Some after-dinner 
 
 and other talks. 
 
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 THE LIBRARY 
 
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 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
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 and other talks. 
 
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 What was called th» Steel Banquet—" In honor of the men who had demonstrated the 
 practicability of convertInK Sciuthern white iron into gteel bv the open hearth, basic process "— 
 was held in ChnttanooKn, Tenn., en the eveninu of Miirili 13, 1891. The Tiniei of that city 
 pronounced it " the most nolahle event uf the kiiul in the hisl«iry o) the South." Said that journal : 
 •' Never before has there been a more ilistinKuished (.'alherinjc in our section. Not only was the 
 flower of Southern citizenthip represented iit the lmnc(Uet, but men of natii nal fame from all parts 
 of the country, and from the ranks of both poliiiial parties, joined in the occasion." The toast 
 responded to was " Our Country. One heart, ono band, one flag, one land, one nation evermore." 
 
 AMONG the most delightful experiences of my 
 life I count atrip which it was my privilege 
 to make through your section some two years 
 ago — in company with others, several of whom 
 are at this table — and as I look back upon it now, 
 the day of that trip, which stands out in my 
 ^ memory, as perhaps the most enjoyable, was the 
 one spent here with you. Though so long a 
 6 time has since then elapsed, not one of the inci- 
 ^ dents of that day's pleasure has yet come to be 
 5 dim in my memory. I recall them all, as if the 
 ^,j occurrences were of yesterday, and running 
 r: through them, like a golden thread through a 
 ^ fabric, is a grateful recollection of the exceeding 
 kindness and courtesy I met, while with you, at 
 the hands of every one with whom I came in 
 
 461463
 
 contact. Such being the case, you can imagine 
 the readiness with which I accepted the invita- 
 tion to be here to-night. Not only am I glad to 
 meet you all again, but I rejoice in being per- 
 mitted to assist in doing honor to the gentlemen 
 to whom the compliment of this splendid ban- 
 quet has been extended. 
 
 I remember that in the invitation which I re- 
 ceived it was set forth with much exactness just 
 why these gentlemen have been thought deserv- 
 ing of this tribute, but it makes no difference to 
 me in what direction their efforts have been put 
 forth to serve you. It is enough for me to know 
 that they have contributed of their brains and 
 money to the rehabilitation of your section, be- 
 cause I hold myself, as every right-minded citi- 
 zen of the republic who dwells north of the 
 Potomac or the Ohio holds himself, always ready 
 to do honor to any one who has, by ever so little, 
 helped the South to its feet and its proper place 
 in the Union. 
 
 We still hear occasionally of jealousy and envy 
 between the sections, but I stand here to aver 
 that, so far as jealousy is concerned, there is no 
 single fact which so fills the great heart of the 
 North with gladness as that the South has re-
 
 covered from its long prostration — that the 
 clouds which lowered above you have passed 
 away, and that the sunshine of prosperity is 
 now beating down upon your people. And as 
 for envy — why, gentlemen, there is nothing of 
 which the people of the North are so proud as 
 of your progress in manufactures— that you are 
 so fast coming to rival the North in everything 
 in which it has hitherto been considered the 
 North would always be without a rival. 
 
 And this is as it should be, because the war is 
 really over, though there are some with you, as 
 with us, who are apparently not yet aware of 
 the fact. Those with you are still declaring at 
 banquets like this, and upon other public occa- 
 sions, at great length and with much care, their 
 views with reference to issues that have been 
 dead and buried for more than twenty-five years. 
 Those with us are still cherishing and occasion- 
 ally flaunting an old shirt that once was bloody, 
 but so long ago that the stains of the blood have 
 faded out of it. Fortunately these peripatetic 
 ghosts are daily growing fewer, and let us unite 
 in prayer that a good God will soon take them 
 all home. It may be hard to part with them, 
 but when they shall have been " called in '' we
 
 6 
 
 must try to bear their loss with Christian resig- 
 nation. 
 
 But we who constitute the rank and file — as 
 Lincoln called us, " the plain people " — of both 
 sections, we know and rejoice that the war is 
 ended. We have banished even the recollection 
 of it from our minds. As Thackeray replied to 
 the woman who asked what the English people 
 thought of Proverbial Philosophy Tupper, 
 " they don't think of him, madam " — so we don't 
 think of the war any more! As if there had 
 never been a difference between us, we have 
 joined hands, like brothers, as we are, in perfect 
 confidence, and all together with a will we are 
 pressing forward with our life work, in more 
 even rank and with more regular step than ever 
 before. For this glorious consummation God 
 be praised, and palsied forever be the tongue 
 now to suggest to either of us, distrust of the 
 other. Ours henceforward the sacred duty 
 jomtly to protect and perpetuate our precious 
 nationality, and we of the North are just as sure 
 of the good faith of you men of the South, in the 
 sacred trust, as we are of our own. 
 
 After I had accepted the invitation to be 
 with you to-night, I was for a while at a loss as to
 
 what I could say to you that would be of inter- 
 est ; and, while turning the matter over in my 
 mind, I remembered that when your silver- 
 tongued and matchless Grady delivered that ad- 
 dress before our New England Society which 
 made him famous in a night, he asked us of the 
 North whether we meant " to let the prejudice 
 of war live in the hearts of the conquerors 
 after it had died out of the hearts of the con- 
 quered ? '' 
 
 Our answer to that question ? 
 
 Well, gentlemen, it has covered more than a 
 quarter of a century ! 
 
 You heard it years ago when death stalked 
 through the streets of your city of Memphis. 
 You heard it again when the earthquake shat- 
 tered Charleston, and a cry of despair went up 
 from its every household. 
 
 You have long seen it all about you, in )'Our 
 almost every enterprise — your railroads, your 
 booming towns, your humming factories, roaring 
 furnaces and newly opened mines. 
 
 The guns were ranged about Charleston 
 harbor, but glorious old Virginia, mother of 
 States and of Presidents, had not yet declared 
 for war. One of her sons, more hot headed and
 
 8 
 
 rash than the rest, impatient at her delay, hurried 
 to Charleston, and there, from the balcony of the 
 Mills House, urged the immediate shedding of 
 blood as necessary to fetch Virginia into the 
 strife. His speech was the signal — that night 
 the guns opened fire. At his word the flames of 
 civil war burst forth to rage and consume for 
 four long years. That — boy then, old man now 
 — sits to-night, an honored judge upon the bench 
 of one of the highest courts of our Empire State, 
 and we point to him, and to hundreds like him 
 in positions of similar eminence and trust 
 throughout the North, as our further answer to 
 Grady's question. 
 
 Well, gentlemen, it has occurred to me, that 
 as Grady, standing before our New England 
 Society, availed himself of the opportunity to 
 ask of the North a pointed question, I might 
 take the privilege, through your Chamber of 
 Commerce, to ask of the South a question just as 
 pointed. 
 
 No matter what other issues were involved 
 in the war that was between us, the reason why 
 the North entered the strife, and so lavishly 
 poured out its blood and treasure, was to vindi- 
 cate the inviolability of our nationality ; and no
 
 9 
 
 matter what other result was accomplished by 
 the war, it established once and for all time the 
 supremacy of that nationality — that the republic 
 is more than any of its parts — the Union greater 
 than any of its States. 
 
 Now, 1 don't ask whether you, who were 
 born long ago to the other idea, who sucked in 
 with your mother's milk the later theories of 
 Calhoun and were reared upon them — I don't 
 ask whether you have so far changed in your 
 old age, that you fully and freely, without men- 
 tal reservation, accept that supremacy of nation- 
 ality which the war has fixed in our political 
 creed, immutable as the north star in the skies. 
 
 I stop right here, however, having spoken 
 the charmed name of Calhoun in your midst, to 
 declare that in all the length and breadth of your 
 Southland there is not one who holds the name 
 of the illustrious Carolinian in deeper reverence 
 than I do. 
 
 Calhoun was and has always been facile 
 prmceps of all your statesmen ! He was one of 
 the illustrious trio — America's greatest sons, 
 whose "names were not born to die." 
 
 But, gentlemen, nature to me is loveliest in 
 the spring-time, when the air is clear and pure,
 
 10 
 
 the grass is green and the streams are running 
 full — not later, when the air is filled with buzz- 
 ing things, the grass is burnt brown, the roads 
 are dusty and the streams have run dry. So I 
 revere the memory of the great Carolinian in 
 the spring-time of his life, when in his youthful 
 enthusiasm he was full of a patriotism about 
 which there was nothing sectional or narrow ; 
 not later, when the juices of life had dried up 
 within him and he looked at everything through 
 jaundiced eyes. I revere him when in i8ii,as 
 chairman of the House Commitee on Foreign 
 Relations, he wrote a report on the President's 
 message which rang through the country like a 
 clarion, startling the people with the intensity of 
 its nationality, and fetching every American to 
 his feet ready to defend it. I exult in him when, 
 later, he urged the creation of great national 
 highways in order, as he put it, to " more closely 
 unite the sections," and asserted the right of 
 Congress under the Constitution to construct 
 and maintam them. I rejoice in him when he 
 advocated a national bank, and defended the 
 constitutional right of the government to estab- 
 lish and conduct it. 1 am proud of him when, 
 in 1816, he delivered his great speech on the
 
 11 
 
 tariff, and made an argument in favor of the 
 protection of American industries which during 
 all the rest of his life he was not able to answer. 
 So you see, gentlemen, as far as Calhoun is con- 
 cerned, honors are easy between us — you revere 
 one end of his life and I revere the other, 
 
 (I don't know but that I have made a mistake 
 in this allusion to Calhoun. I'm led to think so, 
 because I see my friend, the grandson of the 
 grandfather, at the other end of the table, glar- 
 ing at me with blood in his eye, as if he meant 
 to jump on me with both feet when I shall have 
 taken my seat. But I am a stranger here — your 
 guest — and I look to you, men of Tennessee, to 
 protect me while among you from assault. 
 Perhaps, however, I may assuage the grandson's 
 wrath by a suggestion, which occurs to me, in 
 the way of a political tip to the other side of the 
 house. You Democrats I know are all at sea as 
 to the best name with which to head your ticket 
 in the next national campaign. Well, it may not 
 be a wise thing for me to do, but I can suggest to 
 you a name, the combination of which is as sure 
 to win in politics as the famous combination — 
 four-eleven-forty-four — is always sure they say 
 to win at the darkey's game of policy. That
 
 12 
 
 name is Pat Calhoun! And why? Well, I'll 
 tell you wh3\ Because no man whose eyes 
 were first opened to the light south of Mason 
 and Dixon's line would ever think of voting 
 against the name of Calhoun. That end of the 
 name therefore would carry the South solid ; 
 while the other end of it would corral the sup- 
 port of the ruling element of the North, because 
 " begorra, divil a son of the ould sod is there 
 among us, that would dare to casht a vote against 
 a man by the name of Pathrick.") 
 
 But to come back to the question. I say, I 
 don't ask you, who have been brought up to 
 put your State before your country, whether 
 you have changed, but what I do ask is this: 
 How are you bringing up your youth? 
 
 Are you raising your boys to a patriotism 
 based upon the lines of their States, or are you 
 instilling into their young hearts a patriotism as 
 broad as the continent ? 
 
 I repeat that we of the North trust you men 
 of the South, as we do ourselves, in the sacred 
 care of our nationality ; but all the same, as 
 Grady put his question to us, so put I mine to 
 you : " Are you people of the South still, as of 
 old, teaching your boys at their mothers' knees,
 
 13 
 
 in the schools and colleges, that their first love 
 and duty are owing to their States, or are you 
 teaching them, above all things else, to love and 
 honor their country, and that their first and 
 highest duty is always to the Nation ? " 
 
 Grady asked his question from the standpoint 
 of a Southern man, but I ask mine, not as a 
 Northern man, nor as a member of any political 
 part3^ but simply as your fellow -citizen of the 
 Republic — enjoying, with you all, the sublime 
 heritage of our nationality. 
 
 And as Grady left his question with us to con- 
 sider and answer, so, men of the South, I shall go 
 back to my home, leaving with you my question. 
 
 When on our trip through the South two 
 years ago we went to Rome, in the State of 
 Georgia. There is a beautiful monument there 
 to the memory of the Confederate dead, erected 
 upon the edge of a high cliff, from the base of 
 which the country spreads out like a map as far 
 as the eye can reach — a scene of surpassing 
 beauty. 
 
 Standing in the shadow of that monument we
 
 14 
 
 saw from wide apart points in the horizon two 
 rivers flowing toward us. The closer they ap- 
 proached, winding their ways through the land- 
 scape, the nearer and nearer they came to each 
 other, till, just at the foot of the precipice and 
 directly beneath the monument, all distance be- 
 tween them vanished and their waters flowed 
 together — one mighty river, sweeping past the 
 height, on its way, resistless, toward the sea. 
 
