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AFRICA 
 AND THE WAR 
 
 BY 
 
 BENJAMIN BRAWLEY 
 
 (t 
 
 Author of "A Short History of the American Negro," 
 
 " The Negro in Literature and Art," 
 
 "Your Negro Neighbor," etc. 
 
 The controversy with the nations is not over, nor will 
 he, until the divine government is reverentially 
 acknowledged by the human family. — Lorenzo Dow, 
 
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 NEW YORK 
 "DUFFIELD y COMPANY 
 
 1918 
 
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 Copyright, 1918, by 
 DUFFIELD & COMPANY 
 
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CONTENTS 
 
 CHAP* PAGB 
 
 I. Africa 3 
 
 II. David Livingstonb 13 
 
 III. Germany's Colonies in Africa as the Central 
 
 Problem of the War 19 
 
 IV. Special Problems and Difficulties .... 29 
 
 V. The Meaning for America . 35 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTERS 
 
 I. The Freedom of the Free . 49 
 
 II. Wycliffe and the World War 54 
 
 III. Lorenzo Dow 66 
 
 IV. Thomas Carlyle, the Negro Question, and the 
 
 Present World Problem 85 
 
 67iS?0 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The Civil War in the United States was 
 fought to decide the destiny of the Negro in 
 America. The great war of our own day is to 
 determine the future of the Negro in the world. 
 Alsace-Lorraine, Belgium, the Balkans, and 
 even Russia, all become second in importance 
 to the overwhelming question of the possession 
 and development of the continent of Africa. 
 The Negro, not the Belgian or the Russian, is 
 after all at the heart of the problem. 
 
 The aim of the present work is not to give a 
 study of African history and tradition. That 
 has been done within the last few years as well 
 as it is likely to be done by Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois 
 in his Uttle book, ^^The Negro.'' It is not to 
 give an account of either African exploration 
 or colonization. For the adequate treatment of 
 these subjects the earnest reader will of course 
 go to such authorities as Livingstone, Schwein- 
 furth, and Johnston. Nor is the aim to set forth 
 
Preface 
 
 the part played by the native African or the 
 American Negro in the war. That is all a thrill- 
 ing story that will some day await the capable 
 teller. The aim of the pages that follow is 
 simply to set forth the striking features of a 
 definite situation developed by the world con- 
 flict and to indicate the meaning of this for 
 America. Anything else is incidental. Each of 
 the supplementary chapters, however, attempts 
 to take the world view, and it is hoped that in 
 a larger and more spiritual way they may be 
 found to bear out some of the ideas in the more 
 practical chapters that precede them. 
 
 Benjamin Brawley. 
 
 Morehouse College, Atlanta, 
 October 15, 1918. 
 
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AFRICA AND THE WAR 
 
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 AFRICA % . *,• o ::^ - .:„^ 
 
 A FRICA was the home of the Pharaohs, and 
 l\ of Cleopatra — the land of the lotus-eaters, 
 of caravans, and of pyramids. Neither Asia nor 
 Europe can equal the riches or the dreams of 
 this loneliest of continents, or rival the pathos 
 of its song. It has nourished the Carthaginians, 
 the Abyssinians, the Senegalese, and built em- 
 pire after empire. It has also seen such heartless 
 exploitation of human beings as the world in all 
 its centuries never witnessed before. 
 
 It is dijfficult for us to conceive of the vastness 
 of this continent. It holds over 11,600,000 
 square miles. It is nearly four times as large 
 as our own United States. We speak of Georgia 
 as the largest of our states east of the Missis- 
 
 8 
 
C C t 
 
 4 Africa and the War 
 
 sippi. Africa is two hundred times as large as 
 Georgia. From Cape Town to Cairo is a dis- 
 tance of 5,000 miles, and the farthest points 
 east and west are 4,650 miles apart. The lake 
 system of Central Africa is equaled only by our 
 own Great Lakes, while four great rivers — the 
 Nile, the Niger, the Congo, and the Zambezi — 
 , rival the, Mississippi. 
 
 And here is a population of the most diversi- 
 ; i:i jS^ iypesl The, natives, perhaps 175,000,000 in 
 number, extend all the way from the cultivated 
 Egyptian or the wariike Zulu to the Central 
 African bushman, and from four to seven feet 
 in height. In the North are the Algerians and 
 Egyptians, people partially of Hamitic or 
 Semitic stock, with consequently some infusion 
 of Caucasian blood. In the region of the upper 
 Nile are the Abyssinians, children of the ancient 
 Ethiopians. On the west coast are the Negroes, 
 while in the vast region extending for two thou- 
 sand miles south of the Soudan are the two 
 hundred related Bantu tribes, merging into the 
 Hottentot in the far South, or into the Kaffirs 
 in the Southeast. Into this enormous popula- 
 tion are thrown two million Europeans — Eng- 
 lishmen, Frenchmen, Portuguese, Boers — living 
 
Africa 6 
 
 generally in the cultivated centers near the 
 coast. What might we not expect from this 
 medley of races? 
 
 The flora and the fauna are the most wonder- 
 ful in the world. Here are the antelope, the 
 hippopotamus, the crocodile; the lion, the 
 hyena, the giraffe; the ostrich, the python, the 
 gorilla. In the North are the olive, the date, 
 the fig; in the South the baobab, the banana, 
 and cotton ; and hundreds of thousands of fertile 
 square miles are still virgin soil. 
 
 ^p ^^* ^^ ^1^ ^^* 
 
 When at the end of the Middle Ages the first 
 modem explorers went down the coast of Africa 
 and began the slave-trade, they by no means 
 came to a country altogether savage. The whole 
 current conception of Africa and the Africans 
 can find explanation only in the events of the 
 last four hundred years. When the Moham- 
 medans came down from the Northwest to the 
 western part of the Soudan they found there 
 the Negro kingdom of Ghana, which by the 
 middle of the eleventh century had a capital 
 built of wood and stone, and a king with an army 
 of two hundred thousand. Early in the thir- 
 teenth century the kingdom of Melle, five hun- 
 
6 Africa and the War 
 
 dred miles north of the Gulf of Guinea, began to 
 supersede the older Ghana; and for a hundred 
 years it was the foremost power in this part of 
 the world. '^Its greatest king, Mansa Musa, 
 made his pilgrimage to Mecca in 1324, with a 
 caravan of sixty thousand persons. He took 
 eighty camel loads of gold dust (worth about 
 five million dollars) to defray his expenses, and 
 greatly impressed the people of the East with 
 his magnificence."* Then m the beginning of 
 the sixteenth century, in the great bend of the 
 Niger, rose the kingdom of Songhay, most ex- 
 tensive of all the Negro empires. Askia, its 
 greatest ruler, by no means cultivated the splen- 
 dor of Mansa Musa, but was rather a student, a 
 statesman, and an organizer. During his reign 
 he consolidated an empire nearly as large in 
 extent as all Europe, he built a strong university, 
 and we are told that ^^he was obeyed with as 
 much docility on the farthest limits of the empire 
 as he was in his own palace, and there reigned 
 everywhere great plenty and absolute peace." 
 Such was the culture that without outside as- 
 sistance Africa had developed before the coming 
 of the European. 
 
 * Du Bois: The Negro, 52. 
 
Africa 7 
 
 Then came the slave-trader. Let any one 
 who wonders why such kingdoms as those just 
 mentioned have not been more permanent in 
 their influence remember slavery. The center 
 of the trade in the colonial period of American 
 history was the coast for about two hundred 
 miles east of the Niger River. From this com- 
 paratively small region came as many slaves as 
 from all the rest of Africa together. Portugal 
 led the way. In 1441 Prince Henry sent out one 
 Gonzales, who captured three Moors on the 
 African coast. These offered as ransom ten 
 Negroes whom they had taken. The Negroes 
 were brought to Lisbon in 1442, and in 1444 
 Prince Henry regularly began the European 
 trade from the Guinea Coast. For fifty years 
 his country enjoyed a monopoly of the traffic. 
 The slaves were taken at first to Europe, and 
 later to the Spanish possessions in America, 
 where Indian slavery did not work well. Spain 
 herself joined in the trade in 1517, and as early 
 as 1530 WiUiam Hawkins, a merchant of 
 Plymouth, visited the Guinea Coast and took 
 away a few slaves. England really entered the 
 field, however, with the voyage in 1562 of Cap- 
 -tain John Hawkins, son of William, who also 
 
8 Africa and the War 
 
 went to the west coast. In course of time Eng- 
 land came to regard the slave-trade as of such 
 importance that when in 1713 she accepted the 
 Peace of Utrecht she insisted on having awarded 
 to her for thirty-three years the exclusive right 
 to transport slaves to the Spanish colonies in 
 America. 
 
 Slavery is a thing of the past now in English 
 and American dominions, but even until our 
 own day the curse has lingered in Africa, chiefly 
 through the work of Mohammedans. Within 
 comparatively recent years African slaves have 
 been taken away to Arabia and Persia, and one 
 might still occasionally come upon the trafl&c 
 in the region of the Congo, or on the cocoa 
 plantations of the Portuguese islands on the 
 west coast. 
 
 Such is the system that ultimately gave rise 
 to two interesting colonies in the West. As early 
 as 1787 Sierra Leone was founded by the Eng- 
 lish as a colony for free Negroes, some of whom 
 had gained their freedom in consequence of Lord 
 Mansfield's decision in 1772, by which any 
 slave who touched the soil of England became 
 free. Others had been discharged from the 
 British army after the American Revolution, 
 
Africa 9 
 
 and all were leading in England a more or less 
 precarious existence. In 1787 about four hun- 
 dred were taken to a district purchased from the 
 king of Sierra Leone, and five years later twelve 
 hundred Negroes who had escaped from the 
 United States to Canada were also taken thither. 
 England cared with wisdom for the Negroes, 
 giving them a daily allowance for the first six 
 months, assigning lands to them, and generally 
 seeking to bring them under the influence of re- 
 ligious education. As early as 1783 it had been 
 proposed that such a colony as this should be 
 established for free American Negroes; but it 
 was not until 1816 that the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society was organized, and not until 1822, 
 after a treaty with certain native princes had 
 been concluded, that active settlement began, 
 each man being allotted a tract of thirty acres 
 with the means of cultivating it. After a while, 
 however, the agents of the society became 
 discouraged at the difficulties that had to be 
 overcome and returned to America with a few 
 faint-hearted colonists. Others rallied around a 
 spirited and determined Negro, Elijah Johnson, 
 and remained, enlarging the colony by the pur- 
 chase of new tracts of land. Within recent years 
 
10 Africa and the War 
 
 Liberia has had a varied history. Hard pressed 
 by her powerful neighbors, a few years ago she 
 appealed to the United States for aid in her 
 business affairs, and in 1909 President Taft ap- 
 pointed a special commission to investigate the 
 matter. Very recently (1918) the American 
 Government has assisted with a new loan of 
 $5,000,000. 
 
 Even before Sierra Leone and Liberia were 
 founded, however, there had been planted in the 
 extreme southern part of Africa a colony that 
 represented an entirely different tendency, one 
 of Europeans who came not so much as slave- 
 traders as to possess the land and to found their 
 homes. It was about the middle of the seven- 
 teenth century, in 1652, that the Dutch, famous 
 seamen of the time, took possession of Cape 
 Colony. Many Boers^ or Dutc h farmers, enoi- 
 grated to South Africa, being interested espe- 
 cially in the raising of cattle. They were joined 
 in course of time by a few Huguenots who had 
 been driven out of France. All became slave- 
 holders. Early in the nineteenth century, in 
 1814, England purchased the Cape from Hol- 
 land. Twenty years later, in consequence of 
 England's general emancipation act, Parliament 
 
Africa It 
 
 bought all the Negroes held by the Boers and 
 set them free. The Boers had never been happy 
 about their transfer of allegiance, and eight 
 thousand of them, disgusted with the loss of 
 their slaves and the small price received for 
 them, left the Cape and pushed northward into 
 the wilderness. Crossing the Orange River, they 
 founded the Orange Free State. Some, going 
 still farther north, crossed the Vaal River, a 
 tributary of the Orange, and established the 
 Transvaal or South African Republic on what 
 was practically a slave-holding foundation. The 
 harsh treatment accorded the natives by the 
 Boers, the later conflict with England, and the 
 stiurdy comradery of Englishman and Boer in 
 the great war are all matters too familiar for 
 present comment. 
 
