LIBRARY THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA BARBARA FROM THE LIBRARY OF F. VON BOSCHAN OCSB LIBRARy Cbe ^torp of tU illations. BOHEMIA. THE STORY OF THE NATIONS. 1. EOICE. By Arthur Oilman, MA. 2. THE JEWS. By Prof. J. K. HOSMER. 3. GERMANY. By Rev. S. Barixg- Gon.i). MA. 4. CAETHAGE. Hv Prof. Alfred J. Chirch. 5. ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. By Prol. J. P. M AH AH V 6. THE MOORS IN SPAIN. By Stanley I.ane-Poole. 7. ANCIENT EGYPT. By Prof. (ifcOKGE kA\VLL\SON. 8. HUNGARY. By Prof. Arminius VA.MHtKY. 9 THE SARACENS. By Arthur Oilman. M.A. 10. IRELAND. By the Hon. Emilv Lawless. 11. OHALDEA. Ka gozix. 12. THE GOTHS. LEY. 13. ASSYRIA, By Z6naTde A. Ra- (,I1Z|N. 14. TURKEY, By Stanley Lane- Poole. 15. HOLLAND. By Prof. Thokoi.d Rogers. 16. MEDUEVAL FRANCE. By GrsTAVE Masson. 17. PERSIA. By S. O. W. Ben- jamin. 18. PHCENICIA. By Prof. Oeo. Kawlinson. 19. MEDIA. By ZenaIde A. Ra- GOZIN. 20. THE HANSA TOWNS. By Helen Zimmern. 21. EARLY BRITAIN. By Prof. Alfred J. Chikch. 22. THE BARBARY CORSAIRS. liv Stanley Lane-Poole. 23. RUSSIA. HvW.K MORFILL, M.A. 24. THE JEWS UNDER THE ROMANS. Bv W. U. Morrison. 25. SCOTLAND. By John Mackin- tosh, LL.D. 26. SWITZERLAND. By Mrs. Lina HiG and R. Stead. 27. MEXICO. By SUSAN Hale. 28. PORTUGAL. By H. Morse Stephens. By ZenaIde A. By Henry Brad- J. E. 29. THE NORMANS. By Sarah Orne Iewett. 30 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. Bv C. W. C. Oman. 31 SICILY: Phoenician. Greek and Roman. By the late Prof. E. A. Freeman. 32 THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. Bv Bella Duffy. 33 POLAND. By W. R. Morfill, .MA. 34. PARTHIA. Bv Prof. Oeorge Rawlinson. 3^ AUSTRALIAN COMMON- WEALTH. By Oreville Tregarthen. 36. SPAIN. Bv H. E. Watts. 37. JAPAN. By David Murray, Ph.D. 35. SOUTH AFRICA. By Oeorge ^L theal. 39. VENICE. Bv Alethea Wiel. 40. THE CRUSADES. By T. A. Archer and C. L. Ki.ngsford. 41. VEDIC INDIA. By Z. A. RA- G021N. 42. WEST INDIES and the SPANISH MAIN, By James Rodwav. 43. BOHEMIA. By C. Edmund >LiURICE. [M^. 44. THE BALKANS. By \V. Miller. 45. CANADA, By Sir J. O. BouRl- not. LL.D. 46. BRITISH INDIA. By R. W. Fkazer, LL.B. 47. MODERN FRANCE, By Andre- Le Eon. 48. THE FRANKS. By Lewis Ser- geant. 49. AUSTRIA. By Sidney Whit- man. 50. MODERN ENGLAND. Before the Reform BiU. By Justin McCarthy. ,r. CHINA. Bv Prof. R. K. Douglas. 52 MODERN ENGLAND. From the Reform Bill to the Present Time. Bv Justin McCarthy. 5v MODERN SPAIN. Bv Martin A S Hume. 54 MODERN ITALY. By PlETRO ursi. ^^. NORWAY. By H. H. Boyesen. 56. WALES. By O. M. Edwards. London : T. FISHER UNWIX, Paternoster Square, E.G. BOHEMIA FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE FALL OF NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE IN 1620; WITH A SHORT SUMMARY OF LATER EVENTS BY C. EDMUND MAURICE ACTHOR OF THK " REVOLUTIONS OF 184S-9 IN ITALY, AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. AND GER.\L\NY," " RICHARD DE LACY : A TALE OF THE LATER LOLLARDS, ' S;C Corresponding Member of (lie Royal Bohewian Society of Sciences SECOND IMPRESSIOX XonDon FISHER UN WIN PATERXOSTER SQUARE Copyright by T. Fisher Unwin, 1896 (For Great Britain). PREFACE. Few countries have been more strangely mis- understood by the average EngUshman than Bohemia has been. The mischievous blunder of some fifteenth century Frenchman, who confused the gipsies who had just arrived in France with the nation which was just then startling Europe by its resistance to the forces of the Empire, has left a deeper mark on the imagination of most of our countrymen than the martyrdom of Hus or even the sufferings of our own Princess Elizabeth. The word " Bohemian " has passed into newspaper slang ; and it has been so often quoted in its slang sense by people who ought to be more careful in their language, that it has really hindered the study of the real country which it misrepresents. The few who care to hear anything more of a people so strangely slandered, have often been yet further blinded by their readiness to accept as absolute truth the prejudices of the German and Magyar opponents of the Bohemian national feeling. From these sources they have derived an impression VI 11 PREFACE. of a set of narrow Ultramontanes, who, oddly enough, combine their reh'gious bigotries in favour of Roman Catholicism with a reliance on Russia in political affairs. These prejudices ought certainly to yield to an acquaintance with the people in their own country. A Roman Catholicism, tempered by an enthusiasm for Hus and Zizka and King George, can scarcely be a very obscurantist form of creed ; and an intense feeling of national distinctness can hardly be compatible with an anxiety to be absorbed by the great North-eastern Empire, though un- doubtedly it produces a stronger repulsion against the equally denationalising force of Pan-Germanism. Perhaps a careful study of the history of a country so much misunderstood will be the best preparation for a fairer appreciation of its present difficulties. I have now to thank the many kind friends who have helped me in my work. Of these the chief helper has been Professor Mourek. During the whole of my stay at Prague I received every assistance from him which a foreigner studying in that town could possibly require ; and since I have returned to Eng- land he has helped me most energetically in procuring various illustrations necessary for my book. I have also to thank Count Leo Thun (the cousin of the late Governor of Bohemia) for many useful hints and introductions. I should also thank Mr. Custos Borovsky, of the Rudolfinum, for the kindness with which he supplied me with introductions during my visits to other towns in Bohemia and Moravia. I should also thank Professor Rezek for many useful hints, especially about the difficult reign of Ferdinand PREFACE. IX I. Professor Kalausek I have to thank for hints about the earh'er period. Professor Tomek I must thank for allowing me to use the map of Prague which appears in my book, I must also thank Dr. Toman for the use of the curious pictures of Zizka. For help in my work in other towns I must thank Father Wurm, of Olmlitz (Olomouci) ; Mr. Palliardi, of Znaym (Znojem) ; Professor Brettholz, of Briinn (Brno); the Sub-librarian of Caslau; Professor Lem- minger, of Kuttenberg (Kutna Hora) ; Mr. Gross, of Krumov ; Father Fucik, of Prachatice ; Professor Strnad, of Pilsen (Plzen) ; Monsignore Rodler, of Budweis (Budejovice) ; the Keeper of the Archives at Wittingau (Trebon), and Professor Sedlacek, of Tabor. I also wish to thank Mr. Celakovsky, of the Town Archives of Prague, for the suggestion about the relation of the early Utraquist rising to the differences between Bohemian workmen and German employers (see Chap. ix. pp. 231, 232). The question of when and how far to use the Bohemian names of places is one of some difficulty. My own instinct would be to use them wherever possible. But it cannot be denied that there are cases in which the German forms are so well known to English readers, and some in which the Bohemian names seem so unpronounceable, that it would be affectation to follow the strict rules of national expression. Praha, of course, has been hopelessly Anglicized into Prague ; and Olomouci, Cheb. Brno, and Plzen have been as certainly Germanized into Olmlitz, Eger, Briinn, and Pilsen. Even in these cases I have on some occasions added the Bohemian X PREFACE. names in brackets. But it was so difficult to know what names of Bohemian towns are generally known in England, that I may sometimes seem to have been inconsistent in my practice. Only let me assure my readers that my wish has been to impress on them the distinctive character of the Bohemian language, and at the same time to secure the recognition of any places with whose names they are already familiar. CONTENTS. I. From the Earliest Period of Bohemian History to the Hungarian Invasion . (-885.) 1-17 Characteristics of Bohemian history — Story of Queen Libusa — Early Slavonic kingdom — The struggle with the Franks — Resistance to Prankish "conversions" — Boris of Bulgaria and Methodius — The Cj'rillic language — Cyril and Methodius in Moravia — Career of Svatopluk — Re- newed struggle with the Franks — Conversion of Borivoj — The Slavonic ritual — Opposition of Svatopluk and his courtiers to Methodius — The appeal to the Pope — The " Pilatici " — Approval of the ritual by John VIII. — Wich- ing's fraud — Svatopluk and Arnulf — ^Expulsion of the Methodian Christians from Moravia — Death of Svatopluk — Mojmir and the Slavonic ritual — The Hungarian invasion. II. Bohemian Saints and Warriors in the Tenth Century 18-32 (885-997-) Bohemian feeling about the saintly and the military character — Svatopluk's struggle and fall — Separation of XII CONTEXTS. PAGE Bohemia from Moravia — Reigns of Borivoj and Vratislav — The heathen reaction under Drahomira — Life, death, and character of St. Wenceslaus — Reign of Boleslav the Cruel — Rise of the Vrsovici — Boleslav the Pious — Life and death of St. Adalbert. III. Rel.atioxs of Bohemia to Poland and to THE Empire in the Eleventh, Twelfth, and Thirteenth Centuries . . . 