents have done, he must in- 
 deed be an honest man. His position is not 
 a bed of roses, for he cannot hope to please 
 all parties. His friends exaggerate his good 
 qualities, and often make him appear ridicu- 
 lous, while his enemies magnify his faults 
 and errors, and slander and persecute him 
 in every imaginable way. Pitfalls are set 
 for him along every step of his path, and he 
 must be wary indeed if he would not faU 
 into them. The late President Buchana* 
 once said that there were at least two per- 
 sons in the world who could not echo the 
 wish experienced by each American mother, 
 that her son might one day be President, 
 and that they were the retiring and the in- 
 coming Presidents, the first of whom was 
 worn and weary with the burden he way lay- 
 ing down, and the other for the first time 
 fully alive to the magnitude of the task he 
 had undertaken. 
 
 CABINET MEETINGS. 
 
 The Cabinet Ministers in our Government 
 are the Secretaries placed at the heads of 
 the various Departments. They are the 
 constitutional advisers of the President, but 
 he is not obliged to be governed by their 
 advice. It is customary, however, to lay all
 
 438 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 important matters before them for their 
 opinions thereupon, which are submitted in 
 writing at the request of the President, and 
 for this purpose regular meetings of the 
 Cabinet are held at stated times in a room 
 in the Executive Mansion, provided for that 
 purpose. It is located on the second floor of 
 the mansion, and is plainly but comfortably 
 furnished. 
 
 The relations existing between the Presi- 
 dent and his Cabinet are, or ought to be, of 
 the most friendly and confidential nature. 
 They are well set forth in the attitude main- 
 tained upon this point by Mr. Lincoln. Says 
 Mr. Eaymond, his biographer: "He always 
 maintained that the proper duty of each 
 Secretary was to direct the details of every- 
 thing done within his own Department, and 
 to tender such suggestions, information, and 
 advice to the President as he might solicit 
 at his hands. But the duty and responsi- 
 bility of deciding what line of policy should 
 be pursued, or what steps should be taken 
 in any specific case, in his judgment, be- 
 longed exclusively to the President ; and he 
 was always willing and ready to assume it." 
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 The Executive Mansion is situated on 
 Pennsylvania Avenue, near the western end
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 439 
 
 of the city, and is surrounded by the Treas- 
 ury, State, War, and Navy Departments. 
 The grounds in front are handsomely orna- 
 mented, and in the rear a fine park stretches 
 away to the rivei. The location is attractive, 
 and commands a magnificent view of the 
 Potomac, but it is not healthy. Ague and 
 fever prevails in the Spring and Fall, and 
 renders it anything but a desirable place of 
 residence. The building is constructed of 
 freestone painted white hence its most 
 common name, the "White House." It was 
 designed by James Hoban, and was modeled 
 after the palace of the duke of Leinster. 
 The corner-stone was laid on the 13th of 
 October, 1792, and the house Was ready for 
 occupancy in the Summer of 1800. It was 
 partially destroyed by the British in 1814. 
 It has a front of one hundred and seventy 
 feet, and a depth of eighty-six feet. It con- 
 tains two lofty stories of rooms, and the roof 
 is surrounded with a handsome balustrade. 
 The exterior walls are ornamented with fine 
 Ionic pilasters. On the north front is a 
 handsome portico, with four Ionic columns 
 in front, and a projecting screen with three 
 columns. The space between these two rows 
 of pillars is a covered carriage way. The 
 main entrance to the house is from this por- 
 tico through a massive doorway, which opens 
 into the main hall. The garden front has
 
 440 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 rusticated basement, which gives a third 
 story to the house on this side, and by a 
 semi-circular projecting colonnade of six 
 columns, with two flights of steps, leading 
 from the ground to the level of the principal 
 story. 
 
 THE INTERIOR OF THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 Entering by the main door, the visitor 
 finds himself in a handsome hall, divided 
 midway by a row of imitation marble pil- 
 lars, and ornamented with portraits of former 
 Presidents. Passing to the left, you enter 
 the magnificent banqueting hall, or, as it is 
 commonly called, 
 
 THE EAST ROOM, 
 
 which occupies the entire eastern side of the 
 house. It is a beautiful apartment, and is 
 handsomely furnished. It is used during 
 the levees and upon great State occasions. 
 The President sometimes receives here the 
 congratulations and respects of his fellow- 
 citizens, and is subjected to the torture ol 
 having his hand squeezed out of shape by 
 his enthusiastic friends. It's a great pity 
 that some one of our Chief Magistrates has 
 not the moral courage to put a stop to this 
 ridiculous practice of hand-shaking. The 
 East Boom is eighty-six feet long, forty feet 
 wide, and twenty-eight feet high. It has four
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 441 
 
 fire-places, and is not an easy room to warm 
 Adjoining the East Room are three others, 
 smaller in size, the whole constituting one ol 
 the handsomest suites in the country. The 
 first, adjoining the East Room, is the Green^ 
 Room, the ne\t the Blue Room, and the 
 third the Red Room. Each is handsomely 
 furnished, the prevailing color of the apart- 
 ment giving the name. 
 
 THE RED ROOM 
 
 is elliptical in foim having a bow in rear, 
 and is one of the handsomest in the house. 
 It is used by the President as a general re- 
 ception-room. He receives here the official 
 visits of the dignitaries of the Republic, and 
 of foreign ministers. Previous to the com- 
 pletion of the East Room, this apartment 
 was used for all occasions of public cere 
 mony. 
 
 The building contains thirty-one rooms ol 
 considerable size. West of the Red Room is 
 the large dining-room used upon State occa- 
 sions, and adjoining that is the small dining- 
 room ordinarily used by the President and 
 his family. The stairs to the upper story are 
 on the left of the main entrance, and are 
 always in charge of the door-keeper and 
 his assistants, whose business it is to see 
 that no improper characters find access to 
 the private portion of the house.
 
 442 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 The north front has six rooms, which are 
 used as chambers by the family of the Presi- 
 dent, and the south front has seven rooms 
 the ante-chamber, audience-room, cabinet- 
 room, private office of the President, the 
 ladies' parlor, and two others, used for vari- 
 ous purposes. 
 
 THE LADIES' PARLOR 
 
 is situated immediately over the Ked Room, 
 and is of the same size and shape. It is 
 for the private use of the ladies of the Pres- 
 ident's family, and is the handsomest and 
 most tastefully furnished apartment in the 
 house. 
 
 There are eleven rooms in the basement, 
 which are used as kitchens, pantries, but- 
 ler's room, &c. The house is built in the 
 old style, and has an air of elegance and 
 comfort extremely pleasing to the eye. 
 
 FIRST MISTRESS OF THE WHITE HOUSK. 
 
 Mrs. John Adams came to Washington 
 with her husband in November, 1800, and 
 at once took possession of the Executive 
 Mansion. Her impressions of it are thus 
 described by herself in a letter to her 
 daughter, written soon after her arrival. 
 She says : 
 
 "The house is upon a grand and superb 
 scale requiring about thirty servants to
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 443 
 
 attend and keep the apartments in propei 
 order, and perform the ordinary business of 
 the house and stables an establishment 
 very well proportioned to the President's 
 salary. The lighting the apartments, from 
 the kitchen to parlors and chambers, is a 
 tax indeed, and the fires wo are obliged to 
 keep to secure us from daily agues is an- 
 other very cheering comfort. To assist us 
 in this great castle, and render less attend- 
 ance necessary, bells are wholly wanting, 
 not one single one being hung through the 
 whole house, and promises are all you can 
 obtain. This is so great an inconvenience, 
 that I know not what to do or how to do. 
 The ladies from Georgetown and in the 
 city have many of them visited me. Yes- 
 terday I returned fifteen visits. But such 
 a place as Georgetown appears ! Why, our 
 Milton is beautiful. But no comparisons, 
 if they put me up bells, and let me have 
 wood enough to keep fires, I design to be 
 pleased. But, surrounded with forests, can 
 you believe that wood is not to be had, be- 
 cause people cannot be found to cut and 
 cart it? ... We have indeed, come into 
 a new country. 
 
 "The house is made habitable, but there 
 is not a single apartment finished, and all 
 within-side, except the plastering, has been 
 done since B. came. We have not the lead
 
 444 
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 fence, yard, or convenience without, and the 
 great unfinished audience-room I make a 
 drying-room of, to hang up the clothes in. 
 ... If the twelve years, in which this 
 place has been considered as the future seat 
 of government, had been improved, as they 
 would have been in New England, very 
 many of the present inconveniences would 
 have been removed. It is a beautiful spot, 
 capable of any improvement, and the more 
 ' view it, the more I am deligh^d with it." 
 
 OLD TIMES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 Mr. Cooper thus describes a dinner at the 
 White House, to which he was invited, 
 during its occupancy by Mr. Monroe : 
 
 " On this occasion, we were honored with 
 the presence of Mrs. Monroe, and two or 
 three of her female relatives. Crossing the 
 hall, we were admitted to a drawing-room, 
 in which most of the company were already 
 assembled. The hour was six. By far the 
 greater part of the guests were men, and 
 perhaps two-thirds were members of Con- 
 gress. . . . There was very great gravity 
 of mien in most of the company, and neither 
 any very marked exhibition, nor any posi- 
 tively striking want of grace of manner. 
 The conversation was commonplace, and a 
 little sombre, though two or three men of the 
 world got around the ladies, where the bat-
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 445 
 
 lie of words was maintained with sufficient 
 spirit. ... To me the entertainment had 
 rather a cold than a formal air. When dinner 
 was announced, the oldest Senator present 
 (there were two, and seniority of service is 
 meant) took Mrs. Monroe, and led her to 
 the table. The rest of the party followed 
 without much order. The President took a 
 lady, as usual, and preceded the rest of the 
 guests. 
 
 " The drawing-room was an apartment of 
 good size, and of just proportions. It might 
 have been about as large as the better sort 
 i)f Paris salon in a private hotel. It was 
 \irnished in a mixed style, partly English 
 and partly French. ... It was neat, 
 sufficiently rich, without being at all mag- 
 nificent, and, on the whole, was very much 
 like a similar apartment in the house of a 
 man of rank and fortune in Europe. The 
 dining-room was in a better taste than is 
 common here, being quite simple, and but 
 little furnished. The table was large and 
 rather handsome. The service was in china, 
 as is uniformly the case, plate being ex- 
 ceedingly rare, if at all used. There was, 
 however, a rich plateau, and a great abun- 
 dance of the smaller articles of table-plate. 
 The cloth, napkins, &c., &c., were fine and 
 beautiful 
 
 "The dinner was served in the French
 
 446 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 style, a little Americanized. The dishes 
 were handed round, though some of the 
 guests, appearing to prefer their own cus- 
 toms, coolly helped themselves to what they 
 found at hand. Of attendants there were a 
 good many. They were neatly dressed, out 
 of livery, and sufficient. To conclude, the 
 whole entertainment might have passed foi 
 a better sort of European dinner-party, at 
 which the guests were too numerous for 
 general or very agreeable discourse, and 
 some of them too new to be entirely at their 
 ease. Mrs. Monroe arose, at the end of the 
 dessert, and withdrew, attended by two or 
 three of the most gallant of the company. 
 No sooner was his wife's back turned, than 
 the President reseated himself, inviting his 
 guests to imitate the action. After allowing 
 his guests sufficient time to renew, in a few 
 glasses, the recollections of similar enjoy - 
 ments of their own, he arose himself, giving 
 the hint to his company, that it was time to 
 rejoin the ladies. In the drawing-room, 
 coffee was served, and everybody left the 
 house before nine." 
 
 AN OLD-TIME LEVEE. 
 
 "On the succeeding Wednesday Mrs 
 Monroe opened her doors to all the world. 
 No invitation was necessary, it being the 
 usage for the wife of the President to receive
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 447 
 
 company once a fortnight during the session, 
 without distinction of persons. 
 
 "We reached the White House at nine. 
 The court (or rather the grounds) was filled 
 with carriages, and the company was arriv- 
 ing in great numbers. On this occasion two 
 or three additional drawing-rooms were 
 opened, though the frugality of Congress has 
 prevented them from finishing the principal 
 reception-room of the building. I will ac- 
 knowledge the same sort of surprise I felt at 
 the Castle Garden fete, at finding the assem- 
 blage so respectable in air, dress and de- 
 portment. 
 
 "The evening at the White House, or 
 drawing-room, as it is sometimes pleasantly 
 called, is, in fact, a collection of all classes 
 of people, who choose to go to the trouble 
 and expense of appearing in dresses suited 
 to an ordinary evening party. I am not sure 
 that even dress is much regarded ; for I cer- 
 tainly saw a good many there in boots. The 
 females were all neatly and properly attired, 
 though few were ornamented with jewelry. 
 Of course, the poor and laboring classes ol 
 the community would find little or no pleas- 
 ure in such a scene. They consequently stay 
 away. The infamous, if known, would not 
 be admitted ; for it is a peculiar consequence 
 of the high tone of morals in this country, 
 that grave and notorious offenders rarely
 
 448 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 presume to violate the public feeling by in- 
 vading society.* 
 
 " Squeezing through the crowd, we achieved 
 a passage to a part of the room where Mrs. 
 Monroe was standing, surrounded by a bevy 
 of female friends. After making our bow 
 here, we sought the President. The latter 
 had posted himself at the top of the room, 
 where he remained most of the evening, 
 shaking hands with all who approached. 
 Near him stood all the Secretaries and a 
 great number of the most distinguished men 
 of the nation. Individuals of importance 
 from all parts of the Union were also here, 
 and were employed in the manner usual to 
 such scenes. 
 
 "Besides these, one meets here a greal 
 variety of people in other conditions of life. 
 I have known a cartman to leave his li Jirse 
 in the street, and go into the reception-room 
 to shake hands with the President. He 
 offended the good taste of all present, be- 
 cause it was not thought decent that a 
 laborer should come in a dirty dress on such 
 an occasion; but while he made a trifling 
 mistake in this particular, he proved how 
 well he understood the difference between 
 government and society. He knew the levee 
 was a sort of homage paid to political equal- 
 ity in the person of the first magistrate, but 
 
 * This was over sixty years ago. Author.
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 449 
 
 he would not have presumed to enter the 
 house of the same person as a private indi- 
 vidual, without being invited, or without a 
 reasonable excuse in the way of business. 
 
 "There are, no doubt, individuals who mis- 
 take the character of these assemblies, but 
 the great majority do not. They are a sim- 
 ple, periodical acknowledgment that there is 
 no legal barrier to the advancement of any 
 one to the first association in the Union. 
 You perceive, there are no masters of cere- 
 monies, no ushers, no announcings, nor, in- 
 deed, any let or hindrance to the ingress oi 
 all who please to come ; and yet how few, in 
 comparison to the whole number who might 
 enter, do actually appear. If there is any 
 man in Washington so dull as to suppose 
 equality means a right to thrust himself into 
 any company he pleases, it is probable he 
 satisfies himself by boasting that he can go 
 to the White House once a fortnight, as well 
 as a governor or anybody else." 
 
 ETIQUETTE. 
 
 The social observances of the White House 
 are prescribed with the utmost exactness. 
 At the commencement of Washington's ad- 
 ministration, the question of how to regulate 
 such matters was discussed with great ear* 1 - 
 estness. It was agreed that the exclusiv 
 rules by which European courts were gov- 
 
 29
 
 450 THE WHITE HOC8E. 
 
 erned would not entirely suit the new Re- 
 public, as there were no titled personages in 
 America, and as the society of our country 
 was organized on a professed basis of equal- 
 ity. Washington caused the following arti- 
 cles to be drawn up : 
 
 "In order to bring the members of society 
 together in the first instance, the custom of 
 the country has established that residents 
 shall pay the first visit to strangers, and, 
 among strangers, first comers to later comers, 
 foreign and domestic; the character of stran- 
 ger ceasing after the first visit. To this rule 
 there is a single exception. Foreign minis- 
 ters, from the necessity of making them- 
 selves known, pay the first visit to the 
 [cabinet] ministers of the nation, which is 
 returned. 
 