 Those two rivers, it seemed to me, were 
 typical of us, the North and South ! Once, liice 
 the rivers, we were separated, but with the ad- 
 vancing years we drew nearer and nearer to each 
 other, till reaching the point of time when the 
 Confederate war had come to be but a monu- 
 ment and a memory, all difference between us 
 vanished, and we became one — a mighty nation, 
 sweeping, resistless on, to the fulfillment of its 
 destiny. 
 
 My friends, my brothers, more than towns 
 or cities or counties or States, let us love our 
 country. 
 
 The dear old Republic, circled by the beat- 
 ing billows, walled by the free air, arched by 
 heaven's blue, and lit by the eternal star of 
 hope — let us all love the Republic, and may
 
 15 
 
 there never more be strife between us, except as 
 to which of us shall love it best ! 
 
 U. S. Senator Manderson following, laid : 
 
 " I do not think any man ever occupied a more unenviable position than I do at this 
 moment. I stand upon the brilliant mosaic laid by the orator who has jnst closed his lips, and I 
 am at a loss for worus. Never have I heard, never have you heard, a more eloqaent response to 
 a toast." 
 
 The ChaUanooga Time* said ; 
 
 " The scene that followed ihe speech will long be remembered by all who witnessed it. 
 Battle* scarred veterans of the Northern and Southern armies rofte together and lustily cheered the 
 patriotic sentiments of the speech, and together waved the flags, the Stars and Stripes, with 
 which the room and tables were decorated."
 
 II. 
 
 At the aniiunl bai.qutrt of the Postgraduate Medical Society, Hotel Brnniwick, May, 1891. 
 
 IF you wonder how it is that an outsider like 
 me has been permitted the privilege of a seat 
 with you at this banquet board, I would remark 
 that I am not entirely without right to be here, 
 because I have studied medicine — that is to say 
 once upon a time, when I was a young man, I 
 attended lectures. If, when you contemplate the 
 color of my hair, you are disposed to locate that 
 time somewhere about the close of the last cen- 
 tury — well, you are not very far from right. 
 But no matter just when it was ; for several 
 seasons I sat beneath the fluent Dunglison, heard 
 the stately Gross, watched the dramatic Pan- 
 coast, followed the metallic Bache and listened 
 to the unique Meigs, at the same time devoting 
 myself with equal assiduity to billiards, ten-pins, 
 boat-rowing and the other divertisements 
 peculiar to medical students. You've all been 
 there and you know how it is yourselves.
 
 18 
 
 As the result of my — labors (!) I ultimately 
 got — I don't say I was entitled to — a diploma in 
 a green tin box, and I bloomed upon the world 
 a full-fledged M. D. 
 
 For some time thereafter I consumed much 
 midnight oil in studying maps, looking for a 
 place wherein to hang out my shingle. After 
 mature deliberation, however, I concluded to 
 hang it out nowhere, prompted to this conclu- 
 sion by the conviction that there was no room 
 for me at the bottom of the profession, and by 
 the suspicion that 1 hadn't the ability to climb 
 to the top, where, as Webster said, there is room 
 for everybody. 
 
 Since then, gentlemen, I have often thought 
 if I had decided otherwise how different would 
 have been the fate of some community, and I 
 have often wondered if that community, where- 
 ever it may be, ever dreams how close a call it 
 had and what it has escaped. 
 
 You remember the Confederate soldier who 
 at the close of the war felicitated himself by the 
 reflection, " them Yankees do 'pear to have got 
 the best of us, but I'll be goU durned if I hain't 
 killed as many of them as they did of me." 
 Well, if there is anything about which I feel
 
 19 
 
 sure, it is that I would have killed more of any 
 community in which I might have located as a 
 doctor, than they possibly could have killed of 
 me! Perhaps, in my decision not to practice, I 
 made a mistake. I certainly think so when I 
 look into your faces, so suggestive of all the 
 creature comforts and so indicative of content- 
 ment with the lot of life. But if I did make a 
 mistake I am consoled by the reflection that I 
 erred, as they say Lincoln always did, on the 
 side of mercy — mercy to that community to 
 which I have referred. 
 
 Instead of going out into the world looking 
 for patients to devour — to devour my prescrip- 
 tions — I stayed here, and am associated with the 
 thousand doctors in daily attendance upon a 
 patient in a white marble building at the corner 
 of Wall street and Broad. 
 
 I dare say, gentlemen, that out of your com- 
 bined experience you think you know all about 
 patients ; but I tell you, until you have tackled 
 the patient I refer to, you have much to learn, 
 because of all patients that ever bothered doc- 
 tors that one is the boss. Like unto your 
 patients in many respects, it is unlike them in 
 that it never dies. Your patients always do —
 
 20 
 
 at some time ! Your patients all pay for attend- 
 ance upon them, except, of course, those from 
 whom you can't collect anything ; at least, you 
 never pay for the privilege of attending anybody. 
 But it is very expensive at times to wait upon 
 the patient I refer to ; indeed, there have been 
 times when that patient has cleaned the doctors 
 out by the score. But otherwise than I have 
 stated the patient is like yours. It has its good 
 days and bad ones, up to-day and down to- 
 morrow ; now strong and likely to be better, 
 again feverish and certain to be lower. It has 
 its times of depression ; suspended animation ; 
 death seeming sure; rigor mortis set in ; but, as 
 I have said, the patient never dies; on the con- 
 trary, at 10 o'clock the next morning it is always 
 as lively as ever and ready for all its doctors. 
 
 And theWall street doctors — in some respects 
 they deserve much credit. For instance, for 
 their devotion to and concern about their 
 patient. It is no uncommon thing for them to 
 lie awake or to walk the floor all night on 
 account of it. Does worry about your patients 
 ever rob any of you of sleep? And in the matter 
 of professional etiquette — why, gentlemen, there 
 is not an instance on record of any of our doc-
 
 21 
 
 tors tampering with one of your patients ! Have 
 not some of you at times meddled with our 
 patient to your sorrow ? 
 
 But seriously, I am very grateful for the in- 
 vitation to be here to-night, and I am proud of 
 the honor of being permitted to sit with you in 
 the enjoyment of this so delightful feast, because 
 though I know enough, of course, to know that 
 I don't know anything about medicine, I still 
 know enough to appreciate that of all the 
 great professions yours is the highest and noblest 
 to which one can devote himself. 
 
 I am aware that there are those who hold one 
 other profession higher and nobler ; but while I 
 would not by so much as a breath detract from 
 the beneficence of that profession, I feel that a 
 broken leg or a disordered liver occasions more 
 mental and physical discomfort and demands 
 more immediate relief than any spiritual irregu- 
 larity. 
 
 The doctor's presence is at times a matter of 
 life and death, but I have hardly ever known of 
 a case in which the dominie couldn't be waited 
 for till the next morning, unless, perhaps, it was 
 a case of matrimony, and then the trouble was 
 largely, I think, imaginary. If the contracting
 
 22 
 
 parties could only have been made to believe it, 
 neither of them would have lost anything by 
 waiting till the next day. 
 
 We might possibly pull through without the 
 dominies, but the conscientious and skillful 
 physician is a vital need of every community. 
 We cannot, without the aid of his helping hand, 
 scramble over the ropes into the twenty-four- 
 foot ring of life; we turn to him after every 
 round to make us ready to answer to the next 
 call of time; and though we know he cannot 
 prevent the inevitable " knock out '' that waits 
 us all, we look to him to put off to as late a day 
 as possible the time of our throwing up the 
 sponge. 
 
 There are many reasons why you should be 
 proud of your profession, gentlemen; but I think 
 you ought to be specially proud of it because, 
 of all the professions, it has, within the last 
 quarter century, made the greatest and most 
 rapid progress. It has been a fad of mine to 
 collect books about the late unpleasantness 
 between the sections, till I have stacked up in the 
 corner of my library several hundred volumes 
 on the war. The other evening my friend, the 
 Hon. John Jay Knox, while looking them over,
 
 23 
 
 turned to me and said: " I have a set of books 
 I would like to add to your collection, a dozen 
 volumes, published by the Government, the 
 medical and surgical history of the war; and 
 yet, " said he, " a prominent physician told me 
 the other day, to m}' surprise, that the books 
 have no value except as curiosities, because the 
 medical and surgical sciences have so far ad- 
 vanced since their publication. " 
 
 Gentlemen, I do not believe that a statement 
 like that could be made of any other of the great 
 sciences of the day. 
 
 But I have talked as long as I ought to and 
 have not yet said a word about the text assigned 
 to me. Frankly, gentlemen, the occasion is one 
 of so much jollity " all round " that I don't feel 
 like talking about anything so big and so serious 
 as "The Country," the toast for which I am 
 set down; and if I did I don't believe you are 
 in the mood to listen to me. 
 
 You remember that on the first Sunday after 
 Gen. Sherman had occupied the City of Mem- 
 phis, he was surprised that not one of the 
 churches was opened. Forthwith he ordered 
 that on the next Sunday they should all be 
 opened. Whereupon he was waited on by the
 
 24 
 
 minister of the First Episcopal Church, who 
 confessed himself in a dilemma because the 
 prayer-book called for prayers for the President 
 of the Confederate States and he feared that 
 prayers for Mr. Davis might be offensive to the 
 General. " Oh, my, no I " said the bluff old 
 hero; " not a bit. I don't care whom you pray 
 for. If you want to pray for Davis, do so. He 
 needs your prayers, mighty bad. Abe Lincoln 
 is all right and can get on without 'em, " 
 
 Well, gentlemen, I think the country is all 
 right and can get on without speeches by me or 
 by anybody else; and so, without trespassing 
 further upon your indulgence, I yield the floor 
 to those who are to follow me and from whom I 
 know you are anxiously waiting to hear.
 
 III. 
 
 At the opening of the home of the Southern Society of New York, on the evening of May 2, 
 1889. there waa a large assemblage, which inclmled the Governors of all but one or two of the 
 Soutnern States. These were In turn called upon to speak. When Governor Gordon's turn came, 
 the Chairman of the occasion said ; " I was about to introduce to you next, Governor Gordon, 
 but I see In front of me a gentleman who during a recent trip through the South, with a party of 
 which I waa one, met the Governor for the first time and fell head over heels in love with mm ; 
 and in order to give variety to the evening's proceedings, I now call on this gentleman — this 
 Yankee and Republican— to introduce to the assemblage kU friend, General John B. Gordon, 
 of Georgia." 
 
 YOU remember the story of the man, out on the 
 frontier, who was noted far and wide for 
 his wonderful faculty at profanity, and for his dis- 
 position upon every occasion to indulge in the 
 most marvelous embroidery of language. He 
 had been away from home, hunting, for a day or 
 two, and upon his return found that during his 
 absence the redskins had burned his house, 
 murdered his wife and children, destroyed his 
 fences, and run off his stock — had, in fact, com- 
 pletely cleaned him out. He contemplated the 
 scene of desolation for a while in silence, and 
 then gave expression to the pent up feeling of 
 his heart in the words, " this is simply too 
 ridiculous ! "
 
 26 
 
 Well, I leave it to you, if the idea of any 
 man, especially an unknown Northern man like 
 me, introducing dear old battle-scarred Gordon, 
 of the lion's heart, the woman's tenderness, and 
 the silver tongue, to any audience, much less 
 to a body of Southern men like this — I leave it 
 to you, if it isn't simply too ridiculous ? 
 
 Introduce John B. Gordon ? Why, gentle- 
 men, he introduced himself to everybody, North 
 and South, more than a quarter of a century ago, 
 during the great scuffle — not only introduced 
 himself, but made himself at times, so they say, 
 a good deal too familiar on short acquaintance. 
 Indeed, if history tells the truth he had a very 
 taking way with him generally ; but after all, 
 not more so in war than he has since had in 
 peace. I remember a Centennial celebration a 
 few years ago in Philadelphia, at which he 
 made a little speech of not more than a dozen 
 lines, which no man could hear or read with dry 
 eyes, and which, because of the touch of nature 
 in it that makes the world akin, captured the 
 Quaker City and all its people, solid. 
 
 Your handsome President has made refer- 
 ence to a recent trip through the South. There 
 was such a trip, and the announced purpose of
 
 27 
 
 it was to investigate the resources of that sec- 
 tion. The announcement was true as to every 
 member of the party but me. I accepted the 
 invitation to go because it was promised that we 
 should visit Atlanta, and that I would meet 
 Gordon, of whom I had heard and read so much. 
 
