■^ ^ THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA CERF LIBRARY PRESENTED BY REBECCA CERF '02 IN THE NAMES OF CHARLOTTE CERF '95 MARCEL E. CERF *97 BARRY CERF *02 4 ft ?//'' /^^' I^Li * V'^^A^N ^M '■ ^ -1: V *♦ ^ » ^v\ . -^ ".. * J ^^^-^ OF THE J ^ ^^*^ ( y (or APrTi^cTTY/^ ^ ) 1 ..: ^^f^l^ #■ ^ ... ■..# 1 HP^^i^^^^l k3%.PK&,v//w /'Mr/i^i^ r/' J/r-ma/us- JCJi^muj. 44> ^VYUUUIAM 3T y<6'i PLUTARCH'S LIVES OF THE MOST SELECT AND ILLUSTRIOUS CHARACTERS OF ANTIQUITY. EyamUWis Crom the 4^viQinal i^vctk ; WITH NOTES, HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL, BY JOHN LANGHORNE, M. D. AND WILLIAM LANGHORNE, A. M. ^ AJiD OTHERS. B7 -WII^JmIATSL BIAVOR I.. Z.. D. SECTOB OF STONEFIELD, VICAR OF HURLEY. CHAPLAIN TO THE EARL OF MOIRA, dtC. &,C. &C. COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. ' To be ignorant of the lives of the most celebrated men of antiquity, u to continue in a state of childliood all our days." NE'W-TORK : PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY W. C. BORRADAILE, 40 WILLIAM-STREET, NEAR WALL-STREET. 1832. Stereotyped by Thomas SewajRd^ **Ki(TUKD according to Art of Oonfress. in the year 1831, br fViUiam C JBorratUiiU, in the Clerk's Oflke of the District Court of the Soutbern Ota- trici of New York.** ^; TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD FOLKESTONE. MT LORD, The style and genius of dedications, in general, have neither done honour to the patron nor to the author. Sensible of this, we intended to have pub- lished a work, which has been the labour of jeare, without the usual mode of solic iting protection. An accident has brought us into the number of dedicators. Had not you accompanied your noble father to our humble retreat, we should still have been unacquainted with your growing virtues, — your extraordinary erudition, and perfect knowledge of the Greek language and learning; and Plutarch would have remained as he did in his retirement at Chaeronea, where he sought no patronage but in the bosom of philosophy. Accept, my Lord, this honest token of respect, from men, who, equally independent and unambi- tious, wish only for the countenance of genius and friendship. Praise, my Lord, is the usual language of dedications : But will our praise be of value to you.** — Will any praise be of value to you, but that W570751 b DEDICATION. of your own heart ? Follow the example of the Earl OF Radnor, jour illuBtrious father. Lik* him main- tain that temperate spirit of pohcy, which consults the dignity of governments while it supports the liberty of the subject. But we put into your hands the best of pohtical preceptors, — a preceptor who trained to virtue the greatest monarch upon earth; and, by giving happiness to the world, enjoyed a pleasure something like that of the Benevolent Being who created it. We are, My Lord, Your LoRDSHlP^S Most obedient, and Very humble Servants, J. k W. LANGHORNE. CONTENTS. PAGE RomvJus ......... 1 Lycvrgus 25 Numa -.-.......44 Solon 54 Themistocles ...74 Camillus ....96 Pericles 116 Alcihiades 130 Timoleon ••-...... 158 Aristides -- - . . . . . . 182 CaU) the Censor - - - • . . . . 201 Pyrrhus ---16 Eumenes 240 Pompey 257 Alexander --•--••.. 296 Julius CcBsar ........ 339 Demosthenes ........ 371 Cicero - - - 387 Demosthenes and Cicero Compared ..... 422 An Account of Weights and Measures .... 426 Denominatijons of Money ..•••. 427 Table of Proper Names - . 1 .... 429 PLUTARCH S LIVES. THE LIFE OF ROMUI.US. Flourished 753 years before Christ. From whom and for what cause, the city of Rome obtained a name, the glory of which has diffused itself over the world, his- torians are not agreed.* The account which deserves the most credit, and has the most vouchers, is that published by Diodes the Peparenthian, whom Fabius Pictor comm<»nly follows. The story is this : The kings of Alba descending lineally from iGneas, the succession fell to two brothers, Numitor and Amulius. The lat- ter divided the whole inheritance into two parts, setting the trea- sures brought from Troy against the kingdom ; and Numitor made choice of the kingdom. Amulius then having the treasures, and consequently being more powerful than Numitor, easily possessed himself of the kingdom too^ and fearing the daughter of Numitor might have children, he appointed her priestess of Vesta, in which capacity she was always to live unmarried and a virgin. Some say her name was Ilia, some Rhea, and others Sylvia. . But she was soon discovered to be pregnant, contrary to the law of the Vestals. Antho, the king's daughter, by much entreaty, prevailed with her father that she should not be capitally punished. She was confined, however, and excluded from societv. When her time was completed, she was delivered of two sons of uncom- mon size and beauty; whereupon AmuHus, siill more alarmed, ordered one of his servants to destroy them. Pursuajit to his or- ders, he put the children into a small trough or cradle, and went * Such is the uncertainty of the origin of imperial Rome, and indeed of most cities antJ nations that are of any considerable antiquiiv. That of Rome mighr be the more uncertam, t)ecanse itj: l^rst inhabitants, heinj; a coUection of mean persons, fugitives and outlaws from other nations, could not be supposed to leave histories behmd them. Livy, however, and most of the Latin historians, agree that Rome was built by Romulus, and both the city and people named after him: while the vanity of the Greek writers wants to ascirltie almost every tbing, and Rome among t)ie festt to a Greciao origma}. ^ FOMUT.US. down towards the river, with a design to cast them in ; but seeing it verv rough, and running with a strong current, he was afraid to approach it. He therefore laid them down near the bank, and departed. The flood increasing continually, set the trniigh atloat, and j^tirned it gently down to a pleasant place, toiiKriv cailed Gerinanum, denoting that the two brothers arrived tit le. Near this place was a wild fig-tree, which they called Rumina- lis, either on account of Romulus, as is generally supposed, or because the cattle there ruminated, or chewed the cud, during the noontide, in the shade ; or rather because of the suckling of the children there; for the ancient Latins called the breast rvma, and the goddess who presides over the nursery Rumilia,* whose rites they celebrated without wine, and only with libaiions of milk. The iiifantH, as the stor} goes, lying there, were suckled by a sbe- wolf, and fed and taken cure of bv a wood.pecker. These ani- mals are sacred to Mars ; and the woodpecker is held in great honour and veneration by the Latins. Such wonderful events ContribuctMl not a little to gain credit to the mother's report, that she had the children by Mars. Some say, th^ ambiguity of the narhe's name gave occasion to the fable ; for the Latins called not she-wolves, but prostitutes, lujxB ; and such was Acca Larentia, the wife of Faustnlus, the foster-father of the children. Faustulus, Amuiius's herdsman, brought up the children entirely undiscovered ; or rather, as others with greater probability assert, Numitor knew it from the first,"|" and privately supplied the neces. saries for their maintenance. It is also said, that they were sent to Gahii, and there insirticted in letters, and other branches of education suitable to ilietr birth: that the\ had he names of Ro- mulus and Remus, froin the teat of the wild animal which they were seen to suck. The beaut\ and dignity of their |>erson8, even in their childhood, promised a generous disposition ; and as they grew up, they both discovered great courage and bravery, with an inclination to hazardous attempts, and a spirit which nothing could subdue. But Romulus seemed more to cultivate the powers of reason, and to excel in political knowledge ; while b\ his de- portment among his neighbours, in the department of pasturage and hunting, he convinced them that he was bom to romnmnd rather than to otiey. To their equals and inferiors they b<*haved very courteously ; but they despised the king's bailifl's and chief herdsmen, as not superirn* to themselves in courage, though they were in authority, disregarding at once their threats and their an- ger. They applied themselves to generous exercises and pursuits, * Th« Romnntcalliid thai fnddMt. not Rumilia, but Rumiua. f Nuintiur might build up n '- ho|t«>fl of bit r»>««iablwhmMil : bul hitkooir* log ihff plac* wh«r« thv cin rmifthi up. and Mip^tiiit ihamwiUi^Msawi* rw«. It quitn incnn«ittffni w ncr of tlieir dii0ov«ffy when grown up, which it th« moat airaaable pnrt of Hit »tut j. ROMurxs. 9 looking upon idleness and inactivity as illiberal, but on hunting, running, banishing or apprehending robbers, and delivering such as were oppressed by violence, as the employments of honour and virtue. By this conduct they gained great renown. A dispute arising between the herdsmen of Numitor and Amu- lius, and the former having driven away some cattle belonging to the latter, Romulus and Remus fell upon them, put them to flight, and recovered the greatest part of the booty. At this conduct Numitor was highly offended ; but they little regarded his resent- ment. The first steps they took on this occasion were to collect, and receive into their company, persons of desperate fortunes, and a great number of slaves ; a measure which gave alarming proofs of their bold and seditious inchnations. It happened that when Romulus was employed in sacrificing, to which and divination he was much inclined, Numitor's herdsmen met with Remus, as he was walking with a small retinue, and fell upon him. After some blows exchanged, and wounds given and received, Numi- tor*s people prevailed, and took Remus prisoner. He was car- ried before Numitor, and had several things laid to his charge ; but Numitor did not choose to punish him himself, for fear of his brother's resentment. To him, therefore, he applied for justice, which he had all the reason in the world to expect ; since, though brother to the reigning prince, he had been injured by his ser- vants, who presumed upon his authority. The people of Alba, moreover, expressing their uneasiness, dnd thinking that Numitor suflfered great indignities, Amulius, moved with their complaints, delivered Remus to him, to be treated as he should think proper. When the youth was conducted to his house, Numitor was greatly struck with his appearance, as he was very remarkable for size and strength, he observed, too, his presence of mind and the steadiness of his looks, which had nothing servile in them, nor were altered with the sense of his present danger ; and he was informed, that his actions and whole behaviour were suitable to what he saw. But above all, some divine influence, as it seems, directing the beginnings of the great events that were to follow, Numitor, by his sagacity, or by a fortunate conjecture, suspecting the truth, questioned him concerning the circumstances of his birth; speaking mildly at the same time, and regarding him with a gracious eye. He boldly answered, " I will hide nothing from you, for you behave in a more princely manner than Amu- lius, since you hear and examine before you punish : but he has delivered us up without inquiring into the matter. I have a twin- brother, and heretofore we believed ourselves the sons of Faustu- lus and Larentia, servants to the king. But since we were ac- cused before you, and so pursued by slander, as to be in danger of our lives, we hear nobler things concerning our birth. Whether 10 ROMULt:?. they arc true, the present crisis will show.* Our birth is said to have been secret ; our support in our infancy miraculous. We were exposed to birds and wild beasts, and by them nourished ; suckled by a she.wolf, and fed by the attentions of a wood.pecker, as wo lay in a trough by the groat river. The trough is still pre- served, bound about with brass bands, and inscribed with letters partly faded ; which may prove, perhaps, hereaAer very useful tokens to our parents, when we are destroyed." Numitor hear- ing this, and comparing the time with the young man's looks, was confirmed in the pleasing hope he had conceived, and consi- dored how he might consult his daughter about this affair ; for she was still kept in close custody. Meanwhile Faustulus, having heard that Remus was taken and delivered up to puiu:$hment, desired Romulus to assist his brotlier, informing him then clearly of the particulars of his birth ; for be- fore, he had only given dark hints about it, and signified just so much as might take off the attention of bis wards from every thing that was mean. Ho himself took the trough, and in all the tu- mult of concern and fcnr carried it to Numitor. His disorder raised some suspicion in the king's guards at the gate, and that disorder increasingwhile they looked earnestly upon him, and perplexed him with their questions, he was discovered to have a trough under his cloak. There happened to be among them one of those who had it in charge to throw the children into the river> and who was concerned in the exposing of them. This man seeing the trough, and knowing it by its make and inscription, rightly guessed the business ; and thinking it an affair not to be neglected, immediately acquainted the king with it. In these great and pressing difficulties, Faustulus did not preserve entirely his presence of mind, nor yet fully discover the matter. He ac« knowledged that the children were saved indeed, but said that they kept cattle at a great distance from Alba; and that he was carrying the trough to Ilia, who had of\en desired to see it, that she might entertum the better hopes that her children were alive. Whatever persons perplexed and actuated with fear or anger use to suffer, Amulius then suffered ; for in his hurry he sent an honest man, a friend of Numitor's, to inquire of him whether ho had any account that the children were alive. When the man was come, and taw Remus almost in the em- braces of Numitor, he endeavoured to confirm him in the pertua- aion that the youth was really his grandson ; begging him, at the same time, immediately to take the best measures that could be thought of, and offering his bett aMistanco to support their party. Tlie occasion admitted of no delay, if they had been in- * For if they were true, the p^od who miraculously piotcctH them in theur in. fkne^, wouM deliver Remu* from his pretent d&i\|et KOMULUS. 11 clined to it ; for Romulus was now at hand, and a good number of the citizens were gathered about him, either out of hatred or fear of AmuHus. lie brought also a considerable force with him, di- vided into companies of a hundred men each, headed by an offl. cer who bore a handful of grass and shrubs upon a polo. These the Latins call Manipuli; and hence it is, that soldiers of the same compa,ny were called Manipulares. Remue then, having gained those within, and Romulus assaulting the palace without, the tyrant knew not what to do, or whom he should consult, but amidst his doubts and perplexity, was taken and slain. Amulius being dead, and the troubles composed, the two bro- thers were not willing to live in Alba, without governing there ; nor yet to tike the government upon themselves during their grandfather's life. Having, therefore, invested him with it, and paid due honours to their mother, they determined to dwell in a city of their own, and, for that purpose, to build one in the place where they had their first nourishment. This seems, at least, to be the most plausible reason of their quitting Alba ; and perhaps too it was necessary, as a great number of slaves and fugitives was collected about them, either to see their affairs entirely ruined, if these should disperse, or with them seek another habi- tation ; for the people of Alba refused to permit the fugitives to mix with them, or to receive them as citizens. As soon as the foundation of the city was laid, they opened a place of refuge for fugitives, which they called the Temple of the Asylaen god.* Here they received all that came, and would nei- ther deliver up the slave to his master, the debtor to his creditor, nor the murderer to the magistrate ; declaring that they were di- rected by the Oracle of Apollo to preserve the Asylum from all violation. Thus the city was soon peopled ; for it is said that the houses at first did not exceed a thousand. While they were intent upon building, a dispute soon arose about the place. Romulus having built a square, which he call- ed Rome, would have the city there ; but Remus marked out a more secure situation on Mount Aventine, which, from him, was called Remonium.f The dispute was referred to the decision of augury, and for this purpose they sat down in the open air, when Remus, as they tell us, saw six vultures, and Romulus twice as many. Some say that Remus's account of the number he had * It is not certain who this God of Refuge was. Dionysius of Halicamassus tells vs, that in his time, the place where the asylum had been, was consecrated to Jupiter. Romulus did not at first receive the fugitives and outlaws within the walls, but allowed them the hill Satumius, afterward called Capitolinus, for their habitation. f Most of the Trojans, of whom there still remained fifty families in Augustus'^ time, chose to follow the fortune of Romulus and Remus, as did also the inhabitants of Pallantium and Saturnia, two small towrts. 1^ BXMVVUS. seen was true, and tliat of Romulus not so ; but when Remus came up to him, he did really see twelve. When Remus knew that he was imposed upon, he was highly incensed, and as Romulus was opening a ditch round the place where the walls were to be buih, he ridiculed some parts of the M'ork, and obstructed others. At last, as he presumed to leap over it, some say he fell by the hands of Romulus, others, by that of Celer, one of his companions ; Paustulus also fell in the scufHe, and Plistinus, who being brother to Paustulus, is said to have assi'Sted eir chief siiidv to procuri? for ritiaens all the r^invenienceeof life, to maintain peace and union anioi i '■ cotne together frotn dKlefanl parts of tha world, and by thU to form theui»«:lves into a body nevar to he diaohrtd. ROMULUS. 13 told, that they sacrificed nothing that had life, persuaded that they ought to keep the solemnity sacred to the birth of their country pure and without bloodshed. On that day too, we are informed, there was a conjunction of the sun and moon, attended with an eclipse, the same day that was observed by Antimachus the Teian poet, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad. When the city was built, Romulus divided the younger part of the inhabitants into battalions. Each corps consisted of three thousand foot, and three hundred horse, and was called a Legion, because the most warlike persons were selected. The rest of the multitude he called The People. An hundred of the most considerable citizens he took for his council, with the title of Patricians,* and the whole body was called the Senate, which signifies an Assembly of Old Men. Its members were styled Patricians, because as some say they were fatl^rs of freebora children ; or rather, according to others, because they themselves had fathers to show, which was not the case with many of the rabble that first flocked to the city. But we shall be nearer the truth, if we conclude that Romulus styled them Patricians, as expecting these respectable persons would watch over those in humble stations with a paternal care and regard ; and teaching the commonalty in their turn not to fear or envy the power of their superiors, but to behave with love and respect, both looking upon them as Fathers, and honouring them with that name. For, at this very time, foreign nations call the Senators Lords, but the Romans themselves call them Conscript Fathers, a style of greater dignity and honour, and withal much less invidious. At first, in- deed, they were called Fathers only ; but afterwards, when more were enrolled in their body. Conscript Fathers. With this vene. rable title, then, he distinguished the senate from the people. He likewise made another distinction between the nobility and the commons, calling the former Patrons, and the other Clients, which was the source of mutual kindness and many good offices between them ; for the Patrons were, to those they had taken under their protection, counsellors and advocates in their suits at law, and advisers and assistants on all occasions. On the other hand, the Clients failed not in their attentions, whether they were to be shown in deference or respect, or in providing their daugh- ters portions, or in satisfying their creditors, if their circumstances happened to be narrow. No law or magistrate obliged the Patron to be evidence against his Client, or the Client against his Patron. But in after times, though the claims continued in full force, it was * The choice of these three hundred persons was nor made by the king himself; each tribe chose 'hree senator--, and each of the thirty curae the like number, which 'made in all the number of ninety nine ; so that RotDulus named only the hundredth, who was the head, or prince of the senate, and the chief governor of the city, when the king was in the field. 2 14 liOMULUS. law, and advisers and assistants on all occasions. On the other hand, the Clients failed not in their attentions, whether they were to be shown in deference and respect, or in providing their daugh- ters portions, or in satisfying their creditors, if their circumstiuices happened to be narrow. No law or magistrate obliged the Patroo to be evidence against his Client, or the Client against his Patron. But in after times, though the claims continued in full force, it was looked upon as ungenerous for persons of condition to take money of those below them. In the fourth month, after the building of the city,* as Fabius informs us, the rape of the Sabine women was put in execution. Some say Romulus himself, who was naturally warlike, and per- suaded by certain oracles, that the Fates had decreed Rome to obtain her greatness by military achievements, began hostilities against the Sabines, and seized only thirty virgins, being more desirous of war than of wives for his people. But this is not likely. For, as he saw his city soon filled with inhabitants, very few of whom were married, the greatest part consisting of a mixed rabble of mean and obscure persons, to whom no regard was paid, and who were not expecting to settle in any place whatever, the enterprise naturally took that turn ; and he hoped that from this attempt though not a just one, some alliance and union with the Sabines would be obtained, when it appeared that they treated the women kindly. In order to this, he first gave out that he had found the altar of some god, which had been covered with earth. This deity they called Consus, or God of Counsel. Upon this discovery, Romulus by proclamation appointed a day for a splendid sacrifice, with public games and shows. Muhitudes assembled at the time, and he himself presided, sitting among his nobles clothed in purple. As a signal for the assault, he was to rise, gather up his robe, and fold it about him. Many of his people wore swords that day, and kept their eye upon him, vatching^ for the signal, which was no sooner given than they drew them, and rushing on with a shout, seized the daughters of the Sabines, hut quietly suffered the men to escape. Some say only thirty were carried off, who each gave name to a tribe ; but Talerius Antias makes their number, five hundred and twenty, seven, and according to Juba,t there were six hundred and eighty, three, all virgins. This was the best a|)ology for Romulus: for they had taken but one married woman, named Hersilia, who vos afterwards chiefly concerned in reconciling them, and her they took by mistake, as they were not incited to this violence by lust or injustice, but by their desire to conciliate and unite the two i^ations in the strongest tic. • Gelliut layt, it wai in tn« tnurth vear. f This w»» the aon of Jub«, king of Mauritania, who, iMiog biosglit very yvung a JROMULUS. 15 The Sabines were a numerous and warlike people, but they dwelt in unwalled towns, thinking it became them, who were a colony of the Lacedaemonians, to be bold and fearless. But as they saw themselves bound by such pledges, and were very soli- citous for their daughters, they sent ambassadors to Romulus with moderate arid equitable demands — that he should return them the young women, and disavow the violence, and then the two nations should proceed to establish a correspondence, and contract alli- ances in a friendly and legal way. Romulus, however, refused to part with the young women, and entreated the Sabines to give their sanction to what had been done, whereupon some of them lost time in consuhing and making preparations. But Acron, king of the Ceninensians, a man of spirit, and an able general, sus- pected the tendency of Romulus's first enterprises ; and, when he had behaved so boldly in the rape, looked upon him as one who would grow formidable, and indeed insufferable to his neigh- bours, except he were chastised. Acron therefore went to seek the enemy, and Romulus prepared to receive him. When they came in sight, and had well viewed each other, a challenge for a single combat was mutually given, their forces standing under arms in silence. Romulus on this occasion made a vow, that if he conquered his enemy, he would himself dedicate his adver- sary's arms to Jupiter ; in consequence of which, he both over- came Acron, and after battle was joined, routed his army, and took his city. But he did no injury to its inhabitants, unless it were such to order them to demolish their houses and follow him to Rome, as citizens entitled to equal privileges with the rest. Indeed, there was nothing that contributed more to the greatness of Rome, than that she was always uniting and incorporating with herself those whom she conquered. Romulus having considered how he should perform his vow in the most acceptable manner to Jupiter, and withal make the pro- cession most agreeable to his people, cut down a great oak that grew in the camp, and hewed it into the figure of a trophy ; to this he fastened Acron's whole suit of armour, disposed in its proper form. Then he put on his own robes, and wearing a laurel crown on his head, his hair graceftilly flowing, he took the trophy erect upon his right shoulder, and so marched on, singing the song of victory before his troops, which followed completely armed, while the citizens received him with joy 'and admiration. This procession was the origin and model of future triumphs. The trophy was dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius, so called from the Latin wordyenVe,* to smite; for Romulus had prayed that he might have power to smite his adversary and kill him. captive to Rome, was instructed in the Roman and Grecian literature, and became an excellent historian. Dionysius of Halicarnassus has followed his account. * Or fmm the word /crrc, to carry, becairee Romulus had himself caixicd to tH^ 10 ROMULUS. After the defeat of the Ceninenses, while the rest of the Sabines were busied in preparations, the people of Fidens, Cnistamerium, and Antemnse, united against the Romans. A battle ensued, in which they were likewise defeated, ond surrendered to Romulus their cities to be spoiled, their lands to be divided, and thcmseWes to be transplanted to Rome. All the lands thus acquired he dis- tributed among the citizens, except what belonged to the parents of the stolen virgins ; for those he left in possession of their former owners. The rest of the Sabines, enraged at this, appointed Tatius iheir general, and carried war to the gates of Rome. The city was difficult of access, having a strong garrison on the hill where the capitol now stands, commanded by Tarpeius. Tarpcia, the governor's daughter, charmed with the golden bracelets of the Sabines, betrayed tho fort into their hands, and asked, in return for her treason, what they wore on their left arms. Tatius agree- ing to thb condition, she opened one of the gates by night, and let in the Sabines. It seems it was not the sentiment of Antigo- nus alone, who said " He loved men while they were betraying, but hated them when they had betrayed ;" nor of Caesar, who said, in 'the case of Rhymitalces the Thracian, " He loved the treason, but hated the traitor;" but men arc commonly affected towards villains, whom they have occasion for, just as they are towards venomous creatures, which they have need of for their poison and their gall. While they are of use they love them, but abhor them when their purpose is effected. Such were the sentiments of Tatius with regard to Tarpeia, when he ordered the Sabines to remember their promise, and to grudge her nothing which they had on their left arms. He was the first to take off his bracelet, and throw it to her and with that his shield.* As every one did the same, she was overpowered by the gold and shields thrown upon her, and, sinking under the weight, expired. Tarpeius, too, was taken and condemned by Romulus for treason, as Juba writes, after Sulpitius Galba. The Sabines thus possessed of the fort, Romulus in great fury offered them battle, which Tatius did not decline, as he saw he had a place of strength to retreat to, in case he was worsted ; and, indeed, the spot on which he was to engage, being surrounded with hills, seemed to promise on both sides a sharp and bloody contest, because it was so confined, and the outlets were so nar. row, that it was not easy either to fly or to pursue. It happened, too, that a few days before, the river had oyerflowed, and lefl a temple of Jupiter the armour of the kin^ ho had killed : or, mort probablj firom tb« Greek wotd phereton^ which Liry calii in latin ^etflwm, which proptffly itpiiiisa fropAy. * neo and other historian! aay. that Tatiui treats her in this manner, t>f€auM ftbe acted a double part, and endeavoured to betraj the Sttinet to Romohis, while the wat pretending to iTetray the Roifiant to them. ROMULUS. 17 deep mud on the plain where the forum now stands, which, as it was covered with a crust, was not easily discoverable- by the eye, but at the same time was soft underneath, and impassible. The Sabines, ignorant of this, were pushing forward into it, but by good fortune were prevented. For Curtius, a man of high dis. tinction and spirit, being mounted on a good horse, advanced a considerable way before the rest ;* presently his horse plunged into the slough, and for a while he endeavoured to disengage him, encouraging him with his voice, and urging him with blows ; but, finding all ineffectual, ' he quitted him, and saved himself. From him the place, to this very time, is called the Curtian Lake. The Sabines, having escaped this danger, began the fight with great bravery. The victory inclined to neither side, though many were slain, among the rest Hostilius, who, they say, was husband to Hersilia, and grandfather to that Hostilius who reigned after Numa. It is probable that there were many other battles in a short time, but the most memorable was the last ; in which Ro- mulus having received a blow upon the head with a stone was almost beaten down to the ground, and no longer able to oppose the enemy; then the Romans gave way, and were driven from the plain as far as the Palatine Hill. By this time Romulus recovering from the shock, endeavoured by force to stop the men in their flight, and loudly called upon them to stand and renew the engagement. But when he saw the rout was general, and that no one had courage to face about, he lifted up his hands towards heaven, and prayed to Jupiter to stop the army, and to re-establish and' maintain the Roman cause, which was now in extreme danger. When the prayer was ended, many of the fu- gitives were struck with reverence for their king, and their fear was changed into courage. They first stopped where now stands the Temple of Jupiter Stator, so called from his putting a stop to their flight. There they engaged again, and repulsed the Sabines as far as the palace now called Regia, and the temple of Vesta. When they were preparing here to renew the combat with the same animosity as at first, their ardour was repressed by an as- tonishing spectacle. The daughters of the Sabines, that had been * Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassiis relate the matter otherwise. They teli us, that Curtius at first repulsed the Romans; but being in his turn overpowered by .Romulus, and endeavouring to make good hi« retreat, he happened to fall into the lake, which from that time bore his name; for it was called Lacus Curtius, even when it was dried up.' and almost in the centre of the Roman forum Procilius says, that the earth having opened, the Aruspices declared it necessary, for the safety of the republic, that the bravest man in the city should throw himself into the gulf ; whereupon one Curtius, mounting on horseback, leaped (armed) into it, and the gulf immediately closed. Before the building of the common sewers, this pool was a sort of sink, which received all the filth of the city. Some writers think that it received its name from Curtius the consul, colleague to M. Genucius, because he caused it to be walled in, by the advice of the Aruspices, after it had been struck xvith lightning. Vauo de Ling Lat. 1. 17, c r 18 BOMULUS. forcibly carried off, rushed with loud cries and lamenutiooa, like persons distracted, amidst the drawn swords, and over the dead bodies, to come at their husbands and fathers, some carrying their infants in their arms, and some darting forward with dishevelled hair, but all calling by turns both upon the Sabines and Romans by the tenderest names. Both parties were extremely moved, and room was made for them between the two armies. Their lamentations pierced to the utmost ranks, and all were deeply affected, particularly when their upbraiding and complaints ended in supplication and entreaty. " What great injury have we done you,'* said they, " that we have suffered, and do still suffer ao many miseries? We were carried off, by those who now have u^ violently and illegally ; after this violence we were so long neglected by our brothers, our fathers, and relations, that we were necessitated to unite in the strongest ties with those that were the objects of our hatred, and we are now brought to tremble for the men that had injured us so much, when we see them in danger, and to lament them when they falK For you came not tu deliver us from violence while virgins, or to avenge our cause ; but now you tear the wives from their husbaiids, and the mothers from their children, an assistance more grievous to us than all your neglect and disregard. Such love we experienced from them, and such compassion from you. Were the war undertaken in some other cause, yet surely you would stop its ravages for us, who have made you fathers-in-law and grand. fathers, or otherwise placed you in some near affinity to those whom you seek to destroy. But if the war be for us, take us, with your sons-in-law and their children, and restore us to our parents and kindred ; but do not, we beseech you, rob us of our children and husbands, lest we becoiM captives again." Hersilia having said a great deal to this purpose, and oUiers joining in the same request, a truce was agreed upon, and the generals proceeded to a conference. lo the mean time the women presented their husbands and children to their fathen and brothers, brought refreshments to those that wanted them, and carried the wounded home to be cured. Hero they showed them, that they had the ordering of their own houses, what atten- tion their husbands paid them, and in what respect and indulffence they were treated. Upon this a peace was concluded, the conditions of which were, that such of the women as cboee to remain with their huHbands should bo exempt from all labour and drudgery except spinning ; that they city should be inhabited by the Romans and Sabines in common, with the name Rome from Horaulus ; but that all the citizens, from Cures, the capital of the Sabines, should bo called Quirites -* and that the regal power, * The word Quirit» in ihe ^^abine laofua^. si|ni6ed Iwtb • dart« aod a warlOte rfeity arinmi with a d«Tt. It is nnrertaln whether Uie fp»d |a?e name to the dart, f»r ROMULUS. ^g and the command of the army, should be equally shared bet-,vecn them. The city having doubled the number of its inhabitants, an hundred additional senators were elected from among the Sabines, and the legions were to* consist of six thousand foot, and six hundred horse.* The people, too, were divided into three tribes, called Rhumnenses, from Romulus ; Tatienses from Tatius ; and Lucerenses, from the Lucus or Grove, where the asylum stood, whither many had fled, and were admitted citizens. That they were precisely three, appears from the very name of Tribes, and that of their chief officers, who were called Tribunes. Each tribe contained ten CuricB, or Wards, which some say were called after the Sabine women. But this seems to be false, for many of them have their names from the several quarters of the city which were assigned to them. Many honourable privileges, however, were conferred upon the women, some of which were these : That the men should give them the way, wherever they met them : that they should not mention an obscene word, or appear naked before them ; that, in case of their killing any person, they should not be tried before the ordinary judges ; and that their children should wear an ornament about their necks, called Bulla,f from its likeness to a bubble, and a garment bordered with purple. The two kings did not presently unite their councils, each meeting, for some time, their hundred senators apart ; but afterwards they all assembled together. Tatius dwelt where the temple Moneta now stands, and Romulus by the steps of the fair Shore as they are called, at the descent from the Palatine Hill to the Great Circus. the dart to the god ; but however that be, this gorl Quiris or Quirinus, was either Mars or some other gori of war, and was worshipped in Ron~.e till Romulus, who, after his death, was honouted with the name Quirinus, took his place. * Ruauld, in his animadversions upon Plutarch, has discovered two considerable errors in this place The first is, that Plutarch affirms there were six hundred horse put by Romulus in every legion ; whereas there never were, at any time, so many in any of the legions. For there were at first two hundred horse in each legion ; after that, they rose to three hundred, and at last to four hundred, but never came op to six hundred. In the second place, he tells us, that Romulus made the legion to consist of six thousand foot : whereas, in his time, it was never more than three thousand. It is said by some, that Marius was the first who raised the legion to six thousand ; but Livy informs us, that that augmentation was made by Scipio Africanus, long tiefor.e Marius. After the expulsionof the kings, it was augmented from three to four thousand, and some time after to five, and at last by Scipio (as we have said) to six. But this was never done but upon pressing occasions. The stated force of a legion was four thousand foot, and two hundred horse. t The young men, when they took upon them the 7"oga vh-ilis, or man's robe, quitted the Bulla, which is supposed to have been a little hollow ball of gold, and made an offering of it to the Dii Lares, or houjehold gods. As to the Prcctexta, or robe edged with purple, it was worn by girls, till their marriage, and by boys till they were seventeen. But what in the time of Romulus was a maik of distinction for the children of the Sabine women, became afterwards very common : for even the children of the Liberfi, or freedmen, wore it. 20 ROMULUS. The Sabioes received the Roman months. All tbnt. w of importance on this subject is mentioned in the hfe of Numa. Romulus on the other hand, adopted their shields, making an alteration in his own armour, and that of the Romans, who before wore bucklers in the manner of the Greeks. They ma- tually celebrated each other's feats and sacrifices, not ahohshiog those of either nation, but over and above appointing some new ones ; one of which was the Matronalia,* instituted in honour of the women, fur their putting an end to the war, and another the Carmentulia.f In the fifth year of the reign of Tatius, some of his friends and kinsmen meeting certain ambassadors who were going from Lau- rentum to Rome,t attempted to rob them on the road, and, as they would not sutfer it, but stood in their own defence, killed them. As this was an atrocious crime, Romulus required that those who committed it should unmediateiy be punished, but Tatius hesitated and put it off! This was the first occasion of any open variance between them ; for till now they had behaved themselves as if directed by one soul and the administration had been carried on with all possible unanimity. The relations of those that were murdered finding they could have no legal redress from Tatius, fell upon him and slew him, at Lavinium, as he was offering sacrifice with Romulus :§ but they conducted Romulus back with applause, as a prince who paid a proper regard to justice. To the body of Tatius he gave an honourable interment, at Arroilus. triuro,|{ on mount Aventine ; but he took no care to revenge his death on the persons who killed him. Some historians write, * During this feast, such of the Roman women as were married, served their slaves at table, and received prekcuis from their huitMinds, as it>e husl>ands did frooi their wives in itte time <*^ ihe Saturnalia. As the festival of the Matronalia ivas not only observed m honour of the Sabme women, but consecrated to Mars, and, as aoaie will have it, to Juno Lucina. sacrifices were offend to both these deities. This feast wai the subject of Hurace's Ode. JHarttis ralebs ouid agam ealmili$. 6ic. and Ovid HetrrilieH it ai lart^« in ttve Third liook «>f Fasti. Darier says, bjr mistake, that this frnst wai» kept on the lit of April, instead of the 1st of March, and the IbraMr Engltfcb aiinotatcir has foiiowed him. f Thik IS a vrry solemn feast, kept on the 1 1th of January, under the Capitol, near the Carnienial ^ate. They heKged of this foddesa to render their women fruitful, and to give (Dem happy dehveries. t DMinymuk of Haltcatnaaus says, they were amliassadors from l.aviuium. wIm> had beeii'ai Hon e to complain of ilte incursions made by some of Taiius's friends, upon their territories, and that ay ihey were returiiiiH(, the Sfebines lay lu wait Cm Ihem on the road, stripped them, and killed several of Ibwn. Lavinium and Lsu- rentum were neighbourinc towns in Ijitium. { Frolmbiv ti is wai a MUirifice to Ihe Dii lodigenus of I.atium. in which Rons was iiKlurted. Hut Licinus write». that Tatius wroi not ihither with Rcminiuk. not on account of ihr sacrifice, tMit ibet he went alone to persuade the uihabitanti to pardon Ihe murderert. II The place wai so called, bccauMof a ceremony of ihe san.e name, relehrated evrrv vear un the li^th of October, when the troops were muttered, and purified by saeiifices. ROMULUS. 2X that the Lauientians in great terror gave up the murderers of Tatius: but Romulus let them go, saying, " Blood with blood should be repaid." This occasioned a report, and indeed a strong Ksuspicion, that he was not sorry to get rid of his partner in the government. None of these things, however, occasioned any disturbance or sedition among the Sabines ; but partly out of regard for Romulus, partly out of fear of his power, or because they reverenced him as a god, they all continued well affected to him. This veneration for him extended to many other nations. The ancient Latins sent ambassadors, and entered into a league and alliance with him. Fidenae, a city in the neighbourhood of Rome, he took, as some say, by sending a body of horse before, with orders to break the hinges of the gates, and then appearing unexpectedly in person. Others will have it, that the Fidenates first attacked and ravaged the Roman territories, and were carry- ing off considerable booty, when Romulus lay in ambush for them, cut many of them off, and took their city. He did not, however, demolish it, but made it a Roman colony, and sent into it two thousand five hundred inhabitants on the thirteenth of April. After this, a plague broke out, so fatal, that people died of it, without any previous sickness ; while the scarcity of fruits, and barrenness of the cattle added to the calamity. It rained blood too in the city ; so that their unavoidable sufferings were increas- ed with supernatural terrors : and when the destruction spread itself to Laurentum, then all agreed it was for neglecting to do justice to the murderers of the ambassadors and of Tatius, that the Divine vengeance pursued both cities. Indeed, when those murderers were given up and punished by both parties, their calamities visibly abated ; and Romulus purified the city with lustrations, which they tell us, are yet celebrated at the Ferentine gate. Before the pestilence ceased, the people of Cameria* attacked the Romans, and over-ran the country, thinking them incapable of resistance by reason of the sickness. But Romulus soon met them in the field, gave them battle, in which he killed six thousand of them, took their city, and transplanted half its remaining inliabitants to Rome ; adding, on the first of August, to those he left in Cameria, double their number from Rome. So many people had he to spare in about sixteen years time from the building of the city. Among other spoils, he carried from Cameria a chariot of brass, which he consecrated in the temple of Vulcan, placing upon it his own statue crowned by Victory. His affairs thus dourishing, the weaker part of his neighbours submitted, satisfied, if they could but live in peace : but the more powerful, dreading or envying Romulus, thought they should not * This was a town which Romulus had taken before Its old inhabitants took this opportunity to rise in arms, and kill the Reman garrison. '^ KQMULtS by any means lut him go unnoticed, but oppose ana put a atop (o his growing greatness. The Veientes, who had a strong city ami extensive country,* were the first of the Tuscana who began the war, demanding Fidensc as their properly. But it was not only unjust, but ridiculous, that they who had given the people of FidcnoB no assistance in the greatest extremities, but had sufTered them to perish, should challenge their houses and lands now in the possession of other masters. Romulus, therefore, gave them a contemptuous answer; upon which they divided their forces into two bodies ; one attacked the garrison of Fidenas, and the pther vent to meet Romulus. That which went against Fidens, de-^ feated the Romans, and killed two thousand of them ; but the other was beaten by Romulus with the loss of more than eight thousand men. They gave battle, however, once more at Fidens, where all allow the victory was chiefly owing to Romuhia him. self, whose skill and courage were then remarkably displayed and whose strength and swiAness appeared more than human. But what some report, is entirely fabulous, and utterly incredible, that there fell that day fourteen thousand men, above half of whom Romulus slew with his own hand. For even the Messe- nians seem to have been extravagant in their boasts, when they tell us Aristomenes offered a hecatomb three several times, for having as of\en killed a hundred Lacedaemonians.f Afler the Veientes were thus ruined, Romulus suffered the scattered remains to escape, and marched directly to their city. The inhabitants could not bear up af\er so dreadful a blow, but humbly sueing for a peace, obtained a truce for a hundred years, by giving up a considerable part of their territory called Septempagium, which signifies a district of seven towns, together with the salt pits by the river ; besides which, they delivered into his hands fifty of their nobility as hostages. He triumphed for this on the fifteenth of October, leading up, among many other captives, the general of the Veientes, a man in years, who seemed on this occasion, not to have behaved with the prudence which might have been expected from his age. Hence it is, that, to this day, when they offer a sacrifice for victory, they lead an old man through the forum to the capitol, in a boy's robe, edged with purple, with a bulla about his neck ; and the herald cries '* Sardiana to be sold ;*^ * Veil, the capital of Tuicany, was situated no a cnoji rock, about oo« huodicd furlon{i« from Rome ; and is compared by Dioiiysius of Halie«nia«us to Atbana Ibr extent and riches. f Pautania» confirms this account, mentiunmK both iba *mim and place of thase •ehieveuientii, h« wril the h^raiombs uflered on account of lh«m to Jupiter Itbomatea. Those wars between the Mt^sseuia^s and Spartans, were about the lime of Tullus Uonilius. X The Veientes. with tiie other Hetrurians. were a ookmy of Lydiaua, whoat matiopolis was (he city of Sardis. Other writers data this custom from the lime of (he conquest of Sardinia by Tiberius SemproolusCtraccLiw, when stich a numbei ROMULUS. 23 for the Tuscans are said to be a colony of the Sardians, and Veii is a city of Tuscany. This was the last of the wars of Romulus. After this he behaved as almost all men do, who rise by some great and unexpected good fortune to dignity and power ; for, exalted with his exploits, and loftier in his sentiments, he dropped his popular affability, and assumed the monarch to an odious degree. He gave the first offence by his dress ; his habit being a purple vest, over which he wore a robe bordered with purple. He gave audience in a chair of state. He had always about him a number of young men called Celeres,* from their despatch in doing business ; and before him went men with staves to keep off" the populace, who also wore thongs of leather at their girdles, ready to bind directly any person he should order to be bound. When his grandfather, Numitor, died in Alba, though the crown undoubtedly belonged to him, yet; to please the people, he left the administration in their own hands ; and over the Sabinesf (in Rome) he appointed yearly a particular magistrate ; thus teaching the great men of Rome to seek a free commonwealth without a king, and by turns to rule and obey. For now the patricians had no s&are in the government, but only an honourable title and appearance, assembling in the senate-house more for form than business. There, with silent attention, they heard the king give his orders, and differed only from the rest of the people in this, that they went home with the first knowledge of what was deter- mined. This treatment they digested as well as they could ; but when, of his own authority, he divided the conquered lands among the soldiers, and restored the Veientes their hostages without the consent or approbation of the senate, they considered it as an intolerable insult. Hence arose strong suspicions against them, and Romulus soon af\er unaccountably disappeared. This hap- pened on the 7lh of July. As no part of his body, or even his garments could be found, some conjectured, that the senators who were convened in the temple of Vulcan, fell upon him and killed him ; afler which each carried a part away under his gown. Others say, that his death did not happen in the temple of Vulcan, nor in the presence of the senators only, but while he was holding an assembly of the people without the city, at a place called the Goat's-Marsh. The air on that occasion was suddenly convulsed and altered in a of slaves was brought from that island, that none were to be seen in the market but Sardinians. * Romulus ordered the Curia to choose him a guard of three hundred men, ten out of each Curiae ; and these he called Celeres, for the reason which Plutarch has assigned. f Xylandcr and H. Stephanus are rationally enough of opinion, that instead of Sabines we sbonld read Albans : and so the Latin translator renders it. S^ ROMULtS. wonderful manner ; for the light of the sun failed/ and they wer« involved in an ustonishing darkness, attended on ever^ ' :ili dreadful thundenngs, and tempestuous winds. Th* c then dispersed and ded, but the nobility gathered into one budy. When the tempest was over, and the light appeared again, the people returned to the same place, and a very anxious inquiry was made for the king ; but the patricians would not sufler them to look closely into the matter. They commanded them to honour and worship Ropiulus, who was caught up to Heaven, and who, as he had been a gracious king, would be to the Romans a pro- pitious deity. Upon this the multitude went away with great satis- faction, and worshipped him, in hopes of his favour and protection. Some, however, searching more minutely into the affair, gave the patricians no small uneasiness ; they even accused them of im- posing upon the people a ridiculous tale, when they had murdered the king with their own hands. While things were in this disorder, a senator, we are told of great distinction, and famed for sanctity of manners, Julius Pro- culus by nanie,f who cume from Alba with Rumulus, and had been his faithful friend, went into the Forum, and declared upon the most solemn oaths, before all the people, that as he was travelling on the road, Romulus met him, in a form more noble and august than ever, and clad in bright and dazzling armour. Astonished at the sight, he said to him, *' For what misbehaviour of ours, O king, or by what accident have you so untimely left us, to labour under the heaviest calumnies, and the whole city to sink under unexpres* sible sorrow !" To which ho answered, '* It pleased the gods, my good Proculus, that we should dwell with men for a time ; and ariter having founded a city which will be the most powerful and glorious in the world, return to h«>aven, from whence he came. Farewell then, and go, tell the Kuutans, that, by the exercise of temperance and fortitude, they shall attain the highest pitch of hu- man greatness, and I, the god Quirinus, will ever be propitious to you. This, by the character and oath of the relater, gained credit with the Romans, who were caught with the enthusiasm, as if they had been actually inspired ; and far from contradicting what they had heard, bade adieu to all their suspicions of the nobility, united in the deifying of Quirinus, and addressed their devotions to him. Romulus is said to have been tiHy.four years of aoe, and in the thirty .eighth of his reign, when he was taken from the world. * Cicero mentioni this remarkable dttkoeM iti a fftcineni of hi* «iiih book dt Jiifub. And it appears from the astronnmiral table*, that tberr waa a graai aoUpas of the tiio in the brat year of the fixtecnth Olympiad, auppoaed to be tiM jrear that Romului died, on the 26th of May ; which, coniidering the little exactness tbert was then in the Roman calendar, might very well cofatcide with the roooUi of July. t A descendant of lului, or Aacanlufr \-m 25 LYCURGUS.* Flourished 777 years before CJirist. Of Lycurgus, the lawgiver, we have nothing to relate that is certain and uncontroverted. For there are different accounts of his birth, his travels, his death, and especially of the laws and form of government which he established. But least of all are the times agreed upon when this great man lived. We shall therefore endeavour to select such circumstances as are related by authors of the greatest credit. Simonides, the poet, tells us, that Prytanis, not Eunomus, was father to Lycurgus. But most writers give us the genealogy of Lycurgus and Eunomus in a different manner ; for, according to them, Sous was the son of Patrocles, and grandson of Aristoderaus ; Eurytion the son of Sous, Prytanis of Eurytion, and Eunomus of of Prytanis; to this Eunomus was born Polydectes, by a former wife, and by a second, named Dianassa, Lycurgus. Eutychidas, however, says Lycurgus was the sixth from Patrocles, and the eleventh from Hercules. The most distinguished of his ancestors wa8 Sons, under whom the Lacedaemonians made the /feZote* their staves,"!* and gained an extensive tract of land from the Arcadians. Of this Sous it is related, that, being besieged by the Clitorians in a difficult post where there was no water, he agreed to give up all his conquests, provided that himself and all his army should drink of the neighbouring spring. When these conditions were sworn to, he assembled his forces, and offered his kingdom ti> the man that would forbear drinking ; not one of them, however, could deny himself, but they all drank. Then Sous went down to the spring, and having only sprinkled his face in sight of the enemy, he marched off, and still held the country, because all had not drank. Though he was highly honoured for this, the * The life of Lycurgus was the first which Plutarch published, as he himself observes in the life of Theseus. He seems to have had a strong attachment to the Soartans and their customs, as Xenopbon likewise had: for, besides this life, and those of several other Spartan chiefs, we have a treatise of his on the laws and customs of the Lacedaemonians, and another of Laconic Apophthegms. He makes Lycurgus in all things a perfect hero, and alleges his behaviour as a proof, that the wise man, so often described by the philosophers, was not a mere ideal character, unattainable by human nature. Ft is certain, however, that the encomiums bestowed upon him and his laws by the Delphic oracle, was merely a contrivance between the Pythoness and himself; and some of his laws, for instance, that concerning the women, were unexceptionable. f The Helotes. or ilotes, were inhabitants of Helos, a maritime town of Laconia. The Lacedaemonians having conquered and made slaves of them, called not only them, but all the other slaves they happened to have, by the name of Helotes. It is certain, howpver, that the descendants of the original Helotes, though they were ex- tremelv ill treated, and some of them assassinated, subsisted many ages in Laconia. n 3 ,n^. 26 LYCURGUS. fannly bad not. their name from him, but from his son were called Eurytiomda :* and this, because Eurytion seems to be the first who relaxed the strictness of kingly government, inclining to the interest of the people, and ingratiating himself with them. Upon this relaxation, their encroachments increased, and the succeeding kings, either becoming odious, treating them with, greater rigour, or else giving way through weakness, or in hopes of favour, for a long time anarchy and confusion prevailed in Sparta ; by which one of its kings, the father of Lycurgus, lost his life. For while he was endeavouring to part some persons who were concerned in a fray, he received a wound by a kitchen knife, of which he died, leaving the kingdom to his eldest son Polydectes. But he also dying soon after, the general voice called Lycurgus to ascend the throne ; and he actually did so, till it appeared £at his brother's widow was pregnant. As soon as he perceived this, he declared that the kingdom belonged to her issue, provided it were male, and he kept the administration in his hands only as his guardian. Soon after the queen made him a private overture, that she would destroy her child upon condition that he would marry her when king of Sparta. Though he detested her wicked- ness, he said nothing against the proposal, but, pretending to approve it, charged her not to take any drugs lest she should endanger her own health or life ; for he would take care-that the child, as soon as born, should be destroyed. Thus he artfully drew on the woman to her full time, when he sent persons to attend and watch her, with orders, if it were a girl, to give it to the women, but if a boy, to bring it to him, in whatever business he might be engaged. It happened that he was at supper with the magistrates when she was delivered of a boy, and his servants, who were present, carried the child to him. VVhen he received it, he is reported to have said to the company, Spartans, see here your neiD-bom king. He then laid him down upon the chair of state, and named him Charilaus, because of the joy and admira. tion of his magnanimity and justice, testified by all present. Thus the reign of Lycurgus lasted only eieht months. But the citizens had a great veneration for him on ouer accounts, and there were * It may be proper here to give the reader a short view of the nfal gpvaroaMnl of Lacedaemon, under the Herculeao line. The Heraclid*) havuif driven ouiTiHUMiMa the son of Orestes, Eurysthenes and Procles, the sons of ArtstodanMia, raigoad {■ that kingdom. Under tbeifi the aovemment took a new form, and, inetaftd of oot aovareifn became subject to two. Tbaaa two broibeni did not divide Um kingdom bttwata them, neither did they agree to reign alternately, but they rtsolvad to govani jointly, and with ei|ual power and authority What is iurpriiing la, that — -—•-•-- — -•= — their mutual jealousy, this diarchy did not end with tbtM two broiban^ bol flOD- tinued under a succession of thirty princes of the line of Eurytlbanii^ aod tW0A|f seven of that of Prqples. Rurystbenat was tucceedad t>y his ton Afia, ban wImmi all the descendants of that line ware Munamad Agida, at Iha other liaa look tba nans ofEurytiooido^ from Eurytion, the giandion of noclei, Pauoclea, or Pcotodta^ Pauian, Strab. at al. LYCURGUS. 27 more that paid him their attentions, and were ready to execute his commands, out of regard to his virtues, than those that obeyed him as a guardian to the king, and director of the administration. There were not, however, wanting those that envied him, and opposed his advancement, as too high for so young a man ; par- ticularly the relations and friends of the queen-mother, who seemed to have been treated with contempt. Her brother Leonidas one day boldly attacked him with virulent language, and scrupled not to tell him, that he vvas well assured that he would soon be king ; thus preparing suspicions, and matter of accusation against Ly- curgus, in case any accident should befall the king. Insinuations of the sajne kind were likewise spread by the queen-mother. Moved with this ill-treatment, and /earing some dark design, he determined to get clear of all suspicion, by travelling into other countries, till his nephew should be grown up, and have a son to succeed him in the kingdom. He set sail, therefore, and landed in Crete. There, having observed the forms of government, and conversed with the most illustrious personages, he was struck with admiration of some of their laws,* and resolved at his return to introduce them into Sparta. Some others he rejected. Among the friends he gained in Crete, was Thales,t whom he had interest enough to persuade to go and settle at Sparta. Thales was famed for his wisdom and political abilites : he was withal a lyric poet, who, under colour oif exercising his art, performed as great things as the most excellent lawgivers. For his odes were so many persuasives to obedience and unanimity ; as by means of melody and numbers they had great grace and power, they softened insensibly the manners of the audience, drew them off from the animosities which then prevailed, and united them in zeal for excellence and virtue. So that, in some measure, he prepared the way for Lycurgus towards the instruction of the Spartans. From Crete Lycurgus passed to Asia, J desirous to compare the Ionian expense and luxury with the * The most ancient writers, as Ephorus, Calisthenes, Aristotle, and Plato, are of opinion, that Lycurgus adopted many things in the Cretan polity. But Poly- bius will have it that they are all mistaken : — '* At Sparta," says he (in this sixth book,) " tlie lands are equally divided among all the citizens; weahli is banished ; the crown is hereditary ; whereas in Crete the contrary obtains." But this does not prove that Lycurgus might not take some good laws and usages from Crete, and leave what he thought defective. There is, indeed, so great a conformity oetween the laws of Lycurgus and those of Minos, that we must believe, with Sirabo, that the^e were the foundation of the other, f This Thales, who was a poet and musician, must be distinguished from Thales the Milesian, who was one of the seven wise men of Greece. The poet lived 250 years before the philosopher. t The lonians sent a colony from Attica into Asia Minor, about 1050 years before the Christian era, and 150 before Lycurgus. And though they might not be greatly degenerated in so short a time, yet our lawgiver could judge of the eflfect which the climate and Asiatic plenty had upon them. 28 LYCVROUS. Cretan frugality and bard diet, so as to judge what effect each had on their manners and governments ; just as phy<:icians compare bodies that are %veak and sickly with the healthy and robust. There also, probably,* he met with Homer's poems, which were preserved by the posterity of Cleophylus. Observing that many moral sentences and much political knowledge were intermixed ^vith his stories, which had an irresistible charm, he collected them into one body, and transcribed them with pleasure, in order to take them home with him. For his glorious poetry was not yet fully known in Greece ; only some particular pieces were in a few hands, as they happened to be dispersed. Lycurgus was the first who made them generally known. The Egyptians like- wise suppose that he visited them ; and as of all their institutions he was most pleased with their distinguishing the military men from the rest of the people.f he took the same method at Sparta, and, by sepaxating from these the mechanics and artificers, he rendered the constitution more noble and more of a piece. This assertion of the Egyptians is confirmed by some of the Greek writers. The Lacedaemonians found the want of Lycurgus when absent, and sent many embassies to entreat him to return. For they perceived that their kings had barely the title and outward appcn- dages of royalty, but in nothing else differed from the multitude ; whereas Lycurgus had abilities from nature to guide the measures of government, and powers of persuasion, that drew the hearts of men to him. The kings, however, were consulted about his return, and they hoped that in his presence they should experience less insolence amongst the peeple. Returning then to a city thus disposed, he immediately applied himself to alter the whole frame nf the constitution ; sensible that a partial change, and the intro- ducing of some new laws, would be of no advantage ; but aa in the case of a body diseased and full of bad humours, whoae temperament is to be corrected and new-formed by medicines, it was necessary to begin a new regimen. With these sentiments he went to Delphi, and when he had offered sacrifice and consulted the god,| he returned with that celebrated oracle, in which the * He %AA% prcbahly^ because tome Greek authors have afBmied that I.jrcurgua taw Homer himself, who was at that time at Chios. But Plutarch's opinion is more to in relied on. Homer died before l^ycurgus was bom. Before the time of Lycurgus, ibej had nothing in Greece of Homer, but some detached pieces, which were Mveral!y named frnm the diflferent subjects treated of in them, such as, Tht Fmlour ^ Dio* mede, /icclor's Ransom, and the hke. ^^ f The ancient I>!^ypiians kept not only the priests and military men, whoconiiflted chiefly of thp nobility, distinct from the rest of the people; but Uie other emfdoy* rnenis, viz thnte of iiRrdsmen, shepherds, merchants, interpreters, and aeameo, de- scended in particular iulntn from father to son. \ A« Miiiof had perfiuadod the Cretins, that his laVi were delivered to him fVom Jupiter, so Lycutgut, bin imitator, was willing to make the Spartans believe that be did every thing by the direction of Apollo. Other legislators have fbund it very l^YCURGUS. 29 priestess called him, Belaoed of tJie gods, and rather a god than a man. As to his request that he might enact good laws, she told him, ApoWo had heard his request^ and promised that the constitution he should establish would be the most excellent in the world. Tims encouraged, heapplied to the nobility, and desired them to put their hands to the work ; addressing himself privately at first to his friends, and afterward by degrees, trying the disposition of others^ and preparing them to concur in the business. When matters were ripe, he ordered thirty of the principal citizens to appear armed in the market-place by break of day, to strike terror into such as might desire to oppose him. Upon the first alarm, king Charilaus, apprehending it to be a design against his person, took refuge in the Chalcioicose* or Brazen Temple. But he was soon satisfied, and accepted of their oath. Nay, so farTrom being obstinate, he joined in the undertaking. Indeed, he was so remarkable for the gentleness of his disposition, that Archelaus, his partner in the throne, is reported to have said to some who were praising the young king, YeSf Charilaus is a good man to he sure, who cannot find in his heart to punish the bad. Among the many new institutions of Lycurgus^ the first and most important was that of a senate; which sharing, as Plato says,t in the power of the kings, too imperious and unrestrained before, and having equal authority with them, was the means of keeping them within the bounds of moderation, and highly contributed to the preservation of the state. For before, it had been veering and unsettled, sometimes inclining to arbitrary power, and sometimes convenient to propagate an opinion thai their instiiunons were from tipe gods. For that selMove in human nature, which would but ill have borne with tl)e superiority of genius, that must have been acknowledged in an unassisted lawgiver, found an ease and satisfaction in admitting his new regulations, when they were said to come from heaven. * That is, the brazen temple. It was standing in the time of Pausanius, who lived in the reign of Marcus Antonius. t The passage to which Plutarch refers, is in Plato's third book of laws, where he is examining into the causes of the downfal of states. An Athenian is introduced thus speaking to a Lacedaemonian : — " Some god, I believe, in his care for your state, and in his foresight of what would happen, has given y-ou two kings of the samn family, in order that reigning jointly, they might govern with more moderation, and Sparta experience the greater tranquillity. After this, when the regal authority was grown again too absolute and imperious, a divine spirit residing in human nature (t. e. Lycurgus,) reduced it within the bounds of equity atul moderation, by the wise provision of a senate, whose authority was to be equal to that of the kmgs." Aristotle finds fault with this circumstance in the institution of the senate, that the senators were to continue for life: for as the mind grows old with the body, bethought it unreasonable to put the fortunes of citizens into the power of men who through age might become incapable of judging. He likewise thought it very unreasonable that they were not made accountable for their actions. But for the latter inconvenience sufficient provision seems'to have been made afterward, by the institution of the Ephori, who had it chiefly in charge to defend the rights of the people; and therefore Plato adds, — " A third blessing to Sparta was the prince, who finding the power of the senate and the kings too arbitrary and uncontrolled, contrived the aulhoiity of the Ephori, as a restraint upon it," &c. o 5f; • 30 LYCURGUS. towards a pure democracy ; but Ihia establishment of a senate, an intermediate body, like ballast, kept it in a just equilibrium; the twenty-eight senators adhering to the kings, vhenever (hep §aw the peojSe too encroaching^ and on the other hand, supporting the people, when the kings attempted to ntake themselves absolute. This, according to Aristotle, was the number of Senators fixed upon, because two of the \^.irty associates of Lycurgus deserted the business through fear. Sphserus tells us, there were only twenty, eight at first intrusted with the design. But I rather think, just 80 many senators wer^ created, that together with the two kings, the whole body might consist of thirty members. He had this institution so much at heart, that he obtained from Delphi an oracle in its behalf, called rhetra, or the decree. This was couched in very ancient and uncommon terms, which inter' preted, ran thus : Wficn you have built a temple to the Syllanian Jupiter, and the Syllanian Minerva,* divided the people into tribes and classes, and established a senate of thirty persons, including the txDO kings, you shall occxisiondlly summon the people to an assetMp between Babyce and Cnacion, and they -shall have the determining voice, Babyce and Cnacion are now called Oenus; but Aristotle thinks, by Cnacion is meant the river, and by Babyce the bridfe. Between these they held their assemblies, having neither halls, nor any kind of buildings for that purpose. Tliese things, be thought of no advantage to their councils, but rather a disservice : as they distracted the attention, and turned it upon triHes, OQ observing the statutes and pictures, the splendid roofs, and every other theatrical ornament. The people, thus assembled, had no right to propose any subject of debate, and were only authorized to ratify or reject what might be proposed to them by the senate and the kings.- But because, in process of time, the people, by additions or retrenchments, changed the terms, and perverted the sense of the decrees, the kings Polydorus and Thcopompus in- serted into the rhetra this clause : Jf the people attempt to eomtpt any law, the senate and chiefs shall retire: that is, they shall dissolve the assembly, and annul the alterations. And they found means to persuade the Spartans that this too was ordered by Apollo. Though the government was thus tempered b> Lycurgus, yet soon after it degenerated into an oligarchy, whose power was exercised with such wantonness and violence, that it wanted indeed a bridle, as Plato expresses it. This curb they found in the authority of the Ephori,] about a hundred and thirty years after Lycurgus. * At no Bonouni can bf> (ivrn of the meaning or \\\* word 5yttmMii, il If tuppoted it should tx eitner read SrUasinn, from Sellama, a town of LMOote wpoe Um EuraUt ; or else HtUanian, as much as to say, the (irrcian Jupiter, &c. t Herodotus (I. i. c. 65,) and Xennphon {de lirpub Imc.) tells ut the Ephort war* appointed by Lycurgus hinivrU. But the account whicii Pluurch givaa from AiNioila (PoUt. 1. V.) and others, of their t}eiDg instituted long aAar, teemi mora agreeable to LVCURGUS. 31 Elatus was the first invested with this dignity in the reign of Theopompus : who, when his wife upbraided him, that he would leave the regal power to his children less than he received it, replied, Nai/i hut greater, because mare lasting. And in fact, the prerogative, so stript of all extravagant pretensions, no longer occasioned either envy or danger to its possessors. A second and bolder political enterprise of Lycurgus was a new division of the lands. For he found a prodigious inequality, the city overcharged with many indigent persons, who had no land, and the wealth centred in the hands of a few. Determined, therefore, to root out the evils of insolence, envy, avarice, and luxury, and those distempers of a state still more inveterate and fatal, I mean poverty and riches, he persuaded them to cancel all former divisions of land, and to make a new one, in such a manner that they might be perfectly equal in their possessions and way of living. Hence if they were ambitious of distinction, they might seek it in virtue, as no other difference was left between them, but that which arises from the dishonour of base, and the praise of good actions. His proposal was put in practice. He made nine thousand lots for the territory of Sparta, which he distributed among so many citizens, and thirty thousand for the inhabitants of the rest of Laconia. Each lot was capable of producing (one year with another) seventy bushels of grain for each man,* and twelve for each woman, besides a quantity of wine and oil in pro- portion. Such a provision they thought sufficient for health and a good habit of body, and they wanted nothing more. A story goes of our legislator, that some time after, returning from a journey through the fields just reaped, and seeing the shocks standing parallel and equal, he smiled, and said to some who were by, reason; for itis not likely that Lycurgus. who in all things endeavoured to support the aristocracy, and left the people only the right of assenting or dissenting to what was proposed to them, would appoint a kind of tribunes of the people, to be mas- ters as it were both of the kings and the senate. Some, indeed, suppose the Ephori to have been at first the king's friends, to whom they delegated their authority when they were obliged to be in the field. But it is very clear, that they were elected by the people out of their body, and sometimes out of the very dregs of it; for the boldest citizen, whoever he was, was most likely to be chosen to this office, which was in- tended as a check on the senate and the kings. Tbey were five in number, like the Quinqueviri in the republic of Carthage. They were annually elected ; and in order to effect any thing, the unanimous voice of the college was requisite. Their autho- rity, though well designed at first, came at length to be in a manner boundless. They presided in popular assemblies, collected their suffrages, declared war, made peace, treated with foreign princes, determined the number of forces to be raised, appointed the funds to maintain them, and distributed rewards and punishments, in the name of the state. They likewise held a court of justice, inquired into tbc con- duct of all magistrates, inspected into the behaviour and education of youths, had a particular jurisdiction over the Helotes^ and, in short, by degrees, drew the whole administration into their hands. They even went so far as to put king Agis to death under a form of justice, and were themselves at last killed by Cleomenes. ^ By roan is meant a master of a family, whose household was to subskt upon these seventy bushels. 32 LYCURGUS. How like is Laconia to an estate newly divided among wumy bro. ihersf Afler this ho attempted to divide also the moveables, in order to take away all appearance of inequality ; but he soon perceived that they could not bear to have their goods directly taken from them, and therefore adopted another method, counter-working their avarice by a stratagem.* First he stopped the currency of the gold and silver coin, and ordered that they should make U8« of iron money only, then to a great quantity and weight of this he assigned but a very small value ; so that to lay up ten minttt^ a whole room was required, and to remove it nothing less than a yoke of oxen. When this became current, many kinds of in- justice ceased in Laced^mon. Who would steal or take a bribe, who would defraud or rob, when he could not conceal the booty-— when he could neither be dignified by the possession of it, nor, if cut in pieces, be served by its use? For we are told, that when hot, they quenched it in vmegar, to make it brittle and unmalleable, and consequently unfit for any other service. In the next j>lace, he excluded unprofitable and superfluous arts ; indeed, if he had not done this, most of them would have fallen of themselves, when the new money took place, as the manufactures could not be disposed of. Their iron coin would not pass in the rest of Greece, but was ridiculed and despised, so that the Spartans had no means of purchasing any foreign or curious wares, nor did any merchant ship unlade in their harbours. There were not even to be found in all their country either sophists, wandering fortune-tellers, keepers of infamous houses, or dealers in gold and silver trinkets, because there was no money. Thus luxury, losing by degrees the means that cherished and supported it, died away of itself; even those who possessed great riches had no advantage from them, since they could not be displayed in public, but must lio useless in unregarded repositories. Hence it was, that excellent workmanship was shown in their useful and necessary fumiturey as beds, chairs, and tables, aAd the Lacedaemonian cup called coUum was highly valued, particulary in campaigns ; for the water which • For a long time aAer Lycurgus. the Spartans gloriouily oppoaed the crowth of avarice, insomuch ihat a young man, who bought an estaia at a great advantage, was called to Hccmint for it, and a fine Mt upon him ; for, beaidea the injustice be was guilty of, in buving a thing for lew man it was worth, they judged that be was too desirous of gain, since his mtod was employed in getting at ao age wbeo others think nf nothing but spendiiiK- But when the Spartans, no longer satisfied with their own territories (tk Lytur|tM had enjoined them to be) came to br enaaged in foreifn wart. Uieir money PO« b ewag pataablein other rountries. they found tbemsekes oUifad to apply to the rimane, whose gold and silver datiled their ryes ; and tbeu ooftloutneae grew at length to infamoua, that it occnsmnad the proverb inentiooed bjr Plato, "One may see a great deal of money carried into Laced»roon, but no one seet anj of it brougbl out •l^n.** t Tbirty-iwo pounds, fire sbilliogs, and ten pence sttrling. LYCURGUS. 33 mufit then of necessity be drank, though it would often otherwise offend the sight, had its muddiness concealed by the colour of the cup, and the thick part stopping at the shelving brim, it came clearer to the lips. Of these improvements the lawgiver was the cause ; for the workmen having no more employment in matters of mere curiosity, showed the excellency of their art in necessary things. Desirous to complete the conquest of luxury, and exterminate the love of riches, he introduced a third institution, which was wisely enough and ingeniously contrived. This was the use of public tables,* where all were to eat in common of the same meat, and such kinds of it as were appointed by law. At the same time they were forbidden to eat at home, upon expensive couches and tables, to call in the assistance of butchers and cooks, or fatten like voracious animals in private ; for so not only their natures would be corrupted, but their bodies disordered. Abandoned to all manner of sensuality and dissoluteness, they would require long sleep, warm baths, and the same indulgence as in perpetual sickness. To effect this was certainly very great ; but it was greater still to secure riches from rapine, and from envy, as Theo- phrastus expresses it, or rather by the eating in common, and by the frugality of their table, to take from riches their very being. For what use or enjoyment of them, what peculiar display of mag- nificence could there be, where the poor man went to the same refreshment with the rich ? Hence the observation, that it was only at Sparta where Plutus (according to the proverb) was kept blind, and, like an image destitute of life or motion. It must further be observed, that they had not the privilege to eat at home, and so to come without appetite to the public repast; they made a point of it to observe any one that did not eat and drink with them, and to reproach him as an intemperate and effeminate person who was sick of the common diet. The rich, therefore, were more offended with this regulation than with any other, and, rising in a body, they loudly expressed » Xenophon seems to have penetrated farther into the reason of this institution than any other author, as indeed he had better opportunity to do The rest only say, that this was intended to repress luxury; but he very wisely remarks, that it was also intended to serve for a kind of school or academy, where the young were instructed by the old, the latter relating the great things that had been performed within their memory, and thereby exciting the growing generation to distinguish themselves by performances equally great. But as it was found impracticable for all the citizens to eat in common, when the number of them came to exceed the number of the lots of land, Dacier thinks it might have been better if the lawgiver had ordained that those public tables should be maintained at the expense of the public, as it was done in Crete. But it must be considered, that while the discipline of Lycui^us was kept up in its purity, they provided against any inconvenience from the increase of citizens, by sending out colonics; and Lacedaemon was not burdened with poor till the declension of that state. E 34 LYCURGCS. their indignation ; nay, they proceeded so far as to aaiauh Ly- curgus with stones, so that he was forced to fly from the assembly, and take refuge in a temple. Unhappily, however, befoie he reached it, a young man named Alcander, hanry m his resent- ments, though not otherwise ill-tempered, came up with him, and, upon his turning round, struck out one of his eyes with a stick. Lycursus then stopped short, and without giving way to passion, showed the people his eye beat out, and his face streaming with blood. They were so struck with shame and sorrow at the sight, that they surrendered Alcander to him, and conducted him home with the utmost expressions of regret. Lycurgus thanked them for the care of his person, and dismissed them all except Alcander. He took him into his house, but showed him no ill treatment, either by word or action, only ordering him to wait upon him, instead of his usual servants and attendants. The youth, who was of an ingenuous disposition, without murmuring, did as he was com- manded. Living in this manner with Lycurgus, and having an opportunity to observe the mildness and goodness of his heart, his strict temperance and indefatigable industry, he told his friends that Lycurgus was not that proud and severe man he might have been taken for, but, above all others, gentle and engaging in his behaviour. This then was his chastisement, and this punishment he suffered — of a wild and head.strong young man to become a very modest and prudent citizen. In memory of his misfortune, Jjycurgus built a temple to Minerva OptUetiSj so called by him from a term which the Dorians use for the eye. Yet Dioscorides, who wrote a treatise concerning the Lacedaemonian government, and others, relate that his eye was hurt, but not put out, and that he built the temple in gratitude to the goddess for his cure. However, the Spartans never carried staves to their assembUes aflerwards. At the public repasts there were fifteen persons to a table, or a few more or less. Each of them was obliged to bring in monthly a bushel of meal, eight gallons of wine, five pounds of cheese, two pounds and a half of figs, and a little money to buy flesh and fish. If any of them happened to offer a sacrifice of first fruits, or to kill venison, he sent a part of it to the public table; for, after a iacn« ficc or hunting, he was at liberty to sup at home, but the rest were to appear at the usual place. Children also were introduced at these public tables, as so muu) schools of sobriety. There they heard discourses concerning government, and were instructed in the most liberal breeding. ' There they were allowed to jest without scurrility, and wore not to take it ill when the raillerr was returned. For it toas reckoned worthy of a Laeedmmoman to hear a jest : but if any one's patience failed, he Had only to desire them to be quiet, and they left off immediately. When they first entered, the oldest man present pointed to the door, and said. Not a r r LYCURGUS. 35 Spoken in this company goes out there. The admitting of any man to a particular table was under the following regulation : Each member of that small society took a little ball of soft bread in his hand ; this he was to drop without saying a word into a vessel called caddos, which the waiter carried upon his head/ In case he approved of the candidate, he did it without altering the figure; if not, he first pressed it flat in his hand ; for a ^flatted ball was considered as a negative. And if but one such was found, the person was not admitted, as they thought it proper that the whole company should be satisfied with each other. The dish that was in the highest esteem amongst them was the black broth. The old men were so fond of it, that they ranged themselves on one side and ate it, leaving the meat to the young people. It is related of a kingof Pontus,* that he purchased a Lacedaemonian cook for sake of this broth. But when he came to taste it, he strongly expressed his dislike, and the cook made answer. Sir, to make this broth relish, it is necessary first to bathe in the river Eurotas. After they had drank moderately, they went home without lights. Indeed they were forbidden to walk with a light either on this or any other occasion, that they might accustom themselves to march boldly and re- solutely in the darkest night. Lycurgus left none of his laws in. writing ; it was ordered in one of the RhetrcR that none should be written. For what he thought most conducive to the virtue and happiness of a city, were principles interwoven with the manners and breeding of the people. These would remain immoveable, as founded in inclination, and be the strongest and most lasting tie : and the habits which education produced in the youth, would answer in each the purpose of a lawgiver. As for smaller matters, contracts about property, and whatever occasionally varied, it was better not to reduce these to a written form and unalterable method, but to suffer them to change with the times, and to admit of additions or retrenchments at the pleasure of persons so well educated ; for he resolved the whole business of legislation into the bringing up of youth. And this, as we have observed, was the reason why one of his ordinances for- bade them to have any written laws. Another ordinance levelled against magnificence and expense, directed that the ceilings of houses should be wrought with no tool but the axe, and the doors with nothing but the saw. For, as Epaminondas is reported to have said afterwards of his table, Treason lurks not under such a dinner ; so Lycurgus, prior to him, perceived that such a house admits not of luxury and needless splendour. Indeed no man could be so absurd, as to bring into a dwelling so homely and simple, bedsteads with silver feet, purple coverlets, golden cups, and a train of expense that follows these : » This story is elsewhere told by Plutarch of Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily; and Cicero confirms it, that he was the' person. 36 LYCURGUS. but all would necessarily have the bed suitable to the room, the coverlet to the bed, and to that the rest of their utensils and fur- niture. From this plain sort of dwelling proceeded the question of Leotychidas the elder to his host, when he supped at Corinth, and saw the ceiling of the room very splendid and curiously wrouglit, Whether trees grew square in his country.* A third ordinance of Lycurgus was, that they should not often make war against the same enemy, lest, by being frequently put upon defending themselves, ihey too should become able warriors in their turn. And this they most blamed king Agesilntis for aAer- wards, that by frequent and continued incursions into BQeotia,f he taught the Thebans to make head against the Lacedaemonians. This made Anlalcidas say, when he saw him wounded, The The. bans pay you well for making tliem good soldiers^ who neither were willing nor able to fight you before. These ordinances he called Rhetr. He brought both gold and silver from the wars,f and thereby broke through the laws of Lycurgus. While these were in force, Sparta was not so much under the political regula- tions of a commonwealth, as the strict rules of a philosophic life : and as the poets feign of Hercules, that only with a club and lion's skin he travelled over the world, clearing it of lawless ruffians and cruel tyrants ; so the Lacedaemonians, with a piece of parchment^ and coarse coat, kept Greece in a voluntary obedience, destroyed usurpation and tyranny in the states, put an end to wars, and laid seditions asleep, very often without either shield or lance, and only by sending one ambassador, to whose direction all parties concerned immediately submitted. Thus bees, when their prince appears, compose their quarrels and unite in one swarm. So much did justice and good government prevail in that state, that I am surprised at those who say, the Lacedaemonians knew indeed how to obey, but not how to govern; and on this occasion quote the say- ing of King Theopompus, who, when one told him, that Sparta was preserved by the good administration of its JdngSy replied, Nay ratlier by the obedience of their subjects. It is certain that people will not continue pliant to those who know not how to command : but it is the part of a good governor to teach obedience. He who knows * After all this pompous account, Plutarch himself acknowledges, that authors ar« not well agreed how and where this great man died. That he starved himself is im- probable ; but that he returned no more to his country, seems to be perfectly agreea- ble to his manner of acting, as well as to the current of history. f Xenophon acquaints us, that when Lysander had taken Athens, he sent to Sparta many rich spoils and 470 talents of silver. The coming of this huge mass of wealth created great disputes at Sparta. Many celebrated Lysander's praises, and rejoiced exceedingly at this good fortune, as they called it ; others, who were better acquainted with the nature of things, and with their constitution, were of quite another opinion ; they looked upon the receipt of this treasure as an open violation of the laws of Ly- curgus ; and they expressed their apprehensions loudly, that in process of time they might, by a change in their manners, pay infinitely more for this money than it was worth. The event justified their fears. X This was the scytale, the nature and use of which Plutarch explains in the life of Lysander. He tells us. that when the magistrates gave their commission to any admiral or general, they took two round pieces of wood, both exactly equal in breadth and thickness (Thucydides adds that they were smooth and long;) one they kept themselves, the other was delivered to their officer. When they had any thing of moment which they would secretly convey to him, they cut a long narrow scroll of parchment, and rolling it about their own staff, one fold close upon another they wrote their business on it, when they had wrote what they had to say, they took off th« parchment and sent it to the general ; and he applying* it to bis staff, the characters! which before were confused and unintelligible appeared then very plainiy. F 4« 42 LTCURGUS. how to lead well, is sure to be well followed : and as it is by the art of horsemanship that a horse is made gentle and tractable, so it is by the abihties of him who fills the throne that the people become ductile and submissive. Such was the conduct of the Lacedaemonians, that people did not only endure, but even desired to be their subjects. They asked not of them either ships, money, or troops, but only a Spartan general. When they had received him, they treated him with the greatest honour and respect : as Gylippus was revered by the Sicilians, Brasidas by the Calcidians, Lysander, Callicratidas and Agesilaus by all the people of Asia. These, and such as these, wherever they came, were called mo* derators and reformers, both of the magistrates and people, and Sparta itself was considered a school of discipline, where the beauty of life and political order were taught in the utmost per- fection. Hence Stratonicus seems facetiously enough to have said, that he would order the Athenians to fiave the conduct of mysteries and processions : the Eleans to preside in gamesy as their particuiiar province ; and the Lacedaemonians to be beaten^ if the others did amiss,* This was spoken in jest : but Antisthenes, one of the scholars of Socrates, said more seriously of the Thebans, when he saw them pluming themselves upon their success at Leuctra, They were just like so many school-hoys rejoicing that they had beaten their master. It was not, however, the principal design of Lycurgus, that his city should govern many others, but he considered its happiness^ like that of a private man, as flowing from virtue and selfamsiS' iency; he therefore so ordered and disposed it, that by the free- dom and sobriety of its inhabitants, and their having a sufficiency within themselves, its continuance might be the more secure. Pla- to, Diogenes, Zeno, and other writers upon government, have taken Lycurgus for their model, and these have attained great praise, though they left only an idea of something excellent. Yet he who, not in idea and words, but in fact, produced a most inimi- table form of government, and by showing a whole city of phi- losophers,'!' confounded those who imagine that the so much talked of strictness of a philosophic life is impracticable ; he, I say, stands in the rank of glory far before the founders of all the other Grecian states4 Therefore Aristotle is of opinion, that the ho- * B«cauie the teachers should be answerable for the faults of their pupils. The pleasantry of the observation seems to be this : That as the Ljicedasnionians used to punish the parents or adopters of those young people that behaved amiM; now that they were the instructors of other nations, they should sufler for their faglta Bry- an's Latin text has it, Uiat the Lacedemonians should b$ai thmn. But there it ao joka in that. f Aristotle and Plato differ in this from Plutarch. Even Polybius, who waa lo graat an admirer of the Spartan government, allows, that though the Spartana, cob- •idarad as individuals, were wise and virtuous, yet, in their collective capacity, they paid but little rrcard to justice and moderation. I Solon, though a person of different temper, waa no Itn ditiataraatad than Ljcor- |tu> Ha tattled the Athenian commonweaJtb, refuttd ih« tOTtreignty wbw ontrad LYCURGUS. 43 nours paid him in Lacedaemon were far beneath his merit. Yet those honours were very great ; for he had a temple there, and they offered him a yearly sacrifice as a god. Some say, Lycurgus died at Cirrha ; but Apollothemis will have it, that he was brought to Elis and died there; and Timaeus and Aristoxenus write, that he ended his days in Crete ; nay Aristox- enus adds, that the Cretans show his tomb at Pergamia, near the high road. We are told he left an only son named Antiorus, and as he died without issue, the family was extinct. His friends and his relations observed his anniversary, which subsisted for many agea, and the days on which they met for that purpose they called LycurgidcB, Aristocrates, the son of Hipparchus, relates, that the friends of Lycurgus, with whom he sojourned, and at last died in Crete, burned his body, and at his request, threw his ashes into the sea. Thus he guarded against the possibility of his remains being brought back to Sparta by the Lacedaemonians, lest they should then think themselves released from their oath, on the pre- tence that he was returned, and make innovations in the govern- ment. him, trayelled to avoid the importunities of his countrymen, opposed tyranny in his old age, and when he found his opposition vain, went into voluntary exile. Lycur- gus and Solon were both great men ; but the former had the stronger, the latter the milder genius: the effects of which appeared in the commonwealths they founded. 44 NUMA. Flourishea 714 yeart before Christ. NUMA was a native of Cures, a considerable city of the Sa* bines, from which the Romann, together with the incorporated Sabines, took the name of Quirites, He was the son of a person of distinction named Pomponius, and the youngest of four brothers. He was born the twenty-tirst of April, the same day on which Rome was founded by Romulus. His mind was naturally disposed to virtue, and he still farther subdued it by discipline, patience and philosophy, not only purging it of the grosser and more infa- mous passions, but even of that ambition and rapaciousness which was reckoned honourable amongst the harharians, persuaded that true fortitude consists in the conquest of appetite by reason. Oa this account, he banished all luxury and splendour from his house and both the citizens and strangers found in him a faithful coun- sellor, and an upright judge. As for his hours of leisure, he spent them not in the pursuits of pleasure, or schemes of profit, but in the worship of the gods, and in rational inquiries into their nature and their power. His name became at length so illustrious, that Tatius, who was the associate of Romulus in the kingdom, having an only daughter named Tatia, bestowed her upon him. He was not, however, so much elated with this match as to remove to the court of his father-in-law, but continued in the country of the Sa. bines, paying his attentions to his own father, who was now grown old. Tatia was partaker of his retirement, and preferred the calm enjoyment of life with her husband in privacy, to the honours and distinction in which she might have lived with her father at Rome. Thirteen years after their marriage she died. Numa then left the society of the city, and passed his time in wandering about alone in the sacred groves and lawns, in the moat retired and solitary places. Hence the report concerning the goddess Egeria chiefly took its rise ;* and it was believed that it was not from any inward sorrow or melancholy turn that he * Numa*! inclination to tolituHe, and his cuatom of rciiriof into the aecrei placaa of the forest of Aricia, gave rise to several popular opinions. Soma twlieved that tha nymph Egaria herself dictated to him the laws, both civil and religious, which he established. And. indeed, he declared so hitnseir. in order to procure a divina aanction to them. But, as no great man is without aspartioaa, others have thought, that, under this aflacted passion for woods and caves, was coooaale«l another. OMira real and lens chaste This gave occasion to that sarcasm of Juvtnal, in speaking of the grove of Egeria, (.Sat. iii. ver. 12,) Hie, ubi noctumn Numa constituehat amic*. Ovid says, that, to remove her grief for the loss of Numa, Diana changed her into a iutiotain which still tiaars her name.— Metam. I. xv. UUMA. 45 avoided human conversation, but from his being admitted to that which was more valuable and excellent, from the honour he had of a familiar mtercourse with a divinity that loved him, which led him to happiness and knowledge more than mortal. In order to put a stop to the disturbances that arose in Rome after the death of Romulus, it was agreed between the contending parties, that one nation should choose a king out of the whole body of the other. The Sabines leaving the Romans to their option, they, preferrmg a Sabine king of their own electing to a Roman king, chosen by the Sabines, fixed upon Numa, though not of the number of those who had migrated to Rome. Numa was in his fortieth year, when ambassadors came from Rome to make him an offer of the kingdom. The speakers were Proculus and Velesus, whom the people before had cast their eyes upon for the royal dig- nity, the Romans being attached to Proculus, and the Sabines to Velesus. As they imagined that Numa would gladly embrace his good fortune, they made but a short speech. They found it, however, no easy matter to persuade him, but were obliged to make use of much entreaty to draw him from that peaceful retreat he was so fond of, to the government of a city, born, as it were and brought up in war. In the presence, therefore, of his father, and one of his kinsmen, named Marcius, he gave them this answer: "Every change of human life has its dangers : but when a man has a sufficiency, and there is nothing in his present situation to be complained of, what but madness can lead him from his usual track of life, which, if it has no other advantage, has that of certainty, to experience another as yet doubtful and unknown ? But the dan- gers that attend this government are beyond an uncertainty, if we may form a judgment from the fortunes of Romulus, who laboured under the suspicion of taking off Tatius, his colleague, and was supposed to have lost his own life with equal injustice. Yet Romu- lus is celebrated as a person of divine origin, as supernaturally nourished and most wonderfully preserved when an infant. For my part, I am only of mortal race, and you are sensible my nurs- ing and education boast of nothing extraordinary. As for my character, if it has any distinction, it has been gained in a way not likely to qualify me for a king, in scenes of repose and em. ployments by no means arduous. My genius is inclined to peace, my love has been long fixed upon it, and I have studiously avoided the confusion of war : I have also drawn others, so far as my in- fluence extended, to the worship of the gods, to mutual offices of friendship, and to spend the rest of their time in tilling the ground and feeding cattle. The Romans may have unavoidable wars left upon their hands by their late king, for the maintaining of which you have need of another more active and more enterprising. Besides the people are of a warlike disposition, flushed with suc- cess, and plainly enough discover their inclination to extend their conquests. A person therefore who has set his heart upon pro- 4d NOMA. moting religion and justice, and drawing men off from the love of violence and war, would soon become ridiculous and contemptible to a city that has more occasion for a general than a king." Numa in this manner declining the crown, the Romans, on the other hand, exerted all their endeavours to obviate his objections, and begged of him not to throw them into confusion and civil war again, as there was no other whom both parties would unanimously elect. When the ambassadors had retired, his father and his friend Marcius, privately urged him, by all the arguments in their power, to receive this great and valuable gift of heaven. " If, contented," said they, " with a competence, you desire not riches, nor aspire after the honour of spvereignty, having a higher and better distinction in virtue ; yet consider that a king is the minister of God, who now awakens, and puts in action your native wisdom and justice ; decline not, therefore, an authority which to a wise man is a field for great and good actions ; where dignity may be added to religion, and men may be brought over to piety, in the easiest and readiest way, by the influence of the prince. Tatius, though a stranger, was beloved by this people, and they pay divine honours to the memory of Romulus. Besides, who knows, as they are victorious, but they may be satiated with war, and having no farther wish for triumphs and spoils, may be desirous of a mild and jnst governor for the establishing good laws, and settling peace? But should they be ever so ardently inclined to war, yet is it not better to turn their violence another way, and to be the centre of union and friendship between the country of the Sabines and so great and flourishing a state as that of Rome?" These induce- ments, we are told, were strengthened by auspicious omens, and by the zeal and ardour of his tellow.citizens, who as soon as they had learned the subject of embassy, went in a body to entreat him to take the government upon himself, as the only means to appease all dissensions, and effectually incorporate the two nations intoone. When he had determined to go, he offered sacrifice to the gods, and then set forward to Rome. Struck with love and admiration of the man, the senate and people met him on the way ; the wo- men welcomed him with blessings and shouts of joy ; the temples were crowded with sacrifices; and so universal was the satisfac tion, that the city miffht seem to have received a kingdom, instead of a king. When they were come into the Forums it was put to the vote whether Numa should be king, and all the citizens agreed to it with one voice. The robes and other distinctions of royalty were then offered him, but he commanded them to stop, as his au. thority yet wanted the sanction of heaven. Taking, therefore, with him the priests and augurs^ ho went up to the Cayitoff \\ hich the Romans, at that time called the Tttrpeian rock. There the chief of the augurs covered the head of Numa,* and turned his • So h it ia the tot of Plutarch, m$ it now itandt ; but it ■ppMn from Uvy, that NUMA. 47 face toward the south ; then standing behind him and laying his right hand upon his head, he offered up his devotions, and looked around him in hopes of seeing birds, or some other signal from the gods. An incredible silence reigned among the people, anxious for the event, and lost in suspense, till the auspicious birds appeared, and passed on the right hand. Then Numa took the royal robe, and went down from the mount to the people, who received him with loud acclamations, as the most pious of men, and most beloved of the gods. His first act of government was to discharge the body of three hundred men called Celeres,* whom Romulus always kept about his person as guards ; for he neither chose to distrust those who put confidence in him, nor to reign over a people that could dis- trust him. In the next place, to the priests of Jupiter and Mars he added one for Romulus, whom he styled Flamen Quirilanis. Numa having settled these matters with a view to establish himself in the people's good graces, immediately after attempted to soften them, as iron is softened by fire, and to bring them from a violent and warlike disposition, to a more just and gentle temper. Persuaded that no ordinary means were sufficient to form and reduce so high-spirited and untractable a people to mildness and peace, he called in the assistance of religion. By sacrifices, reli- gious dances, and processions, which he appointed, and wherein himself officiated, he contrived to mix the charms of festivity and social pleasure with the solemnity of the ceremonies. Thus he soothed their minds, and calmed their fierceness and martial fire. Sometimes, also, by acquainting them with prodigies from heaven, by reports of dreadful apparitions and menacing voices, he inspired them with terror, and humbled them with superstition. This was the principal cause of the report that he drew his wisdom from the sources of Pythagoras : For a great part of the philosophy of the latter, as well as the government of the former, consisted in religious attentions and the worship of the gods. It is likewise said, that his solemn appearance and air of seuictity were copied from Pythagoras. That philosopher had so far tamed an eagle, that, by pronouncing certain words, he could stop it in its flight, or bring it down ; and passing through the multitudes assembled at the Olympic games, he showed them his golden thigh, besides other arts and actions by which he pretended to something super- natural. But Numa feigned that some goddess or mountain-nymph fa- the augur covered his own head, not that of Numa, Augur ad heoam^ ejus^ capita velato, sedem cepit, &,c And. indeed, the augur always covered his head in a gown peculiar to his ofiSce, called Lcence, when he made his observations. * Numa did not make use of them as guards, but as inferior ministers, who were to take care of the sacrifices, under the direction of the tribunes, who had commanded them in their military capacity. 48 MiMA. voured him with her private regards, and that he had moreover frequent conversations with the Muses. To the latter he ascribed roost of his revelations ; and there was one in particular that he called Tacita, as much as to say, the Muse of Silence^ whom he taught the Romans to distinguish with their veneration. By this, too, he seemed to show his knowledge and approbation of the Pythagorean precept of silence. His regulations concerning images seem likewise to have some relation to the doctrine of Pythagoras; who was of opinion that the First Cause was not an object of sense, nor liable to passion, but invisible, incorruptible, and discernible only by the mind. Thus Numa forbade the Romans to represent the Deity in the form either of man or beast. Nor was there among them for- merly any image or statue of the Divine Being: during the first hundred and seventy years they built temples, indeed, and other sacred domes, but placed in them no figure of any kind, persuaded that it is impious to represent things divine by what is perishable, and that we can have no conception of God but by the understand- ing. His sacrifices, too, resembled the Pythagorean worship; for they were without any cflfusion of blood, consisting chiefly of flour, libations of wine, and other very simple and unexpensive things. To Numa is attributed the institution of that high order of priests called PontificeSf over which he is said to have presided himself. To him is likewise ascribed the establishment of the Vestal Vir- gins, and the whole service with respect to the perpetual fire, which they watched continually. At first only two virgins were consecrated by Numa, afterwards two others, to whom Servius added two more. They were obliged to preserve their virginity for thirty years, and were honoured by the king with great pri. vilegcs. It is also said, that Numa built the Temple of Vesta where the perpetual fire was to be kept. Afler Numa had instituted the several orders of priests, be erected a royal palace, called Regia^ near the Temple of Vesta; and there he passed most of his time, either in performing some sacred function, or instructing the priests, or, at least in conver- sing with them on some divine subject. He had also another house upon the Quirinitd mount. In all public ceremonies and processions of (he priests, a herald went before, who gave notice to the people to keep holiday. For, as they tell us, the Pythafo. reans would not sufier their disciples to pay any homage or worship to the gods in a cursory manner, but required them to come pre- pared for it by meditation at home ; so Numa was of opinion, that his citizens should neither see nor hear any religious service in a slight or careless way, but, disengaged from other affairs, brinf with them that attention, which an object of such importance r«> quired. The streets and ways, on such occosions, were cleared NUMA. 49 t)f clamour and all manner of noise which attends manual labour, that the solemnities might not be disturbed. By this sort of religious discipline the people became so tract- able, and were impressed with such a veneration of Numa's power, that they admitted many improbable and even fabulous tales, and thought nothing incredible or Impossible which he undertook. Thus he is said to have invited many of the citizens to his table, where he took care the vessels should be mean, and the provisions plain and inelegant ; l?ut after they were seated, he told them, the goddess with whom he used to converse, was coming to visit him, when, on a sudden, the room was supplied with the most costly vessels, and the table Avith a most magni^ent entertainment. The most admired of all his institutions, was his distribution of the citizens into companies, according to their, arts and trades For the city consisting of two nations, or rather factions, who were by no means willing to unite, or to blot out the remembrance of their original difference, but maintained perpetual contests and party quarrels ; he took the same method with them as is used to incorporate hard and sohd bodies, which, while entire, will not mix at all, but unite with ease when reduced to powder. To at- tain his purpose, he divided, as I said, the whole multitude into small bodies, who gaining new distinctions, lost by degrees the great and original one, in consequence of their being thus broken into so many parts. This distribution was made according to the several arts or trades, of musicians, goldsmiths, masons, dyers, shoemakers, tanners, brasiers, and potters. He collected the other artificers also into companies, who had their respective halls, courts, and religious ceremonies, peculiar to each society. By these means he first took away the distinction of Sabines and Ro- mans, subjects of Tatius, and subjects of Romulus, both name and thing ; the very separation into parts mixing and incorporating the whole together. He is celebrated also in his political capacity for correcting the law which empowered fathers to sell their children, excepting such as married by their father's command or consent ; for he reckoned it a great hardship, that a woman should marry a man as free, and then live with a slave. He attempted the reformation of the calendar too, which he executed with some degree of skill, though not with absolute exactness. In the reign of Romulus, it had neither measure nof order, some months consisting of fewer than twenty days, while some were stretched to thirty-five, and others even to more. They had no idea of the diflTerence between the -annual course of the sun and that of the moon, and only laid down this position, that the year consisted of three hundred and sixty days. Numa then observing that there was a difference of eleven days, three hup- G 5 50 M'MA • dred and tifly.four days making up the lunar year, and three hundred and sixty .five the solar, doubled those eleven days, and inserted them as an intercalary month, after that of February, every other year. This additional month was called by the Romans, Mercedinus. But this amendment of the irregularity afterwards required a farther amendment. He likewise altered the order of the months, making March the third, which was the first ; January, the first, which was the eleventh of Romulus ; and February, the second, which was the twelfth and last. Many, however, assert, that the two months of January and February, were added by Numa, whereas before they had reckoned but ten months in the year. * Of this we have a proof in the name of the last, for it is still called December, or the tenth month; and that March was ibe first, is also evident, because the fifth from it was called Qtmi. tUiSt the sixth SextUis, and so the rest in their order. If January and February had then been placed before March, the month QuintUis would have been the fifth in name, but the seventh in reckoning. Besides, it is reasonable to conclude, that the month of March, dedicated by Romulus to the god Mars, should stand first. Numa seems to me to have taken away the precedency from March, which is denominated from the god of war, with a design to show his preference of the political virtues to the mar- tial. For JanuSf in the most remote antiquity, being remarkable for his political abilities, and his cultivation of society, reclaimed men from their rude and savage manners ; he is therefore repre- sented with two faces, as having altered the former state of the world, and given quite a new turn to life. He had also a temple at Rome with two gates, which they called the gates of war. It was the custbm for this temple to stand open in the time of war, and to be shut in time of peace. The latter was seldom the case, as the empire had been generally engaged in war, on account of its great extent, and its having to contend with so many surround- ing barbarous nations. It was, therefore, shut only in the reign of Augustus Cscsar,* when he had conquered Antony : and before, in the consulate of Marcus Attilius,t and Titus Manlius, a little while ; for a new war breaking out, it was aoon opened again. In Numa's reign, however, it was not opened for one day, but stood constantly shut during the space of forty-three yean, while uninterrupted peace reigned in every quarter. Not only the people of Rome were softened and humanized by the justice and * Auguftut shut the temple of Janui three WTeral limse; one of which wm in lbs year of Rome 750, before the birth of our Saviour, Moordlof to Itaiah't propbaey, that all tba world should be blest with peace, whan lbs Plrinoa of Peace was bom. ^Tbli lsind»lkras alio shut by Vespasian after his trioaMk Oftr tbt Jawa. I t failpl of Marcus we should read Caius AttillM Tltua Manliua, hitcoWispii, Shut iHb ifmple of Janus at the conclusion of the finlPunle war. I NUMA. 51 mildness of the king, but even the circumjacent cities, breathing, as it were, the same salutary and delightful air, began to change their behaviour. Like the Romans, they became desirous of peace and good laws, of Cultivating the ground, educating their children in tranquillity, and paying their homage to the gods. Italy then was taken up with festivals and sacrifices, games and entertainments; the people, without any apprehensions of danger, mixed in a friendly manner, and treated each other with mutual hospitality ; the love of virtue and justice, as from the source of Numa's wisdom, gently flowing upon all, and moving with the composure of his heart. Even the hyperbolical expressions of the poets fall short of describing the happiness of those days. Secure Arachne spread her slender toils O'er the broad buckler eating rust consumed The vengeful swords and once far gleaming spears: No more the trump of war swells its hoarse throat, Nor robs the eye lids of their genial slumber.