 Such were the special colonies planted on the 
 western or southern coasts. The interior of 
 Africa, however, awaited development. The 
 modern period of scientific exploration really 
 began with James Bruce, whose dJB_coveries 
 and adventures, especially in the region of 
 Abyssinia and the upper Nile, stimulated the 
 founding of the African Association in 1788, 
 which organization even before the close 
 
12 Africa and the War 
 
 of the eighteenth century sent out Ledyard, 
 Lucas, Houghton, and Mungo Park to ex- 
 plore the Niger basin. The name, however, 
 before which all others pale is that of David 
 Livingstone. 
 
n 
 
 DAVID LIVTNGSTONB 
 
 WHEN Livingstone began his work of ex- 
 ploration in 1849, practically all of Africa 
 between the Sahara and the Dutch settlements 
 in the extreme South was unknown territory. 
 By the time of his death in 1873 he had brought 
 this entire region within the view of civilization^ 
 On his first journey, or series of journeys (1849- 
 1856), starting from Cape Town, he made his 
 way northward for a thousand miles to Lake 
 Ngami; then, pushing on to Linyanti, he un- 
 dertook one of the most perilous excursions of 
 his entire career, his objective for more than a 
 thousand miles being Loanda on the West Coast, 
 which point he reached after six months in the 
 wilderness. Coming back to Linyanti, he turned 
 his face eastward, discovered Victoria Falls on 
 the Zambezi, and finally arrived at Quilimane 
 on the coast. On his second series of journeys 
 
 13 
 
n 
 
 14 Africa and the War 
 
 (1858-1864) he explored the Zambezi, the Shire, 
 and the Rovuma rivers in the East, and dis- 
 covered Lake Nyasa. On his final expedition 
 (1866-1873), in hunting for the upper courses 
 of the Nile he discovered Lakes Tanganyika, 
 Mweru, and Bangweolo, and the Lualaba River. 
 His achievement as an explorer was as distinct 
 as it was unparalleled. His work as a mis- 
 sionary and his worth as a man it is not quite so 
 easy to express concretely; but in these capaci- 
 ties he was no less distinguished and his accom- 
 plishment no less signal. 
 
 There had been missionaries, and great ones, 
 in Africa before Livingstone. There was the 
 Moravian, George Schmidt, who, coming in 
 1737, labored for six years among the natives 
 in the South until he was forced by the settlers 
 to give up his work. Five years after him came 
 John Schwalber, who also labored among the 
 Hottentots and who died after eight years of 
 service. On the East Coast one hundred years 
 later there was the great Krapf , and in the South 
 Robert Moffat, Livingstone's own father-in-law, 
 who labored for fifty-three years, helping to open 
 up Bechuanaland for later workers. The differ- 
 ence between Livingstone and these consecrated 
 
David Livingstone IS 
 
 men was not so much in devotion as in the con- 
 ception of the task. He himself felt that a 
 missionary in the Africa of his day was to be 
 more than a mere preacher of the word — that he 
 would have also to be a Christian statesman, 
 and even a director of exploration and com- 
 merpe if need be. This was his title to great- 
 ness; to him ''the end of the geographical feat 
 was only the beginning of the enterprise.'' 
 Knowing, however, that many honest persons 
 did not sympathize with him in this concep- 
 tion of his mission, after 1856 he declined 
 longer to accept salary from the missionary 
 society that originally sent him out, working 
 afterwards under the patronage of the Brit- 
 ish Government and the Royal Geographical 
 Society. 
 
 His sympathy and his courtesy were unfail- 
 ing, even when he himself was placed in the 
 greatest danger. Said Henry Drummond of 
 him: ''Wherever David Livingstone's footsteps 
 are crossed in Africa the fragrance of his memory 
 seems to remain." On one occasion a hunter 
 was impaled on the horn of a rhinoceros, and a 
 messenger ran eight miles for the physician. 
 Although he himself had been wounded for life 
 
16 Africa and the War 
 
 by a lion and his friends insisted that he should 
 not ride at night through a wood infested with 
 wild beasts, Livingstone insisted on his Christian 
 duty to go, only to find that the man had died 
 and to have to retrace his footsteps. Again and 
 again his party would have been destroyed by 
 some savage chieftain if it had not been for his 
 own unbounded tact and courage. To the de- 
 voted men who helped him he gave the assur- 
 ance that he would die before he would permit 
 them to be taken; and after his death at Chi- 
 tambo's village Susi and Chuma journeyed for 
 nine months and over eight hundred miles of 
 dangerous country to take his body to the coast. 
 Already Livingstone divined the danger for the 
 future of the harsh attitude of the Roman 
 Catholics toward Protestants; he was unre- 
 mitting in his efforts against the slave trade; 
 and he could find no justification whatever for 
 the treatment of the natives by the Boers. As 
 for himself, on one occasion at Kolobeng the 
 Boers smashed all the chairs and medicine- 
 bottles in the house, and on four wagons took 
 away the table, the sofa, and everything else 
 that was worth having. Withal, however, he 
 was a man of tremendous faith, in his mission, 
 
David Livingstone 17 
 
 in his country, in humanity, in God. Wrote he 
 on one occasion : 
 
 This age presents one great fact in the Providence of 
 God; missions are sent forth to all quarters of the world, — 
 missions not of one section of the Church, but from all 
 sections, and from nearly all Christian nations. It seems 
 very unfair to judge of the success of these by the number 
 of the conversions that have followed. These are rather 
 proofs of the missions being of the right sort. The fact 
 which ought to stimulate us above all others is, not that 
 we have contributed to the conversion of a few souls, 
 however valuable these may be, but that we are diffusing 
 a knowledge of Christianity throughout the world. Future 
 missionaries will see conversions follow every sermon. We 
 prepare the way for them. We work for a glorious future 
 which we are not destined to see — ^the golden age which 
 has not been, but will yet be. We are only morning-stars 
 shining in the dark, but the glorious morn will break, the 
 good time coming yet. For this time we work; may God 
 accept our imperfect service. 
 
 Of such quality was David Livingstone — Mis- 
 sionary, Explorer, Philanthropist. 'Tor thirty 
 years his life was spent in an unwearied effort 
 to evangelize the native races, to explore the 
 
18 Africa and the War 
 
 undiscovered secrets, and abolish the desolating 
 slave trade of Central Africa/' To what extent 
 after sixty years have we advanced toward his 
 ideals? With what justice are we the inheritors 
 of his renown? 
 
Ill 
 
 GERMANY^S COLONIES IN AFRICA AS THE CENTRAL 
 
 PROBLEM OF THE WAR , 
 
 INTEREST in colonization in Africa was very 
 largely an outgrowth of the great industrial 
 development of the leading countries of Europe 
 in the closing years of the nineteenth century. 
 England and France grew apace in mining and 
 manufactures, while Germany, under the stimu- 
 lus of Bismarck's encouragement of internal 
 development after the era of his great military 
 successes, became famous both for the variety 
 and the intrinsic worth of her products. The 
 whole phenomenon was in the form of a circle. 
 Invention and commerce stimulated coloniza- 
 tion, and distant possessions, with their raw 
 materials and their demands for finished prod- 
 ucts, in turn gave new impetus to industry in 
 the home countries. After the work of Living- 
 stone Europe could not long remain unmindful 
 
 19 
 
W Africa and the War 
 
 of the vast possibilities of an undeveloped con- 
 tinent lying at her very door. 
 
 The new era was signalized by the efforts of 
 Leopold II, King of the Belgians. From the be- 
 ginning of his reign in 1865 this ruler read with 
 interest the unfolding page of African explora- 
 tion. On his invitation there assembled in 
 Brussels in 1876 a congress which became organ- 
 ized as the International Association for the 
 Civilization of Central Africa. The design of 
 the association was not only for the distinctly 
 scientific purpose of exploration, but also pro- 
 fessedly for the ending of the slave trade, and 
 national committees were formed in the different 
 countries represented for the better promotion 
 of the work. It was under the auspices of this 
 organization, specifically of the Committee for 
 the Study of the Upper Congo, that Stanley, 
 fresh from a tour of the Great Lakes of Central 
 Africa, was in 1879 sent to study the Congo 
 region. The distinguished explorer returned 
 after five years, bringing maps of a great terri- 
 tory of 900,000 square miles. Even before he 
 returned, however, because the national com- 
 mittees had not rendered very material service, 
 Leopold had more and more been obliged to 
 
Germany^ s Colonies in Africa 21 
 
 finance the expedition alone. To recover what 
 he had spent he began to develop the Congo 
 territory commercially. In 1884, after about 
 forty stations had been founded and steamers 
 had regularly begun to ply up and down the 
 river, the Committee for the Study of the Upper 
 Congo, that is to say, the International Asso- 
 ciation, changed its name to the International 
 Association of the Congo, which organization 
 received recognition at the hands of the United 
 States. Complications now arose. Portugal in- 
 sisted on a claim to the mouth of the river and 
 sought the aid of Great Britain. Leopold made 
 kindly overtures to France, and Bismarck also 
 opposed Portugal by way of opposing England. 
 The proposed treaty between Portugal and Eng- 
 land was not ratified. England having been 
 thwarted for the moment, Germany was now 
 ready to recognize the Congo State, and issued 
 invitations to a congress at Berlin. Whatever 
 the motive for its calling, this conference was 
 really needed. German traders had already set- 
 tled far down on the west coast, French and 
 Portuguese claims were conflicting, and in gen- 
 eral there were dangers of serious compHcations. 
 The famous congress met in Berlin, Novem- 
 
22 Africa and the War 
 
 ber 15, 1884. It not only recognized the vast 
 domain of the International Association of the 
 Congo, but laid down the principle that if any 
 power contemplated the establishment of a pro- 
 tectorate in any section it would have to notify 
 all the other powers before doing so. Leopold 
 promised not only to allow freedom of com- 
 merce in the region under his protection, but 
 also to improve the condition of the natives who 
 had already begun to suffer under his system. 
 It was not long, however, before he began to 
 betray his trust. Nevertheless the congress re- 
 mains noteworthy as an effort on the part of 
 the great powers of Europe to consider with 
 candor and with open minds their colonial 
 claims and differences. 
 
 It was in 1878 that a German branch of the 
 International Association was founded. Already 
 for some years German missionaries had labored 
 in the Southwest, and now the Southern Congo 
 and the eastern region near Zanzibar were ex- 
 plored. In 1884 Bismarck declared the land 
 along the coast from Angola to Cape Colony 
 under German protection, and thus German 
 Southwest Africa appeared on the map. In the 
 same year, after dealings with native chiefs. 
 
Germany's Colonies in Africa 23 
 
 Germany also declared a protectorate over To- 
 goland, a little kingdom on the Gulf of Guinea, 
 and over Kamerun, a much larger territory 
 farther east of the Gulf. German East Africa 
 also now assumed definite shape. This was the 
 result of the efforts of the German East African 
 Company. In 1888 there was a stern revolt of 
 the Arabs working in the section, one which the 
 company was not strong enough to handle. 
 Berlin accordingly sent an Imperial Commis- 
 sioner to take charge. Bismarck, now thor- 
 oughly interested in colonization, more and 
 more offended England by his aggressive meth- 
 ods. After he fell from power in 1890, his suc- 
 cessor. Count Caprivi, endeavored to come to 
 an understanding with Great Britain. The re- 
 sult was a settlement in the same year by which 
 the boundaries of Kamerun became fixed, Ger- 
 man East Africa was extended to the Belgian 
 Congo, a narrow strip of land reaching from the 
 northeast end of German Southwest Africa to 
 the Zambezi River was definitely secured, and 
 the Island of Heligoland in the North Sea was 
 given to Germany by England. In return Great 
 Britain received full power over Zanzibar and 
 a clear title to British East Africa. The settle- 
 
24 Africa and the War 
 
 ment satisfied nobody. English critics were 
 specially bitter in view of the fact that the large 
 section known as German East Africa lay 
 directly in the way of the proposed Cape-to- 
 Cairo railroad. Germany, on the other hand, 
 in spite of the large concessions granted to her, 
 still felt that too much had been yielded. Ger- 
 man East Africa, however, now entered upon a 
 highly prosperous career. In German South- 
 west Africa the story was entirely different. 
 Formidable conflicts with the native Hottentots 
 and later with the Herreros in the North per- 
 sistently attracted attention away from the in- 
 dustries of peace and really gave rise to many 
 problems of the present day. 
 