 "When brought together in society, all are 
 perfectly equal, whether foreign or domestic, 
 titled or untitled, in or out of office. 
 
 "All other observances are but exempli- 
 fications of these two principles. 
 
 "The families of foreign ministers, arriving 
 'it the seat of government, receive the first 
 visit from those of the national ministers, as 
 from all other residents. 
 
 "Members of the legislature and of the 
 judiciary, independent of their offices, have 
 a right, as strangers, to receive the first 
 visit.
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 451 
 
 "No title being admitted here, those of 
 foreigners give no precedence. 
 
 "Differences of grade among the diplo- 
 matic members give no precedence. 
 
 " At public ceremonies to which the gov- 
 ernment invites the presence of foreign min- 
 isters and their families, a convenient seat 
 or station will be provided for them, with 
 any other strangers invited, and the families 
 of the national ministers, each taking place 
 as they arrive, and without any precedence. 
 
 " To maintain the principle of equality, or 
 of pele mele, and prevent the growth of pre- 
 cedence out of courtesy, the members of the 
 executive will practise at their own houses 
 and recommend an adherence to the ancient 
 usage of the country, of gentlemen in mass 
 giving precedence to the ladies in mass, in 
 passing from one apartment where they are 
 assembled into another." 
 
 These rules were too arbitrary and exact- 
 ing to give satisfaction, and society was not 
 disposed to acknowledge so genuine an 
 equality amongst its members. For some 
 years, disputes and quarrels were frequent 
 and bitter. In the winter of 1819, John 
 Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State, ad- 
 dressed a letter to Daniel D. Tompkins, the 
 Vice-President, stating that he had been 
 informed that the members of the Senate 
 had agreed amongst themselves to pay no
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 first visits to any person except the Pres- 
 ident of the United States. He declared 
 that he repudiated the claim on the part of 
 the Senators, and that he would pay no first 
 calls himself as being due from him or his 
 family. Mr. Adams was severely criticised 
 for his aristocratic views, and the contro- 
 versy went on as warmly as before. The 
 result, a few years later, was, that all 
 parties interested agreed upon a code, which 
 is now in force, and which may be stated aa 
 follows, as far as the White House is con- 
 cerned : 
 
 THE CODE. 
 
 The title of the Executive is Mr. Pres- 
 ident. It is not proper to address him in 
 conversation as Your Excellency. 
 
 The President receives calls upon matters 
 of business at any hour, if he is unengaged. 
 He prefers that such visits should be made 
 in the morning. Stated times are appointed 
 for receiving persons who wish to pay their 
 respects to him. One morning and one 
 evening in each week are usually set apart 
 for this purpose. 
 
 During the winter season, a public recep- 
 tion, or levee, is held once a week, at which 
 guests are expected to appear in full dress. 
 They are presented by the Usher on such 
 occasions, and have the honor of shaking
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 453 
 
 hands with the President, These receptions 
 last from eight until ten o'clock. 
 
 On the 1st of January of each year, the 
 President holds a public reception, at which 
 the Foreign Ministers present in the city 
 appear in full court dress, and the officers 
 of the Army and Navy in full uniform. The 
 Heads of Departments, Governors of States, 
 and Members of Congress are received first, 
 then the Diplomatic Corps, then the officers 
 of the Arm}' and Navy, and then the doors 
 are thrown open to the public generally for 
 the space of two hours. 
 
 The President, as such, must not be in- 
 vited to dinner by any one, and accepts no 
 such invitations, and pays no calls or visits 
 of ceremony. He may visit in his private 
 capacity, however, at pleasure. 
 
 An invitation to dine at the White House 
 takes precedence of all others, and a pre 
 vious engagement must not be pleaded as 
 an excuse for declining it. Such an invita- 
 tion must be promptly accepted in, writing. 
 
 THE PRESIDENT'S RECEPTIONS. 
 
 The levees held by the President differ in 
 nothing from those of Mr. Monroe's time, 
 described a few pages back, except that the 
 East Room is now finished, and the whole 
 magnificent suite of apartments is used. 
 The elite of the land are present, but the
 
 454 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 infamous are also there in the persons of 
 those who live by plundering the public 
 treasury. 
 
 The President stands in one of the smaller 
 parlors, generally in the Red or Blue Room. 
 He is surrounded by his Cabinet, and the 
 most distinguished men in the land. Near 
 him stands his wife, daughter, or some 
 relative representing the mistress of the 
 mansion. Visitors enter from the hall, and 
 are presented to the President by the Usher, 
 who first asks their names, residences, and 
 avocations. The President shakes each one 
 by the hand cordially, utters a few pleasant 
 words in reply to the greeting of his guest, 
 and the visitor passes on into the next room, 
 to make way for those behind him. Before 
 doing so, however, he is presented to the 
 lady of the house, to whom he pays his re- 
 spects also. This regular routine goes on 
 for the space of two hours, when it is 
 brought to an end, the President devoutly 
 thanking* Heaven that it does not last aR 
 night. 
 
 These levees are no doubt very interesting 
 to the guests, but they are the bugbears of 
 the President and his family. The former is 
 obliged by custom to shake hands with 
 every man presented to him, and when the 
 levee is over, his right hand is often bruised 
 and swollen. It is said that some of the
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 455 
 
 Presidents have suffered severely from this 
 species of torture, and that General Har- 
 rison's death was to some degree hastened 
 by it. 
 
 President Arthur being a widower, and 
 having no grown-up daughter, his sister, 
 Mrs. McElroy, acted as lady of the White 
 House, and her amiable way of making 
 everybody at home, even at the receptions 
 of the Diplomatic Corps and distinguished 
 foreigners, will be gratefully remembered 
 by all who have been honored by an invi- 
 tation. 
 
 The semi-annual receptions of the Pres- 
 ident New Year's Day and the Fourth of 
 July are brilliant affairs. At a little before 
 eleven o'clock in the morning, the ap- 
 proaches to the Executive Mansion are 
 thronged with the spendid equipages of the 
 various Cabinet olficers and Foreign Minis- 
 ters. The entrance at such times is by the 
 main door, and the exit through one of the 
 large north windows of the East Room, in 
 front of which a temporary platform is 
 erected. The customs upon such occasions 
 vary slightly with each administration. In 
 the description given here, the order ob- 
 served at the reception of the President, 
 January 1, 1881, is followed. 
 
 The East Room and the other parlors are 
 handsomelv decorated with flowers and
 
 > THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 other ornaments, the full Marine Band is 
 in attendance to furnish music for the 
 promenaders in the East Eoom, and a 
 strong police force is present to preserve 
 order when the people are admitted en 
 masse. 
 
 At a few minutes before eleven o'clock, 
 the President and the ladies of the White 
 House, in full dress, take their places in 
 the Blue Room, the President standing near 
 the door leading into the Eed Room, and 
 the ladies in the centre of the Blue Room. 
 The President is attended by either the 
 Commissioner of Public Buildings, or the 
 Marshal of the District of Columbia, whose 
 duty it is to present the guests to him. A 
 gentleman is also appointed to attend the 
 ladies for the purpose of presenting the 
 guests to them. 
 
 Precisely at eleven o'clock the doors are 
 thrown open, and the reception begins. The 
 Cabinet Ministers and their families are ad 
 mitted first, and after they have passed on 
 into the East Room, through the Green Par- 
 lor, the Secretary of State remains and pre- 
 sents the Foreign Ministers and their fami- 
 lies. They are followed by the Justices of 
 the Supreme Court and their families. Then 
 come the Senators and Representatives in 
 Congress and their families. The next in 
 order are the officers of the Army, then the
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 457 
 
 officers of the Navy and Marine Corps, in 
 full uniform, and then the officials of the 
 District of Columbia. These personages 
 generally occupy the first hour. The doors 
 are then opened to the public, and the next 
 two hours are devoted to receiving them. 
 Several thousand persons are presented 
 during this period. They say a few pleas- 
 ant words to the President, receive a brief 
 reply, and pass on. 
 
 The promenaders in tne East Room often 
 linger in that apartment during the whole 
 reception. The scene is brilliant, the toi- 
 lettes are magnificent, the uniforms and court 
 dresses attractive, and the music fine. At a 
 little after two o'clock the parlors are de- 
 serted, and the gay throng has sought other 
 attractions. 
 
 Besides these public levees, the ladies of 
 the White House hold receptions at stated 
 periods, to which invitations are regularly 
 issued. The President sometimes appears 
 upon these occasions, but is under no obli- 
 gation to do so. 
 
 During the first two years of the adminis- 
 tration of Mr. Lincoln, he always selected a 
 lady to join the promenade with him at nib 
 evening receptions, thus leaving his wife free 
 to choose an escort from the distinguished 
 throng which always surrounded her on such 
 occasion. . This custom did not please Mrs
 
 458 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 Lincoln, who resolved to put a stop to it 
 She declared the practice absurd. "On such 
 occasions," said she, "our guests recognize 
 the position of the President as first of all ; 
 consequently he takes the lead in every- 
 thing ; well, now, if they recognize his posi 
 tion, they should also recognize mine. 1 am 
 his wife, and should lead with him. And 
 yet he offers his arm to any other lady in the 
 room, making her first with him, and placing 
 me second. The custom is an absurd one, 
 and I mean to abolish it. The dignity that 
 I owe to my position, as Mrs. President, de- 
 mands that I should not hesitate any longer 
 to act." 
 
 The spirited lady kept her word. Ever 
 after this, she either led the promenade witk. 
 the President, or that dignitary walked alone 
 or in company with some gentleman. 
 
 It has long been the custom for the Presi- 
 dent to give a series of State dinners during 
 the session of Congress, to which the various 
 members of that body, the higher Govern- 
 ment officials, and the Diplomatic Corps are 
 invited. In order to be able to entertain 
 each one of these celebrities it is necessary 
 to give about two dinners per week. The 
 custom was not much observed during Mr. 
 Lincoln's administration, though it has been 
 revived by his successor.
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 459 
 
 IMPERTINENT GOSSIP. 
 
 The President and his famil) are much 
 annoyed by the impertinent curiosity of 
 which they are the objects. There are "cores 
 of persons in Washington, some of whom are 
 doubtless well-meaning people, who are so 
 ignorant of the common decencies of society, 
 as to seek to lay bare before the public every 
 incident of the private life of the family at 
 the White House. The whole city rings with 
 gossip upon this topic, much of which finds 
 its way into the columns of the newspaper 
 press in various parts of the land, to the 
 great annoyance of its victims. There are 
 people who can tell you how the President 
 gets out of bed in the morning, how he 
 dresses, breakfasts, picks his teeth, what he 
 talks about in the privacy of his family, and 
 a thousand and one other such private de- 
 tails, until you turn from your informant 
 with the most intense disgust. It is said 
 that much of this comes from the servants 
 employed in the Executive Mansion, who 
 seem to think it adds to their importance to 
 retail such scandal. Every year this goes 
 on, and every new occupant of the Wliite 
 Bouse is subjected to such pei &eMitioi>.
 
 Appendix B. 
 
 ar<? said to be dry, but figures some- 
 have a 5^rge meaning. They are the skele- 
 ton, and no body would be good for much without 
 the skeleton. It is all a question of figures as to 
 whether a man is a millionaire or a pauper, whether 
 he is elected to the highest office in the gift of the 
 people or suffers inglorious defeat. Figures are 
 mighty ; they tell thrilling tales ; they rule the 
 world. 
 
 The next morning after an exciting election 
 every one wishes to know what figures have to say. 
 The following pages will be no less interesting as 
 records of history. You will find it profitable to 
 study the contests of party and the results of the 
 great campaigns as expressed in these tables. They 
 present the cold, hard facts ; they have the force 
 that always goes with statistics. The reader will 
 see that the two great political parties are very 
 evenly matched; neither has an overwhelming 
 advantage over the other in the popular vote. 
 
 461
 
 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 1860. 
 
 state* 
 
 Alabama, 
 Arkansas, 
 California, 
 Colorado, 
 Connecticut, 
 Delaware, 
 Florida, 
 Georgia, 
 Illinois, 
 Indiana, 
 Iowa, 
 Kansas, 
 Kentucky, 
 Louisiana, 
 Maine, 
 Maryland, 
 Massachusetts, 
 Michigan, 
 Minnesota, 
 Mississippi, 
 Missouri, 
 Nebraska, 
 Nevada, 
 New Hampshire, 
 New Jersey, 
 New York, 
 North Carolina, 
 Ohio, 
 Oregon, 
 Pennsylvania, 
 Rhode Island, 
 South Carolina, 
 Tennessee, 
 Texas, 
 Vermont, 
 Virginia, 
 West Virginia, 
 Wisconsin, 
 
 Lincoln, 
 R. 
 
 39173 
 
 Douglas, 
 D. 
 
 13651 
 5227 
 38516 
 
 Brecklnridge, 
 D. 
 
 48831 
 23732 
 34334 
 
 Bell, 
 
 27875 
 20094 
 6817 
 
 43792 
 3815 
 
 15522 
 1023 
 367 
 11590 
 160215 
 115509 
 55111 
 
 14641 
 7337 
 8543 
 51889 
 2404 
 12295 
 1048 
 
 3291 
 
 3864 
 5437 
 42886 
 4913 
 5306 
 1763 
 
 172161 
 139033 
 70409 
 
 1364 25651 
 7625 
 62811 26693 
 2294 5966 
 106533 34372 
 88480 65057 
 22069 11920 
 3283 
 17028 58081 
 
 5801 
 37519 22811 
 58324 62500 
 362646 312731 
 
 231610 18822 
 5270 3951 
 268030 16765 
 12244 7707 
 Electors chosen by 
 11350 
 
 33808 6849 
 1929 16290 
 
 53143 
 22681 
 6368 
 42482 
 5939 
 805 
 748 
 40797 
 31317 
 
 66058 
 20204 
 2046 
 41760 
 22331 
 405 
 62 
 25040 
 58372 
 
 
 
 2212 
 
 441 
 
 
 
 48539 
 11403 
 5006 
 
 178871 
 
 Legislature. 
 64709 
 47548 
 218 
 74323 
 
 44990 
 12194 
 183 
 12776 
 
 69274 
 15438 
 1969 
 74681 
 
 86110 
 
 65021 
 
 888 
 
 161 
 
 Totals, 
 
 1866452 1375157 847953 590631
 
 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 463 
 
 1864. 
 
 States. 
 
 Alabama, 
 ArkansaSj 
 California, 
 Colorado, 
 Connecticut, 
 Delaware, 
 Florida, 
 Georgia, 
 Illinois, 
 Indiana, 
 Iowa, 
 Kansas, 
 Kentucky, 
 Louisiana, 
 Maine, 
 Maryland, 
 Massachusetts, 
 Michigan, 
 Minnesota, 
 Mississippi, 
 Missouri, 
 Nebraska, 
 Nevada, 
 New Hampshire, 
 New Jersey, 
 New York, 
 North Carolina, 
 Ohio, 
 Oregon, 
 Pennsylvania, 
 Rhode Island, 
 South Carolina, 
 Tennessee, 
 Texas, 
 Vermont, 
 firginia, 
 West Virginia, 
 Wisconsin, 
 
 Lincoln, 
 
 McClellan, 
 D. 
 