33-66 (997—1253.) Effect of the Hungarian invasions on the position of Bohemia — The struggles between Bohemia and Poland — Romantic stories of Oldfich and Bracislav — Revival of the Slavonic ritual — Bracislav's victories in Poland — The scene in the Church at Gnesen — Invasion of Bohemia by Henry III. — The Pfemyslovci made hereditary Dukes — Spitihnev's anti-German policy — Election and policy of Vratislav — The family opposition and its results — Relations with Henr>' IV. — The first Bohemian king — Relations with the Hohenstauffen — Vladislav's policy and the opposition of the nobles — Erederick Barbarossa — The second King of Bohemia — Bohemians in Italy — Summan,- of Vladislav's reign — Xew disorders — Election of Pfemysl — Divisions in the Empire and their effect on the Bohemian position — Contests of King and Priest — Breach between Bohemia and the Empire — Conquest of Austria by Bohemia — Accession of Ottakar II. IV. The Growth of Bohemian Life from Acces- sion OF PftEMYSL Ottakar I. to De.^th OF PftEMYSL Ottakar II. ... 67-106 (1198— 1278.) Relative importance of Constitutional questions in different histories and at different periods — Causes of decline of CONTENTS. Xlll PAGE early Bohemian liberties — Policy of Pfemysl Ottakar I. — The German settlement in Poric — Extension of its privi- leges to other towns — Special position of Moravia — The town-rights of Briinn — The Mongol invasion — Collapse of Europe — Pope and Emperor — King Wenceslaus I. — First check of the Mongols — Impulse given by these events to the movement for municipal liberty — Towns as a check on the nobles — Power of the jury — Effect of this movement on trade — On political capacity — Pfemysl Ottakar II. — His relations to nobles and clergy — Difficulties between towns and monasteries — Ottakar's policy in that respect — His foreign policy — Circumstances of the annexation of Austria to Bohemia — The marriage with Margaret — Relations of Ottakar to Vienna — The struggle in and conquest of Styria — Story of conquest of Carinthia and Carniola — Ottakar's tyranny in Styria — Ottakar's relations with Hungarj- — Anarchy in the Empire — Refusal of Imperial Crown by Ottakar — Long discussions and divisions among the Electors — Circumstances of the election of Rudolf of Hapsburg — Ottakar's protest — Pope Gregory X. and Bruno of Olmiitz — The Council of Lyons — Rudolf's claims on Ottakar's conquests — ^The first war between Ottakar and Rudolf — Surrender of the conquered lands to Rudolf — Differences about the terms of peace — Rudolf's difficulties between towns and archbishops — Falling off of Rudolf's supporters — The conspiracy in Vienna and its suppression — The final war — Battle of the Marchfeld and death of Ottakar — Estimate of the work of Pfemyslovci — Causes of Ottakar's fall. V. Time of Anarchy in Bohemia from Death of Ottakar II. to Accession of Charles IV. 107-129 (1278— 1346.) Rudolf's moderation as a conqueror — Impossibility of his policy — Kunigunda and Otto of Brandenburg — Treachery and tyranny of Otto and his followers — The famine — Return of King Wenceslaus II. — Zavis of Falkenstein — Marriage of Wenceslaus — Intrigues and death of Zavis XIV CONTEXTS. I'AGK — Policy of Wenceslaus — Death of Rudolf and new- divisions in the Empire — Albert's concessions and election — Relations of Wenceslaus to Hungary — Death of Wen- ceslaus II., and accession and murder of Wenceslaus III. — Struggles between Rudolf of Hapsburg and Henr\- of Carinthia for Bohemia — Election of Henry of Luxemburg as Emperor — Election of John as King of Bohemia — His prospects and promises — The Archbishop of Mainz — Henry of Lipa — The towns and the nobles — Audacity of Henry of Lipa — Return of John — Civil war in Bohemia — Practical victory of Henry — His intrigues against Elizabeth — John and the citizens of Prague — Difticulties of Elizabeth — Prosecution of Bishop John — Cruelty of John — Charles as Governor of Bohemia — Intrigues of nobles against him — Resistance of Charles to John — Friendliness of Pope Clement to John and Charles — The Slavonic ritual — Election of Charles as Emperor — Battle of Crecy and death of John. -/I. Reign of Charles IV 130-153 (1346—1378-) Difficulties of explaining Charles's career by his antecedents — Influences of his Paris experiences on him — Earlier attempts at " higher education " in Bohemia — Charles's aims in founding his University — His plans — The " Four Nations " — Immediate effects of the foundation — The Xew Town of Prague — Foundation of Carlstein — The Majestas Carolina — Reasons for its withdrawal — Its merits and defects — Abolition of the tire and water tests — Appeal granted to the Serfs — Connection of " Charles I." of Bohemia with " Charles IV." of Germany — The Golden Bull — Resistance to the Emperor, and his way of meeting it — Concession to the House of Hapsburg — Relations of Charles with young Louis of Bavaria, in the Tyrol, in Brandenburg — His relations with Italy, Rienzi, Petrarch — Attempt to make the German Empire hereditary. CONTENTS. XV VII. PAGE The Reform Movement from the Diet of 1359 to the Retirement of the Ger- mans FROM THE Prague University 154-187 (1359—1409-) Movements of thought in the thirteenth century — Uncer- tainty in their direction — The " Beghards " or " Pikards " — Position of Charles in relation to religious reform — The Diet of 1359 — Charles's ideas of reform — Conrad Wald- hauser — The Bohemian language question — Milic of Kromen'z — Thomas of Stitnj' — Growth of Bohemian litera- ture, and opposition of the "Masters" to it — Death of Charles— Accession and character of Wenceslaus IV. — His relations with the Pope — His quarrels with the clergy — Archbishop Jenstein's opposition — Death of John of Nepomuc and its consequences — Wenceslaus's relations with the nobles — Power and policy of the Rosenbergs- Imprisonment of Wenceslaus by the nobles — John and Sigismund — Violence of Wenceslaus — Opposition of the Electors to him — His deposition in 1400 from the Empire — Sigismund's policy in Prague — The second imprison- ment of Wenceslaus and his escape — Matthias of Janov — Founding of the Bethlehem Chapel — Early career of Jan Hus — Relations of the English and Bohemian Reforma- tions to each other — The Prague University proposals of 1403 against Wyclif — Attitude of Hus towards Wyclif — Unique theological position of Hus — Zbynek and Hus — Wenceslaus and the Council of Pisa — Attitude of rival parties — The votes of the " Nations " — Hesitations and final decision of Wenceslaus — The German resistance to the decree — The two sides of the question — Retirement of the Germans from Prague. VIII. From the Retirement of the Germans from THE University of Prague to the Death OF Hus 188-220 (1409— 1415.) Injustices of Hus's opponents in reference to the voting XVI CONTEXTS. PAGE question — Election of Alexander V. — Xew attacks on heresy — Hus's answers — Queen Sophia — The burning of WycHf's books — Wenceskius and John XXIII. — Inter\'en- tion of Sigismund — Pope John's crusade — The sale of indulgences — Opposition of Hus — Revolt of his followers from him — First appearance of Jerom in Bohemian con- troversy — Effect of his interference — The treacherous execution of the opponents of Indulgences — Michael de Causis — Hus's retirement from Prague — The ''De Ecciesia" — Jakaubek of Kladrau — Banishment of Palec and Stanis- laus — Intervention of Sigismund — The safe-conduct — The arrival at Constance — Promises of Pope John — Michael and Palec — Imprisonment of Hus — " The Cup for the laity " — Hus's letter and its perversion — Sigismund at Constance — Deposing Popes — Jerom at Constance — The Bisliop of Litomysl and the Bohemian nobles — The trial of June 5th — Of June 7th — Sigismund's anger with Hus — June 8th — Deposition of Popes and of Kings — " Abjure " — Chlum's hand-shake — Sigismund's condemnation of Hus — Last letters and interviews — Condemnation of " the Cup ■' — The final scene at the Council — The martyrdom. IX. From the Death of Hus to the First CORON.^TIOX of SiGISMUXD . . 22I-260 (July 6, 1415 — July 28, 1420.) Differences between Hus and his followers — Effect of his death — The Interdict on Prague and its results — Attitude of Wenceslaus — Of Sigismund— Jerom's trial and death — Quarrel with the Council about the bishopric of Olmiitz — Growing differences among the Utraquists — Xicholaus of Hus — Zizka — Effect of their action on Wenceslaus — Election of Martin V. — End of Council of Constance — Scene between Zizka and Wenceslaus — The " Xew Town " of Prague — John of Zellv — The Defenestratio — Anger and death of Wenceslaus — Attitude of Sigisinund — Cenek of Wartenberg — Conditions offered to Sigismund by the Asseinbly — Queen Sophia — The three parties in Bohemia — Mode of life of the Taborites — Zizka's character — The CONTENTS. XVii PAGE appeal for peace — Differences between the Calixtine nobles and the Calixtine citizens — Ulric of Rosenberg — First struggle between the nobles and the Taborites — The compromise — The Kuttenberg persecution — Sigismund's demands — Zizka's surrender of Pilsen — " No faith with heretics " — Sigismund's lies — Cenek's double treachery — Zizka's cruelties — The march of the Taborites to Prague — Forcible Reformers — Sigismund's retreat — The First anti- Hussite " Crusade " — Frederick of Hohenzollern and the Margravate of Brandenburg — Differences in Sigismund's camp — Xew burnings of Utraquists — The battle of Zizkov Hora — More differences in the camp — The " Four xArticles of Prague " — The discussion — The compromise — Corona- tion of Sigismund. X. From the First Coronation of Sigismund TO THE Opening of the Council of Basel 261-289 (1420— 1431.) Demands of the Taborites — Peter Payne — John of Zeliv — Withdrawal of Taborites — Differences of the Calixtines with Sigismund — His retirement from Prague — Xicholaus of Hus — Hynek of Crusina — The battle of the Vysehrad — Differences of the Bohemians from their enemies in the war — Xew divisions among the Utraquists — The siege of Rican — The " vestment " controversy — Death of Xicholaus of Hus — Martinek Hauska and Transubstantiation — The Adamites — Zizka's treatment of them — Capture of Kutten- berg and Jaromir and return of the nobles to the Utra- quists — Resolution of the Assembly about Sigismund — Xew quarrels between nobles and citizens — The " Second Crusade " — The siege of Zatec — The " miracle " — Cruelties of Sigismund in Moravia — The capture of Kuttenberg — Zizka at bay — ^The recapture — Zizka's final victory over Sigismund — Tyranny of John of Zeliv in Prague — " Prince Korj-but " — Betrayal and death of John of Zeliv — Collapse of the "Third Crusade" — Zizka's struggles with the nobles lA XVI 11 CONTENTS. PAGE — His final victories and death — Prokop the Great — The new war policy of the Bohemians — Pfzibram and Peter Payne — Korybut's blunder — John Rokycana — The " F"ourth Crusade " — Cardinal Beaufort — The siege of Mies — The rout of Tachov — Xew discussions — Demands for a Council — Death of Martin V. — Cesarini and the " Fifth Crusade " — The flight from Taus — End of the " Crusades." XI. From the Opening of the Council of Basel to the f.all of t.abor . . . 