 Well, we had hardly crossed the Potomac, 
 after starting on our way, before I began to per- 
 ceive the people's regard for Gordon, and the 
 further South we went the more perceptible be- 
 came that regard on every hand. But when we 
 got within his own State — the State of Georgia 
 — why, I discovered that the mere mention of 
 the name of Gordon there brought kindness 
 to the faces of men, light into the eyes of 
 women, and laughter to the lips of children. 
 The very dogs — you may not know it, gentle- 
 men, but there are no dogs allowed in Georgia 
 except Gordon setters, and at the mention of 
 the name of Gordon every one of them promptly 
 wags his tail. And I did hear it said that in 
 certain sections of the State there are people so 
 benighted, that they spell God with a little g and 
 Gordon with a big one, but 1 don't believe a 
 word of it. 
 
 Do you think I was anxious to see this man ?
 
 28 
 
 Well, I should smile I 1 met him first in Rome 
 — "the eternal city that sits upon her several 
 hills, and from her throne of beauty " looks 
 down upon the rest of the State of Georgia. 
 He stood in the market place surrounded by 
 the populace. A Roman toga was wrapped 
 around him, a laurel wreath was upon his brow, 
 a seraphic smile played about his so handsome 
 ugly face, and in his right hand was an open 
 bottle of ice-cold champagne. In one short hour 
 after I had met him I understood his people's 
 love for him ; in that brief time he had the collar 
 of his personal magnetism about my neck and 
 had led me captive. 
 
 But seriously, gentlemen! I remember the 
 fervor with which I used to declaim when a 
 boy, those words from Webster's reply to 
 Hayne, " Sir, let me recur to pleasing recollec- 
 tions — let me remind you that in early days no 
 States cherished greater harmony, both of prin- 
 ciple and of feeling, than South Carolina and 
 Massachusetts. Would to God that harmony 
 might again return I " And during these Cen- 
 tennial days those words have come back to me 
 over and over again. I recalled them the other 
 day when I saw the troops of the North and
 
 29 
 
 South, of Massachusetts and South' Carolina, 
 swinging along the avenue between those solid 
 walls of hurrahing humanity, marching to the 
 same music and under the same flag, with no 
 rivalry between them now except as to which 
 shall most contribute luster to the stars and 
 brilliance to the stripes of that banner; and 
 1 said to myself, " Would to God that Webster 
 could have lived to see the day for the retui-n of 
 which he so longed, come back now to stay, let 
 us trust, forever." And as the troops went 
 marching by I couldn't help the feeling that so 
 long as those men stand together the flag will 
 be unchallenged by any power on the globe — 
 that those men, united, are invincible against 
 the armies of the world. 
 
 With this thought in my mind I pictured a 
 field of battle, I beheld the men of Massachu- 
 setts and South Carolina standing shoulder to 
 shoulder, in serried column, impatiently waiting 
 the word to charge, I saw Gordon in their front, 
 I heard him cry, " Forward, men, follow me ! " 
 and involuntarily I exclaimed, " Such troops, 
 under such leadership, amid the mingled strains 
 of Yankee Doodle and of Dixie, the combined 
 cheers of the North and yells of the South,
 
 30 
 
 would capture hell from the devil, and plant the 
 stars and stripes in triumph and in victory on 
 the very shores of the lake of fire and brim- 
 stone ! " 
 
 But Gordon wants no more fighting ! He 
 tells me he has had enough ; yet all the same, for 
 him to do what I have pictured, to lead the 
 troops of South and North together against a 
 common foe, would be the proudest moment of 
 his life ; because Confederate though he was, 
 and Southerner though he is, there is not one in 
 all the land to-day, I know, who would more 
 gladly lay down his life in defense of the old 
 flag than John B. Gordon of Georgia ! 
 
 Let us hope, however, that he may never 
 draw his sword again. Rather let us trust that 
 during the years which shall be his, his ways 
 may be those of pleasantness and his paths of 
 peace. And when the end shall come for him, 
 as come it must for each of us, when he shall 
 sink to rest, covered, as with a garment, by the 
 affection of those among whom he has dwelt, 
 upon the bosom of the State he has served so 
 well, they will pile up granite and rear brazen 
 statue to his memory ; but neither will last 
 as long as the monument that will be to him in
 
 31 
 
 the hearts of his people ; because while grass 
 grows and water runs, while the hills lift them- 
 selves to the skies, and the oceans thunder upon 
 either shore, just so long will the people, not 
 alone of Georgia, but of all the South as well, 
 bear the name of Gordon in loving and grateful 
 memory.
 
 IV. 
 
 At the banqiuft of the Chamber of Commerce, Rochester, N. Y., February 15, 1892— in re- 
 •ponie to ths toast " Unrestricted Immigration and our Naturalization Laws a peril to the 
 Republic." 
 
 I SHOULD be wanting in proper courtesy to 
 you, as I would certainly be unjust to myself, 
 if I did not preface what I have to say in response 
 to the toast, with a few words to assure you that 
 I appreciate the pirivilege of being here. To be 
 a guest at this board is an honor of which any 
 man, no matter how exalted or how prominent his 
 position, might well be proud. That the honor 
 has been extended to me, who am only an incon- 
 spicuous business man, I thank you. 1 thank 
 you too, that in calling upon me to talk, you have 
 assigned me a subject to talk about, in which I 
 am, as I think every American citizen, native 
 and foreign born alike, ought to be, deeply inter- 
 ested ; though of course I am aware that upon 
 this subject I can advance no new ideas — that 1 
 can only reiterate and emphasize what has been, 
 by others, already said, far better than I can 
 say it.
 
 34 
 
 Though it is four hundred years since our 
 continent was discovered, we are yet as a nation 
 young. Young, however, as we are, we have 
 achieved such development and growth, that we 
 are already warranted in claiming for ourselves 
 first place among the nations of the earth. 
 
 Standing at the threshold of the second cen- 
 tury of our national existence, we may well look 
 back with pride, but, just as well, forward with 
 confidence. Indeed, it is difficult to estimate, if 
 we are to goon prospering, what will be our con- 
 dition and position a hundred years from to-day. 
 But, though, as Webster said, " the past at least 
 is secure," we have no guarantee for the future. 
 We know not what questions shall hereafter pre- 
 sent themselves to us, what problems will later 
 come up for our solution, what forces may to- 
 gether work against our well being. What we 
 do know, however, is that our future condition 
 will depend upon ourselves — upon our sleepless 
 watchfulness for signs of danger to the Republic, 
 and our constant readiness to guard against such 
 danger, no matter from what (luarter it may 
 threaten. 
 
 Chicfest among the factors that have contri- 
 buted to our national upbuilding, has been the
 
 35 
 
 steady flow of immigration to our shores. The 
 people of the thirteen colonies were not enough 
 to develop all the resources of our Union ; hence 
 immigration came to be a necessity for us, and 
 we have done all in our power to stimulate it. 
 With wide open arms we have welcomed all 
 comers to our midst, and their coming has largely 
 increased our population, has filled up our waste 
 places and has added to our wealth and strength. 
 
 With our growth, however, the need of im- 
 migration has gradually come to be less, till we 
 are now, comparatively, independent of it. That 
 is to say, there are no longer endless tracts of 
 our fertile lands calling for settlement, nor is 
 there a demand for labor among us beyond the 
 capacity of our people to supply. On the con- 
 trary, though much of our territory is still unoc- 
 cupied, or sparsely settled according to the 
 standards of the Old World, our population is 
 now sufficient not only to meet all the demands 
 of labor upon it, but by its natural increase to 
 take up our vacant lands and to develop our 
 resources with all necessary rapidity. 
 
 While our need of it, however, has been de- 
 creasing, immigration has been steadily increas- 
 ing, till more than a thousand immigrants are
 
 ao 
 
 daily now landing- upon our shores ; but while 
 the bulk of immigration has been thus growing, 
 its quality has been as steadily deteriorating. 
 
 The population of the Colonies was mainly 
 composed of the English, the German, the Dutch, 
 the Scotch-Irish and the Huguenot-French, and 
 of these peoples, together with the addition of a 
 certain proportion from Ireland and the Scan- 
 dinavian countries — all of them readily assimi- 
 lable with us — our immigration has been, until 
 recently, made up. But, while the quality of 
 the immigration of even these people has been 
 growing less desirable, there have been coming to 
 us for the last ten or fifteen years an annually in- 
 creasing number from Italy, especially southern 
 Italy and Sicily, the Slavic countries, Russia, 
 Poland and Hungary, and Austria. 
 
 However worthy the people of these nation- 
 alities may, in instances, individually be, experi- 
 ence has demonstated that as a class there is but 
 little in common between them and us — that like 
 the Chinese, being of different races from ours, 
 they do not, to any appreciable extent, assimilate 
 with our people. Besides that, they are almost 
 entirely unskilled in any kind of labor, and as a 
 rule are illiterate and indigent to the last degree.
 
 37 
 
 Therefore we stand to-day face to face with 
 the portentous fact that there are yearly pour- 
 ing in upon us nearly half a million persons 
 largely made up of those who are alien to 
 us in thought and speech and blood; half of 
 whom are without occupation of any kind, and 
 most of whom represent only the rudest forms 
 of labor. 
 
 These things constitute, as your toast so 
 tersely puts it, a peril, a grave peril to the Re- 
 public in more ways than one. 
 
 I have said that our population is equal to all 
 the demands of labor upon it. Indeed, our labor 
 market is in localities already overstocked. In 
 some of our large cities the struggle for exist- 
 ence is as fierce as anywhere in the Old World. 
 It is our boast, however, that this is the ideal 
 home of the workingman; that here his pay and 
 his condition are better than anywhere else. 
 Admitting the assertion to be true now, the 
 question forces itself, how much longer will it be 
 true if there shall continue to be dumped upon 
 us annually so large a number of persons ready 
 to work for almost nothing and able to live on 
 less? How long will it be, under such con- 
 ditions, before the pay of our workingmen will 
 
 461462
 
 38 
 
 be pulled down to the level of wages elsewhere 
 paid — before our boast about the wage-earner's 
 enviable condition here will be but a byword 
 and a reproach ? 
 
 Its demoralizing effect upon our labor mar- 
 ket, however, is not the worst feature of our 
 latter-day immigration. A still worse feature of 
 it is, that it is gradually filling the slums of our 
 cities with the lowest and most objectionable 
 order of beings; that it is creating in our fair 
 land pauper and criminal classes for us to pro- 
 vide for and to protect ourselves against. The 
 last census shows that our foreign born citizens 
 already supply more penitentiary convicts than 
 are supplied by our entire native born popula- 
 tion. 
 
 In addition to this there have come to us of 
 late years, and they are still coming, many who 
 have brought with them theories and practices 
 in every way hostile to our American institu- 
 tions and disturbing of our peaceful conditions. 
 Already, in different parts of the country, there 
 are secret societies subversive of law and order, 
 and newspapers and periodicals openly advocat- 
 ing socialism in its worst forms, and anarchy 
 with all that is most revolting in its methods.
 
 39 
 
 Absorbed as we are, however, in our daily con- 
 cerns, we give but little heed to the existence of 
 these facts, except when occurrences like the 
 crashing- of dynamite at Chicago, or the deadly 
 work of the stiletto in New Orleans, compel our 
 attention to them. 
 
 But perilous as this condition of things is to 
 the Republic, its peril is intensified and in- 
 creased by reason of our naturalization laws, 
 through the operation of which immigration is 
 all the while diluting and polluting the quality 
 of American citizenship. 
 
 Within comparatively a few days after his ar- 
 rival — before he has hardly had time indeed "to 
 get his sea legs off "—every immigrant that lands 
 upon our shores, no matter how imbruted his 
 condition, how vicious his tendency, or how in- 
 capable of comprehending its meaning, is armed 
 with the ballot and vested with all the rights of 
 those " native here and to the manor born.'' He 
 has a voice in our affairs equal with him who 
 breasted the battle in the Wilderness or at Get- 
 tysburgh in defense of our nationality, and 
 whose ancestor may have stood at Concord or 
 Bunker Ilill. Indeed, while the college-bred 
 and Ma3^flower-descended youth must stand
 
 40 
 
 back from the polls and look idly on, the recently 
 landed immigrant takes his unchallenged place 
 in line, and records his say as to questions of 
 public policy that affect our well being, or ex- 
 presses his choice as to who shall be " the rulers 
 
 over us." 
 
 We hear, upon every hand, of corruption in 
 the government of our large cities ; but is it to be 
 wondered at, when we reflect that immigration 
 peoples the cities with poverty, ignorance and 
 vice, and that our naturalization laws make them 
 a power in the hands of the unscrupulous for the 
 purposes of ring rule and plunder? 
 