 G r- 
 
 76366 
 22152 
 54592 
 
 Seymour, 
 
 72086 
 10078 
 54078 
 
 
 
 62134 
 
 43841 
 
 44691 
 8155 
 
 42285 
 8767 
 
 50996 
 7623 
 
 57134 
 256293 
 176552 
 120399 
 31047 
 39569 
 33263 
 70426 
 30438 
 136477 
 128550 
 43542 
 
 47951 
 
 10980 
 
 102822 
 199143 
 166980 
 74040 
 14019 
 115889 
 80225 
 42396 
 62357 
 59408 
 97009 
 28072 
 
 189996 
 150422 
 89075 
 16441 
 
 27786 
 
 158730 
 130233 
 40596 
 3691 
 64301 
 
 6814 
 40153 
 126742 
 91521 
 21060 
 
 46992 
 32739 
 4874C 
 74604 
 17375 
 
 72750 
 
 31678 
 
 85671 
 9729 
 6480 
 38191 
 80121 
 410883 
 96226 
 280128 
 10961 
 342280 
 12903 
 62301 
 56757 
 
 59788 
 - 5439 
 5218 
 31224 
 83001 
 429883 
 84090 
 237800 
 11125 
 313382 
 6548 
 45237 
 26311 
 
 9826 
 36400 
 60723 
 368732 
 
 6594 
 
 32871 
 68024 
 361986 
 
 265154 
 9888 
 296391 
 14349 
 
 20556S 
 8457 
 276316 
 8718 
 
 42419 
 
 13321 
 
 44167 
 
 12045 
 
 23152 
 83458 
 
 10438 
 65884 
 
 29025 
 108857 
 
 20306 
 84710 
 
 Totals, 
 
 2223035 811754 3013188 2703600
 
 464 
 
 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 *1876. 
 
 fl880. 
 
 States. 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 Arkansas, 
 
 California, 
 
 Colorado, 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 Florida, 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 Iowa, 
 
 Kansas, 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 Maine, 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Michigan, 
 
 Minnesotaj 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 Nebraska, 
 
 Nevada, 
 
 New Hampshire. 41,539 38,509 
 
 New Jersey, 103,517 115,962 
 
 New York, 489,207 521,949 
 
 North Carolina, 108,417 125,427 
 
 Ohio, 330,698 323,182 
 
 15,206 14,149 
 384,184 366,204 
 15,787 10,712 
 91,870 90,896 
 89,566 133,166 
 44,803 104,803 
 44,428 20,350 
 tf 5,558 139,670 
 42,046 56,495 
 130,070 123,926 
 
 Hayes, Tilden 
 R. D. 
 
 68,708 102,989 
 38,669 58,071 
 79,279 76,468 
 By Legislature. 
 59,034 61,934 
 10,752 13,381 
 23,849 22,927 
 50,446 130,088 
 278,232 258,601 
 208,011 213,526 
 171,326 112,121 
 78,322 37,902 
 97,156 159,696 
 75,315 70,508 
 66,300 49,917 
 71,981 91,780 
 150,063 108,777 
 166,534 141,095 
 72,962 48,799 
 52,605 112,173 
 145,029 203,077 
 31,916 17,554 
 10,383 9,308 
 
 Garfield Hancock 
 
 R. D. 
 
 56,221 91,185 
 42,436 
 80,348 
 
 60,775 
 80.426 
 
 27,450 24,647 
 
 67,071 
 
 14,133 
 
 Oregon, 
 Pennsylvania, 
 Rhode Island, 
 South Carolina, 
 
 Texas, 
 Vermont, 
 Virginia, 
 West Virginia, 
 Wisconsin, 
 
 Total, 
 Maj. over all, 
 
 64,415 
 15,275 
 
 23,654 27,964 
 
 54,086 102,470 
 
 318,037 277,321 
 
 232,164 225,522 
 
 183,927 105,845 
 
 121,549 59,801 
 
 106,306 149,068 
 
 38,637 65,067 
 
 74,039 65,171 
 
 78,515 93,706 
 
 165,205 111,960 
 
 185,341 131,597 
 
 93,903 53,315 
 
 34,854 75,750 
 
 153,567 208,609 
 
 54,979 28,523 
 
 8,732 9,613 
 
 44,852 40,794 
 
 120,555 122,565 
 
 555,544 534,511 
 
 115,874 124,208 
 
 375,048 340,821 
 
 20,619 19,948 
 
 444,704 407,428 
 
 18,195 10,779 
 
 58,071 112,312 
 
 107,677 128.191 
 
 57,893 156,428 
 
 45,567 18,316 
 
 84,020 128,586 
 
 46,243 57,391 
 
 144,400 114,649 
 
 Weaver, 
 G. 
 
 4,642 
 
 4,079 
 
 3,392 
 
 1,435 
 
 868 
 
 120 
 
 969 
 26,358 
 12,986 
 32,701 
 19,851 
 11,499 
 439 
 
 4,408 
 818 
 
 4,548 
 34,895 
 
 3,267 
 
 5,797 
 35,135 
 
 3,950 
 
 528 
 
 2,617 
 
 12,373 
 
 1,126 
 
 6,456 
 
 249 
 
 20,668 
 
 236 
 
 566 
 
 5,917 
 
 27,405 
 
 1,215 
 
 9,079 
 
 7,986 
 
 Dow, 
 P. 
 
 409 
 
 443 
 
 '592 
 25 
 
 258 
 
 "93 
 
 '682 
 942 
 286 
 
 180 
 
 19L 
 
 1,517 
 
 2*616 
 
 1,939 
 20 
 
 69 
 
 4,033,768 4,285,992 4,454,416 4,444,952 308,578 10,305 
 145,911 $9,464 
 
 * 1876 Greenback, 81,737; Prohibition, 9,522; American, 539 ; imper- 
 fect and scattering, 14,715. f 1880 Greenback, 308,578; Prohibition, 
 10,305; American, 707 ; imperfect and scattering, 989. J Plurality. A^ 
 over Garfield, 311,115.
 
 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 465 
 
 *1884. 
 
 States. 
 Alabama, 
 Arkansas, 
 California, 
 Colorado, 
 Connecticut, 
 Delaware, 
 Florida, 
 Georgia, 
 Illinois, 
 Indiana, 
 Iowa, 
 Kansas, 
 Kentucky, 
 Louisiana, 
 Maine, 
 Maryland, 
 Massachusetts, 
 Michigan, 
 Minnesota^ 
 Mississippi, 
 Missouri, 
 Nebraska, 
 Nevada, 
 New Hampshire, 
 New Jersey, 
 New York, 
 North Carolina, 
 Ohio, 
 Oregon, 
 Pennsylvania, 
 Rhode Island, 
 South Carolina, 
 Tennessee, 
 Texas, 
 Vermont, 
 Virginia, 
 West Virginia, 
 Wisconsin, 
 
 Total, 
 Plurality, 
 
 Elaine, 
 R. 
 
 59,591 
 50,895 
 102,416 
 36,290 
 65,923 
 12,951 
 28,031 
 48,603 
 337,474 
 238,463 
 197,089 
 154,406 
 118,122 
 46,347 
 72,209 
 85,699 
 146,724 
 192,669 
 111,923 
 43,509 
 202,929 
 76,912 
 7,193 
 43,249 
 123,440 
 562,005 
 125,068 
 400,082 
 26,860 
 473,804 
 19,030 
 21,733 
 124,078 
 93,141 
 39,514 
 139,356 
 63,096 
 161,157 
 
 Cleveland, 
 D. 
 93,951 
 72,927 
 89,288 
 27,723 
 67,199 
 16,964 
 31,766 
 94,667 
 312,355 
 244,990 
 177,316 
 90,132 
 152,961 
 62,540 
 52,140 
 96,932 
 122,481 
 149,835 
 70,144 
 76,510 
 235,988 
 54,391 
 5,578 
 39,183 
 127,798 
 563,154 
 142,952 
 368,280 
 24,604 
 392,785 
 12,391 
 69,890 
 133,258 
 225,309 
 17,331 
 145,497 
 67,317 
 146,459 
 
 Butler, 
 G. 
 
 873 
 1,847 
 2,017 
 1,958 
 1,688 
 6 
 
 St. Johii, 
 P. 
 612 
 
 2,920 
 761 
 2,305 
 55 
 72 
 195 
 12,074 
 3,028 
 1,472 
 4,495 
 3,139 
 
 145 
 
 10,910 
 8,293 
 
 16,341 
 1,691 
 
 3,953 
 531 
 24,433 
 42,243 
 
 3,583 
 
 2,160 
 2,794 
 10,026 
 18,403 
 
 4,684 
 
 
 2,153 
 2,899 
 
 
 26 
 552 
 3,496 
 16,994 
 
 1,571 
 6,159 
 25,016 
 454 
 11,069 
 492 
 15,283 
 928 
 
 5,179 
 726 
 16,992 
 422 
 
 957 
 3,321 
 
 785 
 
 "sio 
 
 4,598 
 
 1,131 
 3,534 
 1,752 
 138 
 939 
 7,656 
 
 4,851,981 
 23,005 
 
 4,874,986 
 
 175,370 
 
 150,369 
 
 * 1884 Blank, defective and scattering, 14,904. In consequence of the 
 uncertainties in the count resulting from the " fusions " formed, the plu- 
 rality shown for Cleveland must be considered an approximation to the 
 actual result not a definite result. All, over Cleveland. 317,638. 
 30
 
 466 
 
 POPULAR VOTE FCB PRESIDENT. 
 
 1888. 
 
 Cleveland. Harrison. Fisk. Streetei. 
 
 STATES. Dem. Rep. Pro. U. Labor. 
 
 Alabama 117,320 56,197 583 
 
 Arkansas 85,962 58,752 641 10,613 
 
 California 117,729 124,816 5,761 
 
 Colorado 37,567 50,774 2,191 1,266 
 
 Connecticut 74,920 74,584 4,234 240 
 
 Delaware 16,414 12,973 400 
 
 Florida 39,561 26,657 423 
 
 Georgia 100,499 40,496 1,808 136 
 
 Illinois 348,278 370,473 21,695 7,090 
 
 Indiana 261,013 263,361 9,881 2,694 
 
 Iowa. 179,887 211,598 3,550 9,105 
 
 Kansas 103,744 182,934 6,768 37,726 
 
 Kentucky 183,800 155,134 5,225 622 
 
 Louisiana 85,032 30,484 16C 39 
 
 Maine 50,481 73,734 2,691 1,344 
 
 Maryland .... 106,168 99,986 4,767 
 
 Massachusetts 151,855 183,892 8,701 
 
 Michigan 213.459 236,370 20,942 4,542 
 
 Minnesota 104,385 142,492 15,311 1,094 
 
 Mississippi 85,471 30,096 218 22 
 
 Missouri 261,974 236,257 4,539 18,632 
 
 Nebraska 80,552 108,425 9,429 4,226 
 
 Nevada 5,362 7,229 41 
 
 New Hampshire.. 43,456 45,728 1,593 13 
 
 New Jersey 151,493 144,344 7,904 
 
 New York 635,757 648,759 30,231 626 
 
 North Carolina.... 147,902 134,784 2,787 32 
 
 Ohio... 396,455 416,054 24,356 3,496 
 
 Oregon 26,522 33,291 1,677 363 
 
 Pennsylvania 446,633 526,091 20,947 3,873 
 
 Rhode Island 17,530 21,968 1,250 18 
 
 South Carolina.... 65,825 13,736 
 
 Tennessee 158,779 138,988 5,969 48 
 
 Texas 534,883 88,422 4,749 29,451; 
 
 Vermont 16,788 45,192 1,460 
 
 Virginia 151,977 150,438 1,678 
 
 West Virginia 79,664 77,791 669 1,064 
 
 Wisconsin 155,232 176,553 14,277 8,552 
 
 Total 5,540,329 5,439,853 249,506 146,935 
 
 Cleveland's majority on popular vote over Harrison was 
 
 100,476. Electoral vote : Harrisor 933; Cleveland, 168.
 
 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 467 
 
 
 1892. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Harrison. 
 
 Cleveland. 
 
 Bidwel 
 
 1. Weaver. 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Pro. 
 
 Peo. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 9,197 
 
 138,138 
 
 239 
 
 85,181 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 46,974 
 
 87,752 
 
 113 
 
 11,831 
 
 California 
 
 117,618 
 
 117,908 
 
 8,187 
 
 25,226 
 
 Colorado 
 
 38,620 
 
 
 1,687 
 
 53,584 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 77,032 
 
 82,395 
 
 4,026 
 
 809 
 
 Delaware 
 
 18,077 
 
 18,581 
 
 564 
 
 
 Florida 
 
 
 30,143 
 
 570 
 
 4,843 
 
 Georgia 
 
 48,305 
 
 129,386 
 
 988 
 
 42,939 
 
 Idaho 
 
 8,799 
 
 
 219 
 
 10,430 
 
 Illinois 
 
 399,288 
 
 426,281 
 
 25,870 
 
 22,207 
 
 Indiana 
 
 255,615 
 
 262,740 
 
 13,044 
 
 22,198 
 
 Iowa 
 
 219,373 
 
 196,408 
 
 6,322 
 
 20,616 
 
 Kansas 
 
 157,241 
 
 
 
 4,553 
 
 163,111 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 135,420 
 
 175,424 
 
 6,385 
 
 23,503 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 25,332 
 
 87,922 
 
 
 1,232 
 
 Maine 
 
 62,878 
 
 48,024 
 
 3,062 
 
 2,045 
 
 Maryland 
 
 92,736 
 
 113,866 
 
 5,877 
 
 796 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 202,814 
 
 176,813 
 
 7,539 
 
 3,210 
 
 Michigan 
 
 222,708 
 
 202,296 
 
 20,569 
 
 19,79f 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 , 122,736 
 
 100,579 
 
 14,017 
 
 30,398 
 
 Mississippi 
 Missouri 
 
 1,406 
 226,762 
 
 40,237 
 268,628 
 
 910 
 4,298 
 
 10,256 
 41,183 
 
 Montana 
 
 , 18,833 
 
 17,534 
 
 517 
 
 7,259 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 87,218 
 
 24,943 
 
 4,902 
 
 83,134 
 
 Nevada 
 
 2,822 
 
 711 
 
 85 
 
 7,267 
 
 New Hampshire , 
 
 45,658 
 
 42,081 
 
 1,297 
 
 293 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 , 156,080 
 
 171,066 
 
 8,134 
 
 9S5 
 
 New York 
 
 609,459 
 
 654,908 
 
 38,193 
 
 16,430 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 100,346 
 
 132,951 
 
 2,636 
 
 44,732 
 
 North Dakota 
 
 , 17,486 
 
 
 
 17,650 
 
 Ohio 
 
 405,187 
 
 404,115 
 
 26,012 
 
 14,852 
 
 Oregon 
 
 35,002 
 
 14,243 
 
 2,281 
 
 26,965 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 516,011 
 
 452,264 
 
 25,123 
 
 8,714 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 27,069 
 
 24,335 
 
 1,565 
 
 227 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 13,384 
 
 54,698 
 
 
 2,410 
 
 South Dakota 
 
 34,888 
 
 9,081 
 
 
 26,512 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 99,973 
 
 136,477 
 
 4,856 
 
 23,622 
 
 Texas , 
 
 81,444 
 
 239,148 
 
 2,165 
 
 99,638 
 
 Vermont 
 
 37,992 
 
 16,325 
 
 1,424 
 
 43 
 
 Virgi n ia 
 
 113,256 
 
 163,977 
 
 2,798 
 
 12,274 
 
 Wash ington 
 
 36,470 
 
 29,844 
 
 2,553 
 
 19,105 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 80,285 
 
 83,484 
 
 2,130 
 
 4,165 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 170,761 
 
 177,436 
 
 13,132 
 
 9,909 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 8,376 
 
 
 526 
 
 526 
 
 Total 
 
 5,186,931 
 
 5,553,142 
 
 268,361 
 
 1,030,128 
 
 Per cent 
 
 42.93 
 
 45.96 
 
 2.22 
 
 8.52 
 
 Total vote, 12,081,316. Cleveland's majority on popular vote over 
 Harrison was 366,211. All over Cleveland, 932,278.
 
 Appendix D. 
 
 THE PRESIDENTS AND THEIR 
 CABINETS. 
 
 THE Postmaster-General was not recognized afe 
 Cabinet officer until 1829. Those preceding this 
 late are, however, included in the cabinets to show 
 when they were appointed. 
 
 First Administration -Washington, 1789-1793. 
 