 It is worth while to review what in the mean- 
 time had been done in African colonization by 
 the foremost powers, England and France. Per- 
 haps the most noteworthy advance in African 
 history of the last fifty years has been that of 
 the English in South Africa. By the time of 
 the treaty with Germany in 1890 Great Britain 
 had not only extended her boundaries over 
 Bechuanaland and Zululand and begun to ex- 
 tend her influence in Rhodesia; she had gained 
 the vast tract of Nigeria in the west, had estab- 
 
Germany^ s Colonies in Africa 26 
 
 lished a protectorate over British Somaliland in 
 the northeast, as well as gained a firm foothold 
 in Egypt. France in the meantime had ex- 
 tended her colonial boundaries imtil she had in 
 her sphere of influence the whole of Northwest 
 Africa from Tunis to the Congo and from 
 Senegal to Lake Chad. By 1896 she had also 
 definitely captured and subdued the island of 
 Madagascar. 
 
 All of these enormous concessions were for 
 the time being made secure by a series of vital 
 treaties. We have already remarked the agree- 
 ment between England and Germany in 1890. 
 An agreement between England and France a 
 Uttle later in the same year definitely sealed the 
 English claim to Nigeria and the French claim 
 to Madagascar. By a Franco-German agree- 
 ment of 1894 the vague boundaries of the differ- 
 ent protectorates of the Soudan region were 
 definitely fixed and France so extended her in- 
 fluence to the east and south of Kamerun as to 
 connect her vast section in the Soudan with 
 that on the west coast. A final Anglo-French 
 agreement of 1899 forced upon France the recog- 
 nition of English claims to the region of the 
 upper Nile, the British position being made 
 
26 Africa and the War 
 
 strong by reason of Kitchener's success in sup- 
 pressing revolt. In return, however, for French 
 recognition of her claims upon the Egyptian 
 Soudan, England formally gave her approval 
 to the vast region claimed for France by the 
 Franco-German treaty of 1894. 
 
 This brief account has omitted mention of the 
 Portuguese dominions of Angola and Portuguese 
 East Africa, the Italian possessions in the North 
 and on the east coast, and such a great self- 
 governing coimtry as Abyssinia. Enough has 
 been said, however, to remind us that the great 
 rivals in Central Africa have been England, 
 France, and Germany. At the time of the out- 
 break of the war, of the 11,500,000 square miles 
 on the continent of Africa France was in control 
 of 4,400,000 square miles. Great Britain 3,700,- 
 000, Germany 931,000, Belgium 909,000, Portu- 
 gal 794,000, and Spain 593,000. While France 
 possessed the greatest number of square miles, 
 her dominions included the Desert of Sahara; 
 Great Britain was really in possession of the 
 most promising tracts. Germany's possessions 
 embraced one-twelfth of the continental area, 
 and one-twelfth of a population rapidly ap- 
 proaching 200,000,000. From the strategically 
 
Germany^ s Colonies in Africa 27 
 
 placed German Southwest Africa, German East 
 Africa, and Kamerun as firm bases, however, 
 she aimed ultimately at a vast Central African 
 Empire that would not only hold securely the 
 great tract of the Belgian Congo, but dominate 
 even Egypt and South Africa, while in the far 
 northwest she would finally wrest Morocco from 
 France. In other words, she dreamed of ruling 
 four-sevenths of both the territory and the 
 people of Africa. We might make this clearer 
 by saying that, aside from her vision of dominat- 
 ing Central Europe, South America, Australia, 
 and all of Asia except some unimportant tracts, 
 in Africa alone Germany dreamed of possessing 
 an empire that in extent would roughly compare 
 with our own United States (exclusive of Alaska 
 and the islands) in the ratio of 7 to 3. And let 
 there be no doubt that this vast territory Ger- 
 many was determined to have ; it was absolutely 
 necessary to have such a source for raw mate- 
 rials. Dr. Paul Leutwein, son of a former Gov- 
 ernor of Southwest Africa, has said,* "If Cen- 
 tral Eiu'ope comes to nothing, then we shall 
 indeed have Central Africa. Central Europe, on 
 
 * For the two quotations we are indebted to the editor of 
 the National Geographic Magazine ^ June, 1918, p. 565. 
 
28 Africa and the War 
 
 the other hand, without Central Africa, can not 
 be contemplated for a moment;" and the official 
 publication issued by the German commander 
 at Lodz on the occasion of the Emperor's birth- 
 day, January 27, 1915, said: "A victorious war 
 would give us the Belgian Congo, the French 
 Congo, and, if Portugal continues to translate 
 her hostile intentions toward us into actions, 
 would also give us the Portuguese colonies on the 
 east and west coasts of Africa. We should then 
 have a colonial empire of which our fathers 
 could never have dreamed/' 
 
 We can now see how supremely significant 
 was the taking of German East Africa and 
 Southwest Africa in the present war. It meant 
 nothing less than the shattering of Germany's 
 vastest dream, one greater even than that of 
 Mittel-Em-opa, and the seizure of a territory 
 five hundred times as important as continental 
 Belgium. 
 
IV 
 
 SPECIAL PROBLEMS AND DIFFICULTIES 
 
 THE proper disposition of the German col- 
 onies, however, only opens up the whole 
 tremendous problem that faces the statesmen 
 who must determine the lines for the future de- 
 velopment of Africa. Thirty-five years after 
 the Berlin Congress the vast continent is thrown 
 back upon the wisdom, the foresight, and the 
 magnanimity of the civilized world; and upon 
 the decision of mankind rests the destiny of 
 millions of human beings yet imbom. 
 
 Let it be borne in mind that Africa offers not 
 one but many problems. Social, economic, and 
 religious questions are interwoven in bewilder- 
 ing array. Any attempt at solution, moreover, 
 is complicated by the conception of the African 
 that somehow obtains throughout Christendom 
 and that is nothing more than a heritage from 
 four hundred years of the enslavement of black 
 men. Let one speak of the native African and 
 
 29 
 
30 Africa and the War 
 
 there rises all too frequently before the mind of 
 the listener a picture of an untutored cannibal, 
 savage and degraded. Of course such individu- 
 als are still to be found, and, in a country of 
 such vast extent, found by the thousands. Such 
 a conception, however, does no justice at all to 
 the iron-workers and weavers of the South and 
 West, to the aspiring Zulus, or to the African 
 boy who, trained in a mission school, was able 
 to act as interpreter for two Europeans who 
 could not otherwise understand each other. We 
 have to remember that in increasing numbers 
 native Africans have had the benefit of Euro- 
 pean culture, and that those who are educated 
 have begun to pass their ideals on to their less 
 fortunate brothers. In other words, in all our 
 planning for the new day in which Africa is no 
 longer to be the Dark Continent, we must re- 
 member that we are planning not so much for 
 Africans as for human beings, and that, while 
 these people are largely backward, they still 
 are entitled to the liberty and democracy of 
 which we have heard so much and for the acid 
 tests of which wB must help to prepare them. 
 
 With thJB proviso WB have then to face the 
 peculiar difficulti^ in the situation. Those that 
 
Special Problems and Difficulties 31 
 
 • 
 
 are social strike us at once. Here are, in a 
 rough estimate, as many as two hundred lan- 
 guages and dialects to be considered in any 
 large plan for the internationalizing of the con- 
 tinent. Moreover, many of these people, in 
 spite of great devotion to family ties, are still 
 living under a system that countenances polyg- 
 amy. Here is a problem that calls for the utmost 
 patience and tact. A chief, for instance, who 
 might become converted to Christianity, natu- 
 rally has some debate over the question of 
 whether he is just in putting away all but one 
 of his wives, especially when the women them- 
 selves, bound by custom, are frequently the 
 strongest adherents of the system. Close to po- 
 lygamy, of course, are various related vices, many 
 of which are definitely encouraged by paganism. 
 It is in the sphere of religion, in fact, that 
 many of the greatest difficulties are focused. 
 The problem is now fourfold. First there is the 
 conflict between Christianity and piu-e African 
 paganism and superstition. This, however, soon 
 merges into the sterner conflict between Chris- 
 tianity and Mohammedanism. Great work is to 
 Be done here, for, as Prof. W. S. Naylor has said, 
 *' Islam has enough truth to palliate an ea^- 
 
32 Africa and the War 
 
 going conscience and enough error to satisfy a 
 corrupt heart.'' Moreover, a Mohammedan 
 who passes over to another reUgion becomes 
 practically ostracized by his former friends. In 
 the third place there is division between the two 
 great branches of Christianity, Catholic and 
 ^Protestant, which in Africa as elsewhere have 
 all too frequently faced each other as uncom- 
 promising foes. Finally, there is the Ethiopian 
 Church Movement with the motto, '^ Africa for 
 the Africans." Somewhat like the African 
 Methodist Episcopal Church in the United 
 States before the Civil War, this organization, 
 primarily religious, because it furnishes the best / 
 opportunity for assembling has become en- 
 larged into that one which best encourages racial 
 ideals and native aspiration. 
 
 It will be observed that every one of these 
 religious problems has been forced upon the 
 native from the outside and by people who re- 
 garded themselves as more fortunate than he. 
 But this is not all. As Christians have ad- 
 vanced in Africa — especially Boers and English- 
 men and Germans — they have made it more 
 and more difficult for the native African to have 
 genuine economic opportunity. The personal 
 
Special Problems and Difficulties 33 
 
 indignities and proscription and segregation 
 imposed upon the natives surpass even the leg- 
 islation of Southern states of the United States, 
 and the latest land act seems designed to dis- 
 possess them almost entirely. Nothing what- 
 ever, however, has served to keep the unscrupu- 
 lous trader from preying upon the native. Chief 
 assistant of the whole iniquitous system of 
 slavery was rum. Even within recent years the 
 Christian nations of the West have annually 
 sent along with their missionaries ten million 
 gallons of liquor to aid in the civilizing of 
 Africa. It was some years ago that Molique, 
 King of Nupe, writing to Bishop Crowther, gave 
 the following indictment of Christianity: ^^Ba- 
 rasa (rum or gin) has ruined our country. It 
 has ruined oiu: people very much. It has made 
 our people mad. I agree to everything for trade 
 except barasa. We heg Crowther, the great 
 Christian minister, to heg the great priests to 
 heg the English queen to prevent bringing barasa 
 into this land. For God's sake he must help 
 us in this matter. He must not leave us to be- 
 come spoiled.''* 
 
 * Quoted by W. S. Naylor in Daybreak in the Dark Continent, 
 p. 127, from Jesse Page: Samuel Crowther, 
 
S4 Africa and the War 
 
 Such are simply some of the more outstanding 
 problems that have to be faced. On every hand 
 arise delicate questions of local adjustment. In 
 every case also the native is the chief factor to 
 be considered, and the Ethiopian Movement 
 can hardly be over-emphasized. India, like 
 Egypt, has for years been restless under a for- 
 eign yoke, and it was the deed of a young 
 Serbian that actually started the world confla- 
 gration. Africa, too, has her young idealistic 
 class. An outstanding leader in the insurrec- 
 tion in German Southwest Africa in 1903 was 
 Henry Witboi, a convert of the Rhenish Mis- 
 sionary Society, who felt that the time had come 
 for the deliverance of his people from the con- 
 trol of white men. As Wendell Phillips re- 
 minded us years ago, such a spirit in a white 
 man the world has been taught to call diplo- 
 macy, while in a black man it is called hypocrisy. 
 While the world is getting straight, however, 
 we may as well face it frankly. If generously 
 handled, it may be turned to great account; but 
 if the treatment is otherwise, untold strife is 
 stored up for the future. 
 