 But what shall we do to protect the Republic 
 against the peril of these things? 
 
 Clearly the first thing for us to do is to wake 
 up the intelligence of the people to a realization 
 of the peril. That done, prompt and effective 
 legislation with reference to it should be de- 
 manded of our national lawmakers. There are 
 laws bearing on the matter now upon our stat- 
 ute books, true — but the Hon. Henry Cabot 
 Lodge, of Massachusetts, to whom is due the 
 gratitude of all the country for his so correct 
 appreciation of the evils of our immigration and 
 his so earnest efforts to remedy them, he says,
 
 41 
 
 " these laws and all other existing requirements 
 are vague, and the methods provided for their 
 enforcement are still more vague and indefinite." 
 
 It is not necessary, of course, that our doors 
 should be barred to all immigration. That 
 would be to falsify the boast that our country is 
 the asylum to which the unfortunate of every 
 land are welcome. Such a course would be 
 neither consistent nor wise, because our free land 
 is, and let us trust will always be, the haven of 
 refuge for all who are worthy of place among 
 us. But that we accord a welcome to such is no 
 reason why we should suffer our home — the land 
 in which we live, and are to live those who shall 
 come after us — to be made a cesspool, so to 
 speak, into which may be drained the offscouring 
 and the refuse, the sewage of the Old World. 
 
 Therefore, we should demand of Congress 
 such action, such immediate action, as will, not 
 alone in theor}^ but in fact — so far as human 
 ingenuity can devise ways to accomplish it — sift 
 our immigration, barring out from among us, 
 not only paupers, criminals, and the crippled 
 and diseased, but the illiterate as well, all those 
 indeed whose presence among us is, for any 
 reason, undesirable, and whose exclusion is de-
 
 . 42 
 
 manded by our own preservation, which is the 
 first law of nature; by our duty to our working 
 men, who are more directly interested in this 
 matter than any one else; and by our duty to 
 the institutions under which we live. 
 
 In addition to this, steps should be taken 
 toward a radical change in our naturalization 
 laws. 
 
 Holding the views I do as to the proper func- 
 tions of the national government, I believe that 
 the interests of the whole country would be best 
 served by delegation to the national government 
 of the sole power to confer the rights of citizen- 
 ship. Failing that, however, I have no hesitation 
 in asserting my conviction that our naturaliza- 
 tion laws, beside being more exacting as to 
 qualification for citizenship, should also be, as 
 far as possible, uniform between the States. 
 But whether they be made uniform or not, 
 surely there is not an intelligent man in all the 
 land who does not agree with me, that the laws 
 are now, all of them, to a greater or less extent, 
 pitiably deficient in their requirements for citi- 
 zenship. 
 
 The laxity of these laws, of course, grew out 
 of what was once our need of population and
 
 4:3 
 
 our desire to render acquirement of citizenship 
 as easy as possible. But that need having passed 
 away, I submit that the time has come when we 
 should raise the standard of fitness for citizenship 
 among us. Instead of the wretched bauble that 
 American citizenship is to-day, a thing to be had 
 for the asking, by anybody, even the most worth- 
 less, we should make it a thing worth waiting 
 for and working for — a thing to be dearly prized 
 and to be proud of, when had, by anybody. 
 
 And the first move in this direction should be 
 made right here, in our Empire State, for two 
 reasons : first, because this being the greatest, 
 grandest, proudest State in the Union, its stand- 
 ard of citizenship ought to be higher than that 
 of any other State; and, second, the ignorance 
 and pauperism and vice of the slums of New 
 York City, wherein gather and settle so large a 
 proportion of the vilest dregs of our immigration, 
 should be restricted, as far as possible, in their 
 capacity to work evil through the ballot-box. 
 
 However important may be any other of the 
 issues pressing upon our people, this, I dare 
 aver, is, by all odds, the most important matter 
 before the country to-day. 
 
 Questions of public policy generally affect
 
 44 
 
 only our material concerns, and no matter how 
 they be decided, the nation, all the same, goes 
 forging on in its career. But this question 
 affects what should be dearest to every Ameri- 
 can citizen, native and foreign born alike, with- 
 out regard to politics — what should be most 
 sacred to every man sheltered by the flag and 
 protected by the Government — the integrity of 
 our nationality. 
 
 That nationality — its corner-stone was laid 
 and its foundation planted by our fathers 
 through long years of privation and of war. To 
 save it from destruction and to preserve it to us, 
 rivers of blood have been poured out in our 
 time, and countless millions of treasure spent. 
 To-day it stands, the sublimest structure on the 
 globe, arching the continent, its foundation 
 washed by the waves of either ocean, and on its 
 dome the clouds ! It has been our fathers' home, 
 it is ours; and as it has been by them saved to 
 us, so is it our holy duty to preserve it to those 
 who shall come after us. But if careless as to 
 who shall share its shelter with us, we let its 
 doors stand wide open, that all who choose may 
 enter, to make lodgment beneath its roof and to 
 take the bread out of the mouths of our own —
 
 45 
 
 paupers to be a burden on us — the crippled and 
 diseased for us to care for — the iUiterate for us to 
 educate — the vicious to create discontent among 
 us — criminals for us to guard against — the mur- 
 derous with stiletto or with bomb — if we not 
 only admit all these and make them welcome, 
 but, in addition, vest them with authority in our 
 affairs equal to our own, and put into their 
 hands the power, if they so choose, to violate 
 the traditions of our home and to deface its fair 
 records — if we do this, then are we guilty of a 
 crime for which posterity will justly hold us to 
 account. 
 
 The Kofiuttr RiMl-Exprtu said: "The tpeeoh was listened to with the deepest interest 
 and when it was concluded every ^eet was on ois feet waving a handkerchief and cheering the 
 orator. After he had resumed his seat, be was ccirpelled to come forward aeain, and he made a 
 neat little speech expressive of his gratefiil appreciation of the reception extended to bim." 
 
 The Democrat and Ckronitle said : " It was not for some m.cments after be bed finished spcat 
 log that the toastmaster could announce the next speaker. Three cheers and a tiger were called 
 for and forthcoming. Then three tigers were given, and it looked as if a whole menagerie would 
 have to be let loose before the diners would be satlsCed."
 
 i 
 
 i
 
 V. 
 
 At the Grant banquet, at Delnionico's, In honor of the General's birthday, April 27, 1891. The 
 Chairumn, In the intruduttion, made a very Haltering allusion to the speech delivered at the Steel 
 banquet iu Tenaesjsee. 
 
 THE loveliest trait about our Chairman, gen- 
 tlemen, is his readiness always to call down, 
 from the eminence upon w'hich he stands, kindly 
 and encouraging words to those in the valley, so 
 far below him that they can hardly hear the 
 sound of his voice. As for me, I am content if, 
 as I trudge along through the vale, I may catch 
 an occasional glimpse of his figure among the 
 clouds, and I shall be more than satisfied, if, when 
 1 have reached the end of my journey and been 
 put away, there can be truthfully inscribed upon 
 the stone which marks my resting-place, " Here 
 lies a man, who, while he lived, had wit and 
 brains enough to properly appreciate the jewels 
 that always showered when Joseph Choate 
 opened his lips." 
 
 I thank you, sir, for your so flattering allusion 
 to my talk in Tennessee. If what I said down
 
 48 
 
 there had the approval of the folks at home, I am 
 glad of it. If I uttered a word conducing toward 
 a better understanding and a closer union be- 
 tween the sections, I am proud of it. 
 
 The occasion was, in many respects, sir, re- 
 markable. The company was made up about 
 equally of Northern and Southern men — as many 
 who had worn the gray as had worn the blue. 
 The Chairman of the evening, appreciating the 
 rare combination, called to their feet, alternately, 
 the old soldiers of either side, Federal and Confed- 
 erate, as pieces are pushed forward on the chess- 
 board — first a white and then a red, now a 
 knight and again a pawn. 
 
 For a while the affair progressed in the usual 
 way, but under the inspiration of its so peculiar 
 conditions, it ere long developed into a sort of 
 love feast. The men who had once faced each 
 other with hate in their eyes and death in their 
 hearts, hobnobbed like dear old friends, and 
 together rehearsed their erstwhile opposing ex- 
 periences. They vied with each other in asser- 
 tion of loyalty to the Republic, and at every 
 specially patriotic appeal, whether by a repre- 
 sentative of the North or South, they united in 
 cheering the speaker to the echo, and in waving
 
 40 
 
 the flags, the stars and stripes, with which the 
 room and tables were profusely decorated. 
 
 I shall never forget the occasion, because 
 while I contemplated the scene and listened to 
 the speeches it seemed to me that, for the first 
 time, I sufficiently felt how blessed a thing it was 
 for us all, South as well as North, that the at- 
 tempt to disrupt the Union had failed, that in- 
 stead of our being a divided people we are more 
 closely united now than ever, that above us all 
 floats but one flag. 
 
 Because of that experience I better appreciate 
 my privilege in being here, and I realize more 
 fully than I have done before how immeasurable 
 and incalculable is our debt to the great soldier 
 whose memory we honor, and to all those with 
 him whose heroism and sacrifice have secured to 
 them who shall come after us, the heritage of our 
 nationality, unbroken and inviolate. 
 
 I group them — the heroes — all together, not 
 out of any disposition to detract one jot or tittle 
 from what we owe to our greatest soldier leader, 
 but because, if it be permitted the spirits of the 
 departed to revisit the scenes of earth, and his 
 spirit be hovering above us now, his great and 
 generous soul would be best pleased, I know, by
 
 50 
 
 our not forgetting, in our gratitude to him, even 
 the humblest servitor of the cause for which 
 he fought. 
 
 On my way to Tennessee, through Washing- 
 ton and Virginia, and back through Kentucky and 
 Cincinnati, I saw a number of monuments erected 
 to those who were conspicuous in the great 
 struggle, and I passed several National ceme- 
 teries, in which the long and even lines of little 
 headboards, with no names upon them, only 
 numbers, told where sleep the thousands, " un- 
 known, unhonored and unsung," who gave for 
 us all they had — their lives; and more than once 
 since then, the thought has occurred to me that 
 those beneath the monuments, and those filed 
 away in the cemeteries, differ only as "one star 
 differeth from another star in glory," and that 
 they all together make up the splendor of our 
 National firmament. 
 
 The great leaders, whose fame will never die, 
 are the planets which stand out, each by itself, 
 clear and bright and sharp. Behind them are 
 the lesser leaders, the myriad stars, which, 
 though not so bright as the planets, but more 
 numerous, spangle the heavens. Behind them 
 arc the rank and file, whose forest of white head-
 
 51 
 
 boards, like the indistinguishable stars, make up 
 the milky way — a great cloud of light that sweeps 
 athwart the sky. 
 
 And as the glory of the night is due to every 
 star that shines, whether it be one of the indis- 
 tinguishable mass or a flashing planet, so are we 
 owing to every soldier of the war, whether he 
 rode with waving sword at the head of a column, 
 or at its rear, with a musket, trudged. 
 
 But what tongue can frame in words our debt 
 to the master who conceived and pushed the 
 mighty campaign which knew no end till the last 
 expiring breath had been strangled out of the 
 rebellion, and in all the breezes between the 
 oceans there fluttered no flag but that? 
 
 We cannot measure, we certainly can never 
 pay, what we owe to Grant ; but what we can 
 do is this : we can show our appreciation of, 
 and manifest our gratitude for, what he did for 
 us. And how ? By banquets like this ? By 
 remembering his birthday, like Washington's? 
 By building a heroic monument ? Yes ! But 
 there is another, and still a better way, and that 
 is by cherishing and jealously guarding the 
 nationality for which he fought, and which he 
 saved to us and our children.
 
 52 
 
 That nationality — it is the sublimest structure 
 on the globe. It arches the continent. Against 
 its foundations the waves of either ocean beat, 
 and on its dome rest the clouds. For more than 
 a century it has been our fathers' home. It is 
 ours, and, God willing, will be our children's ! 
 In it is the light and warmth of human liberty, 
 and through its windows that light shines out, 
 guiding to its doors all the world. 
 
 Those doors have been never closed, and 
 through them have entered millions, welcome 
 all, to the shelter, to live with us and to share 
 all our privileges. For millions more there is 
 room in plenty and a welcome just as warm ; but 
 if we discover that we have been too generous 
 and have admitted many who are abusing our 
 hospitality, by violating our traditions, by creat- 
 ing disturbance and bringing disgrace upon the 
 household, what shall we do? 
 