* We have no account of either war or insurrection in the state, during Numa's reign. Nay, he experienced neither enmity nor envy, nor did ambition dictate either open or private attempts against his crown. He was an illusti -ous instance of that truth, which Plato several ages after ventured to deliver concerning government : That the only sure prospect of deliverance from the evils of life idUI he, when the Divine Providence shall so order it, that the regal power invested in a prince who has the sentiments of a philosopher, shall render virtue triumphant over vice, A man of such wisdom is not only happy in himself, but contributes by his instructions to the happiness of others. There is, in truth, no need either of force or menaces, to direct the multitude ; for when they see virtue exemplified in so glorious a pattern as the life of their prince, they become wise of themselves, and endea- vour, by friendship and unanimity, by a strict regard to justice and temperance, to form themselves to an innocent and happy life. This is the noblest end of government ; and he is most worthy of the royal seat who can regulate the lives and dispositions of his subjects in such a manner. No one was more sensible of this than Numa. As to his wives and children, there are great contradictions among historians. For some say, he had no wife but Tatia, nor any child but one daughter named Pompilia. Others, beside that daughter, gave an account of four sons. Pompon, Pinus, Calpus, and Mamercus ; every one of whom left an honourable posterity, the Pomponii being descended from Pompon, the Pinarii from Pinus, the Calpurnii from Calpus, and the Mametcii from Mamfer- * Plutarch took this passage from some exctellent verses of Bacchylides in praise of peace, given us by Stobaeus. ^ ■/, m^ RUMA. CU8. Theso wore mirnamed Rege^ or kings. But a third set of writers accuse the former of forging these genealogies from Numa, in order to ingratiate themselves with particular families. But they tell us, that Pompilia, was not the daughter of Tatia, but of Lucrctia, another wife, whom he married aHer he aricended the throne. All, however, agree, that Pompilia, was married to Mar. cius, son of that Marcius who persuaided Numa to accept the crown ; for he followed him to Rome, where he wait enrolled a senator, and, al\er Numa's death, was competitor with Tullus Ho8« tilius for the throne ; but, failing in the enterprise, he starved himself to death, ilia son Marcius, husband to Pompilia, remained ip Rome, and had a son named Ancus Marcius, .Mho reigned afler Tulius Hostilius. This son is said to have been but five years old at the death of Numa. Numa was not carried off by a sudden or acute distemper ; but, as Piso relates, wasted away insensibly with old age, and a gentle decline. He was a few years above eighty when he died. The neighbouring nations that were in friendship and alliance with Rome, strove to make the honours of his burial equal to the happiness of his life, attending with crowns and othor public offer, ings. The senators carried the bier, and the ministers of the gods walked in procession. The rest of the people, with the women and children, crowded to the funeral ; not, as if they were attend ing the interment of an aged king, but as if they had lost one of their beloved relations in the bloom of life ; for they followed it with tears and loud lamentations. They did not burn the body,f because (as we are told) he himself forbade it ; but they made two stone coffins, and buried them under the Janiculum— the one con* taining his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written. Numa had taken care, however, in his life time, to in- struct the priests in all that those books contained, and to impress both the senso and practice on their memories. He then ordered them to be buried with him, persuaded that such mysteries could not safely exist in lifeless writing, influenced by the same reasoning, it is said, the Pythagoreans did not commit their pre. cepts to writing, but intrusted them to the memories of such as they thought worthy of so great a deposit. And when they * Rex was the Miriiame of the iCmiliani and Marciana, but not or the Pompooiana, the Pinariana, or Mamerriant The Hmarii wer« deacetided from a family who wtr%. priattt of Hefcukt, and more aneivnt than ihe tlmea of Numa. 4 lu ib9 moflt ancieot timet ihey coinmiiieJ the budiaa of tb« dead to tha ground, ••appear! frnm the hiitorv of the patriarchs Hut the Kirvotmn*, from a tram de*ir« of preserving their bodiet from corruption after deal' rmlMlmed : pcraona of condition with rich spicaa, and even the poor ha<* rved with aali. TiM Qrceka, to obviate the incoovepiBncea that migitt |H»M»iy nnppoa from corrupUoo, burnt the tx>diet of the dead : tMit Pliny lelli ua, that .Sylla waa tha Ural Roman whoaa body wai burnt. Whan paKaoiam waa abolished, tha burninf of daad bodica caaaad with It; and in the belief of the returraciinn, Cbrictiant committed their detd witlt dtie^are and honour to the earth, to repoae there lilt that great event. NUMA. 53 happened to communicate to an unworthy person their abstruse problems in geometry^ they gave out that the gods threatened to avenge his profaneness and impiety with some great and signal calamity. Those, therefore, may be well excused who endeavour to prove, by so many resemblances, that Numa was acquainted with Pythagoras. Valerius Antius relates, that there were twelve books written in Latin, concernmg religion, and twelve more of philosophy, in Greek, buried in that coffin. But four hundred years after,* when Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius were consuls, a prodigious fall of rain having washed away the earth that covered the coffins, and the lids falling off, one of them appeared entirely empty, without the least remains of the body; in the other, the boolcs were found. Petilius, then praetor, having examined them, made his report upon oath to the senate, that it appeared to him inconsistent both with justice and religion to make them public ; in consequence of which all the volumes were carried into the Comitiiim, and burnt. Glory follows in the train of great men, and increases after their death ; for envy does not long survive them ; nay, it sometimes dies before them. The misfortunes, indeed, of the succeeding kings added lustre to the character of Numa. Of the five that came after him, the last was driven from the throne, and lived long in exile ; and of the other four, not one died a natural death. Three were traitorously slain. As for TuUus Hostilius, who reigned nexi after Numa, he ridiculed and despised many of his best fnsti- tutions, particularly his religious ones, as effeminate and tending to inaction, for his view was to dispose the people to war : he did not, however, abide by his irreligious opinions, but falling into a severe and complicated sickness, he changed them for a supersti- tion very different from Numa's piety : others too were infected with the same false principles, when they saw the manner of his death, which is said to have happened by lightning.f * Plutarch probably wrote five hundred : for this happened in the year of Rome, 573. •• One Ferentius," says Varro, (ap. S. August, de. Civ. Dei.) " had a piece of ground near the Janiculum ; a husbandman of his one day accidentally running over Numa's tomb, turned up some of the legislator's books, wherein he gave his reasons for establishing the religion of the Romans as he left it. The husbandman carried these books'to the praetor, and the praetor to the senate ; who, after having read his frivo- lous reasons for his religious establishments, agreed that the books'^fiould be destroyed, in pursuance of Numa's intentions. It was accordingly decreed, that the praetor should throw them into the fire." But though Numa's motives for the religion he es- tablished might be trivial enough, that was not the chief reason for suppressing them. The real, at least the principal reason, was the many new superstitions, equally tri- vial, which the Romans had introduced, and the worship which they paid to images, contrary to Numa's appointment. f The palace of Tullus Hostilius was burnt down by lightning : and he, with bis wife and children, perished in the fiames. Though some historians say, that Ancus Marcius, who was the grandson of Numa, expecting to succeed to the crown, took the opportunity of the storm to assassinate the king. 64 SOLON. FUmruhed 597 years before Chriti, SOLON was the son of Ercestides, a man of moderate fortune and power, but of the noblest family in Athens, being descended from Codrus ; bis mother was cousin.german to the mother of Pi- fiistralus. Solon *s father having injured his fortune,* by indulging his great and munificent spirit, though the son might have been supported by his friends, yet, as he was of a family that bad long been assisting to others, he was ashamed to accept of assistance himself; and therefore, in his younger years, he applied himself to merchandise. Some, however, say that he travelled rather to gratify his curiosity, and extend his knowledge, than to raise an estate. For he professed his love of wisdom, and when far ad. vanced in years made this declaration, / grow old in the pursuit of learning. He was not too much attached to wealth, as we may gather from the following verses : The man who boasts of golden stores. Of grain that loads hU bending floort, or fields with freshening herbage green. Where bounding steeds and herds are seen, I call not happier than the twain Whose limbs are sound, whose food ie plain, Whose joys a blooming wife endears. Whose hours a smiling ofispving cbeer& Aud in another place he says The flow of riches though desir'd, Life*s real goods if well acquir*d. Unjustly let me never gain. Lest vengeance follow in their traiiv Indeed, a good man, a valuable member of society, should neither set his heart upon superfluities, nor reject the use of what is ne> cditary and convenient. And in those times, as Hesiod informs • Aristotle reckons Solon himself among the inferior citiuas, and qnoMt bUown works to prove it. Tne truth it, that Solon was never rich, it may ba, t>e c au ee ba «vas always honett In his youth, he was mightily addicted to poetry. And Plato (in 'J\nuto) says, that if tie had finished all hispioems, aud particularly the Hniory of Uie AUantic Island, which be brought out of li^fvpt, and bad takao time to i«vne and correct them, aa others did, neither Homer, Hesiod, dm aay olbar aaoisat poat, would have been more famoua. It is evident, both from Iba lUbaod wrHtaf* oi ibb freat man, that be was a person not only of exalted virtiM, twt of a pleaaaal and ag raeabie temper. He considered men as men : and kaaping boUi tbeir capawity fi>r vurtua, and their proneneu to evil, io his view, he adapted hislawa ao as tostrengtbea aad support the one, and to check and keep under the other. His institutions are at ramarkable for their sweetness and practicability, as Uioae of Lycurgus ate for barah* ■•M and forcing buman nature. SOLON. • 55 us, no business was looked upon as a disparagement, nor did any- trade cause a disadvantageous distinction. The profession of merchanaise was honourable, as it brought home the produce of barbarous countries, engaged the friendship of kings, and opened a wide field of knowledge and experience. Nay, some merchants have been founders of great cities ; Protus, for instance, who built Marseilles. ' Thales also, and Hippocrates the mathemati- cian, are said to have had their share in commerce ; and the oil that Plato disposed of in Egypt,* defrayed the expense of his travels. If Solon was too expensive or luxurious in his way of living, and indulged his poetical vein in his description of pleasure too freely for a philosopher, it is imputed to his mercantile life : for, as he passed through many and great dangers, he might surely compensate them with a little relaxation and enjoyment. That he placed himself rather in ihe class of the poor than the rich, is evident from these lines. For Vice though Plenty fills her horn, And Virtue sinks in want and scorn ; Yet never sure shall Solon change His truth for Wealth's most easy range ! Since Virtue lives, and Truth shall stand, While Wealth eludes the grasping hand. He seems to have made use of his poetical talent at first, not for any serious purpose, but only for amusement and to fill up his hours of leisure ; but afterwards he inserted moral sentences, and interwove many political transactions in his poems. Some are of opinion, that he attempted to put his laws too in verse, and they give us this beginning : Supreme of Gods, whose power we first address, This plan to honour, and these laws to bless. Like most of the sages of these times he cultivated chiefly that part of moral philosophy which treats of civil obligations ; his phy- sics were of a very simple and ancient cast. Thales seems to have been the only philosopher who then carried his speculations beyond things in common use, while the rest of the wise men maintained their character by rules for social life. We have a particular account of a conversation which Solon had with Anacharsis,f and of another he had with Thales. Ana- * It was usual to trade into Egypt with the oil of Greece and Judea. It is said in the prophet Hosea (c. xii v. 1,) Ephraim carrieih oil into Egypt. f Ihe Scythians long before the days of Solon, had been celebrated for their fruga- lity, their temperance, and justice. Anacharsis was one of these Scythians, and a prince of the blood. He went to Athens about the forty seventh Olympiad, that is 590 years before Christ. His good sense, his knowledge, and great experience, made him pass for one of the seven wise men. But the greatest and wisest men have their in- consistencies • for such it certainly was, for Anacharsis to carry the Grecian worshro, le T SOLON.. cbaraif went to Solon's house at Athens, knocked at the door, and saidf 'he was a stranger who desired to enter into engagements of friendship end mtaual hospitality teith him. 8<>loo answered, Friends fups are best formed at home. Then do you^ said Anachar- flis, who are at home^ make me your friend and receive me into your house. Struck with the quickness of his repartee, Solon pave him a kind welcome, and kept him some time with him, bemg then employed in public affairs and modelling his laws. When Ana« charsis knew what Solon was about, he laughed at bis undertaking, and at the absurdity of imagining he could restrain the avarice and injustice of his citizens by written laws^ which in all respects resem- bled spiders* webs, and wouldy like them, only entangle, and hold the poor and weak, while the rich and powerful easily broke through them. To this Solon replied. Men keep their agreements, when it is an advantage to both parties not to break them ; and he would so frame his laws, as to make it evident to the Athenians, that it would be more for their interest to observe than to transgress them. The event, however, showed, that Anacharsis was nearer the truth in- his conjecture, than Solon was in his hope. Anacharsis having seen an assembly of the people at At^iens said, I he was surprised at this, that in Greece wise men pleaded causes, and fools dettermmed lhem.\ When Solon was entertained by Thales at Miletus, he expressed some wondc that he did not marry and raise a family. To this Thales gave no immediate answer ; but some days alter he in- Btructed a stranger to say, That he came from Athens ten days before. Solon inquiring. What news there was at Athens, the man, according to his instructions said, None, except the funeral of a young man, which was attended by the whole city. For he was the son {as they told me) of a person of great honour^ and of the highest reputation for virtue, who was then abroad upon his trwoels. What a miserable man is he ! said Solon ; but what wm his name ? I have heard his name, answered the stranger, but do not recollect it. All I remember is that there was much talk of his wisdom and justice Solon, whose apprehensions increased with every repK, was now much disconcerted, and mentioned his own name, asking. Whether it was not Solon's son that was dead f The stranger answering m the affirmative, he began to beat his head, and to dn nnd say such things as are usual to men in a transport of grief. "^ Then Thales, taking him by the hand, said with a smile, These things which strike the riiM of Cybele, ioto Scjrthis, coniranr to the Uw« of hH eountrt. TiMmgb he perlbrmed thoie met privately in a woody part of the f»Miatry. a iiciithiaa hapfiened to eee him, and acquainted the ktng with it, who came immadarialy aitd •hot Mm with an arrow upon Um wpfiA.—Htfidot. I it. c 76. • Whether on thii occasion, or on the real Iom of a ton. it imcertaia, Solqa, btim desired not to we^ aiooe weeping would avail nothing ; ha antworad wtabiaocJi Ink manity and good aanee, *• Antt for this cause I weep.** SOLON. 57 down so firm a man as Solon, kept me from marriage^ and from having children. But take courage, my good friend, for not a word of what has been told you is true. To neglect, however, the pro- curing of what is necessary or convenient in life, for fear of losing it, would be acting a very mean and absurd part. Her- mippus says, he took this story from Pataecus, who used to boast he had the soul of jEsop. When the Athenians, tired out with a long and troublesome war against the Megarensians, for the isle of Salamis, made a law, that no one for the future, under pain of death, should either by speech or writing propose that the city should assert its claim to that island ; Solon was very uneasy at so dishonourable a decree, and seeing great part of the youth desirous to begin the war again, being restrained from it only by fear of the law, he feigned him- self insane ;* and a report spead from his house into the city, that he was out of his senses. Privately, however, he had composed an elegy, and got it by heart, in order to repeat it in public ; thus prepared, he sallied out unexpectedly into the market-place with a cap upon his head.f A great number of people flocking about him, he got upon the herald's stone, and sung the elegy which begins thus : Hear and attend ; from Salamis 1 came To show your error. This composition is entitled Salamis, and consists of a hundred very beautiful lines. When Solon had done, his friends began to express their admiration, and Pisistratus, in particular, exerted himself in persuading the people to comply with his directions ; whereupon they repealed the law, once more undertook the war, and invested Solon whh the command. The common account of his proceedings is this : He sailed with Pisistratus to Colias, and having seized the women who, according to the custom of the country, were offering sacrifice to Ceres there, he sent a trusty person to Salamis, who was to pretend he was a deserter, and to advise the Megarensians, if they had a mind to seize the principal Athenian matrons, to set sail immediately for Colias, The Me- garensians readily embracing the proposal, and sending out a body of men, Solon discovered the ship as it put off from the island ; and causmg the women directly to withdraw, ordered a number of young men, whose faces were yet smooth, to dress themselves in their habits, caps, and shoes. Thus with weapons concealed un * When the Athenians were delivered from their fears by the death of Epaminondas, they began to squander away upon shows and plays the money that bad been assigned for the pay of the army and navy, and at the same time they made it death for any one to propose a reformation. In that case. Demosthenes did not, like Solon, attack their error under a pretence of insanity, but boldly and resolutely spoke against it, and by ilje force of his eloquence brought them to correct it. T None wore caps but the sick. H 58 SOLON. der their clothes, they were to dance and play by the tea aide tfll the enemy was landed, and the vessel near enough to be seized. Matters being thus ordered, the Megarenstans were deceived with the appearance, and ran confusedly on shore, striving who should first lay hold on the women. But they met with so warm a recep. tion, that they were cut off to a man : and the Athenians embark- ing immediately for Salamis, took possession of the island. The Athenians soon at\er relapsed into their old disputes con- cerning the government ; for there were as many parties among them as there were different tracts of land in their country. The inhabitants of the mountainous part were for a democracy ; those of the plains for an oligarchy ; and those of the sea-coasts con- tending for a mixed kind of government, hindered the other two from gainine their point. At the same time, the inequality between the poor and the rich occasioned the greatest discord, and the state was in so dangerous a situation, that there seemed to be no way to quell the seditious, or to save it from ruin, but changing it to a monarchy. So greatly were the poor in debt to the rich, that they were obliged either to pay them a sixth part of the produce of the land, or else to engage their persons to their creditors, who might seize them on failure of payment. Accordingly some made slaves of them, and others sold them to foreigners. Nay, some parents were forced to sell their own children (for no law forbade it), and to quit the city, to avoid the severe treatment of those usurers. But the greater number, and men of the most spirit, agreed to stand by each other, and to bear such impositions no longer. They determined to choose a trusty person for their leader, to deliver those who bad failed in their time of payment, to divide the land, and to give an entire new face to the commonwealth. Then the most prudent of the Athenians cast their eyes upon Solon, as a man least obnoxious to either party, having neither been engaged in oppressions with the rich, nor entangled in neces- sities with the poor. Him, therefore, they entreated to aanst the public in this exigency, and to compose their difierences. Pha- nias the Lesbian asserts, indeed, that Solon, to save the state, dealt artfully with both parties, and privately promised the poor a division of the lands, and the rich a confirmation of their securi- ties. At first he was loth to take the administration upon him by reason of the avarice of some, the insolence of others ; but, was, however, chosen archon next afier Philombrotua, and at the same time arbitrator and lawgiver; the rich accepting of him rea- dily, as one of themt and the poor, as a good and worthy man. They tell us too, that a saying of his, which he had let faH some time before, that "equality causes no war," was then much re- peated, and pleased both the rich and the poor ; the latter expect- ing to come to a balance bv their numbers and bv the measure of SOLON. 59, divided lands, and the former to preserve an equality at least by their dignity and power. Thus both parties being in great hopes, the heads of them were urgent with Solon to make himself king, and endeavoured to persuade him, that he might with better as- surance take upon him the direction of a city where he had the supreme authority. Nay, many of the citizens that leaned to neither party, seeing the intended change difficult to be effected by reason and law, were not against entrusting the government to the hands of one wise and just man. Some, moreover, acquaint us, that he received this oracle from Apollo, Seize, seize the helm ; the reeling vessel guide, With aiding patriots stem the raging tide. His friends, in particular, told him it would appear that he wanted courage, if he rejected the monarchy for fear of the name of ty- rant ; as if the whole and supreme power would not soon become a lawful sovereignty through the virtues of him who received it. Thus formerly (said they) the Eubceans set up Tynnondas, and lately the Mitylenaeans Pittacus for their prince.* None of these things moved Solon from his purpose, and the answer he is said to have given to his friends is this, " Absolute monarchy is a fair field, but it has no outlet." And in one of his poems he thus addresses himself to his friend Phocus: If I spared my country, If gilded violence and tyrannic sway Could never charm me, thence no shame accrues ; Still the mild honour of my name I boast, Aud find my empire there. Whence it is evident that his reputation was very great, before he appeared in the character of a legislator. As for the ridicule he was exposed to for rejecting kingly power he has described it in the following verses : Nor wisdom^s palm nor deep-laid policy. Can Solon boast. For when its noblest blessings Heaven poured into his lap, he spurned them from hiim Where was his sense and spirit, when enclos'd He found the choicest prey, nor deign'd to draw it ? Who to command fair Athens but one day, Would not himself, with all bis race, have fallen Contented on the morrow f Thus he has introduced the multitude and men of low minds, as discoursing about him. But though he rejected absolute power, » Pittacus, one of the seven wise men of Greece, made himself master of Mitylene ; for which Aloeeus, who was of the same town, contemporary with Pittacus, and as a poet, a friend to liberty, satirized him, as he did the other tyrants. Pittacus disre" gardcd his censures; and having by his authority quelled the seditions of his citizens, and established peace and harmony among them, he voluntary quitted his power, and xestored his country to its liberty. 0Oi SOLON. he proceeded with spirit in the administration ; he did not make any concessions in behalf of the powerful, nor, in the framing of his laws, did he indulge the humour of his constituents. Where the former establishment was tolerable, he neither applied reme. dies, nor used the incision-knife, lest he should put the whole in disorder, and not have power to settle or compose it afterwards in the temperature he could wish. He only made such alterations as he might bring the people to acquiesce in by persuasion, or compel them to by his authority, making, (as he says) " force and right conspire." Hence it was, that havine the question after- wards put to him, ** Whether he had provided the best of laws for the Athenians ?" He answered, " The best they were capable of receiving." And as the Athenians used to qualify the harshness of things by giving them soAer and politer names, calling tributes contributions f garrisons guards, and prisons castles ; so Solon seems to be the first that distinguished the cancelling of debts by the name of a discharge. For this was the first of his public acts, that debts should be forgiven, and that no man for the future should take the body of his debtor for security. Though Andro- tion and some others say, that it was not by the cancelling of debts, but by moderating the interest, that the poor were relieved, they thought themselves so happy in it, that they gave the name of discharge to this act of humanity, as well as to the enlarging of measures and the value of money, which went along with it. For he ordered the mimB, which before went but for seventy. three drachmas^ to go for a hundred ; so that, as they paid the same in value, but much less in weight, those that had great sums to pay were relieved, while such as received them were no losers. The greater part of writers, however, affirm, that it was the abolition of past securities that was called a discharge , and with these the poems of Solon agree. For in them he values himself on having taken away the marks of mortgaged kmdy* which before toere almost every where set up, and made free those fidds which before were bound: and not only so, but of such citizens as were seizabte by their creditors for debt — " Some," he tells us, " he bad brought back from other countries, where they had wandered so long, that they had forgot the Attic dialect, and others he had set at liberty, who had experienced a cruel slavery at home." This affair, indeed, brought upon him the greatest trouble he met with : for when he undertook the annulling of debts, and was considering of a suitable speech and a proper method of introduc mg the business, he told some of his most intimate friends, namely Conon, Clinias, and Hipponicus, that he intended only to abolish the debts, and not to meddle with the lands. These friends of hit * The AihMiant had a cuttom of filing op billeta, to tbow tbat bouwt or landt «Mis mortfifid. SOLON. 61 hastening to make their advantage of the secret before the decree took place, borrowed large sums of the rich, and purchased estates with them. Afterwards, when the decree was published, they kept their possessions without paying the money they had taken up ; which brought great reflections upon Solon, as if he had not been imposed upon with the rest, but were rather an accomplice in the fraud. This charge, however, was soon removed, by his bemg the first to comply with the law, and remitting a debt of five talents, which he had out at interest. Others, among whom is Polyzelus the Rhodian, say it was fifteen talents. But his friends went by the name of ChreocopidcB, or debt-cutters ^ ever after. The method he took satisfied neither the poor nor the rich. The latter were displeased by the cancelling of their bonds, and the former at not finding a division of lands : upon this they had fixed their hopes, and they complained that he had not, like Ly- curgus, made all the citizens equal in estate. Lycurgus, however, being the eleventh from Hercules, and having reigned many years in Lacedaemon, had acquired great authority, interest, and friends, of which he knew very well how to avail himself in setting up a new form of government. Yet he was obliged to have recourse to force rather than persuasion, and had an eye struck out in the dispute, before he could bring it to a lasting settlement, and estab- lish such an union and equality, as left neither rich nor poor in the city. On the other hand, Solon's estate was but moderate, not superior to that of some comm<'ners, and therefore he attempted not to erect such a commonwealth as that of Lycurgus, consider, ing it as out of his power ; he proceeded as far as he thought he could be supported by the confidence the people had in his probity and wisdom. That he answered not the expectations of the generality, but offended them by falling short, appears from these verses of his— Those eyes, with joy once sparkling when they view'd me, With cold, oblique regard behold me now. And a little after— —— — Yet who but Solon Could have spoke peace to their tumultuous waves, And not have sunk beneath them ? But being soon sensible of the utility of the decree, they laid aside their complaints, off*ered a public sacrifice, which they called sei. sacthiat or the sacrifice of the discharge^ and constituted Solon lawgiver and superintendent of the commonwealth, committing to him the regulation, not of a part only, but the whole, tnagistracTes, assemblies, courts of judicature, and senate ; and leaving him to determine the qualification, number, and time of meeting for them all, as well as to abrogate or continue the former constitutions at his pleasure. 6 First, then, he repealed the laws of Draco,* except those coo- ceroing murder, because of the seventy of the punishments they appointed, which for almost all ofiences were capital : even those that were convicted of idleness were to suffer death, and such as stole only a few apples or pot-herbs, were to be punished in the same manner as sacrilegious persons and murderers. Hence a saying of Dcmades, who lived long af\er, was much admired, that " Draco wrote his laws not with ink, but with blood." And he himself being asked, ** Why he made death the punishment for most offences ?" answered, " Small ones deserve it, and 1 can find «io greater for the most heinous." In the next place, Solon took an estimate of the estates of the citizens, intending to leave the great offices in the hands of the rich, but to give the rest of the people a share in the other depart- ments which they had not before. Such as had a yearly income of five hundred measures in wet and dry goods, he placed in the first rank, and called them PerUacosiomedimni: The second con- sisted of those who could keep a horse, or whose lands produced three hundred measures ; these were of the equestrian order, and called Hippodatelounles. And those of the third class, who had but two hundred measures, were called ZeugiUB, The rest were named TheteSj and not admitted to any office ; they had only a right to appear and give their vote in the general assembly of the people. This seemed at first but a .slight privilege, but aflerwards becama a matter of great importance : for most causes came at last to be decided by them ; and in such matters as were under the cognizance of the magistrates, there lay an appeal to the people. Besides, he is said to have drawn up his laws in an obscure and ambiguous manner, on purpose to enlarge the authority of the popular tribu- nal. For as they could not adjust their differences by the letter of the law, they were obliged to have recourse to living judges ; I mean the whole body of citizens, who therefore had all contro- versies brought before them, and were in a manner superior to the * Draco was arrhon in ihe Mcond, ihouKh wm* tay in tbe Imat year of the thiitj- ninth olympiad, about the year before (.'britt 623. Tbousii tba name of thii great man occura frequently in hutory, yet we no where find ao much at tea linei tnfethar ' ooocemiiM him and hit inttitutiont. He may be convidered ai the firat lagiahttor si the Ath<>niant; for tke laws, or rather precepts, of Triptolemua were very fcw, iris. Honour your partnta; yeorthif tkt god* ; hurl not tmimmUt Draco wat the firM of the (irerk* that fiunikhed adultery with death: and be oaMSSMd inurdrr to high criiite. that to imprint a deep ahhotrence of ii in the niiiida of men. he nrdamed that pmcMe fthould be carried on even a|i«ii»t mammal*' thinK«, if Ihev arcidentaily cauaed the death of any person Hut t»ritiiie« muriter and adolterv. which d<>»erver< deati^ be made a number of smaller oflfence* capital ; and that brou|bt almost all his lateo into disuM I'he extravacani severitv of them, like an edaa too Aaolv grouod, hm> dereH his thumoi. as he called them, from striking deef» P ac p byi y (ir oMtemt) has pnsaenred one of them eoacerniiif nivine worship: •*ll b oo •veraatinf law in Attica, that the gods are to be worshipped and the heroes alto, aoeording to the cus- tom of our ance«tora, and in private only with a proper addrtaa, ftm Iruita, and an- Dual libations. *' SOLON. g3 laws. Of this equality he himself takes notice in these words : By me the people held their native rights Uninjured, unoppress'd — The great restrain'd From lawless violence, and the poor from rapine, By me, their mutual shield. Desirous yet farther to strengthen the common people, he empu.^. ered any man whatever to enter an action for one who was injured. If a person was assaulted, or suffered damage or violence, another if able or willing to do it, might prosecute the offender. Thus the lawgiver wisely accustomed the citizens, as members of one body, to feel and to resent one another's injuries. And we are told of a saying of his agreeable to this law : being asked, " What city was best modelled ?" he answered, " That where those who are not injured are no less ready to prosecute and punish offenders than those who are." When these points were adjusted, he established the council of the areopagus, which was to consist of such as had borne the office ofarchorif and himself was one of the number. But observing that the people, now discharged from their debts, grew insolent and imperious, he proceeded to constitute another council or se- nate, of four hundred, a hundred out of each tribe, by whom all affairs were to be previously considered ; and ordered that no mat. ter, without their approbation, should be laid before the assembly. In the meantime the high court of the areopagus were to be the inspectors and guardians of the laws. Thus he supposed the com. monwealth, secured by two councils, as by two archons, would be less liable to be shaken by tumults, and the people would be- come more orderly and peaceable. Most writers, as we have observed, affirm that the council of the areopagits was of Solon's appointing : and it seems greatly to confirm their assertion, that Draco has made no mention of the areopagites, but in capital causes constantly addresses himself to the epheUe; yet the eighth law of Solon's thirteenth table is set down in these very words, ^^ Who- ever were declared infamous before Soloa's archonship, let them be restored in honour, except such as, having been condemned in the areopagits^ or by the ephetcBf or by the kings in the Prytaneuniy for murder or robbery, or attempting to usurp the government, had fled their country before this law was made." This, on the contrary, shows, that before Solon was chief magistrate and de livered his laws, the council o^ the areopagus was in being. The most peculiar and surprising of his other laws, is that which declares the man infamous who stands neuter in time of se- dition. It seems, he would not have us be indifferent and unaf- fected with the fate of the public, when our own concerns are upon a safe bottom ; nor when we are in health, be insensible to the distempers and griefs of our country. He would have us espouse ei SOLON. the better and juster cause, and hazard every thing in defence of it, rather than wait in safety to see which side the victory will in- cline to. That law, too, seems quite ridiculous and absurd, which permits a rich heiress, whose husband happens to neglect her, to console herself with his nearest relations. In all other marriages, he ordered that no dowries should be given : the bride was to bring with her three suits of clothes, and some household stuff of i^mall value. For he did not choose that marriages should be m>ide with mercenary or venal views, but would have thai union cemented by the endearment of children, and every other instance of love and friendship. Nay, Dionysius himself, when his mother desired to be married to a young Syracusan, told her, '* He had indeed, by his tyranny, broke through the laws of bis country, but he could not break through those of nature, by countenancing so dispropor- tionate a match." And surely such disorders should not be tole- rated in any state, nor such matches where there is no equality of years, or inducements of love, or probability that the end of mar* riage will be answered. That law of Solon is also justly commended, which forbids men to speak ill of the dead. For piety requires us to consider the de* ceased as sacred : justice calls upon us to spare those that are not in being ; and good policy, to prevent the perpetuating of hatred. He forbade his people also to revile the living, in a temple, in a court of justice, in the great assembly of the people, or at the pub. lie games. He that ofiended in this respect, was to pay three drachma* to the person injured, and two to the public. Never to restrain anger is, indeed, a proof of weakness and a want of breed- ing ; and always to guard against it, is very difficult, and to some persons impossible. His laws concerning wills has likewise its merit. For before his time the Athenians were not allowed to dispose of their estates by will ; the houses and other substance of the deceased were to remain among his relations. But he permitted any one who bad no children, to leave his possessions to whom he pleased ; thus preferring the tie of friendship to that of kindred, and choice to necessity, he gave every man the full and free disposal of his own. Yet he allowed not all sorts of legacies, but those only that were not extorted by frenzy, the consequence of disease or poisons, by imprisonment or violence, or the persuasions of a wife. For he considered inducements, that operated against reason, as no better than force ; to be deceived was with him the same thing as to be compelled ; and he looked upon pleasure to be as great a porverter as pain. He regulated, moreover, the journeys of women, their mourn- ings and sacrifices, and endeavoured to keep them clear of all disorder and excess. They were not to go out of town with mora SOLON. ^ than three habits; the provisions they carried with them, were not to exceed the .value of an obidiis ; their basket was not to be above a cubit high ; and in the night they were not to travel but in a carriage, with a torch before them. At funerals they were forbid to tear themselves,* and no hired mourner was to utter lamentable notes, or to act any thing else that tended to excite sorrow. They were not permitted to sacrifice an ox on those occasions, or to bury more than three garments with the body; or to visit any tombs be- side those of their own family, except at the time of interment. As the city was filled with persons who assembled from all parts, on account of the great security in which people lived in Attica, Solon, observing this, and that the country withal was poor and barren, and that merchants who traffic by sea, do not use to im- port their goods where they can have nothing in exchange, turned the attention of the citizens to manufactures. For this purpose he made a law, thaUiojon should he obliged ta maintain his father, if he had not tajig^hLhlm, a jyi:ade."j: As for Lycurgus, whose city AvaTcTear of strangers, and whose country, according to Euripides, was sufficient for twice the number of inhabitants ; where there was, moreover, a multitude of HeloteSf w ho were not only to be kept constantly employed, but to be humbled and worn out by ser- vitude : it was right for him to set the citizens free from laborious mechanic arts, and to employ them in arms, as the only art fit for them to learn and exercise. But Solon, rather adapting his laws to the state of his country, than his country to his laws, and per- ceiving that the soil of Attica, which hardly rewarded the husband- man's labour, was far from being capable of maintaining a lazy multitude, ordered that trades should be accounted honourable, that the council of the areopagiis should examine into every man's means of subsisting, and chastise the idle. As Attica was not supplied with water from perennial rivers, lakes, or springs, but chiefly by wells dug for that purpose, he made a law, that were there was a public well, all within the distance of four furlongs should make use of it : but where the distance was greater, they were to provide a well of their own. And if they dug ten fathoms deep in their own ground, and could find no wa- ter, they had liberty to fill a vessel of six gallons twice a day at their neighbour's. Thus he thought it proper to assist persons in * Demosthenes (m Timocr.) recites Solon's directions as to funerals as follows :— - " Let the dead bodies be laid out in the house according as the deceased gave order, and the d-iy following, before sun rise, carried forth. "Whilst the body is carr)'ing to the grave, let the men go before, the women follow. It shall not be lawful for any woman to enter upon the goods of the dead, and to follow the body to the grave un- der threescore years of age, except such as are within the degrees of cousins." f He that was thrice convicted of idleness was to b*} declared infamous. Herodo- tus (1. vii.) and Diodorus Siculus (I. i.) agree that a law of this kind was in use in Egypt, it is probable, therefore, that Solon, who was thoroughly acquainted with (be learning of that nation, borrowed it from them. I 6* 6J$ SOLON. real necessity, but DOt to encourage idleness. His regulations with respect to the planting of trees were also very judicious. He who planted any tree in his field, was to place it at least five feet from his neighbour's ground ; and if it was a (ig.tree or an olive, nine ; for these extend their roots farther than others, and their neigh, bourhood is prejudicial to some trees, not only as they take away the nourishment, but as their effluvia is noxious. He that would dig a pit or a ditch, was to dig it as far from another man's ground as itvwas deep : and if any one would raise stocks of bees, be was to place them three hundred feet from those already raised by another. Of all the products of the earth, he allowed none to be sold to strangers, but oil ; and whoever presumed to export any thing else, the archan was solemnly to declare him accursed, or pay himself a hundred drachmas into the pubhc treasury. This law is in the first table. And therefore it is not absolutely improbable, what some affirm, that the exportation of figs was formerly forbidden, and that the informer against the delmquents was called a BycopharU. He likewise enacted a law for reparation of damage received from beasts. A dog that had bit a man was to be delivered up bound to a log four cubits long ;* an agreeable contrivance for security against such an animal. But the wisdom of the law concerning the naturalizing of foreign- era is a little dubious ; because it forbids the freedom of the city to be granted to any but such as are for ever exiled from their own country, or transplant themselves to Athens with their whole fiunily, for the sake of exercising some manual trade. This we are told, he did, not with a view to keep strangers at a distance, but rather to invite them to Athens, upon the sure hope of being admitted to the privilege of citizens: and he imagint>d the settle* roent of those might be entirely depended upon, who had beea driven from their native country, or had quitted it by choice. That law is peculiar to Solon, which regulates the going to entertainments made at the public charge, by him called poran- tien. For he does not allow the same person to repair to them often, and he lays a penalty upon such as refuse to go when in- vited ; looking upon the former as a mark of epicurism, and the latter of contempt of the public. All his laws were to continue in force for a hundred years, and were written on wooden tables, which might be turned round in the oblong cases that contained them. The Senate, in a body, bound • This law, and MTeral othort of Solon, when takM ioio tht l»«lv« hMm. In lb* coMulate of T. Romiliui and C. Veiuriut. in Um jmi ct Roma, 199, Um Roowuw ■ant deputiat to Atbans, to trantcriba hit lawa, aodT tlMMa of iIm oibar lawgHrtn ef OrsSQfl. in order to (brm thareby a body of lawt for T SOLON. 37 themselves by oath to establish the laws of Solon ; and the ihesmo- thet(Bf or guardians of the laws, severally took an oath in a parti- cular form, by the stone in the market-place, that for every law they broke, each would dedicate a golden statue at Delphi of the same weight with himself. Observing the irregularity of months, and that the moon neither rose nor set at the same time with the sun, as it oftened happened that in the same day she overtook and passed by him, he ordered that day to be called hene kai nea (the old and the new) ; assign- ing the part of it before the conjunction to the old month, and the rest to the beginning of the new. He seems, therefore, to have been the first who understood that verse in Homer, which makes mention of a day wherein " the old month ended and the new be- gan." The day following he called rhe new moon. After the twentieth he counted not by adding, but subtracting, to the thir- teenth, according to the decreasing phases of the moon. When his laws took place,* Solon had his visitors every day, finding fault with some of them, and commending others, or ad- vising him to make certain additions or retrenchments. But the greater part came to desire a reason for this or that article, or a clear and precise explication of the meaning and design. Sensi- ble that he could not well excuse himself from complying with their desires, and that, if he indulged their importunity, the doing it might give offence, be determined to withdraw from the diffi- culty, and to get rid at once of their cavils and exceptions. For, as he himself observes. Not all the greatest enterprise can please. Under pretence, therefore, of traffic, he set sail for another coun- try, having obtained leave of the Athenians for ten years absence. In that time he hoped his laws would become familiar to them. His first voyage was to Egypt, where he abode some time, as he himself relates. On the Canopian sbore, by Nile's deep mouth. * Plutarch has only mentioned such of Solon's la<^s as he thought the most singu^ lar and remarkable: Diogenes Laertius, and Demosthenes have given us an account of some others that ought not to be forgotten : — '* Let not the guardian live in the same bouse with the mother of his wards. Let not the tuition of inmors be committed to him who is next after them in the inheritance. Let not an engraver keep the im* pression of a seal he has engraved. Let him who puts out the eye of a man who has but one, lose both his own. If an archon is taken in liquor, let him be put to death. Let hitn who refuses to maintain his father and mother, be infamous; and so let him that has consumed his patrimony. Let him who refuses to go to war. flies, or behaves cowardly, be debarred the precincts of the Jorum, and places of i^ublic worship. If a man surprises his wife in adultery, and lives with her afterwards, let him be deemed infamous. Let him who frequents the houses of icwd women, be debarred from speak- ing in the assemblies of the people. Let a pander be pursued, and put to death if taken. If any man steal m the day-time, let him he carried to the eleven officers; if in the night, it shall he lawful to kill him in the act, or to wound him in the pursuit, and carry him to the aJbresaid officers ; if he steals common things let him pay double, and, if the convictor thinks fit, he exposed in chains five days; if be be guilty of saciir l^ge, let him be put to death." es souxv. There he conversed on points of philosophy, with Psenophis the Ileliopohtan, and Senchiti the Saite, the most learned of the Kgyp« tian priests ; and having an account from them ot* the Atkmtic Island^ (as Plato informs us), he attempted to descrihe it to the Grecians in a poem. From Egypt he sailed to Cyprus, and there was honoured with the best regards of Phih tcy prus, one of the kings of that island, who reigned over a small city huiU by D^mo- phon the son of Theseus, near the river Clarius, in a strong situ- ation indeed, but very indilferent soil. As there was an agreeable plam below, Solon persuaded him to build a larger and pleunanter city there, and to remove the inhabitants of the other to it. Ho also assisted in laying out the whole, and building it in the best manner for convenience Hnd defence : so that Pbilocyprus m a short time had it so well peopled, as to excite the envy of the other princes. And, therefore, though the former city was called Ai- peiot yot in honour of Solon, he called the new one Soli, Ho himself speaks of the building of this city, in his elegies, address, ing himself to Philocyprus; For you be long the Solon throne decreed ! For ]rou, a race of prospeious aont mcceed ! If in thoM Kcnes, to her to justly dear, My hand a blooming city helped to rear. May the sweet voice of uniling Venus bleei. And lipeed me borne with honours and succeM ! As for his interview with Croesus, some pretend to prove from chronology that it is fictitious. But since the story is so famous, and so well attested, nay (what is more), so agreeable to Solon's character, so worthy of his wisdom and magnanimity, 1 cannot prevail with myself to reject it for the sake of certain chronologi. cal tables, which thousands are correcting to this day, without being able to bring them to any certainty, ^lon, then, is said to have gone to Sardis, at the request of Crcesus ; and when he came there, he was affected much in the same manner as a person bom in an inland country, when he first goes to see the ocean : for as he taket every great river he comes to for the tea, so Soloo, as he • Plaio finished this hutory from Solon*fl niMioira, as may be seen in hit Tima«M and CriiiM. He pretends, that this Atlantis, an island situated in the Atlantic ocean, srae bigger than Asia and Africa and that notwiihstandina its vast extent, it was dnwaen in one dav and night Dindorus SkskIus sars, ibe Carthaginians, who di»> oovatcd ii, made it death for any one to settle in it. Amidvi a nninber of conjeclurat 4saacerTiing it, one of the most prot»ar>le is. that in those days ihr Africans hart soma fcaowledge of America Another opinion woith mpntiooing it, that the JiUtmhJt*. or ilhrtunate islands, were what we now call the Canariasi Hmnar thus deacribef Stem winter smiles on thai Huspiciousclinia: The fields are florid with unfading prima. From the bleak pole no winds inclaineni blow, Moul'i ihit round hail, or flake iba fle«oy saow ; fiut from thu breety deep the bleel inhala The fragrant murmur* of tha wattaro fsl*. Pops. SOLON 69 through the court, and saw many of the nobiUty richly dressed, and walking in great pomp amidst a crowd of attendants a^id guards, took each of them for Croesus. At last, when he was conducted into the presence, he found the king set off with whatever can be imagined curious and valuable, either in beauty of colours, elegance of golden ornaments, or splendour of jewels ; in order that the gran- deur and variety of the scene might be as striking as possible. Solon, standing over against the throne, was not at all surprised, nor did he pay' those compliments that were expected ; on the contrary, it was plain to all persons of discernment, that he despised such vain ostentation and Httleness of pride. Croesus then ordered his treasures to be opened, and his magnificent apartments and furniture to be shown him: this was quite a needless trouble ; for Solon, in one viev/ of the king, was able to read his character. When he had seen all and was conducted back, Croesus asked him, " If he had ever beheld a happier man than he ?" Solon an- swered, " He had, and that the person was one Tellus, a plain, but worthy citizen of Athens, who left valuable children behind him, and who having been above the want of necessaries all his life, died gloriously fighting for his country." By this time he appeared to Croesus to be a strange uncouth kind of rustic, who did not mea- sure happiness by the <|uantity of gold and silver, but could prefer the life and death of a private and mean person to his high dignity and power. However, he asked him again, " Whether, after Tellus, he knew another happier man in the world ?" Solon an- swered, " Yes, Cleobis and Biton, famed for their brotherly affec- tion, and dutiful behaviour to their mother ; for the oxen not being ready, they put themselves in the harness, and drew their mother to Juno's temple, who was extremely happy in having such sons, and moved forward amidst the blessings of the people. After the sacrifice, they drank a cheerful cup with their friends, and then lay down to rest, but rose no more ; for they died in the night without sorrow or pain, in the midst of so much glory." " Well," said Croesus, now highly displeased, " and do you not then rank us in the number of happy men?" Solon, unwilling either to flatter him, or to exasperate him more, replied, "King of Lydia, as God has given the Greeks a moderate proportion of other things, so likewise he has favoured them with a democratic spirit, and a liberal kind of wisdom, which has no taste for the splendours of royalty. Moreover, the vicissitudes of life suffer us not to be elated by any present good fortune, or to admire that felicity which is liable to change. Futurity carries for every man many various and uncer- tain events in its bosom. He, therefore, whom Heaven blesses with success to the last, is in our estimation the happy man. But the happiness of him who still lives, and has the dangers of life to jencounter, appears to us no better than that of a champion, before 70 SOLO." fault on righteons Heav'n be laid . You gave ihem guards : you raii'd your tyrants high, T impose the heavy yoke that draws the heaving sigh. Many of his friends, alarmed at this, told him the tyrant would certainly put him to death for it, and asked him what he trusted to, that he went such imprudent lengths . he answered, Yb old age. However, when Pisistratus had fully established himself, he made his court to Solon, and treated him with so much kindness and re- spect, that Soion became, as it were, his counsellor, and gave sanction to many of his proceedings. He observed the greatest part of Solon's laws, showing himself the example, and obliging SOLON. 73 his friends to follow it. Thus when he was accused of murder be- fore the court of areopagus, he appeared in a modest manner to make his defence ; but his accuser dropped the impeachment. He likewise added other laws, one of which was, that persons maimed in the warSy should be maintained at the public charge. Yet this, Heraclides tells us, was in pursuance of Solon's plan, who had de- creed the same in the case of Thersippus. But according to The. ophrastus, Pisistratus, not Solon, made the law against idleness, which produced at once greater industry in the country, and tran- quillity in the city. Solon, moreover, attempted in verse a large description, or rather fabulous account of the Atlantic Island,* which he had learned of the wise men of Sais, and which particularly concerned the Athe- nians ; but by reason of his age, not want of leisure (as Plato would have it), he was apprehensive that the work would be too much for him, and therefore did not go through with it. These verses are a proof that business was not the hindrance : I grow in learning as I grow in years. And again. Wine, wit, and^ beauty, still their charms bestow, Light all the shades of life, and cheer us as we go. Plato, ambitious to cultivate and adorn the subject of the Atlantic Island, as a delightful spot in some fair field unoccupied, to which also he had some claim, by his being related to Solon,f laid out magnificent courts and inclosures, and erected a grand entrance to it, such as no other story, fable, or poem ever had. But as he began it late, he ended his life before the work ; so that the more the reader is delighted with the part that is written, the more regret he has to find it unfinished. Heraclides Ponticus relates that Solon lived a considerable time after Pisistratus usurped the government ; but according to Phanias the Ephesian, not quite two years. For Pisistratus began his ty- ranny in the archonship of Comias ; and Phanias tells us Solon died in the archonship of Hegestratus, the immediate successor lo Comias. * This fable imported, that the people of Atlantis, having subdued all Lybia, and a great part of Europe, threatened Egypt and Greece; but the Athenians making head against their victorious array, overthrew them in several engagements, and confined them to their own island. t Plato's mother was a descendant of the brother of Soloo. 74 THEMI8T0CLES. Flwrished 471 years before Christ, THE family of Themistocles was too obscure to raise him to distinction. He was the son of Neocles, an inferior citizen of Athens, of the ward of Phrear, and the tribe of Leontis. By bis mother's side, he is said to have been illegitimate,* according to the following verses : Though born in Thrace, Abrotonon my name, My soo enrols me in the listfl of lame, The great Themistocles. Yet Phanias writes, that the mother of Themistocles was of Caria, not of Thrace, and that her name was not Abrotonon, but Euterpe. Neanthes mentions Halicarnassus as the city to which she belonged. But be that as it may, when all the illegitimate youth assembled at Cynosarges, in the wrestling rinc dedicated to Hercules, without the gates, which was appointed for that pur- pose, because Hercules himself was not altogether of divine ex- traction, but had a mortal for his mother ; Themistocles found means to persuade some of the young noblemen to go to Cynos- urges, and take their exercise with him. This was an ingenious contrivance to take away the distinction between the illegitimate or aliens, and the legitimate, whoso parents were botli Athenians. When a boy, he was full of spirit and fire, quick of apprehen- sion, naturally inclined to bold attempts, and likely to make a great statesman. His hours of leisure and vacation he spent not like other boys, in idleness and play ; but he wus blways invent, ing and composing declamations: the subjects of which wero cither the impeachment or defence of some of his schooUfsUows : so that his master would oflcn say, " Boy, you will bo lothing common or indifferent ; you will either bo a blessing or a curse to the community." As tor moral philosophy, and the polite arts, he learned them but slowly, and with little satisfaction ; but in- stnictions in political knowledge, and the administration of public affairs, he received with an attention above his years : because they suited his genius. When, therefore, he was laughed at, long after, in company where free scope was given to railler)-, by per- sons who passed as more accomplished in what was called genteel breeding, he was obliged to answer them with some asperity : " Tis true 1 never learned how to tune a harp, or play upon a lute, • It was a law at Athens, Uiat every citizen who bad a fcttiMii lo b't mothar, should be deemed a bastard, thott|h bom in wedlock, aad riMwd contequently bt incapable of inhtriUog his father's estate. THEMISTOCLES. 75 but I know how to raise a small and inconsiderable city to glory and greatness." In the first sallies of youth, he was irregular and unsteady; as he followed his own disposition without any moral restraints. He lived in extremes, and those extremes were often of the worst kind. But he seemed to apologize for this afterwards, when he observed, that the " wildest colts make the best horses, when they come to be properly broke and managed." Themisiocles had an early and violent inclination for public bu- siness, and was so strongly smitten with the love of glory, and an ambition of the highest station, that he involved himself in trouble- some quarrels with persons of the first rank and influence in the state, particularly with Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, who al- ways opposed him. Their enrnity began early, but the cause, as Ariston the philosopher relates, was nothing more than their re- gard for Ptesileus of Teos. After this, their disputes continued about public affairs : and the dissimilarity of their lives and man ners naturally to it. Aristides was of a mild temper, and of great probity. He managed the concerns of government with uiflexible justice, not with a view to ingratiate himself with the people, or to promote his own glory, but solely for the advantage and safety of the stale. He was, therefore, necessarily obliged to oppose The- mistocles, and to prevent his promotion, because he frequently put the people upon unwarrantable enterprises, and was ambitious of introducing great innovations. Indeed, Themistocles was so carried away with the love of glory, so immoderately desirous of distinguishing himself by some great action, that, though he was very young when the battle of Marathon was fought, and when the generalship of Miltiades was every where extolled, yet even then he was observed to keep much alone, to be very pensive, to watch whole nights, and not to attend the usual entertainments : when he was asked the reason by his friends, who wondered at the change, he said, " The trophies of Miltiades would not suffer him to sleep." While others imagined the defeat of the Persians at Marathon had put an end to the war, he considered it as the beginning of greater conflicts; and, for the benefit of Greece, he, was always preparing himself and the Athenians against those conflicts, because he fore- saw them at a distance. And, in the first place, whereas the Athenians had used to share the revenue of the silver mines of Laurium among themselves, he alone had the courage to make a motion to the people, that they should divide them in that manner no longer, but build with them a number of galleys to be employed in the war against the Egi- netae, who then made a considerable figure in Greece, and, by means of their numerous navy, were masters of the sea. By sea- sonably stirring up the resentment and emulation of his countrymen 76 THEMiSTOCLES. against these islanders, he the more easily prevailed with them to provide themselves with ships, than if he had displayed the terrors of Darius, and the Persians, who were at a greater distance, and of whose coming they had no great apprehensions. With this money, a hundred galleys with three banks of oars were built, which afterwards fought against Xerxes. From this step he pro. ceeded to others, in order to draw the attention of the Athenians to maritime affairs, and to convince them, that, thoupli by land they were not able to cope with their neighbours, yet with a naval force they might not only repel the barbarians, but hold all Greece in subjection. Thus of good land forces, as Plato says, he made them mariners and seamen, and brought upon himself the asper- sion of taking from his countrymen the spear and the shield, and Bonding them to the bench and the oar. Stesimbrotus writes, that Themistocles effected this, in spite of the opposition of M iltiades. Whether by this proceeding he cor- ruptcd the simplicity of the Athenian constitution, is a speculation not proper to be indulged in here. But that the Greeks owed their safety to these naval applications, and that those ships re-estab- lished the city of Athens aHer it had been destroyed (to omit other proofs), Xerxes himself is a sufficient witness. For, after his de- feat at sea, he was no longer able to make head against the Athe- nians, though his land forces remained entire : and it seems to me, that he left Mardonius rather to prevent a pursuit, than with any hope of his bringing Greece into subjection. Some authors write, that Themistocles was intent upon the ac quisition of money, with a view to spend it profusely : and indeed, for his frequent sacrifices, he had need of a large supply. Yet others, on the contrar>-, accuse him of meanness and attention to trifles, and say he even sold presents that were made him for his table. In ambition, however, he had no equal. For when he was yet young, and but little known, he prevailed upon Epicles of Her- mione, a performer upon the lyre, much valued by the Athenians, to practise at his house : hoping by this means to draw a great number of people thither. And when he went to the Olympic games, he endeavoured to equal or exceed Cimon, in the elegance of his table, the splendour of his pavilions, and other expenses of his train. These things, however, were not agreeable to the Greeks, They looked upon them as suitable to a young man of a noble fa- roily ; but when an obscure person set himself op so much above his fortune, he gained nothing by it but the imputation of vanity. He exhibited a tragedy* too at bis own expense, and gained the * Trafedr al this timo was just arrived at perfection : and so great a taste bad the' Athenians for this khid of entertainment, that the princifial persons in the common- WStltb could not oblise them more, than t>v exhibiting the Imii in^v trhh the most THEMISTOCLES. 77 prize with his tragedians, at a time when those entertainments were pursued with great avidity and emulation. In memory of his success, he put up this inscription, "' Themistocles the Phrearian exhibited the tragedy, Phrynicus composed it,* Adimantus pre- sided." This gained him popularity ; and what added to it was, his charging his memory with the names of the citizens ; so that he readily called each by his own. He was an impartial judge too, in the causes that were brought before him ; and Simonides of Ceosf making an unreasonable request to him when archon, he answered, " Neither would you be a good poet, if you transgressed the rules of harmony ; nor I a good magistrate, if I granted your petition contrary to law." Another time he rallied Simonides for his absurdity in abusing the Corinthians, who inhabited so elegant a city ; and having his own picture drawn, when he had so ill- favoured an aspect. At length, having attained to a great height of power and popu- larity, his faction prevailed, and he procured the banishment of Aristides by what is called the Ostracism.^ The Modes now preparing to invade Greece again, the Athe. nians considered who should be their general ; and many (we are told) thinking the commission dangerous, declined it. But Epi- cydes, the son of Euphemides a man of more eloquence than courage, and capable withal of being bribed, solicited it, and was likely to be chosen. Themistocles, fearing the consequence would be fatal to the public, if the cly)ice fell upon Epicydes, prevailed upon him by pecuniary considerations to drop his pretensions. As soon as he had taken the command, he endeavoured to per- suade the people to quit the city, to embark on board their ships, and to meet the barbarians at as great a distance from Greece as pos- sible. But many opposing it, he marched at the head of a great army, together with the Lacedaemonians, to Tempe, intending to elegant decorations. Public prizes were appointed for those that excelled in this re- spect; and it was matter of great emulation to gam them. * Phrynicus was the disciple of Thespis, who was esteen)ed the inventor of tragedy He was the first that brought female actors upon the stage. His chief plays were Ac- taeon, Alcestis, and the Danaides. ^schylus was his contemporary. f Simonides celebrated the battles of Marathon and Salamis in his poems : and was the author of several odes and elegies : some of which are still extant and well known. He was much in the favour of Pausanias, king of Sparta, and of Hiero, king of Sicily. Plato had so high an opinion of his merit, that he gave him the epithet of divine. He aied m the first year of the 78th Olympiad, at almost ninety years of age: so that he was very near fourscore when he described the battle of Salamis. t It is not certain by whom the Ostracism was introduced : some say, by Pisistralus, or rather by his eons; others, by Clistnenes- and others, make it as ancient as the time of Theseus. By this, men, who became powerful to such a degree as to threaten the state with danger, were banished for ten years: and they were to quit the Athe- nian territories in ten days. The luethod of it was this ; every citizen took a piece of broken prtt or shell, on which he wrote the name of the person he would have banished. This done, the magistrates counted the shells; and, if they amounted to 6000, sorted them ; and the man whose name was found on the greatest number of shells, was of course exiled for ten vears. 7* 78 THEMlSTOCLfiS. cover Theasaly, which had not as yet declared for the Pcrsiaos. When he returned without efiecting any thing, the ThessaUaot having embraced the king's party, and all the country as far as Boeotia following their example, the Athenians were more willing to hearken to his proposal to fight the enemy at sea, and sent him with a fleet to guard the straits of Artimisium.* When the fleets of the several states were joined, and the majority v/ere of opinion, that Eurybiadcs should have the chief command, and with his Lacedaemonians begin the engagement, the Athenians, who had a greater number of ships than all the rest united,-!- thought it an indignity to part with the place of honour. But Themistocles, perceiving the danger of any disagreement at that time, gave up the command to Eurybiades, and satisfied the Athenians, by representing to them, that, if they behaved like men in that war, the Grecians would voluntary yield them the superi. ority for the future. To him, therefore, Greece seems to owe her preservation; and the Athenians in particular the distinguished glory of surpassing their enemies in valour, and their allies in moderation* The Persian fleet coming up to Aphetae, Eurybiades was asto nished at such an appearance of ships, particularly when he was infcrmed that there were two hundred more sailing round Sciathus. He therefore was desirous, without loss of time, to draw nearer to Greece, and to keep close to the Peloponnesian coast, where he might have an army occasionally to assist the fleet ; for he con- sidered the naval force of the Persians as invincible. Upon this, the EubcBans, apprehensive that the Greeks would forsake them, sent Pelagon to negociate privately with Themistocles, and to offer him a large sum of money. He took the money, and gave it (as Herodotus writes) to Eurybiades.^ Finding himself most opposed in his designs by Archtoles, captain of the sacred gaUey^f^ who had * At the tame time that the Greeks thought of defending tb« pass of Thermnp>la' by land, they sent a fleet to hinder the passage of the Persian navy through th« straits of Eulxca, which fleet rendezvoused at Artetnisium. t Herodotus tclis us, in the beginnmg of his eighth t)ook, that the Athenians fur> nitbed 127 vessels, and that the whole complement of the rest of the Greeks amounted to no more than 151 ; of which twenty belonged likewise to the Athcuiaos, who bad lent them to the Chalcidians. t According to Herodotus, the affair was thus:— The Euboeans, not being ablaio prevail with Eurybiades to remain on their con«i till tbay could carry oflf tbtir wivM and children, addressed themselves to Thrinittocifs, and made bin a praaant oMf thirty talents. He took the money, and wiih five talents bribed Eurybiadas. Tbaa Adia- manthus the Corinthian, being the only commanher who insisted on weighing aiKhor, Themistocles went on Ixiard him, and told bim in a few words, — " Adiamanihus, you shall not abandon us. for I will give you a greater present for doing your duly, than the king of Me.if s would send you for deserting the Alliea ;** which he performad, by tending him three talents on t>oard Thus he did what tba Euboeans rrquestad, and saved twenty two talents fur himself. } The $acred galley was that which the Athenians sant every year to Deloa, with MCI i6ci!» for Apollo ; and they pretend it was the same in which Theseus carriad tba iribute to Crete. THEMJSTOCLES. d^9 not money to pay his men, and therefore intended immediately to withdraw ; he so incensed his countrymen against him, that they went in a tumuUuous manner on board his ship and took from him what he had provided for his supper, Architeles being much pro- voked at this insuit, Themistocles sent him m a chest a quantity of provisions, and at the bottom of it a talent of silver, and desired him to refresh himself that evening, and to satisfy his crew in the morning ; otherwise he would accuse him to the Athenians of hav- ing received a bribe from the enemy. Though the several engagaments* with the Persian fleet in the straits of Euboea A'ere not decisive, yet they were of great advan- tage to the Greeks, who learned by experience, that neither the number of ships, nor the beauty and splendour of their ornaments, nor the vaunting shouts and songs of the barbarians, have any thing dreadful in them to men who know how to fight hand to hand, and are determined to behave gallantly. These things they were taught to despise, when they came to close action and grappled with the foe. In this case Pindar's sentiments appear just, when he says of the fight at Artemisium, ^Twas then that Athens the foundation laid Of Liberty's fair structure. Indeed, intrepid courage is the commencement of victory. The news of what had happened at Thermopylae being brought to Artemisium,f when the confederates were informed that Leonidas was slain there, and Xerxes master of the passages by land, they sailed back to Greece ; and the Athenians, elate with their late distinguished valour, brought up the rear. As Themistocles sailed aiouff the coasts, wherever he saw any harbours or places proper for the enemy's ships to put in at, he took such stones as he happened to find, or caused to be brought thither for the purpose, and set them up in the ports and watering-places, with the follow- ing inscription engraved in large characters, and addressed to the loiiians : " Let the lonians, if it be possible, come over to the Greeks, from whom they are descended, and who now risk their lives for their liberty. If this be impracticable, let them at least perplex tlie barbarians, and put them in disorder, in time of action." * They came to three several engagements within three days, in the last of which Cliteas, the father of Alcibiades. performed wonders. He had, at bis own expense, fitted out a ship which carried two hundred men t The last engagement at Thermopylae, wherein Xerxes forced the passes of the mountains, by the defeat of the Lacedaemonians, Thespians, and Thebans, who had been left to guard them, happened on the same day with the battle at Artimisium ; and the news of it was brought to Themistocles by an Athenian called Abronichus. Though the action at Thermopylse had not an immediate relation to Themistocles, jret it would have tended more to the giory of that general, if Plutarch had taken greater notice of it : since the advantage gamed there by Xerxes, opened Greece to him, and rendered him much more formidable. Thermopyla; is well known to be a narrow pass in the raountains near theEuripus. 80 THEMISTOCLES. By this he hoped either to bring the looians over to his side, or to sow discord among them, by causing them to be suspected by the Persians. Though Xerxes had passed through Doris down to Phocis, and was burning and destroying the Phocian cities, yet the Greeks sent them no succours. And, notwithstanding all the entreaties the Athenians could use to prevail with the confederates, to repair with them into Bceotia, and cover the frontiers of Attica, as they had sent a fleet to Artemisium to serve the common cause, no one gave ear to their request. All eyes were turned upon Pelopon- nesus, and all were determined to collect their forces within the Jsthmust and to build a wall across it from sea to sea. The Athe- nians were greatly incensed to see themselves thus betrayed, and, at the same time, dejected and discouraged at so general a defec- tion. They alone could not think of giving battle to so prodigious an army. To quit the city, and embark on board their ships, was the only expedient at present : and this the generality were very unwUling to hearken to, as they could neither have any great ambition for victory, nor idea of safety, when they had left the temples of their gods and the monuments of their ancestors. Themistocles, perceiving that he could not by the force of human reason prevail with the multitudes,* set his machinery to work, as a poet would do in a tragedy, and had recourse to prodigies and oracles. The prodigy he availed himself of, was the disappearing of the dragon of Minerva, which at that time quitted the holy place ; and the priests finding the daily ofTerings set before it untouched, gave it out among the people, at the suggestion of Themistocles, that the goddess had forsaken the city, and that she offered to conduct them to sea. Moreover, by way of explaining to the people an oracle then received.f he told them, that, by toooden wallet there could not possibly be any thing meant but ships ; and that Apollo, now called Salamis divine^ not wretched and unfortu* note as formerly, signified by such an epithet, that it would be pro- ductive of some great advantage to Greece. His councils pre- * He prevuled to effectually at last, that the Athenians itoned Cvntilus, an orator, who vehemently opposed him : and urgeJ all the common topics of love to the plaot of one's birth, and the affecttoi) to wives and balplaea influita. The woeeM, too, ID show how far they were from desiring that the cause of Gieeca should sufler for than* stoned his wife. f This was the second oracle which the Athenian deputies received from Aristo> nice, priesteM of Apollo. Many were of opinion, that, by the walls of wood which sba advised them to have recourse to, was meant the citadel, because it was pettaaded ; but others thought ii could intend ooihioa bat ships. The neinuiocrs of the former opinion urged against such as supported the latter, that the Isn line hot one of the oracle was directly against him. and that, without questloo, It portMided the deelfuo tioo of the Athenian fleet near Salamis. Themistocles alleged ia ensver, that If the oracle had Intended to foretell the destruction of the Athenlaas, it would not have railed It the divine Salamis, but the unhappy ; and that, wbereai, the unfortunate hi the oraele were styled the sons of women, it could mean MMMher than the Persian*, wbo were eeandtlcutly effeminate. —Htnydot. I. vii. c. 143, 144 • THEMISTCXJLES. SI vailed, and he proposed a decree, that the city should be left to the protection of Minerva,* the tutelary goddess of the Athenians; that the young men should go on board the ships ; and that every one should provide as well as he possibly could for the safety of the children, the women, and the slaves. When this decree was made, most of the Athenians removed their parents and wives to Trcezene, where they were received with a generous hospitality. The Trcezenians came to a resolution to maintain them at the public expense, for which purpose they al- lowed each of them two aboli a day ; they permitted the children to gather fruit wherever they pleased, and providing for their edu- cation by paying their tutors. This order was procured by Nica- goras. The embarkation of the people of Athens was a very affecting scene. What pity ! what admiration of the firmness of those men, who, sending their parents and families to a distant place, unmoved with their cries, their tears, or embraces, had the fortitude to leave the city, and embark for Salamis ! What greatly heightened the distress, was the number of citizens whom they were forced to leave behind, because of their extreme old age.| And some emotions of tenderness were due even to the tame domestic animals, which, running to the shore with lamentable bowlings expressed their affection and regret for the persons that had fed them. One of these, a dog, that belonged to Xanthippus, the father of Pericles, unwilling to be left behind, is said to have lept into the sea, and to have swam by the side of the ship, till it reached Salamis, where, quite spent with toil, it died immediately. To these great actions of Themistocles may be added the fol- lowing : he perceived that Aristides was much regretted by the people, who were apprehensive that, out of revenge, he might join the Persians, and do great prejudice to the cause of Greece ; he, therefore, caused a decree to be made, that all who had been banished only for a time, should have leave to return, and by their council and valour assist their fellow-citizens in the preservation of their country. Eurybiades, by reason of the dignity of Sparta, had the com- mand of the fleet : but as he was apprehensive of the danger, J he proposed to set sail for the Isthmus, and fix his station near the * But how was this, when he had before told the people, that Minerva had forsaken the city ? t In this description, we find strong traces of Plutarch's humanity and good na tare. X It does not appear that Eurybiades wanted courage. After Xerxes had gained the pass of ThermopylED, it was the general opinion of the chief ofiacers of the con- federate fleet assembled in council (except those of Athens,) that their only resource was to build a strong wall across the isthmus, and to defend Peloponnesus against the Persians. Besides, the Lacedaemonians, who were impartial judges of men and things, gave the palm of valour to Eurybiades, and that of prudence to Themistocles. L g2 THEMISTOCLES. * Peloponnesian army. 'Fhemistocles, however, opposed it; and the account we have of the conference on that occasion deserves to be mentioned. When Eurybiades said,* *• Do not you know, The- mistocles, that, in the pubhc games, such as rise up before their turn are chastised for it 1" — " Yes," answered Themistocles ; " yet such a9 are letl behind never gain the crown." Eur\'biades, upon this, hfting up his staff, as if he intended to strike him, Themistocles said, " Strike if you please, but hear me." The Lacedaemonians, admiring his command of temper, bade him speak what he had to say : and Themistocles was leading him back to the subject, when one of the officers thus interrupted him, " It ill becomes you who have no city, to advise us to quit our habitations and abandon our coun- try." Themistocles retorted upon him thus : " Wretch that thou art, we have indeed left our walls and houses, not choosing, for the sake of those inanimate things, to become slaves ; yet we have still the most respectable city of Greece, in these two hundred ships, which are here ready to defend you, if you will give them leave. But if you forsake and betray us a second time, Greece shall soon find the Athenians possessed of as free a city, and as valuable a country, as that which they have quitted." These words struck Eurybiades with the apprehension that the Athenians might fall off from him. We are told, also, that as a certain Ere- trian was attempting to speak, Themistocles said, " What have you, too, something to say about war, who are like the fish that has a sword, but no heart." While Themistocles was thus maintaining his argument upon deck some tell us an owl was seen flying to the right of the f1eet,f which came and perched upon the shrouds. This omen deter- mined the confederates to accede to his opinion, and to prepare for a sea-fight. But no sooner did the enemy's fleet appear advaoc ing towards the harbour of Phalerus in Attica, and covering all the neighbouring coasts, while Xerxes himself was seen marching his land-forces to the shore, than the Greeks, struck with the sight of such prodigious armaments, began to forget the counsel of The- mistocles-, and the Peloponnosians once more looked towards the IsUmtu, Nay they resolved to set sail that very night, and such orders were given to nil the pilots. Themistocles, greatly con- cerned that the Greeks were going to give up the advantage of their station in the straits, and to retire to their respective coun- tries, contrived that stratagem which was put in execution by Sicinus. This Sicinus was of Persian extraction, and a captive, but much attached to Themistocles, and llie tutor of his children. * Herodotat nvt, tbii conversation paiwd betweM AdismanUuM, teoenl of Dm CorioUiiaDt, Mid TiMniiitocles ; but Plutaich raUttt it with own prabtbilirr of Eurv- biadet, who wm comoMinder in cbic/. f The owl was nwred to Mioerra, the proioetrtn of the THEMISTOCLES. 83 On this occasion Themistocles sent him privately to the king of Persia, with orders to tell him, that the commander of the Athenians, having espoused his interest, was ihe first to inform him of the in- tended flight of the Greeks ; and that he exhorted him not to suf- fer them to escape ; but while they were in this confusion, and at a distance from their land forces, to attack and destroy their whole navy. Xerxes took tliis information kindly, supposing it to proceed from friendship, and immediately gave orders to his oflicers, with two hundred ships, to surround all the passages, and to enclose the islands, that none of the Greeks might escape, and then to fol- low with the rest of the ships at their leisure. Aristides, the son of Lysiniachus, was the first who perceived this motion of the eneniy ; and though he was not in friendship with Themistocles, but had been banished by his means, he went to him and told him they were surrounded by the enemy. Themistocles, knowing his probity, and charmed with his coming to give this intelUgence, ac- quainted him with the affair of Sicinus, and entreated him to lend him his assistance to keep the Greeks in their station; and, as they had a confidence in his honour, to persuade them to come to an en- gagement in the straits. Aristides approved the proceedings of Themistocles, and going to the other admirals and captains, en- couraged them to engage. While they hardly gave credit to his report, a Tenian galley, commanded by Paraetius, came over from the enemy to bring the same account ; so that indignation, added to necessity, excited the Greeks to the combat.* As soon as it was day, Xerxes sat down on an eminence to view the fleet and its order of battle. He placed himself, as Phanodemus writes, above the temple of Hercules, where the isle of Salamis is separated from Attica by a narrow frith ; but according to Acesto- dorus, on the confines of Megara, upon a spot called Kerata, *' The Horns." He was seated on a throne of gold,! and had many se- cretaries about him, whose business it was to write down the par- ticulars of the action. As to the number of the Persian ships, the poet ^Eschylus * The different conduct of the Spartans and the Athenians on this occasion seems to show how much superior the accommodating laws of Solon were to the austere dis- cipline of Lycurgus. Indeed, while the institutions of the latter remained in force, the I.acedajmonians were the greatest of all people. But that was impossible. The severity of Lj'curgus's legislation naturally tended to destroy it. Nor was this all. From the extremes of abstemious hardships, the next step was not to a moderate enjoyment of life, but to all the licentiousness of the most effeminate luxury. The laws of Lycur- gus made men of the Spartan women j when they were broken, they made women of the men. "^-a.^^ f This throne, or seat, whether of gold or silver, or both, was taken and carried to Athens, where it was consecrated in the temple of Minerva, with the golden sabre of Mardonius, which was taken afterwards in the battle of Platfea. Demosthenes calls it a chair with silver feet. 84 TH£M1ST0CLES. speaks of it, in his tragedy entitled Persa, aa a matter ho was well as- sured of. A thousand ships (for well I know the number) 'I'lie Persian flag obeyed . two bundred mure And seven overspread the seas. The Athenians had only X)ne hundred and eighty galleys ; each carried eighteen men that fought upon deck, four of whom were arcliers, and the rest h^avy armed. if 'I'hemistocles was happy in choosing a place for action, he was no less so rn taking advantage of a proper time lor it ; for ho would not engage the enemy, till that time of day when a brisk wind usually arises from the sea, which occasions a high surf in the channel. This was no inconvenience to the Grecian vessels, tvhich were low built and well compacted ; but a very great une to the Persian ships, which had high sterns and lofry decks, hiuI w»*re heavy and unwieldy; for it caused them to veer in such a manner, that their sides were exposed to the Greeks, who attacked them furiously. During the engagement, great attention was given to the motions of Themistocles, as it was believed he knew best how to proceed. Ariamenes, the Persian admiral, a man of distinguished honour, and by far the bravest of the king's brothers, directed bis manoeuvres chiefly against him. His ship was very tall, and from it he threw darts and shot forth arrows as from the wall of a castle. But Aminias the Decolean, and Sosiclcs the Pedian, who sailed in one bottom, bore down upon him with their prow, and both ships meeting, they were fastened together by means of their brazen bleaks ; when Ariamenes boarding their galley, they received him with their pikes, and pushed him into the sea. Artemisiaf knew the body amongst others that were floating with the wreck, and carried it to Xerxes. The flrst man that took a ship was an Athenian, named Lyco. medes, captain of a galley, who cut down the ensigns from the enemy's ship, and consecrated them to the laurelled Apollo. As the Persians could come in the straits but a few at a time, and often put each other in confusion, the Greeks equalling them in the line, fought them till the evening, when they broke them entirely, and gained that signal and complete victor)', than which (as Simonides says) no other naval achievement, either of the Greeks or barbari- ans ever, was more glorious. This success was owing to the valour, * Artemisia, gueen of Halicarnassus, distinguished her>elf above all the ml of lh« Persian forces, her ships being the last that fled ; which Xeriea obeenriof, triad out, that the men behaved like woman, and the women with tba counifa WMl intia- pidity of men The Athenians were so incented against bar, that tbey offerad a re- ward of ten thousand drachmas to anyone that khould take har alive. This princrsa must not be confounded with Utal Artemisia who was the wife of Mausolus, king of Caria. THEMISTOCLES. g^ indeed, of all the confederates, but chiefly to the sagacity and con- duct of Themistocles.* After the battle, Xerxes, full of indignation at his disappoint- ment, attempted to join Salamis to the continent, by a mole so well secured, that his land forces might pass over it into the island, and that he might shut up the pass entirely against the Greeks. At the same time Themistocles, to sound Aristides, pretended it was his own opinion that they should sail to the Hellespont, and break down the bridge of ships ; " For so," says he, " we may take Asia, without stirring out of Europe." Aristidesf did not in the least re- lish his proposal, but answered him to this purpose : " Till now we have had to do with an enemy immersed in luxury ; but if we shut him up in Greece, and drive him to necessity, he who is master of such prodigious forces, will no longer sit under a golden canopy, and be a quiet spectator of the proceedings of the war, but, awaked by danger, attempting every thing, and present every where, he will correct his past errors, and follow councils better calculated for success. Instead, therefore, of breaking that bridge, we should, if possible, provide another, that he, may retire the sooner out of Europe," — " If that is the case," said Themistocles, " we must all consider and contrive how to put him upon the most speedy re- treat out of Greece." This being resolved upon, he sent one of the king's eunuchs, whom he found among the prisoners, Arnaces by name, to ac- quaint him, " That the Greeks, since their victory at sea, were de- termined to sail to the Hellespont, and destroy the bridge ; but that Themistocles, in care for the king's safety, advised him to hasten towards his own seas, and pass over into Asia, while his friends Endeavoured to find out pretences of delay, to prevent the confederates from pursuing him." Xerxes, terrified at the news, retired with the greatest precipitation. J How prudent the manage- ment of Themistocles and Aristides was, Mardonius afforded a proof, when, with a small part of the king's forces, he put the Greeks in extreme danger of losing all, in the battle of Plaia3a. Herodotus tells us, that, among the cities, JEgina. bore away the palm : but, among the commanders, Themistocles, in spite of envy, was universally allowed to have distinguished himself most. For, * In this battle, which was one of the most memorable we find in history, the Gre- cians lost forty ships, and the Persians two hundred, besides a great many more that were taken. t According to Herodotus, it was not Aristides, but Eurybiades, who made this re- ply to Themistocles. '\ Xerxes, having left Mardonius in Greece with an army of three hundred thousand men, marched with the rest towards Thrace, in order to cross tne Hellespont As no provisions had been prepared' beforehand, his army underwent great hardships during the whole time of his march, which lasted fiveand-forty days. ^ 'rHEMISTOCLES. when they came to the Isthmtis, and every oiTicer took a billet from Ilie uUar, to inscribe upon it the names of those that had done the best service, every one put himself in the first place, and Theroistocles in the second. The Lacedaemonians, having con- ducted him to Sparta, adjudged Eurybiades the prize of valour, and Tliemistocles that of wisdom, honouring each with a crown of olive. They likewise presented the latter with the handsomest chariot in the city, and ordered three hundred of their youth to at- tend him to the borders. At the next Olympic games, too, we are told, that, as soon as Themistocles appeared in the ring, the cham. pions were overlooked by the spectators, who kept their eyes upon him all the day, and pointed him out to strangers with the utmost admiration and applause. This incense was extremely grateful to him ; and he acknowledged to his friends, that he then reaped the fruits of his labours for Greece. Indeed, be was naturally very ambitious, if we may form a con- clusion from his memorable acts and sayings. For, when elected admiral by the Athenians, he would not despatch any busineM, whether pubhc or private, singly, but put off all affairs to the day he was to embark, that having a great deal to do he might appear with the greater dignity and importance. One day, as he was looking upon the dead bodies cast up by the sea, and saw a number of chains of gold and bracelets upon them, he passed by them, and turning to his friend, said, ** Take these things for yourself, tor you are not Themistocles." I'o Antiphates, who had formerly treated him with disdain, but m his glory made his court to him, he said, " Young man, wc arc both come to our senses at the same time though a little too late.'' He used to say, " The Athenians paid him no honour or sincere respect ; but when a storm arose, or danger appeared, they shel- tered themselves under him, as under a plane-tree, which, when the weather was fair again, they would rob of its leaves and branches." When one of Seriphus told him, '* He was not so much honoured for his own sake, but for his country's." " True," answered The- mistoclos : " for neither should I have been greatly distinguished if I had been of Seriphus ; nor you, if you had been an Athe- nian." Another ofticer^ who thouebt he had done the state some service, setting himself up against Iriemistoclcs, und venturing to compare his own exploits with his, he answered him with this fable: " There once happened a dispute between the front -dap and the day after thefeatt : Says tbe dtty after thefemt, I am full of bustle and trou- ble, whereas, with you, folks enjoy at their ease everv thing ready provided. You say right, says t\\e fcast-dapt hut if I had not been THEMIST0CLE3. 87 before you, you would not have been at all. So had it not been for me, then, where would you have been now ?"* His son being master of his mother, and by ^her means of him, he said, laughing, " This child is greater than any man in Greece ; for the Athenians command the Greeks, I command the Athenians, his mother commands me, and he commands his mother." As he loved to be particular in every thing, when he happened to sell a farm, he ordered the crier to add, " that it had a good neighbour." Two citizens courting his daughter, he preferred the worthy man to the rich one, and assigned this reason, '* He had rather she would have a man without money than money without a man." Such was the pointed manner in which he often expressed himself.f After the greatest actions we have related, his next enterprise was to rebuild and fortify the city of Athens. — Theopompus says, he bribed the Lacedaemonian Ephoriy that they might not oppose it ; but most historians say, he over reached them. He was sent, it seems, on pretence of an embassy to Sparta. The Spartans com- plained, that the Athenians were fortifying their city, and th^ go- vernor of iEgina, who was come for that purpose, supported the accusation. But Themistocles absolutely denied it, and challenged them to send proper persons to Athens to inspect the walls ; at once gaining time for finishing them, and contriving to have hos- tages at Athens for his return. The event answered his expecta- tion. For the Lacedaemonians, when assured how the fact stood, dissembled their resentment, and let him go with impunity. After this, he built and fortified the Piraeus (having observed the conveniency of that harbour.) By which means he gave the city every maritime accommodation. In this respect his poUtics were very different from those of the ancient kings of Athens. They, we are told, used their endeavours to draw the attentron of their subjects from the business of navigation, that they might turn it entirely to the culture of the ground: and to this purpose they published the fable of the contention between Minerva and Nep- tune, for the patronage of Attica, when the former, by producing an olive tree before the judges, gained her cause. Themistocles had something still greater in view for strength- ening the Athenians by sea. After the retreat of Xerxes, when the Grecian fleet was gone into the harbour of Pagasae to winter, he acquainted the citizens in full assembly, " That he had hit upon a design which might greatly contribute to their advantage, but it was not fit to be communicated to their whole body." The Athe- « There is the genuine Attic salt in most of these retorts and observations of The- mistocles. His wit seems to have been equal to his military and political capacity. + r,ce;o has preserved another of his sayings, which deserves mentioning^ When Simonides oflfered to teach Themistocles the art of memory, he answered, Ah ! rather ieach me the art of forgetting / for I often remember what I would not, and can not forget whai 1 would. 30 THEMISTOCLES. nians ordered him to communicate it to Aristides only/ and, if he approved of it, to put it in execution. Theroistocles then informed him " That he had thoughts of burning the confederate fleet at Pagasce." Upon which, Aristides went and declared to the people, "That the enterprise which Themistocles proposed, was indeed the most advantageous in the world, but, at the same time, the most unjust." The Athenians, therefore, commanded him to lay aside all thoughts of it. About this time the Lacedaemonians made a motion in the as. sembly of the AmphictyonSj to exclude from that council all those states that had not joined it in the confederacy against the king of Persia. But Themistocles was apprehensive, that, if the Thessa- liana, the Argives, and Thebans, were expelled from the council, the Lacedsmonians would have a great majority of voices, and consequently procure what decrees they pleased. He spoke, there* fore, in defence of those states, and brought the deputies off from that design, by representing that thirty.one cities only had their share of the burden of that war, and that the greatest part of these were but of small consideration : that consequently it would be both unreasonable and dangerous to exclude the rest of Greece from the league, and leave the council to be dictated to by two or three great cities. By this he became very obnoxious to the Lace- dsemonians, who, for this reason, set up Cimon against him as a rival in all the affairs of state, and used all their interest for his advancement. He disobliged the allies, also, by sailing round the islands, and extorting money from them ; as we may conclude from the answer which Herodotus tells us the Andrians gave him to a demand of that sort. He told them, " He brought two gods along with him. Persuasion and ForceJ*^ They replied, " They bad also two great gods on their side, Potertj^ and Despair, who forbade them to satisfy him." As the Athenians, through envy, readily gave ear to calunmies against him, he was often forced to recount his^own services, vhich rendered him still more insupportable ; and ^b^n they ex- pressed their displeasure, he said, " Are you weary of receiving benefits often from the same band V* Another ofTence he gave the peoplo, was, his building a temple to Diana, under the name of Ariitoiiifc, or, Diana ofthebeit etmn- ri/, intimating that ho had given the best counsel, not only to Athens, but to all Greece. He built this temple near his own house, in the quarter of Melita. There was a sUtue of Themis, tocles in this temple, from which it appeared that this aspect was as heroic as his soul. • How glorioui ibii trstimnoy of the public r^rd to ArittidM, from « omoI* thau •o (ttti, and with*) tn vrrtuout T THEMISTOCLES. 89 At last the Athenians, unable any longer to bear that high dis- tinction in which he stood, banished him by the ostracism ; and this was nothing more than they had done to others whose power was become a burden to them, and who had risen above the equa. lity which a commonwealth requires ; for ihe ostracism, or ten years banishment, was not so much intended to punish this or that great man, as to pacify and mitigate the fury of envy, who delights in the disgrace of superior characters, and loses a part of her rancour by their fall. In the time of his exile, while he took up his abode at Argos,* the affair of Pausanias gave great advantage to the enemies of Theraistocles. The person that accused him of treason, was Leo- botes, the son of Aicmason, of Agraule, and the Spartans joined in the impeachment. Pausanias at first concealed his plot from Theraistocles, though he was his friend ; but when he saw him an exile, and full of indignation against the Athenians, he ventured to communicate his designs to him, showing him the king of Per- sia's letters, and exciting him to vengeance against the Greeks, as an unjust and ungrateful people. Themistocles rejected the solicitations of Pausanias, and refused to have the least share in his designs; buf he gave no information of what had passed be- tween them., nor let the secret transpire ; whether he thought he would desist of himself, or that he would be discovered some other way, as he had embarked in an absurd and extravagant enterprise, without any rational hopes of success. However, when Pausanias was put to death, there were found letters and other writings relative to the business, which caused no small suspicion against Themistocles. The Lacedaemonians raised aT clamour against him ; and such of his fellow. citizens as envied him, insisted on the charge. He could not defend himself in person, but he answered by letter the principal parts of the accu- sation. For, to obviate the calumnies of his enemies, he observed to the Athenians, " That he who was born to command, and inca- pable of servitude, could never sell himself, and Greece along with him, to jen^mies and barbarians." The people, however, listened to his accuser, and sent him with orders to bring him to his answer before the states of Greece. Of this he had timely notice and * The great Pausanias, who had beaten the Persians in the battle of Platsa. and who on many occasions had behaved with great generosity as weU as moderation, at last degenerated, and fell into a scandalous treaty with the Persians, in hopes, through their interest, to make himself sovereign of Greece. As soon as he had conceived these strange notions, he fell into the manners of the Persians, affected all their luxury, and derided the plain customs of his country, of which he had formerly been so fond. The Ephori waited some time for clear proof of his treacherous designs, and when they had obtained it, determined to imprison him. But he fled into the temple of Minerva Chalcioicos, and they beseiged him there. They walled up all the gates, and his own mother laid the first stone. When they had almost starved him to death, they laid bands on him, and by the time they bad got bun out of the temple, he ex- pired. M 8* 90 THEMISTOCLSS. over to the isle of Corcyra, the inhabitants of which had great obligatioDS to him ; for a difference between them and the people of Corinth had been referred to his arbitration, and he had decided it by awarding the Corinthians to pay down twenty talents, and the isle of Leucas to be in common between the two parties, OS a colony from both. From thence he fled to Epirus ; and, find- ing himself still pursued by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, he tried a very hazardous and uncertain resource, in imploring the protection of Admetus king of the Molossians. Admetus had made a request to the Athenians, which being rejected with scorn by Themistocles, in the time of his prosperity and influence in the state, the king entertained a deep resentment against him, and made no secret of his intention to revenge himself, if ever the Athenian should fall into his power. However, while he was thus flying from place to place, he was more afraid of the recent envy of his countrymen, than of the consequences of an old quarrel with the king ; and therefore he went and put himself in his hands^ appearing before him as a suppliant, in a particular and extraordi. nary manner.* Ho took the king's son, who was yet a child, in his arms, and kneeled down before the household gods. This manner of offering a petition the Molossians looked upon as the most effec tual, and the only one that can hardly be rejected. At that time Epicrates, the Acarnanian, found means to convey the wife and children of Themistocles out of Athens, and sent them to him, for which Cimon afler^va^d8 condemned him, and put him to death. Thucydides writes, that he went by land to the iEgean sea, and embarked at Pydna : that none in the ship knew him till he was driven by a storm to Naxos, which was at that time be- sieged by the Athenians ; that, through fear of being taken, he then informed the master of the ship and the pilot who he was; and that, partly by entreaties, partly by threatening, he would de. clare to the Athenians, however falsely, that they knew him from the flrstj and were bribed to take him into their vessel, he obliged them to weigh anchor, and sail for Asia. The greatest part of his treasures were privately sent aAer him to Asia by his friends. What was discovered and seized for the public use, Theopompus says, amounted to an hundred talents, Theophrastus fourscore ; though he was not worth three talents before his being employed in the government.'!' When he was landed at Cuma, he understood that a number of people, particularly Ergoteles and Pythodorus, where watching to take him. He was, indeed, a rich booty to those who wero deter- * Ft was nothing particular for a suppliant to do hofloaft to tba hmntbold gods of th« person to whom he had a request ; but to do it with the kinf*t eons in his armt was an extraordinary circumstance. t This is totally inconsistent with that splendour in which, according to Pltitaieli*! ottn aecouni, he fired, before he had any public appointmentt THEMISTOCLES. 91 rained to get money by any means whatever ; for the king of Pers'a had offered, by proclamation, two hundred talents, for apprehending him.* He, therefore, retired to Mgas^ a little town of the iEolians, where he was known to nobody but Nicogenes, his host, who was a man of great wealth, and had some interest at the Persian court. In his house he was concealed a few days ; and, one evening, after supper, when the sacrifice was offered, Olbinus, tutor to Nicogenes' children, cried out, as in a rapture of inspiration, Counsel, O Night, and victory are thine. After this, Themistocles went to bed, and dreamed he saw a dragon coiled round his body, and creeping up to his neck, which, as soon as it touched his face, was turned into an eagle, and, covering him with his wings, took him up, and carried him to a distant place, where a golden sceptre appeared to him, uporl which he rested securely, and was delivered from all his fear and trouble. In consequence of this warning, he was sent away by Nicogenes, who contrived this method for it. The barbarians in general, es- pecially the Persians, are jealous of the women, even to madness ; not only of their wives, but their slaves and concubines ; for, besides the care they take that they shall be seen by none but their own family, they keep them hke prisoners in their houses; and when they take a journey, they are put in a carriage close covered on all sides. In such a carriage as this Themistocles was conveyed, the attendants being instructed to tell those they met, if they hap- pened to be questioned, that they were carrying a Grecian lady from Ionia to a nobleman at court. Thucydides, and Caron of Lamsacus, relate, that Xerxes was then dead, and that it was to his sonf Artaxerxes that Themistocles ad- dressed himself. But Ephorus, Dinon, Clitarchus, Heraclides, and several others write, that Xerxes himself was then upon the throne. The opinion of Thucydides seems most agreeable to chro- nology, though that is not perfectly well settled. Themistocles, now ready for the dangerous experiment, applied first to Artaba- nusjij: a military officer, and told him, " He was a Greek, who desired to have audience of the king about matters of great impor- tance, which the king himself had much at heart." Artabanus answered, " The laws of men are different ; some esteem one thing * The resentment of Xerxes is not at all to be wondered at, since Themistocles had not only beaten him in the battle of Salamis, but what was more disgraceful still, had made him a dupe to his designing persuasions and representations. In the loss of vic- tory, he had some consolation, as he was not himself the immediate cause of it: but for his ridiculous return to Asia, bis anger could only fall upon himself an^i Themis- tocles + Themistocles, therefore, arrived at the Persian court in the first year of the seventy- ninth Olympiad, 462 years before the birth of Christ ; for that was the first vear of Artaxeixes' reign. } vSon of that Artabanus, captain of the guards, who slew Xerxes, and persuaded Artaxerxes to cut off his elder brother Darius. 92 THEMISTOCLES. honourable, and some another ; but it becomes all men to honour and observe the customs of their own countn**. With you the thing most admired, is said to be liberty and equality. We have many excellent laws ; and we regard it as one of the roost fndispensible to honour the king, and to adore him as the miage of that Deity who preserves and supports the universe. If, therefore, you are willing to conform to our customs, and to prostrate yourself before the king, you may be permitted to see him and speak to him. But if you cannot bring yourself to this, you must acquaint him with your business by a third person. It would be an infrmge. nient of the custom of his country, for the king to admit any one to audience who does not worship him.'* To this Themistoclen replied, ** My business, Artabanus, is to add to the king's honour and power ; therefore, I will comply with your customs, ance the God that has exalted the Persians, will have it so ; and by my means the number of the king's worshippers shall be increased. So let this be no hindrance to my communicating to the king what I have to say." — " But who," said Artabanus, '* shall we say 3'ou are ? for by your discourse you appear to be no ordinary per- son." Themistocles answered, ** Nobody must know that before the king himself." When he was introduced to the king, and after his prostration, stood silent, the king commanded the interpreter to ask him who he was. The interpreter accordingly put the question, and he answered, " The man who is come now to address himself to you, O king, is Themistocles the Athenian ; an exile, persecuted by the Greeks. The Persians have suficred much by me; but it has been more, than compensated by my preventing your being pursued, when after I had delivered Greece, and saved my own country, I had It in my power to do you also a service. My sentiments are suitable to my present misfortunes, and I come prepared either to receive your favour, if you are reconciled to me, or if you retain any reacntment, to disarm it by submisdon. Reject not the testi> iiiony my enemies have given to the services I have done the Per- sians, and make use of the opportunity my misfortunes afford you, rather to show your generosity, than to satisfy your revenge. If you save me, you save your suppliant ; if you destroy me, you do- etroy the enemy of Greece."* In hopes of influencing the king by an argument drawn from religion, Themistocles added to this speech an account of the vision Tie had in Nicogenes* house, and an oracle of Jupiter of Dodona, who ordered him *' to go to one who bore the same name with the god ;" from which he concluded he was (tent to him, since both were called, and really were, grrat Idnfig. The king gave him no answer, though he admired his courage • How Miremely abject «nd coniemptiMe it this peiUkio, wherein the ttippliant Isuodi every erKument in his favour upon hu vic4$ .' THEMISTOCLES. 93 and magnanimity: but with his friends he felicitated himself upon this, as the most fortunate event imaginable. We are told also, that he prayed to Arimanius* that his enemies might ever be so infatuated, as to drive from amongst them their ablest men ; that he offered sacrifice to the gods, and immediately after made a great entertainment : nay, that he was so affected by with joy, that when he retired to rest, in the midst of his sleep he called out three times " I have Themistocles, the Athenian." As soon as it was nay, he called together his friends, and ordered Themistocles to be brought before him. The exile expected no favour, when he found that the guards, at the first hearing of his name, treated him with rancour, and loaded him with reproaches. Nay, when the king had taken his seat, and a respectful silence en- sued, Roxanes, one of his officers, as Themistocles passed him, whispered him with a sigh, " Ah ! thou subtle serpent of Greece, the king's good genius has brought thee thither." However, when he had prostrated himself twice in the presence, the king saluted him, and spoke to him graciously, telUng him, " He owed him two hundred talents; for, as he had delivered himself up, it was but just he should receive the reward offered to any one who should bring him." He promised him much more, assured him of his pro- tection, and ordered him to declare freely whatever he had to pro- pose concerning Greece. Themistocles rephed, " That a man's discourse was like a piece of tapestry,f which, when spread open, displays its figures ; but when it is folded up they are hidden and lost ; therefore he begged time." The king, delighted with the comparison, bade him take what time he pleased ; and he desired a year : in which space he learned the Persian language, so as to be able to converse with the king without an interpreter. Such as did not belong to the court, believed that he entertained their prince on the subject of the Grecian affairs ; but as there were then many changes in the ministry, he incurred the envy ol the nobility, who suspected that he had presumed to speak too freely of them to the king. The honours that were paid him were far superior to those that other strangers had experienced ; the king took him with him a-hunting, conversed familiarly with him in his palace, and introduced him to the queen-mother, who ho- noured him with her confidence. He likewise gave orders for his being instructed in the learning of the Magi. We are told that Themistocles himself, in the midst of his great- ness, and the extraordinary respect that was paid him, seeing his table most elegantly spread, turned to his children, and said, " Chil- * The goH of darkness, the supposed author of plagues and cnlamities, was called Ahriman or Arimanius. f In this he artfully conformed to the figurative manner of speaking in use among the eastern nations. 04 THEMISTOCLES. dreOy we should have been undone, bad it not been for our undoing.'* Most authors agree, that he had three cities given him, for bread, wine, and meat ; Magnesia, Lampsacus, and Myus.* Neantbes of Cyzicus, and Phanias, add two more, Percote and Paisescepas, for his chamber and his wardrobe. When he came to Sardis, he diverted himself with looking at the ornaments of the temples ; and among the great number of ofierings, he found in the temple of Cybele a female figure of brass, two cubits high, called HydrophoruSy or the itater -bearer , which he himself, when surveyor of the aqueducts at Athens, had caused to be made and dedicated out of the fines of such as had stolen the water, or diverted the stream. Whether it was that he was moved at see- ing this statue in a strange country, or that he was desirous to show the Athenians how much he was honoured, and what power he had all over the king's dominions, he addressed himself to the go. vemor of Lydia, and begged leave to send back the statue to Athens. The barbarian immediately took fire, and said he would certainly acquaint the king what sort of a request he had made him. The- inistocles, alarmed at this, menace, applied to the governor's wo- men, and, by money, prevailed upon them to pacify him. AAer this he behaved with more prudence, sensible how much he had to fear from the envy of the Persians. Hence, he did not travel about Asia, as Theopompus says, but took up his abode at Magnesia, where, loaded with valuable presents, and equally honoured with the Persian nobles, he long lived in great security ; for the king, who was engaged in the affairs of the upper provinces, gave but little attention to the concerns of Greece. But when Egypt revolted, and was supported in that revolt by the Athenians, when the Grecian fleet sailed as far as Cyprus and Celicia, and Cimon rode triumphant master of the seas, the king of Persia applied himself to oppose the Greeks, and to prevent the growth of their power. Ho put his forces in motion, sent out his generals, and despatched messengers to Themistocles at Magnesia, to command him to perform his promises, and exert himself against Greece. Did he not obey the summons then 7 No: neither re- sentment against the Athenians, nor the honour and authority in which he now flourished, could prevail upon him to take the direc- • The country about Magnesia wat so fertile, that it brought TbtmlMoclM nf' nue of fiAv talenii : Li«mpMcut had in ita neif^h hour hood ibe nobleai vinmrda of tb« cait . and Mvut, or Myon, abounded in provntont. porticularty in Ath. It waa uMia) with the eastern monarcht, instead of peoitnns to their ftivourttet. to ateiicn them cities and provinces. Kven such provinces as the kings retained the revenue of. were were under pHrncular awi^nnmus ; one prm'inca furnishing to much for erine. an* other for victuals, a third for the privy pur»e. and a fourth for the wardrobe One of the queens had all Zgypx for her clothing ; nnd IMeto talli (1 Aloibuid.) that mmnj of the provinces were eppropriaied for the queen's wardrotM : OM for her ginlle, apolher for her head-dress, and m> of the rest : and each provhioe bore the name of Uut pen .")