THE MEANING FOR AMERICA 
 
 A FRICA, then, is the great prize of the war. 
 l\ A vast continent, the second on the globe, 
 and the last to yield to the influences of civili- 
 zation, is now to be developed as never before. 
 When the allied countries of Europe with the 
 aid of America finally dictate terms at the 
 council-board, it will be to Africa that they will 
 primarily look for the raw material on which to 
 base the rehabilitation of their empires. When 
 that time comes they will have to remember 
 the part played by the native African in the 
 struggle for the salvation of the world. The 
 disposition of this continent then becomes the 
 greatest economic and political question to arise 
 out of the present war and even in the twentieth 
 century. 
 
 The problem becomes concrete by reason of 
 the possession by the AlUes of the German col- 
 
 35 
 
86 Africa and the War 
 
 onies in Africa. Everything looks toward some 
 sort of international commission for the conti- 
 nent, and the discussion will, of course, be of 
 supreme importance in the war settlement. The 
 British Prime Minister said last winter that at 
 present the German colonies are *^held at the 
 disposal of a conference whose decision must 
 have primary regard to the wishes and interests 
 of the native inhabitants of such colonies." A 
 little later President Wilson spoke of ^'a free, 
 open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjust- 
 ment of all colonial claims based upon a strict 
 observance of the principle that in determining 
 all such questions of sovereignty the interests of 
 the populations concerned must have equal 
 weight with the equitable claims of the Govern- 
 ment whose title is to be determined." Natu- 
 rally, the franker acknowledgment of native 
 African aspiration by the Prime Minister has 
 met with more cordial response in the native 
 press than the more conservative statement of 
 our own President. Both utterances, however, 
 look to the future adjustment of the question. 
 
 Any disposition whatsoever of course takes it 
 as understood that Africa is not longer to re- 
 main in savagery and isolation. After thQ w^r 
 
The Meaning for America 37 
 
 the advance of science will demand the highest 
 development of all the land on the globe, and 
 the most luxuriant of all is not likely to be 
 passed by. Before we consider further an inter- 
 national conmiission, however, it might be safe 
 to remark one or two other solutions which have 
 in one way or another been seriously proposed. 
 One of these involves a practical reversion to 
 the status existent before the war. This may 
 be dismissed at once. The Allies will never con- 
 sent to Germany's holding a comer-stone for the 
 upbuilding of her dreamed-of African empire. 
 When efforts are being made to curtail her eco- 
 nomic advance it is not at all likely that she 
 will be permitted to retain her great source of 
 raw materials.* And this is just, for it is of 
 course on an economic foundation that Germany 
 has built her mad political visions and thus en- 
 dangered the world. Again, the cry of Africa 
 for the Africans has been raised. Just now, 
 
 * While these pages were being made ready for the press, 
 Mr. Balfour, British foreign secretary, in a noteworthy ad- 
 dress before representatives of Australia and New Zealand, 
 October 23, 1918, declared that under no circumstances would 
 it be consistent with the safety, security, and unity of the 
 British Empire that Germany^s colonies should be returned 
 to her. 
 
38 Africa and the War 
 
 because this is in large measure the outgrowth 
 of manly racial aspiration, it calls for tact and 
 delicate handling. It must long remain a dream, 
 however. Theoretically it is a grave question if 
 the nations of Christendom would really be 
 doing their duty if in the present state of world 
 civilization they left this great continent to the 
 natives who have neither the education nor the 
 organization necessary for the momentous prob- 
 lems of democratic government. There are of 
 course hundreds and even thousands of Africans 
 who are educated or who are rapidly being edu- 
 cated; but there are also vast regions in which 
 savagery still obtains, and if we take the popu- 
 lation as a whole we find it altogether unready to 
 wrestle with questions of the best form of gov- 
 ernment for themselves and their children's 
 children. Even if such a settlement were theo- 
 retically sound, it is at present impracticable. 
 After all they have won in this great continent 
 and after all they have suffered in the war, it 
 is not likely that England and France will vol- 
 untarily withdraw from Africa at any time in 
 the near future or suffer such a disposition of 
 the German colonies as would endanger them- 
 selves; nor will the United States expect them 
 
The Meaning for America 39 
 
 to do so. Some generations hence the world 
 may not unreasonably welcome into the family 
 of nations some great self-governing Negro or 
 Bantu states in Central Africa; but such a con- 
 summation could come only after education had 
 had the freest possible play with the great mass 
 of the population. If then Germany's colonies 
 are not to be given back to her and if they are 
 not at once to be self-governing, we come back 
 to the idea of an international commission. 
 
 In this disposition by international tribunal 
 we can not too much emphasize the need of 
 careful planning for the future development of 
 the natives of the continent. Too long has 
 Africa been the prey of the powers. The hor- 
 rors of two hundred and fifty years of the slave- 
 trade are still to be recalled. Mutilated men 
 and women are still to be seen in the Belgian 
 Congo; and in South Africa, by Englishman 
 and Boer alike, the native is daily subjected to 
 the most grievous indignities prompted by race 
 prejudice. It would be the crime of the ages if, 
 after fighting the greatest war in history for the 
 freedom of all people, and in the face of the 
 supreme appeal to their chivalry, the foremost 
 nations of the world should make of this sad 
 
Jfi Africa and the War 
 
 continent, so wonderful in its possibilities, the 
 latest field for selfishness, exploitation and 
 racial animosity. They must not do so. They 
 will not. 
 
 We may then reasonably expect some form 
 of an international protectorate over the Ger- 
 man colonies. If, however, the Allies work to- 
 gether in the development of some colonies, they 
 must necessarily work together more eflSciently 
 for the development of all colonies. In other 
 words, England and France, the chief possessors, 
 and America, whose aid really decided the war, 
 will find themselves working together in coloni- 
 zation, missions, and education on a scale never 
 before contemplated, for in the interest of 
 economy all effort will be co-ordinated as much 
 as possible. Aims will be similar, and the ex- 
 perience of one nation will help another. As a 
 field for the working of the principle of inter- 
 nationalism the opportunity now afforded in 
 Africa is unprecedented. 
 
 Again the native. What is it that the African 
 needs more than anything else just now? 
 Education, Christian education — the education 
 given by missionaries, but also something 
 broader than that, something that will not only 
 
The Meaning for America 4i 
 
 be thoroughly Christian but so adapted as to 
 make the African an intelUgent citizen in his 
 commonwealth, trained in mechanics, farming, 
 engineering, or even in the professions, especially 
 medicine, as the case might require. Let the 
 native but catch a vision of his possibilities and 
 he will work with enthusiasm. But the era is 
 not one for those who are futilely educated or 
 who look for easy jobs. Africa has seen too many 
 men of that sort already. What she now needs 
 supremely is men who can apply what they 
 know. 
 
 But who is actually to do the work? Strange 
 are the workings of history. It so happens that 
 America, the United States, that has no land at 
 all in Africa, nevertheless has the workers so 
 badly needed by her allies. With so much to 
 be done at home, England and France will after 
 the war find it extremely difficult to spare men 
 for colonial service. Moreover, in spite of the 
 merits of these powers in colonization, their 
 men are hardly so well adapted for the task in 
 hand as those who could bring to their work of 
 teaching or farming or bridge-building the in- 
 spiring contact of closer racial interest. The 
 American Negro, then, so long proscribed, sud- 
 
42 Africa and the War 
 
 denly looms up as one of the nation's most im- 
 portant assets. His record as a fighting-man is 
 well known. Within the last three years he 
 has very largely had to fill the gap made in 
 industrial pursuits in the North by the sudden 
 ceasing of immigration. To him now also Africa 
 calls, calls for workers not by the scores, not by 
 the hundreds, but by the thousands and tens 
 of thousands. The demand is without parallel, 
 the opportunity for the race impressive, and the 
 duty resting upon England and America to 
 train and marshal the workers absolutely im- 
 perative. 
 
 This leads us to inquire as to just what it is 
 that is needed and just what are the facilities 
 for the training of young men and women of 
 the Negro race for a program of service of such 
 magnitude. We need for this work teachers or 
 directors who have had the most thorough, the 
 most severe, the most exact training possible, 
 and who are able to bring to their task the 
 necessary philosophical outlook. We recall 
 Bacon's distinction between truly learned men 
 and those who are simply expert (that is, experi- 
 enced in the mechanics of a given craft) : ''Ex- 
 pert men can execute, and perhaps judge of 
 
The Meaning for America 4S 
 
 particulars, one by one; but the general coun- 
 sels, and the plots and marshalling of affairs, 
 come best from those that are learned." This 
 distinction needs to be made now. Not every- 
 body who might apply could be used. Initia- 
 tive, poise, resourcefulness, reliability, teaching 
 ability, good health, and Christian spirit all 
 become important assets. Possessing these, the 
 worker must also be acquainted with his trade or 
 profession from every angle. Only teachers, en- 
 gineers, or physicians with such thorough train- 
 ing could do the work required. 
 
 Obviously efficient workers according to this 
 standard could be found only among college 
 graduates or those who have an equivalent of 
 college work in normal or technical training. As 
 we look over the schools in the South we find 
 these sadly lacking in facilities for the work in 
 hand. Too strong a line exists between the rep- 
 resentative colleges and the industrial schools, 
 when the task now imposed would call for a 
 combination of the best features of both sys- 
 tems. No one of the colleges is adequately 
 endowed even for its task with its American 
 constituency, to say nothing of a great new de- 
 mand; while the industrial schools are from 
 
44 Africa and the War 
 
 five to seven years below the standard. How, 
 for instance, would a graduate from one of them 
 compare with the graduate in electricity or 
 engineering or chemistry from the Massachu- 
 setts Institute of Technology? And yet, for the 
 work now to be done we need the standard of 
 this institution. 
 
 The necessary agency might be found in one 
 central training school, or in two or three of the 
 best colleges so equipped in special departments 
 as to give free play for the best technological 
 features, or two or three of the industrial 
 schools raised to the standard of the best col- 
 leges. In general, the present college student 
 would in most cases have to make his training 
 more thorough and learn to apply it better, 
 while the industrial student would certainly 
 have to lay a broader foundation in general 
 culture. 
 
 It will be observed that we have not consid- 
 ered the matter simply from the missionary 
 standpoint. In no case could this be ignored, 
 but in its last analysis the problem is one not 
 only in missions but also in world politics and 
 general education. 
 
 4: 4e ^ 4* 4b 
 
The Meaning for America 43 
 
 These were God's chosen people. Never did 
 a nation wrong them but that the judgment of 
 the Lord overtook it. England trafficked in 
 them and lost the richest of her dominions. 
 America enslaved them and bled through four 
 years of civil war. The Boers oppressed them 
 and lost their independence. Belgium muti- 
 lated them and witnessed her fields made deso- 
 late. Germany harassed them and the hour of 
 her destiny struck twelve. Just because they 
 are poor and untutored and unorganized, let us 
 take warning for the future. '^Woe unto the 
 world because of offenses, for it must needs be 
 that offenses come; but woe to that man by 
 whom the offense cometh !' ' 
 
SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTERS 
 
THE FREEDOM OF THE FREE 
 
 WHEN the people of Jehovah to the Prom- 
 ised Land would go, 
 They were given a valiant leader for the con- 
 flict with the foe; 
 But they wandered many weary years and 
 
 faced the raging sea, 
 Ere their children won the harvest of the 
 Freedom of the Free. 
 
 When the black men of the wilderness were 
 wanted of the Lord, 
 
 From America to Europe flashed the word with 
 one accord; 
 
 And the Christian nations hankered for the 
 glitter of the gain. 
 
 And the screaming of the eagle dulled the clank- 
 ing of the chain. 
 
 49 
 
60 Africa and the War 
 
 But the captive on the slaver's deck beneath 
 
 the lightning's flash — 
 Unto him were only scourging and the stinging 
 
 of the lash; 
 But such things as these must be, they say, 
 
 and such the pruning be, 
 Ere our children win the harvest of the Freedom 
 
 of the Free. 
 
 Far across the deep Atlantic speeds the vessel 
 
 on its way, 
 And the nights are wild with weeping and the 
 
 days with tempests gray, 
 Till at length within the glory of the dawn 
 
 the shore appears, 
 And the slave takes up the battle and the 
 
 burden of the years. 
 
 In the fury of the auction runs the clamor on 
 
 and on: 
 ''Going! Going! Who bids higher? Going! 
 
 Going ! Going ! Gone !' ' 
 And the mocking-bird is singing, and the lilies 
 
 dance in glee. 
 And the slave alone is sighing for the Freedom 
 
 of the Free. 
 