29o-322 (1437—1452.) Reasons for the meeting of the Council of Basel — More lies of Sigismund — The peasant risings in France and Germany — Bohemian towns in German hands — Meeting of the Council — Arrival of Bohemians in Basel — Rokycana and Peter Payne — Policy of Cardinal Cesarini — The first meeting — Procop and Cesarini — Rokycana on " the Cup " — Difference of Rokycana from his colleagues — Peter Payne — The English opposition — Cesarini sows division among the Utraquists — End of the first stage of the dis- cussion — Growing differences — Rokycana and Pfzibram — The delegates from Basel — Final struggle between the nobles and Procop — Battle of Lipany and death of Procop — Capek and the Orphans — Meinhard of Neuhaus — Nego- tiations with Sigismund — The " Compacts of Basel " — Election of Rokycana to the Archbishopric — Restoration of Sigismund — His new treacheries — Flight of Rokycana — Peter Payne as judge — Effect of his decision — Revolt of Rohac — Sigismund's retirement and death — Struggle between Albert of Austria and Ladislaus of Poland — Acceptance of Albert's son Ladislaus as King of Bohemia — Meinhard and Ptacek — Xew discussions between Calix- tines and Taborites — Last appearance of Peter Payne — Story of his imprisonment and ransom — Rise of George of Podebrad — Treachery of the Basel delegate — Capture of Prague and death of Meinhard — George's policy — Opposi- tion and fall of Tabor. CONTENTS. XIX XII. PAGE From the Fall of Tabor to the Death of George of Podebrad . . . 323-340 (1452— 1470.) George's attitude towards the young king — Entry of Ladis- laus into Prague — His Catholic sympathies — His death — Candidates for the throne of Bohemia — Election of George — Significance of this election in European history — George's moderation — His relations with Matthias of Hungary — Pius II. and the Turks — Resistance to George in Moravia and Silesia — The revolt of Breslau — The compromise — Increase of George's power and influence — Pius II. 's change of feeling — His condemnation of the Compacts of Basel — Fantinus de Valle and King George — George's defiance of the Pope — Frederick HI. and King George — Pius and the revolt of Breslau — Growing opposition in Bohemia to the king — Death of Pius II. and election of Paul II. — The deferred greeting — The Bull of deposition — Zdenek of Sternberg — The rebellion of the nobles — Losses of George — Election of Matthias — The insulting terms of peace — George's defiance of Pope and princes — His victories and death — Death of Rokycana. XIII. From the Beginning of the Bohemian Brotherhood to the Accession of Ferdinand I. to the Throne of Bohemia 341-373 (1419— 1526.) Parallels between English and Bohemian history — Like- ness and difference between the Bohemian Brothers and the English " Friends " — Contrast between English and Bohemian traditions — Peter of Chelcic — His early career — Relations with Rokycana— Change of Rokycana's policy towards the Brothers — Gregory persecuted by Rokycana — Organisation of the Brotherhood — Further persecutions — = XX CONTENTS. PAGE Death of George and accession of Ladislaus II. — Denunci- ations by the " Masters " of Prajjue — Death of Gregory — His warnings to the Brothers — Growth of tlie Brotlierhood — Lukas of Prague — Struggle between Lukas and Ainos of Stekna — The compromise with the world — New persecu- tions — Bohuslav of Hassenstein — Amos's denunciations — Ladislaus offends the Constitutionalists — The protectors of the Brotherhood — The examination at Prague — The Printing Press — Ladislaus's appeal to Moravia, and its re- pulse — Persecution in Bohemia — -Erasmus and the Brothers — Death of Ladislaus — Decline of freedom in Bohemia — The struggle between the towns and the nobles — King Louis — Lev of Rozmital and Pasek of Wrat — Louis's re- forms — Luther's appearance — Luther and Hus — Luther's warnings to the Utraquists — Gallus Cahera — Pasek's new intrigues — The tyranny in Prague — Louis's vain resistance — Lev of Rozmital and Henry of Rosenberg — The Turkish invasion — Louis's vain appeal — His flight and death — Battle of Mohacs — Election of Ferdinand I. XIV. Reign of Ferdinand I. . . . - 374-405 (1526— 1564.) Questions at issue in Bohemia at the time of Ferdinand's accession — Ferdinand's mistakes — The Turkish war — Ferdinand's reforms in Prague — Soliman's siege of Vienna and its repulse — Final fall of Pasek and Cahera — Ferdi- nand's aims — The Brothers and the Anabaptists — Conrad of Krajek — The Confession of the Brotherhood — John Augusta — Luther's relations with the Brotherhood — His defence of their Confession — Ferdinand's attacks on the Brotherhood — Utraquist opposition to the " Compacts " — Augusta with Calvin and Luther — Luther refuses to Germanise Bohemia — Growth of Lutheran principles in Bohemia — The Bohemians and the Schmalkaldic war — The League for Bohemian Liberty — The insurrection of 1547 — Consequences of its failure — Renewed persecution of the Brotherhood — The Litomysl Brothers — Arrest and torture of Augusta — Ferdinand's ingenious crueltv — Expulsion of COXTE.WTS. XXI PAGE the Brothers from Bohemia — Their settlement in Poland — Removal to Prussia — Their treatment in Prussia — Ferdi- nand's difficulties with the " local " claims — The " Estates of the Circles " — The Komora Dvorska and its uses — Catholics and Utraquists — New torture of Augusta — F'erdinand's appeal to Moravia and its repulse — Augusta's difficulties with the " Elders " — Protestant hopes from Maximilian — Power of the Jesuits — New persecution of the Brothers^Augusta's position — The final attempt at his conversion — His verbal concession to Utraquism and its misrepresentation — His last imprisonment and final release — Death of Ferdinand. XV. From the Death of Ferdinand I. to the Begixxixg of the Re.^ctiox uxder Rudolf II 406-424 (1564— 1600.) Progress of despotism in Bohemia — Ferdinand's great excuse — The fall of Utraquism — Character and policy of Maximilian — His special difficulties — National feeling of the Brotherhood — Blahoslav and Augusta — Lutheran de- sire for uniformit\^ — Augusta's defeat and death — The "Bohemian Confession" — The Conference of 1575 — Consequences of its failure — Change of policy and death of Maximilian — Character and tendencies of Rudolf H. — Revival of Art and Science — Use of it by the Jesuits — Struggle of Jesuits with the Brothers — Difficulties of the Brotherhood — The expulsion of the Krajeks and its conse- quences — Jesuit successes — Resistance of IMoravia — Peter Vok von Rosenberg — General character of the struggles. XVI. From the Begixxixg of the Re.actiox to THE De.\th of Rudolf II. . . 425-453 (1600 — 1612.) Causes of Rudolf's change of policy — The Turkish question ■- — Growth of power of the Komora Dvorska — Rudolf's XXll CONTENTS. PAGE insanity — Opposition of his family to liim — The Edict of 1602 — of 1O04 — Bocksay's insurrection — Growinjj opposi- tion to Rudolf — Karl von Zerotin — His training, character, and policy — Rudolf removes him from office — His relations with Illyezhazy — His championship of Matthias — Differ ences between Rudolf and Matthias — Lichtenstein and Btrka — The Moravian rising — Christian of Anhalt — Zerotin's feelings about war — Alliance between Hungary, Moravia, and Austria against Rudolf — Wenceslaus Budovec — His struggles for religious liberty in Bohemia — His opposition to Matthias — The Assembly of 1608 — Import- ance and originality of Budovec's demands — Rudolf's re- sistance — Failure of Matthias in Bohemia and success elsewhere — Lobkovic, Martinic, and Slavata — Adam of Sternberg — Resolution of Bohemian Protestants to resort to armed resistance — Bohemia and Silesia — Rudolf's final resistance to the Protestants — Budovec's leadership — The Defenders — Peter Vok of Rosenberg — Rudolf's final con- cession — The Letter of Majest}- — The Archduke Leopold — The peacemakers — Concession by Rudolf to Matthias — The Passau plot ; its rise, horrors, and end — Flight of Leopold — Matthias crowned at Prague — Last hopes and death of Rudolf XVH. From the Death of Rudolf II. to the Battle of the White Hill . 