( the dreaa it waaio furnish. THEMISl'OCLES. 95 lion of the expedition. Possibly he might doubt the event of the war, as Greece had then several great generals, and Cimon in par- ticular was distinguished with extraordinary success. Above ail, regard for his own achievements, and the trophies he had gained, whose glory he was unwilling to tarnish, determined him (as the best method he could take) to put such an end to his life as became his dignity. Having therefore sacrificed to the gods, assembled his friends, and taken his last leave, he drank bull's blood,* as is generally reported ; or, as some relate it, he took a quick poison, and ended his days at Magnesia, having lived sixty-five years, most of which he had spent in civil or military employments. When the king was acqainted with the cause and manner of his death, he admired him more than ever, and continued his favour and bounty to his friends and relations.f Themistocles had by Archippe, the daughter of Lysander of Alopece, five sons, Neocles, Diodes, Archeptolis, Polyeuctus, and Cleophantus. The three last survived him. The Magnesians erected a very handsome monument to him in the market place ; and various honours and privileges were grant- ed by them to the descendants of Themistocles ; for they were en- joyed by one of his name, an Athenian, with whom I had a parti- lar acquaintance and friendship in the house of Ammonius the phi- losopher. * Whilst they were sacrificing the bull, he caused the blood to be received in a cup, and drank it whilst it was warm, which (according to Pliny) is mortal, because it coagulates or thickens in an instant. f There is, in our opinion, more true heroism in the death of Themistocles than in the death of Cato. It is something enthusiastically great, when a man determines not to survive his liberty ; but it is something still greater, when he refuses to survive his honour. 96 CAMILLUS. FlourUhed 400 years before Christ. THE family of the Furii* was not very illustriouM before the time of Camillus ; he was the first who raised it to diflinction, when he served under Posthumius Tabertus in the great battle with the Equi and Volsci.f In that action, spurring his horse be- fore the ranks, he received a wound in the thigh, when, instead of retiring, he plucked the javelin out of the wound, engaged with the bravest of the enemy, and put them to flight. For this, among other honours, he was appointed censor, an office at that time of great dignity4 There is upon record a very laudable act of his, that took place during his office. As the wars had made many widows, he obliged such of the men as Uved singly, partly by per- suasion, and partly by threatening them with fines, to marry those widows. Another act of his, which indeed was absolutely neces. sary, was, the causing orphans, who before were exempt from taxes, to contribute to the supplies ; for these were very large by reason of the continual wars. What was then most urgent was the siege of Veii. This city was the barrier of Tuscany, and in the quantity of her arms and number of her military, not inferior to Rome. Proud of her wealth, her elegance, and luxury, she had maintained with the Romans many long and gallant disputes for ^lory and for power. But humbled by many signal defeats, the Veientes had then bid adieu to that ambition : they satisfied them- selves with building strong and high walls, and filling the city with provisions, arms, and all kinds of warlike stores; and so they waited for the enemy without fear. The siege was long, but no less laborious than troublesome to the besiegers than to ^iem. For the Romans had long been accustomed to summer campaigns and • Furiut wai the fomily name. Camiliui was an appellation of children of quality, who oiiniitared in the temple of some god. Our Camillus was the first who retaioeid it as a wmaiae. f This was in the year of Rome 314. when Camillus might be about fourtaao or fif- teen years of age (for in the year of Rome 389, be was near Ibuneort), tbougb the Roman youth did not use to bear arms sooner than tervnteen. And thoa|b Plu- tarch says, that his fallant behaviour, at that (ime. procured him the osoaoiwtp, yet that was an oiBce which the Romans never conferred upon a young paraon; and, in fact, Camillus was not censor till the year of Rome 353. I The authority of the censors, in the time of tha npablie, waa vny ■iiaaeini. They bad power to expel senators the housa, to dagrada tka Imigiiia, and to dieabie the commons from giving their votes in the assanblMa of the pacola. But Uie empe- rors took the ofltoa upon themselves: and. as many of Ibom abutap it, it lost its honour, and sometimes lb« very title was laid aside. As to what Plutarch says, that Caaul* lus, when eansnr, obliged many of the bachelors to marnr the widows of tl had fallen In the wars; that was in pursuance of one of the powers of his Qdtbttmtfrohibtnto '^ GAMILLUS. ^ to winter at home ; and then for the first time their officers ordered them to construct forts, to raise strong works about their camp, and to pass the winter as well as summer in the enemy's country. The seventh year of the war was now almost past, when the ge- nerals began to be blamed ; and as it was thought they shewed not sufficient vigour in the siege,* they were superseded, and others put in their room ; among whom was Camillus, then appointed tri. hune the second time. He was not, however, at present concerned in the siege, for it fell to his lot to head the expedition a'gainst the Falisci and Capenates, who, while the Romans were otherwise em- ployed, committed great depredations in their country, and harassed them during the whole Tuscan war. But Camillus falling upon them, killed great numbers, and shut up the rest within their walls. In the tenth year of the siege, the senate removed the other magistrates, and appointed Camillus dictator, who made choice of Cornelius Scipio for his general of horse. In the first place he made vows to the gods, if they favoured him with putting a glo- rious period to the war, to celebrate the great Circensian games to their honour,* and to consecrate the temple of the goddess, whom the Romans call Matuta, and the Greeks Leucothea. After these vows, Camillus penetrated into the country of the Falisci, and in a great battle overthrew them and their auxiliaries the Capenates. Then he turned to the sieg6 of Veii ; and per- ceiving that it would 4)6 both difficult and dangerous to endeavour to take it by assault, he ordered mines to be dug, the soil about the city being easy to work, and admitting depth enough for the works to be carried on unseen by the enemy. As this succeeded to his wish, he made an assault without, to call the enemy to the walls: and in the mean time, others of his soldiers made their way through the mines, and secretly penetrated to Juno's temple in the citadel. The city, thus taken by the Romans, sword in hand, while they were busy in plundering it and carrying off" its immense riches, Camillus beholding from the citadel what was done, at first burst into tears : and when those about him began to magnify his hap- piness, he lifted up his hands towards Heaven, and uttered this prayer: "Great Jupiter, and ye gods that have the inspection of * Of the six military tribunes of that year, only two, L. Virginius and Manius Ser- ffius carried on the siege of V,eii. Sergius commanded the attack, and Virginms co- vered the siege. While the army was thus divided, the Falisci and Capenates fell upon Sergius. and at the same time, the besieged sallying out, attacked hira on the other side The Romans under his command, thinking they had all the forces of Hetruria to deal-with. began to lose courage and retire. Virginius could have saved his col- league's troops, but as Sergius was too proud to send to hira for succour, he resolved not to give hicn any. The enemy, therefore, made a dreadful daughter of the Romans in their lines.— Z.iu. lib. v. c 8. 4- The year of Rome 357. k These were a kind of tournartwait in the great circus gg CAMILLUS. our good and evil actions, y^ know that the Romans, not without just cause, but in their own defence, and constrained by necessity, have made war against this city, and their enemies, its ui^just in- habitants. It' we must have some misfortune in Heu of this success, I entreat that it may fall not upon Rome or the Roman army, but upon myself." Having pronounced these words, he turned to the right, as the manner of the Romans is after prayer and supplication, but fell in turning. His friends expressed great uneasiness at the accident, but he soon recovered himself from the fall, and told them, *'■ It was only a small inconvenience after great success, agreeably to his prayer."* Whether it was that Camillus was elated with his great exploit in taking a city that was the rival of Rome, after it had been be. sieged ten years, or that he was misled by his flatterers, he took upon him too much state for a magistrate subject to the laws and usages of his country : for his triumph was conducted with ex- cessive pomp, and he rode through Rome in a chariot drawn by four white horses, which no general ever did before or after him. Indeed, this sort of carriage is esteemed sacred, and is appropriated to the king and father of the gods.-f The citizens, therefore, con- sidered this unusual appearance of grandeur as an insult upon them. Besides, they were offended at his opposing the law by which the city was to be divided. For their tribunes had proposed that the senate and the people should be divided into two equal parts ; one part to remain at Rome, and the other, as the lot happened to fall, to remove to the conquered city, by which means they would not only have more room, but, by being in possession of two consider- able cities, be better able to defend their territories and to watch over their prosperity. The people who were very numerous, and enriched by the late plunder,«constantly assembled at the /omm, and in a tumultuous manner demanded to have it put to the vote. But the senate and other principal citizens considered this proposal of the tribunes, not so much the dividing as the destroying of Rorae,| and in their uneasiness applied to Camillus. Camillus was afraid to put it to the trial, and therefore invented demurs and pre- tences or delay, to prevent the bill's being oftered to the people, by which he incurred their displeasure. But the greatest and most manifest cause of their hatred was, bis behaviour with respect to the tenths of the spoils : and if the * This it a contioiiatioD of the former miiuke. Livy tails ua, it wms < ftora the event, that thii fall of Camillus was a preaafe of bts coadmum^oa ami banishment. f He likewise coloured bis face with vermilion, the colour with which thrautiiM of ihegods were commonly painted. t Thty feared, that two such cities, would, t)y degrees, become two different state*, which, after a destroctire war with each other, would at tangth fall a prer to UMk common enemies. CAMIIXUS. gg resentment of the people vfas not in this case altogether just, yet it had some show of reason. It seems he made a vow, as he marched to Veii, that if he took the city, he would consecrate the tenths to Apollo. But when the city was taken, and came to be pillaged, he was either unwilling to interrupt his men, or in the hurry hacl forgot his vow, and so gave up the whole plunder to them. After he had resigned his dictatorship, he laid the case be- fore the senate, and the soothsayers declared, that the sacrifices announced the anger of the gods, which ought to be appeased by offerings expressive of their gratitude for the favours they had re ceived. The senate then made a decree, that the plunder should remain with the soldiers (for they knew not how to manage it other- wise); but that each should produce upon oath the tenth of the value of what he had got. This was a great hardship upon the soldiers: and those poor fellows could not without force be brought to refund so large a portion of the fruit of their labours, and to make good not only what they had hardly earned, but now actually spent. Camillas, distressed with their complaints, for want of a better excuse, made use of a very absurd apology, by acknowledg- ing he had forgot his vow. This they greatly resented, that having then vowed the tenths of the enemies', goods, he should now exact the tenths of the citizens. However they all produced their pro- portion, and it was resolved that a vase of massy gold should be made and sent to Delphi. But as there was a sfcarcity of gold in the city, while the magistrates were considering how to procure it, the Roman matrons met, and having' consulted among themselves, gave up their golden ornaments, which weighed eight talents, as an offering to the god. They then sent three of the chief of the nobility ambassadors, in a large ship well manned, and fitted out in a manner becoming so solemn art occasion. And now the tribunes of the people attempted to bring the law for removing part of the citizens to Veii once more upon the carpet : but the war with the Falisci very seasonably intervening, put the management of the elections in the hands of the patricians ; and they nominated Camillus a military tribune,* together with five others ; as affairs then requireda general of considerable dignity, reputation, and experience. When the people had confirmed this nomination, Camillus marched his forces into the country of the Falisci, and laid siege to Falerii, a city well fortified, and provided in all respects for the war. He was sensible it was likely to be no easy affair, nor soon to be dispatched, and this was one reason for his engaging in it ; for he was desirous to keep the citizens employed abroad, that they might not have leizure to sit down at home and raise tumults and seditions. This indeed was a remedy * The year of Rome 361. Camillus was then military tribune the third time. 100 GAUILLUS. which the llomans always had recourse to, Hke f^ood physicians, to expel dangerous humours from the body politic. The Falenans, trustmg to the fortifications with which they were surrounded, made so httle account of the siege, that the inhabi- tants, except those who guarded the walls, walked the streets in their common habits. The boys too went to school, and t!ie master took them out to walk and exercise about the walls; for the Falerians, like the Greeks, chose to have their children bred at one public school, that they might betimes be accustomed to the same discipline, and form themselves to friendship and society." This schoolmaster, then, designing to betray the Falerians by means of their children, took them every day out of the city to exercise, keeping pretty close to the walls at first, and when their exercise was over, led them in again. By degrees he took them out farther, accustoming them to divert themselves freely, as if they had nothing to fear. At last, having got them all together, he brought them to the Roman advanced guard, and deliveredl them up to be carried to Camillus. When he came into his pre* sence, he said, ** He was the schoolmaster of Falerii, but preferriag his favour to the obligations of duty, he came to deliver up thoM children to him, and in them the whole city." This action ap. peared very shocking to Camillus, and he said to those who were by, *' War at best is a savage thing, and wades throuf^h a sea of violence and injustice ; yet even war itself has its laws, which men of honour will not depart from ; nor do they so pursue victory, at to avail themselves of acts of villany and baseness. For a great general should rely only on his own virtue, and not upon the treachery of others." Then he ordered the lietart to tear oft* the wretch's clothes, to tie his hands behind him, and to funiish the hoys with rods and scourges, to punish the traitor, and whip him into the city. By this time the Falerians had discovered the school, muster's treason ; the city, as might be expected, was tnll of laroea- tations for so great a loss, and the principal inhabitants, both nieo and women, crowded about the walls and the gates like persons distracted. In the midst of this disorder, they espied the boys whip* ping on their master, naked and bound, and calling Camillus "their god, their deliverer, their father." Not ojily the parents of those children, but ull the citizens in general, were struck with admire. tiou (It the spectacle, and conceived such an affection for the jus. rice of Camillus, that they ilnmediately assembled in council, and sent deputies to surrender to hmi both themselves and the city. (*arnillu.s sent them to Rome : and when they were mtroduced to the senate, they said* *' The Romans, in preferring justice to ronqucHt, have taught us to ho satisfied with submiKsion instead of liliorty. At the sanip tunc we declare we do not think oiintelves to unich beuoath you in strength, as inferior in victue." 'J'he senate CAMILLUS. 101 referred the disquisition and settling of the articles of peace to Camillus, who contented himself with taking a sum of money of the Falenans, and having entered into alliance with the whole na- tion of the Falisci, returned to Rome. But the soldiers, who expected to have had the plundering of the Falerii, when they came back empty-handed, accused Camillus to their fellow-citizens as an enemy to the commonsu and one who maliciously opposed the interest of the poor. And when the tri- bunes again proposed the law for transplanting part of the citizen's to Veii,* and summoning the people to give their votes, Gamilius spoke very freely, or rather with much asperity against it, appear- iag remarkably violent in his opposition to the people; who there- fore lost their bill, but harboured a strong resentment against Ca- millus. Even the misfortune he had in his family, of losing one of his sons, did not in the least mitigate their rage ; though, as a man of great goodness and tenderness of heart, he was inconsolable for his loss, and shut himself up at home, a close mourner with the women, at the same time that they were lodging an impeach- ment against him. His accuser was Lucius Apnleius, who brought against him a charge of fraud with respect to the Tuscan spoils ; and it was aliedged that certain brass gates, a part of those spoils, werp found with him. The people were so much exasperated, that it was plain they would lay hold on any pretext to condemn him. He, therefore, assembled his friends, his colleagues, and fellow^sol- diers, a great number in all, and begged of them not to suffer him to be crushed by false and unjust accusations, and exposed to the scorn of his enemies. When they had consulted together, and fully considered the affair, tne answer they gave was, that they did not believe it in their power to prevent the sentence, but they would willmgly assist him to pay the fine that might be laid upon him. He could not, however, bear the thoughts of so great an indignity, and giving way to his resentment, determined to quit the city as a volutary exile. Having taken leave of his wife and children, he went in silence from his house to the gate of the city.f There he made a stand, and turning about, stretched out his hands towards the capitol, and prayed to the gods, " That if he was driven out without any fault of his own, and merely by the violence or envy of the people, the Romans might quickly repent it, and express to all the world their want of Camillus, and their regret for his absence." « The patricians carried it against the bill only by a majonty of one tribe. And now they were so well pleased with the people, that the very next rnoming a decreo was passed, assigning six acres of the lands of Veii, not only to every father of a family, but to every single person of free condition^ On tne other hand, the people, delighted with this liberality, allowed the electing of consuls, instead of military tribunes. t This was four years aifter the xakjng of Falerii. 9* IIM CAMlLLUfl. The Gauls were now besieging Clusium, a city of Tuscany. The Clusians applied to the Romans, entreating them to send am- bassadors and letters to the barbarians. Accordmgly they sent three illustrious persons of the Fabian family, who had borne the highest employments in the state. The Gauls received them cour- teously on account of the name of Rome, and, putting a stop to their operations against the town, came to a conference. But when they were asked what injury they had received from the Clusians that they came aganist their city, Brennus, king of the Gauls, smiled and said, ** the injury the Clusians do us, is their keeping to them- selves a large tract of ground, when they can only cultivate a small one, and refusing to give up a part of it to us who are strangers, numerous, and poor. In the same m^pner you Romans were injured formerly by the Albans, the Fidenates, and the Ardeates, and lately by the people of Veii and Capenae, and the greatest part of the Falisci and the Volsci. Upon these you make war ; if they refuse to share with you their goods, you enslave their persons, lay waste their country, and demolish their cities. Nor are your proceedings dishonourable or unjust; for you follow the most ancient of laws, which directs the weak to obey the strong, from the creator even to the irrational part of the creation, that are taught by nature to make use of the advantage their strength affords them against the feeble. Cease then to express your compassion for the Clusians, lest you teach the Gauls in their turn to com- miserate those who have been oppressed by the Romans." By this answer the Romans clnarly perceived that Brennus would come to no terms ; and therefore they went into Clusium, where they encouraged and animated the inhabitants to a sally against the barbarians, either to make trial of the strength of the Clusians, or to show their own. The Clusians made the sally, and a sharp conflict ensued near the walls, when Quintus Ambustus, one of the Fabii, spurred his horse against a Gaul of extraordinary size and figure, who had advanced a good way before the ranks. At first he was not known, because the encounter was hot, and his annour dazzled the eyes of the beholders : but when he had over- come and killed the Gaul, and came to despoil him of his arms, Brennus knew hiih, and called the gods to witness, ** That against all the laws and usages of mankind which were esteemed the most SQCfed and inviolable, Ambustus came as an ambassador, but acted as an enemy." He drew off his men directly, and biddmg the Clu- sians farewell, led his army towards dome. But that he might not seem to rejoice that such an affront was offered, or to have wanted a pretext to hostilities, he sent to demand the offender, in order to punish him, and in the mean time advonced but slowly. The herald being arrived, the senate was assembled, and many spoke against the Fabii, particularly the priests called ftciadfM CAMILLUS. 1Q3 represented the action as an offence against religion, and adjured the senate to lay the whole guilt and the expiation of it upon the person who alone wis to blame, and so avert the wrath of heaven from the rest of the Romans. The senate referred the matter to the people, and the priests accused Fabius with some ardour before them ; but such was the disregard they expressed for their persons, and such their contempt of religion, that they constituted that very Fabius and his brethren military tribunes.* As soon as the Gauls were informed of this, they were greatly enraged, and would no longer delay their march, but hastened for- ward with the utmost celerity. Their prodigious numbers, their glittering arms, their fury and impetuosity, struck terror wherever they came; people gave up their lands for lost, not doubting that the cities wouW soon follow ; however, what was beyond all expec- tation, they mjured no man's property ; they neither pillaged the fields, nor insulted the cities; and as they passed by, they cried out, " They were going to Ronie, they were at war wit^ the Romans only, and considered all others as their friends." While the barbarians were going forward in this impetuous manner, the tribunes led out their, forces to battle, in number not infenorf (for they consisted of forty thousand foot), but the greatest part undisciplined and such as had never handled a weapon before. Besides, they paid no attention to religion, having neither pro- pitiated the gods by sacrifice, nor consulted the soothsayers, as was their duty in lirae of danger, and before an engagement. Another thing which occasioned no small confusion, was the number of persons joined in the command ; whereas, before, they had often appointed for wars of less consideration a single leader whom they called dictator J sensible of how great consequence it is to good order and success, at a dangerous crisis, to be actuated as it were with one soul, and to have the absolute command invested in one person. Their ungrateful treatment of Cahiillus, too, was not the least unhappy circumstance ; as it now appeared dangerous for the generals to use their authority without some flattering indulgence to the people. In this condition they marched out of the city, and encamped about eleven miles from it, on the banks of the river Allia, not far from its confluence with the Tyber. There the barbarians came upon them, and as the Romans engaged in a disorderly manner, they were shamefully beaten, and put to flight. Their left wing was soon pushed into the river, and there destroyed. The right wing, which quitted the field, to avoid the charge, and gained the hills, did not sufier so much, many of them escaping to Rome. * The year of Rome 366 ; or. according to some chronologers, 365. •j- They were inferior in number ; for the Gauls were seventy thousand ; and there- fore the Romans, when they came to action, were obliged to extend their wings so as 10 make their centre very thin, which was one reason of their being soon broken. '^3 ^ }Q4 CAM1LLU& The rest that survived the carnage, when the enemy were satiated with blood, stule by night to Veil, concluding that Rome was lost, and its inhabitants put to the sword. If, after so decisive a battle, the Gauls had immediately pursued the fugitives, there would have been nothing to hinder the entire destruction of Rome and all that remained in it; with such terror was the city struck at the return of those who escaped from the battle, and so filled with confusion and distraction ! but the Gauls, not imagining the victory to be so great as it was, m the excess of their joy, indulged themselves in good cheer, and shared the plunder of the camp; by which means numbers that were for leaving the city, had leisure to escape, and those who remained, had time to recollect themselves, and prepare for ibeir defence. For, quit- ting the rest of the city, they retired to the^ capitol, which they fortified with strong ramparts, and provided well with arms. But their first care was of their holy things, most of which they con. veyed into the capito). As for the sacred fire, the vestal virgins took it up, together with other holy relics, and fled away with it along the side of the river, where Lucius Albinus, a plebeian, among others that were making their escape, was carrying his wife and children, and some of his most necessary moveables, in a wag- con. But when he saw the vestals in a helpless and weary con. dition, carrying in their arms the sacred symbols of the gods, he immediately took out his family and goods, and put the virgins in the waggon, that they might make their escape to some of the Grecian cities. As for the other priests, and the most ancient of the senators* who were of consular dignity, or had been honoured with triumphs, they Cwuld not bear to think of quitting the city : they, therefore, put on their holy vestments and robes of state, and in a form dic- tated by Fabius, the pontifex maximus, makins their vows to tho gods,* devoted themselves for their country ; thus attired, they sat down in the ivory chairs in the /orum,t prepared for the worst extremity. The third day after the battle, Brennus arrived ;ivith his army : and finding the gates of the city opened, and the walls destitute of guards, at first he had some apprehensions of a' stratagem or ambuscade, for he could not think the Romans had so entirely given themselves up to despair. But when he found it to be so in reality, he entered by tho CoUine gate, and took Rome, a liule more than three hundred and sixty years after its foundation. Brennus, thus in pqMesston of Rome, set a tCroog guard aboiil the Capitol, and himself went down into thefontm; where he •The Romiot believed, that by iboM voluntary oooMcrauooi to Um tofcrnal gods, ditof def and confuaioo were brought among the enemy. tThe» ivory, or euruit chain wero uaed only by tbon who bad boms Um ami honourable officei; tnti tbo penoni who bad a right to lit in tbtm bore also ivory staffSb CAMILLUS- 10^ struck with amazement at the sight of so many men seated in great state and silence, who neither rose up at the approach of "their enemies nor changed countenance or colour, but leaned upon their staves and sat looking upon each other without fear or concern. The Gauls, astonished at so surprising a spectacle, and regarding them as superior beings, for a long time were afraid to approach or touch them. At last one of them ventured to go near Manius Papirius, and advancing his hand, gently stroked his beard, which was very long : upon which, Papirius struck him on the head, with his staff, and wounded him. The barbarian then drew his sword and killed him. After this, the Gauls fell upon the rest and slew them, and, continuing their rage, despatched all that came in their way. Then for many days together, they pillaged the houses and carried off the spoil ; at last, they set fire to the city, and demolished what escaped the flames, to express their indignation against those in the Capitol, who obeyed not their summons, but made a vigorous defence, and greatly annoyed the besiegers from the walls. This it was that provoked them to destroy the whole city, and to des- patch all that fell into their hands, without sparing either sex or age. As by the length of the siege provisions began to fail the Gauls, they divided their forces, and part stayed with the king before the fortress, while part foraged the country, and laid waste the towns and villages. Their success had inspired them with such confi- dence, that they did not keep in a body, but carelessly rambled about in different troops and parties. It happened that the largest and best disciplined corps went against Ardea, where Camillus, since his exile, lived in retirement. This great event, however, awaked him into aciion, and his mind was employed in contriving, not how to keep himself concealed and to avoid' the Gauls', but, if an opportunity should offer, to attack and conquer them. Per- ceiving that the Ardeans were not deficient in numbers, but cou- rage and discipline, which was owing to the inexperience and inactivity of their officers, he applied first to the young men, and told them, " They ought not to ascribe the defeat of the Romans to the valour of the Gauls, or to consider the calamities they had suffered in the midst of their infatuation, as brought upon them by men who, in fact, could not claim the merit of the victory, but as the work of fortune. That it would be glorious, though they risked something by it, to repel a barbarous enemy, whose end in con- quering was, like fire, to destroy what they subdued : but that if they would assume a proper spirit, he would give them an opportu. nity to conquer, without any hazard at all." When he found the young men were pleased with his discourse, he went next to the magistrates and senate of Ardea ; and having persuaded them also to adopt his scheme, he armed all who were of a proper age for it^ Q ^^ CAMILLAS. • and drew them up within the walls, that the enemy, w.io were but at a small distance, might not know what he was abouU The Gauls, having scoured the country, and loaded themselves with plunder, encamped upon the plains in a careless and disor- derly manner. Night found them intoxicated with wine, and silence reigned in the camp. As soon as Camillus was informed of this by his spies, he led the Ardeans out : and having passed the inter- mediate space without noise, he reached their tamp about midnight. Then he ordered a loud shout to be set up, and the trumpets to sound on all sides, to cause the greater confusion ; but it was with difllculty they recovered themselves from their sleep and intoxica- tion. A few, whom fear had made sober, snatched up their arms to oppose Camillus, and fell with their weapons in their hands ; but the greatest part of them, buried in sleep and wine, were sur- prised unarmed, and easily despatched. A small number, that in the night escaped out of the camp, and wandered in the fields, were picked up next day by the cavalry, and put to ihe sword. The fame of this action soon reaching the neighbouring citiee, drew out many of their ablest warriors. Particularly such of the Romans as bad escaped from the battle of Allia to Veii, lamented with themselves in some such manner as this : ** What a general has Heaven taken from Rome in Camillus, to adorn the Ardeans with his exploits! while the city which produced and brought up 80 great a man is absolutely ruined ; and we, for want of a leader, sit idle Within the walls of a strange city, and betray the liberties of Italy. Come then, let us send to the Ardeans to demand our general, or else take our weapons and go to him : for he is no longer an exile, nor we citizens, having no country but what is in possession of an enemy. '^ 't'his motion was agreed to, and they sent to Camillus to entreat him to accept of the command. But he answered, he could not do it, before he was legally appointed to it by the Romans in the Capitol.* For he looked upon them, while they were in being, aa the commonwealth, and would readily obey their orders, but with* out them would not be so officious as to interpose. They admired the modesty and honour of Camillus, but knew not how to send the proposal to the Capitol. It seemed indeed impossible for a messenger to pais into the citadel, whilst the enemy were in .possession of the city. However, a young man named Pontius Cominius, not distinguished by his birth, but fond of glory, readily took upon him the commission. He carried no letters to the citizens in the Capitol, lest, if he should happen to be taken, the enemy should discover by them the intentions of • Livjr Mva, tb* Roman lokHert at Veii applied to ttaa imaisf of Um liiMls to Iks Capiiol for leavo, before tbejrofliRtd the corainaod toCamUlm So mneli itnirf ktd tkoee braee men for the cooetitutioa ol tbair country, ttiomk RosM then Utui si' vtrj priTata man wae , indeed, a patriot. CAMILLUS. j^Y Camillus. Having dressed himself in mean attire, under which he concealed some pieces of cor|{, he travelled all day without fear, and approached the city as it grew dark. He could not pass the river by the bridge, because it was guarded by the Gauls ; and therefore took his clothes, which were neither many nor heavy, and bound them about his head, and having laid himself upon the pieces of cork, easily swam over and reached the city. Then avoiding those quarters where by the lights and noise he con- eluded they kept watch, he went to the CarmerUal gatCy where there was the greatest silencp, and where the hill of the Capitol is the steepest and most craggy. Up this he got unperceived, by a way the most difficult and dreadful, and advanced near the guards upon the walls. After he had hailed hem and told them his name, they received him with joy, and conducted him to the magistrates. The senate was presently assembled, and he acquainted them with the victory of Camillus, which they had not heard of before, as well as of the proceedings of the soldiers at Veii, and exhorted them to confirm Camillus in the command, as the citizens out of Rome would obey none but him. Having heard his report, and consulted together, they declared Camillus dictator, and sent Pon- tius back the same way he came, who was equally fortunate in his return ; for he passed the enemy undiscovered, and delivered to the Romans at Veii the decree of the senate, which .they received with pleasure. Camillus, at his arrival, found twenty thousand of them in arms, to whom he added a great number of the allies, and prepared to attack the enemy. Thus was he appointed dictator the second time, and having put himself at the head of the Romans and con- federates, he marched out against the Gauls. Meantime some of the barbarians employed in the sie^Q, hap- pening to pass by the place where Pontius made his way by night up to the Capitol, observed many traces of his feet and hands, as he had worked himself up the rock, torn off what grew there, and tumbled down the mould. Of this they informed the king, who, coming and viewing it, for the present said nothing ; but in the evening he assembled the lightest and most active of his men, who were likeUest to climb any difficult height, and thus addressed them : " The enemy have themselves shown us a way to reach them, which we were ignorant of, and have proved that this rock is neither inaccessible nor untrod by human feet. What a shame would be then, after having made a beginning not to finish ; and to quit the place as impregnable, when the Romans themselves have taught us how to take it ? Where it was easy for one man to ascend, it cannot be difficult for many, one by one ; nay, should many attempt it together, they will find great advantage in assist \m Camiums. ing each other. In the mean time I intend great rewards and honours for such as shall distinguish themselves on this occasion." The Gauls readily embraced the king's ' proposal, and about midnight a number of them together began to climb the rock in silence, which, though steep and craggy, proved more practicable than they expected. The foremost having gained the top, put tliemrelves in order, and were ready to take possession of the wall, and to fall upon the guards, who were fast asleep ; for neither man nor dog perceived their coming. However, there were cer- tain sacred geese kept near Juno's temple,* and at other times plentifully fed, but at this time, as corn and the other provisions that remained were scarce sufficient for the men, they were neglected and m poor condition. This animal is naturally quif'k of hearing, and soon alarmed at any noise ; and as hunger kept them waking end uneasy> they irnmediately perceived the coming of the Gauls, and running at them with all the noise they could make, they awoke all the guards. The barbarians now perceiving they were discovered, advanced with loud shouts and great fury. The Ro- mans in haste snatched up such weapons as came to hand, and acquitted themselves like men on this sudden emergency. First of all, Manlius, a man of consular dignity, remarkable for bis strength and extraordinary courage, engaged two Gauls at once ; and, as one of them was lifting up his battle-axe, with his sword cut off his right hand, at the same time he thrust the boss of his shield in the face of the other, and dashed him down the precipice. Thus standing upon the rampart with those who had come to his assistance and fought by his side, he drove back the rest of tho Gauls that had got up, who were no great number, and who p^r. formed nothing worthy of such an attempt. Tho Romans having escaped the danger that threatened them, as soon as it was light, threw the officer who commanded the watch down the rock amongst the enemy, and decreed Manlius a reward for his victory, which liad more of honour in it than profit ; for every man gave him what he had for one day's allowance. AHer this, the Gauls began to lose courage ; for provisions were scarce, and they could not forage for fear of Caniillus.f Sick, ness too prevailed among them, which took its rise from the heaps of dead bodies, and from their encamping amidst the rubbish of the houses they had burned ; where there was such a quantity of ashes as, when raised by the winds or heated by the sun, by their dry and acrid quality, so corrupted the air, that every breatli of it was • Geete were ever after hkd in honour at Rome, and a flock of ihem nlwayt kept at the axpeiiM of ttie public. A golden image of u gooee wae eracied in nteinory o^ ibem, andagoote rtery year carried in iriumfth upon S aoft litKr 6nely adoniadt while dogi were held in nhhorrence by the RoniHnt. who every yaai impalrd uneolf tiieai upon a bnnr.h of elder.— Pttn. et Plut. de Furtunm Ram. f Cadiilliif being matter of the country, potted •t»ona guardt on alt thr roada, and, in cflect, betieged the brtirj;e^i. CAMILLUS. 1Q9 pernicious. But what affected them most was, the change of cli- mate ; for they had lived in countries that abounded with shades and agreeable shelters from the heat, and were now got into grounds that were low, and unhealthy in autumn. All this, to- gether with the length and tediousness of the siege, which had now lasted more than six months, caused such desolation among them, and carried off such numbers, that the carcasses lay unburied. The besieged, however, were not in a much better condition. Famine, which now pressed them hard, and their ignorance of what Camillus was doing, caused no small dejection ; for the bar- barians guarded the city with so mlrch care, that it was impossible to send any messenger to him. Both sides being thus equally dis- couraged, the advanced guards, who were near enough to con- verse, first began to talk of treating. As the motion was approved by those who had the chief direction of affairs, Sulpitius, one of the military tribunes, went and conferred with Brennus, when it was agreed that the RomaHS should pay a thousand pounds weight of gold,* and that the Gauls, upon receipt of it, should immedi- ately quit the city and its territories. When the conditions were sworn to, and the gold was brought, the Gauls, endeavouring to avail themselves of false weights, privately at first, and afterwards openly, drew down their own side of the balance. The Romans expressing their resentment, Brennus in a contemptuous and insult- ing manner took off his sword, and threw it, belt and all, into the scale, and when Sulpitms asked what that meant, he answered, " What should it mean, but woe to the conquered ?" which became a proverbial saying. Some of the Romans were highly incensed at this, and talked of returning with their gold, and enduring the utmost extremities of the siege ; but others were of opinion, that it was better to pass by a small injury, since the indignity lay not in paying more than was due, but in paying apy thing at all ; a disgrace only consequent on the necessity of the times. While they were thus disputing with the Gauls, Camillus arrived at the gates, and being informed of what had passed, ordered the main body of his army to advance slowly and in good order, while he with a select band marched hastily up to the Romans, who all gave place, and received the dictator with respect and silence* Then he took the gold out of the scales and gave it to the liclorSy and ordered the Gauls to take away the balance and the weights, and to be gone, telling them " it was the custom of the Romans to deliver their country with steel, not with gold." And when Bren- nus expressed his indignation, and complained he had great injus- tice done him by this infraction of the treaty, Camillus answered, *'That it was never lawfully made, nor could it be valid without his consent, who was dictator and sole magistrate; they had, * That is forty- five thousand pounds sterling. 10 no CAMiLLUS. thereforo, act«d without proper authority: but they might makit their proposals, now he was come, whom the laws had invested with power cither to pardon the suppliant, or punish the guilty, it' proper satisfaction was not made." At this Brennus was still more highly incensed, and a skirmish ensued ; swords were drawn on both sides, and thrusts exchanged in a confused manner, which it is easy to conceive must be the case, amidst the ruins of houses and in narrow sti*eets,' where there was not room to draw tip regularly. Brennus, however, soon recollected himself, and drew off his forces into the camp, with the loss of a small number. In the night he ordered them to march and quit the city ; and having retreated about eight miles from it, he encamped upon the Gabinian road. Early in the morning Camillus came up with them, his arms dazzling the sight, and his men full of spirits and fire. A sharp engagement ensued, which lasted a long time ; at length the Gauls were routed with great slaughter, and their camp taken. Sdme of those who f{ed were killed in the pursuit ; but the greater part were cut to pieces by the people in the neighbouring towns and villages, who fell upon them as they were dispersed.* Thus was Rome strangely taken, and more strangely recovered, after it had been seven months m the possession of the barbarians. Camillus returned in triumph, as became the deliverer of his lost country, and the restorer of Rome. Those that had quitted the place before the siege, with their wives and children, now followed his chariot ; and they who had been besieged in the capitol and were almost perishing with hunger, met the others, and embraced them, weeping with joy at this unexpected pleasure, which they almost considered as a dream. The priests and ministers of the gods bringing back with them what holy things they had hid or conveyed away when they fled, afTorded a most desirable specta- cle to the people ; and they gave them the kindest welcome, as if the gods themselves had returned with them to Rome. Next, Camillus sacrificed to the gods, and purified the city, in a form die. tated by the pontiffs. He rebuih the former temples and erected a new one to Aius Ijoquutius, the speaker or Warner^ upon the very spot where the voice from heaven announced in the night to Mar- cus Ceditius the coming of the barbarians. There was, indeed, ■u small difficulty in discovering the places where the templet bid stood, but it was effected by the zeal of Camillus and the industry of the priests. As it was necessary to rebuild the city, which was entirely do- "There is reason to qiieinioii the truth of tlie latter pari of this story. PiMlueh Eie vented ttte Comitia from beiog held, which were ntcmmtj fbr the election of toe cbitf roegittraie*. It wu occasioned by a triflinf aoeideot. Fabhit Ambutnia havinc loariii^d rut eldest daughter to Senriut Sulpicius, a patrioiaa, aad at Uib Uaia nttinursr tribuno. and the younger to Licinius StoJo, a rich plebaian, it T the younger sister was paying a visit to the elder, Sulpicittt eaaie booM from Iba forum, nnd his lictors, with the staff of the fasces, UradUaiad at tba fasces, UradHaiad at tba door. Tbt voiinger sitter being friahtaned at the noisa, the elder laugM at htr, as a panoa tnili JflMirant of high lifit. This aflroot gr«aUj afflicted her, and hir tukm, to conObrt W. M bariMt be uMMjr, for she tbottld soon neas much stattaiharown booMiUhap Mrpriaad bar at her siMar*s; t Thajretroffioroea^. CAMILLUS. 113 Was grown old and covered wfth glory, or whether he thought he Could not get the better of the pCopIe, whose violence Avas equal to their power, for the present he returned to his own house, and soon after, under pretence of sickness, resigned the dictatorship.* The senate appointed another dictator, who, having named for his general of horse that very Stolo who was leader of the sedition, suffered a law to be made that was extremely disagreeable to the patricians. It provided that no person whatsoever should possess more than five hundred acres of land. Stolo havmg carried his point with the people, flourished greatly fpr a while ; but not long after, being convicted of possessing more than the limited number of acres, he suffered the penalties of his own law.f The most difficult part of the dispute, and that which they began with, namely, concerning the election of the consuls, remaining still unsettled, continued to give the senate great uneasiness, when certain information was brought that the Gauls were marching again from the coasts of the Adriatic, with an immense army to- wards Rome. With this news came an account of the usual effects of war, the country laid waste, and 5ach of the inhabitants as could not take refuge in Rome dispersed about the mountains. The terror of this put a stop to the sedition ; and the most popular of the senators uniting with the people, with one voice created Ca- millus dictator the fifth time. He was now very old, wanting very little of fourscore ; yet seeing the necessity and danger of the times, he was willing to risk all inconveniences, and, without alleging any excuse, immediately took upon him the command, and made the levies. As he knew the chief force of the barbari- ans lay in their swords, which they managed without art or skill, furiously rushing in, and aiming chiefly at the head and shoulders, he furnished most of his men with helmets of well-polished iron, that the swords might either break or glance aside : and, round the borders of their shields he drew a plate of brass, because the wood of itself could not resist the strokes. Besides this, he taught them to avail themselves of long pikes, by pushing with which they might prevent the effect of the enemy's swords. When the Gauls were arrived at the river Anio with their ar^ny, encumbered with the vast booty they had made, Camillus drew out his forces, and posted them upon a hill of easy ascent, in which were many hollows, sufficient to conceal the greatest part of his men, while those that were in sight should seem through fear to have taken advantage of the higher grounds. And'the more to fix this opinion in the Gauls, he opposed not the depredations com- * He pretended to find something amiss, in the auspices which were taken when he was appointed. ^ , , . , , r •}• It was eleven years after. Popilius Laenas fined him ten thousand sesterces for being possessed of a thousand acres of land, in conjunction with his son, whom he had emancipated for that purposc.^Liv lib. vii. c. 16. 114 CATULLUS. mitted in his sight, but remained quietly in the camp he bad lurti. fied while he had beheld part of them djsperscd in order to plun der, and ^art indulging themselves, day and night, in drinking and reveUing. At last, he sent out the light-armed infantry before day, to prevent the enemy's drawing up in a regular manner, and to harass them by sudden skirmishing as they issued out of their trenches ; and as soon as it was light he led down the heav)- armed, and put them in battle-array upon the plain, neither few in number nor disheartened, as the Gauls expected, but numerous and full of spirits. This was the first tiling that shook their resolution, for they con. sidered it as a disgrace to have the Romans the aggressors. Then the light-armed falling upon them before they could get into order and rank themselves by companies, pressed them so warmly, that they were obliged to come in great confusion to the engagement Last of all, Camillus leading on the heavy-armed, the Gauls with brandished swords hastened to fight hand to hand ; but the Ro- mans meeting the strokes with their pikes, and receiving them on that part that was guarded with iron, so turned their swords, which were thin and soA-tempered, that they were soon bent almost double ; and their shields were pierced and weighed down with the pikes that stuck in them. They therefore quitted their own arms, and endeavoured to seize those of the enemy, and to wrest their pikes from them. The Romans seeing them naked, now be- gan to make use of their swords, and made great carnage among the foremost ranks. Mean time the rest took to flight and were scattered along the plain ; for Camillus had beforehand secured the heights ; and as in confidence of victory, they had lefl the camp unfortified, they knew it would be taken with ease. This battle is said to have been fought thirteen years af)er the taking of Rome ;'*' and in consequence of this success, the Romans laid aside, for the future, the dismal apprehensions they had enter- tained of the barbarians. They had imagined, it seems, that the former victory they had gained over the Gauls was owins to the sickness that prevailed in their army, and to other unforeaeen accidentt, rather than to their own valour : and so ffreat had their terror been formerly, that they had made a law, " that the priests should be exempted from military seivice, except in case ^f an in- vasion from the. Gauls." This was the last of Camillus's martial exploits. For the taking of VelitrsB was a direct consequence of this victory, and it surrcn. dered without the least resistance. But the greatest conflict he ever experienced in the state, still remained : lor the people were harder to deal with since they returned victorious, and they insisted that one of the consuls should be chosen out of their body, con* • Tbli biiMle wm fmtghx, not thirtaen, but twentr thrte TCtn tfter tbe tfikinf of CAMILLUS. J ^5 trary to the present constitution. The senate opposed them, and would not suffer Camillus to resign the dictatorship, thinking they could better defend the rights of the nobility under the sanction of Jus supreme authority. But one day, as Camillus was sitting in the forum, and employed in the distribution of justice, an officer, sent by the tribunes of the people, ordered him to follow him, and laid his hand upon him, as if he would seize and carry him away. Upon this such a noise and tumult was raised in the assembly, as never had been known ; those that were about Camillus thrusting the plebeian officer. down from the tribunal, and the populace calling out to drag the dictator from his seat. In this case Camillus was much embarrassed : he did not, how- ever, resign the dictatorship, but led ofiT the patricians to the senate house. Before he entered it, he turned towards the Capitol, and prayed to the gods to put an happy end to the present disturbances, solemnly vowing to build a temple to Concord, when the tumult should be over. In the senate there was a diversity of opinions and great debates. Mild and popular counsels, however, prevailed, which allowed ono of the consuls to be a plebeian.* When the dictator announced this decree to the people, they received it with great satisfaction ; they were immediately reconciled to the senate, and conducted Camillus home with great applause. Next day the people assem- bled, and voted that the temple which Camillus had vowed to Con- cord, should, on account of this great event, be built on a spot that fronted the jforum and place of assembly. To those feasts which are called Latin, they added one day more, so that the whole was to consist of four days ; and for the present they ordained that the whole people of Rome should sacrifice with garlands on their heads. Camillus then held an assembly for the election of con- suls, when Marcus ^milius was chosen out of the nobility, and Lucius' Sextus from the commonalty, the first plebeian who at- tained that honour. This was the last of Camillus's transactions. The year follow, ing a pestilence visited Rome, which carried off a prodigious num- ber of the people, most of the magistrates, and Camillus himself. His death could not be deemed premature, on account of his great age and the offices he had borne, yet was he more lamented than all the rest of the citizens who died of that distemper. * The people" haying gained this point, the consulate was revived, and the military tribuneship laid aside forever; but at the same tune the patricians procured the great privilege that a new officer, called praetor, should be appointed, who was to be al- ways one of their body The consuls had been generals of the Ronmn armies, and «t the same time judges of civil affairs; but as they were often in the field, it was thought proper to separafe the latter branch froni their office, and appropriate it to a judge with the title o( prcetor, who was to be next in dignity to the consuls. About the year of Rome 501, another jaraior was appointed to decide the differences among foreigners. Upon the taking of Sicily and Sardinia, two moTcprmtors were created, and as many more upon the conquest of Spam. 116 PERICLES. Flourished 430 years before Christ. PERICLES was of the tribe of Acamantis, and of the ward of Cholargia. His family was one of the most considentble in Athens, both by the father and mother's side. His father Xan- thippus, who defeated the king of Persia's generals at Mycale, married Agaristc, the niece of CHsthenes, who expelled the family of Pisistratus, abolished the tyranny, enacted laws, and established a form of government tempered in such a manner as tended to unanimity among the people, and the safety of the state. The person of Pericles was in other respects well turned, but liis head disproportionably long ; for this reason almost all his statues have the heads covered with a helmet. But the Athenian poets called him Schinoccphalus, or Onion-he4id, The person who taught him music was called Damon, a politician, who, under pretence of teaching music, concealed his great abilities from the vulgar. He also attended the lectures of Zeno of Elea,"" who in natural philosophy was a follower of Parmenides ; but the philo. fiopher with whom ho was most intimately acquainted, who gave him that force and sublimity of sentiment superior to all the dema. gogues, who, in short, formed him to that admirable dignity of manners, was Anaxagoras the Clazomenian. This was he whom the people of those times call Nous^ or intellecty cither in admiration of his great understanding and knowledge of the works of nature, or because he was the first who clearly proved, that the universe owed its formation, neither to chance nor necessity, but to a pure and unmixed Mindt who separated the homogeneous parts from the other with which they were conlbunded. Charmed with the company of this philosopher, and instructed by 4)im in the sublimest sciences, Pericles acquired not only an elevation of sentiment, and a loftiness and purity of style, far re- moved from the low expression of the vulvar, but likewise a gravity of countenance which relaxed not into laughter, a firm and oven lone of voice, an easy deportment, and a decency of dress, which * This Zenn waj of Elea, a town of lirtly, nnH • Phocian enUntj, and munt ha carefully difttiO((Uiiihrd from Z«nn. the founder of the tpcl of the Stoics.* Tba Zano here tfiokeii ol was re«pectable for atti>niptiitK to mi hi« cotiniry of a ivrant l^ha tyrant took him, ami caused hint to lir poundrd to drath in a mnrtar luit h\t death ancAinplifhed what he could nut etiect in his lileiimc; for his ffllow ciiisrns were ao tnuch incrnstd at the dreadful manner of it. that they fell upon the tyrant and stoned him. As to his at);unient«, and those of hit master i'snnenides. prrtendrd to be an in? iiM*.ible, one of tnein w*» tn prove there can he no surh ihiuf an mniion. si:»ce a Hung can neilhttr move in the place where it ip, nor in the place wher»» it i» not But Ibis anphisni is easily ir fnti**! ; for motion \i the passing of a thinj; oi jx'ron their owte borders, and expected a still sharper conflict in the summer, griev. ously repented of their treatment of Cimon, and longed for his re. turn. Pericles, sensible of the people's inclinations, did not hesi- tate to gratify them, but himself proposed a decree for recalling CimoD ; and, at his return, a peace was agreed upon through his mediation. For the Lacedsonoonians had a particular regard for him, as well as aversion f^)r Pericles, and the other demagogues. But some authors write, that Pericles did not procure an order for * There were several courts of judicature in Athens, compoeed of certain ouos- ber of the cifixeos. who sometinirs rrceived one obolu* each Uu eTery cause llM7 tried and sontetintes men who aimed at pop lUrity. procuiad this fee to ha iiwiaastn. t (lis treason against the vlate was pr«)ieiided tu consist lo raceiviDf prataoia or other gratifications fruni the Macedonians, whneby he *vm% prevailed iw to let slip tha oppnrtunitv he had to enlan^e the Athenian conquests, after ha had taken the (old inin^s of 'fhrace. Cimon an«v%«red, that he had prntiecuied the war to the utmost of his power against the Thraciar.s end their other enemies: but that he had made no inroads into Macedonia, berauce he did not conceive that he was to act en a pubib enenty to mankind. PERICLES. 119 Cimon^s return, till they 4iad entered into a private compact, by means of Cimon's sister Elpinice, that Cimon should have the command abroad, and with two hundred galleys lay waste the king of Persia's dominions, and Pericles have the direction of affairs at home. Cimon died soon after in the expedition to Cyprus. And the nobility perceiving that Pericles was now arrived at a height of authority which set him far above the other citizens, were desirous of having some person to oppose him, who might be capable of giving a check to his power, and of preventing his making him- self absolute. For this purpose they set up Thucydides, of the ward of Alopece, a man of great prudence, and brother-in-law to Cimon. He had not, indeed, Cimon's talents for war, but was su- perior to him in forensic and political abilities ; and, by residing constantly in Athens, and opposing Pericles in the general assera- bly, he soon brought the government to an equilibrium. For he did not suffer persons of superior rank to be dispersed and con- founded with the rest of the people, because, in that case, their dignity was obscured and lost : but collected them into a separate body, by which means their authority was enhanced, and sufficient weight thrown into their scale.' There was, indeed, from the be- ginning, a kind of doubtful separation, which, like the flaws in a piece of iron, indicated that the aristocratical party, and that of the commonalty, were not perfectly one, though they were not actu- ally divided ; but the ambition of Pericles and Thucydides, and the contest between them had so extraordinary an effect upon the city, that it was quite broken in two, and one of the parts was called the people, and the other the nobility. For this reason. Pericles, more than ever, gave the people the reins, and endeavoured to in- gratiate himself with them, contriving to have always some show, or play, or feast, or procession in the city, and to amuse it with the politest pleasures. As another means of employing their attention, he sent out sixty galleys every year, manned for eight months, with a considerable number of the citizens, who were both paid for their service, and improved themselves as mariners. He likewise sent a colony of a thousand men to the Chersonesus, five hundred to Naxos, two hundred and fifty to Andres, a thousand into the country of the Bisaltffi in Thrace, and others into Italy, who settled in Sibaris, and changed its name to Thurii. These things he did to clear the city of an useless multitude, who were very troublesome when they had nothing to do ; to make provision for the most necessitous ; and to keep the allies of Athens in awe, by placing colonies like so many garrisons in their neighbourhood. That which was the chief delight of the Athenians and the won- der of strangers, and which alone serves for a proof that the boa?t. 12H) CAMILLUS. cd power and opulence of ancient Greece is not an idle tale, wan the magnificence of the temples and public edifices. Yet no part of tlie conduct of Pericles moved the spleen of his enemies more than this. In their accusations of him to the people, the> insisted, "That he hod brought the greatest disgrace upon the Athenians by removing the public treasures of Greece from Delos, and taking them into his own custody : that he had not left himself even the specious apology of having caused the money to be brought to Athens for its greater security, and to keep it from being seized by the barbarians : that Greece must needs consider it as the high- est insult, and an act of open tyranny, when she saw the money she had been obliged to contribute towards the war, lavished by the Athenians in gilding their city, and ornamenting it with statues and temples that cost a thousand talents/ as a proud and vain woman decks herself out with jewels." Pericles answered this charge by observing, "That they were not obliged to give the allies any account of the suras they had re- ceived, smce they had kept the barbarians at a distance, and offectually defended the allies, who had not furnished either horses, ships, or men, but only contributed money, which is no longer the property of the giver, but of the receiver, if he performs the condi. tions on which it is received : that as the state was provided with all the necessaries of war, its superfluous wealth should be laid out on such works as when executed would be eternal monuments of its glory, and which, during their execution, would diffuse an uni- versal plenty ; for as so many kinds of labour, and such a variety of instruments and materials were requisite to these undertakings, every art would be exerted, every hand employed, almost the whole city would be in pay, and be at the same time both adorned and supported by itself." Indeed, such as were of a proper age and strength were wanted for the wars, and well rewarded for their 8er> vices : and as for the mechanics and meaner sort of people, they went not without their share of the public money, nor yet had they it to support them in idleness. By the constructing of great edi- fices, which required many arts and a long time to finish them, they had e^uai pretensions to be considered out of the treasury (though they stirred not out of the city,) with the mariners and soldiers, guards and garrisons. For the different materials, such as ttone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony, and cypress, furnished employment to car()enters, masons, braziers, goldsmiths, painters, turners, and other artificers ; tlie conveyance of them by sea employed roer- chaiUs and sailors, and by land wheelwrights, waggoners, car- riers, rope-makers, leather-cutters, paviers, and iron founders : and every art had a number of the lower people ranged in proper aubordinution to execute it like soldiers under the command of a • The Psahenon, or ttniplt of Minenrt, if laid to have coat a tboonnd taltnts^ general. Thus by the exercise of these different trades, plenty was diffused among persons of every rank and condition. Thus works were raised of an astonishing magnitude, and inimitable- beauty and perfection, every architect striving to surpass the mag- nificence of the design with the elegance of the execution ; yet still the most wonderful circumstance was the expedition with which they were completed. Many edifices, each of whicb seems to have required the labour of several successive ages, were finish- ed during the administration of one prosperous man. It is said, that when Agatharcus the painter valued himself upon the celerity and ease with which he despatched his pieces, Zeuxis replied, " If I boast, it shall be of the slowness with which 1 finish mine." For ease and speed in the execution seldom give a work any lasting importance, or exquisite beauty ; while, on the other hand, the time which is expended in labour is recovered and repaid in the duration of the performance. Hence, we have the more reason to wonder, that the structures raised by Pericles should be built in so short a time, and yet built for ages : for as each of them, as soon as finished, had the venerable air of antiquity, so, now they are old, they have the freshness of a modern building. A bloom is diffused over them, which preserves their aspect untarnished by time, as if they were animated with a spirit of perpetual youth and unfading elegance. Phidias was appointed by Pericles superintendant of all the pub. lie edifices, though the Athenians had then other eminent archi- tects and excellent workmen. The Parthenon, or temple of PaU lasy whose dimensions had been a hundred feet square,* was re- built by Callicrates and Ictinus. Corcebus began the temple of Initiation at Eleusis, but only lived to finish the lower rank of columns with their architraves. Metagenes, of the ward of Xypete^ added the rest of the entablature, and the upper row of columns ; and Xenocles of Cholargus built the dome on the top. The long wall, the building of which Socrates says he heard Pericles pro- pose to the people, was undertaken by Callicrates. The Odmm, or music-theatre, which was likewise built by the direction of Pericles, had within it many rows of seats and of pillars ; the roof v;as V'i a conic figure, after the model of the king of Persia's pa- vilion. Tlie orators of Thucydides's party raised a clamour against Pericles, asserting, that he wasted the public treasure and brought the revenue to nothing. Pericles, in his defence, asked the people in full assembly, " Whether they thought he had expended too much ?" Upon their answering in the affirmative, "Then be it," * It was called Hecatompedon^ because it had been originally a hundred fe^t square ; one having been burnt by the Persians, it was rebuilt by Pericles, and rejftjip- ed that name aftei it was greatly enlai^revf. A n l3^ J^fiKiCLKjJ. . said he, ** charged to my account,'^ not yours ; only let tbe oew edifices be inscribed with my name, not that of the people of Athens." Whether it was that they admired the greatness of his spirit, or were ambitious to share the glory of such magnificent vorks, they cried out, " That he might spend as much as he pleas- ed of the public treasure, without sparing it in the least." At last the contest came on between him and Thucydides which of them should be banished by the ostracism : Pericles gained the victory, banished his adversary, and entirely defeated his party. The opposition now being at an end, and unanimity taking place amongst all ranks of people, Pericles became sole master.of Athens, and its dependencies. The revenues, the army, the navy, the islands, and the sea, a most extensive territor>-, peopled by bar- barians as well as Greeks, fortified with the obedience of subject nations, the friendship of kings and alliance of princes, were all at his command. Frum this time he became a dififerent man ; he was no longer so obsequious to the humour of the populace, which is as wild and as changeable as tbe winds. The multitude were not indulged or courted ; the government, in fact, was not popular ; its loose and luxuriant harmony was confined to stricter measures, and it assu- med an aristocratical, or, rather, monarchical form. He kept the public good in his eye, and pursued the straight path of honour. For the most part, gently leading them by argument to a sense of what was right, and sometimes forcing them to comply with what was for their own advantage ; in this respect, imitating a good physician, who, in tlie various symptoms of a long disease, some- times administers medicines tolerably agreeable, and, at other times, sharp and strong ones, when such alone are capable of re- storing the patient. He was the man that had the art of control- ling those many disorderly passions which necessarily spring up amongst a people possessed of so extensive a dominion. The two engines he worked with were hope and fear ; with these, repress- ing their violence when they were too impetuous, and supporting their spirits when inclined to languor, he made it appear that rhe- toric is, as Plato de/ined it, the art of ruling the minds of men, and that its principal province consists in moving the passions and af- fections of the soul, which, like so many strings in a musical in- * It apDeart, from ft puM^e in TbucydidM, that tb« public stnck of Um AtbMitna amountea to niae thoasand tevun hundred taJenti ^or oim oiiUkw eiibt bundrad and gfeTenty five ihuutand oine hundred and fifty pounds iteriiii|,) of whicb Pariolft bad laid out in those public building! tbrae thousand Mven bimdnd talanta. It it oalu. ral, tberelbre, to ask, bow be could tell tbe peopla tbat it riiould be at bis own ax- pMMM, especially since Plutarch tells us in Um seouel, that he had aoc in tbe least hn- pioved the estate left him by bis lather. To wbicb the irua answer probably ts, that rsrioiss tvas politician eooiikb to know that the ? anitjr of the Athaniaae would never l«l thaoB agree that he should inscribe Uie new mainiacanl huildtafs with his name, in asdosion of theirs ; or be nifht ventun to My any thta«, btiag taeoft of a m^fot^f earti»9lbte HMdeathof Periolr^i PliRlCLES. 125 to an army of sixty thousand men (for such was the number of the Peloponnesians and Boeotians employed in the first expedition), and by that step to risk no less than the preservation of the city itself. As for those who were eager for an engagement, and un- easy at his slow proceedings, he endeavoured to bring them to rea- son by observing, " That trees, when lopped, will soon grow again ; but, when men are cut off, the loss is not easily re- paired." In the mean time, he took care to hold no assembly of the peo- ple, lest he should be forced to act against his own opinion. But, as a good pilot, when a storm arises at sea, gives his directions, gets his tackle in order, and then uses his art, regardless of the tears and entreaties of the sick and fearful passengers ; so Peri- cles, when he had secured the gates, and placed the guards in every quarter to the best advantage, followed the dictates of his own understanding, unmoved by the clamours and complaints that resounded in his ears. Thus firm he remained, notwithstandipg the importunity of his friends, and the threats and accusations of his enemies — notwithstanding the many scoffs and songs sung to vilify his character as a general, and to represent him as one who in the most dastardly manner betrayed his country to the enemy. Cleon,* too, attacked him with great acrimony, making use of the general resentment against Perides, as a means to increase his own popularity. Pericles, however, regarded nothing of this kind, but calmly and silently bore all this disgrace and virulence. And though he fitted out an hundred ships, and sent them against Peloponnesus, yet he did not sail with them, but chose to stay and watch over the city, and keep the reins of government in his own hands, until the Peloponnesians were gone. In order to satisfy the common peo- ple, who were very uneasy on account of the war, he made a dis- tribution of money and lands; for, having expelled the inhabitants of iEgina, he divided the island by lot among the Athenians. Be- sides, the sufferings of the enemy afforded them some consolation. The fleet sent against Peloponnesus ravaged a large tract of coun- try, and sacked the small towns and villages : and Pericles him- self made a descent upon the territories of Mega ra,f which he laid waste. Whence it appears, that though the Peloponnesians greatly distressed the Athenians by land, yet, as they were equally distressed at sea, they could not have drawn out the war to so great a length, but must soon have given it up, (as Pericles fore- * The same Cleon that Aristophanes satirized. By his harangues and political intrigues, he got huDself appointed general. t He did not undertake this expedition nntil autumn, when the Lacedasmonians were retired. In the winter of this year, the Athenians solemnized, in an extraordi- nary manner, the funerals of such as first died in the war. Pericles pronounced the oration on that occasion, which Thucydides has preserved. j2e FERlCLi;^! told from the beginning,) had not some divine power prevented the effect of human counsels. A pestilence at thnt time broke out which destroyed the flower of the youth and the strength of Athens. And not only their bodies, but their very minds were af- fected : for, as persons delirious with a fever, set themselves against a physician or a father, so they raved against Pericles, and attempted his ruin ; being persuaded by his enemies that the sick- ness was occasioned by the multitude of out.dwellers flocking into the city, and a number of people stuffed together in the height of summer, in small huts and close cabins, where they were forced to live a lazy inactive life, instead of breathing the pure and open air to which they had been accustomed. They would needs have it, that he was the cause of all this, who, when the war began, ad. mitted withm the walls such crowds of people from the country, and yet found no employment for them, but let them continue penned up like cattle, to infect and destroy each other, without af- fording the least relief or refreshment. Desirous to remedy this calamity, and withal in some degree to annoy the enemy, he manned an hundred and flf\y ships, on which he embarked great numbers of select horse and foot, and was prc> paring to set sail. The Athenians conceived good hopes of sue cess, and the enemy no Ifcss dreaded so great an armament. The whole fleet was in readmess, and Pericles on board of his own galley, when there happened an eclipse of the sun. This sudden darkness was looked upon as an unfavourable omen, and threw them into the greatest consternation. Pericles, observing that the pilot was much astonished and perplexed, took his cloak, and having covered his eyes with it, asked him, *' If he found any thing terrible in that, or considered it as a sad presage ?" Upon his answering in the negative, he said, '* Where is the difTerence, then, between this and the other, except that something bigger than my cloak causes the eclipse V* In this expedition Pericles performed nothing worthy of so great an equipment. He laid siege to the sacred city of Epidaunis,* and at first with some rational hopes of success; but the distemper which prevailed in his army broke all his measures. For it not only carried off his own men, but all who had intercourse with them. This ill success set the Athenians against him ; he en- deavoured to console them under their losses, and to aninMtc them to new attempts. But it was not in his power to mitigate their resentment, nor could they be satisfied, until they had show- ed themselves masters by voting that he should bo deprived of the command, and pay a fine, which, by the lowest account, was fifteen talents; some make it fifty. The public ferment, indeed, soon subsided, the people quitting * This EpidaurtJi wai in Arfia. It was conMcrated to Atculapiui; and Plu- \Mfeh call* It snered, to ditiingutsh ii from another lown of ihf umt nama in Uconta. ^ PiaRIOLES. 127 their resentment with that blow, as a bee leaves its sting in the wound ; but his private affairs were in a miserable condition, for he had lost a number of his relations in the plague, and a mis- understanding had prevailed for some time in his family. Xan- thippus, the eldest of his legitimate sons, was naturally profuse, and besides had married a young and expensive wife. He knew not how to brook his father's frugality, who supplied him but spa- ringly, and with a little at a time, and therefore sent to one of his friends, and took up money in the name of Pericles. When the man came to demand his money, Pericles not only refused to pay him, but even prosecuted him for the demand. Xanthippus was so highly enraged at this, that he began openly to abuse his father. First he exposed and ridiculed the company he kept in his house, and the conversations he held with the philosophers. He said, that Epitimius the Pharsalian having undesignedly killed a horse with a javelin, which he threw at the public games, his father spent a whole day in disputing with Protogorus, which might be properly deemed the cause of his death, the javelin or the man who threw it, or the presidents of the games. Stesimbrotus adds, that it was Xanthippus who spread the vile report concerning his own wife and Pericles, and that the young man retained this im- placable hatred agatn.ot were px<>rule(l. and thin natural not) «!' Priiclei was one of them. The only crii- - the dead. Xenophon. in his Ot> It happened undpr the archonkiii|i •>! ; .imas mr m-cuho vmi or mv i> , Olympiad, twenty four years after tlie death uf I*ertcl9fl. .Socrates the pi was at that time one of ihe prytanes, and resolutely refused to do bii ofbc^ linle while after the madnetfl of the people turned the other war PERICLiiS. 129 had hung about his neclt, intimating that he must be sick: indeed, since he submitted to so ridiculous a piece of superstition. When he was at the point of death, his surviving friends and the principal citizens sitting about his bed discoursed together con- cerning his extraordinary virtue, and the great authority he had enjoyed, and enumerated his various exploits and the number of his victories ; for, while he was commander in chief, he had erect- ed no less than nine trophies to the honour of Athens. These things they talked of, supposing that he attended not to what they said, but that his senses were gone. He took notice, however, of every word they had spoken, and thereupon delivered himself au- dibly as follows : ** I am surprised that while you dwell upon and extol these acts of mine, though Fortune had her share in them, and many other generals have performed the like, you take no no- tice of the greatest and most honourable part of my character, that no Athenian, through my means, ever put on mourning.^'' Pericles undoubtedly deserved admiration, not only for the can- dour and moderation which he ever retained, amidst the distrac- tions of business and the rage of his enemies, but for that noble sentiment which led him to think it his most excellent attainment* never to have given way to envy or anger, notwithstanding the greatness of his power, nor to have nourished an implacable hatred against his greatest foe. In my opinion, this one thing, I mean his mild and dispassionate behaviour, his unblemished iniegrit}'", and irreproachable conduct during his whole administration, makes his appellation of Olympius, which would be otherwise vain and absurd, no longer exceptionable, nay, gives it a propriety. Thus we think the divine powers as the authors of all good, and naturally incapable of producing evil, worthy to rule and preside over the universe. The state of public affairs soon shev^ed the want of Pericles,"^ and the A.thenians openly expressed their regret for his loss. Even those, who, in his lifetime, could but ill brook his superior po\Ver, as thinking themselves eclipsed by it, yet upon a trial of other ora- tors and demagogues, after he was gone, soon acknowledged that where severity was required, no man was ever more moderate; or, if mildness was necessary, no man better kept up his dignity than Pericles. And his so much envied authority, to which they had given the name of monarchy and tyranny, then appeared to have been the bulwark of the state. So much corruption, and such a rage of wickedness broke out upon the commonwealth after his death, which he by proper restraints had palliated, and kept from dangerous and destructive extremities. * Pericles died in the third year of the Peloponnesian war, that is, tba last ycsas &> ihp eighty. seventh Olympiad, and 423 years before the christian era. Z30 ALCIBIADES. Flourished 440 years before Chrisi. THOS£ that h^ve searched into the pedigree of Alcibiades, gay, that Euryeaces, the son of Ajaz, was founder of the family ; and that by his mother's side he was descended from Alcmeon : for Dinomachc, bis mother, was the daughter of Megacies, who was of that line. His father Clinias gained great honour in the sea- fight of Artemisium, where he fought in a galley fitted out at hit own expense, and afterwards was slain in the battle of Coronea, where the BoDotians won the day. Pericles and Ariphron, the SODS of Xanthippus, and near relations to Alcibiades, were his guardians. As to the beauty cif Alcibiades, it may be sufficient to say, that it retained its charms through the several stages of childhood, youth and manhood. For it is not universally true what £ury- pides says, The very autumn of a form once fine Retains its beauties. Yet this was the case of Alcibiades, amongst a few others, by rea- son of his natural vigour and happy constitution. He had a lisping in his speech, which became him, and gave a grace and persuasive turn to his discourse. His manners were far from being uniform ; nor is it strange, that they varied according to the many vicissitudes and wonderful turns of his fortune. He was naturally a man of strong passions : but his rulmg passion was an ambition to contend and overcome. This appears from what is related of hm sayings when a boy. When hard pressed in wrestling, to prevent his being thrown, he bit the hands of bis an- tsgonist, who let go his hold, and said, *' You bite, Alcibiades, like a woman." " No," says he, " like a lion." One day he was playing at dice with other boys in the street ; and when it came to his turn to throw, a loaded waggon came up. At first he called to the driver to stop, because he was to throw m the way over which the waggon was to pass. The rustic disre- garding him and driving on, the other boys broke away ; but Alci- biades threw himself upon his face directly before the waggon, and stretching himself out, bade the fellow drive on if he pleased. Upon this he was so startled, that he stopped bis horses, while those who saw it, ran up to him with terror. In the course of his education, he willingly took tho lessons of his other masters, but refused learning to play upon the flute, which bo looked upon as a mean art, and unbecoming a gentleman. ALCIBUDES. ]^31 Thus it lost its place in the number of liberal accomplishments, and was universally exploded. Many persons of rank made their court to Alcibiades, but it is evident that they were charmed and attracted by the beauty of his person. Socrates was the only one whose regards were fixed upon the mind, and bore witness to the young man's virtue and in- genuity, the rays of which he could distinguish through his fine form ; and fearing lest the pride of riches and high rank, and the crowd of flatterers, both Athenians and strangers, should corrupt him, he used his best endeavours to prevent it, and took care that so hopeful a plant should not lose its fruit, and perish in the very flower. If ever fortune so enclosed and fortified a man with what are called her goods, as to render him inaccessible to the incision- knife of philosophy, and the searching-probe of free advice, surely it was Alcibiades. From the first he was surrounded with plea- sure, and a multitude of admirers determined to say nothing but what they thought would please, and to keep them from all ad- monition and reproof; yet by his native penetration, he distin- guished the value of Socrates, and attached himself to him, reject- ing the rich and great who sued for his regard. With Socrates he soon entered into the closest intimacy ; and finding that he did not, like the rest of the unmanly crew, want im- proper favours, but that he studied to correct the errors of his heart, and to cure him of his empty and foolish arrogance, Then his crest fell, and all bis pride was gone, He droop'd the conquer'd wing. In fact, he considered the discipline of Socrates as a provision from heaven, for the preservation and benefit of youth. Thus despising himself, admiring his friend, adoring his wisdom, and re- vering his virtue, he insensibly formed in his heart the image of love, or rather came under the influence of thJiP power, who, as Plato says, secures his votaries from vicious love. Though Socrates had many rivals, yet he kept possession of Alcibiades's heart by the excellence of his genius and the pathetic turn of his conversation, which often drew tears from his young companions. And though sometimes he gave Socrates the slip, and was drawn away by his flatterers, who exhausted all the art of pleasure for that purpose, yet the philosopher took care to hunt out his fugitive, who feared and respected none but him ; the rest he held in great contempt. When he was past his childhood, happening to go into a gram- mar-school, he asked the master for a volume of Homer; and upon his making answer that he had nothing of Homer's, he gave him a box on the ear, and so lefl; him. Another school-master telling him he had Homer, corrected by himself; "How!" said Alcibi- ades, " and do you emoloy your time in teaching children to read ? ]^ ALCIBIADES. you, who are able to correct Homer, might seem to bo fit to u)- struct men." One day, wanting to speak to Pericles, he went to his house^ and being told there ihat he was busied in considering how to give in his accounts to the people, and theretbre not at leisure ; he said OS he went away, ** He had better consider how to avoid giving in any account at all." While he was yet a youth, he made the campaign at PotidsBO, where Socrates lodged m the same tent with him, and was bis companion in every engagement. In the principal battle they both behaved with great gallantry ; but Alcibiades at last falling down wounded, Socrates advanced to defend him, which be did effectually in the sight of the whole army, saving both him and hvs arms. For this the prize of valour was certainly due to Socrates, yet the generqls inclined to give it to Alcibiades on account of his quality ; and Socrates, willing to encourage his thirst after true glory, was the first who gave his suffrage for him, and pressed them to adjudge him the crown and the complete suit of armour. On the other hand, at the battle of Delium, where the Athenians were routed,*^ and Socrates, with a few others, were retreating on foot, Alcibiades observing it, did not pass him, but covered his re- treat, and brought him safe off, though the enemy pressed furiously forward and killed great numbers of the Athenians. But this hap- pened a considerable time afler. To Hipponicus, the father of Callias, a man respectable both for his birth and fortune, Alcibiades one day gave a box on the ear ; not that he had any quarrel with him or was heated by pas- sion, but purely because, in a wanton frolic, he had agreed with his companions to do so. The whole city being full of the story of his insolence, and every body (as it was natural to expect) ex- pressing some dtoentment, early next morning Alcibiades went to wait on Hipponicus, knocked at the door, and was admitted. As soon as he came into his presence, he stripped off his garment, and presenting his naked body, desired him to beat and chastise him as he pleased. But instead of that, Hipponicus pardoned him, and forgot all his resentment : nay, some time after, he even gave biro his daughter Hipparete in marriage. Hippareto made a prudent and afiectionate wife ; but at last ^wing very uneasy at her husband's associating with such a number of courtesans, both strangers and Athenians, she quitted his house and went to her brother's. Alcibiades went on with his debaucheries, and gave himself no pain about his wife ; but it was necessary for her, in order to a legal separation, to give in a hill • I. iiivti tl>a •dvicu wiiicb Alcii>!.i-'- • •■* --— • -•• * ' — •: -) l)«oalia. whKM >.- m mn fqi'Ml itiKtHnci; from whicb m«atiii itir AthcniaM were now ili-privrf! ,„. renit of their laiiHt,aod of th« MicoiHira oi I'm tnc |irt'utt.- i thn war lu (hit iiiii«, m%» that whr.h tofcl th«m Uilt year in Sicily, . . nly lo«t ihe coiiquect ihey aimed at. toftetbcr wiib th* reputation tbey bad m Ioiih inaintainrd, but tbeir §mu iMff anny, and iMr i ALCIBIADES. X43 those with whom he conversed, by imitating and adopting their customs and way of Uving. Nay, he turned himself into all man- ner of forms with more ease than the cameleon changes his colour. It is not, we are told, in that animal's power to assume a white, but Alcibiades could adapt himself to either good or baji, and did' not find any thing which he attempted impracticable. Thus at Sparta he was all for exercise, frugal in his diet, and severe in his manners. In Asia, he was as much for mirth and pleasure, luxury and ease. In Thrace, again, riding and drinking were his favourite amusements ; and in the palace of Tissaphernes, the Persian gran- dee, he outvied the Persians^ themselves in pomp and splendour. Not that he could with so much ease change his real manners, or approve in his heart the form which he assumed ; but because he knew that his native manners would be unacceptable to those whom he happened to be with, he immediately conformed to tho ways and fashions of whatever place he came to. When he was at Lacedaemon, if you regarded only his outside, you would say as the proverb does, " This is not the son of Achilles, but Achilles himself;" This man has surely been brought up under the eye of Lycurgus ; but then if you looked more nearly into his dispositioa and his actions, you would exclaim with Electra in the poet, *' The same weak woman still !"* After the miscarriage of the Athenians in Sicily, the people of Chios, of Lesbos, and Cyzicum, sent to treat with the Spartans about quitting the interests of Athens, and putting themselves under the protection of Sparta. The Bceotians, on this occasion, solicited for the Lesbians, and Pharnabazus for the people of Cyzicum ; but, at the persuasion of Alcibiades, succours were sent to those of Chios before all others. He likewise passed over into Ionia, and prevailed with almost all that country to revolt, and attending the Lacedaemonian generals in the execution of most of their commissions, he did great prejudice t(> the x\thenians. But Agis could not endure his glory and prosperity ; for most of the present successes were ascriben o Alcibiades. The great and the ambitious among the Spartans were indeed, in general, touched with envy ; and had influence enough with the civil magis- trates, to procure orders to be sent to their friends in Ionia to kill him. But timely foreseeing his danger, and cautioned by his fears, in every step he took he still served the Lacedaemonians, taking care all the while not to put himself in their power. Instead of that, he sought the protection of Tissaphernes, one of the grandees of Persia, or lieutenants of the king. With this Persian he soon attained the highest credit and authority : for himself a very subtle * This is spoken of Hermione, in the Orestes of Euripides, upon her discovering the same vanity and solicitude about her beauty, when advanced in years, that sh» fa»d when she was young. ^44 ALCIBIADES. and inaiiicere man, he admired the art and keenness of Alcibiades. Indeed, by the elegance of his conversation, and the charms of his politeaess, every man was gained, all hearts were touched. Even those who leared and envied him were not insensible to pleasure in his company ; and while they enjoyed it, their resentment was disarmed. Tissaphernes, in all other cases savage in his temper, and the bitterest enemy that Greece experienced among the Per- sians, gave himself up, notwithstanding, to the flatteries of Alcibf- ades, insomuch that he even vied with and exceeded him in address. For of all his gardens, that which excelled in beauty, which was remarkable for the salubrity of its streams and the freshness of its ineadcws, which was set oft* with pavilions royally adorned, and retirements tiuished in the most elegant taste, he distinguished by the name of Alcibiades ; and every one continued to give it that appellation. Rejecting, therefore, the interests of Lacedd;mon,and fearing that people as treacherous to him, he represented them, and their king Agis, in a disadvantageous light to Tissaphernes. He advised him not to assist them effectually, nor absolutely to ruin the Athenians, but to send his subsidies to Sparta with a sparing hand ; that so the two powers might insensibly weaken and consume each other, and both at last be easily subjected to the king. TiHsaphernes readily followed his counsels, and it was evident to all the world that he held him in the greatest admiration and esteem : which made him equally considerable with the Greeks of both parties. The Athenians repented of the sentence they had passed upon him because they had suffered for it since ; and Alcibiades, on his side, was under some fear and concern, lest, if their republic should bo destroyed, he should fall into the hands of the Lacedcemonians who hated him. At that time, the whole strength of the Athenians lay at Samoa. With their ships sent out from thence, they recovered some of the towns which had revolted, and others they kept to their duty ; and at sea they were in some measure able to make head against their enemies. But they were afraid of Tissaphernes and the and the Phcenician fleet of an hundred and fifly ships, which were said to be coming against them ; for against such a force they could not hope to defend themselves.^ Alcibiades, apprised of this, privately sent a messenger to the principal Athenians at Samos, to give them hopes that he would procure them the friendship of Tiflsaphemes : not to recommend himself to the people, whom bo could not trust, but to oblige the nobility, if they would but exert their superiority, to repress the insolence of the commi)nahy, and, taking the government into their own hands, by that means save the country. All the officers readily embraced this proposal, except Phryni- I ALCIBIADES. I45 chus, who was of the ward of Dirades. He nlone suspected what was really the case, that it Was a matter of very httle consequence to Alcibiades, whether an ohgarchy or democracy prevailed in Athens ; that it was his business to get himself recalled by any means whatever, and that, therefore, by his invective against the people, he wanted only to insinuate himself into the good graces of the nobility. Upon these ^reasons proceeded the opposition of Phrynichus ; but, seeing his opinion disregarded, and that iVlcibi- ades must certainly become his enemy, he gave secret intelligence to Astyochus, the enemy's admiral, of the double part which Alci- biades acted, advising him to beware of his designs, and to secure his person. But he knew not that while he was betraying he was himself betrayed. For Astyochus, wanting to make his court to Tissaphernes', informed Alcibiades of the affair, who, he knew, had the ear of that grandee. Alcibiades immediately sent proper persons to Samos with an accusation against Phrynichus ; who, seeing no other resource, as every body was against him, and expressed great indignation at his behaviour, attempted to cure one evil with another and a great- er. For he sent to Astyochus to complain of his revealing the secret, and to offer to deliver up to him the whole Athenian fleet and army. This treason of Phrynichus, however, did no injury to the Athenians, because it was again betrayed by Astyochus, for he laid the whole matter before Alcibiades. Phrynichus had the sa- gacity to foresee and expect another accusation from Alcibiades, and, to be beforehand with him, he himself forewarned the Athe- nians, that the enemy would endeavour to surprise them, and there- fore desired them to be upon their guard, to keep on board their ships, and to fortify their camp. While the Athenians were doing this, letters came from Alcibi- ades again, advising them to beware of Phrynichus, who had un- dertaken to betray their fleet to the enemy : but they gave no cre- dit to these despatches, supposing that Alcibiades, who perfectly knew the preparations and intentions of the enemy, abused that knowledge to the raising of such a calumny against Phrynichus. Yet, afterwards, when Phrynichus was stabbed in full assembly by one of Hermon's soldiers who kept guard that day, the Athenians taking cognizance of the matter, after his death, condemned Phry- nichus as guilty of treason, and ordered Hermon and his party to be crowned for despatching a traitor. The friends of Alcibiades, who now had a superior interest at Samos, sent Pisanderto Athens, to change the form of government, by encouraging the nobility to assume it and to deprive the people of their power and privileges, as the condition upon which Alcibi- ades would procure them the friendship and alliance of Tissapher- nes. This was the colour of the pretence made use of bv those T 13 146 ALLlUiADLS. who wanted to lutroJucc an oligarchy. But wbeu tbattHxi^, whicii were called the Jive thousand^ but in fact were only four mmdred,* had got the power into their handtj, they paid little atteotioo to Al- cibiades, and Carried on the war but slowly ; partly distrusting the citiaxns who did not yet relish the new Ibrm of government, and partly hoping that the Lacedaemonians, who were always in- clined to favour an oligarchy, would not press them with their usi^al vigour. Such of the commonalty as were at home, were silent through fear, though much ^gainst their will ; for ^i number of those who had openly opposed the four hundred ^ere put to death. But when they who were at Samos were informed of the affair, they were highly incensed at it, and inclined immediately to set sail for the Pyrajus. In the fir9t place, however, they sent for Alcibiades, and having appointed him their general, ordered him to lead them against the tyrants, and demohsh both them and their power. On such an occasion, almost any other man, suddenly exalted by the favor of the multitude, would have thought he niust have complied with ail their humours, and not have contradicted those in any Ihing, who, from ' a fugitive and a banished man, had raised him to be coqamander in chief of such a fleet and army. But he beha- ved as became a great general, and prevented their plunging into error through the violence of their rage. This care of his evi. dently was the saving of the commonwealth. For if they had sailed home, as they promised, the enemy would have seized on Ionia immediately, and have gained the Hellespont and the islands whh- out striking a stroke ; while the Athenians would have been enga- ged in a civil war, of which Athens itself must have been the seat. All this was prevented chiefly by Alcibiades, who not only tried what arguments would do with the army in general, and informed them of their danger, but applied to them one by one, using en- treaties to some and force to others^ in which he was atnated by the loud harangues of I'hrasybulus of the ward of Stira, who at- tended him through the whole, and had the strongest voice of any man among the Athenians. Another great service performed by Alcibiades was, his under- taking that the Phoenician fleet, which the Lacedaemonians expect- ed from the king of Persia, should either join the Athenians, or at least not act on the enemy's side. In consequence of this promise, he set out as expeditiously as possible, and prevailed upon Tissa- * It was at first proposed that only ihe dr«|s of the people should loee their author- ity, which was to1)e vested in five thousand of the most wealthy, who were for the future to be reputed the people. But when Pisander and bis asMKiates found the strength of their party, they carried it that the old form of government should be dis* solved, and that five Prytanes should t>e elected ; that thrse five ihould cbooee a hundred ; that each of the hundred should choose three ; that the fntit hundred thus •lecied should become a senate with supreme powar, and should rnniis» carefully distinguish this faction of four hundred, from the senate of four hundred established by SdIom, which these turned out the few nionths.ttiey were in power. •{• Thucydides does not speak of this arrival of Alf^i'J'ftf^^s : but probably he did not live to have a clear account of this action, for he died this year. Xenophon, who continued his historv, mentions it. 14S ALCIBIAD^S. for some time, bad b6en accused by the Lacccbemouians, and was apprebensivu tbat tbe charge might reach the king's ear, thought the coming of Alcibiadcs a very seasonable mcideni, and therel'ure put him under arrest and confined him at Sardis, imagining tbat injuriouti proceeding would be a means to clear himself. Thirty days aAer, Alcibiades having by some means or other obtained a horse, escaped from his keepers, and fled to CUzome- li» ; and, by way of revenge, he pretended that Tissaphemes pri- vately set him at liberty. From thence he passed to the place Avhere the Athenians were stationed ; and being informed, tbat Mmdarus and Pharnabazus were together at'Cyzicum, he showed the troops tiiat it was necessary for them to flghi both by sea and land, nay evep to fight with stone walls, if that should be required^ in order to come at their enemies : for if the victory were not com- plete and universal, they could come at no money. Then ho em- barked the forces and sailed to Proconesus, where he ordered tbem to take the lighter vessels into the middle of the fleet, and to have a particular care that the enemy might not discover that be vas couiin£ against them. A great and sudden rain, which hap- pened to full at that time, together with dreadful thunder and dark- ness, was of great service in covering his operations : for not only the enemy were ignorant of bis design, but the very Athenians, whom he had ordered in great haste on board, did not presently perceive that he was under sail. Soon afler, the weather cleared up, and the Peloponnosian ships were seen riding at anchor in the road of Cyzicum : lest, therefore, the enemy should be alarmed at the largeness of his fleet, and save themselves by getting on shore, he directed many of the (officers to slacken sail, and keep out of nght, while he showed himself with forty ships only, and challen- ged the Lacedaemonians to the combat. The stratagem had its effect ; for, despising the small number of galle>s which they saw, they immediately weighed anchor and engaged ; but tbe rest of tbe Athenian ships comm^ up during the engagement, the Lace- demonians were struck with terror uud fled. Lpon that, Alcibia- des, witti twenty of his best ships, breaking through the midst of them, hastened to the shore, and having made a descent, pursued those that fled from the ships, and killed great numbers of them. He likewise defeated Mindarus and Pharnabazus, who came their succour. Mindarus made a brave resistance and was slain ; but Pharnabazus saved himself b> flight. The Atbcmans remained masters of the field, and of the spoils, and took all the enemy's ships. Having also possessed themselves of Cysicum, which was abandoned by Pharnabazus, and deprived of the HKsislance of the Pelo)M)nnefiianK, who were almost all cut off, they not only secured the Hellespont, but entirely cleared the sea of the Lacedicmpnians. 'J'he letter also was tnlercepted, which. ALCiBlADES. 14<, iu the Laconic style, was to give the Ephori an account of their misfortunes. " Our glory is faded. Mindarus is slain. Our sol- diers are starving ; and we know not what step to take." On the other hand, Alcibiades's men were so elated, and took so much upon them because they had always been victorious, that they would not vouchsafe even to mix with the other troops that had been sometimes beaten. It happened, not long before, that Thrasyllus having miscarried in his attempt upon Ephesus, tho Ephesians erected a trophy of brass in reproach of the Aihenians.* The soldiers of Alcibiades, therefore, upbraided those of Thrasyl- lus with this affair^ magnifying themselves and their general, and disdaining to join others, either in the place of exercise or in the camp. . But soon after, when Pharnabazus, with a strong body of horse and foot, attacked the forces of Thrasyllus, who were rava- ging the country about Abydos, Alcibiades marched to their assis- tance, routed the enemy, and, together with Thrasyllus, pursued them until night. Then he admitted Thrasyllus into his company, and with mutual civilities and satisfaction they returned to the camp. Next day he erected a trophy, and plundered the province, which was under Pharnabazus, without the least opposition. The priests and priestesses he made prisoners, among the rest, but soon dismissed them without ransom. Thence he intended to proceed and lay siege to Chalcedon, which had withdrawn its allegiance from the Athenians, and received a Lacedaemonian garrison and governor ; but heing informed that the Chalcedonians had collec- ted their cattle and corn, and sent it all to the Bithynians, their friends, he led his army to the frontiers of the Bithynians, and sent a herald before them, to summon them to surrender it. They, dreading his resentment, gave up the booty, and entered into an alliance with him. Afterwards, he returned to the siege at Chalcedon, and enclosed it with a wall which reached from sea to sea. Pharnabazus ad- vanced to raise the siege, and Hippocrates, the governor, sallied out with his whole force to attack the Athenians. But Alcibiades drew up his army so as to engage them both at once, and he de- feated them both ; Pharnabazus betaking himself to flight, and Hippocrates being killed, together with the greatest part of his troops. This done, he sailed into the Hellespont, to raise contri- butions m the towns upon the coast. In this voyage he took Selybria, but in the action- unnecessari- ly exposed himself to great danger. The persons who promised to surrender the town to him, agreed to give him a signal at mid- night with a lighted torch ; but they were obliged to do it before * Trophies before had been of wood, but the Ephesians erected this of brass, to to perpetuate ihe infamy of the Athenians, and it was this new and mortifying cir- cuin!>tauce with which Alcibiades's soldiers reproached those of Thrasvllus.— DtW. lib. xiii 13* )50 ALCIBIADE?. the time, for feat of some one that was in the secret, who suddenly altered his mind. The torch, therefore, being held up before the army was ready, Alcibiades look about thirty men with him, and ran to the walls, having ordered the rest to follow as fast as pos. si6le. The gate was opened to him, and twenty of the conspira- tors, lightly Armed, joining his small company, he advanced with great spirit, but soon perceived the Selybriahs, with their weap- ons in their bands, coming forward to attack him. As to stand and fight promised no sort of success, and he who to that hour bad never been defeated, did not choose to fly, he ordered a trumpet to command silence, and proclamation to be made, that the Sely. hrians should not, under the the pain of the republic's high dis- pleasure, take up arms against the Athenians. Their incHnation to the combat was then immediately damped, partly from a suppo- sition that the whole Athenian army was within the walls, and partly from the hopes they concieived of coming to tolerable terms. Whilst they were talking togethei of this order, the Athenian army came up, and Alcibiades rightly conjecturing that the inclinations of the Selybrians were for peace, was afraid of giving the Thra- oians an opportunity to plunder the town. These last came down in great numbers to serve under him as volunteers, from a particu- lar attdchment to his person ; but on this occasion he sent them all utof tho town, and, upon tho submission of the Selybrians, he sa. vedthem from being pillaged, dertianding only a sum of money, and leaving a garrison in the place. Meantime, the other generals, who carried on the siege of Chal- cedon, came to an agreement with Pharnabazus on these condi' tions : namely, that a sum of money should be paid them by Phar- nabazus ; that the Chalcedonians should return to their allegiance to the republic of Athens ; and that no injury should be done to the province of which Pharnabazus was governor, who undertook that the Athenian ambassadors should be conducted safe to the king. Upon the return of Alcibiades, Pharnabazus desired that he too would swear to the performance of the articles, but Alci- blades insisted that Pharnabazus should swear first. When the treaty whs reciprocally confirmed with an oath, Alcibiades went against Byzantium, which had revolted, and drew a line of circum- vallation about tho city. While he was thus employed, Anoxilaus, Lyrurgus, and some others, secretly promised to deliver up the {»lace, on condition that he would keep it from being plundered, loreiipon, he caused it to be reported, tliat certam weighty and unexpected affairs called him back to Ionia, and in the day.time he set sail with his whole fleet; but returning at night, he himself disembarked with the land, forces, and posting thoni under tho wails, commanded them not to make the lelist noise. At the same tirro the n to Elsutit the atattw of ^chaa, whom they tupptMid to ho the ton of Jupiter and Ceret. ALCiBlADES. I53 the eminences, and set out his advanced guard as soon as it was light. Next he took the priests, the persons initiated, and those who had the charge of initiating others, and covering them whh his forces, led them on in great order and profound silence, ex- hibiting in that march a spectacle so august and venerable, that those who did not envy him declared he had performed not only the office of a general, but of a high-priest : not a man of the ene- my dared to attack hijn, and he conducted the procession back ia great safety, which both exalted him in his own thoughts, and gave the soldiery such an opinion of him, that they considered them- selves as invincible while under his command ; and he gained such an influence over the mean and indigent part of the people, that they were passionately desirous to see him invested with ab- solute power, insomuch that some of them applied to him in per- son, and exhorted him, in order to quash the malignity of envy at once, to abolish the privileges of the people, and the laws, and ta quell those busy spirits who would otherwise be the ruin of the state ; for then he might direct affairs and proceed to action, with- out fear of groundless impeachments. What opinion he himself had of this proposal we know not ; but this is certain, that the principal citizens were so apprehensive of his aiming at arbitrary power, that they got him to embark as soon as possible, and the more to expedite the matter, they ordered, among other things, that he should have the choice of his col- leagues. Putting to sea, therefore, with a fleet of an hundred ships, he sailed to the isle of Andres, where he fought and defeat- ed the Andrians, and such of the Lacedaemonians as assisted them. But yet he did not take the city, which gave his enemies the first occasion for tiie charge which they afterwards brought against him. Indeed, if ever man was ruined by a high distinction of character, it was Alcibiades.* For his continual successes had procured such an opinion of his courage and capacity, that when afterwards he happened to fail in what he undertook, it was sus- pected to be from want of inclination, and no one would believe it was from want of ability ; they thought nothing too hard for him, when he pleased to exert himself. They hoped also to hear that Chios was taken, and all Ionia reduced, and grew impatient when every thing was not despatched as suddenly as they desired. They never considered the smallness of his supplies, and that having to carry on a war against people who were furnished out of the trea- sury of a great king, he was often laid under the necessity of * It was not altogether the universality of his success that rendered Alcibiades suspected, when he came short of public expectation. The duplicity of his charac- ter is obvious, from the whole account of his life. He paid not the least regard to veracity in political matters, and it is not to be wondered if such principles mado \nm continually obnoxious to the suspicion of the people. IT X54 ALClBIAOfiS. leaving his camp, to go in search of money and provisionB for hiM men. This it was that gave rise to the last accusation againn him. Lysander, the Lacedeemonian admiral, out of the money he re. ceived from Cyrus, raised the wages of each mariner from three oboU a day to four, whereas it was with difficulty that Alcibiades paid his men three. The latter, therefore, went into Caria to raise money, leaving the fleet in charge with Antiochus,^ who was an experienced seaman, but rash and inconsiderate. Though he had express orders from Alcibiades to let no provocation from the ene- my bring him to hazard an engagement, yet in his contempt of those orders, having taken some troops on board his own galley and one more, he stood for Ephesus, where the enemy lay, and OS he sailed by the heads of their ships, insulted them in the meet insufferable manner, both by words and actions. Lysander sent out a few ships to pursue him ; but as the whole Athenian fleet came up to assist Antiochus, he drew out the rest of his, and gave battle, and gained a complete victory. He slew Antiochus him. self, took many ships and men, and erected a trophy. Upon this news, Alcibiades returned to Samos, whence he moved with the whole fleet to offer Lysander battle. But Lysander, content with the advantage he had gained, did not think proper to accept it. Among the enemies whom Alcibiades had in the army, Thra- sybulus, the eon of Thrason, being the most determined, quitted the camp and went to Athens to impeach him. To incense the people against him, he declared in full assembly, that Alcibiades had been the ruin of their affairs, and the means of losing their ships by bis insolent and imprudent behaviour in command, and by leaving the direction of every thing to persons who had got into credit with him through the great merit of drinking deep and cracking seamen's jokes ; whilst he was securely traversing the provinces to raise money, indulging his love of liquor, or abandon- ing himself to his pleasures with the courtesans of Ionia and Ahy. dos ; and this at a time when the enemy was stationed at a small distance from his fleet. It was also objected to him, that he had built a castle in Thrace near the city of Bisanthe, to be made us0 of as a retreat for himself, as if he either could not, or would not live any longer in his own country. The Athenians giving ear to these accusations, to shew their resentment and dislike to him, appointed new commanders of their forces.* Alcibiades was no sooner informed of it, than, consulting his own safety, he entirely quitted the Athenian army ; and having collected a band of strangers, he made war on his own account against those Thracians who acknowledged no king. The booty * Thii w» b« who caught the quail for him. t They appointed ten general*.— Ximof A. lib. I. ALCIBIADES. I55 he made raised him great sums ; and at the same time lie de- fended the Grecian frontier against the barbarians. Tydeus, Menander, and Adimantus, the new-made generals, being now at iGgos Potamos,* with all the ships which the Athe- nians had left, used to stand out early every morning and offer bat- tle to Lysander, whose station was at Lampsacus, and then to re- turn and pass the day in a disorderly and careless manner, as if they despised their adversary. This seemed to Alcibiades, who was in the neighbourhood, a matte^- not to be passed over without notice. He therefore went and told the generals,! "He thought their station by no means safe in a place where there was neither town nor harbour ; that it was very inconvenient to have their pro- visions and stores from so distant a place as Sestos ; and extremely dangerous to let their seamen go ashore, and wander about at their pleasure ; whilst a fleet was observing them, which was un- der the orders of one man, and the strictest discipline. He there- fore advised them to remove their statioii to Sestos." The generals, however, gave no attention to what he said ; and Tydeus was so insolent as even to bid him begqpe, for that they, not he, were now to give orders. Alcibiades, suspecting that there was some treachery in the case, retired, telling his acquaintance who conducted him out of the camp, that if he had not been insult- ed in such an insupportable manner by the generals, he would in a few days have obliged the Lacedaemonians, however unwilling, either to come to an action at sea, or else to quit their ships. This to some appeared a vain boast ; to others it seemed not at all im- probable, since he might have brought down a number of Thracian archers and cavalry, to attack and harrass the Lacedaemonian camp.j: The event soon showed that he judged right of the errors which the Athenians had committed. For Lysander falling upon them when they least expected it, eight galleys only escaped,^ along with Conon ; the rest, not much short of two hundred, were taken and carried away, together with three thousand prisoners, who were afterwards put to death ; and, within a short time after, Ly- sander took Athens itself, burnt the shipping, and demolished the long walls. * Plutarch passes over almost three years ; namely, the twenty-fifth of the Pelopon- nesian war; the twenty sixth, in which me Athenians obtained the victory at Argi- nusae, and put six of the ten generals to death, upon a slight accusation of their col- league, Theramenes ; and almost the whole twenty seventh, towards the end of which the Athenians sailed to ^Egos Potamos, where they received the blow that is spoken of m this place. f The officers at the head of the Grecian armies and navy, we sometimes call gene- rals, and sometimes admirals, because they commonly commanded both by sea and land. t "When a fleet remained some time at one particular station, there wasgenerally a body of land-forces, and part of the mariners too. encamped upon the shore. § There was a ninth ship, called Paralus, which escaped, and carried the ngwg of their defeat to Athens. Conon himself retired to Cyprus. 