The Freedom of the Free 51 
 
 Now the wide plantation shimmers in the fresh- 
 ness of the morn, 
 
 And the dusky workers scatter in the cotton 
 and the corn, 
 
 With the problem of the ages in the yearning 
 of their eyes. 
 
 While the slave whip sings forever underneath 
 the azure skies. 
 
 In the silence of the night and from the weird 
 
 assembled throng 
 Comes the beauty and the wailing of the dirge 
 
 and Sorrow Song: 
 ^'IVe been listenin' all the night long for to 
 
 hear some sinner pray; 
 IVe been waitin' all the night long for the 
 
 breakin' of the day." 
 
 Till at length from Maine to Mexico peals out 
 
 the trumpet blast, 
 And a wild expectant nation at the fmy stands 
 
 aghast ; 
 While the young men in their glory feel the 
 
 fever of the fight. 
 And the blood drops of the firstborn stain thq 
 
 doorposts in the night. 
 
62 Africa and the War 
 
 In the crimson of the carnage, in the deluge of 
 the flame, 
 
 Come the black men to the trenches for the 
 honor and the name; 
 
 And they sell their life-blood dearly for Human- 
 ity's decree • 
 
 That their sons should have the fullness of the 
 Freedom of the Free. 
 
 Now a nation's second birthday blossoms from 
 
 the gloom of night. 
 And a people stands bewildered at the dawning 
 
 of the light; 
 But the untried hands are willing, and the 
 
 hearts are ever true 
 To the call of home and country and the faith 
 
 the fathers knew. 
 
 But the tempter whispers ever with monotonous 
 
 refrain 
 That the struggle and the striving and the 
 
 faith are all in vain; 
 But from woodland, sea, and mountain peak 
 
 th' eternal years reply: 
 *' Better strive and fight like brave men than 
 
 like cowards yield and die." 
 
The Freedom of the Free 
 
 53 
 
 Let us heed no tale of Anak or Philistine in 
 
 the land; 
 Let us hear the word from Sinai and Jehovah's 
 
 high command; 
 Worship not the Golden Calf nor unto Baal 
 
 bend the knee, 
 That our sons may rise triumphant in the 
 
 Freedom of the Free. 
 
II 
 
 WYCLIFFE AND THE WORLD WAR 
 
 IT is now six hundred years since John 
 WycUffe was born. The exact centenary 
 will occur in 1920, or perhaps as much as four 
 years later — nobody knows when. What we 
 do know, however, is that this man seems to 
 have held within himself the key to every 
 great thought or noble impulse that has moved 
 the world in modern times, and that to-day we 
 are more than ever working toward the realiza- 
 tion of his dreams. 
 
 Few great figures stand out on the page of 
 history in such absolute loneliness. His early 
 years are a blank, and the student of his life 
 is impressed by a strange absence of family 
 connections. We know that he spent his best 
 years in the tradition of Oxford and that he 
 became incomparably skilled in dialectic. He 
 was Master of Balliol, formed for a season a 
 
 54 
 
Wy cliff e and the World War 66 
 
 political alliance with John of Gaunt, and had 
 some large part in the translation of the Bible 
 that bears his name; but of the man himself 
 we know almost nothing. Of personal interests 
 he seems to have had almost none. He wrote 
 thousands and thousands of pages, but always 
 objectively — about the Papacy, the relations of 
 Church and State, the Eucharist, but never 
 about himself. His friends, those that he had, 
 were bound to him primarily by an intellectual 
 kinship. Ever was he the seer — the teacher, 
 aloof from those he instructed. His very theory 
 of liberty is more like the philosophical ideal of 
 the French than the emotional impulse for 
 freedom in America. Nevertheless he still re- 
 mains the greatest exponent of hberty in the 
 history of Elngland ; and the superlative is used 
 advisedly. 
 
 He was ahead of his age and yet intensely 
 of it. Professor Kittredge has reminded us* 
 of the peculiar ^^modernness'' of the time into 
 which he was thrown. The mature years of the 
 reformer were cast in a period remarkable even 
 in the history of England for the far-reaching 
 effect of its events. Into the decade between 
 
 * Chaucer and his Poetry, 1-5. 
 
56 Africa and the War 
 
 1375 and 1385 fell the work of the '^Good 
 Parliament/' noteworthy for its original use of 
 the power of impeachment; the death of the 
 Black Prince, with all the politics attending 
 that event; the Great Schism in the Papacy; 
 the Peasants' Revolt; Wycliffe's three trials and 
 his translation of the Bible. Almost every great 
 social question that agitates us to-day was 
 under discussion in 1382. It was an age of 
 intense activity, of labor troubles, of change in 
 the art of war, of radicalism in religion, of im- 
 perialism in Church and State, and even of 
 ^Hrouble in the Balkans." We cite just one 
 instance of the Uberalism of the period, the 
 spirit of Oxford that did so much to make 
 Wycliffe's resistance possible. When the re- 
 former had incurred the disfavor of Gregory 
 XI, the University was enjoined *'for the future 
 not to permit to be asserted or proposed to any 
 extent whatever, the opinions, conclusions, and 
 propositions which are at variance with good 
 morals and faith,'' and to have 'Hhe said 
 John" arrested and sent to the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury or to the Bishop of London. The 
 congregation, however, voted that it was illegal 
 to arrest an English subject on the authority 
 
Wycliffe and the World War 67 
 
 of a papal bull, '^ since that would be giving 
 the Pope lordship and regal power in England." 
 Such an attitude was not altogether new, of 
 coiu-se, nor was Wycliffe himself an unheralded 
 phenomenon. Even his opposition to the ortho- 
 dox position on transubstantiation had been 
 anticipated, if not in England, on the continent 
 at least, by Berengar of Tours as early as the 
 middle of the eleventh century. His general 
 questioning attitude, however, toward the func- 
 tion of the Papacy, his opposition to the ex- 
 emption of ecclesiastical persons from lay con- 
 trol, and his insistence on the injury done to 
 the clergy by its great wealth and by the abuse 
 of the power of exconnnunication for political 
 reasons, are to be accounted for only by the 
 character and genius of the English people. 
 From the reign of William I to that of Richard 
 II history shows a series of contests or opinions 
 that not only accounted for the parson of Lut- 
 terworth, but that are so interwoven that it is 
 difficult to say where the influence of one ends 
 and that of another begins. Outstanding as a 
 forerunner of course was Grosseteste, who even 
 in the thirteenth century was able to summon 
 the great heart of England in his opposition tQ 
 
68 Africa and the War 
 
 the '' dispensations, provisions, and collations'' 
 of the Papacy; but Grosseteste was followed by 
 Occam and Fitzralph and Bradwardine. 
 
 Even with such a tradition as this, however, 
 what was it that impelled Wycliffe to take the 
 advanced position he did? What was it that 
 led him to risk not only his standing but his 
 life, and not only his life but his final appeal to 
 history, on the issues of liberty and democracy? 
 Nothing less than his unbounded faith in hu- 
 manity. The root of the social question in his 
 day was of course the economic problem; and 
 this went back to the position of the Church, 
 the greatest landholder in the world. First of 
 all the Church had moved under the fine inspi- 
 ration of a new faith. There was struggle; there 
 was suffering. After three hundred years of 
 the Christian era, however, such were its or- 
 ganization and its universality of appeal that 
 it ceased to be on the defensive and became the 
 state religion. Three centuries more, and we 
 witness it full blown as a great political institu- 
 tion. It dominated council-boards and kings. 
 It grew rich. Men and women came into the 
 fold, bringing their worldly possessions with 
 them. Sometimes scores of slaves, or hundreds, 
 
WycUffe and the World War 69 
 
 would be given or won with a great estate. 
 What then did the Church become, in France, 
 in England, but the greatest of feudal lords? 
 And all the while of course it was exempt from 
 taxation. What chance had the small farmer 
 against such a competitor? 
 
 Side by side with the Church developed the 
 aristocratic institution of chivalry. Knights 
 went on the Crusades ; and the Church, Feudal- 
 ism, and Chivalry became indissolubly linked 
 in the domination respectively of the religious, 
 the economic, and the social life of the Western 
 world. Never was an ideal more limited than 
 that of chivalry. The knight might fight val- 
 iantly to win the rewards of courtly love; but 
 for the worker in the fields he cared not at 
 all. Ladyhood meant everything to him, wom- 
 anhood little or nothing; and such were the 
 ideals that dominated England for hundreds of 
 years. / 
 
 All of this Wycliffe saw. The hypocrisy, the 
 hoUowness, of it all, none knew better than he. 
 He saw the Church dole out its pittance of 
 charity to the hundreds of its poor when it 
 really made paupers by the thousands. He 
 knew that, wittingly or unwittingly, it was 
 
60 Africa and the War 
 
 making for the degradation of the individual, 
 and he knew, too, that no great landholding, 
 slave-driving institution could be truly repre- 
 sentative of the Christ. Unless the very theory 
 of the divine right of the Pope could be under- 
 mined, he saw no hope for the slave. The images 
 in the church, the candlesticks, the pilgrimages 
 to the tombs of saints — all these things came to 
 savor of idolatry to him. He might not have 
 been the real inspirer of the rude rhymes of 
 John Ball, but he certainly sympathized with 
 them. How can we wonder that he recoiled at 
 the idea that any drunken priest could by a word 
 manufacture the body of Christ? 
 
 At any rate, he set himself against all the 
 tradition of his age. When he formulated his 
 theory of Church and State, the religious dig- 
 nitaries frowned. When he molded his ideas for 
 the reforming of the Church itself, the Pope 
 commanded that he be silenced. When he 
 moved still fiu'ther to an attack on dogma, 
 even the common people considered him blas- 
 phemous, though they then understood him 
 least of all. He was willing to suffer, however, 
 even when those whom he sought to help 
 could not understand him — and this not sim- 
 
Wycliffe and the World War 61 
 
 ply on the narrow basis of patriotism, for 
 he was soon at war with Urban VI as well as 
 Clement VII. 
 
 Something of all that was wrong in the world 
 the great Dante had seen and felt a hundred 
 years before. In Wycliffe's own day Gower 
 wrote his *^Vox Clamantis," Langland cried in 
 the wilderness, and Chaucer realized that the 
 times were out of joint. Chaucer, however, 
 refused to wear his heart on his sleeve, shrugged 
 his shoulders, and laughed himself into the 
 second class of poets. But ever since the four- 
 teenth century the question has been revived: 
 Do we really believe in democracy, in the full 
 freedom of all men and women, and are we 
 willing to act on our belief? 
 
 The question was a vital one throughout the 
 nineteenth century. Macaulay placed himself 
 squarely on the side of the people, and Carlyle 
 as sturdily represented the opposition. Garrison 
 and Phillips and Sumner believed in the possi- 
 bilities of the slave even before he had learned 
 to believe in himself; and into the Civil War 
 fell the great issue of democracy like that of 
 free labor, free speech, and every other great 
 question of politics or society. Professor W. E. 
 
62 Africa and the War 
 
 Dodd has recently shown us* how the social 
 philosophy of the old South gradually crystal- 
 lized into that of an aristocracy that had to be 
 defended at all costs, by churchmen and states- 
 men alike. In such a society Walter Scott natu- 
 rally became the most popular author, for he 
 best portrayed the snobbery that masqueraded 
 under the name of chivalry. The whole system 
 was built on one great fallacy, the denial of the 
 freedom of the human soul. Not all men were 
 to rule or vote, but only those owning property. 
 Not all were to be educated at the public ex- 
 pense, while ^^hard labor was for those whose 
 hands were hard.'^ Thus was developed in the 
 nineteenth century in the greatest republic in 
 the world a feudalism that was from the stand- 
 point of the serf quite as hopeless as that of the 
 Middle Ages. Naturally it left a long train of 
 abuses; but worst of all were the prejudices 
 and fallacies that it left in men's minds. Even 
 to-day some politicians and writers bewail the 
 so-called grave error that forced Negro suffrage 
 on the South, when there was no other logical 
 course out of the dilemma. Ignorance and lack 
 of culture might be temporary; a few years of 
 
 * American Journal of Sociology, May, 1918. 
 