 If we have no pride in our home and don't 
 care who occupies it with us, or, if we are all of 
 us too much engaged in trying to make money 
 to think about the matter, of course we will do 
 nothing I 
 
 But if we love our home and hold it dear, 
 shall we not call a halt to the incoming crowds,
 
 53 
 
 and put a sentry at every doorway to bar the 
 entrance of any addition to the vicious element 
 that has obtained foothold among us? Shall we 
 not give it out at once, that, though we still keep 
 open house, we will, from now^ on, admit only 
 the worthy, those who come in good faith to 
 take up their permanent abode with us, to ac- 
 cept and obey our laws, and to be like us, Amer- 
 icans? Shall we not proclaim that we want no 
 colonists, that we will have no communists or 
 socialists, that we will drive away outlaws and 
 criminals, and that in no crook or crannv, anv- 
 where under our roof, is there room for one 
 anarchist with his bomb, or for a single member 
 of the infernal Mafia with his stiletto? 
 
 If, then, we want to show our gratitude to 
 Grant, and to those who with him fought, let us 
 appreciate the nationality which they preserved 
 for us. Let us make American citizenship a 
 thing to be earned and prized, rather than what 
 it for so long has seemed to be, a bauble to be 
 had by anybody, even the most worthless, for 
 the asking. Let us amend our immigration laws, 
 so that we may keep away from our shores 
 those whom we don't want with us, and let us 
 so revise our naturalization laws that only those
 
 64 
 
 who can appreciate the privilege and are deserv- 
 ing of it shall be American citizens ! 
 
 Do this, and no need to pile up granite or 
 rear brazen statue to perpetuate the great sol- 
 dier's memory ; because, so long as grass grows 
 and water runs, so long as the hills lift themselves 
 to the skies and the oceans thunder upon either 
 shore, just so long will his name and fame live 
 in the hearts of his countrymen. 
 
 To borrow a thought from the matchless 
 Phillips, in the far-off distant future, when we 
 shall have passed away, and been all of us long, 
 long forgot, the muse of history will put Pho- 
 cion for the Greek, Brutus for the Roman, 
 Hampden for England and Fayette for Fi"ance, 
 write Washington as the bright consummate 
 flower of our earlier civilization, and Abraham 
 Lincoln as the ripe fruit of our noonday ; then, 
 dipping her pen in the sunlight, she will inscribe, 
 side by side with the names of the father and 
 the saviour of their country, the name of the 
 unassuming gentleman, the loyal friend, the 
 peerless soldier and the sterling patriot, Ulysses 
 S. Grant.
 
 VI. 
 
 At the banquet of the New York Southern Society, February 2i?, 1890» in the audience ball of 
 the Lenox L>ceuin, the President said : *' The next toast is the City of New York. This wa* to 
 have been Te8ponde<I to by his Honor the Mayor, but I repretto say I have juet received a tele- 
 gram from him to the effect that he is detained b^' public business in \Vashin^ton. Rather than that 
 the toabt should be passed, however, without response, I am going to call upon one of our guest* 
 to speak to it— a New Yorker whose voice you have beard before and will be glad I am sure to 
 bear again." 
 
 T PRESUxME you have all heard of the South 
 1 Carolinian who, having been at a dinner 
 party, and being- afterward asked who was at 
 table with him, replied, " Well, sir, I was there, 
 and another elegant gentleman from South Caro- 
 lina; two or three gentlemen from Virginia, a 
 man from Pennsylvania, a couple of fellows 
 from New York, and a son of a gun from 
 Boston." 
 
 However much we may be disinclined to ac- 
 cept the South Carolinian's method of classifica- 
 tion of the guests upon the occasion referred to, 
 we must all admit that he was right in that he 
 did classify them, because every occasion of the 
 kind, like this one to-night, is made up of at least 
 two classes of persons. First, the small class of 
 those who sit at the high table up there. They
 
 56 
 
 are invited on purpose to talk, and they come as 
 full of speeches as a dog is of barks, and though 
 they often begin by expressing surprise at being 
 called upon, they would be dreadfully disap- 
 pointed if they were not called. Then there is 
 the class of those who fill these lower tables, to 
 which class, so respectable by reason of its num- 
 bers, I belong. When they are invited to a feast 
 they are expected to bring with them nothing 
 but good appetites, good thirsts and long ears. 
 And when I came here to-night I brought all 
 three. My appetite has been satisfied by a din- 
 ner so good that I can say of it, as Tim Camp- 
 bell remarked about Mrs. Whitney's dinner, 
 " There were certainly no flies on it." The 
 thirst I fetched with me was such that I've 
 no doubt many of you gentlemen would gladly 
 give a fifty-dollar bill for one like it right now, 
 but which has not been satisfied, 1 grieve to 
 say, because I was so unfortunately placed 
 between two distinguished Southern generals 
 that hardly a bottle got to me from either side ; 
 and as for my ears, if you don't think they are 
 long now, you may perhaps think so before I sit 
 down. As one of our class, of course I did not 
 come here to talk, and I think it was cruel of
 
 57 
 
 your President to call upon me as he has done, 
 for the reason that like all the rest of us who sit 
 at these lower tables, I always need at least two 
 weeks' time in which to get up a good im- 
 promptu speech. And yet, when word came to 
 me, a few moments since, that because of the 
 unexpected absence from the table of our hon- 
 ored Mayor, there appeared to be no one to 
 answer to the toast of " The City of New York," 
 and that the President wanted to know if he 
 might call upon me, I thought of the closing 
 chapter of that beautiful story, " Meh Lady," by 
 Nelson Page, of Virginia, in which the minister, 
 standing before the couple about to be married, 
 asked, "Who gives this woman to this man?" 
 and the old darkey said, " When he ax dat ques- 
 tion an' look at me, an' I think 'bout all de scuf-' 
 flin we done been throo,' an' ole Missus an' Marse 
 Phil all gone, an' dere ain' nobody to tek up 
 for de pore chile, I couldn't help it, so I says 
 when he ax dat question, ' Unc Billy ;' " and 
 when I thought of the Mayor being away, and 
 the toast to the great city in which we all have 
 so much pride being passed unresponded to, I 
 felt like Uncle Billy, that if there was no one 
 else to speak for it, rather than that it should be
 
 58 
 
 passed in silence, I would — all incompetent and 
 unworthy and unprepared as I am — stand in the 
 breach ; and I call upon you gentlemen to wit- 
 ness whether history has presented such an in- 
 stance of sublime daring since the days of Ther- 
 mopylae ; especially in view of the difficulty to 
 be encountered in trying to make one's self heard 
 in this vast auditorium. Indeed, I would like 
 right here — parenthetically — to tender to the 
 managers of the Society a word of advice, if I 
 may do so without presuming — to the effect that 
 if the Society gives its next annual dinner in this 
 hall, a fog horn should be supplied before the 
 dinner to every speaker, and ear trumpets to all 
 the rest who attend the feast. 
 
 Speaking then for our great city, gentlemen, 
 I extend the cordial welcome of the metropolis 
 to your young Society, which has already at- 
 tained such proportions, and which bids fair to 
 outnumber in its membership all its sister socie- 
 ties. And on behalf of the city, wherein you 
 men of the South have made your homes, I con- 
 gratulate you upon this splendid scene, this glori- 
 ous banquet, these distinguished guests, these 
 boxes filled with fair women. No man with red 
 blood in his veins can help thrilling with pride
 
 59 
 
 in our people and our country when he con- 
 templates this occasion and spectacle, and con- 
 trasts them with the state of things which existed 
 hardly more than a quarter of a century ago. 
 Then the cohorts of Lee were thundering at the 
 gates of the Capital, but were hurled back in 
 defeat of their attempt to capture it. To-night, 
 the men who were then defeated, and their sons, 
 have captured the metropolis of the Western 
 Hemisphere. The only difference between 
 Washington then and New York now is that 
 Washington didn't want to be taken, and that 
 New York just loves it ! 
 
 We hear on every hand of the New South, and 
 we all rejoice in its triumphant progress. But 
 though by your courage and perseverance you 
 have builded a city in your every valley and 
 have located a factory on your every hill-top, 
 nothing that you have accomplished has borne 
 such convincing evidence of the success that 
 has crowned your struggle as this magnificent 
 banquet and gathering. More than everything 
 else you have done or said, these tell how com- 
 pletely the old South has passed away forever. 
 That vast concourse at New Orleans the other 
 day followed it to its grave, and as your honored
 
 60 
 
 President has so eloquently said, thank God, you 
 have buried in that grave all the bitterness that 
 ever was in your hearts while the old South 
 existed. 
 
 But let us do better even than that ; let us, 
 both North as well as South, bury in the same 
 grave every evidence, nay, more — every recol- 
 lection that there was ever a conflict between 
 us ; bury them deep and cover them out of our 
 sight forever ; and as from the turf above that 
 grave shall spring tender flower and sturdy oak, 
 so may there grow in the big, warm, impulsive 
 Southern heart a constantly increasing tender 
 love, not for any section, but for our whole great 
 country ; and a sturdy loyalty, not to the flag of 
 any State, but to that banner which floats now 
 above us all, every stripe and every star and 
 every fold of which to-night beams with liberty 
 and with peace — liberty for all the millions that 
 shall gather beneath it, and peace which the 
 years of a century shall not shake.
 
 VII. 
 
 At the banquet of the Typolbette Society— Hotel Brunswick— January 18, 1892. 
 
 1DARE say that when your worthy fellow- 
 member, Douglas Taylor — about whom one 
 of the best things is his name, and that is only half 
 as good as it might have been and would have 
 been if his parents had christened him Frederic 
 instead of Douglas — I dare say, I repeat, that 
 when he did me the honor to put me down for 
 a talk here to-night he chuckled at the apparent 
 incongruity of a Wall Street man talking to 
 printers. I suppose he thought there is no con- 
 nection between the printing press and the Stock 
 Exchange — between your business and mine. 
 But if he did think so, it is evidence of his lam- 
 entable ignorance, because the printing press is 
 almost as important a factor in our business as 
 it is in yours. You have heard a great deal 
 about water in connection with stocks, but you 
 may accept my assurance that Wall Street men 
 generally have very little use for water, either in
 
 62 
 
 their business or out of it, exxept, of course, for 
 purposes of ablution. But they use printer's ink 
 in their business, largely and constantly, from 
 the lamb-alluring circular daily supplied to their 
 constituents, all the way up to that which is the 
 supremest work of the modern financier — 
 namely, the making of more wealth by the 
 printing of more stock. 
 
 So you see, gentlemen, there is a certain ap- 
 propriateness in my being with you, after all; 
 but while I would not have you think that your 
 Wall Street confreres are especially strait-laced, 
 I fear they might be disposed to kick, if, as their 
 representative here, I should put them upon 
 record as being in line with you printers, in un- 
 qualified admiration and approval of everything 
 that was in the career of your patron saint. 
 
 It is the habit of you printers to pass the in- 
 cidents of Franklin's career before you like the 
 scenes of a moving panorama, and to enthuse 
 about each, even the most commonplace of them, 
 as if no other boy, either before Franklin's time 
 or since, had started in life under difficulties, and 
 had, against all sorts of hard lines, achieved fame 
 or fortune, or both. But while admitting every- 
 thing for which Franklin deserved credit, there
 
 63 
 
 were characteristics in his make-up and doings 
 in his life which do not appear to us Wall 
 Street men to be quite so admirable or so worthy 
 of emulation as they apparently are to you. In 
 the brief time allowed me to talk I can do no 
 more, of course, than merely hint at one or two 
 of these, but McMaster, who was certainly one 
 of the sage's most partial biographers, asserted 
 more than once that Franklin was " saving even 
 to stinginess." And I remember hearing it 
 cited, at this very table a 3-ear or so ago, as a 
 most meritorious fact and as a worthy example 
 of ecomomy, that when Benjamin was an ap- 
 prentice in London he always refused to chip in 
 with his fellow-workmen for the noon-day beer. 
 Now, if there is anything a Wall-streeter dis- 
 likes, it is a mean man, and that kind of a one 
 especially who manifests his meanness by a re- 
 luctance at appropriate times and in his regular 
 turn to "set 'em up.'' If, upon the occasions 
 referred to, the philosopher had offered to 
 match for the beer, the case would have been 
 different. That would have evidenced a specu- 
 lative disposition on the part of the sage, enti- 
 tling him to the respect of Wall Street, because, 
 in Wall Street eyes, the readiness to take a risk
 
 64 
 
 in anything, from a mug of beer to a hundred 
 shares, is of all traits most to be commended 
 and encouraged. 
 