156 ALCIBIADIuS. Alcibiadcs, alarmed at the success of the LaccdaBmonuui8» wlio were now masters both at sea and land, retired into Bithynia. — Thither he ordered much treasure to be sent, and took large sums with him, but still left more behind m the castle where be resided. In Bythynia he once more lost great part of his substance, being stript by the Thracians there, whirh on by these arguments, until he received private orders from the tu9(pstn(to8 of Sparta,* to get Alcibiades despatched ; whether it • Tb0 Seytaltk «rat teot to him. ALCJBIADES. 257 was that they dreaded his great capacity and enterprising spirit, or whether it was done in complaisance to king Agis. Ly sunder then sent to Pharnabazus to desire him to put this order in execu- tion ; and he appointed his brother Magacus and his uncle S.ut»a. mithres to manage the affair. Alcibiades at that time resided in a small village in Phiygia, having his mistress Timandra with him. Those that were sent to assassinate him, not danng to enter his house, surrounded it and set it on fire. As soon as he perceived it, he got together large quantities of clothes, and hangings, and threw them upon the fire to choke it; then having wrapt his robe about his left hand, and taking his sword in his right, he sallied through the fire, and got safe out before the stuff which he had thrown upon it could catch the fiames. At sight of him the barbarians dispersed, not one of them daring to wait for him, or to encounter him hand to hand ; but, standing at a distance, they pierced him with their darts and arrows. Thus fell Alcibiades. The barbarians retiring after he was slain, Timandra wrapt the body in her own robes,* and buried it as decently and honourably as her circumstances would allow. Some writers, though they agree as to the manner of Alcibiades's death, yet they differ about the cause. They tell us, that catastrophe is not to be imputed to Pharnabazus, or Lysander, or the Lace- dajmonians; but that Alcibiades having corrupted a young wo- man of a noble family in that country, and keeping her in his house, her brothers, incensed at the injury, set fire in the night to the house in which he lived, and upon his breaking through the flames, killed him in the manner we have related.f * She bulled him in a town called Meiissa ; and we learn from Athenaeus (inDeip' tiosoph,) thaP'the monument remaii>ed to his time; for he himself saw it. The em- peror Adrian, in memory of so great a man, caused his statue of Persian marble to be set up thereon, and ordered a bull to be sacrificed to him annually. f Epborus the historian, as he is cited by Diodorus Siculus (lib. xiv.) gives an ac- count of his death, quite different from those recited by Plutarch. He says, that Al- cibiades having discovered the design of Cyrus the younger to take up arms, informed Pharnabazus of it, and desired that he might carry the news to the king : but Phar- nabazus envying him that honour, sent a confidant of his own, and took all the merit upon himself. Alcibiades, suspecting the matter, went to Paphlagonia, and sought to procure from the governor letters of credence to the king, which Pharnabazus under- standing, hired people to murder him. He was slain in the fortieth year of his age^ 14 16B TIMOLEpN. Flourished 343 years before Christ. THE parentage of Timoleon was noble on both sides, his ftthnr Timodemus and his mother Demariste being of the best families in Corinth. His love of his country was remarkable, and so was the mildness of his disposition, though he bore an extreme hatred to tyrants and wicked men. His natural abilities for war were so happily tempered, that as an extraordinary prudence was seen in the enterprises of his younger years, so an undaunted courage dis. tinguished his declining age. He had an elder brother, named Ti- mophanes, who resembled him in nothing ; being rash and indis. creet, and utterly corrupted by the passion for sovereignty, infused into him by some of his profligate acquaintance, and certain foreign soldiers whom he had always about him. He appeared to be im- petuous in war, and to court danger, which gave his countrymen such an opinion of his courage and activity, that they frequently entrusted him with the command of the army. And in these mat- ters Timoleon much assisted him, by entirely concealing, or at least extenuating his faults, and magnifying the good qualities which nature haa given him. In the battle between the Corinthians and the troops of Argos and Cleone, Timoleon happened to serve among the infantry, when Timophanes, who was at the head of the cavalry, was brought into extreme danger ; for his horse being wounded, threw him amidst the enemy. Hereupon, part of his companions were frightened, and presently dispersed ; and the few that remained, having to fight with numbers, with difficulty stood their ground. Timoleon, seeing his brother in these circumstances, ran to his aMistancc, and covered him as be lay, ivith his shield, and after having re. ceived abundance of darts and many strokes of the sword upon his body and his armour, by great < flbrts repulsed the enemy, and saved him. Some ttme after this the Corinthians, apprehensive that their cit}- might be surprised through some treachery of their allies, resolved to keep on foot four hundred mercenaries, and gave the command of them to Timophanes. But he, having no regard to justice or honour, soon entered into measures to subject the city to himself, and, having put to death n number of the principal inhabitants without form of trial, declared himself absolute pnnce of it. 'i^ molcon, greatly concerned at this, and accounting the trcacheniup proceedings of his brother his own misfortune, went to expostulate with him, and endeavoured to persuade him to renounce this mad. TIMOLEON. 159 ness and unfortunate ambition, and to make his fellow-citizens some amends for the crimes he had committed. But this admoni- tion being rejected with disdain, he returned a few days after, ta- king with him a kinsman named iEschylus, brother to the wife of Timophanes, and a certain soothsayer, a friend of his, whom Theo- pompus calls Satyrus, but Ephorus and Timseus mention by the name of Orthagoras. These three standing round Timophanes, earnestly entreated him yet to listen to reason ; but he at first laughed at them, and afterwards gave way to a violent passion : upon which, Timoleon stepped aside, and stood weeping, with his face covered, while the other two drew their swords, and despatched him in a moment.* The matter being soon generally known, the principal and mogt valuable part of the Corinthians extolled Timoleon's detestation of wickedness, and the greatness of soul which, notwithstanding the gentleness of his heart and his affection to his relations, led him to prefer his country to his family, and justice and honour to in- terest and advantage. While his brother fought valiantly for his country, he had saved him ; and slain him when he had treache- rously enslaved it. Those who knew not how to live in a demo- cracy, and had been used to make their court to men in power, pretended indeed to rejoice at the tyrant's death ; but at the same time reviling Timoleon, as guilty of an horrible and impious deed, they created him great uneasiness. When he heard how heavily his mother bore it, and that she uttered the most dreadful wishes and imprecations against him, he went to excuse it, and to console her : but she could not endure the thought of seeing him, and or dered the doors to be shut against him. He then became entirely a prey to sorrow, and attempted to put an end to his life by ab- staining from all manner of food. In these unhappy circumstances his friends did not abandon him. They even added force to their entreaties, till they prevailed on him to live. He determined, how- ever, to live in solitude ; and accordingly he withdrew from all public affairs, and for some years did not so much as approach the city, but wandered about the most gloomy parts of his grounds, and gave himself up to melancholy. Thus the judgment, if it borrows not from reason and philosophy sufficient strength and steadiness for action, is easily unsettled and depraved by any casual com- mendation or dispraise, and departs from its own purposes. For an action should not only be just and laudable in itself, but the princi- * Diodorus, in the circumstances of this fact, diflfers from Plutarch. He tells us, that Timoleon having killed his brother in the market-place with his own hand, a great tumult arose among the citizens. To appease this tumult, an assembly was con- vened ; and in the height of their debates the Syracusan ambassadors arrived, de- manding a general. Whereupon they unanimously agreed to send Timoleon ; but first let him know, that if he discharged his duty there well, he should be considered as one that had killed a tyrant; if not, as the murderer of his brother.— -Diodor, Si- rut. I. xvi. c. W. 100 pie from which it proceeds, firm and immoveable, io order that our conduct may have the sanction of our own approbation. Otherwise, upon the completion of any undertaking, we shall, through our own weakness, be filled with sorrow and remorse, and the splendid ideas of honour and virtue that led us to perform it, will vanish ; just as the glutton is soon cloyed and disgusted with the luscious viands which he had devoured with too keen an appetite. Repentance tar. nishcs the best actions ; whereas the purposes that are grounded upon knowledge and reason never change, though they may hap- pen to be disappointed of success. As for Timoleon's extreme dejection in consequence of the late act, whether it preceded from regret of his brother's fate, or the reverence he bore his mother, it so shattered and impaired his spi. rits, that for almost twenty years he was concerned in no important or public afiair. He was at last drawn from his retirement on the following occasion ; — Dionysius having, after the murder of Dion, re-established him. self in his dominions, became the master of those %vho had ex> pelled him. All who remained in Syracuse, became slaves to a ty- rant, who, at the best, was of an ungentle nature, and at that time exasperated by his misfortunes to a degree of savage ferocity. But the best and most considerable of the citizens having retired to Icetes, prince of the Leontines, put themselves under his protec tion, and chose him for their general. Not that he was better than the most avowed tyrants ; but they h'ld no other resource ; and they were willing to repose some confidence in him as being of a Syracusan family, and having an army able to encounter that of Dionysius. In the meantime the Carthaginians appearing before Sicily with a great fleet, and being likely to avail themselves of the disordered state of the island, the Sicilians, struck with terror, determined to send an embassy into Greece, to beg assistance of the Corinthians ; not onlv on account of their kindred to that people,* and the many services they had received from them on former occasions, but be- cause they knew that Corinth was always a patroness of liberty, and an enemy to tyrants, and that she had engaged in many con> siderable wars, not from a motive of ambition or avarice, but to maintain the freedom and independence of Greece. Hereupon ICetes, whose intention in accepting the command was not so much to deliver Syracuse from its tyrants, as to set up himself there in the same capacity, treated privately with the Carthaginians, while in public he commended the design of the Syracusans, and despatched ambassadors along with theirs into Peloponoemis. Not that ho was * Ttie Sjrracutani were • colony from Corinth, foundtd by Arcbias the Coriothiao, in the teoond year of the eleventh Olvrnpiad, teven bundiM and thirty-three years before th« CbriMJan era. Sicilv had been planted with Pbtanicians and oibar \m\^ rous peopla, at tbe Grecian* called them, above thI^^. iQi desirous of succours from thence, but he hoped that if the Corin- thians, on account of the troubles of Greece, and their engage- ments at home, should, as it was likely enough, decline sending any, he might the more easily incline the balance to the side of the Carthaginians, and then make use of their alliance and their forces, either against the %racusans, or their present tyrant. That such were his views, a little time discovered. When the ambassadors arrived, and their business was known, the Corinthians, always accustomed to give particular attention to the concerns of their colonies, and especially those of Syracuse^ readily passed a vote that the succours should be granted. The next thing to be considered was, who should be general ; when the magistrates put in nomination such as had endeavoured to distin- guish themselves in the state, but one of the plebeians stood up, and proposed Timoleon, who as yet had no share in the business of the commonwealth, and was so far from hoping or wishing for sucb an appointment, that it seemed some god inspired him with the- thought ; with, such indulgence did Fortune immediately promote his election, and so much did her favour afterwards signalize hia actions, and add lustre to his valour ! When he was elected by the suffrages of the people, Teleclides^ a man of the greatest power and reputation in Corinth, exhorted him to behave well, and to exert a generous valour in the execu- tion of his commission : " For," said he, " if your conduct be good, we shall consider you as the destroyer of a tyrant ; if bad, as tht^ murderer of your brother." While Timoleon was assembling his forces, and preparing to set sail, the Corinthians received letters from Icetes, which plainly discovered his revolt and treachery. For his ambassadors were no sooner set out for Corinth, than, he openly joined the Carthage- nians, and acted in concert M'ith them, in order to expel Dionysius from Syracuse, and usurp the tyranny himself. Fearing, moreo. ver, lest he should lose his opportunity by the speedy arrival of the army from Corinth, he wrote to the Corinthians to acquaint them, '* that there was no occasion for them to put themselves to trouble and expense, or to expose themselves to the dangers of a voyage to Sicily ; particularly, as the Carthaginians would oppose them^ and were watching for their ships with a numeious fleet ; and that indeed, on account of the slowness of their motions, he had been forced to engage those very Carthaginians to assist him agamst the tyrant." If any of the Corinthians before were cold and indifferent as to the expedition, upon the reading of these letters they were one and all so incensed against Icetes, that they readily supplied Timoleon with whatever he wanted, and. united their endeavoups to expedite ms sailing. X 14* laS TIMOLCON. Having obtained seven ships of Conntli^ two of Corcyra, and a tenth fitted out by the Leucadians, he put to sea without delay. The fleet ver>' soon made the coast of Italy. But the news brought thitlier from Sicily much perplexed Timoleon, and disheartened his forces. For Icetes having beaten Dionysius in a pitched bat- tle/ and taken great part of Syracuse, had by a line of circumval. lation, shut up the tyrant in the citadel and that part of the city which is called the island^ and besieged him there. . At the same time he ordered the Carthaginians to take care that Timoleon should not land in Sicily ; hoping, when the Corinthians were dri- yen off, without farther opposition, to share the island with his new allies. The Carthaginians accordingly sent twenty galleys to Rhe- gium, in which were ambassadors from Icetes to Timoleon, charged with proposals, quite as captious as his proceedings themselves : for they were nothing but specious and artful words, invented to give a colour to his treacherous designs. They were to moke an offer, " That Timoleon might, if he thought proper, go and assist Icetes with his counsel, and share in his successes ; but that he must send back his ships and troops to Corinth, since the war was almost finished, and the Carthaginians were determined to prevent their passage, and ready to repel force with force." Timoleon, on this occasion, coming to an interview with the am. hassadors and the Carthaginian commanders, mildly said, ** He would submit to their proposal, for what could he gain by opposing them ? but he was desirous that they would give them in publicly before the people of Rhegium, ere he quitted that place, since it was a Grecian city, and common friend to both parties. For that this tended to his security, and they themselves would stand more lirmly to their engagement, if they took that people Cor witnesses to them." This overture he made only to amuse them, intending all the while to steal a passage, and the magistrates of Rhegium entered lieartily into his scheme ; for they wished to see the affairs of Si- rily in Corinthian hands, and dreaded the neighbourhood of the Carthaginians. They summoned, therefore, an assembly , and shut the gates, lest the citizens should go about any other business. Being convened, they made long speeches, with no other view than to gain time for the Corinthian galleys to |;et under sail ; and the Carthaginians were easily detained in the assembly, having no suspicion, because Timoleon was present, and it was expected every moment that he would stand up and make his speech. But upon secret notice that the other galleys had put to sea, and his alone • Icetes riiidinf himcelf in want of provisions, wiibdnw from the *ie«e of Syracuse lowaids tiis own country ; whereupon Dionysius marched out and attacked hit rear. liat !cete« fHcinii atmut, defeated him, killed three Uiouiand of hb men, and purwtag htm into the city, got posse»sion of part ot it. Our author otMervee, a liiUe t)aww,tbai S>rraru«e iMing divided by strong walls, was at it wan an aieemblaite o( eHiaa. TIMOLEON. 163 was left behind, he slipped through the crowd, got down to the shore, and hoisted sail* with all speed. He soon arrived, with all his vessels, at Tauromenium in Sicily, to which he had been invited some time before, and where he was now kindly received, by Andromachus, lord of that city. This An- dromachus was father to Timaeus the historian ; and being much the best of all the Sicilian princes of his time, he both governed his own people agreeably to the laws and principles of justice, arid had ever avowed his aversion and enmity to tyrants. On this ac- count he readily allowed Timoleon to make his city a place of arms, and persuaded his people to co-operate with the Corinthians with all their force, in restoring liberty to the whole island. The Carthaginians at Rhegium, upon the breaking up of the as- sembly, seeing that Timoleon was gone, were vexed to tind them- selves outwitted ; and it afforded no small diversion to the Rhe- gians, that Phoenicians should complain of any thing effecte^d by guile.-\ They despatched, however, one of their galleys with an ambassa- dor to Tauromenium, who represented the affair at large to An- dromachus, insisting with much insolence that he should imme- diately turn the Corinthians out of his tov/n ; and at last showing him his hand with the palm upwards, and then turning it down again, told him, if he did not comply with that condition, the Car- thaginians would overturn his city, just as he liad turned his hand. Andromachus only smiled, and, without making him any other an- swer, stretched out his hand, first with one side up, and then the other, and bade him begone directly, if fie did not choose to have his ship turned upside down in the same manner, Icetes, hearing that Timoleon had made good his passage, was much alarmed, and sent for a great number of Carthaginian gal- leys. The Syracusans then began to despair of a deliverance ; for they saw the Carthaginians masters of their harbour,:|: Icetes possessed of the city, and the citadel in the hands of Dionysius, while Timoleon held only by a small border of the skirts of Sicily, the little town of Tauromenium, with a feeble hope and an incon- siderable force, having no more than a thousand men, and provi- sions barely sufficient for them. Nor had the Sicilian states any confidence in him, plunged as they were in misfortunes, and exas- perated against all that pretended to lead armies to their succour, particularly on account of the perfidy of Callippus and Pharax. The one was an Athenian^ and the other a Lacedaemonian, and both came with professions to do great things for the liberty of Si- * The Carthaginians believed that the departure of those nine galleys for CorintJ) had been agreed on between the officers of both parties, and that the tenth was left beliiind to carry Timoleon to Icetes. f Fraus Punica, PhoenicianyVaurf, had passed into a proverb. i The Carthaginians bad a hundred and fifty men of war, fifty thousand foot, and three hundred chariots. |e4 TIMOLEQflf. cfly, and for demolishing the tyrants ; yet the Sfcilians soon found that the reign of former oppressors was comparatively a golden age, and reckoned those far more happy who died in servitude than such as lived to see so dismal a kind of freedom. Expecting, there* fore, that this Corinthian deliverer would be no better than those before him, and that ihe deceitful hand of art would reach out to them the same bait of good hopes and fair promises, to draw them into subjection to a new master, they aM, except the people of Adra- num, suspected the designs of the e» ; but there he was hissed, and the rich pavilion he had sent torn io pieces. He had battar succaaa, however, at Athens: for he gained the prixe of poairy at the cetabratad faaat of Barchu« On this ocrat^ion he was in such rauturet that be drank to axoaaa, tod such raptures that the debauch threw him iiiiu violent paina, to allay which, ha asked for loporathra; and hit pbytteians gave bim one that laid him asleep, otit of which be never awaked TIMOLEON. 167 couraged with these advantages, sent him a reinforcement of two thousand foot and two hundred horse. These got on their way as far as Thurium ; but finding it impracticable to gain a passage from thence, because the sea was beset with a. numerous fleet of Car- thaginians, they were forced to stop there, and watch their oppor- tunity. However, they employed their time in a very noble under- taking. For the Thurians, marching out of th^ir city to war against the Brutians, left it in charge with these Corinthian strangers, who defended it with as much honour and integrity as if it had been their own. Meantime, Icetes carried on the siege of the citadel with great vigour, and blocked it up so close, that no provisions could be got in for the Corinthian garrison. He^ provided also two strangers to assassinate Timoleon, and sent them privately to Adranum. That general, who never kept any regular guards about him, lived then with the Adranites, )vithout any sort of precaution or suspicion. The assassins being informed that he was going to offer sacrifice, went into the temple with their poniards under their clothes, and mixing with those that stood round the altar, got nearer to him by little and little. They were just going to give each other the sig- nal to begin, when somebody struck one of them on the head with his sword, and laid him at his feet. Neither he that struck the blow kept his station, nor the companion of the dead man ; the for- mer with his sword in hand fled to the top of a high rock, and the latter laid hold of the altar, entreating Timoleon to spare his life. on condition that he discovered the whole matter. Accordingly, pardon was promised him, and he confessed that he and the per- son who lay dead were sent on purpose to kill him. Whilst he was making this confession, the other man was brought down from the rock, and loudly protested, that he was guilty of no injustice, for he only took righteous vengeance on the wretch who had murdered his father in the city of Leontium.* And for tho truth of this, he appealed to several that were there present, who all attested the same, and could not but admire the wonderful ma nagement of fortune, which, moving one thing by another^ bring- ing together the most distant incidents, and combining those that have no manner of relation, but rather the greatest dissimilarity., makes such use of them, that the close of one process is always the beginning of another. This happy escape had effects beyond the present, for it inspired the Corinthians with high expectations of Timoleon, when they saw the Sicilians now reverence and guard him, as a man whos^ person was sacred, and whc was come as minister of the gods, to avenge and deliver them. When Icetes had failed in this attempt, and saw many of the Si- cilians going over to Timoleon, he blamed himself for making use * History can hardly afford a stronger instance of an interfering Providence. 1^ TIMOLEOn. of the Carthaginians -in small numbers only, and availioff hiniBelf oftheir ai»istance as it were by stealth, and as if he were aahained of It, when they had such immense forces at hand. He sent, there, fore, for Mago their commander in chief, and his whole fleet, who, with terrible pomp, took possession of the harbour with a hundred and fifty ships, and landed an army of sixty thousand men, which encamped in the eily of Syracuse. I'he Corinthians, who still held the citadel, found themselves in very dangerous and difficult circumstances : for besides that they were in want of provisions, they were employed in sharp and continual disputes about the walls, which were attacked with all manner of machines and batteries, and for the defence of which they were obliged to divide them- selves. Timoleon, however, found' means to relieve them, by send, ing a supply of corn from Catana in small fishing boats and littlo skifis, which watched the opportunity to mak6 their way through the enemy's fleet when it happened to be separated by a storm. Mago and Icetes no sooner saw this, than they resolved to make themselves masters of Catana, from which provisions were sent to the besieged ; and taking with them the best of their troops, they sailed from Syracuse. Leo, the Corinthian, who commanded in the citadel, having observed from the top of it, that those of the enemy who stayed behind abated their vigilance, and kept but an indifl'erent guard, suddenly fell upon them as if they were dispersed and killing some, and putting the rest to flight, gained the quarter called Ackradina, which was much the strongest ; for Syracuse is an assemblage, as it were, of towns.* Finding plenty of provisions and money there, he did not give up the acquisition, nor return into the citadel, but stood upon his defence in the AchrcuHnOy having for. tifled it quite round, and joined it by new works to the citadel. Mago and Icetes were now near Catana, when a horseman, des. patched from Syracuse, brought them tidings that the Achradina 'A'as taken ; which struck them with so much surprise, that they re- turned in great hurry, having neither taken the place which they went against, nor kept that which they had before. Perhaps prudence and valour have as much right as fortune to lay claim to these successes ; but the event that next ensued is wholly to be ascribed to the favour of fortune. The corps of Co- rinthians that were at Thuriuni, dreading the Carthaginian fleet, which, under the command of Ilanno, observed their motions, and fujding, at the same time, that the sea for many days was stormy ruid tempestuous, determined to march through the country of the lii'utians ; and partly by persuasion, partly by foree, they made * There were four: the Isle, or the citadel, which wm t>etwMO tb* two pods: Aehrtuima^ at a little Histatice fioin the citadel ; 7yA«, ao called from the temple of Fartune; and JYeayoliSy ox the uew city. To these MMMenineat aiitbort (and r!u> fiifrh i« nf the number^ add a fifth, whirh thev call J^jpotr. TCMOLKON. Tgc) good their passage through the territories of the barbarians, and came down to Rhegium, the sea still continuing rough as before. The Carthaginian admiral, not expecting the Corinthians would venture out, thought it was in vain to sit still : and having persuaded himself that he had invented one of the finest stratagems in the world, ordered the mariners to crown themselves with garlands, and to dress up the galleys with Grecian and Phoenician bucklers, and thus equipped, he set sail to Syracuse. When he came near the citadel, he hailed it with loud huzzas, and expressions of tri~ umph, declaring that he was just come fron? beating the Cormthian succours, whom he had met with at sea, as they were endeavounng at a passage. By this means he hoped to strike terror into the besieged. While he was acting this part, the Corinthians got down to Rhegium, and as the coast was clear, and the wind falling as it were miraculously, promised smooth water and a safe voyage, they immediately went on board such barks and fishing- boats as they could find, and passed over into Sicily with so much safety, and in such a dead calm, that they even drew the horses by the reins, swimming by the side of the vessels. When they had all landed, and had joined Timoleon, he soon took Messana; and from thence he marched in good order to Syracuse, depending more upon his good fortune than his forces, for he had not above four thousand men with him. On the first news of his approach, Mago was greatly perplexed and alarmed, and his suspicions were increased on the following occasions : the marshes about Syracuse,* which receive a great deal of fresh water from the springs, and from the lakes and rivers that discharge them- selves there into the sea, have such abundance of eels, that there is always plenty for those who choose to fish for them. The com- mon soldiers of both sides amused themselves promiscuously with that sport, at their vacant hours, and upon any cessation of arms. As they were all Greeks, and had no pretence for any private animosity against each other, they fought boldly when they met in battle, and in time of truce they mixed together, and conversed familiarly. Busied at one of these times in their common diver- sion of fishing, they fell into discourse, and expressed their admiration of the convenience of the sea, and the situation of the adjacent places. Whereupon one of the Corinthian soldiers thus addressed those who served under Icetes : " And can you, who are Greeks, readily consent to reduce this city, so spacious in itself, and blest with so many advantages, into the power of the barbarians, and to bring the Carthaginians, the most deceitful and bloody of them all, into our neighbourhood, when you ought to « There is one morass that is called Lysimelia, and another called Syraco. From this last the city took its name. These morasses make the air of Syracuse very unwholci^Pine. X 15 I7D IIMOLEUN. vish that between them and Greece tliere were many Sicilies i Or can you think that they have brought an armed force from the pillars of Hercules and the Atlantic ocean, and braved the hazard of war, purely to erect a principality for Icetes, who, if he had had the prudence which becomes a general, would never have driven oat his founders, to call into his country the worst of its enemies, when he might have obtained of the Corinthians and Timoleon any proper degree of honour and power ? The soldiers that were in pay with Icetes, repeating their dia- courses oilen in their camp, gave Mago, who had long wanted a pretence to be gone, room to suspect that he was betrayed ; and though Icetes entreated him to stay, and remonstrated upon their great superiority to the enemy, yet he weighed anchor, uud sailed back to Africa, shamefully and unaccountably suffering Sicily to slip out of his hands. Next day Timoleon drew up his army in order of battle before the place ; but when he and his Corinthians were told thai Maso ^as fled, and saw the harbour empty, they could not forbear laugh- ing at his cowardice ; and by way of mockery, they caused pro- clamation to be made about the city, promising a reward to any one that could give information where the Carthaginian fleet was gone to hide itself. Icetes, however, had still the spirit to stand a iarther shock, and would not let go his hold, but vigourously de- fended those quarters of the city which he occupied, and which appeared almost impregnable. His soldiers, however, were over- powered, and put to flight on every side. Now, that the city was taken by assault, and suddenly reduced, upon the flight of the enemy, we may justly impute to the bravery of the troops, and the ability of their general ; but that not one Corinthian was either killed or wounded, the fortune of Timoleon claims entirely to her- self, willing, as she seems, to maintain a dispute with his valour, and that those who read his story, may rather admire his happy success, than the merit of his actions. Timoleon, thus master of the citadel, did not proceed like Dioo, or spare the place for its beauty and magnificence ; but guardiiiff against the suspicions, which first slandered, and then destroy e3 that great man, he ordered the public crier to give notice, ** That all the Syracusans who were wiUing to have a hand in the work, should come with proper implements to destroy the bulwarks of tyranny." Hereupon they came one and all, coosidenns that proclamation and that day as the surest commencement of their liberty ; and they not only demolished the citadel, but levelled with the ground both the palaces and the monuments of the tyrants. Having soon cleared the place, he built a common hall there for the seat of judicature, at once to gratify the citizens, and to show that a popular government should bo erected on the ruins of tvrannv. f TIMOLEOiV. 17J The city thus taken was found comparatively destitute of inhabi- tants. Many had been slain in the wars and intestine broils, and many more had fled from the rage of the tyrants. Nay, so little frequented was the market-place of Syracuse, that it produced grass enough for the horses to pasture upon, and for the grooms to repose themselves by them. The other cities, except a very few, were entire deserts full of deer and wild boars, and such as had leisure for it, often hunted them in the suburbs and about the walls; while none of those that had possessed themselves of castles and strong holds, could be persuaded to quit them, or come down into the city, for they looked with hatred and horror upon the tribunals and other seats of government, as so many nurseries of tyrants. Timoleon and the Syracusans, therefore, wrote to the Corinthians, to send them a good number from Greece, to people Syracuse, because the land must otherwise lie uncultivated, and because they expected a more formidable war from Africa, being informed that Mago had killed himself, and that the Carthaginians, provoked at his bad conduct in the expedition had crucified his body, and were collecting great forces for the invasion of Sicily the ensuing summer. These letters of Timoleon 's being delivered, the Syracusan ambassadors attended at the same time, and begged of the Corin- thians to take their city into their protection, and to become founders of it anew. They did not, however, hastily seize that advantage, or appproriate the city to themselves, but first sent to the sacred games, and the other great assemblies of Greece, and caused proclamation to be made by their herald : " That the Corin- thians having abolished arbitrary power in Syracuse, and expelled the tyrant, invited all Syracusans and other Sicilians to people that city, where they should enjoy their liberties and privileges, and have the lands divided by equal lots among them." Then they sent envoys into Asia and the islands, where they were told the greatest part of the exiles were dispersed, to exhort them all to come to Corinth, where they should be provided with vessels, commanders, and a convoy at the expense of the Corinthians, to conduct them safe to Syracuse. Their intentions thus published, the Corinthians enjoyed the justest praise, and the most distinguished glory, having delivered a Grecian city from tyrants, saved it from the barbarians, and restored the citizens to their country. But the persons who met on this occasion at Corinth, not being a sufficient number, desired that they might take others along with them from Corinth, and the rest of Greece, as new colonists, by which means, having made up their number full ten thousand, they sailed to Syracuse. By this time great multitudes from Italy and Sicily had flocked in to Timoleon, who finding their number amount to sixty thousand, freely divided the lands among there, but sold the houses for a ns TIMOLEON thousand talenls. By this contrivance he both lefl it in the power of the ancient inhabitants to redeem their own, and took occasion also to raise a stock for the community, who had been so poor, and 9o little able to furnish the supplies for the war, that they had sold the very statues, after having formed a judicial process a^inat each, and passed sentence upon them, as if they had been so many criminals. On this occasion wo are told, they spared one statue, when all the rest were condemned, namely, that of Golon, one of their ancient kings, in honour of the man, and for the sake of tho victory* which he gained over the Carthaginians at Himera. Syracuse being thus revived, and replenished with such a number of inhabitants who Hocked to it from all quarters, Tiinuleon wa.^* desirous to bestow the blessing of liberty on the other cities also, and to extirpare arbitrary government out of Sicily. For this pur. pose, marching into the territories of the petty tyrants, he com. pelled Icetes to quit the interests of Carthage, to agree to demohsh his castles, and to live among the Leontines as a private person. Leptines also, prince of Apolionia and several other little towns, finding himself in danger of being taken, surrendeied, and had bis life granted him, but was sent to Corinth ; for Timoleon looked upon it as a glorious thing, that the tyrants of Sicily should be forced to live as exiles in the city which had colonized that island, and should be seen by the Greeks in such an abject condition. After this he returned to Syracuse to settle the civil government, and to establish the most important and necessary law8,f along with Cephalus and Dinarchus, lawgivers sent from Corinth. In the meanwhile, willing that the mercenaries should reap some advantage from tho enemies* country, and be kept from inaction, he sent Dinarchus and Demaretus into the Carthaginian province. Theso drew several cities from the puoic interest, and not only lived in abundance themselves, but also raised money, from the plunder, for carrying on the war. While these matters were transacting, the Carthaginians arrived at Lilyba^um, with seventy thousand land forces, two hundred galleys, and a thousand other vessels, which carried machines of^ war, chariots, vast quantities of provisions, and all other stores, as if they were now determined not to carry on the war by piecemeal, but to drive tho Greeks entirely out of Sicily. When the Carthagioiana, therefore, found * He defeated Hamilcar. who landed in Sicily with three hundred in the teeond year of the teventr fifth Olympiad. f Among other wife inttituiiont. ht appointed h chief magiBUrate tobeoboeto jearijr, whom thp Svracuttoe celled the Amplupolus of Jupiter Otjapia; tbue |tviB| bin a kind of nacrr d character. The artt ^wtphtpolus was CommeMt. Heace aroee iIm custom ainonfc the Syracusani to compute their yrart by the raapective fovenuMnig of theae mafietratet : which cuftom continued in the time of DhMlonM Sieukia, tbat ia^ In Um reign of A ucuitui, above thrf« hundred years after tbt oAcs of Awtfhipohu YfW #rii imroduced.-OWwIor. .^icti/ I xv r i:. TIMOLEON. J73 that their Sicilian territories were laid waste, they marched, under the command of Asdrubal and Hamilcar, in great fury against the Corinthians. Information of this being brought directly to Syracuse, the in- habitants were struck with such terror by that prodigious armament, that scarce three thousand, out of ten times that number, took up arms and ventured to follow Timoleon. The mercenaries were in number four thousand, and of them about a thousand gave way to their fears, when upon their march, and turned back, crying out, *' That Timoleon must be mad, or in his dotage, to go against an army of seventy thousand men, v/ith only five thousand foot and a thousand horse, and to draw his handful of men, too, eight days' march from Syracuse ; by which means there could be no refuge for those that fled, nor burial for those that fell in hattle." Timoleon considered it as an advantage, that these cowards discovered themselves before the engagement; and having en- couraged the rest, he led them hastily to the banks o'f the Crimesus, where the Carthaginians were drawn together. The summer was now begun, and the end of the monih Thar- gelion brought on the solstice ; the river then sending up a thick mist, the field was covered with it at first, so that nothing in the enemies' camp was discernible, only an articulate and confused noise which reached the summit of the hill, showed that a great army lay at some distance. But when the Corinthians had reached the top, and lay down their shields to take breath, the sun had raised the vapours higher, so that the fog being collected upon the summits, covered them only, while the places below were all visible. The river Crimesus appeared clearly, and the enemy were seen crossing it, first with chariots drawn by four horses, and formidably provided for the combat, behind which there marched ten thousand men with white bucklers. These they conjectured to be Cartha- ginians by the brightness of their armour, and the slowness and good order in which they moved. They were followed by the troops of other nations, who advanced in a confused and tumul- tuous manner. Timoleon, observing that the river put it in his power to engage with what number of the enemy he pleased, bade his men take notice how the main body was divided by the stream, part having already got over, and part preparing to pass it, and ordered Dema- retus with the cavalry to attack the Carthaginians and put them in confusion, before they had time to arrange themselves in order of battle. Then he himself descended into the plain with the infantry, forming the wing out of other Sicilians, intermingling a ^qw stran- gers with them ; but the natives of Syracuse and the most warlike of the mercenaries he had placed about himself in the centre, and stopped a while to see the success of the horse. While he saw 15* 174 that they could not como up to a grapple with the CarthagiDians, by reason of the chariots that ran to and fro before their army, and that they were obliged oAen to wheel about, to avoid the dan- ger of having their ranks broken, and then to rally again and return to the charge, sometimes here and sometimes there, he took his buckler, and called to the foot to follow him, and be of good cour. ^e, with an accent that seemed more than human, so much was it above his usual pitch. His troops answering with a loud shout, and pressing him to lead them on without delay, he sent orders to the cavalry to get beyond the line of chariots, and to take the enemy in flank, while himself thickening his first ranks, so as to join buckler to buckler, and causing the trumpet to sound, bore down upon the Carthaginians. They sustained the first shock with great spirit : for being fortified with breast-plates of iron and helmets of brass, and covenng themselves with large shields, they could easily repel the spears and javelins. But when the business came to a decision by the sword, where art is no less requisite than strength, all on a sudden there broke out dreadful thunders from the mountains, mingled with long trails of lightning ; afier which, the black clouds, descending from the tops of the liills, fell upon the two armies in a storm of wind, rain and hail. The tempest was on the backs of the Greeks, but beat upon the faces of the barbarians, and almost blinded them with the stormy showers and the fire continually streaming from the clouds. These things very much distressed the barbarians, particularly such of them as were not veterans. The greatest inconvenience «cems to have been the roaring of the thunder, and the clattering of the rain and hail upon their arms, which hindered them from hearing the orders of their oflicers. Besides, the Carthaginians not being light, but heavy armed, as I said, the dirt was trouble, some to them ; and, as the bosoms of their tunics were filled with water, they were very unwieldy in the combat, so that the Greeks could overturn them with ease, and when they were down, it was impossible for them, encumbered as they were with arms, to get up out of the mire. For the river Crimesus, swoln partly by the rains, and partly having its course stopped by the vast numbers that crossed it, had overflowed its banks. The adjacent field, having many CHvilies and low places in it, was filled with water which settled there, and the Carthaginians falling into them, could not disentjiage themselves without extreme difriculty. In short, the storm continuing to beat upon them with great violence, and the Greeks having cut to pieces four hundred men who composed theil first ranks, their whole body was put to flight. Great numbers were overtaken in the field, and put to the sword ; many took to the river, and, jostling wiih those that were yet passing it, were -carried down and drowned. The major part, who endeavoured to TiMOLE(iL\. 175 gain the hills, were stopped by the light-armed soldiers, and slain. Among the ten thousand that were killed, it is said there were three thousand natives of Carthage — a heavy loss to that city ; for none of its citizens were superior to these, either in birth, fortune, or character, nor have we any account that so many Carthaginians ever fell before in one battle. As they mostly made use of Lybians, Spaniards, and Numidians, in their wars, if they lost a victory, it was at the expense of the blood of strangers. The Greeks discovered by the spoils the quality of the killed. Those who stripped the dead set no value upon brass or iron, such was the abundance of silver and gold : for they passed the river, and made themselves masters of the camp and baggage. Many of the prisoners were clandestinely sold by the soldiers, but five thousand were delivered in upon the public account, and two hun- dred chariots also were taken. The tent of Timoleon afforded the most beautiful and magnificent spectacle. In it were piled all manner of spoils, among which a thousand breast-plates of exqui- site workmanship, and ten thousand bucklers, were exposed to view As there was but a small number to collect the spoils of such a multitude, and they found such immense riches, it was the third day after the battle before they could erect the trophy. With the first news of victory, Timoleon sent to Corinth the handsomest of the arms he had taken, desirous that the world might admire and emulate his native city, when they saw the fairest temples adorned, not with Grecian spoils, nor with the unpleasing monu- ments of kindred blood and domestic ruin, but with the spoils of barbarians, which bore this honourable inscription, declaring the justice as well as valour of the conquerors, " That the people of Corinth, and Timoleon their general, having delivered the Greeks who dwelt in Sicily, from the Carthaginian yoke, made this offering as a grateful acknowledgement to the gods." After this, Timoleon lefl the mercenaries to lay waste the Car- thaginian province, and returned to Syracuse. By an edict pub- lished there, he banished from Sicily the thousand hired soldiers who deserted him before the battle, and obliged them to quit Syra- cuse before the sun set. These wretches passed over into Italy, where they were treacherously slain by the Brutians. Such was the vengeance which heaven took of their perfidiousness. Afterwards, when Timoleon was laying siege to Calanria, Icetes took the opportunity to make an inroad into the territories of Syra- cuse, where he met with considerable booty ; and having made great havock, he marched back by Calauria itself, in contempt of Timoleon and the slender force he had with him. Timoleon suf- fered him to pass, and then followed him with his cavalry and light-armed foot. When Icetes saw he was pursued, he crossed the Damyrias, and stood in a posture to receive the enemy on the 176 TU^U^ON. other side. What emboldened him to do this, was the difticuUy of the passage, and the steepness of the banks on both sides. A strange dispute uf jealousy and honour, which arose among the officers of Timoleon, awhile delayed the combat : for there was not one that was willmg to go after another, but every man wanted to be foremost in the attack ; so that their fording was likely to be rery tumultuous and disorderly by their jostling each other, and pressing to get before. To remedy this. Timoleon ordered them to decide the matter by lot, and that each for this purpose, should give him his ring. He took the rings and shook them in the skirt of his robe, and the first that came up, happening to have a trophy for the seal, the young officers received it with joy, and crying out, that they would not wait for any other lot, made their way as fast as possible through the river, and fell upon the enemy, who, un- able to sustain the shock, soon took flight, throwing away their arms, and leaving a thousand of their men dead upon the spot. A few days after this, Timoleon marched into the territory of the Leontines, where he took Icetcs alive, and his son Eupolemus, and Euthymus his general of horse, were brought to him bound by the soldiers. Icetes and his son were capitally punished, as ty- lants and traitors to their country. Nor did Euthymus find mercy, though remarkably brave and bold in action, because he was ac> cused of a severe sarcasm against the Corinthians. He had said, it seems, in a speech he made to the Leontines, upon the Corin. thians taking the field, '* That it was no formidable matter, if the Corinthian dumes were gone out to take the air." Thus the gene. lahty of men arc more apt to resent a contemptuous word than an unjust action, and can bear any other injury better than disgrace. Every hostile deed is imputed to the necessity of war, but satirical and censorious expressions are considered as the effects of hatred or malignity. When Timoleon was returned, the Syracusans brought the wife and daughters of Icetes to a public trial, who, being there oon* demned to die, were executed accordingly. This seems to be the roost exceptionable part of Timoloon's conduct ; for, if he had in- terposed, the women would not have suffered. But he appears to have connived at it, and given them up to the reeentment of the people, who were willing to make some satitlkctioo to the mtm m of Dion, who expelled Dionysius. For Icetcs was the man who threw Arete the wife of Dion, his sister Aristomache, and his son, who was yet a child, alive into the sea. Timoleon then marched to Qatana againet Maroercus; who waited for him in order of battle upon the banks of the Abolua.* Mamercus was defeated and put to flight, with the loM of above * Ptoleni) , and otben, call thii river, AtabMs^ AUHh or AlaboH, It it DWf Ryb^% betwvfi) CBtaim and SyracOM. TIMOLEQPJ. 177 two thousand men, no small part of which consisted of* the Punic succours sent by Gisco. Hereupon, the Carthaginians desired him to grant them peace, which he did on the following conditions : ** That they should hold only the lands within the Lycus ;* that they should permit all who desired it, to remove out of their pro- vince, with their families and goods, and to settle at Syracuse ; and that they should permit all who desired it, to renounce all friend, ship and alliance with the tyrants." — Mamercus, reduced by this treaty to despair, set sail for Italy, with an intent to bring the Lus- canians against Timoleon and the %racusans. But instead of that, the crews tacking about with the galleys, and returning to Sicily, delivered up^ Catana to Timoleon ; which obliged Mamercus to take refuge at Mesfeena, with Hippo, prince of that city. Timo- leon on coming upon them, and investing the place both by sea and land, Hippo got on board a ship, and attempted to make his escape, but was taken by the Messenians themselves, who exposed him in the theatre ; and calling their children out of the schools, as to the finest spectacle in the world, the punishment of a tyrant, they first scourged him, and then put him to death. Upon this Mamercus surrendered himself to Timoleon, agreeing to take his trial at Syracuse, on condition that Timoleon himself would not be his accuser. Being conducted to Syracuse, and brought before the people, he attempted to pronounce an oration which he had composed long before for such an occasion ; but be- ing received with noise and clamour, he perceived that the assem- bly were determined to show him no favour. He, therefore, threw off his upper garment, ran through the theatre, and dashed his head violently against one of the steps, with a design to kill him- self, but did not succeed according^ to his wish ; for he was taken up alive, and suffered the punishment of thieves and robbers. In this manner did Timoleon extirpate tyranny, and put a period to the wars. He found the whole island turned almost wild and savage, s^» that its very inhabitants could hardly endure it, and yet he so civilized it again, and rendered it so desirable, that strangers came to s-^nle in the country, from which its own people had lately f!ed ; the great cities of Agrigentum and Gela, which, after the Athenian war, had been sacked and left desolate by the Carthagi- nians, were now peopled again : the former by Megellus and Pe- ristus from Elea, and the latter by Gorgus from the isle of Ceos, who also collected and brought with him some of the old citizens. Timoleon not only assured them of his protection, and of peaceful days to settle in, after the tempests of such a war, but cordially en- tered into their necessities, and supplied them with every thing, so that he was even beloved by them as if he had been their founder. « Plutarch probably took the name of this river as he found it in Piodorus; biit other Historians call it the Halycus. Indeed, the Cartljaginians might possibly give it the orrental aspirate fia which gigaifies no more than the panicle fjie. 178 TIMOLCON Nay, to thct degree did he enjoy the afiections of the Sieiliana in general, that no war seemed concluded, no laws enacted, no lands divided, no political regulations made, m a proper manner, except it was revised and touched by him : he was the master-builder who put the last hand to the work, and bestowed upon it a happy ele- gance and perfection. Though at that time Greece boasted a number of great men, whose achievements were highly di8tingui8hed,Timo- theus (for instance), Agesilaus, Pelopidas, and Epaminondas, the last of whom Timoleon principally vied with, in the course of glory, yet we may discefn in tlieir actions a certain labour and sUaining, which diminishes their lustre, and some of them have afforded room for censure, and been followed with repentance ; whereas there is not one action of Timoleon (if we except the extremities he proceeded to in the case of his brother) to which we may not, with Tirosius, apply that passage of Sophocles-— What Vtnusj or what Lottf Plac'd the fair parts in tbia harmooioui whole ? For as the poetry of Antimachus* and the portraits of DionysiuSff both of them Colophonians, with all the nerve and strength with which they abound, appear to be too much laboured, and smell too much of the lamp, whereas the paintings of Nicomachus^ and the verses of Homer, besides their other excellencies, seem to have been struck off with readiness and ease ; so, if we compare the ex. ploits of Epaminohdas and Agesilaus, performed with infinite pains and difficulty, with those of Timoleon, which, glorious as they were, had a great deal of freedom and ease in them, when we consider the case well, we shall conclude the latter, not to have been the work of fortune indeed, but the effects of fortunate virtue. He himself, it is true, ascribed all his successes to fortune. For when he wrote to his friends at Corinth, or addressed the Syracu- sans, he oflen said, he was highly indebted to that goddess, when she was resolved to save Sicily, for doing it under his name* In his house he built a chapel, and offered sacrifices to Chanett^ mnd * Antimochut was an epic poet, who flourished io the days of Socratas and Plato. Ha wrote a poem called the Thtbnid. QutntiliHO (x. 1.) says, he had a fore* and so- lidity, iiigettier with an elevation of style, and had the secood |>lace |i*en bun by tbo ^ramiiiarian* afier Momrr ; hut a» he failed in the passions, in the dnposhion of hb table, and in the eafe and elegance of manner, thougn b* was second, he was 6r froai coming near the first. ^ Diimykius wns a portrait painter — PUn. xxsv. 10. ) i'liuy lellf uo — '• Nicomachiis painted with a twiA u well as masterly hand : lod that bis pieces sold for as much as a town was wonb.** Arisiratus the tymni of Swyon, baving igraad with him for a piece of work which saenod to require • o o m ida is bls liiM, Nicooiarhus did not appear till within a few days of that on wbicb ha bad afited to finiah it Hrreupon the tyrant talked of punishing him ; but In those few days bo eoanplofed ihe Wun^ m an admirable nvsnner, and entirely to his sotMacikin. k When the ancienii ascribed any event lo/orftnu, Uity did not moan to dany tbo operation of Uie l)eitv in it, hut only to exclude all hunao cooirimooe and posror : md ill etrenu aschbeJ to cAance, they might poasibly mtan to oxclnda tbt stMcy of «U rational beini^s, whether human or divine. TIMOLEON. 179 dedicated the house itself to Fortune; for the Syracusans had gi- ven him one of the best houses in the city, as a reward of his ser- vices, and provided him, besides, a very elegant and agreeable re- treat in the country. In the country it was that he spent most of his time, with his wife and children, whom he had sent lor from Corinth : for he never returned home ; he took no part in the trou- bles of Greece, nor exposed himself to public envy, the rock which great generals commonly split upon in their insatiable pursuits of honour and power, but he remained in Sicily, enjoying the bless- ings he had established : and of which the greatest of all was to see so many cities and so many thousands of people happy through his means. But since, according to the comparison of Simonides, every re- public must have some impudent slanderer, just as every lark must have a crest on its head, so it was at Syracuse ; for Timoleon was attacked by two demagogues, Laphystius and Demaenetus. The first of these having demanded of him sureties that he would an- swer to an indictment which was to be brought against him, the people began to rise, declaring they would not suffer him to pro- ceed. But Timoleon stilled the tumult, by representing, " That he had voluntarily undergone so many labours and dangers, on pur- pose that the meanest Syracusan might have recourse, when he pleased, to the laws." And when Demaenetus, in full assembly, alleged many articles against his behaviour in command, he did not vouchsafe him any answer ; he only said, " He could not suf- ficiently express his gratitude to the gods, for granting his request, in permitting him to see all the Syracusans enjoy the liberty of saying what they thought fit." Having then confessedly performed greater ihmgs than any Gre- cian of his time, and been the only man who realized those glorious achievements, to which the orators of Greece were constantly ex- horting their countrymen in the general assemblies of the states, fortune happily placed him at a distance from the calamities in which the mother-country was involved, and kept his hands un- stained with its blood. He made his courage and conduct appear in his dealings with the foreigners and with tyrants, as well as his justice and moderation, wherever the Greeks or their friends were concerned. Very few of his trophies cost his fellow-citizens a tear, or put any of them in mourning ; and yet, in less than eight years, he delivered Sicily from its intestine miseries and distem- pers, and restored it to the native inhabitants. After so much prosperity, when he was well advanced in years, his eyes began to fail him, and the defect increased so fast, that he entirely lost his sight. Not that he had done any thing to oc- casion it, nor was it to be imputed to the caprice of fortune,* but * Plutaich here hints at an opinioo, which was very prevalent among the pagans, laO TIMOLiX»f. it seems to have been owing to a family wcaknesa and diaortier. which operated together with the course of time. For several of his relations are said to have lost their sight in the same manner, having It gradually impaired by years. Athanis tells us, that du> ring the war with Hippo and Mumercus, and wthle he lay before MillaB, a white speck appeared on his eye, which was a plain indi. cation that blindness was coming on. However, this did not hin- der him from continuing the siege, and prosecuting the war, until he got the tyrants in his power. But when he returned to Syra cuse, he laid down the command immediately, and excused him- self to the people from any farther service, as he had brought their aifairs to a happy conclusion. It is not to be wondered, that he bore his misfortune without re- pining; but it was really admirable to observe the honour and re spect which the Syracusans paid him when blind. They not only visited him constantly themselves, but brought all strangers who spent some time amongst ihem, to his house in town, or to that in the country, that they too might have the pleasure of seeing the deliverer of Syracuse ; and it was their joy and their pride that he chose to spend his days with them, and despised the splendid re- ception which Greece was prepared to give him. Among the many votes that were passed, and things that were done in honour of him, one of the most striking was the decree of the people of Syracuse, " That whenever they should be at war with a foreign nation, they would employ a Corinthian general." Their method of proceeding, too, in their assemblies, did honour to Timoleon ; for they decided smaller matters by themselves, but consulted him in the more difficult and important cases. On these occasions he was conveyed in a litter through the market-place to the theatre ; and when he was carried in, the people saluted him with one voice as he sat. He returned the civility, and having paused a while to ffive time for their acclamations, took cognizance of the* affair and delivered his opinion. The assembly ^ave their sanction to it, and then his servants carried the litter back through the theatre ; and the people having waited on him out with loud applauses, despatch- ed the rest of the public business without him. With so much respect and kindness was the old age of Timoleon cherished, as that of a common father ! and at last he died of a alight illness co-operating with length of yeart.*^ Some time be- ing given the Syracusans to prepare for his funeral, and for the neighbouring inhabitants and strangers to assemble, the whole was conducted with great magnificence. The bier, sumptuously adorn. that if any penon wai tignaily favoured with tuccacs, there would toinr mivfortuna happen 10 countartMilance it. This ihey imputed to the envy of MMne malignant derooo. * He died the last year of the hundred and tenth Olympiad, three hundred asd thirty, five years before the Cbriftian era. TIMOLEON. 181 od, was carried by young men selected bj^ the people, over the Cjroi'nd where the palace and castle of the tyrants stood, before they were demolished. It was followed by many thousands of men and women, in the most pompous solemnity, crowned with garlands and clothed in white. The lamentations and tears, min- gled with the praises of the deceased, showed that the honour now paid him was not a matter of course, or compliance with a duty enjoined, but the testimony of real sorrow and sincere afTcction. At last, the bier being placed upon the funeral-pile, Demetrius, who had the loudest voice of all their heralds, was directed to make pro- clamation as follows ; *' The people of Syracuse inter Timoleon the Corifilhian, the son of Timodemus, at the expense of two hun- dred minoe : they honour him, moreover, through all time, with an- imal games, to be celebrated with performances in music, horse- racing and wrestling : as the man who destroyed tyrants, subdued barbarians, repeopled great cities which lay desolate, ana restored to the Sicilians their laws and privileges." The body was interred, and a monument erected for him in the market-place, which they afterwards surrounded with porticoes and other buildings suitable to the purpose, and then made it a place of exercise for their youth, under the name of Timoleonteum, They continued to make use of the form of government and the laws that he established, and this ensured their happiness for a long course of years.* * This prosperity was interrupted about thirty years after, by the cruelties of Aga- thocles. 16 . 182 ARISTIDES. Fhurithed 460 years before Chrut. ARISTIDES, the son of Lysimachus, was of the tribe of Anti- oohis, and the ward of Alopece. Of his estate we have diflereut accounts. Some say, he was always very poor, and that he left two daughters behind him, who remained a long time unmarried, on account of their poverty.* But Demetrius the Phaleriun con- tradicts this general opinion in bis Socrates^ and says there was a farm at Phalera which went by the name of Aristides, and that there he was buried. But it is plain that Demetrius laboured to take the imputation of poverty, as if it were some great evil, not only from Aristides, but from Socrates, who, he says, besides a house of his own, had seventy mincef at interest in the hands of Crito. Aristides had a particular friendship for Clisthenes, who settled the popular government of Athens after the expulsion of the ty- rants 4 yet he had, at the same time, the greatest veneration for Lycurgus, the Lacedsemonian, whom he considered as the most excellent of lawgivers : and this led him to be a favourer of aris- tocracy, in which he was always opposed by Themistocles, who listed in the party of the commons. Some, indeed, say, that being brought up together from their infancy, when boys, they were all at variance, not only in serious matters, but in their very sports and diversions, and their tempers were discovered from the first by that opposition. The one was insinuatmg, daring, and artful, variable, and at the stfme time impetuous in his pursuits ; the other was solid and steady, inflexibly just, incapable of using any false- hood, flattery or deceit, even at play. Themistocles, who was an agreeable companion, gained many friends, and became respectable in the strength of his popularity. Thus, when he was told that he would govern the Athenians ex- tremely well, if he would but do it without respect of persons, he said, *' May I never sit on a tribunal where my friends shall not find more favour from me than strangers !" Aristides, on the contrary, took a method of his own in conduet- ing the administration. For he would neither consent to any in. justice to oblige his friends, nor yet disoblige them by denying all they asked ; and at he saw that many, depending on tl^eir interest * And yet, •ccordioK to a law of Solon**. \\\t bride waa to carry with bar only lluaa auitt of cknbea, aod a little houMlM»ld ttuffof imall value. t The mioa, is equal to 100 drachnta»— £3 4*. 7d. •tariing—b ladanl noMf. about |14 34. I Theae tyimnti were PiuMratide. who were dnveo out about the tistyiixtb Olyai- ARISTIDES. -[83 an^ friends, were tempted to do unwarrantable things, he never en- deavoured after that support, but declared, that a good citizen should place his whole strength and security in advising and doinor what is just and right. In ilie changes and fluctuations of the government, his firmness was wonderful. Neither elated with honours, nor discomposed with ill success, he went on in a moderate and steady manner, per- suaded that his country had a claim to his services, without the re- ward either of honour or profit. Hence it was, that when those verses of^schylus concerning Amphiaraus were repeated on the stage : — To be, and not to seem, is this man's maxim ; His mind reposes on its proper wisdom. And wants no other praise* the eyes of the people in general were fixed on Aristides, as the man to whom this great encomium was most applicable. In- deed, he was capable of resisting the suggestions, not only of favour and affection, but of resentment and enmity wherever justice was concerned. For, it is said, that -when he was carrying on a pro- secution against his enemy, and after he had brought his charge, tlie judges were going to pass sentence, without hearing the person accused, he rose up to his assistance, entreating that he might be heard, and haye the privilege which the laws allowed. Another time when he himself sat judge between two private persons, and one of them observed, "that his adversary had done many injuries to Aristides :" — "Tell me not that," said he, "but what injury he lias done to thee ; for it is thy cause I am judging, not my own." When appointed public treasurer, he made it appear, that not only those of his time, but the officers that preceded him, had ap- plied a great deal of the public money to their own use, and par- ticularly Themistocles ; — For he, with all his wisdom, Could ne'er command his hands. For this reason, when Aristides gave in his accounts, Themisto- cles raised a strong party against him, accused him of misapplying the public money, and got him condemned. But the principal and most respectable of the citizens,! incensed at this treatment of Aristides, interposed, and prevailed, not only that he might be ex- cused the fincj but chosen again chief treasurer. He now pre- tended that his former proceedings were too strict, and carrying a gentler hand over those that acted under him, suffered them to pil- « These verses are to be found in the *» Siege of Thebes by the Seven Captains.** Tfiey are a description of the genius and temper of Amphiaraus, which the courier, who brings an account of the enemy's attEkcks, ^nd of the characters of the com- manders, gives to Eteocles. Plutarch has changed one word in them for another, that suited his purpose better; reading jt/s<, instead o{ valiant. 7 The court of Areopagus interposed in his behalf. fer the public monoy, without seeming to find them out, or reckon- ing strictly with them ; so that, fattened on the spoils of theii country, they lavished their praises on Aristides, and heartily es- pousing his cause, begged of the people to continue him in the same office. But when the Athenians were going to confirm it to him by their sutfrages, he gave them this severe rebuke : ** While I managed your finances with all the fidelity of an honest man, I was loaded with calumnies ; and now when I sufier them to be a prey to public robbers, 1 am become a mighty good citizen ; but I assure you, I am more ashamed of the present honour, than I was of the former disgrace, and it is with indignation and concern that I see you esteem it more meritorious to oblige ill men, than to take proper care of the public revenue." By thus speaking and dis- covering their frauds, he silenced those that recommended him with so much noise and bustle, but at the same time received the truest and most valuable praise from the worthiest of the citizens. About this time Datis, who was sent by Darius, under pretence of chastising the Athenians for burning Sardis, but in reality to sub. due all Greece, arrived with his- fleet at Marathon, and began to ravage the neighbouring country. Among the generals to whom the Athenians gave the management of this war, Miltiades was first in dignity, and next to him in reputation and authority was Aristidcs. In a council of war that was then held, Miltiades voted for giving the enemy battle,* and Aristides, seconding him, added no little weight to his scale. The generals commanded by turns, each his day ; but when it came to Aristides' turn, he gave up his right to Miltiades, thus showing his colleagues, that it was no dis. grace to follow the directions of the wise, but that, on the contrary, it answered honourable and salut&ry purposes. By this means he laid the spirit of contention, and bringing them to agree m, and fol. low the best opinion, he strengthened the hands of Miltiades, who now had the absolute and undivided command ; the other generals no longer insisting on their days, but entirely submitting to his or. clen.t In this battle, the main body of the Athenian army was pressed the hardest,:^ because there for a long time the Persians made their • According to Herodotus (I. vi. c. 109.) th« g«mermls w«r^ v«rjr much dhficted w tbeir ouiiiiona, ioin« were for fiKhtiog. others not ; MiltiadMobeevvins this. addrsmJ hiiDf elf tarks of jealouiy and entry, any the genarala ibould ba led not to do their duty. t The Athenians and Platasana fought with such obatinala vfkwr on the right and trft, thitt the harbarians waia foicad to fly on both Mm. Tba Persians and Saoa, however, perceiving that tba Athenian cantre was waak, charged with sucb force, that fh«>r brdir through it : this those on the right and left peiretved, hot tfkt not ARISTIDES. 185 greatest efibrts against the tribes Leontis and Antiochis ; and The mistocles and Aristides, who belonged to those tribes, exerting them. selves at the head of them, with all the spirit of emulation, behaved ^vith so much vigour, that the enemy were put to flight, and driven back their ships. But the Greeks perceiving that the barbarians, instead of sailing to the isles, to return to Asia, were driven by the wind and currents towards Attica,* and fearing that Athens, unpro- vided for its defence, might become an easy prey to them, marched home with nine tribes, and used such expedition, that they reach- ed the city in one day.f Aristides was left at Marathon with his own tribe, to ^uard the prisoners and the spoils ; and he did not disappoint the public opi- nion : for though there was much gold and silver scattered about, and rich garments and other booty in abundance were found in the tents and ships which they had taken, he neither had an inclina- tion to touch any thing himself, nor permitted others to do it. The year following, Aristides was appointed to the office of ar- chon, which gave his name to that year ; though, according to De- metrius the Phalerean, he was not archon till after the battle of Pla- taea, a little before his death. Of all the virtues of Aristides, the people were most struck with his justice, because the public utility was the most promoted by it. Thus he,_ though a poor man and a commoner, gained the royal and divine title of the Justj which kings and tyrants have never beenfond of. It has been their ambition to be styled Takers of cities ; Thunderbolts ; Conquerors. Nay, some have chosen to be called Eagles and Vultures^ preferring the fame of power to that of virtue. The Deity himself, to whom they want to be compared, is distinguished by three things, immortality, power and virtue ; and of these, virtue is most excellent and divine. They desire only the two first properties of the Deity ; immortality, which our nature will not admit of; and power, which depends chiefly upon fortune ; while they foolishly neglect virtue, the only divine quality in their power, not considering that it is justice alone, which makes the life of those that flourish most in prosperity and high stations, heavenly and divine, while injustice renders it grovelling and brutal. Aristides at first was loved and respected for his surname oithe Justy and afterwards envied as much ; the latter, chiefly by the ma- nagement of Themistocles, who gave it out among the people, that attempt to succour it, till they had put to flight both the wings of the Persian army ; then bending the points of the wings towards their own centre, they enclosed the hitherto victorious Persians, and cat them in pieces. * It was reported in those times, that the Alcmseonidse encouraged the Persians ta make a second attempt, by holding up, as they approached the shore, a shield for a signal. However, it was the Persian fleet that endeavoured to double the cape, of Junium, with a view to surprise the city of Athens before the army could return.— Herodot. 1. vi. c. 101, &c. t From Marathon to Athens iis about forty miles. 2a' 16* lae ARISTlDiiS. Aristides had abolished Uie courts of judicature, by drawing the ar- bitration of all causes to himself, and so was insensibly gaining 80« vereign power, though without guards and the other ensigns of it. The people, elevated with tlie late victory, thought themselves c«. pable of every thing, and the highest respect little enough for them. Dneasy therefore at finding that any one citizen rose to such ex- traordinary honour and distinction, they assembled at Athena from all the towns in Attica, and banished Aristides by the ostracism ; dis. guising their envy of his character under the specious pretence of guarding against tyranny. The ostracism was conducted in the following manner : eveiy citizen took a piece of a broken pot, or a shell, on which he wrote the name of the person he wished to have banished, and carried it to a part of the market-place that was enclosed with wooden rails. The magistrates then counted the number of the shells, and if it amounted not to six thousand the ostracism stood for nothing ; if it did, they sorted the shells, and the person whose name was found on the greatest number, was declared an exile for ten years, but with permission to enjoy his estate. At the time that Aristides was banished, when the people were inscribing the names on the shells, it is reported that an illiterate burgher came to Aristides, whom he took for some ordinary person, and giving him his shell, desired him to write Aristides uppn it. The good man, surprised at this adventure, asked mm, " Whether Aris- tides had ever injured him?" — "No," said he, "nor do I even know him ; but it vexes me to hear him «very where called the Jtut,** Aristides made no answer, but took the shell, and having written his own name upon it, returned it to the man. When he quitted Athens, he Ufled up his hands towards heaven, and, agree ably to his character, made a prayer very different from that of Achilles; namely, that the people of Athens mi^ht never see the day, which should force them to remember Aristides." Three years ader, when Xerxes was passing through Theasaly and Boeotia by long marches to Attica, the Athenians reversed this decree, and by a public ordinance recalled all the exiles. The principal inducement was their fear of Aristides ; for they were ap prehcnsive that he would join the enemy, corrupt great part of the citizens, and draw them over to the interest of the Persians. But they little knew the man. Before this decree he had been exciting and encouraging the Greeks to defend their liberty ; and afler it, when Themistocles was appointed to the command of the Athenian forces, he assisted him both with his person and counsel, not dis- daining to raise bis worst enemy to the highest pitch of glory for the public good. For when Eury blades, Uie comnumder in chief, )iad resolved to quit Salamis,* and before lie could put his purpoae * Eurybisdet was for itaoding swsy for ih« gulf of Corinth, that he miflit bsossr the land mrmy ; but Themiitooles closrly m^w that }n th« maitt of Salam^i they ooalH ARISTIDES. 287 ia execiuioD, the enemy's fleet, taking the advantage of the night, had surrounded the islands, and in a manner blocked up the straits, without any one perceiving that the confederates were so hemmed in, Aristides sailed the same night from iEgina, and passed with the utmost danger through the Persian fleet. As soon as he reached the tent of Themistocles, he desired to speak with him in private, and then addressed him in these terms : " You and I, The- mistocles, if we are wise, shall now bid adieu to our vain and child- ish disputes, and enter upon a nobler and more salutary contention, striving which of us shall contribute most to the preservation of Greece ; you in doing the duty of a general, and I in assisting you with my service and advice. I find that you alone have hit upon the best measures, in advising to come immediately to an engage, ment in the straits ; and though the allies oppose your design, the enemy promote it. For the sea on all sides is covered with their ships, so that the Greeks, whether they will or not, mustccme to an action and acquit themselves hke men, there being no room left for flight." Themistocles answered, " I could have wished, Aristides, that you had not been beforehand with me in this noble emulation ; but I will endeavour to outdo this happy beginning of your's by my fu- ture actions." At the same time he acquainted him with the stra- tagem he had contrived to ensnare the barbarians,* and then de- sired him to go, and make it appear to Eurybiades, that there eould be no safety for them without venturing a sea-fight there ; tor he knew that Aristides had much greater influence over him than he. In the council of war, assembled on this occasion, Cieocritus the Corinthian said to Themistocles, "Your advice is not agreeable to Aristides, since he is here present and says nothing." " You are mistaken," said Aristides, " for I should not have been silent, had not the counsel of Themistocles been the most eligible; and now I hold my peace, not out of regard to the man, but because I approve his sentiments." Aristides, perceiving that the little island of Psy ttalia, which lies in the straits over against Salamis, was full of the enemy's troops, put on board the small transports a number of the bravest and most resolute of his countrymen, and made a descent upon the island, where he attacked the barbarians with such fury, that they were all cut in pieces, except some of the principal persons, who were made prisoners- After this Aristides placed a strong guard round the island, to take notice of such as were driven ashore there, so that none of his friends might perish, nor any of the enemy escape.f fight the Persian fleet, which was so vastly superior in numbers, wiih much greater advantage than in the gulf of Corinth, where there was an open sea. * The stratagem was to send one to acquaint the enemy that the Greeks were going to quit the straits of Salamis; and therefore, if the Persians were dtK»irous to crush them at once, they must fall upon^them immediately, before they dispersed + The battle of Salamis was fought in the year before Christ 48*) 1{^ AlUi>IIDE& For about Ps} ttalia the battle raged the most, aud the greatest et^ foris were made, as appears from the trophy erected there. When the battle was over, Themistocles, by way of aDUiidiDg Artstides, said, ** That great things were already done, but greater still remained ; for they might conquer Asia in Europe, by makiof all the sail they could to the Hellespont, to break down the bridge. But Aristides exclaimed against the proposal, and bade him think no more of it, but rather consider and inquire what would be the speediest method of driving the Persian out of Greece, lest, finding himself shut up with such immense forces, and no way leO to e8> cape, necessity might bnog him to 6ght with the most desperate courage. Hereupon^ Themistocles sent to Xerxes the second time, by the eunuch Arnaces, one of the prisoners,'^ to acquaint him pri- vately, that the Greeks were strongly inclined to make the best of their way to the Hellespont, to destroy the bridge which he had left there ; but that, in order to save his royal person^ Themistocles was using his best endeavours to dissuade them from it. Xerxes, terrified at this news, made all possible hasio to the Hellespont, leaving Mardonius behind him with the land.forces, consisting of three hundred thousand of his best troops. In the strength of such an army Mardonius was very formidable ; and the fears of the Greeks were heightened by his menacing letters, which were in this style : ** At sea ia your wooden towers you have defeated landmen, unpractised at the oar ; but there are still the wide plains of Thessaly and the fields of nouotia, where both horse and foot may fight to the best advantage." To tho Athenians he wrote in particular, being authorized by the king to assure them that their city should be rebuilt, largo sums bestowed upon them, and the sovereignty of Greece put in their hands, if they would take no farther shaYe in the war.f As soon us the Lacedaemonians had intelligence of these propo. sals, they were greatly alarmed, and sent ambassadors to Athens, 10 entreat the people to send their wives and children to Sparta,i and to accept from them what was necessary for the support of such as were in years : for the Athenians having l(^t both their <:i»y and country, were in great distress. Yet, when they had hc'ird what the ambassadors had to say, they gave them such an answer, by the direction of Aristides, as can never bo sufficiently • This expedif ni answered two purpooet. By it be drove the king of Penis oat of Kurofie, aitd in appeaniuce conferred an obligation upon liini, which ini^ht be icniitni* bereft to the advantafs of Th«nu«toclet when he camato have ooeatmn for it. f lie made these propoeali by Aleiandrr king of Macedno, wlio dalireied them in a let aipeecb. i They did not propose to the Athenlana to tend their wires and rhildren to Sparta, bill only uflerrd «o maintain ihem during the war. They observed, that the original quarrei was between the Persians and the Athenians ; that the Aihetiians %ve»a al- ways wont to b# forenuMt in the cause of liberty ; and that there was no reasnti to believe the Persians would observe aov terms whh a people Ihev hated. ARISTiptS. 189 admired. They said, " they could easily forgive their enemies lor thinking that every thing was to be purchased with silver and gold, because they had no idea of any thing more excelleni ; but they could not help being displeased that the Lacedaemonians should regard only their present poverty and distress, and, forget- ful of their virtue and magnanimity, call upon them to fight for Greece, for the palty consideration of a supply of provisions."' Aristides having drawn up this answer in the form of a decree, and cjjilling all the ambassadors to an audience in full assembly, bade those of Sparta tell the Lacedaemonians, " That the people of Athens would not take all the gold, either above or under ground, for the liberties of Greece." As for those of Mardonius, he pointed to the sun, and told them, '•'As long as that luminary shines, so long will the Athenians carry on war with the Persians for their country, which has been laid waste, and for their temples, which have been profaned and burnt." He likewise procured an order, that the priests should solemnly ex- ecrate all that should dare to propose an embassy to the Medes, or talk of deserting the alliance of Greece. When Mardonius had entered Attica the second time, the Athe- nians retired again to Salamis ; and Aristides, who, on that occa- sion went ambassador to Sparta, complained to the Lacedsmonians of their delay and neglect in abandoning Athens once more to the barbarians, and pressed them to hasten to the succour of that part of Greece which was not yet fallen into the enemy's hands. The Ephori gave hmi the hearing,* but seemed attentive to jiothing but mirth and diversion, for it was the festival of Hyacinthus.f At night, however, they selected five thousand Spartans, with orders to take each seven Helots with him, and to march before morning, unknown to the Athenians. When Arisiides came to make his remonstrances again, they smiled, and told him that he did but trifle or dream, since their army was at that time as far as Orestium, on ihcir march against the foreigners." Aristides told them, "It was not a time to jest, or to put their stratagems in practice upon their friends, but on their enemies." Aristides was appointed to command the Athenians in the battle that was expected, and marched with eight thousand foot to Pla- taea. There Pausanias, who was commander in chief of all the confederates, joined him with his Spartans, and the other Grecian troops arrived daily in great numbers. The Persian army, whicli was encamped along the river Asopus, occupied an immense tract * They put off their answer from time to time, until they had gained ten days ; in which lime they finished the wall across the isthmus, which secured them against the barbarians. , i- Among the Spartans, the feast of Hyacinthus lasted three days; the first aii(] last were days of sorrow and mourning for Hyacinthus's death ; but the second was a day of re'oicing, celebrated with all manner of diversiims. ]9i) ARlSTIDIilS. of ground ; and they bad fortifiQd a spot ten furlongs square, for their baggage and other thingii of value. While the fate of Greece was in suspense, the affairs of the Athe- nians were in a very dangerous posture. For those of the best families and fortunes, being reduced by the wars and seeing their authority in the state and their distinction gone with their wealth, and others rising to honours and employments, assembled private- ly in a house at PlatsBa, and conspired to abolish the democracy, and, if that did not succeed, to ruin all Greece, and betray it to the Persians. When Aristides got intelligence of the conspiracy thus entered into in the camp, and found that numbers were corrupted, be was greatly alarmed at its happening at such a crisis, and unre- solved at first how to proceed. At length he tietermined neither to leave the matter uninquired into, nor yet to sill it thoroughly, be- cause he knew not how far the contagion had spread, and thought it advisable to sacrifice justice, in some degree, to the public good, by forbearing to prosecute many that were guilty. He therefore caused only eight persons to be apprehended, and, of those eight, no more than two, who were most guilty, to be proceeded against, iCschines of Lampra, and Agesias of Achamo;, and even they made their escape during the prosecution. As for the rest, he dis- charged them, and gave them, and all who were concerned in the plot, opportunity to recover their spirits and change their senti. ments, as they might imagine that nothing was made out against them ; but he admonished them at the same time, *' That the bat- tie was the great tribunal where they might clear themselves of the charge, and show that they had never followed any counsels but such as were just and useful to their country." Afler this,* Mardonius, to make a trial of the Greeks, ordered bit cavair}', in which he was strongest, to skirmish with them. The Greeks were all encamped at the foot of Mount Cithtcron, in strong and stony places ; except the Megarensions, who, to the number of three thousand, were posted on the plain, and by this means suffered much by the enemies* horse, who charged them on every side. Unable to stand against such superior numbers, they des- patched a messenger to Pausanias for assistance. Pausanias hearing their request, and seeing the camp of the Megarensiaos darkened with a shower of darts and arrows, and that they were forced to contract themselves within a narrow compass, was at a loss what to resolve on, for he knew that his heavy armed Spartans were not fit to act against cavalry. He endeavoured, therefore, * Th« baute uf I'latoea «i'at fought in th« year before Chriit 479. Uie vear after ibai ofSalamk Henxlotui was then about nine or ten yearn old, aud liad bi> accounts fron» pernoni that were preetiii in the Ijattir. And' be iuUxitm ut, thai tb« citcuof M«rce» here related by I'luturch. happened before the Greeki left their cftaip at Krythra^ in order to encamp round to Maicm, and bttiHt the coniett betwarn tbt Teseta: and the Athcnian»».-!.lh. Is. c. 29, SO. *.c. ARJSTiDE3. 191 to awaken the emulation of the generals and other officers that were about him, that they might make it a point of honour volun- ranly to undertake the defence and succour of the Megarensians. But they all decHned it, except Aristides, who made an offer of his Athenians, and gave immediate orders to Olympiodorus, one of the most active of his officers, to advance with his select band of three hundred men and some archers intermixed. They were all ready in a moment, and ran to attack the barbarians. Masistius, general of the Persian horse, a man distinguished for his strength and graceful mien, no sooner saw them advancing, than he spurred his horse against them. The Athenians received him with great firm- ness, and a sharp conffict ensued ; for they considered this as a specimen of the success of the whole battle. At last Masistius' horse was wounded with an arrow, and threw his rider, who could not recover himself because of the weight of his armour, nor yet be easily slam by the Athenians that strove which should do it first, because not only his body and his head, but his legs and arms, were covered with plates of gold, brass, and iron. But the vizor of his helmet leaving part of his face open, one of them pierced him in the eye with the staff of his spear, and so despatched him. The Persians then left the body and fied. The importance of this achievement appeared to the Greeks, not by the number of their enemies lying dead upon the field, for that was but small, but by the mourning of the barbarians, who, m their grief for Masistius, cut off their hair, and the manes of their horses and mules, and filled all the plain with their cries and groans, as having lost the man that was next to Mardonius in courage and authority. After this engagement with the Persian cavalry, both sides for- bore the combat a long time ; for the diviners, from the entrails of the victimsj equally assured the Persians and the Greeks of victory, if they stood upon the defensive, and threatened a total defeat to the aggressors. But at length Mardonius, seeing but a few days provision lefl, and that the Grecian forces increased daily by the arrival of fresh troops, grew uneasy at the delay, and resolved to pass the Asopus next morning by break of day, and fall upon the Greeks, whom he hoped to find unprepared. For this purpose he gave his orders over night. But at midnight a man on horseback soflly approached the Grecian camp, and addressing himse'ii to the sentinels, bade them call Aristides the Athenian general to hr.n. Aristides came immediately, and the unknown person said, " I ara Alexander king of Macedon, who, for the friendship I bear you, have exposeci myself to the greatest dangers, to prevent your fight- ing under the disadvantage of a surprise. For Mardonius will givd you battle to-morrow; not that he is induced to it by any wejj- grounded hope or prospect of success, but by the scarcity of pro« 292 ARISTIDES. visions/' Alexander having thus opened himseir to Arisudes, desired him to take notice and avail himself of the intelligence, but not to communicate it to any other person.* Aristtdes, how- ever, thought It wrong to conceal it from Pausanias, who was commander in chief; but he promised not to mention the thing to any one besides, until aOer the battle, and assured him at the same time, that if the Ureeks proved victorious, the whole army should he acquainted with this kindness. The king of Maccdon then returned to the Persian camp. Aristides went immediately to the tent of Pausanias, apd laid the whole before him : whereupon the other officers were sent for, and ordered to put ^he troops under arms, and have them ready for battle. At the same time, Pausanias informed Aristides of his design to alter the disposition of the army, by removing the Athe- nians from the left wmg to the right, and setting them to oppose the Persians, against whom they wonld act with the more bravery, because they had made proof of their manner of fighting, and with greater assurance of success, because they had already succeeded. As for the left wing, which would have to do with those Greeks that had embraced the Median interest, he intended to command there himself.y But the Thebans being informed of this by deser- ters, acquainted Mardonius, who, either out of fear of the Athenians, or from an ambition to try his strength with the Lacedeemonians, immediately moved the Persians to his right wing, and the Greeks that were of his party, to the left, opposite to the Athenians. This change in the disposition of the enemies' army being known, Pau- sanias made another movement, and passed to the right ; which Mardonius perceiving, returned to the left, and so still faced the Lacedspmonians. Thus the day passed without any action at all. In the evening the Grecians held a council of war, in which they determined to decamp, and take possession of a place more com* modious for water, because the springs of their present camp were disturbed end spoiled by the enemies' horse. When night was come,J and the officers began to march at the head of their troops to the place marked out for a new canip, the soldiers followed unwillingly, and could not without great difficulty be kept together ; for ihey were no sooner out of their first entrench- ments, than many of them made off to the city of Platxea, and either dispersing there, or pitching their tents without any resard to disciphno, were in the utmost confusion. It happened that the * According to HerotHirut, Alrxander bad excepted PMitsniet mil of thin charftof •ecracy; and thi« it mon protMblr, becauie Pausanias was commanHar in chief. f Herodotus sari tbc contrary ; namely, thai all tbe Atbeoiao uArcr* wtra ambi* t>0*J3 of lliar p'lit, but did not think proper to propose it, (or fear of diaoblif ing tha Spitrtans j On this ocrasion Mardonius did oot Aiil to intuit Artitena. raproMbing ktai i hif. 'jowardly prudence, «nd the false noiiOD be had coneeired of ilta Laeedsnnonl who. Rs \ttt pretended, never flearch to succour their distressed allies, but were attacked, and to their great regret, prevented by those Greeks who sided with the Persians. The batfle being thus fought in two different places, the Spartans were the first who broke into the cenire of the Persian army, «xk3, after a most obstinate resistance, put them to flight. 2b 17 1^ ARISTIDES. If the terror of this situation was great, the steadiness and pati- ence of the Spartans was wonderful ; for they made no defence against the enemies' charge, but waiting the time, of heaven and their general, suffered themselves to be wounded and slain in their ranks. Pausanias, extremely afflicted at these circumstances, while the priests otfered sacrifice upon sacrifice, turning towards the temple of Juno, and with tears trickling from his eyes and uplif\ed hands, prayed to that goddess the protectress of Citheeron, and to the other tutelar* deities of the Plaiseans, ♦* That if the fates had not decreed that the Grecians should conquer, they might at least be permitted to sell their lives dear, and show the enemy by their deeds, that they had brave men and experienced soldiers to deal with. The very moment that Pausaniaswas uttering this prayer, this token so much desired appeared in the victim, and the diviners announced him victory. Orders were immediately given the whole army to come to action, and the Spartan phalanx all at once had the appearance of some fierce animal, erecting his bristles, and preparing to exert his strength. The barbarians then saw clearly that they had to do with men who were ready to spill the last drop of their blood ; and therefore, covering themselves with their tar- gets, shot their arrows against the Lacedaemonians. The Lace- daemonians moving forward in a close and compact body, fell upon the Persians, and forcing their targets from them, directed their pikes against their faces and breasts, and brought many of them to the ground. However, when they were down, they continued to give proofs of their strength and courage ; for they laid hold on the pikes with their naked hands and broke them, and then springing up, betook themselves td their swords and battle-axes, and wresting away their enemies' shields and grappling close with them, made a long and obstinate resistance. The Athenians all this while stood still, expecting the Laceds- demonians ; but when the iioise of the battle reached them, and an officer, as we are told, despatched by Paus&nios, gave them an account that the engagement was begun, they hastened to his assistance ; and as they were crossing the plam towards the place where the noise was heard, the Greeks, who sided with tlie enemy, pushed against them. As soon as Aristides saw them, he advanced a considerable way before his troops, and calling out to them with all his force, conjured them by the gods of Greece, " to renounce this impious war, and not oppose the Athenians, who were running to the succour of those that were now the first to hazard their lives for the safety of Greece." put finding that, instead of hearkening to him, they approached in a hostile manner, he quitted his design of going to oMJst the Lacedaemonians, and joined battle withtbete ARISTIDES. 195 Greeks, who were about five thousand in number. But the great- est part soon gave way and retreated, especially when they heard that the barbarians were put to flight. The sharpest part of this action is said to. have been with the Thebans, among whom the first in quality and power having embraced the Median interest, by their authority carried Out the common people against their inclination. The battle thus divided into two parts, the Lacedaemonians first broke and routed the Persians ; and Mardonius* himself was slain by a Spartan named Arimnestus,'|' who fractured his skull with a stone. The barbarians, flying before the Spartans, were pursued to their camp, which they had fortified with wooden walls ; and soon after the Athenians routed the Thebans, killing three hundred persons of the first distinction on the spot. Just as the Thebans began to give way, news was brought that the barbarians were shut up and besieged m their wooden fortification ; the Athenians, therefore, suffering the Greeks to escape, hastened to assist in the siege, and finding that the Lacedaemonians, unskilled in the storm- ing of walls, made but a slow progress, they attacked and took the camp,J with a prodigious slaughter of the enemy. For it is said that of three hundred thousand men, only forty thousand escaped with Artabazus;§ whereas of those that fought in the cause of Greece, no more were slain than one thousandHhree hundred and sixty ; among whom were fifty -two Athenians, all, according to Clidemus, of the tribe Aiantis, which greatly distinguished itself in that actio'n. The Lacedaemonians lost ninety. one, and the Tegetse sixteen. This victory went near to the ruin of Greece. For the Athe- nians, unwilling to allow the Spartans the honour of the day, or to consent that they should erect the trophy, would have referred it the decision of the sword, had not Aristides taken great pains to explain the matter, and pacify the other generals, particularly Leocrates and Mironides, persuading them to leave it to the judg. ment of the Greeks. A council was called accordingly, in which Theogiton gave it as his opinion, " that those two states should give up the palm to a third, if they desired to prevent a civil war." Cleocritus the Corinthian rose up, and it was expected he would * Mardonius, moiiftted on a white horse, Signalized himself greatly ; and, at the head of a thousand chosen men, killed a great number of the enemy, but when he fell, the whole Persian army was easily routed. fin some copies he is called Diaranestus. A rimnestus was general of the Plataeans. \ The spoil was immense, consisting of vast sums of money, of gold and silver cups, vessels, tables, bracelets, rich beds, and all sorts of furniture- They, gave the tenth of all to Pausanias. { Artabazus, who, from Mardonius's imprudent conduct, had but too well foreseen the misfortune that befel him, after having distinguished himself in the engagement, made a timely retreat v/iih the forty thousand men he had commanded, arrived safe at Byaantium,'and from thence passed over into Asia. Besides these, only three thpii- sand men escaped. — Herodot 1. ix. c. 31 — 69. 196 ARISTIDES. set forth the pretensionB of Corinth to the prize of valour, ai the city next in dignity to Sparta and Athene ; but they were most agreeably surprised, when they found that he spoke in behalf of the Platseans, and proposed, *' That all disputes laid aside, the palm should be adjudged to them, since neither of the contending parties could be jeaiuus of them.'* Aristides was the first to give up the point for the Athenians, and then Pausanias did the same for the LacedsDmonians."' The confederates thus reconciled, eighty talents were set apart for the Plato^ans, with which they built a temple, and erected a statue to Minerva, adorning the temple with paintings. Both the Lacedaemonians and Athenians erected trophies separately. In the first general assembly of the Greeks af\er this victory, Aristides proposed a decree, '' That deputies from all the states of Greece must meet annually at Platisa, to sacrifice to Jupiter /Ae deliverer^ and that every fifth year they should celebrate the ^ame* of liberty : that a general levy should be made through Greece of ten thousand foot, a thousand horse, and an hundred s>hips, for the war against the barbarians ; and thai the Platseans should be ex. empt, being set apart for the service of the god, to propitiate him in behalf of Greece, and consequently their persons to be esteemed sacred." These articles^ passing into a law, the Plataeans undertook to celebrate the anniversary of those that were slain and buried in that place. When the Athenians returned home, Aristides observing that they endeavoured to make the government entirely democrati. cal, considered on one side, that the people deserved some atten- tion and respect, on account of their gallant behaviour, and on the other that, being elated with their victories, it would be diflicult to force them to depart from their purpose ; and therefore he caused a decree to be made, that all the citizens should have a share in the administration, and th^t the archons should be chosen out of the whole body of them. Themistocles having one day declared to the general assembly, that he had thought of an expedient which was very salutnr)' at Athens,! but ought to be kept secret, he was ordered tu commu> nicaie it to Aristides only, and abide by his judgment. Accordmaly he told him, his project was to burn the whole fleet of the confeae. rates, by which means the Athenians would be raised to the sovereignty of all Greece. Aristides returned to the assembly, and acquainted the Athenians, '* That nothing could be more * At to the individuals, wh^n they cante to detprmine which had t>eh«vad with moat courage, they all gave judgment in fJavcMir of ArihttKiemus, who was ih<> oiilv on« ibat had Kaved hiinftelfat TberuiopyUB, and now wiped off the hlemiaii of hi» furuiei coo* duct by a glorious death. J This wa» before the battle of Plstmi, at the liint wbto Xtrxtt wa« put to Olgbt, driven bacl( into Alia. ARISTIDES. jg-y advantageous than the project of Themistocles, nor any thing more unjust :" And upon his report of the matter, they commanded Themistocles to give over all thoughts of it. Such regard had that* people for justice, and so much confidence in the integrity of Aristides. Some time after this,* he was joined in commission with Cimon, and sent against the barbarians ; where, observing that Pausanias and the other Spartan generals behaved with excessive haughtiness, he chose a quite different manner, showing much mildness and condescension in his whole conversation and address, and prevail- ing with Cimon to behave with equal affability to the whole league Thus he insensibly drew the chief command from the Lacedaemo- nians, not by force of arms, but by his gentle and obliging deport, ment. For the justice of Aristides, and the candour of Cimon, having made the Athenians very agreeable to the confederates, their regard was increased by the contrast they found in Pausanias's avarice and severity of manners. The sea-captains and land-officers of the Greeks therefore, pressed Aristides to take upon him the command of the confederate forces, and to receive them into his protection. He answered, that he saw the necessity and justice of what they proposed, but that the proposal ought first to be confirmed by some act, which would make it impossible for the troops to depart from their resolution." Hereupon Uliades of Samos, and Antagoras of Chios, conspiring together, went boldly and attacked Pausanias's galley, at the head of the fleet. On this occasion, the magnanimity of the Spartan people ap. peared with great lustre. For as soon as they perceived their generals were spoiled with too much power, they sent no more, but voluntarily gave up their pretensions to the chief command, choosing rather to cultivate in their citizens a principle of modesty and tenaciousness of the laws and customs of their country, than to possess the sovereign command of Greece. While the Lacedaemonians had the command, the Greeks paid a certain tax towards the war : and now being desirous that every city might be equally rated, they begged of the Athenians that Aristides might take it upon him, and gave him instructions to in- spect their lands and revenues, in order to proportion the burden of each to its abihry. Aristides, invested with this authority, which in a manner made him master of all Greece, did not abuse it. For though he went out poor, he returned poorer, having settled the quotas of the seve- ral states, not only justly an^ disinterestedly, but with so much tenderness and humanity, that his^ assessment was agreeable and convenient to all. And as the ancients praised the time of Saturn, * Eight years after. 17* X96 ARIST1DE8. 80 the allies of Athens blessed the settlements of Aristides, calling it the "ihe happy fortune of Ureece ;** a compliment which soon tiAer appeared still more just, when the taiation was twice or three titnes as high. The great and illustrious character which Aristides acquired by the equity of this taxation, piqued Themistocles, and he endeavour, ed to turn the praise bestowed upon him into ridicule, by saying, " It was not the praise of a man, but of a money chest to keep treasure without diminution." By this he took but a feeble revenge for the freedom of Aristides. For one day Themistocles happen- ing to say, ** That he looked upon it as the principal excellence of a general to know and foresee the designs of an enemy." Aristi. des answered, *' That is indeed a necessary quaUfication but there is another very excellent one, and highly becoming a general, and that is to have clean hands." When Aristides had settled the articles of alliance, he called upon the confederates to confirm ihem with an oath, which he himself took on the part of the Athenians ; and, at the same time that he uttered the execration on those that should break the arti- cles, he threw red-hot pieces of iron into the sea.* However, when the urgency of affairs afterwards required the Athenians to govern Greece with a stricter hand than those conditions justified, he advised them to let the consequences of the perjury rest with him, and pursue the path which expediency pointed out.f Upon the whole, Theophrastus says, that in all his own private concerns, and in those of his fellow citizens, he was inflexibly just ; but, in affairs of state, he did many things according to the exigency of the case, to serve his country, which seemed often to have need of the assistance of injustice. And he relates, that when it was debated in council, whether the treasure deposited at Delos should be brought to Athens as the Samians had advised, though contraiy to treaties, on its coming to his turn to speak, he said, "It was not just, but it was expedieni." This must be said, notwiinstanding, that though he extended the dominions of Athens over so many people, he himself continued poor, nnd esteemed his poverty no less a glory than all the laurels l;e had won. The following 'is a clear proof of it. Callias, the torch-bearer, who was his near relative, waa prosecuted in a capi. tal cause by his enemies. When they had alleged what they hnd against him, which was iioihing very* flagrant, they launched out • As much «• 10 lay. aa the fire tn these two piecf^n of iron If extingimhrd in njomenu ■«» may their Hay* l»i> '><> break ihi» covenant + 'rtiu« even the just, the i ,.|es. niwcJe a riittmction t)«t»een hU privata and polifirHl ruimcience A vvhirk h-^ ... ■» lor of foundation »n truth or leaton. «n«l which, m the end. wiU t)« prodn i rather than advuntaf* \ ai ah tlMMe naiiont will find, who avail i)ieinMi . i o to lerve a ptewnt oc* cavion For m much reputation it ho much power ; and ftatet ai well as private peraottt, are retpectable on!y in their character. ARISTIDES. jgg into something foreign to their own charge, and thus addressed the judges — " You know Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, who is justly the admiration of all Greece. When you see with what a garb he appears in public, in what manner do you think he must live at home ? Must not he who shivers here with cold for want of clothing, be almost famished there, and destitute of all necessaries? Yet this is the man whom Callias, his cousm-german, and the rich- est man in Athens, absolutely neglects, and leaves, with his wife and children, in such wretchedness ; though he has often made use of him, and availed himself of his interest with you." Callias, perceiving that this pomt affected and exasperated his judges more than any thing else, called Aristides to testify before the court, that he had many times offered him considerable sums, and strong- ly pressed him to accept them, but he had always refused them in such terms as these- " It better becomes Aristides to glory in his poverty, than Callias in his riches ; for we see every day, ma- ny people make a good as A^ell as a bad use of riches, but it is hard to find one who bears poverty with a noble spirit ; and they only are ashamed of it who are poor against their will." When Aristides had given in his evidence, there was not a man in the court, who did not leave it with an inclination rather to be poor with him, than rich with Callias. We have extraordinary instances of the candour with which he behaved towards Themistocles. For though he was his constant enemy in all affairs of government, and the means of his banish, ment, yet when Themistocles was accused of capital crimes against the state, and he had an opportunity to pay him in kind, he indul- ged not the least revenge ; but, while Alcmaeon, Cimon, and many others, were accusing him and driving him into exile, Aristides alone neither did nor said any thing to his disadvantage ; for, as he had not envied his prosperity, so now he did not rejoice in his misfortunes. As to the death of Aristides, some say it happened in Pontus, whither he had sailed about some business of the state ; others say he died at Athens, full of days, honoured and admired by his fellow citizens. But Craterus, the Macedonian, gives us another account of the death of this great man. He tells us, that after the banishment of Themistocles, the insolence of the people gave en- couragement to a number of villainous informers, who, attacking the greatest and best men, rendered them obnoxious to the popu- lace, now much elated with prosperity and power. Aristides him- self was not spared, but, on a charge brought against him by Dia- phantus of Amphitrope, was condemned for taking a bribe of the lonians at the time he levied the tax. He adds, that being unable to pay his fine, which was fifty minae, he sailed to some part of Ionia, and there died. But Craterus gives us no written proof of 200 ARIST1DE& this aiseraon, nor does he allege any regitter of court, or decree the people, thouffb od other occmaione he is full of such proofs, and OooeiDnUy cites bis author. The other historians, without excep- tioo, who have given us an account of the unjust behaviour of the people of Athens to their generals, among many other instances, dwell upon the banishment of Themntocles, the imprisonment of Miltiades, the fine imposed upon Pericles, and the death of Pa- ches, who, upon receiving sentence, killed himself in the judg. ment hall, at the foot of the tribunal. Nor do they forget the banishment of Aristides, but they nay not a word of his condem- nation. His monument at Phalerum is said to have been erected at the public charge, because he did not leave enough tudefray the expen- ees of his funeral. The city likewise provided for the marriage of bis daughters, and each of them had three thousand drachms to her portion out of the treasury ; and to his son Lysimachus, the peo. pie of Athens gave an hundred minse'of silver, and a plantation of as many acres of land, with a pension of four drachmae a day ;* the whole being confirmed to him by a decree drawn up by Aici. biades. * Though this may teem do extraordinary matter to as, tMiog only about 55 1-2 cents of federal mooey, yet in those days it was ; for an ambnndor mma allotred only two drachmx a day, as appears from the Aehamenaa of AriMopbanes. TIm poet, indeed, speaks of one sent to the king of Persia, at whose coiiit an aati was pretty sure to be enriched. 201 CATO THE CENSOR Flourished 640 years before Christ, IT is said that Marcus Cato was born at Tusculum, of which place his family originally was, and that before he was concerned in civil or military affairs, he lived upon an estate which his father left him near the country of the Sabines. Though his ancestors were reckoned to have been persons of no note, yet Cato himself boasts of his father as a btave man and an excellent soldier, and assures us, that his grandfather received several military rewards, and that having had five horses killed under him, he had the value of them paid out of the treasury, as an acknowledgement of his gal. lant behaviour. Inured to labour and temperance, and brought up in camps, he had an excellent constitution with respect to strength as well as health. Considering eloquence not only useful but necessary for every man who does not choose to live obscure and inactive, he exercised and improved that talent in the neighbouring boroughs and villages, but undertaking the causes of such as applied to him ; so that he was soon allowed to be an able pleader, and afterwards a good orator. From this time all that conversed with him, discovered in him such a gravity of behaviour, such a dignity and depth of santiment, as qualified him for the greatest affairs in the most respectable go- vernment in the world. For he was not only so disinterested as to plead without fee or reward,* but it appeared that the honour to be gained in that department was not his principal view. His ambi- tion was military glory : and when yet but a youth, he had fought in so many battles, that his breast was full of scars. He himself tells us, he made his first campaign at seventeen years of age, when Hannibal was laying Italy waste with fire and sword. In battle he stood firm, had a sure and executing hand, a fierce coun- tenance, and spoke to his enemy in a threatening and dreadful ac- cent : for he rightly judged, and endeavoured to convince others, that such a behaviour often strikes an adversary with greater ter- ror than the sword itself. He always marched on foot, and car- ried his own arms, followed only by one servant, who carried his provisions. And it is said, he never was angry or found fault with that servant, whatever he set before him ; but when he was at leisure from military duty he would assist him in dressing it. All the time he was in the army, he drank nothing but water, ex- 2c 2(^ CATO TH£ CKNSOR. cept that when almost burnt up with thirst, he would ask for a little vioei^r, or when he found his strength and spirits exhausted, he would take a little wine Near his country-seat was a cottage which formerly belonged to Manius Curius,^ who was thrice honoured with a triumph. Cato often walked thither, and reflecting on the smallness of the &nn and the meanness of the dwelling, used to think of the peculiar virtues of Deiitaius, who, though he was the greatest man in Rome, had subdued the most warlike nations, and driven Pyrrhus out of Italy, cultivated this little spot of ground with his own hands, and, afler tliree triumphs, lived in this cottage. Here the ambai> sadors of the Samnites found him in the chimney corner dressing turnips, and offered a large present of gold ; but he refused it and gave them this answer : " A man who can be satisfied with such a supper, has no need of gold ; and I think it more glorious to conquer the owners of it, than to have it myself." Full of these thoughts, Cato returned home, and taking a view of his own es- tate, his servants, and manner of living, added to his own labour, and retrenched his unnecessary expenses. When Fabius Maximus took the city of Tarentum, Cato, who was theiv very young,f served under him. Happening at that time to lodge with a Pythagorean philosopher named Nearchus, he de- sired to hear some of his doctrine ; and learning from him the same maxims that Plato advances, ** That pleasure is the greatest incen- tive to evil ; that the greatest burden and calamity to the soul is the body, from which she cannot disengage herself, but by such a wise use of reason as shall wean and separate her from all corpo- real passions," he became still more attached to frugality and temperance. Yet it is said that he learned Greek very late, and was considerably advanced in years when he began to read the Grecian writers, uiiioiig whom he improved his eloquence, some- what by Thucydides, but by Demosthenes very greatly. Indeed, his own writings are sufliciently adorned with precepts and exam- ples borrowed from the Greek, and among his maxims and ten- tences we find many that are literally translated from the stme originals. \tthat time there flourished a Roman nobleman of great power and eminence, called Valerius Flaccus, whose penetration enabled him to distinguish a rising genius and virtuous disposition, and whose benevolence inclined him to encourage and conduct it in * Maniut Cuiiut tHmtatu* triumnhmt twice in his firM contiiUie. in th« four bun* drad and tixiy-third year of Rome, lirtt ovrr ibe Samnitetand afterwardaover Uw Ss- binet. And cii^lit years aAer that, in hii third ronsulaie, he inuninbad ovtr PyrrlHta. After this, he led up the leu triumph, called (hahon, for hit victory Of«r lbs Lo caniant. Fabiui Maximus iwik Tarenium in his fifth consulatt, in the jrcar of Rorm S44. Cato was then twenty-three years old : Ittti he hmi i-^ndo hit f^m r«,npaigQ uatftr tbs •snie Fatiiirs five yean before. CATO THE CENSOR. 