WycUffe and the World War 63 
 
 training could remedy them: but the principles 
 on which the American republic was founded 
 were to be eternal. This Sumner saw, and this 
 Wycliffe would have seen had he been living in 
 1865. 
 
 By the end of the Civil War, however, other 
 grave social questions had already forced them- 
 selves on the attention of the American people. 
 The great stream of European immigration had 
 set in. By the tens, then the hundreds of thou- 
 sands, and then at the rate of a million a year, 
 we saw the poorer folk of Europe clasping 
 America as the Promised Land. Before long 
 the oppressed Jew, the unhappy Pole, and the 
 Southern Italian, as well as the ignorant Negro, 
 had become a very vital part of our population. 
 The older inhabitants glanced at the "scum of 
 the earth" and moved uptown. More and 
 more, however, the newcomers gained a foot- 
 ing, and they very nearly took possession of 
 both Boston and New York. "Out where the 
 West begins,^' however, in Chicago — ^raw, noisy, 
 material, but soulful Chicago — the work of 
 Americanization went forward. Somehow a lit- 
 tle more than in the East the immigrant devel- 
 oped hope. His son became a man of business; 
 
64 Africa and the War 
 
 his daughter graduated from the University. 
 The development, however, was not to be un- 
 hampered. The agitator was present, the first 
 faith in the new country was sometimes under- 
 mined, and Chicago became the home of in- 
 dustrial unrest. 
 
 To-day we stand at the parting of the ways. 
 The Germany that we fight is the very incar- 
 nation of autocracy — of medievahsm. For 
 the freedom of the individual soul for which 
 Wycliffe labored there is no place at all under a 
 power that grinds everything under the crushing 
 heel of militarism. That in any great civilized 
 country to-day the ruler should actually work 
 upon the theory of the divine right of kings is 
 the most stupendous phenomenon in the world. 
 Even Germany's philosophers have shown us 
 that they are not free to do their own thinking. 
 As we go forth to meet such a power — to shatter 
 such a philosophy — we need a faith in humanity, 
 in the ultimate destiny of the republic, greater 
 than the bounds of any mere race or section. 
 The Revolution gave us independence; the 
 Civil War gave us freedom; the great war now 
 upon us is to make us a nation. Sometimes 
 people are not so clean, so refined, so learned, 
 
Wydiffe and the World War 65 
 
 as we are; but a little sympathy, a little patriot- 
 ism, a little tact and intelligence can work won- 
 ders. Nothing now will serve for the new issues 
 but insight, patience, and a genuine conception 
 of democracy. As our sons or our brothers 
 fight or fall in France, the same flag is over all ; 
 its folds are broad enough to cover all. It knows 
 no longer Anglo-Saxons, or Italians, or Negroes, 
 or Jews, but Americans — ^Americans working 
 toward one end — the assurance of democracy, 
 the triumph of human freedom, the salvation 
 of mankind. 
 
 This is the message of Wycliffe to a nation 
 and a world at war. 
 
Ill 
 
 LORENZO DOW* 
 
 THIS is the record of a remarkable and 
 eccentric man who devoted himself to a 
 life of singular labor and self-denial. In any 
 consideration of the South one could not avoid 
 giving at least passing notice to Lorenzo Dow 
 as the foremost itinerant preacher of his time, 
 as the first Protestant who expounded the gospel 
 
 * Very little has been written about Lorenzo Dow. There 
 is an article by Emily S. Oilman in the New England Magazine^ 
 Vol. 20, p. 411 (June, 1899), and also one by J. H. Kennedy 
 in the Magazine of Western History , Vol. 7, p. 162. The present 
 paper is based mainly upon the following works: (1) ^'Biogra- 
 phy and Miscellany," published by Lorenzo Dow, Norwich, 
 Conn., 1834; (2) ^'History of Cosmopolite;" or "The Four 
 Volumes of Lorenzo Dow^s Journal concentrated in one, con- 
 taining his Experience and Travels," Wheehng, 1848; (3) 
 *'The Dealings of God, Man, and the Devil; as exemphfied 
 in the Life, Experience, and Travels of Lorenzo Dow," 2 vols, 
 in one. With an Introductory Essay by the Rev. John Dow- 
 ling, D.D., of New York. Cincinnati, 1858. The present 
 paper first appeared in the shape of two articles in the Metho^ 
 dist Review and the Journal of Negro History, 
 
 66 
 
Lorenzo Dow 67 
 
 in Alabama and Mississippi, and as a reformer 
 who at the very moment when cotton was be- 
 ginning to be supreme, presumed to tell the 
 South that slavery was wrong. 
 
 He arrests attention — this gaunt, restless 
 preacher. With his long hair — his flowing beard, 
 his harsh voice, and his wild gesticulation, he 
 was so rude and unkempt as to startle all con- 
 servative hearers. Said one of his opponents: 
 '^His manners (are) clownish in the extreme; 
 his habit and appearance more filthy than a 
 savage Indian, his public discourses a mere 
 rhapsody, the substance often an insult upon 
 the gospel.'' Said another as to his preaching 
 in Richmond: ''Mr. Dow's clownish manners, 
 his heterodox and schismatic proceedings, and 
 his reflections against the Methodist Episcopal 
 Church, in a late production of his on church 
 government, are impositions on conamon sense, 
 and furnish the principal reasons why he will be 
 discountenanced by the Methodists.'' 
 
 But he was made in the mold of heroes. In 
 his lifetime he traveled not less than two hun- 
 dred thousand miles, preaching to more people 
 than any other man of his time. He went from 
 New England to the extremities of the Union 
 
68 Africa and the War 
 
 in the West again and again. Several times he 
 went to Canada, once to the West Indies, and 
 three times to England, everywhere drawing 
 great crowds about him. Friend of the op- 
 pressed, he knew no path but that of duty. 
 Evangel to the pioneer, he again and again left 
 the haunts of men to seek the western wilder- 
 ness. Conversant with the Scriptures, intolerant 
 of wrong, witty and brilliant, he assembled his 
 hearers by the thousands. What can account for 
 so unusual a character? What were the motives 
 that prompted this man to so extraordinary 
 and laborious a life? 
 
 Lorenzo Dow was born October 16, 1777, in 
 Coventry, Tolland County, Connecticut. When 
 not yet four years old, he tells us, one day while 
 at play he ''suddenly fell into a muse about God 
 and those places called heaven and hell.'' Once 
 he killed a bird and was horrified for days at 
 the act. Later he won a lottery prize of nine 
 shillings and experienced untold remorse. An 
 illness at the age of twelve gave him the short- 
 ness of breath from which he suffered more and 
 more throughout his life. About this time he 
 dreamed that the Prophet Nathan came to him 
 and told him that he would live only until he 
 
Lorenzo Dow 69 
 
 was two-and-twenty. When thirteen he had 
 another dream, this time of an old man, John 
 Wesley, who showed to him the beauties of 
 heaven and held out the promise that he would 
 win if he was faithful to the end. A few years 
 afterwards came to the town Hope Hull, 
 preaching ''This is a faithful saying, and worthy 
 of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into 
 the world to save sinners''; and Lorenzo said: 
 ''I thought he told me all that ever I did." 
 The next day the future evangelist was con- 
 verted. 
 
 But he was to be no ordinary Christian, this 
 Lorenzo. Not satisfied with his early baptism, 
 he had the ceremony repeated, and with twelve 
 others formed a society for mutual watch and 
 helpfulness. At the age of eighteen he had still 
 another dream, this time seeing a brittle thread 
 in the air suspended by a voice saying, ''Woe 
 unto you if you preach not the gospel." Then 
 Wesley himself appeared again to him in a dream 
 and warned him to set out at once upon his 
 mission. 
 
 The young candidate applied to the Con- 
 necticut Conference of the Methodist Church. 
 He met with a reception that would have 
 
10 Africa and the War 
 
 daunted any man less courageous. He best tells 
 the story himself : ' ' My brethren sent me home. 
 Warren and Greenwich circuits, in Rhode 
 Island, were the first of my career. I obeyed, 
 but with a sorrowful heart. Went out a second 
 time to New Hampshire, but sent home again; 
 I obeyed. Afterwards went to Conference by 
 direction — who rejected me, and sent me home 
 again; and again I obeyed. Was taken out by 
 P. W. on to Orange circuit, but in 1797 was sent 
 home again; so in obedience to man I went 
 home a fourth time.'' 
 
 As a matter of fact there was much in the 
 argument of the church against Lorenzo Dow 
 at this time. The young preacher was not only 
 ungraceful and ungracious in manner, but he 
 had severe limitations in education and fre- 
 quently assumed toward his elders an air need- 
 lessly arrogant and contemptuous. On the 
 other hand he must reasonably have been of- 
 fended by the advice so frequently given him 
 in gratuitous and patronizing fashion. How- 
 ever, soon after the last rebuff just recorded, he 
 says, on going out on the Granville circuit, 
 ^'The Lord gave me souls for my hire.'' Again 
 making application to the Conference, he was 
 
Lorenzo Dow 71 
 
 admitted on trial for the first time in 1798 
 and sent to Canada to break fresh ground. He 
 was not satisfied with the unpromising field and 
 wrote, '^My mind was drawn to the water, 
 and Ireland was on my mind." His great desire 
 was to preach the gospel to the Roman Catho- 
 lics beyond the sea. Accordingly, on his twenty- 
 second birthday, acting solely on his own re- 
 sources, the venturesome evangelist embarked 
 at Montreal for Dublin. Here he had printed 
 three thousand handbills to warn the people 
 of the wrath to come. He attracted some atten- 
 tion, but soon caught the smallpox and was 
 forced to return home. Back in America, he 
 communicated to the Conference his desire to 
 'Hravel the country at large.'' The church, not 
 all impressed in his favor by his going to Ire- 
 land on his own accord, would do nothing more 
 than admit him to his old status of being on 
 trial, with appointment to the Dutchess, Co- 
 lumbia, and Litchfield circuits. Depressed, 
 Dow gave up the work, and, desiring a warmer 
 climate, he turned his face toward the South. 
 From this time forth, while he constantly ex- 
 hibited a willingness to meet the church half 
 way, he consistently acted with all possible in- 
 
72 Africa and the War 
 
 dependence, and the church as resolutely set 
 its face against him. 
 
 Dow landed in Savannah in January, 1802. 
 This was his first visit to the region that was to 
 mean so much to him and in whose history he 
 himself was to play so interesting a role. He 
 walked on foot for hundreds of miles in Georgia 
 and South Carolina, everywhere preaching the 
 gospel to all classes alike. Returning to the 
 North, he found that once more he could not 
 come to terms with his conference. He went 
 back to the South, going now by land for the 
 first time. He went as far as Mississippi, then 
 the wild southwestern frontier, and penetrated 
 far into the country of Indians and wolves. 
 Returning, in 1804 he became one of the first 
 evangelists to cultivate the camp-meeting as an 
 institution in central Virginia. Then he threw 
 down the gauntlet to established Methodism, 
 daring to speak in Baltimore while the General 
 Conference of the church was in session there. 
 The church replied at once, the New York Con- 
 ference passing a law definitely commanding its 
 churches to shut their doors against him. 
 