454-482 (1612 — 1620.) Matthias's difficulties — Policy of Zerotin — Erasmus von Tschernembl — His differences with Zerotin — Zerotin and Khlesl — Relations of Bohemia to Moravia and Silesia — Policy of Khlesl — The Transylvanian question — Khlesl worsted by Zerotin — Election of Matthias as Emperor and its results — The nobles and the towns — Results of their quarrels — The provincial question again — " Hapsburgs or no Hapsburgs ? " — New persecution — Ferdinand of Styria — Khlesl's change of policy — The Troppau question — Fall of Zerotin — Election of Ferdinand as King of Bohemia — The renewed persecution — The Assemblies of 161 8 — The Dcfenestratio — The Provisional Government — Fall of CONTENTS. XXI 11 PAGE Khlesl — Alliances on both sides — Deaths of Maximilian and Matthias — Silesia, Lausitz, and Moravia join the Bohemians — Thurn's invasion of Austria and its end — ■ Bethlen Gabor, and the rising in Hungary — Election of Frederick as king — Discontent of the peasantry with the movement — Difticulties of the Assembly — Bethlen's suc- cesses and failures — Maximilian of Bavaria — The tinal invasion — Battle of the White Hill. XVHI. From the Battle of the White Hill to THE Present Time .... 483-509 Completeness of the overthrow of Bohemian independence in 1620 — Execution of leaders of insurrection — Persecution of Protestant preachers — Triumph of the Jesuits — Their absolute power — Destruction of memorials of Protestant leaders — Locika's protest and death — Resistance and over- throw of Kuttenberg — Zerotin and Ferdinand — Resistance of Zerotin and Sabovsky — Penal laws against Protestants — Their expulsion in 1627 — Overthrow of constitutional and municipal liberty and national independence — Crushing out of the language — Career of Comenius — His life before leaving Bohemia — His allegory — He settles at Lissa — "Janua aurea" — The "Didactica" — Invitation to Sweden — Comenius and Hartlib — Success and failure in England — Milton's letter to Hartlib — Comenius in Sweden — At Elbing — Comenius and De Geer — Disappointment at peace of Westphalia — Election as Bishop of Brotherhood — Effect of his addresses — His later labours — Results of his work — General stagnation in Bohemia — Accession of Maria Theresa and its results — Suppression of the Jesuits — Joseph's Edict of Toleration — Shortcomings of his religious policy — Of his educational policy — ^His opposition to Con- stitutional liberty — His abolition of serfdom — Leopold II. — Revival of Bohemian Literature — Frantisek Pelcel — Caspar von Sternberg — Josef Dobrovsky — Leopold II. and Dobrovsky — The National Museum — The Koniginhof MS. — Safarik and Palacky — The Griinberg MS. — The con- troversy about these MSS. — Palacky's History — The dis- covery of ancient peasant art — Later controversies. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE SMALL RING OF PRAGUE . , . FrOlltispieCC libusa's bath just below the VYSEHRAD . . 9 CYRIL A\D METHODIUS, FROM THE WINDOW OF A CHURCH IN CAROLINEN-THAL . . . I3 TOMB OF ST. LUDMILA 23 CHURCH BUILT BY ST. ADALBERT AT PRACHATICE 3 1 liADNICE BRNE : OLD DOOR OF TOWN COUNCIL HOUSE OF BRiJNN 73 JIHLAVA (IGLAU), THE GREAT MINING CENTRE IN IMORAVIA 77 CATHEDRAL OF OLMUTZ ON SITE OF CASTLE WHERE WENCESLAUS III. WAS MURDERED . . . II7 LIKENESS TAKEN FROM CHAPEL IN CARLSTEIN . I3I CARLSTEIN (KARLUV TYN) I35 MAPS SHOWING GROWTH OF PRAGUE UNDER CHARLES IV 138, 139 STATUE OF CHARLES IV. NEAR HIS BRIDGE IN PRAGUE 152 KRUMOV, ONE OF THE CHIEF SEATS OF THE ROSENBERGS 169 VILLAGE OF HUSINEC 175 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. XXV PAGE HUSIXEC, SHOWING COTTAGE WHERE HUS WAS BORN 176 JAX HUS 179 THE GREAT RING OF PRAGUE. SCENE OF MURDER OF THE OPPONENTS OF THE INDULGENCE . 201 MARKET-PLACE OF PRACHATICE, THE TOWN WHERE HUS AND ZIZKA WENT TO SCHOOL . . 228 ENTRANCE INTO FORTIFIED PART OF TABOR . 237 HOUSE IN TABOR WITH OLD TABORITE COMMUNION table in front of it 24o figure of miner with mining lamp and staff in church of st. barbara at kuttenberg (kutna hora) 244 kutna hora, office where the coins were struck by the italians brought to kutna hora by wenceslaus ii 245 TOWN COUNCIL HOUSE OF PILSEN (PLZEN) . . 246 THE CASTLE OF PRAGUE 25 1 VIEW OF PRAGUE SHOWING ZIZKA's HILL TO THE NORTH-EAST 256 ROAD NEAR TABOR, SHOWING TOWN WALL . . 263 2lZKA ON HORSEBACK AT THE HEAD OF THE FLAIL-BEARING TABORITES (FROM AN OLD PICTURE COPIED IN DR. TOMAN'S PAMPHLET) 275 old picture of zizka in heaven (from dr toman's pamphlet) .... (chodi) bohemian peasants of the bavarian BORDER JOHN ROKYCANA ZN.AVM (ZNOJEM), SCENE OF SIGISMUND'S DE.ATH IB 281 287 513 XXVI LIST or ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE GEORGE OF PODEBRAD, FIRST HERETIC KI\G OF BOHEMIA 327 JOHN AUGUSTA 381 MORAVIAN WOMAN 429 HALL IN THE CASTLE OF PRAGUE FROM WHENCE ALVRTLNIC AND SLAVATA WERE THROWN . 468 PLACE IN FRONT OF TOWN COUNCIL HOUSE OF PRAGUE WHERE THE BOHEMIAN NOBLES WERE EXECUTED AFTER THE INSURRECTION . . 485 STATUE OF ST. JOHN NEPOMUC .... 486 CHURCH OF ST. BARBARA AT KUTNA HORA . . 488 JOHN AMOS KOMENSKY 492 SLOVAK WOMAN FOUND IN PARTS OF MORAVIA AND ALSO IN HUNGARY 505 BOHEMIAN WOMAN WITH " DOVE " HEAD DRESS AND NATIVE WORK 507 T. Fisher Unwin. Paternoster Square. London, E.G. ^ THE STORY OF BOHEMIA. FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD OF BOHEMIAN HISTORY TO THE HUNGARIAN INYASION. (-885.) The history of a lost nationalit)" is necessaril}' tragic and can rarely be commonplace. In the case of Bohemia the interest is increased by the variet}- of the parts which she was forced to play, each of which, while of great value to the world, assisted in some degree to hasten her ruin. Thus, for instance, the intense desire to maintain her own independent life brought her into collision with neigh- bouring States which were determined to crush or to absorb her ; while, on the other hand, her position as the champion of a race, of which she was but one member, dragged her into further quarrels that were not necessarily the result of her geographical position. x*\nd, lastly, the very desire to maintain her national existence, and to defend the freedom of her Slavonic kinsmen, constantly compelled her to mix in the 2 BOHEMIAN HISTORY. quarrels of that larger world with which she and they had so little sympathy ; and even to accept a share in the responsibilities of that Empire, which, calling itself Roman, was always becoming more and more Teutonic, and therefore more anti-Slavonic. And in that struggle between Teuton and Slav the one thing which, from the earliest to the latest times, has been the most prized treasure, and the subject of the fiercest championship of the Bohemian, is his language. Every effort for constitutional govern- ment and national liberty has always directly connected itself with this aspiration for the preserva- tion, development, and general recognition of this great right. Sigismund, in the time of his most cruel attempts to crush out the freedom of his subjects, was denounced as " the enemy of our language," rather than of our nation. Hus is honoured, even by Roman Catholic Bohemians, as the assertor and developer of their language. It was the great crime of Joseph II. that he desired to destroy it. If we could have talked with a Bohemian Christian of the ninth or tenth century, we should have found his deepest feelings stirred by a reference to the language which was then assuming its first shape ; and the same subject has the deepest interest for the Bohemian patriot of the nineteenth century, now that his lan- guage has become one of the most varied and expres- sive of modern Europe. Nor must we forget the connection of the eccle- siastical independence of Bohemia with her most vivid political life. From the time when the mission of Cyril and Methodius brought to the front the question THE JUDGMENT OF LIB USA. 3 of a Slavonic ritual, and of an ecclesiastical organisa- tion, which was to be separated as far as possible from Teutonic influences, to the time when Bohemia sank before Ferdinand in the struggle between national Protestantism and Imperial Romanism, the questions of Bohemian language and Bohemian self- government were mixed up continually with the claim to be guided in spiritual things by a clergy who preached and prayed in the Slavonic language. Even the earliest traditions show that long before the introduction of Christianity the Bohemian ideal of national life had been totally different from that of the surrounding nations. The poem of " The Judg- ment of Libusa," which seems to embody the earliest picture of Bohemian life, is no Iliad or Niebelungen Lied, no story of robber dens or rapes of the Sabines, but the representation of a peace-loving nation trying to uphold traditions of communal ownership of land, and the gentle guidance of the wisest in judicial affairs, modified by an organised expression of popular opinion.