 President, George Washington, of Virginia; Vice- 
 /resident, John Adams, of Massachusetts; Secre- 
 tary of State, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; Secrev 
 tary of the Treasury, Alex. Hamilton, of New York; 
 Secretary of War, Henry Knox, of Massachusetts j 
 A.ttorney-General, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia; 
 Postmaster-General, Timothy Pickering, of Penn* 
 sylvania. 
 
 Second Administration Washington, 1 793- 1 797. 
 
 President, George Washington, of Virginia; Vice-* 
 President, John Adams, of Massachusetts ; Secre- 
 tary of State, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, to 
 January, 1794, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, to 
 December, 1795, Timothy Pickering, of Massa- 
 chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander 
 
 469
 
 470 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Hamilton, of New York, to February, 1795, Olivei 
 Wolcott, of Connecticut; Secretary of War, Henry 
 Knox, of Massachusetts, to January, 1795, Timothy 
 Pickering, of Massachusetts, to January, 1796, 
 James McHenry, of Maryland; Attorn ey-General ? 
 Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, to January, 1794, 
 William Bradford, of Pennsylvania, to December, 
 1795, Charles Lee, of Virginia; Postmaster-General, 
 Joseph Habersham, of Georgia. 
 
 Third Administration Adams, 1 797- 1 80 1 . 
 
 President, John Adams, of Massachusetts ; Vice> 
 President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; Secretary 
 of State, Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, to 
 May, 1800, John Marshall, of Virginia; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, Oliver Wolcott, of Massachusetts, 
 to January, 1801 ; Secretary of War, James Mc- 
 Henry, of Maryland, to May, 1800, Roger Gris- 
 wold, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Navy, 
 George Cabot, of Massachusetts, to March, 1798, 
 Benj. Stoddert, of Maryland ; Attorney-General, 
 Charles Lee, of Virginia, to February, 1801, Theo 
 Parsons, of Massachusetts; Postmaster-General, 
 Gideon Granger, of Connecticut. 
 
 Fourth Administration Jefferson, 1801-1805. 
 
 President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; Vice- 
 President, Aaron Burr, of New York; Secretary 
 of State, James Madison, of Virginia; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania ;
 
 APPENDIX D. 471 
 
 Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, of Massa- 
 chusetts ; Secretary of the Navy, Robert Smith, 
 of Maryland ; Attorney-General, Levi Lincoln, of 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Fifth Administration Jefferson, 1805-1809. 
 
 President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; Vice* 
 President, George Clinton, of New York ; Secretary 
 of State, James Madison, of Virginia ; Secretary of 
 the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania; 
 Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, of Massa- 
 chusetts; Secretary of the Navy, Jacob Crownin- 
 shield, of Massachusetts ; Attorney-General, Robert 
 Smith, of Maryland, to August, 1805, John Breck- 
 inridge, of Kentucky, to January, 1807, Caesar A. 
 Rodney, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Sixth Administration Madison, 1809-1813. 
 
 President, James Madison, of Virginia; Vice- 
 President, George Clinton, of New York ; Secre- 
 tary of State, Robert Smith, of Maryland, to April, 
 1811, James Monroe, of Virginia; Secretary of the 
 Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania ; Secre- 
 tary of War, William Eustis, of Massachusetts, to 
 January, 1813, John Armstrong, of New York ; 
 Secretary of the Navy, Paul Hamilton, of South 
 Carolina, to January, 1813, William Jones, of 
 Pennsylvania ; Attorney-General, Caesar A. Rod- 
 ney, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1811, William 
 Pinckney, of Maryland.
 
 472 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Seventh Administration Madison, 1813-1817. 
 
 President, James Madison, of Virginia; Vice- 
 President, Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts; Secre- 
 tary of State, James Monroe, of Virginia ; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania, 
 to February, 1814, George W. Campbell, of Ten- 
 nessee, to October, 1814, Alex. James Dallas, of 
 Pennsylvania, to October, 1816, William H. Craw- 
 ford, of Georgia; Secretary of War, James Monroe, 
 to August, 1815, William H. Crawford, of Georgia; 
 Secretary of the Navy, William P. Jones, of Penn- 
 sylvania, to December, 1814, B. W. Crowninshield, 
 of Massachusetts; Attorney -General, William 
 Pinckney, of Maryland, to February, 1814, Richard 
 Rush, of Pennsylvania ; Postmaster-General, Return 
 J. Meigs, of Ohio. 
 
 Eighth Administration Monroe, 1817-1821. 
 
 President, James Monroe, of Virginia; Vice- 
 President, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York; 
 Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, of Massa- 
 chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, William H. 
 Crawford, of Georgia; Secretary of War, Isaac 
 Shelby, of Kentucky, to April, 1817, George 
 Graham, of Virginia, to October, 1817, John C. Cal- 
 houn, of South Carolina; Secretary of the Navy, 
 B. W. Crowninshield, of Massachusetts, to Novem- 
 ber, 1818, Smith Thompson, of New York; Attor, 
 ney-General, Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, to 
 November, 1817, Wm. Wirt, of Virginia.
 
 APPENDIX D. 473 
 
 Ninth Administration Monroe, 1821-1825. 
 
 President, James Monroe, of Virginia; Vice- 
 President> Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York; 
 Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, of Massa- 
 chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, William H. 
 Crawford, of Georgia ; Secretary of War, John C. 
 Calhoun, of South Carolina ; Secretary of the Navy, 
 Smith Thompson, of New York, to September, 
 1823, Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey ; Attor- 
 ney-General, William Wirt, of Virginia; Post- 
 master-General, John McLean, of Ohio. 
 
 Tenth Administration J. Q.Adams, 1825-1829. 
 President, John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts; 
 Vice-President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; 
 Secretary of State, Henry Clay, of Kentucky; 
 Secretary of the Treasury, Richard Rush, of Penn- 
 sylvania; Secretary of War, James Barbour, of 
 Virginia, to May, 1828, Peter B. Porter, of New 
 York ; Secretary of the Navy, Samuel L. Southard, 
 of New Jersey ; Attorney-General, William Wirt, 
 of Virginia. 
 
 Eleventh Administration Jackson, 1829-1833. 
 President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee ; Vice- 
 President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; 
 Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren, to May, 
 1831, Edward Livingston, of Louisiana; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, to August, 1831^ Louis McLane, of Dela-
 
 474 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Ware ; Secretary of War, John H. Eaton, of Ten- 
 nessee, to August, 1831, Lewis Cass, of Ohio; 
 Secretary of the Navy, John Branch, of North 
 Carolina, to May, 1831, Levi Woodbury, of New 
 Hampshire; Attorney-General, John M. Berrien, 
 of Georgia, to July, 1831, Roger B. Taney, of 
 Maryland ; Postmaster-General, William T. Barry } 
 of Kentucky. 
 
 Twelfth Administration Jackson, 1833-1837. 
 
 President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee ; Vice- 
 President, Martin Van Buren, of New York ; Sec- 
 retary of State, Louis McLane, of Delaware, to 
 June, 1834 ; Secretary of the Treasury, William 
 J. Duane, of Pennsylvania, to September, 1833, 
 Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, to June, 1834, Levi 
 Woodbury, of New Hampshire ; Secretary of War, 
 Lewis Cass, of Ohio ; Secretary of the Navy, Louis 
 Woodbury, of New Hampshire, to June, 1834, 
 Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey; Postmaster- 
 General, William T. Barry, of Kentucky, to May, 
 1835, Amos Kendall, of Kentucky; Attorney- 
 General, Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, to Novem- 
 ber, 1833, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York. 
 
 Thirteenth Administration Van Buren, 1837-1841. 
 
 President, Martin Van Buren, of New York; 
 Vice-President, Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky ; 
 Secretary of State, John Forsyth, of Georgia; 
 Secretary of the Treasury, Levi Woodbury, of
 
 APPENDIX D. 47b 
 
 New Hampshire ; Secretary of War, Benjamin F. 
 Butler, of New York, to March, 1837, Joel K. 
 Poinsett, of South Carolina; Secretary of the 
 Navy, Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey, to June, 
 1838, James K. Paulding, of New Jersey; Post- 
 master-General, Amos Kendall, of Kentucky, to 
 May, 1840, John M. Niles, of Connecticut; At- 
 torney-General, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York, 
 to July, 1838, Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, to 
 January, 1840, Henry D. Gilpin, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Fourteenth Administration Harrison, Tyler, 1 84 1- 1 845 . 
 
 President, William Henry Harrison, of Ohio; 
 Vice- President, John Tyler, of Virginia ; Secretary 
 of State, Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, to 
 May, 1843, Hugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, to 
 July, 1843, Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, to March, 
 1844, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to 
 September, 1841, John C. Spencer, of New York, 
 to June, 1844, George M. Bibb, of Kentucky; 
 Secretary of War, John Bell, of Tennessee, to 
 September, 1841, John C. Spencer, of New York, 
 to March, 1843, James M. Porter, of Pennsylvania, 
 to February, 1844, then William Wilkens, of 
 Pennsylvania ; Secretary of the Navy, George E. 
 Badger, of North Carolina, to September, 1841, 
 Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, to July. 1843, Daniel 
 Henshaw, of Massachusetts, to February, 1844, 
 Thomas W. Gilmer, of Virginia, to March, 1844,
 
 476 APPENDIX D. 
 
 then John Y. Mason, of Virginia; Postmaster- 
 General, Francis Granger, of New York, to Sep- 
 tember, 1841, then Charles A. Wickliffe, of Ken- 
 tucky; Attorney-General, John J. Crittenden, of 
 Kentucky, to September, 1841, Hugh S. Legare, 
 of South Carolina, to July, 1843, then John Nel- 
 son, of Maryland. 
 
 Fifteenth Administration Polk, 1845-1849. 
 
 President, James K. Polk, of Tennessee ; Vice- 
 President, George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania; 
 Secretary of State, James Buchanan, of Pennsyl- 
 vania; Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. 
 Walker, of Mississippi ; Secretary of War, William 
 L. Marcy, of New York ; Secretary of the Navy, 
 George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, to September, 
 1846, then John Y. Mason, of Virginia; Post- 
 master-General, Cave Johnson, of Tennessee ; At- 
 torney-General, John Y. Mason, of Virginia, to 
 October, 1846, Nathan Clifford, of Maine, to June, 
 1848, then Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut. 
 
 Sixteenth Administration Taylor, Fillmore, 1849-1853. 
 
 President, Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana ; Vice- 
 President, Millard Fillmore, of New York ; Secre- 
 tary of State, John M. Clayton, of Delaware, to 
 July, 1850, Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, to 
 December, 1852, then Edward Everett, of Massa- 
 chusetts ; Secretary of the Treasury, William M. 
 Meredith, to July, 1850, then Thomas Corwin, of
 
 APPENDIX D. 477 
 
 Ohio ; Secretary of War, George W. Crawford, of 
 Georgia, to July 20, 1850, Edward Bates, of Mis- 
 souri, to July 23, 1850, Winfield Scott, of Vir- 
 ginia, to August, 1850, then Charles M. Conrad, 
 of Louisiana ; Secretary of the Navy, William B. 
 Preston, of Virginia, to July, 1850, William A. 
 Graham, of North Carolina, to July, 1852, then 
 John P. Kennedy, of Maryland ; Secretary of the 
 Interior, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to July, 1850, 
 James A. Pierce, of Maryland, to August, 1850. 
 Thomas M. T. McKennan, of Pennsylvania, to 
 September, 1850, then Alexander H. H. Stuart, of 
 Virginia ; Postmaster-General, Jacob Collarner, of 
 Vermont, to July, 1850, Nathan K. Hall, of New 
 York, to August, 1852, then Samuel D. Hubbard, 
 of Connecticut; Attorney-General, Reverdy John- 
 son, of Maryland, to July, 1850, then John J 
 Crittenden, of Kentucky. 
 
 Seventeenth Administration Pierce, 1853-1857. 
 
 President, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire; 
 Vice-President, William R. King, of Alabama; 
 Secretary of State, William L. Marcy, of New 
 York ; Secretary of the Treasury, James Guthrie, 
 of Kentucky ; Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, 
 of Mississippi ; Secretary of the Navy, James C. 
 Dobbin, of North Carolina ; Secretary of the In- 
 terior, Robert McClelland, of Michigan ; Post- 
 master-General, James Campbell, of Pennsylvania; 
 Attorney-General, Caleb Gushing, of Massachusetts.
 
 478 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Eighteenth Administration Buchanan, 1857-1861. 
 
 President, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, 
 Vice-President, John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky; 
 Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, to 
 March, 1857, then Jeremiah Black, of Pennsylva- 
 nia ; Secretary of the Treasury, Ho well Cobb, of 
 Georgia, to December, 1860, Phillip F. Thomas, 
 of Maryland, to January, 1861, then John A. Dix, 
 of New York; Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, 
 of Virginia, to January, 1861, then Joseph Holt, 
 of Kentucky; Secretary of the Navy, Isaac 
 Toucey, of Connecticut ; Secretary of the Interior, 
 Jacob Thompson ; Postmaster-General, Aaron V. 
 Brown, of Tennessee, to March, 1859, Joseph 
 Holt, of Kentucky, to February, 1861, then Hora- 
 tio King, of Maine; Attorney-General, Jeremiah 
 S- Black, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1860, then 
 Edwin M. Stan ton, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Nineteenth Administration Lincoln, 1 86 1 - 1 865 . 
 
 President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; Vice- 
 President, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine ; Secretary 
 of State, William H. Seward, of New York; Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, 
 to July, 1864, then William " Pitt Fessenden, of 
 Maine; Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, of 
 Pennsylvania, to January, 1862, then Edwin M. 
 Stan ton, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of the Navy, 
 Gideon Welles, of Connecticut; Secretary of the 
 Interior, Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, to January
 
 APPENDIX D. 479 
 
 1863, then John P. Usher, of Indiana ; Postmaster- 
 General, Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, to Sep- 
 tember, 1864, then William Dennison, of Ohio; 
 Attorney-General, Edward Bates, of Missouri, to 
 June, 1863, T. J. Coffey, of Pennsylvania, to De- 
 cember, 1864, then James Speed, of Kentucky. 
 
 Twentieth Administration Lincoln, Johnson, 1865-1869 
 
 President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; Vice 
 President, Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee ; Secre 
 tary of State, William H. Seward, of New York; 
 Secretary of the Treasury, Hugh McCulloch, of 
 Indiana; Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton) 
 of Pennsylvania, to August, 1867, U. S. Grant, of 
 Illinois, to February, 1868, Lorenzo Thomas, of 
 Delaware, to May, 1868, then John M. Schofield, 
 of Illinois; Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, 
 of Connecticut; Secretary of the Interior, John P. 
 Usher, of Indiana, to May, 1865, James Harlan, 
 of Iowa, to July, 1866, then 0. H. Browning, of 
 Illinois; Postmaster-General, William Dennison, 
 of Ohio, to July, 1866, then Alexander W. Ran- 
 dall, of Wisconsin ; Attorney-General, James Speed, 
 of Kentucky, to July, 1866, Henry Stanberry, of 
 Ohio, to July, 1868, then William M. Evarts, of 
 New York. 
 
 Twenty-first Administration Grant, 1869-1873. 
 
 President, U. S. Grant, of Illinois; Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana; Secretary of
 
 480 APPENDIX D. 
 
 State, E. B. Washburne, of Illinois, to March, 
 1869, then Hamilton Fish, of New York; Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, George S. Boutwell, of Mas- 
 sachusetts; Secretary of War, John A. Rawlins, 
 of Illinois, to September, 1869, then William T. 
 Sherman, of Ohio, to October, 1869, then William 
 W. Belknap, of Iowa; Secretary of the Navy, 
 Adolph E. Borie, of Pennsylvania, to June, 1869, 
 then George M. Robeson, of New Jersey; Secre- 
 tary of the Interior, Jacob D. Cox, of Ohio, to No- 
 vember, 1870, then Columbus Delano, of Ohio; 
 Postmaster-General, John A. J. Creswell, of Mary- 
 land; Attorney-General, E. Rockwood Hoar, of 
 Massachusetts, to June, 1870, Amos T. Akerman, 
 of Georgia, to December, 1861, then George H. 
 Williams, of Oregon. 
 