203 the path of glory. This nobleman had an estate contiguous to Cato's, where he often beard his servants speak of his neighbour's laborious and temperate manner of life. They told him that he used to go early in the morning to the little towns in the neigh- bourhood, and defend the causes of such as applied to him ; that thence he would return to his own farm, where, in a coarse frock, if it was winter, and naked if it was summer, he would labour with his domestics, and afterwards sit down with them, and eat the same kind of bread, and drink the same wine. They related also many other instances of his condescension and moderation, and mention- ed severalof his short sayings that were full of wit and good sense. Valerius, charmed with his character, sent him an invitaion to dinner. From that time, by frequent conversation, he found in him so niuch sweetness of temper and ready wit, that he consider- ed him as an excellent plant, which wanted only cultivation, and deserved to be removed to a better soil. He therefore persuaded him to go to Rome, and apply himself to affairs of s.ate. There his pleadmgs soon procured him friends and admirers; the interest of Valerius, too, greatly assisted his rise to prefer- ment ; so that he was first made a military tribune, and afterwards quaestor. And having gained great reputation and honour in those employments, he was joined with Valerius himself m the highest dignities, being his colleague both as consul and as censor. His excellence as a speaker awakened a general emulation among the youth to distinguish themselves he same way : but few were wiUing to imitate him in the ancient custom of tilling the field with their own hands, in eating a dinner prepared vvithout fire, and a spare frugal supper ; few, Uke him, could be satisfied with a plain dress and a poor cottage ; or think it more honourable not to want the superfluities of life than to possess them ; for the commonwealth now no longer retained its primitive purity and in- tegrity. Justly, therefore, was Cato entitled to admiration, when the other citizens were frightened at labour, and enervated by plea- sure, and he alone was unconquered by either, not only while young and ambitious, but when old and grey-haired, after his consulship and triumph ; like a brave wrestler, who, after he has been victo- rious, observes the pommon rules, and continues his exercises to the last. He himself tells us that he never wore a garment that cost more than a hundred drachmas ; that even when pnetor or consul, he drank the same wine with his slaves ; that a dinner never cost him from the market above thirty ases : and that he was thus frugal for the sake of his country, that he might be able to endure the harder service in war. Some imputed these things to a narrowness of spirit, while others supposed that he betook himself to his contracted manner of living; 204 ^ATO THE CENSOIt in Older to correct by his example the growing luxury of the age. For my part^ I cannot but charge his using his servants like so many beasts of burden, and turning them ot!', or selling them, when grown old, to the account of a mean and ungenerous spirit, which thinks that the sole tie between man and man is interest or neces. sity. But goodness moves in a larger sphere than justice : the ob- ligations of law and equity reach only to mankind, but kiodnets aud beneficence Hhould be extended to creatures of every species. A good man will take care of his horses and dogs, not only while they are young, but when old and past service. fcaio was, however, a man of wonderful temperance. For, when general of the army, he took no more from the public, for himself and those about him, than three Attic medimni of wheat a month ; and less than a midimnus and a half of barley for his hor> 8es. And when he was governor of Sardinia, though his predeces. sors had put the province to a very great expense for pavillions, bedding, and apparel, and still more by the number of friends and servants they had about them, and by the great and sumptuous en- tertainments they gave ; he, on the contrary, was as remarkable for his frugality. Indeed, he put the public to no manner of charge. Instead of making use of a carriage, he walked from one town to another, attended by only one officer, who carried his robe and a vessel for libations. But if in these things he appeared plain and easy to those that were under his command, he preserved a gravity and severity in every thing else. For he was inexorable in every thing that related to public justice, and inflexibly rigid in the execution of his orders ; so that the Roman government had never before appeared to that people cither so awful or so amiable.'" Being persuaded that a man's disposition may be discovered much better by his speech than by his looks, I shall set down some of Cato*8 remarkable sayings. One day, when the Romans clamoured violently and unreason, ably for a distribution of corn, to dissuade them from it he thus be- gan his address : " It is a difficult task, my fellow.citizens, to speak to the belly, because it has no ears." Another time, com- plaining of the luxury of the Romans, he said, ** It was a hard matter to save that city from ruin, where a fish was sold for more than an ox." On another occasion he said, " The Roman people were like sheep, for as those con scarce be brought to stir singly, but all in a body readily follow their leaders, just such are ye. The men whose counsel you would not take as individuals, lead you with eaae in a crowd." Speaking of the power of women, he said, '* All men naturally govern the wfimen, we govern all men, * Hitonlv •muwmeni WM to h«r ih« inatiuciiofit of the poet Enniu*. irod^r «rhom h« iMfMri the (>reek ncieQcet. Ii« brniittied usurer* from bis provtncs, and r9'tuc«(i ihe intarett upon loans •Imntt to nnthioK. CATO THE CENSOR. 305 and our wives govern us." Another of Cato's sayings was, " That the Roman people fixed the value, not only of the several kinds of colours, but of the arts and sciences : for," added he, "as the dy- ers dye that sort of purple which is most agreeable to you, so our youth only study and strive to excel in such things as you esteem and commend." Exhorting the people to virtue, he said, "If it is by virtue and temperance that you are become great, change not for the worse ; but if by intemperance and vice, change for the better, for you are already great enough by such means as these." He found fault with the people for often choosing the same persons consuls. " You either," said he, " think the consulate of little worth, or that there are but few worthy of the consulate." Con- cerning one of his enemies, who led a very profligate and infa- mous hfe, he said, " His mother takes it for a curse and not a prayer, when any one wishes this son may survive her." Point- ing to a man who had sold a paternal estate near the sea.side, he pretended to admire him, as one that was stronger than the sea it- self : "For," said he, " what the sea could not have swallowed without difficulty, this man has taken down with all the ease imagi- nable." When king Eumenes* came to Rome, the senate receiv- ed him with extraordinary respect, and the great men strove which should do him the most honour, but Cato visibly neglected and shunned him. Upon which somebody said, " Why do you shun Euraenes, who is so good a man, and so great a friend to the Ro- mans ?" " That may be," answered Cato, " but I look upon a king as a creature that feeds upon human flesh,f and of all the kings that have been so much cried up, I find not one to be com- pared with an Epaminondas, a Themistocles, a Manius Curius, or with Hamilcar, surnamed Barcas. He used to say that his enemies hated him, because he neglected his own concerns, and rose before day. to mind those of the pub- lic. But that he had rather his good actions should go unreward- ed, than his bad ones unpunished ; and that he pardoned every body's faults sooner than his own." The Romans having sent three ambassadors to the king of Bithynia, of whom one had the gout, another had his skull treps^nned, and third was reckoned little better than a fool, Cato smiled and said, " They had sent an em- bassy which had neither feet, head, nor heart." When Scipio ap- plied to him, at the request of Polybius, in behalf of the Achajanij: * Eumenes went to Rome in the year of Rome 581. Cato was then thirty-nine years old. f This jest is taken from the first book of Homer's Iliad. I The Achaeans, in the first year of the hundred and fifty third Olympiad, entered into measures for delivermg up their country 'o the king of Persia, but being discov^ ered, a thousand of them were seized and compelled to live exiles m Italy. There they continued seventeen years : after which about three nundred, who were still living, were restored ny a decree of the senate, which was particularly made in favour of Polybius, who w^H one of the number. 18 20§ CATO TJtth CENSOR. exiles, and the matter was much canvassed in the senate, some speaking for their heing restored, and some aguinst it, Cuto rose up and said, ** As if we had nothing else to do, we sit here all day debating, whether a few poor old Greeks shall be buried by our ffravC'digffers, or those of our their country.'* The senate then decreed, tnat the exiles should return home ; and Polybius, some days after, endeavoured to procure another meeting of that respec- table body, to restore those exiles to their former honours in Achaia. Upon this affair he sounded Calo, who answered smiling, " This is just as if Ulysses should have wanted to enter the Cy clop's cuve again, for a hat and belt which he had left behind.*' It was a saying of his, *' That wise men learn more from fools, than fools from the wise : for the wise avoid the error of fools, while fools do Dot profit by the examples of the wise." Another of his sayings was, " That he liked a young man that blushed, more than one that turned pale ; and that he did not Uke a soldier who moved his hands in marching, and his feet in fighting, and who snored louder in bed than he shouted in battle." Jesting upon a very fat man, he said, ** Of what service to his country can 8uch a body be, which is nothing but belly ?" When an epicure desired so be admitted into his friendship, he said, '' He could not live with a man whose palate had quicker sensations than his heart." He used to say, ^'The soul of a lover lived in the body of another: and that in all his life he never repented but of three things ; the first was, that he had trusted a woman with a secret ; the second, that he had gone by sea, when he might have gone by land ; and the third, that he passed one day without having a will by him."* To an old debauchee he said, *'Old age has deformities enough of its own ; do not add to it the deformity of vice." A tribune of the people, who had the character of a poisoner, proposing a bad law, and taking great pains to have it passed, Oato said to him, *' Young man, I know not which is most dangerous, to drink what you mix, or to enact what you propose." Being scurrilously treated by a man who led a dissolute and infamous life, he said, " It is upon very unequal terms that I contend with you ; for you are accustom, ed to be spoken ill of, and can speak it with pleasure; but with me it is unusual to hear it, and disagreeable to speak it." Such was the manner of his repartees and short sayings. Being appointed consul along with his friend Valerius Flaccus, the government of that part of Spain which the Romans call Cite- rior, Uitheff fell to his lot.f While he was subduing some of the na- • Thi« hat be«n mitiindcrataod by all the translaiors, who ^ava a(i«ad in render* ft, ** thai h« had \m»wtd nnr riay idly." f Ai Taro't troops coniisied fur the moM part of raw aelciiert. h« took great paint Ut riiKiplinn thfm. rimaideniiK that they had to d«al wiUi ilM Spaniards, who, m tlieit wart wiih the Hoinan* and ( ariiiaciniao*, had learned ihe mditary an. and wert mCtfralty brave and couraneoui. Before be came to notion, be lent away hit fleot. CATO THE CENSOR. ^jgfr tidtis there by arms, and winning others by kindness, a great army of barbarians fell upoh him, and he was in danger of being driven out with dishonour. On this occasion he sent to desire succours of his neighbours the Celtibenans, who demanded two hundred talents for that service. All the officers of his army thought it intolerable, that the Romans should be obliged to purchase assistance of the barbarians : but Cato said, " It is no such great hardship ; for if we conquer, we shall pay them at the enemy's expense ; and if we are conquered, there will be no body either to pay or make the de- mand." He gained the battle, and every thing afterwards sue- ceeded to his wish. While he was settling the affairs of Spain, Scipio the Great, who was his enemy, and wished to break the course of his success, and have the finishing of the war himself, managed matters so as to get himself appointed his successor, after which he made all possible haste to take the command of the army from him. But Cato, hear- ing of his march, took five companies of foot, and five hundred horse, as a convoy to attend upon Scipio, and as he went to meet him, defeated the Lacetanians, and took among them six hundred Roman deserters, whom he caused to be put to death. And upon Sci- pio's expressing his displeasure at this, he answered ironically, " Rome would be great indeed, if men of birth would not yield the palm of virtue to the commonalty, and if plebeians, like himself, would contend for excellence with men of birth and quality." Be- sides, as the senate had decreed, that nothing should be altered which Cato had ordered and established, the post which Scipio had made so much interest for, rather tarnished his own glory than that of Cato ; for he continued inactive during that government. In the mean time, Cato was honoured with a triumph. But he did not act afterwards like those whose ambition is only for fame, and not for virtue, and who having reached the highest honours, borne the office of consul, and led up triumphs, withdraw from bu- siness, and give up the rest of their days to ease and pleasure. On the contrary, like those who are just entered upon business, and thirst for honour and renown, he exerted himself as if he were be- ginning his race anew, his services being always ready both for his friends in particular, and for the citizens in general, either at the bar or in the field. For he went with the consul Tiberius Sempro- nius to Thrace and the Danube,* as his lieutenant ; and as a le- gionary tribune, he attended Manius Acilius Glabrio into Greece, in the war against Antiochus the Great, who, next to Hannibal^ was the most formidable enemy the Romans ever had. For having re- that his soldiers might place all their hopes in their valour. With the same view, when he came near the enemy, he took a compass, and posted his army behind them In the plain, so that the Spaniards were between him and his camp. * The year after his consulship, and the second year of the hundred and foEty^xfh Olympiad 208 CATO THE CEWSQR. covered almost all the provinces of Asia which Seleucut Nicmnor bad possessed, and reduced many warlike nations of barbarians, he was so much elated as to think the Romans the only match for him in the field. Accordmgly he crossed the sea with a powerful army, colouring his design with tbe specious pretence of restoring liberty to the Greeks, of which, however, ihey stood in no deed, lor being lately delivered by the favour of the Romans from the yoke of Phi- lip and the Macedonians, they were free already, and were go- verned by their own laws. At his approach, all Greece was in great commotion, and unre. solved how to act ; being corrupted with the splendid hopes in. flised by the orators whom Antiochus had gained. Antiochus having blocked up the narrow pass of Thermopylas with his troops, and added walls and entrenchments to the natural fortifications of the place, sat down there unconcerned, thinking the war could not touch him. And indeed the Romans despaired of forcing the pass. But Cato recollecting the circuit the Persians bad taken on a like occasion, set out in the night with a proper de- tachment. When they had advanced a considerable height, the guide, who .vas one of the prisoners, missed his way, and wandering about, among impracticable places and precipices, threw the soldiers into inexpressible dread and despair. Cato, seeing the danger, ordered them to halt, while he with one Lucius Manlius, who was dexte- rous in climbing the steep mountains, went forward with great dif. ficulty and at the hazard of his hfe, at midnight, without any moon ; scrambling among wild olive-trees, and steep rocks that still more impeded his view, and added darkness to the obscurity. At last they hit upon a' path whidi seemed to lead down to the enemy's camp. They had marched but a little farther, when the path failed tbem, and they saw notliing before them but a precipice, which distressed them still more ; for they could not yet perceive that they were near the enemy. The day now began to appear, when one of them thought be heard the sound of human voices, and a little aAer, they saw the Grecian camp, and the advanced guord at the foot of the rock. Cato, therefore, made a halt, and sent to acquaint the Firmians that he wanted to speak with them in private.* These were troops whose fidelity and courage he had experienced oo the most dan- gerous occasions. They hastened into his presence, when he thus addressed them : '* I want to take one of the enemy alive, to learn of him who, and how many, compose this advanced guard, what is the disposition and order of the whole army, and what preparatioos they have made to receive us ; but the business reouires the speed and impetuosity of lions, who rush into a herd of timorous beasts.*' « Firroium wm» a Roman colony in tkt Ptoooe. CATO THE CENSOR. 209 When Cato had done speaking, the Firmians, without further preparation, poured down the mountain, surpiised the advanced guard, dispersed them, took one armed man, and brought him to Cato. The prisoner informed him, that the main body of the army was encamped with the king in the narrow pass, and that the de- tachment which guarded the heights consisted of six hundred se- lect iEtolians. Cato, despising these troops, as well on account of their small number, as their negligence,^drew his sword, apd rushed upon them with all the alarm of voices and triynpets. The ^Eto- lians no sooner saw him descend from the mountains, than they fled to the main body, and put the whole in the utmost confusion. At the same time Manius forced the entrenchments of Antiochus below, and poured into the pass with his army. Antiochus him- self being wounded in the mouth with a stone, and having some of his teeth struck out, the anguish obliged him to turn his horse and retire. After his retreat, no part of his army could stand the shock of the Romans. Cato, who was never sparing in his own praises, and thought boasting a naturjjil attendant on great actions, is very pompous in his account of this exploit. He says, " That those who saw him charging the enemy, routing and pursuing them, decFared that Cato owed less to the people of Rome, than the people of Rome owed to Cato ; and that the consul Manius himself, coming hot from the fight, took him in his arms as he too came panting from the ac- tion, and embracing him a long time, cried out in a transport of joy, that neither he nor the whole Roman people could sufficiently reward Cato's merit." Immediately after the battle, the consul sent him with an ac- count of it to Rome, that he might be first to carry the news of his own achievements. With a favourable wind he sailed to Brundu- sium ; thence he reached Tarentum in one day : and having tra- velled four days more, arrived at Rome the fifth day after he land- ed, and was the first that brought the news of the victory. These are the most remarkable of Cato's actions :- and with re- spect to civil affairs, he appears to have thought the impeaching of offenders and bringing them, to justice a thing that well deserved his attention. For he prosecuted several^ and encouraged and as- sisted others in carrying on their prosecutions. Cato, however, did not escape such attacks ; but when, in the business of the state, he gave the least handle, was prosecuted, and sometimes in danger of being condemned. For it is said that near fifty impeachments were brought against him, and the last, when he was eighty-six years of age : on which occasion he made use of that memorable expression, " It is hard that I wh6 have lived with men of one generation, should be obliged to make my defence to those of another." Nor was this the end of his cor^tests at the 2$ 18* / ilXO CATO iUK CLiNSQK. htLt ; for, ibor years afler, at the age of nuicty,* be impMcbed Sci. viliufl Galba : so that, like Nestor, be lived tbree generaUons, and, like him, waa always in action. After having constantly opposed Scipio in matters of government, he lived until the time of young Scipio, his adopted grandson, and son of Paulus i£miliu8} who coo* quered Perseus and the Macedonians. Ten years aller his cotisulship, Cato stood for the office of cen- sor, which was the highest dignity in tlie republic. For, beside the other power and authority that attended this office, it gave the ma« gpstcate a right of inquiry into the hves and manners of the citi- zens, and when Cato solicited it, the principal senators opposed him. Having consulted and prepared thoir measures, they put up seven candidates in opposition to Cato ; and imagining that the people wished to be governed with an easy hand, they soothed them with hopes of a mild censorship. Cato, on the contrary, without con. descending to the least flattery or complaisance, in his speeches from the rostrum professed his resolution to punish every instance of vice : and loudly declaring that the city wanted great reforma- tion, conjured the people, if they were wise, to choose, not the mildest, but the severest physician. The Roman people, on this occasion, shewed themselves truly great, and worthy of the best of leaders : for, far from dreading the severity of this inflexible man, they rejected those smoother candidates who seemed ready to consult their pleasure in every thing, and chose Valerius Flaccus with Cato ; attending to the lat^ tsr not as a man who solicited the office of censor, but as one who, already possessed of it, gave out his orders by virtue of his authority. The first thing that Cato did, was to name his friend and col. league Lucius Valerius Flaccus chief of the senate, and to expel many others the house; particularly Lucius Quintus, who had been consul seven years before, and, what was still a greater honour, was brother to Titus Flaminiue,f who overthrew king Philip. He was censured as having merely indulged his envy, when be degraded Lucius, who was brother to Scipio ihe Great, and had been honoured with a triumph ; for he took from him his horse ; and it was believed he did it to insult the memory of Scipio Afri- oanus. But what rendered him more generally obnoxious, was the reformation he introduced in point of luxury. It was impossible for him to begin his attacks upon it openly, bocause tbe whole body of the people was infected, and therefore he took an indirect • Plumrch here Iff DM cooiistent with himiel£ Towards the begi«iin| ot ikie life, m my, thmt Cein wm but ■eeenieeB yean old at the line of Haaalbare Mocesi ia iialy ; and at the conclutioo he lelli, that Cato died just at Uie bsghwiM of the thifd Puoic war. But Hannihal came into Italy in the year of RoneSM , end the third reale war broke out aeveotyyeartafker, hi Uie year of RssM 604. Aoootding lo tMi MpmatkMi, Cato ooQld not be more than eightyeMreo yestt old when he died, sad tmeMccNint if confirmed by Cicera ^^ * Polyhlttf, lAry, andCtewo, make the tumame of thlt family Flamloiif CATO THE CENSOR. 211 method. He caused an estimate to be taken of all apparel, car- riages, female ornaments, furniture and utensils ; and whatever exceeded fifteen hundred drachmas in value, he rated at ten times as much, and imposed a tax according to that valuation/ For every thousand ases he made them pay three ; that finding themselves burdened with the tax, while the modest and frugal, with equal sub- stance, paid much less to the public, they might be induced to re- trench their appearance. This procured him many enemies, not only among those who, rather than part with their luxury, submit- ted to the tax, but among those who lessened the expense of their figure to avoid it. For the generality of mankind think that a pro- hibition to shew their wealth is the same thing as taking it away, and that opulence is seen in the superfluities, not in the necessaries of life. The people, however, appear to have been highly pleased with his behaviour in this office. For when they erected his statue in the temple of Health, they made no mention on the pedestal of his victories and his triumph, but the inscription was to this effect: " In honour of Cato the censor, who, when the Roman common- wealth was degenerating into licentiousness, by good discipline and wise institutions restored it." Before this, he laughed at those who were fond of such honours, and said, " They were not aware that they plumed themselves upon the workmanship of founders, statuaries, and painters, while the Romans bore about a more glorious image of him in their hearts." And to those who expressed their wonder, that, while many per- sons of little note had their statues, Cato had none, he said, " He had much rather it should be asked, why he had not a statue, than why he had one." In short, he was of opinion that a good citizen should not even accept of his due praise, unless it tended to the ad-' vantage of the community. Yet of all men he was the most for- ward to commend himself: for he tells us, that those who were guilty of misdemeanors, and afterwards reproved for them, used to say, " They are excusable ; they were not Catos :" and that such as imitated some of his actions, but did it awkwardly, were called left-handed Catos. He added, " That the senate, in difficult and dangerous times, used to cast their eyes upon him, as passengers in a ship do upon the pilot in a storm :" and " That when he hap- pened to be absent, they frequently put oflT the consideration of matters of importance." These particulars, indeed, are confirmed by other writers ; for his life, his eloquenee, and his age, gave him great authority in Rome. He was a good father, a good husband, and an excellent econo- mist. He chose his wife rather for her family than her fortune ; persuaded, that, though both the rich and the high-born have their pride, yet women of good families are more ashamed of any base 2^ CATO THE CENSOR. and UD worthy action, and more obedient to their hufibandtf in every ibing that is good and honourable. Aa soon as the dawn of understanding appeared, Cato took upon him the office of schoolmaster to his Hon, though he had a slave named Chilo, who was a good grammarian^ and taught several other children. But he tells us, he did not choose that his son should be reprimanded by a slave, or pulled by the «ar8, if he happened to be slow in learning ; or that he should be indebted to so mean a per. son for his education. He was, therefore, himself bin |>rcceptor in grammar, in law, and in the necessary exercises. For he taught him not only how to throw a dart,4o fight hand to hand, and to ride, but to box, to endure heat and cold, and to swim the most rapid ri> ^ers. He farther acquaints us, that he wrote histories for him with his own hand, m large characters, that without stirring out of his father's house, he might gain a knowledge of the great actions of the ancient Romans and of the customs of his country. He was as careful not to utter an indecent word before his son, as he would have been in the presence of the Vestal Virgins; nor did he ever bathe with him. A regard to decency in this respect was indeed at that time general among the Romans. While Cato was taking such excellent measures for forming his son to virtue, he found him naturally ductile both in genius and in. clination ; but us his body was too weak to undergo much hardship, his father was obliged to relax the severity of his discipline, and to indulge him a little in point of diet. Yet, with this constitution, ho was an excellent soldier, and particularly distinguished himself un. der-Paulua i£milius in the battle against Perseus. On this occa- sion, his sword happening to be struck from his hand, the moisture of which prevented him from grasping it firmly, he turned to some of his companions with great concern, and begged their assistance in recovering it. He then rushQ4 with them into the midst of the enemy, and having, with extraordinary efibrts, cleared the place where the sword was lost, he found it, with much difficulty, under heaps of arms, and dead bodies of friends, as well as enemies, piled upon each other. Paulus iEmilius admired this gallant action of the young man ; and tliere is a letter still extant, written by Cato to his son, in which ho extremely commends his high sense of ho- nour expressed in the recovery of his sword. The young man af- terwards married Tertta, daughter to Paulus iEmilius, and sister to young Scipio ; the honoUr of which alliance was as much owing to his own as to his father's merit. Thus Cato's care in the educa- tion of his sun answered the end proposed. When Cato was far advanced in years, there arrived at Rome two ambassadors from Athens, Carneades the Aeademk, and Dio- genes the Stoic. They were sent to beg ofTa fine of five hundred talents which had been im(>oeed on the Athenians for contumacy, CATO THE CEiNSOK. 213 by the Sic3'0Jiians, at the suit of the people of Oropus.* Upon the arrival of these philosophers, such of the Roman youth as had a taste for learning, went to wait on them, and heard them with won- der and delight. Above all they were charmed with the graceful manners of Carneades, the force of whose eloquence being great, and his reputation equal to his eloquence, had drawn an. audience of the most considerable and polite persons in Rome,. and the sound of his fame, like a mighty wind, had filled the whole city. The Romans were delighted to behold their sons thus fondly re- ceive the Grecian literature ; but Cato, from the beginning, was alarmed at it. He was afraid that the youth would turn their am- bition that way, and prefer the glory of eloquence to that of deeds of arras. But when he found that the reputation of these philoso- phers rose still higher, and their first speeches were translated into Latin, by Caius Acilius, a senator of great distinction, he had no longer patience, but resolved to dismiss them upon some decent and specious pretence. He went therefore to the senate, and complained of the magis- trates for detaining so long such ambassadors as those, who could persuade the people to whatever they pleased. " You ought," said he, " to determine their affair as speedily as possible, thaty return- ing to their schools, they may hold forth to the Grecian youth, and that our young men may give attention to the law s and the magis- trates." Not that Cato was induced ta this by any particular pique to Carneades, which some suppose to have been the case, but by his aversion to philosophy, and his making it a point to show his contempt of the polite studies and learning of the Greeks. Nay, he scrupled not to affirm, " That Socrates himself was a prating seditious fellow, who used his utmost endeavours to tyrannize over his country, by abolishing its customs, and drawing the people over to opinions contrary to the laws." And to ridicule the slow me- thods of Isocrates's teaching, he said, " His scholars grew old in learning their art, as if they intended to exercise it in the shades below, and to plead causes there." And .to dissuade his son from those studies, he told him in a louder tone than could be expected from a man of his age, and, as it were, in an oracular and prophe- tic way, " That when the Romans came thoroughly to imbibe the Grecian hterature, they would lose the empire of the world." But time has shewn the vanity of that invidious assertion ; for Rome was never at a higher pitch of greatness, than when she was mos? perfect in the Grecian erudition, and most attentive to learning.f * The Athenians had phindered the city of Oropus. Upon complaint made by the inhabitants, the afifair was referred to the determination of the Sicyonians ; and the Athenians not appearing to justify themselves, were fined five hundred talents. f Rome had, indeed, a very extensive empire in the Augugtan age, hut. at the same time, she lost her ancient constitution and her liberty. Not thai the iearnmg of the Romans contributed to that loss, but their irreligion, their luxury, and corruption, occasioned it^ 314 t'ATO THK CENSOR. In his younger days he applied himself to agricnlture, with a view to profit ; lor ho used to say, he had only t>*o ways of increa. ing his income, labour and parsimony : but as he grew old, he regarded it only by way of theory and amusement. He wrote a book concerning country affairs/ in which, among other things, be gives rules for making cakes, and preserving fruit : for he was demrous to be thought curious and particular in every thing. He kept a better table in the country than in the town; fbr he always invited some of his acquaintance to sup with him. With these he passed the time in cheerful conversation, making himself agreeable, not only to those of his own age, but to the young ; for he had a thorough knowledge of the world, and had either seen himself or heard from others a variety of things that were curious and entertaining. He looked upon the table as one of the best means of forming friendships : and at his, the conver- sation generally turned upon the praises of great and excellent men among the Romans : as for the bad and unworthy, no mention was made of them, for he would not allow in his company one word, either good or bad, to be said of such men. The last service he is said to have done the public, was the destruction of Carthage. The younger Scipio indeed gave the finishing stroke to that work, but it was undertaken chiefly by the advice and at the instance of Cato. The occasion of this war was this : The Carthaginians and Massinissa king of Numidia, being at war with each other, Cato wblb sent into Africa to inquire into the cause of the quarrel. Massinissa, from the first had been a friend to the Romans, and the Carthaginians were admitted into their alliance after the great overthrow they received from Scipio the elder, but upon terms which deprived them of great part of their dominions, and imposed a heavy tribute.f When Cato arrived at Carthage, he found that city not in the exhausted and hamble condition which the Romans imagined, but full of men fit to bear arms, abounding in money, in arms, and warlike stores, and not a little elated in the thought of its being so well provided. He concluded, therefore, that it was now time for the Romans to endeavour to settle the points in dispute between the Numidians and Carthage ; and that, if they did not soon make themtelTM masters of that city, which was their old enemy, and retained strong resentments of the usage she had lately received, and which had not wnly recovered herself afier her losses, but was prodigi. ously increased in wealth and power, they would soon be •zpoted « Thif it tlM ooly work of hit that remaint entire : of lbs i«l w« bsva oaly Ah* menuL f Scipio Afrieaousotiliged tbeCarthiixiniHnt, at theeoMokiaion of the imomI RnUe war, tt> (Mirer up tbeir fleet to the Romans, yield to Muaialna pAit of Sjpkax** dooiinioiM, sad pay the Rotnaot ten tbouHnd ulents Thle psaee was nade w tkm third year of ttte hundred and fbrty. fourth Olympiad, two btrndivd ye«rt bafbra the Cfariarian er»^ CATO THE CENSOR. 216 to all their former dangers. For this reason they returned in all haste to Rome, where he informed the senate, " That the defeats and other misfortunes which had happened to the Carthaginians, had not so much drained them of their forces, as cured them of their folly ; and, in all probability, instead of weaker, they had made them a more skilful and warlike ^nemy i that their war with the Numidians was only a prelude to future combats with the Ro- mans; and that the late peace was a mere name, for they con- sidered it only as a suspension of arms, which they were willing to avail themselves of, till they had a favourable opportunity to renew the war. It is said, that at the conclusion of his speech he shook the lap of his gown, and purposely dropped some Lybian figs ; and when ho found the senators admired them for their size and beauty, ho told them, " That the country where they grew was but three days sail from Rome." But what is a stronger instance of his enmity to Carthage, he never gave his opinion in the senate upon any point whatever, without adding these words : " And my opinion is, that Carthage should be destroyed." Scipio, surnamed Nksica, made it a point to maintain the contrary, and concluded all his speeches thus : "And my opinion is, that Carthage should be left standing." It is very likely that this great man, perceiving that the people were come to such a pitch of insolence, as to be led by it into tbo greatest excesses (so that in the pride of prosperity they could not be restrained \}y the senate, but by their overgrown power were able to draw the government what way they pleased,) thought it best that Carthage should remain to keep them in awe, and to moderate their presumption. For he saw that the Carthaginians were not strong enough to conquer the Romans, and yet too re- spectable an enemy to be despised by them. On the other hand, Cato thought it dangerous, while the people were thus inebriated and giddy with power, to suffer a city which had always been great, and which was now grown sober and wise through its misfortunes, to lie watching every advantage against them. It appeared to him, therefore, the wisest course, to have all outward dangers removed from the commonwealth, that it might be at leisure to guard against internal corruption. Thus Cato, they tell us, occasioned the third and last war against the Carthaginians. But eis soon as it began he died, having first prophesied of the person that should put an end to it ; who was then a young man, and had only a tribune's command in the army, but was giving extraordinary proofs of his conduct and valour. The news of his exploits being brought to Rome, Cato cried out, •He is the soul of council ; The rest are shadows vain. This Scipio soon confirmed by his actions. 216 PYRRHUS. Flourished 800 years before Christ, THE Molossians rising against iEacides, the father of Pyrrhos, deposed him, and brought in the sons of his cousin Neoptolemos. On this occasion the friends of iEacides were taken and slain : only Androclides and Angelas escaped with his infant son, though he was much sought after by his enemies; and curried him off with his nurses and a few necessary attendants. This train rendering their flight difiicult and slow, they were soon overtaken. In this extremity they put the child in the hands of Androclcon, Hippiaa and Neander, three active young men whom they could depend Upon, and ordered them to make the best of their way to Megars, a town in Macedonia : while they themselves, partly by entreaty, and partly by force, stopt the course of the puf>uers till evening ; when, having with much difficulty got clear of them, they hastened to join those who carried the young prince. At sun.set they thought themselves near the summit of their hopes, but they met with a sudden disappointment. When they came to the river that runs by the town, they found it absolutely unfordable. Fpr the current being swelled with the late rains, was very boisterous, and dark, ness added to the horror. — ^They now despaired of getting the child and his nurses over, without some assistance : when perceiving some of the inhabitants of the place on the other side, they begged of them to assist their passage, and held up Pyrrhus towards them. But though they called out loud and entreated earnestly, the stream ran so rapid and made such a roanng, that they could not be hoard. Some time was spent, while they were crying out on one side, and listening to no purpose on the other. At last one of Pyrrfaus's company thought of peeling off a piece of oak-bark, and of expresm iog upon it, with the tongue of a buckle, the necessities and fortunea of the child. Accordingly ho put this in execution, and having rolled the piece of bark about a stone, he threw it to the other side. When the people on the other side had read it, and saw there was not a moment to lose, they cut down trees, and made a raft of them, and crossed the river upon it. It happened that the first roan who reached the bank, was named Achilles. He took Pyr. rbus in his arms, and conveyed him over, while his companions performed the same ser\'ice for his followers. Pyrrhus and his train, having thus got safe over, and escaped the pursuers, continued their route till they arrived at the court of Ghiucias king of Ulyria. They found the kiog sitting in his pall PYRRHUS. 217 with the queen his consorf,* and laid the child at his feet in the posture of a supphant. The king, who stood in fear of Cassander, the enemy of ^Eacides, remained a long time silent, considering what part he should act. While Pyrrhus, of his own accord, creep- ing closer to him, took hold of his robe and raising himself up to his knees, by this action first excited a smile, and afterwards com. passion ; for he thought he saw a petitioner before him begging his protection with tears. For this reason he put him immediately in the hands of the queen, and ordered her to bring him up with his own children. His enemies^ demanding him soon after, and Cassander offering two hundred talents to have him delivered up, Glaucias refused to do it ; and when he came to be twelve years old, conducted him into EJpirus at the head of an army, and placed him upon the throne. Pyrrhus had an air of majesty rather terrihle than august. In- stead of teeth in his upper jaw he had one continued bone, marked with small lines resembling the divisions of a row of teeth. When he was about seventeen years of age, and seenved to be quite established in his kingdom, he happened to be called out of his own territories to attend the nuptials of one ofGlaucias's sons, with whom he had been educated. On this occasion the Molos- sians revolting again, drove out his friends, pillaged his treasures, and put themselves once more under Neoptolemus. Pyrrhus hav- ing thus lost the crown, and being in want of every thing, applied to Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who had married his sister Deidamia. In the great battle of Ipsus, where all the kings of the earth were engaged, f Pyrrhus accompanied Demetrius; and, though but young, bore down all before him, and highly distin- guished himself among the combatants. Nor did he forsake De- metrius, when unsuccessful, but kept for him those cities of Greece with which he was entrusted : and when the treaty was concluded with Ptolemy, he went to Egypt as an hostage. There, both in hunting and other exercises, he gave Ptolemy proofs of his strength and abilities. Observing that among Ptolemy's wives, Berenice had the greatest power, and was most eminent for virtue and un- derstanding, he attached himself most to her. For he had a par- ticular art of making his court to the great, while he overlooked those who wer^ below him. And as in his whole conduct he paid great attention to decency, temperance and prudence, Antigone, who was daughter to Berenice by her first husband Philip, was given him, in preference to many other young princes. On this account he was held in greater honour than ever, and * Justin calls this princess Beroa, and says she was of the family of the ^acidae: which must have been the reason of their seeking refuge for Pyrrhus in that court. f He says all the kings of the earth were engaged, because Lysimachus, Seieucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, Antigonus, and Demetrius, were there in person. This baul« was fought about three hundred years before Christ. 2e 19 tU8 FYRKUi;^. Antigone proving an excellent wife, procured bim men ami money, which enabled him to recover his kingdom of Eptni*. At his ar- rival there, his subjects received him with open arms ; for Neop. tolemus was become obnoxious to the people, by his arbitrary and tyrannical government. Nevertheless, Vy rrhus, apprehending that Neoptolemus might have recourse to some of the other kings, came to an agreement with him, and associated him in the kingdom, bat in process of time privately sowed dissentions and jealousies be* tween them, and Neoptolemus was taken off by assassination. . In acknowledgment of the obligations he had to Berenice and Ptolemy, he named his son by Antigone, Ptolemy, and called the city which he built in the Chersonese of Epirus, Berenicis. From this time he began to conceive many great designs, but bis first hopes laid hold of all that was near home : and he found a plausi. ble pretence to concern himself m the affairs of Macedon. Anti- pater, the eldest son of Cassander, had killed his mother Thessa. ionica, and expelled his brother Alexander. Alexander sent to Demetrius for succour, and implored likewise the assistance of Pyrrhus. Demetrius, having many affairs upon his hands, could not presently comply ; but Pyrrhus came and demanded, as the reward of his services, the city of Nympbsea,* and all the maritime coast of Macedonia, together with Ambmcia, Acamania, and Am- pbilochia, which were some of the countries that did not originally belong to the kingdom of Macedon. The young prince agreeing to the conditions, Pyrrhus possessed himself of these countries, and secured them with his garrisons, a(\er which he went on con. quering the rest for Alexander, and driving Antipater before him. King Lysimachus was well inclined to give Antipater assistance, but he was so much engaged with his own affairs, that he could not find time for it. Recollecting, however, that Pyrrhus would refuse nothing to his friend Ptolemy, he forged letters in Ptolemy'a name, enjoining him to evacuate Macedonia, and to be satiaMd with three hundred talents from Antipater. But Pyrrhiis no aoooer opened the letters, than he perceived the forgery. For, instead of the customary salutation, "The father to his son, greeting," they began with, " King Ptolemy to king Pyrrhus, greeting." He in- veighed against Lysimachus for the fraud, but listened, notwith- standing, to proposals of peace ; and the three princes met to offer ■acrifices on the occasion, and to swear upon the altar to the ar- tides. A boar, a bull, and a ram, being led up as victims, the ram dropt down dead of himself. The rest of the company laugh- ed at the accident ; but Theonotus the diviner advised Pyrrhus not to swear, declaring that the deity presignified the death of one of the kings ; upon which he refiaeed to ratify the peace. \ Dftcier Uitnks ApoUonia roiglii be called Nymptos, fton Nymphcuro, a otl»- ay«fa» waiat>eespafte. TheiawasaeitycdMlfy^umfai tbtSff ' ^" ' bm ttatconid not tw meant here. PYRRHUS. 2J9 Alexander's affairs were thus advantageously settled ;* neverthe- less Demetrius came. But it soon appeared that he came now un- requested, and that his presence excited rather fear than gratitude. When they had been a few days together, in mutual distrust thev laid snares for each other ; but Demetrius finding the first oppor- tunity, was beforehand with Alexander, killed him, and got him- self proclaimed king of Macedon. He had for a long time had subjects of complaint against Pyr- rhus, on account of the inroads which he had made into Thessaly. Besides, that ambition to extend their dominions, which is a dis- temper natural to kings, rendered their neighbourhood mutually alarming. These jealousies increased after the death of Deida- mia. At last each having possessed himself of part of Macedonia, and having one object in view, the gaining of the whole, this pro- duced of course new causes of contention. Demetrius marched against the :^tolians and reduced them. After which he left Pantauchus among them with a considerable force, and went him- self to seek Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus, as soon as he was apprised of his design, went to meet him ; but taking a wrong route, they inad- vertently passed each other. Demetrius entered Epirus, and com- mitted great ravages ; and Pyrrhus, falling in ,with Pantauchus, gave him battle. The dispute was warm and obstinate on both sides, especially where the generals fought. For Pantauchus, who in dexterity, courage, and strength, stood foremost among the officers of Demetrius, and was a man of a high and ambitious spi- rit, challenged Pyrrhus to the cojmbat. And Pyrrhus, who was behind none of the princes of his time in valour, and who was de- sirous to appropriate to himself the honours of Achilles, rather by his sword than by kindred, advanced through the first lines against Pantauchus. They began with the javelin ; and then coming to the sword, exhausted all that art or strength could supply. Pyr- rhus received one wound, and gave his adversary two, one in the thigh, and the other in the neck ; by which he overpowered him, and brought him to the ground ; but before he could kill him, he was rescued by his friends. The Epirots, elated with their prince's victory, and admiring his valour, broke into and dispersed the Ma- cedonian phalanx, and pursuing the fugitives killed great numbers of them, and took five thousand prisoners. This battle did not so much excite the resentment and hatred of the Macedonians against Pyrrhus for what they suffered, as it inspired them with an esteem of his abilities and admiration of his valour. This furnished subject of discourse to all who were wit. nesses of his exploits, or were engaged against him in the action. For he recalled to their minds the countenance, the swiftness, and motion of Alexander the Great : in Pyrrhus they thought they » Alexander wai murdered soon after. ^W^ 230 PVRRHUS. saw tho very image of hi& force and impetuosity. An^ whil« the other kings represented that hero only in their \n\ " •<, in tho number of guards, the bend of the neck, and lli! iiner of speaking, the king of Epirus represented him m dced^ of arms and personal achievements. And of his great skill in ordering and drawing up an army, we have proof:) in the writings he left behind him. It is also said, that Antigontis, being oRked, who was the greatest general ? answered, Pyrrhus would be, if he lived to be old. In the intercourse of life he was mild and not easily provoked, but ardent and quick to repay a kindness. For this reason he was greatly afflicted at the death of ittropus. "His friend," he said, " had only paid the tribute to nature, but he blamed and reproach, ed himself for putting off his acknowledgments, till, by these de. lays, he had lost the opportunity of making any return. For those that owe money, can pay it to the heirs of the deceased, but when a return of kindness is not made to a person' in his life time, it grieves the heart that has any goodness and honour in it." When some advised him to banish a certain ill.tongued Ambracian, who abused him behind his back — " Let the fellow stay here," said he, "and speak against me to a few, rather than ramble about, and give me a bad character to all the world." And some young men having taken great liberties with his character in their cups, and being afterwards brought to answer for it, he asked them — "Whe- ther they really had said such things ?" — " We did, sir," answer- ed one of them, " and should have said a great deal more, if wc had had more wine." Upon which he laughed and dismissed i))em. After the death of Antigone, he married several wives for the purpose of interest and power : namely, the daughter of Autoleon, king of the Pasonians ; Bircenna, the daughter of Bardyllis, king of the lilyrians; and Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles of Sy. racuse, v/ho brought him in dowry the isle of Corcyra, which her father had taken. By Antigone he had a son named Ptolemy ; by Lanassa he had Alexander ; and by Bircenna, his youngest •on Helenas. All these princes had naturally a turn for war, and he quickened their martial ardour by giving them a suitable educa- tion from their infancy. It is said, when he was asked by one of them, who was yet a child, "To which of them he would leave his kingdom ?" he said, " to him who has the sharpest sword." After the battle Pyrrhus returned home distinffuished with glory, and still more elevated in his sentiments. The EpiroU having given him on this occasion the name of Eagle, be said, " If I am an Eagle, you have made me one ; for it is upon your arms, upon your wings, that 1 have risen so high." Soon after, having intelligence that Demetrius lay dangerously ill, ho suddenly entered Macedonia,*^ intending only an inroad to • Id the third year of the hundred and twenty-third Olroipiad, t»o hundrect ■nd stgliiy-foar yeart liefore ChrUi , a PYRRHUS. 2^1 pillage the country. But he was very near seizing the whole, and taking the kingdom without a blow. For he>pushed forward as far as Edessa without nieeting with any resistance : on the contrary, many of the inhabitants repaired to his camp and joined him. The danger roused Demetrius, and made him act above his strength. His friends too, and officers, quickly assembled a-considerabie body of troops, and moved forward with great spirit and vigour against Pyrrhus. But as he came only with a design to plunder, he did not stand to receive them. He lost however a considerable num- ber of men in his retreat, for the Macedonians harrassed his rear all the way. Demetrius, though he had driven out Pyrrhus with so much ease, was far from slighting and despising him afterwards. But, as he meditated great things, and had determined to attempt the recovery of his paternal kingdom, he concluded a peace, that he might turn his arms with more security against the other kings.* The designs of Demetrius were soon discovered by this peace, and by the greatness of his preparations. The kings were alarmed, and sent ambassadors to Pyrrhus, with letters, expressmg their as- tonishment that he neglected this opportunity to make war upon Demetrius. They represented with how much ease he might drive him out of Macedonia, thus engaged as he was in many trou- blesome enterprises ; instead of which he waited till Demetrius had despatched all his other affairs, and was grown so much more pow- erful as to be able to bring the war to his own doors, and to put him under the necessity of fighting for the altars of his gods, and and the sepulchres of his ancestors, in Molossia itself; and this, too, when he had just been deprived by Demetrius of the isle of Corcyra, together with his wife. The kings, at the same time that they wrote these letters, took the field themselves. Pyrrhus advanced with the great- est expedition, to attack Beroea. There he fixed his head- quarters, and reduced the other cities by his generals, and, hav- ing gained over the soldiers of Demetrius, became master of his camp with out striking a blow, and was proclaimed king of Mace- donia. Lysimachus made his appearance soon after, and pretending that he had contributed equally to the flight of Demetrius, deman- ded his share of the kingdom. Pyrrhus, as he thought himself not sufficiently established among the Macedonians, but rather in a dubious situation, accepted the proposal, and they divided the cities and provinces between them. This partition seemed to be of ser- vice for the present, and prevented their going directly to war ; but, soon after, they found it the beginning of perpetual com- plaints and quarrels, instead of a perfect reconciliation. For, how * Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysiraachus. 19* 222 PYRRHUS. is it possible that they whose ambition is not to be terminated by seas and mountains and uninhabitable deserts, whose thimt lor do- minion is not to be confined by the bounds that part Europe and Asia, should, when so near each other, and joined in one lot, sit down contented, and abstain from mutual injuries ? Undoubtedly, they are always at war in their hearts, having the seeds of perfidy and envy there. Soon after this, he concluded a peace with Demetrius ; and yet Demetrius was no sooner passed into Asia, than Pyrrbus, at the in- stigation of Lysimachus, drew off Tbessaly from its allegiance, und attacked his garrisons in Greece. He found, indeed, the Ma- cedonians better subjects in time of war than in peace, besides that he himself was more fit for action than repose. At last, De. metrius being entirely defeated in Syria, Lysimachus, who bad nothing to fear from that quarter, nor any other affairs to engage him, immediately turned his forces against Pyrrbus, who lay in quarters at Eklessa. Upon his arrival, he fell upon one of the king's convoys, and took it, by which he greatly distressed his troops for want of provisions. Besides this, he corrupted the pnncipal Macedonians by his letters and emissaries, reproaching them for choosing fur their sovereign a stranger, whose ancestors had always been subject to the Macedonians, while they expelled the friends and companions of Alexander. As the majority listen- ed to these suggestions, Pyrrbus, fearing the event, withdrew with his Epirots and auxiliary forces, and so lost Macedonia in the same manner he had gained it. When Pyrrbus had thus retired into Epinis, he had a fair occa- sion given him by fortune to enjoy himself in quiet, and to go- vern his own kingdom in peace. But ho was persuaded that neither to annoy others, nor to be annoyed by them, was a life most insufferably tedious. Like Achilles, he could not endure in- action : He pin'd in Hull repose ; bis heart indignant Bade the scene change to war, to wounds, and death. His anxiety for fresh employment was relieved as follows : — The Romans were 'then at war with the Tarentines ; the lat- ter were not able to support the contest, and yet the bold and turbulent harangues of their leading men would not 8ufi*e/ them to put an end to it. They resolved, therefore, to call in Pyrrbus, and put their forces under his command, there being no other prince who had then so much leisure, or was so able a general. The most sensible of the citizens opposed this measure, but were overborira by the noise and violence of the multitude ; and when they saw this, they no longer attended the asseroblieis. There was then at the court of Pyrrbus, a Thessalian namtd (^neas, a man of sound sense, and who having been a disciple of PVRRHU^. 2^3 Demosthenes, was the only orator of his time that ]>resented his hearers with a lively image of the force and spirit of that great master. This man had devoted himself to Pyrrhus, and in all the embassies he was employed in, confirmed/that saying of Eu- ripides : ' The gates that steel exclude, resistless eloquence shall enter. This made Pyrrhus say, " That Cineas had gained him more cities by his address, than he had won by his arms ;" and he contin- ued to heap honours and employments upon him. Cineas now seeing Pyrrhus intent upon his preparations for Italy, took an op- portunity, when he saw him at leisure, to draw him into the follow- mg conversation : " The Romans have the reputation of being excellent soldiers, and have the command of a great many warlike nations ; if it please heaven that we conquer them, what use shall we make of our victory." " Cineas," replied the king, " your question answers itself. When the Romans are subdued, there is no town whether Greek or barbarian, that will dare oppose us ; but we shall immediately be masters of all Italy, whose greatness, power, and importance, no man knows better than you." Cineas, after a short pause, continued — " But after we have con- quered Italy, what shall we do next ?" Pyrrhus, not yet perceiving his drift, replied — " There is Sicily very near, and stretches out her arms to receive us — a fruitful and populous island, and easy to be taken." " What you say, my prince," said Cineas, " is indeed very probable ; but is the taking of Sicily to conclude our expedi- tions ?"• " Far from it," answered Pyrrhus ; " for if heaven gmats us success in this, that success shall only be the prelude to greater things. Who can forbear Libya and Carthage then within reach ? And when we have made such conquests, who can pretend to say that any of our enemies, who are now so insolent, will think of re- sisting us ?'* " To be sure," said Cineas, ** they will not ; for so much pow- er will enable you to recover Macedonia, and establish yourself uncontested sovereign of Greece. But when we have conquered all, what are we to do then ?" " Why, then, my friend," said Pyrrhus, laughing, " we will take our ease, and drink and be merry." Cineas, having brought him thus far, replied — "And what hinders us from drinking and taking our ease now, when we have already those things in our hands, at which we propose to arrive through seas of blood, through infinite toils and clangers, and through innu. inemble calamities which we must both cause and suifer 7" 5^ PVRKHtS. This discourse of Cineas gave Pyrrbus pain, but produced no reformation. He saw the crrt 'ipiness which he gave up, but was not able to forego the h < flattered bis desires. In In the first place, therefore, he seni c meas to Tarentuni with three thousand foot : from whence there arrived, soon aAer, a great num- ber of gnlleys, transports, and flat .bottomed .boats, on board of which he put twenty elephants, three thousand horse, twenty thou- sand foot, two thousand archers, and five hundred slingers. When all was ready, he set sail, but as soon as he was got into the midst of the Ionian, he was attacked by a violent wind at north, which was unusual at that season. The storm raged terribly, but by the skill and extraordinary efiforts of his pilots and mariners, his ship made the Italian shore. The rest of the fleet could not hold their course, but were dispersed far and wide. The king's ship, indeed, by its size and strength, resisted the force of the waves, whde the wind blew from the sea ; but that coming about, and blowmg di- rectly from the shore, the ship, as she stood with her head against it, was in danger of opening by th^ shocks she received. And yet to be driven off again into a tempestuous sea, while the wind con- tinually shifled from point to point, seemed the most dreadful case of all. In this extremity Pyrrhus threw himself overboard, and was immediately followed by his friends and guards. But the darkness of the night, and the roaring and resistance of the waves, which beat upon the shore, and were driven back with equal violence, ren- dered it extremely difficult to save him. At last, by day-break, the wind being considerably fallen, with much trouble he got ashore, greatly weakened in body, but with a strength and firmness of mind which bravely combated the distress. At the same time the Messapians, on whose coast he wjis cast, ran down to give them all the succour in their power. They also met with some other of his vessels that had weathered the storm, in which were a small number of horse, not quite two thou, sand foot, and two elephants. Witli these Pyrrhus marched to Tarentura. When Cineas was informed of this, he drew out his forces, and went to meet him Pyrrhus, upon his arrival at Tarentum, did not have recourse to compulsion at first, nor to do any thing againat the inclination of the inhabitants, till his ships were safe arrived, and the greatest part of his forces collected. But, afler thi«, tee- ing the Tarentines, so far from being in n <•<>"'<•• t'm to defend others, that they would not defend themselves, < ry were driven to it by necessity, and that they sat stiU at iidinr, uud spent their time about the baths or in feasting and idle talk, expecting that he would fight for them ; he shut up the places of exercise, and the walks, where they used, as they sauntered along, to conduct the war with words, fle also put a stop to their unseasonable entertainmeoCa, PYRRHUS 225 revels, and diversions. Instead of these he called them to arms, and in his musters and reviews was severe and inexorable : so that many of them quitted the place ; for being unaccustomed to be un- der command, they called that slavery which was not a life of plea- sure. He now received intelligence that Laevinus, the Roman consul, was coming against him with a great army, and ravaging Lucania by the way :, and though the confederates were not come, yet look- ing upon it as a disgrace (o sit still and see the enemy approach still nearer, he took the field with the troops he had. But first he sent a herald to the Romans, with proposals, before they came to extremities, to terminate their differences amicably with the Greeks in Italy, by taking him' for mediator and umpire. Laevinus an- swered, *' That the Romans neither accepted Pyrrhus as mediator, nor feared him as an enemy." Whereupon, he marched forward, and encamped upon the plain between the cities of Pandosia and Heraclea ; and having notice that the Romans were near and lay on the other side of the river Siris, he rode up to the river to take a view of them. When he saw the order of their troops, the ap- pointment of their watches, and the regularity of their whole en- campment, he was struck with admiration, and said to a friend who was by, *' Megacles, the disposition of these barbarians has no- thing of the barbarian in it : we shall see whether the rest will an- swer to it." He now became solicitous for the event, and, deter- mined to wait for the allies, feet a guard upon the river to oppose the Romans, if they should endeavour to pass it. The Romans, on their part, hastening to prevent the coming up of those force's, which he had resolved to wait for, attempted the passage. The in- fantry took to the fords, and the cavalry got over wherever they could : so that the Greeks were afraid of being surrounded, and re- treated to their main body. Pyrrhus, greatlv concerned at this, ordered his foot oflicers to draw up the forces, and to stand to their arms ; while he advanced with the horse, who were about three thousand, in hopes of finding the Romans yet busied in the passage, and dispersed without any order. But when he saw a j^reat number of shields glittering above the water, and the horse preserving their ranks as they passed, he closed his own ranks and began the attack. Beside his being dis- tinguished by the beauty and lustre of his arms, which were of very- curious fabric, he performed acts of valour worthy the great repu- tation he had acquired. For, though he exposed his person in the hottest of the engagement, and charged with the greatest vig;our, he was never in the least disturbed, nor lost his presence of mind ; but gave his orders as coolly as if he had been out of the action, and moved to this side or that as occasion required, to support his ipen where he saw them maintaining an unequal fight. 2*26 PYBRHUS. Leonatus ofMacedon observed an Italian horseman very inteot upon Pyrrhus, changing his post as he did, and regulating all his motions by his. Whereupon he rode up, and said to him, "Do you see, sir, that barbarian upon the black horse witli white feet ? he seems to meditate some great and dreadful design. He keeps you in his eye : full of fire and spirit he singles you out, and tikes no notice of any body else ; therefore be on your guard against him." Pyrrhua answered, " It is impossible, Leonatus, to avoid our destiny. But neither this nor any other Italian shall have much satisfaction in engaging with me." While they were yet speaking, the Italian levelled his spear, and spurred his horse against Pyrr* bus. He missed the king, but ran his horse through, as Lconatoa did the Italiairs the same moment, so that both horses fell together. Pyrrhus was carried otT by his friends, who gathered round him, and killed the Italian, who fought to the very last. This brave man bad the command of a troop of horse. Ferentum was the place of bis birth, and his name Opiacus. This made Pyrrhus more cautious : and now seeing his cavalry give way, he sent his infantry orders to advance, and formed them as soon as they came up. Then giving his robe and his arms to Megacles, one of his friends, he disguised himself in his, and pro- ceeded to the charge. The Romans received him with great firm- ness, and the success of the battle remained long undecided ; it it even said, that each army was broken ^eVen times, and rallied as often. He changed his arms very seasonably, for that saved his life, but had nearly lost him the victory. Many aimed at Megacles, but the man who first wounded him and brought him to the ground was named Dexous. Dcxuus seized his helmet and his robe, and rode up to Lcevinus, showing the spoils, apd crying out that he had slain Pyrrhus. The spoils being passed from rank to rank as it were in triumph, the Roman army shouted for joy, while tliat of tho Greeks was struck with grief and consternation, tilt Pyrrhus, ap prised of what had happened, rode about uncovered, stretching out his band to his soldiers, and giving them to know him by his voico At last the Romans were worsted, chiefly by means of the elephants. Pionysius writes, that near fifteen thousand Romans fell in this bat- tle ; but Hieronymus makes the number only seven thousand. On Pyrrhus's side, Dionysius says, there were thirteen thousand killed : Hieronymus, not quite four thousand. Among these, however, were the most valuable of his friends and officers, whose services he had made great use of, and in whom he placed the highest con. fidence. Pyrrhus immediately entered the Roman camp, which he found deserted. He gained over many cities w hich had been in alliance with Rome, and laid waste the territorien of others. Nay, he ad- r«rKv»d rt» within thirtv.seven miles of Rome itself. The Liicaniaiis PYRRHUS. 227 and the Samnites joined him after the battle, and were reproved for their delay; but it was plain that he was greatly elevated and delighted, with having defeated so powerful an army of Romans with the assistance of the Tarentines only. The Romans on this occasion, did not take the command from Laevinus, though Caius Fabricius is reported to have said, " That the Romans were not overcome by the Epirots, but Laevinus by Pyrrhus :" intimating, that the defeat was owing to the inferiority of the genferal, not of his troops. Then raising new levies, filling- up their legions, and talkiiig in a lofty and menacing tone about the war, they struck Pyrrhus with amazement. He thought proper, therefore, to send an embassy to them first, to try whether they were disposed to peace ; being satisfied that to take the city, and make an absolute conquest, was aii undertaking of too much diffi- culty to be effected by such an army as his was at that time ; where- as if he could bring them to terms of accommodation, and conclude a peace with them, it would be very glorious for him after such a victory. Cineas, who was sent with this commission, applied to the great men, and sent them and their wives presents m his master's name. But they all refused them ; the women as well as the men, decla- ring, " That when Rome had publicly ratified a treaty with the king, they should be ready to give him every mark of their friend- ship and respect." And though Cineas made a vety engaging speech to the senate, yet they lent not a willing ear to his proposi- tions, although Pyrrhus offered to restore, without ransom, the pri- soners he had made in the battle, and promised to assist them in the conquest of Italy, desiring nothing in return but their friend- ship for himself, and security for the Tarentines. They voted, however, unanimously for the war, and dismissed Cineas with this answer, *' That when Pyrrhus had quitted Italy, they would enter upon a treaty of friendship and alliance with him, if he desired it : but while he continued there in a hostile manner, they would prosecute the war against him with all their force, though he should have defeated a thousand Laevinuses." It is said, that Cineas, while he was upon this business, took great pains to observe the manners of the Romans, and to examine into the nature of their government; and when' he had learned what he desired by conversing with their great men, he made a faithful re- port of all to Pyrrhus, among the rest, " That the senate appeared to him an assembly of kings ; and as to the people, they were so numerous, that he was afraid he had to do with a Lernsean hydra.^' For the consul had already an army on foot twice as large as the former, and had left multitudes behind in Rome of a proper age for enlisting, and sufficient to form many such armies. After this, Fabricius came ambassador to Pyrrhus to treat aboiit i^il^ r'VRRaUS. the ransom and exchange of prisonera. Fabrictus, as Cineas in- formed PyrrhuB, was highly valued by the Romans for his probity and martiul abilitius, but he was extremely poor. Pyrrhus received him with particular distinction^ and privately offered him gold, not for any base purpose ; but ho begged him to accept of it as a pledge of friendship and hospitality. Fabricius refusing the present, P\r> rhus pressed him no farther ; but the next day wanting to surprise him, and knowing that he had never seen an elephant, he ordered the biggest he had to be urined and placed behmd a curtain in the room where they were to be in C(»nference. Accordingly this was done, and upon a sign given, the curtain drawn ; and the elephant raising his trunk over the head of Fabricius, made a horrid and frightful noise. Fabricius turned about, without being m the least discomposed, and said to Pyrrhus, smiling, "Neither your gold yesterday, nor your beast to-day, has made any impression upon ine." , After this, Fabricius being consul,''^ an unknown person came to his camp with a letter from the king's physician, who offered to take off Pyrrhus by poison, and so end the war without any far- ther hazard to the Romans, provided they gave him a proper c Renting to an ill thing, did indeed receive the prisoners at his hands, but sent him an equal number of Tarentines and Samnites. As to peace nnd friendship, they would not hear any proposals about it, till Pyrrhus should have laid down his arms, drawn his forces out of Italy, and returned to Epirus in the same ships in which he came. His affairs now requiring another battle, he assembled his army, and mnrched and attacked the Romans near Asculum. The ground was very rough and uneven, and marshy also towards the river, so that it was extremely inconvenient for the cavalry, and quite pre- vented the elephants from acting with the infantry. Fur this rea. son he had a greut number of men killed and wounded, and might have been entirely defeated, had not night put an end to the battle. Next day, contriving, by an act of generalship, to engug«* upon even ground, where his elephants might come at the enemy, he seized in time the difficult post where they fought the day before. Then he planted a number of archers and slingers among his ele- phants, thickened his other ranks, and moved forward in good or- * Two hundred and MTeniy>tev«n jrcara tMfortChriit. PyRRBUS. ^CJ der, though with great force and impetuosity, against the Romms. The Romans, who had not now the advantage of ground for at- tacking and retreating as they pleased, were obliged to fight upon the pidm, man to man. They hastened to break the enemy's m- fantry, before the elephants came up, and made prodigious efforts with their swords against their pikes, not regarding themselves or the wounds they received, but orily looking where they might strike and slay. After a long dispute, however, the Romans were forced to give way, which they did first where Pyrrhus fought in person : for they could not resist the fury of his attack. Indeed, it was the force and weight of the elephants which put them quite to the rout. When they had all quitted the field, and Pyrrhus was congratulated on the victory, he said, " Such another victory, and we are un- done !" For he had lost great part of the forces which he had brought with him, and almost all his friends and officers. He had no others to send for to supply their place, and he found his con- federates here very cold and spiritless. Whereas the Romans filled up their legions with ease and despatch, from an inexhaustible fountain which they had at home ; and their defeats were so far from discouraging them, that indignation gave them fresh strength and ardour for the war. Amidst these difficulties, new hopes, as vain as the former, of- fered themselves to Pyrrhus, and enterprises which distracted him in the choice. On one side, ambassadors came from Sicily, who proposed to put Syracuse, Agrigenium, and the city of the Leon- tines into his hands, and desired him to drive the Carthaginians out of the island, and free it from tyrants ; and on the other side, news was brought him from Greece, that Ptolemy Ceraunus was slam in battle by the Gauls, and that this would be a seasonable juncture for him to offer himself to the Macedonians, who wanted a king.* On this occasion he complained greatly of fortune, for offering him two such glorious opportunities of action at once, and, afflicted to think that in embracing one, he must necessarily give up the other, he was a long time perplexed and doubtful which to fix upon. At last the expedition to Sicily appearing to him the more important, by reason of its nearness to Africa, he determined to go thither, and immediately despatched Cineas before him, according to custom, to treat with the cities in his behalf. He placed, however, a strong garrison in Tarentum, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the people, who insisted that he should either fulfil the purpose he came fbr, by staying to assist them effectually m the Roman war, or, if he would be gone, to leave their city as he found it. But he gave them a severe answer, ordered them to wait his time, and so set sail. t Ptolemy Ceraunus was slain three years before, during the consulate of Laevinus. After him "the Macedonians had several kings m quick succession. Ail, therefore, that the letters could import, must be. that the Macedonians would prefer Pyrrhus to Aiitigonus, who at present was in possession. 20 , 230 pyRRHtS. When lie arrived in Sicily, he found every thing disposed tgree. ably to his hopes. The cities rendily put themselves in his hands: and wherever force was necessary, nothing at first made any con- siderable resistance to his arms. Rut with thirty thousand foot, two thousand five hundred horse, and two hundred sail of ships, he advanced against the Carthaginians, drove iheni before him, and ruined their province. Eryx was the strongest city in those parts, and the best provided with men for its defence, yet he resolved to take it by storm. As soon as his army was in readiness to give the assault, he armed himself at all points, and advancing towards the walls, made a vow to Hercules, of games and sacrifices in acknow. ledgment of the victory, if in that dt^'s action he should distinguish himself before the Greeks in Sicily, in a manner that hecame his great descent and his fortune. Then he ordered the Signal to be given by sound of trumpet ; and having driven the barbarians from the walls with his missive weapons, he planted the scaling ladders, and was himself the first that mounted. There he was attacked by a crowd of enemies, some of whom he drove back, others he pushed down IVom the wall on both sides; but the greatest part he slew with his sword, so that there was quite a rampart of dead bodies around him. In the mean time he him- self received not the least harm, but appeared to his enemies in the awful character of some superior being. When the city was taken, he offered a mognifficent sacrifice to Hercules, and exhibited a variety of shows and games. The Carthaginians were now inclined to peace, and offered him both money and ships, on condition that he granted them his friend- ship. But, having farther prospects, he made answer that there was only one way to peace and friendship, which was, for the Car- thaginians to evacuate Sicily, and make the Libyan sea the boun- dary between them and the Greeks. Elated with pro.-fTier with their robes tucked up, and the latter in their under garments only, to assist the older sort of nven. They advised those that were in- tended for the fight, to repose themselves, and in the mean time they undertook to finish a third part of the trench, which they ef- fected before morning. At day .break the enemy was in motion, whereupon the women armed the youth with their own hands, and gave them the trench in charge, exhorting them to guard it well, and reprvsentmg, *' How delightful it would be to conquer in the view of their country, or how glorious to expire in the arms of their mothers and their wives, when they had met their death as became Spartans." Af for Chelidonis, she retired into her own apartment with a rope about her neck, determined to end her days by it, rather than fall into the hands of Cleonymus, if the city was taken. Pyrrhus now pressed forward with his infantry against the Spar- tans, who waited for him under a rampart of shields. But, beside that the ditch was scarcely passable, he found that there was no firm footing on the sides of it for his soldiers, because of the loose* ncss of the fresh earth. His son Ptolemy, seeing this, fetched a compass about the trench with two thousand Gauls and a select body of Chaonians, and endeavoured to open a passage on the quarter of the waggons. But these were so deep fixed and close locked, that they not only obstructed their passage, but made it difiicult for the "Spartans to come up and make a close defence. — The Gauls were now beginning to drag out the wheels and draw the waggons into the river, when young Acrotatus, perceiving the PYRRHUS. 235 danger, traversed the city with three hundred men, and by the ad- vantage of some hollow ways, surrounded Ptolemy, not being seen till he began the attack upon his re^r, Ptolemy was now forced to face about, and stand upon the defensive. In the cdnfusion many of his soldiers runnmg foul upon each other, either tumbled into the ditch, or fell under the waggons. At last, after a long dispute and great effusion of blood, they were entirely routed. — The old men and the women saw this exploit of Acrotatus ; and as he returned through the city to his post, covered with blood, bold and elated with his victory, he appeared to the Spartan women taller and more graceful than ever, and they could not help envy- ing Chelidonis such a lover. Night parted the combatants ; and Pyrrhus, as he lay in his tent, had this dream — he thought he darted lightning upon Lacedasmon, which set all the city on fire, and that the sight filled him with joy. The transport awaking him, he ordered his officers to put their men under arms; and to some of his friends he related hi^ vision, from which he assured himself that he should take the city by storm. The thing was received with admiration and a general assent, but it did not please Lysimachus. He said, that as no foot* IS to tread on places that are struck by lightning, so the Deity by this might presignify to Pyrrhus, that the city should remain inac- cessiible to him. Pyrrhus answered: "These visions may serve as amusements for the vulgar, but there is not any thing more un- certain and obscure. While, then, you have your weapons in tour hands, remember, my friends. The best of omens is the cause of Pyrrhus." So saying, he arose, and, as Soon as it was light, renewed the at- tack The Lacedaemonians stood upon their defence with an alacrity and spirit above their strength ; and the women attended, supplying them with arms, giving bread and drink to such as wanted it, and taking care of the wounded. The Macedonians then attempted to fill up the ditch, bringing great quantities of ma- terials, and throwing them upon the arms and bodies of the dead. The Lacedaemonians on their part redoubled their efforts against them. But, all on a sudden, Pyrrhus appeared on the side of the" trench where the waggons had been planted to stop the passage, advancing at full speed towards the city. The soldiers who had the charge of that post cried out, and the women fled with loud shrieks and wailings. In the mean time Pyrrhus was pushing on, and overthrowing all that opposed him ; but his horse received a wound in the belly from a Cretan arrow, ran away, and threw i»im upon steep and slippery ground. As his friends pressed towards him in great confusion, the Spartans came boldly up, and making good use of their arrows, drove them all back. Hereupon Pyrrhus put an entire stop to the action, thinking the Spartans would aj^ale 286 PVRRHUS. their vigour, now they were almost all wounded, and sucn great numbers killed. Just us the hopes uf the Spartans were begin- ning to expire, Aminius the Phocean, one of Antigonua*s ofKccrs, came to their reht'tMroni Corinth with an anny of strangers; and they had no sooner entered the town, hot Arcus their king arrived from Crete with two thousand men more. 'I'be w«*nien now re- tired immediately to their houses ; thinking it needless to concern themselves any farther in the war ; the ofd men too, who, not. withstanding their age, had been forced to bear arms, were dis- missed, und the new supplies put in their place. These two reinforcements to Sparta served only to animate the courage of Pyrrhus, and make him more ambitious to take the town. Finding, however, that he could effect nothing, after a series of losses and ill success, he quitted the siege, and began to collect booty from the country, intending to pass the winter there. But fate is unavoidable. ThtTe happened at that time a strong conten- tion at \rgos between the, parties of Aristcas and Aristippus; and OS Aristippus appeared to have a connexion with Antigonus, Arie- teas, to prevent him, called in Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus, whose hopes grew as fast as they were cut olT, who, if he met with success, only considered it as a step to greater things ; and if with disappoint, roent, endeavoured to compensate it by some new advantage, would neither let his victories nor losses put a period to his disturbing both the world and himself. He began his march therefore imme- diately for Argos. Areus, by frequent ambushes, and by possess, ing himself of the difficult passes, cut off many of the Gauls and Molossians who brought up his rear. In the sacrifice which Pyrr. bus had offered, the liver was found without a head, and the diviner had thence forewarned him, that he was in danger of losing some person that was dear to him ; but in the hurry and disorder of this unexpected attack, he forgot the menace from the victim, and or- dered his son Ptolemy with some of his guards to the assistance of the rear, whilst ho himself pui ing any thing, And wailed for daV-Hght. At the first dawn Pyrrhus was concerned to see the Aspis full of armed men ; but his concern was changed into consternation, when among the man\ figures in ihe market-place he beheld a wolf and a bull in brass represented in the act of fighting. For he recoU lected an oracle which had foretold, " That it was his destiny to die when he should see a wolf encountering a bull." Pyrrhus quite dispirited at the sight, and perceiving at the same time that nothing succeeded according to his hopes, thought it best to retreat. Fearing that the gates were too narrow, he sent orders to his son Helenus, who was left with the main body without the town, to demolish part of the wall and assist the retreat, if the ene* my tried to obstruct it. But the person whom he sent, mistaking the order in the hurry and tumult, and delivering it quite in a con. trary sense, the young prince entered the gates with the rest of the elephants and the best of his troops, and marched to assist his fa- ther. Pyrrhus was now retiring ; and while the market-place af- forded room both to retreat and fight, he often faced about and re- pulsed the assailants. But when from that broad place he came to crowd into the narrow street leading to the gate, he fell in with those who were advancing to his assistance. It was in vain to call out to them to fall back. Few could hear him ; and such as did near, ana were most disposed to obey his orders, were pushed back by those who came pouring in behind. Besides, the largest of the elephants was fallen in the gate-way on his side, and lying there and braying in a horrible manner, he stopped those who would have got out. And among the elephants already in the town, one naiaed Nicon, striving to take up his master who was fallen oflfwounded, rushed against the party that was retreating, and overturned both friends and enemies promiscuously, till he found the body. Then he took it up with his trunk, and carrying it on his two teeth re- turned in great fury, and trod down all before him. When they were thus pressed and crowded together, not a man could do any thing singly, but the whole multitude, like one close compacted body, rolled this way and that altogether. They exchanged but {ew blows with the enemy, either in front or rear, and the greatest harm they did was to themselves. Pyrrhus, seeing tl>e tempeHt rolling about him, took off the plume with which his helmet was distinguished, and gave it to one of his friends. Then trusting to the goodness of his horse, he rode in amongst the enemy who were harrassing his rear, and it happened that he was wounded through the brcast-plate with a javelin. The wound was rather slight than dangerous, but he turned against the man that gave it. who was an Argiveof no note, the son of a poor old woman. This woman, among others, looking upon the fight PYRRHUS. 23d from the roef of a house, beheld her son thus engaged. Seized with terror at the sight, she took up a large tile with both hands, and threw it at Pyrrhus. The tile fell upon his head, and notwith- standing his helmet, crushed the lower vertebr where Fortune has placed them. Bui he who is mspired by real fortitude and magoanimity, will show It most by the dignity of his behaviour under lones, and in the most adverse fortune. So did Eumencs. Having beeo de- feated by Antigonus, and in the territory of ihe Orcynians in Cap. pad<»oia, through the treachery of one of his officers, though he was forced to fly himself, he did not snffer the traitor to escape to the enemy, but hanged him upon ihe spot. In his flight be took a dif. ferent way from the pursuers, and privately lurned round in such a manner as to regain the held of battle. There he encamped, in order to bury the dead ; whom he collected, and burnt with the door.posts of the neighbouring villages. The bodies of the officers and common soldiers were burnt upon separate piles, af d when he had raised great monuments of earth over them, he decamped. So that Antigonus coming that way afterwards, was astonished at his firmness and intrepidity. Another time he tell in with the baggage of Antigonus, and could easily have taken it, together with many persons of free condition, a great number of slaves, and all the wealth which had been arnas* sed in so many wars, and the plunder of so many countries. But he was afraid that his men, when possessed of such riches, would think themselves too heavy for flight, and be too effeminate to bear the haniship of long wandering fnrm place to place ; and yet time, he knew, was his principal resource for getting clear of Antigonus. On the other hand, he was sensible it would be extremely difficul. to keep the Macedonians from flying upon the spoil, when it was so much within reach : he therefore ordered them to refresh them< selves, and feed their horses, before they attacked the enemy. In the mean time he privately sent a messenger to Menander, who es. corted the baggage, to acquaint him, " That Eumnnes, in consi> deration of the friendship which had subsisted between them, ad- vised him to provide for his safety, and to retire as fast as possible from the plain, where he might easily be surrounded, to the foot of the neighbouring mountain, where the cavalry could not ect, nor any troops fall upon his rear." Menander soon perceived his danger, and retired. After which, Eumenes sent out his scouts in the presence of all the soldiers, and commanded the latter to arm and bridle their horses, in order for the attack. The scouts brought back an account that Menan. der had gained a situation where he could not be taken : hereupon Eunaenes pretended great concern, and drew off his forces. Wc are told, that upon the report Menander made of this affair to An. tigoiius, the Macedonians launched out in the praises of Eumenes, and began to regard him with an eye of kindness, for acting so ge- nerous a part, when it was in his power to enslave their children and dishonour their wives. The answer Antigonus gave them was* EUMENES. 247 this — " Think not, my good friends, it was for your sake he let them go ; it was for his own. He did not choose to have so manv shackles upon him, when he designed to fly." After this, Eumenes, being forced to wander from place to place, spoke to many of his soldiers to leave him ; either out of care for their safety, or because he did not choose to have a body of men after him, who were but too few to stand a battle, and too many to liy in privacy ; and when he retired to the castle of Nora,* on the confines of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, with only five hundred horse, and two hundred foot, there again he gave all such of his friends free leave to depart, as did not like the inconveniences of the place, and the meanness of diet,f and dismissed them with great marks of kindness. In a little time Antigonus came up, and, before he formed the siege, invited him to a conference. Eumenes answered, " Antigo- nus had many friends and generals to take his place, in case of ac- cidents to himself; but the troops he had the care of, had none to command or protect them after him." He therefore insisted that Antigonus should send hostages, if he wished to treat with him in person : and when Antigonus wanted him to make his application CO him first, he said, " While I am master of my sword, I shall never think any man greater than myself." At last Antigonus sent his nephew Ptolemy into the fort as a hostage, and then Eumenes came out to him. They embraced with great tokens of cordiality, hav- ing formerly been intimate friends and companions. In the conference, which lasted a considerable time, Eumenes made no mention of security for his own life, or of an amnesty for what was past. Instead of that, he insisted on having the gov- ernment of his provinces confirmed to him, and considerable re- wards for his services ; insomuch that all who attended on the oc- casion, admired his firmness, and were astonished at his greatness of mind. During the interview, numbers of the Macedonians ran to see Eumenes ; for, after the death of Craterus, no man was so much talked of in the army But Antigonus, fearing they should offer him some violence, called to them at a distance ; and, on their still crowding in, ordered them to be driven off with stones. At last he took him in his arms, and keeping off the multitude with his guards, with some difficulty got him safe again into the castle. As the treaty ended in nothing, Antigonus drew a line of circum- vallation round the place, and having left a sufiicient number of troops to carry on the siege, he retired. The fort was abundantly supplied with corn, water and salt, but in want of every thmg else * It was only two hundred and fifty paQ^s in circumference. ■f A hibdred left him upon this offer. 248 EUMENfiS. requisite for the table. Yet with this mean provision, Eumenei furnished out a cheerlul entertainmeni for his friends, whom he invited in their turns ; for he took care to season his provtiioDfl with agreeable discourse and the utmost cordiality : his appear- ance was, indeed, very engaging : his countenance had nothing of a ferocious or war*worn turn, but was smooth and elegant — and the the proportion of his limbs >vas so excellent, that they might seem to have come from the chissel of the statuar} . And though he was not very eloquent, he had a soft and persuasive way of speaking. He observed, that the greatest inconvenience to the garrison was the narrowness of the space in which they were confined, enclosed as it was with small houses, and the whole of it not more than two fur- longs in circuit : so that they were forced to take their food without exercise, and their horses to do the same. To remove the languor which is the consequence of that want, as well as to prepare him for flight, if occasion should offer, he assigned a room fourteen cubits long, the largest in the fort, for the men to walk in, and gave them orders gradually to mend their pace. As for the horses, he tied them to the roof of the stable with strong halters ; then he raised their heads and fore parts by a pulley, till they could scarce touch the ground with their fore feet, but at the same time, they stood firm upon their hind feet. In this posture the groomd plied them with the whip and the voice, and the horses, thus irritated, bounded furiously on their hind feet, or strained to set their fore feet on the ground, by which efforts their whole body was exerci- sed, till they were out of breath and in a foam. After this exercise they had their barley given them boiled, that they might sooner despatch and better digest it. As the siege was drawn out to a considerable length, Antigonus received information of the death of Antipater in Macedonia, and of the troubles that prevailed there through the animosities between Cassander and Polyperchon. He now bade adieu to all inferior prospects, and grasped the whole empire in his schemes, in conse- quence of which he wished to make Eumenes his friend, and bring him to co-operate in the execution of his plan. For this purpose, he sent to him Hieronymus,'*' with proposals for peace, on condi- tion he took the oath that was offered to him. Eumenes made a correction in the oath, and left it to the Macedonians before the place, to judge which was the most reasonable. Indeed, Antigonus, to save appearances, had slightly mentioned the royal family in the beginning, and all the rest ran in his own name. Eumenes, there- fore, put Olympias and the princes of the blood first ; •od be proi • Hi«rnnyniuf was of Cardia, and therefor* a countrymao of Einnenca Ha wrota ilM hifiory of thofe princai who divided Alannder*! dominioni amonK them, and of (heir luccenQra. KUMENES. 249 posed to engage himself by oath of fealty not to Antigonus only^ but to Olympias, and the princes her children. This appearing to the Macedonians much more consistent with jusiice than the other they permitted Eumenes to take it, and then raised the siege. They likewise seqt this oath to Anagonus, requiring him to take it on the other part. , ^, Meantime Eumenes restored to the Cappadocians all the hosta- ges he had in Nora, and in return they furnished him with horses, beasts of burden, and lents. He also collected ^reat part of hts sol- diers. who had dispersed* themselves after his defeat, and were stratrgiing about the country. By this means he assembled near a thousand horse,* with which he marched off as fis as possible, ^*g^*'y judging he had much to fear from Antigonus. For that gen- era] not only ordered him to be besieged ag^iu, and shut up within a circular wall, but, in his le ters, expressed great re- sentment against the Macedonians for admitting th^ correction of the oath. While Eumenes was flying from place to place, he received letters from Macedonia, in which the people declared their appre- hensions of the growing power of Antigonus; and others t>om Olympias, wherein she invited him lo come and take upon him the tuition and care of Alexander's son, whose life she conceived to be in danger. At the same time, Polyperchon and King Philip sent him orders to carry on the war against Antigonus with the forces m Cappadocia. They empowered him also to take five hundred talents out of the royal treasure ai Quinda for the re-establishment of his own affairs, and as much as he should judge necessary for the purposes of the war. Antigenes and Teutamus, too, who com- manded the Argyraspides, had directions to support him. These officers, in appearance, gave Eumenes a kind reception but it was not difficult to discover the envy and jealousy they had in their hearts, and how much they disdained to act under him. Their envv he endeavoured to remove by not taking the money, which he told them he did not want. To remove their obstinacy and ambition for the first place, was not so easy an affair; for, though they knew not how to command, they were resolved noi to obey. In this case he called in the assistance of superstition : he said, \lexander had appeared to him in a dream, and showed him a pavilion with roval furniture, and a throne in the middle of it,^ after which that prince declare — " If they would hold their councils, and despatch business there, he would be with them, and prosper every measure and action which commenced under his auspices. •]• • Dionorus *^iculus savs two thousan pre. pared, therefore, a royal pavilion, and a throne in it, which they called the throne of Alexander, and thither tbe> repaired to consult upon the moiit important affairs. From thence they marched to the higher provinces, and, upon the way, were joined by Peucestas, a friend of Kumenes, and other governors ot provinces. Thus the Macedonians uere greatly strengthened, both in point of numbers, and in the most mugniticent provision of all the requisites of war. But power and attluenre had rendered these governors so untractable in bociety, and so dissolute in their way jof living, since the death of Alexander, and thev came together with a spirit of despotism, so nurised by barbaric pride, that they 9000 became obnoxious to each other, and no sort of harmony could subsist between them. Besides, the\ flattered the Macedonians without any regard to decorum, and supplied them with money in such a manner, for their entertainmenis and sacri- fices, that in a little time their camp looked like a place of public reception for every scene of infempernnce : and ih"se *'**i#*ran9 were to be courted lor mditar> appointments as the people are for their votes in a republic. Eumenes soon perceived that ttn ne^. arrived grandees despised each other, but were afraid of hini, and watched an opportunity to kill him. He therefore pretended he was iii want of nione\, and borrowed large sums of those that hared hini most,* in iirtler uuu they might place some confidence in him, or at least might give uo their designs upwn his life, out of regard to the money lent mm Thus he found guards for himself, in the opulence of oth^rx ; and though men in general seek to save their lives by giving, he pro- vided for his safety by receiving. While no danger was near, the Macedonians took bribes of all who wanted to corruot them, and, like a kind of guards, diiilv attended the^ates of those that aspired to the command. Bui nheii Antigonus came and encamped over against them, and affairs railed for a real jfeneral, Eumenes was applied to, not only by the soldier?, but the "ery grandees who bed taken so much state upon them in time of peace iind pleasure freely gave place to him, and took the place he assigned them without murmuring. Indeed, when Anti gonus attempted to pass the river Panitigris, not one of thr other officers who were appointed to guard it, got any inul! 1 his motions: Eumenes alone was at hand to oppose him, ;i 1 -_ aid it that prince : tliat every mofnin( a Mcrifice sbould tM oflercd bim bv ell Uie oifeen • •nd thHt all orders »houl Ibe gentut of Kiiinenet. • Fmir hundred thoiiiand crowm. \ EUMENES. T 25J 550 effectually, that he filled the channel with dead bodies, and made four thousand prisoners. The behaviour of the Macedonians, when Eumenes happened to be sick, still more particularly showed, that they thought others fit to direct m magnificent entertainments, and the soleinnnies of peace, but that he was the only person among them qualified to lead an armv. For Peucestas having feasted them in a sumptuous manner in Persia, and given each man a sheep lor sacrifice, hoped to be indulged with the command. A few days after, as they were marching against the enemy, Eumenes was so dangerously ill, that he was forced to be carried in a litter at some distance from the ranks, lest his rest should be disturbed with the noise. They had not gone far before the enemy suddenly made their appearance ; for they had passed the intermediate hills, and were now descend, ing into the plain. The lustre of their golden armour glittering in the sun, ihe elephants with their towers on their backs, and the purple vests which tlie cavalry used Ut wear when they were ad- vancing to the combat, struck the troops that were to oppose them with such surprise, that the front halted, and called out for Eume- nes, declaring that they woijld not move a step farther, if he had not the direction of them. Eumenes no sooner heard this, than he advanced with the utmost expedition, hastening the slaves that carried the Inter. He like- wise opened the curtains, and stretched out his hand, in token of hi,« joy. On the first sight o the general of their heart, the troops saluted him in the Macedonian language^ clanked their arms, and, with loud shouts, challenged the enemy to advance, thinking them. selves invincible while he was at their head. - Antigonus having learned from some prisoners, that Eumenes was so extremely ill, that he was forced to be carried in a litter, concluded he should find no great difficulty in beating the other generals, and therefore, hastened to the attack. But when he came to reconnoitre the enemies' army, and saw in what excellent order it was drawn up, he stood still some time in silent admiration. At last, spying the litter carried about, from one wing to the other, he laughed out aloud, as his manner was, and said to his friends — " Yon litter is the thing that pitches the battle against us." — After this he immediately retreated to his entrenchments.* * There are some particulars in Diodorus. which deserve to be inserted here. After the two armies were separated without conning to .action, they encamped about three furlongs distance from each other ; and Antigonus soon findmg the countrv where he Iriv so much exhausted, tnat it would be very difficult for hicn to subsist, sent deputies !o the confederate armv, to solicit them, especialiv the governors of provinces, and the old Macedonian corps, to ries.ert Eumenes, and to join him ; which at this time, they rejected with the highest inrlignation. After the deputies were dismissed. Eumenes came into the assemblv. and delivered himself in the following fable: — " A lion once frtlliii" in love with a young damsel demanded her in marriage of her father. The tether made answer, That he looked 0:1 stich an alliance as a great honour to his 252 The Macedonians had hardly recovered themselves from their feari), before ibey began to behave again in a diHorderU and mu- tinous manner lo their officers, and spread themselves over almost all the provinces ol' Gabene tor winter quarters : mAOinuch, that the tirsi was at a distance «if a ihousumi furlongs from the la^t. Aniigonus being informed of this circumstance, iiioved buck Mgatnst them, without losing a moment's time. He took a rugged road that afiordtd no water because ii was the shortest, hoping, if he fell upon them while thus dispersed, that it would be inipps as he rotild collect on the way. But Eumenes soon dispelled iheir fears and uneasiness, by promising so to impede the enetnies* march, that ihey would arrive three days later than they were expected. Finding that ihey lis- tened lo him, he sent orders to the officers to draw all the troops from their quarters, and assemble them with speed. \t the same time he t<»ok his horse, and went with his colleagues to seek out a lofty piece of ground, which miyht attract the attention ol the troops marching below. Having found one that answered his purpose, he measured it, and ttaused a number of fires to be lighted at pro- per intervals, so as to resemble a camp. family bui stood in fear of his claws and teetn. lest, upon any trifling dispute iliat iiilKhl haptien brtwiten them after narriiige. he •night exercise tneui a liiieM.Rrr of in» ie*-ih an(i imwh.'' \ low davs alter trns. Kuinenes ' avinK ' that \nii«((»niiK intended in decaii>p in the night, preaentlv Kur»se nl^ to frk quarii-rsof refresh!' eiit for ins arm? in the rich rlistriciof Gabene. i this. anrt. at ihe saxetime lo gain a tMisaite iniothaierMinirv. he in»fnirt>- dier» to preiemi thev v< err deserirrs. and sent ihem into ine camp of \ Ihey refMirted that Kuineneh inienrien irtatlark hiii> in hi» tmiche* ix <' While 4nllKOnlii were under Nrn>s. FuiKenen marcben for (• < • length Aiitig^>niis saspecieorning. fron- the lop discerned Enmenes witli hm arn^ t>elow aiirl Ru» eiie* U|ion Mghi nf conclodnig that the whole armv of Anii^onus Ma<. m imnri f.«crd «Im>ui. h bis lr«MifM In order to baille. Thus KiMteneti n n^ necetveM im ht« tinn .. •s A nttKomi«*» infantry ca>i.e up a sharp H) >i Heverni liii>es Ai la«i. how< ^ the worst, beili( ibrced to wtll>HrMu' nv Idtio innrrheuanct of this Mchpme,ihe\ appr(»ach« cd him unsuspected, niid planted themselves about him. Some la- mented the loss of their bH<;gage, some desired him to assume the spirit of victory which he had gained, others accused the rest of iheir commanders. Thus, witching their opportunit\ , they fell t:pon him, took away his sword, and bound his hands behind him with his own girdle. Nicanor was sent by Antigonus to receive him. But as thev led him through the midst of rhc Macedonians, he dewired rirsi to speak to them, not for any re<(uest he had to make, but of mstlers of great imnortance to thetn. Silence being made, he ascended an eminence, and stretching out his hands, bound as ihe\ were, he said. "What trophy, ye vilest of all the Mtxedonians! what tro- phy could .Antioonus have wished to raise, like this Hhich \ou are raising, by delivering up your general bound ? Was it not bate enough to acknov* ledge yourselves beaten, merely for the sake of your baggage, as if victory dwelt among your goods and chattels, and not upon the points of your swords : but xou must also send your general as a ransom for thjrt baggage ? For my part, though thus led. I am not conquered. I have beaten the enem\, and am ruined by my fallow soldiers. But I eonjnre you, by the god of armies, and the awful deities who preside over oaths, to kill me here with your own hands. If my life he taken by another, the (\i»ed will still be yours. Nor will Antigonus complain, if \ou take the work ou( of his hands ; for he wants not Kumenes alive, but Rq. menesdead. If you choose not t(» be the immediate mstruinentti loose but one of my hands and that shall do the iNWtiieM. If you EUMENE# 255 will not trust me with a sword, throw me, bound as I am, to wild beasts. If you comply with this last request, 1 acquit )ou ol ail guili with respect to me, and declare you have behaved to your general like the best and honestest of men." The rest of the troops received this speech with sighs and tears, and t-ver\ expression of sor'row ; but the Argyra.>pides cried out, *' Lead him on, and a lend not to his trilling. For it is no such great niat.er, it an execrable Chersonesian, who ha> harrassed the Macedonians with infinite wars, have cause to lam»mt his fate, as it would be if the best of Alexander's and Philip'^ soldiers should be deprived of the fruit of their labours, and nave their bread to beff in their old age. And have not ou; wives already passed three nights with our enemies?" So saying, they drove him for- ward. Antigonus, fearing some bad consequence from the crowd, (for there was not a man lefi in his camp,) sent out ten ol his best ele- phants and a corps of spearmen, who were Medes and Parthians, to keep them off. He could not bear to have Eumenes brought into tiis presence, because of the former friendly connexions there had been between them. And when those who took the charge of him asked, in what manner he would have him kept, he said — " So as you would keep an elephant or a lion." Nevertheless, he soon felt some impressions of pity, and ordered them to take off his heavy chains, and allow him a servant who had been accus- tomed to wait upon him. He likewise permitted such of his friends as desired it, to pass whole days w ith him, and to bring him neces- sary refreshments. Thus he spent some considerable time in de- liberating how to dispose of him. and sometimes listened to the ap- plications and promises of Nearchus the Cretan and his son Deme- trius, vvho made it a poim to save him. But all the other officers insisted that he should be put to death, and urged Antigonus to give dire^ctions for it. One day, we are told, Eumenes asked his keeper, Onomarchus, " Why Antigonus, now that he had got his enemy into his power, did not either immediately despatch him or generously rehase him ?" Onoma rebus answered in a contemptuous manner — "That in the battle, and not now, he should have been ready to meet death." To which Eumenes replied — " By heaven, I was so ! — ask those who ventured to engage me if I was not. I do not know that I met with a better man than myself." " Well," said Ono- marchus, " now you have found a Letter man than yourself, why do you not patiently wait his time ?" When Antigonus had resolved upon his death, he gave orders that he should have no kind of food. By this means, in two ar three days time he began to draw near his end : and then Antigo- nus, being obliged to decamp upon some sudden emergency, sent 256 A/MEKES. in an executioner to despatch him. The body he delivered to his friends, allowing them to bum it honourabi), and to collect the ashes into a silver urn, m order to their being sent to his wife and children. Thus died Eumenes : and divine justice did not g<» far to secjc instruments of venf[eance against the (tfiicere* and soldiers who had betrayed him. AniigoiiUM himHelf, detesting the A rg\ raspides, as impious and savage wretches, ordered lb\ rtius, governor of Ararho8iu,t under whx)fce direction he put them, to take ever)' me- th(»d to destroy them ; so that not one of them might return to Macedftnia, or behold the Grecian Sea. * Antii^nes. comiiiander in chief n( fhr Siivtr Shield, was, by order of Anngooui^ put in a coffin, and burnt aliTe Eudainus ('elbanus, and many others of tlic enemiet of Eumenes. eiperienced a like fate. t A province of Fart&ia, near Bactriana. 267 POMPEY. FlourisJied 90 yeccrs before Christ. THE people of Rome appear from the first to have been affect- ed towards Pompey much m the same manner as Prometheus, in jEschylus, was towards Hercules, when, alter that hero had deliv- ered him from his chains, he said, The sire 1 hated, but the son I love.* For never did the Romans entertain a stronger and more rancour- ous hatred for any general, than for Strabo, the father of Pompey. While he lived, indeed, they were afraid of his abilities as a sol- dier, for he had great talents for war ; but upon his death, which happened by a stroke of lightning, they dragged his body from the bier, on the way to the funeral pile, and treated it with the greatest indignity. On the other hand, no man ever experienced from the same Romans an attachment more early begun, more disinteres- ted in all the stages of his prosperity, or more constant and fahh- ful in the decline of his fortune than Pompey. In his youth he had a very engaging countenance, which spoke for him before he opened his lips- Yet that grace of aspect was not unattended with dignity, and amidst his youthful bloom there was a venerable and princely air. His hair naturally curled a lit- tle before, which, together with the shining moisture and quick turn of his eye, produced a stronger likeness of Alexander the Great than that which appeared in the statues of that prince. So that some seriously gave him the name of Alexander, and he did not refuse it ; others applied it to him by way of ridicule. And Lucius Philippus,t a man of consular dignity, as he was one day- pleading for him, said — " It was no wondtr if Philip was a lover of Alexander." While he was very young, and served under his father, who was carrying on the war against Cinna,:]: one Lucius Terentius was his comrade, and they slept in the same tent. This Terentius, * Of ihe tragedy oi PromeUieus Released, from which this line is taken, we have onlv some frag.! ^enis remaining. Jupiter had chained Prometheus to the rocks of Caucasus, and Hercules the son of Jupiter released him. + Lucius Marcius Philippus. one of the greatest orators of his time. He #a8- father- in-law to Augustus, having married his mother Attia Horace speaks of him, lib. i. ep 7 t In the year of Rome 666. And as Pompey was born the same year with Cicero, yii. in the yeai of Rome 647. he must, in this war with Cinna, have been uiueteee years old. 2k 22* 258 POMPBY. gained by Ciona's money, undertook to asaaawiate Ponpey, while others set fire to the general'ii tent. Pompey got infomiaiion of this when he was at supper, and it did not put him in the least confusion. Ho drank more freely, and caressed Terenlius more than usual ; but when they were to have gone to rest, he stole out of his tent, and planted a guard about his father. Thm done, he waited quietly for the event. Terentius, as soon as he thought Pompey was asleep, drew his sword, and stabbed the coverlets of the bed in many places, imagining that he was in it. Immediately ailer this, there was a great mutiny in the camp. The soldiers, who hated their general, were determined to go over to the enemy, and began to strike their tents and take up their arms. The general, dreading the tumult, did not dare to make his appearance ; but Pompey was every where. He begged of them with tears to stay, and at last threw himself upon his face in the gateway. There he lay weeping, and bidding them, if (hey would £0 out, to tread upon him. Upon this they were ashamed to proceed, and all, except eight hundred, returned and reconciled themselves to their general. After the death of Strabo, a charge was laid that he had con. verted the public money to his own ush, and Pompey, as his heir, was obliged to answer it. Upon inquiry, he found that Alexan« der, one of the enfranchised slaves, had secreted most of the mo* ney, and he took care to inform the magistrates of the particulars. He was accused, however, himself of having taken some hunting nets and books out of the spoils of Asculurn, and it is true his father gave them to him when he took the place ; but he lost them at the return of Cinnu to Rome, when that general's creatures broke into and pillaged his house. In this uflTair he maintaiiu-d the combat well with his adversary at the bar, and showed an acuteness and firmness above his years, which gained him so much applause, that Antistius, the pnetor who had the hearing of the cause, con. ceived an affection for him, and offered him his daughter in mar. riage. The proposal accordingly was made to his friends. Poaa- pey accepted it, and the treaty was concluded privately. Pompey in a little time married Antistia, and afterwards repair, ed to Cinna*s camp ; but finding some unjust charges laid agaiost them there^- he took the first opportunity to withdraw. At he was no where to be found, a rumour prevailed in the army, that Cinna had put the young roan to death ; upon which, numbers who hated Cinna, and could no longer bear with his cruelties, attacked his quarters. He fled for his life, and being overtaken by one of the inferior^fiicers, who pursued him with a drawn sword, he fell upon his knees, and offered him his ring, which was of no small value. The officer answered with great ferocity — ** I am not come to sign a contract, but to punish an impious and lawless tyrant,*' and then killed him upon the spot. 1 POMPEY. 