^ ' The following account of the legend of Libusa is taken partlj' from the translation of the Libusin Saud by Mr. A. H. Wratislaw, partly from the version of the story given by Cosmas. I have not the least desire to enter here into the burning question of the authenticity of the original poem. I have heard every degree and variety of opinion on that subject, even from patriotic Bohemians. But the only two points that concern me liere are, first, that Cosmas must have had before him some old legend containing a version of the story, not unlike that edited and translated by Mr. Wratislaw ; secondly, that Cosmas accepted this story as embodying his concep- tion of the beginnings of Bohemian historj'. No one, as far as I know, disputes the genuineness of Cosmas's history ; into the sources of his information it is not necessarv to go. 4 BOHEMIAN HISTORY. So great an impression did the poems, in which this ideal is set forth, produce on the Bohemian mind, that extracts from them are translated at full length by the chronicler Cosmas, who took an active part in the bustling politics of the eleventh century, when these ideals must have seemed to belong to a very distant past. According to this writer, certain people who had been scattered by the failure of the Tower of Babel, wandered into Germany where they found various wild beasts. One party in the course of their wander- ings found a plain lying near the mountain Rip, and between the rivers Ogra (Eger), and Wlitawa (Moldauj. This plain they called Bohemia after the eldest of the party named Boemus. Here they founded a peaceable and communistic .settlement where they desired to make war on none but the beasts. But, some ambitious men having introduced the evil of private property, it became necessary to choose a judge to decide the disputes which now unavoidably arose. So they chose as their judge their best man named Crocco, who founded a camp. He had three daughters, of whom the eldest was skilled in medicine, the second was a kind of religious teacher, who instructed the people in the worship of Oreads and Dryads ; while the third, Libusa, was distinguished for her political wi.sdom and foresight, and was supposed to be an inspired prophetess. Libusa was accordingly chosen to the judicial office on her father's death. But Crocco's formation of a camp seems to have stirred the military spirit in the Bohemians ; and the story which follows clearly THE JUDGMENT OF LIBUSA. 5 indicates the transition from the earHer and more peaceable stage to the later developments of national organisation. Two powerful chiefs are disputing for the land, which has come to them from their father. The question is submitted to Libusa, as the chief judge. On the da}' of the trial she appears in great state, summons before her the heads of the different families or tribes, and submits to them her proposals for settling this question. She declares that, according to the old custom of their people, the land ought either to be equally divided between the brothers, or else the}- ought to share it in common. The leaders of the tribes, after collecting in some wa}' the votes of the assembly, decide that the land is to be held in common, basing their judgment also on the old traditions of the nation. Thereupon the elder of the disputants rises in anger, and declares that he ought to have retained the land in right of primo- geniture, and further that the Bohemians ought not to submit any longer to women, who were fitter for receiving the advances of wooers than of dictating laws to soldiers. Then follows a scene which seems at once to fix the point of change arrived at, and to make the circumstances more familiar for ordinary readers by the parallel which it suggests with a familiar transition to military kingship recorded in the Second Book of Samuel. Libusa, anxious to warn her people of the full effect of the course they are taking, sets forth to them the dangers of a militar}' monarch}-. Beginning with 0. reference to the story of the petition of the frogs to 6 BOHEMIAN HISTORY. Jupiter, she reminds them that it will be more easy to choose a chief than to remove him. " Before him your knees will tremble, and your tongue cleave to your mouth. You will with difficulty answer, ' Yes, sir ! )'es, sir ! ' He \\\\\ condemn men by his nod without )-our judgment being taken ; he will cut off the head of one, and throw others into prison ; some of you he will make slaves, and others exactors and torturers ; others, again, he \\\\\ make cooks or bakers or millers. He will appoint you as tribunes or cen- turions or cultivators of his vines and wheat, as armourers and preparers of skins. He will reduce your sons and daughters to subjection, and will carry off the best of your horses and mares and cattle to his palace. He will take what is best from your fields and plains and meadows and vineyards, and turn them to his own use." But though the criminal folly of the change proposed is indicated as clearly by Libusa as by Samuel, }'et in both stories we find by a strange contradiction the same half-mystical enthu- siasm for the person of the first king. Libu.sa, unable to resist the popular demand that she should take a husband and give the Bohemians a king, tells the people to go to a certain \'illage where the}' will find a man ploughing with oxen. Him the)' are to greet as their king, and his posterity will rule in this land for ever. The messengers plead that they do not know the way to the village. Libu.sa answers that if they \\\\\ follow her horse it will guide them. They obey ; and they at last arrive at the village of Stadic, where they find Premysl ploughing. They call on him to change liis dress and mount the KING PREMYSL. 7 horse, as Queen Libusa and all the people demand him as their ruler. Premysl therefore sets free his oxen, telling them to go whence they came, and strikes his goad into the ground. The oxen vanish from sight, and the goad puts forth leaves and fruits. Then Premysl comes with the messengers ; but he in- sists on taking with him his ploughman's boots, that his successors may be made humble and merciful by the memor\' of the state from whence the}- sprung ; " and these boots," sa)^s Cosmas (writing in the ele\enth century), " are preserved at Vysehrad to this day in the Duke's chamber." There is another legend which still more quaintly marks this transition from mild and readily accepted rule to the era of physical force. According to this story the maidens of Bohemia founded a city which they called Devi'n from Devina, " a maiden." The young men to maintain their independence set up an opposition town called Hrasten. The intercourse between these rival towns seems to have been some- times friendl}' and sometimes hostile ; but always apparently on equal terms as long as Libusa lived. After her death, however, the men \\'on the da}% and ever afterwards held the women under their control. But the golden age of Queen Libusa is long past, when we catch sight of the Bohemians in even the earliest period of authentic history. First we have a dim vision of a great Slavonic Empire stretching northwards to the Spree, and eastwards to the Carpathians ; of struggles with Avars and Huns, and, above all, with the Franks. Then suddenl}-, as the dim mist clears a little, we find that the Franks have 8 BO U EM I A. \ HISTORY. become Christian, and the -et free from danger, Wenceslaus, as King of Bohemia, and his son •J^ THE GROWTH OF BOHEMIAN IJE'E. Pfemysl Ottakar, as Margrave of Moravia, now set themselves to redress the injuries done by the Tartar invasion. In 1243 they began to enlarge and restore the towns which had been destroyed by the Tartars ; and in order to induce the frightened citizens to devote themselves to this work, they found it neces- sary to encourage them by the grant of further liberties. The conception of municipal government evidently makes great strides at this time. Accused persons are now more carefully guarded from arbitrary sentences ; and we also find the jury rising to an equality with the judge in the decision of certain matters. More clearly, too, do we detect the deter- mination to put a check on the tyranny of the nobles by the development of civic liberties. " We will," says Wenceslaus, in his extension of the privileges of Brlinn, " and we irrefragably decree that no baron or noble of the land shall have power in the city of Briinn, or shall do any violence in it, or shall detain any one, without the license and proclamation of the judge of the city ; and we will that, whoever of the citizens has servants or possessions outside the city, shall not be summoned by the provincial judge, or the officials of the province, but shall be judged by the judge of the city." The power of demising property without inter- ference from others, freedom of marriage or non- marriage to widows and maidens, various forms of jjrotection against violence, facilities for holding markets, and the removal of customs duties — such arc the chief subjects dealt with in these civic consti- 78 THE GROWTH OF BOH F.MIAN LIFE. tutions. The discover)' and workiiii^r (,f minerals, which largely date from this time, led to new- opportunities of self-government. In the town of Iglau (Ji'klava), where miners had been prominent in the defence of their country against the Tartars, the powers granted to them and the neighbouring citizens were particularly large. " We wish and command," sa\- Wenceslaus and Prem}-sl Ottakar his son, " that, whatever the jur)' of our cit}' and the jury of the miners have ordained, for the commercial good, should be inviolably observed b\^ all." Even tax-collectors of the king are to consult the miners in certain matters ; while special .securities are given against possible defalcations by debtors of noble birth. Great as was the advance which is implied in the.se decrees, the use made of them by the citizens shows that they understood how to extend their liberties still further. The benefit derixed from the powers granted to civic judges might have been neutralised b\- the wa}' in which the judgeships were still conferred by the kings on their personal favourites ; but the jurymen of Brlinn claimed for themselves the power of checking, and even over- ruling the judge, which must have been a far better guarantee for the .self-government of the cit}' than any that was directly contained in the royal decree. " The judge," sa)- these