 Twenty-second Administration Grant, 1873-1877. 
 
 President, U. S. Grant, of Illinois; Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts; Secretary 
 of State, Hamilton Fish, of New York; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, William A. Richardson, of Mas- 
 sachusetts, to June, 1874, Benjamin F. Bristow, 
 of Kentucky, to June, 1876, then Lot M. Morrill 3 
 of Maine; Secretary of War, William W. Belknap, 
 of Iowa, to March, 1876, Alphonso Taft, of Ohio, 
 to May, 1876, then Donald Cameron, of Pennsyl- 
 vania; Secretary of the Navy, George M. Robe 
 son, of New Jersey; Secretary of the Interior, 
 Columbus Delano, of Ohio, to October, 1875, then
 
 APPENDIX D. 481 
 
 Zachariah Chandler, of Michigan; Postmaster- 
 General, John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, to 
 August, 1874, Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut, to 
 July, 1876, then James M. Tyner, of Indiana; 
 Attorney-General, George H. Williams, of Oregon, 
 to April, 1875, Edward Pierrepont, of New York, 
 to May, 1876, then Alphonso Taft, of Ohio. 
 
 Twenty-third Administration Hayes, 1 877- 1 88 1 . 
 
 President, Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio; Vice- 
 President, William A. Wheeler, of New York; 
 Secretary of State, William M. Evarts, of New 
 York; Secretary of the Treasury, John Sherman, 
 f Ohio; Secretary of War, George W. McCrary, 
 jf Iowa, to December, 1879, then Alexander 
 Ramsey, of Minnesota; Secretary of the Navy, 
 Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, to January, 
 1881, then Nathan Goff, of West Virginia; Secre- 
 tary of the Interior, Carl Schurz, of Missouri; 
 Postmaster-General, David McKey, of Tennessee, 
 to August, 1880, then Horace Maynard, of Tennes- 
 see; Attorney-General, Charles Deveni, of Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 Twenty-fourth Administration Garfield, Arthur, 
 1881-1885. 
 
 President, James A. Garfield, of Ohio; Vice- 
 President, Chester A. Arthur, of New York ; Sec- 
 retary of State, James G. Elaine, of Maine, to 
 September, 1881, then Frederick Frelinghuysen, 
 3;
 
 482 APPENDIX D. 
 
 of New Jersey; Secretary of the Treasury, Wil 
 Ham Windom, of Minnesota, to September, 1881, 
 then Charles Folger, of New York; Secretary of 
 War, Robert Lincoln, of Illinois; Secretary of 
 the Navy, William L. Hunt, of Louisiana, to 
 April, 1882, then William Chandler, of New 
 Hampshire ; Secretary of the Interior, Samuel J 
 Kirkwood, of Iowa, to April, 1882, then Henry F. 
 Teller, of Colorado ; Postmaster-General, Thomas 
 L. James, of New York, to October, 1881, Timothy 
 0. Howe, of Wisconsin, to October, 1883, then 
 Walter Q. Gresham, of Indiana ; Attorney-General, 
 Wayne McVeagh, of Pennsylvania, to September, 
 1881, then Benjamin H. Brewster, of Pennsyl 
 vania. 
 
 Twenty-fifth Administration Cleveland, Hendricks, 
 1885-1888. 
 
 President, Grover Cleveland, of New York; (the 
 Vice-Presidency is vacant, by reason of the death 
 of Mr. Hendricks;) Secretary of State, Thomas 
 Francis Bayard, of Delaware; Secretary of the 
 Treasury, Charles S. Fairchild, of New York; Sec- 
 retary of War, William C. Endicott, of Massachu- 
 setts; Postmaster-General, William F. Vilas, of 
 Wisconsin; Attorney-General, Augustus H. Gar- 
 land, of Arkansas ; Secretary of the Navy, William 
 C. Whitney, of New York ; Secretary of the In- 
 terior, Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. Mr. 
 Fairchild succeeded Daniel H. Manning as Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury. Don. M. Dickinson, of Mich- 
 igan, succeeded Mr. Vilas as Postmaster-General. 
 Mr. Vilas succeeded Mr. Lamar as Secretary of the 
 Interior. Mr. Lamar was elevated to the Supreme 
 Court.
 
 APPENDIX D. 483 
 
 Twenty-sixth Administration Harrison, Morton, 
 1889-1893. 
 
 President, Benjamin Harrison, Indiana; Vice- 
 President, Levi P. Morton, New York ; Secretary 
 of State, James G. Elaine, Maine ; Secretary of 
 the Treasury, William Windom, Minnesota (de- 
 ceased), succeeded by Charles Foster, Ohio; Sec- 
 retary of War, Redfield Proctor, Vermont (re- 
 signed), succeeded by Stephen B. Elkins, West 
 Virginia; Secretary of the Navy, Benjamin F. 
 Tracy, New York; Secretary of the Interior, 
 John W. Noble, Missouri; Postmaster-General, 
 John Wanamaker, Pennsylvania; Secretary of 
 Agriculture, Jeremiah M. Rusk, Wisconsin; 
 Attorney-General, William H. H. Miller. In- 
 diana. 
 
 Twenty-seventh Administration Cleveland, Stevenson, 
 
 1893-1897. 
 
 President, Grover Cleveland, New York ; Vice- 
 President, Adlai E. Stevenson, Illinois ; Secretary 
 of State, Richard Olney, Massachusetts ; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, John G. Carlisle, Kentucky; Sec- 
 retary of War, Daniel S. Lamont, New York ; At- 
 torney-General, Judson Harmon, Ohio ; Postmaster- 
 General, William L. Wilson, West Virginia ; Sec- 
 retary of the Navy, Hilary A. Herbert, Alabama; 
 Secretary of the Interior, Hoke Smith, Georgia ; 
 Secretary of Agriculture, J. Sterling Morton, Ne- 
 braska.
 
 Appendix E. 
 
 THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 
 THE Presidential Election will take place on 
 Tuesday, November 3, 1896. The Constitution 
 prescribes that each State shall appoint, in such 
 manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a 
 number of electors equal to the whole number of 
 Senators and Representatives to which the State 
 may be entitled in Congress. For the election this 
 year, the electors by States will be as follows : 
 
 STATES. Electoral Votes. 
 
 Alabama. 11 
 
 Arkansas 8 
 
 California 9 
 
 Colorado 4 
 
 Connecticut 6 
 
 Delaware 3 
 
 Florida 4 
 
 Georgia 13 
 
 Idaho 3 
 
 Illnois 24 
 
 Indiana 15 
 
 Iowa 13 
 
 Kansas 10 
 
 Kentucky 13 
 
 Louisiana 8 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland 8 
 
 Massachusetts 15 
 
 Michigan 14 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Missouri.... 
 Montana . . . 
 Nebraska... 
 
 STATES. Electoral Votes. 
 
 Nevada 3 
 
 New Hampshire 4 
 
 New Jersey 10 
 
 New York 36 
 
 North Carolina H 
 
 North Dakota 3 
 
 Ohio 23 
 
 Oregon 4 
 
 Pennsyl vania 32 
 
 Rhode Island 4 
 
 South Carolina 9 
 
 Tennessee 12 
 
 Texas 
 
 15 
 
 Utah 
 
 3 
 
 Vermont. .... 
 
 
 4 
 
 Virginia .. .. 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 West Virginia.... 
 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 Wvomine ,. 3 
 
 447 
 
 484 
 
 Necessary to a choice, 224.
 
 APPENDIX B. 485 
 
 No Senator or Representative, or person holding 
 an office of profit or trust under the United States, 
 shall be an elector. In all the States, the laws 
 thereof direct that the people shall choose the elec- 
 tors. The Constitution requires that the day when 
 electors are chosen shall be the same throughout 
 the United States. The electors shall meet in their 
 respective States on the first Wednesday in Decem- 
 ber, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent, one of whom at least shall not be an inhab- 
 itant of the same State with themselves. They 
 shall name in their ballots the person voted for as 
 President, and in distinct ballots the person voted 
 for as Vice-President : and they shall make dis- 
 tinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and 
 of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of 
 the number of votes for each; which lists they 
 shall sign and certify and transmit, sealed, to 
 Washington, directed to the President of the Sen- 
 ate, before the first Wednesday in January. On 
 the second Wednesday in February, the President 
 of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate 
 and House of Representatives, open all the certifi- 
 cates, and the votes shall then be counted. The 
 person having the greatest number of votes for Presi- 
 dent shall be the President, if such number shall be a 
 majority of the whole number of electors appointed; 
 and if no person have such a majority, then from 
 the persons having the highest numbers, not ex- 
 ceeding three, on the list of those voted for as
 
 486 APPENDIX K. 
 
 President, the House of Representatives shall 
 choose, immediately, by ballot, the President. But 
 in choosing the President, the vote shall be taken 
 by States, the representation from each State 
 having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall 
 consist of a member* or members from two-thirds 
 of the States, and a majority of all the States shall 
 be necessary to a choice. And if the House of 
 Representatives shall not choose a President when- 
 evev the right of choice shall devolve upon them, 
 before the fourth day of March next following, 
 then the Vice-President shall act as President, as 
 in case of the death or other constitutional disa- 
 bility. The person having the greatest number of 
 votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, 
 if such number be a majority of the whole number 
 of electors appointed; and if no person have a 
 majority, then from the two highest numbers on 
 the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; 
 a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds 
 of the whole number of Senators, and a majority 
 of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 
 No person, except a natural-born citizen or a citi- 
 zen of the United States at the time of the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution, shall be eligible to the 
 office of President; neither shall any person be 
 eligible to that office who shall not have attained 
 to the age of thirty-five years The qualifications 
 for Vice-President are the same.
 
 Appendix F, 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
 OF AMERICA. 
 
 We the People of the United States, in order fc 
 form a more perfect Union, establish justice, in- 
 sure domestic Tranquility, provide for the com- 
 mon defence, promote the general Welfare, and 
 secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and 
 our Posterity, do ordain and establish thig 
 CONSTITUTION for the United States of America. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted 
 shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, 
 which shall consist of a Senate and House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 Sec. 2. 1 The House of Representatives shall 
 be composed of Members chosen every second year 
 by the people of the several States, and the Elec- 
 tors in each State shall have the qualifications 
 requisite for Electors of the most numerous branch 
 of the State Legislature. 
 
 2 No person shall be a Representative who shall 
 not have attained to the age of twenty-five years 
 and been seven years a citizen of the United States, 
 and who shall not, when elected,, be an inhabitant 
 of that State in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 487
 
 488 APPENDIX 
 
 3 Representatives and direct Taxes shall be ap- 
 portioned among the several States which may be 
 included within this Union, according to their re- 
 spective numbers, which shall be determined by 
 adding to the whole number of free persons, includ- 
 ing those bound to service for a term of years, and 
 excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other 
 persons. The actual enumeration shall be made 
 within three years after the first meeting of the 
 Congress of the United States, and within every 
 subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as 
 they shall by law direct. The Number of Repre- 
 sentatives shall not exceed one for every 30,000, 
 but each State shall have at least one Represen- 
 tative ; and until such enumeration shall be made, 
 the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled txi 
 choose three; Massachusetts, eight; Rhode Island 
 and Providence Plantation, one ; Connecticut, five, 
 New York, six ; New Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, 
 eight ; Delaware, one ; Maryland, six ; Virginia, 
 ten ; North Carolina, five ; South Carolina, five ; 
 and Georgia, three. 
 
 4 When vacancies happen in the Representation 
 from any State, the executive authority thereof 
 shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 
 
 5 The House of Representatives shall choose 
 their Speaker and other officers ; and shall have 
 the sole power of impeachment. 
 
 Sec. 3. 1 The Senate of the United States shall 
 be composed of two senators from each Sta.te,
 
 APPENDIX 489 
 
 chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years: 
 and each senator shall have one vote. 
 
 2 Immediately after they shall be assembled in 
 consequence of the first election, they shall be 
 divided as equally as may be into three classes. 
 The seats of the senators of the first class shall be 
 vacated at the expiration of the second year, of 
 the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, 
 and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth 
 year, so that one-third may be chosen every second 
 year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or 
 otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of 
 any State, the executive thereof may make 
 temporary appointments until the next meeting of 
 the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 
 
 3 No person shall be a senator who shall not 
 have attained to the age of thirty years, and been 
 nine years a citizen of the United States, and who 
 shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that 
 State for which he shall be chosen. 
 
 4 The Vice-President of the United States shall 
 be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, 
 unless they be equally divided. 
 
 5 The Senate shall choose their other officers, and 
 also a President pro-tempore, in the absence of the 
 Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office 
 of President of the United States. 
 
 6 The Senate shall have the sole power to try 
 all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, 
 they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the
 
 490 APPENDIX 
 
 President of the United States is tried, the chief 
 justice shall preside : And no person shall be con- 
 victed without the concurrence of two-thirds of the 
 members present. 
 
 7 Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not 
 extend further than to removal from office, and dis- 
 qualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, 
 trust or profit under the United States; but the 
 party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and 
 subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punish- 
 ment, according to law. 
 
 Sec. 4. 1 The times, places and manner of hold- 
 ing elections for Senators and Representatives shall 
 be prescribed in each State by the legislature 
 thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law 
 make or alter such regulations, except as to the 
 places of choosing senators. 
 
 2 The Congress shall assemble at least once in 
 every year, and such meeting shall be on the first 
 Monday in December, unless they shall by law 
 appoint a different day. 
 
 Sec. 5. 1 Each House shall be the judge of 
 the election, returns and qualifications of its own 
 members, and a majority of each shall constitute a 
 quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may 
 adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized 
 to compel the attendance of absent members, in 
 such manner, and under such penalties as each 
 House may provide. 
 
 2 Each House may determine the rules of its
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 proceedings, punish its members for disorderly 
 behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, 
 expel a member. 
 
 3 Each House shall keep a journal of its pro- 
 ceedings, and from time to time publish the same, 
 excepting such parts as may in their j udgrnen t require 
 secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of 
 either House on any question shall, at the desire of 
 one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 
 
 4 Neither House during the session of Congress, 
 shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for 
 more than three days, nor to any other place than 
 that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Sec. 6. 1 The senators and representatives shall 
 receive a compensation for their services, to be 
 ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of 
 the United States. They shall in all cases, except 
 treason, felony and breach of peace, be privileged 
 from arrest during their attendance at the session of 
 their respective Houses, and in going to and return- 
 ing from the same; and for any speech or debate in 
 either House they shall not be questioned in any 
 other place. 
 
 2 No senator or representative shall, during the 
 time for which he was elected, be appointed to any 
 civil office under the authority of the United States, 
 which shall have been created, or the emoluments 
 whereof shall have been increased during such 
 time ; and no person holding any office under the 
 United States, shall be a member of either Houst 
 during his continuance in office.
 
 492 APPENDIX 
 
 Sec. 7. 1 All bills for raising revenue shall 
 originate in the House of Representatives ; but the 
 Senate may propose or concur with amendments 
 as on other bills. 
 
 2 Every bill which shall have passed the House 
 of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it 
 becomes a law, be presented to the President of the 
 United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but 
 if not he shall return it, with his objections, to that 
 House in which it shall have originated, who 
 shall enter the objections at large on their journal 
 and proceed to reconsider it. If after such recon- 
 sideration two-thirds of that House shall agree to 
 pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the 
 objections, to the other House, by which it shall 
 likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two- 
 thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But 
 in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be 
 determined by yeas and nays, and the names of 
 the persons voting for and against the bill shall be 
 entered on the journal of each House respectively. 
 If any bill shall not be returned by the President 
 within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall 
 have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, 
 in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the 
 Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, 
 in which case it shall not be a law. 
 