259 Such was the end of Cinna ; after whom Carbo, a tyrant still more savage, took the reins of government. It was not long, however, before Sylla returned to Italy, to the great satisfaction of most of the Romans, who, in their present unhappy circumstances, thought the change of their master no small advantage. To such a desperate state had their calamities brought them, that, no longer hoping for liberty, they sought only the most tolerable servitude. At that time Pompey was in the Picene, whither he had retired, partly because he had lands there, but more on account of an old attachment of the cities in that district to his family. As he ob- serveH ♦hat the bes and most considerable of the citizens left their houses, and took refuge in Sylla's camp as in a port, he resolved to do the same. At the same time he thought it did not become him to go like a fugitive who wanted protection, but rather in a respectable manner at the head of an army : he therefore tried what levies he could make in the Picene,* and the people readily repaired to his standard, rejecting the applications of Carbo. Thus Pompey, at the age of twenty-three, without a commission from any superior authority, erected himself into a general ; and having placed his tribunal in the most public part of the great city of Auximum, by a formal decree commanded the Venditii, two brothers who opposed him in behalf of Carbo, to depart the city ; he enlisted soldiers ; he appointed tribunes, centurions, and other officers, according to the established custom. So that in a little time he raised three complete legions, and furnished himself with provisions, beasts of burden, carriages, in short, with the whole ap- paratus of war. In this form he moved towards Sylla, not by hasty marches, nor as if he wanted to conceal himself; for he stopped by the way to harass the enemy, and attempted to draw off from Carbo all the parts of Italy through which he passed. At last, three generals of the opposite party, Carinna, Ccelius, and Brutus, came against him, and hemmed him in with their three armies, in hopes to de- molish him entirely. Pompey, far from being terrified, assembled all his forces, and charged the army of Brutus at the head of his cavalry. The Gauhsh horse on the enemy's side sustained the first shock ; but Pompey attacked the foremost of them, who was a man of prodi- gious strength, and brought him down with a push of his spear. The rest immediately fled, and threw the infantry into such disor- der that the whole was soon put to flight. This produced so great a quarrel among the three generals, that they parted, and took separate routes. In consequence of which, the cities concluding that the fear of the enemy had made them part, adopted the interests of Pompey* * Now the marcb of A ncnna. 260 lOMPEY. Not long after, Scipio, the conmil, advaflced to engage hin ; but before the infantry were near enough to discharge their lances, Scipio's soldiers saluted those of Pompey, and came over to them. Scipio, therefore, was forced to Oy. At last Carbo sent a large body of cavalry against Pompey, near the river Arsis. He gave them so warm a rejception, that they were soon broken, and in the pursuit drove them upon impracticable ground, so that finding it impossible to escape, they surrendered themselves with their anne and horses. Sylla had not yet been informed of these transactions ; bat upon the fir*'^ news of Pompey's being engaged with so many adversa* ries, and such respectable generals, he dreaded the consequences, and marched Avith all expedition to his assistance. Pompey hav- ing intelligence of his approach, ordered Ins officers to sec that the troops Here armed and drawn up in such a manner, as to make the handsoniest and most gallant appearance before the com- mander in chief. For he expected great honours from him, and he obtained greater. Sylla no so«iner saw Pompey advancing to meet him, with an army in excellent condition, both as to age and size of the men, and the spirits which success had given them, than he alighted ; and upon being saluted of course by Pompey as wi' jterator, he returned his salutation with the same title. The rest of his behaviour was as respectful as that in the first inter^'iew. Pompey was not elated with these honours. On the contrary*) wheit Sylla wanted to send him into Gaul, where Metellus had done nothing worthy of the fotces under his direction, he said — " It was not right to lake the command from a man who was his superior both in age and character ; but if Metellus should desire his as- sistance in the conduct of the war, it was at his service." Metel- lus acrepted the proposal, and wrote to him to come ; whereupon ho entered Gaul, and not only signalized his own valour and capa- city, but excited once more the spirit of adventure in Metellus, which was almost extinguished with age. After Sylla had made himself master of Italy, and was declared dictator, he rewarded his principal officers with riches and hot.ourt, making them liberal grunts of whatever they applied for : but he was most struck with the excellent qualities of Pompey, and was persuaded that he owed more to his services than those of any other man. He therefore resolved, if possible, to take him into his alliance; and, as his wiA* Mtiella was wholly of his opinion, they persuaded Pompey to divorce Antistia, and to marry >1?milia, the daughter-in-law of Sylla, whom Metelia had by Scaurus, and who was at that time pregnant by an<»iher marriage. Nothing could be more tyrannical than this new contrnct ; it was suitable indeed to the times of 8ylla, btit it ill became the character of Pompey to take uf^milia, pregnant as she was, from POMPEY. 261 another, and bring her into his house, and at the same time to re- pudiate Antistia, distressed as she must he for a father whom she had lately lost on account of this cruel husband. For Antisiius was killed in the senate house, because it was thought his regard for Pompey had attached him to the cause of Sylla And her mother upon this divorce, laid violent hands upon herself. This was an additional scene of miseryin that tragical marriage, as it was also the fate of iEmilia in Pompey's house, who died there in childbed. Soon after this Sylla received an account thai Perpenna had made himself master of Sicily, where he atforded an asylum to the party which opposed the reigning powers. Pompey was sent against them with a considerable armamf^nt. He soon forced Perpenna to quit the island; and having recovered the cities, which had been much harrassed by the armies that Were there before his, he behaved to them all with great humanirv, except the Mamer- tines. That people had refused to a^pnar before his tribunal, and to acknowledge his jurisdiction, alleging that thev siood excused by an ancient privilege granted them by the Romans. He an- swered — "Will Nou never have done with citing laws and privi- leges to men who wear swords ?" His behaviour too, to Carbo, in his misfortunes, appeared inhuman. For. if it was necessary, as perhaps -it was, to put him to death, he should have done it im mediately, and then it would have been the work of him that gave orders for it. But, instead of that, he caused a Roman, who had been honoured with three consulships, to be brought in chains be- fore his tribunal, where he sat in judgment on him, to the regret of all the spectators, and ordered him to be led off to execution. He had resolved to chastise the Himereuns for attempting to support his enemies, when rhe orator Sthenis told him — '' He would act unjustly, if he passed by the person that was guilty, and punished the innocent." Pompev asked him — " Who was the guiltv pers*)n ?" and he answered — ^' I am the man. I persuaded my friends, and compelled my enemies, to take the measures they did." Pompey, delighted with his frank confession and noble spi- rit, forgave him first, and afterwards all the people of Himera. Being informed that his soldiers committed great disorders in their excursions, he sealed up their swords, and if any of them broke the seal, he took care to have them punished. While he was making these and other regulations in Sicily, he received a decree of the senate, and letters from Sylla, in which he was commanded *to cross over to Africa, and to carry on the war with the utmost vigour against Docniiius, who had assembled a much more powerful army than that which Marius carried not long before from Africa to Italy, when he made himself master of Rome, and of a fugitive became a tyrant. Pompey soon finished 262 FOMPET bis preparatioDi for this expedition, and set sail with an hundred and twenty ;irmed vessels, and eight hundred storeships, laden with proviHions, arms, money and machines of war. Part of his fleet landed at Utica, and part at Carthage, immediately after which seven thousand of the enemy came over to him, and he brought with him SIX legions complete. Domitius advanced to meet him, and pat his troops in order of battle. There happened to be a channel between them, craggy and difficult to pass. In the morning it began moreover to raio, and the wind blew violently ; insomuch that Domitius, not imagin. ing there would be any action that day, ordered his army to retire. But Pompey looked upon this as his opportunity, and he passed the defile with the utmost expedition. The enemy stood upon their defence, but it was in a disorderly and tumultuous manner, and the reMistance they made was neither general nor uniform. Besides, the wind and rain beat in their faces. The storm incom- moded the Romans too, for they could not well distinguish eacL other. Nay, Pompey himself was in danger of being killed by a soldier, who asked him the word, and received not a speedy an. swer. At length, however, he routed the enemy with great slaughter, not above three thousand of them escaping out of twen. ty thousand. The soldiers then saluted Pompey Imperafor^ but he said he would not accept the title while the enemy's camp stood untouched ; therefore, if they chose to confer such an honour upon him, they must first make themselves masters of the intrenchinents. At that instant they advanced with great fury against them. Pompey fought without his helmet, for fear of such an accident as ne had just escaped. The camp was taken, and Domitius slain, in consequence of which, most of the cities immediately submitted, and the rest were taken by assault. He took Jarbas, one of the confederates of Domitius, prisoner, and bestowed his crown oo Hienopsal. Advancing with the same tide of fortune, and whilo his army had all the spirits inspired by success, he entered Numi- dia, in which he contHiued his march for several days, and sub. dued all that came in his way. 'I'he whole time he passed in Af rica, they tell us, was not above forty days, in which he defeated the enemy, reduced the whole country, and brought the affairs of its kin^s under proper regulations, though he was only in his twenty.fourth year. Upon his return to Utica he received letters from Sylla, in which lie^was ordered to send home the rest of his army, ard to wait there with one legion onlv for a successor. This gftve him a great deal of uneasiness, which he kept to himself, but the army expresMd their indignation aloud ; insomuch that when he intreated them to return to Italy, they launched out into abusive terms against Sylla, and declared they would never abandon Pompey, or autl'er him to POMPEY. 002 trust a tyrant. At first he endeavoured to pacify them with mild re- presentations ; and when he found these had no effect, he descend- ed from the tribunal, and retired to his tent in tears. However, they went and took him thence, and placed him again upon the tri- bunal, where they spent great part of the day ; they insistmg that he should stay and keep the command, and he in persuading them to obey Sylla's orders, and to form no new faction. At last, seemg no end of their clamours and importunity, he assured them with an oath — " That he woul.d kill himself if they attempted to force him/' And even this hardly brought them to desist. The first news that Sylla heard was, that Pompey had revolted ; upon which he said to his friends, — " Then it is my fate to have to contend with boys in my old age." This he said, because Marius, who was very young, had brought him into so much trouble and danger. But when he received true information of the affair, and observed that all the people flocked out to receive him, and to con- duct him home with marks of great regard, he resolved to exceed them in his regards, if possible. He, therefore, hastened to meet him, and embracing him in the most affectionate manner, saluted him aloud by the surname of Magnus^ or tfie Great; at the same time, he ordered all about him to give him the same appellation. Others say, it was given him by the whole army in Africa, but did not generally obtain till it was authorised by Sylla. It is certain he was the last to take it himself, and he did not make use of it till a long time after, when he was sent into Spain with the dignity of proconsul against Sertorius. Then he began to write himself, in his letters and in all his edicts, Pompey the Great ; for the world was accustomed to the name, and it was no longer invidious. In this respect we may justly admire the wisdom of the ancient Romans, who bestowed on their great men such honourable names and titles, not only for military achievements, but for the great qualities and arts which adorn civil life. Thus, the people gave the surname of Max- imus to Valeriiis,* for reconciling them to the senate after a violent dissension, and to Fabius RuUus, for expelling some persons de- scended of enfranchised slave»,f who had been admitted into the senate on account of their opulent fortunes. When Pompey arrived at Rome, he demanded a triumph, in which he was opposed by Sylla. The latter alleged, — " That the laws did not allow that honour to any persoii who was not either consul or praetor. J Hence it ^vas that the first Scipio, when he returned vic- * This was Marcus Valerius, the orother of Valerius Publicola, who was dictator. f It was not his expelling the descendants of enfranchised slaves the senate, nor yet his glorious victories, which procured Fabius the surname of Maximus. out his reducing the populace of Rome into four tribes, who before were dispersed among all the tribes, and by that means had too much influence m elections and other public affairs. These were called iribus urbanoe. — Liv. ix 46. J Livy (lib. xxxi.) lells us, the senate refused L. Cornelius Leniulus a triumph for the same reason, though they thought his achievements worthy of that honour. 2d4 poMFcr. torioufl from greater wars and conflictB with the Carthaginians in Spain, did not demand a triumph ; for he was neither consul nor pr«t«)r." lie added, — ** Tha if Pompey, who was yet httle hetter than a beardless youth, and who was not of age to be admitted into the senate, should enter the city in triumph, it would bring an odttm both upon the dictator's power, and those honours of his friend." These arguments Sylla insisted on, to shou him he would not allow of his triumph ; and that, in case he persisted, he would chastise hia obstinacy. ^Pompey, not in the least intimidated, bade him consider — " That more worshipped the rising than the setting sun^" intimating, that his power was increasing, and Sylla's upon the aecline. SylLa did not well hear what he said, but perceiving by the looks and gestures of tne company, that they were strtick with the expression, he asked what it was. When he was told it, he admired the spirit of Pom> pey, and cried, — '* Let him triumph ! Let him triumph!" As Pompey perceived a strong spirit of envy and jealousy on this occasion, it is said, that, to mortify those who gave into it the more, he resolved to have his chariot drawn by four elephants ; for he had brought a number from Africa, which he had taken from the kings of that country^ But finding the gate too narrow, he gave up that design, and contented himself with horses. His soldiers, not having obtained all they expected, were inclined to disturb the procetiision, but he took no pains to satisfy them : he said — **■ He hud rather give up his triumph, than submit to flatter them." Whereupon Servilius, one of the most considerable men in Rome, and one who had been most vigorous in opposing the tri- umph, declared — '' He now found Pompey really the Great, and worthy of a-triumph." There is no doubt that he might then have been easily admitted a senator, if he had desired it ; but his ambition was to pursue ho- uour in a more uncommon track. It would have been nothing strange, if Pompey had been a senator before the age fixed for it; but it was a very extraordinary instance of honour, to lead up a tri* umph before he was a nenator. And it contributed not a little to gain him the affections of the multitude ; the people were delighted to see him, after his triumph, class with the equestrian order. Sylla was not without uneasiness at finding him advance »* fast in reputation and p/iwer; yet he could not think of preventing it, till, with a high hand, and entirely against his will, Pompey rained Lepidus"** to the consulship, by assisting him with all Ins interest in the election. Then Sylla, seeing him conducted home bv the peo- ple through the forum, thus addressed him : — *' I sec, young man, you are proud of your victory. And undoubtedly, it was a great * MarciM iKmiliiM l^pidut. who by Pompcy't wtsitst was dsclsfcd consul witliQ. LuiatiuR Catuluf, in the vear of Rome 675. POMPEY. 265 and extraordinary thing, by your management of the people, to ob- tain for Lepidus, the worst man in Rome, ihe return before Catulus, one of the worthiest and the best. But awake, I charge you, and be upon your guard : For you have now made your adversary stronger than yourself." The displeasure Sylla entertained in his heart against Pompey, appeared most plainly in his will : he left considerable legacies to his friends, and appointed them guardians to his son, but he never once mentioned Pompey. The latter, not>vitiistaiiding, bore this with great temper and moderation ; and when Lepidus and others opposed his being buried in the Campus Martius, and his having the honours of a pubhc funeral, he interposed, and by his presence not only secured, but did honour to the procession, Sylla's predictions were verified soon after his death. Lepidus wished to usurp the authority of a dictator, and' his proceedings were not indirect, or veiled with specious pretences. He imme- diately took up aims, and assembled the disaffected remains of the factions which Sylla could not entirely suppress. As for his col- league Catulus, the uncorrupted part of the senate and people were attached to him, and, in point of prudence and justice, there was not a man in Rome who had a greater character ; but he was more able to direct the civil government, than the operations of war. This crisis, therefore, called for Pompey, and he did not deliberate which side he should take : he jomed the honest party., and was declared general against Lepidus, who by this lime had reduced great part of Italy, and was master of Cisalpine Gaul, where Bru- tus acted for him with a considerable force. When Pompey took the field, he easily made his way in other parts, but he lay a long time before Mutina, which was defended by Brutus. Meanwhile Lepidus advanced by hasty marches to Rome, and, sitting down before it, demanded a second consulship. The inhabitants were greatly alarmed at his nutnbers, but their fears were dissipated by a letter from Pompey, in which he assured them he had terminated the war without striking a blow. For Brutus, whether he betrayed his army, or they betrayed him, surrendered himself to Pompey ; and having a party of horse given him as an escort, retired to a little town upon the Po. Pompey, however, sent Geminius the next day to despatch him, which brought no small stain upon his character. Lepidus, being soon driven out of Italy, fled into Sardinia, where he died of grief. At that time, Sertorius, an officer very different from Lepidus, was in possession of Spain, and not a little formidable to Rome it- self ; all the remains of the civil wars being collected in him, just as in a dangerous disease all the vicious humours fiow to a distem- pered part. At this juncture Pompey, having an army without employment, 2h 23 endeavoured to prevail with the senate to send him to the aBsistancA of Meiellus, and though Calulus ordered him to dishand his forces, he found various pretences for remaining \n arms m the neighbour- hood «>f Rome, till at last he obtamed the command he wanted. When Pompey arrived in Spain, new hopes were excited, as is usual upon the appearance of. a new general of reputation ; and such of the Spanish nations as were not very firmly attached to Scrtorius, began to change their opinions, and to go over to the Romans. Sertorius then expressed himself in a very insolent and contemptuous manner with respect to Pompey : he said, — " He should want no other weapons thaiT a rod and ferula to chastise the boy with, were it not that he feared the old woman," meaning Me- tellus. But in fact it was P<»rapey he was afraid of, and on his account he carried on his operations with much greater caution. The war was carried on with various success ; but Sertoriua being assassinated by his own officers,* Perpenna, who was at the head of the conspirators, undertook to supply his place. He had indeed the same troops, the same magazines and supplies, but he had not the same understanding to make a proper use of them. Pompey immediately took the field, and having intelligence that Perpenna was greatly embarrassed us to the meiisiires he should take, he threw out ten cohorts as a bait for him, with orders to spread themselves over the plain. When he found it took, and that Perpenna was busied with that handful of men, he suddenly made his appearance with the main body, attacked the enemy, and routed him entirely. Most of the officers fell in the battle; Perpenna himself was taken prisoner and brought to Pompey, who com- manded him to he put to death. Perpenna having got the papers of Sertorius into his hands, showed letters by which some of the most powerful men in Rome, who were desirous to raise new commotions, and overturn the the establishment, had invited Sertorius into Italy. But Pompey, fearing those letters might excite greater wars than that he was then finishing, put Perpenna to death, and burnt the papers without residing them. A second triumph was decreed him,t together whh the consulship. But the^e were not considered as the most extraordinary instances of his power. The strongest proof of his greatness was, that Crasbus, the richest, the most elo<^uent and most powerful man in the administration, who used to look down upon Pompey and all the world, did not venture to solicit the consulship without first asking Pompey's leave. Pompey, who hud long wished for on * ll *^*' '^"^ y^'^'* *^*' ^^^ comiiim* of Liioullut that Senuriuc was «9iaa«tMt«(L + He triumpned tnwardi the end of the year of Ro«ne6tS and at the Mm« noM waa decinred convut for iiie year enujiiiK Tint was a peculiar huoour. to gam tiKI cootulate uiihoui fir»i bearin| the suhordinate oAoea: but hi« two uiumpht. Slid |i«»t nrvkva, excused that deviation from the common rtilet. POMPEY. 267 opportunity to lay an obligation upon him, received the application with pleasure, and made great interest with the people in his behalf, declaring he should take their givmg him Crassus for a colleague, as kindly as their favour to- himself. Yet when they were elected consuls, they disagreed in every thing, and were embroiled in all their measures; but were recon- ciled before they laid down the consulship. Crassus had most interest with the senate, and Pompey with the people. For he had restored them the tribunitial power, and had suffered a law to be made, that judges should again be appointed out of the equestrian order.* However, the most agreeable spectacle of all to the people was Pompey himself, when he went to claim his exemption from serving in the wars. It was the custom for a Roman knight, when he had served the time ordered by law, to lead his horse into the forum, before the two magistrates called censors ; and after having given an account of the generals and other officers und^r whom he had made his campaigns, and of his own actions in them, to demand his discharge. On these occasions they received proper marks of honour or disgrace, according to their behaviour. Gellius and Lentulus were then censors, and had taken their seats in a manner that became their dignity, to review the whole equestrian order, when Pompey was seen at a distance, with all the badges of his office, as consul, leading his horse by the bridle. As soon as he was near enough to be observed by the censors, he ordered his lictors to make an opening, and advanced with his horse in hand to the foot of the tribunal. The people were struck with admiration, and a profound silence took place, at the same time a jov, mingled with reverence, was visible in the countenances of the censors. The senior censor then addressed him as follows — " Pompey the Great, I demand of you, whether you have served all the campaigns required by law ?" He answered with a loud voice — " I have served them all ; and all under myself, as general." The people were so charmed with this answer, that there was no end of their acclamations. At last the censors rose up, and con- ducted Pompey to his house, to indulge the multitude, who followed him wah the loudest plaudits. Crassus continued his former manner of life ; but Pompey now seldom chose to plead the causes of those who applied to him, and by degrees he left the bar. Indeed he seldom appeared m public, and when he did, it Was always with a great train of friends and attendants ; so it was not easy either to speak to him or see hinji but in the midst of a crowd. He took pleasure in having a number of retamers about him, because he thought it gave him an air of » L. Aurelius Cotta carried that point when he was praetor; and Plutarch says again, because Caius Graccbus had conveyed that privilege to the knights fifty years before. 268 noMPBY. greatness and majesty, and he was per^iaded that dignity should be kept from being soiled by the familiarity, and indeed by the very touch of the many. For those who are raised to greatness by arms, and know not how to descend again to the equality re- quired in a republic, are very li&ble to tall into contempt when they resume the rube ot peace. The soldier is desirous to preserve the rank in the forum wliich he had in the field ; and he who cannot distinguish himself in the field, thinks it intolerable to give place in the administration too. When, therefore, the latter has got the man who shone in camps and triumphs, into the assemblies at home, and finds him attempting to maintain the same pre-eminence there, he endeavours to humble him ; whereas, if the warrior pre- tends not to take the lead in domestic councils, he is readily allowed the palm of military glory. This soon appeared from the subse- quent events. The power of the pirates had its foundation in Cilicia. — ^Their progress was more dniigerous, because at first it was little taken notice of. In the Mithridatic war they assumed new confidence and courage, on account of some services they had rendered the king. Atler this, the Romans being engaged in civil wars at the very gates of their capital, the sea was lefl unguarded, and the. pirates by degrees attempted higher tilings ; they not only attacked shi[)s, but islands and maritime towns. Many persons, distinguished for their wealth, their birth, and their capacity, embarked with them, and assisted in their depredations, as if their employment had been worthy the ambition of men of honour. They had in various places arsenals, ports, and watch towers, all strongly fortified. Their fleets were not only extremely well manned, supplied with skilful pilots, and fitted for their business by their lightness and celerity, hut there was a parade of vanity about them more mortifying than their strength, in gilded sterns, purple canopies, and plated oars, as if they took a pride and triumph in their villainy. Music resounded, and drunken revels were exhibited on every coast. Here genermb were made prisoners ; there the cities the pirates had taken were paying their ransom ; all to the great disgrace of the Roman power. The number of their galleys amounted to a thousand, and the cities they were master of to four hundred. iTieir power extended over the whole Tuscan Sea, so that the Romans found their trade and navigation entirely cut off. Tho consequence of which was, that their markets were not supplied, and I hey had reason to apprehend a famine. This, at last, put them upon sending Pompey to char th«* sea of Pirates. Gabinius, one of Pompey*s intimate friends, proposed the decree* which ere- * Thif law was made in tha vear of Rom«t 6S6. The oraftv iritNiiie. witen he pio- potcd it. did not name Pompey. PomM^y was now in ih« lhtrtv many bees into a hive. Against ihese he proposed to go himself wiih sixty of his best gal- leys ; but first he resolved lo clear the Tuscan sea, and the coasts of Africa, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily, of all practical adven. turers, which he effected in fortv days, by his own indefatigable endeavours and those of his lieutenants. But, as the consul Piso was indulging Wis inuligniiy at home, in wasting his stores and dis. charging hn* seamen, he sent his fleet round to Bnindusium, and went himself by land through Tuscany fo Rome. As soon as the people were informed of his approach, they went in crowds to r^eive him, in the same manner as they had done a few days before, to conduct him on his way. Their extraordinary joy was owing to the speed with which he had executed his com- mission, so far bevond all expectation, and to the superabundant plenty which reigned in the markets. Havuig provided such things as he wanted, he went to Brundusium, and put to sea again. Though he was straitened for. time, and iii his haste sailed by man\ cities without calling, yet he stopped at Athens. He enter- ed the town and sacrificed to the gods; af^er which he addressed the people, and then prepared to re-embark immediately. Some of the pirates who yet traversed the seas, made their sub- mission : and as he treated ihem in a humane manner, when he had them and their ships in his power, others entertaining hopes of mercy, and avoiding the other officers, surrendered themselves to P(»mpey, together with their wives and children. He spared them all, and it was principally by their means that he found out and took a number who were guilty of unpardonable crimes, and therefore had concealed themselves. Still, however, there remained a great number, and indeed the most powerful part of these pirates, who sent their families, trea- sures, and all useless hands, into castles and fortified towns upon Mount Tiiurus. Then thev manned their ships, and waited for Pompey at Coracesium, in (^ilicia. A battle ensued, and the pirates were defeated, after which they retired into the fort. But they bad not been long besieged before they capitulated, and surren- dered themselves, together with the cities and islands which they had conquered and fortified, and which by their works, as well as situation, were almost impregnable. Thus the war was finished, and the whole force of the pirates destroyed, within ihre« months at the farthest. Beside the other vessels, Pompey took ninety ships with beaks of brass, and the prisoners amounted to twent\ thousand. He did not choose to put them to death, and at the same time he thought It wrong to suffer ihem to disperse, because they were not only numerous, but warlike and necessitous, and therefore would pro« pompeV. 271 bably knit again and give future trouble. He reflected that man by nature is neitlier a savage nor an unsocial creature, and when he becomes so, it is by vices contrary to nature : yet even then he may be humanized by changing his place of abode, and accustom- ing him to a new manner of life. For this reason he removed the pirates to a great distance from the sea, that they might taste the sweets of civil life, by living in cities, and by the culture of the ground. When news was brought to Rome, that the war with the pirates was finished, and that Pompey was bestowing his leisure upon visiting the cities, Manihus, one of the tribunes of the people, pro- posed a decree which gave him all the provinces and forces under the command of Lucullus, adding likewise Bithynia, which was then governed by Glabrio. It directed him to carry on the war against Mithridates and Tigranes, for which purpose he was also to retain his naval commcuid. This was subjecting at once the whole Roman empire to one man. By this law, Lucullus was de- prived of the honours he had dearly earned, and had a person to succeed hiin in his triumph, rather than in the war ; but that was not the thing which affected the patricians most. They were per- suaded, indeed, that Lucullus was treated with injustice and in- gratitude : but it was a much more painful circumstance, to think of a power in the hands ef Pompey, which they, could call nothing but a tyranny.* Lucullus, of course, complained of this treatment ; and their common friends were of opinion, that it would be best for them to come to an interview ; accordingly they met in Galaiia. Phey began with mutual compliments and congratulations ; but they soon lost sight even of candour and moderation : they proceeded to abusive language : Pompey reproaching Lucullus with avarice, and Lucullus accusing Pompey of an insatiable lust of power, in- somuch that their friends found it difficult to prevent violence. After this, Lucullus gave his friends and followers lands in Gala- tia, as a conquered country, and made other considerable grants. But Pompey, who encamped at a little distance from him, declared that he would not suffer his orders to be carried into execution, and seduced all his soldiers, except sixteen hundred, who he knew were so mutinous, that they would be as unserviceabte to him as »,hey had been ill-affected to their old general. In a little time Lucullus departed for Rome ; and Pompey hav- ing secured the sea from Phoenicia to the Bosphorus, marched in quest of Mithridates, who had an army of thirty thousand foot, and two thousand horse, but durst not stand an engagement. That • " We have then got at last," said they, "a sovereign ; the republic is changed into a monarchv. the services of Lucullus, the honour of Glabrio and Marcius, two lealous and worthy senators, are to be sacrificed to the promotion of Pompey. Sylla never carried his tyranuy 80 fiir-" piinco was in poMestion of a strong and secure post upon a idquu- tain, which he quitted upon Pompey's approacb, b^ause it waa destitute of water. Pompey rollowed him to his new camp, and drew a line of cir- cumvallation round him. Mithridates stood a siege of forty.five days, aAer which he found means to steal off with his best troops, having first killed all the sick, and such as could be of no service. Pompey overtook him near the Euphrates, and encamped over against him ; but fearing he might pass the river unperceived, he drew out his troops at midnight. At that time Mithridates is said to have had a dream pretigurative of what was to befal him. He thought he was upon the Pontic Sea, sailing with a favourable wind, and in sight of the Bosphorus ; so that he felicitated hi.s friends in the ship,^ like a man perfectly safe, already in harbour. But suddenly he beheld himself in the most destitute condition, swimming upon a piece of wreck. While he was in all the agita- tion which the dream produced, his friends awaked him, and told him that Pompey was at hand. He was now under a necessity of lighting for his camp, and his generals drew up the forces with all |K)S8ible expedition. Pumpey seeing them prepared, was loth to risk a battle in the dark : he thought it sufficient to surround them, so as to prevent their flight ; and what inclined him still more to wait for day. light, was the consideration that his troops were much better than the enemy's. However, the oldest of his officers entreated him to proceed immediately to the attack, and ut last prevailed. It was not indeed very dark ; for the :iioon, though near her setting, gave 4lg\M enough to distinguish objects ; but it was a great disadvantage to the King's troops, thai the moon was so low on the backs of the Romans, because she projected their shadows so far before them, tiiat the enemy could form no just estimate of the distances, but tiiinking ihcni at hand, threw their javelins before the> could do the IcoHt execution. The Romaiiri perceiving their mistake, advanced to the charge with all the alarm of voices. The enemy went in such a con- sternation that they made not the least stand, and in their flight vaxt numbers were slain. They lost above ten thousand men, and their cump was taken. As for Mithridates, he broke through tho Romans with eight hundred horse, in the beginning of the engage ment. In tho mean time Pompey entered Armenia, upon the invitation o( young Tigranes, who had revolted from bis father, and waa gone to nicei the Roman general at the liver Araxes. A) he mdo up to the entrenchments, two of Pompey 's lictors came and order- ed him to dismount and enter on foot, assuring him that no roan was over seen on horseback in u Roman camp. Tigranet obey- POMPEY, 278 ed, and even took oft* his sword and gave it them. As soon as he came before Pompey, he pulled off his diadem, and attempted to lay It at his feet. Wtiat was still worse, he was going u) pros- trate himself and embrace his knees , but Pompey perceiving it, took him by the hand, and placed him on one side of him, and his son on the other. Tben addressing himself to the father, he said — "As to what you had lost before, you lost it to Lucallus. It was he who took from you Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia, Gaiatia, and So- phene. But what you kept till my time, I will restore you, on condition you pay the Romans a fine of six thousand talents for the injury you have done them. Your son I will make king of Sophene. Tigranes thought himself so happy in these terms, and in finding that the Romans saluted him king, that in the joy of his heart he promised every private half a inma, every centurion ten minas, and every tribune a talent. But his son was little pleased at the deter- mination, and when he was invited to supper, he said — " He had no need of such honours from Pompey, for he could find another Roman." Upon this he was bound and reserved for the triumph. Not long after, Phraates, king of Parthia, sent to demand the young prince as his son-in-law, and to propose that the Euphrates sii mid be the boundary between him and the Roman empire. Pompey aasvvered — "Thai Tigranes was certainly nearer to his father than his father-in-law : and as for the boundary justice should direct it." When he had despatched this affair, he left Afranius to take care of Armenia, and mar<*hed himself to the countries bounding on Mount Caucasus, through which he must necessarily pass, in search of Mithridates. The Albanians at first granted Pompey a passage but as winter overtook him in their dominions, they took the oppor tunity of the Saturnalia, which the Romans observe religiously, te assemble their forces to the number of forty thousand men, with, a resolution to attack them, and for that purpose passed the Cyrnus.* Pompey suffered them to pass the river, though it was in his power to have hindered it ; and when they were all got over, he attacked and routed them, and killed great numbers on the spot. Their king sent ambassadors to speak for mercy : upon which Pom- pey forgave him the violence he had offered, and entered into al- liance with him. This done, he marched against the Iberians, who were equally numerous and more warlike, and who were very de- sirous to signalise their zeal for Mithridates, by repulsing Pompey. The Iberians were never subject to the Medes or Persians ; they escaped even the Macedonian yoke, because Alexander was obliged to leave Hyrcania in haste. Pompey, however, defeated this peo- ple too, in a great battle, in which he killed no less than nine thou- sand, and took above ten thousand prisoners. * Sirabo and Pliuy call this river Cyrus^ and so Plutarch probably wrote it. 2m: i^4 POMPEY. Afler this, he threw himself into Colchis, and Servilius came and joined him at the mouth of the Phasis, with the fleet appointed to guard the Euxine sea. The pursuit of Mithridates was attended with great difficulties ; for he had conceal»*d himself among the nations settled about the Bosphorus and the Palus Mceotis. Besides, news was brought Pompey, that the Albanians had revolted, and taken up arms again. The desire of revenge determined him to march back, and chastise them. But it waH with infinite trouble and danger that it passed tUe Cymus again, the barbarians having fenced it on their side with pallisades all along the banks. And when he was over, he had a large country to traverse, which afford- ed no water. This last dithculty he provided against, by filling ten thousand bottles : and pursuing his march, he found the enemy drawn up on the banks of the river Abas,"^ to the number of sixty thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse, but many of them ilU armed, and provided with no defensive armour but skins of beasts. They were commanded by the king's brother named Cosis ; who, at the beginning of the battle, singled out Pompey, and rushing in upon him, struck his javelin into the joints of his breastplate. Pom> pey in return ran him through with his spear, and laid him dead on the spot. After this action, Pompey designed to make his way to the Cas. pian sea, and march by its coasts into Hyrcania ; but ho found the number of venomous serpents so troublesome, that he was forced to return, when three days march more would have carried him as far as he proposed. The next route he took was into Armenia the Less, where he gave audience to ambassadors from the kings of the ElymaBans and M edes, and dismissed them with letters expres- sive of his regard. Mean time the king of Parthia had entered Gordyene, and was doing infinite damage to the subjects of Ti- granes. Against him Pompey sent Afranius, who put him to the rout, and pursued hirii as far as the province of Arbelis. Among all the concubines of Mithridates that were brought be- fore Pompey, he touched not one, but sent them to their parents or husbands ; for nwst of them were either daughters or wives of the great officers and principal persons of the kingdom. But Strato- nice, who was the first favourite, and had the care of a fort where the best part of the king's treasure was lodged, was the daughter of a poor old musician. She sung one evening to Miihridat«»s at on entertainment, and he was so much pleased with her, that he detain- cd her in his palace, and sent the old man home in no very good hu- mour, because he had taken his daughter without condescending to apeak one kind word to him. But when he waked next morning, he saw tables covered with vessels of gold and silver, a great retinue of • Tim Mver takes iit uem in tbe moontaini of Albania, aud fells into the %m. fmlfmv cmllji it j^lbanns. POMPEY. 275 eunuchs and pages, who offered him choice of rich robes, and be- fore his gate, a horse with such magnificent furniture, as is pro- vided for those who are called the king's friends. All this he thought nothing but an insult and burlesque upon him, and there- fore prepared for flight : but the servants stopped him, and assured, him, that the king had given him the house of a rich nobleman late- ly deceased, and that what he saw was only the first fruits, a small earnest, of the fortune he intended him. At last he suffered him- self to be persuaded that the scene was not visionary ; he put on the purple, and mounted the horse, and as he rode through the city, cried out — *' All this is mine." The inhabitants of course laughed at him ; and he told them — '• They should not be surprised at this behaviour of his, but rather wonder that he did not throw stones at them." From such a glorious source sprung Stratonice. She surrendered to Pompey the castle, and made many magnifi- cent presents : however, he took nothing but what might be an or- nament to the solemnities of religfion, and add lustre to his triumph. The rest he desired she would keep for her owh enjoyment. In like manner, when the king of Iberia sent him a bedstead, a table, and a throne, all of massy gold, and begged of him to accept them as a mark of his regard, he bade the quaestors apply them to the purposes of the public revenue. In the castle of Caenon he found the private papers of Mithri- dates., and he read them with some pleasure, because they disco- vered that prince's real character. From these memoirs it appeared that he had taken off many persons by poison, among whom were his own son Ariarathes and Alcaeus of Sardis. His pique against the latter took its rise merely from his having better horses for the race than he. There were also interpretations both of his o\yn dreams and those of his wives and the lascivious letters which had passed between him and Monime. From Caenon Pompey marched to Amisus, where his infatuating ambition put him upon very obnoxious measures. He was passion- ately desirous to recover Syria, and passing from thence through Arabia, to penetrate to the Red Sea, that he might go on conquer- ing every way to the ocean which surrounds the world. In Africa he was the first whose conquests extended to the Great Sea ; in Spain he stretched the Roman dominions to the Atlantic, and in his late pursuit of the Albanians, he wanted but little of reaching the Hyrcanian Sea. In order, therefore, to take the Red Sea too into the circle of his wars, he besran his march ; the rather, because he saw it difficult to hunt out Mithridates with a regular force, and that he was much harder to deal with in his flight than in battle. For this reason, he said — " He would leave him a stronger enemy than the Romans to eope with, which was famine." In pursuance ©f 276 this intention, he ordered a number of ships to cruise about, and prevent any vessel from entering the Ro«eiired by the suly sequent events, that he was then entirely at C'csar's devotion. For within a few days, tn the surprise of all the world, he married Julia, Cipsar's dauebter, who had been promised Ui Cii;pi<», and was upon the point of being married to him. To appeahe the re- scniroent of Cffipio, he gave him his fiwn daughter, who had been • It wan iini ii> fti(> ii.ii« (if I 'ici*ro*N «oin« inut exili-. titiif Cmtrnt irmrnefi frtMn liis provinre of '^pain. whicit ne Imd novortirn m iih ih« iiiir nl pfWor tnii two vcari be* fore Cicfiur returned in the year of Roaie 693, and Cictro qumecl Romt in Um 5riBarC9J>. POMPEY. 279 before contracted to Faustus, the son of Sylla ; and CfBsar mar ried Calpurnia, the daughter ot Piso. Pompey then filled the city with soldiers, and carried every thing v/ith open force. The two Gauls on this and the other side the Alps and lilyria were allotted to Caesar for five years, with four complete legions. Piso, Cassar's father-in-law, and Gabinius, one of the most abandoned flatterers of Pompey, were pitched upon for consuls for the ensuing year. The whole care of providing and iqsporting corn being committed to Pompey, he sent his depu- ties and agents mto various parts, and went in person into Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa, where he collected great quantities. When he was upon the point of re-embarking, a violent wind sprung up, and the mariners made a difficulty of putting to sea ; but he was the first to go on board, and ordered them to weigh anchor, with these decisive words — " It is necessary to go ; is it not necessary to live?" His success was answerable to his spirit and intrepidi- ty. He filled the markets with corn, and covered the sea with his ships, insomuch that the overplus afforded a supply to foreigners, and from Rome, as from a fountain, plenty flowed over the world. In the mean time the wars m Gaul lifted Caesar to the first sphere of greatness. He entered into a treaty with Crassus and Pompey, by which it was agreed that they should apply for the consulship, and that Caesar should assist them by sending a great number of his soldiers to vote at the election. As soon as they were chosen, they were to share the provinces, and take the command of armies accordmg to their pleasure, only confirming Caesar in the posses- sion of what he had, for five years more. Thus they obtained the consulship by violence, and the rest of their measures were not conducted with more moderation. For, in the first place, when the people were going to choose Cato praetor, at the instant their suffrages were to be taken, Pompey dismissed the assembly, pre- tending that he had seen an inauspicious flight of birds.* After- wards the tribes, corrupted with money, declared Antias and Vati. nius praetors. Then, in pursuance of their agreement with Caesar, they put Trebonius, one of the tribunes, on proposing a decree, by which the government of the Gauls was continued for five years more to Caesar ; Syria, and the command against the Parthians, were given to Crassus ; and Pompey was to have all Africa, and both the Spains, with four legions, two of which he lent to Caesar, at his request, for the war in Gaul. Crassus, upon the expiration of his consulship, repaired to the province. Pompey, remaining at Rome, opened his theatre, and * This was making religion merely an engine of state, and it often proved a very convenient one for the purposes of ambition. Ciodius, though otherwise one of the vilest tribunes that ever existed, was very right in attempting to put a stop to that means of dismissing an assembly. He preferred a bill, that no magistrate shoiri<) make any observations on the heavens while the people were assembled. 280 fOMPKY. to make the dedication more magnificent, exhibited a variety of gymnastic games, entertainments of music, and battlea with wild beasts, III which were lulled five hundred lion» ; but the battle of elephantH afforded the most astonishing spectacle.'* These things gained him the love and admiration of the public ; but he incurred their displeasure again by leaving his provinces and armies en* tirel> to his friends and lieutenants, and roving about Italy with his wife from one villa to another. The strong attachment of Julia ap{>eared on an election of tediles. 'llie people came to blows, and some were killed so near Pompey, that he was covered with blood, and torcedto change his clothes. There was a great crowd an<> rumuit about his door, when his servants went home with tho bloody rube : and Julia, who was with child, happened to see it, fainted away, and was with difficulty recovered. However, such was her terror and ttie agitation of her spirits, that she miscarried. Afler this, those who complained most of Pompey's connexion with CflBsar, could not find fault with his love of Julia. She was preg- nant aOerwards, and brought him a daughter, but unfortunately died in child. bed ; nor did the child long survive her. Immediately after Julia's death, the people of Rome were in great agitation, and there was nothing in their speeohes and ac- tions which did not tend to a rupture. The alliance, which rather covered than restrained the ambition of the two (ireat competitors for power, was now no more. To add to the misfortune, news was brought soon after, that Crassus was slain by the Parthians ; and in him another great obstacle to a civil war wbh removed. Out of fear of him, they had both kept some measures with each other. But when fortune had carried off the champion who could take up the conqueror we may say with the comic poet, High •pirii of empriM Folate* each chief: they oil their tMrawny linabt, And dip their linniis in dust. So little able is fortune to fill the capacities of the human mind, when such a weight of power, and extent of command, could oot satisfy the ambition of two men. Yet Pompey, in an address to the people at that time, told them— ' ** He had received every commission they had honoured him with, sooner than he expected himself; and laid it down sooner than was expected by the world." And indeed the dismission of his troops always bore witness to the truth of that assertion. But now being persuaded that Cu^^ar would nut disband his army, he en- deavoured to fortify himself against him by great employments at home, and this without attempting any other innovation. For ho • Dio •nyi, the pV-' f-izht with armpd men Th<*f« " ••'- ••" l^ntthaneigblMo iJilieiii; and he a t^ of them wemed to api ' • imji ciies, 10 tiM t •> pip, who, in COM .tved their liven If we i)<.< >tni, an Mtll had ttten rahpn before thi?y lefi Africa, thAtjio injury ihoukl be ilfwie thci" would not appear to distrust him ; on the contrary, he rather af- fected to despise him. However, when he saw the great offices of state not disposed of agreeably to his desire, but that the people, were influenced, and his adversaries* preferred for money, he thought it would best serve his cause to sufter anarchy to prevail. In consequence of the reigning disorders, a dictator was much talked of. Luciliius, ^ne of the tribunes, was the first who ven- tured to propose it in form to the people, and he exhorted them to choose Pompey dictator. Cato opposed it so effectually, that the tribune was in danger of being deposed. Many of Pompey 's friends then stood up in defence of the purity of his intentions^ apd dedared he neither asked nor wished for the dictatorship. Cato upon this paid the highest compliments to Pompey, and intreated him to assist in the support of order and of the constitution. Pom- pey could not but accede to such a proposal, and Domitius ^nd Messala were elected consuls.* The same anarchy and confusion afterwards took place again, and numbers began to talk more boldly of setting up a dictator. Cato, now fearing he should be overborne, was of opinion that it was better to give Pompey some office whose authority was limited by law, than to entrust him with absolute power. Bibulus, though Pompey's declared enemy, moved in full senate, that he should be appointed sole consul. " For by that means," said he, " the com- monwealth will either recover from her disorder, or if she must serve, will serve a man of the greatest merit." The whole house was surprised at the motion ; and when Cato rose up, it was ex- pected he would oppose it. A profound silence ensued, and he said — " He should never have been the first to propose such an ex- pedient, but as it was proposed by another, he thought it advisable to embrace it ; for he thought any kind of government better than anarchy, and knew no man fitter to rule than Pompey, in a time of so much trouble." The senate came into his opinion, and a de- cree was issued, that Pompey should be appointed sole consul, and that if he should have need of a colleague, he might choose one himself, provided it were not before the expiration of two months. Pompey then went into the city and married Cornelia, the daugh- ter of Metellus Scipio. She was a widow, having been married when very young to Publius, the son of Crassus, who was latel}! killed in the Parthian expedition. This woman had many charms beside her beauty : she was well versed in polite literature ; she played upon the lyre, and understood geometry ; and she had made * In the vear of Rome 700. Such corruption now prevailed among the Romans, that candidates for the curule offices brought their money openly to the place of elec- tion, where they distributed it, without blushing, among the heads of factions: and those who received it, employed force and violence in favour of those persons who paid them : so that scarce an office was disposed of but what had been di&piued wltb the swtmJ, and cost the lives of many citizens. '*- 2y 24* 282 FQMPEY. considerable improvemenU by the precepts of pbilosophy ; what ifl more, she had nothing of that petulance and affectation, which mich studies are apt to produce in women of her age. And her father's family and reputation were unexceptionable. He took his father- in-law for his colleague for the remaining five months. His go. vemments were continued to him for four years more, and he was allowed a thousand talents a year for the subsistence and pay of his troopsv Caesar's friends laid hold on this occasion to represent, that some consideration should be had of him, too, and his many great and laborious services for his country. They said, he certainly de- served either another consulship, or to have (he term of his com- mission prolonged. A dispute arising upon the affair, Pompev, as if inclined to fence agauist the odium to which Csesar might be ex- posed by this demand, said, he had letters from Coesar, in which he declared himself willing to accept a successor, and to give up the command in Gaul, only he thought it reasonable that he should be permitted, though absent, to stand for the consulship.* Caio op. fiosed this with all his force, and insisted — " That CoDsar should ay down his arms, and return as a private man, if he had any fa- vour to ask of his country." And as Pompey did not lat>our the point, but easily acquiesced, it was suspected he had no real friend, ship for Csesar. This appeared more clearly, when he sent for the two legions which he had lent him, under pretence of wanting them for the Parthian war. Afler this, Pompey had a dangerous illness at Naples, of which, however, he recovered. Praxagoras advised the Neapolitans to offer sacrifices to the gods, in gratitude for his recovery. The neighbouring cities followed their example ; and the humour spreading itself over ItuK, there was not a town or village which did not solemnize the occasion with festivals. No place could af. ford room for the crowds that came from all quarters t«» meet him : the high roads, the villages, t>te ports were filled with sacrifices and entertainments. Many receivt^d htm with garlands on their heads and torches in their hands, and, as ihey conducted him on his way, strewed it with flowers. His returning with such pomp afforded a glorious spectacle; but it is said to have been one of 4he principal causes of the civil war. For the joy he conceived on this occasion, added to the high opinion he had i>f his achievements, intoxicated him so far, that, bidding adieu to the caution and pni. dence which had put his good fortune and the glory of his actions upon a sure footing, he gave in to the most extravagant presump. tion, and even contempt of Cssar, insomuch thai ho declared — • Thaw wt« a law against any at)««ni peraon't beinf adimited a candidate: but Ftanpav had added a claute. which empowered the people to except my man hf ftotn nenonal att^nrianre. POMPEY* ' 283 "He had no need of arms, or any extraordinary preparations against him, since he could pull him down with -much more ease than he hid set him up." Mean titne Caesar was exerting himself greatly : he wasnow at no great distance from Italy, and not only sent his soldiers to vote in the elections, but, by private pecuniary applications, corrupted many of the magistrates. It is said, that when one of Ca3sar's offi- cers, who stood before the senate house, waiting the issue of the debates, was informed, that they would not give Caesar a longer term in his command, he laid his hand upon his sword and said-*- " But this shall give it." Indeed, all the actions and preparations of his general tended that way : though Curio's demands in behalf oJT Caesar seemed more plausible.* He proposed, that either Pompey should likewise be obliged to dismiss his forces, or Caesar suffered to keep his. " If they are both reduced to a private station," said he, " they will agree upon reasonable terms : or, if each retains his power, they will be satisfied. But he who weakens the one, without doing the same by the other, must double that force which he fears will sub. vert the government."* Hereupon, Marcelliis the consul called Caesar a public robber, and insisted, that he should be declared an enemy to the state, if he did not lay down his arms. However, Cu- rio, together with Antony and Piso, prevailed that a farther inquiry should be made into the sense of the senate. He first proposed, that such as were of opinion — " That Caesar should disband his army, and Pompey keep his," should draw to one side of the house, and there appeared a majority for that motion. Then he proposed^ that the number of those should be taken, whose sense it was, " That both should lay down their arms, and neither remain in command ;" upon which question Pompey had only twenty-two, and Curio all the rest. Curio, proud of his victory, ran in trans- ports of joy to the assembly of the people, who received him with the loudest plaudits, and crowned him with flowers. Pompey was not present at the debate in the house ; for the commander of an army is not alk)wed to enter the city. But Marcellus rose up and said — " I will no longer sit to hear the matter canvassed : but, aS I see ten legions have already passed the Alps, I will send a ,man to oppose them in behalf of my country." Upon this, the city went into mourning, as in a time of pubhc ca- lamity. Marcellus walked through the forum, followed by the se- nate, and when he was in sight of Pompey without the gate, he said — " Pomoey, I charge you to assist your country ; for which purpose you shall make use of the troops you have, and levy what new ones you please. Lentulus, one of the consuls elect for the * Cornelius Scipio, one of Pompev's friends, remonstraiecf, that, in the present case, a great difterence was to be made between the proconsul of Spain and the proconsul of Gau). since the terip of the former was not expired, whereas that of the latter was. 2^ poMPiir. next year, said the same. But when Pompey came to make the new levies, some absolutely refused to enlist ; others gave in their names in small numbers and with no spirit : and the greatest part cried out — *^A peace! A peace! For Antony, notwithstanding the iojiinctions of the senate to the contrary, had read a letter of C»- 92ir*H to the people, well calculated to gain them. He proposed, that both Pompey and he should resign their governments and dis* miss their forces, and then come and give an account of their con« duct to the people. At the same time news was brought, that Csesar had seized Ar- menium, a considerable city in Italy, and that he was marcbmgdi- rectly towards Rome with all his forces. Upon the first report of this at Rome, the city was in greater disorder and astonishment than had ever been known. Cato then advised that Pompey should not only be appointed general, but invested whh a discretionary power, adding, "that those who were the authors of great evib, knew best how to cure them." So saying, he set out for bis pro- vince of Sicily, and the other great officers departed for theirs. Almost all Italy was now in motion, and nothing could be more perplexed than the whole face of things. The terrors of the peo- ple could not be removed, and no one would Hufler Pompey to lay a plan of action for himself. According to the passion wherewith each was actuated, whether fear, sorr<»w, or doubt, they endeavour, cd to inspire him with the same, insumuch that he adopted difierent measures the same day. He could gain no certain intelligence of the enemy^s motions, because every man brought him the report he happened to take up, and was angry if it did not meet with credit. Pompoy at last caused it to be declared, by an edict in form, that the commonwealth was in danger, and no peace to be expected. After which he signified that he should look upon those who re. maiiicd in the city as partisans of Csesar, and then quitted it in the dusk of the evening. The consuls also fled, without oITenng the sacrifices which their customs required, before a war. However, in this great extremity, Pompey could not but be considered as happy in the affections of his countr>men. Though many blamed the war, there was not a man who hated the general. Nay, the number of those who followed him out of attachment to his person, vas greater than that of the adventurers in the cause of liberty. A few days afler, Caesar arrived at Rome. When he was in pos. session of the city, he behaved with great moderation in many re- spects, and composed, in a go«»d measure, the minds of its romain> ing inhabitants. Having taken what sums he wanted out of the public treasury, he went in pursuit of Pompey, hastening to drive him out of Italy before his forces could arrive fr«>in Spain. Pom. pey, who was master in Brundusium, and had a sufficif*nt number of transports, desired tho consuls to embark without loss of time, POMPEY. 285 and sent them before him with thirty cohorts to Dyrrhachium. At the same time he sent his father-m-law Scipio, and his son Chneus, imo Syria, to provide ships of war. He had well secured the gates of the city, and planted the lightest of his slingers and archers upon the walls ; and having now ordered the Brundusians to keep within doors, he caused a number of trenches to be cut, and sharp stakes to be driven into them, and then covered with -earth, in all the streets, except two which led down to the sea. In three days all his other troops were embarked without interruption, and then he suddenly gave the signal to those who guarded the walls ; in con- sequence of which, they ran swiftly down to the harbour, and got on board. Thus having his whole complement, he set sail, and crossed the sea to Dyrrhachium. This manoeuvre of Pompey was commonly reckoned among the greatest acts of generalship. Cae- sar, however could not help wondering, thai his adversary, who was in possession of a fortified town, and expected his forces from Spain, and at the same time was master of the sea, should give up Italy in such a manner. CsBsar having thus made himself master of all Italy in sixty days without the least bloodshed, marched to Spain with an inten) to gain the forces there. In the mean time Pompey assembled a great army, and at sea he was altogether invincible. For he had five hundred ships of war, and the number of his lighter vessels was still greater. As for his land forces, he had seven thousand horse, the flower of Rome and Italy,* all men of family, fortune, and cou- rage. His infantry, though numerous, was a mixture of raw, un- disciplined soldiers : he therefore exercised them during his stay at Beroea, where he was by no means idle, but went through all the exercises of a soldier, as if he had been in the flower of his age. It inspired his troops with new courage, when they saw Pom- pey the Great, at the age of fifty^eight, going through the whole military discipline, in heavy armour, on foot ; and then mounting his horse, drawing his sword with ease when at full speed, and as dexterously sheathing it again. As to the javelin, he threw it not only wiili great exactness, but with such force that few of the young men could dart it at a greater distance. Many kings and princes repaired to his camp, and the number of Roman officers who had commanded armies was so great, that it was sufficient to make up a complete senate. Labienus,j- who * Caesar, on the contrary, says, that this bodv of horse was almost entirely com- posed of strangers: — " Tt ere were six hund^red Galatians, five hunrired Cappado- cians, as manv Thracians. two hundred Macedonians, five hundred Gauls or Ger- mans, eight hundred raised out of his own et^taies, or out of his own retinue ;^^ and so of the rest, whom he particularly mentions, and tells us to what countries they be- longed f It seemed very strane,e, saysDio, that Labienus should abandon Caesar, who had loaded him with honours, and given him the command of all the forces on the other side of the Alps, while he was at Rome But he ^ives this reason for it : — ••• Labienus, elated with his immense wealth, and proud of his preferments, forgot himself to sucti o^ lUVIFKV had been honournd with Csesar*^ friendship, and served under itim io Gaul, now joined Pompev . Even Brutus, the snn of that Brutus who was killed by him, not very fairly, in the Cisalpine Gaul,* a tnan of spirit, who had never spoken to Pompey before, because he considered him »s the murderer of his father, now ranged himself nnder his banners, as the defender ot the liberties of his country. Cicero too, though he had written and advised otherwise, was ashamed not to appear in the number of those who hazarded their lives for Rome. After Pompey had assembled his senate, and at the motion of Cato, a decree was made, *' that no Roman should be killed, except in battle, Tior any city that was subject to the Romans be plun* dered.". Pompey's party gained ground daily. Those who lived at too great a distance, or were too weak to take a share m the war, interested themselves in the cause as much as they were able, and, with words at least, contended for it, looking upon those at enemies both to the gods and men, who did not wish that Pompey might conquer. Not but that Caesar made a merciful use of his victories. He nad lately made himself insister of Pompey's forces in Spain, and though it was not without a battle, he dismissed the officers, and incorporated the Iroopa with his own. After this, he passed the Alps again, and marched through Italy to Brundusium, where he arrived at the time of the winter solstice. There he crossed the sea, and landed at Oricum : from whence he despatched Vibulliu8,f one of Pompey's friends, whom he had brought prisoner thither, with proposals of a conference between him and Pompey, •* In which they should agree to disband their armies within three dayt, renew their friendship, confirm it with solemn oaths, and then both return to Italy." Pompey took this overture for another snare, ond therefore drew down in haste to the sea, and secured all the forts and places of strength for land forces, as well as all the ports and other commo. dious stations for shipping ; so that there was not a wind that blew, which did not bring- him either provisions, or troops, or money. a degree, as to asfuixe a character verv uiihecoming a p«r«on in his ciroumstanocti He wan even for putting hinisell upon nn equality with Cctar, who ih«reupoa grew cnoi lowardH hini, and treated him with tonie reserve, which Labienus reaeoieM, and went over lo Pontuey." • The former RngliHh irannlator renders this Oalatia. He ought !• hare renieiB« bered. that this Bruiun wmw killed by (temmuit. in a viliafe n«ar tite Po. tn Pompey*! order, afier he had accepten his 8iihn)ission. if not promised him his life, t* lie aUthort of the UiDvercal Histnrv have copied the error. f In ih«* printed text k \* Juhiu$ ; mm one of the nianuscriptt gives Oi FTfriUttw. which Is ih« name lie had in Qcjar's Com lit), iii. Vihulliuf Rufue travelled Bifitt and (lay, wiitioiil allowing hiiimeil any rent, nil he renolted Ponip»v*B camp, who had not y«t received advice of <'Bi«r*s arrival, but was nn toooer mformed of ine takinf of Ortcuin and Spollonte, than he iminadiatety decamped, and by long matcnaa raa c fcad Orteiim before Cnsar. POMPEY. 287 On the other hand, Caesar was reduced to such straits, both by sea and land, that he was under the necessity of seeking a battle. Accordingly, he attacked Pompey's intrenchments, and barie him defiance daily. In most of these attacks and skirmishes iie had the advantage ; but one day was in danger of losing his whole array. Pompey fought with so much valour, that he put Caesar's whole detachment to flight, after having killed two thousand of them upon the spot ; but was either unable or afraid to pursiie his blow, and enter the camp- with them. CaBsar sdid to his friends on the occasion — " This day the victory had been the enemy's had their general known how to conquer."* After this last engagement, Caesar was in such want of provi- sions, that he was torced lo decamp, and he took his way through Athamania lo Thessaly. This added so much to the high opinion Pompey's soldiers had of themselves, that it was impossible to keep it within bounds. They cried out wirh one voice — " Caesar is fled." Some called upon their general to pursue: some, to pass over to Italy. Others sent their friends and servants to Rome, to engage houses near the forum, for the convenience of soliciting the great offices of the state. And not a few went of their own accord to Cornelia, who had been privately lodged in Lesbos, to congratulate her upon the conclusion of the war. On this great emergency, a council of war was called, in which Afranius gave it as his opinion — " That they ought immediately to regain Italy, for that was the great prize aimed at in the war. Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, and both the Gauls, would soon submit to those who were masters there. What should affect Pom pey still more was, that his native country just by, stretched out her hands to him as a suppliant : and it could not be consistent with his honour to let her remain under such indignities, and in so dis- graceful a vassalage to the slaves and flatterers of tyrants." But Pompey thought it would neither be for his reputation to fly a second time from Caesar, aad again to be pursued, when fortune put it in his power to pursue ; nor agreeable to the laws of piety, to leave his father-in-law, Scipio, and many other persons of con- sular dignity, in Greece and Thessaly, a prey to Caesar, with all their treasures and forces. As for Rome, he should take the best care of her, by fixing the scene of war at the greatest distance from her; that, without feeling its calamities, or perhaps hearing the report of them, she might quietly wait for the conqueror. This opinion prevailing, he set out in pursuit of Caesar, with a resolution not to hazard a battle, but to keep near enough to hold him as it wei*e, besieged, and to wear him out with famine. This he thought the best method he could take ; and a report was more- over brought him, of its being whispered among the equestrian order—" That as soon as they had taken nil Caesar, they could do K)MI»Ky. nothing better than take off him too." Some say, thi^ was tiie reason why he did not emplov Cato m any service of importance, but upon his march agamst Cssar, sent him to the sea-coa«i, to take care of the baggage, lest, alter he had destroyed Cesar, Cato would soon oblige hini to la\ down his commission. While be ttiu^ solUy followed the enemy's -steps, a complaint was raised against hiai, and urged with much clamour, that he was not exercising his generalship upon CsBsar, but upon the senate and the whole coinmouwealth, in order that he might for ever keep the command in his hands, and have t||}ose for hn guards and ser- vants, who had a right to govern the world. Domains iCnobarbus always called him Agamemnon, or king of kings. Favonius pit.ued him no less wiih a jeAt, than others by their unreasonable severity ; he went about crying, *' My friends, we shall eat no figs in Tuscu- lum this year." And Lucius Afrunius, who lost the forces in Spain, and was accused of having betrayed them into the enemy's hand, now when he saw Pompe) avoid a battle, said, *' He was surprised that his accuser should make any difficulty of fighting lhat mer< chant (as they called him,) who trafficked for provinces.^' These, and many other like sallies ot ridicule, had such an eflect upon Pompey, who was ambitious of being spoken well of by the world, and had too much deference for the opinions of his friends, that he gave up his own better judgment, to follow them in ihe career of their false hopes and prospects. This would have been unpardonable in the pilot or master of a ship, much more in ihe commander in chief of so many nations, and such numerous armies* He had oflen commended the physician who gives no indulgence to the whimsical longings of his patientN, aiid\vet he humoured the sickly cravings of his army, and was afraid to give them pain, though necessary for the preservation of their life and being. For who can say that army was in a sound and healthy state, when some of the officers went about the camp, canvassing for the offices of consul and prsetor; and others, namely, Spinther, Domi- tins, and Scipio, were engaged in quarrels and cabals, about Caesar's high priesthood, as if iheir adversary had been only a Tigranes, a king of Armenia, or a prince of the Nabathseans ; and not that Cesar and that army, who had stormed a thousand cities, subdued above three hundred nations, gained numberless battles of the Germans and Gauls, taken a million of prisoners, and killed as many fairly in the field ? Notwithstanding all this, they continued loud and luroul- tuous in their demands of a battle, and when they came to the plains of Pharsalia, forced Pompey to call a council of war. Labieous, who had the command of the cavalry, rose up first and took an oath, ** That he would not return from the battle, till he had put the enemy to flight." All the other officers swore the same. Cesar was preparing, at break of day, to march to Scotu* POMPEY. 28D sa;* his soldiers were striking their tents, and the servants and beasts of burden were already in motion, when his scouts brought intelH- geiice, tnat they had seen arms handed about in the enemy's camp, and perceived a noise and bustle which indicated an approaching battle. After these, others came and assured him, that the hrst ranks were drawn up. Upon this CaBsar said, " The long.desired day is come, on which we shall fight with men, and not with want and famine." Pompey placed himself in his ri^ht wing, over against \ntony, and his father-in-law, Scipio, in the centre, oppo- site Domitius Calvinus. Hi's left wing was commanded by Lucius Domiiius. and supported by the cavalry ; for they were almost all ranged on that side, in order to break in upon Caesar, arid cut off the tQnth legion, which was accounted the bravest in his army, and in which he used to fight m person. Pompey having taken a view of the order of both armies, and finding that the enemy kept their ranks with the utmost exactness, and quietly waited for the signal of battle, while his own men, for want of experience, were fluctuating and unsteady, he was afraid they Would be broken on rhe first onset. He therefore commanned the vanguard to stand firm in their ranks,f and in that close order to receive the enemy's charge. Caesar condemned this measure, as not only tending to lessen the vigour of the blows, which is always greatest in the assailants, but also to damp the fire and spirit of the men, whereas those who advance with impetuosity, and animate each other with shouts, are filled with an enthusiastic valour and superior ardour. Caesar's army consisted of twenty-two thousand men, and Pom- pey 's was something more than twice that number. When the signal was given on both sides, and the trumpets sounded a charge, each common man attended only to his own concern. But some of the principal Romans and Greeks, who only stood and looked on, when (he dreadful moment of action approached, could not help considering to what the avarice and ambition of two men had brought the Roman empire. The same arms on both sides, the troops marshalled in the same manner, the same standards ; in short, the strength and flower of one and the same city turned upon itself! What could be a stronger proof of the blindness and infatu- ation of human nature, when carried away by its passions ? Had they been willing to enjoy the fruits of their labours m peace and tranquility, the greatest and best part of the world was their own. Or, if they must have indulged their thirst of victories and triumphs, * Scotusa was a citv of Thessaly. (Caesar was persuaded that Pompey would not come to nctioii, and therefore chose to march in search of provisions, as well as to harass the enemy with frequent movements, and to watch bis opportunity, in some of those movements, to fill upon them. f Vide Cvered wiih men, and horaes, and arms ; and ttie signal of battle being given on both Hides, tbo iirsi on Cassur's side who advanced (o the charge, was Caius Crustinus, who coiumanded a corps of a hundred an followed to support hini. They ho^hi took to their swords, and ntimbers were slain; but as Crasunus wus making his way forward, and cutting down all beiore him, one of Pompe>'s men stood to receive him, and pushed hiH sword in at his moudi wiUi sucn force that it went through his neck. Crastmus thus killed, the tight was maintained with equal advantage on both side^ Pompey did not immediately bring on his right wing, but oi\en directed his eyes to the left, and lost time in waiting to see what execution his cavalry would do there. Meanwhile they extended their squadrons to surround Caesar, and prepared to drive the few horse he had placed in front, back upon the foot. At that instant Caesar gave the signal, upon which his cavalry retreated a little ; and the six cohorts, which consisted of three thousand men, and had been placed behind the tenth legion, advanced to surround Pompey's cavalry, who fled back with great dishonour. Caesar's jmen took no care to pursue them, but turned their force upon the enemy's infantry, particularly to that wing which, now stripped of 'ts horse, lay open to the attack on all sides. The six cohorts, therefore, took them in flank, while the tenth legion charged them in front : and they, who had hoped to surround the enemy, and now ■aw themselves surrounded, made but a short resistance, and then took to a precipitate flight. By the great dust that was raised, Pompe\ conjectured the fate of his cavalry, and it is hard to say what passed in his mind at that moment. He appeared like a man moon. struck and distracted, and without considering that he was Pompey the Great, or speak- ing to any one, he quitted the ranks, and retired step by step to- wards his camp. Having entered his tent, he sat down, and uttered not a word, till at last, upi of ihe fourth lef mn, a« the authors of the UfiiverMi History erroneontlv i^v.) and after six nillee march came up with them. Bui the\ not daring io engage iroons flusiied with eieiorv. fled tor reAige to a higl hill, the foot of which was watered by a iiule rrrer. Thomh Omsi's men were quite spent. rOMPEY 291 fled, and a great slaughter was made in the camp, of the servants and others who had the care of the tents. But Asinius Polho, who then fought on Caesar's side, assures us, that of the regular troops there were not above six thousand men liilled.* * Upon the taking of the camp, there was a spectacle which showed in strong colours the vanity and folly of Pompey's troops. All the tents were crowned with myrtle ; the beds strewed with flowers ; the tables covered with cups and bowis of wine set out. In short, every thing had the appearance of preparations for feasts and sacri- 6ces, rather than for men going out to battle. To such a degree had their vain hopes corrupted them, and with such a senseless confidence they took tke field ! When Pompey had got a little distance from the camp, he quit, ted his horse : he had very few people about him ; and, as he saw he was not pursued, he went softly on, wrapt up in such thoughts as we may suppose a man to have, who had been used for thirty-four years to conquer and carry all before him, and noiw in his old age first came to know what it was to be defeated and to fly. We may easily conjecture what his thought must be, when in one short hour he had lost the glory and the power which had been growing up amidst so many wars and conflicts ; and he who was lately guarded with such armies of horse and foot, and such great and powerful fleets, was reduced to so mean and contemp- tible an equipage, that his enemies, who were in search of him, could not know him. He passed by Larissa and came to Tempe, where, burning with thirst, he threw himself upon his face and drank out of the river; after which, he passed through the valley, and went down to the sea-coast. There he spent the remainder of the night in a poor fisherman's cabin. Next morning, about break of day, he went on board a small river-boat, taking with him such of his company as were freetnen. The slaves he dismissed, bidding them go to Csesar, and fear nothing. As he was coasting along, he saw a ship of burden just ready to sail, the master of which was Peticius, a Roihan citizen, who, though not acquainted with Pompey, knew him by sight. It hap- pened, that this man the night before, dreamed that he saw Pom- pey come and talk to him, not in the figure he had formerly known him, but in mean and melancholy circumstances. He was giving the passengers an account df his dream, as persons who have a and ready to faint with the excessive heat and the fatigue of the whole day vet, by hisQbhging inanner, he prevailed upon them to cut off the conveniency of the «^-ater from the enemy by a trench. Hereupon the unfonnnate fugitives came to a capitula- tion, threw down their arms, and implored the clemeiicv of the conqueror. This they all did, except some senators, who, as it was now night escapen in the dark. Vide Cm. Bell Civil, liv. iii. c 80. » Caesar says, that in all there were fifteen thousand killed, and twenty-ftwr thou- sand taken prisoners. 9it POMPEY. great deal of time upon thoir hands, love to discourse about sucfi matters, when on a sudden one of the manners told him he saw a little boat rowmg from the land, and the crew making signs, by sha- king their garments and stretching out their hands. Upon this, Peticious stood up, and could distinguish Pompey umotig ihem, in the same form as he bad seen him in his dream. Then boHiiiig hi3 bend tor sorrow, he ordered the seamen to let do>*n ih^^ stiip's boat, and held out his irdnd to Pompey to invite bim on board : tor by his dress he perceived his change of fortune. Therefore without waiting for any farther application, he took him up, and such of his companions as he thought proper, and then hoisted sail. The per- sons Pompey took with him were the two Lentuli and Favonius ; and H little after they saw King Deiotarus beckoning to them with great earnestness from the shore, and took him up likewise. The master of the ship provided them the best supper he courd, and when it was almost ready, Pompey, for want of a servant, was going to wash himself, but Favonius seeing it, stepped up, and both washed and anointed him. All the time he wan on board, he continued to wait upouncil ; where it was determined that tliey should seek for refuge m Egypt. He accordingly set sad from Cy- prus wuh Cornelia, in a Selucian galley ; the resi accompanied him, some in ships of war, and some m merchantmen, and they made a safe voyage. Being informed that Ptolemy M/ds with his army at Pelusium, where he was engaged in war with hts sister, he proceeded thither, and sent a messenger before him to notify his arrival, and to entreat the king's protection. Ptolemy was very young, and Phocinus, his prime minister, call- ed a council of his ablest officers, though their advice had no more weight than he was pleased to allow it ; he ordered each, however, to give his opinion. But who can, without indignation, consider that the fate of Pompey the Great was to be determined by Photi- nus, an eunuch, by Theodotus, a man of Chios, who was hired to teach the prince rhetoric,' and by Achillas, an Egyptian? For among the king's chamberlains and tutors, these had the gnreaiest influence over him, and were the persons he most consul ed. Pompev lay at anchor at some distance from the place, waning the determina- tion of this respectable board, while he thought it beneath him to be indebted to Caesar for his safety. The council were divided in their opinions, some advising the prince to give him an honoura-. ble reception, and others to send him -an order to depart. But The- odotus, to display his eloquence, insisied that both were wrong. ** If you receive him," said he, " you will have Caesar tor your ene- my, and Pompey for your master. If you order him off, Pompey may one day revenge the affront, and Caesar resent youi not ha- ving put him in his hands : the best method, therefore, is to send for him and pu' him to death. By this means you will do Caesar a favour, and have nothing to fear from Pompey." He added with a smile, " Dead men do not bite." This advice being approved of, the execution of- it was commit- ted to Achillas. In consequence of which, he took with him Sep- timus, who had formerly been one of Pompev 's officers, and Sal- vius, who had also acted under him as a centurion, with three or four assistants, and made up to Pompey 's ship, where his principal friends and officers had assembled, to see how the affair went on. When they perceived there was nothing magnificent in their re- ception, nor suitable to the hopes which Theophanes had conceived, but that a few men only, in a fishing-boat, came to wait upon them, such want of respect appeared a suspicious circumstance ; and they advised Pompey, while he was out of reach of missive wea- pons, to get out to the main sea. Mean time, he boat approaching, Septimus spoke first, address- ing Pompey, in Latin, by the title of Imperator. Then Achillas sialuted him in Greek and desired him to come into the boat, be- 25* (^94 FOiVlFlLV. cause the water t?at very shallow towards the shore, and a galley must Mtrike upon the »ttnds; at the Bam*: itme ihe\ saw several of the king's Hhips getting ready, and the shore covered with troops, so was taking hold of Philip's hand, to raise him with more ease, Septimus cume be- hind, and ran him through the body ; after which Salvius ano Achil- las also drew their swords. Pompey took his robe in both hands, and covered his face ; and without saying or doing the least thing unworthy of him, submitted t(» his fate, only uttering a gnian, while the\ despatched him with many blows. He was just then fifty-nine years i>ld ; for he was killed the day aAer his birth.day.* Cornelia, and her friends in the galleys, upon seeing him mur- dered, gave a shriek that was heard to the shore, and weighed an. chor immediately. Their flight was assisted by a brisk gale as they got out more to sea ; so that the £g\ ptiana gave up their design of pursuing them. The murderers having cut offPnmpey's heed, threw the body out of the boat naked, and left it exposed to all who weie denruua of • Some (iivinet in saytnK thm Potnpey never pioepvred after M pretuined lo eo««v the tanciimty In the temple «t Jerusalem, intimate, thai hiami»fori>, he put to death ; and the king, being defeated in battle, perished in the river. Theodotus, the rhe- torician, escaped the vengeance of Caesar, by leaving Egypt; but he wandered about, a miserable fugitive, and was hated wherever he went. At last Marcus Brutus, who killed Caesar, tound the wretch in the province of Asia, and put him to death, af^er having made him suffer the most exquisite tortures. The ashes of Pom- pey were carried to Cornelia, who buried them near Alba.f * Of touching and wrapping up the body. f Pompey has. in all appearance, and in all considerations of his character, bad less justice done him by historians, than anv other man of his time. His popular hu- raaniry, his military and political skill, his prudence, (which he sometimes unfor- tunately gave up.) his natural bravery and generosity, his conjugal virtues, which (though sometimes impeached) were both naturailv and morally great : his cause, Which ) which rhe Macedonians call Lous, the same day that the it^mple of Diana at Ephe^us was burnt ; upon which Hegesias the Magnesiau haM uttered a conceit frigid enough to have extinguished the Hames: " It is no wonder," said he, " rhat the tempU* of Diana was burnt, when she was at a distance employed in bringing Alexander into the world." All the magi,.^ho were then at Ephesus, looked upon the fire as a sign which betokened a much greater misfortune : they ran about the town, beating their faces, and crying — ** Tha«. day had brought forth the great scourge and destroyer of Asia." Philip had just taken the city of Potid»a,§ and three messengers arrived the same da> with extraordinary tidings. The first inform- ed him that Parmenio had gained a great battle against the Illy, rians ; the second, that his race horse had won the prize at the Olympic games; and the third, that Olympias was brought to bed * f-aranuft. the sixte^nili in descAnt from Hercules, made himtelf matter of Mace> donia in ihe vear before Christ 1794. and Alexander the Great was the iwraty* second in deoceni trom (^Hraniis. so thai from Hemilejitn Alexander lher« were thirty eighi generations. The dehcent by his nintiirr'h kide ih noi ko clear, iltere beinf mao\ filagrees wanting in it it isvnfficient to know thai Olympias was tba daufbter of Neopioieiiius. and suter to Arymhas. f In the firNt vear of liie hundred and sixth Olvnipiad. before Christ 354- i vKlian {f^ar. Hist) 1. ii. c. 25.) says eipressiv. thai Alexander was born and dM on the sixth dav of the month Tnargelion But supposing Pluiarrh nt;))! in |)!nciRg his birth in the month liecatoiMDaMm. yet not thai ntonth. btii Boedf * an- swered to the Macedonian nionih I oim, ah appears clearlv front a i> o't, still preserved m the orations of Demosiheueh. (in Oro/. dt Otrona.) .i. »..<. (.iiitt, indeed, the ntonth Ixiu* answered to HecaiomtNDon, which, without doubt, wattbt causM of I'luiarch's inisuke. \ I hi» IS another mistake. Hotidva was taken two ^Min before, vis. in the ihitd vear of the hundred and third Olympiad: for which we have acam the auUwrtrf af ^cmObthede^, who was Philip's cnnlemoomrv, ('in Orat. ennt. r^tttttifm^'s a« weH a« r>iod«in»9 SiculUB, I. mi. ALEXANDER. 397 of Alexander. His joy, on that occasion was great, as might natu- rally be expected ; and the soothsayers increased it by assuring him that his son, who was born in the midst of three victories, must of course prove invincible. The statues of Alexander that most resembled him. were those of Lvsippus, who alone nad his permission to represent him in mar- ble. Tlie turn of his head, which leaned a little to one side, and the quickness of his eye, in which many of his friends and succes- sors most affected to imitate him, were best hit off by that artist. Appelles painted him in the character of Jupiter armed with thun- der, buf did not succeed as to his complexion. He overcharged the colouting, and maoe his skin too brown ; whereas he was fair, with a tinge of red in his face and upon his breast. His continence show.ed itself at an early period. For though he was vigorous, or rather violent in his other pursuits, he was not ea- sily moved by the pleasures of the body ; and if he tasted them, it was with great moderation. But there was son^ething superlatively great and sublime in his ambition, far above his years. It wai;? not all sorts of honour that he courted, nor did he seek it in every track, like his father Philip, who was as proud of his eloquence as any sophist could be, and who had the vanity to record his victo- ries in the Olympic chariot race in the impression of his coins. Alexander, on the other hand, when he was asked by some of the people about him — " Whether he would not run in the Olympic race ?" (for he was swift at foot,) answered — " Yes, if I had kings for my antagonists." It appears that he had a perfect aversion to the whole exercise of wrestling ;* for, though he exhibited many other sorts of games and public diversions, in which he proposed prizes for tragic poets, for musicians who practised upon the flute and lyre, and for rhapsodists too; though he entertained the peo- ple with the hunting of all manner of wild beasts, and with fencing or fighting with the staff, yet he gave no encouragement to boxing or to the Pancratium. f Ambassadors from Persia happened to arrive in the absence of his father Phihp, and Alexander receiving them in his stead, gained upon them greatly by his politeness and solid sense. He asked them no childish <*r trifling question, but inquired the distances of places, and the ronds through the upper provinct-s of Asia ; he de- sired to be informed of the character of their king, in what manner he behaved to his enenies, and in what the strength and power of Per- sia consisted. Tiie ambassadors were struck with admiration, and looked upon the celebrated shrewdness of Philip as nothing in com- parison of the lofty and enterprising genius of his son. Accord- * Philopoenen, like tiim, had an aversion for wrestling, because all the exercises which fit a man to excel in it tnake him unfit for war f If it be asked how this show»that Alexander did not love wrestling, the answer js, the Pano-atitim w 's a mixture of boxing and wrestling. 2p ALEXANDER. ingly, whenever news was brought that Philip had taken soma stroDg town, or won some great buttle, the young man, maiead of appearing delighted with it, used to say to his comptfuiona— ** My father will go on conquering, till there be nothing extraordinar> left for you and me to do.'* As neither pleasure nor riches, but valour and glory, were his great objects, he thought that, In proportion as the dominions he was to receive from his father grew greater, there would be less room for him to distinguish himself. Every new ac- quisition of territory he considered as a diminution of his scene of action ; for he did not desire to inherit a kingdom that would bring him opulence, luxury, and pleasure, but one thai would afford bioi wars, conflicts, and all the exercise of great ambition. He had & number of tutors and preceptors. Leonidaa, a rela- tion of the queen's, and a man of great severity of manners, was at the head of them. He did not like the name of preceptor, though the employment was important and honourable: and, indeed, his dignity and alliance to the royal family gave him the title of the princess governor. He who had both the name and business of preceptor, was Lysimachus, the Acarnanian, a man who had neither merit nor politeness, nor any thing to recommend him, but his calling himself Phoenix ; Alexander, Achilles; and Philip, Peleus. This procured him some attention, and the second place about the prince's person. When Philonicius, the Thessalian, offered the horse named Buce« phalus in sale to Philip, at the price of thirteen talents,^ the king, with the prince and many others, went into the field to see some trial made of him. The horse appeared extremely vicious and un- manageable, and was so far from suffering himself to be mounted, that he would not bear to be spoken to, but turned fiercely upon all the grooms. Philip was displeased at their bringing him so wild and ungovernable a horse, and bade them take him away. But Alexander, who had observed him well, said, *' What a horse arc they losing, for want of skill and spirit to manage him !" Philip at first t(K)k no notice of this ; but, upon the prince's of)en repeating the same expression, and showing great uneasiness he said, ** Toung man, you find fault with your elders, as if you knew more than thej, or could manage the horse better,** — " And I certainly could,'* an- swered the prince. " If you should not be able to ride him, what forfeiture will yon submit to for your rashneM?" ** I i»ill pay the price of the horse." Upon this all the company laughed ; but the king and prince agreeing as to the forfeiture, Alexander ran to the horse, and laying * That i«, VtW. I5i. •teriins. Thii will appears modsrate price compared with What we find in Varro. {D* R» RtuHe. Ub. iii. c 1) vie. that Q. Axiua. a aanaior. fave four huntlred itiotinnd eat aioa a for an ate; and ftiii more moderate whan eooi- pared with the accouotof Tat aniiar, that aoina honas in Arabia were vaload at a Hundred thounnd erownt. ALEXANDER. 299 hold on the bridle, turned him to the sun ; for he had observed, it seems, that the shadow which fell betbre the horse, and continually moved as he moved, greatly disturbed him. While his fierceness and fury lasted, he kept speaking to him softly and stroking him, after which he gently let fall his mantle, leaped lightly upon his back, and got his seat very safe. Then, without pulling the reins too hard, or using either whip or spur, he set him a-going. As soon as he perceived his uneasiness abated, and that he wanted only to run, he put him in a full gallop, and pushed him on, both with the voice and spur. Philip and all his court were in great distress for him at first, and a profound silence took place. But when the prince had turned him and brought him straight back, they all received him with loud acclamations, except his fatuer, who wept for joy, and kissing him, said, " Seek another kingdom, my son, that may be worthy of thy abilities, for Macedonia is too small for thee." Perceiving that he did not easily submit to authority, because he would not be forced to any thing, but that he might be led to his duty by the gentler hand of reason, he took the method of persua- sion rather than of command. He saw that his education was a matter of too great importance do be trusted to the ordinary mas- ters in music, and the common circle of sciences ; and that his ge- nius (to use the expression of Sophocles) required The rudder's guidance, and the curb's restraint. He therefore sent for Aristotle, the most celebrated and learned of all the philosophers, and the reward he gave him for forming his son, was not only honourable, but remarkable for its propriety. He had formerly dismantled the city of Stagira, where that philosopher was born, and now he rebuilt it, and re-established the inhabitants, who had either fled or been reduced to slavery.* He also pre- pared a lawn, called Mieza, for their studies and literary conversa- tions, where they still show us Aristotle's stone seats and shady walks. Alexander gained from him not only moral and political know- ledge, but was also instructed in those more secret and profound branches of science which they call Acroamatic and Epoptic, and which they did not communicate to every common scholar. f For when Alexander was in Asia, and received information that Aris- totle had published some books in which those points were dis- cussed, he wrote him a letter in behalf of philosophy, in which he blamed the course he had taken. The following is a copy ofit ; « Pliny the elder and Valerius Maximus tell us, that Stagira was rebuilt by Alex- ander, and this when Aristotle was very old. f The scholars in general were instructed only in the exoteric doctrines. Vide AxU. Gell. lib. XX. chao. 6. 300 ALflXANDER ** Alexander to Aristotle, prosperity. You did wrong in pab* lishing the Acroamatic parts of science* In what shall ^c differ from others, if the sublimer kmrnledge which we |^ined from you be made common to all the u orld f For mv part, 1 had rather ei- eel the bulk of maiikiu'l m the superior parts of learning, than in the extent of power and dominion Farewell." Aristotle, in cunipliiiient to this ambition of the kibg, and by way ofexciise, made answer, that those ptMiits were pu lished and not published, in fact, his book of meiaphysics is wiitten m such a manner that no one can learn that branch of science from it, much less teach it others ; it serves only to refresh the memories of those who have been taught by a master. He loved polite learning too, and his natural thirst of knowledge made, him a man of extensive reading. The iliad he thought, as well as called, a portable ireaHure of military knowledge, and he had a copy corrected by Aristotle, which is called the casket copy."!- Onesicriius int'ornis us, that he used to la\ it under his pillow with his sword. A»> he could not find man> other books in the upper provinces ot Asia, he wroic to Hurpalu- for a supply, who sent him the works of PhiUstus, most of the iiageduti of Euripides, Sophocles, and iEschylus, and the Ditjiyrambics of Telestus:): and Philoxenus. Aristotle was the man he admired in his younger years, and, as he said himself, he had no less affection for him than for his father. "From the one he derived the blessing of life, from the other the blessing of a good life." But afterwards he looked U|)on fiim with an eye of suspicion. He never, indeed, did the philosopher any harm ; but the testimonies of his regard being neither so extraor- dinary nor so endearing as before, he discovered something of a coldness. However, his love of philosophy, which he was either born with, or at least conceived at an early period, never quitted his soul ; as appears from the honours he paid Anaxarchus, the fifty talents he sent Xenocrates,§ and his attentions to Dandarois and Calaiius. When Philip went upon his expedition against Byzantium, Al- * Dtictnnet wtiicb were taught hy privatf communiciiiioo and deliveteti WM VOCi. *■ He kept it in a rtchca^kt^t louiid ainuog iiie spoilt of Dariut A correct copy of thib ediuon. revtued Dy Anfttoiie. ( alliHilieues. ann Anaxarehut wh» piuiliniii'n after the death of Alexander. •Dariut," said lexander. * uted lo kerp oioimenis in thia ca»kei : but i, who have no iiiiie to aonoint myiclf. will convert ii lo a nolbht u»e." ] Telestus was poet of soma reputation, and a monunieoi was erected lohis mem* ory by Arisiraiua. the *oq« unieiil. and not Mrrivmit wiihin the li)i>iifd time whs m riaii|i«r nf the lyraurt dii^ pleasure, hut the ct>leniv and exrelleiice of t n taved hun t hiloxenes wm nisM:hi>lar. I'hilutuh wHf an hi<ph(!r luok hm a miihII uHri < : v. and sent the rest hack: tel> lini^ the giver be bad more occasion for it buiisaU, because tit Had aXM« people to maintain. ALEXANDER. 301 exander was only sixteen years of age, yet he was left regent of Macedonia, and keeper of the seal.* The M^dari rebelhng during his regency, he attacked and overthrew them, took iheir city,, ex- pelled the barbarians, planted there a colony of people collected from various parts, and gave it the name of Alexandropolis. He fought m the battle of CnaBronea against the Greeks, and is said to have been the tirst man that bruke the sacred band of Thebans. This early display of great talents made Philip very fond of his son, S(» that it was with pleasure he heard the Macedonians call Alexander king, and him only general. Bur the troubles which his new marriage and his amours caused in his family, and the bickerings among the women, dividing 'the whole kingdom in- to two parties, involved him in many quarrels with his son, all which were heightened hy Oiympias, who, being a woman of a jealous and vindictive temper, inspired Alexander with unfavoura- ble sentiments of his father. The misunderstanding broke out in- to a flame on the f >llowing occasion. Philip fell in love with a young lady named Cleopatra, at an unseasonable time of life and married her. When they were celebrating the nuptials, her un. cle \ttalus, intoxicated with liquor, desired the Macedonians to entreat the gods, rhat this marriage of Philip and Cleopatra might produce a lawful heir to the crown. Alexander, provoked at this, said, " Whatj then, dost thou take me for a bastard ?" at the same time he threw his cup at his head. Hereupon Philip rose up and drew his sword, but, fortunately for them both, his passion and the wine be had drank made him stumble and he fell. Alexander, ta- king an insolent advantage of this circumstance, said — '* Men of Macedon, see there the man who was preparing to pass from Eu- rope into Asia ! he is not able to peiss from one table to another without falling." After this insult, he carried off Olympius, and placed her in Epirus. IllyHcum was the country he- pitched upon for his own retreat. , In the mean time Demaratus, who had engagements of hospital- ity' with the royal family of Macedon, and who, on that account, Could speak his mind freely, came to pay Philip a visit. After the first civilities^ Philip asked him, " What sort of agreement subsis- ted among the Greeks?" Demaratus answered, ''There is, doubtless, much propriety in your inquiring after the harmony of Greece, who have filled your own house with so much dis- cord and disorder." This reproof brouglit Philip to himself, and through the the mediation of Demaratus, he prevailed with Alex- ander to return. But another event soon disturbed their repose. » Pexodorus, the * We know of no such people as the Meclari ; but a people (^Iled lVIa;di tiiere was in Thrace, who, as Livy tells us, (1. xxxi.) used to make inroads into Macedonia, 26 3U2 ALEXANDER. Persian governor of Caria, being desirous to draw Philip into a league ofTensive ond defensive, by means of an alliance beiHeen their tkmiiies, offered his eldest daughter in marriage to Andtpus, the sou of Philip, and sent AristocritiiM into Mucedonia to treat about It. Alexanctei s friends and bis mother now lulused new notions into him again, though perfectly groundless, that, by ao noble a match, and the support consequent upon it, Philip design- ed the crown for Aridaeus. Alexander, in the uneasiness these suspicions gave him, sent one Thessaius, a player, into Caria, to desire the grandee to pass by Andsus, who was of spurious birth, and deficient in point ot uo- dertitanding, and to take the lawful heir to the crown into his allt. ance. Pexodorus was* infinitely more pleased wuh thisproposaL But Philip no sooner had intelligence ot it than he went lo Alexan- der's apartment, taking with him Philotas, the son of Parmenio, one of his most intimate friends and companions, and, in his presence, repn>ached him with his degeneracy and meanness of spirit, in tbmkin? of being son-in-law to a man of Carta, one of the slaves of a barbarian king. At the same time he wrote to the Connthians,* insisting that they should send Thessalus to turn m chains. Har- palus and Nearchus, Phrigius and Ptolem\, some of the other com- panions of the prince, he banished; bui Alexander afterwards re- called them, and treated them with great distinction. Some time after the Carian negociation, Pausanias being abu- sed by order of Attains and Cleopatra, and not having justice done him for the outrage, killed Philip, who refused thai justice. Olym- pias was thought to have been principnlly concerned in exciting the young man to that act of revenge, but Alexander did not pass uncensured. It must be acknowledged, however, that he caused diligent search to be made ai\erthe persons concerned in the as- sassination, and took care to have them punished ; and he expres- sed his indignation at Olympiad's cruel treatment of Cleopatra in his absence. He was only twenty years old when he succeeded to the crown, and he found the kingdom torn in pieces by dangerous pan tea and implacable animosities. The barbarous nations, even those that bordered upon Macedonia, could not brook subjection, and they longed for their natural kings. Philip had subdued Greece by his victorious arms, but not hav- ing had time to accustom her to the yoke, he had thrown matters into confusion, rather than produced any firm settlement, and ho lef\ the whole in a tumultuous state. The young king's Macedo- nian counsellors, alarmed at the troubles which threatened him, advised him to gfve up Greece entirely, or at least lo make no at- * ThesMlut, up«n Hit return Trom Alia, mutt hav« raiirtd to Coilath ; Ibr the Co> tintbiant had nothing to do in Caria. ALEXANDER 303 tempts upon it with the sword ; and to recall the wavering barba. rians in a mild manner to their duty, by applying healing measures to the beginning of the revolt. Alexander, on the contrary, was of opinion that the only way to security and a thorough establish- ment of his affairs, was to proceed with spirit and magnanimity ; for he was persuaded, that if he appeared to abate of his dignity in the least article, he would be universally insulted. He therefore quieted the commotions and put a stop to the rising wars among the barbarians, by marching with the utmost expedition as far as the Danube, where fought a great batUe with Syrmus, king of the Triballi, and defeated him. Some time after this, having intelligence that the Thebans had revolted, and that the Athenians had adopted the same sentiments, he resolved to show them he was no longer a boy, and advanced immediately through the pass of Thermopylae. "Demosthenes,'* •aid he,, "called me a boy when I was in Illyricum, but I will show him before the walls of Athens that I am a man." When he made his appearance before Thebes, he was willing to give the inhabitants time to change their sentiments. He only demanded Phoenix and Prothytes, the first promoters of the re- volt, and proclaimed an amnesty to all the rest. But the Thebans, in their turn, demanded that he should deliver up to them Philotas and Antipater, and invited, by sound of trumpet, all men to join them, who chose to assist in recovering the liberty of Greece. Al- exander then gave the reins to the Macedonians, and the war be- gan with great fury. The Thebans, who had the combat to main- tain against forces vastly superior in number, behaved with a cou- rage and ardour far above their strength. But when the Mace- donian garrison fell down from the Cadmea, and charged them m the rear, they were surrounded on all sides, and most of them cut in pieces. The city was taken, plundered and levelled with the ground. Alexander expected that the rest of Greece, astonished and in- timidated by so dreadful a punishment of the Thebans. would sub- mit in silence. Yet he found a more plausible pretence for his severity ; giving out that his late proceedings were intended to gratify his allies, being adopted in pursuance of complaints made against Thebes by the people of Phocis and Plataea. He exempt- ed the priests, all that the Macedonians were bound to by the ties of hospitality, the posterity of Pindar, and such as had opposed the revolt ; the rest he sold for slaves, to the number of thirty thou- sand. There were about six thousand killed in the battle. The calamities which that wretched city suffered were various and hor- rible. A party of Thracians demolished the house of Timoclea, a woman of quality and honour. The soldiers carried off the booty; and the captain, aft:er having violated the lady, asked her whether 801^ ALEXAlfDBt she had not some gold and silver concealed. She said she bad ; and taking him alone into the garden, showed him a i^rII, into whieh she told him, she had thrown every thing of value when the city was taken. The officer sioopeaxe, which cut off* his crest, with one side of his plume. Nay, the force of it was such, that the helmet could hardly resist it ; it even penetrated to his hair. Spithridates was going to re- peat his stroke, when Clitus prevented him, by running him through the body with his spear. At the same time Alexander brought Rhcesaces to the ground with his sword. While the cavalry were fighting with so much fury, the Mace- donian phalanx passed the river, and then the infantry likewise en- gaged. The «'nemy made no great or long resistance, but soon tumt'd their backs and ffed, all hut the Grecian emissaries, who making a stand upon an eminence, desired Alexander to give his word of honour that they should be spared. But that prince, in- fluenced rather by his passion than his reason, instead of giving them quarter, advanced to attack them, and was so warmly recei- ved, that he had his horse killed under him. It was not, however, the famous Bucephalus. In this dispute he had more of his men killed and wounded, than in all the rest of the battle ; for here they had to do with experienced soldiers, who fought with a courage heightened by despair. 4 ALEXANDEa 307 The barbarians, we are told, lost in this battle twenty thousand foot, and iwo thousand five hundred horse ; whereas Alexander had no more than thirty-four men killed,* nine of which were the infantry. To do honour to their memory, be erected a statue to each of them in brass, the workmanship of Lysippus. And that the Greeks might have their share in the glory ot the day, he sent them presents out of the spoil : to the Athenians, in particular, he sent three hundred bucklers. Upon the rest of the spoils he put this pom- pous inscription : — " Won by Alexander, the son of Philip, and the Greeks, (excepting the Lacedaemonians, ) of the Barbarians in Asia." The greatest part of the plate, and other things of thai kind which he took from the Persians, he sent to his mother. This battle made a great and immediate change in the face of Alexander's affairs, insomuch that Sardis, the principal ornament of the Persian empire on the maritime side, made its submission. All the other cities followed its example, except Halicarnassus and Miletus : these he took by storm, and subdued all tlie adjacent coun^ try. After this he remained some time in suspence as to the course he should take. At one time he was for going, with great expedi. tion, to risk all upon the fate of one battle with Darius ; at another he was for first reducing all the maritime provinces : that when he had exercised and strengthened himself by those intermediate ac- quisitions, he might then march against that prince. He had staid some time at Phaselis ; and having found in the market-place a statue of Fheodectus, who was of that place, but then deatl, he went out one evening when he had drank freely at supper, in masquerade, and covered it with garlands. Thus, m an hour of festivity, he paid an agreeable compliment to the memory of a man with whom he had formerly had a connection, by means of Aristotle and philosophy. After this he subdued such of the Pisidians as had revolted, and conquered Phrygia. Upon taking Gordium, which is said to have been the seat of the ancient Midas, he found the famed chariot, fastened with cords, made of the bark of the cornel tree, and was informed of a tradition, firmly believed among the barbarians, " That the Fates had decreed the empire of the world to the man who should untie the knot." Most historians say it was twislted so many private ways, and the ends so artfully concealed within, that Alexander, finding he could not untie- it, cut it asunder with his sword, and so made many ends instead of two. But Aristobu- lus affirms that he easily untied it, by taking out the pin which fas- tened the voke to the beam, and then drawing out the yoke itself. His next acquisitions were Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, and * Arrian (47) says, there were about twenty five of thP king's friends killed, and of the persons of less note, sixtv horse and thirty foot. Q. Curiius informs us, it was only the twenty- five friends who had statues. They were erected at Dia, a city of Macedonia, from whence Q. Metellus long after carried them to Rome. 301 ALKXAIIDSL there news was brought him of the death of Menrnon,*^ who was the most respertable officer Dariiia had m the maritime parts of his kingdom, and likely to have given the invader the most trouble. This confirmed him in his resolution of marching into the upper provinces of Asia. By this time Darius had taken his departure from Susa. full of contideiice in his numbers for his army consisted of no less than six hundred thousand coiiibatanls. He was likewise more encou- rnged by Alexander's long stay in Cilicia. which he lo4»ked upon as the effect of his feiir. But the real cause of his stay was Kickness, which some attribute to his great fatigues, and others to his bathing in the river Cydnus, whose water is extremely cold. His ph\8i- cians durst not give him medicines, because they thought them- selves not HO certain of the cure, as of the danger they must incur in the application : for the\ feared the Macedonians, if they did not succeed, would suspect them of some bad practice. Philip, the Ar> canian, saw how desperate the king's case was, as well as the rest ; but, beside the confidence he had in his friendship, he thought it the highest ingratitude, when his master was in so much danger, not to risk something with him, in exhausting all his art for his re. lief. He therefore attempted the cure, and found no difiicuhy in persuading the king to wait with patience till his medicine was pre- pared, or to take it when ready ; so desirous was he of a speedy recovery, in order to prosecute the war. • In the mean time Parmenio sent him a letter from the camp, ad- vising him **to beware of Philip, whom, he said, Darius *liad pre- vailed upon, by presents of infinite value, and the promise of his daughter io marriage, to take him off by poison/' As soon as Alexander had read the letter, he put it under his pillow, without sliewing it to any of his friends. The time being come, Philip, with the king's friends, entered the chamber, having the cup which contained the medicine in his hand. The king received it freely and w ithout the least marks of suspicion, and at the same time put the letter into his hands. It was a striking situation, and more in. teresting than any scene in a tragedy ; the one reading w hile the other w as drinking. They looked upon each other, but with a very * Dpon the rieath nf iMemimii, who hnd h4*i;un with Kreai vucceftt to r«duc« ihs Grrrk itlaitdn. ard was on (tie point <>: la. Darius watt mi a Iota whoin in ciiiplnx. While ha wa« in tlii> nntis. an ^(hrnian, who had sitrved «viih great rrpiiiation nndrr I'l , i hut wa» nnw very smU«iu« fbr ih« I'emtan interest, attempted lo set Uie kinc Mtiti ma miniKer* ri|{hi -— ■' While jrou. fif ** fUiid hm to Darius, " are safe, the empire can never he in itreai daofer. I<«t ut% li ' i-ver to exprMw your |iersne hundred ihouaand men will tie more II I 1 a third of them he merrenancii. to compel hiiM to atvinit«Mi Uif t3iti«i|>iiii<' . unti it vou will honour me with ' "< *. { will lie acrouiitahle for tlie siirces* of what t aiiviiw ** Dariiiii was << ' <)- to the uro|io«al. hut t' "- • f* ....