 Then, too, Franklin was a busybody, as was 
 certainly shown by the character of the essays 
 to which he devoted his earlier efforts. While 
 he was yet a young man and unmarried, and was, 
 therefore, of course unacquainted with the mys- 
 teries of feminine make-up — certainly didn't know 
 enough about woman's apparel to warrant him 
 in discussing it — he put out a pamphlet entitled 
 " Pride and Hoop Petticoats." Later, as if he 
 delighted in airing his ignorance of the subject, 
 he issued another and still more pretentious 
 pamphlet, entitled " Hoop Petticoats, Arraigned 
 and Condemned by the Light of Science and by 
 the Law of God.'' As if that were not enough, 
 however, he subsequently had the ineffable gall 
 to write and print and offer for sale a moderate 
 sized volume bearing the bumptious title, " Relief 
 for the Unhappy Women Who, as a Punishment 
 for the Pride and Insolence of Youth, Are 
 Forced to Remain Old Maids." 
 
 As these books are now out of print and we 
 don't know what they contained, of course we 
 cannot tell just why the old man was so down
 
 65 
 
 on hoop skirts, nor are we able to discover how 
 he argued that they are condemned by the law 
 of God, nor do we know just what he proposed 
 with reference to old maids. But if you printer 
 men approve of that sort of thing, candidly, we 
 Wall Street men do not. On the contrary, we 
 think the philosopher might have been better 
 employed than in writing pamphlets against 
 petticoats, and as to his taking it upon himself 
 to advise about old maids — well, we think that 
 was impertinent to say the least, and evidenced 
 that the sage had an overweening conceit of 
 himself. Indeed, I have no hesitation in assert- 
 ing that, if any man ever was, it would certainly 
 appear from the record that Franklin was badly 
 "stuck on himself." 
 
 But to come back to McMaster, the so partial 
 biographer, he says on page 44 of his first life of 
 the philosopher, to quote his precise words, " It 
 was at this time " — that is, after Franklin had re- 
 turned from Ene:land and was foreman of 
 Kiemer's establishment in Philadelphia, " It was 
 at this time that Benjamin founded the Junto, 
 wrote his famous epitaph, grew religious, 
 composed a liturgy for his own use and be- 
 came the father of an illegitimate son." Now,
 
 6Q 
 
 I make no doubt but that you printers 
 who back up Franklin in everything he did, 
 approve of all this, too ; but if you do approve 
 of it, then I want, for and on behalf of my 
 down-town coadjutors, right here to record a 
 protest. 
 
 Not, however, that we are intolerant. Far 
 from it. We take no exception to a Junto (what- 
 ever that may be); if any man wants one, he's 
 welcome to it. If anybody has a fancy for 
 writing his own epitaph, let him. We don't care 
 how religious any one may be — the more relig- 
 ious the better. If any fellow thinks the liturgy 
 that has been prepared for all of us don't suit 
 his case and prefers to fix up one for his own ex- 
 clusive use, we are agreeable. But further than 
 that we can't go with you. Right there we Wall 
 street men draw the line. 
 
 It may have been all well enough for Ben- 
 jamin. His wife took the youngster in and cared 
 for it. But Mrs. Franklin was an exceptionally 
 considerate woman. The rest of her sex ain't as 
 nice as she was. On the contrary, most of them 
 arc so queer and so prone to take exception to 
 all sorts of trifles, that it isn't safe to count on 
 any of them — always.
 
 67 
 
 Then, too, as Franklin was unorthodox in 
 his religious views, so he was not orthodox in his 
 views on finance. He believed in the issuance 
 of paper money based on land, and he advocated 
 his theories with such consummate skill that his 
 State at one time put out ^30,000 of that kind of 
 currency. Well, I presume that you printers ap- 
 prove of this also ; but if the old man could come 
 back and should advocate that sort of thing down 
 our way, we would be inclined to regard him as 
 still another crank come to Wall street, and to 
 advise him to go West, young man, and join the 
 other cranks under the Farmers' Alliance ban- 
 ner. 
 
 But Franklin was a crank not alone in his 
 views upon finance. At one time he forswore 
 meat of all kinds and lived upon vegetables 
 only. Still, from what I have seen here to-night, 
 I am satisfied that even you draw the line there, 
 that you printer men are just as fond of all the 
 good things of this life as we Wall street men 
 are. 
 
 A truce, however, to nonsense, and one seri- 
 ous word before I resume my seat. I thank you. 
 gentlemen, for the privilege of being here. I am 
 glad to unite with you in doing honor to the
 
 68 
 
 meinory of him whose birthday this is, who, if 
 not the most heroic figure in our country's his- 
 tory, was certainly one of the " all round " 
 greatest men that ever lived. There may have 
 been those who excelled him in one direction or 
 another; but if we can imagine a circle as repre- 
 senting the limitations of humanity, I dare aver 
 that the accomplishments of no other man have 
 so nearly as Franklin's filled that circle, reaching 
 out and touching its circumference at so many 
 points. Though we honor his memory it is not 
 necessary for us to deify him, or to speak of him 
 with extravagant reverence, as if he had neither 
 faults nor foibles. These he had, of course, but 
 they were evidence of his intense humanity, and 
 it is unworthy to refer to them seriously in the 
 light of such a record as he left. Great as he 
 was, however, in so many directions, he was 
 greatest in that his religion, like Burke's, waste 
 do good to his fellow-man. The inspiring mo- 
 tive of all his life was to promote the welfare of 
 his kind; and when his career on earth was done, 
 he might well, like Abou Ben Adhem, have asked 
 the recording angel to write him as one who had 
 not only loved his fellow-men, but had for near 
 a hundred years served them so well that though
 
 69 
 
 we search the records of all the ages, it is difficult 
 to discover an equal benefactor of his race. I 
 congratulate you, gentlemen, that this man was, 
 like each one of you, a printer. 
 
 Though it is just'four hundred years since our 
 continent was first sighted, the national splendor 
 in which we all exult to-day has been the ac- 
 complishment of less than a century. Chiefest 
 among the factors of thatgreat work have been 
 the locomotive and the printing press. While 
 the conquest of the continent was going on, daily 
 the locomotive pushed a little farther, through 
 the wilderness, across the prairie and over the 
 mountain; but wherever it paused for a moment 
 to rest there the printing press was set up, and 
 through the wheezing of the one was heard the 
 clanking of the other. 
 
 When, however, the locomotive, resuming the 
 struggle, pushed along upon its mighty way, it 
 always left the press behind, and when — the con- 
 tinent conquered — it stood panting upon the 
 Pacific slope, wherever it had stopped between 
 the oceans, there was a printer setting type. 
 
 In that printer's fingers each of those tiny bits 
 of metal with a letter on its end became an en- 
 gine mighty as the locomotive, working with it
 
 70 
 
 ever since in our great upbuilding — pushing us 
 to our place, first among the nations of the 
 earth. 
 
 All honor to the grimy man who stands with 
 his hand upon the throttle in the cab; but just 
 as much to him standing with stick in hand 
 before the font.
 
 VIII. 
 
 At the Ixylng of the cornerstone ot the Mail and Express Building, August 19, 1691. 
 
 H 
 
 0\V little the Genoese navigator ever 
 dreamed that the continent he discovered 
 would be the empire of the future, the home of 
 near a hundred millions, the freest, thriftiest and 
 happiest people on the globe ! When Peter 
 Minuit bought the Island of Manhattan for 
 twenty-four dollars, how little he dreamed of the 
 great city to be built upon it, rivaling in splendor 
 the proudest cities of the world. When Robert 
 Fulton's heart beat fast with joy that the CUr- 
 inont, on its trial trip, stemmed the Hudson's 
 tide, how little he dreamed of the monster pal- 
 aces which now defy wind and wave in their 
 weekly trips across the ocean. When, nearly a 
 century ago, a daily newspaper was for the first 
 time issued in this city, how little its proprietors 
 dreamed of anything like what a New York news- 
 paper is to-day. 
 
 The first daily paper in our city — the Advcr-
 
 72 
 
 tiscr, it was called — was not started till after the 
 press of the country had passed through the 
 Colonial and Revolutionary epochs of its exist- 
 ence. 
 
 The Colonial press disseminated news, but 
 dared no views in conflict with the authorities. 
 The press of the Revolution was unfettered, but 
 it subordinated everything to the one idea of the 
 country's independence. That independence, 
 however, achieved, organization of the nation 
 followed. The transition from dependence to 
 independence had resulted in parties, and the 
 land was full of conflicting views.which sought ex- 
 pression through the columns of the newspapers. 
 
 Then came what might be distinctively termed 
 the epoch of the party press, during which the 
 newspapers were almost wholly owned and con- 
 trolled by politicians and cliques. 
 
 It was at this juncture that the first daily 
 made its appearance in our midst. 
 
 Though the American newspaper was then 
 nearly a hundred years old, the Advertiser was, 
 in general character and make-up, but little, if 
 any, superior to the Boston Nezvs Letter or Piib- 
 lick Occurrences, which were the pioneer journals 
 on this side of the Atlantic.
 
 73 
 
 During the continuance of the party press 
 epoch the newspapers increased largely in num- 
 ber, but not much in effectiveness till the coming 
 of the railway. When the locomotive came, 
 however, widening their reach and scope, they 
 took on new life, and rapidly developed in power 
 and influence. But with the advent of the rail- 
 way the sun speedily went down upon the slavish 
 party press, and then there dawned the better 
 day of independent journalism. 
 
 From that time the newspaper came to be 
 one of the chiefest factors in what has been our 
 so marvelous national development. 
 
 We are disposed to wonder that since our 
 shores were first sighted we have been able to 
 accomplish so much upon the continent ; but it 
 must be borne in mind that up to the beginning 
 of the present century there was hardly more 
 than a fringe of civilization along the Atlantic 
 coast — that our great upbuilding has been ac- 
 complished within less than a hundred years. 
 
 In this, the railway and the press have 
 wrought together. While the conquest of the 
 continent was going on, the locomotive daily 
 pushed a little farther, through the wilderness, 
 across the prairie and over the mountain, but
 
 74 
 
 always following close behind its shriek was 
 heard the clank of the printing press. 
 
 The grimy man, with his hand upon the 
 throttle, leaning out of the cab window and 
 peering anxiously before him, and the dirty- 
 fingered man with a shade over his eyes, stand- 
 ing, stick in hand, before a font — these have been 
 the pioneers of our great advance in civilization, 
 wealth and power. 
 
 But while the press has done so much for the 
 country, the country has done as much for the 
 press. Our march toward the position we have 
 taken among the nations of the earth, with the 
 attendants of our career — rapidly increasing 
 wealth and culture, diversity of tastes and in- 
 terests, and constant widening of the horizon of 
 individual ambition — these things have pushed 
 us in all directions, but in none more than in the 
 field of journalism. The variety of invention, 
 the myriad applications of steam, the uses of 
 electricity, the development of industry and 
 spreading out of commerce, together with 
 the growth of democratic ideas, have not 
 only enlarged the field of newspapers, but 
 have stimulated their increase, and imparted 
 to them a power and responsibility beyond
 
 75 
 
 what the newspaper men themselves have 
 realized. 
 
 Hardly more than fifty years ago, the English 
 traveler, Basil Hall, in his book about us, said : 
 " The conductors of American journals are gen- 
 erally shrewd but uneducated men." It is diffi- 
 cult to believe that the statement was ever true, 
 because as far back as any one of us can remem- 
 ber, journalism has been one of the great profes- 
 sions, numbering among its devotees the bright- 
 est, brainiest and " all round '' biggest men of 
 their day. Time would not suffice to name 
 those who, in the realm of American journalism, 
 have shaped the thought and policy of their 
 periods, and have not only left indelible records 
 upon, but have added luster to the pages of the 
 country's history. 
 
 Though Horace Greeley thought that " of 
 all horned cattle, a college graduate in a news- 
 paper office is the worst,'' a large proportion of 
 those now graduating from our leading colleges 
 are seeking places in the ranks of journalism, so 
 that the young man who comes to-day, note 
 book in hand, to get six inches of talk from you 
 for the morrow's paper, instead of being a 
 shabby party, redolent of beer, is far more likely
 
 76 
 
 to be a dainty youth of the highest culture, 
 fresh from the shades of one of the great univer- 
 sities. 
 
 I have spoken of journalism as one of the 
 great professions. Is it not rather of all pro- 
 fessions the first ? Surely the head of a great 
 newspaper is the proudest position to be 
 achieved under a government like ours, which, 
 in freedom of the press, guarantees freedom of 
 thought— they go together, because as Thiers 
 put it, "the liberty to print is the liberty to 
 think." 
 