 A new interest, however, now entered into 
 the life of Lorenzo Dow, In courtship he was a^ 
 
Lorenzo Dow 73 
 
 unconventional as in everything else. One day 
 while tarrying at a Methodist tavern In Weston, 
 New York, he heard that Peggy, the sister-in- 
 law of the tavern-keeper, was resolved never to 
 be married except to a preacher who continued 
 traveling. Lorenzo saw the comely young 
 woman and the rest of the story is best given 
 in his own words: ''When going away I ob- 
 served to her that I was going to the warm 
 countries, where I had never spent a warm 
 season, and it was probable I should die, as the 
 warm climate destroys most of those who go 
 there from a cold country; but, said I, if I am 
 preserved, about a year and a half from now 
 I am in hopes of seeing this northern country 
 again, and if during this time you live and re- 
 main single, and find no one that you like better 
 than me, and would be willing to give me up 
 twelve months out of thirteen, or three years 
 out of four, to travel, and that in foreign lands, 
 and never say. Do not go to your appointment, 
 etc. — for if you should stand in my way I 
 should pray God to remove you, which I believe 
 he would answer — and if I find no one that I 
 like better than I do you, perhaps something 
 further may be said upon the subject; and 
 
74 Africa and the War 
 
 finding her character to stand fair, I took my 
 departure." After an absence of nearly two 
 years Dow returned, late in 1804. He insisted 
 upon a speedy marriage. Contrary to what one 
 might expect from such an unusual beginning, 
 the union was a very happy one. Always faith- 
 ful to duty, Dow nevertheless cherished for his 
 wife a very deep and genuine love. He was at 
 no time satisfied to leave her behind, as he had 
 warned her that he might do. She became the 
 constant companion of his wanderings. In the 
 spring of 1805 she went abroad with him, and 
 their only child, a girl, Laetitia Johnson, was 
 born and died in Great Britain. For fifteen years 
 Peggy inspired her husband, without a murmur 
 enduring all hardship with him, until she died 
 at Hebron, Connecticut, in 1820. Then there 
 came a day when in an open-air sermon under 
 the great elm on Bean Hill Green at Norwich, 
 Dow extolled the virtues of his former com- 
 panion and at the end of his sermon asked, '^Is 
 there any one in this congregation willing to 
 take the place of my departed Peggy?" Up 
 rose Lucy Dolbeare from Montville, six feet 
 high, and said, ^'I will." Whether Lorenzo and 
 Lucy had previously arranged this dramatic 
 
Lorenzo Dow 76 
 
 proceeding we do not know. We do know, how- 
 ever, that she too made a loyal companion, 
 surviving her husband for several years. 
 
 About the time of his first marriage Dow was 
 very busy, speaking at from five hundred to 
 eight hundred meetings a year. In the year 
 1805, in spite of the inconveniences of those 
 days, he traveled ten thousand miles. Then he 
 made ready to go again to Europe. Everything 
 possible was done by the regular church to 
 embarrass him on this second visit, and when 
 he arrived in England he found the air far from 
 cordial. He did succeed in introducing his 
 camp-meetings into the coimtry , hov\rever ; and, 
 although the Methodist Conference registered 
 the opinion that such meetings were '^ highly 
 improper in England, '^ Dow prolonged his stay 
 and planted seed which, as we shall see, was 
 later to bear abundant fruit. Returning to 
 America, the evangelist set out upon one of the 
 most memorable periods of his life, journeying 
 from New England to Florida in 1807, from 
 Mississippi to New England and through the 
 West in 1808, through Louisiana in 1809, 
 through Georgia and North Carolina and back 
 to New England in 1810, spending 1811 for the 
 
16 Africa and the War 
 
 most part in New England, working southward 
 to Virginia in 1812, and spending 1813 and 
 1814 in the Middle and Northern states, where 
 the public mind was '^ darkened more and more 
 against him." More than once he was forced to 
 engage in controversy. Typical was the judg- 
 ment of the Baltimore Conference in 1809, 
 when, in a matter of difference between Dow 
 and one Mr. S., without Dow's having been 
 seen, opinion was given to the effect that Mr. 
 S. ''had given satisfaction '^ to the conference. 
 Some remarks of Dow's on ''Church Govern- 
 ment'^ were seized upon as the excuse for the 
 treatment generally accorded him by the 
 church. In spite of much hostile opinion, how- 
 ever, Dow seems always to have found firm 
 friends in the state of North Carolina. In 1818 
 a paper in Raleigh spoke of him as follows: 
 "However his independent way of thinking, 
 and his unsparing candor of language may have 
 offended others, he has always been treated 
 here with the respect due to his disinterested 
 exertions, and the strong powers of mind which 
 his sermons constantly exhibit.'^ 
 
 His hold upon the masses was remarkable. 
 No preacher so well as he understood the heart 
 
Lorenzo Dow 77 
 
 of the pioneer. In a day when the ^^ jerks," 
 and falling and rolling on the ground, and danc- 
 ing still accompanied religious emotion, he still 
 knew how to give to his hearers, whether bond 
 or free, the wholesome bread of life. Frequently 
 he inspired an awe that was almost supersti- 
 tious and made numerous converts. Sometimes 
 he would make appointments a year beforehand 
 and suddenly appear before a waiting congrega- 
 tion like an apparition. At Montville, Con- 
 necticut, a thief had stolen an axe. In the course 
 of a sermon Dow said that the guilty man was 
 in the congregation and had a feather on his 
 nose. At once the right man was detected by 
 his trying to brush away the feather. On an- 
 other occasion Dow denounced a rich man who 
 had recently died. He was tried for slander 
 and imprisoned in the county jail. As soon as 
 he was released he announced that he would 
 preach about '^ another rich man." Going into 
 the pulpit at the appointed time, he began to 
 read: ''And there was another rich man who 
 died and — ." Here he stopped and after a 
 breathless pause he said, ^'Brethren, I shall not 
 mention the place this rich man went to, for 
 fear he has some relatives in this congregation 
 
78 Africa and the War 
 
 who will sue me." The effect was irresistible; 
 but Dow heightened it by taking another text, 
 preaching a most dignified sermon, and not 
 again referring to the text on which he had 
 started. 
 
 Dow went again to England in 1818. He was 
 not well received by the Calvinists or the 
 Methodists, and of course not by the Episco- 
 palians; but he found that his camp-meeting 
 idea had begun twelve years before a new re- 
 ligious sect, that of the Primitive Methodists, 
 commonly known as ''ranters.'^ The society in 
 1818 was several thousand strong, and Dow 
 visited between thirty and forty of its chapels. 
 Returning home he resumed his itineraries, go- 
 ing in 1827 as far west as Missouri. In thinking 
 of this man's work in the West we must keep 
 constantly in mind of course the great difference 
 made by a hundred years. In Charleston in 
 1821 he was arrested for ''an alleged libel against 
 the peace and dignity of the state of South 
 Carolina." His wife went north, as it was not 
 known but that he might be detained a long 
 time ; but he was released on payment of a fine 
 of one dollar. In Troy also he was once ar- 
 rested on a false pretense. At length, however^ 
 
Lorenzo Dow , 79 
 
 he rejoiced to see his enemies defeated. In 
 1827 he wrote: '^ Those who instigated the trou- 
 ble for me at Charleston, South Carolina, or 
 contributed thereto, were all cut off within the 
 space of three years, except Robert Y. Hayne, 
 who was then the Attorney-General for the 
 state, and is now the Governor for the nulUfiers.^' 
 In his later years Dow was interested not only 
 in the salvation of sinners but also in saving his 
 country from what he honestly believed to be 
 the dangers of Roman Catholicism. The 
 Jesuits he regarded as the stern foes of pure 
 religion and republican government. Even in 
 Africa to-day the issue that he foresaw is im- 
 portant. This rugged pioneer was also the 
 stanch opponent of slavery. He was as out- 
 spoken a champion of freedom as lived in Amer- 
 ica in his day. Said he: ''Pride and vainglory 
 on the one side, and degradation and oppression 
 on the other creates on the one hand a spirit of 
 contempt, and on the other a spirit of hatred 
 and revenge"; and f mother: ''Slavery in the 
 South is an evil that calls for national reform 
 and repentance," a "national scourge" yet to 
 be "antidoted" before the gathering and burst- 
 ing of the storm. He was cordial in his relations 
 
80 Africa and the War 
 
 with Negroes, was pleased to accept their hospi- 
 taUty, and on one occasion in Savannah, when 
 Andrew Bryan, the well-known Negro minister 
 of the city, had because of his preaching been 
 imprisoned and submitted to other indignities, 
 himself preached to the waiting and anxious 
 congregation. His Journal closes with these 
 remarkable words: "Where I may be this time 
 twelve months, is very uncertain with me; 
 whether in England, Sierra Leone, in Africa, 
 West Indies, or New England — or eternity; but 
 the controversy with the nations is not over, 
 nor will be, until the Divine government is 
 reverentially acknowledged by the human 
 family/' 
 
 The year 1833 Dow spent in visiting various 
 places in New York. His last tour was through 
 the Cumberland and Wyoming valleys in Penn- 
 sylvania. He hoped to be able to address 
 Congress and to warn the members against the 
 Jesuits, but was prevented by failing health. 
 In 1833 he wrote in his JoiUTial: 
 
 I am nowin my fifty-sixth year in the journey of life; and 
 enjoy better health than when but 30 or 35 years old, with 
 the exception of the callous in my breast, which at times 
 gives me great pain. . . . The dealings of God to me-ward, 
 
Lorenzo Dow 81 
 
 have been good. I have seen his delivering hand, and felt 
 the inward support of his grace, by faith and hope, which 
 kept my head from sinking when the billows of affliction 
 seemed to encompass me around. . . . And should those 
 hints exemplified in the experience of CosmopoHte be 
 beneficial to any one, give God the glory. Amen and 
 Amen! Farewell! 
 
 He died at Georgetown, D. C, February 2, 
 1834, and rests under a simple slab in Oak Hill 
 Cemetery in Washington, 
 
 There is only one word to describe the writ- 
 ings of Lorenzo Dow — Miscellanies. Anything 
 whatsoever that came to the evangelist's mind 
 was set down, not always with good form, 
 though frequently with witty and forceful ex- 
 pression. Here are "Hints to the Public, or 
 Thoughts on the Fulfilment of Prophecy in 
 1811''; "A Jomney from Babylon to Jerusa- 
 lem," with a good deal of sophomoric discussion 
 of natural and moral philosophy; ''A Dialogue 
 between the Curious and the Singular," with 
 some discussion of religious societies and theo- 
 logical principles; "Chain of Lorenzo," an argu- 
 ment on the eternal sonship of Christ; "Omni- 
 farious Law Exemplified: How to Curse and 
 Swear, Lie, Cheat and Kill according to Law"; 
 
82 Africa and the War 
 
 '^ Reflections on the Important Subject of Matri- 
 mony/' and much more of the same sort. Just 
 now, however, we are especially interested in 
 the utterances against slavery, and those that 
 we may read show Lorenzo Dow to have been 
 as outspoken a champion of freedom as lived in 
 America in his day. 
 
 In ^^ Hints to the Public'' warning is given 
 that the world must be redeemed before the 
 second coming of Christ. America has her sins 
 just as well as the rest of the world. ''Slavery 
 in the South, and religious establishments in the 
 North, are National Evils, that call for national 
 reform and repentance.'' 
 
 "Strictures on Church Government" has al- 
 ready been referred to as bringing upon Dow 
 the wrath of the Methodist Church. The gen- 
 eral thesis of this publication, regarded at the 
 time as so sensational, is that the Methodist 
 mode of church government is the most arbi- 
 trary and despotic of any in America, with the 
 possible exception of that of the Shakers. Dow 
 questions the far-reaching authority of Bishops 
 Coke, Asbury, and McKendree, and accuses 
 Asbury of being jealous of the rising power of 
 Richard Allen, f oimder of the African Methodist 
 
Lorenzo Dow 83 
 
 Church. He refers at considerable length to 
 the incident in a Philadelphia church which 
 ultimately made Absalom Jones a rector and 
 Richard Allen a bishop: '^The colored people 
 were considered by some persons as being in 
 the way. They were resolved to have them re- 
 moved, and placed around the walls, comers, 
 etc. ; which to execute, the above expelled and 
 restored man, at prayer time, did attempt to 
 pull Absolem Jones from his knees, which pro- 
 cedure, with its concomitants, gave rise to the 
 building of an African meeting house, the first 
 ever built in these middle or northern states.'' 
 "A Cry from the Wilderness — Intended as a 
 Timely and Solemn Warning to the People of 
 the United States '' is in every way one of Dow's 
 most characteristic works. At this distance, 
 when slavery and the Civil War are viewed in 
 the perspective, the mystic words of the oracle 
 impress one as almost uncanny: ^^In the rest 
 of the southern states the influence of these 
 Foreigners will be known and felt in its time, 
 and the seeds from the Hory Alliance and the 
 Decapigandi, who have a hand in those grades 
 of Generals, from the InJjuisitor to the Vicar 
 General and down • . . ! ! ! W&- The STRUG- 
 
84 Africa and the War 
 
 GLE will be DREADFUL! the CUP will be 
 BITTER! and when the agony is over, those 
 who survive may see better days! FARE- 
 WELL!'' 
 