^ .....w. , .,., rt ireaannHhie de^ijpi. and I wa« then iiwi Uie 1'hat afile IV,., . />iwt Ac. I. xvii. 9 CWM. MU ALEXANDER. 3Q9 different air. The king with an open and unembarrassed counte- nance, expressed his regard tor Philip, and the confidetice he had in his honour; Phihp's look shewed his indiirnation at the calum. iiy. One while he lifted up his eyes and hatids to heaven, protest- ing his fidelity ; another while he threw himself down b> tne bed- side, entreating his master to be of good courage and trust to his care. The medicine, indeed, was so strong, and overpowered his spi- rits in such a manner, that at first he was speechless, and disco- vered scarce any sign of sense or life. Bur afterwards he was soon relieved by his faithful physician, and recovered so well that he was able to show himself to the Macedonians, whose distress did not abate till he came personally before them. There was in the army of Darius a !VlHds of the conquered are, and should be called the congueror's." When he had taken a view of the basins, vials, boxes, and other vases, curi- ously wrought in gold, smelled the I'ragrunt odours of essences, and seen the -plendid furniture of spacious apartments, he turned to his friends and said, " This, then, it seems, it v^as to be a king.*** As he was silting d«>\Aii to table, an account was brought him, that among the prisoners were the mother and wife oi Darius, and two unmarried daughters; and thai upon seeing his chariot and and bow, they broke out into great lamentations, concluding that he was dead. Alexander, alter some pause, dtiriiig \«hich he waa rather commiserating their misfortunes, than rejoicing in his own success, sent Le assure them, ' That Darius was n^t dead; that the\ had nothing to fear trom Alexander, for his dispute with Darius was only tor empire; and that the\ should find themselves pntvided for in the same manner as when Darius was in his ifrealest prosperity." If this message to the captive pniicesse.s was gracious and humane, his acti attentive lu his guests at table, that they might be served equaUy, and iiuiie neglected. His entertainments, as we have alrf^ady nbserved, lasted man\ hours ; but they were iengheiied out rather b\ converHaiion than drinking. His coiiver* sation, in many respecte, was more agreeable than that ot inost princes, for he was not deficient in the graces of society. His only t'ault was his retaining so much of the soldier, as to indulge a troublesome vanity. He would not only t>oa8t of his own actions, but j$utiered himself to* be cajoled by flatterers to an amazing degree. As to delicacies, he had so little regard for them, that when the choicest fruit and fish w» re brought him from distant countries aad seas, tie would send some to each of his friends, and he verv oAeo left none for himsetf. Yet there was always a magnificence at bis table, and the expcnce rose with his fortune, till it came to ten thousand drachmas tor one entertainment. There it stood : and he did not suffer those that invited him to exceed that sum. It appeared to Alexander a matter of great importance, beibre be went farther, to gain the maritime powers. Upr>n application, the kings of Cyprus and Phcenicia made their submission : only Tyre held out. He besieged that city seven months, during which time he erected vast mounts of earth, plied it with his engines, and invested it on the side next to the sea with two hundred galleys. About the middle of the siege, he made an excursion against the Arabians who dwelt about Antilibanus. There he ran a great ride x>f his life on account of his preceptor Lysimachus, who insisted 'On attending hini ; being, as he alleged, neither older nor less vali- ant than Phoenix. But when they came to the hills, and quitted their horses, to march up on foot, the rest of the party got far before Alexander and Lysimachus. Night came on, and, as the etM^my was at no great distance, the king would not leave his pre. ceptor borne down with futigue and the weight of years. There- fore, while he was encouraging and helping hiro forward, he was insensibly separated from his troops, and hud a dark and very ooM night to pass in an exposed and dismal situation. In this perplexity be observed at a distance a number of scattered fires which the enemy had lighted : and depending upon his swifuess and activity, as well as accustomed to extricate the Maoedonians out of every difficulty, by taking a shace in the labour Ukd danger, ho ran to the next fire. After having killed two of the barbarians that tat watching it, he seized a lighted brand, and hastened with it to bis party, who soon kindled a great fire. The sigbt of tins so intimi- dated I he enemy, that many of them fled, and those who ventured to attack him, were repulsed with considerable loss. ALEXANDER. 313 From thence he marched into Syria, and laid siege to Gaza, the capital of that country. Having taken the city, he sent most of the spoils to Olympias and Cleopatra and other of his friends. His tutor Leonidas was not forgotten ; and the present he made him had something particular in it. It consisted of five hundred talents weight of frankincense,* and an hundred of myrrh, and was sent upon the recollection of the hopes he had concf^ived when a boy. It seems Leonidas one day had observed Alexander at a sacrifice thrownig incense into the fire bv handtlils : upon which he said, " Alexander, when you have conquered the country where spices grow, you may be thus liberal of your incense ; but, in the mean time, use what you have more sparingly." He therefore wrote thus : " I have sent you frankincense and myrrh in abundance, that you may be no longer a churl to he gods." A casket being one day brought him, wtiich appeared one of the most curious and valuable things among the treasures and the whole equipage of Darius, he asked his friends what they thought most worthy to be put in it? Different things were proposed, but he said, " The Iliad most deserved -uch a case." This particular is mentioned by several writers of crredit. And if what the Alexan- drians say, upon the faith of Heraclides, be true. Homer was no bad auxiliary or useless counsellor in the course of the war. They tell us, that when \lexander had conquered Eg\ pt, and determined to build rhere a city, which was to be peopled with Greeks, and called after his own name, by the advice of his architects he had marked out a piece of ground, and was preparing to lay the foun- dation ; but a wonderful dream made him to fix upon another situ- ation. He thought a person with grey hair, and a very venerable aspect, approached him, and repeated the following lines : Hijjh o'er h j^ulfv sea the F'nanan isle Fronts ihe r\ee\} roar ot 'ise boguiiig Nile. Alexander, upon this, immediately left his bed, and went to Pharos, which at that time was an island lying a little above the Canobic mouth of the Nile, but now is joined to the continent by a Cfiuseway. He no sooner cast his eyes upon the place, than he perceived the commodiousness of the situation. It is a tongue of land, not unlike an isthmus, whose breadth is proportionable to its length. On one side it has a great lake, and on the other the sea, which there forms a capacious harbour. This led him to declare, " That Homer, among his other admirable qualifications was an excellent architect, and he ordered a city to be planned suitable to the ground, and its appendant conveniences. For want of chalk lb oz. dwt gr. * Thp common Attic talent, in Troy weight, was - 56 11 17x This talent consis^ted of BO mince ; but there was anoiher Attic talent, ' bv some said to consist <»f 80, bv others of 100 mines. The mina was - .'..-.... tl 7 162 The talent of Alexandria was 104 19 14^ 2r 27 314 ALEXANDRIA they made use of flour, which answered weh enough upon a black soil, and they drew a hrie wiih it about the semicircular bay. The nrnis ol this seniicircle were termmaied b> straight hues, to that the whole wiis in the torm of a Macedonian cloak. The execuiion of the plan be left to his archiiecUi, and went to visit the temple ol Jupiter Ammon. It was a long and laborious journey : and besides the faiigue, there were two greai dangers attending it. The one was, that iheK water might fail, in a desert of many day's journey w^hich afforded no supply ; and the other, that they might be surprised by a violent so ih wind amidst the wastes of sand, as it happened long before to the army of Cam> byses. The wind raised the sand, and rolled it in such waves, that it devoured tull fifty thousand! men. These difficulties were considere«i and represented to Alexander : but it was not easy to divert hint from any of his purposes. Fortune had sappitried him in such a manner, that his resolutions were become invincibly strong ; and his courage inspired him with such a spirit of adven- ture, that he thought it not enough to be victorious in the field, but ho must conquer both time and place. When he had passed the desert, and was arrived at the place, the minister of Ammon received him with salutations from the god, as from a father. And when he inquired, *' Whether any of the assassins of his father had escaped him ? the priest desired he would not express himself in that manner, ** for his father »%as not a mortal.'' Then he asked, *' Whether all the murderers of Philip were punished ; , and whether it was given the proponent to be the conqueror of the world ?" Jupiter answered, '* That he granted him that high distinction ; and that the death of Philip was suffici- enily avenged." Upon this, Alexander made Iih acknowleduments to the god by rich offerings, and loaded the priests with presents of great value. This is the account most historians give us of the affair of the oracle ; but Alexander himself, in the letter he wrote to his mother on that occasion only says, " He received certain private answers from the (ai, and armed Alexander with his own hands, while Plulotas did the same for Durius. The whole army sltMid and looked on, considering the event of this combat as a presage of the issue of the war. The two champions fought with great fury ; but he who bore the name of Alexander proved victorious. He was rewarded with a present of twelve villages, and allowed to wear a Persian robe, as Eratothenes lells the story. The £>reat battle with Darius whs not fought at Arbela,^ as most historians will have it; but a> Gauo^amela, \vhich, in the Persian toiitfue, i> said to signif\ the house of the canw.l;-\ so called, because one of the ancient kings having escaped his enemies by the swift. ness of his camel, ptaced her there, and appointed the revenue of certain villages for her maintenance. In the month of September there happened an eoli|p8e of the moon ; about the beginning of the festivals steries at Athens. The eleventh night after that eclipse, the t#b armies being in view of each other, Darius kept his men under arms, and took a general review of his troops by torch-light. Meantime Alexander suffered his Macedonians to repose themselves, and wildesl of his friends, and Parmenio in pariicular, when the\ beheld the plain between Niphates and the Gorusean mountains all illuminated with the torches of ihe barbarians, and heard the tumultuous and appalU ing noise from their camp, hke the bellowing of an immense sea, were astonished at their numbers, and observed among themselves how arduous an enterprise it would be to meet »iv\\ a torrent of war ill open day. They waited upon the king, therefore, when he had finished the sacrifice, and advised him to attack the enemy in the night, when darkness would hide what was most dreadful m the combat. Upon this he gave them that celebrated answer, — I wM not steal a victory. It is true, this answer has been thought by some to savour of the vanity ni' n \oiing man who derided the most obvious dantfer: yet Otherw have thought it not only well calculated to encourage his * Bui a« GauKnniftlii wsc onlv • villsK* and Arbela con«irlenihl« inwn stood near it. ihr Ma«-«<1<>iMiiiif choke •«> r1i»i>M^ini(h ini* tMt b< ihc natui* of iih' lattar f Dariu* (h« turn of lviita«p«Ki coMf^t inr lifwui" of**eMhf upon that rMmal i Frar wa* imm wiihoui imr aliaio 'ri>^M*u« •M«cri6«*Ml !•• her •«. '%r have iMill la hit Ufi» AnH Plit'srch trlU u» m the hf«» of K^i* and<'ii«» rn«>» mat the I ac^'asw ninii- tuili a i« ok 4ar whom ihey honoured, not ■• a pernicioua detuoa, b«il M the bund of ail gpod gov«rnnient. ALEXANDER. 3I7 troops at that time, but polite enough in respect to the future ; be- caust^, if Darius happened to be beaten, it lett hini no handle to proceed to another trial, under pretence ihat night and darkness hau been bis adversaries, as he had before laid the blame upon the mountains, the narrow passes, and the sea. For in such a vast empire it could never be the want of arms or men that would bring Danus to give up the dispute ; but the rum of his hopes and spirits, in consequence of the loss of a battle, where he had the advantage of numbers and of day-light. When his friends were gone, Alexander retired to rest in his tent, and he is said to have slepi that night much sounder than usual ; insomuch that when his officers came to attend him the next day, they could not but express iheir surprise at if, while they were obliged them«eives to giv^out orders to the troops to take their mornmg refreshment. After this, as the case was urgent, Parme- nio entered his apartment, and standing by the bed, called him two or three times by name. Wiien he awaked, that officer asked him, — " Why he slept like a man that had already conquered, and not rather like one who had the greatest battle the world ever heard of to fight ?" Alexander smiled al the question, and said, — " In what light can you look upon us but as conquerors, when we have not now to traverse desolate countries in pursuit of Darius, and he no longer declines the combat ?" Ii was not, however, only before the battle, but in the face of danger, that Alexander showed his intrepidity and excellent judgment ; for the battle was «ome time doubtful. The left wing, commanded by Parmenio, uas almost broken by the impetuosity with which the Bactrian cavalry char- ged ; and Mazasus had, moreover, detached a party of horse, with orders to wheel round and attack the corps that was left to guard the Macedonian baijgage. Parmenio, greatly disturbed at these circumstances, sent messengers to acquaint Alexander, that his camp and baggage would be taken if he did not immediately des- patch a strong reinforcement from the front to the rear. The moment that account was brought him, he was giving the right wing, which he commanded in person, the signal to charge. He stopped, however, to tell the messenger, — " Parmenio must have lost his senses, and in this disared to receive the enemy. Uui Alexander's approach seemed so terrible, as he drove the fugitives upon tliose who still maintaihed their ground, thai they were seizen with consternation, and the greatest part of them dispersed. A few of the best and bravest of them, indeed, met their deut^i before Ihe king's chariot, and falling in heaps one upon another, strove to stop the pursuit; tor in the very pangs of "death they clung to the Macedoniuns, and caught hold of their horses' legs as they stood upon the ground. Danihi had now the mo» dreadful dangers before his eyes. His own forces, that w<;re placed in the front to defend him, were dri- yen haek upon him; the wheels of his chariot were, morec»ver, entungled among thr dead bodies, s<» that it was almost impossible to turn it ; and the horses plunging araoAg heaps of the slain, ALEXANDER 319 bounded up and down, and ni» longer obeyed the hands of the charioteer, in this extremity he quitted the chariot and his arms, and fled, as they tell us, upon a mare which had newly foaled. But in all probability he had not escaped so, if Parmenio had not again sent some horsemen to desire Alexander to come to his assistance, because great part of the enemy's forces still stood their ground, and kept a good countenance. Alexander, though vexed at bemg so stopped in his career, did not acquaint thf troops about him with the purport of the message ; but under pretence; of being weary of such a carnage, and of its growing dark, sounded a retreat. How- ever, as he was riding up to that parr of his artny which had been represented in danger, he was informed that the enemy were to- tally defeated and put to flight. The battle having -^uch an issue, the Persian empire appeared to be entirely destroyed, and ATexander was acknowledged king of all Asia. The first thing he did was to make his acknowledg- ments to the gods by magni^cent sacrifices : and then to his friends, by rich gifts of houses, estates, and governments. As he was par- ticularly ambitKiUs of recommending himself to the Greeks, he sig- nified by letter, that all tyrannies should be abolished, and that they should be governed by their own laws, under the auspices of freedom. To the Plataeans in particular he wrote, that their city should be rebuilt, because their ancestors had made a prt^sent of their territory to the Greeks, in order thiit they might fight the cause of liberty upon their own lands. He sent also a part of tho spoils to the Crotonians in Italy, in honour of the spirit and cou- rage of their countryman Pnaylus, a champion o\ the wrestling- ring, who, in the war with the Modes, when the rest of the Greeks in Italy sent no assistance to the Greeks their brethren, fitted out a ship at his own expence, and repaired to Salamis, to take a share in ttie common danger. Such a pleasure did Alexander tnke in every instance of virtue, and so faitht'ul a guardian was he of the honour of all great actions ! Alexander having madt- himself master of Susa, found in the king's palace, forty thousand talents in coined money,* imd the royal furniture and other richer were of inexpressible value. Among other things, there was purple of Hermoine, worth fivo thousand talents, which, though it had been laid up a hundred and ninety years retained its first freshness and beauty. It is said he found as much gold on his first entrance into Persia as he did at Susa, and that there was such a quantity oi' other treasures and rich movables, that it loaded ten thousand pair of mules and five thousand camets.f At Persepolis he cast his eyes upon a great statue of Xerxes, * Q (kirnus, who magniAes every thing, says fifty thousand. f Dioddrns says ttiree thousand. 320 ALEXANDER which had been thrown down from its pedestal by the crowd that sild«icMii\ rushed in, and lay neglected on the ground. Upon this he 8iupped« and addressed it as if it had been ahve. ** Shall we leave >ou," said he, '' in this condition, on account of the war yoa made u)>on Greece, or rear you again, for the sttke of your mag. nanimity and other virtues?'* Alter he had »tood a long time con> sidenng in silence which he should do, he passed by and let) it as it was. To give his troops time to refresh themselves, he staid there four monfhs^for ii was winter. When he was upon ihe point of marching against Darius, he made a ^reat entertainment for his friends, at which they drank to a degree of intoxication ; and the women had their share in it, for they came in masquerade to seek their lovers. The most celebra. ted among their women was Thais, a native of Attica, and mistress to Ptolemy, afterwards king of Egypt. When she had gained Alexander's attention by her flsttery and humorous vein, she ad. dressed him over her cups in a manner agreeable to the spirit of her country, but far above a person of her stamp. *' i have under, gone great fatigues," said she, '' in wandering about Asia ; but vhifl das has brought me a compensation, by putting it in my power to insult the proud courts of the Persian kings. Ah ! how much greater pleasure would it be to finish iht^ carousal with burning the palace of Xerxes, who laid Athens in ashes, and to set tire to it myself to the sight of Alexander!* Then shall it be said in limes to come, that the women of his train, have more signally avenged the cause of Greece upon the Persians, than all that the generals itefore hira could do by sea or land." This spet^ch was received with the loudest plaudits and moat tumuliory acclamations. All the company strove to persuade the king to comply with the proposal. At last, yielding to then in. stances, he leaped from his seat, : the rest followed with shouts of joy, and, dancing as they went, spreao themselves round the palace. The Macedonians, who got intelligence of this frolic, ran up with lighted torches, and joined them with great pleasure; for they concluded, from his destroying the royal palace, that the king's thoutfhts were turned towards home, and that he did not design to fix his seat among the barbarians. Such is the account most of the writers give us of the motives of this transaction. There are not, however, wanting those who assert, that it was in conte. quence of i^ool reflection ; but all agree that th^ king sose like that of a hog. with which it digs up the earth, it has short black legs:, and a tail like a fox. It lives on i«ar#s, 322 AEBXAIIDSB. the misfortune to be mn tnrough the thighs with Perdiccas'a lance. When Peucestas recovered of a dangerous ilinesH, be wrote n let- ter with his own hand to Alexippus, the ph>Hician, to thaitk him for his care. During the sickness of Craterus, the king h> d a dream, in consequence of which he offered sacriiices for his re- covery, and ordered him to do the same. Upon Pausanias the physician's design to give Craterus a dose of hellebore, he wraie to him, expressing his great anxiety about it, and desiring him to be particularly cautious in the use of that medicine. He imprisoned Ephialtes and Cissus, who brought him the Hrt>t news ot the flight and treasonable practices of Harpalus, supposing their information false. When he marched against Darius again, he expected another battle. But upon intelligence that Bessu8 had seiztrd the peraoo of that prince, he dismissed the Thessalians, and sent them home, after he had given them a gratuity of two thousand talents over and above their pay. The pursuit was long and laborious, for he rode three thousand three hundred furlongs in eleven davs.*^ As they often suffered more for want of water than by fatigue, many of the cavalry were unable to hold out. While they were upon the march, some Macedonians had tilled their bottles at a river, and were bringing the water upon mules. These people seeing Alexander greatly distressed with thirst (for it was in ihe heat of the day,) immediately filled a helmet with water, and presented it to him. He asked them to whom they were carrying it? and they said, " Their sons : but if out prince does but live, we shall get other children if we lose them.'' Upon this, he took the helmet in his bands ; but looking round, and seeing all the horsemen bending their heads, and fixing their eyen upon the water, he returned it without drinkiiiff. However, he praised the people that offered it, and said, " If I alone drink, these good men will be dispirited." The cavalry, who were witnesses to this act of temperance and magnanimity, ciied out, " Let us march ! We are neither weary nor thrsty, nor should we even think ourselves mortal, while under the conduct of such a king." At the same lime th^y put spurt to their horses. They had all the same affection to the cause, but only sixty were serpents, snnils, dcx. an(l*is ol great service in E^ypt. bj its naiurel inttioct of ninuim- out and breaking ibe eggs of the crocodile, and thereby preveotiog too great • crease of that dMtructive creature. Tne naturalists also say. that ii is so grern \ the crocodile's liver, thai roUmK itself up in mud. it slipa do»n his ihri«t. whit« he sleeps with his inoutb open, and gnaws his way out agmo. — Diod Siic p. St. 78. { Plin I. viii c 24. 25 Tlie RgvpiiaoH worshipped the ichneumon for destroying the crocodiles. Ttiey wordiippad the crocodile, too. probably as the Indians do the devil, that it mighl du them no hurt. • As this was no more than forty miles a-day, it is notbiaf wlien comparan to ( *liarie« XI Ts inarch from Bendir thtpugb Oecmanj ; notbing to tbe expedition of llaBnibal along a mixture of both, be thought an union might be promoted much bcUer ihan by force, and hiH auihoriiy maintained wh^n he was at u distance: for the sarr>e reason, he selected thirty thousand boys, and gave them masters to iriMruct them in the Grecian literature, as well aa to train them to arms in the Macedonian manner. As for his marriage with Roxana, it was entirely the eflect of love. He sav^ her at an entertainment, and found her charms ir- resistible ; nor was ihe match unsuitable lo the situation of his af. fairs. The barbanans placed greater contidence in him on ac- count of that alliance, and his chastity gained their a^'ection : it delighted them to think, he would not approach the only woman he ever passionately loved, without the sanction of marriage. Hephasstion and Craterus were his two favourites. The former praised the Persian fashions, and dressed as he did ; the latter ad- hered to the customs of his own country. He therefore employed Hephsestion in his transactions with the barbarians, and Craterus to signify his pleasure to the Greeks and Macedonians. The one had more of his love, and the other more of his esteem. He was persuaded, indeed, and he often said, *' Hephsestion loved Al- exander, and Craterus the king." Hence arose private animosi- ties, which did not fail to break out upon occasion. One day, in India, they drew their swords and came to blows. The friends of each were joining in the quarrel, when Alexander interposed. He told HephsDstion publicly, ^* He was a fool and a madman, not to be sensible, that without his master's favour he wt»uld be no- thing." He gave Craterus also a severe reprimand in private, and after having brought them together again, and reconciled them, be Bwore by Jupiter Amnion and all the other gods, '' That he loved them more than all the men in the world ; but if he perceived ihom Qt variance again, he would put them both to death, or him at least who began the puarrei." This is said to have had such an effect npon them, that they never expressed any dislike to each other, even lujest, aflefwards. '' Among the Macedonians, Philotas, the ion of Parmenin, had great atithority ; for he was not only valiant and indefatigable in the field, but, aJ^er Alexander, no man loved his friend more, or had a greater spirit of generosity . The loOiness of his pon was alto- gether extravagant ; not tempered wi»h any natural graces, but formal and uncouth, it exposed him both lo hatred and suspicion ; insomuch that Pannenio one day aaid to bim, *' My soo, be len." ALEXANDEH- 3-25 He had long been represented in an invidioua light to Alexander. In his cups he iridulged his vanity, and le^ many indiscreet ihiugs escape him ; attributing all the great actions of the war to himself and to his father. As for Alexander, he called hirn u boy, who by their means enjoyed the title of conqueror. These things being reported to the iving, he kept the matter private, and discovered no tokens of aversion. But Philotas having refused admittance to the person who gave information of the conspiracy of Limnus against the life of Alexander, he began to give way to his suspicions, and listen to innumerable accusations against Philotas, some of them very groundless. He was apprehended and put to the torture, in presence of the great officers of the court. After the execution of Philotas, be immediately sent orders into Media, that Parmenio should be put to death : a man who had a share in most of Philip's conquests, and who was the phncipal, if not the only chu8 theCardiaii, and Arteiiiiua me C«i)o. Rhoiiiaii, Hiid said, " Do not the Greeks appear to )ou amoui: ihe lacedoiiiaiis, like demigods among so maii\ wild beas » t" Cli- tus, tar t'nim giving up the dispute, called upoM Alt-xaiider ** To speak «)Ut what he had to say, or not lo invite Ireenieu to Ins table, who would declare their sentiments without reserve. But perhaps," continued he, " it were belter to pass \iiur life with barbarians and slaves, who will worship your Persian girdle and v%biie robe with- out scruple. Alexander, no longer able to restrain his anger, threw an apple at his face, and then looked about tor his sword. But Aristopha- nes, one of his guards, had taken it away in time, ano the c«impa- Dy gathered about him, and entreated him to be quiet. Th»^ir re. monstrances, however, were vain. He broke from them, and call, ed out in the Miicedonian language for his guards, wi.ich Has the signal of a great tumult. At the same time he ordered the trum. peter to sound, and struck him with his hst, upon his disctivering an unwillingness to obey. This man was afterwards held in great esteem, becaUHe he prevented the whole armv from being alar- med. As Clitus would not make the least submission; his friends, with much ado, forced him out of the room. • But he soon returned by another door, repeating, in a bold and disrespectful tone, those ver. ses from the Andromache of Euripides : Are these your customs ? Is it ttius that dreece Rewards her cmnhatatits ? Snail one man claim The trophies won riy thiiukands? Then Alexander snatched a spear from one of the guards, and meeting Clitus as he was putting by the curtain, ran him through the body. He fell immediately to the ground, and with a dismal groan expired. Alexander's rage subsided in a moment ; and seeing his friends standing in silent astonishment by him, he hastily drew the spear out of the dead body, and was applying it to his own throat, when hisifuards seized his handii, and carried him by force into his cliam. ber ; and when he had wasted himself with tears and lamentations, he lay in speechless grief, uttering only now and th*n a uroao. His friends, alarmed at this melancholy silence, forced themselves into the riNim, and attempted to console him. As he seemed a lit. tie comforted, Callisthenes the philoHopher, Aristotle's near rela* tion, and Anaxarchus the Abderite, were called in.* Callisthenes * CaDisthene^ was of the ctty of Olvnihtis. and had been reoAmmenied to Alesan* dar bv Aristntle. whose relation he was. He had too miieh of ^ne apihi of iib«ny to tM fii for a court He did not show ii. however, m this inManee. Af>»MMi- hr^' «rarned hnii. that if he wrnt on lo ireat (ho king with tb« frWKtom wbieh bitipirit prooioced. It frouM OM dsy bs fetal to him. ALEXANDER. 827 began in a soft and tender mHniier, endeavouring to relieve him without searching the wound. But Aiiaxarchus, wim had a par- ticular walk in philosophy, and looked upon his fellow laDourers in science with comempi, cried out, on entering the room, *' Is this Alexander, upon whom the whole world liave their eyes? Can it be he who lies extended on the ground, crying like a slave, in fear of the law and the tongues of men, to whom he should himself be a law and thf' measure of right and wrong ? What did he conquer for but to rule and to comoiand, not servilely to suumit to the vam opi. nions of men: know you not," continued he, "that Jupiter is re- presented with Themis and Justice by his side, to show, that whatever is done by supreme power is right ?" By this, and other discourses of the same kind, he alleviated the king's grief m- deed, but made mm more haugh y and unjus>. At the same time, he insinuated himself into his favour in so extraordinary a manner, that he could no longer bear the conversation of Callisthenes, who before was not very agreeable on account of his forbidding aus- terity. When Alexander was upon, the point of setting out for India, he saw his troops were so laden with spoils that they were unfit to march. Thereft)re, early in the morning that he was to take his departure, after the carnages were assembled, he first set fire to his own baggage and that of his friends ; and then gave orders that the rest should be served in the same manner. The resolution ap- peared more diffi<^ult to take, than it was to execute. Few were displeased at it, and numbers received it with acclamations of joy. They freely gave part of their equipage to such as were in need, and burnt and destroyed whatever was superfluous. This greatly encouraged Alexander. At the siege of Nysa,* the Macedonians made some difliculty of advancing to the attack, on account of the depth of the river that washed its walls, till Alexander said, " What a wretch am I, that I did not learn to swim !" and was going to ford it with his shield in his hand. After the first assault, while, the troops were refresh- ing themselves, ambassadors came with an offer to capitulate ; and along with them were deputies froai some other places. They were surprised to see him in armour without any pomp or ceremo- ny ; and their astonishment increased, when he bade the oldest of the ambassadors, named Acuphis, take the sopha that was brought for himself. Acuphis, struck with a benignity of reception so far beyond his hopes, asked what they must do to be admitted into his friendship ? Alexander answered, " It must be on condition that they appoint you their governor, and send me a hundred of their f A.rrian calls it Nysa; so indeed dcies the Vulcob Ms. That hiMorian places it near Mount Vleris, and adds, that it was built by Dionysius or Baccbus. Hence it had the name of Dionysiopolis. It is now called Nei^. 828 ALEXANDER. beat men for hostages." Acuphis smiled at this, and said, "I should govern belter it' you wuuld take the worst instead of the best." It IS said, the dominions of Taxiles, in India, were as large as E^ypt : they atibrded excellent paitturuge, and were the most fer. tile in all respects. A» he was a man of great prudence, he waited on. Alexander, and aOer the first compliments, thus addressed him : *' What occasion is there for wars between you and roe, if you are not come to take from us our water and other necessaries of life : the only things that reasonable men will take up arms for 7 As to gold and silver, and other possessions, if I am richer than yoa, I am willing to oblige you with part ; if I am poorer, 1 have^no ob- jection to sharing in your bounty." Charmed with his frankness, Alexander took his hand, and answered, " Think you, then, with all this civility, to escape without a conflict 7 You are much de- ceived, if you do. I will dispute it with you to the last ; but it shall oe in favours and beneiits ; for I will not have you exceed me in generosity." Therefore, after having received great pre- sents from him, and made greater, he said to him one evening, " I drink to you, Taxiles, and as sure as you pledge me, you shall have a thousand talents." His friends were offended at his giving away such immense sums, but it made many of the barbahana look upon him with a kinder eye. The most warlike of the Indians used to fight for pay. Upon this invasion they defended the cities that hired them, with great vigour, and Alexander suffered by them not a little. To one of the cities he granted an honourable capitulation, and yet seized the mercenaries, as they were upon their march homewards, and put ihem all to the sword. This is the only blot in his military conduct ; all his other proceedings were agreeable to the laws of war, and worthy of a king.* The philosophers gave him no less trouble than the mercena- ries, by endeavouring to fix a mark of infamy upon those princes thai de<:lared for him, and by exciting the tree nations to take up arms ; lor h hich reason he hanged many of them. As to his war with Porus, we have an acconnt of it in hia own letters. According to them, the river Hydaspes was between the two armies, and Porus drew up his elephants on the banks oppcs site the enemy, with their heads towards the stream, to guard it. Alexander caused u great noise tmd bustle lo he made every day in his camp, that the barbarians being accustomed to it, might not be so ready to take the aJarm. This done, he look the advantage • If WH< jiift anH Inwfitl. it itrrros. to tjn about hitriiMinK and Hi»strovini; ttmse im- •"'I' which i.t' h Mtat •^' ••>■ f>iii«r«t«l I' -ak »»>«''' ■" L'L -L'-!;„ h. :-L- . .i.t.^c -;atlM»ruiii« «»'••-. r tlu'y h4 that he was forced to apply to Crassus, the richest man in Rome, who stood in need of Caesar's warmth and vigour to keep up the balance against Pompey. Crassus, therefore, took upon him to answer the most inexorable of his creditors, and engaged for eight hundred and thirty talents ; which procured him liberty to set out for his province. It is said, that when he came to a little town, in passing the Alps, his friends, by way of mirth, took occasion to say, " Can there here be any disputes for offices, any contentions for precedency^ or such envy and ambition as we see among the great ?" To which Caesar answered, with great seriousness, " I assure you, I had rather be the first man here, than the second man in Rome." In like manner we are told, that when he was in Spain, he be- stowed some leisure hours on reading part of the history of Alex- ander, and was so much affected with it, that he sat pensive a long time, and at last burst into tears. ' As his friends were wondering what might be the reason, he said, " Do you think I have not suf- ficient cause for concern, when Alexander, at nay age, reigned over so many conquered countries, and I have not one glorious achieve- ment to boast ?" From this principle it was, that immediately upon his arrival in Spain, he applied to business with great diligence, and having ad. ded ten new-raised cohorts to the twenty he received there, he marched against the Callaecians and Lusitanians, defeated them, and penetrated to the ocean, reducing nations by the way that had not felt the Roman yoke. His conduct in peace was not inferior to that in war;, he restored harmony among the cities, and removed the occasions of quarrel between debtors and creditors ; for he or- dered that the creditor should have two-thirds of the debtor's in- come, and the debtor the remaining third, till the whole was paid. By these means he left the province with great reputation, though he had filled his own coffers, and enriched his soldiers with booty, who upon one of his victories, saluted him Imperator, At his return to Rome, he found himself under a troublesome di- lemma ; those who solicit a triumph being obliged to remain with- out the walls, and such as sue for the consulship, to make their per- sonal appearance in Rome. Caesar determined to give up the tri- umph, and solicit the consulship. 344 JULIUS CESAR. Ai tooo as ho haid entered the city, he went to work upon an expedient which deceived all the world except Cato. It was the recoDCiling of Pompey and Crasaus, two of the most powerful men in Rome. By making iheni friends, Csrsar secured the interest of both to himself; and while he seemed to be only doing an ofiice of humanity, he was undermining the constitution. For it was not the disagreement between Cssar and Pompey that produced the civil wars, but r|ither their union ; they first combined to niin the authority of the senate, and when that was efiected, they parted to pursue each his own designs. Caesar walked to the place of election between Crassus and Pom* pey ; and, under the auspices of their friendship, was declared con* sul, with distinguished honour^ having Calpurnius Bibulus given him for his colleague. He had no sooner entered upon his office, than he proposed laws not so suitable to a consul, as to a seditious tri* bune ; I mean the bills for a division of lands and a distribution of com, which were entirely calculated to please the plebeians. At the virtuous and patriotic part of the senate opposed them, he was furnished with the pretext he had long wanted : he protested, with great warmth, " That they threw him into the arms of the people against his will, and that the rigorous and disgraceful opposition of the senate, laid him under the disagreeable necessity of seeking protection from the commons." Accordingly he did immediately apply to them. Caesar was willing to avail himself still farther of Pofnpey's inte* rest. His daughter Julia was betrothed to Servilius Csepio : but) notwithstanding that engagement, he gave her to Pompey : and told Servilius he should have Pompey*s daughter, whose hand was not properly at liberty, for she was promised to Faustus, the son of Sylla. Soon after this, Caesar married Calpumia, the daughter of Piso, and procured the consulship for Piso for the year ensuing. Meanwhile Cato exclaimed loudly against these proceedings, and called both gods and men to witness, how insupportable it was, that the first dignities of the state should be prostituted by marriagee, and that this traffic of women should gain them what governments and forces they pleased. As for Bibulus, C»sar*s colleague, when he found his opposition to their new laws entirely unsuccessful, and that bis life, os well as Cato's, was oflen endangered in the public assemblies, he shut himself up in his own house daring the remain* der of the year. Immediately after this marriage, Pompey filled the Fontm with armed men, and got the laws enacted, which Cvear had propoeed merely to ingratiate himself with the people. At the same thne, the govemmeDi of Gaul, both on this ^nd the other side the Alpf, was deoreed to Ccssar for five years ; to which was added lUyri- cum, with four legions. JULIUS CfiSAR. 346 The most disgraceful step that Caesar took iii his whole consul- ship, was the getting Clodius elected tribune of the people ; the same who had attempted to dishonour his bed, and had profaned the mysterious rites of the Good Goddess. He pitched upon him to ruin Cicero ; nor would he set out for his government, before he had embroiled them, and procured Cicero's banishment. For all these transactions preceded his wars in Gaul. The wars he conducted there, and the many glorious campaigns in which he re- duced that country, represent him as another m.an ; we begin, as it were, with a new life, and have to follow him in a quite different track. As a warrior and a general, we behold him not in the least inferior to the greatest and most admired commanders the world ever produced. For whether we compare him with the Fabii, the Scipios and Metelli, with the generals of his own time, or those who flourished a little before him, with Sylla, Marius, the two Lu- culli, or with Pompey himself, whose fame, in every raiUtary ex- cellence, reached the skies, Caesar's achievements bear away the palm. One he surpassed in the difficulty of the scene of action, another in the extent of the countries he subdued ; this, in the num- ber and strength of the enemies he overcame ; that, in the savage manners and treacherous disposition of the people he humanized ; one, in mildness and clemency to his prisoners; another, in bounty and munificence to his trodps ; and all, in the number of battles that he won, and enemies that he killed. For in less than ten years' war in Gaul^ he took eight hundred cities by assault, con- quered three hundred nations, and fought pitched battles at dif- ferent times, with three millions of men, one million of which he cut in pieces, and made another million prisoners. Such, moreover, was the affection of his soldiers, and their at- tachment to his person, that they who, under other commanders, were nothing above the common rate of men, became invincible where Caesar's glory was concerned, and met the most dreadful dangers with a courage that nothing could resist. This courage, and this great ambition, were cultivated and cher- ished, in the first place, by the generous manner in which Caesar rewarded his troops, and the honours which he paid them. His whole conduct showed, that he did not accumulate riches, to minis- ter to luxury, or to serve any pleasures of his own, but that he laid them up in a common bank, as prizes, to be obtained by dis- tinguished valour, and that he considered himself no farther rich, than as he was in a condition to do justice to the merit of his sol- diers. Another thing that contributed to make them invincible, was their seeing Caesar always take his share in danger, and ne- ver desire any exemption from labour and fatigue. As for his exposing his person to danger, they were not sun 346 JULIUS C.&SAIL prised at it, because (hey knew his passion for glory ; but (hey they were astonished at his patience under (oil, so far, in all ap- pearance, above his bodily powers. For he was of a slender make, lair, of a delicate constitution, and subject to violent headaches and epileptic fits. He had the first attack of the falling sickness at , Corduba. He did not, however, make these disorders a pretence for indulging himself. On the contrary, he sought m war a reme- dy for his infirmities, endeavouring to strengthen hi>^ constitution by long marches, by simple diet, by seldom comui^ under cover. Thus he contended with his distemper, and fortified iiimself against its attacks. When he slept, it was commonly, upon a march, either in a chariot or a litter, that rest might be no hinderance to business. In the day-time he visited the castles, cities, and fortified camps, with a servant at his side, whom he employed, on such occasions, to write for him, and with a soldier behind who carried his sword. By these means be travelled so fast, and with so little interruption, as to reach the Rhone in eight days ader his first setting out for those parts from Rome. •Of his indiflference, with respect to diet, they eive us this re- xnarkable proof. Happening to sup with Valerius Leo, a friend of his, at Milan, there was sweet ointment poured upon the aspara- gus, instead of oil. Caesar ate of it freely notwithstanding, and afierwards rebuked his friends for expressing their dislike of it. '*It was enough," said he, *' to forbear eating, if it was di&agreea- < ble to vou. He who finds fault with any rusticity, is himself a rustic.^* One day, as he was upon an excursion, a violent storm forced him to seek shelter in a poor man's hut, where there was only one room, and that scarce big enough for a man to sleep in. Turn- ing, therefore, to his friends, he said, " Honours for the great, and necessaries for the infirm," and immediately gave up the room to Oppius, while himself and the rest of the company slept under a shed at the door. His first expedition in Gaul was against the Helvetians and the Tigurini : who, ai\er having burnt twelve of their own towns, and four hundred villages, put themselves under march, in order to penetrate into Italy, through that part of Gaul which was subject to the Romans, as the Cambri and Teutones would have done be- fore them. The Helvetians suddenly attacked Caesar, as he was upon the march to a confederate town. It cost him a long and severe conflict to drive their army out of the field ; but he found the greatest difficulty when he came to their rampart of carriages : for not only the men made a most obstinate stand there, but the very women and children fought till they were cut in pieces. JULIUS CESAR. 347 To this great action he added a greater. He collected the bar- bariahs who had escaped out of the battle, to the number of a hundred thousand, and upwards, and obliged them to re-settle the country they had relinquished, and to rebuild the cities they had burnt. His second war was in defence of the Gauls against the Ger- mans, whom he pursued to the Rhine. The king of the Germans reached the river time enough to get over with a few troops. The number of killed is said to have amounted to eighty thousand. After he had thus terminated the war, he left his army in winter quarters in the country of the Sequani, and repaired to Gaul on this side the Po, whifch was part of his province, in order to have an eye upon the transactions in Rome. During his stay there, he carried on a variety of state intrigues. Great numbers came from Rome to pay their respects to him, and he sent them all away satisfied ; some laden with presents, and others happy in hope. In the same manner throughout all his wars, without Pompey's obser- [, _.^ ving it, he was conquering his enemies by the arms of the Roman J " ^ citizens, and gaining the citizens by the money of his enemies, v As soon as he had intelligence that the BelgaB, who were the most powerful people in Gaul, and whose territories made up a third part of the whole country, had revolted and assembled a great army, he marched to that quarter with incredible expedition, and killed such numbers, that lakes and rivers were filled with the dead, and bridges were formed of their bodies. From thence he led his army against the Nervii, who live among thick woods. After they had secured their families and mostvalu- able goods, in the best manner they could, in the heart of a large forest, at a great distance from the enemy, they marched, to the number of sixty thousand, and fell upon Caesar, as he was fortifying his camp, and had not the least notion of so sudden an attack.* They first routed his cavalry, and then surrounded the twelfth and seventh legions, and killed all the officers. Had not Caesar snatched a buckler from one of his own men, forced his way through the * As this attack was unexpected, Csesar bad, in a manner, every thing to do at the same instant. The banner was to be erected, the charge sounded, the soldiers at a distance recalled, tne army drawn up, and the signal given. In this surprise be ran from place to place, exhorting his men lo attend to theii former valour; an<^ having drawn them up m the best manner he could, caused the signal to be given- The legion- aries made a vigorous resistance; but as the enemy seenricd deiemnned either to conquer or die, the success was different in difTerent places. In the left wing :he ninth and the tenth leg'ons did wonders, drove the Atrebates into a neighbouring river, and made a great slaughter of them. In another place, the eighth end eleventh legions repulsed the Vermandui, and drove them before them. But in the right wing, the seventh and twelfth legions suffered extremely. They were (?ntirely surrounded by the Nervii, all the centurions of tiie fourth cohort hemg slain, and most of the other oflS- oers wounded. In this extremity, Cxsar snatched a buckler from one of the private men, put himself at the head of his broken wing, snd being joined by the two legions which he had left to guard the baggage, fell upon the Nervii, already fatigued, with fresh vigour, and made a dreadful havock of tbem. 348 Jt'UUS C£:!iAR. combatants before bim, and ruahed upon the barbarians ; or had not the tenth legion, seeing bis danger, run fro^n the heights nhere they were posted, and mowed down tlie enemies' ranks, in att pro- bability not one Roman would have survivjed the battle. But though, encouraged by this bold act of Caesar, they fought with a spirit above, tbeir strength, they were not able to make the Nervii tarn their backs. Those brave men maintained their ground, and were hewed to pieces on the spot. It is said, tbat out of sixty thousand not above Ave hundred were saved, and. out of four hundred Ner- vian senators not above three. Upon the news of this great victory, the senate of Rome decreed that sacrifices should be offered, and all manner of festivities kept up, for fifteen days together, which was n longer term of rejoicing than had ever been known before. Indeed the danger appeared very great, on account of so many nutions rising ut once ; and aa CKsar was the man who surmounted it, the aflfection the people had for him made the rejoicing more brilliant. AOer he had settled the affairs of Gaul, on the other side of the Alps, he crossed them again, and wintered near the Po, in order to n>ain. tain his interest in Rome ; where the candidates for the great ofH- oes of state were snpplied with money out of his funds to corrupt the people, and, afler they had carried their election, did every thing to extend his power. CaDsar, at his return to his army in Gaul, found another furious war lighted up in the country ; the Usipetes and the Teuchteri, two great German nations, having crossed the Rhine to make con- qoMta. Of the invaders four hundred thousand were killed. The few wha escaped, repassed the river, and were sheltered by a pec pie of Germany called Sicambri. Cesar laid hold on this pretence against that people, but his motive was an avidity of fame, to be the first Roman that ever crossed the Rhine in an hostile manner. In pursuance of his design, be threw a bridge over it. Having laid waste the enemy's country with fire, and confirmed the better-disposed Gennans in the interest of Rome, he returned into GauL AOer conquering Gaul, he undertook an expedition into Britain, which discovered the most daring spirit of enterprise : for he was the first who entered the Western Ocean with a fleet, and embark- ing his troops on the Atlantic, carried war into an island whoae very existence had been doubted. Some writers had repreeented it so incredibly large, that others contested its being, and considered both the name and the thing as a fiction. Yet Csaar attempted to conquer it, and to extend the Roman empire beyond the bounds of the habitable world. He sailed thither twice from the oppoeita coast in Gaul, and fought many battles, by which the Britona m»t» (bred troro than the Romans gained ; for there waa nothing worth JULIUS C^SAR. 349 taking from a people who were so poor, and lived in so much wretch- edness.* He did not, however, terminate the war in the manner he could have wished : he only received hostages of the king, and ap- pointed the tribute the island was to pay^ and then returned to Gaul. There he received letters, by which his friends in Rome in- formed him of the death of his daughter, the wife of Pompey. This was a great affliction both to Pompey and Caesar. Their friends, too, were very sensibly concerned to feee that alliance dis- solved which kept up the peace and harmony 6f the state, other- wise in a very unsettled condition. The people took the body of Julia, and carried it, notwithstanding the prohibition of the tribunes, to the Campus Martius, where it was interred. As Caesar's army was now very large,f he was forced to divide it for the convenience of winter quarters ; after which he took the road to Italy according to custom. But he had not been long gone, before the Gauls rising again, traversed the country with consider, able armies, fell upon the Roman quarters with great fury, and insulted their intrenchments. The most numerous and the strong- est body of the insurgents was under Ambiroix, who attacked Cotia and Titurius in their camp, and cut them off with their whole party. After which he besieged the legion under the command of Q. Ci- cero, with sixty thousand men : and though the spirit of those brave Romans made a resistance above their strength, they were very near being taken, for they were all wounded. Caesar, who was at a great distance, at last getting intelligence of their danger, returned with -all expedition; and havmg collected a body of men, which did not exceed seven thousand, hastened tb the relief of Cicero. The Gauls, who were not ignorant of his motions, raised the siege, and went to meet him ; for they despised the smallness of his forccj and were confident of victory. Caesar, to deceive them, made a feint as if he fled, till he came to a place convenient for a small army to engage a great one, and there he fortified his camp. He gave his men strict orders not to fight, but to throw up a strong rampart, and to barricade their gates in the securest manner ; contriving by all these manoeuvres to increase the enemy's contempt of him. It succeeded as he wished ; the Gauls came up with great insolence and disorder to attack his trenches. Then Cassar making a sudden sally, defeated and de- stroyed the greatest part of them. This success laid the spirit of revolt in those parts ; and for farther security he remained all the * It does not appear that there was much corn in Britain in Caesar's time ; for the inhabitants, he says, lived chiefly on milk and flesh : Lactett came vivunt. f This army consisted of eight legions, and as there was almost a famine in the country, the consequence of excessive drought, Caesar was obliged to separate his troops for their better subsistence. He was, therefore, under the necessitv of fixtng the quarters at such a distance, which would otherwise have been impolitic. He tells us, (lib V ) that ail the legions, except one, which was in a quiet country, were posted within the compass of a hundred miles. 30 3S0 JULIUS c^sar winter in Gaul, visiting all the quarters, and keeping a sharp eyv upon every motion towards war. Besides, he received a reinforce- inent of three legions io the room of those be had lost ; two of which were lent him by Pompey, and one lately raised in Cisalpine Gaul. After this, the seeds of hostilities, which had long before been privately scattered m the more distant parts of the country by the chiefs of the more warlike nations, shot up into one of the greatest and most dangerous wars that was ever seen in Gaul. It was then the most severe season in the year ; the rivers were covered with ice, the forests with snow, and the fields overflowed : the roads lay concealed in snow or in floods disembogued by the lakes and rivers ; so that it seemed impossible for Cssar to march, or to pur- sue any other operations against them. The chief direction of the war was given to Vercingetorix, whose father the Gauls had put to death, for attempting at monarchy. Vercingetorix having divided his forces into several parts, and given them in charge to his lieutenants, had the country at com- mand as far as the Arar. His intention was to raiee all Chuil against CsBsar, now when his enemies were rising agaimt him at Rome. Cssar, who knew perfectly how to avail himself of every advan. tage in war, particularly of time, was no sooner informed of this great defection, than he set out to chastise its authors ; and by the rapidity of his march, in spite of all the difliculties of a severe winter, he showed the barbarians that his troops could neither be conquered nor resisted ; for where a courier could scarce have been supposed to come in many days, Ctesar was seen with his whole army, ravaging the country, destroying the castles, storming the cities, and receiving the submission of such as repented. Thus be went on, till the y£dui also revolted, who had styled themselves brothers to the Romans, and had been treated with particular regard. Their joining the insurgents spread uneasiness and dis- may through Cssar's army. He, therefore, decamped in all haste ; but the enemy followed him in prodigious numbers, and surrounded him. Cesar, without being in the least disconcerted, sustained the conflict, and after a long and bloody action, in which the Germans were particularly serviceable to him, gave them a total defeat. Most of those who escaped out of tlie battle, retired into Aleaa with their king. Cesar immediately invested the town, though it appeared impregnable, as well on account of the height of the walls, as the number of troops there was to defend it. During the siege be found himself exposed to a great danger from without. All the bravest men in Gaul assembled from every quarter, and came armed to the reUef of the place, to the niirobei of three hundred thoiiHand ; and there were not less than seventy thousand comba- Jl/LIUS CiESAlL 861 lants withiu the walla., Thus shut up between two armies, he was forced to draw two lines of circumvallation, the interior one against the town, and that without against the troops that came to its suc- cour ; for, could the two armies have joined, he had been abso- lutely lost. This dangerous action of Alesia contributed to Caesar's renown on many accounts. Indeed, he exerted a more adventu- rous courage and greater generalship, than on any other occasion. But what seems very astonishing, is, that he could engage and conquer so many myriads without, and keep the action a secret to the troops in the town.* It is still more wonderful that the Romans, who were left before the walls, should not know it, till the victory was announced by the cries of the men in Alesia, and the lamen- tatrons of the women, who saw the Romans on each side of the town bringing to their camp a number of shields adorned with gold and silver, helmets stained with blood, drinking vessels, and tents of Gaulish fashion. Thus did this vast multitude vanish and dis- appear like a phantom, or a dream, thd greatest part being killed on the spot. The besieged at last surrendered. Their general, Vercingetorix, armed himself and equipped his horse in the most magnificent man- ner, and then sallied out at the gate. After he had taken some circuits about Caesar as he sat upon the tribunal, he dismounted, put off his armour, and placed himself at Caesar's feet, where he remained in profound silence, till Caesar ordered a guard to take him away, and keep him for his triumph. Caesar had been some time resolved to ruin Pompey, and Pom- pey to destroy Caesar ; for Crassus, who alone could have taken up the conqueror, being killed in the Parthian war, there remained nothing for Caesar to do, to make himself the greatest of mankind, but to annihilate him that was so ; nor for Pompey to prevent it, but to take off the man he feared. It is true, it was no long time that Pompey had entertained any fear of him ; he had rather looked upon him with contempt, imagining he could as easily pull him down as be had set him up : whereas Caesar, from the first, design- ing to ruin his rivals, had retired at a distance, like a champion, for exercise. By long service and great achievements in the wars of Gaul, he had so improved his army, and his own reputation too, that he was considered as on a footing with Pompey ; and he found pretences for carrying his enterprise into execution, in the times of the misgovernment at Rome. These were partly furnished by Pom- pey himself; and indeed all ranks of men were so corrupted, that tables were publicly set out, upon which the candidates for offices were professedly ready to pay the people the price of their votes ; and the people came not only to give their voice for the man who had bought them, bat with all manner of offensive weapons to fight * C»aar says, that those in the to\'wi bad a distinct view of the battle. 301 JtUUS CASAH. for him. Hence it often happened, that they did not part withost polluting the tribunal with blood and murder, and the city was a perpetual scene of anarchy. In this dismal situation of tbin|r8, in these storms of epidemic madness, wise men thought it would be happy if they ended in nothing worse than monarchy. Nay, there were many who scrupled not to declare publicly, that monarchy was the only cure for the desperate di^rders of the state, and that the physician ought to be pitched upon, who would apply that remedy with the gentlest hand ; by which they hinted at Pompey. Pompey, in all nis discourse, pretended to decline the honour of a dictatorship, though at the same time every step he took was directed that way. Cato, understanding his dnf>, persuaded the senate to declare him sole consul ; that, satisfied with a kind of monarchy more agreeable to law, he might not adopt any violent measures to make himself dictator. The senate not only agreed to this, but continued to him his governments of Spain and Africa, the administration of which he committed to his lieutenants ; keep- ing armies there, tor whose maintenance he was allowed a thou- sand talents a year out of the public treasury. Upon this, Cffisar applied, by his friends, for another consulship, and for the continuance of his commission in Gaul, answerable to that of Pompey. As Pompey was at first silent, Marcellus and Len- tulus, who bated Caesar on other accounts, opposed it with great violence, omitting nothing, whether right or wrong, that might re- fleet dishonour upon him r for they disfranchised the inhabitants of Novocomuni in Gaul, which had lately been erected into a colony by Caesar ; and Marcellus, then consul, caused one of their sena- tors, who was come with some complaints to Rome, to be beaten with rodb, and telling him, " The marks on his back were so many additional proofs that he was not a Roman citizen/* bade him go show them to Csesar. But, after the consulship of Marcellus, Csesar opened the trea- sures he had amassed in Gaul, to all that were concerned in the administration, and satisfied their utmost wishes. Pompey, now alarmed at the increase of Casar's faction, openly exerted his own interest, and that of his friends, to procure an order for a successor to Caesar in Gaul. He also sent to demand the troops he had lent him for his wars in that county, and Csesar returnea them with a gratuity of two hundred aud fifty drachmas to each man. Those who conducted these troops back, spread reports among the people which were neither favourable nor fair with respect to Caesar, and which ruined Pompey with vain hopes. They asserted that Pompey had the hearts oi all Ca*sar*s army, and that if envy and a corrupt administration hmdered him from gaining what he desired at Rome, the forces in Gaul would declare for htm immo« diately upon their entering Italy ; 00 obnosious was Ceair bocomet JbLlUS cjiSAlL 353 by hurrying them perpetually from one expedition to another, and by the suspicions which they had of his ainning at absolute power. Pompey was so elated with these assurcinces, tbat he neglected to levy troops, as if he had nothing to fear, and opposed the enemy only with speeches and decrees, which Caesar made no account of. Caesar's requisitions had a' great appearance of justice and honour. He proposed to lay down his arms, on condition Pom- pey would do the same, and that they should both, as private citi- zens, leave it to their country to reward their services. For to deprive him of his commission and troops, and continue Pompey's, was to give absolute power to the one, to which the other was un- justly accused of aspiring. Curio, who made these propositions to the people in behalf of Caesar, was received with the loudest plaudits ; and there were some who even threw chaplets of flowers upon him, as they would upon a champion victorious in the ring. Antony, one of the tribunes of the people, then produced a letter from Ca3sar to the same purport, and caused it to be read, notwith- standing the opposition it met with from the consuls. Hereupon, Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, proposed in ihs senate, that if Caesar did not lay down his arms by such a day, he should be declared an enemy to the state ; and the consuls putting it to the ijuestion, "' Whether Pompey should dismiss his forces?" and again, " Whether Caesar should disband his?" few of the members were for the first, and almost all for the second.* After which Antony put the question, " Whether both should lay down their commis- sions?" and all with one voice answered in the affirmative. But the violent rage of Scipio, and the clamours of the consul Lentulus, who cried out, that '^ Not decrees, but arms, should be employed against a public robber," made ttie senate break up ; and on account of the unhappy dissension, all ranks of people put on black, as in a time of public mourning. Soon after this, other letters arrived from Caesar with more moderate proposals. Pompey was on the point of acceding to a compromise, when Lentulus, the consul, rejecting it with disdain, treated Antony and Curio with great indignity, and drove them out of the senate-house. Thus he furnished Cassar with the most plausible argument imaginable, and he failed not to make use of it to exasperate his troops, by showing them persons of distinction, and magistrates, obliged to fly in hired carriages, and in the habit of slaves ;f for their fears had made them leave Rome in that dis- guise. Caesar had not then with him above three hundred horse and five thousand fool. The rest of his forces were left on the other * Dio says, there was not a man for the first questioa, whereas the whole house was for the second, except Cselius and Curio. Nor is this to be wondered at ; Pompey was men at the gates of Rome with his army. - Cassius Longinus weut with them in the same di^uise. y2 30* 354 JULIUS Ci&SAR side of the Alps, and he had sent them orders to joiu him. But he saw the beginning o^ his enterprise, and the attack that he niedita* ted did not require any great numbers : his enemies were rather to be struck with consternation by the boldness and expedition with which he began his operations ; for an unexpected movement would be more likely to make an impression upon them then, than great preparations afterwards. He, therefore, ordered his lieutenants and other officers to take their swords without any other armour, and make themselves masters of Ariminum, a great city in Gaul, but to take all possible care that no blood should be shed or dis* turbancc raised. Hortensius was at the head of this party. As for himself, he spent the day at the public show of gladiators, and a little before evening bathed, and then went into the apart- ment where he entertained company. When it was growing dark, he left the company, after having desired them to make merry till his return, which they would not have long to wait for. To some of his friends he had given previous notice to follow him, not alto- gether, but by diilerent ways. Then taking a hired carriage, he set out a different way from that which led to Ariminum, and turned into that road atlerwards. When he arrived at the banks of the Rubicon, which divides Cisalpine Gaul from the rest of Italy, his reflections became more interesting in proportion as the danger drew near. Staggered by the greatness of his attempt, he stopped to weigh witii himself its inconveniences ; and as he stood revolving in silence the argu- ments on both sides, he many times changed his opinion. After which he deliberated upon it with such of his friends as were by, nmong whom was Asinius PoUio ; enumerating the calamities which the passage of that river would bring upon the world, and the reflections that might be made upon it by poitehty. At last, upon some sudden impulse, bidding adieu to his reasonings, and plunging into the abyss of futurity, in the words of those who em. bark in doubtful and arduous enterprizes, he cried out, ''The die is cast !" and immediately passed the river. He travelled so fast the rest of the way, that he reached Ariminum before day.light, and took it. After the taking of Ariminum, as if war had opened wide ita gates both by sea and land, and Ciesar, by going beyond the bounds of his province, had infringed the laws of hia country ; not individuals were seen, as on other occasions, wandering in distrac tion about Italy, but whole cities broken up, and seeking refuge by flight. Most of the tumultuous tide flowed into Rome, and it was so filled with the hasty conflux of the circling people, that aroidat the violent agitations it would hardly either obey the magistrate. or listen to the voice of reason, but waa in the utmost danger of fulling by its own violence. Pompey himself, who was already JtLiUS C^SAR. 355 confounded at the turn things had taken, was still more disturbed by a variety of censures on his conduct. Fie, however, at that time, was not inferior in numbers to Ca3sar, but his partisans would not suffer him to proceed accordmg to his own opinion. By false reports and groundjess terrors, as if the enemy were at the gates, and had carried all before him, they forced him along with the general torrent. He had it decreed, therefore, that things were in a tumultuous stat.e, and nothing to be expected but hostilities, and then left Rome, having first ordered the senate, and every man to follow, who preferred his country and liberty to the rod of a tyrant. The consuls fled with him, and most of the senators join- ed in the flight. CaBsar would have followed him immediately, but he wanted ships. He therefore returned to Rome, with the glory of having reduced Italy without spilling a drop of blood. Finding the city in a more settled condition than he expected, and many senators there, he addressed them in a mild and gracious manner, and de- sired them to send deputies to Pompey to ofler honourable terms of peace. But not one of them would take upon him the commis- sion : whether it was that they were afraid of Pompey, whom they had deserted, or whether they thought Caesar not in earnest in the proposal, and that he only made it to save appearances. Caesar's first movement was to Spain, whence he was resolved to drive Afranius and Varro, Pompey 's lieutenants, and at\er hav- ing made himself master of their troops and provinces, to march against Pompey, without leaving any enemy behind him. In the course of this expedition, his life was often in danger from ambus- cades, and his army had to combat with famine ; yet he continued his operations against the enemy, either by pursuit, or offering them battle, or forming lines of circumvallation about them, till he forced their camp, and added their troops to his own. The officers made their escape, and retired to Pompey. Upon his return to Rome, his father-in-law, Piso, pressed him to send deputies to Pompey to treat of an accommodation ; but Isauricus, to make his court to Caesar, opposed it. The senate declared him dictator, and while he held that office, he recalled the exiles ; he restored to their honours the children of those who had suffered under Sylla ; and relieved debtors by can- celling part of the usury. These, and a few more, were his acts during his dictatorship, which he laid down in eleven days. After this, he caused himself to be declared consul with Servilius Isau- ricus, and then went to prosecute the war. He marched so fast to Brundusium, that all his troops could not keep up with him. However, he embarked with only six hundred select horse and five legions; and crossing the Ionian, made himself master of Oricum and Apollonia, and sent back his ships to Brundusium to bring 3oC JUUUS CJKSAH. over the forces that were lefl behind.^ Finding that these troop:) delayed to join him, he undertook a most astonishing encerprise. 'i'hough the sea was covered wiih ihe enemy's fleets, he resolved to embark in a vessel of twelve oars, without acquainting any per- son with his intention, and sail to Urundusium. . In the night, there, fore, he took the habit of » slave, and throwing himself into the vessel like a man of no account, sat there in silence. They fell down liie river Anias for the sea, where the entrance is generally easy, because the land.wind rising in the morning, used to beat otf the waves of the sea and smooth (he mouth of the river. But un- luckily thut night a strong :;ea.wind sprung up, which overpowered that from the land ; so that by the ra^eof the sea and the counter- action of the stream, the river became extremely rough, the waves dashed against each other with a tumultuous noise, and formed such dangerous eddies, that the pilot despaired of making good his pas- sage, and ordered the mariners to turn back. Caesar perceiving this, rose up, and showing himself to the pilot, who was greatly astonished at the sight of him, said, *' Go forward, my friend, and fear nothing ; thou earnest CsBsar and bin fortune." The marl- ners then forgot the storm, and plying tin ir oars with the utnnost vigour and alacrity, endeavoured to overcome the resistance of the waves. But such was their violence at the mouth of the river, and the u'ater flowed so fast into the vessel, that Csesar at last, though with great reluctance, permitted the pilot to turn back. Upon his return to his camp, the soldiers met him in crowds, pour- ing out Uieir complaints, and expressing tlie greatest concern that he did not assure himself of conquering with them only, but, in distrust of their support, gave himself so much uneasiness, and ex. posed his person to so much danger on account of the absent. Soon after, Antony arrived from Brundusium with the troops ;t Caesar, then in the highest spirits, offered battle to Pompey, who was encamped in an advantageous manner, and abundantly sup. plied with provisions both from sea and land ; whereas Csssar at first had no great plenty, and allerwards was in extreme want. There were frequently skirmishes about Poropey's entrenchments^ * He Mill them tMck under the conduct of Galenut. That officer loiinf %hm op- }>ortunity of tt>e wind, fell lu with Bibulut who took thirty of nu snipe smI burut them ail. together with thrir piioi» and inarioers, in order to iatiinidet«the reel t \n(oiiv nitd Talrnus embarked on board the vesaelt which had ewap«d BitMilut, eiichi hundred hoite and four legioiii : that n, three old oott, and ooe thai had bean newly raiaad . aud when tbey irara landad. Antony laai back tae shipe tot Uia rati of the force* I Cvtwr obeer^red an old camp which be had occupiad in tba pUca whara Pninpty wat encloeed, and afterward* abaodonad. Upon hie qutttiof it. Pompay bad takan po*ae*»ion of ii, and left a legion to fuard it Thi* poai Caaar attem|>tcd to rad and t< was m thi* attempt that ha suflared lo much losa. Ha loet nine hundra with such precipitation, that he was in dan- ger of having hi^ camp taken. Pompey headed the attack in per- son, and not a man couid stand before him. Ha drove them upo.'i their own hnes into the utmost confusion, and filled their trenches with ihe dead. Caesar ran to meet them, and would have rallied the fugitives, but it was not in his power. He laid hold on the ensign-staves to stop them, and some left them m his hands, and others threw them upon the ground, insomuch that no less than thirty-two standards were taken. Caesar himself was very near losmg his life ; for having laid hold of a tall and strong man, to stop him and make him face about, the soldier, in his terror and contusion, lifted up his sword to strike him ; but Caesar's armour-bearer prevented it by a blow which cut off his arm. Cassar saw his affairs thaX day in so bad a posture, that, after Pompey, either through too much caution, or the caprice of for- tune, instead of giving the finishing stroke to so great an action, stopped as soon as he had shut up the enemy within their entrench- ments, and sounded a retreat, he said to his friends, as he with- drew, "This day victory would have declared for the enemy, if they had had a general who knew how to conquer." He sought repose in his tent : but it proved the most melancholy night of his life, for he gave himself up to endless reflections on his own mis- conduct in the war. He considered how wrong it was, when the wide countries and rich cities of Macedonia and Thessaly were be- fore him, to confine himself to so narrow a scene of action, and sit still by the sea, while the enemy's fleets had the superiority, and in a place where he suff*ered the inconveniences of a siege from the want of provisions, rather than besiege the enemy by his arras. Thus agitated and distressed by the perplexities and difficulties of his situation, he resolved to decamp, and march against Scipio in Macedonia ; concluding, that he should either draw Pompey after him, and force him to fight where he could not receive supplies as he had done from the sea ; or else that he should easily crush Scipio, if he found him unsupported. Pompey's troops and officers were greatly elated at this retreat of CaDsar ; they considered it as a flight and an acknowledgnient that he was beaten, and therefore wanted to pursue. But Pompey himself was unwilling to hazard a battle of such consequence. He was well provided with every thing requisite for waiting the advantages of time, and for that reason chose, by protracting the war, to wear out the little vigour the enemy had left. The most valuable of Caesar's troops had, indeed, an experience and courage which were irresistible in the field ; but age bad made them unfit for long marches, for throwing up intrenchments, for attacking 358 JUUUS CAISAR walls, and pasaing whole nights under arms. They w#fe loo un- wieldy to endui-e much fatigue, and their incHnation for labour les« sened wiih their strength. Besides, there was said to be a conta' ginuH distemper among them, which arose from their strange and bad diet ; ami Cirsar warned both money and provisions, so that it seemed as if he must shortly fall of himself. These were Pompey's reasons for declining a battle ; but not a man, except Cato, was of his opinion ; and he, only, because be was willing to spare the blood of his countrymen ; for when he saw the bodies of the enemy, who fell in the late action, to the number of a tiiousand, lie dead upon the field, he covered his face, and re- tired weeping. All the rest censured Pompey for not deciding the affair immediately with the sword. Piqued at these reproaches, Pompey, against his own judgment, marched after Csesar, who proceeded on his route with great dif- ficulty ;■ for on account of his late loss, all looked upon hmi with contempt, and refused to supply him with provisions. When the two armies were encamped opposite each other on the plains of Pharsalia, Pompey returned to his old opinion. But the cavalry testified the greatest iiiipHiience for a iiattle. Nor were the num- bers of infant rv equal; for Pompey hod forty. five thousand, and Caesar only twenty-iwo thousand. Ccesar called his soldiers to- gether, and told them, " Thai Cornificus was well advanced on bis way with two more legions, and that he had fi(\een cohorts under the command of Calenus, in the environs of Megaraand Athens.'* He then asked them, '* Whether the » chosu to wait for those troops or to risk a battle without them .'" The\ answered aloud, " Let us not wait ; but do you find out some stratagem to bring the ene- my, as soon as possible, to un action." The night before the battle, as ho walked the rounds about mid. night, there appeared a luminous phenomenon in the air, like a torch, which, as it passed over his camp, flamed out with great brightness, and seemed to fall in that of Pompey. And in the mor- ning, when the guards were relieved, a tumult was observed in the enemy's camp, not unlike a panic terror. Cccaar, however, so lit- tle expected an action that day, that he hod ordered his troope to decamp and march to Scotusa.* But, as they were striking their tents, his scouts rode up, and told him the enemy were coming to give him battle. Happy in the newM, he made his prayer to the gods, and il> tiis army, which he di\ided into three bodies. Donui us to coinmaiid the centre, Antony the left wins.and hiiuseirihc right, where he intended to charge at the hcau of the tenth legion. Struck with the number and magnificent appearance of the enemy's * Cl«Mr hoptd. by hit fretiiiciu dfcitiiiniiiK*, lo jirovide bcwrt fnr hit Uoopf, and pwaiip«, |(»iii a ravAtimMn O|*pofitiiiit\ ci Aghtihs: JULIUS CiiSAK. 359 cavalry, who were posted over against him, he ordered six cohorts privately to advance from the rear. These he placed behind the right wing, and gave them instructions what to do when the ene- my's horse came to charge. When the signal was ready to be given, Pompey ordered his infantry to stand in close order, and wait the enemy's attack, till they were near enough to be reached by the javelin. Caesar bla- med this conduct. He said Pompey was not aware what weight the swift and fierce advance to the first charge gives to every ' . blow, nor how the courage of each soldier is inflamed by the rapid ^ ' motion of the whole. '^ •: \ He was now going to put his troops in motion, when he saw a trusty and experienced centurion encouraging his men to distinguish themselves that day. Caesar called him by his name, and said — " What cheer, Caius Crassinus ? How think you do we stand ?" " Caesar," said the veteran, in a bold accent, and stretching out his hand, " The victory is ours. It will be a glorious one \ and this day I shall have your praise, either alive or dead." So say- ing, he ran in upon the enemy, at the head of his company, which consisted of a hundred and twenty men. He did great ex- ecution among the first ranks, and was pressing on with equal fierceness, when one of his antagonists pushed his sword with such force into his mouth, that the point came out at the nape of his neck. While the infantry were thus warmly engaged in the centre, the cavalry advanced from Pompey's left wing with great confidence, and extended their squadron to surround Caesar's right wing. But before they could begin the attack, thesixcohorts which Caesar had placed behind, came up boldly to receive them. They did not, according to custom, attempt to annoy the enemy at a distance with their javehns, nor strike at the legs and thighs when they oame nearer, but aimed at their eyes, and wounded them in the face, agreeably to the orders they had received. For Caesar ho- ped that these young cavaliers, who had not been used to wars - and wounds, and who set a great value upon their beauty, would avoid, above all things, a stroke in that part, and immediately give ^ way, as well on account of the present danger, as the fuuire defer- 'si raity. The event answered his expectation. They could not bear j / the spears pointed against their faces, or the steel gleaming upon / j their eyes, but turned away their faces and covered them with / their hands. This caused such confusion, that at last they fled m / the most infamous manner, and ruined the whole cause. i When Caesar entered the camp, and saw what numbers of the * Caesar was so confident of success, that he ordered ;jis entrenchments to be filled up, assuring his troops that they would be masters of the enemv's camp befort; niaht. 360 JULIUS CiKSAK. eneniy lay dead, and those they were then despatching, he said, wiih a sigh, ** This they would have ; to ihi* cruel-necessity they reduced me : for, hiid Caesar dismii^sed his troops, aAer s<^ many great and successful wars, he .vouid have been condcmoed as a crimirifll." Cesar granted the whole nation of Thcssaly their liberty, for the sake of the victory he had gained there, and then went in pur- suit of Pompey. He bestowed the same privilege on the Cnidi- ans, in comphmenl to Theopompus, to whom we are indebted for a collection of fables ; and he discharged the inhabitants of Asia from a third part of their imposts. Upon his arrival at Alexandria, he found Pompey assassinated ; and when Theodotus presented the head to him, he turned from the sight with great abhorrence. The signet of that general was the only thing he took, and on taking it he wept. As uflen as any of Pompey 's friends and companions were taken by Ptolemy, wan- dering about the country, and brought to Ctesar, he loaded them with tavours, and took them into his own service. He wrote to his friends at Rome, *' That the chief enjoyment he had of his viC' tory was, in saving every day one or other of his fellow citizens, who had borne arms against him." As for his Egyptian war, some assert that it was undertaken without necessity, and that his passion for Cleopatra engaged him in a quarrel which proved botli prejudicial to his reputation and dangerous to his person. Others accuse the king's ministers, par. ticuTarly the eunuch Photinus, who had the greatest influence at court, and who, having taken off Pompey, and removed Cleopatra, priNaielv meditated an attempt against Caesar. Hence, it is said, that Crvn^r began to pass the night in entertainments among his friends, for the greater security of his person. The behaviour, in- deed, of this eunuch in pubhc, all he said and did with respect to Cxsar, was intolerably insolent and invidious. The com he sup. plied his soldiers with, was old and musty, and he told them "They ought to be satisfied with it, since they lived at other people's cost." He caused only wooden and eaithen vessels to be served up at the king's table, on pretence that Coisar had taken all the gold and silver ones for debt. For the father of the reigning prince owed Cssar seventeen million five hundred thousand drach. mas. Ca»ar had formerly remitted to his children the rest, but thought flt to demand the ten millions at ihistime, for the maintc nance of his army. Photinus, instead of paying the money, advi. sed him to go and finish the great affairs he had upon his hands, after which he should have his money with thanks. But Cictar told him ** He had no need of Egyptian counsellors/' and privately sent for Cleopatra out of the country. This princess, taking only one frtood, ApoHodorus, the Siltcian, JULIUS C^SAk 361 with her, got into a small boat, and in the dusk of the evening made for the palace. As she saw it difficult to enter it undisco. vered, she rolled herself up in a carpet: Apollodorus tied her up at full length, like a bale of goods, and carried her in at the gates to Caesar. This stratagem of hers, which was a strong proof of her wit and ingenuity, is said to have first opened her way to Cae- sar's heart ; and the conquest advanced so fast by the charms of her conversation, that he took upon him to reconcile her brother to her, and insisted thai she ohould reign with him An entertainment was given on account of this reconciliation, and all met to rejoice on the occasion ; when a servant of Caesar's, a timorous and suspicious man, who was his barber, led by his natural caution to inquire into every thing, and to listen every whereabout the palace, found that Achillas the general, and Pho- tinus the eunuch, were plotting against Caesar's life. Caesar being informed of their design, planted his guards about the hall, and killed Photinus. Bur Achillas escaped to the armv, and involved Caesar in a very difficult and dangerous war ; for, with a few troops he had to make head against a great city and a powerful army. At last, the king joining the insurgents, Caesar attacked and defeat- ed him. Great numbers of Egyptians were slain, and the- king was heard of no more. This gave Caesar an opportunity to esia- bhsh Cleopatra queen of Egypt. Soon after, she had a son by him, whom the Alexandrians called Caesario. He then departed for Syria, and from thence marched into Asia Minor, against Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, whom he defeat- ed in a great battle near Zera, which deprived him of the kingdom of Pontus, as well as ruined his whole army. In the account he gave Amintius, one of his friends in Rome, of the rapidity and de- spatch with which he gained this victory, he made use only of three words : "I came, I saw, I conquered." After this extraordinary success he returned to Italy, and arrived at Rome as the year of his second dictatorship, an office that had never been annual before, was on the point of expiring. He was declared consul for the year ensuing. Cato and Scipio, after the battle of Pharsalia, had escaped into Africa, where they raised a respectable army, with the assistance ofkingJuba. Caesar now resolved to carry the war into tbeir quarters, and, in order to do it, first crossed over to Sicily, though it was about the time of the winter solstice. To prevent his offi- cers from entertaining any hopes of having the expedition delayed, he pitched his own tent almost within the wash of the sea ; and a favourable wind springing up, he re-embarked* with three thousand * He embarked six legions and two tbousanri norse : but the pamber rnentioned by Plutarch was all that he landed at first, many of the ships iiaviDg been sepamted by a storm. 2ii 31 aea julius c^sak foot and a small body of horsd. After ho bad landed them aafe. ly and privately on the African coast, he set sail again in quest of the remuining part of his troops, whose numbers were more con- siderable, and for whom he was undrr great concern. He found them, however, on their way at sea, and conducted them ail to hij African camp. One day, when Cscsar*s cavalry had nothing else to do, they dt. verted themselves with an African, who danced and pla\ed upon the flute with great perfection. 'ITiey had left their horses to the care of boys, and sat attending to the entertamment with great de. light, when the enemy, coming upon them at once, kiiifd part and entered the camp with others, who fled with great precipiiation. Had not Ceesar himself and Asinius Pollio come to their assist, ance and stopped their flight the war would have been ai an end that hour. In another engagement, the enemy had the advantage again, on which occasion it was, that Caesar took an ensign who I was running away, by the neck, and making him face about, said / ** Look this way for the enemy." I Scipio, flushed with these successful preludes, was desirous to come to a decisive action. Therefore, leaving Afranius ano Juba in their respective camps, which were at no gr^at distance, ho went in person to the camp above the lake, in the neighbourhood of Thapsus, to raise a fortification for a place of arms and an oc casionai retreat. While Sicpio wat constructing his wallb and ramparts, Csesar, with incredible despatch, made his way through a country almost impracticable, by reason of its woods and diffi. cult passes, and coming suddenly upon him, attacked one part of his army in the rear, another in the front, and put the whole to flight. Then, making the best use of his opportunity, and of the favour of fortune, with one tide of succetts he took the camp of Afranius, and destroyed that of the Numidians ; Juba, their king, being glad to save himself by flight. Thus, in a small part of one day, he made himself master of three comps, and killed fiOy (thousand of the enemy, while he sustained a loss only of hAy men. Many persons of consular and pnDtorian dignity escaped out of the battle. Some of them being afterward.-* taken despatched them* selves, and a numtier were put to death by Caesar. Having a strong desire to take Cato olive, the conqueror hastened lu IMica,'* which Cato had charge of, and for that reason was not in the bat. lie. But by the way he was informed that ho had killed hmiselt*, and his uneasiness at the news was very visible. As his officers • Beforn ( etnr left Utica. hfl |ave order* for th« rebuilding of tarthane, •• b« did •oon afier hu return to Itnly for the rebuilding oi Corinth to that thew "*•• ••.i.»« were destroyed in the game year, and in the »ame year r<»i«ed out of t»). which ibey had Uin nhout a hundred year*. Two vear» afur, iliev were nW<\ with Hotnaii colonies f JULIUS C^SAR. 3a3 were wondering what might be the cause of tliat nneasmess, he • cried out, " Cato, I envy thee thy death, since thou enviedst me ; 7 the glory of giving thee thy life." Ooesar, after his return from Africa to Rome, spoke in high terms of his victory to the people. He told them he had subdued a coun^ try so extensive, that it would bring yearly into the public stores two hundred thousand Attic measures of wheat, and three million pounds of oil. After this, he led up his several triumphs over Egypt, Pontus, and Africa. In the title of the latter, mention was not made of Scipio, but of Juba only. Juba, the son of that prince, then very young, walked in the procession. It proved a happy captivity for him; for of a barbarous and unlettered Numidian, he became a historian worthy- to be numbered among the most learned of Greece. The triumph was followed by large dona- tions to the soldiers, and feasts and public diversions to the people. Being elected consul the fourth time, he marched into Spain, against the sons of Pompey, who, though young, had assembled a numerous army, and showed a courage worthy the command they had undertaken. The great battle which put a period to that war was fouglit under the walls of Munda. Caesar at first saw his men 80 hard pressed, and making so feeble a resistance, that he ran through the ranks, amidst the swords and spears, crying, "Are you not ashamed to deliver your general into the hands of boys ?" The great and vigorous eff<»rts this reproach produced, at last made the enemy turn their backs, and there were more than thirty thou, eand of them slain, whereas Ceesar lost only a ihousand, but those were some of the be.»t men he had. As he retired after the battle, he told his friends, " He had often fought for victory, but that was the first time he had fought for his life." The younger of Pom- pcy's sons made his escape : the other was taken by Didius a few days after, who brought his head to Caesar. This was the last of his wars; and his triumph on account of it gave the Romans more pain than any other step he had taken. He did not now mount the car for having conquered foreign generals, or barbarian kings, but for ruining the children and destroying the race of one of the greatest men Rome had ever produced, though he proved at last unfortunaie. All the world condemned his tri- umphing in the calamities of his country, and rejoicing in things which nothing could excuse, either before the gods or men, but ex- treme necessity. And it was the more obvious to condemn it, be- cause, after this, he had never sent any messenger or letter to ac- quaint the public with any victory he had gained in the civil wars, but was rather ashamed of such advantages. The Romans, how- ever, bowing to his power, and submitting to the bridle, because they saw no other respite from intestine wars and jijiseries, but the 364 JULIUS CiESAR. taking one man for th^ir master, created him dictator for life. Thit was a complete tyranny, for to ab^oluic jiower ihey added per||9« tuit> . Cicero wan the first who proposi-d that the senate should confer great honours upon Cucsur, bui honoura wiihiii the measure of hu- manity. ThoM! who followed, coiittMiduig with each other who should make hini the most extraordinary coiuplimenis, b\ the absur. ditv and extravuKance of their decrees rendered lum <»diou8 and unsupportabh* even to persons of candour. His eiie!iiie8 were sup- posed io viti with his tlatterers in these sacrifices, that they might have the beiier pretence, and the more cause, to uft up their hand* against him. This is probable enough, bccuuse in otiier re8|>ccts, al\er the civil wars were brought to an end, his conduct ^slb irre- proachuhle : for he not onlv pardoned most of those who had ap- peared against him in the field, but oit suine of them he iiestowed honours and preferments ; on Brutus and Cassius lor uHunce : for tbev Mere both prsetnrs. The statues of Pompey bad been thrown down b\ his partisans, but he did not sutier them to he in that posture ; he erected them again. On which occasion Cicero said, *' That Caesar, bv rearing Pompey*s statues, had established / his own." His friends pressed him to have a guard, and many offered to serve in that capacity, but he would not suffer it. For he said, **It was better to die once, than to live alwa\8 in fear of death." He -j esteemed the afiection of the people the most honourable and the I safext guard, and therefore endeavoured to gain them by feasts and / distril>utions of corn, as he did the soldiers by placing them in agreeable colonies. I The nobility he gained by promising them consulates and pre- I torshipfl, or, if they were engaged, by giving them other places of /i^ I honour and profit. T<» all he opened the pro8{»ecta of hope ; for I be was desirous to reign over a willing people. Ctesar had such talents for great attempts, and so vast an ambi. tion, that the many actions he performed, b\ no meauM induced him to sit down and enjoy the glor> he had ucquired; the\ rather whet- ted his appetite for other conquests, produced new designs equally gre.it, together with equal confidence of success, and inspired him witii a passion for fresh renown, as if he had exhiiusied all the plea. surcH of the old. This passion was nothing but h comest with him- self, (as eager as if it had been with another man,) to makf^ his fu- ture achievements outshine the pant. In this spirit he had foimed a design, and was making preparations for war against the Par- tbians. After he had subdued ih»'m. ho intended to iruverse Hyr- cania, and marching along by the Cnspian Sea >ind Mount Cauca- sus, to enter Scytbia ; to rnrry hn coiniuering arm*, through the countries adjoining to Germany, and through Germany itself: and JULIUS C^SAR. 365 then to return by Gaul to Rome; thus finishing the circle of the Roman eiiipire, as well as extending iis bounds to the ocean en every side. During the preparations for this expedition, he attempted to dig through the Isthmus of (^orinth, and committed the care of that work to Anienus. He designed also to convey the Tiber b\ a deep channel direct from Rome to Circsei, and so into the sea near Tar- racina, for the convenience as well as security of merchants who traded to Rome. Another publicspirited work that he meditated, was to drain all the marshes by Nomentum* and Setia, by which ground enough would be gained from the water to employ many thousands of hands in tillage. He proposed farther to raise bank's on the shore nearest Rome, to prevent the sea from i)reakmg m upon the land ; to clear the Ostian shore of its secret and danger- ous obstructions, and to build harbours tit to receive the many ves- sels that came in there. These things were designed, but did not take effect. He completed, however, the regulation of the calendar, and cor- rected the erroneous computation of time,"|" agreeable to a plan which he had ingeniously contrived, and which proved of the great- est utility. The principal thing that excited the public hatred, and at last caused his death, was his passion for the title of king. It was ihe first thing that gave offence to the multi ude, and it afforded his in- veterate enemies a very plausible plea. Those who wanted to pro- cure him that honour, gave it out among the people, thai it appear- ed from the Sibylline boi)ks, " The Romans could never conquer the Parthians, except they went to war under the conduct of a king." And one day, when CaBsar returned from Alba io Rome, some of his retainers ventured to salute him by that title. Observing that the people were troubled at this strange compliment, he put oci an air of resentment, and said, *' He was not called king, but Caesar." Upon this, a deep silence ensued, and he passed on in no good hu- mour. Another time the senate having decreed him some extravaijant honours, the consuls and praetors, attended by the whole body of pa riciaiis, went to inform him of what they had done. When they came, he did not rise to receive them, but kept his seat, as if they had been persons in a private station, and his answer to their ad- dress, was, *' That there was more need to retrench his honours, than to enlars^e them." This haughtiness gave pain not only to the * It appears from a passage in Suetonius. Vii Cces c. 4A, Siccarc Pomptinas pa- ludes. as well as from am.tner m Strabo. Ed Par. I. v p. 231. V. D. that for JVbmen- ium we snoiilfi here read Pomentium f Forough means of tnat erroneois computation, the Roman calendar hale coiniiion wealth ; lor all who could decfUtly witlidiuw. went •)!!' ^really f the senate and people. Upon this, many applied to Marcus Brutus, who, by the father's side, was supposed (o be a descendam of (ha( ancient Brutus, and whose mother was of the illustrious house of the Servilii. He was also nephew and son. in-law to Caio. No man was more inclined than he to lift his hand aguinsi moiiarchy. but he was withheld by the honours and fuvours he had received irom Cssar, who had not only given him his lite after the deteai of Pompey at Pharsalia, and pardoned many of his friends at his request, but cimtinued lo ho. nour him with his confidence. 'I'hat very year he had procured him the most honourable prsBtorship, and he had named him f(»r the consulship four years after, in preference to Cassius, who wtui his competitor. On whieh ocoision Csesar is reported to have said, "Cassius assigns the slronj^est reasons, but i cannot refuse Bru- tus." Some impcHched Brutus, after the conspiracy was formed; but, instead of listemiii; t<^thein, he laid his hand on his bod>,aiid said, ** Brutus will wait (or this skin:" intimating, (hat, though the virtue of Brutus rendered him worthy of empire, he would not be guilty of any ingratitude or baseness to obtain it. Those, howe- ver, who were desirous of a change, kept their eyes upon hini only, or principally at leuNt ; iind as they durst not speak out plain, they put billets night after night in the tribunal and seal which ho used as praetor, mostly in these terms, ** Thou sleepest Bruius;" or, *' Thou art not Brutus." Cassms, perceiving his friend's ambition a littlo stimulated by JULIUS C^SAR. 367 these papers, began to ply him closer than bei'or^, and spur him on to the great enterprise : for tie had a particular enmity ai>ainst Cae- sar. Caesar, too. had some suspicion of inuj, and he even said one day to his friends, " What think you of Cassms ? 1 do not like his pale looks." We are told, there were c-'trong signs and presages of the death of Caesar. Many report, that a < ertam s«»'>ihsayer forewarned him of a jjreat danger which threatened him on the ides of Mnrcb, and that when the day was come, as he was going to the senate. hows?;, he called to the soothsayer, and said iaughmg, "The ides of March are come :" to which he answered softly, " Yes : but thev are not gone." The evening before, he supped with Marcus Lepidus, and signed, according to custom, a number of letters, as he sat at ta- ble. While he was so employed, there arose a question, '* What kind of death was the best ?" and Caesar answering before them all, cried out, " A sudden one." The same night, as he was m bed with his wife, the doors and windows of the room fle.' open at once. Disturbed both with the noise and the light, he observed, by moonshine, Calpurnia in a deep sleep, utteriritr broken words and inarticulate groans. She dreamed that she was wt eping over him, as she held him, murdered, m her arms. Be that as it may, next mtirning she conjured Caesar not to go out that day, if he could possibly avoid it, but to sojourn the senate, and, if he paid no regard to her dreams, to have recourse to some other species of divination, or to sacrifices, for information as to his fare. This gave him some suspicion and alarm; for he had iiever known, be- fore, in Calpurnia, any thing of the weakness or superstition of her sex, though she was now so much affected. He therefore offered a number of sacrifices, and as the diviners found no auspieious token> in them he sent Antony to dismiss the senate. In the mean time, Deems Brums,* surnamed Albinus, came in. He was a person in whom Caesar placed such confidence, that he had appointed him his second heir, yet he was engaged in the conspiracy with «he othei Brutus and Cassius. This man, fear- ing that if Caesar adjourned the senate to another day the affair might be discovered, laughed at the diviners, and told Caesar he would be highly to blame, if, by such a slight, he gave the senate an occasion to complain against him. " For they were met/' he said, " at his summons, and came prepared w»th one voice to ho- nour him with the title of king in the provinces, and to grant that he should wear the diadem both by land and sea every where out of Italy. But if any one go and tell them, now they have taken their places, they must go home again, and return when Calpurnia hap- pens to have better dreams, what room will your enemies have to » Plutarch finding a D prefixed to Brutus, took it f^i: Decius, but iiis name was Decrrnus Brutus. See J]ppian and Suetonius. » I 359 JULIUS C£SAK. launch out aurainst you ? Or who will bear your friend* when thev attempt to show, that this m not an open wirviiude on the one hand, and tyranny on the other? if you are absolutely persuaded that this is an unlucky day, it is certainly better to go yourself, and tell them \ ou have stroni; reasons tor putting off business till another tiniH.** So saving, h^- took Cssar b> the hand, aitd led him out. He was not gone far from the d ing it impossible, by reason of the crowd that was about hint, he made his way into the house, and putting himself into the bauds of Calpurnia, desired her to keep him safe till Csesar's reium, beeame he had matters of great importance to communicate. Artemidorus the Ciiidian, who, by teaching the Greek eloquence, became acquainted with some of Brutus's friends, and had got iq. telligence of most of the transactions, approa iH called JlntUiu$ Cimher. and ih«re is a medal whicn hean that name : bat thai •»ertal it believed lo be iMMiriout. Some call him Mttellut Cimtwr j and oUMrs mippoce we should /end M. TulliusCimber. JULIUS CiBSAR. 369 for in the beginning of so tremendous an enterprise he was proba- bly in some disorder. Caesar therefore turned upon him, and laid hold of his sword. At the same lime ihey both cried out, the one in Latin, " Villam ! Casca ! what dost thou mean ?" and the other in Greek, to his brother, " Brother, help !" After such a begi.nnmj;, those who knew nothing of the conspi- racy were seized with consternation and horror, insomuch that they durst neither fly, nor as>ist, nor even utter a word. AH the conspi- rators now drew their swords, and surrounded him in such a man- ner, that whatever way he turned, he saw nothing but steel gleam- ing in his face, and met nothing but wounds. Like some savage beast attacked by the hunters, he foiind every hand lifted against him, lor they all agreed to have a share m the sacrifice and taste of his blood. Theretore Brutus himself gave hiin a stroke in the groin. Some say, he opposed the resr, and coniinu»-d struggling and crying out, till he perceived the sword of Brutus ; then he drew his robe over his face, and yielded to his fate. Either by accident, or pushed thither by the conspirators, he expired on the .pedestal of Pompey's ssatue, and dved it with his blood : so that Pompey seem- ed to preside over the work of vengeance, to tread his enemy un- der his feet, and to enjoy his agonies. Those agonies were great, for he received no less than three and twenty wounds. And many of the conspirators wounded each other, as they were aiming their blows at him. Caesar thus despatched, Brutus advanced to speak to the senate, and to assign his reasons for what he had done, but they could not bear to hear him ; they fled out of the house, and filled the people with inexpressible horror and dismay. Some shut up their houses; others left their shops and counters. All were in motion : one was running to see the spectacle ; another running back. Antony and Lepidus, Caesar's principal friends, withdrew and hid themselves in other people's houses. Mean time Bruti>s and his confederates, yet warm from the slaughter, marched in a body with their bloody swords in their hands, from the senate-house to the capitol, not like men that flwl, bur with an air of gaiety and confidence, calling the people to liberty, and stopping to talk with every man of conse- quence whom they met. There were some who even joined them, and mingled with their train ; desirous of appearing to have had a share in the action, and hoping for one in the glory. Of this num- ; ber were Caius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther, who afterwards/ paid dear for their vanity ; being put to death by Antony and young Caesar. So that they gained not even the honour for which they lost their lives ; for nobody believed that they had any part in the enterprise ; and they were punished, not for the deed, but for th© will. Next day Brutus, and the rest of the conspirators^ can»e do^vn. 3a 3Y9 di/LIUS C£9A& from the capitol, and addressed the people, who attended to thoir discourse, without expressing either ditds upon ine shore f Calius, a writer at all times much too presumptuous, paid little regard to that maxim of the poet's, when he so boldl\ attempted a comparison between Demosthenes and Cicero. But perhaps the precept, Know thyself ^ would not be considered as divine, if ever)' man could casilj reduce it to practice. It seems to me that Demosthenes and Cicero were originally formed by nature in tlie same mould, so great is tlie resemblance in their disposition. The same ambition, the same love of liberty, appears in their whole administration, and the same timidity amidst wars and dangers. Nor did they less resemble each other in thoir fortunes. For I think it impossible to 5nd two other orators, who raised themselves from obscure beginnings to such authority and po\yer ; who both opposed kings and tyrants; who both lost their daughters ; were banished their country, and returned with honour ; were forced (o fly again ; were taken by their enemies, and at last expired the same hour with the liberties of their countrj. So that, if nature and fortune, like two artificers, were to descend upon tho Bcene, and dispute about their work, ii would be difHrult to decide whether the former had produced a greater resemblance in their dispttsitions, or the latter in the circumstances of their Uvr^ Wr; shall begin with the more ancient. Demosthenes, the father of Demosthenes, was one of liie pnn. cipal citizens of Athens. Theoi>ompus tells us, he was called tho sword.cutler, because he employed a great number of slaves in that business. He had a large fortune \e\\ him by his father who died when he was rmly seven years of aite ; the whole being e.sti. muted at little less than fifteen talents. But he was greatly w rongcd •Casrilius WHS a ceieiirnte'1 rneioricMin. who livrd m the iinie of AugUMuti H% Wrt>i« a TfeeiiM on the StwhliMie, which is inentiunvd by Lonninus. DEMOSTHENES. 373 by his guardians, who converted part to their own use, and suffered psyt to lie nejilected. Nay, they were vile enough fo deiVaud his tutors of their salaries. This was the chief r^tason that he had not those advantages of education, to which his quality entitled him. His mother did not choose that he should be put to hard and labo- ri'ius exercises, on account of the weakness and neluacy «»f his frame ; and his preceptors, being ill paid, did not press him to attend them. His ambition to speak in pul^ic is said, to have taken its rise on this occasion. Ttie orator Callistratus was (0 plead in the cause which the city of Oropus* had depending ; and the expectation of the public was greailv raised boih by the powers of the orator, which were then in the highest repute, and by the importance of the trial. Demosthenes hearing the goveritors and tutors agree among themselves to attend the trial, with much importunity pre- vailed on his master to take him to hear the pleadings. The mas- ter having some acquaintance with the officers who opened the court, got his young pupii a seat where he t-ould hear the orators without being seen. Callistratus had great success, and his abilties were extremely admired. Demosthenes was fired with a spirif of emulation. VVhen he saw with what distinction the orator was conducted home, and complimented by the people, he was struck still more with the power of that commanding eloquence, which could carry all before it. From this time, therefore, he badn adieu to the <»iher studies and exercise in which boys are engaged, and applied himself with great assiduity to declaiming, m hopes of being one day numbered among the orators. Isasus was the man he made use of HS his preceptor in eloquence, th«)Ugh Isocratesthen taught it. When his minority was expired, he called his guardians to ac- count at law, and wrote orations against them.. As they found many methods of chicane and dela\ , he had great opportunity, as Thucvdides says, to exercise his talents tor the bar.f It was not without much pains and some risk that he gained his cause ; and, at last, it was but a very small part of his patrimonv that he could recover. By this means, however, he acquired a proper assurance, and some experience ; and having tasted the honour and power that go in the train of eloquence, he attempted to speak in the public debates, and take a share in the adniinisi ration. However, in his first address to the people, he was laughed at, * Oropus was a town on the banks of the Euripus. on the frontiers of Attica The Thebans. though they had been relieveri in iheirrtistress by Chabriasanri the Athenians, forgot meir former services, anrt took Oropus from them C'habrias was suspecteri uf treachery, and Callistratus. the orator was retained to plead ngainst him. Demos- thenes mentions this in his orations against Phinias At the time of this trial, he was about sixteen. + He lost his father at the age of seven : and he was ten years in the hands of guar- dians. He. tnerefore, began to plead in his eighteenth year, which, as it was only in his own private affairs, was not forbidden by the laws. ^2 3^4 DEMOSTHE!«S. and interrupted by their clamours : for the vioJettce of his manner threw him into a confusion ot periods, and a dinortion ol his argu- mem. Besides, he hud u weakm-ss and a siammering in his voice, and a want ol' brea|h, which caused such a disirartioii in his dis« course, ihni ir was difficult tor ihe audwiice to iindir^tand him. At last, upon ius quMing the asstrniblx , tluiiomus the 'I'hriasian, a man now extremely old, found him wauderiiig in a drjecied cundiiion in Ihe Pirceus, and took upon him to sei him right. ** Vou,'* said he, ** have a manner of speaking ver\ like that ot* Periclfs ; and yet you lose yourseit' out of utere timidity and cowardice. Yoa neither bear up against the tumults of a popular assembK, nor pre- pare your bodj by exercise for he labour of the mstrum, but suffer your parts to wither awa\ in negligence and indolence." Another time, we are told, when his speeches had been ill recei- ved, and he was going home with his head covered, and in great distress, Satyrus the pla\er followed and went in with him. De- mosthenes lamented to him, *' That, though he was the mi>st labo- nous of all the orators, and had almost sacrificed his health tu that upplicatntn, yet he could gam no favour with the pe]r psant Demsdw, wIkms pwimion was mat of a mariner. DEMOSTHENES. 375 them to regular sentences and periods,* meditating a variety of corrections and new forms of expression, boih tor what others had said to him, and he had addressed to them. Hence it was con- cluded that he was not a man of much genius ; and that all his eloquence was the effect oi labour. A strong proof of this seemed to be, I hat he was seldom heard to speak aiiv thmg extempore, and though the people often called upon him by name, as he sat in the assembly, to speak to the point debated, he would not do it unless he came prepared. For this many of the orators ridiculed him ; and Pyiheas, in particular, t4t all Wit* motions. It is said, that a man came to him one day, and desired hrm (o be Wm advocate agaioHt a person from wh(»m he had suffered by assault. ** Not you, indeed," said Demosthenes, ** you have suf. fered iif) such thing." *• What !" said the man, raising his voice, " hnve I not received those blows?" ** Ay, now," replied Demos. fluiirs, •♦ you do speak like a person that has been injured." So much, in his opinion, do the tone of voice and the action contribute to gain the speaker credit in what he affirms. His action pleased the commonalty much ; but people of taste (amotig whom was Demetrius the Phalerian,) thought there was something in it low, imiegant, and unmanly. Hermippus acquaints us, that if^ian being asked his opmion of the ancient orators, and those of that time, said, '* Whoever has heard the orators of former timen roust admire the decorum and dignit> with which they spoke. Yet when we read the orations of Demosthenes, we .must allow they have more art in the composition, and greater force. In his written orations, there was something extremely cutting and severe ; but, in his fs: and yct^ot that DEMOSTHENES. ($77 time he had attained no name or power in the administration. This, indeed, seems to be the reason of his droppmg the prosecution fox a sam of money. For, No prayer, no moving art, E'er bent thai fierce, inexoraole heart. Pope. He was vindictive in his nature, and implacable in his resent, ments. He saw it a difficuh thing, and out of the reach of his m- terest, to pull down a man so well supported on all sides, as Midias, by wealth and friends : and therefore he listened to the application in his behalf. Had he seen any hopes or pussibiUty of crushing his enemy, I cannot think that three thousand drachmas could have disarmed his anger. He had a glor'ous subject for his political ambition, to defend the cause of Greece against Philip. He defended it like a champion worthy of such a charge, and soon gained great reputation both for eloquence and for the bold truths which he spoke. He was ad- mired in Greece, and courted by the king of Persia. Nay, Philip himself had a higher opinion of him than the other orators ; and his enemies acknowledged that they had to contend with a great man. Panaetius, the philosopher, asserts, ttiat m(Kst of his orations are written upon this principle, that virtue is to be chosen lor her own sake only ; that, for instance, Of the Crown, ihat again** Arista. crates, that For the Immunities, and the Philippics, ^'^ ^1' these ora- tions, he does not exhort his countrym^" 'O that which is most agreeable or easy, or advantageous,* but points out honour and propriety as the first objects, an dience, he answered the speech ot Demosthenes with greater care than the rest. As to other marks of honour and respect, Demos- thenes had not an equal 8hare in them ; thev were tiestuwed prin> cipally upon iEschines and Philocrates. The>, therefore, praised Philip on all occasions; and, insisted, in particular, on hitf elo* qtience, his beauty, and even his being able t«i drink a great guan- tity of liquor. Demosthenes, who could not bear to heai him com- mended, turned these things off as triHes. *' The first," he said, " was the property of a sophist, the second of a woman, and the third of a sponge ; and not one uf them could dti any credit to a king." At>erwards it appeared, that nothing was to be expected but war, for, on one hand, Philip knew not how to sit down in tranquillity ; and, on the other, Demosthenes lutlamed the Athenians. In this case, Uio first step the orator look, was to put the people upon send, ing an armament to Eubcea, which was brought under the yoke of Philip by its petty tyianta. Acrordmgly he iirew up an edict, in pursuance of which they passed over to that penuisula, and drove out the Macedonians. His second operation was the sending sue- coursto the Byzantians and Permthians, with whom Philip was at war. He persuaded the people lo drop ih«ir resentment, to forget the faults which both those nations had conimittt:d m the confede- rate war, and to send a body of troops to their assi>iaiice. They did BO, and it saved them trom rum. Aftei this he went anibassa- dor to I he AtateM of Greece, and, by his animating address, orouobt them almost all to join in the league against Philip. Beside the troops of the several cities, they took an army ot mercenaries, to the number of fiHeen thousand foot, and two thousand horse, into pay, and readily contributed to the charge. Theophrastus tells us. that, when the allies desired their contributions might be settled, Crobylus, the orator answered, *' That war could not be brought to any set diet." So powerful were the efforts of the orator, that Philip inunediaialy sent ambassadors to Athens to apf>ly for peace; lircece > ^ I her spirits, whilst she stood waiting for the event; and u> >t> Athenian generals, but the governors of BoDotia were reudv to cz ecute the commands of Demosthenes. All the asfiemblies,' as well those of Theb<>s, as those of Athens, were under his direction ; ho t^Qs equally beloved and powerful in both places : and, as Tbeo- DEMOSTHENES. 