administrators, " must reverence the jur}' as legislators, never dictate .sentences on his own authorit}', ne\"cr arrest an}' one without their knowledge, nex'er appropriate to liimsclf the fines of the cit\', never brinir back tho.se EQUALITY BEFORE THE LAW IN TOWNS. "jg that are driven from the city, without the consent of the jurors ; ahvays hsten to them, and arrange all the business of his office according to their advice." How much the sense of equality before the law grew under this administration may be illustrated by the following instance. A servant has brought an action against a fellow-servant for wounding him ; while at the same time a master brings an action against the same defendant for debt. The question arises which of these shall be heard first. The jury decide that " since the body of a man is more precious than money," the defendant should answer for his violence to the man whom he has wounded, before he answers to the master for his debt. More bold still was the assertion of the rights of the citizens to hold the nobles responsible to the city tribunals for lands held within the city. And while they held their own against the nobles outside, the popular magistrates increased their authority within the city. The power of regulating trade, which in England was seized by the Guilds, was, in the Moravian towns, at once taken into the hands of the civic authorities ; and thus those conflicts, which Mrs. Green has described as prevailing in so many English towns, between the magistrates and the leaders of the trades, never assume such prominence in the history of Brlinn and Olmiitz. Nor was it only in their immediate security for liberty and good government that these civic rights were of advantage to Bohemia and Moravia. Ques- tions were forced upon the practical consideration of the jurors, the very discussion of which formed an So THE GROWTH OF BOHEMIAN LIFE. important element in political education. Thus the treatment by the jurors of the questions of the value of torture, and ordeal b>- battle, as methods of discovering truth, show how experience was already preparing the wa}' for the overthrow of abuses, which were yet too strongly supported by popular prejudice to be removed at once. The steady growth of these liberties, which had received so powerful an impulse from the needs produced by the Tartar invasion, was strll further promoted b\' Pfem}'sl Ottakar II., and became in his hands part of a complete scheme for humbling the power of the nobilit}'. Wenceslaus, in spite of some fine qualities, had been a self-indulgent and pleasure-seeking man ; and he had, like some of his predecessors, mortgaged many of the royal lands and castles to the nobles. This had naturally increased their power, and had enabled them to organise those insurrections against the king in which they had at first succeeded in involving his son. But even while he was still Margrave of Moravia, young Pfem}-sl Ottakar had broken loose from these influences ; and by \-arious economies and convenient pecuniary transactions he had succeeded in raising mone}' enough to purchase back the lands from the nobles, compelling them, sometimes against their will, to surrender their mortgages. He also forced them to break down those castles which had been great causes of disorder and weakness in the country. Nor did he fail to strengthen his cause by alliance with the clergy. Ever since the quarrel between Frederick II. and Wenceslaus, that King had been a devoted champion RIVALRY BETWEEN TOWNS AND MONASTERIES. 8 1 of the Pope ; and in the growing weakness of the Empire, the Pope became more and more the one great Power to which a rising and ambitious king could appeal. Ottakar II. became distinguished as a friend of the Church, not onl}' by his strong support of the Papal power, but by his endowment and development of the monasteries. In this, indeed, he was carrying on that revival of Bohemian life which Wenceslaus had begun after the repulse of the Tartars. But it was evident that these ecclesiastical exemptions must sometimes come into collision with those civic liberties of which we have spoken. This contradiction was evidently felt by Ottakar ; and it showed itself in three different ways. The freedom of trade, which, under certain limitations, was so welcome to the towns, was by no means in accordance with the claims of the abbots. They wished that certain occupations should be carried on under their control ; and not that there should be any exchange of the articles connected with those occupations. Thus w^e find in some of the grants to the monasteries that, while the monks and their dependants are relieved from certain forms of taxa- tion, the exemption is specially limited to those who are not engaged in trade. Secondly, there was an obvious risk of a conflict of authority between the monastic tribunals and those of the city. Thirdly, the records of Briinn, and of its imitators, show that the growing ideas of equality before the law did not always seem to the citizens quite consistent with the privileges claimed by the clergy. Nor must it be supposed that charters to monasteries and charters 7 82 THE GROWTH OF BOHEMIAN LIFE. to towns represented, in the same degree, the ordinary idea of human liberty. The dependants of the abbot were as much at his mercy as those of any feudal lord ; and though it might be an advantage for them to escape from the oppressions of the Zupani, it was not always certain that the abbot would be a gentler master. That Ottakar felt the difficulty of this conflict, and desired to compromise between the interests of these ri\als for his favour, is strikingly illustrated by the two cases of Hradiste and Litomysl. In the former case, Ottakar was particularly anxious to secure the good will of the citizens, because he looked upon their town as a possible bulwark against Hungarian invasion ; but the neighbouring convent of Vilegrad feared that the grant of liberties to Hradiste would interfere with the privileges of their convent. The compromise to which Ottakar was forced seems a considerable surrender to ecclesiastical pretensions. The townsmen were to settle in one particular island, for which they were to pay rent to the monastery. The monastery was to retain all its former rights over waters, fisheries, mills, meadows, woods, and corn-fields ; and, though the town was to hold a market two days a week, the profit of that market was to go on one day to the king, and on another to the monastery ; and, above all, the judge of the town was to be appointed b)- the monastery. But in this decree there is a proxision which seems to suggest how e\en such a comjjromise might work for freedom. The common rights in pasture held prc\iousl\' b\- the townsmen are to be shared with the dependants of OTTAKAR AND BRUNO. 83 the monastery ; but the dependants of the monastery in their turn are to share their common rights with the citizens of the town. Thus there would naturally grow up a combination among the dependants of the monasteries, like those unions which, in England, gave such trouble to the abbots of St. Albans and Dunstable. In the case of Litomysl the grants to the monas- tery and those given to the town are so entangled that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between the benefits received by the respective recipients of the royal favour ; and, in this case, Ottakar seems to have cut the knot by raising Litomysl to the ordinary position of a royal town, and thereby emancipating it from the control of the monastery. Ottakar indeed had one sure protection against any possible offence which the Church might fear from the growth of ci\-ic liberty. Bruno, Bishop of Olmlitz, was his right- hand man in this as in other parts of his work, Him- .self a German by birth, he warmly encouraged the introduction of German town rights into the cities of Moravia ; while, on the other hand, he always suc- ceeded, until the final catastrophe of Ottakar's life, in strengthening the good understanding between the Pope and the King of Bohemia. Thus there were now growing up in Bohemia the elements of internal liberty, under the patronage of a king strong and wise enough to hold his own against the nobles. Had Ottakar been content to remain King of Bohemia alone, the effect of his reign on his country might have been permanently beneficial. But it is now necessary to speak of that career of 84 TEE GROWTH OF BOHEMIAN LIFE. conquest and aggression which raised up against him so man\- enemies, and which at last put into the hands of his most dangerous rival the weapon by which king and country were alike overthrown. However e\il were the final results of his aggres- sions, it must be owned that there was a certain plausibility in the justification offered by Ottakar for each of his conquests. To begin with the first and most important of them, the conquest of Austria. The Babenbergers had been undoubtedly troublesome neighbours to the Dukes of Bohemia ; and Frederick the Quarrelsome, the last of the line, had been also so oppressive to his subjects that they had appealed to the Emperor to choose them a new duke. On this occasion the King of Bohemia had been one of those to whom the enforcement of the ban of the Empire had been entrusted. When, then, on the death of Frederick the Quarrelsome, the land seemed like!