 Here at least was a man with a mission — that 
 mission to carry the gospel of Christ to the 
 uttermost parts of the earth. He knew no 
 standard but that of duty; he heeded no com- 
 mand but that of his own soul. Rude, and sharp 
 of speech he was, and only half-educated; but 
 he was made of the stuff of heroes; and neither 
 hunger, nor cold, nor powers, nor principalities, 
 nor things present, nor things to come, could 
 daunt him in his task. After the lapse of a 
 hundred years he looms larger, not smaller, in 
 the history of our Southland; and as of old we 
 seem to hear again ''the voice of one crying 
 in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of the 
 Lord,'' 
 
TV 
 
 THOMAS CARLYLE, THE NEGRO QUESTION, AND 
 THE PRESENT WORLD PROBLEM 
 
 THOMAS CARLYLE has a unique place 
 in the history of EngUsh thought. In 
 an age dominated by Kberal impulses, more 
 than any other man in his country he protested 
 against the spirit of reform. Professedly an 
 ardent disciple of liberty, and universally recog- 
 nized as a seer and prophet, he stands out on 
 the page of history as a reactionary surpassed 
 in his own time only by Metternich. In con- 
 nection with the great events of our own day he 
 is revealed ever more plainly as the first great 
 exponent of the theories that entered into the 
 making of modern Germany and that have be- 
 come so well known the world over. 
 
 In an age of great minds Carlyle found him- 
 self strangely out of sympathy with his con- 
 temporaries. In 1824, much maligned after a 
 
 85 
 
86 Africa and the War 
 
 period of flattery, and for nine years practically 
 an exile from England, Byron ended his career 
 in a blaze of glory at Missolonghi. There was 
 something in the death of the brilliant poet that 
 struck the popular imagination of Europe. It 
 mattered not that he died of a fever instead of on 
 the field of battle; a great poet had given his 
 life for the independence of Greece, and that 
 was enough for an age of idealism. Byron's 
 real successor was a woman, Elizabeth Barrett 
 Browning. The life of this famous writer was 
 one great heart-throb. She followed with eager- 
 ness the great social reforms in England in the 
 reign of William IV, writing such a poem as 
 ''The Cry of the Children''; and in her later 
 years she threw herself heart and soul into the 
 cause of Italian independence and liberty. Her 
 poUtical judgment was not always sound; her 
 distinguished husband, for instance, could not 
 possibly follow her in her admiration for Na- 
 poleon III, whom he regarded as a charla- 
 tan; nevertheless the great heart of Elizabeth 
 Barrett Browning was ever moved by the de- 
 mands of freedom, whether the immediate 
 impulse was a child in the factories of England, 
 an Italian wishing to be free of Austria, or a 
 
Thomas Carlyle 87 
 
 slave in the lowlands of America. She too struck 
 the popular imagination by dying in a foreign 
 country which was struggling for liberty and 
 to which she had given so much of her best 
 love. One of those whom she defended as occa- 
 sion offered was the exiled Victor Hugo. Such 
 a novel as U Homme qui Rit, or the still greater 
 Les Miserables, may not be impeccable in form, 
 but must ever stand out as a sterhng effort to 
 voice the soul of the oppressed. The whole 
 of Europe was interested in the story of the 
 great poet and patriot who felt himself honored 
 by the ill will of Napoleon III. There were 
 others also. Dickens wrote Oliver Twist and 
 Nicholas Nicklehy, pleading for the oppressed at 
 the same time that he was overthrowing the 
 tradition of Scott. Macaulay, the son of an 
 abolitionist, placed himself squarely on the side 
 of the Whigs and reform. Across the ocean 
 Wendell Phillips was outstanding as an ideahst 
 in the years that cultivated not one but many 
 strong friends for freedom. On the continent 
 the names of Mazzini and Kossuth are synony- 
 mous with the struggles of their countrymen. 
 
 In striking contrast to such figures as these 
 stood Carlyle. One cannot understand him 
 
88 Africa and the War 
 
 without taking into account his sturdy inheri- 
 tance. He possessed to his dying day a certain 
 independence that, strangely enough, made him 
 not so much value liberty for the ordinary man 
 in the street as place a premium on the one who 
 was able successfully to rule others. As Mr. 
 Chesterton says in his stimulating book on the 
 Victorian Age in Literature, '*as an ordinary 
 lowland peasant he inherited the really valuable 
 historic property of the Scots, their indepen- 
 dence, their fighting spirit, and their instinctive 
 philosophic consideration of men merely as 
 men.'' Something of this independence doubt- 
 less accounted for the reserve, the aloofness, that 
 always characterized him. At Edinburgh he 
 mingled little with his fellow-students, and he 
 despised the university's system of education. 
 Six years he spent on the barren fields of Craig- 
 enputtoch; and even when he moved down to 
 London he cultivated only a few distinctly in- 
 tellectual acquaintances. Such a man might 
 have a few friends, and these unusually firm 
 ones; but he would not have many friends, nor 
 would he find place for much sympathy with the 
 great mass of people. From his study society 
 is §een more and mor^ as in a mirror, Only 
 
Thomas Carlyle 89 
 
 the strong man can stand out in the perspective; 
 the people are largely an abstraction and do 
 not count. 
 
 Another strong influence to be observed in 
 any consideration of Carlyle is that of German 
 culture. An early reading of Madame de 
 StaeFs De VAllemagne first strongly directed his 
 attention to the poets and dramatists of Ger- 
 many ; he drew something of his transcendental- 
 ism from Novalis, and much of his political 
 inspiration from Fichte. He wrote a life of 
 Schiller, a laborious study of Frederick the 
 Great, and edited the letters and speeches of 
 Cromwell, the most German of Englishmen. Es- 
 pecially did he acknowledge a debt of gratitude 
 to Goethe. The very name of this great poet, 
 however, reveals his shortcomings. He was 
 singularly lacking in Goethe's breadth. With 
 his clear vision and his fine sense of proportion 
 as well as by his innate genius, Goethe has be- 
 come one of the first figures in the history and 
 the thought of the human race. Carlyle, how- 
 ever, with his dyspepsia, his glorification of 
 force — ^we might almost say his misanthropy — 
 while sometimes he rose to the majesty of the 
 §eer, for the most part exhibited a l^ok. pf that 
 
90 Africa and the War 
 
 proportion which comes only from a sure con- 
 ception of the scientific spirit. 
 
 We need not be astonished then at the system 
 of thought that he worked out. In 1839 ap- 
 peared his powerful tract on Chartism, in which 
 he definitely took his stand against the Uberal- 
 ism that was becoming ever more popular in his 
 day. '^I am not a Tory/' he said; ^'no, but 
 one of the deepest though perhaps the quietest 
 of radicals.'' As Dr. J. G. Robertson has 
 pointed out, however, in the Cambridge History 
 of English Literature, 'Hhe only radicahsm, as 
 it now seemed to him, which would avail against 
 the ills and cankers of the day was the hand of 
 the just, strong man. The salvation of the work- 
 ing-classes was not to be attained by political 
 enfranchisement and the dicta of pohtical 
 economists, but by reverting to the conditions 
 of the Middle Ages, when the laborer was still 
 a serf. The freedom of the workingman was a 
 delusion; it meant only freedom to be sucked 
 out in the labor market, freedom to be a greater 
 slave than he had ever been before." The natu- 
 ral successor to Chartism in such a line of think- 
 ing was the series of lectures delivered the next 
 year. Heroes and Hero-Worship. We are now 
 
Thomas Carlyle 91 
 
 no longer left in doubt about the prophet's 
 guiding principle: ^^In all epochs of the world's 
 history, we shall find the Great Man to have 
 been the indispensable savior of his epoch; — 
 the hghtning, without which the fuel would 
 never have burnt. The History of the World is 
 the Biography of Great Men.'' Herohood, how- 
 ever, has a distinctively German quaUty: 
 '^ Virtue, Vir-tus, manhood, /^erohood, is not fair- 
 spoken immaculate regularity; it is, first of all, 
 what the Germans well name it, Tugend {T au- 
 gend, dow-mg or Dough-imQ^^) , Courage and the 
 Faculty to do. This basis of the matter Crom- 
 well had in him." In the Latter Day Pamphlets 
 of 1850, largely a reaction from the revolutions 
 of 1848, the apologist for force stood fully re- 
 vealed; and he now lost the friendship of one 
 of the purest of souls, Mazzini. 
 
 If Carlyle so glorified the man of brute 
 strength, he could not be otherwise than dis- 
 satisfied with an age that advocated reform-s. 
 With science, with political economy, with de- 
 mocracy, he had no sympathy; and nothing 
 was more obnoxious to him than the thought of 
 rule by a majority. In his Edinburgh paper, 
 ^' Signs of the Times," he inveighed against the 
 
92 Africa and the War 
 
 age in which he was living somewhat as follows: 
 ^'It is the age of Machinery, in every outward 
 and inward sense of that word; the age which 
 with its whole undivided might, forwards, 
 teaches, and practises the great art of adapting 
 means to ends. Nothing is now done directly, 
 or by hand; all is by rule and calculated con- 
 trivance. For the simplest operation, some 
 helps and accompaniments, some cunning, ab- 
 breviated process is in readiness. The living 
 artisan is driven from his workshop, to make 
 room for a speedier, inanimate one.'' Carlyle 
 sneers as he sees something of the principle car- 
 ried over into spiritual realms: ''Every httle 
 sect among us. Unitarians, Utilitarians, Ana- 
 baptists, Phrenologists, must each have its peri- 
 odical, its monthly or quarterly magazine, — 
 hanging out, like its windmill, into the popularis 
 aura, to grind meal for the society." Further, 
 ''the whole discontent of Europe takes this 
 direction. The deep, strong cry of all civiUzed 
 nations — a cry which every one now sees, must 
 and will be answered — is. Give us a reform of 
 Government! A good structure of legislation, — 
 a proper check upon the executive, — a wise ar- 
 rangement of the judiciary, is all that is wanting 
 
Thomas Carlyle 93 
 
 for human happiness. Were the laws, the gov- 
 ernment, in good order, all were well with us; 
 the rest would care for itself/' Finally, *'to 
 reform a world, to reform a nation, no wise man 
 will undertake; and all but foolish men know 
 that the only solid, though a far slower reforma- 
 tion, is what each begins and perfects on him- 
 self.'' 
 
 Now Carlyle of course was not the only 
 protest in his own day against the materialism 
 that seemed to envelop all things. The Oxford 
 Movement made itseK felt in religion, and the 
 same impulse accounted for Pre-Raphaelitism in 
 art. Carlyle, however, brought the discussion 
 into the arena of public affairs. Professedly a 
 Liberal, he was at heart an arrant Tory. Oppo- 
 nent of Darwin, he himself represented better 
 than anybody else the cruel doctrine of the sur- 
 vival of the fittest. And either he was too ab- 
 breviated in his logic or too cowardly to carry 
 his system to its natural conclusion. Even as it 
 is, however, he stands revealed as the direct 
 progenitor of Nietzsche. The Hero is the father 
 of the Ubermensch. When, therefore, Germany 
 invaded France in 1870 we are not surprised to 
 find Carlyle writing in the Times an appeal in 
 
94 Africa and the War 
 
 behalf of the country of his love, or to know 
 that for his valued services Bismarck later be- 
 stowed upon him the Prussian Order of Merit. 
 
 All of his thought as bearing on the Negro 
 Carlyle summed up in his paper, ''The Nigger 
 Question/' The title speaks for itseK. He had 
 no sympathy for the abolitionists in America; 
 so far as he could see, they were on the wrong 
 road altogether; and he naturally fell on the 
 side of the Confederate States in the Civil War. 
 He seems interested in recording the impression 
 of his friend Sterling that the Negroes of the 
 West Indies were unfit for the suffrage. So to 
 him indeed would be the Poles, the Hindoos, 
 the Jugo-Slavs — all struggling people of our 
 own day. So, too, would he defend the treat- 
 ment of the Herreros by Germany in 1903. 
 Such a man might have some greatness of soul, 
 but he is out of touch with the onward move- 
 ment of humanity. He has no place in his 
 scheme for the unfortunate, the maimed, the 
 uneducated — no place for pity, no place for love. 
 He glorifies Caesar and Cromwell and Freder- 
 ick, but he knows not the rule of Jesus Christ. 
 
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