 3 Every order, resolution or vote to which the 
 concurrence of the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives may be necessary (except a question of
 
 APPENDIX 493 
 
 adjournment) shall be presented to the President 
 of the United States; and before the same shall 
 take effect, shall be approved by him, or being dis- 
 approved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds 
 of the Senate and House of Representatives, ac- 
 cording to the rules and limitations prescribed in 
 the case of a bill. 
 
 Sec. 8. The Congress shall have power 
 
 1 To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and 
 excises, to pay the debts and provide for the com- 
 mon defence and general welfare of the United 
 States ; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be 
 uniform throughout the United States. 
 
 2 To borrow money on the credit of the United 
 States ; 
 
 3 To regulate commerce with foreign nations, 
 and among the several States, and with the Indian 
 tribes ; 
 
 4 To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, 
 and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies 
 throughout the United States ; 
 
 5 To coin money, regulate the value thereof, 
 and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights 
 and measures ; 
 
 6 To provide for the punishment of counterfeit- 
 ing the securities and current coin of the United 
 States ; 
 
 7 To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 
 
 8 To promote the progress of science and useful 
 arts, by securing for limited times to authors and
 
 494 
 
 AF5ENDIX 
 
 inventors the exclusive right to their respective 
 writings and discoveries ; 
 
 9 To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme 
 Court; 
 
 10 To define and punish piracies and .felonies 
 committed on the high seas, and offences against 
 the law of nations ; 
 
 11 To declare war, grant letters of marque and 
 reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on 
 land and water ; 
 
 12 To raise and support armies, but no appro- 
 priation of money to that use shall be for a longer 
 term than two years ; 
 
 13 To provide and maintain a navy ; 
 
 14 To make rules for the government and regu- 
 lation of the land and naval forces ; 
 
 15 To provide for calling forth the militia to 
 execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrec- 
 tions and repel invasions ; 
 
 16 To provide for organizing, arming, and dis- 
 ciplining the militia, and for governing such part 
 of them as may be employed in the service of the 
 United States, reserving to the States respectively, 
 the appointment of the officers, and the authority 
 of training the militia according to the discipline 
 prescribed by Congress ; 
 
 17 To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases 
 whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten 
 miles square) as may, by cession of particular 
 States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the
 
 APPENDIX 495 
 
 seat of the government of the United States, and 
 to exercise like authority over all places purchased 
 by the consent of the Legislature of the State in 
 which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, 
 magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful 
 buildings; and 
 
 18 To make all laws which shall be necessary 
 and proper for carrying into execution the fore- 
 going powers, and all other powers vested by this 
 Constitution, in the government of the United 
 States, or in any department or officer thereof. 
 
 Sec. 9. 1 The migration or importation of such 
 persons as any of the States now existing shall 
 think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by 
 the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight 
 hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be im- 
 posed on such importation, not exceeding ten dol- 
 lars for each person. 
 
 2 The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall 
 not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion 
 or invasion the public safety may require it. 
 
 3 No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall 
 be passed. 
 
 4 No capitation, or other direct tax, shall be 
 laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumera- 
 tion herein before directed to be taken. 
 
 5 No tax or duty shall be laid on articles ex- 
 ported from any State. 
 
 6 No preference shall be given by any regula- 
 tion of commerce or revenue to the ports of one
 
 496 APPENDIX 
 
 State over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound 
 to, or from one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or 
 pay duties in another. 
 
 7 No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, 
 but in consequence of appropriations made by law; 
 and a regular statement and account of the re- 
 ceipts and expenditures of all public money shall 
 be published from time to time. 
 
 8 No title of nobility shall be granted by the 
 United States : And no person holding any office 
 ot profit or trust under them, shall, without the 
 consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- 
 ment, office or title, of any kind whatever, from 
 any king, prince, or foreign State. 
 
 Sec. 10. 1 No State shall enter into any treaty, 
 alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque 
 and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; 
 make anything but gold and silver coin a tender 
 in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex 
 post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of 
 contracts, or grant any title of nobility. 
 
 2 No State shall, without the consent of the 
 Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or 
 exports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
 for executing its inspection laws ; and the net pro- 
 duce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State 
 on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the 
 Treasury of the United States ; and all such laws 
 shall be subject to the revision and control of the 
 Congress.
 
 APPENDIX 497 
 
 3 No State shall, without the consent of Con- 
 gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or 
 ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agree- 
 ment or compact with another State, or with a 
 foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually 
 invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not 
 admit of delay. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 Sec. 1. 1 The executive power shall be vested 
 in a President of the United States of America. 
 He shall hold his office during the term of four 
 /ears, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen 
 for the same term, be elected, as follows : 
 
 2 Each State shall appoint, in such manner as 
 the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of 
 electors, equal to the whole number of senators 
 and representatives, to which the State may be 
 entitled in the Congress : but no senator or repre- 
 sentative, or person holding an office of trust or 
 profit under the United States shall be appointed 
 an elector. 
 
 [*The electors shall meet in their respective 
 States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom 
 one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same 
 State with themselves. And they shall make a 
 list of all the persons voted for, and of the number 
 of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and 
 certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the govern- 
 
 * This clause within brackets has beeu superseded and annulled by thy 
 twelfth amendment.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 ment of the United States, directed to the Presi- 
 dent of the Senate. The President of the Senate 
 shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of 
 Representatives, open all the certificates, and the 
 votes shall then be counted. The person having 
 the greatest number of votes shall be the President, 
 if such number be a majority of the whole number 
 of electors appointed ; and if there be more than 
 one who have such majority, and have an equal 
 number of votes, then the House of Representa- 
 tives shall immediately choose by ballot one of 
 them for President; and if no person have a ma- 
 jority, then from the five highest on the list the 
 said House shall, in like manner, choose the Presi- 
 dent. But in choosing the President, the votes 
 shall be taken by States, the representation from 
 each State having one vote; a quorum for this pur 
 pose shall consist of a member or members from 
 two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the 
 States shall be necessary to a choice. In every 
 case, after the choice of the President, the person 
 having the greatest number of votes of the elec- 
 tors, shall be the Vice-President. But if there 
 should remain two or more who have equal votes, 
 the Senate shall choose from them by ballot, the 
 Vice-President.] 
 
 3 The Congress may determine the time of 
 choosing the electors, and the day on which they 
 shall give their votes ; which day shall he the sam* 
 throughout the United States.
 
 JLFPENDIX 
 
 4 No person except a natural born citizen, or a 
 citizen of the United States, at the time of the 
 adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to 
 the office of President; neither shall any person 
 be eligible to that office who shall not have attained 
 to the age of thirty-five years and been fourteen 
 years a resident within the United States. 
 
 5 In case of the removal of the President from 
 office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to dis^ 
 charge the powers and duties of the said office, the 
 same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the 
 Congress may by law provide for the case of 
 removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of 
 the President and Vice-President, declaring what 
 officer shall then act as President, and such officer 
 shall act accordingly, until the disability be 
 removed, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 6 The President shall, at stated times, receive 
 for his services, a compensation, which shall neither 
 be increased nor diminished during the period for 
 which he shall have been elected, and he shall not 
 receive within that period any other emolument 
 from the United States, or any of them. 
 
 7 Before he enter on the execution of his office, 
 he shall take the following oath or affirmation : 
 
 " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will 
 faithfully execute the office of President of the 
 United States, and will, to the best of my ability, 
 preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of 
 the United States."
 
 500 APPENDIX 
 
 Sec. 2. 1 The President shall be commander, 
 in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, 
 and of the militia of the several States, when 
 called into the actual service of the United States; 
 he may require the opinion, in writing, of the 
 principal officer in each of the executive depart- 
 ments, upon any subject relating to the duties of 
 their respective offices, and he shall have power to 
 grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the 
 United States, except in cases of impeachment. 
 
 2 He shall have power by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, pro- 
 vided two-thirds of the senators present concur; 
 and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambas- 
 sadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges 
 of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the 
 United States, whose appointments are not herein 
 otherwise provided for, and which shall be estab- 
 lished by law ; but the Congress may by law vest the 
 appointment of such inferior officers, as they think 
 proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, 
 or in the heads of departments. 
 
 3 The President shall have power to fill up all 
 vacancies that may happen during the recess of the 
 Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire 
 at the end of their next session. 
 
 Sec. 3. He shall from time to time give tne 
 Congress information of the state of the Union, and 
 recommend to their consideration such measures as
 
 APPENDIX 601 
 
 V 
 
 he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, 
 on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, 
 or either of them, and in case of disagreement 
 between them, with respect to the time of adjourn- 
 ment, he may adjourn them to such time as he 
 shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors 
 and other public ministers ; he shall take care that 
 the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commis- 
 sion all the officers of the United States. 
 
 Sec. 4. The President, Vice-President and all 
 civil officers of the United States, shall be removed 
 from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, 
 treason, bribery, or other high crimes and mis- 
 demeanors. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 Sec. 1. The judicial power of the United States 
 shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such 
 inferior courts as the Congress may from time to 
 time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the 
 supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices 
 during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, 
 receive for their service a compensation, which 
 shall not be diminished during their continuance 
 in office. 
 
 Sec. 2. 1 The judicial power shall extend to all 
 cases, in law and equity, arising under this Consti- 
 tution, the laws of the United States and treaties 
 made, or which shall be made, under their authority; 
 to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public min-
 
 602 APPENDIX 
 
 isters and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and 
 maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which 
 the United States shall be a party ; to controver- 
 sies between two or more States ; between a State 
 and ci-tizens of another State, between citizens of 
 different States, between citizens of the same State 
 claiming lands under grants of different States, and 
 between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign 
 States, citizens or subjects. 
 
 2 In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
 ministers and consuls, and those in which a State 
 shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original 
 jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, 
 the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, 
 both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and 
 under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 
 
 3 The trial of all crimes, except in cases of im- 
 peachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall 
 be held in the State where the said crimes shall 
 have been committed; but when not committed 
 within any State, the trial shall be at such place or 
 places as the Congress may by law have directed. 
 
 Sec. 3. 1 Treason against the United States 
 shall consist only in levying war against them, or 
 in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and 
 comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason 
 unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the 
 same overt act, or on confession in open court. 
 
 2 The Congress shall have power to declare the 
 punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason
 
 APPENDIX 603 
 
 shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture except 
 during the life of the person attainted. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 Sec. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in 
 each State to the public acts, records, and judicial 
 proceedings of every other State. And the Con- 
 gress may by general laws prescribe the manner 
 in which such acts, records and proceedings shall 
 be proved, and the effect thereof. 
 
 Sec. 2. 1 The citizens of each State shall be 
 entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens 
 in the several States. 
 
 2 A person charged in any State with treason, 
 felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, 
 and be found in another State, shall on demand of 
 the executive authority of the State from which 
 he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the 
 State having jurisdiction of the crime. 
 
 3 No person held to service or labor in one 
 State, under the laws thereof, escaping into an- 
 other, shall, in consequence of any law or regula- 
 tion therein, be discharged from such service or 
 labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
 party to whom such service or labor may be due. 
 
 Sec. 3. 1 New States may be admitted by the 
 Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall 
 be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any 
 other State ; nor any State be formed by the junc- 
 tion of two or more States, or parts of States, with-
 
 604 APPENDIX 
 
 out the consent of the legislatures of the Statei 
 concerned as well as of the Congress. 
 
 2 The Congress shall have power to dispose of 
 and make all needful rules and regulations respect- 
 ing the territory or other property belonging to 
 the United States ; and nothing in this Constitu- 
 tion shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims 
 of the United States, or of any particular State. 
 
 Sec. 4. The United States shall guarantee to 
 every State in this Union a Republican form of 
 government, and shall protect each of them against 
 invasion, and on application of the legislature, or 
 of the executive (when the legislature cannot be 
 convened) against domestic violence. 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 
 The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both 
 Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
 amendments to this Constitution, or, on the appli- 
 cation of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the sev- 
 eral States, shall call a Convention for proposing 
 amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid 
 to all intents and purposes, as part of this Consti- 
 tution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three- 
 fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in 
 three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode 
 of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; 
 Provided that no amendment which may be made 
 prior to the year 1808 shall in any manner affect 
 the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of
 
 APPENDIX 665 
 
 the first article; and that no State, without ite 
 .consent-, shall be deprived of its equal' suffrage in 
 the Senate. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 
 1 All debts contracted and engagements entered 
 into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall 
 be as valid against the United States under this 
 Constitution, as under the Confederation. 
 
 2 This Constitution, and the laws of the United 
 States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; 
 and all treaties made, or which shall be made, 
 under the authority of the United States, shall be 
 the supreme law of the land ; and the Judges in 
 every State shall be bound thereby, anything ir. 
 the Constitution or laws of any State to the con* 
 trary notwithstanding. 
 
 3 The Senators and Representatives before men- 
 tioned, and the members of the several State Legis- 
 latures, and all executive and judicial officers, both 
 of the United States and of the several States, shall 
 be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this 
 Constitution.; but no religious test shall ever be 
 required as a qualification to any office or public 
 trust under the United States. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. 
 
 The ratification of the Conventions of nine 
 States shall be sufficient for the establishment of 
 this Constitution between the States so ratifying 
 the same.
 
 806 APPENDIX 
 
 DONE in Convention by the unanimous consent 
 of the States present the 17th day of Septem- 
 ber in the year of our Lord 1787, and of the 
 Independence of the United States of America, 
 the twelfth. In witness whereof we have 
 hereunto subscribed our names, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON, 
 President and deputy from Virginia. 
 
 New Hampshire. 
 John Langdon, Nicholas Oilman. 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King, 
 
 Connecticut. 
 Wm. Saml. Johnson, Roger Sherman. 
 
 New York. 
 Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 New Jersey. 
 
 Wil. Livingston, David Brearley, 
 William Paterson, Jonathan Dayton* 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 B. Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, 
 
 Robert Morris, George Clymer, 
 
 Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, 
 James Wilson, Gouverneur Morris. 
 
 Delaware. 
 
 George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun'r, 
 
 John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, 
 Jacob Broom,
 
 APPENDIX B07 
 
 Maryland. 
 
 James M*Henry, Dan. of St. Thos. Jenifer. 
 Daniel Carroll, 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 John Blair, James Madison, Jr. 
 
 North Carolina. 
 
 William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight. 
 Hugh Williamson, 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 J. Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 
 
 Charles Pincknej, Pierce Butler. 
 
 Georgia. 
 William Few, Abr. Baldwin. 
 
 Attest : WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. 
 
 ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO, AND AMENDMENT OF THE 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 Proposed by Congress and ratified by the Legisla- 
 tures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth 
 article of the original Constitution. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Congress shall make no law respecting an estab- 
 lishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
 thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of 
 the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to 
 assemble, and to petition the government for a re- 
 dress of grievances.
 
 508 APPENDIX 
 
 ARTICLE It. 
 
 A well regulated militia being necessary to the 
 security of a free State, the right of the people to 
 keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered 
 in any house, without the consent of the owner, 
 nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed 
 by law. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 The right of the people to be secure in their per- 
 sons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreason- 
 able searches and seizures, shall not be violated, 
 and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable 
 cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particu- 
 larly describing the place to be searched, and the 
 person or things to be seized. 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 
 No person shall be held to answer for a capital, 
 or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a present- 
 ment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in 
 cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the 
 militia, when in actual service in time of war or 
 public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for 
 the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of 
 life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any crimi- 
 nal case to be a witness against himself, nor be 
 deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due
 
 APPENDIX 509 
 
 ji/ocess of law ; nor shall private property be taken 
 for public use, without just compensation. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 
 In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall 
 enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an 
 impartial jury of the State and district wherein 
 the crime shall have been committed, which district 
 shall have been previously ascertained by law, and 
 to be informed of the nature and cause of the ac- 
 cusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses 
 against him ; to have compulsory process for obtain- 
 ing witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance 
 of counsel for his defence. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. 
 