 Carlyle said, "Every able editor is a ruler of 
 the world "; and he is, in that he helps to make 
 the public sentiment which controls the universe. 
 Even Napoleon acknowledged the editor's sway, 
 when he proclaimed the journalist " a regent of 
 sovereigns, a tutor of nations," and declared 
 "four hostile newspapers more to be feared 
 than a hundred thousand bayonets." If what 
 Napoleon said was true then, it is certainly truer 
 now, because ever since then the bayonet has 
 been losing and thought gaining, till the highest 
 tribunal for the nation as well as the individual 
 to-day, is the bar of public opinion. At that 
 bar no monarch upon his throne is so potent as
 
 77 
 
 the editor in his sanctum, who has the power, as 
 De Tocquevillc expressed it, " to drop the same 
 thought into thousands of minds at the same 
 moment." 
 
 The newspaper to-day is not an adjunct of, it 
 is a part and parcel of our daily life, almost as 
 much as the air we breathe or the food we eat. 
 
 Thoreau was one man out of a million in his 
 boast that he never read a newspaper, in his idea 
 that " all news is gossip, and they who edit and 
 who read it are old women over their tea. Read 
 not the times," exclaimed the would-be philoso- 
 pher, glaring over his specs, " read not the times, 
 read the eternities ;" and yet, when John Brown 
 lay wounded at Harper's Ferry, the Concord 
 crank admitted that he had been reading all the 
 newspapers he could put his hands on for more 
 than a week. 
 
 Not read the papers ? Why, dear old 
 Beecher was " dead right " when he said " every 
 worthy citizen now reads a newspaper. It is the 
 window through which we see all that is going 
 on about us. Without it a man is shut up in a 
 small room and knows nothing outside of him- 
 self." 
 
 Wendell Phillips declared that " the millions
 
 78 
 
 have no literature, no school, almost no pulpit 
 but the press. The newspaper," said he, "is 
 parent, school, college, pulpit, theater, example, 
 counselor, all in one." And yet, wide and far 
 reaching as are each of these relationships, they 
 do not, together, half cover the case. The pro- 
 vince of the press, once merely to collect and 
 distribute news, is now to do everything. 
 
 A newspaper pierces the heart of the dark 
 continent — gropes its way through the Arctic 
 floes — answers the question, " what are you 
 going to do about it?" by hurling a bandit ring 
 from power — builds monuments to the heroic 
 dead — turns public institutions inside out and 
 lets in the glare of day upon them — flashes the 
 blinding light of its bull's-eye into the darkest 
 haunts of crime and fetches the evil-doer to the 
 bar of justice — protects the poor from extortion 
 by distributing among them the necessaries of 
 life at first hand prices — nay, more, it gathers the 
 little waifs in from the streets and feeds them, 
 and it takes the shrunken-faced babies of the 
 tenements, gasping for air, to where the sun may 
 shine upon them and they may drink in the 
 breezes of the sea. 
 
 Indeed, a newspaper is the people's faithful
 
 79 
 
 and sleepless servitor and champion in more 
 ways than can be put into words. As many 
 headed as Hydra, as many eyed as Argus, as 
 many handed as Briaraeus, a great newspaper is 
 the nearest possible human embodiment of the 
 idea of omnipotence. 
 
 On a balcony, a few evenings since, I sat for 
 hours watching the restless ocean. Its surface, 
 as far as the eye could reach, was all the time 
 broken into waves crested with foam, while 
 along the shore, without a moment's ceasing, the 
 mighty breakers roared. Whenever through 
 the night I woke I heard the distant clashing of 
 the waters and the sea still pounding on the sand. 
 In the morning, the far-away billows were dash- 
 ing spray against the sunlight, and the surf, un- 
 ceasingly as ever, was beating on the beach. 
 
 It seemed to me the very embodiment of the 
 idea of constant agitation, and the thought was 
 impressive that the ocean's perpetual motion is 
 the guarantee of its purity — that so long as the 
 waves are clashing upon its surface, and the 
 breakers beating on its shores, there need be no 
 fear of impurity in its waters.
 
 80 
 
 In the ceaseless agitation by the press of 
 everything which concerns us is the surest guar- 
 antee of purity in our affairs. While the air of 
 every hamlet and village and town throughout 
 the country is filled with newspapers, arguing 
 and discussing every question, no matter how 
 trifling, that affects the people, and the great 
 dailies of the cities are pounding upon every 
 issue of importance that confronts us, and beating 
 at the feet of every public man, there need be no 
 fear about impurity in our politics. Whatever 
 of such impurity there may be, the newspapers 
 will surely discover and bring it to the surface 
 and the people can correct it. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson said : " I would rather live 
 in a country with newspapers and without a 
 government, than in a country with a govern- 
 ment but without newspapers." Let us be grate- 
 ful that we live in aland with a government and 
 newspapers — a government the best the sun 
 shines on, and newspapers the plentiest, the 
 most enterprising and the altogether best upon 
 the globe.
 
 IX. 
 
 At the cloae of the Soathem Society banquet In the Madiioo Square bailding, Febriury 23, 
 1891, ai the President was about diimisting the assembUge, there was a general call, to which 
 thlt waa the response. 
 
 " ''PHREE men about to indulge in a little bib. 
 1 ulous refreshment invited a fourth to join 
 them. He declined. They insisted. He refused 
 point blank. They asked why. He said for two 
 reasons. 'What are they?' they inquired. 
 * Well,' he said, ' the first reason is this : When 
 my poor old mother was upon her dying bed, 
 she begged me with tears in her eyes to swear 
 off, and before she died I promised her I never 
 would taste another drop.' ' Great Scott ! ' they 
 exclaimed, ' that one reason is enough, but since 
 you have two, what's the other?' 'The other 
 reason,' said he, ' is this : I've just had a drink and 
 I don't want another right away.' Well, gentle- 
 men, I haven't promised anybody living or dying 
 never to make another speech before your 
 society, but like the man who thought that his
 
 82 
 
 having so recently had a drink ought to excuse 
 him from taking another right away, so it seems 
 to me that having been called to the front at 
 your last dinner, I ought not to be so soon again 
 pressed into service. 1 am free to confess, how- 
 ever, that T am not indisposed to respond to 
 your call, since to do so affords me opportunity 
 to congratulate you on this splendid banquet, to 
 thank you for the courtesy which has permitted 
 me to enjoy it, and, as a New Yorker, to voice 
 the cordial welcome which the metropolis always 
 extends to you men of the South. The more of 
 you that come to us, and the oftener you come, 
 the better for us all ; because, as the shuttle, the 
 more frequently it goes flashing back and forth 
 through the loom, the more closely it weaves the 
 fabric; so the oftener you come to us and we go 
 to you, back and forth across the imaginary line 
 which divides the sections, the more closely we 
 unconsciously knit the fabric of our nationality. 
 
 But glad as we are to welcome those of you 
 who come to visit us, to those who come to cast 
 their lot with us and to take root among us we 
 open wide our hands, our hearts and the doors 
 of our homes. 
 
 I dare say there was a time when you felt a
 
 83 
 
 hesitancy at coming among us because the 
 average against you at the close of the war was 
 so great ; but if so there is no longer need for 
 any of you to be shy. The goodly host of 
 Southern hustlers that came here when they had 
 got through fighting, with their sharp eyes looking 
 out from under old Confederate hat brims, and 
 fetching with them nothing but their stout hearts 
 and clear heads, have long since settled that 
 matter. Transferring their field of operations 
 to Wall street and their weapons to valuable 
 Southern properties, these hustlers have squared 
 the account, and honors between us now are 
 easy. For every farm that was cleaned out on 
 your side during the recent unpleasantness you 
 may be sure some unfortunate among us has 
 been stuck with a thousand acres of Texas or 
 Arkansas land. For every house that was de- 
 stroyed somebody here is wearily now walking 
 with 500 shares of — well, say Cotton Seed, that 
 cost way up in the fifties. Indeed, if it be any 
 satisfaction to you to hear it, I dare aver that 
 for every mule that was killed on )'Our side 
 during the late scuffle, some poor devil of a 
 Yank has since been plugged with *a hundred 
 Richmond Terminal ' at a price he'll never see
 
 84 
 
 again. Not that we take any exception to it, 
 however. On the contrary, we rejoice in it. 
 But we are glad that the hustlers have been so 
 few, because if there had been many more of 
 them, some of us who rejoice in new patent- 
 leathers to-night would likely now be standing 
 on our uppers. 
 
 No. We are as proud of every one of your 
 people who has achieved wealth or distinction, 
 or both, among us, as you are yourselves, and 
 we New Yorkers have specially delighted in 
 the proof which some of you have furnished 
 that there are other breeds of Yankees just as 
 cute as the breed that is raised in New England. 
 Indeed, gentlemen, there is no evidence of 
 Southern prosperity and thirft anywhere in 
 which we Northern men do not delight. We 
 rejoice that your fair Southland has so glori- 
 ously recovered from its long prostration, and 
 we are proud that your people are so fast com- 
 ing to rival us in everything in which we have 
 thought the North would be always without a 
 rival. This is as it should be. The day for 
 jealousy between the sections has gone by. 
 With the second century of our national exist- 
 ence we enter upon a new career. We are no
 
 85 
 
 longer an association of State communities, but 
 are now one great, solid, puissant nationality — 
 so completely one, indeed, that the very lines 
 between the States are losing their distinctness 
 because of the frequent trampling upon them by 
 friendly feet. Hereafter forever there must be 
 no difference between us — that is to say, no 
 difference to affect the integrity of our national- 
 ity. There will be, of course, perpetual strife 
 as to questions of public policy ; but as the con- 
 stant motion of the water is necessary for the 
 purity of the seas, so the ceaseless agitation 
 about our public questions is vital to the purity 
 of our politics. But while the surface of the 
 ocean is broken into countless waves which roar 
 and clash against each other, down in its depths 
 the water is calm and undisturbed ; so, though 
 about the thousand and one issues, state and 
 national, which affect us, we split into as many 
 parties, to roar and clash against each other, be- 
 hind the parties stand the people of both sec- 
 tions calm and undisturbed — calm in their love 
 of country and undisturbed in their nationality. 
 While this is so, we may safely laugh at pessi- 
 mists, because despite all their gloomy forebod- 
 ings the future is safe and sure.
 
 86 
 
 To steal a thought from your own meteoric 
 and matchless Grady, in the far off distant 
 future, when we shall have passed away and 
 been all of us long forgot, the clock of time will go 
 on, then as now, calmly ticking off the passing 
 years, and at every stroke which tells of another 
 year gone by, will be heard, following its own 
 echo round the continent, the cry of the watch- 
 men in the towers, 'all is well with the old re- 
 public — all is well I ' "
 
 X. 
 
 Delivered at the Business M&n's mealing at the close of the Faseett-FIower campaign, 
 October 29, H91, in Carnegie Hall— the audience numbering between four and five thousand 
 persons. 
 
 THIS has been announced as a business man's 
 meeting, and as one of the business men of 
 the city, in nowise a politician, I am here to mal<e 
 manifest, by my presence, my earnest sympathy 
 with the effort which is being put forth to ac- 
 complish good government for the State in 
 which Av*e live. 
 
 However uncertain may have been the issues 
 involved in any of the campaigns of the past, 
 the issue in this one is clearly and sharply 
 defined— so clearly and so sharply that no 
 man, it seems to me, who is desirous of the 
 welfare of the State, can be for one moment 
 in doubt as to how he ought to vote. Our city, 
 the Empire City, the proudest city of the Union, 
 which, in the order of things, ought to set an 
 example of good government to every other
 
 88 
 
 city in the country, has long been firmly held 
 in the grip of a political organization, the in- 
 spiring motive and cohesive power of which 
 have always been, are now and always will be 
 that of public plunder. We know from the 
 sorr}' experience of the past how comparatively 
 futile are any efforts to shake off that grip from 
 the city ; but now this organization, this polit- 
 ical octopus, not satisfied with owning and 
 operating our imperial city, like Alexander sigh- 
 ing for new worlds to conquer, is reaching out 
 and trying to secure within its clutches our 
 great Empire State as well ; and the question 
 which presents itself to every voter in the com- 
 munity is, are you willing to enlarge the reach 
 and strengthen the grip of this octopus? — are 
 you willing to turn over our fair State to the 
 tender mercies of the Tammany tiger — or are 
 you not ? 
 
 This, stripped of all extraneous and confusing 
 complications, is the question, the only question 
 before the people, and our brilliant young leader 
 deserves the highest praise, not only for his 
 wisdom, but for his courage, m that he has so 
 persistently, in all his speeches through the 
 State, driven this question home.
 