}- to fall into the hands of the Emperor, or to be torn in pieces by rival claimants, Wenceslaus and Ottakar ma\- have naturally considered it a matter of self- defence to establish their rule, and with it some kind of order, in the lands of so near a neighbour ; and they were further encouraged in their attempt by the approval of Pope Innocent \\ . But the latter phases of the conquest are perhaps less excusable, and even somewhat discreditable to Wenceslaus and his son. The Austrian nobles, on the death of the Em])eror Frederick had resohed to choose the Margrave of Meissen as their duke, and to send represcntatixes to invite him to accept the ducal crown. On their way through Bolicmia, ottakar's first marriage. 85 Wenceslaus invited them to a banquet, and tried to cajole them into choosing his son as their duke. The messengers, alarmed and taken by surprise, declared that they had no authority to accept this proposal. Wenceslaus, thereupon, uttered such threats, that the Austrians considered it dangerous to continue their journey ; and they returned to their country to re- consider the question. Apart from the claim given to the Margrave of Meissen by the choice of the nobles, there were t\\'o rival claimants to the dukedom of Austria ; Margaret the widow of the Emperor Henry VI., and daughter of Leopold the Glorious, the most popular of all the Babenberg House ; and Gertrude a niece of Frederick the Quarrelsome, and wife of the Margrave of Baden. Margaret was, of course, tolerably advanced in life, and had taken a vow of virginity after the death of her husband ; but Wenceslaus and Bruno of Olmlitz persuaded young Ottakar to make good his claim to the duchy by wooing the widow. In an evil hour for herself, Margaret consented to Ottakar's proposal ; the approval of the Pope, and possibly some slight display of military force, completed Ottakar's claim ; and he was accepted by some at least of the Austrian nobles as their Duke. In Austria, as in Bohemia, Ottakar looked chiefly for his support to the great cities. Vienna flourished under his rule ; and he granted special privileges to the neighbouring town of Neustadt. But the hostility of the nobles still continued ; and they were resolved that, at all events, the German province of Styria should not fall into Bohemian hands. The difficulty 86 THE GROWTH OF BOHEMIAN LIFE. of Ottakar's position on this question lay in the fact that the most important rival claimant was Bela, King of Hungary, who, like Ottakar, was a special favourite of the Pope ; and in the beginning of the struggle the King of Hungary succeeded in estab- lishing his authority in Styria. But, by the admis- sion even of Ottakar's enemies, the tyranny of the Hungarians in Styria was so great that, when Ottakar again made an attempt on the province, he was welcomed as a deliverer ; and for the time he made good his footing. It was now necessary to get a formal sanction for these conquests ; and Ottakar chose Richard of Cornwall, from the rival claimants to the German Empire, as the puppet most useful for this purpose. Richard was willing enough to secure so influential a supporter ; but the King of Hungary was not so easily satisfied. In 1260, he once more poured his forces into Styria and Austria ; and he was now followed, not only by the Hungarian troops, but by the savage Cumanians, and even, according to one account, by the Tartars. The struggle was a fierce one ; but it ended in the complete victory of the Bohemians. Ottakar, however, thought it necessary to secure himself against future invasions, by a singularly questionable step. The unfortunate Margaret, to whom, it was evident, he must very soon have become unfaithful, was to be repudiated on the ground of her former vow of virginity, in order that Ottakar might marry Kunigunda, the daughter of Bela, King of Hungary. Urban IV., like many of his predecessors, CO\QUEST OF CARINTHIA AXD CARXIOLA. 87 was extremely desirous to procure a good under- standing between Hungary and Bohemia, as in the union of these kingdoms he saw the best hope of security against a future Tartar in\asion ; so Kuni- gunda was crowned Queen of Bohemia by the Arch- bishop of Mainz. But Ottakar's conquests were not yet at an end. Ulrich, the Duke of Carinthia and Carniola, had a very troublesome brother called Philip, who was generally at feud with some prince or other. Amongst his other enemies was the Patriarch of Acquileia, to whose office he desired to succeed. Ulrich, knowing Ottakar's influence with the Pope and the ecclesiastics generally, tried to secure that influence in fa\our of the election of Philip to the patriarchate. Ottakar agreed, on condition that Ulrich would make him his heir in Carinthia and Carniola. Ulrich consented to this proposal ; and, by Ottakar's influence, the Chapter of Acquileia elected Philip Patriarch. Philip was apparently unaware of the bargain ; and he was therefore extremely indignant, when, on Ulrich's death, the King of Bohemia entered Carinthia and Carniola as the lawful heir of Ulrich. This bitterness was further increased when the Pope refused to confirm the election of the Chapter, and Philip found himself without either patriarchate or dukedom. Ottakar was now the lord of all the territories which form the western part of the present Austrian Empire, with the exception of the T}'rol. But his hold on these conquered territories was by no means so certain as it at first appeared. Though none of 88 THE GROWTH OF BOHEMIAN LIFE. his rivals were able, at the moment, to make good their claims against him, yet any one of them might reckon on a formidable amount of discontent in all the conquered provinces. For the same policy which he had pursued in Bohemia of breaking down the power of the nobles, by destroying their castles, was carried on in his new dominions ; and, while in all of them it caused considerable opposition, in St\Tia the discontent soon ripened into rebellion. The attitude of the Styrian nobles had, from the first, been one of more determined hostility than Ottakar had encountered in his other dominions ; and it soon provoked him into measures which in- creased the evil. One can scarcely accept as undoubted history all the charges of cruelty made against him by the Styrian noble Ottakar von Horneck, who was evidently in full sympathy from the first with those who resisted the Bohemian claims. Still less can we accept as authentic the reckless attacks of the chroni- cler Victor, who was a chaplain of the House of Hapsburg. But those facts, which seem to be indis- putable, are sufficient of themselves to account for Ottakar's failure to reduce the province to submission. As usual in such cases, intriguers were found to intensify the king's suspicions by false accusations ; some nobles were thrown into prison on insufficient evidence ; and w hen the case broke down against them, their accuser was in turn imprisoned. Finally, Milota, the governor appointed by Ottakar, tried to bring in Bohemian soldiers and Bohemian settlers to maintain the authorit)' of the king. But, though all these elements of discontent were ottakar's attitude to the empire. 89 gradually ripening to violent conclusions, to outward appearance Ottakar was still at the height of his power. Old King Bela of Hungary, in dying, placed his wife, daughter, and barons under the special pro- tection of Ottakar ; and, when Bela's son and successor Stephen tried to shake off the power which his father had given to Bohemia, he found himself opposed by the bishops and archbishops of Hungary, and by some even of the barons. Ottakar was able to dic- tate peace in Hungary itself, and Stephen was forced to renounce all claims to Styria and Carinthia. A change, however, was shortly to occur in Europe which was to diminish one of the chief causes of Ottakar's success. In his, as in former reigns, Ger- many's difficulty had been Bohemia's opportunity ; and it was Ottakar's too ready recognition of this fact which now brought him into collision with the wisest and most patriotic rulers in Europe, as well as with some of the most daring intriguers. Ever since the death of Henry VI., the son of Barbarossa, the claim to the throne of the Holy Roman Empire had been perpetually disputed. The striking and roman- tic figure of Frederick II. had indeed arrested the attention of Europe in a marked manner ; but the intense hatred felt for him by all the Popes, his own preference of Sicily to Germany, and the com- plete disorganisation produced by the Tartar invasion, had combined to prevent him from establishing any firm rule in the Empire. Since his death the phantom figures of William of Holland, Conrad the Fourth, Alfonso of Castille, and Richard of Cornwall had flitted across the stage of German politics, each con- go THE GROWTH OT BOHEMIAN LITE. tributing a certain amount of increase to the general anarchy. In the absence of any settled central government, the great towns of Germany had en- deavoured to form leagues for their own protection, and in the general interest of order ; but even these had a difficulty in maintaining their existence against the pretensions of the archbishops and the robberies of the knights and nobles. In such a state of things the first instinct of those who desired to restore order was to choose the strongest ruler who could be found ; and therefore it was not altogether surprising that the Imperial crown was offered, by some at least of the German princes, to Ottakar himself. The grounds of Ottakar's refusal have been variously given ; and it is highly probable that both of the explanations offered were parts of the truth. On the one hand his nobles, already jealous of his power, were extremely un- willing that he should have a new and independent