379 pompus shows, it was no more than his merit claimed. But the superior power ot" tortune, which seems to have been working a re- vohinoii, and drawing the hberties of Greece to a period, at that time opposed and battled all the measures that Cfiuld be taken. Demosthenes is said to have had such confidence m the Grecian arms, and to have been so much elated with the courage and spi- rit of so many brave men calling for the enemy, that he would not sutler them to regard any oracles or prophecies. He told them, thai he suspected he prophetess herself of Philippizing, He put the Thebans in mind of Epaminondas, and the Athenians of Pe- ricles, how they reckoned such things as mere pretexts of coward- ice, an*l pursued the plan which their reason had dictated. Thus far Demosthenes acquitted himself like a man of spirit and honour. But ill the battle of Chajronea he performed nothing worthy of the glorious thinjjs he had spoken. He quitted his post; he threw away his arms; he tied in the most infamous manner; and was not ashamed to bely the inscription which he had put upon his shield in golden characters, to «ood fortune. Iiiiinediately afier the victory, Philip, in the elation of his heart, comtnitied a thousand excesses. He drank to intoxication, and danced over the dead, making a kind of song of the first part of fhe decree which Demosthenes had procured, and beating time to it— Demosthenes, the PcBncan, son of Demosthenes, has decreed. But when he came to be sober again, and considered the dangers with which he had lately been surrounded, he trembled to think of the prodigious force and power of that orator, who had obliged him to put both empire and life on the cast of a day, on a few hours of that day.* The fame of Demosthenes reached the Persian court ; and the king wrote letters to his lieutenants, commanding them to supply him with money, and to attend to him more than to any other man in Greece ; because he best knew how to make a diversion in his favour, by raising fresh troubles, and finding employment for the Macedonian arms nearer home. This Alexander afterwards* dis- covered by the letters of D<}mosthenes which he found at Sardis; and the papers of the Persian governors expressing the sums which had been given him. When the Greeks had lost this great battle, those of the contrary faction attacked Demosthenes, and brought a variety of public ac- cusations against him. The people, however, not only acquitted him, but treated him with the same respect as before, and called him to the helm again, as a person whom they knew to be a well- wisher to his country : so that, when the bones of those who fell at » Deinades the orator contributed to bring him to the right use of his reason, wHeo he tcld him with such distinguished magnanimity. '• That fortune bad placed Iiira in the character of Agamemnon, but that he chose to play the part of Thersites." 3A DEMOSTHENES. Cheronea were brought home to be interred, they pitched upon Demusthenea to make the funeral oration. They were, ihtrelbre, so far from beunng their misfortune mi a mean and ungentfro^t manner, that, by the great honour they did the counsellor, ibey showed they did not repent of having followed his auvice. Demosthenes accordingly made the oration. But, after this, be did not prefix his own nauie to h^s edicts, because he considered fortune as inauspicious to him ; but sometimes that ot one friend, sometimes that of another, till he recovered his spirits u\hju the death of Philip, for that prince did not long survive bis victory at Chaeronea. Demosthenes had secret intelligt^nce of the death of Philip; and, in order to prepossess the people with the hopes of s<}me good suc> cess to come, he entered the assembly with u gay countenance, pretending he hud seen a vision which announced something great for Athens. Soon after, messengers came with an account of Phi« lip*8 death. The Athenians immediately offered sacritices of ac knowledgment to the gods for so huppy un event, and voted a cmwn for Pausanias, who killed him. Demosthenes on this occasion, made his appearance in magnificent attire, and with a garland oo his head, though it was only the seventh day vfter his daughter's death, as iEschines tells us, who, on thai account, reproaches liim as an unnatural father. But he must himself have been of an un* generous and effeminate disposition, if he considered leais and la- mentations as marks of a kind and affectionate parent, and con. demned the man who bore such a loss with moderation. On the contrary, I commend Demosthenes, for leaving ihe tears and oiber instances of mourning, which his domestic misfurtunes mighi claim, to the women, and going ahnut such actions as h»* thought condu- cive to the welfare of his country : for 1 think u man uf such firm- ness and other abilities as a statesman ought to possess, should al- ways have the common concern in view, and look upon his private Qccid^ents or business as a consideration much inferior to the public. Demosthenes now solicited the states of Greece afcain, and they entered once more into a league. The Thebans being furnished with arms by him, attacked the garrison in their citadel, and killed great numbers ; and the Athenians prepared lo joii< them in the war. Demosthenes mounted the rostrum almost every day ; and he wrote to the kin^ of Persia's lieutenants in Asia, to invite them to commence hostilities from that quarter againsl Alexander, whom he called a boy. But when Alexander had settled the affairs of his own country, and marched into Bceotia with all his forces, the pride of the Athe- nians was humbled, and the spirit of Derooathenes died away. Tli^y deserted the Tbobans ; and that unhappy people hed to stand DEMOSTHENES. 381 the whole fury of the war, in consequence of which they lost their city. The Athenians were in great trouble and confusion ; and they could think of no better measure, than sending Demosthenes, and some others, ambassadors lo Alexander. But Demosthenes dreading the anger of tha monarch, turned back at Mouni Cithae. ron, and rehnquished his commission. Alexander immediately sent deputies to Athens, who, (according toldoineneus and Duns,) demanded that they would deliver up ten of their orators. Bin the greatest part, and those the most repu.able of the historians say, that he demanded only these eight, Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Ephi- altes, Lycurgus, Myrocles, Damon, Calisthenes, and Charidemus. On this occasion, Demosthenes addressed the pe(»ple m the fable of the sheep, who were to give up their dogs to the wolves, before they would grant them peace : by which he msiimated, that he and the other orators were the guards of the people, as the d<»gs were of the flock : and that Alexander was the great wolf rhey had to treat with. And again : " As we see the merchants carrying about a small sample in a dish, by which they sell large quanities of wh- at, so you, in us, without knowing it, deliver up the whole body of ci- tizens." The Athenians dehberated upon the point in full assembly ; and Demades seeing ihem in great perpiexit\ , oflTered to go alone to the king of Macedon, and intercede for the orators, on condition that each of them would give him five talents ; whether it was that he depended upon the friendship that prince had for him; or whether he hoped to find him, like a li< n, satiated with blood. He succeed- ed, however, in his application for the orators, and reconciled Alex- ander to the city. When Alexander returned to Macedon, the reputation of De- mades, and the other orators of his party, greatl\ increased ; and that of Demosthenes gradually declined. It is true, he rais- ed his head a little, when Agis, king of Sparta, took the field ; but it soon fell again ; for the Athenians refused to join hiin. Agis was killed in battle, and the Lacedaemonians were eniiiely routed. About this time, the affair concerning the crovm* came again upon the carpet. The information was first laid under the arehonship of Chaerondas ; and the cause was not determined tnl ten years after, under Anstophon. It was the most celebrated cause that ever was pleaded, as well on account of the reputation of the orators, as the generous behaviour of 'he judges ; for, though ihe prosiecutors of Demosthenes were then in great power, as being entirely m the Macedonian interest, the judges would not give their voices against » De.nnstheiies reouih tne walls ol Athens at his own expense, for which the peo- pte, at the luoiion of CUesiphon, decreed him a crown of gold I'ljis excited the envy and jeal«)usy of /Escnines, who tticreupon brought that fa-nous impeachment against Demosthenes, which occasioned his inimitable oration d» Corona, 3bd DEMOSTHENES. him ; but acquitted him so honourably, that iEacliines had not a fifth part ot tiie ^ulfrage8.''' .£tichiiie» immediatt'K <|uiit(*d Athens, and spent the rest of bis days in teaching rhetoric at Rhodex and in iuina. It was not. long after this, thai Harpalus came from Asia to Atheiiti.| He had fled fr«»m the service of \lexaiider, b««fh beeauae he was conscious of having betra\ed hia trust, and because he dread, ed his master, who now was become terrible to his best ineiidtt. As he applied to the people uf Athens for shelter, and desired protection for his ships and treasures, most of the orators had an eye upon the gold, and supported his application with all their interest De- mosthenes at first advised them to order Harpalus off immediately, and to be particular!) careful not to involve the city m war again, without any just or necessary cause. Yet a tew days after, \^hen thev were taking an account of the treasure, Harpalus perceiving that Demosthenes was much pleased with one of the king's cups, ai^d stood aiiniiring the workmanship and fashion, desired hiin to take it in his hand, and feel 'he weight of the gold. Deiiiosiheries being surprised at the Heii^ht and ask> ing Harpalus how much it might bring, he smiled, and said, *' It wilt hring you twenty talents." And as soon as it was night, he sent him ihe cup with that sum : for Harpalus knew well how to distiiiguisii a man's passion for gold, b\ his pleasure at the sight, and the k*'en looks he cast upon it. Demosthenes could not resist the temptation ; it made all the impression upon him that was ex- peeled : he received the money, lik« a gariison into his house, and went over to the lntere^t of Harpalus. Next day, he came inn> the assembly with a «)uantity of wool and bandages about his neck ; and when the people called upon him tt> get up and speak, he made signs that he had h)8t his voice. U|>un which S4ime that were by, said, ''It was no common hoarseness that he got in the night ; it was a hoarseness occasioned by swallowing gold and silver." Af. terwards, when ail the people were apprised of his taking the bribe, and tie wanted to speak in his own defence, they would not sutfer him, but raised a clamour, and expressed their indignation. \l the same time, soniebody stood up and said sneeringly, '' Will you not hsten to the man with the cup H The Athenians then immediaiely sent Harpalus off; and, fearing they might be called to account * This wa< a very innoMtiniouH circuuistHnce for if ihe aocuMr Had not a Alth part of )ho tuffrai^fa, he wvh finealM* hMit ine ctiar^r ol Aiexaii(irr*«i irciniure m Baoylon. Atui. flMneriim bun- •elf that he wnulti nr^nr return frot)> hl^ InHmn fK|M>ni(ioii he gMV» in m an uaontr of criiiifii an*<»'». A- • ^Mitier wa> reiilU rviuoiiof, ■nil mat hr ioi»k A M'vert >ii»eil ne iiioufhi prupet lo march off Hiih 5.000 trtirn' 1 Thii atUidei ii> a ruMOM. at inc aitcu iti» *i ii.tiu ItMStk, whera.ii ii was uminI lor the cup lu pau fi(i which an Athenian em- bassy enters must necessarily be in a sick and decaying condition.*' Demosthenes turned the comparison against him, by sa\ing, **A« ass's milk never enters but for curing the sick, so the Athenians never appear but for remedying some disorder." The people of Athens were so much pleased with this repartee, that they immediately voted for the recal of Demosthenes. A gal> ley was sent to lietch him from iEgina, and when he came up Irom the Pyraeus to Athens, the whole body of citizens went to meet and congratulate him on bin return ; insomuch that there was neither a magiHtrate nor priest \et\ in the town. Demetrius of Magnesia acquaints us, tha Demosthenes lifled up his hands towards heaven in thanks for that happy day. '* Happier," said he, ** is my return • than that of Alcibiades. It was through compulsion thai the Athe> nians restored him, hut me they have recalled from a m«aive of kindness." The fine, however, still remained due ; for they could not ex- tend their grace so far as to repeal his sentence. But they found out a inethfKl to evade the law, while ihey seemed to comply with it. It was the custom, in the sacrifices to Jupiter the Preserver, to pay I he persons who prepared and adorned the altars. They, therefore, appointed Demosthenes to this charge, and ordered that he should have fifiy talents for his trouble, which waa the sum his fine amounted to. But he did not long enjoy his return to his country. The aflTairs of Greece soon went to ruin. They lost the battle ofCrano in the month of August, a Macedonian garrison entered Munychia in September, and DemoHthenes lost his life in October. it happened in the following manner : when news was brought that Antipater and Craterus were coming to Athens, Demosthenes, and those of his party, hastened to get out privately before their arrival. Hereupon the people, at the motion of Demades, con- demned them to death. As they fled different ways, Antipater sent a company of soldiers about the country to seize Ihem. Ar- chias, surnamed Phugadotheras, or the Exile-hunter, wh«i bad been sometime a tragedion, was their captain. Bein;; informed that DEMOSTHENES. 3S5 Demosthenes had taken sanctuary in the temple of Neptune at Calauria, he and his Thracian soldiers passed over to it row-boats. A.S soon as he was landed, he went to the orator, and endeavoured to persuade him to quit the temple, and go with him to Antipater ; asssuring him he had no hard measure to expect. But it happen- ed that Demosthenes had seen a strange vision the mght before. He thought he was contending with Archias, which could play the tragedian the best ; that he succeeded in his action, had the audi- ence on his side, and would certainly have obtained the prize had not Archias outdone him in the dresses and decorations in the the- atre. Therefore, when Archias had addressed him with a great appearance of humanity, he fixed his eyes on him and said, with- out rising from his seat, " Neither your acting moved me formerly, nor do your promises move me now." Archias tiien began to fhreaten him, upon which he said, " Before you acted a part ; now you speak as from the Macedonian tripod. Only wait a while, till I have sent my last orders to niy family." So saying, he reti- red into the inner part of the temple ; and, taking some paper, as if he meant to write, he put the pen in his mouth, and bit it a con- siderable time, as he used to do when thoughtful about his compo- sition ; after which he covered his hfead, and put it in a reclining posture. The soldiers who stood at the door, apprehendmg that he took these methods to put off* the fatal stroke, laughed at him and called him a coward. Archias then approachinij him, desired him to rise, and began to repeat his promises of making his peace with Antipater. Demosthenes, who by this time felt the operation of the poison he had taken strong upon him, uncovered his face, and looking upon Archias, " Now," said he, "you may act the part of Creon,* in the play, as soon as you please, and cast out this carcase of mine unburied. For mv part, O gracious Neptune, I quit thy temple with my breath within me. But Antipater and the Macedonians would not have scrupled to profane it with mur- der." By this time he could scarcely stand, and therefore desired them to support him ; but in attempting to walk out, he fell by the altar and expired with a groan. Aristo says he sucked the poison from a pen, as we have rela- ted it. One Pappus, whose memoirs were recovered by Hermip- pus, reports, that when befell by the altar there was found on his paper the beginning of a letter — " Demosthenes to Antipater" — and nothing more. He adds, that people being surprised that he died so quickly, the Thracians who stood at the door, assured them that he took the poison in his hand out of a piece of cloth, and put it to his mouth. To them it had the appearance of gold. Upon inquirv made by Archias, a young maid who served Demosthenes, » Aiiudmg to that passage in the Antigone of Sophocles, where Creon forbids tl»e body of Polv nices to be ouried. 3c 33 Q^ BEMOSTHENES. ■aid he had long worn that piece of cloth by way of amulet. Bra- tOAthenes tells us, that he kept the poison in the hollow of a brace. !et button which he wore upon his arm. Many others have writ- ton upon the subject, but it is not necessary to give all their differ, ent accounts. We shall only add, that Democharis, a servant of Demosthenes, asserts, that he did not think his death owing to poi. son, but to the favour of the gods and a happy providence, which snatched him from the cruelty of the Macedonians, by a speedy and easy death. It was not long before the people of Athens paid him the hon. ours that were due to him, by erecting his statue in brass, and de- creeing that the eldest of his family should be maintained in the Pr^'tanaeum, at the public charge. This ceiebi;ated inscription was put upon the pedestal of his statue : Divine in speech, in judgment, too, divine. Had valour's wreath, D^mostiienet. heen thine. Fair Greece had still her frpednm*s ensign borne, And held the tcourge of Macedon in scorn ! For no regard is to be paid to those who say that Demosthenes himself uttered these hues .in Calauria, just before he took the poison.* • This inKriptioD, so far from doing Demosthenes honour, is the greatest disgrace t^t the Athenians could have fastened on his memory. It reproaches him wiib i weakness which, when the safety of his country was at stake, was such a deplonbltt want of virtue and manhood, as no parts or talents could atone for. 387 CICERO. FhurisJied 60 years before Christ. THE account we have of Helvia, the mother of Cicero, is, that- her family was noble* and her character excellent. Of his father there is nothing said but in extremes. For some affirm that he was the son of a fuller,f and educated in that trade, while others deduce his origin fn»m Attius Tuliius,J a prince who governed the Volsci with great reputation. Be that as it may, I think the first of the family that bore the name of Cicero, must have been an extraordi- nary man ; and for that reason his posterity did not reject the ap- pellation, but rather took it with pleasure, though it was a common subject of ridicule : for the Latins call a vetch cicery and he had flat excrescence on the top of his nose in resemblance of a vetch, from which he got that surname. § A.s for the Cicero of whom we arg writing, his friends advised him, on his first application to bu. siness, and soliciting one of the great offices of state, to lay aside or change that name. Bur he answered with great spirit, " That he would endeavour to make the name of Cicero more glorious than that of the Scauri and the CatuH," When quaestor in Sicily, he consecrated in the temple, a vase or some other offering, in sil. ver, upon which he inscribed his two first names, Marcus Tullius, and, punning upon the third, ordered the artificer to engrave a vetch. Such is the account we have of his name. He was born on the third of January, || the day on which the magistrates now sacrifice and pay their devotions for the health of the emperor ; and it is said that his mother was delivered of him without pain. It is also reported, that a spectre appeared to his nurse, and foretold that the fchild she had the happiness to attend, would one day prove a great benefit to the whole commonwealth of Rome. These things might have passed for idle dreams, had hi3 not soon demonstrated the truth of the prediction. When he was of a proper age to go to school, his genius broke out with so much lustre, and he gained so distinguished a reputation among the boys, * Cinna was of this family. ■{• Dion tells IIS, that Q. Calenus was the author of this calumny. Cicero, in bis books de Legibus, has said enough to show that both his father and grandfather wara> persons of property and of a liberal education. X The same prince to whom Coriolanus retired four hundred years before. 5 Plinv's account of the origin of this name is more probable. He supposes thbt the person who first bore it was remarkable for the cultivation of vetches. So Fabius^ Lentulus, and Piso, had their names from beans, tares and peas. IJ In the six hundred and forty seventh year of Rome . a hundred ?ind ibor years before the Christian era. Pompey was born the same y«ar. b88 CICERO. tliat the fathers of 8omo of them repaired to the schools to see Ci- cero, and to have specimens of his capacity for literature ; but the less civilized were angry with their Hons, wh«*n they saw iheiu take Cirero in the middle of th«'m as they walked, and always give hun the place of honour. He had that turn of genius and dispiisUioti which Plato would have a scholar and a phihtsoplier to posseM. He hud both rapacity and iiiciinution to learn all the arts, nor was there any branch of science he despised ; yet he was most inclined to poetry ; and there is still extant a poem entitled Pontius (iUm- CVS* winch was wriiten by him when a boy, in teiraineter verse. In process of tune, when he had studied ihis art wiih greater ap- plication, he was looked upon us the best poet, as well as the great. est orutor in Rome. His reputation for oratory still remains, not' withstanding the consideruble changes that have since been made in the language ; but, as many ingenious poets nave appear. ed since his time, his poetry has lost its credit, aod is now neg. Iccted.t When he had finished those studies through which boys com- monly pass, he attended the lectures of Philo the academician, whom of all the scholars of Chtomachus the Romans most adrpi. red for his eloquence, and loved for his conduct. At the Hame he made great improvement in the knowledge of the law, under Mucius Sca^vola, an eminent lawyer, and president of the senate. He likewise got a taste of military knowledge under Sylla, in the Marsian war.^ But afterwards, finding the conimf)nwealth enga. ged in civil wars, which were likely to end in. nothing but absolute monarchy, he withdrew to a philosophic and conieinplaiive life ; conversing wiih men of letters irom Greece, and making farther advances in science. This method of life he pursued mII Sylla had made himself master, and there appeared to be some establish- ed government again. About (his tune Sylla ordered the estate of one of the citizens to be sold at auction, in consequence of his being killed as a person proscribed. When it waiM struck ofl' t<» Chrysogoniis, S> lla*s freed, man, at the small sum of two thousand druchma), Roscius. the son end heir of the deceused, expressed his indignation, and declared that the estate was worth two hundred and tifiy talents. Sylla, * Thit Glaucut wit famous fi»h«rman. wtib. after aatinf of a e«rta*o karis jiint|>e(1 into ihr mm, and ttacamr onn of tti« Kodii of thai alaifeat Aluchvlu* wrota a tragedy nii tiie Miujnct. Cicrrn'ii porn- u loft. f Plutarch wa« a verv iiidiffereiii jtutce oi l^tiii uoelry. aoU hit »prakin(i »ilh ao much favour nfCicrrn'N. contmrv to the opinion of Juvfnui and niaii> oihera i» a Mfon^ proof of It. tie iranalaied ^raiut into ver»n at the «n^ of apvnntrcn. anuM liva throiiKh innumerable tuir*. But he wa> nut in hinprophecv it hN» Iouk o««n dead. Aiid ihf poem which h« wrote in thran books on hit own aonaultliip nan ttiarad tha •ania faif^. I In the eiKhieenth year of hii afe. CIGERO. 389 enraged at having his conduct thus publicly called in question, brought an action against Roscius for the murder of his father, and appointed Chrysogonus to be fhe managtir. In thts distress, he applied to Cicero, and the friends of the young orator desired him to undertake the cause ; thinking he could not have a more glori- ous opportunity to enter the lists of fame. Accordingly, he under took his defence, succeeded, and gained gr«;at applause.* But, fearing Sylla's resentment, he travelled into Greece, and gave out that the recovery of his health was the motive. Indeed, he was of a lean and slender habit, and his stomach was so weak that he was obliged to be very sparing in his diet, and not to eat till a late hour in the day. His voice had a variety of inflections, but was at the same time harsti and unformed ; and, as in the vehemence and enthusiasm of speaking, he always rose into a loud key, there was reason to apprehend that it might injure his health. When he came to Athens, he heard Antiochus the Ascalonite, and was charmed with the smoothness and grace of his elocution, tRough he did not approve his new doctrines in philosophy : for Antiochus had left the new Academy, as it is called, and the sect of Carneades, either from clear conviction, and from the strength of the evidence of sense, or else from a spirit of opposition to the schools of Chtomachus and Philo, and had adopted most of the doctrines of the Stoics. But Cicero loved the new Academy, and entered more and more into its opinions ; having already taken his resolution, if he failed in his design of rising in the state, to retire from the forum and all political intrigues, to Athens, and spend his days in peace m the bosom of philosophy. But not long after, he received the news of Sylla's death. His body by this time was strengthened by exercise, and brought to a good habit. His voice was formed ; and at the same tin>e that it was full and sonorous, had gained a siifBcient sweetness, and was brought to a key which his constitution could bear. Besides, his friends at Rome solicited him by letters to return, and Antiochus exhorted him much to apply himself to public affairs. For wtiich reason he exercised his rhetorical powers afresh, as the best en- gines for business, and called forth his political talents. In short he suffered not a day to pass without either declaiming, or attend- ing the most celebrated orators. In the prosecution of this design, he vsailed to Asia and the island of Rhodes. Amongst the rhetori- cians of Asia, he availed himself of the instructions of Xenocles of Adramyttium, Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of Cana. At Rhodes he studied under the rhetorician Apollonius Molo.f and the philosopher Pdsidonius. It is said, that Apolionius not understand- » In his Twentv seventh vear. t Not Appollonius the son ofMola, but AppoUonitis Molo. The same mistake is made dy oui author in the Life of Cajsar. 33* 390 CICERO. ing the Roman language, desired Cicero to declaim in Greek ; and he readil> compiled, tmcause he thought b\ that means ht» laults might the better be corrected. W hen he had ended hit» dpciama- tion, the rest were astonished ai his performance, and strove who should praise him uiosi ; but ApolloniUM showed no signs of plea* sure while he was Hpeakiiig; and when he had done, he sat a long while thoughtful and silent. At last, observing ihe uneasiness it gave his pupil, he said, '* As for you, Cicero, 1 prais« and admire you, but 1 am concerned for the fate of Greece. She had nothing left her but the giorv of eloquence and erudition, and you are car- lying that, too, to Rome." Cicero now prepared to apply himself to public affairs with great hopes of success. As he was naturally ambitious, and spurred on besides by his father and his friends, he betook himself to the bar. Nor was it by slow and inKensible degrees that he gained the palm of eloquence ; his fume shot forth at once, and he was distinguished above all the orators of Rome. Yet it is said that his action was naturally as defec ive as that of Demosthenes, and therefore tft) took all the advantage he could from the mstruction of Roscius, who excelled in comedy, and of iCsop, whoMC talents lay in tragedy. In consequence of these helps, Cicero found his powers of persua- sion not a little assisted bv action and just pronunriaiion. But aa for those orators who gave into a bawling manner, he laughed at them, and said, '* Their weakness made them get up into clamour, as lame men get on horseback." His excellence at hitting off a jest or repartee, animated his pleadings, and therefore seemed not foreign ti» the business of the forum ; but by bringing it much into life, he offended numbers of people, and got the character of a malevolent man. He was appointed «|U8Bstor at a time when there was a great scarcity of corn ; and having Sicily for his province, he gave the the people a great deal of trouble at first, by compelling them to send their corn to Rome. But afterwards when the\ came to experience his diligence, hi.<' justice and moderation, they honoured bim more than any queestor Rome had ever sent them. About that time a number of Romans of noble families, \%ho lay under the charge of having violated the rules of discipline; and not l>ehaved with sufficient courage in time . Cicero undertook their defence, and acquitted himself of it with great ability and success. As he returned to Rome, much elated with these advantages, he tells uh,^ he mei with a pleasant adventure. As he was on the road through Campania, meeting with a perHon of some eminence, with whom he was ac quainted, he asked him, '* What they said and thought of his actions • In hit oration far Plancui. CICEKO. 891 in Rome ?" imagining that his name and the glory of his achieve- ments had filled the whole city. His acquaintance answered, " Why, where have you bren then, Cicero, all ihis time "^'^ This answer dispirited him extremely ; for he found that tho accounts of his c.r.ducf had been lost in Rome, as in an immense sea, and had made no remarkable addition to his reputation. By mature reflection upon this incident, he was brought to retrench his ambition, because he saw that contention for glory was an end- less thing, and had neither measure nor bounds to terminate it. Nevertheless, his immoderate love of praise, and his passion for glory always remained with him, and often interrupted his best and wisest designs. When he began to dedicate himself more earnestly to public business, he thought that, while mechanics know the name, the place, the use of every tool and instrument they take in their hands, though those things are maniraate, it would be absurd for a states- man, whose functions cannot be performed but by means of men, to be negligent in acquainting himself with the citizens. He, there- fore made it his business to commit to memory not only their names, but the place of abode of those of greater note, what friends they made use of, and what neighbours were in their circle : so that whatever road in Italy Cicero travelled, he could easily point out the estates and houses of his friends. Though his own estate was sufficient for his necessities, yet, as it was small, it seemed strange that he would take neither fee nor pre- sent for his services at the bar. This was most remarkable in the case of Verres. Verres had been praetor in Sicily, and committed numberless acts of injustice and oppression. The Sicilians prose- cuted him, and Cicero gained the cause for them, not so tnuch by pleading, as by forbearing to plead. The magistrates, in their partiality to Verres, put off the trial by several adjournments to the last day ;* and as Cicero knew there was not time for the advocates to be heard, and the matter determined in the usual method, he rose up, and said, " There was no occasion for pleadings." He there- fore brought up the witnesses, and afler their depositions were taken, insisted that the judges should give their decision immedi- ately. Yet we have an account of several humorous sayings of Cicero's in this cause. When an emancipated slave, Caecilius by name, who was suspected of being a Jew, would have set aside the Sicilians, and taken the prosecution of Verres u()on himself,f Cicero said,— " What has a Jew to do with swine's flesh ?" For the Romans call * Not till the last day. Cicero broueht it on a/ew davs before Verres' friends were to come into office : but of the seven orations which were composed on the occasion, the two first only were delivered. A U 683 t Cicero knew that Caecilius was secretly a friend to Verres, and wanted bj this lueans to bring him off. 308 CICCAO. a boar>pig verres. Aod when Verres reproaclut] Cirfro \\'ii\\ < .". feminacy, he answered, — *• Why do you not fir»t rpprovr? y(.ur own children ?" For Verres had a young son who was supposed to niako an infamous use of hin advantages of person. Hortensius the uratoi did not venture directly to plead the cause of Verres, but he was prevailed on to appear for hini at the laying of the fine, and had received an ivory sphinx from him by wa\ of consideration. In this case, Cicero threw out several enigmatical hints against Hor- tensius ; and when he said, — " He knew not how to solve riddles/' Cicero retorted, — *' That is somewhat siraoge, when you have a sphinx in your house." Verres being thus condemned, Cicero set his fine at seven hundred and tifiy thousand drachmae ; upon which it was said by censorious people, that- he had been bribed to let him off so low.* The Sicilians, however, in acknowledgment of his abSistance, brought him when he was aedile, a number of things for hih games, and ottier very valuable presents ; bui he was so far from con- sidering his private advantage, that he made no other use of their generosity, than to lower the price of provisions. He had a handsome country .seat at Arpinum, a farm near Naples, and another at Pompeii, but neither of them were very considerable. His wife Terentia brought him a fortune of a huo. dred and twenty thousand denarii, and he fell heir to something that amounted to ninety thousand more. Upon this he lived in a genteel, and at the same time a frugal manner, with men of letters, both Greeks and Romans, about him. He rarely took his meal before buiiset ; not that business or study prevented his sitting down to table sooner, but the weakness of his stomach, he thought, requireck that regimen. Indeed, he was so exact in all respects in the cure of his health, that he had his stated hours for rubbing and for the exercise of walking. By this management of his constitu. tion, he gained a suflicient stock of health and str^pgtb for the great labours and fatigues he afterwards underwent. He gave up the town house which belonged to his family to his brother, and took up his residence on the Palatine lull, that those who came to pay their court to him might not have too far to go. For he had a levco every day, not less than Crassus had for his great wealth, or Pompey for his power and interest in the army ; though they were the most followed, and the greatest men in Rome. Poiiipey himself paid all due respect to Cicero, and found his po. litical assistance very useful to him, both in reapect to )K>wer and reputation. Tai»6ae. inderH. wan verv incontMlvrabie. The Ipfial fine for exinriinn in nuch caiMMIiiat uf Vvrret. wh» twice (he turn extorted. I he >ic)liaii» iai'i a cliaicr of 322.9KU. acainM Verres. inr fine mutt, Uierefiire, have been, 646.S3!!/ but 7.S0.U00 JrNchuia get cichKu. who were inclineU lo serve Manilius." This inuiie a wonderful change in the people, the> were luvinh in their praise), and desired bim to undertake the defence himself. This he readily complied wiih ; his regard for Pompey, who wus absent, not being his lea>t inducement. In consequence hereof, he presented himself before the commons aguin, and giving an account of the whole afiair, took opportunity to make severe reflections on those who favoureil oligarchy, and envied the glory of Pompey. Yet for the sake of their country, the patricians joined the ple> beians in raising him to the consulship. The occasion was thtf, the change which Sylla introduced into the constitution, at first seemed harsh and uneasy, but by time and custom ii came to an establishment which many thought not a bad one. At present there M ere some who wanted to bring in another change, merely to gra- tify their own avarice, and without the least view to the public good. Pompey was engaged with the kings of Pontus and Armenia, and there was no force in Rome sufficient to suppress the authors of this intended innovation. They had a chief of a bold and enter- prising spirit, and the most remarkable versatility of manners ; hia name Lucius Catiline. Beside a variety of other crimes, he was accused of killing his own brother. To screen himself from prose- cution, he persuaded Sylia to put his brother among the proscribed^ as if he had been still alive. These profligates, with such a leader, among other engagements of secrecy and fidelity, sacrificed a man, and eat of liis ilesh. Catiline had corrupted great part of the Ro. man youth, by indulging their desires in every form of pleasure, providing them wine and women, and setting no bounds to his expences for these purposes. All Tuscany was prepared for a revolt, and most of Cisalpine Gaul. The vast inequality of the citizens in point of property, prepared Rome, too, for a change. Men of spirit amongbt the nobility had impoverished themselves by their great expences on public exhibitions and entertainments, on bribing for offices, and erecting magnificent buildings ; by which means the riches of the city were fallen into the hands of mean people : in this tottering state of the commonwealth, there needed no great force to overturn it, and it was in the power of any bold adventurer to accomplish its ruin. Catiline, however, before he began his operations, wonted a strong fort to Hally out from, and with that view &(«>od for the con. sulship. His prospect seemed very promising, because he hoped to have Caius Antonius fur his colleague : a inun who had no firm principles either ^ood or bad, nor any resolution of his own, but would make a considerable addition to the power of him who led him. Many persons of virtue and li- iingor, put up Cicero for the consulship, aiui ,.ii witii pleasure. Thus Catiline was b^ed, and Cu:cro and Cams Anto- CICERO. 395 nius appointed consuls ; though Cicero's father was only of the equestrian order, and his competitors of patrician families. Cariline's designs were not yet discovered to the people. Cice- ro, however, at his entrance upon his office, had great affairs on his hands, the preludes of what was to follow. On the one hand, those who had beefi incapacitated by the laws of Sylla to bear ofHces, being neither inconsiderable in power nor in number, be- gan now to vsolicit them, and make all possible interest with the people. On the other hand, the tribunes of the people proposed Jaws which had the same tendency to distress the government ; for they wanted to appoint decemmrs, and invest them with an unlimit- ed power. This was to extend over all Italy, over Syria, and all the late conquests of Pompey. They were to be commisioned to sell the public lands in these countries ; to judge or banish whom they pleased ; to plant colonies ; to take money out of the public treasury ; to levy and keep on foot what troops they thought neces- sary. Many Romans of h.igh distinction were pleased with the bill, and in particular Antony, Cicero's colleague, for he hoped to be one of the ten. It was thought, too, that he was no stranger to Catiline's designs, and thar he did not disrelish them, on account of his great debts. This was an alarming circumstance to all who had the good of their country at heart. This danger, too, was the first that Cicero guarded against ; which he did by getting the province of Macedonia decreed to Antony, and not taking that of Gaul which was allotted to himself. Antony was so much affected with this tavour, that he was ready, like a hired player, to act a subordinate part under Cicero for the benefit of his country. Cicero having thus managed his colleague, began with greater courage to take his measures against the sedi- tious party. He alleged his objections against the law in the senate, and effectually silenced the proposers.* They took ano- ther opportunity, however, and coming prepared, insisted that the consuls should appear before the people. Cicero, not in the least intimidated, commanded the senate to- follow him. He addressed the commons with such success, that they threw out the bill ; and Ills victorious eloquence had such an effect upon the tribunes, that they gave up other things which they had been meditating. He was indeed the man who most effectually showed the Ro- mans, what charms eloquence can add to truth, and that justice is invincible, when properly supported. He showed also, that a ma- gistrate who watches for the good of the community, should in his actions always prefer right to popular measures, and in his speeches know how to make those right measures agreeable, by separating from them whatever may offend. Of the grace and power with which he spoke, we have a proof in a theatrical regu- * This was the first of his three orations, de Lege Agraria. inm ClCl^O. lation that took place in his consulship. Before, those of the equestrian order nat mixed with the coinmonHiiy. Marcus Otbo in his praetorship was the first who separated the kniiihtH from the other ciiizfns, and appointed them seats which they still »-njo).* The people locked upon (hit» at« a mark of dishonour, and hissed und insulted Oiho when he appeared at the theatre. l*he knights, on the other hnnd, received him with lnud plaudits. The people repealed their hissing, and the knights their applause ; till at last they came to mutual reproaches, and threw the whole theatre into the utmost disorder. Cicero being informed of the disturbance, came and called the people to the temple of Bellona, wheie, part- ly by reproof, paitly by lenient applications, he so corrected them, that they returned to the theatre, loudK teHiified i heir approbation of Otho's conduct, and strove with the knights which should do him the most honour. Catiline's conspiracy, which at first had been intimidated and discouraged, began to recover its Sf>irits. The accomplices aitsem- bled, and exhorted each other to begin their operations with vigour, before the return of Pompey, who was said to be already march- ing homewards with his forces. But Catiline's chief motive for action, was the dependence he had on Sylla's veterans. Though these were scattered all over Italy, the greatest and most warlike part resided in the cities of Eiruria, and in idea were plundering and sharing the wealth of Italy again. They had Manlius for their leader, a man who had served with great distinction under Sylla ; and now entering into Catiline's views, they came to Rome to as. sist in the approaching election ; for he solicited the consulship again, and had resolved to kill Cicero in the tumult of that assembly. The gods seemed to presigoity the machinations of these incen. diaries by earthquakes, thunders and apparitions. There were also intimations from men, true enitugh in themselve^, hut not suflicient for the conviction of a person of Catiline's quality and power. Ci- cero, therefore, adjourned t^he day (»f election ; and having sum- moned Catiline before the senate, examined him upon the informa- tions he had received. Catiline believing there were many in th$ senate who wanted a change, and at the same time being desmius to show his resolution to his aecomplices who were present, an- swered with a calm firmness, ** As there are two bodies, one of which is feeble and decayed, but has a head ; the oth« r stmng and robust, but is without a head ; what harm am I doing, if 1 uive a head to the body that wants ii ?" By these enigniniical expressions he meant the senate and the pfopl^ ; consequentl) Cicero was still more alarmed. On the day of election, he put on a coat of mail ; the principal personages in Rome conducted him from his house, • ^bout fmir v«>ra tMfora, under the OMMUlahip of Pig» sod ttlabrio. BotOiko WS9 not tlien prieior ; he was tribune. ClCERO. 397 and great numbers of the youth attended him to the Campus Mar. litis. There he threw back his robe, and showed part of ttie coat of man, on purpose to point oui his danger. The people were in- censed, and immediatel\ gathered about mm ; the consequence of which was, that Catihne was thrown out agam, and Silanus and Murena chosen consuls. Not long after this, when the veterans were assembling for Ca- tiline in Etruria, and the day appointed for carrying the plot niio execution approached, three of the first and greatest personages in Rome, Marcus Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and Metellus Scipio, went and knocked at Cicero^s door about midnight ; and havmg called the porter, bade him awake his master and tell him who at- tended. Their business was this : Crassus's porter brought him in a pacquet of letters after supper, which he had received from a per- son unknown. They were directed to different persons, and there was one for Crassus himself, but without a name. This only Cras- sus read ; and when he found that it informed him of a great mas- sacre mtended by Catiline, and warned him to retire out of the city, he did not open the rest, but immediately went to wait on Ci- cero ; for he was not only terrified at the impending danger, but he had some suspicions to remove, which had arisen from his acquaint- ance with Catiline. Cicero having consulted with them what was proper to be done, assembled the senate at break of day, and deli, vered the letters according to the directions, desiring, at the same time, that they might be read in public. They all gave the same account of the conspiracy. Quintus Arrius, a man of prsBtorian dignity, moreover, informed the senate of the levies that had been made in Etruria, and assured them that Manlius, with a considerable force, was hovering about those parts, and only waiting for news of an insurrection in Rome. On these informations, the senate made a decree, b\ which all af- fairs were committed to the consuls, and they were empowered to act in the manner they should think best for the preservation of the commonwealth. This is an edict which the senate seldom issue, and never but in some great and imminent danger. When Cicero was invested with this power, he committed the care of things without the city to Quintus Metellus, and took the direction of all within to himself. He made his appearance every- day attended and guarded by such a multitude of people, that they filled great part of the/orMWi. Catiline, unable to bear any longer delay, determined to repair to Manhusand his army ; and ordered Marcius and Cethegus to take their swords, and go to Cicero's house early in the morning, where, under pretence of paying their compliments, they were to fall upon him and kill him. But Fulvia, a woman of quality, went to Cicero in the night, to inform him of his danger, and charged him to be on his guard in particular against 34* 39S CICERO. Cethegus. As soon aa it was light, tiie assassins came, and beio« denied entrance, ihey grew veiy clamorous, which made mem the more suspected. Ci(;ero went out afterwards, and assembled th** senate iu the tem- ple of Jupiter Utator. Caiihne came among the rest, as wiih a de- sign to make his defence ; but there nas not a st natur who would sit b\ him ; thev all It'ft the bench he had taken ; and uheu he be- gan to speak, they interrupted him in such a manner, that be coold not be heard. At length Cicero rose up, and commanded him to depart the city. ** For," said he, *' while I employ only words, and you wea- pons, there should at least be walls between us." Catiline, upon this, immt'diatel\ marched out with three hundred men well armed, and with ihe fasces and other ensigns of authority, as if he had been a lawful magistrate. Having joined Manlius, and assembled an arm> of twenlv thousand men, he marched to the cities, in or- der :o persuade them to revolt. Hostilities being thus openl> com- menced, Antony, Cicero's colleague, was sent against Catiline. Such as Catiline had corrupted, and ihoughi proper to leave in Rome, were kept t(»geiher, and encouraged by CorneliuM Lentulus, surnamed Sura, a man of noble birth, but bad life. He had been expelled the senate for his debaucheries, but was then praetor the second time ; for that was a customary qualitication, when ejected persons were to be restored to their places in the senate.* As to the surname of Sura, ft is said to have been given on this occasion: When he was ijuiestor in the time of Sylla, he had lavi leg;" which was a common expression among the bo> s, when they missed their stroke at tennis. Hence he had the surname of iS'nra, which is the Roman word for the calf of the leg. Another time, being prose, ciited for some great offence, he corrupted the judges. When ihey had given their verdict, though he was acquitted onl> by. a maju- nty of two, he .said, '* He had put himself to a needless expense in bribing one of those judges ; for it would have been sufficieoi to have had a majority of one." 6uch was the disposition of this man, who had not only been so- licited by Catiline, but wa;* moreover infatuated with vain hopes, which prognosticators and other impostors held up to him. They forged verses in un oracular form, and brought him them, as from the books of the Svbils. These lying prophecies signified the de- cree of fute, " That three of the Cornelli would be monarch* of * Whrn Rotn«n Mnaior « an expellH, nn iippoiniHivni m pneionn) nfl&e« wat a ^"lenl qiinnrii.-ntKin for him t(i rrsuttir Ins 9*A\. — l)ion. I. txxvii. CICERO. 399 Rome." They added, " That two had already fulfilled their des- tiny, Cinna and Sylia; that he was the third Cornelius whom the gods now offered the monarchy ; and that he ought, by all means, to embrace his high fortune, and not ruin it by delays, as Catiline had done." Nothing little or trivial entered into the schemes of Lentulus. He resolved to kill the whole senate, and as many of the other citi zens as he possibly could, to burn the city, and to spare none but the sons of Pompey, whom he intended lo seize, and keep as pledges of his peace with that general. The conspirators had fixed on a night during the feast of the saturnalia, tor the execution of their enterprise. They had lodged arms and combustible matter in the house of Cethegus. They had divided Rome into a hundred parts, and pitched'upon the same number of men, each of which was al- lotted his quarter to set fire to. As this was to be done by them all at the same moment, they hoped that the conflagration would be ge- neral : others were to intercept the water, and kill all who went to seek it. While tiiese things were preparing, there happened to be at Rome two ambassadors from the Allobroges, a nation that had been mu<:h oppressed by the Romans, and was very impatient under their yoke. Lentulus and his party thought these ambassadors pro- per persons to raise commotions in Gaul, and bring that country to their interest, and therefore made them partners in the conspiracy. They likewise charged them with letters to their magistrat^-s, and to Catiline. To the Gauls they promised liberty, and they desired Catiliiie to enfranchise the slaves, and march immediately to Rome. Alonit with the ambassadors, they sent one Titus of Crotona. to carry the letters to Catiline. But the measures of these inconsider- ate men, who generally consulted upon their affairs over their wine, and in company with women, were soon discovered by the indefa- tigable diligence, the sober address, and great capacity of Cicero. He had his emissaries in all parts of the city, to trace every step they took ; and he had besides, a secret correspondence with many who pretended to join in the conspiracy ; by which means he got intelligence of their treating with those strangers. In consequence hereof, he laid an ambush for the Crotonian in the niijhf, and seized him and the letters ; the ambassadors them- selves privately lending him their assistance.* Early in the morning he assembled the senate in the temple of Concord, where he read the letters, and took the depositions of the witnesses. Junius Sila- nus deposed, that several persons had heard Cethegus say that three consuls and four praetors would very soon be killed. The evidence * These ambassadors had been solicited ny Uiuhieiius to join his party. Upon ma- ture deliberation, thny thought it safest to abide by the stale, and discovered the plot to Fabius Sanga, the patron ot their nation. 400 CICERO of Piso, a man of consular dignitv, contained circumstances of the like nature ; and Cams Sulpiiius, one ol the prcetors, who was sent to Ceihegua's house, found there a great quantity ot javelins, swords, poniards, and other arms, all new lurhished. At last, the senate givnig the Croionian u pronuse of uulemniiy, Lentulus xaw him- self entirely delected, and laid down his office : he put ofl' his pur- pie robe in the house, and took another mure suitable to hiH present distress. Upon which, both he and Ins accomplices were delivered to the prsetors, to be kept in custody, bui not in chains By this time it grew late, aii" as ihe people were waiting with- out in great numbers for the event of the day, Cicero went out and gave them an account of it. When Cicero wa8 retired to the apart- raents assigned hiin, with only a few friends, he began to consider what puntshineiit he should iiiliici up<>n the criininalsi He was ex- tremely loath to proceed to a capital one, which tjie UHiure of their offence seemed to demand, as welt from the mildness of his dispo- sition, as for fear of incurring the censure of making an extravagant and severe use of his power against men v^ho were ot the first families, and hail powerful connections in Rome. On the other side, if he gave them a more gentle chastisement, he thought he should still have something to fear from them. He knew that they would never rest with any thing less ihan death, but would rather break out into the most desperate villanies, when their former wick- edness was sharpened with anger and resentment : besides, ho might himself be branded with the mark of tnuidity and weakness, and the rather because he was generally supposed not to have much courage. Before Cicero could come to a res (ho mwi. GICERa 4Q3 then one of the tribunes ; for he opposed them with an authority equal to theirs, and a reputation that was much greater, and con- sequentiv brolte rheir measures with ease. He made a speech upon Cicero's consulship, and represented it in so glorious a Hght, that the highest honours were decreed him : and he was called the father of his country : a mark of distinction which none ever gained betbre. Cato bestowed that title on him before the people ; and they confirmed it.* The auttiority of Cicero in Rome at that time was undoubtedly great ; but he rendered himself obnoxious and and burdensome to many, not by ill action, but by continually praising and magnifying himself. He never entered the senate, the assembly of the people, or the courts of judicature, but Catiline and Lentulus were the burden of his song. Not satisfied with this, his writings were so interlarded with encomiums on himself, that though his style was elegant and delightful, his discourses were disgusting and nauseous to the reader; for the blemish stuck to him hke an incurable disease. But though he had such an insatiable avidity of honour, he was never unwilling that others should have their share ; for he was entirely free from envy ; and it appears from his works that he was most liberal in his praises, not only of the ancients, but of those of his own time. Vlany of his remarkable sayings, too, of this nature, are preserved. Thus of Aristotle he said, " That he was a river of flowing gold ;" and of Plato's Dialogues, *' That if Jupiter were to speak, he would speak as he diid." Theophrastus he used to call his" particular favourite ;"iand being asked which of Demos- thenes's orations he thought the best, he answered, " The longest." There was not one of his cotemporaries celebrated either for his eloquence <>r philosophy, whose fame he did not promote either by speaking or writing of him in an advantageous manner. He per- suaded Caesar, when dictator, to grant Cratippus the Peripatetic the freedom of Rome. He likewise prevailed upon the council of Areopagus to make out an order, for desiring him to remain at Athens, to instruct the youth ; and not deprive the city of such an ornament. There are, moreover, letters of Cicero's to Herodes, and others to his son, in which he directs them to study philosophy under Cratippus. But he accuses Gorgias the rhetorician of customing his son to a life of pleasure and intemperance, and **fere- fore forbids the young man his society. Amongst his Gr(^^^®^^®^^> this, and another to Pelops the Bvzantine, are all that /^^c^^®*" ^"7 thing of resentment. His reprimand to Gorgias plainly was right and proper, if he was the dissolute man he p^^^^ed for; but he be. trays an excessive meanness in his expo^J^^'^ns with Pelops, for * Q. Catulus was the first who gave him tj>^title. Cato, as tribufie, cqnfianed )ft before the people. 4^ CIOERO. neglecting to procure him certain honours from the city of By. zantium. These were the effects of his vanfty. Superior keenneMs of expression, too, which he had at command, led him into many violations of decorum. He pleaded tt)r Mnnatius in a cenaia cause ; and his client M'as acquitted in consequence of his df fence. Afterwards Munatius prosecuted Sahinus, one of Cicero's friends ; upon which he was so muoh transported with anger, as to say, " Thinkest thou it was the merit of thy caus» that saved ihee, and not raiiier the cidud which I threw over thy crtm*M, and which kept them from the sigia ui the court ?'* Ho had succeeded in an encomium on Marcus Crassus from the rostrum; and a le^ da\s after as publicly reproached him. " What!" said CraMUs, "did you not lately praise me in the place where you now stand ?" " True," answered Cicero ; " but J did it way of experiment, to see what I could make of a bad subject." Crassus had once affirmed, that none of his family ever lived above three. score years ; but afterwards wanted to contradict it, and said, " What could 1 t>e thinking of, when I asserted such a thing?" "You knew," said Cicero, " that such an assertion would be very a^ireeable to the people of Rome." Crassus happened one dsN to profess himself much pleased with that maxim of the Stoics, "The good man is always rich." " 1 imajiine," said Cicero, '* there is another more agreeable to you, ' All things belong to the prudent ,* " for Crassus was notoriously covetous. Crassus hud two sons, one of which resembled a man called Accius so much, that his mother was suspected of an intrigue with him. This young man spoke in the senate with ^reat applause ; and Cicero being asked what he thought of him, answered in Greek, Axious Crassou."* An account was once bmughi Cirero that Vatiiiius was dead, which being afterwards contradicted, he said,-^" May vengeance seize the tongue that lold the lie?" When Ca5sar proposed a decree for distributint; the lands in Cam- pania among the soldiers, many of the senators were displeased «t it ; and Lucius Gellius, in particular, who whs one of the oldept of them, said, — " That shall never be while 1 live." ** L»t uu wait a while then," said Cicero, ** for Gellius requires no very i**»l( credit." There was one Octavius, who had it objected to hiin, that Ve was an African. One day, when Cicero was pleading, this roan saii ^e could not hear him. *' Tliat is simiewhat si range," said Cicero, tt for you are not without a hole in \ our ear. "f When Metellus Nepob *q\^ him, — " That he had ruined nM>re as an evu dence than he haA guved as an advocate :" »' 1 grant it," said • An ill-inaniiered pun, wh..», „-,„fiei eiiber lliai lh« vouiin man waa woniiv of OraMut. or thai he whs the ion o. 5ccni». + A mark of ilavArv ainon|it w)u-, nstiooi ; bat tbs AriioSDi wore p«ndanii in fovn ears by wajr ot ornaroeoit. CICERO. 405 Cicero, " for I have more truth than eloquence." A young man> who lay under the inipuiation of havinar given his father a poisoned cake, talking m an nisolent manner, and threaiernng tha. (^icefo should feel the vveighi of his reproaches, Cicero answered, — " I had much rather have them than vour cake." Publius Sestius had taken Cicero, among others, for his advocate, in a cause of some importance ; and yet he w«)uld suffer no man to speak hut himself* When it appeared that he would be act|Uitted, and the judges were giving their verdict, Cicero called to him, and said, — *' Sestius, make the best use of your time to-das, for to-morrow you will be out of office."* Pubhus Cotta, who affected to be thought an able lawyer, though he had neither learnin}; nor capacity, being called as a wit- ness in a certain cause, declared, — " He knew nothing of the mat- ter." " Perhaps," said Cicero, '* you think I am asking you some question in law." Metellus Nepos, in some difference with Cicero, often asking him, — '* Who is yrur father?" he replied, " Your mother has made it much more difficult for you to answer that question :" for his mother had not the mos unsulned tej-ua- tion. This Metellus was himself a man of a light unbalanced mind. He suddenly quitted the tribunitial office, and sailed to Pompey in Syria ; and when he was there, he returned in a man- ner still more absurd. When his preceptor Philagrus died, he buried him in a pompous manner, and placed the tigure of a crow in marble on his monument. f " This," said Cicero, * was one of the wisest things you ever did ; for your preceptor has taught \ou rather to fly than to speak. ":j: Marcus Appius having mentioned, in the introduction to one of his pleadings, that his friend had de- sired him to try every resource of care, eloquence, and fidelity in his cause, Cicero said, — ** What a hard-hearted man \ou are, not to do any one thing that your friend has desired of you !" It seems not foreign to the business of an orator, to use this cutting raillery against enemies or opponents : but his employing it indiscriminately, merely to raise a laujih, rendered him extremely obnoxious. To give a few instances, — He used to call Marcus Aquiiius, Adrastus, because he had two sons-in-law who were both in exile. § Lucius Cotta, a great lover of wine, whs censor when Cicero solicited the consulship. Cicero in the course of his cativass, happening to be thirsty, called for water, and said to his friends who stood round him as he drank, — *' You do well to conceal ine, for * Pronably Sestius. noi being a prnfessed advocate, would not be emuloyed to sneak for anv bofly else . and. therefore, Cicero meant that he should indulge his vanity in speaking for niinself. + Ii was usual among tne ancients to place emblematic figures on the monuments of the (lead ; and these were enher such iiistrumfnts as represented the profession of the deceased, or such annuals as resembled them in disposition. X \liuduig to the celeritv of his expeditions } Because Adrastus had married his daughters to Eteocles and Polynices, who were exiled. 406 CICERO. you are afraid that the censor will call roe to account for drinking water." Meeting Vucuniua one da\ with three daughters, who were very plain women, he no! be surpriMcd at ii," said Cicero, ♦* for there have been tlla the dictator, who had proscribed greai numbers ol Romans, having run deHp in debt, and wusted great part of his estaif, was obliged to put up putilic bills for the sale of it. Upon nhich Cicero said, — *- 1 iike ihese bills much better than bin father's." Many baled hiin for these keen sarcasms; which encouraged Clodius and his faction to form their schemes against him. The occasion was this : Clodius, who was of a noble family, young and adventurous, entertained a pa.ssion for Pompeia, the wife of Cesar. This induced him to get privately into his house, in the habit of a female musician, when the women were otfering that mysterious sacrifice which is kept from the sight and knowledge of men. But, though no man is sufTered to assist in it, Clodius, who was very young, and had his face yet smooth, hoped to pass through the women to Pompeia undiscovered. As he entered a great house in ihe night, he was puzzled to find his way, and one of the women belonging to Aurelia, Cssar's mother, seeing him wan* dering up and down, asked hini tiis name. Being now forced to to S|>eak, he «aid he was seeking Abra, one ol Pompeia's maids. The woman, perceiving that it was not a female vi>ice, shiieked out and called the matrons together. They immediately made fast the doorH, and searching the whole house, found Clodius skulking in the apartment of ihe maid who introduced him. As the affair made a great noise, Cesar divorced Pompeia, and prosecuted Clodius for that act of impiety. Cicero was at that time his friend ; for, during the conspiracy of Caiiline, he had been ready to give him all the assistance in his power ; and even at. tended as one of his guards. Clodius insisted in his defence, that he was not then at Rome, but at a conniderablc distance in the country. But Cicero attested, that he came that very day to bis house, and talked with him about some particular business. This was, indef^d, matter of fact ; yet probably it was not so much the influence of truth, as the necessity of satisfying his wife Terentia that induced him to declare it. She hated Clodius on account of his sister Clodia ; for she was persuaded, that that lad\ wanted to get Cicero for her husband, and that she managed the design by one Tullus. Many other pemons of honour alleged against him the crimes of perjury, of fraud, of bribing the people, and corrupt. * A rene of $o|)hoclw, speaking of Laiui tbe Ikiher of ^dipus. ©leERO. 407 ing the women. As the people set themselves both against the witnesses and the prosecutors, the judgess were so lerntied, that they thoujiht it necessar)- to piace a guard al>oui the court : and most of them confounded the letters upon the tablets. He seem- ed, however, to be acquitted by the majority ; but it was said to be through pecuniary apphcations. Hence Catuhis, when he met the judges, said, " You were right in desiring a guard tor your de- fence ; for you were afraid tha somebody would take the im»ney from vou." And when Clodius told Cicero that the judges did not give credit to his deposition, " Yes," said he, " live and twenty of them believed me, for so many condemned you ; nor did the other thirty believe nou, for they did not acquit you till they had re- ceived your mtmey." As to Caesar, when he was called upon he gave no testimony against Clodius ; nor difl he affirm ttiat he was certain of any injury done his bed. He only said, " H^ had di- vorced Ponipeia, because the wife of Caesar ought not only to be elear of such a crime, but of the very suspicion of it." After Clodius had escaped this danger, and was elecied tribune of the people, he immediately attacked Cicero, and left neither circumstance nor person untried to ruin him. H" gained the peo- ple by laws that flatfered their inclinations, and the consu s b\ de^ creeing them large and wealthy provinces. He registered many mean and indigent persons as citizens ; ^nd armed a number of slaves for his constant attendants. Oi the great irium\ irate, Cras- sus was an avowed enemy to Cicero. Pompey inditferently caress- ed both parties, and Csesar was going to set out upon his expedi- tion to Gaul. Though the latter was not his friend, but rather sus- pected of enmity since the affair of Catiline, it was to him that he applied. The favour he asked of him was, that he would take him as his lieutenant ; and Caesar granted it.* Clodius perceiving that Cicero would, by this means, get out of the reach of his thbunitiai power, pretended to be inclined to a reconciliation. He threw most of the blame of the late difference on Terentia ; and spoke always of Cicero in terms of candour, not like an adversary vin- dictively inclined, but as one friend might complain of another. This removed Ci<^'ero's fears so entirely, that he gave up the lieu- tenancy which Caesar had indulged him with, and began to attend to business as before. f Caesar was so much piqued at this proceeding, that he encour- aged Clodius against him, and drew off Pompey entirely from his interest. He declared too, before the people, that Cicero, in his opinion, had been guilty of a flagrant violation of all justice antjl law, in putting Lentulus and Cethegus to death, without any form * Cicero savs that this heutenaucy was a voluntary offer of Caesar's — Ep. ad Ait. t It does not appear that ( icero was influenced bv this conduct ot Clodius: he had always expressed an indifference to the lieutenancy that was offered to tiim by Caesar.— j;i». adAtt. 1. ii. c. 18. 406 CICCRO. of trial. This was the charge which he was summoned to answer. Ciceio then put on mournnig, let his hnir grow, and with every tok«'n ot distress, went about to supphcate the people. CModius took care to meet him ever> where in the streets, with his auda- cious and insolent crew, who insulted him on his change of diess, and o(\en disturhed his applications by pelting him with dirt and stones. However, almost all the equestrian order went into mourn, ing with him ; and no tewer than twenty thousand young men, of the best families, attended him with iheir hair dishevelled, and en. treated the people for him. Afterwards the senate met, with an intent to decree that the people should change their habits, as in times of public mourning. Kui, as the consuls opposed it, and Clodius beset ihe house ^ith his armed band of rufliuns, many of the senators ran out, rending their garments, and exclaiming against the outrage. Bui this spectacle excited neither compassion nor shame, and it appeared that Cicero must eithei go into exile, or decide the dig. pute with the sword, in ihis extremity he applied to Pompey for assistance; but he had purposely absented himse.t, and remained at hih Alban villa. Cicero first sent his son-in.law Piso to him, and afterwards went himself. When Pompey >*as informed of his arrival, he could noi bear to look him in the ace. He was con- founded at the thought of an interview with his injured friend, who had fouglit such battles for him, and rendered him so man\ ser. vices in tne course of his adinniisi ration. But being now snn.in* law to CaBsar, ht- sacrificed his former obligations to that connec tion, and went out at a back door to avoid his presence. Cicen» thus betrayed and deserted, had recourse to the consuls. Gabiiiius always treated him rudely ; but Piso behaved with soma civility. He advised him to withdraw from the torrent of Clodius's rage: to bear this change of ihe times with patience, and to be once more the saviour of his country, which, for his sake, was in all this trouble and commotion. A(\er this answer, Cicero consulted with his friends. Lucullus advised him to stay, and assured him he would be victorious. Others were of opinion, that it was best to fly, because the people would s of the extravagance and madnesN of Clodius. He approved of this last advice; and taking a stame of Minerva, which he had long kept in his house with great devotion, he carried it to the capitol, and dedicated it there, with this inscription, to minrrva the protect. BKss OF RoMK. About midnight he privately quitted the city ; and, with some friends who attended to conduct him, took his route on foot through Liicania, intending to pass from thence to Sicily. It was no sooner known that he was fled, than Clodius procured ^ o decree of banishment against biro, which prohibited hioi fire tod ClGEEa 4JQ9 water, and admission into any house within five hundred miles of Ital). Bui such was the veneration the people had for Cicero, that iu general there was no regard paid lo the decree. They showeu hwn every sort of civility, and conducie him on his way with the must cordial attention. Onlv at Hipponium, a city of Lu- cania, now called Vibo, one Vibius, a native of Sicily, who had particular obligations lo him, and, among other things, nad an ap- pointment under him when consul, as surveyor of the works, now refused to admit nun into his house ; but, at the same time, ac- quainted him that he would appoint a place in the country for his reception. And Caius Virginius, the praetor of Sicily, though indebted to Cicero tor considerable services, wrote to forbid him entrance into that isiand. Discouraged at these instances of ingratitude, he repaired to Brundusiuni, where he embarked for Dvrrhachium. At first he had a favourable gale, but the next day the wind turned about and drove him back to port. He set sail, however, again, as soon as the wind was fair. It is reported, that when he was going to land at Dyrrhachium, there happened to be an earthquake, and the sea retired to a great distance from the shore. The diviners inferred that his exile would be of no long continuance, for these were tokens of a sudden change. Great numbers of people came to pay their respects to him ; and the cities of Greece strov* which should show him the greatest civilities ; yet he continued dejected and discon- solate. Like a passionate lover, he often cast a longing look to- wads Italy, and behaved with a littleness of spirit which could not have been expected from a man that had enjoyed such opportuni- ties of cultivation from letters and philosophy. Nay, he had often desired his friends not to call him an orator, but a philosopher, because he had made philosophy his business, and rhetoric only .. the instrument of his political operations. But opinion has great power to efface the tinctures of piiiiosophy, and infuse the passions oT the vulgar into the minds of statesmen, who have a necessary connexion and commerce with the multitude ; unless they tako care so to engage in every thing extrinsic, as to attend to the business only, without imbibing the passions that are the common consequence of that business. After Clodius had banished Cicero, he burnt his villas, and his house in Rome ; and on the place where the latter stood, erected a temple to liberty. His goods he put up to auction, and the crier gave notice of it every day, but no buyer appeared. By these means he became formidable to the patricians ; and having drawn the people with hirn into the most audacious insolence and effronte- ry, he attacked Pompej, and called into question some of his acts and ordinances in the wars. As this exposed Pompey to some re- flections, he blamed himself greatly for abandoning Cicero ; and ^ 3r as 410 ClCi^O. entirely changing his plan, took every means fbr eflbdting ms re- Uini. As Clodius constantly opposed them, tho senate decreed that no public business of any kind should be despatched by their body, till Cicero was recalled. ' In the consulship of Lentulus, the sedition increased ; some of the tribunes were wounded in the forum; and Quintus, the brother of Cicero, was left tor dead among the slain. The people begau now to change their opinion ; und Annius Milo, one of the tri- bunes, was the first who ventured to call Clodius to answer for his violation of the public peace. Many of the people of Rome, and of the neighbouring cities, joined Pompey ; with whose assistance lie drove Clodius out of the (brum ; and then he summoned tho citizens to vote. It is said, that nothing wus ever carried among the commons with so great unanimity ; and the senate, endeavour- ing to give still higher proofs of their attachment to Cicero, de- creed that their thanks should be given the cities which had treated him with kindness and respect during his exile, and thai his towu and country houses, which Clodius had demolished, should be re* buih at the public charge."' Cicero returned sixteen months after his banishment ; and such joy was f^xpressed by the cities, so much eagerness to meet him by all ranks of people, that his own account of it is less than the truth, though he said, " That Italy had brought him on her shoul- ders to Rome." Crassus, who was his enemy before his exile, now readily went to meet him, and was reconciled. In this, he said, he was willing to oblige his son Pubhus, who was a great ad- mirer of Cicero. Not long after his return, Cicero taking his opportunity, when Clodius was absent,^ went up with a great company to the capitol, and destroyed the iribunitial tables, in which were recorded all the acts in Clodius's time. Clodiu^ loudly complained of this pro- ceeding ; but Cicero answered, **That his appointment as a tribune was irregular, because he was of a patrician family, and conse- quently all his acts were invalid." Cato was displeased, and op- posed Cicero in this assertion : not that he praised Clodius ; on the contrary, he was extremely offended at his administration ; but he represented, " That it would be a violent stretch of prerogative, for the senate to annul so many decrees and acts, among which were his own commission, and his regulations at Cyprus and By- suintium." The diffVrence which this produced between Cato and Cicero, did not come to an absolute rupture ; it only lessened the warmth of their friendship. * Tli« con«tilt decreed for rebuildiiif hit bout* in Ron* ncvr X11>000; for bit Tuscan villa near j^3,000: and for hii Porinian villa about half iliai'auin, wbicU Cicero called a very •e%nty eatmiaie. t ('icrro had atteinpied ibii uace before, whon Clodius wa« ptoaaot ; but Caiut, ih0 brtither of CMitit, beinf prstor, bv hit meant they wera rescued out of Ute bandi ofCievm. GICERO. 411 After this, Milo killed Clodias ; and being arraigned for the fact, he chase Cicero for his advocate. The senate, fearing that the prosecution of a man of Milo's spirit and reputation might produce some tumult in the city, appomted Pompey to preside at this and the other trials ; and to provide for the peace of the city, and the protection of the courts of justice. In consequence of which, he posted a body of soldiers in the forum before day, and secured every part of it. This made Milo apprehensive that Cicero would be disconcerted* at so unusual a sight, and less able to plead. He therefore persuaded him to come in a litter to the forum ; and to repose himself there till the judges were assembled, and the court filled : for he was not only timid in war, but he had his fear when he spoke in public ; and in many causes he scarce left trembling even in the height and vehemence of his eloquence. When he came out of the litter to open the cause of Milo, and saw Pompey seated on high, as in a camp, and weapons glittering all around the forum, he was so confounded that he could scarce begm his oration * for he shook, and his tongue /altered ; though Milo attended the trial with great courage, ^nd hacl disdained to let his hair grow, or to put on mourning. These circumstances contributed not a little to his condemnation ; as for Cicero, his trembling was imputed rather to his anxiety for his friend, than to any particular timidity. Qicero was appointed one of the priests called Augurs, in the room of young Crassus, who was killed in the Parthian war. Af- terward the province of Cilicia was allotted to him, and he sailed thither with an army of twelve thousand foot, and two thousand six hundred horse. He had it in charge to bring Cappadocia to submit to king Ariobarzanes ; which he accomplished to the satis- faction of all parties, without having recourse to arms ; and find- ing the Cilicians elated on the miscarriage of the Romans in Par- tliia, and the commotipns in Syria, he brought them to order by the gentleness of his government. He refused the presents which the neighbouring princes offered him ; he excused the province from findmg him a public table, and daily entertained, at his own charge, persons of honour and learning, not with magnificence in- deed, but with elegance and propriety. He had no porter at his gate, nor did any man ever find him in bed ; for he rose early in the morning, and kindly received those who came to pay their court to him, either standing or walking before his door. We are told that he never caused any man to be beaten with rods, or to have his garments rent ;* never gave opprobrious language in his anger, nor added insult to punishment. He rec^jvered the pubhc * This mark of ignominy was of great antiquity : " Wherefore Hanun took Da- vid's servants, and shaved off one half of their beards, and cut off their gaun^nts to the middle, even to their buttocks, and sent them away." — 2Siern. x.4. ^2 GICERO. money which had been embezzled, und enriched the cities with it ; at the sume time, he was saiiKfied if those who had been gfiihv of such frauds made restitution, and fixed no mark of infamy upon them. He had also a taste for war : for he routed the bands of robbers that had possessed themselves of Mount Amanus, and was saluted by his armv Jmperator* on that account. Caecilius,'!' the orator, having desired him to send him some panthers from Cilina fur his games at Rome, in his answer he could not forbear boasting of his achievements. He said, '- There were no panthers left in Ci. licia. Those uinmals, in their vexation to find that they were the only objects of war, while every thing else was at peace, were fled into Caria." "* In his return from his province, he stopped at Rhodes, and aficr- ^ard made some stay at Athens; which he did with great pleasure, in remembrance of his former conversations at that place. He had now the companv of all that were most famed for erudition ; and visited his former friends and acquaintance. After he had re- ceived all due honours and marks of esteem from Greece, he passed on to Rome, where he found the fire of dissention kindled, and every thing tending to a civil war. When the senate decreed him a triumph, he said, " He had ra- ther follow Caesar's chariot wheels in his triumph, if a reconcilia. tion could be effected between him and Pompey." And in private he tried every healing and conciliatory method by writing to Cdb- sar and entreating Pompey^ After it came to an open rupture, and Ceesar was on his march to Rome, Pompey retired with num. bers of the principal citizens in his train. Cicero did not attend him in his flight, and, therefore, it was believed he would join Coc. Bar. It IS certain that he fluctuated greatly in his opinion, and was in the utmost anxiety ; for he says, in his epistles, ** Whither shall I turn ? P<»mpey has the more honourable cause ; but Cssar manages his affairs with the greatest address, and is most able to save himself and his friends : in short. 1 know whom to avoid, but not whom to seek." At last, one Trebatiiis, a friend of Cssar's, sifrnified to him by loiter, that Csesar thought he had reason to reckon him of his side, and to consider him as a partner of his hopes. But if his age would not permit it, he might retire into Greece, and live there in tran- quillitN, without any connexion with either party. Cicer»» was surprised that Caesar did not write himaelf, and answered angrily, • He not imly received thit mark of diMinodon. twt ; i k«««v"'K* w»r« or. oered Mf Roiiie l«>r hm nuccnt and ihe peoolr *riit i < f »»>n. a inuinph. Hi* •arvicet. iherelare, nni»t h«v« twitn coii»id»iah(e. m *mu» \o ipriiiioo tham tofi ahKhtir. t Not Cvciliui, t»wt CaliHiL Ha wai tban adila, and wantad tha panthara for bia MiMiotlKtwa. GlCERa 413 " That he would do nothing unworthy of his political character." Such IS the account we have of the matter in his. epistles. However, upon Caesar's marching tor Spain, he crossed the sea, and repaired to Pompey. His arrival was agreeable to the gene- rality ; but Cato blamed him privately for taking this measure. "As for me," said he, "it would have been wrong to leave that party which I embraced from the beginning; but you might have been much more serviceable to your country and vour friends, if you had staid at Rome, and accommodated \ourself to events : vvhereas now, without any reason or necessity, you have declared yourself an enemy to Caesar, and are come to share in the danger with which you had nothing to do." These arguments made Cicero change his opinion ; especially, when he found that Pompey did not employ him upon any consi- derable service. It is true, no one was to be blamed for this but himself; for he made no secret of his repenting. He disparas^ed Pompey's preparations; he insinuated his dislike of his counsels, and never spared his jests upon his allies. He was not, indeed, inclined to laugh himself; on the contrary, he walked about the camp with a very solemn countenance; but he often made others laugh, though they were very little inclined to it. Perhaps it may not be amiss to give a few instances : — When Domitius advanced a man who had no turn for war, to the rank of capfain, and assign- ed for his reason, that he was an honest and prudent man, *' Why then," said Cicero, "do you not keo him for governor to your children?" When some were commending Theophanes the Les- bian, who was director of the board of works, for consoling the Rhodians on the loss of their fleet, " See," said Cicero, " what it is to have a Grecian director !" When Caesar was successful in al- most every instance, and held Pompey, as it were, besieged, Len- tulus said, " He was informed that Caesar's friends looked very eour." "You m^an, I suppose," said Cicero, " that they are out of humour with him." One Martius, newly arrived from Italy, told ihem a report prevailed at Rome, that Pompey was blocked up in his camp : " Then," said Cicero, " you took a voyage on purpose to see it." After Pompey 's defeat, Nonnius said, there was room yet for hope, for there were seven eagles left in the camp. Cicero answered, " That would be good encouragement, if we were to fight with jackdaws." When Labienus, on the strength of some oracles, insisted that Pompey must be conqueror at last : "By this oracular generalship," said Cicero, "we have lost our camp." After the battle of Pharsalia (in which he was not present on ac- count of his ill health.) and after the flight of Pompey, Cato, who had considerable forces, and a great fleet at D\ rrhachium, desired Cicero to take the command, because his consular dignity gave 35* 414 CICERU bim a legal title to iU Cicero, however, not only declined it, but absolutely refused taking anv farther share in the war. Upon whicti >oung Pumpes and his triends called him traitor, drew their swords, and would certauily have despatched him, bad not Cato in- terposed and conveyed him out of the camp. •He got safe to Brundusium, and staid there some time in ezpec* tation of Cesar, who was detained by his affairs in Asia and Eg> pt. When he heard that the conqueror was arrived at Tarentum, and designed to proceed thence by land t his interest with therii he once more obtained great authority in Rome. He made it his business to compose and translate philosophical dialogues, and to render the Greek terms of logic and natural philosoph% in the Roman language. His ready turn for poetr) likewise afforded bim amusement. As in this period he spent most of his time at his Tusculan villa, he wrote to his friends, *' That he led the life of Laertes ;*' either by way of raillery, as his cuMtom was, or from an ambitious desire of public employment, and discontent in his pr«- GICERO. 416 sent situation. Be that as it may, he rarely went to Rome, and then only to pay his court to Caesar. He was always one of the first to vote him additional honours ; and forward to sav somethmg new of him and his actions. Thus, when Caesar ordered Pompey's statues, which had been pulled down, to be erected a^ain, Cicero said, '* That, by setting up Pompey's statues, he had established his own." It is reported that he had formed a design to write the history of his own country ; but he was prevented by many disagreeable cir- cumstances, both public and private, into most of which he broijght himself by his own indiscretiim ; for, in the first place, he divorced his wife Terentia. The reasons he assigned, were, that she had neg- lected him during the war; and even sent him out without necessa- ries. Besides, after his return to Italy, she behaved to him with little regard, and did not wait on him during his long stay at Brundusium. Nay, when his daughter, at that time very young, took so long a journey to see him, she allowed her but an indifierent equipage, and insufficient supplies. Indeed, according to his own account, his house was become naked and empty, through the many debts which she had contracted. Terentia, however, denied alt these charges : and Cicero himself made a full apology for her, by mar- rying a young woman not long after. Terentia said, he took her merely for her beauty ; but his freedman Tyro affirms, that he mar- ried her for her wealth, that it might enable him to pay his debts. She was, indeed, very rich, and her fortune was in the hands of Cicero, who was left her guardian. As his debts were great, his friends and relations persuaded him to marry the young lady, not- withstanding the disparity of years, and satisfy his creditors out of her fortune. Antony, in his answer to the Philippics, taxes him with "repudia- ting a wife with whom he was grown old ;"* and rallies hira on ac- count of his perpetually keeping at home, like a man either unfit for business or war. ^ Not long after this match, his daughter Tul- lia, who after the death of Piso had married Lentulus, died in childbed. The philosophers came from all parts t6 comfort him, for his loss affiscted him extremely; and he even put away his new bride, because she seemed to rejoice at the death of Tullia. In this posture were Cicero's domestic affiiirs. As to those of the public, he had no share in the conspiracy against Caesar, though he was one of Briitus's particular friends ; and no man was more uneasy under the new establishment, or more desirous of having the commonwealth restored. Possibly they feared his natural deficiency of courage, as well as his time of life, at which the boldest begin to droop. After the work was done by Brutus and Cassius, the friends of Caesar assembled to revenffe his * Ciceso was then sixty- two. 416 GICIRO. death ; and it was apprehended that Rome would again be plunged in civil war8. Amony, who wan couiiul, ordered a nieeiiiig of the senate, and made a short speech on the neceiwity of union. But Cicero expatiated in a manner suitable to the nccasiou ; and per. suaded the senate to pass a general ainnesty as to alt that had beeo done against Csesar, and to decree provinces to Brutus and Cas- sius. None of these things, however, took effect : for the people were inclined to pity on this event; and when they beheld i he dead bods ot (Caesar carried into the forum, where Antony showed ihem his robe, stained with blood, and pierced on all sides with swords, theN broke out into a transport (»f rage. The> sought all over the forum for the actors in that tragedy, and ran wiUi lighted torches to burn their houses. By their precaution they escaped this dan- gei ; but as they saw others no less considerable impending, they left the city. Antony,, elated with this advantage, became formidable to all the opposite party, who supposed that he woul^l aim at nothing less than absolute power ; but Cicero had particular reason to dread him ; for, being sensible that Cicero's weight in the administra- tion was established again, and of his strong attachment to Brutus, Antony could hardly bear his presence. Besides, there had long been some jealousy and dislike between them on account of the dissimilarity of their lives. Cicero, fearing the event, was in- dined to go with Dolabella into S\ria, as his lieutenant. But af* terwards Hirtius and Fansa, who were to be consuls after Antony, persons of great merit, and good friends to Cicero, desired him not to leave them ; and promised, with his assistance, to destroy An- tony. Cicero, without depending much on their scheme, eave up that of going with Dolabella, and agreed with the consuls elect to pass the summer in Athens, and return when they entered upon their office. Accordingly, he embarked for that place without taking an^ principal Roman along with him. But his voyage being acci. dentally retarded, news was brought from Rome, (for he did not choose to be without news,) that 'there was a wonderful change in Antony ; that he took all his steps agreeably to the sense of the senate ; and that nothing but his presence was wanting to bring matters to the best establishment. He, therefore, condemned hia excessive caution, and returned to Rome. His first hopes were not diMappoimed. Such crowds came out to meet liiin, that almost a whole day was spent at the gates, ami oc his way home, in compliments and congratulations. Next day Antony convened the senate, and sent for Cicero ; but ho kept hia bed, pretending that he was indisposed with his journey. In rcali. ty, he seems to have been afraid of assassination, in conscquenco r GICERO. 4] 7 of some hints he received by the way. Antony was extremely in- censed at these suggestions, and ordered a party ot soldiers either to bring him, or to burn his house m case of refusal. However, at the request of numbers who interposed, he revoked that order, and bade them only bring a pledge from his house. After this, when they happened to meet, they passed each other in silence, and lived m mutual distrust. Mean time, young Caesar, arr^vrng from ApoHonia, put in his claim as heir to his uncle, and sued Antony for twenty-five million drachmas,^ which he detained of the estate. Hereupon, Philip, who had married the mother, and Marcellus, who was husband to the sister of Octavius, brought him to Cicero. It was agreed between them that Cicero should assist Caesar with his eloquence and interest, both with the senate and the people ; and that Caesar should give Cicero all the protection that his wealth and military influence could afford : for the young man had already collected a considerable number of the veterans who had served under his uncle. Cicero received the offer of his friendship with pleasure : for while Pompey and Caesar were living, Cicero, it seems, had a dream, in which he thought he called some boys, the sons of sena- tors, up to the capitol, because Jupiter designed to pitch upon one of them for sovereign of Rome. The citizens ran with all the eagerness of expectation, and placed themselves about the temple ; and the boys in iheir prcBtexia sat silent. The doors suddenly open- ing, the boys rose up one b\ one, and, in their order, passed round the god, who reviewed them all, and sent them away disappointed : but when Octavius approached, he stretched out his hand to him, and said, '* Romans, this is the person, who, when he comes to be your prince, will put an end to your civil wars." This vision, they tell us, made such an impression upon Cicero, that he perfectly- retained the figure and countenance of the boy, though he did not yet know him. Next day, he went down to the Campus Martius^ when the boys were just returning from their exercises; and the first who struck his eye, was the lad in the very form tliat he had seen in his dream. Astonished at the discovery, Cicero asked him who were his parents ; and he proved to be the son of Octavius, a person n<»t much distinguished in life, and of Attia, sister to Cflssar. As he was so near a relation, and Caesar had no children of his own, he adopted him, and, by will, left him his estate. Cicero, after his dream, whenever he met young Octavius, is said to have treated him with particular regard ; and he received those marks of his iriendship with great satisfaction. Besides, he happened to be born the year that Cicero was consul. » Plutarch is iiiiataken in the sum. It appears from Paterculus and others that it WB8 seven times as uiuch- 36 41S OlOERO. These were pretended to be the causes of theur present connex- ion. But the leading motive with Cicero was his hatred of Auto- uy, and the next his natural avidity ot glory ; for he hoped to thruw the weight of Octavius into the scale of the commonwealth ; and the latter behaved to him with such a puerile deference, that he even called him father. Hence Brutus, in his letters to Atticus, expressed his indignation agamst Cicero, and said, " That, as through fear of Antony, he paid his court to young Caesar, it was pluiit that he took not his measures for the liberty of his countr)-, but only to obtain a gentle muster for himself." Nevertheless, Brutus finding the son of Cicero at Athens, where he was studying under the philosuphers, gave him a command, and employed hini upon many services, which proved successful. Cicero's power at this time was at its greatest height ; he carried every pomt that he desired ; insomuch that he expelled Antony, and raised such a spirit against him, that the consuls Hirtius and Pansa were sent to give him battle ; and Cicero likewise prevail- ed upon the senate to grant Caesar the fasces^ with the dignity ot' prsBlor, as one who wus fiuhting fur his country. Antony indeed wus beaten ; but both tiie consuls falling in the action, the troops ranged themselves under the banners of CaBsar. Thu senate now fearing the views uf a young man, who was so much favoured by fortune, endeavoured by honours and gifts to draw his force> from him, and to diminish his power. They al- leged, that, as Antony was put to Hight, there was no need to keep such an army on foot. Csesar, alarmed ut these vigorous mea- sures, privately sent some friends to entreat and persuade Cicero to procure the consulship for them both ; promising, at the same time., that he should direct all affairs, according to his better judg- ment, and find him perfectly tractable, who was but a youth, and had no ambition for any thing but the title and the honour. Coasar himself acknowledged afterwards, that, in his apprehensions of be- in^ entirely ruined and deserted, he seasonably availed himself of Cicero's ambition, persuaded him to stand for the consulship, and undertook to support his application with his whole interest. In this case particularly, Cicero, old as he was, suflered him- self to be imposed upon by this young man, solicited the people for Kim, and brought the senate into his interest. Kis friends blarned him for it at the time ; and it was not long before he waa sensible that he had ruined him.tcif, and given up the liberties of his country : for Caesar was no sooner strengthened with the con. suliir authority, than he gave up Cicero ;♦ and reconciling himself to Antony and Lepidus, he united his powers with theirs, and di. vided the empire among them as if it had been a private estate. At the same time they proscribed above two hundred pcrsouiS * lactaad of tiikiiif him for bis colleague, he chotr Quinnu Padiu*. CICERO. 419 whom they had pitched upon for a sacrifice. The greatest diffi. culty and dispute was about the proscription of Cicero ; for Anto- ny would come to no terms, till he was first taken off. Lepidus agreed with Antony in this preliminary ; but Caesar opposed them both. They had a private congress for these purposes near the city of Bononia, which lasted three days. Caesar is said to have contended for Cicero the two first days ; but the third he gave him up. The sacrifices on each part were these : Caesar was to aban- don Cicero to his fate ; Lepidus, his brother Paulus ; and Antony, Lucius CsBsar, his uncle by the mother's side. Thus rage and rancour entirely stifled in them all sentiments of humanity ; or, more properly speaking, they showed no beast is more savage than man, when he is possessed of power equal to his passion. While his enemies w^re thus employed, Cicero was at his Tus- culan villa, and his brother Quintus with him. When they were informed of the proscription, they determined to remove to Astyra, a country house of Cicero's near the sea ; where they intended to take a ship, and repair to Brutus in Macedonia ; for it was report, ed, that he was already very powerful in those parts. They were carried in their separate litters, oppressed with sorrow and despair ; and often joining their litters on the road, they stopped to bemoan their mutual misfortunes. Quintus was the more de- jected, because he was in want of necessaries ; for, as he said, he had brought nothing from home with him. Cicero, too, had but a slender provision. They concluded, therefore, that it would be best for Cicero to hasten his flight, and for Quintws to return to his house, and get some supplies. This resolution being fixed upon, they embraced each other with every expression of sorrow, and then parted. A few days after, Quintus and ^is son were betrayed by his ser- vants to the assassins who c^me in quest of them, and lost their lives. As for Cicero, he, was carried to Astyra ; where finding a vessel, he immediately went on board, and coasted along to Cir- caBum, with a favourable wind. The pilots were preparing imme. diately to sail from thence ; but whether it was that he feared the sea, or had not yet given up all his hopes in Caesar, he disembark- ed, and travelled a hundred furlongs on foot, as if Rome had been the place of his destination. Repenting, however, afterwards, he left that road, and made again for the sea. He passed the night in the most perplexing and horrid thoughts ; insomuch, that he was sometimes inclined to go privately into Caesar's house, and stab himself upon the altar of his domestic gods, to bring the divine ven- geance upon his betrayer. But he was deterred from this by the fear of torture. Other alternatives equally distressful, pre.-ented themselves. At last, he put himself in the hands of his servant^, and ordered them to carry him by sea to Cajeta, where be had a 420 CIOERO. <]elighirul retreat in the summer, when the Etesian winds set in. There was a temple of Apollo on that roast, from which a flight of crows came, with great noise towards Cicero's vessel, as it was making land. They perched on both sides his sail yard, where some sat croaking and others pecking the ends of the ropes. All looked upon this as an ill omen ; yet Cicero went on shore, and, enterinu his house, lay down to repose himself. In the mean time, a numher of the crows settled in the chamber window, and croaked in the most doleful manner. One of them even «*ntered it, and alighting on the bed, attempted, with its beak, to draw ofTthe clothes with which he had covered his face. On sight of this, the servants began to repniach themselves. "Shall we," said they, " lemain to be spectators of our master's murrter? JShall we not protect him, so innocent and so great a sufferer as he is, when the brute crea. tures give him marks of their care and attention ?" Then partly by entreaty, partly by force, they got him into his litter, and car- ried him towards the sea. Mean time the assassins came up. They were commanded by Hereiinius, a centurion, and P(»mpilius, a tribune, whom Cicero had formerly defended when under a prosecution for parricide. The doors of the house being made fast, they broke them open. Still Cicero did not appear, and the servants who were left behind, said they knew nothing of him. But a young man, named Philologiis, his brother Quintus's freedman, whom Cicero had instructed in the liberal arts and sciences, informed the tribune, that they were car- rying the litter through deep shades to the sea side. The tribune, taking a few soldiers ^^ith him, ran to the end of the walk where he was to come out. But Cicero perceiving that Herennius was hastening after him, ordered his servants to set the litter down, and putting his left hand to his chin, as it was his custom to do, he looked steadfastly upon his murderen.. Such an appearance of mi- sery in his face, overgrown with hair, and wnsted with anxiety, so much affected the attendants of Herennius, that ihev covered their faces during the melancholy scene. That uflicer despatched him, while he stretched his neck out of the litter to receive the blow. Thus fell Cicero, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. Herennius cut off his head, and, by Antony's command, his hands too, with which he had written the Philippics. Such was the title he gave his orations against Antony, and they retain it to this da>. When these parts of Cicero's body were brought to Rome, An- tony happened to be holding an assemblyfor the electicm of ma- gistrates. He no sooner beheld them than he cried out, ** Now let there be an end of all proscriptions. He ordered the head and hnitds to be fastened up over the rostra, a dreadful spectacle to the Roman people, who thought they did not so much see the face of Cirf»ro HM a pictiirn of ^nf'>nv*8 soul. Yet ho did one act of justice GICEtlO. 421 on this occasion, which was the delivering of Philologus to Pompo- nia, the wife of Qumtus. When she was mistress of his fate, be- side other horrid punishments, she made him cut off his own flesh by piecemeal, and roast and eat ir. This is the account some his- torians give us ; but Tyro, Cicero's freedman, makes no mention of the treachery of Philologus. I am informed thai, a long time after, Caesar, going to see one of his grandsons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his hands. The boy, alarmed at the accident, endeavoured lo hide the book under his robe ; which Caesar perceived, and took it from him ; and af- ter haMng run most of it over as he stood, he returned it, and said, *' Mv dear child, this was an eloquent man, mid a lover of his coun- try." Being consul at the time when he conquered Antony, he took the son of Cicero for his colleague ; under whose auspices the se- nate took down the statues of Anton\ , defaced all the monuments of his honour, and decreed, that, for the future, none of his family should bear the name of Marcus. Thus thedivme justice reserved the completion of Antony's punishment for the house of Cicero. 36 DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO COMPARED. THESE are the most memorable circumstances in the lives of Deinusthenes and Cicero, that could be collected ironi the hisiori- aoH which have come to our knowledge. Though 1 shall not pre- tend to compare their talents fur speakutg, yet this, I thmk, 1 ought to observe, that Dem«)Sthenes, by the exertion of all his powers, both natural and acquired, upon that object oiil\, came to exceed, in energy and strength, the most cel«-bruted pleaders of his time; in grandeur and inagnihcence of style, all that were eminent for the sul)liine ot' declamaiiou ; and in accuracy and art, the most able professors of rhejonc. Cicero's studies were more general, and, in his treasures of knowledge, he had a great variety. He has left us H number of philosophical tracts, which he composed upon the principles of the Academy. And we see something of ostentation of learning in the very orations which he wrote for the forum and the bar. Tneir different tempers are discernible in their way of writing. That of Demosthenes, without un\ einbellishinents of wit and hu> mour, IS always grave and serious : nor does ii smell of the lamp, as Pytheas tauntingly said, but of the water-drinker, of the man of thought, of one who was characterized by the austerities of life. But Cicero, who loved to indulge his vein of pleasantry, so much affected the wit, that he sometimes sunk into the buffoon ; and, by affecting gayety in the most serious things to serve his client, he has offended a^^ainst the rules of propriety and decorum. Thus in the oration of Cielius he says — '* Where is the absurdity, t^n man with an affluent fortune at command, shall indulge himself with pleasure ? It would be madness not to enjoy what is in his power, particularly when some of the greatest philosophers place man's chief good in pleasure ?"♦' When Cato impeached Murena, Cicero, who %Ta8 then consul, undertook his defence, and, in his pleading, took occasion to ridi- cule several paradoxes of the Stoics, because Cato was of that sect. He succeeded so far as to raise a laugh in the assembly, and even among the judges. Upon which Caio smiled, and said to those who sat by him, *' What a pleasant consul we have !" Cicero, indeed, was naturally facetious; and he not only loved his jetts, but bis countenance was gay and smiling: whereas Demos- * Hlutarch hat noi quoted this pNttage with accuracy. Cicero apologiiM for th« cscestet of youth, but doe* not defend or approve tiM pirtiiii of pleaaur*. DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO COMPARED. 423 iheiies had a care and thoughUuiness in his aspect, which he sel- dom or never put off. Hence his enemies, as he confesses, called him a morose lU-natured man. It appears also from their writings, -that Demosthenes, when he touches upon hi.^ own praise, does it with an moti'easive delicacy. Indeed, he never gives into it at all, but when he has some great point in view ; and on all other occasions is extremely modest; but Cicero, in his orations, speaks in such high terms of himself, that it is plain he had a most intemperate vanity. Thus he cries out — Let arms revere the robe ; the warrior's laurel Yield to the palm of eloquence. At length he came to commend not only his own actions and operations in the commonwealth, but his orations too, as well those which he had only pronounced, as those which he had committed to writing, as if, with a juvenile vanity, he were vying with the rhetoricians Isocrates and Anaximenes, instead of being inspired with the great ambition of gUiding the Roman people — Fierce in the field, and dreadful to the foe. It is necessary, indeed, for a statesman to have the advantage of eloquence ; but it is mean and illiberal to rest on such a qualifi- cation, or to hunt after praise in that quarter. In this respect De- mosthenes behaved vvith more dignity, with u superior elevation of soul. He said — :" His abihty to explain himself was a mere ac- quisition, and not so perfect bur that it required great candour and indulgence in the audience." He thought it must be, as indeed it is, only a low and little mind that can value itself upon such attain- ments. They both, undoubtedly, had political abilities, as well as pow- ers to persuade. They had them in such a degree, that men who hafd armies at their devotion, stood in need of their support. Thus Chares, Diopithes, and Leosthenes, availed themselves of Demosthenes ; Pompey and young Caesar, of Cicero : as Caesar himself acknowledges, in his Commentaries addressed to Agrippa and Maecenas. It is an observation, no less just than common, that nothing makes so thorough a trial of a man's disposition, as power and authority ; for they awake every passion, and discover every latent vice. Demosthenes never had an opportunity for a trial of this kind. He never obtained any eminent charge ; nor did he lead those ar- mies against Philip, which his eloquence had raised. But Cicero went quaestor into Sicily, and proconsul into Cilicia and Cappado- cia; at a time, too, when avarice reigned without control; when the governors of provinces, thinking it beneath them to take, a clan- destine advantage, fell to open plunder ; when, to take another's 424 DEMOSTMENKS AND CICERO COMPARED. property, was thought no great crime, and he who took moderately paaaed (or a mun of character. Yet ut «uch u iiine as this, Cicero gave many proofs of bis coiitemp* for money ; many of his hu- manity and goodness. At Rome, with the title only of consul, he had an absolute and dictatorial power against Catiline and hm ac complices: on which he veritied the prediction of Plato, ** That every state will be delivered from its calamities, wnen, by the fa- vour of fortune, great power unites with wisdom and justice m one peraon." 1( IS mentioned to the disgrace of Demosthenes, that his elo- quence wa.s mercenary ; that he privately composed orations both for Phoriniu and Apollodorus, though adversaries in the same cause. To which we may add, that he was suspected of receiving money from the king of Persia, and condemned for taking bribes of Har. palus. Supposing some of these the calumnies of those who wrote agamst him, (and they are not a few,) yet it is impossible to affirm that he was proof against the presents which were sent him by princes, as marks of honour and respect. This was too much to be expected from a man nho vested his money at inieredt upon ships Cicero, on the other hand, had magnificent presents sent him by the Sicilians, when he was cedile ; b\ the king of Cappadocia, when proconsul ; and his friends pressed him to receive their bene- factions, when in exile; yet, as we have already observed, he re- fused I hem all. The banishment of Demosthenes reflected infamy upon him; for he was convicted of taking bribes: that of Cicero, great honour; because he suffered for destroying traitors, who had vowed the rain of their country. The former, therefore, departed without ex- citing pity or regret : for the latter, the senate changed their habit, continued in mourning, and could not be persuaded to pass an> act till the people had recalled him. Cicero, indeed, spent the Utq^ of exile in an inactive manner in Macedonia ; but with Demos- thenes it was a busy period in his political character. Then it was (as we have mentioned above) that he went to the several cities of Greece, strengthened the common- interest, and defeated the de- signs of the Macedonian ambassadors. In which respect he disco- vered a much greater regard for his country than Tbemistocles and Alcibiades, when under the same misfortune. After his return, he pursued his former plan of government and continued the war with Antipater and the Macedonians ; whereas Lffilius reproached Cicero in full senate, with sitting silent, when (^.esai, who was not yet come to years of maturity, applied for the consulflftiip contrary to law. And Brutus, in one of his letters, charged him ** with having reared a greater and more unsupportable tyranny, than that which they had destroyed." • As to the manner of their death we cannot think of Cicero's with- DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO COMPARED. 425 out a contemptuous kind pf pity. How deplorable to see an ola man, for want of proper resolution, suffering himself to be carried about by his servants, endeavouring to hide himself from death, which was a messenger that nature would soon have sent him, and overtaken notwithstanding, and slaughtered by his enemies ! The other, though he did discover some fear, by taking sanctuary, is,ne. vertheless,to be admired for the provision he had made of poison, for the care with which he had preserved it, and his noble manner of using it : so that, when Neptune did not afford him an asylum, he had recourse to a more inviolable altar, rescued himself from the weapons of the guards, and eluded the cruelty of Antipater. •?" 36* -4 AN ACCOUNT OP Weights, Measures, and Denominations of Money, mentioned hy Plutarch. (from the tables of dr. arbuthnot.) WEIGHTS. lb. oz. dwt. %r. The Roman libra, or pound - - - 00 10 18 13f The Attic mina, or pound - - - - 00 11 07 16f The Attic talent, equal to sixty mins - - 56 11 07 17^ DRY MEASURES OF CAPACITY. peek. gal. pints*. The Roman modius 1 Of The Attic phoenix, one pint, 15,705A solid inches, nearly 1| The Attic medimnus - 4 Qj\ LIQUID MEASURES OF CAPACITY. pints, solid inches. The cotyle * - i 2,141^ Thecyathus 1^ 0,356ii Thechus. - 6 25,698 MEASURES OF LENGTH. Eng. paces, ft in. The Roman foot llf The Roman cubit 1 5f The Roman pace 4 10 The Roman furlong 120 4 4 The Roman mile 96t The Grecian cubit 01 6| The Grecian furlong . . * - - . 100 4 4^ The Grecian mile 805 5 JV. B. In this computation the English pace is Jive feet. 42B WKIGUTS, MEASURES, too. MONET: £ about The quadrans ..... The as - - ' Thf^ sestertius The sestertium, equal to 1000 sestertii - - 8 The denarius The Attic obolus ------ The drachma ...--- Ttio mina» equal to 100 drachmtB . - . 3 The talent, equal to 60 minae - - . 193 15 The stater.aureus of the Greeks, weighing two Attic drachms . - . . .0 The Btater-daricus 1 The R^man aureus was of different value at dif- ferent periods. According to the propor- tion mentioned by Tacitus, when it ex- changed for twenty. five denarii, it was of fbe same value as the Grecian stater - 16 1 8 16 12 d. 1 6 7 1 7 7 1 3 2 3 U 3 A TABLE OF THE MOST DIFFICULT PROPER NAMES WHICH OCCUR IN THIS ORK. Properly divided and a ented, for the Use of Persons who have not had a Classical Education. An-ti-ma-chus An-ti.^o.nus Aris-to-me-nes Aris-to-de-mus A-ge-si-la-ue An-tal-ci-das Ar-chi-da-mus A-pol-lo-the-mis A-re-o-pa-gus A-bnuto-non A-ris-ti-des A-phe-t8B Ar-chi-te-les A-ces-to-do-rus An-ti-pha-tes A-ri^-to-bu-le Ar-de-a-tes An-do-ci-des As-ty.o-chus An-dro-ma-chus A-dra-num A-dran-i-tes A-chra-fli-Ra A-ris-to-ma-che A-lo-pe-ce A-mom-pha-re-tus An.ta-go-ras An-ti-o-chus A-ga-tho-cles A-cro-ta-tus A-ri-ara.thes An-ti.pa.ter An-ti-go-nus An-ti-ge nes Aux.i-mum A-lex-an-dro-po-lis A-then-6-do-rus Ari-mi-um A-ris-to-phon iEs-chl-nes B Be-re-nice C Cha.ri-la.us Cle-o-phy-lus Ce-le-res Ghre-G-co-pi-dse 430 A TABLE OF PROBER NAXBS. Cle-o.bis Ca-pe.na'tes Ca-pe.nse Cla-zo-mS-De Ca4&.na Cle o.crl-tus CT.tli»-ron Car-i)e.&.de8 Che.li.do.nis Cy-la.r&*bus Chse.ru.ne.a Cam.by.ses Cra te.rus Cha-ri-de.mus Cli.to-m&.chus Ce-the.gus D Di-o.cles Di-u8.co.ri.des De.m&-de8 De.mo-iil-des Di-no.in&-che De.mo.str&.tus Di-ra-des De-nia.re.tus Dci.o.ta.rus De ma.ra.tU8 Da.ri.U8 E Eu.no. rou8 Eu.ry.tT.on Eu-ty.ch!.da8 Eu.ry.tio.ni.daB Ep-ho-ri E.la.tus Eu.ro.tas Eu.ry.bi.iUdes Er.go.te.lea E.ra.8is.tr&.tufl Eu.i'li.des Eu.me.nes Eu.phra.te8 E.ra.to.8th^.ne8 F Fi.de.n8B Fi.de. na.tes G Ger.mft.num Gym.no.so.phiats Gan.da.ri.tes H He.lo.tes Hip-po.nT.cus He-r&.cll.de8 He.ro.dd.tu8 Hy.drn.ph6.rui Hy.per bo.lus Her.mi.5ne I Ice.tea I.do.me.neuf K Ke.r&.ta L Le.o.nT.das Le.o.ty.chI.da8 Ly.cuf.Ki.da) Iie.o.bA.te8 4 TABLE OF PROPEB NAMES. 431 Lam.psa-cus Ly-si-ma-chus Le-pi-dus M Ma.ni-pu-li Ma-ni-pu-la.res Mi-la-res Me-ga-cles Mii-ti-a-des Ma.ra.thoa My-ca-le Me-ta-ge.nes Me-ga-ra Mi-thri-da-tes N Nu-mi-tor Ne-o-cles *Ni-ca-g6-ras Ni-co-ge-nes O Ob.ti.le.tis Or.tha-go-ras 0-ne.s!.cri-tU8 O-ri-cum P Pe-pa-re.thi-an Pry-ta-nis Po-ly-dec-tes Po-ly-do-rus Phi.lo-ste.ph&.nujS Pae-da-re-tus Pi-sis-tra-ti-das Pon-ti-fi-ces Pi-sis-tra-tus Pit-ta.cu8 Pry-ta-ne-um Pre-si-le.us Phry-ni-chus Pha-le-rus Pe-lo-pi.das Po-le-mon Pex.o-do.rus Pha-se-lis Pa.si-crd..tes Per-se-po-lis Po-ly-mii.chus Phi-lo-xa-nus Q Qui-ri-tes R Rhoe-sa.ees S Stra.to-m>cu8 Se-ri.phus Sy.b&.ri8 Ste-sim-bro-tus Sa-ty.rus So-phe-ne So-pho-cles Spi-thri-da-tes Sa-la-mis Se-ra.pis Sta-ti.ra T Tha-les Thes-mo-the.t3B The-mis-to-cleg Ther-mo-py-lse 432 A TABLE OF PROPER NAMBS. Troe ze-ne Ti-gra-nes Tol.iiii.des The-o-do-tus Thcra-me.ncs Tax-T-les Ti-mo.dc-mu8 U Timo-ph&.ne8 U-li-i-des Te-go.iaB X Thes sa lo.ni.ca Xe-no-cles Ten-ta-mus Xe no-do-chus RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT U 5 8 TO— ^^ 202 Main Library LOAN PERIOD 1 HOME USE 2 : 3 4 5 ( S ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS R«n«wols and R«charg«s may b« mad* 4 days prior to tho duo dato. Book* moy bo Ronowod by calling 642-3405. DUE AS STAMPED BELOW m ^ 5 woy. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. BERKELEY FORM NO. DD6 BERKELEY, CA 94720 _ m 3sno U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES CDQb7S'^7afl