 89 
 
 Of course our friends, the enemy, don't like 
 the way in which Mr. Fassett talks. They think 
 he ought to discuss national issues. Well, so far 
 as I am informed, there is practically no national 
 issue involved in this campaign. The great 
 National issue, of course, is the tariff, and in 
 National politics men are Republicans or Demo- 
 crats as they believe in a high tariff or in a 
 tariff for revenue only. Now, here are two men 
 among us. One believes in a tariff for revenue 
 only, the other in a high tariff, and upon that 
 question and in National politics they are as 
 wide apart as the poles. But they are intel- 
 ligent men. They read that most able and 
 excellent of journals, the Evening Post, and from 
 perusal of its columns they know all about 
 Tammany Hall. As good citizens they are both 
 of them conscientiously opposed, of course, 
 to Tammany and all its methods. Now these 
 men don't want to hear discussion about the 
 tariff. What they do want to hear discussed is 
 the issue which is before us, and that is Tam- 
 many Hall, and there is no reason under heaven 
 why, though in National politics these men vote 
 dead against each other, they should not on 
 Tuesday next, together vote the anti-Tamman}'
 
 90 
 
 ticket in favor of good government and against 
 the tiger. 
 
 So far as I have yet heard, the only reason that 
 has been urged by our friends the enemy, why 
 everybody should not vote for Mr. Fassett, is 
 that wretched old chestnut — so old and worm 
 eaten that I hate to handle it — to the effect that 
 he prevented the World's Fair from coming to 
 our city. Well, Mr. Fassett says he didn't pre- 
 vent it, and if anybody ought to know, surely he 
 ought. Whenever a high tariff man makes a pe- 
 culiarly sanguine or boastful assertion as to any 
 of the industries of the country, it is the habit 
 of our low tariff friends to climb up on the back 
 seats, and call him a tin-plate liar. Now, I don't 
 want to go so far as to call any man a liar — cer- 
 tainly I should not like to be so hard on anybody 
 as to call him a tin-plate liar; but from the evi- 
 dence which has been adduced i feel that we are 
 warranted in regarding the man who says Fas- 
 sett kept the World's Fair from commg to New 
 York, as at least a cast-iron prevaricator. But 
 suppose, for the sake of argument, we admit — if 
 there is any way to satisfy our Democratic 
 friends, let us do it if we can; so just to please 
 them let us admit — that Mr. Fassett did kill the
 
 91 
 
 World's Fair. Then let us consider how much 
 he has saved to the city by his action. The 
 amount can be arrived at by a simple sum in the 
 old-fashioned rule of three. Any bo}" here with 
 a lead pencil in his pocket can do the sum, 
 though there is perhaps not one in this vast 
 audience with an imagination sufficiently vivid 
 to conceive what the result of the calculation 
 would be. The sum would read in this wise : If 
 it cost New York twelve millions of dollars to 
 let Tammany Hall, under William M. Tweed, 
 build one Courthouse, how much would it cost 
 the city to let Tammany Hall under its present 
 leadership construct all the buildings that would 
 be needed for the great World's Fair? — to say 
 nothing of the incidentals I However, it makes 
 no difference either way whether Fassett did 
 or did not kill the Fair. The election which 
 is before us, so far as I am informed, is not 
 for the purpose of affording the people an 
 opportunity through the ballot-box to wreak 
 vengeance upon whoever did kill the Fair. On 
 the contrary, the only purpose of the election, 
 as I understand it, is to afford the people an op- 
 portunity to say whether Tammany Hall shall 
 be entrenched at Albany or not, and the Fair
 
 92 
 
 has nothing to do with the case. The Fair is 
 not before the house, but what is before the 
 house — the only thing before the house — is that 
 wretched tiger, with his fiery eyes, licking his 
 hungry chops and "a-lashin of his tail," and this 
 damnable iteration of the cry about the World's 
 Fair is only a miserable subterfuge, availed of 
 by our Tammany friends to fog the real issue if 
 possible, and to shut up our eyes to the existence 
 and the presence of that ferocious beast. 
 
 I remember once being in a little cross-road 
 store down in Virginia — you know the kind of 
 store I mean— the kind in the country in which 
 they keep everything, from a toothpick to a pul- 
 pit. Well, presently there slouched into the 
 store a very old darkey, evidently, by the way 
 in which he seemed to make himself at home, 
 a patriarch of the neighborhood. He leaned 
 back comfortably against one of the counters, 
 " chawin'," and for nearly half an hour was si- 
 lent, apparently lost in study of the wonderful 
 assortment of wares exposed for sale. By and 
 by his eye lit upon a pile of little round wooden 
 boxes upon a shelf on the opposite side of the 
 store, for all the world like miniature cheese 
 boxes. They contained axle grease. The old
 
 93 
 
 man contemplated the boxes for a few moments 
 — then turning to the proprietor he said : " Mr. 
 Smiff, wot you axes for one of dem little cheeses 
 over dah ? " Mr. Smith replied: " Ten cents." 
 The old man ruminated for a while — then came 
 back at the proprietor — " If I buys one of dem 
 little cheeses over dah, Mr. Smiff, is you gwine 
 to chuck in some crackers for me to eat wid it ? " 
 The proprietor acceded to the cracker proposi- 
 tion, whereupon the old man relapsed again into 
 silence, as if calculating whether he could afford 
 the outlay. At length he went down into his 
 clothes — fished around for a while — discovered 
 and fetched up a ten-cent piece. Then he shuf- 
 fled across the store to the counter behind which 
 the proprietor stood, laid down the coin, re- 
 ceived in return for it a box of axle grease and 
 a brown paper bag containing half a pound of 
 soda crackers, and then pulling himself together 
 he left the store and went on his way rejoicing. 
 Some half an hour or so afterward, as I was going 
 up the road, I saw the old man seated on a log 
 by the roadside, Avith a jackknife carefully scrap- 
 ing the last of the axle grease out of the little 
 wooden box, and as carefully spreading it on 
 half a cracker. " Hallo, old man," said I to him
 
 94 
 
 as I passed, "how does it go?" "Oh, well, 
 Massa," he replied, " it goes good enough, I 
 reckon. Dese yer crackers, I ain't got no fault 
 to find wid dem — dey's cheap enough — dey done 
 give 'em to me, you know — and dis yer cheese 
 — well, I spec's as how it's wholesome enough, 
 but, 'foh Gawd, it's de ransomest cheese I ever 
 struck.'' 
 
 1 only told the story, ladies and gentlemen, 
 to point a moral and adorn a tale (a voice 
 —"The tiger's tail?")— no, let us cut that— 
 and to say that this talk about the World's 
 Fair is the ransomest political pretext I ever 
 struck. 
 
 I have said that the World's Fair nonsense 
 seems to be the only argument of our Tammany 
 friends in this campaign. Well, gentlemen — 
 I humbly beg your pardon. I mean, of course, 
 ladies and gentlemen. I was led into the dis- 
 courtesy, I presume, by the consciousness that 
 the women cannot vote. Oh ! if they only 
 could! What? Am I in favor of woman suf- 
 frage? Well, I should smile! If among the re- 
 forms that arc sure to come when Mr. Fassett 
 gets to Albany, we knew that woman suffrage 
 would be included, this would be a pleasanter
 
 95 
 
 fight to make, the victory could be more easily 
 won and when won would be the more enjoy- 
 able. I am one of those who believe that every 
 woman is entitled in the sight of God, if not 
 before the law, to all the rights that any 
 man has, and to one more beside — that is, the 
 right of protection ! I want it distinctly under- 
 stood that I belong to the party of protectionists 
 — and from the applause with which you greet 
 the declaration, I should judge everybody else 
 in the building belongs to the same party. 
 
 I was going on to say that the World's Fair 
 " bogie '' is the only argument I have yet heard 
 advanced why we should not vote for Mr. Fas- 
 sett. But I am wrong. I have heard one more 
 argument, and that is because it is asserted that 
 Mr. Fassett is Mr. Piatt's young man. Well, 
 that statement is true to the extent that Mr. 
 Fassett is a young man, and I wish I was one. 
 " Drive easy," said the woman to the cabman, as 
 she helped her drunken husband into the cab, 
 " drive easy, please, my husband is so sick. " " Yis, 
 ma'am, I will dhrive aisy. Sure, he's moietey 
 sick, I can see that, but I wish I had his com- 
 plaint,'' said the cabby as he climbed up on the 
 box. I guess there are a good many of the old
 
 96 
 
 boys, not only on our side of the house, but 
 among- the benighted followers of Tammany as 
 well, who wish they had Mr. Fassett's complaint 
 of youth. Yes, Mr. Fassett is a young man; but 
 as to his being Mr. Piatt's young man, I think I 
 know Mr. Fassett well enough to denounce that 
 assertion, if not as a tin-plate lie or a cast-iron 
 prevarication, at least as a pot-metal falsehood, 
 and to declare that Mr. Fassett is nobody's 
 young man — that is, of course, nobody's but Mrs. 
 Fassett's. He is her young man all the time, and 
 if he makes as good a Governor as he makes a 
 husband and father, the State will be most for- 
 tunate in his election. 
 
 However, let us not stand upon trifles. If it 
 will make our Tammany friends any happier, 
 let us frankly admit that Mr. Fassett is Mr. 
 Piatt's young man. But, having made the ad- 
 mission, then let us carefully consider whether 
 we wouldn't be better off— just a " leetle " better 
 off—with Mr. Piatt's young man than we would 
 be with Boss Crokcr's old man? 
 
 1 have heard a great deal said about those 
 whom we call Mugwumps or Independents — the 
 men of either party who sometimes vote with the 
 other party — and I have heard much said in their
 
 97 
 
 disparagement, of wliich I have always disap- 
 proved, because, while I believe, of course, in 
 party organization and party fealty, I still more 
 firmly believe in ever}' man's independence of 
 political thought and action. It will be a sorry 
 day for the Republic, in my judgment, when all 
 men vote their party ticket blind and straight, 
 without thought as to whether it be for the right 
 or for the wrong. I think the surest guarantee of 
 the perpetuity of our institutions is the people's 
 independence — their readiness always, with refer- 
 ence to the thousand and one issues that are con- 
 stantly presenting themselves, to vote for what 
 commends itself to their conscience and intelli- 
 gence as right and best for the community, re- 
 gardless of party lines. 
 
 And it is upon this independence on the part 
 of our intelligent voters that 1 base my hope of 
 Republican success in this campaign — because I 
 think that throughout the State there are thou- 
 sands of life-long Democrats who appreciate the 
 danger which threatens — the danger that Tam- 
 many Hall will get control of the multitudinous 
 affairs of our great State ; and 1 believe that in 
 order to avert such a calamity these independent 
 Democrats will vote the anti-Tammany ticket.
 
 98 
 
 We have already had indication that such will 
 be the case, in the recent action of Mr. Herman 
 Oelrichs and in the letter the other day published 
 of Mr. George William Curtis. Mr. Oelrichs has 
 always been a Democrat and says he always will 
 be one, but, strong and healthy and handsome as 
 he is, Tammany has at last got to be " too rich 
 for his blood." 
 
 We all know Mr. Curtis — that he was an old- 
 time Republican— an Abolitionist, when to stand 
 for liberty against slavery, as Richelieu said 
 about matrimony, "it took the courage of a 
 lion," but that for years he has been regarded as 
 the great Mugwump chief— the trump-card in 
 the hand of the Democracy. I say this, of course, 
 in no sense of disrespect, because to my mind 
 George William Curtis is the embodiment of 
 the very highest type of American citizenship — 
 a gentleman, a scholar and a statesman, like 
 Chevalier Bayard, " sans peur et sans reproche." 
 The course of these men in refusing to vote the 
 Tammany ticket cannot but have influence upon 
 intelligent and thoughtful men throughout the 
 State, and it encourages the hope I have ex- 
 pressed that many of the best Democrats will join 
 with the Republicans in the effort to save our
 
 99 
 
 great Empire State from the blighting effects of 
 Tammany domination. 
 
 Burke said that the main purpose of all the 
 complex machinery of the Government of Great 
 Britain is to put twelve men in a box. The chief 
 end and aim of all our municipal existence is to 
 achieve good government for the community, 
 which is the choicest blessing that can come to 
 the aggregate man. And as I began, so I close — 
 it seems to me that no man who has the welfare 
 of the State at heart can be for one moment in 
 doubt as to how he ought to vote on Tuesday 
 next. 
 
 The Trihunf of Oi-tnber 30ih said : Th* vast audience »a* more than generous with iU 
 applause. Several limes he had lu slop for some moments until the cheering should cease. He 
 could easily be heard even in the furthest parts of the ereat hall. He told his stories well, and had 
 the honor paid him of having to give an encore. When be had seated himself the applause was 
 kept up until he was compelled to comtf lorward again to say : "This demonstration on your 
 part, ladias and gentlemen, alfords me more pleasure and gratification than somebody will feel on 
 Tuesday night, when be learns that he has been elect«d Governor." There were more cheers 
 at this. 
 
 I
 
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