 In suits at common law, where the value in con 
 troversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of 
 trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried 
 by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any 
 court of the United States, than according to the 
 rules of the common law. 
 
 ARTICLE VIII. 
 
 Excessive bail shall not be required, nor exces- 
 sive lines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punish- 
 ments inflicted. 
 
 ARTICLE IX. 
 
 The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain 
 rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage 
 others retained by the people.
 
 510 APPENDIX 
 
 ARTICLE X. 
 
 The powers not delegated to the United States 
 by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the 
 State, are reserved to the States respectively, or to 
 the people. 
 
 ARTICLE XI. 
 
 The judicial power of the United States shall not 
 be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, 
 commenced or prosecuted against one of the United 
 States by citizens of another State, or by citizens 
 or subjects of any foreign State. 
 
 ARTICLE XII. 
 
 The electors shall meet in their respective States 
 and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, 
 one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant 
 of the same State with themselves ; they shall 
 name in their ballots the person voted for as Presi- 
 dent, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as 
 Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists 
 of all persons voted for as President, and of all 
 persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the 
 number of votes for each, which list they shall 
 sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of 
 the government of the United States, directed to 
 the President of the Senate ; the President of the 
 Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House 
 of Representatives, open all the certificates, and 
 the votes shall then be counted ; the person having 
 the greatest number of votes for President shall
 
 APPENDIX 611 
 
 be the President, if such number be a majority of 
 the whole number of electors appointed ; and if 
 no person have such majority, then from the 
 persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding 
 three on the list of those voted for as President, 
 the House of Representatives shall choose immedi- 
 ately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing 
 the President the votes shall be taken by States, 
 the representation from each State having one 
 vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a 
 member or members from two-thirds of the States, 
 and a majority of all the States shall be necessary 
 to a choice. And if the House of Representative! 
 shall not choose a President whenever the right of 
 choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth 
 day of March next following, then the Vice-Presi- 
 dent shall act as President, as in the case of the 
 death or other constitutional disability of the 
 President. The person having the greatest number 
 of votes as Vice- President shall be the Vice-Presi- 
 dent, if such number be a majority of the whole 
 number of electors appointed, and if no person 
 have a majority, then from the two highest numbers 
 on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-Presi- 
 dent ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of 
 two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a 
 majority of the whole number shall be necessary 
 to a choice. But no person constitutionally in- 
 eligible to the office of President shall be eligible 
 to that of Vice- President of the United States.
 
 NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE 
 SILVERITES. 
 
 FT! WO National Conventions assembled in St. 
 *- Louis July 22, 1896, one that of the Silver- 
 ites, the other that of the Populists. 
 
 The Silver Party Convention was called to order 
 at noon by Francis G. Newlands, of Nevada, tem- 
 porary chairman. There were about four hundred 
 delegates present. Chairman Newlands, in his 
 speech, declared unequivocally for William J. 
 Bryan, the Democratic nominee, and the applause 
 which followed showed how the delegates stood 
 on this question. 
 
 Committees on Permanent Organization were 
 then appointed, and Chairman Newlands read a 
 telegram from Senator Teller. In this telegram 
 Mr. Teller said : " The money question over- 
 shadows all others. On its rightful determination 
 depends the prosperity of the people and the per- 
 petuity of republican institutions. A vote for 
 Bryan and Sewall is a vote for industrial and 
 financial independence of the American people 
 from foreign domination and control, and they 
 should have the support of all opponents of the 
 gold standard." 
 
 While the committees were at work the Conven- 
 tion took a recess until half-past four o'clock. 
 33 513
 
 SILVEKITES' CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 After organization, William P. St. John, of New 
 York, was named as permanent chairman, and 
 Charles A. Towne for vice-chairman. 
 
 After recess the committee reported its iiomina-j 
 tions, and both were well received by the silver! 
 men. Robert E. Diftenderfer, of Pennsylvania, j 
 was named as secretary. After Mr. St. John took i 
 the chair a resolution providing that one delegate 
 from each State should cast the entire vote of that 
 State was adopted. 
 
 Chairman St. John went into an exhaustive re- 
 view of the currency question, and declared that 
 "it is among the first principles in finance thai 
 the value of each dollar depends upon the total 
 number of dollars in circulation. The plane of 
 prices is high when the number of dollars in cir- 
 culation is great in proportion to the number of 
 things to be exchanged by means of dollars, and 
 low when the dollars are proportionately few. The 
 increase of our population at about two millions a 
 year, scattered over our immense territory, calls 
 for increasing exchanges, and thereby demands an 
 increasing number of dollars in circulation." 
 
 At the conclusion of Mr. St. John's speech, a 
 motion was made for Mr. St. John to appoint a 
 committee to confer with the Populists to adjust 
 differences and ageee upon Bryan and Sewall as 
 the candidates of both parties. This provoked a 
 long debate, but was finally adopted.
 
 SILVEBITES' CONVENTION OP 1896. 515 
 
 The Committee on Resolutions of the Silver 
 Convention completed its work on the 23d, by 
 adopting the platform and address to the people 
 which had been prepared by the sub-committee. 
 The platform and address are as follows : 
 
 The National Silver Party of America, in Con- 
 vention assembled, hereby adopts the following 
 declaration of principles : 
 
 The Money Plank. 
 
 First : The paramount issue at this time in the 
 United States is indisputably the money question. 
 It is between the British gold standard, gold bonds 
 and bank currency on the one side, and the bi- 
 metallic standard, no bonds, Government currency 
 (and an American policy) on the other. 
 
 On this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor 
 of a distinctively American financial system. We 
 are unalterably opposed to the single gold stand- 
 ard, and demand the immediate return to the Con- 
 stitutional standard of gold and silver by the 
 restoration by this Government, independently of 
 any foreign power, of the unrestricted coinage of 
 both gold and silver into standard money at the 
 rate of 16 to 1, and upon terms of exact equality 
 as they existed prior to 1873, the silver coin to be 
 of full legal tender, equally with gold, for all 
 debts and dues, public and private; and we 
 demand such legislation as will prevent, for the 
 future, the destruction of the legal tender quality 
 of any kind of money by private contract. 
 
 We hold that the power to control and regulate 
 a paper currency is inseparable from the power to
 
 516 SILVERITES' CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 coin money, and, hence, that all currency intended 
 to circulate as money should be issued and its 
 value controlled by the General Government only, 
 and should be a legal tender. 
 
 Bond Issues. 
 
 We are unalterably opposed to the issue by 
 the United States of interest-bearing bonds in 
 time of peace, and we denounce as a blunder, 
 worse than a crime, the present Treasury policy 
 concurred in by a Republican House of plunging 
 the country into debt by hundreds of millions in 
 the vain attempt to maintain the gold standard by 
 borrowing gold ; and we demand the payment of 
 all coin obligations of the United States, as pro- 
 vided by existing laws, in either gold or silver 
 coin, at the option of the Government and not at 
 the option of the creditor. 
 
 Demonetization of Silver. 
 
 The demonetization of silver in 1873 enormously 
 increased the demand for gold, enhancing its pur- 
 chasing power and lowering all prices measured by 
 that standard; and since that unjust and indefen- 
 sible act the prices of American products have 
 fallen upon an average nearly 50 per cent., carry- 
 ing down with them proportionately the money 
 value of all other forms of property. 
 
 Such fall of prices has destroyed the profit of 
 legitimate industry, injuring the producer for the 
 benefit of the non-producer, increasing the burden 
 of the debtor, swelling the gains of the creditor, 
 paralyzing the productive energies of the Ameri- 
 can people, relegating to idleness vast numbers of
 
 SILVERITES' CONVENTION OF 1896. 517 
 
 willing workers, sending the shadows of despair 
 into the home of the honest toiler, filling the land 
 with tramps and paupers, and building up colossal 
 fortunes at the money centres. 
 
 Additional Debt. 
 
 In the effort to maintain the gold standard, the 
 country has within the last two years, in a time of 
 profound peace and plenty, been loaded down with 
 $262,000,000 of additional interest-bearing debt 
 under such circumstances as to allow a syndicate 
 of native and foreign bankers to realize a net profit 
 of millions on a single deal. 
 
 It stands confessed that the gold standard can 
 only be upheld by so depleting our paper currency 
 as to force the prices of our products below the 
 European and even below the Asiatic level, to 
 enable us to sell in foreign markets, thus aggravate 
 ing the very evils of which our people so bitterly 
 complain, degrading American labor and striking 
 at the foundations of our civilization itself. 
 
 The Cause of Our Distress. 
 
 The advocates of the gold standard persistently 
 claim that the real cause of our distress is overpro- 
 duction that we have produced so much that it 
 made us poor which implies that the true remedy 
 is to close the factory, abandon the farm and throw 
 a multitude of people out of employment, a doc- 
 trine that leaves us unnerved and disheartened 
 and absolutely without hope for the future. 
 
 We affirm it to be unquestioned that there can 
 be no such economic paradox as overproduction, 
 and at the same time tens of thousands of our
 
 518 SILVERITES' CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 fellow-citizens remaining half clothed and half fed, 
 and who are piteously clamoring for the common 
 necessaries of life. 
 
 The Money of the Constitution. 
 Over and above all other questions of policy we 
 are in favor of restoring to the people of the 
 United States the time-honored money of the Con- 
 stitution gold and silver, not one but both the 
 money of Washington and Hamilton and Jefferson 
 and Monroe and Jackson and Lincoln, to the end 
 that the American people may receive honest pay 
 for an honest product ; that the American debtor 
 may pay his just obligations in an honest standard 
 and not in a dishonest and unsound standard 
 appreciated 100 per cent, in purchasing power and 
 no appreciation in debt-paying power, and to the 
 end, further, that silver-standard countries may be 
 deprived of the unjust advantage they now enjoy 
 in the difference in exchange between gold and 
 silver an advantage which tariff legislation can- 
 not overcome. 
 
 People Urged to Unite. 
 
 We therfore confidently appeal to the people of 
 the United States to hold in abeyance all other 
 questions, however important, and even momentous 
 they may appear, to sunder, if need be, all former 
 party ties and affiliations, and unite in one supreme 
 effort to free themselves and their children from 
 the domination of the money power a power 
 more destructive than any which has ever been 
 fastened upon the civilized men of any race or in 
 any age. And upon the consummation of our
 
 SILVEEITES' CONVENTION OF 1896. 519 
 
 desires and efforts, we invoke the aid of all 
 patriotic American citizens and the gracious favor 
 of Divine Providence. 
 
 Bryan and Sewall Endorsed. 
 
 Inasmuch as the patriotic majority of the Chicago 
 Convention embodied in the financial plank of its 
 platform the principles enunciated in the platform 
 of the American Bimetallic party, promulgated at 
 Washington, D. C., January 22, 1896, and herein 
 reiterated, which is not only the paramount but 
 the only real issue in the pending campaign, there- 
 fore, recognizing that their nominees embody these 
 patriotic principles, we recommend that this Con- 
 vention nominate William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, 
 for President, and Arthur Sewall, of Maine, for 
 Vice-President. 
 
 The foregoing platform was adopted, and on 
 Friday, the 24th, the Convention, by acclamation, 
 nominated Bryan and Sewall for President and 
 Vice-President, and then adjourned sine die.
 
 NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE 
 POPULISTS. 
 
 
 TJ7HEN the Convention assembled at St. Louis on 
 July 22, there was much division of sentiment 
 respecting the wisest policy to be pursued. Many 
 favored endorsing the nominees of the Chicago 
 Democratic Convention, while others, styled the 
 " Middle-of-the- Readers," were clamorous for a 
 separate party platform and nominees in order to 
 preserve the party as an organization. Another 
 disturbing element was the name of Sewall, the 
 Democratic nominee for Vice- President, who, on 
 account of his connection with moneyed interests 
 and banks, was obnoxious to many of the Popu- 
 lists. At times the proceedings were disorderly, 
 and there were animated contests between rival 
 factions. 
 
 When the Convention proceeded to organiza- 
 tion, Governor Stone, of Missouri, made an address 
 of welcome, which was responded to by Ignatius 
 Donnelly, of Minnesota. Senator Butler, of 
 North Carolina, was elected temporary chairman, 
 and Senator Allen, of Nebraska, was made per- 
 manent chairman. 
 
 On the 24th the platform was adopted as 
 follows : 
 520
 
 POPULIST CONVENTION OF 1896. 521 
 
 The People's Party, assembled in National Con- 
 vention, re-affirms its allegiance to the principles 
 declared by the founders of the Kepublic, and also 
 to the fundamental principles of just government 
 as enunciated in the platform of the party in 
 1892. 
 
 We recognize that through the connivance of 
 the present and preceding administrations the 
 country has reached a crisis in its national life, as 
 predicted in our declaration four years ago, and 
 that prompt and politic action is the supreme duty 
 of the hour. 
 
 We realize that while we have political inde- 
 pendence, our financial and industrial independ- 
 ence is yet to be attained by restoring to our 
 country the constitutional control and exercise of 
 the functions necessary to a people's government, 
 which functions have been basely surrendered by 
 our public servants to corporate monopolies. The 
 influence of European money-changers has been 
 more potent in shaping legislation than the voice 
 of the American people. Executive power and 
 patronage have been used to corrupt our Legisla- 
 tures and defeat the will of the people, and plu- 
 tocracy has been enthroned upon the ruins of 
 democracy. 
 
 To restore the government intended by the 
 fathers, and for the welfare and prosperity of this 
 and future generations, we demand the establish- 
 ment of an economic and financial system w r hich 
 shall make us masters of our own affairs and inde- 
 pendent of European control by the adoption of 
 the following declaration of principles :
 
 522 POPULIST CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 Finance. 
 
 First : We demand a national money, safe and 
 sound, issued by the General Government only, 
 without the intervention of banks of issue, to be 
 a full legal tender for all debts, public and private; 
 also a just, equitable and efficient means of distri- 
 bution direct to the people and through the lawful 
 disbursements of the Government. 
 
 Second : We demand the free and unrestricted 
 coinage of silver and gold at the present legal 
 ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the consent 
 of foreign nations. 
 
 Third : We demand the volume of circulating 
 medium be speedily increased to an amount suffi- 
 cient to meet the demands of the business popula- 
 tion of this country, and to restore the just level 
 of prices of labor and production. 
 
 Fourth : We denounce the sale of bonds and 
 the increase of the public interest-bearing bond 
 debt made by the present administration as un- 
 necessary and without authority of law, and that 
 no more bonds be issued except by specific Act of 
 Congress. 
 
 Fifth : We demand such legal legislation as will 
 prevent the demonetization of the lawful money of 
 the United States by private contract. 
 
 Sixth : We demand that the Government, in 
 payment of its obligations, shall use its option as to 
 the kind of lawful money in which they are to be 
 paid, and we denounce the present and preceding 
 administrations for surrendering this option to the 
 holders of Government obligations. 
 
 Seventh : We demand a graduated income tax,
 
 POPULIST CONVENTION OF 1896. 523 
 
 to the end that aggregated wealth shall bear its 
 just proportion of taxation ; and we denounce the 
 Supreme Court, relative to the income tax, as a 
 misinterpretation of the Constitution and an inva- 
 sion of the rightful powers of Congress over the 
 subject of taxation. 
 
 Eighth : We demand that postal savings banks 
 be established by the Government for the safe 
 deposit of the savings of the people and to facilitate 
 exchange. 
 
 Transportation. 
 
 Transportation being a means of exchange and 
 public necessity, the Government should own and 
 operate the railroads in the interest of the people 
 and on non-partisan basis, to the end that all may 
 be accorded the same treatment in transportation, 
 and that the tyranny and political power now 
 exercised by the great railroad corporations, which 
 result in the impairment if not the destruction of 
 the political rights and personal liberties of the 
 citizen, may be destroyed. Such ownership is to 
 be accomplished gradually, in a manner consistent 
 with sound public policy. 
 