force at his back, which would enable him still further to overawe them ; while, on the other hand, Ottakar himself saw clearly that the position of King of Bohemia and King-maker of the Empire was a far safer and more powerful one than the position of a Holy Roman lunperor, checked, and often controlled, by the Electors of the Empire. The Elector who took the most prominent part in this offer to Ottakar had been the Archbishop of Koln ; but Werner of Mainz now succeeded in in- ducing the zArchbishops of Koln and Trier to join him in an alliance which was to secure the election of an lunpcror who would be amenable to their advice. ARC HI EPISCOPAL PVTRp-.UES. 9 1 Werner had been specially alarmed at the growth of Ottakar's power ; for any development of Bohemian independence would weaken the power of the Empire over the diocese of Prague, and would thereby weaken also the ecclesiastical authority of Mainz. He was, therefore, specially anxious to secure a counter- balancing power to Ottakar's, but a power which would at the same time be dependent on the Electors of the Empire. The Archbishops first con- sidered, and then rejected, the proposal to raise to the Imperial throne the Count Palatine of the Rhine ; for they soon saw that he might be useful as an ally, but extremely dangerous as a master. As the great hindrance to the unity of the Empire seemed, at that time, to come from the South, it was particularly necessary for the Archbishops to win to their side Duke Louis of Bavaria, who was the principal rival and enemy of Ottakar. Bavaria had recently been divided into two parts, between the two brothers Louis and Henry ; and the warm friendship of Henry for Ottakar had strengthened the opposition of Louis. Louis, indeed, may have himself dreamt of the Imperial crown ; but neither the Archbishops, nor the more northern Electors, were disposed to concede this dignit}^ to him. They had, however, a bait which was sufficiently attractive to the Duke. It appeared that in the year 1257, the Duke of Bavaria had taken part in one of those confused elec- tions to the Empire which had given an opportunity for every kind of irregular interference. The Arch- bishops now proposed to recognise this precedent as conferring on the Duke of Bavaria the position of 92 THE GROWTH OF BOHEMIAN LIFE. Elector of the Empire, and thus completing the mystic number of seven, without the help of the King of Bohemia. A candidate for the throne had, however, still to be found ; and, as the idea of choosing one of the more powerful princes was now definitely abandoned, the Margrave of Brandenburg and the Duke of Saxony put forward a kinsman of their own, named Siegfried of Anhalt. The majority, however, of the Electors, and the most active spirits among them, desired to strengthen their position in the South rather than the North of Germany ; and it was now that Frederick of Hohenzollern, the Burggraf of Nurnberg, brought forward the candidate for whom he had been secretly preparing the way. This was Count Rudolf of Hapsburg, the owner of a castle near the Lake of Constance, who had become known in his own neigh- bourhood as the protector and champion of Bern and other growing towns. He had gained considerable reputation for military ability ; and he had evi- dently some of that personal power of fascination so important to a great ruler. Fortunately for his chances of success he had already attracted the attention of Werner of Mainz, at the time when the Archbishop was on his journey to Rome to be confirmed in his diocese. But, besides this important support, Rudolf had another source of influence, the peculiar use of which was to be a marked characteristic of his des- cendants. He had a large number of marriageable daughters. One of the.se was promi-sed to the Count Palatine of the Rhine ; and by marriage with another the Duke of Sa.xony was persuaded to abandon the OTTAKAR OUTWITTED, 93 cause of Siegfried of Anhalt. By what means the Elector of Brandenburg was won over is not quite clear ; and, in all probability, he was the least willing of the Imperial Electors to grant his support to Rudolf His opposition, however, cannot at this time ha\e been very decided ; for, when the Electors held their formal meeting, the resolution to support Rudolf was unanimous. Thus far the intrigues appear by some m}'sterious means to have been kept from the kno\\'ledge of Ottakar. But such an arrangement could not long be hid. Henry of Bavaria must necessarily have been admitted to the knowledge of some of these proceed- ings ; and. although the Electors were anxious to conciliate him, he was not yet prepared to abandon his friendship for Ottakar. Probabl}-, therefore, it was through his means that Ottakar had received notice of the meeting of the final Assembly for de- ciding the election ; and he was able, therefore, to send a representati\-e to it. Apparently, however, the King of Bohemia had not even yet realised the full extent of his enemies' intrigues ; and it was with the greatest surprise and indignation that his repre- sentative discovered that the meeting to which he had been summoned was merely called to confirm an elec- tion already previously agreed upon. That Ottakar should be indignant at this ignoring of his electoral rights was natural enough ; but the amazement and horror which the election of Rudolf excited in his mind can only be described in his own ^\•ords. In November, 1273, he addressed to Pope Gregory X., who had then been recently elected, his 94 THE GROWTH OF BOHEMIAN LIFE. jDrotest a- be gathered from the fact that among the first eight professors one v\as a Saxon, one a Westphalian. and one a Frenchman. The tendenc}- to welcome men of learning was characteristic of Charles's reign ; nor was his wel- come confined to teachers and writers ; artists also shared his patronage ; and his reign was marked by efforts after external splendour and stern moralit}- which are seldom found in combination. The most remarkable outward symbol of these di\crgent tendencies is the celebrated fortress of Carlstein KARLVV TYN. 135 fKarluv Tyn, Charles's towii\ which, in its form, its decoration, and special objects, seems to combine the memories of Charles's work as king, as moral reformer, and as patron of Art. Devised for the 136 REIG.W OF CHARLES IV. better protection of the crown jewels, and, at a somewhat later period, of the charters of Bohemia, it also afforded a place of retirement for periods of strict and almost ascetic devotion ; while the pictures on its walls, and the precious stones which cover its roof, recall the memor}' of the encourage- ment which the King gave to the Arts of his time. But the attempt to combine his work as Emperor witli his work as King of Bohemia was to be the great difficulty of his career ; and scarcely had he succeeded in bringing the University into working order before the great rush of students began to alarm the inhabitants of Prague. Complaints were made of disorders, of the high price of provisions, and of difficulties arising from the want of accom- modation in the cit}'. This last objection Charles i:)roceeded to meet by founding a new suburb of Prague, to be united by ditch, wall, and bridge with the old cit}-. and to enjo}- the same privileges as the rest of Prague. This helped forward Charles's plans for raising Prague into Imperial importance ; and the work of uniting all the different parts of the cit}- was undertaken on so splendid a scale that, in a time of famine, Charles was able to solve " the problem of the unemployed," b\- setting more than a thousand men to work on the new walls. But there still remained the disorders which had been brought about b}- the arrival of German students, who dis- trusted the justice of Bohemian tribunals. In order to restore peace, Charles placed the Uni\ersity directly under his own authorit}% and allowed no appeal from the decisions of the Rector, e.xcept to THE MAJESTAS CAROLINA. I 37 the highest court. This creation of an independent corporation of learning was a necessar\' stage in the growth of the University, and contained seeds both of good and evil, to be developed at a later time. In the founding of this University, Charles had aimed at the accomplishment of two different objects ; the establishment of an intellectual centre for the Empire, and the development of a new life in Bohemia. The second of these objects was probably the one nearest to his heart ; and it was not onl}' b}' the encouragement of learning that he hoped to promote it, but by attention to every phase of national well- being. He, like his grandfather Wenceslaus, desired to substitute a written code of laws for the floating mass of customs and traditions by which Bohemia was, in great part, governed. How far Wenceslaus had gone towards the execution of this plan cannot be ascertained ; but Charles actually drew up his code, and gave it the name of the Majestas Carolina. If ^\•e ma)' judge from his preface, and from the subject which stands first in the code, the cause of oppression and disorder which most impressed him in Bohemia was the alienation of ro}'al lands by the Kings. The power which special nobles had gained, through these grants, had been often used in a most disorderly manner. The efficiency of the central Executive had been unduly weakened ; and an excuse had been given for those continual demands for ex- ceptional taxation, which had so painfully marked the reign of King John. Charles therefore drew up a careful list of the cities and land", which, under no u ( ) :d< o 0^ a