 Second : The interest of the United States in 
 the public highways built with public moneys and 
 the proceeds of extensive grants of land to the 
 Pacific railroads should never be alienated, mort- 
 gaged or sold, but guarded and protected for the 
 general welfare as provided by the laws organizing 
 .such railroads. The foreclosure of existing liens 
 of the United States on these roads should at once 
 follow default in the payment thereof of the debt 
 of the companies, and at the foreclosure sales of
 
 524 POPULIST CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 said roads the Government shall purchase the 
 same if it becomes necessary to protect the inter- 
 ests therein, or if they can be purchased at a rea- 
 sonable price ; and the Government shall operate 
 such railroads as public highways for the benefit 
 of the whole, and not in the interest of the few, 
 under suitable provisions for the protection of life 
 and property, giving to all transportation interests 
 and privileges and equal rates for fares and freight. 
 
 Third : We denounce the present infamous 
 schemes for refunding these debts, and demand 
 that the laws now applicable thereto be executed 
 and administered according to their true intent 
 and spirit. 
 
 Fourth : The telegraph, like the post-office sys- 
 tem, being a necessity for the transmission of news, 
 should be owned and operated by the Government 
 in the interest of the people. 
 
 Land Monopolies. 
 
 First : The true policy demands that the Na- 
 tional and State legislation shall be such as will 
 ultimately enable every prudent and industrious 
 citizen to secure a home, and, therefore, the land 
 should not be monopolized for speculative purposes. 
 
 All lands now held by railroads and other cor- 
 porations in excess of their actual needs should, by 
 lawful means, be reclaimed by the Government 
 and held for actual settlers only ; and private land 
 monopoly, as well as alien ownership, should be 
 prohibited. 
 
 Second : We condemn the frauds by which the 
 land grant to the Pacific railroad companies have,
 
 CONVENTION OF 1896. 625 
 
 through the connivance of the Interior Depart- 
 ment, robbed multitudes of equal bona fide settlers 
 of their homes and miners of their claims, and we 
 demand legislation by Congress which will enforce 
 the exemption of mineral land from such grants 
 after as well as before patent. 
 
 Third : We demand that bona fide settlers on all 
 public lands be granted free homes, as provided in 
 the national homestead law, and that no exception 
 be made in the case of Indian reservations when 
 opened for settlement, and that all lands not now 
 patented come under this demand. 
 
 We favor a system of direct legislation through 
 the initiative and referendum, under proper consti- 
 tutional safeguards. 
 
 General Propositions. 
 
 First : We demand the election of President, 
 Vice-President and United States Senators by a 
 direct vote of the people. 
 
 Second : We tender to the patriotic people of 
 Cuba our deepest sympathy in their heroic strug- 
 gle for political freedom and independence, and 
 we believe the time has come when the United 
 States, the great republic of the world, should 
 recognize that Cuba is and of right ought to be a 
 free and independent State. 
 
 Third : We favor home rule in the Territories 
 and the District of Columbia, and the early admis- 
 sion of the Territories as States. 
 
 Fourth : All public salaries should be made to 
 correspond to the price of labor and its products. 
 
 Fifth: In times of great industrial depression,
 
 526 POPULIST CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 idle labor should be employed on public works as 
 far as practicable. 
 
 Sixth : The arbitrary course of the courts in as- 
 suming to imprison citizens for indirect contempt 
 and ruling that by injunction should be prevented 
 by proper legislation. 
 
 Seventh : We favor just pensions for our disabled 
 Union soldiers. 
 
 Eighth : Believing that the elective franchise and 
 untrammeled ballot are essential to a Government 
 of, for, and by the people, the People's Party con- 
 demn the wholesale system of disfranchisement 
 adopted in some States as unrepublican and un- 
 democratic, and we declare it to be the duty of the 
 several State Legislatures to take such action as 
 will secure a full, free atid fair ballot, and an honest 
 count. 
 
 Ninth: While the foregoing propositions consti- 
 tute the platform upon which our party stands, and 
 for the vindication of which its organization will 
 be maintained, we recognize that the great and 
 pressing issue of the pending campaign upon which 
 the present Presidential election will turn, is the 
 financial question, and upon this great and specific 
 issue between the parties, we cordially invite the 
 aid and co-operation of all organizations and citi- 
 zens agreeing with us upon this vital question. 
 
 Nominations. 
 
 A strong feeling was developed in the Conven- 
 tion in favor of William J. Bryan, the Democratic 
 nominee of the Chicago Convention, for the first 
 place on the ticket, and there appeared at the same
 
 POPULIST CONVENTION OF 1896. 527 
 
 time much opposition to Arthur Sewall, the Demo- 
 cratic nominee for Vice-President. The Convention 
 decided to nominate a candidate for Vice-President 
 first. After a long and tumultuous session, early 
 on the morning of July 25th, Thomas E. Watson, 
 of Georgia, was declared the nominee for the Vice- 
 Presidency. It was understood that Mr. Bryan 
 wished to retain the name of Sewall on the ticket 
 in the event of his own nomination for first place. 
 
 The impending defeat of Sewall led Chairman 
 Jones, of the Democratic National Committee, who 
 had been closely watching the Populists' proceed- 
 ings, to telegraph to candidate Bryan, who made a 
 definite declaration in reply, that he would not 
 accept the nomination if Sewall was not also 
 named. 
 
 The opposition to Sewall practically swamped 
 the Bryan forces at the day session. The leaders 
 were powerless to check the strong feeling against 
 the Bath shipbuilder and banker. 
 
 For the first time the " middle-of-the-road " ele- 
 ment showed generalship worthy of the name. 
 Recognizing the fact that all hope of defeating 
 Bryan's nomination was lost, they concentrated 
 all their efforts against Sewall. They devised a 
 cunning scheme by which the Convention was 
 forced to nominate the Vice-President before the 
 President. 
 
 When the proposition was made to change the
 
 52S fOPULlST CONVENTION OF 1896. 
 
 regular order of the nominations, the Bryan men 
 strained every nerve to prevent it. Congressman 
 Skinner, chairman of the North Carolina delega- 
 tion, cast the solid vote of the State against the 
 change. When the vote was figured up, however, 
 and he ascertained that there was a majority of 
 26 in favor of the proposition, the vote of the 
 delegation was cast for the proposition, and the 
 antis emerged from the contest with a majority 
 of 170. 
 
 This made the defeat of Sewall and the nomi- 
 nation of a Populist for Vice-President practically 
 certain. 
 
 William Jennings Bryan was nominated for the 
 Presidency by a vote of 1042 to 321.
 
 THOMAS E. WATSON
 
 HON. THOMAS E. WATSON: 
 
 Populist Nominee for the Vice-Presidency. 
 
 A T one o'clock A. M., July 25th, 1896, Thomas 
 ^ E. Watson, of Georgia, was nominated for the 
 Vice-Presidency by the National Convention of 
 Populists at St. Louis. The Convention by a vote 
 of 785 to 615 decided to nominate for this office 
 before making a nomination for the Presidency. 
 A number of candidates were in the field, but the 
 choice finally fell on the Georgia man, and was 
 received by his friends with the usual demonstra- 
 tions of approval. 
 
 Thomas E. Watson is a typical Georgian, thin 
 and angular, with a sharp face, which he keeps 
 clean shaven, and with red hair, which he takes 
 little pains to keep in order. He is nearly 40 
 years old, having been born on September 5, 1856, 
 in Columbia county, Ga. His home is at Thom- 
 son. 
 
 After passing through the common schools of 
 his native place he was sent to the Mercer Uni- 
 versity, at Macon, for a college course, but at the 
 end of his sophomore year he was obliged to leave 
 34 529
 
 530 HON. THOMAS E. WATSON. 
 
 for lack of money. For two years thereafter he 
 taught school, and during that time he studied 
 law. Then he entered the office of Judge W. R. 
 McLaws, of Augusta, and after reading law there 
 for a few weeks was admitted to the bar. 
 
 He began the practice of law at Thomson in 
 November, 1876, when he was 20 years old. He 
 began very soon to interest himself in politics, and 
 was elected to the Georgia Legislature as a Demo- 
 crat in 1882, and served for one term. In 1888 
 he was a Presidential Elector-at-Large on the 
 Democratic ticket. Besides practicing law and 
 politics he is largely interested in farming. 
 
 Watson first attracted general attention in the 
 country at large in 1892. He had been elected to 
 the Fifty-second Congress from his home district, 
 beating his Republican opponent, Anthony E. 
 Williams, by a vote of 5,456 to 397. No sooner 
 had Watson taken his seat at Washington as a 
 Democrat than he abandoned his party, refused to 
 enter the caucus, and became the Populist candi- 
 date for the Speakership. There were but ten 
 Populist members of the House, and he was not 
 elected. 
 
 Watson not long afterward made the expression : 
 "Where was I at?" known all over the English- 
 speaking world by calling attention to the man 
 who said it, and accusing him of being drunk on 
 the floor of the House. The speaker was Mr.
 
 HON. THOMAS E. WATSON. 531 
 
 Cobb, of Alabama, and he used the now-famous 
 expression in a debate upon the Noyes-Rockwell 
 election case. Watson's charge was not sustained 
 by the House. 
 
 Nevertheless, in the summer of 1892, Mr. Wat- 
 son repeated the charge, not only against the same 
 member by innuendo, but also as a general one 
 against many members of the House, and brought 
 about his ears a vigorous protest. These charges 
 were part of the " People's Party Campaign Book, 
 1892," printed, as Watson said in his preface : 
 
 " In order that editors, speakers, lecturers and 
 voters might have in the convenient storehouse of 
 one volume all the scattered information now con- 
 tained in many, and in order that they might have 
 a brief statement of the line of argument which 
 we adopt upon all essential issues." 
 
 In this book Watson declared that : " Extrava- 
 gance has been the order of the day. Absenteeism 
 was never so pronounced. Lack of purpose was 
 never so clear. Lack of common business pru- 
 dence never more glaring. Drunken members 
 have reeled about the aisles, a disgrace to the 
 republic. Drunken speakers have debated grave 
 issues on the floor, and in the midst of maudlin 
 ramblings have been heard to ask, ' Mr. Speaker, 
 where was I at ? ' Useless employes crowd every 
 corridor. Useless expenditures pervade every de- 
 partment."
 
 532 HON. THOMAS E. WATSON. 
 
 Mr. Wheeler, of Alabama, brought these charges 
 to the attention of the House, and a committee 
 was appointed to look into them. 
 
 Watson reiterated the charges in the House and 
 said: 
 
 " There is not a charge in this paragraph that 
 has not been made from that press gallery and 
 sent ringing through the newspapers of this land, 
 but now, because I have made it, and because ten 
 of the People's Party are here, powerless in the 
 grasp of your tyrannical party, you want to select 
 me for a scapegoat for a martyr to your pre- 
 judice. 
 
 "I want no matter of grace from this Demo- 
 cratic majority that seeks to hiss me down when 
 I am defending my character here on the floor of 
 the House. Jeffersonian Democracy grants to a 
 man freedom of speech and freedom of press, and 
 if you want to howl me down do it, and I will 
 appeal from your tyranny to the fairer sense of 
 justice that abides in the hearts of the American 
 people. I scorn your grace. I scorn your mercy." 
 
 The committee of investigation consisted of 
 Messrs. Boatner, Wolverton, Buchanan, of Vir- 
 ginia; Grout and Jerry Simpson. The committee 
 heard a number of witnesses, and on August 5, 
 the last day of the session, reported that the 
 charges were false and libelous in the sense in 
 which they were made.
 
 HON. THOMAS E. WATSON. 533 
 
 The desertion of his party angered the Demo- 
 crats of his district, and they put up James C. C. 
 Black, an Augusta lawyer, against Watson at the 
 next election. Watson ran as the candidate of 
 the People's Party. He was beaten by a vote of 
 17,772 for Black against his 12,332 votes. 
 
 In the fall of 1894 Watson ran against Black 
 for the Fifty-fourth Congress. This time he ran 
 as a Populist. It was a campaign of almost un- 
 rivaled bitterness. The country was arrayed 
 against the towns, and prejudice and passion were 
 appealed to. Black and Watson held a number of 
 joint debates, and these seemed to increase the 
 excitement. 
 
 Watson declared that he was in danger of assas- 
 sination. He sent out couriers through the coun- 
 try, and summoned his supporters from the differ- 
 ent counties of his district. They swarmed into 
 Thomson from all sides, mounted and armed, and 
 camped around his house to protect him from 
 being lynched by the Democrats. Throughout 
 the rest of the campaign Watson carried a rifle 
 whenever he appeared in public. He was beaten 
 in the election by a majority for Black of about 
 7,000. 
 
 Watson then charged that he had been beaten 
 by frauds at the polls, and challenged Black to 
 leave the decision as to who was properly elected 
 to a commission of five, two to be selected by each
 
 534 HON. THOMAS E. WATSON. 
 
 candidate, and the fifth by these four, the com- 
 mission to canvass the votes, and declare who was 
 rightfully elected. Mr. Black replied, showing 
 that no such commission could have any authority, 
 but offering to resign, and leave the matter to a 
 new election. 
 
 " I am in no degree responsible for this terrible 
 state of affairs," Mr. Black wrote, " for I have 
 preached no gospel of bitterness. I have appealed 
 to no prejudice. I have not sought to array the 
 country against the town. I have not taught that 
 there was natural hostility between one set of 
 citizens engaged in one pursuit and others engaged 
 in other pursuits. I have not persuaded one class 
 that they are the victims of another, and lashed 
 them into frenzy at the thought. I have not 
 sought to combine the rich against the poor nor 
 the poor against the rich. I have not conjured up 
 visions of impossible wealth and prosperity and 
 earthly happiness, and maddened the believers in 
 such dreams against their fellow-citizens as con- 
 spirators, keeping them out of these utopias, these 
 elysian fields." 
 
 Mr. Black took his place in Congress, as he pro- 
 posed, and then resigned to give Mr. Watson a 
 chance to beat him if he could. A special election 
 was held, and Watson was decisively defeated. 
 Since that time he has devoted himself principally 
 to the running of a Populist newspaper at Atlanta.
 
 HON. THOMAS E. WATSON. 535 
 
 After Mr. Watson's nomination at St. Louis, 
 efforts were made in certain quarters to induce 
 him to resign in favor of Mr. Sewall, Democratic 
 nominee for the Vice-Presidency. Mr. Watson 
 refused to do so, claiming that his name was 
 needed to maintain the organization of the Popu- 
 lists, and prevent it from going out of existence. 
 
 As he has shown great resolution many times 
 in the face of opposition, he can be relied upon to 
 hold his position when he has once taken it. 
 
 In all the qualities of a bold and successful 
 leader he has shown himself well equipped. His 
 name is one of strength to his party in Georgia 
 and other parts of the South, and his aggressive 
 spirit has done much toward disseminating the 
 views of the Populists and advancing their cause. 
 
 After the action of the Populist Convention at 
 St. Louis, Mr. Watson said : 
 
 "We have conceded everything short of the 
 extinction of our party. To go into the national 
 campaign with no Populist on the national ticket 
 disbands the party. The Democratic managers 
 knew this, and they have bent every energy to 
 that end. It is not so much free silver they want 
 as it is the death of the People's Party. 
 
 "If they are honestly intent upon free silver 
 legislation, why should they object to the con- 
 tinued existence of the People's Party? Have we 
 not been true to free silver when they were not ?
 
 636 HON. THOMAS E. WATSON. 
 
 "Were we not the only champions of that cause in 
 
 1893, when the Democrats were closing the mints 
 
 and refusing even to coin the Government's own 
 
 seigniorage ? 
 
 " Why should the Democratic managers demand 
 
 of us complete and unconditional surrender ? They 
 ! say we must fuse, but their idea of fusion is that 
 I we must play minnow while they play trout ; we 
 
 play Junebug while they play duck; we play 
 
 Jonah while they play whale."

 
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